972*02
Wag; del Castillo
The descovery and conquest of
fcfexico,
972.02
Diaz del Castillo $0.00
The discovery and conquest oi
Mexico,
KANSAS CITY MO fHIRt U. I IRHARY
... . . . .. ...... .... ..
0 0001
BERNAL DIAZ
DEL, CASTILLO
THE DISCOVERY AND
CONQUEST OF MEXICO
1517-1521
BROADWAY TRAVEIXE1S
i
THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS
EDITED BY SIR E. DENISON ROSS
AND EILEEN POWER
TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES
OF PERO TAFUR, 1435-1439
AKBAR AND 'THE JESUITS
BT FATHER P. DU^JARRIC
DON JUAN OF PERSIA, 1560-1604
THE DIART OF HENRT TEONGE, 1675-1679
MEMOIRS OF AN XVIII CENTURT
FOOTMAN, BT JOHN MACDONALD
NOVA FRANCIA
BT MARC LESCARBOT, 1606
TRAVELS IN TART ART, TIBET AND CHINA
BTM.HUC, 1844-46
LADTS TRAVELS INTO SPAIN
BT MADAME D'A ULNO r, 1 69 1
THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO
BT BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, 1517-21
TRAVELS IN PERSIA
BT SIR THOMAS HERBERT, 1638
LETTERS OFHERNANDO CORTES
BONTEKOE'S EAST INDIAN VOTAGE
HANS STADEWS CAPTIVITT
THE ENGLISH AMERICAN
BT THOMAS GAGE, 1631
SELECTIONS FROM THE
TRAVELS OF IBN BATTUTA
TWO MISSIONS TO THE GREAT KHAN
CHANG CHUNG AND WILLIAM OF RUBRUCK
VOTAGES OF
FRANCESCO CARLETTI, 1594-1602
LITERART REMAINS OF
THOMAS AND ANTONT SHERLET
THE VOTAGES AND
TRAVELS OF MANDELSLO
THE TRAVELS OF CLAVIJO
THE NEW-FOUND WORLDS OR
ANTARTICKE, BT ANDRE THEVET, 1568
Published by
GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS, LTD,
A.PM. photo]
HERNANDO CORTES
From an oil painting in the Municipal Palace, City of Mexico
I front.
i
I
i
3**&£
>
THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS
EDITED BY SIR E. DENISON ROSS
AND EILEEN POWER
BERNAL DIAZ
DEL CASTILLO
THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF
*' MEXICO
1517-1521
Edited from the only exact copy of the original MS.
(and published in Mexico) by Genaro Garcia.
Translated with an Introduction and Notes? by
A. P. MAUDSLAY
Honorary Professor of Archeology, National Museum, Mexico
Published by
GEORGE EOUTLEDGE & SONS. LTD.
BROADWAY HOUSE, CARTER LA^E, LONDON
First published in this Series in 1928
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BT STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS, LTD,, HERTFORD,
PREFATORY KOTE
TN 1908 the Hakluyt Society published my translation
of The True Story of the Conquest of New Spain by
Bernal Diaz del Castillo with maps and notes in five
volumes, and I wish to express my thanks to the
Council of that Society for permitting me to use that
translation for the present volume, which tells the
£tory so far as it relates to the discovery and conquest
of Mexico in Bernal Diaz's own words, omitting all
unnecessary passages, and ends with the fall of
Mexico City.
Some extracts from the letters of Hernando Cortes
are added to make clear the topography of the siege
of the City.
The latter part of Bernal Diaz's hi£lory deals with
the march to Honduras, which is another £tory.
A. P. M.
January, 1928.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
PORTRAIT OF HERNANDO CORTES ..... Front,
MAP. SHOWING THE SEA ROUTE FROM CUBA TO VERA CRUZ
AND FLORIDA . ....... 42
MURAL PAINTING OF A BATTLE 64
MAP. (i) SHOWING THE SPANIARDS' ROUTE FROM VERA CRUZ
TO MEXICO CITY 118
MAP. (2) SHOWING THE SPANIARDS' ROUTE FROM VERA CRUZ
TO MEXICO CITY . . . . . . ,120
TITLE-PAGE FROM HERRERAS' " HISTORY OF THE INDIES,"
DECADE IV 178
CHOLULA 244
PLAN OF THE CAUSEWAYS . . . . . . .278
LAKE XOCHIMILCO 280
MAP. THE VALLEY OF MEXICO . . . . .282
TITLE-PAGE FROM HERRERAS' " DESCRIPCION," 1601 . . 288
PLAN OF THE GREAT TEOCALLI 296
THE TREE OF THE NOCHE TRISTE . . . . .422
CHURCH OF NUESTRA SENORA DE Los REMEDIOS . . . 424
ROUGH PLAN OF THE CITY OF MEXICO , . . .534
The Discovery and Conquest
of Mexico
BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO
ONE OF ITS CONQUERORS
From the only exaS copy made of the Original Manuscript
EDITED, AND PUBLISHED IN MEXICO,
BY
GENARO GARCIA
TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES,
BY
ALFRED PERCIVAL MAUDSLAY, M.A.,
HON. PROFESSOR OF ARCHAEOLOGY, NATIONAL MUSEUM, MEXICO
EXTRACTS FROM THE INTRODUCTION
BY
SENOR DON GENARO GARCIA1
^HE 'True History of the Conquest of New Spain,
written by Bernal Diaz del Castillo, one of the
Conquerors, was known to, and appreciated by
historians and bibliographers before it was published.
Antonio de Herrera 2 quotes it frequently, Friar Juan
de Torquemada 3 also refers to it on several occasions,
and the Licentiate Antonio de Leon Pinelo 4 devotes
some lines to it in his brief bibliography.
Although the original manuscript has always been
kept in Guatemala, firft by the Author and after-
wards by his descendants, and Still later by the
Municipality of the Capital, in whose archives it is
preserved to-day, a copy of it was made in the sixteenth
century and sent to Spain to King Philip II 5 and was
1 The following extracts are translated direct from Senor Don
Genaro Garcia's Introdu6tion. Any differences entertained with,
regard to the names of persons or pkces or the routes followed,
will be explained in note attached to the translation of the text of
Bernal Diaz's narrative.
2 Hiftoria general de los hechos de los ca&ellanos en las Islas i
Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano. Madrid, 1726—30, Decada 2* passim.
The first edition was published in 1601.
3 Los Peinte i un libros rituales y Monarchia Indiana. Madrid,
1723, Tomo I passim. The first edition was published in 161 5.
4 Epitome de la Eiblioteca Oriental i Occidental, Nautica y
Geografica (Madrid, 1629), p. 75.
5 So it was £ated by Juan Rodriquez Cabrillo de Medrano in
1579. In the Hifforia de Guatemala 6 Recordacion Florida, by
D. Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzmdn (Madrid, 1882—3),
Vol. i, p. 398. — G. G.
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
there consulted by the Royal chroniclers. After its
publication in Madrid by Friar Alonzo Rem6n of the
Order of Mercy in the year 1632 the True History
was universally accepted from that time onwards as
the mo£t complete and trustworthy of the chronicles
of the Conquest of New Spain. A second edition
followed almost immediately, in the same city, some
four years later, a third> a fourth, and a fifth. It was
translated into English by Maurice Keatinge in
1800 and John Ingram Lockhart in 1844 ; into
German by Ph. J. von Rehfues in 1838 and Karl
Ritter in 1848 ; into French by D. Jourdanet in
1876 and Jose Maria de Heredia in I877,1 and into
Hungarian by Karoly Brozik in 1878 and Moses
Gaal in 1899.
Several of these translations obtained the honours
of a second edition, as that of Keatinge in 1803, that
of Rehfues in 1843, an<i that of Jourdanet in 1877.
# * #
It mu£l be pointed out that no secret has ever been
made of Remon's extensive corruption of the original
text. Don Antonio de Leon Pinelo, in his account of
the True History in 1629, says, no doubt without
malice, that Friar Alonzo Remon kept in readiness
a " corrected " copy for publication. It was no
sooner printed than the author of the Isagoge Historico
Apologet'co 2 found in it " many things added which
were not found in the original ". More explicitly
and with a better judgment Don Francisco Antonio
1 The French translations were — although an interval of one
year lay between their publication — written simultaneously by
the distinguished author of the Influence de la premon de Fair sur
la vie de I'homme, and the excellent poet to whom France is indebted
for the inimitable Les Trophies. This synchronism Wrongly indicates
the extraordinary importance attributed to the Hiftoria Verdadera* —
G.G.
2 Published in Madrid, 1892.
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
de Fuentes y Guzman, the great-great-grandson of the
author, and at that time the possessor of the manu-
script, wrote at the end of the same century that the
book, published by the reverend father Friar Alonzo
Remon, differs considerably from the original, " for
in some places there is more and in others less than
what my great-grandfather the author wrote, for I
find corruptions in chapters 164 and 171, and in the
same way in other parts in the course of the history,
in which not only is the credibility and fidelity of my
Castillo clouded over, but many real heroes are
defrauded of their ju^t merit."
Fuentes y Guzman States that this corruption (of
the text) was not the lea& important of the motives
that induced him to write his own work.1 At the
beginning of the following century Friar Francisco
Vasquez proved that Friar Bartolome de Olmedo
was not in Guatemala at the time of its conquest, as
is Stated in the edition of Remon, and therefore he
was not the fir£l to spread the Christian faith through
that province, unless, as he says, one should concede
another miracle such as that of Saint Anthony of
Padua, who managed to be in two different places
at the same time.
Some years afterwards Don Andres Gonzalez
Barcia, referring to the charge that Fuentes y Guzmdn
had launched against Remon, arbitrarily surmised
that the differences that exited between the edition
published by the latter and the original manuscript
were matters of no importance, and simply inferred
that it was " easy to believe that in copying the author
should make some alterations, as ordinarily happens ".
This defence was not convincing, and on this account
our great bibliographer in Mexico, Don Juan Jose de
Eguiara y Eguren, delicately objefted that P. Vasquez
had declared even the fir£b edition to be falsified, while
1 Hi ft on a de Guatemala 6 Rec ordactin Florida, p. 8.
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
in Spain the indefatigable chronicler Don Juan
Bauti£ta Munoz endeavoured to procure a copy of
the original manuscript with the objeft of ascertaining
the alterations due to Padre Remon.
Finally, if there could be any doubt remaining about
the bad faith of Remon, it was completely dispelled
by the Guatemalan historians Padre Domingo Juarros
Don Jose Milk, the Bishop Don Francisco de Paula
Garcia Palaez, and Don Ramon A. Salazar, who from
personal inspection fully corroborated what had been
asserted by their predecessors the author of the
Isagoge^ Fuentes y Guzman, and Vasquez.
As a matter of fa<£t we can see at a glance in the
following notes (par. iv, and Appendix No. 2) I that
Fray Alonzo Remon in printing the True Hitfory
suppressed whole pages of the manuscript, inter-
polated others, garbled the fafts, changed the names
of persons and places, increased or lessened the
numbers, modified the £byle, and modernized the
orthography moved thereto either by religious
fervour and false patriotism, or by personal sympathy
and vile literary tafte. As all the later editions, and all
the translations without exception were copied from
the fir£t edition published by Remon, it results that
in reality we do not know the True Hiftory.
# # #
On the 20th Oftober, 1895, Don Emilio Leon,
the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo-
tentiary from the Republic of Guatemala accredited
1 This paragraph and appendix has not been translated. As
we have now before us an accurate copy of the original text, the
reader would not be much Interested in a discussion of the corruptions
of the text by Padre Remon. In mo£ inftances these corruptions
of the text were introduced for the purpose of magnifying the
importance of Padre Olmedo and the Friars of the Order of Mercy,
of which Order Padre Rem6n was himself a member. In the edition
of Don Genaro Garcia these matters are fully investigated, and a
complete bibliography is given.
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
to Mexico^ presented in the name of his Government
to ours, " as a proof of friendship and especial regard ",
a photographic reproduction of the original manu-
script. It was then, with some reason, believed that,
at la£t, we should see the True Hittory published ;
but this could not be carried out, for accompanying
the gift of the reproduction was a prohibition against
its being copied and printed.
Five years later, when I wrote my book entitled
Carafter de la ConquiSla Espanola en America y en
Mexico, I was convinced that to perfedt our Ancient
history an exaft edition of the True Hiffory was
indispensable, and I desired to carry this work
through.
Soon afterwards, in August, 1901, I wrote to the
then President of Guatemala, Don Manuel Estrada
Cabrera, telling him of my wish to print the precious
manuscript.
This distinguished official had the kindness to
reply on the fir£t of the following month that on that
very day he had decreed that " an exaft and complete
copy of the manuscript " should be made and sent to
me for the purpose that I had Stated. Senor Don Juan I.
Argueta, Secretary of the Interior and Justice in that
Republic, at once began punctually to send me in£tal-
ments of the copy as soon as they were made, which
copy I corrected here, and perfefted with all care and
accuracy by comparing it with the photographic
reproduction already referred to, which is preserved
in our National Library.
# # #
The author says that, after making a fair copy of
his narrative, two licentiates of Guatemala begged
him to lend it to them, and that he did so mo£t
willingly ; but he warned them not to correft it in
any way, neither by addition nor deletion, for all
that he had written was true.
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
Assuredly with regard to truth the author
would find no fault with us, for we have taken care to
religiously respeft the original text, without intro-
ducing the slighted variation, not even of the artless
orthography or punftuation.
Any change would have been dangerous, and we
might have fallen into the same error that we attribute
to Remon ; everybody knows that by a single comma
one might reverse the meaning of a Statement.
We reproduce in notes placed at the foot of the
page all the erasures that can have any interest for
inquiring readers, and in like manner we have trans-
scribed all the various words blotted out, which,
besides exhibiting important variations, give an idea
of the method of composition employed by the author.
Occasionally, when a full understanding of the
text necessitates it, or for the purpose of finishing
off a clearly implied word or phrase, or of corf efting
some manifeft numerical error, we have ventured to
insert some word or number between brackets, so
that it can be known at once that it is not the author
who is ^speaking, and the readers are left at liberty
tq admit or rejed the slight interpolation ; finally,
we have allowed ourselves to indicate by dotted lines
the^ gaps that are found in the original manuscript,
which, happily, are very few in number, except on
the fir& and la& pages, which, in the course of time,
have naturally suffered more than the others.
May ^ our mode& effort meet with the approbation
of the intelligent and learned, for we long for it as
much as we fear their censure.
BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO
HIS LIFE
BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO was born in the very noble,,
famous, and celebrated town x of Medina del Campo
in the year 1492 at the very time when Christopher
Columbus was joining the two worlds.
Bernal tells us that at the time that he made up
his mind to come to New Spain, about the year 1517,
he was a youth " of about twenty-four years ", a
Statement which corroborates the date of his birth.
His parents were Don Francisco Diaz del Castillo
and Dona Maria Diez Rejon.
# # #
Bernal was not the only son, he tells us of his
brother, probably older than himself, whom he wished
to imitate.
•* # #
Bernal himself writes that he was a gentleman,1
and that his grandparents, his father, and his brother
were always servants of the Crown and of their Catholic
Majesties Don Fernando and Dona Isabel, which
Carlos V. confirms by calling them *' our retainers
and servants ".
If the family of Bernal had not enjoyed esteem and
respeft in Medina del Campo, the inhabitants would
not have chosen Don Francisco as their Regidor?
On the other hand, his financial position mu& have
been a very modest one, for the author mo£t certainly
1 " Muy noble e insigne y muy nombrada Villa." In old Spain
towns and cities were formally granted such titles of honour.
2 Hijodalgo.
3 Regidor = magistrate, prefect.
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
came here to seek his fortune, and often complains of
his poverty.
After all, the faft that in the True HiSlory he discloses
a very scrupulous moral sense, a fair amount of learning,
accurate philosophy, and a piety out of the common,
permits us to infer that his family educated him with
great care : it would be exceptional for a man illiterate
and untaught during his youth to acquire such qualities
in his old age ; it is proven, on the other hand, that
the author knew how to write when he reached New
Spain. Nevertheless, we know nothing for certain
about the childhood and youth of Bernal, our informa-
tion begins in the year 1514.
The author was then twenty-two years old.
From some of his remarks one may judge that he
was tall or of middle height, aftive, quick, well
made, and graceful ; his comrades called him " the
•elegant " (el galan).
# * *
Following the example of so many other Spanish
youths, Bernal left his country in the year 1514 to
emigrate to America in search of adventures and
riches, resolved to be worthy of his ancestry. He
accompanied Pedro Arias de Avila, the Governor
of Tierra Firme, as one of his soldiers.
When he reached Nombre de Dios he remained
there three or four months, until an epidemic that
broke out and certain disputes that arose between
the Governor and his son-in-law, Vasco Nunez de
Balboa, obliged him to flee to Cuba, to his relation,
Diego Velasquez, who was Governor of the Island.
During three years Bernal " did nothing worthy
of record", and on that account he determined to
set out on the discovery of unknown land with the
Captain Francisco Hernandez de Cordova and one
hundred and ten companions.
They sailed in three ships from the port of Ajaruco
10
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
on the 8th February, 1517, and after enduring a
passage occupying twenty-one days and one fierce
gale, they arrived at Cape Catoche, where the natives
gave them a hostile reception.
After touching at Lazaro they flopped at Cham-
poton, where the natives killed forty-eight Spaniards,
captured two of them, and wounded the reft, including
the captain, who received ten arrow wounds, and the
author, who received " three, and one of them in
the left side which pierced my ribs, and was very
dangerous ".
The survivors returned by way of Florida to Cuba,
disillusioned and in ill-health, suffering from burning
thirst and barely escaping shipwreck, for the ships
were leaking badly. When recounting these calamities
the author exclaims :
" Oh ! what a troublesome thing it is to go and
discover new lands and the risks we took it is hardly
possible to exaggerate/'
Nevertheless Bernal was not discouraged by ex-
perience ; his poverty, which, of necessity, increased
daily, impelled him to seek his fortune even at the
risk of losing his life, and his youth made him naturally
impatient ; he did not care to wait for the Indians
which Diego Velasquez had promised to give him as
soon as there were some unemployed, and he at once
enlisted in a second expedition, composed of four
ships and two hundred soldiers, under the command
of Juan de Grijalva, which weighed anchor in the port
of Matanzas on the 8th April, 1518.
The author says that he went " as ensign ", but
it is doubtful.
The expedition went by way of Cozumel and
Champoton, whose intrepid inhabitants wounded
Grijalva and broke two of his teeth, and killed seven
soldiers, by the Boca de Terminos, the Rio de Tabasco
which they called the Rio de Grijalva, La Rambla,
ii
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
the Rios de Tonala or de Santo Anton, de Coatzacoal-
cos, de Papaloapan or de Alvarado, and the Rio de
Bander as, where they obtained by barter " more than
sixteen thousand pesos in jewels and low grade gold ".
They sighted the Isla Blanca and the Isla Verde and
landed on the Isla de Sacrificios and the sand dunes of
Uliia ; thence Alvarado, accompanied by certain
soldiers, returned to Cuba in search of reinforce-
ments, while Grijalva, with the re& of his folio wers^
including the author, pushed ahead by Tuxtla,1
Tuxpan and the Rio de Canoas, where the Spaniards
were attacked by the natives of Cape Rojo ; then
Grijalva, yielding to the entreaties of his soldiers,
agreed to return to Cuba.
Velasquez, fascinated beyond measure by the gold
which Grijalva had obtained by barter, organized a
third expedition consisting of " eleven ships great
and small ", and appointed Hernan Cortes to com-
mand it. Bernal again enlisted, as at this time he found
himself much in debt. Cortes set out from the Port
of Trinidad on the i8th February, 1519. The author
had Started eight days earlier in the company of Pedro
de Alvarado. All met together again at the Island of
Cozumel, where a review was held, which showed
a muster of five hundred and eight soldiers, " not
including ship-masters, pilots, and seamen, who
numbered one hundred and sixteen horses and mares ".
Keeping on their course, they passed close by Cham-
poton without venturing to land ; they Stopped at
Tabasco, where they fought with the natives, who gave
the author " an arrow wound in the thigh but it was
not a severe wound ", and finally they arrived at Ultia.
They went inland and marched to Cempoala and
Quiahuiztlan, and in the neighbourhood of the latter
they founded the Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, and they
1 Tliis is an error. Tuxtla was passed before reaching the Isla de
Sacrificios.
12
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
determined to push on to Mexico, whose Prince,
Motecuhzoma,1 had been exciting their cupidity by
rich presents of gold and other objects of value.
Before undertaking this march, the friends of
Cortes (one of whom was Bernal) advised him to
destroy the ships, leSt any of the soldiers should
mutiny and wish to return to Cuba, and so that he
could make use of the ship-masters, pilots and seamen
" who numbered nearly one hundred persons " as
we have already Elated. When this had been done,
" without concealment and not as the chronicler
Gomara describes it ", they Started for Mexico in
the middle of AuguSt, probably on the sixteenth,
and passed without incident through Jalapa Xico-
chimalco, Ixhuacan, Texutla, Xocotla, and Xala-
cingo, but on reaching the frontiers of Tlaxcala they
were flopped by the natives, who fought against them
for several days. There the author received " two
wounds, one on the head from a Stone, and the other
an arrow wound in the thigh ", from which he was
seriously ill in the Capital of Tlaxcala, after Cortes
had made peace and an alliance with the inhabitants,
"On the 1 2th Oftober " they continued their
march by Cholula, where they committed a shocking
massacre, Itzcalpan, Tlamanalco, and Itztapalatengo.
Here Cacamatzin the Lord of Tetzcoco met them in
royal State to welcome them in the name of Mote-
cuhzoma, and they accompanied him along the
causeway of Itztapalapa, which crossed the lake in
a Straight line to Mexico, and from it could be seen
on both sides innumerable " cities and towns," some
in the water and others on dry land, all of them
beautified by lately temples and palaces. This
wonderful panorama, as pi&uresque as it was novel,
made the deepeSt impression on Bernal and his
companions, and he says, "we were amazed and
1 Montezuma.
13
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
said that it was like the enchantments they tell us of
in the Story of Amadis,- on account of the great towers
and cues * and buildings rising from the water, and
all built of masonry. And some of our soldiers even
asked whether the things that we saw were not all a
dream/'
When they reached the junction of the causeways
of Itztapalapa and Coyohuacan they met many Caciques
and Chieftains of importance coming in advance of
Motecuhzoma, who received the Spaniards a little
further on, almo& at the gates of Mexico, with
sumptuous pomp and extreme ceremony. Many times
the Mexican sovereign had contemplated attacking
the Spaniards but weighted down by superstition and
rendered powerless by a timid and vacillating character,
he now condufted them into the great Tenochtitlan,
only to deliver it up to them at once. The autocrat felt
himself fatally conquered before beginning the
Struggle.
Thence £lep by £lep within a few days he suffered
seven Spaniards, among whom was Bernal, to make
him a prisoner in his own palace ; he allowed his
jailors to burn [to death] Quauhpopoca and other
native chieftains, whose crime consisted in having,
by his own orders, given battle to Juan de Escalante
and other Spanish soldiers ; he handed over to
Cortes Cacamatein, Totoquihuatzin, Cuitlahuac and
Cuauhtemoc, lords respectively of Tetzcoco, Tlacopan,
Itztapalapan and Tlatelolco, who wished to set their
sovereign at liberty, and finally, weeping like a tender
unhappy woman, he swore fealty to the King of
Spain.
With ease and in a short time Cortes was able to
colleft an immense treasure which amounted to
"seven hundred thousand gold dollars/' which he
^ x Cue — temple. This is not a Nahua or Maya word but one
picked up by the Spaniards in the Antilles.
14
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
found it necessary to divide among his soldiers ;
nevertheless, he made the division with such trickery
and cunning that there fell to the soldiers " a very
small share, only one hundred dollars each, and it
was so very little that many of the soldiers did not
want to take it, and Cortes was left with it all." If
the author did not complain of this as much as some
of his companions, for example, as Cardenas, who even
" fell ill from brooding and grief," it was owing to his
having already received from Motecuhzoma some
presents of "gold and cloths", as well as of "a
beautiful Indian girl . . . the daughter of a chieftain",,
whom he ventured to beg of the Sovereign through
the good offices of the page Orteguilla, a gift which he
certainly thought that he had gained by his respedtful
courtesy " for whenever I was on guard over him, or
passed before him, I doffed my helmet to him with
the greatest respeft."
The Spaniards began to enjoy the gold divided
among them, abandoning themselves to a life of
licentious pleasure, when in March, 1520, Panfilo de
Narvaez arrived at Uliia with sixteen ships,1 fourteen
hundred soldiers, ninety crossbowmen, seventy
musketeers, and eighty horses.
Diego Velasquez had sent him to punish Cortes-
and his followers as traitors, because they had rebelled
against him without reason. However, as Cortes was
immensely rich, and there is no power greater than
riches, he soon won over almost all the soldiers of
Narvaez with ingots and jewels of gold, in such a
way that when the fight took place at Cempoala,
Narvaez was the only man who fought in earnest,
until he was wounded and loft an eye. The author
1 The author says that there were nineteen, but the Oidor Lucas-
Vasquez de Ayllon, who accompanied Narvaez, writes that there
were sixteen (Hernan Cortes, Cart as y Relationes, Paris, 1866;.
(p. 42).-G. G.
15
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
iigures among his captors : " the fir£t to lay hands
on him was Pedro Sanchez Farfan, a good soldier,
and I handed him (Narvaez) over to Sandoval."
After his viftory, Cortes returned with all speed
to Mexico, where the inhabitants had risen in arms
with the purpose of avenging the inhuman massacre
carried out by Pedro de Alvarado in the precinfts
of the great Teocalli, which Alonzo de Avila pro-
nounced to be disgraceful, saying that it would for
ever remain " an ill memory in New Spain ". Cortes
now brought with him over thirteen hundred soldiers,
eighty crossbowmen and as many musketeers, and
ninety mounted men, without counting his numerous
native allies.
Although they all reached the great Tenochtitlan
" on the day of San Juan de Junio (St John's Day)
in the year 1520", they could not make a &and
again& the Mexicans, who, under the command of
Cuitlahuac and Cuauhtemoc, killed the greater number
of the invaders and forced the reft, wounded and ruined,
for they were unable to save the riches they had collected,
to flee to Tlaxcala. The Tlaxcalans received them,
lodged them and attended to them with affeftion.
When they were somewhat recovered, the Spaniards
began Vandal-like forays through Tepeyacac, Cachula,
Guacachula, Tecamachalco, the town of the Guayabos,
Ozticar, Xalacingo, Zacatami, and other places in the
neighbourhood, enslaving and branding with a hot
iron all the youths and women they met with ; " they
did not trouble about the old men": the inhuman
mark was placed " on the face ", and not even the
moft beautiful young women escaped it.
The author did not assist in all these forays because
*' he was very ill from fever and was spitting
blood." * *
Cortes then founded a second city, which he named
Segura de la Frontera.
16
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
After the Spaniards had been reinforced by various
expeditions that had come from Cuba3 they resolved
to return to Mexico to recover their loSt treasure, and
they forthwith took the road to Tetzcoco.
They took with them many thousands of native
allies.
When the headquarters had been established at
Tetzcoco, Cortes opened hostilities by an assault on
Itztapalapa, where he and his followers nearly loSt
their lives by drowning, for the Mexicans " bur& open
the canals of fresh and salt water and tore down a
causeway " : the author was " very badly wounded
by a lance thruSt which they gave me in the throat
near the windpipe, and I was in danger of dying from
it, and retain the scar from it to this day/*
Cortes did not think of a direft attack on Mexico,
he understood that it could lead to no satisfactory
result ; he proposed merely to invent the city and
reduce it by Starvation ; so as to accomplish this he
had entrusted to the Tlaxcalans the conStruftion of
thirteen launches, which he anxiously awaited.
Meanwhile, he attacked the neighbouring towns with
fire and sword. The author did not join in these
earlier combats as he was Still ill from his dangerous
wound, but as soon as it healed, he again took up arms,
and accompanied Cortes, who went to assiSt the natives
of Chalco, and distinguished himself among the moSt
intrepid soldiers.
On his side, Cuauhtemoc, who was now Lord of
Mexico, took measures for the defence of his country
with unequalled courage ; he had obtained from his
subjects a promise " that they would never make
peace, but would either all die fighting or take our
lives."
The Strife was remarkably prolonged and bloody,
and no quarter was given.
The siege began on the 2i& May, 1521, and laSted
17
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
eighty-five days. Not for one moment did the Mexicans
show signs of discouragement, notwithstanding the
scarcity of fresh water and provisions, the superiority
of the arms of the Spaniards, and the immense number
of their native allies l ; each day as it came was for
them as the firSt day of the Strife, so great was the
determination and the Strength with which they
appeared on the field of battle, and, moreover, they
never ceased fighting " from dawn to dusk ".
When the greater number of them had already
perished, the few who ftill remained Stoically resisted
thirSt, hunger, weariness, and pestilence in the defence
of their country, and even then refused, with indomit-
able fortitude, the proposals of peace which Cortes
repeatedly made to them. In this manner only did
they die.
The army which was to attack the Mexicans by
land . was divided from the beginning into three
sections. It fell to the lot of the author to serve in
that of Tlacopan, commanded by Pedro de Alvarado.
Many times Bernal was in danger of losing his life,
firSt of all when the siege had juSt been commenced ;
a few days later when the Mexicans succeeded in
seizing him, " many Indians had already laid hold of
me, but I managed to get my arm free and our Lord
Jesus ChriSt gave me llrength so that by some good
sword thruSts that I gave them, I saved myself, but
I was badly wounded in one arm " ; on another
occasion they succeeded in taking him prisoner, but
" it pleased God that I should escape from their
power " ; and, finally, at the end of June on the day
1 The author makes immoderate efforts to lessen the number
of the allies, but Cortes informs us that there were " numberless
people ", " an infinite number ", " which could not be counted ",
that those that accompanied him alone numbered " more than one
hundred and fifty thousand men." — G. G.
18
EXTRACTS FROM INTRODUCTION
that Cortes suffered his terrible defeat, the author
received " an arrow wound and a sword thrust ".
The siege ended on the i3th August, 1521, with
the capture of the north-ea£t corner of the city where
the few surviving Mexicans £till offered a heroic
resistance.
INTRODUCTION
BY THE TRANSLATOR
FOUR eye-witnesses of the discovery and conquest
of Mexico have left -written records :
Hernando Cortes^ who wrote five letters known as the
Cartas de Relation to the Emperor Charles V.
The Firft of these letters despatched from Vera
Cruz, has never been found, but its place is supplied
by a letter written to the Emperor at the same time
by the Municipality of Vera Cruz, dated loth July,
1519.
The Second letter, from Segura de la Frontera
(Tepeaca), is dated 3Oth Oftober, 1520.
The Third letter was written from Coyoacan, and
dated 1 5th May, 1522.
The Fourth letter was written from the city of
Temixtitan (Mexico), and dated i^th Oftober,
1524.
The Fifth letter, written from Temixtitan (Mexico),
dated 3rd September, 1526, deals with the march
to Honduras.
The Anonymous Conqueror whose identity has never
been ascertained.
The original of this document is loft, and its
contents are preserved to us in an Italian trans-
lation. It deals only with the customs, arms, food,
religion, buildings, etc., of the inhabitants of the
city of Mexico, and adds nothing to our knowledge
of events during the Conquest.
Andres de Tafia,, whose short but interesting
account of the expedition under Cortes ends with
the defeat of Narvaez.
21
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
This document was only brought to light during
the la& century.
Bernal Diaz del Cattillo, whose stirring and
pi&uresque narrative is given in the following pages.
To these may be added the Itinerario de Grijalva,
an account written by the chaplain who accompanied
Grijalva on his expedition when the coaft of Mexico
was fir£t discovered ; but this account ends with
the return of the expedition to Cuba, and does not
deal with the con quell of the country.
The original of this document has been lo£t, and
it comes down to us in an Italian translation. If
the title is corred, it muft have been written by the
priest Juan Diaz who accompanied the expedition.
It seems to be written in a hostile spirit, and its
Statements should be received with caution.
Many writers followed during the next forty
years who had conversed with aftors in the events,
and some of whom had heard the £tory from the
mouths of the conquered Indians, and much additional
information was thus added to the record ; but
for a vivid impression of this daring plunge into the
unknown, and the triumphant Struggle of an isolated
handful of Spaniards against a powerful and warlike
race, we mu£t rely on the accounts given by those
two great soldiers and adventurers, leader and follower,
Hernando Cortes and Bernal Diaz del Castillo.
The scene of the principal part of Bernal Diaz's
narrative lies within the southern half of the present
republic of Mexico, Western Central America and
the peninsula of Yucatan, a land wholly within the
tropics, which, however, owing to its physical conforma-
tion, furnishes almost every variety of climate.
A great range of volcanic mountains runs almost
continuously through Mexico and the greater part
of Central America, near the Pacific Coa£t and
parallel to it. A second range of mountains not
22
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
so continuous and di£tin6t, runs almosl parallel to
the Atlantic coa£t. The whole of the interior of the
country between these two ranges may be said to be
mountainous but intersected by many high-lying
plains from 4,000 to 8,000 feet above sea level,
which form one of the mo£b characteristic features
of the country. These plains are sometimes seamed
with narrow barrancas'1 hundreds of feet in depth,
often with precipitous sides, caused by the washing
away of the thick covering of light volcanic ash
down to the bed rock. In common speech the
land is divided into the tierra caliente^ the tierra
tem-plada^ and the tierra fria, the hot, temperate and
cold lands. As the slope of the mountains is rather
more gradual towards the Atlantic than towards the
Pacific, the tierra caliente is more extensive in the
former direction. Three volcanic peaks, Orizaba,
Popocatepetl and Ixtacihuatl, almost in the middle
of Southern Mexico, rise above the line of perpetual
snow and reach a height of about 17,000 feet, and
several of the somewhat lower peaks are snow-
capped during some months of the year. None of
the rivers of Mexico we£t of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec
are navigable in the sense of being highways of com-
mercial importance. Passing to the ea£t of the Isthmus
of Tehuantepec the country of Chiapas and Guatemala
does not differ materially in its general charafteri&ics
from that already described, with the exception that
the rivers flowing into the Atlantic are relatively
of greater importance, and the waters of the Usu-
macinta and Grijalva form innumerable lagoons and
swamps before entering the Gulf of Mexico.
North and we& of the Usumacinta and its tributaries,
the land, with the exception of the Cockscomb range
in British Honduras, is all low, and the peninsula
of Yucatan appears to be little more than a coral reef
1 Canyons, ravines.
23
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
slightly raised above sea level. There are no rivers,
for the rain sinks easily through the porous limestone
rock, and the natives have often to seek their drinking
water 100 feet or more below the surface in the great
cenotes (tznotes) or limestone caverns.
The sea round the north and weft coaft of the
peninsula is very shallow, the 100 fathom line
being in some parts as much as ninety miles distant
from the shore.
The wet season in Mexico and Central America
may (subjeft to local variations) be said to extend
from June to Oftober, but it lafts somewhat longer
on the Atlantic than on the Pacific slope. During
these months the rainfall is often very heavy, the
States of Tabasco and Vera Cruz probably receiving
the larger amount.
During the winter months occasional ftrong cold
gales sweep the Gulf of Mexico from the North,
the dreaded None so often mentioned in Bernal
Diaz's narrative. This wind causes some discomfort
even on the high plateau of the tterra templada, which,
notwithstanding this drawback, may safely be said
to possess one of the moft perfect climates in the world.
The firft question always asked regarding the
Conquest is : " Who were the Mexicans, and how
did they get to Mexico ? " and to these questions
no certain answer can be given. All that can be
said is that the whole American race, although it
may have originated from more than one ftock, reached
America in a very early ftage of human development,
and that the Nahua tribes to which Mexicans belong
came from the north-weft coaft, which is generally
assumed to have been the earlieft home of the American
race. Whether the people came from Asia at a time
when the Northern continents were continuous is a
queftion not easily settled, but if such were the case,
the migration muft have taken place before the
24
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
cultivation of cereal crops or the smelting of iron
ore was known to the Northern Asiatics, for no iron
implements were found in America, and no cereal
was found there that was known in the East, the only
cereal cultivated in America being the Indian corn
or maize, and this is clearly of indigenous origin.
It is, therefore, not necessary to consider further
such a very distant connection, if such existed, between
the extreme eaft and weft.
There is, of course, the possibility of isolated
drifts from Asia to America ; several instances of
Polynesians having drifted in their canoes almost
incredible distances in the Pacific are on record,
and derelift junks have been known to reach the coaft
of America ; but the survivors of such drifts, although
they may have introduced a new game or some slight
modification of an existing art, are not likely to have
affefted very materially the development of American
culture.
The waves of migration from north to south>
due probably to pressure of population or search
for supplies of food, muft necessarily have been
intermittent and irregular, and muft have been
broken up by numerous cross currents due to natural
obstacles. It seems natural to speak of a wave of
migration, and to treat it as though it followed the
laws governing a flow of water ; but to make the
simile more complete we mu£t imagine not a flow
of water, but of a fluid liable to marked chemical
change due to its surroundings, which here may
slowly crystallize into a Stable form, and there may
boil over with noticeable energy, redissolving adjacent
crystals and mixing again with a neighbouring
Stream. There is no reason to suppose that this
process had not been going on in America as long
as it had in other parts of the world, but there we are
often helped to understand the process by written
25
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
or carved records, which go back for hundreds and
even thousands of years, whereas in America written
records are almost non-exi£tant, and carved records
are confined to a small area, and both are almost
undecipherable.
In Mexico and Central America accepted tradition
appears to begin with the arrival of the Toltecs,
a branch of the Nahua race, and hi&ory with that
of the later Nahua tribes, but as to who the people
were whom the Toltecs found in possession of the
country, tradition is silent.
The commonly accepted £tory is that the Toltecs,
whose capital was at Tula, were a people of con-
siderable civilization, who, after imparting some-
thing of their culture to ruder Nahua hordes that
followed them from the North, themselves migrated
to Guatemala and Yucatan, where they built the
great temples and carved the monuments which
have been so often described by modern travellers.
I am not, however, myself able to accept this explana-
tion of the fafts known to us. The monuments
and architectural remains of Guatemala and Yucatan
are undoubtedly the work of the Mayas, who, although
nearly related to the Nahuas, are admitted to be a
di&inft race, speaking a different language ; and I am
inclined to believe that the Maya race formerly
inhabited a considerable portion of Central and Southern
Mexico, and it is to it that we must give credit for
Tula, Cholula, and, possibly, Teotehuacan, all lying
within Central Mexico, as well as for the highelt
culture ever attained by natives on the continent of
North America.
Driven from their Mexican homes by the pressure
of Nahua immigrants, they doubtless took refuge
in the high lands of Chiapas and Guatemala, and along
the banks of the Rivers Usumacinta and Motagua,
and pressed on as far as the present frontier of Guate-
26
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
mala and Honduras ; but it muft be admitted that,
so far, no account of this migration and settlement
is known to us.
Once settled in Central America, the Mayas would
have held a Strong defensive position againft Nahua
invaders, for they were protefted on the Gulf side
by the intricate swamps and waterways which Cortes
found so much difficulty in crossing on his march
to Honduras, and on the land side by the mountain
ranges which rise abruptly to the ea& of the Ifthmus
of Tehuantepec. The passes through the great volcanic
barrier which runs parallel to the Pacific Coa& could
have been easily defended, while a road was left open
along the lowlands between the mountains and the
sea, of which the Nahua hordes apparently availed
themselves, for Nahua names and dialefts are found
as far eaft as Nicaragua.
Judging from the architectural remains and the
sculptured Atones, it may be safely assumed that it
was in Central America that the Mayas reached the
highest point of their culture, and that they there
developed their peculiar script. No Maya hiero-
glyphic inscriptions have yet been found in Central
Mexico, and it is only within the last few years that
attention has been called to what appears to be a
somewhat crude form of Maya script unearthed as
far weft as Monte Alban in the State of Oaxaca.
I am further inclined to believe, that after some
centuries of peaceful development had elapsed,
the Maya defence failed, and that the people were
again driven from their homes by invaders from the
north-weft, and leaving Chiapas and Guatemala,
took refuge in Yucatan, where they founded Chichen-
Itza, Uxmal and the numerous towns whose ruins
may Still be seen throughout the northern part of the
peninsula. It is worthy of note that weapons of
war are almost entirely absent from the Central
27
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
American sculptures, and at Copan one of the moft
important sculptured figures is that of a woman,
whereas in Yucatan every man is depiftured as a
warrior with arms in his hands, and the only repre-
sentation of a woman known to me is in a mural
painting at Chichen-Itza, where the women £land
among the houses of a beleagured town, apparently
bewailing their fate, while the battle rages outside.
At the time of the Spanish conqueft the highlands
of Guatemala were held by tribes of the Maya
Quiche race, who were probably descendants of the
Mayas and their Nahua conquerors, and were of an
entirely lower Standard of culture than the pure
Mayas.
Yucatan was Still Maya, but the influence of its
powerful Nahua neighbours was Strongly felt, and
civil wars had caused the destruction and abandon-
ment of mo£t of the old towns.
There is yet one Maya area which has so far not
been mentioned, the land of the Huastecs around
the mouth of the Rio Panuco (the river dividing the
modern States of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas). It seems
probable that the Huaftecs, and possibly also their
neighbours the Totonacs, were the remnant of the
Maya race left behind when the main body was
driven to the south-ea£L If they were a Maya colony
from the south, as has sometimes been asserted, they
would certainly have brought with them the Maya script,
but no Maya hieroglyphs have, so far as I know, ever
been found in the Hua£tec country. If, however, they
were a remnant left behind when the Mayas migrated
to the south-ea&, we should not expeft to find the
Maya script in their country, for if my assumption
is correft, at the time of the migration that script
had not yet been developed. It should be noted
that Tula, the reputed capital of the Toltecs, Elands
on the head waters of the Rio Panuco, and it may
28
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
be that if such people existed, on occupying Tula
they acquired something of the Maya culture, and
thus gained their reputation of great builders and
the teachers of the later Nahua immigrants.
The exaft reason for the disappearance of the
easier races who inhabited Mexico, and of the
abandonment of the Central American cities, may
never be known, but religious differences cannot be
left out of the question, and one way of regarding
the change is as the triumph of the ruthless and
sanguinary War God Huitzilopochtli over the mild
and civilizing cult of Quetzalcoatl or Kukulcan,
Were I asked to give definitely all my reasons in
support of the foregoing Statements, which differ
very considerably from those made by such a recent
authority as Mr Payne in his history of the American
people, I muSt own that I should be at a loss how to
do so. However, I think it will be admitted by all
Students of the subjeft that we are a very long way
indeed from having collefted and sifted all the
evidence procurable, and until the architecture, sculp-
ture and other remains of the very numerous ruined
towns which may be found throughout the country
are more carefully Studied and classified, and until the
inscriptions have been deciphered, we muSt put up
with such working hypotheses as may beSl enable us
to group such information as has already been
obtained.
In my own case, a somewhat intimate acquaintance
with the sculptures and ruined buildings both in
Central America and Mexico has left impressions
on my mind as to their relation to one another which
it is not always easy to express in definite terms. In
another place 1 I have given my reasons for believing
that the ruined towns of Central America, and probably
1 A Glimpse at Guatemala (London, 1899).
29
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
the majority of those of Yucatan, had been abandoned
by their inhabitants long before the Spanish conquest,
and consequently the Spaniards are not responsible
for the amount of damage that is sometimes attributed
to them.
In the £bory of Bernal Diaz we shall meet w;th
the Mayas in the early pages describing the dis-
covery of Yucatan and the passage of the three
expeditions along the coa£t of the peninsula, and then
again we shall come in touch with them after the
conquest of Mexico on Cortes' journey across the
base of the peninsula to Honduras.
No attempt was made to subdue the Mayas until
1527, six years after the fall of Mexico, and such
redoubtable warriors did they prove themselves to
be that, although Francisco de Montejo landed his
forces and marched right across the northern part
of the peninsula, he was eventually obliged to retreat,
and by 1535 every Spaniard was driven out of the
country. It was not until 1547 that the Spaniards
brought the Mayas into subjection.
To turn now to the time of the Spanish conquest
we find Mexico peopled by a number of different
tribes more or less nearly alike in habits and customs,
and not differing greatly from each other in race, but
speaking different languages and dialefts. Some
of these people or tribes, such as the Zapotecs and
Mixtecs of Oaxaca and the Tarascos of Michoacan,
extended over a considerable extent of country ; they
were not, however, homogeneous nations afting
under the direction of one chief or of a governing
council. The township or -pueblo appears to have been
the unit of society, and the pueblos of the same race
and speech afted together when compelled by necessity
to do so, as it will be seen that the Tlaxcalans a&ed
together owing to the continued hostility of the
Mexicans. The main faftor in the situation at the
30
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
time when the Spaniards landed was the dominance
of the Pueblo of Tenochtitlan or Mexico.
The Mexicans or A£lecs were a people of Nahua
race who, after many years of wandering on their
way from the North, finally settled in the high plain
or valley, which £till retains their name. For some
years they appear to have been almoSt enslaved by
other tribes of the Nahua race, who had already
settled in the valley, and it was not until the fourteenth
century that they established their home on the two
small muddy islands of Tlatelulco and Tenochtitlan
in the Great Lake.
By their own warlike prowess and diplomatic
alliances with neighbouring towns they gradually
increased in power until they gained the hegemony
of the tribes and peoples of the valley, and then
carried their warlike enterprises into distant parts
of the country, even as far as Tabasco and Guatemala.
In fact, they became the head of a military and predatory
empire, dependent for their food, as well as their
wealth, on tribute drawn from subjeft tribes and races.
They were not a civilizing power, and as long as the
tribute was paid, they did not appear to concern them-
selves with the improvement of the local government of
their dependencies. The education of the sons and
daughters of the upper classes was carefully attended
to under the direction of the priesthood, but, as was
only natural in a society so constituted, soldierly
qualities were those mo£l valued in the men, and
the higheSt reward went to those who showed the
greatest personal bravery in battle.
As the field of tribute extended, and wealth accumu-
lated, the office of the principal Cacique 1 of Mexico,
who was also the natural leader of their armies, rose
in importance and dignity ; and we learn from the
1 Catique Is the term usually employed by tlie Spaniards as
equivalent to chief or king. It is not a Mexican but a Cuban word.
31
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
narrative that Montezuma, who was the ninth in
succession of the great Caciques of Mexico, was treated
by his people with more than royal ceremonial.
The arms and armour of all the Indian tribes
appear to have been nearly alike, and they are often
described by the conquerors, and are shown in the
native pifture writings that have come down to us.
They are the
Macana or Maquahuitl, called by the Spaniards
a sword, a flat blade of wood three to four feet long,
and three inches broad, with a groove along either
edge, into which sharp-edged pieces of flint or obsidian
were inserted, and firmly fixed with some adhesive
compound.
Bows and ftone-tipped arrows.
Slings.
Long Spears with heads of £tone or copper.
Javelins made of wood with points hardened in
the fire (varas toftadas). These javelins, which were
much dreaded by the Spaniards, were hurled from an
Atlatl or throwing £tick (tiradera}.
It is worth noting that no bows or arrows are shown
on any of the Maya sculptures, but in the ftone
carvings in Yucatan (on which weapons are always
prominent) all the men are represented as armed with
short spears or javelins and an AtlatL
It may be that bows and arrows were unknown to
the Mayas, until they were introduced by the Nahua
races.1
The defensive armour consisted of padded and
quilted cotton worn on the arms or body — a pro-
teftion which the Spaniards themselves ha&ened to
adopt — and shields, usually round shields made of
1 I cannot call to mind any Mexican or Central American sculpture
showing bows and arrows. Suck representations appear to be confined
to the lienzos (painted cloths) and picture writings, but I am not now
able to verify this Statement.
32
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
wicker and covered with hide or other material, and
often beautifully decorated. Sometimes they were
oblong in shape, and large enough to cover the whole
body ; these latter could be folded up when not in
use. Head-dresses or helmets, usually in the form
of grotesque animals' heads, were used by the
Chieftains and feathers were freely used in decoration,
both in the form of beautiful feather patterns worked
into cotton fabrics or as penachos> lofty head-dresses of
feathers supported on a light wood or reed framework.
A Mexican army in battle array muft have been
both a beautiful and imposing speAacle, a blaze of
colour and barbaric splendour.
This is not the place to discuss fully the moral
aspects of the Conquest, but in considering the
conduft of the Conquiftadores and their leader we muft
always keep in mind the traditions that influenced
them and the laxity of the moral code of the time
in which they lived. Some of the Spaniards had
served in Italy under Gonsalvo de Cordova, el gran
Capitan^ and may have seen Caesar Borgia himself —
what can we expeft from such associations ? All
of them were adventurers seeking for wealth ; some,
no doubt, were free-booting vagabonds who would
have been a pe£t in any community. The wonder of
it all is that Cortes with no authority from the Crown
and only a few ardent partisans to support him, could
have kept the control of such a company for so long.
He dared to cheat these men out of part of their hard-
earned spoil that he might have gold with which to
bribe the leaders of the force which he mu& always
have known would be sent in pursuit of him. When
the city fell he allowed Guatemoc to be tortured to
force him to disclose the supposed secret of where his
treasure was hidden — could even his authority have
prevented it ? It would have been a splendid aft of
heroism had he made the attempt ; but we mu£t
33
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
think of the disappointed men around him, with the
terrible Strain of the siege suddenly relaxed, and all
their hopes of riches dissipated. Then there is the
greatest blot of all on Cortes' career, the execution of
Guatemoc during the march to Honduras ; no one
can help feeling that it was wrong, but there is nothing
to show that the reason advanced by Cortes was not
a good one. It was only too probable that the Mexicans
longing to return to their homes, were plotting againft
the Spaniards to efFeft it. Had such a plot been
successful the Spaniards were inevitably loft. That
Cortes was not in a £tate of mind propitious to the
careful weighing of evidence may at once be admitted ;
a long, dangerous and toilsome march through a
tropical forest is not conducive to unruffled temper.
However, the execution of Guatemoc, if it was an
error, may have been more di£tinftly an error than a
crime.
From our point of view the Spaniards were cruel
and ruthless enough ; an army of unbaptized Indians
was no more to them than a herd of swine, but their
callous cruelty can be no more surprising to us than
their childlike belief in the miraculous power of the
images and crosses which they substituted for the
native idols, or their firm belief in the teaching of their
Church, which did not admit that an Indian had the
rights of a human being until he was baptized.
Neither in the sixteenth nor the twentieth century
would troops that have seen their companions-in-
arms captured and led to execution to grace the
festival of a heathen god, and afford material for a
cannibal feast, be likely to treat their enemies with
much consideration, but the fate of the vanquished
Mexicans was humane to what it would have been
had the viftors been Tlaxcalans or other tribes of their
own race and religion.
These concluding remarks are not made with the
34
INTRODUCTION BY TRANSLATOR
intention of whitewashing the charafter of the
Conquiftadores^ their faults are sufficiently evident,
but to impress on the reader the necessity of taking
all the faftors of the case into consideration when
forming a judgment.
The bravery of the Indians was magnificent, and
their courage and endurance during the la£t days of
the siege of Mexico is unrivalled, but Bernal Diaz's
narrative is written from the Spanish point of view,
and it is on the conduft of the Spaniards alone that I
feel the need of making any comment.
The charafter of Bernal Diaz himself shows clearly
enough in his £tory ; it is that of a lovable old soldier
such as novelists have delighted to portray in
Napoleon's " Old Guard ", simple, enduring,
splendidly courageous and unaffectedly vain.
Censure without £tint has been heaped on Cortes
and his followers for their treatment of the Indians,
but no one has ever ventured to question the spirit
and resource of that great leader nor the daring
courage and endurance shown both by him and his
followers.
I gladly take this opportunity of thanking Don
Genaro Garcia for permission to make the Translation
from his Edition of the True Hitforyznd for his unfailing
courtesy and encouragement during the progress of
the work, and of thanking Don Jose Romero of the
Mexican Foreign Office for the loan of books of
reference from his valuable collection and for other
afts of kindness.
35
NOTE ON SPELLING, ETC.
GREAT difficulty has arisen over the spelling of the Indian names
of persons and places. In the original text a native name has often
several variants, and each one of these may differ from the more
generally-accepted form.
In the Translation a purely arbitrary course has been adopted,
but it is one which will probably prove more acceptable to the general
reader. Such words as Montezuma (Motecuhzoma) and Huichilobos
(Huitzilopochtli) are spelt as Bernal Diaz usually spells them ; others,
such as Gua9acalco, which occurs in the text in at leaft three different
forms, has in the Translation always been given in the more generally-
accepted form of Coatzacoalcos.
Spanish names are always printed in the Translation in the generally-
accepted forms : thus Xpvl de Oli of the test is printed as Cri&6bal
de Olid. The names of certain Spanish offices, such as Alguacil,
Regidor, are retained in the Translation, as well as the " Fraile (or
Padre) de la Merced " for the " Friar of the Order of Mercy ", but all
foreign words used in the Translation are printed in italics when
they firft occur, and are referred to in foot-notes.
Square brackets [ ] enclose words inserted by the Translator.
Notes to the Mexican Edition of 1904, edited by Sr Don Genaro
Garcia, are marked " G. G."
The Chapters have been divided into Books with sub-headings
by the Translator for convenience of reference. No such division
or sub-headings exift in the original Manuscript or in Sr Garcfa's
Mexican edition.
ITINERARY
THE EXPEDITION UNDER FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ
DE CORDOVA
8th Feb., 1517
Sunday, day of San
Lazaro
(Return Voyage)
Santiago de Cuba
Axaruco (Jaruco)
Gran Cairo, Yucatan (near Cape Catoche)
Campecne (San Lazaro)
Champoton (or Potonchan)
Estero de los Lagartos
Florida
Los Martires — The Shoals of the Martyrs
Puerto de Carenas (the modern Havana)
THE EXPEDITION UNDER JUAN DE GRIJALVA
8th April, 1518
The day of Santa
Cruz, 3rd May
Santiago de Cuba
Matanzas
Puerto de Carenas (Havana)
Cape San Anton
Cozumel (Santa Cruz)
Bakia de la. Ascencion
Champoton
Boca de Terminos (Puerto
Deseado or P. Real)
Rio de Grijalva (Tabasco)
Sighted Ayagualulco (La
Rambla)
Sighted Rio de TonaM (San
Anton)
Sighted Rio de Coatzacoalcos
Sighted Sierra de San Martin
Rio de Papaloapan (Rio de
Alvarado) and Tlacotlalpan
Rio de Banderas (Rio Jamapa)
Sighted Isla Blanca and Isla
Verde
Isla de Sacrificios
37
1 8 April, 1518
22 April, 1518
i May
3-1 1 May
13-16 May
25-28 May
3 1 May to 5 June
7—11 June
17 June
ITINERARY
St John's
24th June
day, San Juan de Ulua
Return Voyage
Sighted the Sierra de Tuxpan
Rio de Canoas (R. Tanguijo)
(CapeRojo)
Sighted Rio de Coatzacoalcos
Rio de Tonala (San Anton)
Puerto de Terminal
Puerto Deseado
Small island near Champoton
Campecke
Bajosde Sisal '(?)
Rio de Lagartos
Conil near Cape Catocke
Sighted Cuba
Puerto de Carenas (Havana)
Jaruco
Santiago de Cuba
18-24 June
28 June
9Jul7
12-20 July
17-22 August
I September
3 September
5-8 September
1 1- 1 2 September
14-15 September
21 September
29 September
30 September
4 October
1 5 November x
EXPEDITION UNDER HERNANDO CORTES
Santiago de Cuba 1 8th Nov., 1518
Sailed from Trinidad January, 1519
loth Feb., 1519 Sailed from (San Cristobal ?) de loth Feb., 1519
Havana on the South Coast
near Batabano
Sailed from Cape San Anton nth Feb., 1519
Sailed from Cozumel 5th March
Sailed from Punta de las Mujeres 6th March
Returned to Cozumel
4th March Sailed from Cozumel ijth March
Boca de Terminos
1 2th March 2 Arrived at Rio de Grijalva or 22nd March
Tabasco
2 5 th March, Battle of Cin tla 2 5 th March
Lady Day
Palm Sunday Sailed from Santa Maria de la 1 8th April
Victoria
Holy Thursday Arrived at San Juan de Ulua 2ist April, Holy
Thursday '
1 See Padre Agustin Rivera, Anales Mexicanos> vol. i, p. 47.
2 This is clearly an error.
38
ITINERARY
In the above Itineraries the dates given by Bernal Diaz, which
are few in number, are placed on the left.
Orozco y Berra (Hifl. Antigua^ vol. iv) has compiled an account
of the voyage, with dates, from many sources, including " The
Itinerario ", Oviedo, Las Casas, Herrera, Gomara, etc. These dates
will be found on the right-hand column.
Pkces not mentioned by Bernal Diaz as shopping-places of the
expedition are printed in italics.
39
BOOK I-THE DISCOVERY
THE EXPEDITION UNDER
FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA
CHAPTER I
I, BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, citizen and Regidor of
the moft loyal city of Santiago de Guatemala, one of
the fir£t discoverers and conquerors of New Spain
and its provinces, and the Cape of Honduras and all
that lies within that land, a Native of the very noble
and distinguished town of Medina del Campo, and
the son of its former Regidor,, Francisco Diaz del
Castillo, who was also called " The graceful " (may
his soul re& in glory), speak about that which concerns
myself and all the true conquerors my companions
who served His Majefby by discovering, conquering,
pacifying, and settling mo£l of the provinces of New
Spain, and that it is one of the be£t countries yet
discovered in the New World, we found out by our
own efforts without His Majesty knowing anything
about it.
In the year 1514, there went out as Governor of
Tierra-firme,1 a gentleman named Pedrarias Davila.
I agreed to go with him to his Government and the
country conquered by him, and we arrived at Nombre
de Dios, for so it was named.
Some three or four months after the settlement was
formed, there came a pestilence from which many
1 Tierra-firme = the Spanish. Main.
43
AUTHOR LEAVES FOR CUBA
soldiers died, and in addition to this, all the reft of us
fell ill and suffered from bad ulcers on the legs. Then
disputes arose between the Governor and a nobleman
named Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the captain, who had
conquered that province, to whom Pedrarias Davila
had given his daughter in marriage. But it seems that
after marriage, he grew suspicious of his son-in-law,
believing that he would rise in rebellion and lead a
body of soldiers towards the South Sea, so he gave
orders that Balboa should have this throat cut and
certain of the soldiers should be punished.
As we were witnesses of what I have related, and of
other revolts among the captains, and as the news
reached us that the Island of Cuba had lately been
conquered and settled, and that a gentleman named
Diego Velasquez, who was my kinsman, had been
made Governor of the Island, some of us gentlemen
and persons of quality, who had come out with
Pedrarias Davila, made up our minds to ask him to
give us permission to go to Cuba, and he willingly
did so.
As soon as leave was granted we embarked in a good
ship and with fair weather reached the Island of Cuba.
On landing we went at once to pay our respefts to
the Governor, who was pleased at our coming, and
promised to give us Indians as soon as there were any
to spare. I was then twenty-four years old.
When three years had gone by, counting both the
time we were in Tierra-firme and that which we had
passed in the Island of Cuba, and it became evident
that we were merely wafting out time, one hundred
and ten of us got together, moft of us comrades who
had come from Tierra-firme, and the other Spaniards
of Cuba who had had no Indians assigned to them,
and we made an agreement with a gentleman named
Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, that he should be
our leader, for he was well fitted for the poft, and that
44
PREPARATIONS FOR EXPEDITION
we should try our fortune in seeking and exploring
new lands where we might find employment.
With this objeft in view, we purchased three ships,
two of them of good capacity, and the third, a bark,
bought on credit from the Governor, Diego Velasquez,
on the condition that all of us soldiers should go in the
three vessels to some islands lying between Cuba and
Honduras, which are now called the Islands of the
Guanajes,1 and make war on the natives and load
the vessels with Indians, as slaves, with which to pay
him for his bark. However, as we soldiers knew that
what Diego Velasquez asked of us was not just, we
answered that it was neither in accordance with the
law of God nor of the king, that we should make free
men slaves. When he saw that we had made up our
minds, he said that our plan to go and discover new
countries was better than his, and he helped us in
providing food for our voyage.
To return to my £tory, we now found ourselves with
three ships Stored with Cassava bread, which is made
from a root, and we bought some pigs which cost
three dollars apiece, for in those days there were neither
sheep nor cattle in the Island of Cuba, for it was only
beginning to be settled, and we added a supply of oil,
and bought beads and other things of small value to
be used for barter. We then sought out three pilots,
of whom the chief, who took charge of the fleet, was
•called Anton de Alaminos a native of Palos. We
also engaged the necessary number of sailors and
procured the be£b supply that we could afford of
ropes, cordage, cables, and anchors, and casks for
water and other things needed for the voyage, and
this all to our own co&.
When all the soldiers were mustered, we set out for
a port on the North coaft. In order that our voyage
1 Roatan, Bonacca, etc. Isknds near the coaft of Honduras.
45
DISCOVERY OF YUCATAN
should proceed on right principles we wished to take
with us a priest named Alonso Gonzalez, and he
agreed to come with us. We also chose for the office
of Fee dor'1 (in his Majesty's name) a soldier named
Bernaldino Yniguez, so that if God willed that we
should come on rich lands, or people who possessed
gold or silver or pearls or any other kind of treasure,
there should be a responsible person to guard the
Royal Fifth.
After all was arranged we set out on our voyage in
the way I will now relate.
CHAPTER II
ON the eighth day of the month of February in the year
fifteen hundred and seventeen, we left the port on
the North coa£t, and in twelve days we doubled Cape
San Antonio. When we had passed this Cape we were
in the open sea, and trusting to luck we Steered towards
the setting sun, knowing nothing of the depth of
water, nor of the currents, nor of the winds which
usually prevail in that latitude, so we ran great risk
of our lives, when a £torm Struck us which lasted two
days and two nights, and raged with such Strength
that we were nearly lo£t. When the weather moderated,
we kept on our course, and twenty-one days after
leaving port, we sighted land, at which we rejoiced
greatly and gave thanks to God. This land had never
been discovered before, and no report of it had reached
us. From the ships we could see a large town ^landing
back about two leagues from the coa&, and as we had
never seen such a large town in the Island of Cuba nor
in Hispaniola, we named it the Great Cairo.
We arranged that the two vessels which drew the
lea£t water should go in as near as possible to the
1 Fee dor = overseer.
46
CAPE CATOCHE
Coaft, to examine the land and see if there was any
anchorage near the shore. On the morning of the
4th March, we saw ten large canoes, called piraguas,
full of Indians from the town, approaching us with
oars and sails. The canoes were large ones made like
hollow troughs cleverly cut out from huge single logs,
and many of them would hold forty Indians.
They came close to our ships, and we made signs
of peace to them, beckoning with our hands and
waving our cloaks to induce them to come and speak
to us, although at the time we had no interpreters who
could speak the languages of Yucatan and Mexico.
They approached quite fearlessly and more than
thirty of them came on board the flagship, and we
gave them each a present of a ftring of green beads,
and they passed some time examining the ships.
The chief man among them, who was a Cacique,
made signs to us that they wished to embark in their
canoes and return to their town, and that they would
come back again another day with more canoes in
which we could go ashore.
These Indians were clothed in cotton shirts made
like jackets, and covered their persons with a narrow
cloth, and they seemed to us a people superior to the
Cubans, for the Cuban Indians go about naked,
only the women wearing a cloth reaching to the thighs.
The next morning the same Cacique returned to
the ships and brought twelve large canoes, with Indian
rowers, and with a cheerful face and every appearance
of friendliness, made signs that we should go to his
town.
He kept on saying in his language, " cones catoche ",
" cones catoche ", which means " come to my houses ",
and for that reason we called the land Cape Catoche,
and it is £H11 so named on the charts.
When our captain and the soldiers saw the friendly
overtures the chief was making to us, we agreed to
47
ATTACKED BY NATIVES
lower the boats from our ships, and in the vessel of
lea£ draught, and in the twelve canoes, to go ashore
all together, and because we saw that the shore was
crowded with Indians from the town, we arranged to
land all of us at the same moment. When the Cacique
saw us all on shore, but showing no intention of going
to his town, he again made signs to our captain that
we should go with him to his houses, and he showed
such evidence of peace and good-will, that we decided
to go on, and we took with us fifteen crossbows and
ten muskets, so with the Cacique as our guide, we
began our march along the road, accompanied by
many Indians.
We moved on in this way until we approached some
brush-covered hillocks, when the Cacique began to
shout and call out to some squadrons of warriors who
were lying in ambush ready to fall upon us and kill us.
On hearing the Cacique's shouts, the warriors
attacked us in great ha£te and fury, and began to shoot
with such skill that the fir£t flight of arrows wounded
fifteen soldiers.
These warriors wore armour made of cotton reaching
to the knees and carried lances and shields, bows and
arrows, slings and many Atones.
After the flight of arrows, the warriors, with their
feathered crests waving, attacked us hand to hand, and
iurling their lances with all their might, they did us
much damage. However, thank God, we soon put
them to flight when they felt the sharp edge of our
swords, and the eflfeft of our guns and crossbows,
and fifteen of them fell dead.
A short distance ahead of the place where they
attacked us, was a small plaza with three houses built
of masonry, which served as cues and oratories.
These houses contained many pottery Idols, some
with the faces of demons and others with women's
faces.
48
LANDING AT CAMPECHE
Within the houses were some small wooden cheats,
and in them were some other Idols, and some little
discs made partly of gold but more than half of copper,
and some necklaces and three diadems, and other
small objefts in the form of fish and others like the
ducks of the country, all made of inferior gold.
When we had seen the gold and the houses of
masonry, we felt well content at having discovered
such a country.
In these skirmishes we took two Indians prisoners,
and later on, when they were baptized, one was named
Julian and the other Melchior, both of them were
cross-eyed. When the fight was over we returned to
our ships, and as soon as the wounded were cared for,
we set sail.
CHAPTER III
WE travelled with the greatest caution, sailing
along the coa£t by day only, and anchoring by night.
After voyaging in this manner for fifteen days, we
descried from the ship, what appeared to be a large
town, and we thought that there might be a river or
Stream there, where we could provide ourselves with
water of which we had great need, because the casks
and other vessels which we had brought with us,
were not watertight.
We agreed to approach the shore in the smallest
of the vessels, and in the three boats, with all our arms
ready, so as not to be caught as we had been at Cape
Catoche.
In these roadsteads and bays the water shallows
very considerably at low tide, so that we had to leave
our ships anchored more than a league from the shore.
49
STONE-BUILT TEMPLES
We went ashore near the town which is called
Campeche, where there was a pool of good water,
for as far as we had seen there were no rivers in this
country. We landed the casks, intending to fill them
with water, and return to our ships. When the casks
were full, and we were ready to embark, a company
of about fifty Indians, clad in good cotton mantles,
came out in a peaceful manner from the town, and
asked us by signs what it was we were looking for, and
we gave them to understand that we had come for
water, and wished to return at once to our ships.
They then made signs with their hands to find out
whether we came from the direction of the sunrise,
repeating the word " Ca£tilan " " Ca&ilan " and
we did not underhand what they meant by.Ca£tilan.
They then asked us by signs to go with them to their
town, and we decided to go with them, keeping well
on the alert and in good formation.
They led us to some large houses very well built of
masonry, which were the Temples ot their Idols, and
on the walls were figured the bodies of many great
serpents and other pictures of evil-looking Idols.
These walls surrounded a sort of Altar covered with
clotted blood. On the other side of the Idols were
symbols like crosses, and all were coloured. At all
this we £tood wondering, as they were things never
seen or heard of before.
It seemed as though certain Indians had ju£ offered
sacrifices to their Idols so as to ensure viftory over us.
However, many Indian women moved about us,
laughing, and with every appearance of good will,
but the Indians gathered in such numbers that we
began to fear that there might be some trap set for us,
as at Catoche. While this was happening, many other
Indians approached us, wearing very ragged mantles
and carrying dry reeds, which they deposited on the
plain, and behind them came two squadrons of Indian
50
RETURN TO THE SHIPS
archers in cotton armour, carrying lances and shields,
slings and Clones, and each captain drew up his
squadron at a short distance from where we stood.
At that moment, there sallied from another house,
which was an oratory of their Idols, ten Indians clad
in long white cotton cloaks, reaching to their feet,
and with their long hair reeking with blood, and so
matted together, that it could never be parted or even
combed out again, unless it were cut. These were the
priests of the Idols, and they brought us incense of a
sort of resin which they call copal, and with pottery
braziers full of live coals, they began to fumigate us,
and by signs they made us understand that we should
quit their land before the firewood which they had piled
up there should burn out, otherwise they would attack us
and kill us. After ordering fire to be put to the reeds,
the priests withdrew without further speech. Then
the warriors who were drawn up in battle array began
to whittle and sound their trumpets and drums.
When we perceived their menacing appearance and
saw great squadrons of Indians bearing down on us
we remembered that we had not yet recovered from
the wounds received at Cape Catoche, and had been
obliged to throw overboard the bodies of two soldiers
who had died, and fear fell on us, so we determined
to retreat to the coa£t in good order, and began to
march along the shore towards a large rock which
rose out of the sea, while the boats and the small
bark laden with the water casks coached along close
in shore. We had not dared to embark near the town
where we had landed, on account of the great press of
Indians, for we felt sure they would attack us as we
tried to get in the boats. As soon as we had embarked
and got the casks on board the ships, we sailed on for
six days and nights in good weather, then we were
Struck by a norther which is a foul wind on that coasl
and it lasted four days and nights, and so Strong was
INDIAN WARRIORS ASSEMBLE
the fborm that it nearly drove us ashore, so that we
had to drop anchor, but we broke two cables, and one
ship began to drag her anchor. Ah ! the danger was
terrible, for if our last cable had given way we should
have been driven ashore to destruction, but thank God
we were able to ease the Strain on the cable by lashing
it with pieces of rope and hawsers, and at la£b the
weather moderated. Then we kept on our course along
the coaSt, going ashore whenever we were able to do
so to get water, for, as I have already said, the casks
we carried were leaky, and we hoped that by keeping
near the coaSt we, should be able to find water, when-
ever we landed, either in pools or by digging for it.
As we were sailing along on our course, we came in
sight of a town, and about a league on the near side of
it, there was a bay which looked as though it had a river
running into it ; so we determined to anchor. On
this coaSt the tide runs out so far that there is a danger
of ships being Stranded, so for fear of this we dropped
anchor at the distance of a league from the shore, and
we landed from the vessel of leaft draught and from
the boats, well armed and carrying all our casks along
with us. This landing place was about a league
from the town, near to some pools of water, and maize
plantations, and a few small houses built of masonry.
The town is called Champoton.
CHAPTER IV
As we were filling our casks with water there came
along the coaft towards us many squadrons of Indians
clad in cotton armour reaching to the knees, and
armed with bows and arrows, lances and shields, and
CONFLICTING COUNSELS
swords like two handed broad swords, and slings and
Clones and carrying the feathered crests, which they
are accustomed to wear. Their faces were painted
black and white, and ruddled and they came in silence
straight towards us, as though they came in peace,
and by signs they asked whether we came from where
the sun rose, and we replied that we did come from the
direction of the sunrise. We were at our wits end
considering the matter, and wondering what the words
were which the Indians called out to us for they were
the same as those used by the people of Campeche,
but we never made out what it was that they
said.
All this happened about the time of the Ave Maria,
and the Indians then went off to some villages in the
neighbourhood, and we ported watchmen and sentinels
for security.
While we were keeping watch during the night we
heard a great squadron of Indian warriors approaching
from the town and from the farms, and we knew well,
that their assembly boded us no good, and we took
counsel together as to what should be done. However,
some said one thing and some said another. While
we were £bill taking counsel the dawn broke, and we
could see that there were about two hundred Indians
to every one of us, and we said one to the other " let
us Strengthen our hearts for the fight, and after
commending ourselves to God let us do our beft
to save our lives*"
As soon as it was daylight we could see, coming
along the coa£, many more Indian warriors with their
banners raised. When their squadrons were formed
up they surrounded us on all sides and poured in such
showers of arrows and darts, and Clones thrown from
their slings that over eighty of us soldiers were
wounded, and they attacked us hand to hand, some
with lances and the others shooting arrows, and others
53
DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS
with two-handed knife edged swords,1 and they
brought us to a bad pass. At laft feeling the effects
of our sword play they drew back a little, but it was
not far, and only enabled them to shoot their ftones
and darts at us with greater safety to themselves.
While the battle was raging the Indians called to
one another in their language " al Calachuni, Cala-
chuni " which means " let us attack the Captain and
kill him ", and ten times they wounded him with
their arrows ; and me they struck thrice, one arrow
wounding me dangerously in the left side, piercing
through the ribs. All the other soldiers were wounded
by spear thrums and two of them were carried off alive.
Our captain then saw that our good fighting availed
us nothing ; other squadrons of warriors were
approaching us fresh from the town, bringing food
and drink with them and a large supply of arrows.
All our soldiers were wounded with two or three
arrow wounds, three of them had their throats pierced
by lance thrusts, our captain was bleeding from many
wounds and already fifty of the soldiers were lying
dead.
Feeling that our Strength was exhausted we deter-
mined with £tout hearts to break through the battalions
surrounding us and seek shelter in the boats which
awaited us near the shore ; so we formed in close
array and broke through the enemy.
Ah ! then to hear the yells, hisses and cries, as the
enemy showered arrows on us and hurled lances with
all their might, wounding us sorely.
Then another danger befell us ; as we all sought shelter
in the boats at the same time they began to sink, so
in the be£t way we could manage hanging on to the
waterlogged boats and half swimming, we reached the
^ x Macana (or MacuahuitI), a wooden sword edged with sharp
flint or obsidian.
54
THE RETURN VOYAGE
vessel of lightest draught which came in haste to our
assistance.
Many of us were wounded while we embarked,
especially those who were sitting in the Stern of the
boats, for the Indians shot at them as targets, and even
waded into the sea with their lances and attacked us
with all their Strength. Thank God ! by a great effort
we escaped with our lives from the clutches of those
people.
Within a few days we had to caSt into the sea five
others who died of their wounds and of the great
thirSt which we suffered. The whole of the fighting
occupied only one hour.
CHAPTER V
AFTER we had attended to the wounded (and there
was not a man among us who had not two, three or
four wounds, and the Captain was wounded in ten
places and only one soldier escaped without hurt) we
decided to return to Cuba.
As almost all the sailors also were wounded we were
shorthanded for tending the sails, so we abandoned
the smallest vessel and set fire to her after removing
the sails, cables and anchors, and we divided the
sailors who were unwounded between the two larger
vessels. However, our greatest trouble arose from the
want of fresh water, for owing to the attack made on us
and the haSte with which we had to take to the boats,
all the casks and barrels which we had filled with
water were left behind.
So great was our thirSt that our mouths and tongues
were cracked with the dryness, and there was nothing
to give us relief. Oh ! what hardships one endures,
ALAMINOS STEERS FOR FLORIDA
when discovering new lands, in the way we set out to
do it ; no one can appreciate the excessive hardships
who has not passed through them as we did.
We kept our course close to the land in hope of
finding some £lream or bay where we could get fresh
water, and at the end of three days we found a bay
where there appeared to be a creek which we thought
might hold fresh water. Fifteen of the sailors who had
remained on board and were unwounded and three
soldiers who were out of danger from their wounds
went ashore, and they took hoes with them, and some
barrels ; but the water of the creek was salt, so they
dug holes on the beach, but there also the water was
as salt and bitter as that in the creek. However, bad
as the water was, they filled the casks with it and
brought it on board, but no one could drink such water
and it did harm to the mouths and bodies of the few
soldiers who attempted to drink it.
There were so many large alligators in that creek that
it has always been known as the estero de los Lagartos.
While the boats went ashore for water there arose
such a violent gale from the North Ea£t that the
ships began to drag their anchors and drift towards
the shore. The sailors who had gone on shore returned
with the boats in hot ha£te and arrived in time to put
out other anchors and cables, so that the ships rode in
safety for two days and nights. Then we got up
anchor and set sail continuing our voyage back to the
island of Cuba.
The pilot Alaminos then took counsel with the
other two pilots, and it was settled that from the
place we then were we should cross over to Florida,
for he judged that it was about seventy leagues distant,
and that it would be a shorter course to reach Havana
than the course by which we had come.
We did as the pilot advised, for it seems that he had
accompanied Juan Ponce de Leon on his voyage of
56
SPANIARDS LAND IN FLORIDA
discovery to Florida fourteen or fifteen years earlier.
After four days' sail we came in sight of the land of
Florida.
CHAPTER VI
WHEN we reached land, it was arranged that twenty
of the soldiers, those whose wounds were be£t healed,,
should go ashore. I went with them, and also the Pilot,
Anton de Alaminos, and we carried with us such
vessels as we still possessed, and hoes, and our cross-
bows and guns. As the Captain was very badly
wounded, and much weakened by the great thirft
he had endured, he prayed us on no account to fail
in bringing back fresh water, as he was parching and
dying of thir£t, for the water we had on board was
salt and not fit to drink.
We landed near a creek, the Pilot Alaminos carefully
examined the coa£t and said that it was at this very
spot when he came with Juan Ponce de Leon that
the Indians of the country had attacked them and
had killed many soldiers, and that it behoved us to
keep a very sharp look out. We at once ported two
soldiers as sentinels while we 'dug holes on a broad
beach where we thought we should find fresh water,
for at that hour the tide had ebbed. It pleased God
that we come on very good water, and so overjoyed
were we that what with satiating our thirft, and washing
out cloths with which to bind up wounds, we mu£t
have flayed there an hour. When, at la&, very wel I
satisfied, we wished to go on board with the water, we
saw one of the soldiers whom we had placed on guard
coming towards us crying out, " to arms, to arms !
many Indian warriors are coming on foot and others
57
SKIRMISH WITH NATIVES
down the creek in canoes." The soldier who came
shouting^ and the Indians reached us nearly at the
same time.
These Indians carried very long bows and good
arrows and lances, and some weapons like swords,
and they were clad in deerskins and were very big men.
They came Straight on and let fly their arrows and at
once wounded six of us, and to me they dealt a slight
arrow wound. However, we fell on them with such
rapidity of cut and thru£l of sword and so plied the
crossbows and guns that they left us to ourselves and
set off to the sea and the creek to help their com-
panions who had come in the canoes and were fighting
hand to hand with the sailors, whose boat was already
captured and was being towed by the canoes up the
creek, four of the sailors being wounded, and the
Pilot Alaminos badly hurt in the throat. Then we fell
upon them, with the water above our waists, and at
the point of the sword, we made them abandon the
boat. Twenty of the Indians lay dead on the shore or
in the water, and three who were slightly wounded
we took prisoners, but they died on board ship.
As soon as the skirmish was over we asked the
soldier who had been placed on guard what had
become of his companion. He replied that he had seen
him go off with an axe in his hand to cut down a small
palm tree, and that he then heard cries in Spanish,
and on that account he had hurried towards us to
give us warning, and it was then that his companion
mu£t have been killed.
The soldier who had disappeared was the only man
who had escaped unwounded from the fight at
Champoton, and we at once set to work to search for
him. We found a palm tree partly cut through, and
near by the ground was much trampled by footsteps,
and as there was no trace of blood we took it for certain
that they had carried him off alive. We searched and
58
DEATH OF HERNANDEZ
shouted for more than an hour, but finding no trace
of him we got into the boats and carried the fresh
water to the ship, at which the soldiers were as over-
joyed as though we had given them their lives. One
soldier jumped from the ship into the boat, so great
was his thirst, and clasping a jar of water to his chest
drank so much water that he swelled up and died
within two days.
As soon as we had got the water on board and had
hauled up the boats, we set sail for Havana, and during
the next day and night the weather was fair and we
were near some Islands called Los Martires, when the
flagship Struck the ground and made water fa£l5 and
with all of us soldiers working at the pumps we were
not able to check it, and we were in fear of foundering.
Ill and wounded as we were, we managed to trim
the sails and work the pump until our Lord carried
us into the port, where now Stands the city of Havana,
and we gave thanks to God.
We wrote in great ha£te to the Governor of the
Island, Diego Velasquez, telling him that we had
discovered thickly-peopled countries, with masonry
houses, and people who covered their persons and
went about clothed in cotton garments, and who
possessed gold and who cultivated maize fields, and
other matters which I have forgotten.
From Havana our Captain Francisco Hernandez
went by land to the town of Santispiritus ; but he
was so badly wounded that he died within ten days.
59
THE EXPEDITION UNDER JUAN
DE GRIJALVA
CHAPTER VII
IN the year 1518 the Governor of Cuba hearing the
good account of the land which we had discovered.,
which is called Yucatan, decided to send out another
fleet, and made search for four vessels to compose it.
Two of these vessels were two of the three which had
accompanied Francisco Hernandez, the other two
were vessels which Diego Velasquez bought with his
own money.
At the time the fleet was being fitted out, there were
present in Santiago de Cuba, where Velasquez resided
Juan de Grijalva, Alonzo de Avila, Francisco de
Montejo, and Pedro de Alvarado, who had come to
see the Governor on business, for all of them held
encomiendas of Indians in the Island. As they were men
of di&in&ion, it was agreed that Juan de Grijalva
who was a kinsman of Diego Velasquez, should go as
Captain General, that Alonzo de Avila, Pedro de
Alvarado, and Francisco de Montejo should each
have command of a ship. Each of these Captains
contributed the provisions and Stores of Cassava bread
and salt pork, and Diego Velasquez provided the four
ships, crossbows and guns, some beads and other
articles of small value for barter, and a small supply
of beans. Then Diego Velasquez ordered that I should
go with these Captains as ensign.
As the report had spread that the lands were very
rich, the soldiers and settlers who possessed no
Indians in Cuba were greedily eager to go to the new
land, so that 240 companions were soon got together.
60
DISCOVERY OF COZUMEL
Then every one of us, out of his own funds, added
what he could of stores and arms and other suitable
things ; and I set out again on this voyage as ensign,
as I have already Stated.
As soon as all of us soldiers had got together and
the pilots had received their inStruftions and the
lantern signals had been arranged, after hearing
mass, we set out on the 8th April, 1518.
In ten days we doubled the point of San Anton and
after eight days sailing we sighted the Island of
Cozumel, which was then first discovered, for with the
current that was running we made much more lee-way
than when we came with Francisco Hernandez de
Cordova, and we went along the south side of the
Island and sighted a town with a few houses, near
which was a good anchorage free from reefs.
We went on shore with the Captain and a large
company of soldiers, and the natives of the town had
taken to flight as soon as they saw the ships coming
under sail, for they had never seen such a thing
before.
We soldiers who landed found two old men, who
could not walk far, hidden in the maize fields and
we brought them to the Captain. With the help of
the two Indians Julianillo and Melchorejo whom
Francisco Hernandez brought away, who thoroughly
understood that language the captain spoke kindly
to these old men and gave them some beads and sent
them off to summon the cacique of the town, and
they went off and never came back again.
While we were waiting, a good-looking Indian
woman appeared and began to speak in the language
of the Island of Jamaica, and she told us that all the
men and women of the town had fled to the woods,
for fear of us. As I and many of our soldiers knew the
language she spoke very well, for it is the same as that
spoken in Cuba, we were very much astonished, and
61
THE CANOE THAT DRIFTED
asked the woman how she happened to be there ;
she replied that two years earlier she had Started from
Jamaica with ten Indians in a large canoe intending
to go and fish near some small islands, and that the
currents had carried them over to this land where they
had been driven ashore, and that her husband and all
the Jamaica Indians had been killed and sacrificed to
the Idols. When the Captain heard this it seemed to
him that this woman would serve very well as a
messenger, so he sent her to summon the people and
caciques of the town, and he gave her two days in
which to go and return. We were afraid that the
Indians Melchorejo and Julianillo if once they got
away from us would go off to their own country which
was near by, and on that account we could not tru£t
them as messengers.
To return to the Indian woman from Jamaica, the
answer she brought was that notwithstanding her
efforts she could not persuade a single Indian to
approach us.
As the Captain Juan de Grijalva saw that it would
be merely losing time to wait there any longer, he
ordered us to go on board ship, and the Indian woman
went with us, and we continued our voyage, and in
eight days we reached the neighbourhood of the
town of Champoton which was the place where the
Indians of that province had defeated us, as I have
already related. As the tide runs out very far in the
bay, we anchored our ships a league from the shore
and then making use of all the boats we disembarked
half the soldiers close to the houses of the town.
The Indians of the town and others from the neigh-
bourhood at once assembled, as they had done on the
other occasion when they killed over fifty-six of our
soldiers and wounded all the reft, and for that reason
they were now very proud and haughty, and many of
them had their faces painted black and others red
62
DEFEAT OF THE INDIANS
and white. They were drawn up in array and awaited
us on the shore, ready to fall on us as we landed.
As we had already gained experience from our former
expedition, we had brought with us in the boat some
falconets and were well supplied with crossbows and
guns.
As we approached the shore they began to shoot
arrows and hurl lances at us with all their might,
and although we did them much damage with our
falconets, such a hail £torm of arrows fell on us before
we could land that half of us were wounded. As soon
as all the soldiers got on shore we checked their ardour
with our good sword play and with our crossbows,
and although they £till shot at us we were protected by
our cotton armour. However, they kept up the fight
against us for a good while until we drove them back
into some swamps near to the town. In this fight
seven soldiers were killed, and our Captain Juan de
Grijalva received three arrow wounds, and had two
of his teeth broken, and more than sixty of us were
wounded.
When we saw that all the enemy had taken to flight
we entered the town and attended to the wounded and
buried the dead. We could not find a single person
in the town, nor could we find those who had retreated
into the swamp for they had all disappeared. In that
skirmish we captured three Indians one of whom was a
chief, and the Captain sent them off to summon the
cacique of the town, giving them clearly to underhand
through the interpreters Julianillo and Melchorejo
that they were pardoned for what they had done,
and he gave them some green beads to hand to the
cacique as a sign of peace, and they went off and never
returned again. So we believed that the Indians,
Julianillo and Melchorejo had not repeated to the
prisoners what they had been told to say to them but
had said something quite different.
63
VOYAGE CONTINUED
At that town we stayed for three days.
I remember that this fight took place in some fields
where there were many locufts, and while we were
•fighting they jumped up and came flying in our faces,
and as the Indian archers were pouring a hail £torm
of arrows on us we sometimes mistook the arrows for
locu&s and did not shield ourselves from them and so
got wounded ; at other times we thought that they
were arrows coming towards us, when they were only
flying locusts and it greatly hampered our fighting.
Then we embarked and kept on our course and reached
-what seemed to be the mouth of a very rapid river,
very broad and open, but it was not a river as we at
fir& thought it to be, but it was a very good harbour,
and we called it the Boca de Terminos.
The Captain Juan de Grijalva went ashore with all
the other Captains and we spent three days taking
soundings at the mouth of the Strait and exploring
up and down the bay. On shore we found some houses
built of masonry, used as oratories of their Idols, but
we found out that the place was altogether uninhabited,
and that the oratories were merely those belonging to
traders and hunters who put into the port when passing
in their canoes and made sacrifices there. We had
much deer and rabbit hunting and with the help
of a lurcher we killed ten deer and many rabbits.
At lasT: when we had finished our soundings and
explorations we made ready to go on board ship,
but the lurcher got left behind.
As soon as we were all on board again we kept our
course close along the shore until we arrived at a river
which they call the Rio de Tabasco, which we named
Rio de Grijalva.
\'*,m i\ 1 -*-' v-f >«*f .^
krt^1 $'m'W
?«%:& •:*••&*.£'?>'
1 T^y/iti-" " ' *J'
MURAL PAINTING OF A BATTLE
From the Ball Court Temple, Chicken lisa, Yucatan
[face p. 64
DISCOVERY OF RIO DE TABASCO
CHAPTER VIII
As we came nearer in we saw the water breaking over
the bar at the mouth of the river, so we got out boats,
and by sounding we found out that the two larger
vessels could not enter the river, so it was agreed that
they should anchor outside in the sea, and that
all the soldiers should go up the river in the
other two vessels which drew less water and in
the boats.
When we arrived within half a league of the town
we could hear the sound of chopping wood for the
Indians were making barriers and Cockades and getting
ready to give us battle. When we were aware of this,
so as to make certain, we disembarked half a league
from the town on a point of land where some palm
trees were growing. When the Indians saw us there
a fleet of fifty canoes approached us full of warriors.
Many other canoes full of warriors were lying in the
creeks, and they kept a little way off as though they
did not dare approach as did the fir& fleet. When we
perceived their intentions we were on the point of
firing at them, but it pleased God that we agreed to
call out to them, and through Julianillo and Mekhorejo,
who spoke their language very well, we told them that
they need have no fear, that we wished to talk to them,
for we had things to tell them which when they under-
&ood them they would be glad that we had come to
their country and their homes. Moreover, we wished
to give them some of the things we had brought with
us. As they underwood what was said to them,
four of the canoes came near with about thirty Indians
in them, and we showed them brings of green beads
and small mirrors and blue cut glass beads, and as
65
PARLEY WITH THE INDIANS
soon as they saw them they assumed a more friendly
manner, for they thought that they were chakhthuites l
which they value greatly.
Then through Julianillo and Melchorejo as inter-
preters, the Captain told them that we came from a
distant country and were the vassals of a great Emperor
named Don Carlos, who had many great lords and
chiefs as his vassals, and that they ought to acknowledge
him as their lord, and it would be to their advantage
to do so, and that in return for the beads they might
bring us some food and poultry.
Two of the Indians answered us, and said that they
would bring the food which we asked for, and would
barter their things for ours ; but as for the reft, they
already had a chief, that we were only juft now arrived,
and knew nothing about them, and yet we wanted to
give them a chief. Let us beware not to make war on
them as we had done at Champoton, for they had more
than three jiquipiles of warriors from all the provinces
around in readiness (every jiquipil numbers eight
thousand men) and they said that they were well aware
that only a few days earlier we had killed and wounded
more than two hundred men at Champoton but that
they were not weaklings such as those, and for this
reason they had come to talk to us and find out what
we wanted, and that whatever we should tell them
they would go and report to the chiefs of many towns
who had assembled to decide on peace or war.
Then our Captain embraced the Indians as a sign of
peace, and gave them some brings of beads and told
them to go and bring back an answer as soon as possible,
but he said that although we did not wish to anger
them, that if they did not return we should have to
force our way into their town.
The following day more than thirty Indians with
1 Chalchihuitli is Jadeite, which was treasured as a precious ftone
by the Indians.
66
SPANIARDS HEAR OF MEXICO
their chief came to the promontory under the palm
trees where we were camped and brought roadbed
fish and fowls, and zapote fruit and maize bread,
and braziers with live coals and incense, and they
fumigated us all. Then they spread on the ground
some mats, which here they call -petates^ and over them
a cloth, and they presented some golden jewels,
some were diadems, and others were in the shape of
ducks, like those in Caftille, and other jewels like
lizards and three necklaces of hollow beads, and other
articles of gold but not of much value, for they were not
worth more than two hundred dollars. They also
brought some cloaks and skirts, such as they wear, and
said that we mu£t accept these things in good part as
they had no more gold to give us, but that further on,
in the direction of the sunset, there was plenty of gold,
and they said " Colua, Colua, Mejico, Mejico," but
we did not know what this Colua or Mejico could be.
Although the present that they brought us was not
worth much, we were satisfied, because we thus
knew for certain that they possessed gold. Captain
Juan de Grijalva thanked them for their gift and gave
them a present of beads. It was decided that we should
go on board at once, for the two ships were in much
danger should a northerly gale blow, for it would put
them on a lee shore, and moreover we wanted to get
nearer to where we were told there was gold.
We returned on board and set our course along the
coa£t and in two days came in sight of a town called
Ayagualulco, and many of the Indians from that town
marched along the shore with shields made of the shells
of turtle, which sparkled as the sun shone on them,
and some of our soldiers contended that they were
made of low grade gold.
The Indians who carried them as they marched along
the sandy beach, knowing that they were at a safe
distance, cut capers, as though mocking at the ships.
67
VOYAGE ALONG MEXICAN COAST
We gave the town the name of La Rambla, and it is
thus marked on the charts.
Coasting along we came in sight of a bay into which
flows the river Tonala.
As we sailed along we noted the position of the great
river Coatzacoalcos. Soon we came in sight of the
great snow mountains, which have snow on them all
the year round, and we saw other mountains, nearer
to the sea.
As we followed along the coa£t, the Captain Pedro
de Alvarado, went ahead with his ship and entered a
river which the Indians call Papaloapan, and which
we then called the Rio de Alvarado because Alvarado
was the fir£t to enter it. There, some Indian fisher-
men, natives of a town called Tlacotalpa gave him
some fish. We waited at the mouth of the river with
the other three ships until Alvarado came out, and the
General was very angry with him for going up the
river without his permission, and ordered him never
to go ahead of the other ships again, le£l an accident
should happen when we could not give him help.
We kept on our course, all four ships together until
we arrived at the mouth of another river, which we
called the Rio de Banderas,1 because we there came
on a great number of Indians with long lances, and
on every lance a great cloth banner which they waved
as they beckoned to us.
CHAPTER IX
SOME £ludious readers in Spain may have heard that
Mexico was a very great city built in the water like
Venice, and that it was governed by a great prince
called Montezuma. Now it appears that Montezuma
1 Rio de Banderas is the Rio Jamapa of the modern maps.
68
ARRIVAL AT RIO DE BANDERAS
had received news of our arrival when we came fir£t,
with Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, and of what had
happened at the battle of Catoche and at Champoton,
and also what had happened at the battle of this same
Champoton during this voyage, and he knew that we
soldiers being few in number had defeated the warriors
of that town and their very numerous allies, and he knew
as well that we had entered the Rio Tabasco and what
had taken place between us and the caciques of that
town, moreover he underwood that our objeft was
to seek for gold, in exchange for the things we had
brought with us. All this news had been brought
to him painted on a cloth made of hennequen *• which
is like linen, and as he knew that we were coasting
along towards his provinces he sent orders to his
governors that if we should arrive in their neighbour-
hood with our ships that they should barter gold
for our beads, especially the green beads, which are
something like their chalchihuites, which they value as
highly as emeralds ; he also ordered them to find out
more about our persons and our plans.
It is a faft, as we now know, that their Indian
ancestors had foretold that men with beards would
come from the direction of the sunrise and would rule
over them. Whatever the reason may have been many
Indians sent by the Great Montezuma were watching
for us at the river I have mentioned with long poles,
and on every pole a banner of white cotton cloth, which
they waved and called to us, as though making signals
of peace, to come to them.
When from the ships we saw such an unusual sight
we were fairly astonished and the General and mo£t
of the Captains were agreed that to find out what it
meant we should lower two of the boats, and that all
those who carried guns or crossbows and twenty of
1 Hennequen, or Sisal hemp, Is a species of Aloe (Agave Ixtli] now
largely used for cordage,
69
BARTERING FOR JEWELS
the moft daring and a£tive soldiers should go in them,
and that Francisco de Montejo should accompany
us, and that if we should discover that the men who
were waving the banners were warriors that we should
at once bring news of it and of anything else that we
could find out.
Thank God at that time we had fine weather which
is rare enough on this coa£t. When we got on shore
we found three Caciques, one of them the governor
appointed by Montezuma, who had many of the
Indians of his household with him. They brought
many of the fowls of the country and maize bread
such as they always eat, and fruits such as pineapples
and zapotes, which in other parts are called mameies,
and they were seated under the shade of the trees,
and had spread mats on the ground, and they invited
us to be seated, all by signs, for Julianillo the man
from Cape Catoche, did not understand their language
which is Mexican. Then they brought pottery
braziers with live coals, and fumigated us with a sort
of resin.
As soon as the Captain Montejo had reported all
that had taken place the General determined to anchor
his ships and go ashore with all his captains and
soldiers. When the Caciques and governors saw him
on land and knew that he was the Captain General
of us all, according to their custom, they paid him
the greatest respeft. In return he treated them in a
mo£l caressing manner and ordered them to be given
blue and green glass beads and by signs he made them
understand that they should bring gold to barter with
us. Then the Governor sent orders to all the neighbour-
ing towns to bring jewels to exchange with us, and
during the six days that we remained there they
brought more than sixteen thousand dollars worth
of jewelry of low grade gold, worked into various
forms.
70
THE ISLA DE SACRIFICIOS
When the General saw that the Indians were not
bringing any more gold to barter, and as we had
already been there six days and the ships ran risk of
danger from the North and North East wind, he
thought it was time to embark.
So we took [formal] possession of the land in the
name of His Majesty, and as soon as this had been
done the General spoke to the Indians and told them
that we wished to return to our ships and he gave
them presents of some shirts from Spain. We took one
of the Indians from this place on board ship with us,
and after he had learnt our language he became a
Christian and was named Francisco, and later on I
met him living with his Indian wife.
As we sailed on along the coa£l we sighted some
Islands of white sand which the sea washed over,
and going on further we saw an Island somewhat
larger than the others about a league and a half off
the shore, and in front of it there was a good road-
slead where the General gave orders for the ships
to come to anchor.
As soon as the boats were launched the Captain
Juan de Grijalva and many of us soldiers went off to
visit the Island for we saw smoke rising from it, and
we found two masonry houses very well built, each
house with &eps leading up to some altars, ^and on
these altars were idols with evil looking bodies, and
that very night five Indians had been sacrificed before
them ; their chefts had been cut open, and the
arms and thighs had been cut off and the walls were
covered with blood.
At all this we ftood greatly amazed, and gave the
Island the name of the Isla de Sacrificios and it is
so marked on the charts.
We all of us went ashore opposite that Island,
and many Indians had come down to the coa^l bringing
gold made into small articles which they wished to
SAN JUAN DE ULUA
barter as they had done at the Rio de Banderas, and,,
as we afterwards found out the great Montezuma
had ordered them to do so. These Indians who
brought the gold were very timid and the gold was
small in quantity, for this reason the Captain Juan
de Grijalva ordered the anchors to be raised and sail
set, and we went on to anchor opposite another
Island, about half a league from land, and it is at this
Island that the port of Vera Cruz is now established.
We landed on a sandy beach, and so as to escape
the swarms of mosquitos we built huts on the tops of
the highest sand dunes, which are very extensive in
these parts.
We Stayed there for seven days, but we could not
endure the mosquitos, and seeing that we were
waiting time, and that our cassava bread was very
mouldy and dirty with weevils and was going sour,
and that the soldiers of our company were not numerous
enough to form a settlement, all the more so as
thirteen soldiers had died of their wounds, it was
agreed that we should send to inform the Governor
Diego Velasquez of our condition, so that he could
send us help.
It was therefore decided that the Captain Pedro de
Alvarado should go in a very good ship called the San
Seba§tian to carry the message.
CHAPTER X
AFTER the Captain, Pedro de Alvarado had left us
it was decided to keep in close to the shore and dis-
cover all that we were able on the coaft. Keeping
on our course we came in sight of the Sierra de
72
THE RIO DE CANOAS
Tuzpa. As we coasted along, we saw many towns-
apparently two or three leagues inland. Continuing
our course, we came to a great and rapid river which
we called the Rio de Canoas and dropped anchor at
the mouth of it.
When all three ships were anchored and we were a
little off our guard, twenty large canoes filled with
Indian warriors, came down the river and made
straight for the smallest ship. The Indians shot a
flight of arrows which wounded five soldiers, and they
made fa£t to the ship with ropes intending to carry
her off", and even cut one of her cables with their
copper axes. However, the captain and soldiers
fought well, and upset three of the canoes, and we
hastened to their assistance in our boats. Then we
got up anchor and set sail and followed along the coa£b
until we came to a great Cape which was moSt
difficult to double, for the currents were so Strong
we could make no headway.
Then the pilot, Alaminos, said to the General,
that it was no use trying to go further in that direction,
and gave many reasons for his opinion. Counsel was-
taken as to what had be£t be done, and it was settled
that we should return to Cuba.
So we turned round and set all sail before the wind>
and aided by the currents, in a few days we reached
the mouth of the great Rio de Coatzacoalcos, but we
could not enter it on account of unfavourable weather,
and going close in shore we entered the Rio de
Tonala. There we careened one of the ships which
was making water fa£t, for on entering the river she
had Struck on the bar where the water is very shallow.
While we were repairing the ship many Indians came
in a mo£t friendly manner from the town of Tonala,
which is about a league distant, and brought maize
bread, and fish and fruit, and gave them to us with
great good will. The captain showed them much
73
THE EXPEDITION RETURNS
attention and ordered them to be given white and
green beads, and made signs to them that they should
bring gold for barter and we would give them our
goods in exchange ; so they brought jewels of low
grade gold, and we gave them beads in return. People
came also from Coatzacoalcos and the other towns
in the neighbourhood, and brought jewelry, but
this did not amount to anything.
Besides these things for barter, the Indians of that
province usually brought with them highly polished
copper axes with painted wooden handles, as though
for show or as a matter of elegance, and we thought
that they were made of inferior gold, and began to
barter for them, and in three days we had obtained
more than six hundred, and we were very well con-
tented thinking that they were made of debased gold,
and the Indians were even more contented with their
beads, but it was no good to either party, for the axes
were made of copper and the beads were valueless.
Going on board ship again, we went on our way
and in forty-five days we arrived at Santiago de Cuba
where Diego Velasquez was residing, and he gave us
a very good reception.
When the Governor saw the gold that we brought,
which was worth four thousand dollars, and with that
which had already been brought by Pedro de Alvarado,
amounted in all to twenty thousand dollars, he was
well contented. Then the officers of the King took
the Royal Fifth, but when the six hundred axes which
we thought were low grade gold were brought out,
they were all rufty like copper which they proved to
be, and there was a good laugh at us, and they made
great fun of our trading.
74
BOOK II
THE EXPEDITION
UNDER HERNANDO CORTES
THE VOYAGE
CHAPTER XI
AFTER the return of the Captain Juan de Grijalva to
Cuba, when the Governor Diego Velasquez understood
how rich were these newly discovered lands, he
ordered another fleet, much larger than the former one
to be sent off, and he had already collefted in the Port
of Santiago, where he resided, ten ships, four of them
were those in which he had returned with Juan de
Grijalva, which had at once been careened, and the
other six had been got together from other ports in
the Island. He had them furnished with provisions,
consisting of Cassava bread and salt pork. These
provisions were only to la£t until we arrived at Havana,
for it was at that port that we were to take in our
Stores, as was afterwards done.
I mu£t cease talking of this and tell about the disputes
which arose over the choice of a captain for the
expedition. There were many debates and much
opposition.
Mo£t of us soldiers who were there said that we
should prefer to go again under Juan de Grijalva,
for he was a good captain, and there was no fault to
be found either with his person or his capacity for
command.
PREPARATIONS FOR EXPEDITION
While things were going on in the way I have
related, two great favourites of Diego Velasquez
named Andres de Duero, the Governor's Secretary,
and Amador de Lares, His Majesty's accountant,
secretly formed a partnership with a gentleman named
Hernando Cortes, a native of Medellin, who held a
grant of Indians in the Island. A short while before,
Cortes had married a lady named Catalina Juarez la
Marcayda. As far as I know, and from what others
say, it was a love match.
I will go on to tell about this partnership, it came
about in this manner : — These two great favourites
of Velasquez agreed that they would get him to
appoint Cortes Captain General of the whole fleet,
and that they would divide between the three of them,,
the spoil of gold, silver and jewels which might fall
to Cortes' share. For secretly Diego Velasquez was
sending to trade and not to form a settlement, as was
apparent afterwards from the instructions given about
it, although it was announced and published that the
expedition was for the purpose of founding a settle-
ment.
Andres de Duero drew up the documents in very
good ink, as the proverb says, in the way Cortes-
wished with very ample powers.
CHAPTER XII
As soon as Hernando Cortes had been appointed
General he began to search for all sorts of arms, guns,
powder and crossbows, and every kind of warlike
Stores which he could get together, and all sorts of
articles to be used for barter, and other things necessary
for the expedition.
Moreover he began to adorn himself and be more
careful of his appearance than before, and he wore a
UNDER HERNANDO CORTES
plume of feathers with a medal, and a gold chain, and
a velvet cloak trimmed with knots of gold, in fact he
looked like a gallant and courageous Captain. How-
ever, he had no money to defray the expenses I have
spoken about, for at that time he was very poor and
much in debt, although he had a good encomienda of
Indians who were getting him a return from his gold
mines, but he spent all of it on his person and on finery
for his wife, whom he had recently married, and on
entertaining some guefbs who had come to visit him.
For he was affable in his manner and a good talker,
and he had twice been chosen Alcalde x of the town of
Santiago Baracoa where he had settled, and in that
country it is esteemed a great honour to be chosen
as Alcalde.
When some merchant friends of his saw that he had
obtained this command as Captain General, they
lent him four thousand gold dollars in coin and gave
him merchandise worth another four thousand dollars
secured on his Indians and elates. Then he ordered
two Standards and banners to be made, worked in gold
with the royal arms and a cross on each side with a
legend which said, " Comrades, let us follow the sign
of the holy Cross with true faith, and through it we
shall conquer." And he ordered a proclamation to
IDC made with the sound of drums and trumpets in
the name of His Maje&y and by Diego Velasquez
in the King's name, and in his own as Captain
General, to the effeft that whatsoever person might
wish to go in his company to the newly discovered
lands to conquer them and to settle there, should
receive his share of the gold, silver and riches which
might be gained, and an encomienda of Indians after
the country had been pacified, and that to do these
things Diego Velasquez held authority from His
Majesty.
1 Alcalde = Mayor.
77
PREPARATIONS FOR EXPEDITION
We assembled at Santiago de Cuba, whence we set
out with the fleet more than three hundred and fifty
soldiers in number. From the house of Velasquez
there came Diego de Ordas, the chief Mayordomo,
whom Velasquez himself sent with orders to keep his
eyes open and see that no plots were hatched in the
fleet, for he was always di&ru&ful of Cortes, although
he concealed his fears. There came also Francisco
de Morla and an Escobar, whom we called The Page,
and a Heredia, and Juan Ruano and Pedro Escudero,
and Martin Ramos de Lares, and many others who
were friends and followers of Diego Velasquez ; and
I place myself laft on the lift for I also came from the
house of Diego Velasquez, for he was my kinsman.
Cortes worked hard to get his fleet under way and
hastened on his preparations, for already envy and
malice had taken possession of the relations of Diego
Velasquez who were affronted because their kinsman
neither trusted them nor took any notice of them,
and because he had given charge and command to
Cortes, knowing that he had looked upon him as a great
enemy only a short time before, on account of his
marriage, so they went about grumbling at their
kinsman Diego Velasquez and at Cortes, and by
every means in their power they worked on Diego
Velasquez to induce him to revoke the commission."
Now Cortes was advised of all this, and for that
reason never left the Governor's side, and always
showed himself to be his zealous servant, and kept on
telling him that, God willing, he was going to make
him a very illustrious and wealthy gentleman in a very
short time. Moreover Andres de Duero was always
advising Cortes to hasten the embarkation of himself
and his soldiers, for Diego Velasquez was already
changing his mind owing to the importunity of his
family.
When Cortes knew this he sent orders to his wife
UNDER HERNANDO CORTES
that all provisions of food which he wished to take and
any other gifts (such as women usually give to their
husbands when starting on such an expedition) should
be sent at once and placed on board ship.
He had already had a proclamation made that on
that day by nightfall all ships. Captains, pilots and
soldiers should be on board and no one should remain
on shore. When Cortes had seen all his company
embarked he went to take leave of Diego Velasquez,
accompanied by his great friends and many other
gentlemen, and all the mo£t distinguished citizens of
that town.
After many demonstrations and embraces of Cortes
by the Governor, and of the Governor by Cortes, he
took his leave. The next day very early after having
heard Mass we went to our ships, and Diego Velasquez
himself accompanied us, and again they embraced
with many fair speeches one to the other until we
set sail.
A few days later, in fine weather, we reached the
Port of Trinidad, where we brought up in the
harbour and went ashore, and nearly all the citizens
of that town came out to meet us ; and entertained
us well.
From that town there came to join us five brothers,
namely Pedro de Alvarado and Jorge de Alvarado, and
Gonzalo and Gomez, and Juan de Alvarado, the elder,
who was a bastard. There also joined us from this
town Alonzo de Avila, who went as a Captain in
Grijalva's expedition, and Juan de Escalante and Pedro
Sanchez Farfan, and Gonzalo Mejia who later on
became treasurer in Mexico, and a certain Baena and
Juanes of Fuenterrabia, and Lares, the good horseman^
and Cristobal de Olid, the Valiant, and Ortis the
Musician, and Caspar Sanchez, nephew of the
treasurer of Cuba, and Diego de Pineda, and Alonzo
Rodriguez, and Bartolome Garcia and other gentle-
79
CORTES AT TRINIDAD
men whose names I do not remember, all persons
of quality.
From Trinidad Cortes wrote to the town of Santi-
spfritus which was eighteen leagues distant, informing
all the inhabitants that he was setting out on this
expedition in His Majesty's service, adding fair words
and inducements to attract many persons of quality
who had settled in that town, among them Alonzo
Hernandes Puertocarrero cousin of the Count of
Medellin, and Gonzalo de Sandoval and Juan Velasquez
de Leon came, a kinsman of Diego Velasquez, and
Rodrigo Reogel, and Gonzalo Lopes de Jimena, and
his brother, and Juan Sedeno also came. All these
distinguished persons whom I have named came from
the town of Santispiritus to Trinidad, and Cortes
"went out to meet them with all the soldiers of his
company and received them with great cordiality and
they treated him with the highest respeft.
We continued to enli& soldiers and to buy horses,
•which at that time were both scarce and costly, and
as Alonzo Hernandes Puertocarrero, neither possessed
a horse nor the wherewithal to buy one, Hernando
Cortds bought him a gray mare, and paid for it with
some of the golden knots off the velvet cloak which
as I have said he had had made at Santiago de Cuba.
At that very time a ship arrived in port from Havana,
which a certain Juan Sedeno, a settler at Havana, was
taking, freighted with Cassava bread and salt pork to
sell at some gold mines near Santiago de Cuba.
Juan Sedeno landed and went to pay his respefts to
Cortes, and after a long conversation Cortes bought
the ship and the pork and bread on credit, and it all
came with us. So we already had eleven ships and
thank God all was going well with us.
80
DIEGO VELASQUEZ
CHAPTER XIII
I MUST go back a little from our £tory to say that after
we had set out from Santiago de Cuba with all the
ships, so many things were said to Diego Velasquez
against Cortes that he was forced to change his mind,
for they told him that Cortes was already in rebellion,
and that he left the port by Stealth, and that he had
been heard to say that although Diego Velasquez and
his relations might regret it, he intended to be Captain
and that was the reason why he had embarked all his
soldiers by night, so that if any attempt were made
to detain him by force he might set sail. Those who
took the leading part in persuading Diego Velasquez
to revoke the authority he had given to Cortes were
some members of the Velasquez family and an old
man named Juan Millan whom some called the
astrologer, but others said he had a touch of madness
because he afted without reflection, and this old man
kept repeating to Diego Velasquez : " Take care,
Sir, for Cortes will take vengeance on you for putting
him in prison,1 and as he is sly and determined he
will ruin you if you do not prevent it at once."
And Velasquez li&ened to these speeches and was
always haunted by suspicions, so without delay he
sent two messengers whom he trusted, with orders and
instructions to Francisco Verdugo, the Chief Alcalde
of Trinidad, who was his brother-in-law, to the effeft
that on no account should the fleet be allowed to sail,
and he said in his orders that Cortes should be detained
or taken prisoner as he was no longer its captain, for
he had revoked his commission and given it to Vasco
Porcallo. The messengers also carried letters to
1 This refers to an earlier incident in the relations between Cortes
and Diego Velasquez.
81
DIEGO VELASQUEZ
Diego de Ordas and Francisco de Morla and other
dependents of his begging them not to allow the fleet
to sail.
When Cortes heard of this, he spoke to Ordas and
Francisco Verdugo, and to all the soldiers and settlers
at Trinidad, whom he thought would be against him
and in favour of the inftru&ions, and he made such
speeches and promises to them that he brought them
over to his side. Diego Ordas himself spoke at once
to Francisco Verdugo, the Alcalde Mayor advising him
to have nothing to do with the affair but to hush it
up, and bade him note that up to that time they had
seen no change in Cortes, on the contrary that he
showed himself to be a faithful servant of the Governor,,
and that if Velasquez wished to impute any evil to
him in order to deprive him of the command of the
fleet, it was as well to remember that Cortes had
many men of quality among his friends, who were
unfriendly to Velasquez, because he had not given
them good grants of Indians. In addition to this,
that Cortes had a large body of soldiers with him and
was very powerful and might sow strife in the town,
and perhaps the soldiers might sack the town and
plunder it, and do even worse damage.
So the matter was quietly dropped and one of the
messengers who brought the letters and instructions,
joined our company, and by the other messenger,
Cortes sent a letter to Diego Velasquez written in a
very friendly manner, saying that he was amazed at
His Honour having come to such a decision, that
his desire was to serve God and his Majesty, and to
obey him as His Majesty's representative, and that
he prayed him not to pay any more attention to what
was said by the gentlemen of his family, nor to change
his mind on account of the speeches of such an old
lunatic as Juan Millan. He also wrote to all his friends
and especially to his partners Duero and the Treasurer.
82
VOYAGE ALONG COAST OF CUBA
When these letters had been written, Cortes ordered
all the soldiers to polish up their arms, and he ordered
the blacksmiths in the town to make head pieces,
and the crossbowmen to overhaul their Stores and
make arrows, and he also sent for the two black-
smiths and persuaded them to accompany us, which
they did. We were ten days in that town.
CHAPTER XIV
WHEN Cortes saw that there was nothing more to be
done at the town of Trinidad he sent Pedro ^de
Alvarado by land to Havana1 to pick up some soldiers
who lived on farms along the road, and I went in his
company, and he sent all the horses by land. Cortes
then went on board the flagship to set sail with all the
fleet for Havana.
It appears that the ships of the Convoy loft sight of
the flagship in the night time, and we all arrived at
the town of Havana, but Cortes did not appear, and
no one knew where he was delayed. Five days passed
without news of his ship, and we began to wonder
whether he had been lost. We all agreed that three
of the smaller vessels should go in search of Cortes,
and in preparing the vessels and in debates whether
this or the other man — Pedro or Sancho — should go,
two more days went by and Cortes did not appear.
Then parties began to be formed, and we all played
the game of " Who shall be Captain until Cortes
comes ? "
Let us leave this subjeft and return to Cortes.
In the neighbourhood of the Isle of Pines, or near the
Jardines, where there are many shallows, his ship ran
1 This is the old Havana on the south coasT:, not the present port.
83
FLAGSHIP RUNS AGROUND
aground and remained there hard and fa£t and could
not be floated.
Cortes ordered all the cargo which could be removed
to be taken ashore in the boat, for there was land near
by where it could be Stored, and when it was seen that
the ship was floating and could be moved, she was
taken into deeper water and was laden again with the
cargo, sail was then set and the voyage continued
to the port of Havana.
When Cortes arrived nearly all of us gentlemen
and soldiers who were awaiting him were delighted
at his coming, all except some who had hoped to be
Captains, for the game of choosing captains came to
an end.
It was here in Havana that Cortes began to organize
a household and to be treated as a Lord. The fir£l
Marshal of the household, whom he appointed was a
certain Guzman who soon afterwards died or was killed
by the Indians, and he had as camarero x Rodrigo*
Ranguel, and for Mayordomo, Juan de Caceres.
When all this was settled we got ready to embark
and the horses were divided among all the ships, and
mangers were made for them and a store of maize and
hay put on board. I will now call to mind all the
mares and horses that were shipped :
The Captain Cortes : A vicious dark chestnut horse,
which died as soon as we arrived at San Juan de Ulua.
Pedro de Alvarado and Hernando Lopez de Avila :
a very good sorrel mare, good both for sport and as a
charger. When we arrived at New Spain Pedro de
Alvarado bought the other half share in the mare or
took it by force.
Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero : a gray mare,
a very good charger which Cortes bought for him with
his gold buttons.
Juan Velasquez de Leon : A very powerful gray
1 Camarero = chamberlain.
A LIST OF THE HORSES
mare which we called " La Rabona "-,1 very handy
and a good charger.
Cristoval de Olid : a dark che&nut horse, fairly
good.
Francisco de Montejo and Alonzo de Avila : a
parched sorrel horse, no lise for warfare.
Francisco de Morla : a dark chestnut horse, very
fa£t and very easily handled.
Juan de Escalante : a light chestnut horse with
three white blockings, not much good.
Diego de Ordas, a gray mare, barren, tolerably
good, but not faft.
Gonzalo Dominguez : a wonderfully good horse-
man ; a very good dark chestnut horse, a grand
galloper.
Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo : a good chestnut horse,
all chestnut, a very good goer.
Moron, a settler at Bayamo : a dappled horse with
blockings on the forefeet, very handy.
Baena : a settler at Trinidad : a dappled horse
almost black, no good for anything.
Lares, a very good horseman : an excellent horse
of rather light chestnut colour, a very good goer.
Ortiz the musician and Bartolome Garcia, who once
owned gold mines : a very good dark horse called
" El Arriero ",2 this was one of the be£t horses carried
in the fleet.
Juan Sedefio, a settler at Havana : a chestnut
mare which foaled on board ship.
This Juan Sedefio passed for the richest soldier in
the fleet, for he came in his own ship with the mare,
and a negro and a £tore of cassava bread and salt pork,
and at that time horses and negroes were worth their
weight in gold, and that is the reason why more horses
were not taken, for there were none to be bought.
1 La Rabona = tke bob-tailed.
2 El arriero — the muleteer, carrier.
85
ATTEMPTS TO PREVENT FLEET SAILING
CHAPTER XV
To make my £bory clear, I mu& go back and relate
that when Diego Velasquez knew for certain that
Francisco Verdugo not only refused to compel Cortes
to leave the fleet, but, together with Diego de Ordas,
had helped him to get away, they say that he was so
angry that he roared with rage, and said that Cortes
was mutinous. He made up his mind to send orders
to Pedro Barba, his lieutenant at Havana, and to
Diego de Ordas and to Juan Velasquez de Leon who
were his kinsmen praying them neither for good nor
ill to let the fleet get away, and to seize Cortes at once
and send him under a Strong guard to Santiago de
Cuba.
On the arrival of the messenger, it was known at
once what he had brought with him, for by the same
messenger Cortes was advised of what Velasquez
was doing. It appears that a friar of the Order of
Mercy wrote a letter to another friar of his order
named Bartolom6 del Olmedo, who was with us, and
in that letter Cortes was informed of all that had
happened.
Not one of those to whom Diego Velasquez had
written favoured his proposal, indeed one and all
declared for Cortes, and lieutenant Pedro Barba above
all, and all of us would have given our lives for Cortes.
So that if in the Town of Trinidad the orders of
Velasquez were slighted, in the town of Havana they
were absolutely ignored.
Cortes wrote to Velasquez in the agreeable and
complimentary terms which he knew so well how to
use, and told him that he should set sail next day
and that he remained his humble servant.
86
FLEET ARRIVES AT COZUMEL
CHAPTER XVI
THERE was to be no parade of the forces until we
arrived at Cozumel. Cort6s ordered the horses to be
taken on board ship, and he dire£ted Pedro de Alvarado
to go along the North coa£t in a good ship named the
San Sebaftian^ and he told the pilot who was in charge
to wait for him at Cape San Antonio as all the ships
would meet there and go in company to CozumeL
He also sent a messenger to Diego de Ordas, who had
gone along the North Coa£t to collect supplies of food
with orders to do the same and await his coming.
On the loth February, 1519, after hearing Mass,
they set sail along the south coa& with nine ships and
the company of gentlemen and soldiers whom I have
mentioned, so that with the two ships absent from the
north coa£t there were eleven ships in all, including
that which carried Pedro de Alvarado with seventy
soldiers and I travelled in his company.
The Pilot named Camacho who was in charge of
our ship paid no attention to the orders of Cort6s
and went his own way and we arrived at Cozumel two
days before Cortes and anchored in the port which I
have often mentioned when telling about Grijalva's
expedition.
Cortes had not yet arrived, being delayed by the
ship commanded by Francisco de Morla having lo£l
her rudder in bad weather, however she was supplied
with another rudder by one of the ships of the fleet,
and all then came on in company.
To go back to Pedro de Alvarado. As soon as we
an ived in port we went on shore with all the soldiers
to the town of Cozumel, but we found no Indians
there as they had all fled. So we were ordered to go
on to another town about a league distant, and there
also the natives had fled and taken to the bush, but
FLEET ARRIVES AT COZUMEL
they could not carry off their property and left behind
their poultry and other things and Pedro de Alvarado
ordered forty of the fowls to be taken. In an Idol house
there were some altar ornaments made of old cloths
and some little cheats containing diadems. Idols,
beads and pendants of gold of poor quality, and here
we captured two Indians and an Indian woman, and
we returned to the town where we had disembarked.
While we were there Cortes arrived with all the
fleet, and after taking up his lodging the fir£b thing he
did was to order the pilot Camacho to be put in irons
for not having waited for him at sea as he had been
ordered to do. When he saw the town without any
people in it, and heard that Pedro de Alvarado had
gone to the other town and had taken fowls and cloths
and other things of small value from the Idols, and some
gold which was half copper, he showed that he was
very angry both at that and at the pilot not having
waited for him, and he reprimanded Pedro de Alvarado
severely, and told him that we should never pacify
the country in that way by robbing the natives of their
property, and he sent for the two Indians and the
woman whom we had captured, and through Melcho-
rejo (Julianillo his companion was dead), the man
we had brought from Cape Catoche who understood
the language well, he spoke to them telling them to
go and summon the Caciques and Indians of their
town, and he told them not to be afraid, and he
ordered the gold and the cloths and all the reft to be
given back to them, and for the fowls (which had
already been eaten) he ordered them to be given beads
and little bells, and in addition he gave to each Indian
a Spanish shirt. So they went off to summon the lord
of the town, and the next day the Cacique and all his
people arrived, women and children and all the
inhabitants of the town, and they went about among us
as though they had been used to us all their lives, and
CORTES REVIEWS HIS ARMY
Cortes ordered us not to annoy them in any way.
Here in this Island Cortes began to rule energetically,
and Our Lord so favoured him that whatever he put
his hand to it turned out well for him, especially
in pacifying the people and towns of these lands>
as we shall see further on.
When we had been in Cozumel three days, Cortes
ordered a muster of his forces so as to see how many
of us there were, and he found that we numbered five
hundred and eight, not counting the shipmasters,,
pilots, and sailors, who numbered about one hundred.
There were sixteen horses and mares all fit to be used
for sport or as chargers.
There were eleven ships both great and small,
and one a sort of launch which a certain Gines Nortes-
brought laden with supplies.
There were thirty-two crossbowmen and thirteen
musketeers, and some brass guns, and four falconets,
and much powder and ball.
After the review Cortes ordered Mesa surnamed
" the gunner " and Bartolome de Usagre and
Arbenga and a certain Catalan who were all artillery-
men, to keep their guns clean and in good order, and
the ammunition ready for use. He appointed Francisco
de Orozco, who had been a soldier in Italy to be
captain of the Artillery. He likewise ordered two
crossbowmen named Juan Benitez and Pedro del
Guzman who were masters of the art of repairing
crossbows, to see that every crossbow had two or three
[spare] nuts and cords and fore cords and to be
careful to keep them Stored and to have smoothing
tools and to see that the men should practise at a target.
He also ordered all the horses to be kept in good
condition.
SPANIARDS HELD AS PRISONERS
CHAPTER XVII
CORTES sent for me and a Biscayan named Martin
Ramos, and asked us what we thought about those
words which the Indians of Campeche had used when
we went there with Francisco Hernandez de Cordova,
when they cried out " Caftilan, Ca&ilan ". We again
related to" Cortes all that we had seen and heard about
the matter, and he said that he also had often thought
about it, and that perhaps there might be some Spaniards
living in the country, and added " It seems to me
that it would be well to ask these Caciques of Cozumel
if they know anything about them/' So through
Melchorejo, who already understood a little Spanish
and knew the language of Cozumel very well, all the
chiefs were questioned, and every one of them said
that they had known of certain Spaniards and gave
descriptions of them, and said that some Caciques,
who lived about two days' journey inland, kept them
as slaves. We were all delighted at this news, and
Cortes told the Caciques that they mu& go at once
and summon the Spaniards, taking with them letters.
The Cacique advised Cortes to send a ransom to the
•owners who held these men as slaves, so that they
•should be allowed to come, and Cortes did so, and
gave to the messengers all manner of beads. Then
he ordered the two smallest vessels to be got ready,
under the command of Diego de Ordas, and he sent
them off to the coaSt near Cape Catoche where the
larger vessel was to wait for eight days while the
smaller vessel should go backwards and forwards
and bring news of what was being done, for the land
of Cape Catoche was only four leagues distant.
In two days the letters were delivered to a Spaniard
named Jeronimo de Aguilar, for that we found to be
AGUILAR AND GUERRERO
his name. When he had read the letter and received
the ransom of beads which we had sent to him he was
delighted, and carried the ransom to the Cacique
his masher, and begged leave to depart, and the Cacique
at once gave him leave to go wherever he pleased.
Aguilar set out for the place, five leagues distant,
where his companion Gonzalo Guerrero was living,
but when he read the letter to him he answered :
" Brother Aguilar, I am married and have three
children and the Indians look on me as a Cacique and
captain in wartime — You go, and God be with you,
but I have my face tattooed and my ears pierced,
what would the Spaniards say should they see me
in this guise ? and look how handsome these boys of
mine are, for God's sake give me those green beads
you have brought, and I will give the beads to them
and say that my brothers have sent them from my own
country/' And the Indian wife of Gonzalo spoke to
Aguilar in her own tongue very angrily and said to
him : " What is this slave coming here for talking to
my husband — go off with you, and don't trouble
us with any more words."
When Jeronimo de Aguilar saw that Gonzalo would
not accompany him he went at once, with the two
Indian messengers, to the place where the ship had
been awaiting his coming, but when he arrived he saw
no ship for she had already departed. The eight days
during which Ordas had been ordered to await and
one day more had already expired, and seeing that
Aguilar had not arrived Ordas returned to Cozumel
without bringing any news about that for which he
had come.
When Aguilar saw that there was no ship there he
became very sad, and returned to his ma&er and to
the town where he usually lived.
When Cortes saw Ordas return without success
or any news of the Spaniards or Indian messengers
9*
FLEET RETURNS TO COZUMEL
he was very angry, and said haughtily to Ordds that
he thought that he would have done better than to
return without the Spaniards or any news of them,
for it was quite clear that they were prisoners in that
country.
CHAPTER XVIII
WE embarked again, and set sail on a day in the
month of March, 1519, and went on our way in fair
weather. At ten o'clock that same morning loud
shouts were given from one of the ships, which tried
to lay to, and fired a shot so that all the vessels of the
fleet might hear it, and when Cortes heard this he at
once checked the flagship and seeing the ship com-
manded by Juan de Escalante bearing away and
returning towards Cozumel, he cried out to the other
ships which were near him : " What is the matter ?
What is the matter ? " And a soldier named Luis de
Zaragoza answered that Juan de Escalante's ship
with all the Cassava bread on board was sinking, and
Cort6s cried, " Pray God that we suffer no such
disafter ", and he ordered the Pilot Alaminos to make-
signal to all the other ships to return to Cozumel.
When the Spaniard who was a prisoner among the
Indians, knew for certain that we had returned to
Cozumel with the ships, he was very joyful and gave
thanks to God, and he came in all ha&e with the two
Indians who had carried the letters and ransom,
and as he was able to pay well with the green beads
we had sent him, he soon hired a canoe and six Indian
rowers.
When they arrived on the coa& of Cozumel and
were disembarking, some soldiers who had gone out
hunting (for there were wild pigs on the island) told
92
ARRIVAL OF AGUILAR
Cortes that a large canoe, which had come from the
direftion of Cape Catoche, had arrived near the
town. Cortes sent Andres de Tapia and two other
soldiers to go and see, for it was a new thing for
Indians to come fearlessly in large canoes into our
neighbourhood. When Andres de Tapia saw that they
were only Indians, he at once sent word to Cortes
by a Spaniard that they were Cozumel Indians who
had come in the canoe. As soon as the men had landed,
one of them in words badly articulated and worse
pronounced, cried Dios y Santa Maria de Sevilla,,
and Tapia went at once to embrace him.
• * Tapia soon brought the Spaniard to Cortes but before
he arrived where Cortes was Standing, several Spaniards
asked Tapia where the Spaniard was ? although he
was walking by his side, for they could not distinguish
him from an Indian as he was naturally brown and he
had his hair shorn like an Indian slave, and carried a
paddle on his shoulder, he was shod with one old
sandal and the other was tied to his belt, he had on a
ragged old cloak, and a worse loin cloth, with which
he covered his nakedness, and he had tied up,- in a
bundle in his cloak, a Book of Hours, old and worn.
When Cortes saw him in this £tate, he too was deceived
like the other soldiers, and asked Tapia : " Where is
the Spaniard ? " On hearing this, the Spaniard
squatted down on his haunches as the Indians do
and said " I am he." Cortes at once ordered him to
be given a shirt and doublet and drawers and a cape
and sandals, for he had no other clothes, and asked
him about himself and what his name was and when
he came to this country. The man replied, pronouncing
with difficulty, that he was called Jeronimo de Aguilar,
a native of Ecija, and that he had taken holy orders,
that eight years had passed since he and fifteen other
men and two women left Darien for the Island of
Santo Domingo, and that the ship in which they
93
ARRIVAL OF AGUILAR
sailed, Struck on the Alacranes so that she could not
be floated, and that he and his companions and the
two women got into the ship's boat, thinking to reach
the Island of Cuba or Jamaica, but that the currents
were very Strong and carried them to this land, and
that the Calachiones of that diStrift had divided them
among themselves, and that many of his companions
had been sacrified to the Idols, and that others had
died of disease, and the women had died of overwork
only a short time before, for they had been made to
grind corn ; that the Indians had intended him for
a sacrifice, but that one night he escaped and fled to
the Cacique with whom since then he had been
living, and that none were left of all his party except
himself and a certain Gonzalo Guerrero, whom he
had gone to summon, but he would not come.
Cortes questioned Aguilar about the country and
the towns, but Aguilar replied that having been a
slave, he knew only about hewing wood and drawing
water and digging in the fields, that he had only
once travelled as far as four leagues from home when
he was sent with a load, but, as it was heavier than he
could carry, he fell ill, but that he understood that
there were very many towns. When questioned about
Gonzalo Guerrero, he said that he was married and
had three sons., and that his face was tattooed and his
ears and lower lip were pierced, that he was a seaman
and a native of Palos, and that the Indians considered
him to be very valiant ; that when a little more than
a year ago a captain and three vessels arrived at Cape
Catoche, it was at the suggestion of Guerrero that
the Indians attacked them, and that he was there
himself in the company of the Cacique of the large
town. When Cort6s heard this he exclaimed " I
wish I had him in my hands for it will never do to
leave him here."
On the advice of Aguilar the Caciques asked Cortes
94
A VESSEL MISSING
to give them a letter of recommendation, so that if
any other Spaniards came to that port they would treat
the Indians well and do them no harm, and this letter
was given to them.
CHAPTER XIX
ON the 4th March, 1519, with the good fortune to
carry such a useful and faithful interpreter along with
us, Cortes gave orders for us to embark in the same
order as before, and with the same lantern signals by
night.
We sailed along in good weather, until at nightfall
a head wind Struck us so fiercely that the ships were
dispersed and there was great danger of being driven
ashore. Thank God, by midnight the weather
moderated, and the ships got together again, excepting
the vessel under the command of Juan Velasquez de
Leon. However, when she Still failed to appear, it
was agreed that the whole fleet should go back and
search for the missing ship, and we found her at anchor
in a bay which was a great relief to us all. We Stayed
in that bay for a day and we lowered two boats and
went on shore and found farms and maize planta-
tions, and there were four Cues which are the houses
of their Idols, and there were many Idols in them, nearly
all of them figures of tall women so that we called that
place the Punta de las Mugeresi
On the 1 2th March, 1519, we arrived with all the
fleet at the Rio de Grijalva, which is also called
Tabasco, and as we already knew from our experience
with Grijalva that vessels of large size could not
enter into the river, the larger vessels were anchored
1 Punta de las Mugeres = the Cape of the Women.
95
THE RIO DE GRIJALVA
•out at sea, and from the smaller vessels and boats all
the soldiers were landed at the Cape of the Palms
(as they were in Grijalva's time) which was about half
.a league distant from the town of Tabasco, The river,
the river banks and the mangrove thickets were
swarming with Indians, at which those of us who
had not been here in Grijalva's time were much
astonished.
In addition to this there were assembled in the
town more than twelve thousand warriors all prepared
to make war on us, for at this time the town was of
considerable importance and other large towns were
subjeft to it and they had all made preparation for
war and were well supplied with arms.
The reason for this was that the people of Cham-
poton and Lazaro and the other towns in that neigh-
bourhood had looked upon the people of Tabasco as
cowards, and had told them so to their faces, because
they had given Grijalva the gold jewels and they said
that they were too faint hearted to attack us although
they had more towns and more warriors than the people
•of Champoton and Lazaro. This they said to annoy
them and added that they in their towns had attacked
us and killed fifty-six of us. So on account of these
taunts, which had been uttered, the people of Tabasco
had determined to take up arms.
When Cortes saw them drawn up ready for war he
told Aguilar the interpreter to ask the Indians who
passed near us, in a large canoe and who looked like
chiefs, what they were so much disturbed about, and
to tell them that we had not come to do them any harm,
tut were willing to give them some of the things
~we had brought with us and to treat them like brothers,
and we prayed them not to begin a war as they would
regret it, and much else was said to them about
keeping the peace. However, the more Aguilar talked
to them the more violent they became, and they said
96
THE SPANIARDS LAND
that they would kill us all if we entered their town, and
that it was fortified all round with fences and barricades
of large trunks of trees.
Aguilar spoke to them again and asked them to keep
the peace, and allow us to take water and barter our
goods with them for food, and permit us to tell the
Calachones x things which would be to their advantage
and to the service of God our Lord, but they ftill
persisted in saying that if we advanced beyond the
palm trees they would kill us.
When Cortes saw the £tate of affairs he ordered the
boats and small vessels to be got ready and ordered
three cannon to be placed in each boat and divided
the crossbowmen and musketeers among the boats.
We remembered that when we were here with Grijalva
we had found a narrow path which ran across some
Streams from the palm grove to the town, and Cortes
ordered three soldiers to find out in the night if that
path ran right up to the houses, and not to delay
in bringing the news, and these men found out that
it did lead there. After making a thorough examina-
tion of our surroundings the re£t of the day was spent
in arranging how and in what order we were to go in
the boats.
The next morning we had our arms in readiness
and after hearing mass Cort6s ordered the Captain
Alonzo de Avila and a hundred soldiers among whom
were ten crossbowmen, to go by the little path which
led to the town, and, as soon as he heard the guns fired,
to attack the town on one side while he attacked it on
the other. Cortes himself and all the other Captains
and soldiers went in the boats and light draft vessels
up the river. When the Indian warriors who were
on the banks and among the mangroves saw that we
were really on the move, they came after us with a
great many canoes with intent to prevent our going
1 Cakchiones (?)
97
ATTACK TABASCO
ashore at the landing place, and the whole river bank
appeared to be covered with Indian warriors carrying
all the different arms which they use, and blowing
trumpets and shells and sounding drums. When
Cortes saw how matters £tood he ordered us to wait a
little and not to fire any shots from guns or crossbows
or cannon, for as he wished to be justified in all that
he might do he made another appeal to the Indians
through the Interpreter Aguilar, in the presence of
the King's Notary, Diego de Godoy, asking the
Indians to allow us to land and take water and speak
to them about God and about His Majesty, and adding
that should they make war on us, that if in defending
ourselves some should be killed and others hurt, theirs
would be the fault and the burden and it would not
lie with us, but they went on threatening that if we
landed they would kill us.
Then they boldly began to let fly arrows at us, and
made signals with their drums, and like valiant men
they surrounded us with their canoes, and they all
attacked us with such a shower of arrows that they
kept us in the water in some parts up to our waifts.
As there was much mud and swamp at that place we
could not easily get clear of it, and so many Indians
fell on us, that what with some hurling their lances
with all their might and others shooting arrows at us,
we could not reach the land as soon as we wished.
While Cortes was fighting he loSt a shoe in the mud
and could not find it again, and he got on shore with
one foot bare. Presently someone picked the shoe out
of the mud and he put it on again.
While this was happening to Cortes, all of us
Captains as well as soldiers, with the cry of
" Santiago ! " fell upon the Indians and forced them
to retreat, but they did not fall back far, as they
sheltered themselves behind great barriers and
blockades formed of thick logs until we pulled them
THE INDIANS DEFEATED
apart and got to one of the small gateways of the
town. There we attacked them again, and we pushed
them along through a street to where other defences
had been erefted, and there they turned on us and met
us face to face and fought moSt valiantly, making the
greatest efforts, shouting and whistling and crying
out " al calacheoni ", " al calacheoni ", which in their
language meant an order to kill or capture our Captain.
While we were thus surrounded by them Alonzo de
Avila and his soldiers came up.
As I have already said they came from the Palm
grove by land and could not arrive sooner on account
of the swamps and creeks. Their delay was really
unavoidable, juSt as we also had been delayed over the
summons of the Indians to surrender, and in breaking
openings in the barricades, so as to enable us to attack
them. Now we all joined together to drive the enemy
out of their Strongholds, and we compelled them to
retreat, but like brave warriors they kept on shooting
showers of arrows and fire-hardened darts, and never
turned their backs on us until [we gained] a great
court with chambers and large halls, and three Idol
houses, where they had already carried all the goods
they possessed. Cortes then ordered us to halt, and
not to follow on and overtake the enemy in their
flight.
There and then Cortes took possession of that land
for His Majesty, performing the aft in His Majesty's
name. It was done in this way ; he drew his sword and
as a sign of possession he made three cuts in a huge
tree called a Cetba^ which &ood in the court of that
great square, and cried that if any person should raise
objection, that he would defend the right with the
sword and shield which he held in his hands.
All of us soldiers who were present when this
happened cried out that he did right in taking possession
of the land in His Majesty's name, and that we would
99
FLIGHT OF MELCHOREJO
aid him should any person say otherwise. This aft
was done in the presence of the Royal Notary. The
partizans of Diego Velasquez chose to grumble at
this a£h of taking possession.
I call to mind that in that hard fought attack
which the Indians made on us, they wounded fourteen
soldiers, and they gave me an arrow wound in the
thigh, but it was only a slight wound ; and we found
eighteen Indians dead in the water where we disem-
barked.
We slept there [in the great square] that night with
guards and sentinels on the alert.
CHAPTER XX
THE next morning Cortes ordered Pedro de Alvarado
to set out in command of a hundred soldiers, fifteen
of them with guns and crossbows, to examine the
country inland for a distance of two leagues, and to
take Melchorejo the interpreter in his company.
When Melchorejo was looked for he could not be
found as he had run off with the people of Tabasco,
and it appears that the day before he had left the
Spanish clothes that had been given to him hung up
in the palm grove, and had fled by night in a canoe.
Cortes was much annoyed at his flight, fearing that
he would tell things to his fellow countrymen to our
disadvantage — well, let him go as a bit of bad luck,
and let us get back to our £tory. Cortes also sent the
Captain Francisco de Lugo, in another direftion, with
a hundred soldiers, twelve of them musketeers and
crossbowmen, with instructions not to go beyond two
leagues and to return to the camp to sleep.
When Francisco de Lugo and his company had
marched about a league from camp he came on a great
of Indian archers carrying lances and shields,
100
THE INDIANS ATTACK
drums and Standards and they made Straight for our
company of soldiers and surrounded them on all
sides. They were so numerous and shot their arrows
so deftly that it was impossible to withstand them, and
they hurled their fire-hardened darts and caft ftones
from their slings in such numbers that they fell like
hail, and they attacked our men with their two-handed
knife-like swords,1 Stoutly as Francisco de Lugo and
his soldiers fought, they could not ward off the enemy,
and when this ^ was clear to them, while £till keeping
a good formation, they began to retreat towards the
camp. A certain Indian, a swift and daring runner,
had been sent off to the camp to beg Cortes to come
to their assistance, meanwhile Francisco de Lugo by
careful management of his musketeers and cross-
bowmen, some loading while others fired, and by
occasional charges was able to hold his own again&
all the squadrons attacking him.
Let us leave him in the dangerous situation I have
described and return to Captain Pedro de Alvarado,
who after marching about a league came on a creek
which was very difficult to cross, and it pleased God
our Lord so to lead him that he should return by another
road in the direction where Francisco de Lugo was
fighting. When he heard the reports of the muskets
and the great din of drums and trumpets and the
shouts and whittles of the Indians, he knew that
there mu& be a battle going on, so with the greatest
ha£te but in good order he ran towards the cries
and shots and found Captain Francisco de Lugo and
his men fighting with their faces to the enemy, and
five of the enemy lying dead. As soon as he joined
forces with Francisco de Lugo they turned on the
Indians and drove them back, but they were not able
to put them to flight, and the Indians followed our
men right up to the camp.
Macanas> or Maquahuith : edged with flint or obsidian.
J.rj.t*(,M/>CtJ, U± JiTJ-UyUUUIAl.!,.
IOI
THE SCOUTING PARTIES
In like manner other companies of warriors had
attacked us where Cortes was guarding the wounded,
but we soon drove them off with our guns, which laid
many of them low, and with our good sword play.
When Cortes heard of Francisco de Lugo's peril
from the Cuban Indian who came to beg for help, we
promptly went to his assistance, and we met the two
captains with their companies about half a league from
the camp. Two soldiers of Francisco de Lugo's com-
pany were killed and eight wounded, and three of
Pedro de Alvarado's company were wounded. When
we arrived in camp we buried the dead and tended the
wounded, and Stationed sentinels and kept a £lrid
watch.
In those skirmishes we killed fifteen Indians and
captured three, one of whom seemed to be a chief, and
through Aguilar, our interpreter, we asked them why
they were so mad as to attack us, and that they could
see that we should kill them if they attacked us again.
Then one of these Indians was sent with some beads to
give to the Caciques to bring them to peace, and that
messenger told us that the Indian Melchorejo whom
we had brought from Cape Catoche, went to the chiefs
the night before and counselled them to fight us day
and night, and said that they would conquer us as we
were few in number ; so it turned out that we had
brought an enemy with us instead of a help.
This Indian, whom we despatched with the message
went off and never returned. From the other two
Indian prisoners Aguilar the interpreter learnt for
certain that by the next day the Caciques from all
the neighbouring towns of the province would have
assembled with all their forces ready to make war on
us, and that they would come and surround our camp,
for that was Melchorejo's advice to them.
As soon as Cortes knew this for certain, he ordered
all the horses to be landed from the ships without
102
HORSES DISEMBARKED
delay, and the crossbowmen and musketeers and all
of us soldiers, even those who were wounded, to have
our arms ready for use*
When the horses were brought on shore they were
were very Stiff and afraid to move, for they had been
many days on board ship, but the next day they moved
quite freely.
At that time it happened that six or seven sold'ers,
young men and otherwise in good health, suffered from
pains in their loins, so that they could not Sand on their
feet and had to be carried on men's backs. We did
not know what this sickness came from, some say that
they fell ill on account of the [quilted] cotton armour
which they never took off, but wore day and night,
and because in Cuba they had lived daintily and were
not used to hard work, so in the heat they fell ill.
Cortes ordered them not to remain on land but to be
taken at once on board ship.
The be£t horses and riders were chosen to form
the cavalry, and the horses had little bells attached to
their breastplates. The men were ordered not to
£lop to spear those who were down, but to aim their
lances at the faces of the enemy.
Thirteen gentlemen were chosen to go on horse-
back with Cortes in command of them, and I here
record their names : — Cortes, Cristoval de Olid, Pedro
de Alvarado, Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero, Juan
de Escalante, Francisco de Montejo, and Alonzo de
Avila to whom was given the horse belonging to
Ortiz the musician and Bartolome Garcia, for neither
of these men were good horsemen, Juan Velasquez de
Leon, Francisco de Morla, and Lares the good
horseman, Gonzalo Dominguez, an excellent horse-
man, Moron of Bayamo, and Pedro Gonzalez of
Trujillo. Cortes selected all these gentlemen and
went himself as their captain.
Cortes ordered Mesa the artilleryman to have his
103
PREPARATIONS FOR ADVANCE
guns ready, and he placed Diego de Ordas in command
of us foot soldiers and he also had command of the
musketeers and bowmen, for he was no horseman.
Very early the next day which was the day of Nueftra
Sefiora de Marzo [Lady-day, 2^th March] after hear-
ing mass, which was said by Fray Bartolome de
Olmedo, we formed in order under our Standard
bearer, and marched to some large savannas where
Francisco de Lugo and Pedro de Alvarado had been
attacked, about a league distant from the camp we
had left ; and that savanna and township was called
Cintla, and was subject to Tabasco.
Cort6s [and the horsemen] were separated a short
distance from us on account of some swamps which
could not be crossed by the horses, and as we were
marching along we came on the whole force of Indian
warriors who were on the way to attack us in our
camp. It was near the town of Cintla that we met
them on an open plain.
As they approached us their squadrons were so
numerous that they covered the whole plain, and they
rushed on us like mad dogs completely surrounding
us, and they let fly such a cloud of arrows, javelins and
ftones that on the fir£t assault they wounded over
seventy of us, and fighting hand to hand they did us
great damage with their lances, and one soldier fell
dead at once from an arrow wound in the ear, and they
kept on shooting and wounding us. With our muskets
and crossbows and with good sword play we did not
fail as £tout fighters, and when they came to feel the
edge of our swords little by little they fell back, but
it was only so as to shoot at us in greater safety. Mesa,
our artilleryman, killed many of them with his cannon,
for they were formed in great squadrons and they did
not open out so that he could fire at them as he
pleased, but with all the hurts and wounds which we
gave them, we could not drive them off. I said to
104
THE BATTLE OF CINTLA
Diego de Ordas : "it seems to me that we ought
to close up and charge them ", for in truth they
suffered greatly from the Strokes and thrusts of our
swords, and that was why they fell away from us, both
from fear of these swords, and the better to shoot their
arrows and hurl their javelins and the hail of Atones.
Ordas replied that it was not good advice, for there
were three hundred Indians to every one of us, and
that we could not hold out against such a multitude —
so there we £lood enduring their attack. However,
we did agree to get as near as we could to them, as I
had advised Ordas, so as to give them a bad time with
our swordsmanship, and they suffered so much from
it that they retreated towards a swamp.
During all this time Cortes and his horsemen failed
to appear, although we greatly longed for him, and
we feared that by chance some disaster had befallen
him.
I remember that when we fired shots the Indians
gave great shouts and whi&les and threw du£t and
rubbish into the air so that we should not see the
damage done to them, and they sounded their trumpets
and drums and shouted and whirled and cried
"Alalal Alala!"
Ju£t at this time we caught sight of our horsemen,
and as the great Indian ho£t was crazed with its attack
on us, it did not at once perceive them coming up
behind their backs, and as the plain was level ground
and the horsemen were good riders, and many of the
horses were very handy and fine gallopers, they came
quickly on the enemy and speared them as they chose.
As soon as we saw the horsemen we fell on the Indians
with such energy that with us attacking on one side
and the horsemen on the other, they soon turned tail.
The Indians thought that the horse and its rider was
all one animal, for they had never seen horses up to
this time.
105
VICTORY OF SPANIARDS
The savannas and fields were crowded with Indians
running to take refuge in the thick woods near by.
After we had defeated the enemy, Cortes told us
that he had not been able to come to us sooner as there
was a swamp in the way, and he had to fight his way
through another force of warriors before he could
reach us, and three horsemen and five horses had been
wounded.
As it was Lady-day we gave to the town which was
afterwards founded here the name of Santa Maria
de la Victoria, on account of this great victory being
won on Our Lady's day. This was the fir& battle that
we fought under Cortes in New Spain.
After this we bound up the hurts of the wounded
with cloths, for we had nothing else, and we doftored
the horses by searing their wounds with the fat from
the body of a dead Indian which we cut up to get out
the fat, and we went to look at the dead lying on the
plain and there were more than eight hundred of them,
the greater number killed by thrusts, the others by the
cannon, muskets and crossbows, and many were
Stretched on the ground half dead. Where the horse-
men had passed, numbers of them lay dead or groaning
from their wounds. The battle lasted over an hour,
and the Indians fought all the time like brave warriors,
until the horsemen came up.
We took five prisoners, two of them Captains. As
it was late and we had had enough of fighting, and
we had not eaten anything, we returned to our camp.
Then we buried the two soldiers who had been killed,
one by a wound in the ear, and the other by a wound
in the throat, and we seared the wounds of the others
and of the horses with the fat of the Indian, and after
polling sentinels and guards, we had supper and
rented.
106
MESSENGERS DESPATCHED
CHAPTER XXI
WHEN Aguilar spoke to the prisoners he found out
from what they said that they were fit persons to be
sent as messengers, and he advised Cortes to free
them, so that they might go and talk to the Caciques
of the town. These two messengers were given green
and blue beads, and Aguilar spoke many pleasant
and flattering words to them, telling them that they
had nothing to fear as we wished to treat them like
brothers, that it was their own fault that they had
made war on us, and that now they had better colleft
together all the Caciques of the different towns as
we wished to talk to them, and he gave them much
other advice in a gentle way so as to gain their good
will. The messengers went off willingly and spoke to
the Caciques and chief men, and told them all we
wished them to know about our desire for peace.
When our envoys had been listened to, it was
settled among them that fifteen Indian slaves, all
with Stained faces and ragged cloaks and loin cloths,
should at once be sent to us with fowls and baked fish
and maize cakes. When these men came before Cortes
he received them graciously, but Aguilar the inter-
preter asked them rather angrily why they had come
with their faces in that £tate, that it looked more as
though they came to fight than to treat for peace ;
and he told them to go back to the Caciques and
inform them, that if they wished for peace in the way
we offered it, chieftains should come and treat for it,
as was always the custom, and that they should not
send slaves. But even these painted faced slaves were
treated with consideration by us and blue beads were
sent by them in sign of peace, and to soothe their
feelings.
107
MESSENGERS DESPATCHED
The next day thirty Indian Chieftains, clad in good
cloaks, came to visit us, and brought fowls, fish, fruit
and maize cakes, and asked leave from Cortes to burn
and bury the bodies of the dead who had fallen in the
recent battles, so that they should not smell badly or
be eaten by lions and tigers. Permission was at once
given them and they hastened to bring many people
to bury and burn the bodies according to their
customs.
Cortes learnt from the Caciques that over eight
hundred men were missing, not counting those who
had been carried off wounded.
They said that they could not tarry with us either to
discuss the matter or make peace, for on the morrow
the chieftains and leaders of all the towns would
have assembled, and that then they would agree
about a peace.
As Cort6s was very sagacious about everything^
he said, laughing, to us soldiers who happened to be
in his company, " Do you know, gentlemen, that it
seems to me that the Indians are terrified at the horses
and may think that they and the cannon alone make
war on them. I have thought of something which
will confirm this belief, and that is to bring the mare
belonging to Juan Sedeno, which foaled the other day
on board ship, and tie her up where I am now ^handing
and also to bring the &allion of Ortiz the musician,
which is very excitable, near enough to scent the
mare, and when he has scented her to lead each of them
off separately so that the Caciques who are coming shall
not hear the horse neighing as they approach, not
until they are Standing before me and are talking to
me." We did juSt as Cortes ordered and brought the
horse and mare, and the horse soon detefted the scent
of her in Cortes* quarters. In addition to this Cortes
ordered the largelt cannon that we possessed to be
loaded with a large ball and a good charge of powder.
1 08
THE CACIQUES ASK PARDON
About mid-day forty Indians arrived, all of them
Caciques of good bearing, wearing rich mantles.
They saluted Cortes and all of us, and brought incense
and fumigated all of us who were present, and they
asked pardon for their paS behaviour, and said that
henceforth they would be friendly.
Cortes, through Aguilar the Interpreter, answered
them in a rather grave manner, as though he were
angry, that they well knew how many times he had
asked them to maintain peace, that the fault was theirs,
and that now they deserved to be put to death, they
and all the people of their towns, but that as we were
the vassals of a great King and Lord named the
Emperor Don Carlos, who had sent us to these
countries, and ordered us to help and favour those
who would enter his royal service, that if they were
now as well disposed as they said they were, that
we would take this course, but that if they were not,
some of those Tepu&tes would jump out and kill them
(they call iron Tepu&le in their language) for some of
the FepuSlles were Sill angry because they had made
war on us. At this moment the order was secretly
given to put a match to the cannon which had been
loaded, and it went off with such a thunderclap as
was wanted, and the ball went buzzing over the hills,
and as it was mid-day and very Sill it made a great
noise, and the Caciques were terrified on hearing it.
As they had never seen anything like it they believed
what Cortes had told them was true. Then Cortes
told them, through Aguilar, not to be afraid for he had
given orders that no harm should be done to them.
JuS then the horse that had scented the mare was
brought and tied up not far distant from where Cortes
was talking to the Caciques, and the horse began to
paw the ground and neigh and become wild with
excitement, looking all the time towards the Indians
and the place whence the scent of the mare had
109
DOINA MARINA
reached him, and the Caciques thought that he was
roaring at them and they were terrified. When Cortes
observed their ftate of mind, he rose from his seat and
went to the horse and told two orderlies to lead it
far away, and said to the Indians that he had told the
horse not to be angry as they were friendly and wished
to make peace.
While this was going on there arrived more than
thirty Indian carriers, who brought a meal of fowls
and fish and fruits and other food.
Cortes had a long conversation with these chieftains
and Caciques and they told him that they would all
come on the next day and would bring a present and
would discuss other matters, and then they went away
quite contented.
CHAPTER XXII
EARLY the next morning many Caciques and chiefs
of Tabasco and the neighbouring towns arrived and
paid great respeft to us all, and they brought a present
of gold, consi&ing of four diadems and some gold
lizards, and two [ornaments] like little dogs, and
earrings and five ducks, and two masks with Indian
faces and two gold soles for sandals, and some other
things of little value. I do not remember how much
the things were worth ; and they brought cloth, such
as they make and wear, which was quilted £hiff.
This present, however, was worth nothing in com-
parison with the twenty women that were given us,
among them one very excellent woman called Dona
Marina, for so she was named when she became a
Christian. Cortes received this present with pleasure
and went aside with all the Caciques, and with
Aguilar, the interpreter, to hold converse, and he
no
CACIQUES' REASONS FOR ATTACK
told them that he gave them thanks for what they had
brought with them, but there was one thing that he
mu£t ask of them, namely, that they should re-occupy
the town with all their people, women and children^
and he wished to see it repeopled within two days,.
for he would recognize that as a sign of true peace.
The Caciques sent at once to summon all the inhabi-
tants with their women and children and within two
days they were again settled in the town.
One other thing Cortes asked of the chiefs and that
was to give up their idols and sacrifices, and this they
said they would do, and, through Aguilar, Cortes
told them as well as he was able about matters con-
cerning our holy faith, how we were Christians and
worshipped one true and only God, and he showed
them an image of Our Lady with her precious Son in
her arms and explained to them that we paid the
greatest reverence to it as it was the image of the
Mother of our Lord God who was in heaven. The
Caciques replied that they liked the look of the great
Teleciguata (for in their language great ladies are
called Teleciguatas) and [begged] that she might be
given them to keep in their town, and Cortes said that
the image should be given to them, and ordered them?
to make a well-con&rufted altar, and this they did
at once.
The next morning, Cortes ordered two of our
carpenters, named Alonzo Yanez and Alvaro L6pez,
to make a very tall cross.
When all this had been settled Cortes asked the
Caciques what was their reason for attacking us three
times when we had asked them to keep the peace ;
the chief replied that he had already asked pardon for
their afts and had been forgiven, that the Cacique of
Champoton, his brother, had advised it, and that he
feared to be accused of cowardice, for he had already
been reproached and dishonoured for not having
in
" CULUA " AND " MEXICO "
attacked the other captain who had come with four
ships (he must have meant Juan de Grijalva) and he
also said that the Indian whom we had brought as an
Interpreter, who escaped in the night, had advised
them to attack us both by day and night,
Cortes then ordered this man to be brought before
him without fail, but they replied that when he saw
that the battle was going against them, he had taken
to flight, and they knew not where he was although
search had been made for him ; but we came to know
that they had offered him as a sacrifice because his
counsel had co£t them so dear.
Cortes also asked them where they procured their
gold and jewels, and they replied, from the direction
of the setting sun, and said " Culua " and " Mexico ",
and as we did not know what Mexico and Culua meant
we paid little attention to it.
Then we brought another interpreter named
Francisco, whom we had captured during Grijalva's
expedition, who has already been mentioned by me
but he understood nothing of the Tabasco language
only that of Culua which is the Mexican tongue.
By means of signs he told Cortes that Culua was far
ahead, and he repeated " Mexico " which we did not
understand.
So the talk ceased until the next day when the sacred
image of Our Lady and the Cross were set up on the
altar and we all paid reverence to them, and Padre
Fray Bartolome de Olmedo said mass and all the
Caciques and chiefs were present and we gave the name
of Santa Maria de la Victoria to the town, and by this
name the town of Tabasco is now called. The same
friar, with Aguilar as interpreter, preached many
good things about our holy faith to the twenty Indian
women who had been given us, and immediately
afterwards they were baptized. One Indian lady,
who was given to us here was christened Dofta
112
DONA MARINA
Marina, and she was truly a great chieftainess and the
daughter of great Caciques and the mi&ress of vassals,
and this her appearance clearly showed. Later on I
will relate why it was and in what manner she was
brought here.
Cortes allotted one of the women to each of his
captains and Dona Marina, as she was good looking
and intelligent and without embarrassment, he gave
to Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero. When Puerto-
carrero went to Spain, Dona Marina lived with Cortes,
and bore him a son named Don Martin Cortes.
We remained five days in this town, to look after
the wounded and those who were suffering from pain
in the loins, from which they all recovered. Further-
more, Cortes drew the Caciques to him by kindly
converse, and told them how our master the Emperor,
whose vassals we were, had under his orders many
great lords, and that it would be well for them also
to render him obedience, and that then, whatever they
might be in need of, whether it was our protection or
any other necessity, if they would make it known
to him, no matter where he might be, he would come
to their assistance.
The Caciques all thanked him for this, and there-
upon all declared themselves the vassals of our great
Emperor. These were the fir£t vassals, to render sub-
mission to His Maje&y in New Spain.
Cortes then ordered the Caciques to come with their
women and children early the next day, which was
Palm Sunday, to the altar, to pay homage to the holy
image of Our Lady and to the Cross, and at the same
time Cortes ordered them to send six Indian carpenters
to accompany our carpenters to the town of Cinda,
there to cut a cross on a great tree called a Ceiba, which
grew there, and they did it so that it might la& a long
time, for as the bark is renewed the cross will show
there for ever. When this was done he ordered the
CELEBRATION OF MASS
Indians to get ready all the canoes that they owned to
help us to embark, for we wished to set sail on that
holy day because the pilots had come to tell Cortes
that the ships ran a great risk from a Norther which
is a dangerous gale.
The next day, early in the morning, all the Caciques
and chiefs came in their canoes with all their women
and children and &ood in the court where we had
placed the church and cross, and many branches of
trees had already been cut ready to be carried in the
procession. Then the Caciques beheld us all, Cortes,
as well as the captains, and every one of us marching
together with the greatest reverence in a devout
? recession, and the Padre de la Merced and the priest
uan Diaz, clad in their vestments, said mass, and we
paid reverence to and kissed the Holy Cross, while the
Caciques and Indians £tood looking on at us.
When our solemn festival was over the chiefs
approached and offered Cortes ten fowls and baked
fish and vegetables, and we took leave of them, and
Cortes again commended to their care the Holy
image and the sacred crosses and told them always to
keep the place clean and well swept, and to deck the
cross with garlands and to reverence it and then
they would enjoy good health and bountiful harvests.
It was growing late when we got on board ship and
the next day, Monday, we set sail in the morning
and with a fair wind laid our course for San Juan de
Ulua, keeping close in shore all the time.
As we sailed along in the fine weather, we soldiers
who knew the coa& would say to Cortes, " Senor,
over there is La Rambla, which the Indians call
Ayagualulco," and soon afterwards we arrived off
Tonala which we called San Antonio, and we pointed
it out to him. Further on we showed him the great
river of Coatzacoalcos, and he saw the lofty snow capped
mountains, and then the Sierra of San Martin, and
114
STORY OF DONA MARINA
further on we pointed out the split rock, which is a
great rock Standing out in the sea with a mark on the
top of it which gives it the appearance of a seat.
Again further on we showed him the Rio de Alvarado,
which Pedro de Alvarado entered when we were with
Grijalva, and then we came in sight of the Rio de
Banderas, where we had gained in barter the sixteen
thousand dollars, then we showed him the Isla Blanca,
and told him where lay the Isla Verde, and close in
shore we saw the Isla de Sacrificios, where we found
the altars and the Indian victims in Grijalva's time ;
and at la£b our good fortune brought us to San Juan
de Ulria soon after midday on Holy Thursday.
CHAPTER XXIII
BEFORE telling about the great Montezuma and his
famous City of Mexico and the Mexicans, I wish to
give some account of Dona Marina, who from her
childhood had been the mistress and Cacica of towns
and vassals. It happened in this way :
Her father and mother were chiefs and Caciques
of a town called Paynala, which had other towns
subjeft to it, and &ood about eight leagues from
the town of Coatzacoalcos. Her father died while
she was £till a little child, ar^d her mother married
another Cacique, a young man, and bore him a son.
It seems that the father and mother had a great
affeftion for this son and it was agreed between them
that he should succeed to their honours when their
days were done. So that there should be no impedi-
ment to this, they gave the little girl, Dona Marina,
to some Indians from Xicalango, and this they did
by night so as to escape observation, and they then
STORY OF DONA MARINA
spread the report that she had died, and as it happened
at this time that a child of one of their Indian slaves
died they gave out that it was their daughter and the
heiress who was dead.
The Indians of Xicalango gave the child to the
people of Tabasco and the Tabasco people gave her
to Cortes. I myself knew her mother, and the old
woman's son and her half-brother, when he was
already grown up and ruled the town jointly with his
mother, for the second husband of the old lady was
dead. When they became Christians, the old lady
was called Marta and the son Lazaro. I knew all this
very well because in the year 1523 after the conqueft
of Mexico and the other provinces, when Cristoval
de Olid revolted in Honduras, and Cortes was on
his way there, he passed through Coatzacoalcos and
I and the greater number of the settlers of that town
accompanied him on that expedition as I shall relate
in the proper time and place. As Dona Marina
proved herself such an excellent woman and good
interpreter throughout the wars in New Spain, Tlascala
and Mexico (as I shall show later on) Cortes always
took her with him, and during that expedition she
was married to a gentleman named Juan Jaramillo
at the town of Orizaba.
Dona Marina was a person of the greatest importance
and was obeyed without que£lion by the Indians
throughout New Spain.
When Cortes was in the town of Coatzacoalcos he
sent to summon to his presence all the Caciques of
that province in order to make them a speech about
our holy religion, and about their good treatment,
and among the Caciques who assembled was the
mother of Dona Marina and her half-brother, Lazaro.
Some time before this Dona Marina had told me
that she belonged to that province and that she was
the mistress of vassals, and Cortes also knew it well,
116
STORY OF DONA MARINA
as did Aguilar, the interpreter. In such a manner it
was that mother, daughter and son came together,
and it was easy enough to see that she was the daughter
from the Strong likeness she bore to her mother.
These relations were in great fear of Dona Marina,
for they thought that she had sent for them to put
them to death, and they were weeping.
When Dona Marina saw them in tears, she consoled
them and told them to have no fear, that when they
had given her over to the men from Xicalango, they
knew not what they were doing, and she forgave them
for doing it, and she gave them many jewels of gold
and raiment, and told them to return to their town,
and said that God had been very gracious to her in
freeing her from the worship of idols and making her
a Christian, and letting her bear a son to her lord and
master Cortes and in marrying her to such a gentle-
man as Juan Jaramillo, who was now her husband.
That she would rather serve Rer husband and Cortes
than anything else in the world, and would not
exchange her place to be Cacica of all the provinces in
New Spain.
Dona Marina knew the language of Coatzacoalcos,
which is that common to Mexico, and she knew the
language of Tabasco, as did also Jeronimo de Aguilar,
who spoke the language of Yucatan and Tabasco,
which is one and the same. So that these two could
underhand one another clearly, and Aguilar translated
into Ca£Hlian for Cort£s.
This was the great beginning of our conquers
and. thus, thanks be to God, things prospered with
us. I have made a point of explaining this matter,
because without the help of Dona Marina we could
not have underwood the language of New Spain and
Mexico.
117
BOOK III
THE MARCH INLAND
CHAPTER XXIV
ON Holy Thursday, in the year 1519, we arrived with
all the fleet at the Port of San Juan de UMa, and as
the Pilot Alaminos knew the place well from having
come there with Juan de Grijalva he at once ordered
the vessels to drop anchor where they would be safe
from the northerly gales. The flagship hoisted her
royal Standards and pennants, and within half an
hour of anchoring, two large canoes came out to us,
full of Mexican Indians. Seeing the big ship with
the Standards flying they knew that it was there they
irmSt go to speak with the captain ; so they went
direft to the flagship and going on board asked who
was the Tatuan x which in their language means the
chief. Dona Marina who underwood the language
well, pointed him out. Then the Indians paid many
marks of respeft to Cortes, according to their usage,
and bade him welcome, and said that their lord, a
servant of the great Montezuma, had sent them to
ask what kind of men we were, and of what we were
in search, and added that if we were in need of any-
thing for ourselves or the ships, that we should tell
them and they would supply it. Our Cortes thanked
them through the two interpreters, Aguilar and Dona
Marina, and ordered food and wine to be given them
and some blue beads, and after they had drunk he
told them that we came to see them and to trade with
them and that our arrival in their country should cause
1 Tlatoan.
118
SAN JUAN DE ULUA
them no uneasiness but be looked on by them as
fortunate. The messengers returned on shore well
content, and the next day, which was Good Friday,
we disembarked with the horses and guns, on some
sand hills which rise to a considerable height, for
there was no level land, nothing but sand dunes ; and
the artilleryman Mesa placed the guns in position
to the be£l of his judgment. Then we set up an altar
where mass was said and we made huts and shelters
for Cortes and the captains, and three hundred of the
soldiers brought wood and made huts for themselves
and we placed the horses where they would be safe
and in this way was Good Friday passed.
The next day, Saturday, Easier Eve, many Indians
arrived sent by a chief who was a governor under
Montezuma, named Pitalpitoque l (whom we after-
wards called Ovandillo), and they brought axes and
dressed wood for the huts of the Captain Cortes and
the other ranchos near to it, and covered them with
large cloths on account of the Strength of the sun,
for the heat was very great — and they brought fowls,
and maize cakes and plums, which were then in
season, and I think that they brought some gold jewels,
and they presented all these things to Cortes ; and
said that the next day a governor would come and
would bring more food. Cortes thanked them heartily
and ordered them to be given certain articles in
exchange with which they went away well content.
The next day, Easter Sunday, the governor whom they
spoke of arrived. His name was Tendile,2 a man of
affairs, and he brought with him Pitalpitoque who was
also a man of importance among^l the natives and there
followed them many Indians with presents of fowls
and vegetables. Tendile ordered these people to
£tand aside on a hillock and with much humility he
made three obeisances to Cortes according to their
1 Pitalpitoque = -Cuitklpitoc. 2 Teuhtlilli.
119
GOVERNOR OF THE PROVINCE
cufbm, and then to all the soldiers who were landing
around. Cortes bade them welcome through our
interpreters and embraced them and asked them to
wait, as he wished presently to speak to them. Mean-
while he ordered an altar to be made as well as it
could be done in the time, and Fray Bartolome de
Olmedo, who was a fine singer, chanted Mass, and
Padre Juan Diaz assifted, and the two governors and
the other chiefs who were with them looked on. When
Mass was over, Cortes and some of our captains and
the two Indian Officers of the great Montezuma dined
together. When the tables had been cleared away —
Cortes went aside with the two Caciques and our two
interpreters and explained to them that we were
Christians and vassals of the greatest lord on earth
who had many great princes as his vassals and servants,
and that it was at his orders that we had come to this
country, because for many years he had heard rumours
about the country and the great prince who ruled it.
That he wished to be friends with this prince and to
tell him many things in the name of the Emperor
which things, when he knew and under&ood them,
would please him greatly. Moreover, he wished to
trade with their prince and his Indians in good friend-
ship, and he wanted to know where this prince would
wish that they should meet so that they might confer
together. Tendile replied somewhat proudly, and
said : — " You have only ju£fc now arrived and you
already ask to speak with our prince ; accept now
this present which we give you in his name, and after-
wards you will tell me what you think fitting." With
that he took out a petaca — which is a sort of che£t,
many articles of gold beautifully and richly worked
and ordered ten loads of white cloth made of cotton
and feathers to be brought, wonderful things to see,
besides quantities of food. Cortes received it all with
smiles in a gracious manner and gave in return, beads
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VISITS THE SPANISH CAMP
of twined glass and other small beads from Spain,,
and he begged them to send to their towns to ask the
people to come and trade with us as he had brought
many beads to exchange for gold, and they replied
that they would do as he asked. Cortes then ordered
his servants to bring an arm-chair, richly carved and
inlaid and some margaritas^ Clones with many [intricate]
designs in them, and a firing of twilled glass beads.
packed in cotton scented with musk and a crimson
cap with a golden medal engraved with a figure of
St George on horseback, lance in hand, slaying the
dragon, and he told Tendile that he should send the
chair to his prince Montezuma, so that he could be
seated in it when he, Cortes, came to see and speak
with him, and that he should place the cap on his head,
and that the Clones and all the other things were
presents from our lord the King, as a sign of his
friendship, for he was aware that Montezuma was a
great prince, and Cortes asked that a day and a place
might be named where he could go to see Montezuma.
Tendile received the present and said that his lord
Montezuma was such a great prince that it would
please him to know our great King, and that he
would carry the present to him at once and bring back
a reply.
It appears that Tendile brought with him some clever
painters such as they had in Mexico and ordered them
to make piftures true to nature of the face and body of
Cortes and all his captains, and of the soldiers, ships,
sails and horses, and of Dona Marina and Aguilar,
even of the two greyhounds, and the cannon and
cannon balls, and all of the army we had brought with
us, and he carried the pictures to his mafter. Cortes
ordered our gunners to load the lombards with a great
charge of powder so that they should make a great
noise when they were fired off, and he told Pedro
de Alvarado that he and all the horsemen should get
121
PICTURES OF SPANIARDS
ready so that these servants of Montezuma might see
them gallop and told them to attach little bells to the
horses' breastplates. Cortes also mounted his horse
and said : "It would be well if we could gallop on
these sand dunes but they will observe that even when
on foot we get Stuck in the sand — let us go out to
the beach when the tide is low and gallop two and
two " — and to Pedro de Alvarado whose sorrel
coloured mare was a great galloper, and very handy,
he gave charge of all the horsemen.
All this was carried out in the presence of the two
ambassadors, and so that they should see the cannon
fired, Cortes made as though he wished again to speak
to them and a number of other chieftains, and the
lombards were fired off, and as it was quite Still at
that moment, the Stones went flying through the foreSt
resounding with a great din, and the two governors
and all the other Indians were frightened by things
so new to them, and ordered the painters to record
them so that Montezuma might see. It happened that
one of the soldiers had a helmet half gilt but somewhat
ruSty, and this Tendile noticed, for he was the more
forward of the two ambassadors, and said that he
wished to see it as it was like one that they possessed
which had been left to them by their ancestors of the
race from which they had sprung, and that it had
been placed on the head of their god — Huichilobos,1
and that their prince Montezuma would like to see
this helmet. So it was given to him, and Cortes
said to them that as he wished to know whether the
gold of this country was the same as that we find
in our rivers, they could return the helmet filled with
grains of gold so that he could send it to our great
Emperor. After this, Tendile bade farewell to Cortes
and to all of us and after many expressions of regard
from Cortes he took leave of him and said he would
1 Huitzilopochtli.
122
DRAWN BY MEXICAN ARTISTS
return with a reply without delay. After Tendile had
departed we found out that besides being an Indian
employed in matters of great importance, Tendile
was the mo£b aftive of the servants whom his master,
Montezuma, had in his employ, and he went with all
ha£te and narrated everything to his prince, and
showed him the pictures which had been painted and
the present which Cortes had sent. When the great
Montezuma gazed on it he was Struck with admira-
tion and received it on his part with satisfaction. When
he examined the helmet and that which was on his
Huichilobos, he felt convinced that we belonged to
the race which, as his forefathers had foretold would
come to rule over that land.
CHAPTER XXV
WHEN Tendile departed the other governor, Pital-
pitoque, Stayed in our camp and occupied some huts
a little distance from ours, and they brought Indian
women there to make maize bread, and brought fowls
and fruit and fish, and supplied Cortes and the
captains who fed with him. As for us soldiers, if we
did not hunt for shell fish on the beach, or go out
fishing, we did not get anything.
About that time, many Indians came from the towns
and some of them brought gold and jewels of little
value, and fowls to exchange with us for our goods,
which consisted of green beads and clear glass beads
and other articles, and with this we managed to supply
ourselves with food. Almost all the soldiers had brought
things for barter, as we learnt in Grijalva's time that
it was a good thing to bring beads — and in this
manner six or seven days passed by.
123
TENDILE RETURNS FROM MEXICO
Then one morning, Tendile arrived with more than
one hundred laden Indians, accompanied by a great
Mexican Cacique, who in his face, features and appear-
ance bore a Strong likeness to our Captain Cortes
and the great Montezuma had sent him purposely,
for it is said that when Tendile brought the portrait
of Cortes all the chiefs who were in Montezuma's
company said that a great chief named Quintalbor
looked exaftly like Cortes and that was the name of
the Cacique, who now arrived with Tendile ; and
as he was so like Cortes, we called them in camp " our
Cortes " and " the other Cort6s ". To go back to
my £tory, when these people arrived and came before
our Captain they fir£b of all kissed the earth and then
fumigated him and all the soldiers who were Standing
around him, with incense which they brought in
braziers of pottery. Cortes received them affectionately
and seated them near himself, and that chief who came
with the present had been appointed spokesman
together with Tendile. After welcoming us to the
country and after many courteous speeches had
passed he ordered the presents which he had brought
to be displayed, and they were placed on mats over
which were spread cotton cloths. The fir£t article
presented was a wheel like a sun, as big as a cart-
wheel, with many sorts of piftures on it, the whole of
fine gold, and a wonderful thing to behold, which
those who afterwards weighed it said was worth more
than ten thousand dollars. Then another wheel was
presented of greater size made of silver of great
brilliancy in imitation of the moon with other figures
shown on it, and this was of great value as it was very
heavy — and the chief brought back the helmet full of
fine grains of gold, juft as they are got out of the mines,
and this was worth three thousand dollars. This gold
in the helmet was worth more to us than if it had con-
tained twenty thousand dollars, because it showed us
124
MONTEZUMA'S GIFTS
that there were good mines there. Then were brought
twenty golden ducks, beautifully worked and very
natural looking, and some [ornaments] like dogs, and
many articles of gold worked in the shape of tigers and
lions and monkeys, and ten collars beautifully worked
and other necklaces ; and twelve arrows and a bow
with its String, and two rods like Staffs of justice, five
palms long, all in beautiful hollow work of fine gold.
Then there were presented cre&s of gold and plumes
of rich green feathers, and others of silver, and fans
of the same materials, and deer copied in hollow gold
and many other things that I cannot remember for
it all happened so many years ago, And then over
thirty loads of beautiful cotton cloth were brought
worked with many patterns and decorated with many
coloured feathers, and so many other things were there
that it is useless my trying to describe them for I know
not how to do it. When all these things had been
presented, this great Cacique Quintalbor and Tendile
asked Cortes to accept this present with the same
willingness with which his prince had sent it, and divide
it among the teules and men who accompanied him.
Cortes received the present with delight and then the
ambassadors told Cortes that they wished to repeat
what their prince, Montezuma, had sent them to
say. Fir£t of all they told him that he was pleased that
such valiant men, as he had heard that we were, should
come to his country, for he knew all about what we
had done at Tabasco, and that he would much like
to see our great emperor who was such a mighty
prince and whose fame was spread over so many lands,
and that he would send him a present of precious
Clones ; and that meanwhile we should £tay in that
port ; that if he could assist us in any way he would
do so with the greatest pleasure ; but as to the inter-
view, they should not worry about it ; that there was
no need for it and they (the ambassadors) urged many
125
THE AMBASSADORS RETURN
objections. Cort£s kept a good countenance, and
returned his thanks to them, and with many flattering
expressions gave each of the ambassadors two holland
shirts and some blue glass beads and other things,
and begged them to go back as his ambassadors to
Mexico and to tell their prince, the great Montezuma,
that as we had come across so many seas and had
journeyed from such distant lands solely to see and
speak with him in person, that if we should return
thus, that our great king and lord would not receive
us well, and that wherever their prince Montezuma
might be we wished to go and see him and do what
he might order us to do. The ambassadors replied
that they would go back and give this message to
their prince, but as to the question of the desired
interview — they considered it superfluous. By these
ambassadors Cortes sent what our poverty could
afford as a gift to Montezuma ; a glass cup of
Florentine ware, engraved with trees and hunting
scenes and gilt, and three holland shirts and other
things, and he charged the messengers to bring a
reply. The two governors set out and Pitalpitoque
remained in camp ; for it seems that the other servants
of Montezuma had given him orders to see that food
was brought to us from the neighbouring towns.
CHAPTER XXVI
As soon as the messengers had been sent off to Mexico,
Cortes despatched two ships to explore the coa&
further along, and to seek out a safe harbour, and
search for lands where we could settle, for it was
clear that we could not settle on those sand dunes,
both on account of the mosquitoes and the distance
126
MONTEZUMA AND CORTES
from other towns. They did as they were told and
arrived at the Rio Grande, which is close to Panuco.
They were not able to proceed any further on account
of the Strong currents. Seeing how difficult the
navigation had become, they turned round and made
for San Juan de UMa, without having made any
further progress.
I muft now go back to say that the Indian Pital-
pitoque, who remained behind to look after the food,
slackened his efforts to such an extent that no pro-
visions reached the camp and we were greatly in need
of food, for the cassava turned sour from the damp and
rotted and became foul with weevils and if we had not
gone hunting for shell fish we should have had nothing
to eat. The Indians who used to come bringing
gold and fowls for barter, did not come in such
numbers as on our fir£t arrival, and those who did
come were very shy and cautious and we began to
count the hours that muft elapse before the return of
the messengers who had gone to Mexico. We were
thus waiting when Tendile returned accompanied
by many Indians, and after having paid their respefts
in the usual manner by fumigating Cort6s and the reft
of us with incense, he presented ten loads of fine rich
feather cloth, and four chalchihuites, which are green
Clones of very great value, and held in the greatest
esteem among the Indians, more than emeralds are
by us, and certain other gold articles. Not counting
the chalchihuites, the gold alone was said to be worth
three thousand dollars. Then Tendile and Pitalpitoque
went aside with Cortes and Dona Marina and Aguilar,
and reported that their prince Montezuma had accepted
the present and was greatly pleased with it, but as
to an interview, that no more should be said about it ;
that these rich Atones of chalchihuite should be sent
to the great Emperor as they were of the highest value>
127
CORTES TELLS THE MEXICANS
each one being worth more and being esteemed more
highly than a great load of gold, and that it was not
worth while to send any more messengers to Mexico.
Cortes thanked the messengers and gave .them
presents, but it was certainly a disappointment to
him to be told so di£tinftly that we could not see
Montezuma, and he said to some soldiers who
happened to be Standing near : " Surely this mu£b be
a great and rich prince, and some day, please God, we
mu£t go and see him " — and the soldiers answered :
" We wish that we were already living with him ! "
Let us now leave this question of visits and relate
that it was now the time of the Ave Maria, and at the
.sound of a bell which we had in the camp we all fell
on our knees before a cross placed on a sand hill and
said our prayers of the Ave Maria before the cross.
When Tendile and Pitalpitoque saw us thus kneeling
as they were very intelligent, they asked what was
the reason that we humbled ourselves before a tree
cut in that particular way. As Cortes heard this remark
he said to the Padre de la Merced who was present :
" It is a good opportunity, father, as we have good
material at hand, to explain through our interpreters
matters touching our holy faith." And then he delivered
a discourse to the Caciques so fitting to the occasion
that no good theologian could have bettered it.
Cortes said many things very well expressed, which
they thoroughly under&ood, and they replied that
they would report them to their prince Montezuma.
Cortes also told them that one of the objefts for which
our great Emperor had sent us to their countries was
to abolish human sacrifices, and the other evil rites
which they practised and to see that they did not rob
one another, or worship those cursed images. And
Cortes prayed them to set up in their city, in the
temples where they kept the idols which they believed
to be gods, a cross like the one they saw before them,
128
ABOUT CHRISTIAN RELIGION
and to set up in the same place an image of Our
Lady, which he would give them, with her precious
son in her arms, and they would see how well it would
?o with them, and what our God would do for them,
recall to mind that on this lateft visit many Indians
came with Tendile who were wishing to barter articles
of gold, which, however, were of no great value. So
all the soldiers set about bartering, and the gold which
we gained by this barter we gave to the sailors who
were out fishing in exchange for their fish so as to get
something to eat, for otherwise we often underwent
great privations through hunger. Cortes was pleased
at this, although he pretended not to see what was
going on.
CHAPTER XXVII
WHEN the friends of Diego Velasquez saw that some
of us soldiers were bartering for gold, they asked
Cortes why he permitted it, and said that Diego
Velasquez did not send out the expedition in order
that the soldiers should carry off mo£t of the gold,
and that it would be as well to issue an order that for
the future no gold should be bartered for by anyone
but Cortes himself and that all the gold already
obtained should be displayed so that the royal fifth
might be taken from it, and that some suitable person
should be placed in charge of the treasury.
To all this Cortes replied that all they said was good,
and that they themselves should name that person, and
they chose Gonzalo Mejia. When this had been done,
Cortes turned to them with angry mien and said :
" Observe, gentlemen, that our companions are
suffering great hardships from want of food, and it is
for this reason that we ought to overlook things, so
129 K
BARTERING FOR GOLD
that they may all find something to eat ; all the more
so as the amount of gold they bargain for is but a
trifle — and God willing, we are going to obtain a
large amount of it. However, there are two sides
to everything ; the order has been issued that bartering
for gold shall cease, as you desired ; we shall see
next what we will get to eat."
I will go on to relate how, one morning, we woke up
to find not a single Indian in any of their huts, neither
those who used to bring the food, nor those who came
to trade, nor Pitalpitoque himself ; they had all fled
without saying a word. The cause of this, as we after-
wards learned, was that Montezuma had sent orders
to avoid further conversation with Cortes and those
in his company ; for it appears that Montezuma was
very much devoted to his idols, named Tezcatepuca,
and Huichilobos, the latter the god of war, and
Tezcatepuca the god of hell ; and daily he sacrificed
youths to them so as to get an answer from the gods
as to what he should do about us ; for Montezuma
had already formed a plan, if we did not go off in the
ships, to get us all into his power, and to raise a breed
of us and also to keep us for sacrifice. As we after-
wards found out, the reply given by the gods was
that he should not listen to Cortes, nor to the message
which he sent about setting up a cross and an image
of Our Lady, and that such things should not be
brought to the city. This was the reason why the
Indians left our camp without warning. When we
heard the news we thought that they meant to make
war on us, and we were very much on the alert. One
day, as I and another soldier were Stationed on some
sand dunes keeping" a look out, we saw five Indians
coming along the beach, and so as not to raise a scare
in camp over so small a matter, we permitted them to
approach. When they came up to us with smiling
countenances they paid us homage according to
130
MESSENGERS FROM TOTONACS
their custom, and made signs that we should take them
into camp. I told my companion to remain where he
was and I would accompany the Indians, for at that
time my feet were not as heavy as they are now that
I am old, and when we came before Cortes the Indians
paid him every mark of respeft and said : Lope luzio,
lope luzio — which in the Totonac language means :
" prince and great lord." These men had large holes
in their lower lips, some with £tone disks in them spotted
with blue, and others with thin leaves of gold. They
also had their ears pierced with large holes in which
were placed disks of ftone or gold, and in their dress
and speech they differed greatly from the Mexicans
who had been laying with us. When Dona Marina
and Aguilar, the Interpreters, heard the word Lope
luzio they did not underhand it, and Dona Marina
asked in Mexican if there were not among them
NahuatatoS) that is, interpreters of the Mexican
language, and two of the five answered yes, that they
understood and spoke it, and they bade us welcome
and said that their chief had sent them to ask who we
might be, and that it would please him to be of service
to such valiant men, for it appeared that they knew
about -our doings at Tabasco and Champoton, and
they added that they would have come to see us
before but for fear of the people of Culua who had
been with us (by Culua they meant Mexicans) and
that they knew that three days ago they had fled back
to their own country, and in the course of their talk
Cortes found out that Montezuma had opponents
and enemies, which he was delighted to hear, and
after flattering these five messengers and giving them
presents he bade them farewell, asking them to tell
their chief that he would very soon come and pay them
a visit. From this time on we called those Indians the
Lope luzios* I mu£l leave them now and go on to say
that in those sand dunes, where we were camped there
DISCONTENT
were always many mosquitos, both long-legged ones
and small ones which are called xexenes which are
worse than the large ones, and we could get no sleep
on account of them. We were very short of food and
the cassava bread was disappearing, and what there
was of it was very damp and foul with weevils. Some
of the soldiers who possessed Indians in the Island
of Cuba were continually sighing for their homes,
especially the friends and servants of Diego Velasquez.
When Cortes noted the £bate of affairs and the wishes
of these men he gave orders that we should go to the
fortified town which had been seen by Montejo and
the pilot, Alaminos, named Quiahuitztlan where the
ships would be under the protection of the rock which
I have mentioned. When arrangements were being
made for us to £tart, all the friends, relations and
servants of Diego Velasquez asked Cortes why he
wanted to make that journey without having any
provisions, seeing that there was no possibility of
going on any further and that over thirty-five soldiers
had already died in camp from wounds inflicted at
Tabasco, and from sickness and hunger ; that the
country we were in was a great one and the settle-
ments very thickly populated and that any day they
might make war on us ; that it would be much
better to return to Cuba and account to Diego Velasquez
for the gold gained in barter, which already amounted
to a large sum, and the great presents from Montezuma,
the sun and the silver moon and the helmet full of
golden grains from the mines, and all the cloths and
jewels already mentioned by me. Cortes replied to
them that it was not good advice to recommend our
going back without reason ; that hitherto we could
not complain of our fortune, and should give thanks
to God who was helping us in everything, and as for
those who had died, that that always happened in
wars and under hardship ; that it would be as well
132
THE PARTISANS OF CORTES
to find out what the country contained ; that mean-
while we could eat the maize and other food held by
the Indians and by the neighbouring towns, unless
our hands had lo£l their cunning. With this reply, the
partisans of Diego Velasquez were somewhat, but not
wholly appeased, for there were already cliques formed
in camp who discussed the return to Cuba.
CHAPTER XXVIII
IT appears that Cortes had already talked the matter
over with Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero, and Pedro
de Alvarado and his four brothers, Jorge, Gonzalo,
Gomez, and Juan, and with Cri£t6bal de Olid, Alonzo
de Avila, Juan de Escalante, Francisco de Lugo, and
with me and other gentlemen and captains, and
suggested that we should beg of him to be our captain.
Francisco de Montejo understood what was going on
and was on the watch. One night, after midnight,
Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero, Juan de Escalante
and Francisco de Lugo, came to my hut. Francisco
de Lugo and I came from the same country and
were distant kinsmen. They said to me : " Sefior
Bernal Diaz, come out with your arms and go the
rounds ; we will accompany Cortes who is ju<ft now
going the rounds." When I was a little distance from
the hut they said to me : " Look to it, sir, that you
keep secret for a time what we wish to tell you, for it
is a matter of importance, and see that your com-
panions in your hut know nothing about it, for they
are of the party of Diego Velasquez." What they said
to me was : " Sir, does it seem to you to be right
that Hernando Cortes should have deceived us all
in bringing us here, he having proclaimed in Cuba
that he was coming to settle, and now we find out that
INTRIGUE ON HIS BEHALF
he has no power to do so, but only to trade, and they
want us to return to Santiago de Cuba with all the gold
that has been collefted, and we shall lose our all, for
will not Diego Velasquez take all the gold as he did
before ? Look, sir, counting this present expedition,
you have already come to this country three times,
spending your own property and contracting debts
and risking your life many times with the wounds
you have received. Many of us gentlemen who know
that we are your honour's friends wish you to under-
hand that this mu& not go on ; that this land muft
be settled in the name of His Maje&y, and by
Hernando Cortes in His Majesty's name, while we
await the opportunity to make it known to our lord
the King in Spain. Be sure sir, to ca£fc your vote so
that all of us unanimously and willingly choose him
captain, for it will be a service to God and our lord
the King." I replied that it was not a wise decision to
return to Cuba and that it would be a good thing for
the country to be settled, and that we should choose
Cortes as General and Chief Justice until his Majesty
should order otherwise. This agreement passed from
soldier to soldier and the friends and relations of
Diego Velasquez, who were more numerous than
we were, got to know of it, and with overbold words
asked Cortes why he was craftily arranging to remain
in this country instead of returning to render an
account of his doings to the man who had sent him
as captain, and they told him that Diego Velasquez
would not approve of it, and that the sooner we
embarked the better ; that there was no use in his
subterfuges and secret meetings with the soldiers,
for we had neither supplies nor men, nor any possibility
of founding a settlement. Cortes answered without a
sign of anger, and said that he agreed with them ; that
he would not go against the in£hruftions and notes
which he had received from Diego Velasquez, and
134
CORTES ELECTED CAPTAIN
he issued an order for us all to embark on the following
day, each one in the ship in which he had come.
We who had made the agreement answered that it
was not fair to deceive us so, that in Cuba he had
proclaimed that he was coming to make a settlement,
whereas he had only come to trade ; and we demanded
on behalf of our Lord God and of His Maje&y that
he should at once form a settlement and give up any
other plan, because that would be of the greatest
benefit and service to God and the King ; and they
placed many other well-reasoned arguments before
him saying that the natives would never let us land
again as they had done this time, and that as soon as a
settlement was made in the country soldiers would
gather in from all the islands to give us help and that
Velasquez had ruined us all by Stating publicly that
he had received a decree from His Majesty to form a
settlement, the contrary being the case ; that we
wished to form a settlement, and to let those depart
who desired to return to Cuba. So Cortes agreed to
it, although he pretended to need much begging, as
the saying goes : " You are very pressing, and I
want to do it " — and he Stipulated that we should
make him Chief Justice and Captain General, and the
wor£t of all that we conceded was that we should give
him a fifth of all the gold which should be obtained,
after the royal fifth had been deducted, and then we
gave him the very fullest powers in the presence of
the King's Notary, Diego de Godoy, embracing all
that I have here Stated. We at once set to work to
found and settle a town, which was called the " Villa
rica de la Vera Cruz " because we arrived on Thursday
of the (laSl) supper and landed on " Holy Friday
of the Cross " and " rich " because of what that
gentleman said, who approached Cortes and said to
him : " Behold rich lands! May you know how to
VILLA RICA
govern them well ! " — and what he wanted to say was :
" May you remain as their Captain General/7 That
gentleman was Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero.
To go back to my £tory : as soon as the town was
founded we appointed alcaldes and regidores ; the
former were Alonzo Herndndez Puertocarrero and
Francisco Montejo. In the case of Montejo, it was
because he was not on very good terms with Cortes
that Cortes ordered him to be named as Alcalde, so
as to place him in the highest position. I need not give
the names of the Regidores, for it is no use naming
only a few of them ; but I mu£t mention the faft that
a pillory was placed in the Plaza and a gallows set
up outside the town. We chose Pedro de Alvarado
as captain of expeditions and Crist6bal de Olid as
Maestro de Campo.1 Juan de Escalante was chosen
chief Alguacil2; Gonzalo Mejia, treasurer, and
Alonzo de Avila accountant. A certain Corral was
named as Ensign, because Villaroel who had been
Ensign was dismissed from the po& on account of
some offence he had given Cortes about an Indian
woman from Cuba. Ochoa, a Biscayan, and Alonzo
Romero were appointed Alguaciles of the Camp.3
It will be said that I have made no mention of the
Captain Gonzalo de Sandoval. I say this was because
at that time he was a youth, and we did not take such
count of him and of other valiant captains until we
saw him grow in worth in such a way that Cortes and
all the soldiers held him in the same esteem as Cortes
himself, as I shall tell later on.
When the partisans of Diego Velasquez realized
the faft that we had chosen Cortes for our Captain
and Chief Justice, and had founded a town and chosen
Alcaldes and Regidores, and had done all that I have
1 Maestro de Campo = Quartermaster. '2 Alguacil Mayor = High
Con&able. 3 Alguacil del Real = Con£ables and &orekeepers.
136
DISPUTES BETWEEN PARTISANS
narrated, they were angry and furious and they began
to excite factions and meetings and to use abusive
language about Cortes and those of us who had elefted
him, saying that it was not right to do these things
unless all the captains and soldiers who had come on
the expedition had been parties to it ; that Diego
Velasquez had given Cortes no such powers, only
authority to trade, and that we partisans of Cortes
should take care that our insolence did not so increase
as to bring us to blows. Then Cortes secretly told Juan
de Escalante that we should make him produce the
instructions given him by Diego Velasquez. Upon
this Cortes drew them from his bosom and gave them
to the King's scribe to read aloud. In these in£tru<5tions
were the words : " As soon as you have gained all
you can by trading, you will return ", and the docu-
ment was signed by Diego Velasquez and counter-
signed by his Secretary, Andres de Duero. We
begged Cortes to cause this document to be attached
to the deed recording the power we had given him,
as well as the proclamation which he issued in the
Island of Cuba. And this was done so that his Majesty
in Spain should know that all that we did was done in
his royal service, and that they should not bring againft
us anything but the truth.
After this was done, these same friends and
dependents of Diego Velasquez returned to Cortes
to say that they did not wish to remain under his
command, but to return at once to the Island of Cuba.
Cortes replied that he would detain no one by force,
and that to anyone who came to ask leave to return,
he would willingly grant it, even although he were
left alone. With this some of them were quieted, but
not Juan Velasquez de Leon, and Diego de Ordas,
and Escobar, and other friends of Diego Velasquez ;
and it came to this, that they refused all obedience
to Cortes. With our assistance, Cortes determined to
A FORAGING EXPEDITION
make prisoners of Juan Velasquez de Leon and Diego
de Ordas, and Escobar and Pedro Escudero and we
took care that the others should create no disturbance.
These men remained prisoners for some days, in
chains and under guard.
CHAPTER XXIX
WHEN all that I have related had been settled and done
with, it was arranged that Pedro de Alvarado should
go inland to some towns which we had been told
were near by and see what the country was like and
bring back maize and some sort of supplies, for there
was a great want of food in camp. Alvarado took one
hundred soldiers with him, among them fifteen
crossbowmen and six musketeers. More than half
his soldiers were partisans of Diego Velasquez. All
Cortes* party remained with him for fear there should
be any further disturbance or tricks played or any
rising against him, until things became more settled.
Alvarado went firft to some small towns subjeft to
another town called Cotaxtla, where the language of
Culua was spoken. This name, Culua, means the
common language of Mexico.
When Pedro de Alvarado reached these towns he
found that they had all been deserted that same day,
and he found in the cues bodies of men and boys who
had been sacrificed, and the walls and altars Stained
with blood and the hearts placed as offerings before
the Idols. He also found the Atones on which the
sacrifices were made and the Stone knives with which
to open the cheft so as to take out the heart.
Pedro de Alvarado said that he found mo£t of the
bodies without arms or legs, and that he was told by
some Indians that they had been carried off to be
' 138
SPANIARDS SET OUT FOR QUIAHUITZTLAN
eaten, and our soldiers were abounded at such great
cruelty. I will not say any more of the number of
sacrifices, although we found the same thing in
every town we afterwards entered. Alvarado found
the towns well provisioned but deserted that very day
by their inhabitants, so that he could not find more
than two Indians to carry maize, and each soldier
had to load himself with poultry and vegetables, and
he returned to camp without doing any other damage
(although he had good opportunity for doing it)
because Cortes had given orders to that effeft, so
that there should be no repetition of what happened
in Cozumel.
We were pleased enough in camp even with the
little food that had been brought, for all evils and
hardships disappear when there is plenty to eat,
To go back to my fbory : As Cortes was mo£t
energetic in every direction, he managed to make
friends with the partisans of Diego Velasquez, for,
with that solvent of hardness, presents of gold from
our £tore to some, and promises to others, he brought
them over to his side, and took them out of prison ;
all except Juan Velasquez de Leon and Diego de
Ordas, who were in irons on board ship. These, too,
he let out of prison after a few days, and made good
and true friends of them as will be seen further on —
and all through gold which is such a pacifier !
When everything had been settled, we arranged to
go to the fortified town already mentioned by me,
which was called Quiahuitztlan. The ships were to
go to the rock and harbour which was opposite that
town, about a league diftant from it. I remember
that as we marched along the coa£t we killed a large
fish which had been thrown up high and dry by the
sea. When we arrived at the river where Vera Cruz
is now situated * we found the water to be deep, and
1 The third site, now known as La Antigua.
139
SPANIARDS SET OUT FOR QUIAHUITZTLAN
we crossed over it in some broken canoes like trough^
and others crossed by swimming or on rafts.
Then we came on some towns subject to the large
town named Cempoala, whence came the five Indians
with the golden labrets, who came as messengers to
Cortes at the sand dunes. We found some idol
houses and places of sacrifice, and blood splashed about,
and incense used for fumigation and other things
belonging to the idols, and Clones with which they
made the sacrifices, and parrots7 feathers and many
paper books doubled together in folds like Spanish
cloth ; but we found no Indians, they having already
fled, for as they had never before seen men like us,
nor horses, they were afraid.
We slept there that night, and went without supper,
and next day, leaving the coa£t, we continued our march
inland towards the we£b, without knowing the road
we were taking, and we came on some good meadows
called savanas where deer were grazing, and Pedro
de Alvarado rode after one on his sorrel mare and
Struck at it with his lance and wounded it, but it
got away into the woods and could not be caught.
While this was happening we saw twelve Indians
approaching, inhabitants of the farms where we had
passed the night. They came Straight from their
Cacique, and brought fowls and maize cakes, and
they said to Cortes through our interpreters, that
their chief had sent the fowls for us to eat, and begged
us to come to his town, which was, according to the
signs they made, distant one sun's (that is one day's)
march.
Cortes thanked them and made much of them, and
we continued our march and slept in another small
town, where also many sacrifices had been made,
but as many readers will be tired of hearing of the
great number of Indian men and women whom we
found sacrificed in all the towns and roads we passed,
140
CEMPOALA
I shall go on with my story without flopping to say
any more about them.
They gave us supper at the little town and we learnt
that the road to Quiahuitztlan, which I have already
said is a fortress, passed by Cempoala.
CHAPTER XXX
WE slept at the little town where the twelve Indians
I have mentioned had prepared quarters for us, and
after being well informed about the road which we
had to take to reach the town on the hill, very early in
the morning we sent word to the Caciques of Cempoala
that we were coming to their town and that we hoped
they would approve. Cortes sent six of the Indians
with this message and kept the other six as guides.
He also ordered the guns, muskets, and crossbows
to be kept ready for use, and sent scouts on ahead on
the look out, and the horsemen and all the reft of us
were kept on the alert, and in this way we marched
to within a league of the town. As we approached,
twenty Indian chieftains came out to receive us in the
name of the Cacique, and brought some cones made
of the roses of the country with a delicious scent, which
they gave to Cortes and those on horseback with every
sign of friendliness, and they told Cortes that their
Lord was awaiting us at our apartments, for, as he was
a very Stout and heavy man, he could not come
out to receive us himself. Cortes thanked them and
we continued our march, and as we got among the
houses and saw what a large town it was, larger than
any we had yet seen, we were Struck with admiration.
It looked like a garden with luxuriant vegetation, and
the Streets were so full of men and women who had
come to see us, that we gave thanks to God at having
discovered such a country.
141
CEMPOALA
Our scouts, who were on horseback, reached a great
plaza with courts, where they had prepared our quarters,
and it seems that during the la& few days they had
been whitewashed and burnished, a thing they knew
well how to do, and it seems to one of the scouts that
this white surface which shone so brightly mu£b be
silver and he came back at full speed to tell Cortes
that the walls of the houses were made of silver !
Dona Marina and Aguilar said that it muft be planter
or lime and we had a good laugh over the man's
silver and excitement and always afterwards we told
him that everything white looked to him like silver.
I will leave our jokes and say that we reached the
buildings, and the fat Cacique came out to receive
us in the court. He was so fat that I shall call him by
this name ; and he made deep obeisance to Cortes
and fumigated him, as is their custom, and Cortes
embraced him and we were lodged in fine and large
apartments that held us all, and they gave us food and
brought some baskets of plums which were very
plentiful at that season, and maize cakes, and as we
arrived ravenous and had not seen so much food for
a long time, we called the town Villa Viciosa.
Cortes gave orders that none of the soldiers should
leave the plaza and that on no account should they
give any offence to the Indians. When the fat Cacique
heard that we had finished eating he sent to tell
Cortes that he wished to come and visit him ; and
he came in company with a great number of Indian
chieftains, all wearing large gold labrets and rich
mantles. Cortes left his quarters to go out and meet
them, and embraced the Cacique with great show
of caressing and flattery, and the fat Cacique ordered
a present to be brought which he had prepared, con-
silting of gold, jewels and cloths ; but although it
did not amount to much and was of little value he
said to Cortes : " Lope luzio^ Lope luzio, accept
142
CEMPOALA
this in good part ; if I had more I would Vive it
to you ! "
Cortes replied through Dona Marina and Aguilar
that he would pay for the gift in good works, and that
if the Cacique would tell him what he wanted to be
done that he would do it for them for we were the
vassals of a great prince, the Emperor Don Carlos,
who had sent us to redress grievances and punish
evil doers, and to put an end to human sacrifices.
And he explained to them many things touching
our holy religion. When the fat Cacique heard
this, he sighed, and complained bitterly of the great
Montezuma and his governors saying that he had
recently been brought under his yoke ; that all his
golden jewels had been carried off, and he and his
people were so grievously oppressed, that they dared
do nothing without Montezuma's orders, for he was
the Lord over many cities and countries and ruled
over countless vassals and armies of warriors.
As Cortes knew that he could not attend at that
time to the complaints which they made, he replied
that he would see to it that they were relieved of their
burdens, that he was now on the way to visit his
Acales (for so they call the ships in the Indian language)
and take up his residence and make his headquarters
in the town of Quiahuitztlan, and that as soon as he
was settled there he would consider the matter more
thoroughly. To this the fat Cacique replied that he
was quite satisfied that it should be so.
The next morning we left Cempoala, and there
were awaiting our orders over four hundred Indian
carriers, who carry fifty pounds weight on their backs
and march five leagues with it. When we saw so many
Indians to carry burdens we rejoiced, as before this,
those of us who had not brought Indians with us from
Cuba had to carry knapsacks on our own backs. And
only six or seven Cubans had been brought in the
ARRIVAL AT QUIAHUITZTLAN
fleet. Dona Marina and Aguilar told us that in these
parts in times of peace the Caciques are bound to
furnish tamenes to carry burdens, as a matter of course,
and from this time forward wherever we went we asked
for Indians to carry loads.
Cortes took leave of the fat Cacique, and on the
following day we set out on our march and slept
at a little town which had been deserted near to
Quiahuitztlan, and the people of Cempoala brought
us food.
CHAPTER XXXI
THE next day about ten o'clock we reached the
fortified town called Quiahuitztlan, which Elands
amid great rocks and lofty cliffs and if there had been
any resistance it would have been very difficult to
capture it. Expecting that there would be fighting
we kept a good formation with the artillery in front
and marched up to the fortress in such a manner
that if anything had happened we could have done
our duty.
We went half way through the town without
meeting a single Indian to speak to, at which we were
very much surprised, for they had fled in fear that
very day when they had seen us climbing up to their
houses. When we had reached the top of the fortress
in the plaza near by where they had their cues and great
idol houses, we saw fifteen Indians awaiting us all
clad in good mantles, and each one with a brazier in
his hand containing incense, and they came to where
Cortes was landing and fumigated him and all the
soldiers who were Standing near and with deep
obeisances they asked pardon for not coming out to
meet us, and assured us that we were welcome and
asked us to re&. And they said that they had fled
144
MONTEZUMA'S TYRANNY
and kept out of the way until they could see what
sort of things we were, for they were afraid of us and
of our horses, but that night they would order all
the people to come back to the town.
Cortes displayed much friendship toward them,
and he gave them some green beads and other trifles
from Spain ; and they brought fowls and maize
cakes. While we were talking, someone came to
tell Cortes that the fat Cacique from Cempoala was
coming in a litter carried on the shoulders of many
Indian chieftains. When the fat Cacique arrived he,
together with the Cacique and chiefs of the town,
addressed Cortes, relating their many causes of com-
plaint againft Montezuma and telling him of his
great power, and this they did with such sighs and
tears that Cortes and those who were Standing with
him were moved to pity. Besides relating the way
that they had been brought into subjection, they
told us that every year many of their sons and daughters
were demanded of them lor sacrifice, and others for
service in the houses and plantations of their
conquerors ; and they made other complaints which
were so numerous that I do not remember them all ; but
they said that Montezuma's tax-gatherers carried off
their wives and daughters if they were handsome, and
ravished them, and this they did throughout the land
where the Totonac language was spoken, which
contained over thirty towns.
Cortes consoled them as well as he was able through
our interpreters and said he would help them all he
could, and would prevent these robberies and offences,
as it was for that our lord the Emperor had sent us to
these parts, and that they should have no anxiety,
for they would soon see what we would do in the
matter ; and they seemed to gather some satisfaction
from this assurance but their hearts were not eased on
account of the great fear they had of the Mexicans.
145
MEXICAN TAX-GATHERERS
While this conversation was going on, some Indians
from the town came in great ha£te to tell the Caciques
who were talking to Cortes, that five Mexicans, who
were Montezuma's tax-gatherers, had juft arrived.
When they heard the news they turned pale and
trembled with fear, and leaving Cortes alone they
went off to receive the Mexicans, and in the shortest
possible time they had decked a room with flowers,
and had food cooked for the Mexicans to eat, and
prepared plenty of cacao, which is the be£t thing they
have to drink.
When these five Indians entered the town, they came
to the place where we were assembled, where were
the houses of the Cacique and our quarters, and
approaching us with the utmost assurance and arrogance
without speaking to Cortes, or to any of us, they passed
us by. Their cloaks and loin-cloths were richly
embroidered, and their shining hair was gathered
up as though tied on their heads, and each one was
smelling the roses that he carried, and each had a
crooked Baffin his hand. Their Indian servants carried
fly-whisks and they were accompanied by many of
the chief men of the other Totonac towns, who until
they had shown them to their lodgings and brought
them food of the beft, never left them.
As soon as they had dined they sent to summon the
fat Cacique and the other chiefs, and scolded them for
entertaining us in their houses, for now they would
have to speak and deal with us which would not
please their lord Montezuma ; for without his per-
mission and orders they should not have sheltered
us, nor given us presents of golden jewels, and on this
subjeA they uttered many threats against the fat
Cacique and the other chiefs and ordered them at
once to provide twenty Indians, men and women,
to appease their gods for the wrong that had been
done.
146
SEIZURE OF TAX-GATHERERS
When he saw what was going on, Cortes asked our
interpreters. Dona Marina and Jeronimo de Aguilar
why the Caciques were so agitated since the arrival
of those Indians, and who they were. Dona Marina
who understood full well what had happened, told
him what was going on ; and then Cortes summoned
the fat Cacique and the other chiefs, and asked them
who these Indians were, and why they made such a
fuss about them. They replied that they were the tax-
gatherers of the great Montezuma and that they had
come to inquire why they had received us in their
town without the permission of their lord, and that
they now demanded twenty men and women to
sacrifice to their god, Huichilobos, so that he would
give them vidory over us, for they [the tax-gatherers]
said that Montezuma had declared that he intended
to capture and make slaves of us.
Cortes reassured them and bade them have no fear
for he was here with all of us in his company and
that he would chastise the tax-gatherers.
CHAPTER XXXII
As soon as Cortes underwood what the chiefs were
telling him, he said that he had already explained to
them that our lord the King had sent him to chastise
evil doers and that he would not permit either sacrifice
or robbery, and that as these tax-gatherers had made
this demand, he ordered them to make prisoners of
them at once and to hold them in custody until their
lord Montezuma should be told the reason, namely,
how they had come to rob them and carry off their
wives and children as slaves and commit other violence.
When the Caciques heard this they were thunderstruck
CORTES SECRETLY RELEASES
at such daring. What ! — to order the messengers of
the great Montezuma to be maltreated ? They
said that they were too much afraid, and did not dare
to do it. But Cortes went on impressing on them that
the messengers should be thrown into prison at once,
and so it was done, and in such a way that with some
long poles and collars (such as are in use among them)
they secured them so that they could not escape, and
they flogged one of them who would not allow himself
to be bound. Then Cortes ordered all the Caciques
to pay no more tribute or obedience to Montezuma,
and to make proclamation to that effeft in all their
friendly and allied towns, and if any tax-gatherers
came to their other towns, to inform him of it, and he
would send for them. So the news was known through-
out that province, for the fat Cacique promptly sent
messengers to spread the tidings, and the chiefs who
had come in company with the tax-gatherers as soon
as they had seen them taken prisoners, noised it
abroad, for each one returned to his own town to
deliver the order and relate what had happened.
When they witnessed deeds so marvellous and of
such importance to themselves they said that no human
beings would dare to do such things, and that it was
the work of Teules, for so they call the idols which
they worship, and for this reason from that time forth,
they called us Teules, which, is as much as to say that
we were either gods or demons.
I mu£t go back and tell about the prisoners. It
was the advice of all the Caciques that they should be
sacrificed so that none of them could return to Mexico
to tell the £lory ; but when Cortes heard this he said
that they should not be killed, and that he would
take charge of them, and he set some of our soldiers
to guard them. At midnight, Cortes sent for these
soldiers who were in charge and said to them : " See
to it that two of the prisoners are loosened, the two that
148
MEXICAN TAX-GATHERERS
appear to you the moft intelligent, in such a way that
the Indians of this town shall know nothing about it."
And he told them to bring the prisoners to his lodging.
When the prisoners came before him, he asked them
through our interpreters, why they were prisoners
and what country they came from, as though he knew
nothing about them. They replied that the Caciques
of Cempoala and of this town, with the aid of their
followers and ours, had imprisoned them, and Cortes
answered that he knew nothing about it, and was sorry
for it, and he ordered food to be brought them and
talked in a very friendly manner to them, and told
them to return at once to their lord Montezuma, and
tell him that we were all his good friends and entirely
at his service, and that left any harm should happen
to them he had taken them from their prison, and
had quarrelled with the Caciques who had seized
them and that anything he could do to serve them he
would do with the greatest good will, and that he would
order the three Indians their companions who were
£till held prisoners to be freed and protected. That
they two should go away at once and not turn back
to be captured and killed.
The two prisoners replied that they valued his
mercy and said they Still had fear of falling into the
hands of their enemies, as they were obliged to pass
through their territory. So Cortes ordered six sailors
to take them in a boat during the night a distance of
four leagues and set them on friendly ground beyond
the frontier of Cempoala. When the morning came
and the Caciques of the town and the fat Cacique
found that the two prisoners were missing they
were all the more intent on sacrificing those that
remained, if Cortes had not put it out of their power
and pretended to be enraged at the loss of the two
who had escaped. He ordered a chain to be brought
from the ships and bound the prisoners to it, and then
149
THE TOTONAC ALLIANCE
ordered them to be taken on board ship, saying that
he himself would guard them, as such bad watch had
been kept over the others. When they were once on
board he ordered them to be freed from their chains
and with friendly words he told them that he would
soon send them back to Mexico.
Then all the Caciques of this town and of Cempoala,
and all the other Totonac chiefs who had assembled,
asked Cortes what was to be done, for all the force of
the great Montezuma and of Mexico would descend
upon them and they could not escape death and
destruction.
Cortes replied with the mo& cheerful countenance
that he and his brothers who were here with him would
defend them and would kill anyone who wished to
molest them. Then the Caciques and other townsmen
vowed one and all that they would £tand by us in every-
thing we ordered them to do and would join their
forces with ours against Montezuma and all his allies.
Then, in the presence of Diego de Godoy, the scribe,
they pledged obedience to his Majesty and messengers
were sent to relate all that had happened to the other
towns in that province. And as they no longer paid
any tribute and no more tax-gatherers appeared there
was no end to the rejoicing at being rid of that tyranny.
CHAPTER XXXIII
As soon as we had made this federation and friendship
with more than twenty of the hill towns, known as
the towns of the Totonacs, which at this time rebelled
again& the great Montezuma, and gave their allegiance
to His Majesty, and offered to serve us — we determined
with their ready help at once to found the Villa Rica de
150
BUILDING OF VILLA RICA
la Vera Cruz on a plain half a league from this fortress-
like town, called Quiahuitztlan, and we laid out plans
of a church, market-place and arsenals, and all those
things that are needed for a town, and we built a fort,
and from the laying of the foundations until the walls
were high enough to receive the woodwork, loopholes,
watch-towers, and barbicans, we worked with the
greatest ha£te.
Cortes himself was the fir& to set to work to carry
out the earth and ftone on his back, and to dig founda-
tions, and all his captains and soldiers followed his
example ; and we kept on labouring without pause
so as to finish the work quickly, some of us digging
foundations and others building walls, carrying
water, working in the lime kilns, making bricks and
tiles, or seeking for food. Others worked at the timber,
and the blacksmiths, for we had two blacksmiths with
us, made nails. In this way we all laboured without
ceasing, from the highest to the lowest ; the Indians
helping us, so that the church and some of the houses
were soon built and the fort almo£l finished.
While we were thus at work it seems that the great
Montezuma heard the news in Mexico about the
capture of his tax-gatherers and the rebellion against
his rule, and how the Totonac towns had withdrawn
their allegiance and risen in revolt. He showed much
anger against Cortes and all of us, and had already
ordered a great army of warriors to make war on the
people who had rebelled against him, and not to leave
a single one of them alive. He was also getting ready
to come again& us with a great army with many
companies.
Ju£i at this moment there arrived two Indian prisoners
whom Cortes had ordered to be set free, and when
Montezuma knew that it was Cortes who had taken
them out of prison, and had sent them to Mexico —
and when he heard the words and promises which
151
EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA
he had sent them to report, it pleased our Lord God
that his anger was appeased, and he resolved to send
and gather news of us. For this purpose he despatched
his two young nephews under the charge of four old
men who were Caciques of high rank, and sent with
them a present of gold and cloth, and told his
messengers to give thanks to Cortes for freeing his
servants.
On the other hand, he sent many complaints saying
that it was owing to our protection that those towns
had dared to commit such a great treason as to refuse
to pay him tribute and to renounce their allegiance
to him, and that now, having respeft for what he knew
to be true — that we were those whom his ancestors had
foretold were to come to their country, and mu£t
therefore be of his own lineage, how was it that we
were living in the houses of these traitors ? He did
not at once send to destroy them, but the time would
come when they would not brag of such afts of treason.
Cortes accepted the gold and the cloth, which was
worth more than two thousand dollars, and he embraced
the envoys and gave as an excuse that he and all of us
were very good friends of the Lord Montezuma, and
that it was as his servant that he ftill kept guard over
the three tax-gatherers, and he sent at once to have
them brought from the ships — where they had been
well treated and well clothed, and he delivered them
up to the messengers.
Then Cortes, on his part, complained greatly of
Montezuma, and told the envoys how the Governor,
Pitalpitoque, had left the camp one night without
giving him notice, which was not well done and that
he believed and felt certain that the Lord Montezuma
had not authorized any such meanness, and that it
was on account of this that we had come to these towns
where we were now residing and where we had been
well treated by the inhabitants. And he prayed him
152
EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA
to pardon the disrespeft of which the people had been
guilty. As to what he said about the people no longer
paying tribute, they could not serve two makers
and during the time we had been there they had
rendered service to us in the name of our Lord and
King ; but as he, Cortes, and all his brethren were on
their way to visit him, and place themselves at his
service, that when we were once there, then his
commands would be attended to.
When this conversation and more of the same
nature was over, Cortes ordered blue and green glass-
beads to be given to the two youths, who were Caciques
of high rank, and to the four old men who had come
in charge of them, who were also chieftains of
importance, and paid them every sign of honour.
And as there were some good meadows in the neigh-
bourhood, Cortes ordered Pedro de Alvarado who had
a good and very handy sorrel mare, and some of the
other horsemen, to gallop and skirmish before the
Caciques, who were delighted at the sight of their
galloping, and they then took leave of Cortes and of
all of us well contented, and returned to Mexico.
About this time Cortes' horse died, and he bought or
was given another called " El Arriero ", a dark
chestnut which belonged to Ortiz, the musician, and
Bartolome Garcia, the miner ; it was one of the be&
of the horses that came in the fleet.
I muft &op talking about this, and relate that as
these towns of the sierra, our allies, and the town of
Cempoala had hitherto been very much afraid of the
Mexicans, believing that the great Montezuma would
send his great army of warriors to destroy them, when
they saw the kinsmen of the great Montezuma arriving
with the presents I have mentioned, and paying such
marked respeft to Cortes and to all of us, they were
fairly abounded and the Caciques said to one another
that we mu<a be Teules for Montezuma had fear of
TOTONACS BEG FOR HELP
us, and had sent us presents of gold. If we already
had reputation for valour, from this time forth it was
greatly increased.
CHAPTER XXXIV
As soon as the Mexican messengers had departed,
the fat Cacique with many other friendly chieftains
came to beg Cortes to go at once to a town named
Cingapacinga,1 two days' journey from Cempoala
(that is about eight or nine leagues) — as there were
many warriors of the Mexicans, assembled there,
who were destroying their crops and plantations and
were waylaying and ill-treating their vassals, and doing
other injuries. Cortes believed the &ory as they told
it so earnestly. He had promised that he would help
them, and would destroy the Culuas and other Indians
who might annoy them, and noting with what
importunity they pressed their complaints, he did not
know what to answer them, unless it were to say that
he would willingly go, or send some soldiers under one
of us, to turn these Mexicans out. As he fftood there
thinking the matter over he said laughingly to some
of us companions who were with him : " Do you
know, gentlemen, that it seems to me that we have
already gained a great reputation for valour through-
out this country, and that from what they saw us do
in the matter of Montezuma's tax-gatherers, the people
here take us for gods or beings like their idols. I am
thinking that so as to make them believe that one of us
is enough to defeat those Indian warriors, their enemies,
who they say are occupying the town with the fortress,
that we will send Heredia againft them." Now, this
old man was a Biscayan musketeer who had a bad
1 Not marked on the modern maps.
AGAINST THEIR ENEMIES
twitch in his face, a big beard, a face covered with
scars, and was blind of one eye and lame of one leg.
Cortes sent for him and said : " Go with these
Caciques to the river which is a quarter of a league
distant, and when you get there, £top to drink and
wash your hands, and fire a shot from your musket,
and then I will send to call you back. I want this to
be done because the people here think that we are gods,
or at lea£t they have given us that name and reputation,
and as you are ugly enough, they will believe that you
are an idol." Heredia did what he was told, for he
was an intelligent and clever man who had been a
soldier in Italy, and Cortes sent for the fat Cacique
and the other chieftains who were waiting for his
help and assistance, and said to them : " I am sending
this brother of mine with you to kill or expel all the
Culuas from this town you speak of, and to bring me
here as prisoners all who refuse to leave." The
Caciques were surprised when they heard this and
did not know whether to believe it or not, but seeing
that Cortes never changed his face, they believed
that what he told them was true. So old Heredia
shouldered his musket and set out with them, and he
fired shots into the air as he went through the fore£l
so that the Indians might see and hear him. And the
Caciques sent word to the other towns that they
were bringing along a Teule to kill all the Mexicans
who were in Cingapacinga. I tell this £lory here
merely as a laughable incident, and to show the wiles
of Cortes. When Cortes knew that Heredia had
reached the river that he had been told about, he sent
in ha£te to call him back, and when old Heredia and
the Caciques had returned, he told them that on
account of the good will he bore them that he, Cortes
himself, would go in person with some of his brethren
to afford them the help they needed and visit the
country and fortresses ; and he ordered them at
155
SOME OF THE SPANIARDS
once to bring one hundred Indian carriers to transport
the tepusques, that is, the cannon, and they came early
the next morning, and we set out that same day with
four hundred men and fourteen horsemen, and cross-
bowmen and musketeers who were all ready.
When the officers went to warn certain soldiers
of the party of Diego Velasquez to go with us, and
those who had them to bring their horses, they
answered haughtily that they did not want to go on
any expedition but back to their farms and estates
in Cuba ; that they had already loft enough through
Cortes having enticed them from their homes, and
that he had promised them on the sand dunes that
whosoever might wish to leave, that he would give
them permission to do so and a ship and stores for
the voyage ; and for that reason there were now seven
soldiers all ready to return to Cuba. When Cortes
heard this he sent to summon these men before him,,
and when he asked them why they were doing such a
mean thing they replied somewhat indignantly and
said that they wondered at his honour, with so few
soldiers under his command, wishing to settle in a
place where there were reported to be such thousands
of Indians and such great towns ; that as for them-
selves, they were invalids and could hardly crawl
from one place to another, and that they wished to
return to their homes and estates in Cuba, and they
asked him to grant them leave to depart as he had
promised that he would do. Cortes answered them
gently that it was true that he had promised it, but that
they were not doing their duty in deserting from their
captain's flag. And then he ordered them to embark
at once without delay and assigned a ship to them
and ordered them to be furnished with cassava bread
and ajar of oil and such other supplies as we possessed.
When these people were ready to set sail, all of us
comrades, and the Alcaldes and Regidores of our town
156
WISH TO RETURN TO CUBA
of Villa Rica, went and begged Cortes on no account
to allow anyone to leave the country, for, in the
interest of the service of our Lord God and His
Maje&y any person asking for such permission should
be considered as deserving the punishment of death,
in accordance with military law, as a deserter from his
captain and his flag in time of war and peril, especially
in this case, when, as they had Elated, we were
surrounded by such a great number of towns peopled
by Indian warriors.
Cortes afted as though he wished to give them
leave to depart, but in the end he revoked the per-
mission and they remained baffled, and even ashamed
of themselves.
CHAPTER XXXV
WE set out on our expedition to Cingapacinga and
slept that night at the town of Cempoala. Two
thousand Indian warriors divided into four commands,
were all ready to accompany us, and on the fir£t day
we marched five leagues in good order. The next
day, a little after dusk we arrived at some farms
near the town of Cingapacinga, and the natives of
the town heard the news of our coming. When we
had already begun the ascent to the fortress and houses
which £tood amid great cliffs and crags, eight Indian
chieftains and priests came out to meet us peacefully
and asked Cortes with tears, why he wished to kill
and de&roy them when they had done nothing to
deserve it ; that we had the reputation of doing good
to all and of relieving those who had been robbed,
and we had imprisoned the tax-gatherers of Monte-
zuma ; that these Cempoala Indians who accom-
panied us were ho&ile to them on account of old
157
EXPEDITION TO CINGAPACINGA
enmities over the land claims and boundaries, and
under our protection they had come to kill and rob
them. It was true, they said, that there was formerly
a Mexican garrison in the town, but that they had left
for their own country a few days earlier when they
heard that we had taken the other tax-gatherers
prisoners, and they prayed us not to let the matter go
any further, but to grant them proteftion. When
Cortes thoroughly understood what they had
said through Dona Marina and Aguilar, without
delay he ordered Captain Pedro de Alvarado, and the
quartermaster Cristoval de Olid, and all of us
comrades who were with him, to restrain the Indians
of Cempoala and prevent them from advancing ; and
this we did. But although we made haSte to Stop them,
they had already begun to loot the farms. This made
Cortes very angry and he sent for the captains who
had command of the Cempoala warriors, and with
angry words and serious threats, he ordered them to
bring the Indian men and women and cloths and
poultry that they had Stolen from the farms, and
forbade any Cempoala Indian to enter the town, and
said that for having lied and for having come under
our proteftion merely to rob and sacrifice their
neighbours, they were deserving of death, they
should keep their eyes wide open in order that such a
thing did not happen again, otherwise he would not
leave one of them alive. Then the Caciques and
captains of the Cempoalans brought to Cortes every-
thing they had seized, both Indian men and women
and poultry, and he gave them all back to their
owners and with a face full of wrath he turned to the
Cempoalans and ordered them to retire and sleep in
the fields — and this they did.
When the caciques and priests x of that town saw
how juSt we were in our dealings and heard the
1 Papas.
158
A LOOTER PUNISHED
affectionate words that Cortes spoke to them through
our interpreters, including matters concerning our
holy religion, which it was always our custom to explain,
and his advice to them to give up human sacrifices
and robbing one another, and the worship of their
cursed Idols, and much other good counsel which
he gave them, they showed such good will towards
us that they at once sent to call together the people
of the neighbouring towns, and all gave their fealty
to his Maje%.
They soon began to utter many complaints against
Montezuma juft as the people of Cempoala had done.
On the next morning Cortes sent to summon the
captains and caciques of Cempoala, who were waiting
in the fields to know what we should order them to do,
and Still in terror of Cortes on account of the lies
they had told him. When they came before him he
made them make friends with the people of the town,
a pa6t which was never broken by any of them.
Then we set out for Cempoala by another road and
passed through two towns friendly to Cingapacinga,
where we re&ed, for the sun was very hot and we were
wearied with carrying our arms on our backs. A
soldier took two chickens from an Indian house in one
of the towns, and Cortes who happened to see it, was
so enraged at that soldier for Stealing chickens in a
friendly town before his very eyes that he immediately
ordered a halter to be put around his neck, and he
would have been hanged there if Pedro de Alvarado,
who chanced to be near Cortes, had not cut the halter
with his sword when the poor soldier was half dead.
When we had left those towns in peace and con-
tinued our march towards Cempoala, we met the
fat cacique and other chiefs waiting for us in some
huts with food, for although they were Indians, they
saw and understood that justice is good and sacred,.
THE SPANIARDS DETERMINE
and that the words Cortes had spoken to them, that
we had come to right wrongs and abolish tyranny,
were in conformity with what had happened on that
expedition, and they were better affefted towards us
than ever before.
We slept the night in those huts, and all the
caciques bore us company all the way to our quarters
in their town. They were really anxious that we should
not leave their country, as they were fearful that
Montezuma would send his warriors againfb them,
.and they said to Cortes that as we were already their
friends, they would like to have us for brothers, and
that it would be well that we should take from their
daughters, so as to have children by them ; and to
cement our friendship, they brought eight damsels,
all of them daughters of caciques, and gave one of
these cacicas, who was the niece of the fat cacique,
to Cortes ; and one who was the daughter of another
great cacique was given to Alonzo Hernandez Puerto-
carrero. All eight of them were clothed in the rich
garments of the country, beautifully ornamented as
is their custom. Each one of them had a golden collar
around her neck and golden ear-rings in her ears, and
they came accompanied by other Indian girls who were
to serve as their maids. When the fat cacique pre-
sented them, he said to Cortes : " Tecle (which in
their language means Lord) — these seven women
are for your captains, and this one, who is my niece,
is for you, and she is the senora of towns and vassals."
Cortes received them with a cheerful countenance,
and thanked the caciques for the gift, but he said
that before we could accept them and become brothers,
they mu£t get rid of those idols which they believed in
and worshipped, and which kept them in darkness,
and mu& no longer offer sacrifices to them, and that
when he could see those cursed things thrown to the
ground and an end put to sacrifices that then our bonds
1 60
TO DESTROY INDIAN IDOLS
of brotherhood would be most firmly tied. He added
that these damsels muSt become Christians before
we could receive them. Every day we saw sacrificed
before us three, four or five Indians whose hearts were
offered to the idols and their blood plastered on the
walls, and the feet, arms and legs of the viftims were cut
off and eaten, juSt as in our country we eat beef brought
from the butchers. I even believe that they sell it by
retail in the tianguex as they call their markets. Cortes
told them that if they gave up these evil deeds and no
longer practised them, not only would we be their
friends, but we would make them lords over other
provinces. All the caciques, priests and chiefs replied
that it did not seem to them good to give up their
idols and sacrifices and that these gods of theirs gave
them . health and good harvests and everything of
which they had need.
When Cortes and all of us who had seen so many
cruelties and infamies which I have mentioned heard
that disrespectful answer, we could not Stand it, and
Cortes spoke to us about it and reminded us of certain
good and holy doctrines and said : " How can we
ever accomplish anything worth doing if for the honour
of God we do not firSt abolish these sacrifices made to
idols ? " and he told us to be all ready to fight should
the Indians try to prevent us ; but even if it coSt us
our lives the idols muSt come to the ground that very
day. We were all armed ready for a fight as it was
ever our custom to be so, and Cortes told the caciques
that the idols muSt be overthrown. When they saw
that we were in earnest, the fat cacique and his
captains told all the warriors to get ready to defend
their idols, and when they saw that we intended to
ascend a lofty cue — which Stood high and was approached
by many Steps — the fat cacique and the other chieftains
were beside themselves with fury and called out to
Cortes to know why he wanted to deStroy their idols,
161 M
THE IDOLS OVERTURNED
for if we dishonoured them and overthrew them, that
they would all perish and we along with them. Cortes
answered them in an angry tone, that he had already
told them that they should offer no more sacrifices to
those evil images ; that our reason for removing
them was that they should no longer be deluded, and
that either they, themselves, mu£t remove the idols
at once, or we should throw them out and roll them
down the &eps, and he added that we were no longer
their friends, but their mortal enemies, for he had
given them good advice which they would not believe ;
besides he had seen their companies come armed for
battle and he was angry with them and would make
them pay for it by taking their lives.
When the Indians saw Cortes uttering these threats,
and our interpreter Dona Marina knew well how to
make them understood, and even threatened them with
the power of Montezuma which might fall on them
any day, out of fear of all this they replied that they
were not worthy to approach their gods, and that if
we wished to overthrow them it was not with their
consent, but that we could overthrow them and do
what we chose.
The words were hardly out of their mouths before
more than fifty of us soldiers had clambered up [to
the temple] and had thrown down their idols which
came rolling down the £leps shattered to pieces.
The idols looked like fearsome dragons, as big as
calves, and there were other figures half men and half
great dogs of hideous appearance. When they saw
their idols broken to pieces the caciques and prie&s
who were with them wept and covered their eyes,
and in the Totonac tongue they prayed their gods
to pardon them, saying that the matter was no longer
in their hands and they were not to blame, but these
Teules who had overthrown them, and that they did
not attack us on account of the fear of the Mexicans.
162
DESCRIPTION OF THE PRIESTS
When this was over the captains of the Indian
warriors who, as I have said, had come ready to attack
us, began to prepare to shoot arrows at us, and when
we saw this, we laid our hands on the fat cacique and
the six prie&s and some other chiefs, and Cortes
cried out that on the lea£t sign of hostility they would
all be killed. Then the fat cacique commanded his
men to retire from our front and not attempt to fight.
CHAPTER XXXVI
WHEN the Caciques, priests, and chieftains were
silenced, Cortes ordered all the idols which we had
overthrown and broken to pieces to be taken out of
sight and burned. Then eight prie&s who had charge
of the idols came out of a chamber and carried them
back to the house whence they had come, and burned
them. These priests wore black cloaks like cassocks
and long gowns reaching to their feet, and some had
hoods like those worn by canons, and others had
smaller hoods like those worn by Dominicans, and
they wore their hair very long, down to the wai&,
with some even reaching down to the feet, covered
with blood and so matted together that it could not
be separated, and their ears were cut to pieces by way
of sacrifice, and they &ank like sulphur, and they had
another bad smell like carrion, and as they said, and
we learnt that it was true, these priests were the sons
of chiefs and they abstained from women, and they
failed on certain days, and what I saw them eat was
the pith or seeds of cotton when the cotton was being
cleaned, but they may have eaten other things which
I did not see.
Cortes made them a good speech through our
interpreters, and told them that now we would treat
163
HEATHEN TEMPLES PURIFIED
them as brothers and would help them all we could
againft Montezuma and his Mexicans, and we had
already sent to tell him not to make war on them or
levy tribute, and that as now they were not to have
any more idols in their lofty temples, he wished to
leave with them a great lady who was the Mother of
our Lord Jesus Christ whom we believe in and
worship. He told them many things about our holy
religion as well Stated as only a priest could do it
nowadays, so that it was listened to with good will.
Then he ordered all the Indian masons in the town
to bring plenty of lime so as to clean the place and
clear away the blood which encrusted the cues and
to clean them thoroughly. The next day when they
were whitewashed, an altar was set up, and he told the
people to adorn the altar with garlands and always
keep the place swept and clean. He then ordered
four of the priests to have their hair shorn, and to
change their garments and clothe themselves in
white, and always keep themselves clean, and he placed
them in charge of the altar and of that sacred image
of our Lady. So that it should be well looked after,
he left there as hermit one of our soldiers named
Juan de Torres de Cordoba, who was old and lame.
He ordered our carpenters to make a cross and place
it on a £tone support which we had already built and
plastered over.
The next morning, mass was celebrated at the altar
by Padre Fray Bartolom.6 de Olmedo, and then an
order was given to fumigate the holy image of Our
Lady and the sacred cross with the incense of the
country, and we showed them how to make candles
of the native wax and ordered these candles always to
be kept burning on the altar, for up to that time they
did not know how to use the wax. The mo& important
chieftains of that town and of others who had come
together, were present at the Mass.
164
ALLOTMENT OF INDIAN MAIDENS
At the same time the eight Indian damsels were
brought to be made Christians, for they were Still in
the charge of their parents and uncles. And they were
admonished about many things touching our holy
religion and were then baptized. The niece of the
fat Cacique was named Dona Catalina, and she was
very ugly ; she was led by the hand and given to
Cortes who received her and tried to look pleased.
The daughter of the great Cacique, Cuesco, was named
Dona Francisca, she was very beautiful for an Indian,
and Cortes gave her to Alonzo Hernandez Puerto-
carrero. I cannot now recall to mind the names of the
other six, but I know that Cortes gave them to different
soldiers. When this had been done, we took leave
of all the Caciques and chieftains, who from that time
forward always showed us good will, especially when
they saw that Cortes received their daughters and
that we took them away with us, and after Cortes had
repeated his promises of assistance againSt their
enemies we set out for our town of Villa Rica.
CHAPTER XXXVII
AFTER we had finished our expedition and the people
of Cempoala and Cingapacinga had been reconciled
to one another, and had given their /ealty to His
MajeSty, and all the other things that I have told
about had happened, we returned to our settlement,
and took with us certain chieftains from Cempoala.
On the day of our arrival there came into port a ship
from the Island of Cuba, under the command of
Francisco de Saucedo.
At the same time there arrived Luis Marin (a man
of great merit) and ten soldiers. Saucedo brought a
165
GIFT TO THE EMPEROR
horse, and Luis Marin a mare ; and they brought
from Cuba the news that the decree had reached Diego
Velasquez from Spain giving him authority to trade
and found settlements, at which his friends were
greatly rejoiced, all the more when they learned that
he had received his commission appointing him
Adelantado of Cuba.
Being in that town without any plans beyond finish-
ing the fort, for we were Still at work on it, mo£t of us
soldiers suggested to Cortes to let the fort £tand as
it was, for a memorial (it was juft ready to be roofed),
for we had already been over three months in the
country, and it seemed to us better to go and see
what this great Montezuma might be like and to earn
an honest living and make our fortune ; but that
before we Parted on our journey we should send out
salutations to His Majesty the Emperor, and give
him an account of all that had happened since we left
the Island of Cuba. It also began to be debated whether
we should send to His Majesty all the gold that we
had received, both what we had got from barter, as
well as the presents that Montezuma had sent us.
Cortes replied that it was a very wise decision and that
he had already talked to some of the gentlemen about
it, and that as perchance in this matter of the gold
there might be some soldiers who wished to keep
their shares, and if it were divided up there would be
very little to send, that for this reason he had appointed
Diego de Ordas and Francisco de Montejo who were
good men of business, to go from soldier to soldier
among those whom it was suspefted would demand
their share of the gold, and say these words : " Sirs,
you already know that we wish to send His Majesty
a present of the gold which we have obtained here, and
,as it is the fir^l [treasure] that we are sending from
this land it ought to be much greater ; it seems to us
that we should all place at his service the portions that
1 66
LETTERS TO THE EMPEROR
fall to our share. We gentlemen and soldiers who have
here written our names have signed as not wishing to
take anything, but to give it all voluntarily to His
Majesty, so that he may bestow favours on us. If
anyone wishes for his share it will not be refused him,
but whoever renounces it let him do as we have all
done, and sign here."
In this way they all signed to a man. When this
was settled, Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero and
Francisco de Montejo were chosen as proctors to go
to Spain, for Cortes had already given them over two
thousand dollars to keep them in his interest. The
be& ship in the fleet was got ready, and two pilots
were appointed, one of them being Anton de Alaminos,
who knew the passage through the Bahama Channel,
for he was the &rSt man to sail through it, and fifteen
sailors were told off, and a full supply of ship's ^lores-
given to them. When everything was ready, we agreed
to write to tell His Majesty all that had happened.
Cortes wrote on his own account, so he told us, an
accurate narrative of the events, but we did not see
his letter.
The Cabildo * wrote a letter jointly with ten of the
soldiers from among those who wished to settle in
the land and had appointed Cortes as their general,
and the letter was drawn up with great accuracy so
that nothing was omitted, and I put my signature to
it ; and besides these letters and narratives, all the
captains and soldiers together wrote another letter.
Besides these narratives, we begged His Majesty
until he be pleased to order otherwise, to grant the
government to Hernando Cortes, with the greatest
resped: and humility as well as we were able and
as was proper.
1 Cabildo— Municipality, the alguaciles, etc., already mentioned.
PLOT TO SEIZE A SHIP
CHAPTER XXXVIII
WITHIN four days of the departure of our proftors to
present themselves before our Lord the Emperor,
some of the friends and dependents of Diego Velasquez,
named Pedro Escudero, Juan Cermefio, and Gonzalo
de Umbria a pilot, and a priest named Juan Diaz, and
certain sailors who called themselves Penates,1 who
bore Cortes ill will, determined to seize a small ship
and sail her to Cuba to give notice to Diego Velasquez
and advise him how he might have an opportunity of
capturing our proftors with all the gold and the
messages. These men had already got their &ores in
the ship, and made other preparations, and the time
being paft midnight, were ready to embark, when
one of them seems to have repented of his wish to
return to Cuba, and went to report the matter to
Cortes. When Cortes heard of it and learned how
many there were and why they wished to get away,
and who had given counsel and held the threads of
the plot, he ordered the sails, compass and rudder
to be removed at once from the ship, and had the men
arrefted, and their confessions taken down. They all
told the truth, and their confessions involved in their
guilt others who were remaining with us, but Cortes
kept this quiet at the time as there was no other course
open to him. The sentence which Cortes delivered
was that Pedro Escudero and Juan Cermefio should
be hanged ; that the pilot Gonzalo de Umbria,
should have his feet cut off, and the sailors, Penates,
should receive two hundred lashes each, and Father
Juan Diaz, but for the honour of the church, would
have been punished as well ; as it was he gave him a
great fright. I remember that when Cortes signed
1 Penates = rockmeru
168
CORTES DESTROYS HIS SHIPS
that sentence, he said with great grief and sighs :
" Would that I did not know how to write, so as not
to have to sign away men's lives ! "
As soon as the sentence was carried out,1 Cortes
rode off at break-neck speed for Cempoala which was
five leagues diftant, and ordered two hundred of us
soldiers, and all the horsemen to follow him.
^ Being in Cempoala, as I have stated, and discussing
with Cortes queftions of warfare, and our advance into
the country, and going on from one thing to another,
we, who were his friends, counselled him, although
others opposed it, not to leave a single ship in the
port, but to deftory them all at once, so as to leave
no source of trouble behind, left, when we were
inland, others of our people should rebel like the laft ;
besides, we should gain much additional ftrength
from the masters, pilots and sailors who numbered
nearly one hundred men, and they would be better
employed helping us to watch and fight than remaining
in port.
As far as I can make out, this matter of destroying
the ships which we suggested to Cortes during our
conversation, had already been decided on by himy
but he wished it to appear as though it came from us,
so that if any one should ask him to pay for the shipSy
he could say that he had afted on our advice and we
would all be concerned in their payment. Then he
sent Juan de Escalante to Villa Rica with orders to
bring on shore all the anchors, cables, sails, and every-
thing else on board which might prove useful, and then
to destroy the ships and preserve nothing but the
boats, and that the pilots, sailing mailers and sailors,
who were old and no use for war, should £tay at the
town, and with the two nets they possessed should
undertake the fishing, for there was always fish in
1 As the signature of Juan Cerrneno is attached to the letter written
by the army in 1 520, it looks as though the sentence was not executed.
169
CORTES ADDRESSES THE TROOPS
that harbour, although they were not very plentiful.
Juan de Escalante did all that he was told to do, and
soon after arrived at Cempoala with a company
of sailors, whom he had brought from the ships, and
some of them turned out to be very good soldiers.
When this was done, Cortes sent to summon all
the Caciques of the hill towns who were allied to us
and in rebellion against Montezuma, and told them
how they mu£t give their service to the Spaniards who
remained in Villa Rica, to finish building the church,
fortress and houses, and Cortes took Juan de Escalante
by the hand before them all, and said to them : " This
is my brother," and told them to do whatever he should
order them, and that should they need prote&ion or
assistance against the Mexicans, they should go to
him and he would come in person to their assistance.
All the Caciques willingly promised to do what
might be asked of them, and I remember that they
at once fumigated Juan de Escalante with incense,
although he did not wish it done. Escalante was a
man well qualified for any po£t and a great friend of
Cortes, so he could place him in command of the
town and harbour with confidence, so that if Diego
Velasquez should send an expedition there, it would
meet with resistance.
CHAPTER XXXIX
WHEN the ships had been destroyed, with our full
knowledge, one morning after we had heard mass,
when all the captains and soldiers were assembled and
were talking to Cortes about military matters, he
begged us to HSten to him, and argued with us as
follows :
" We all understood what was the work that lay
before us, and that with the help of our Lord Jesus
170
LETTER FROM ESCALANTE
Chri£l we muft conquer in all battles and encounters
[that fell to our lot], and mu£t be as ready for them
as was befitting, for if we were anywhere defeated,
which pray God would not happen, we could not
raise our heads again, as we were so few in numbers,
and we could look for no help or assistance, but that
which came from God, for we no longer possessed ships
in which to return to Cuba, but mu£t rely on our own
good swords and Stout hearts " — and he went on to
draw many comparisons and relate the heroic deeds
of the Romans. One and all we answered him that
we would obey his orders, that the die was ca& for
good fortune, as Caesar said when he crossed the
Rubicon, and that we were all of us ready to serve God
and the King. After this excellent speech, which was
delivered with more honied words and greater
eloquence than I can express here, Cortes at once sent
for the fat Cacique and reminded him that he should
treat the church and cross with great reverence and
keep them clean ; and he also told him that he meant
to depart at once for Mexico to order Montezuma
not to rob or offer human sacrifices, and that he now
had need of two hundred Indian carriers to transport
his artillery. He also asked fifty of the leading warriors
to go with us. Ju£l as we were ready to set out, a
soldier, whom Cort6s had sent to Villa Rica with orders
for some of the men remaining there to join him,
returned from the town bearing a letter from Juan de
Escalante, saying that there was a ship sailing along
the coa&, and that he had made smoke signals and
others, and he believed that they had seen his signals,
but. that they did not wish to come into the harbour,
and that he had sent some Spaniards to watch to
what place the ships should go, and they had reported
that the ship had dropped anchor near the mouth of
a river distant about three leagues, and that he wished
to know what he should do.
171
SHIPS SENT BY DE GARAY
When Cortes had read the letter he at once ordered
Pedro de Alvarado to take charge of all his army at
Cempoala and with him Gonzalo de Sandoval. This
was the fir£t time that Sandoval was given a command*
Then Cortes rode off at once in company with four
horsemen, leaving orders for fifty of the mo£t aftive
soldiers to follow him, and he named those of us who
were to form this company and that same night we
arrived at Villa Rica.
When we reached Villa Rica, Juan de Escalante
came to speak to Cortes and said that it would be as
well to go to the ship that night, le£t she should set
sail and depart, and that he would go and do this with
twenty soldiers while Cortes reeled himself. Cortes
replied that he could not re&, that " a lame goat
muSt not nap ", that he would go in person with the
soldiers he had brought with him. So before we could
get a mouthful of food we Started to march along the
coa& and on the road we came on four Spaniards
who had come to take possession of the land in the
name of Francisco de Garay the governor of Jamaica.
When Cortes heard this and knew that de Garay
was Staying behind in Jamaica and sending captains
to do the work, he asked by what right and title those
captains came. The four men replied that in the year
1518 as the fame of the lands we had discovered had
spread throughout the Islands, that then Garay had
information that he could beg from His Majefty
the right to all the country he could discover from the
Rio San Pedro and San Pablo towards the north.
As Garay had friends at Court who could support
his petition, he hoped to obtain their assistance, and
he sent his Mayordomo to negotiate the matter,
and this man brought back a commission for him as
Adelantado and Governor of all the land he could
discover north of the Rio San Pedro and San Pablo.
Under this commission he at once despatched three
172
ARRIVE ON MEXICAN COAST
ships with about two hundred and seventy soldiers
and supplies and horses under the captain Alonzo
Alvarez Pinedo, who was settling on the Rio Panuco,
about seventy leagues away ; and these Spaniards
said that they were merely doing what their captain
told them to do, and were in no way to blame.
When Cortes had learned their business he cajoled
them with many flattering speeches and asked them
whether we could capture the ship. Guillen de la Loa,
who was the leader of the four men, answered that
they could wave to the ship and do what they could,
but although they shouted and waved their cloaks and
made signals, they would not come near, for, as those
men said, their captain knew that the soldiers of Cortes
were in the neighbourhood and had warned them to
keep clear of us.
When we saw that they would not send a boat, we
understood that they mu£t have seen us from the
ship as we came along the coa£t, and that unless we
could trick them they would not send the boat ashore
again. Cortes asked the four men to take off their
clothes so that four of our men could put them on,
and when this was done we returned along the coa£t
the way we had come so that our return could be
seen from the ship and those on board might think
that we had really gone away. Four of our soldiers
remained behind wearing the other men's clothes,
and we remained hidden in the wood with Cortes
until pa£t midnight, and then when the moon set it
was dark enough to return to the mouth of the creek
but we kept well hidden so that only the four soldiers
could be seen. When the dawn broke the four soldiers
began to wave their cloaks to the ship, and six sailors
put off from her in a boat. Two of the sailors jumped
ashore to fill two jugs with water, and we who were
with Cortes kept in hiding waiting for the other sailors
to land ; but they flayed where they were and our
173
CAPTURE OF SIX SPANIARDS
four soldiers who were wearing the clothes of Garay's
people pretended that they were washing their hands
and kept their faces hidden. The men in the boat
cried out : " Come on board, what are you doing ?
Why don't you come ? " One of our men answered :
" Come on shore for a minute and you will see." As
they did not know his voice, they pushed off with
their boat, and although we shouted to them they
would answer nothing. We wanted to shoot at them
with muskets and cross bows, but Cortes would not
allow it, and said : " Let them go in peace and report
to their captain/'
So six soldiers from that ship remained in our com-
pany, the four we had fir£t captured, and the two sailors
who had come ashore. And we returned to Villa Rica
without having had anything to eat since we fir£t
Parted.
THE MARCH FROM CEMPOALA TO TLAXCAIA
Introductory Note to Chapter XL
THE Spaniards left Cempoala on the i6th August and crossed the
frontier into Tlaxcalan territory on the 315!: August.
Bernal Dfaz says that they reached Jalapa on the firsl: day, but that
is not probable. Between Jalapa and Ixtacmaxtitlan there is no name
given by Bernal Diaz or Cortes which coincides with a name on the
modern map, although the Socochima of the narrative is undoubtedly
Xico Viejo, a few miles from the modern village of Xico. The ruins
of Xico Viejo were recently visited by Dr J. W. Fewkes, who says
that " the lasl: half mile of the road is pradically impassable for horses,
and musT: be made on foot, justifying the statements of Gomara
regarding the difficulties the horsemen of Corte*s encountered in
reaching the pueblo." (Twenty-fifth Annual Report, Bureau of
American Ethnology, 1903-4.)
The Theuhixuacan mentioned by Gomara musT: be the Ixuacan
of the modern map.
The Spaniards passed to the south of the great mountain mass of
the Cofre de Perote (13,403 ft.) between that mountain and the
snowcapped volcano of Orizaba (17,365 ft.) to the tableland of
Tlaxcala.
There is a considerable rise between Cempoala and Jalapa, which
£ands at an elevation of 4,608 ft.
MARCH TO TLAXCALA
I am unable to ascertain the height of the pass between Perote and
Orizaba, but it probably exceeds 10,000 ft., followed by a descent of
about 3,000 ft. to the plains of Tlaxcala and Puebla which are 7,000 ft.
to 8,000 ft. above sea level.
According to Bernal Diaz, the most difficult pass (Puerto de Nombre
de Dios) was crossed before reaching the main divide.
After the passage between the mountains the Spaniards came to the
salt kkes, marshes, and inhospitable Wretches of sand and volcanic
ash which extend along the western slope of the Cofre de Perote.
It is impossible to locate the exact route between the mountain pass-
and Zocotlan, as no names are given and part of the country is unin-
habitable. Zocotlan itself was in all probability the Zautla of the
modern map, but we are not on secure ground until the Spaniards
reach Ixtacmaxtitlan, near the Tlaxcalan frontier. This frontier is still
marked by the ruins of the wall built by the Tlaxcalans as a defence
against their enemies, but the ruins are not marked on the Govern-
ment map. However, the natural line of travel would be up £ream
from Ixtacmaxtitlan, and this would bring us to a place marked on
the map Altlatlaya (no doubt Atalaya, which means a watch tower)*
and I have taken this to be the spot where the Spaniards passed the
wall, and have so marked it on the map which accompanies this volume.
The march from Jalapa to Zocotlan must have been a most arduous
one, and all the more difficult from the fact that it was undertaken
in the middle of the rainy season. There is a much easier, although
somewhat longer, route passing round the north of Cofre de Perote,
but this was probably avoided by the Cempoalans as passing through
too much of the enemies' country.
Appended is an Itinerary, with dates compiled from the writings of
Bernal Diaz,1 Cortes,2 Gomara,3 and Andres de Tapia,4 with the
modern spelling of some of the names taken from Padre Agustin
Rivera.5
August.'
1 6. Leave Cempoak.
17-
18. Jalapa.
19. Xico (modern map), Cocochima (B. D.), Sienchimalen (C.),
Sienchimatl (G.), Xicochimilco (R.).
20. A high pass and Tejutla (B. D.), Puerto de Nombre de Dios and
Ceyconacan (C.), Theuhixuacan (G.), Ceycoccnacan, now
Ishuacan de los Reyes (note to Cortes' letter in Rivadeneyra
Edition), Ixuacan, modern map.
21. Finish ascent of Mountain (B.D.), Despoblado — uninhabited
country.
i (B. D.) * (C.) 3 (G.) * (T.) 5 (R.)
175
PREPARATIONS FOR ADVANCE
August.
22. Despoblado. Lakes of salt water and Salitrales (T.). Salitrales
(G.)
23. Despoablado. Puerto de la Lena. March 2 leagues to
24. Xocotlan (B. D.), Zaclotan (G.), Xocotla (R.), valley called
Caltanmi (C.), Zacatami (G.), Spaniards called it Caftil
Blanco. Probably the Zautla of modern maps.
25. Xocotlan.
26. Xocotlan.
27. Xocotlan. March 2 leagues up the valley to
28. Iztacmaftitan (C.), Iztacmixtlitan (G.), Ixtamaxtitlan (R.),
Ixtacamasliitlan (modern map).
Xalacingo of Bernal Diaz (evidently an error).
29. Ixtacmaxtitlan.
30. Ixtacmaxtitlan.
31. Cross the frontier into Tlaxcala at the great wall. March
4 leagues, skirmish with force of Tlaxcalans and Otomies.
September.
2. FirsT: battle with the Tlaxcalan army under Xicotenga.
5. Second battle.
23 . Spaniards enter the city of Tlaxcala.
CHAPTER XL
WHEN our departure for Mexico had received full
consideration, we sought advice as to the road we
should take, and the chieftains of Cempoala were
agreed that the be£t and moSt convenient road was
through the province of Tlaxcala, for the Tlaxcalans
were their allies and mortal enemies of the Mexicans.
Forty chieftains, all warriors, were already prepared
to accompany us and were of great assistance to us
on that journey ; and they provided us as well with
two hundred carriers to transport our artillery. We
poor soldiers had no need of help, for at that time we
had nothing to carry except our arms, lances, muskets,
crossbows, shields, and the like, with which we both
marched and slept, and we were shod with hempen
shoes, and were always prepared for a fight.
MARCH FROM CEMPOALA
In the middle of August, 1519, we set out from
Cempoala, keeping always in good formation, with
scouts and some of the mo£t a&ive soldiers in advance.
The fir& day we marched towards a town named
Jalapa, and thence to Socochima, a Strong place with
a difficult approach, and inside there were many vines
of the grapes of the country * on trellises. In both
these towns, through our interpreters, all matters
touching our holy religion were explained to the
people, and that we were the vassals of the Emperor
Don Carlos, who had sent us to put an end to human
sacrifices and robbery. As they were friends of the
Cempoalans and did not pay tribute to Montezuma,
we found them very well disposed towards us, and
they provided us with food. A cross was erected in
each town and its meaning was explained to them
and they were told to hold it in great reverence.
Beyond Socochima we crossed some high mountain
ranges by a pass, and arrived at another town named
Texutla, where we were also well received, for like
the others they paid no tribute to Mexico. On leaving
that town we finished the ascent of the mountains
and entered an uninhabited country, and it was very
cold and hail and rain fell that night. There was a
great scarcity of food and a wind came down from the
snowy hills on one side of us which made us shiver
with cold. As we had come from the coaft, which is
very hot, and had nothing with which to cover our-
selves, only our armour, we suffered from the fro&,
for we were not accustomed to a different temperature.
Then we entered another pass where there were
some hamlets and large temples with idols, and they
had great piles of firewood for the service of the idols
which were kept in those temples ; but £ill there
was nothing to eat, and the cold was intense.
1 These were probably grenadilla$y the fruit of passion-flowers.
177
THE MARCH TO XOCOTLAN
We next entered into the land belonging to ^ the
town of Xocotlan, and we sent two Cempoala Indians
to advise the Cacique how we were faring so that the
people might receive us favourably. This town was
subjeft to Mexico so we always marched on the
alert and in good order for we could see that we were
already in a different sort of country, and when we
saw the white gleam of the roof tops and the houses
of the Caciques and the cues and numerous oratories,
which were very lofty and covered with white planter,
they looked very pleasing like a town in our own
Spain, so we called the place Ca£tilblanco, and so it
is called to this day. And when, through our
messengers, they knew that we were approaching, the
Cacique and other chieftains came out to meet us
close by their houses. The name of the Cacique was
Olintecle, and he conduced us to some lodgings and
gave us food, but there was very little of it and it
was given with ill will.
As soon as we had eaten, Cortes asked through our
interpreters about their Lord Montezuma. The
chief told us of his great Strength in warriors, which
he kept in all the provinces under his sway, without
counting many other armies which were polled on the
frontiers and in neighbouring provinces, and he [the
chief] then spoke of the great fortress of Mexico, and
how the houses were built in the water, and how one
can only pass from one house to another by means
of bridges, or canoes ; and how all the houses have
flat roofs, which, by raising breastworks when they
are needed, can be turned into fortresses. That
the city is entered by three causeways, each causeway
having four or five openings in it through which
the water can flow from one part to another, and each
opening has a wooden bridge over it so that when any
one of those bridges is raised no one can enter the city
of Mexico, Then the chief told us of the great £tore
178
BE LOS €ASTELLAM)S
ENLAS IsiASITIERIUD
EERM.E BEL HAR OCEANS
ESCRITA POR ARTONIOB
HERRJSBA COROHIS'TA
TITLE PAGE FROM HERRERA'S HISTORY OF THE INDIES— DECADE IV
[/ace p. 178
OLINTECLE DESCRIBES MEXICO
of gold and silver, and chalchihuite Clones and other
riches which Montezuma, his lord, possessed, and
he never ceased telling us how great a lord he was,
so that Cortes and all of us marvelled at hearing him.
The more he told us about the great fortress and
bridges, of such £tuff are we Spanish soldiers made,
the more we wanted to try our luck against them,
although it seemed a hopeless enterprise, judging
from what Olintecle explained and told us. In reality
Mexico was much Stronger and had better munitions
and defences than anything he told us about, for
it is one thing to have seen the place itself and its
Strength, and quite another thing to describe it as I do.
He added that Montezuma was so great a prince that
he placed anything he chose under his rule, and that
he did not know if he would be pleased when he heard
of our £tay in that town, and that we had been given
lodgings and food without his permission.
Cortes replied through our interpreters : — " I would
have you know that we have come from distant lands
at the order of our lord and King, who has many
and great princes as his vassals, and he sends us to
command your great Prince Montezuma not to
sacrifice or kill any more Indians, or to rob his vassals,
or to seize any more lands, but to give his fealty to
our lord the King. And now I say the same to you,
Olintecle, and to all the other Caciques who are with
you, desi& from your sacrifices, and no longer eat the
flesh of your own relations, and the other evil customs
which you practise, for such is the will of our Lord
God, whom we believe in and worship, the giver of
life and death who will take us up to heaven." To all
of which things they made no reply.
Cortes said to the soldiers who were present around
him : " It seems to me, gentlemen, that there remains
nothing for us to do but to set up a cross." But
Padre Fray Bartolome de Olmedo replied : " It seems
179
SPANIARDS MUST BE TEULES !
to me, sir, that the time has not yet come to leave
crosses in the charge of these people for they are
somewhat shameless and without fear, and as they
are vassals of Montezuma they may burn the crosses
or do some other evil thing, and what you have said
to them is enough until they know something more
of our holy religion." So the matter was settled and
no cross was set up. I will go on to say that we had with
us a very large lurcher which belonged to Francisco
de Lugo, which barked much of a night, and it seems
that the Caciques of the town asked our friends whom
we had brought from Cempoala, whether it was a
tiger or a lion, or an animal with which to kill Indians,
and they answered them : " They take it with them
to kill anyone who annoys them."
They also asked what we did with the artillery we
had brought with us, and the Cempoalans replied
that with some Atones which we put inside them we
could kill anyone we wished to kill, and that the
horses ran like deer and they would catch anyone we
told them to run after. Then Olintecle said to the other
chiefs : " Surely they mu£t be Teules " ! Our Indian
friends replied : " So at la£t you have found it out !
Take care not to do anything to annoy them, for they
will know it at once ; they even know one's thoughts.
These Teules are those who captured the tax-gatherers
of your great Montezuma and decreed that no more
tribute should be paid throughout the sierras nor in
our town of Cempoala ; and they are the same who
turned our Teules out of their temples and replaced
them with their own gods and who have conquered
the people of Tabasco and Champoton, and they are
so good that they have made friendship between us
and the people of Cingapacinga. In addition to this
you have seen how the great Montezuma, notwith-
ftanding all his power, has sent them gold and cloth,
and now they have come to your town and we see
r 80
IOO.OOQ HUMAN SKULLS
that you have given them nothing — run at once and
bring them a present ! "
It seems that we had brought good advocates with
us, for the townspeople soon brought us four pendants,
and three necklaces, and some lizards, all made of
gold, but all the gold was of poor quality ; and they
brought us four Indian women who were good for
grinding maize for bread, and one load of cloth. Cortes
received these things with a cheerful good will and
with many expressions of thanks,
I remember that in the plaza where some of their
oratories flood, there were piles of human skulls so
regularly arranged that one could count them, and
I estimated them at more than a hundred thousand,
I repeat again that there were more than one hundred
thousand of them. And in another part of the plaza
there were so many piles of dead men's thigh bones
that one could not count them ; there was also a large
number of skulls flrung between beams of wood, and
three priests who had charge of these bones and
skulls were guarding them. We had occasion to see
many such things later on as we penetrated into the
country for the same custom was observed in all the
towns, including those of Tlaxcala,
After all that I have related had happened, we
determined to set out on the road to Tlaxcala which
our friends told us was very near, and that the boundary
was close by where some boundary flones were placed
to mark it. So we asked the Cacique Olintecle, which
was the be& and mo£t level road to Mexico, and he
replied the road which passed by the large town named
Cholula, and the Cempoalans said to Cortes : " Sir,
do not go by Cholula for the people there are
treacherous, and Montezuma always keeps a large
garrison of warriors in that town " ; and they advised
us to go by way of Tlaxcala where the people were
their friends and enemies of the Mexicans. So we
181
DEPARTURE FOR TLAXCALA
agreed to take the advice of the Cempoalans, trusting
that God would direft us.
Cort6s demanded of Olintecle twenty warrior
chiefs to go with us, and he gave them at once. The
next morning we set out for Tlaxcala and arrived at a
little town belonging to the people of Xalacingo.
182
INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO BOOK IV
BETWEEN the 31$: August when the Spaniards crossed the Tlaxcalan
frontier and fought a skirmish with some Otomi-Tlaxcalan troops, and
the 2 3rd September when they entered the Capital of Tlaxcala, only-
two dates are mentioned by Bernal Diaz. He gives the 2nd September
(Gomara says the ist September) as the date of the firs! great battle
against the Tlaxcalan army under Xicotenca (Xicotencatl), and the
name of the battlefield as Tehuacingo or Tehuacacingo, which cannot
now be identified.
After the battle the Spaniards took shelter in a village with a temple
on a hill ; this hill is still pointed out by the natives as the site of
Cortes* camp. Here the Spaniards formed a fortified camp, which
continued to be their headquarters until the war was over, and they
marched to the Capital of Tlaxcala.
Bernal Diaz tells us that this camp was near Cunpanzingo, probably
the Tzompantzingo of the modern maps.
Bernal Diaz gives the 5th September as the date of the second great
battle, which was fought close by the camp.
Although the accounts of the war in Tlaxcala given by Bernal Diaz
and Cortis agree in the main points, they do not always give the
-events in the same order. It seems probable that Bernal Diaz places
the night attack too early, and that it took place after Xicotenga had
sent the spies to the Spanish camp.
The boundaries of the so-called Republic of Tlaxcala appear to
have been almost identical with those of the modern state of the same
name.
It has become a commonplace to describe the Tlaxcalans as hardy
mountaineers and their form of Government as Republican, but such
discrimination is misleading. Their country was no more mountainous
than that of the Mexicans, and their form of Government was much
the same as that of other Nahua* communities ; but as they had
achieved no foreign conquests, they were compelled to be self-support-
ing, and in that differed from the Mexicans, who were becoming a
military caste, supported to a great extent by tribute from conquered
tribes. Their country was fertile, and there must have been a large
agricultural population, and all the men were inured to hardship and
continual border warfare.
According to Andres de T£pia the exigence of the Tkxcakns as
an independent nation was owing to the forbearance of the Mexicans
themselves, for when he asked why they had not been conquered,
Montezuma himself answered : " We could easily do so, but then there
would be nowhere for the young men to exercise themselves without
going a long way off, and besides we always like to have people to
sacrifice to our Gods."
BOOK IV
THE WAR IN TLAXCALA
CHAPTER XLI
FROM the little town belonging to Xalacingo, where
they gave us a golden necklace and some cloth and
two Indian women, we sent two Cempoalan chieftains
as messengers to Tlaxcala, with a letter, and a fluffy
red Flemish hat, such as was then worn. We well
knew that the Tlaxcalans could not read the letter,
but we thought that when they saw paper different
from their own, they would underhand that it con-
tained a message ; and what we sent to them was
that we were coming to their town, and hoped they
would receive us well, as we came, not to do them
harm, but to make them our friends. We did this
because in this little town they assured us that the
whole of Tlaxcala was up in arms against us, for it
appears that they had already received news of our
approach and that we were accompanied by many
friends, both from Cempoala and Xocotlan, and other
towns through which we had passed. As all these
towns usually paid tribute to Montezuma, the Tlax-
calans took it for granted that we were coming to
attack Tlaxcala, as their country had often been entered
by craft and cunning and then laid wa£ie, and they
thought that this was another attempt to do so. So as
soon as our two messengers arrived with the letter
and the hat and began to deliver their message, they
were seized as prisoners before their Story was finished',
and we waited all that day and the next for an answer
and none arrived.
184
MESSENGERS ESCAPE
Then Cortes addressed the chiefs of the town where
we had halted, and repeated all he was accuftomed to
tell the Indians about our holy religion, and many
other things which we usually repeated in mo£t of the
towns we passed through, and after making them many
promises of assistance, he asked for twenty Indian
warriors of quality to accompany us on our march,
and they were given us mo& willingly.
After commending ourselves to God, with a happy
confidence we set out on the following day for Tlaxcala,
and as we were inarching along, we met our two
messengers who had been taken prisoners. It seems
that the Indians who guarded them were perplexed
by the warlike preparations and had been careless of
their charge, and in faft, had let them out of prison.
They arrived in such a &ate of terror at what they had
seen and heard that they could hardly succeed in
expressing themselves.
According to their account, when they were
prisoners the Tlaxcalans had threatened them, saying :
" Now we are going to kill those whom you call
Teules, and eat their flesh, and we will see whether
they are as valiant as you announce ; and we shall
eat your flesh too, you who come here with treasons
and lies from that traitor Montezuma ! " — and for
all that the messengers could say, that we were againft
the Mexicans, and wished to be brothers to the
Tlaxcalans, they could not persuade them of its
truth.
When Cortes and all of us heard those haughty
words, and learned how they were prepared for war,
although it gave us matter for serious thought, we
all cried : " If this is so, forward — and good luck
to us ! " We commended ourselves to God and
marched on, the Alferez, Corral, unfurling our banner
and carrying it before us, for the people of the little
town where we had slept, as well as the Cempoalans
TLAXCALAN FRONTIER CROSSED
assured us that the Tlaxcalans would come out to
meet us and resist our entry into their country.
In this way we marched about two leagues, when
we came upon a fortress Wrongly built of £tone and
lime and some other cement, so £lrong that with iron
pickaxes it was difficult to demolish it and it was
conftrufted in such a way both for offence and defence,
that it would be very difficult to capture. We halted
to examine it, and Cortes asked the Indians from
Xocotlan for what purpose the fortress had been
built in such a way. They replied that, as war was
always going on between the people of Tlaxcala and
their lord Montezuma, the Tlaxcalans had built this
fort so throng the better to defend their towns, for
we were already in their territory. We rented awhile
and this, our entry into the land of Tlaxcala and the
fortress, gave us plenty to think about. Cortes said :
" Sirs, let us follow our banner which bears the sign
of the holy cross, and through it we shall conquer ! "
Then one and all we answered him : " May good
fortune attend our advance, for in God lies the true
Strength." So we began our march again in the
order I have already noted.
We had not gone far when our scouts observed
about thirty Indians who were spying. These
spies wore devices and feather head-dresses, and
when our scouts observed them they came back to
give us notice. Cortes then ordered the same scouts
to follow the spies, and to try and capture one of
them without hurting them ; and theft he sent five
more mounted men as a support, in case there should
be an ambush. Then all our army hastened on, for
our Indian friends who were with us said that there
was sure to be a large body of warriors waiting in
ambush.
When the thirty Indian spies saw the horsemen
coming towards them, and beckoning to them with
186
SKIRMISH WITH TLAXCALANS
their hands, they would not wait for them to come
up and capture one of them ; furthermore, they
defended themselves so well, that with their swords
and lances they wounded some of the horses.
When our men saw how fiercely the Indians fought
and that their horses were wounded, they were obliged
to kill five of the Indians. As soon as this happened,
a squadron of Tlaxcalans, more than three thousand
Strong, which was lying in ambush, fell on them all
of a sudden, with great fury and began to shower arrows
on our horsemen who were now all together ; and
they made a good fight with their arrows and fire-
hardened darts, and did wonders with their two-
handed swords. At this moment we came up with
our artillery, muskets and crossbows, and little
by little the Indians gave way, but they had
kept their ranks and fought well for a considerable
time.
In this encounter, they wounded four of our men
and I think that one of them died of his wounds a
few days later.
As it was now late the Tlaxcalans beat a retreat and
we did not pursue them ; they left about seventeen
dead on the field, and many wounded. Where these
skirmishes took place the ground was level and there
were many houses and plantations of maize and
magueys, which is the plant from which they make
their wine.
We slept near a Stream, and with the grease from a
fat Indian whom we had killed and cut open, we
dressed our wounds, for we had no oil, and we supped
very well on some dogs which the Indians breed >
food] for all the houses were abandoned and the
provisions carried off, and they had even taken the
dogs with them, but these came back to their homes
in the night, and there we captured them, and they
proved good enough food.
A GREAT BATTLE IS FOUGHT
All night we were on the alert with watches and
patrols and scouts, and the horses bitted and saddled,
in fear left the Indians would attack us.
CHAPTER XLII
THE next day, as we marched on, two armies of warriors
approached to give us battle. They numbered six
thousand men and they came on us with loud shouts
and the din of drums and trumpets, as they shot their
arrows and hurled their darts and afted like brave
warriors. Cortes ordered us to halt, and sent forward
the three prisoners whom we had captured the day
before, to tell them not to make war on us as we wished
to treat them as brothers. He also told one of our
soldiers, named Diego de Godoy, who was a royal
notary, to watch what took place so that he could bear
witness if it should be necessary, so that at some
future time we should not have to answer for the
deaths and damages which were likely to take place,
for we begged them to keep the peace.
When the three prisoners whom we had sent forward
began to speak to the Indians, it only increased their
fury and they made such an attack on us that we could
not endure it. Then Cort6s shouted : — " Santiago —
and at them ! " and we attacked them with such
impetuosity that we killed and wounded many of
them with our fire and among them three captains.
They then began to retire towards some ravines,
where over forty thousand warriors and their captain
general, named Xicotenga, were lying in ambush, all
wearing a red and white device for that was the badge
and livery of Xicotenga.
As there was broken ground there we could make
no use of the horses, but by careful manoeuvring we
got pa£t it, but the passage was very perilous for they
1 88
A GREAT BATTLE IS FOUGHT
made play with their good archery, and with their
lances and broadswords did us much hurt., and the
hail of Atones from their slings was even more damaging.
When we reached the level ground with our horse-
men and artillery, we paid them back and slew many
of them, but we did not dare to break our formation,
for any soldier who left the ranks to follow some of the
Indian captains and swordsmen was at once wounded
and ran great danger. As the battle went on they
surrounded us on all sides and we could do little or
nothing. We dared not charge them, unless we charged
all together, left they should break up our formation ;
and if we did charge them, as I have said, there were
twenty squadrons ready to resist us, and our lives
were in great danger for they were so numerous they
could have blinded us with handfuls of earth, if God
in his great mercy had not succoured us.
While we found ourselves in this conflict among
these great warriors and their fearful broadswords,
we noticed that many of the &ronge£t among them
crowded together to lay hands on a horse. They set
to work with a furious attack, laying hands on a good
mare known to be very handy either for sport or for
charging. The rider, Pedro de Moron, was a very
good horseman, and as he charged with three other
horsemen into the ranks of the enemy the Indians
seized hold of his lance and he was not able to drag it
away, and others gave him cuts with their broadswords,
and wounded him badly, and then they slashed at
the mare, and cut her head off at the neck so that it
hung by the skin, and she fell dead. If his mounted
companions had not come at once to his rescue they
would also have finished killing Pedro de Moron.
We might possibly have helped him with our whole
battalion, but I repeat again that we hardly dared to
move from one place to another for fear that they
would finally rout us, and we could not move one
189
TLAXCALAN ARMY DEFEATED
way or another ; it was all we could do to hold our own
and prevent ourselves from being defeated. How-
ever, we rushed to the conflift around the mare and
managed to save Moron from the hands of the enemy
who were already dragging him off half dead, and we
cut the mare's girths, so as not to leave the saddle
behind. In that aft of rescue, ten of our men were
wounded and I remember that at the same time we
killed four of the (Indian) captains, for we were
advancing in close order and we did great execution
with our swords. When this had happened, the enemy
began to retire, carrying the mare with them, and
they cut her in pieces to exhibit in all the towns of
Tlaxcala, and we learnt afterwards that they made an
offering to their idols of the horseshoes, of the Flemish
felt hat, and the two letters which we had sent them
offering peace.
We were a full hour fighting in the fray and our
shots mu£t have done the enemy much damage for
they were so numerous and in such close formation,
that each shot muft have hit many of them. Horse-
men, musketeers, crossbowmen, swordsmen and those
who used lance and shield, one and all, we fought like
men to save our lives and to do our duty, for we were
certainly in the greatest danger in which we had ever
found ourselves. Later on they told us that we killed
many Indians in this battle, and among them eight
of their leading captains, sons of the old Caciques who
] ived in their principal towns, and for this reason they
drew off in good order. We did not attempt to follow
them, and we were not sorry for it as we were so tired
out we could hardly ftand, and we £byed where we
were in that little town. All the country round was
thickly peopled, and they even have some houses
underground like caves in which many of the Indians
live.
The place where this battle took place is called
190
THE SPANIARDS ENCAMP
Tehuacingo, and it was fought on the 2nd day of the
month of September in the year 1519. When we
saw that victory was ours, we gave thanks to God
who had delivered us from such great danger.
From the field of battle we withdrew the whole
force to some Cues which were Strong and lofty like a
fortress. We dressed the wounded men, who numbered
fifteen, with the fat of an Indian. One man died of
his wounds. We also doftored four or five horses
which had received wounds, and we reeled and supped
very well that night, for we found a good supply of
poultry and little dogs in the houses. And taking
every precaution by porting spies, patrols and scouts,
we reeled until the next morning.
In that battle we captured fifteen Indians, two of
them chieftains. There was one peculiarity that the
Tlaxcalans showed in this and all the other battles —
that was to carry off any Indian as soon as he was
wounded so that we should not be able to see their
dead.
CHAPTER XLHI
As we felt weary after the battles we had fought,
and many of the soldiers and horses were wounded
and some died there, and it was necessary to repair
the crossbows and replenish our Stock of darts, we
passed one day without doing anything worthy of
mention. The following morning Cortes said that it
would be as well for all the horsemen who were fit for
work to scour the country, so that the Tlaxcalans
should not think that we had given up fighting on
account of the la& battle, and that they should see
that we meant to follow them up ; and it was better
for us to go out and attack them than for them to
come and attack us and thus find out our weakness.
As the country was level and thickly populated, we
191
HORSEMEN SCOUR THE COUNTRY
set out with seven horsemen and a few musketeers and
crossbowmen and about two hundred soldiers and
our Indian allies, leaving the camp as well guarded as
was possible. In the houses and towns through which
we passed, we captured about twenty Indian men and
women without doing them any hurt, but our allies,
who are a cruel people, burnt many of the houses and
carried off much poultry and many dogs for food.
When we returned to the camp which was not far off,
Cortes set the prisoners free, after giving them some-
thing to eat, and Dona Marina and Aguilar spoke
kindly to them and gave them beads and told them
not to be so mad any longer, but to make peace with us,
as we wished to help them and treat them as brothers.
Then we also released the two prisoners who were
chieftains and they were given another letter, and were
to tell the high Caciques who lived in the town —
which was the capital of all the towns of the province —
that we had not come to do them any harm or to annoy
them, but to pass through their country on our way to
Mexico to speak to Montezuma. The two messengers
went to Xicotenga's camp which was distant about
two leagues, and when they gave him the letter and
our message the reply that their captain Xicotenga
gave them was, that we might go to his town where
his father was living ; that there peace would be made
by satiating themselves on our flesh, and honour paid
to his gods with our hearts and blood, and that we
should see his answer the very next day.
When Cortes and all of us heard thathaughty message,
as we were already tired out with the battles and
encounters we had passed through, we certainly did
not think that things looked well. So Cortes flattered
the messengers with soft words for it seemed that
they had lo£t all fear, and ordered them to be given
some firings of beads, as he wished to send them back
as messengers of peace.
192
COMMUNICATION WITH XICOTENGA
Cortes then learned from them more fully all about
the Captain Xicotenga, and what forces he had with
him. They told him that Xicotenga had many more
men with him now than he had when he attacked us
before, for he had five captains with him and each
captain had brought ten thousand warriors. This
was the way in which the count was made : Of the
followers of Xicotenga who was blind from age — the
father of the captain of the same name — ten thousand ;
of the followers of another great chief named Mase
Escasi, another ten thousand ; of the followers of
another great chief named Chichimecatecle the same
number ; of another great Cacique, lord of Tope-
yanco, named Tecapacaneca, another ten thousand ;
and of another great chief named Guaxoban, another
ten thousand ; so that there were in all fifty thousand.
That their banner and Standard had been brought
out, which was a white bird with the appearance of
an ostrich, with wings outstretched, as though it
wished to fly, and that each company had its device
and uniform, for each Cacique had a different one,
as do our dukes and counts in our own Castile.
All that I have here said we accepted as perfectly
true, for certain Indians among those whom we had
captured and who were released that day, related it
very clearly, although they were not then believed.
When we knew this, as we were but human and feared
death, many of us, indeed the majority of us, confessed
to the Padre de la Merced and to the prie&, Juan Diaz,
who were occupied all night in hearing our repentance
and commending us to God and praying that He would
pardon us and save us from defeat.
SECOND GREAT BATTLE
CHAPTER XLIV
THE next morning, the jth September, 1519, we
mustered the horses. There was not one of the wounded
men who did not come forward to join the ranks and
give as much help as he could. The crossbowmen
were warned to use the Store of darts very cautiouslyj
some of them loading while the others were shooting,,
and the musketeers were to aft in the same way,,
and the men with sword and shield were inStrufted
to aim their cuts and thrusts at the bowels [of their
enemies] so that they would not dare to come as close
to us as they did before. With our banner unfurled,,
and four of our comrades guarding the Standard-
bearer, Corral, we set out from our camp. We had
not marched half a quarter of a league before we began
to see the fields crowded with warriors with great
feather creels and distinguishing devices, and to hear
the blare of horns and trumpets.
All the plain was swarming with warriors and we
ftood four hundred men in number, and of those
many sick and wounded. And we knew for certain
that this time our foe came with the determination to*
leave none of us alive excepting those who would be
sacrificed to their idols.
How they began to charge on us ! What a hail of
Stones sped from their slings ! As for their bowmen,
the javelins lay like corn on the threshing floor ; all
of them barbed and fire-hardened, which would pierce
any armour and would reach the vitals where there is
no prote&ion ; the men with swords and shields and
other arms larger than swords, such as broadswords,
and lances, how they pressed on us and with what
valour and what mighty shouts and yells they charged
upon us ! The &eady bearing of our artillery,,
194
TLAXCALANS AGAIN DEFEATED
musketeers, and crossbowmen, was indeed a help to
us, and we did the enemy much damage, and those
of them who came close to us with their swords and
broadswords met with such sword play from us that
they were forced back and they did not close in on us
so often as in the la£t battle. The horsemen were
so skilful and bore themselves so valiantly that, after
God who protefted us, they were our bulwark. How-
ever, I saw that our troops were in considerable con-
fusion, so that neither the shouts of Cortes nor the
other captains availed to make them close up their
ranks, and so many Indians charged down on us that
it was only by a miracle of sword play that we could
make them give way so that our ranks could be
reformed. One thing only saved our lives, and that
was that the enemy were so numerous and so crowded
one on another that the shots wrought havoc among
them, and in addition to this they were not well com-
manded, for all the captains with their forces could
not come into aftion and from what we knew, since
the last battle had been fought, there had been disputes
and quarrels between the Captain Xicotenga and
another captain the son of Chichimecatecle, over
what the one had said to the other, that he had not
fought well in the previous battle ; to this the son
of Chichimecatecle replied that he had fought better
than Xicotenga, and was ready to prove it by personal
combat. So in this battle Chichimecatecle and his
men would not help Xicotenga, and we knew for a
certainty that he had also called on the company of
Huexotzinco to abstain from fighting. Besides this,
ever since the Ia£t battle they were afraid of the horses
and the musketry, and the swords and crossbows,
and our hard fighting ; above all was the mercy of
God which gave us Strength to endure. So Xico-
tenga was not obeyed by two of the commanders,
and we were doing great damage to his men, for we
195
HARDSHIPS ENDURED BY SPANIARDS
were killing many of them, and this they tried to
conceal ; for as they were so numerous, whenever
one of their men was wounded, they immediately
bound him up and carried him off on their shoulders,
so that in this battle, as in the laft, we never saw a
dead man.
The enemy were already losing heart, and knowing
that the followers of the other two captains whom I
have already named, would not come to their assistance,
they began to give way. It seems that in that battle
we had killed one very important captain, and the
enemy began to retreat in good order, our horsemen
following them at a hard gallop for a short distance,
for they could not sit their horses for fatigue, and
when we found ourselves free from that multitude of
warriors, we gave thanks to God.
In this engagement, one soldier was killed, and
sixty were wounded, and all the horses were wounded
as well. They gave me two wounds, one in the head
with a Stone, and one in the thigh with an arrow ;
but this did not prevent me from fighting, and keeping
watch, and helping our soldiers, and all the soldiers
who were wounded did the same ; for if the wounds
were not very dangerous, we had to fight and keep
guard, wounded as we were, for few of us remained
unwounded.
Then we returned to our camp, well contented, and
giving thanks to God. We buried the dead in one of
those houses which the Indians had built underground,
so that the enemy should not see that we were mortals,
but should believe that, as they said, we were Teules.
We threw much earth over the top of the house, so
that they should not smell the bodies, then we doftored
all the wounded with the fat of an Indian. It was cold
comfort to be even without salt or oil with which to
cure the wounded. There was another want from
which we suffered, and it was a severe one — and that
196
TLAXCALANS CONSULT WIZARDS
was clothes with which to cover ourselves, for such a
cold wind came from the snow mountains, that it
made us shiver, for our lances and muskets and cross-
bows made a poor covering. That night we slept with
more tranquillity than on the night before, when we
had so much duty to do, with scouting, spies, watch-
men and patrols.
CHAPTER XLV
AFTER the battle which I have described was over, i#
which we had captured three Indian chieftains, our
Captain Cortes sent them at once in company with
the two others who were in our camp and who had
already been sent as messengers and ordered them
to go to the Caciques of Tlaxcala and tell them that
we begged them to make peace and to grant us a
passage through their country on our way to Mexico,
and to say that if they did not now come to terms, we
would slay all their people, but that as we were well
disposed towards them we had no desire to annoy
them, unless they gave us reason to do so ; and he
said many flattering things to them so as to make
friends of them, and the messengers then set out
eagerly for the capital of Tlaxcala and gave their
message to all the Caciques already mentioned by me
whom they found gathered in council with many
other elders and prie&s. They were very sorrowful
both over the want of success in the war and at the
death of those captains, their sons and relations, who
had fallen in battle. As they were not very willing to
listen to the message, they decided to summon all
the soothsayers, prices, and those others called 3*aca/
naguas, and they told them to find out from their
197
NIGHT ATTACK REPULSED
witchcraft, charms, and lots what people we were,
and if by giving us battle day and night without
ceasing we could be conquered, and to say if we were
Teules, as the people of Cempoala asserted, and to
tell them what things we ate, and ordered them to look
into all these matters with the greatest care.
When the soothsayers and wizards and many priests
had got together and made their prophecies and
forecasts, and performed all the other rites according
to their use, it seems that they said that by their
divinations they had found out we were men of flesh
and blood and ate poultry and dogs and bread and
fruit, when we had them, and that we did not eat the
flesh nor the hearts of the Indians whom we killed.
It seems that our Indian friends whom we had brought
from Cempoala had made them believe that we were
Teules, and that we ate the hearts of Indians, and that
the cannon shot forth lightning, such as falls from
heaven and that the Lurcher, which was a sort of
lion or tiger, and the horses, were used to catch Indians
when we wanted to kill them, and much more nonsense
of the same sort.
The wor£t of all that the priests and wizards told
the Caciques was, that it was not during the day, but
only at night that we could be defeated, for as night
fell, all our Strength left us. When the Caciques heard
this, and they were quite convinced of it, they sent
to tell their captain general Xicotenga that as soon
as it was possible he should come and attack us in
great force by night. On receiving this order Xico-
tenga assembled ten thousand of the bravest of his
Indians and came to our camp, and from three sides
they began alternately to shoot arrows and throw single
pointed javelins from their spear throwers, and from
the fourth side the swordsmen and those armed with
macanas and broadswords approached so suddenly
that they felt sure that they would carry some of us ofF
198
DILEMMA OF SPANIARDS
to be sacrificed. Our Lord God provided otherwise,
for secretly as they approached, they found us well
on the alert, and as soon as our outposts and spies
perceived the great noise of their movement, they ran
at breakneck speed to give the alarm, and as we
were all accustomed to sleep ready shod, with our
arms on us and our horses bitted and saddled, and
with all our arms ready for use, we defended ourselves
with guns, crossbows and sword play so that they soon
turned their backs. As the ground was level and there
was a moon the horsemen followed them a little way,
and in the morning we found lying on the plain
about twenty of them dead and wounded. So they
went back with great loss and sorely repenting
this night expedition, and I have heard it said, that
as what the priests and wizards had advised did not
turn out well they sacrificed two of them.
That night, one of our Indian friends from Cempoala
was killed and two of our soldiers were wounded and
one horse, and we captured four of the enemy. When
we found that we had escaped from that impetuous
attack we gave thanks to God, and we buried our
Cempoala friend and tended the wounded and the
horse, and slept the re£t of the night after taking every
precaution to protect the camp as was our cuftom.
When we awoke and saw how all of us were wounded,
even with two or three wounds, and how weary
we were and how others were sick and clothed in rags,
and knew that Xicotenga was always after us, and
already over forty-five of our soldiers had been killed
in battle, or succumbed to disease and chills, and
another dozen of them were ill, and our Captain Cortes
himself was suffering from fever as well as the Padre
de la Merced, and what with our labours and the
weight of our arms which we always carried on our
backs, and other hardships from chills and the want
of salt, for we could never find any to eat, we began to
199
CORTES ENCOURAGED
wonder what would be the outcome of all this fighting,
and what we should do and where we should go when
it was finished. To march into Mexico we thought too
arduous an undertaking because of its great armies,
and we said to one another that if those Tlaxcalans,
which our Cempoalan friends had led us to believe
were peacefully disposed, could reduce us to these
traits, what would happen when we found ourselves
at war with the great forces of Montezuma ? In
addition to this we had heard nothing from the Spaniards
whom we had left settled in Villa Rica, nor they of us.
As there were among us very excellent gentlemen
and soldiers, Steady and valiant men of good counsel,
Cort6s never said or did anything [important] without
fir^l asking advice, and afting in concert with us.
One and all we put heart into Cortes, and told him
that he mu& get well again and reckon upon us, and
and that as with the help of God we had escaped
from such perilous battles, our Lord Jesus Christ
mu£t have preserved us for some good end ; that
he [Cortes] should at once set our prisoners free and
send them to the head Caciques, so as to bring them
to peace, when all that had taken place would be
pardoned, including the death of the mare.
Let us leave this and say how Dofia Marina who,
although a native woman, possessed such manly valour
that, although she had heard every day how the Indians
were going to kill us and eat our flesh with chili, and had
seen us surrounded in the late battles, and knew that
all of us were wounded and sick, yet never allowed
us to see any sign of fear in her, only a courage passing
that of woman. So Dona Marina and Jer6nimo de
Aguilar spoke to the messengers whom we were now
sending and told them that they mu£b come and make
peace at once, and that if it was not concluded within
two days we should go and kill them all and destroy
their country and would come to seek them in their
200
THE CACIQUES DELIBERATE
city, and with these brave words they were despatched
to the capital where Xicotenga the elder and Mase
Escasi were residing.
CHAPTER XLVI
WHEN the messengers arrived at Tlaxcala, they found
the two principal Caciques in consultation, namely :
Mase Escasi and Xicotenga, the elder (the father of
the Captain General Xicotenga). When they had heard
the embassy, they were undecided and kept silence
for a few moments, and it pleased God to guide their
thoughts towards making peace with us ; and they
sent at once to summon all the other Caciques and
captains who were in their towns, and those of a
neighbouring province called Huexotzingo who were
their friends and allies, and when all had come together
Mase Escasi and Xicotenga, the elder, who were very
wise men, made them a speech, as we afterwards
learned, to the following effeft, if not exaftly in these
words :
" Brothers and friends, you have already seen how
many times these Teules who are in this country
expecting to be attacked, have sent us messengers
asking us to make peace, saying that they come to
assist us and adopt us as brothers ; and you have also
seen how many times they have taken prisoners
numbers of our vassals to whom they do no harm, and
whom they quickly set free. You well know how we
have three times attacked them with all our forces,
both by day and by night, and have failed to conquer
them, and that they have killed during the attacks we
made on them, many of our people, and of our sons,
relations and captains. Now, again, they have sent
to ask us to make peace and the people of Cempoala
201
XICOTENGA THE YOUNGER
whom they are bringing in their company say that
they are the enemies of Montezuma and his Mexicans,
and have ordered the towns of the Totonac sierra and
those of Cempoala no longer to pay tribute to Monte-
zuma. You will remember well enough that the
Mexicans make war on us every year, and have done
so for more than a hundred years, and you can readily
see that we are hemmed in in our own lands, so that
we do not dare to go outside even to seek for salt, so
that we have none to eat, and we have no cotton, and
bring in very little cotton cloth, and if some of our
people go out or have gone out to seek for it, few of
them return alive, for those traitorous Mexicans and
their allies kill them or make slaves of them. Our
wizards1 and soothsayers and priests have told us
what they think about the persons of these Teules,
and that they are very valiant. It seems to me that
we should seek to be friends with them, and in either
case, whether they be men or Teules, that we should
make them welcome, and that four of our chieftains
should set out at once and take them plenty to eat,
and should offer them friendship and peace, so that
they should assist us and defend us again& our enemies,
and let us bring them here to us, and give them women,
so that we may have relationship with their offspring,
for the ambassadors whom they have sent to treat for
peace, tell us that they have some women with them."
When they had likened to this discourse, all the
Caciques and chiefs approved of it and said that it
was a wise decision and that peace should be made
at once, and that notice should be sent to the Captain
Xicotenga and the other captains who were with him
to return at once and not to attack again, and that
they should be told that peace was already made, and
messengers were immediately sent off to announce it.
However, the Captain Xicotenga the younger would
1 Tacal naguas.
202
EXPEDITION TO TZUMPANTZINGO
not li&en to the four chiefs, and got very angry and
used abusive language against them, and said he
was not for peace, for he had already killed many of
the Teules and a mare, and that he wished to attack us
again by night and completely conquer us and slay us.
When his father, Xicotenga the elder, and Mase
Escasi and the other Caciques heard this reply they
were very angry and sent orders at once to the captains
and to all the army that they should not join Xicotenga
in attacking us again, and should not obey him in
anything that he ordered unless it was in making
peace. And even so he would not obey, and when they
[the Caciques] saw the disobedience of their captain,
they at once sent the same four chieftains whom they
had sent before, to bring food to our camp and treat
for peace in the name of all Tlaxcala and Huexotzingo,
but, from fear of Xicotenga the younger, the four old
men did not come at that time.
CHAPTER XLVII
As two days had passed without our doing anything
worthy of record, we suggested to Cortes, and it was
agreed to, that as there was a town about one league
distant from our camp, which had sent no reply when
summoned to make peace, that we should march again&
it by night and take it by surprise, not with^ intent to
do it any harm, I mean not to kill or wound its
inhabitants, or take them prisoners, but to carry off
food and to frighten or talk them into making peace,
according to the way they might aft.
This town was called Tzumpantzingo, and was the
capital of many other small towns, and the township
where our camp was placed was subjeft to it, and all
round about it was thickly peopled.
203
EXPEDITION TO TZUMPANTZINGO
So one night, long before the approach of dawn, we
rose early to go to that town with six of the be£t horse-
men and the healthiest of the soldiers and ten cross-
bowmen and eight musketeers, with Cortes as our
captain, although he was suffering from tertian fever,
and we left the camp as well guarded as was possible*
We Started on our march two hours before dawn came,
and there was such a cold wind that morning blowing
down from the snowy mountains that it made us shiver
and shake, and the horses we had with us felt it keenly,
for two of them were seized with colic and were
trembling all over, which worried us a good deal as
we feared that they would die. Cortes ordered their
owners to take them back to the camp and try to
cure them.
As the town was not far off we arrived there before
daylight, and when the natives perceived our approach,
they fled from their houses shouting to one another
to look out for the Teules who were coming to kill
them, and the parents, in their panic, did not even
wait to look after their children. When we saw what
was happening, we halted in a court until it was day-
light, so as not to do the people any harm. As soon as
the prie&s who were in the temples, the elders of the
town and some of the old chieftains saw that we &ood
there without doing any harm, they came to Cort£s
and asked his pardon for not coming to our camp
peacefully and bringing food when we had summoned
them to do so, the^ reason being that the captain
Xicotenga, who was in the neighbourhood, had sent
to them to say that they should not give us any, because
his camp was supplied from that town and from
many others, and he had with him as warriors the sons
of the people of that town and from all the territory
of Tlaxcala. Cortes told them through Dona Marina
and Aguilar, who always went with us on every
expedition — even when it took place at night — to have
204
SUPPLIES OF FOOD SECURED
no fear, but to go at once to the Caciques at the capital
and tell them to come and make peace, for the war was
disastrous to them, and he [Cortes] sent those [same]
priests [as messengers], for, by the other messengers
whom we had sent we had so far received no reply
whatever.
These priests of the town quickly searched for
more than forty cocks and hens and two women to
grind tortillas, and brought them to us, and Cortes
thanked them for it, and ordered them at once to send
twenty Indians to our camp, and they came with the
food without any fear whatever and flayed in the camp
until the afternoon, and they were given little beads
with which they returned well contented to their
homes, and in all the small hamlets in our neighbour-
hood they spread word that we were good because we
caused them no annoyance, and the priests and elders
sent notice to the captain Xicotenga and told him
how they had given us the food and the women, and
he rated them severely, and they went at once to the
capital to make it known to the old Caciques. As soon
as they heard that we had not done the people any
harm, although we might have killed many of them
that night, and that we were sending them to treat
for peace, they were greatly pleased, and ordered that
we should be supplied every day with all that we
needed ; and they again ordered the four Caciques,
whom they had before charged with the mission of
peace, to depart in&antly for our camp, and carry with
them all the food that had been prepared. We then
returned to our camp with our supplies of food and
the Indian women, all of us well contented.
However, on our return, we found that there had
been meetings and discussions in camp about the very
great danger we were running day by day during this
war, and on our arrival the discussion grew
lively. Those who talked mo£l and were
205
DISSENSION IN THE CAMP
persi&ent, were those who had left houses and assign-
ments of Indians behind them in Cuba, and as many
as seven of these men (whose names I will not mention
so as to save their honour) met together and went
to the hut where Cortes was lodging, and one of them
who spoke for all, for he was very fluent of speech
and knew very well what they had come to propose,
said, as though he were giving advice to Cortes, that
if he should wish to preserve his life and the lives of
us all, that we should at once return to Villa Rica as
the country there was at peace ; that we ought not to
wait for another battle like the la£t ; and they said
more to the same effeft.
Cortes noticing that they spoke somewhat haughtily,
considering that their words took the form 'of unasked
advice, answered them very gently.
It is true enough that they grumbled at Cortes and
cursed him, and even at us who had advised him, and
at the Cempoalans who had brought us here, and
said other unworthy things, but in such times they
were overlooked. Finally all were fairly obedient.
CHAPTER XLVIII
WHEN Mase Escasi and Xicotenga the elder, and the
greater number of the Caciques of the capital of
Tlaxcala sent four times to tell their captain not to
attack us but to go and treat for peace, he was very
close to our camp, and they sent to the other captains
who were with him and told them not to follow him
unless it was to accompany him when he went to see
us peacefully.
As Xicotenga was bad tempered and ob&inate and
proud, he decided to send forty Indians with food,
poultry, bread and fruit and four miserable looking old
206
MESSAGE FROM XICOTENGA
Indian women, and much copal and many parrots*
feathers. From their appearance we thought that the
Indians who brought this present came with peaceful
intentions, and when they reached our camp they
fumigated Cortes with incense without doing him
reverence, as was usually their custom. They said :
** The Captain Xicotenga sends you all this so that
you can eat. If you are savage Teules, as the Cem-
poalans say you are, and if you wish for a sacrifice,
take these four women and sacrifice them and you can
eat their flesh and hearts, but as we do not know your
manner of doing it, we have not sacrificed them now
before you ; but if you are men, eat the poultry and
the bread and fruit, and if you are tame Teules we
have brought you copal and parrots' feathers ; make
your sacrifice with that."
Cortes answered through our interpreters that he
had already sent to them to say that he desired peace
and had not come to make war, but had come to
entreat them and make clear to them that they should
not kill or sacrifice anyone as was their custom to do.
That we were all men of bone and flesh ju£t as they
were, and not Teules but Christians, and that it was
not the custom to kill anyone ; that had we wished
to kill people, many opportunities of perpetrating
cruelties had occurred during the frequent attacks
they had made on us, both by day and night. That
for the food they had brought he gave them thanks,
and that they were not to be as foolish as they had
been, but should now make peace.
It seems that these Indians whom Xicotenga had
sent with the food were spies. They remained with us
that day and the following night, and some of them
went with messages to Xicotenga and others arrived*
Our friends from Cempoala were sure that they were
spies, and were the more suspicious of them in that
they had been told that Xicotenga was all ready with
207
MESSENGERS PROVE TO BE SPIES
a large number of warriors to attack our camp by
night, and the Cempoalans at that time took it for a
joke or bravado, and not believing it they had said
nothing to Cortes ; but Dona Marina heard of it at
once and she repeated it to Cortes.
So as to learn the truth, Cortes had two of the mo&
honest looking of the Tlaxcalans taken apart from the
others, and they confessed that they were spies ; then
two others were taken and they also confessed and
added that their Captain Xicotenga was awaiting their
report to attack us that night with all his companies.
When Cortes heard this he let it be known throughout
the camp that we were to keep on the alert. Then he
had seventeen of those spies captured and cut off the
hands of some and the thumbs of others and sent
them to the Captain Xicotenga to tell him that he
had had them thus punished for daring to come in
such a way, and to tell him that he might come when
he chose by day or by night, for we should await him
here two days, and that if he did not come within those
two days that we would go and look for him in his
camp, and that we would already have gone to attack
them and kill them, were it not for the liking we had
for them, and that now they should quit their foolish-
ness and make peace.
They say that it was at the very moment that those
Indians set out with their hands and thumbs cut off,
that Xicotenga wished to set out from his camp with
all his forces to attack us by night as had been arranged ;
but when he saw his spies returning in this manner he
wondered greatly and asked the reason of it, and
they told him all that had happened, and from this
time forward he lo& his courage and pride, and in
'addition to this one of his commanders with whom
he had wrangles and disagreements during the
tattles which had been fought, had left the camp with
all his men.
208
EMBASSY FROM TLAXCALA
CHAPTER XLIX
WHILE we were in camp and were busy polishing our
arms and making arrows, each one of us doing what
was necessary to prepare for battle, at that moment
one of our scouts came hurrying in to say that many
Indian men and women with loads were coming along
the high road from Tlaxcala, and were making for
our camp. Cortes and all of us were delighted at
this news, for we believed that it meant peace, as in
fa6l it did, and Cortes ordered us to make no display
of alarm and not to show any concern, but to £tay
hidden in our huts. Then, from out of all those people
who came bearing loads, the four chieftains advanced
who were charged to treat for peace, according to the
instructions given by the old caciques. Making signs
of peace by bowing the head, they came Straight to
the hut where Cortes was lodging and placed one
hand on the ground and kissed the earth and three
times made obeisance and burnt copal, and said that
all the Caciques of Tlaxcala and their allies and
vassals, friends and confederates, were come to place
themselves under the friendship and peace of Cortes
and of his brethren the Teules who accompanied him.
They asked his pardon for not having met us peace-
fully, and for the war which they had waged on us, for
they had believed and held for certain that we were
friends of Montezuma and his Mexicans, who have
been their mortal enemies from times long pa£t, for
they saw that many of his vassals who paid him tribute
had come in our company, and they believed that they
were endeavouring to gain an entry into their country
by guile and treachery, as was their custom to do, so
as to rob them of their women and children ; and this
209
EMBASSY FROM TLAXCALA
was the reason why they did not believe the messengers
whom we had sent to them ; that now they came to beg
pardon for their audacity, and had brought us food,
and that every day they would bring more and tru&ed
that we would receive it with the friendly feeling with
which it was sent ; that within two days the captain
Xicotenga would come with other Caciques and give
a further account of the sincere wish of all Tlaxcala to
enjoy our friendship.
As soon as they had finished their discourse they
bowed their heads and placed their hands on the
ground and kissed the earth. Then Cortes spoke to
them through our interpreters very seriously, pretend-
ing he was angry, and said that there were reasons why
we should not li&en to them and should rejeft their
friendship, for as soon as we had entered their country
we sent to them offering peace and had told them that
we wished to assist them against their enemies, the
Mexicans, and they would not believe it and wished to
kill our ambassadors ; and not content with that, they
had attacked us three times both by day and by night,
and had spied on us and held us under observation ;
and in the attacks which they made on us we might
have killed many of their vassals, but he would not,
and he grieved for those who were killed ; but it was
their own fault and he had made up his mind to go
to the place where the old chiefs were living and to
attack them ; but as they had now sought peace in the
name of that province, he would receive them in the
name of our lord the King and thank them for the food
they had brought. He told them to go at once to their
chieftains and tell them to come or send to treat for
peace with fuller powers, and that if they did not come
we would go to their town and attack them.
He ordered them to be given some blue beads to
be handed to their Caciques as a sign of peace, and
he warned them that when they came to our camp it
210
EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA
should be by day and not by night, left we should
kill them.
Then those four messengers departed, and left in
some Indian houses a little apart from our camp, the
Indian women whom they had brought to make bread,
some poultry, and all the necessaries for service, and
twenty Indians to bring wood and water. From now
on they brought us plenty to eat, and when we saw
this and believed that peace was a reality, we gave
great thanks to God for it. It had come in the nick
of time, for we were already lean and worn oat and
discontented with the war, not knowing or being able
to forecast what would be the end of it.
As our Lord God, through his great loving kindness,
was pleased to give us viftory in those battles in
TIaxcala, our fame spread throughout the surrounding
country, and reached the ears of the great Montezuma
in the great City of Mexico ; and if hitherto they took
us for Teules, from now on they held us in even greater
respeft as valiant warriors, and terror fell on the
whole country at learning how, being so few in number
and the Tlaxcalans in such great force, we had
conquered them and that they had sued us for peace.
So that now Montezuma, the great Prince of Mexico,
powerful as he was, was in fear of our going to his
city, and sent five chieftains, men of much importance,
to our camp at TIaxcala to bid us welcome, and say
that he was rejoiced at our great viftory againft so
many squadrons of warriors, and he sent a present, a
matter of a thousand dollars' worth of gold, in very rich
jewelled ornaments, worked in various shapes, and
twenty loads of fine cotton cloth, and he sent word
that he wished to become the vassal of our great
Emperor, and that he was pleased that we were already
near his city, on account of the good will that he
bore Cortes and all his brothers, the Teules, who were
with him and that he [Cortes] should decide how much
211
XICOTENGA VISITS CORTES
tribute he wished for every year for our great Emperor,
and that he [Montezuma] would give it in gold and
silver, cloth and chalchihuites, provided we would
not come to Mexico. This was not because he would
not receive us with the greatest willingness, but because
the land was rough and Sterile, and he would regret to
see us undergo such hardships which perchance he
might not be able to alleviate as well as he could wish.
Cortes answered by saying that he highly appreciated
the good will shown us, and the present which had
been sent, and the offer to pay tribute to his Majesty,
and he begged the messengers not to depart until he
went to the capital of Tlaxcala, as he would despatch
them from that place, for they could then see how that
war ended.
CHAPTER L
WHILE Cortes was talking to the ambassadors of
Montezuma, and he wanted to take some re£t, for
he was ill with fever, they came to tell him that the
Captain Xicotenga was arriving with many other
Caciques and Captains, all clothed in white and red
cloaks, half of the cloak was white and the other half
red, for this was the device and livery of Xicotenga,
[who was approaching] in a very peaceful manner, and
was bringing with him in his company about fifty
chieftains.
When Xicotenga reached Cortes' quarters he paid
him the greatest respeft by his obeisance, and ordered
much copal to be burned. Cortes, with the greate&
show of affeftion, seated him by his side and Xicotenga
said that he came on behalf of his father and of Mase
Escasi and all the Caciques, and Commonwealth of
Tlaxcala to pray Cortes to admit them to our friend-
ship, and that he came to render obedience to our King
212
XICOTENGA'S SPEECH
and Lord, and to ask pardon for having taken up arms
and made war upon us. That this had been done because
they did not know who we were, and they had taken
it for certain that we had come on behalf of their
enemy Montezuma, and for that reason had
endeavoured to defend themselves and their country,
and were obliged to show fight. He said that they were
a very poor people who possessed neither gold, nor
silver, nor precious Clones, nor cotton cloth, nor even
salt to eat, because Montezuma gave them no oppor-
tunity to go out and search for it, and that although
their ancestors possessed some gold and precious
Clones, they had been given to Montezuma on former
occasions when, to save themselves from destruction,
they had made peace or a truce, and this had been in
times long pa£t ; so that if they had nothing to give
now, we mu£t pardon them for it, for poverty and not
the want of good will was the cause of it. He made
many complaints of Montezuma and his allies who
were all hostile to them and made war on them, but
they had defended themselves very well. Now they
had thought to do the same against us, but they could
not do it although they had gathered against us three
times with all their warriors, and we mu£t be invincible,
and when they found this out about our persons they
wished to become friends with us and the vassals of
the great prince the Emperor Don Carlos, for they
felt sure that in our company they and their women
and children would be guarded and protected, and
would not live in dread of the Mexican traitors, and
he said many other words placing themselves and their
city at our disposal.
Xicotenga was tall, broad shouldered and well
made ; his face was long, pockmarked and coarse,
he was about thirty-five years old and of a dignified
deportment.
Cortes thanked him very courteously, in a moft
213
PEACE WITH TLAXCALA
flattering manner, and said that he would accept them
as vassals of our King and Lord, and as our own friends.
Then Xicotenga begged us to come to his city, for
all the Caciques, elders and priests were waiting to
receive us with great rejoicing. Cortes replied that
he would go there promptly, and would &art at once,
were it not for some negotiations which he was carrying
on with the great Montezuma, and that he would come
after he had despatched the messengers. Then Cortes
spoke somewhat more sharply and severely about the
attacks they had made on us both by day and night,
adding that as it could not now be mended he would
pardon it. Let them see to it that the peace we now
were granting them was an enduring one, without
any change, for otherwise he would kill them and
deftroy their city and that he [Xicotenga] should
not expert further talk about peace, but only of war.
When Xicotenga and all the chieftains who had
come with him heard these words they answered one
and all, that the peace would be firm and true, and
that to prove it they would all remain with us as
homages.
The Mexican Ambassadors were present during
all these discussions and heard all the promises that
were made, and the conclusion of peace weighed on
them heavily, for they fully understood that it boded
them no good. And when Xicotenga had taken his
leave these Ambassadors of Montezuma half laughingly
asked Cortes whether he believed any of those promises
which were made on behalf of all Tlaxcala [alleging]
that it was all a trick which deserved no credence,
and the words were those of traitors and deceivers ;
that their objeft was to attack and kill us as soon as
they had us within their city in a place where they
could do so in safety ; that we should bear in mind
how often they had put forth all their Strength to
destroy us and had failed to do so, and had lo£t many
214
CORRESPONDENCE WITH ESCALANTE
killed and wounded, and that now they offered a sham
peace so as to avenge themselves. Cortes answered
them, with a brave face, that their alleged belief that
such was the case did not trouble him, for even if it
were true he would be glad of it so as to punish
them [the Tlaxcalans] by taking their lives, that it
did not matter to him whether they attacked him by
day or by night, in the city or in the open, he did not
mind one way or the other, and it was for the purpose
of seeing whether they were telling the truth that he
was determined to go to their city.
The Ambassadors seeing that he had made up his
mind begged him to wait six days in our camp as they
wished to send two of their companions with a
message to their Lord Montezuma, and said that
they would return with a reply within six days. To
this Cortes agreed, on the one hand because, as I have
said he was suffering from fever, and on the other
because, although when the Ambassadors had made
these statements he had appeared to attach no import-
ance to them, he thought that there was a chance of
their being true, and that until there was greater
certainty of peace, they were of a nature requiring
much consideration.
As at the time that this peace was made the towns
all along the road that we had traversed from our
Villa Rica de Vera Cruz were allied to us and friendly,
Cortes wrote to Juan de Escalante who, as I have said,
remained in the town to finish building the fort, and
had under his command the sixty old or sick soldiers
who had been left behind. In these letters he told
them of the great mercies which our Lord Jesus Chri&
had vouchsafed to us in the vi&ories which we had
gained in our battles and encounters since we had
entered the province of Tlaxcala, which had now sued
for peace with us, and asked that all of them would
give thanks to God for it. He also told them to see
215
PRESENT FROM MONTEZUMA
to it that they always kept on good terms with our
friends in the towns of the Totonacs, and he told him
to send at once two jars of wine which had been left
behind, buried in a certain marked place in his
lodgings, and some sacred wafers for the Mass, which
had been brought from the Island of Cuba for those
which we had brought on this expedition were already
finished.
These letters were moSt welcome, and Escalante
wrote in reply to say what had happened in the town,
and all that was asked for arrived very quickly.
About this time we set up a tall and sumptuous
cross in our camp, and Cortes ordered the Indians of
Tzumpantzingo and those who dwelt in the houses
near our camp to whitewash it, and it was beautifully
finished.
cease writing about this and return to our
new friends the Caciques of Tlaxcala, who when they
saw that we did not go to their city, came themselves
to our camp and brought poultry and tunas,1 which
were then in season, each one brought some of the
food which he had in his house and gave it to us with
the greatest good will without asking anything in
return, and they always begged Cortes to come with
them soon to their city. As we had promised to wait
six days for the return of the Mexicans, Cortes put
off the Tlaxcalans with fair speeches. When the time
expired, according to their word, six chieftains, men
of great importance, arrived from Mexico, and
brought a rich present from the great Montezuma
consisting of valuable gold jewels wrought in various
shapes worth three thousand pesos in gold, and two
hundred pieces of cloth, richly worked with feathers
and other patterns. When they offered this present
the Chieftains said to Cortes that their Lord Monte-
zuma was delighted to hear of our success, but that
1 Tuxa = the prickly pear, the fruit of the Nopal Cactus (Qpuntia).
216
TLAXCALAN CACIQUES VISIT CAMP
he prayed him mo£t earnestly on no account to go
with the people of Tlaxcala to their town, nor to
place any confidence in them, that they wished ta
get him there to rob him of his gold and cloth, for
they were very poor, and did not possess a decent
cotton cloak among them, and that the knowledge that
Montezuma looked on us as friends, and was
sending us gold and jewels and cloth, would Still
more induce the Tlaxcalans to rob us.
Cortes received the present with delight, and said
that he thanked them for it, and would repay their
Lord Montezuma with good works, and if he should
perceive that the Tlaxcalans had that in mind against
which Montezuma had sent them to warn him, they
would pay for it by having all their lives taken, but he
felt sure they would be guilty of no such villainy,
and he £till meant to go and see what they would do.
Cortes begged the Mexican Ambassadors to wait
for three days for the reply to their prince, as he had
at present to deliberate and decide about the pa£t
hostilities and the peace which was now offered, and
the Ambassadors said that they would wait.
CHAPTER LI
WHEN the old Caciques from all Tlaxcala saw that
we did not come to their city, they decided to come
to us, some in litters, others in hammocks or carried
on men's backs, and others on foot. These were the
Caciques already mentioned by me, named Mase
Escasi, Xicotenga the elder, Guaxolocingo, Chichi-
mecatecle, and Tecapaneca of Topeyanco. _ They
arrived at our camp with a great company of chieftains,
and with every sign of respeft made three obeisances
to Cortes and to all of us, and they burnt copal and
217
TLAXCALAN CACIQUES VISIT CAMP
touched the ground with their hands and kissed it,
and Xicotenga the elder began to address Cortes in
the following words
" Malinche, Malinche, we have sent many times
to implore you to pardon us for having attacked you
and to &ate our excuse, that we did it to defend our-
selves from the hostility of Montezuma and his
powerful forces, for we believed that you belonged
to his party and were allied to him. If we had known
what we now know, we should not only have gone
out to receive you on the roads with supplies of food,
but would even have had them swept for you, and we
would even have gone to you to the sea where you keep
your acales (which are the ships). Now that you
have pardoned us, what I and all these Caciques have
come to request is, that you will come at once with us
to our City, where we will give you of all that we possess
and will serve you with our persons and property.
Look to it Malinche that you do not decide other-
wise or we will leave you at once, for we fear that
perchance these Mexicans may have told you some of
the falsehoods and lies that they are used to tell
about us. Do not believe them nor listen to them, for
they are false in everything, and we well know that
it is on their account that you have not wished to
come to our City."
Cortes answered them with cheerful mien and said,
that it was well known, many years before we had
come to these countries, what a good people they were
and that it was on this account that he wondered at
their attacking us.
He said that the Mexicans who were there were
[merely] awaiting a reply which he was sending to
their Lord Montezuma.
He thanked them heartily for what they said about
our going at once to their city and for the food which
they were continually sending and for their other
218
THE NAME " MALINCHE "
civilities, and he would repay them by good deeds.
He said that he would already have set out for their
City if he had had anyone to carry the tepuzques (that is
the cannon). As soon as they heard these words
the Tlaxcalans were so pleased that one could see it
in their faces, and they said : "So this is the reason
why you have delayed, and never mentioned it." And
in less than half an hour they provided over five
hundred Indian carriers.
The next day, early in the morning we began our
march along the road to the Capital of Tlaxcala.
The messengers of Montezuma had already begged
Cortes that they might go with us to see how affairs
were settled at Tlaxcala and that he would despatch them
from there, and that they should be quartered in his
own lodgings so as not to receive any insults, for, as
they said, they feared such from the Tlaxcalans.
Before going on any further I wish to say that in
all the towns we had passed through, and in others
where they had heard of" us, Cortes was called Malinche,
and so I will call him Malinche from now henceforth
in all the accounts of conversations which were held
with any of the Indians.
The reason why he was given this name is that
Dona Marina, our interpreter, was always in his
company, particularly when any Ambassadors arrived,
and she spoke to them in the Mexican language. So
that they gave Cortes the name of" Marina's Captain "
and for short Malinche.
I also wish to say that from the time we entered
the territory of Tlaxcala until we set out for the city,
twenty-four days had elapsed, and we entered the
city on the 23rd September, 1519.
When the Caciques saw that our baggage was on the
way to their city, they at once went on ahead to see
that everything was ready for our reception and that
our quarters were decked with garlands.
219
SPANIARDS ENTER TLAXCALA
When we arrived within a quarter of a league of the
city, these same Caciques who had gone on ahead came
out to receive us, and brought with them their sons
and nephews and many of the leading inhabitants, each
group of kindred and clan and party by itself. There
were four parties in Tlaxcala, without counting that
of Tecapaneca the lord of Topeyanco which made
five. Their followers also came from all parts of the
country wearing their different liveries, and although
they were made of henequen, for there was no cotton
to be obtained, they were very fine and beautifully
embroidered and painted. Then came the priests
from all parts of the province, and they were very
numerous on account of the great oratories which they
possess, the places where they keep their idols and
offer sacrifices. These priests carried braziers with live
coals and incense and fumigated all of us, and some
of them were clothed in very long garments like fur
cloaks and these were white, and they wore hoods over
them which looked like those used by canons, and their
hair was very long and tangled so that it could not
be parted unless it were cut, and it was clotted with
blood which oozed from their ears, which on that day
they had cut by way of sacrifice ; and they lowered
their heads as a sign of humility when they saw us.
The nails on their fingers were very long, and we
heard it said that these prie&s were very pious and led
good lives.
Many of the chieftains came near to Cortes and
accompanied him, and when we entered the town there
was not space in the Streets and on the roofs for all
the Indian men and women with happy faces who
came out to see us. They brought us about twenty
cones made of sweet scented native roses of various
colours, and gave them to Cortes and to the other
soldiers whom they thought were Captains, especially
to the horsemen. When we arrived at some fine courts
220
CORDIALITY OF TLAXCALANS
where our quarters were, Xicotenga the elder and
Mase Escasi took Cortes by the hand and led him
into his lodging. For each one of us had been prepared
a bed of matting such as they use, and sheets of hene-
quen. Our friends whom we had brought from Cem-
poala and Xocotlan were lodged near to us, and Cortes
asked that the messengers from the great Montezuma
might also be given quarters close to his lodging.
Although we could see clearly that we were in a
land where they were well disposed towards us, and
were quite at peace, we did not cease to be very much
on the alert as was always our custom, and it appears
that one captain whose duty it was to Station the
scouts and spies and watchmen said to Cortes, " It
seems, sir, that the people are very peaceful and we do
not need so many guards, nor to be so circumspeft
as we are accustomed to be." Cortes replied, " Well,
gentlemen, I can myself see all that you have brought
to my notice, but it is a good custom always to be
prepared, and although these may be very good people,
we mu£t not truSt to their peacefulness, but mu£t
be as alert as we should be if they intended to make
war on us and we saw them coming on to the attack,
and whether it was done in good faith or bad, we mu&
remember that the great Montezuma has sent to
warn us." Xicotenga the elder and Mase Escasi
were greatly annoyed with Cortes, and said to him
through our interpreters : " Malinche, either you
take us for enemies or you show signs in what we see
you doing that you have no confidence in us or in
the peace which you promised to us and we promised
to you, and we say this to you because we see that you
keep watch, and travelled along the road all ready for
aftion in the same way as when you attacked our
squadrons, and we believe that you, Malinche, do this
on account of the treasons and abominations which
the Mexicans had told you in secret so as to turn
221
PRESENTATION OF GIFTS
you against us. See to it that you do not believe them,
for you are established here, and we will give you all
that you desire, even ourselves and our children, and
we are ready .to die for you, so you can demand as
hostages whatever you may wish."
Cortes and all of us marvelled at the courtesy and
affeftion with which they spoke, and Cortes answered
them that he had always believed them, and there was
no need of hostages, it was enough to note their good
will, and that as to being on the alert, it was always
our cu&om, and they xrmSt not be offended at it.
When this conversation was over, other chiefs arrived
with a great supply of poultry and maize bread, and
tunas and other fruits and vegetables which the
country produced, and supplied the camp very
liberally, and during the twenty days that we Stayed
there there was always more than enough to eat.
CHAPTER LII
EARLY next day Cortes ordered an Altar to be put up
and Mass to be said, for now we had both the wine
and the sacred wafers.
It was the priest Juan Diaz who said the Mass, for
the Padre de la Merced was ill with fever and very
feeble. There were present Mase Escasi and Xicotenga
the elder and other Caciques. When Mass was over
Cortes entered his lodging with some of us soldiers
who usually accompanied him, and the two old
Caciques, and Xicotenga said to him that they wished
to bring him a present, and Cortes showed much
affe<5Hon to them, and said that they should bring it
whenever they wished, so some mats were at once
spread out and covered with a cloth, and they brought
six or seven trifles of gold, and some Clones of small
222
CACIQUES OFFER THEIR DAUGHTERS
value, and some loads of henequen cloth ; it was all
very poor and not even worth twenty dollars and when
it had been presented, those Caciques said, laughing :
" Malinche, we know well enough that as what
we have to give is so small you will not receive it with
good grace. We have already sent to tell you that we
are poor and that we own neither gold nor riches, and
the reason of it is that these traitorous and evil
Mexicans and Montezuma, who is now their Lord,
have taken all that we once possessed, when we asked
them for peace or a truce, to prevent their making war
on us, so do not consider the small value of the gift,
but accept it with a good grace as the gift of friends and
servants which we will be to you/' Then they brought,
separately, a large supply of food.
Cortes accepted it mo£k cheerfully, and said to them
that he valued it more as coming from their hands
with the good will with which it was offered, than he
would a house full of grains of gold brought by others,
and it was in this spirit that he accepted it, and he
displayed much affe£tion towards them.
It appears that it had been arranged among all the
Caciques to give us from among their daughters and
nieces the mo£t beautiful of the maidens who were ready
for marriage, and Xicotenga the elder said :
" Malinche, so that you may know more clearly
our good will towards you and our desire to content
you in everything, we wish to give you our daughters,
to be your wives, so that you may have children by
them, for we wish to consider you as brothers as you
are so good and valiant. I have a very beautiful
daughter who has not been married, and I wish to
give her to you", so also Mase Escasi and all the
other Caciques said that they would bring their
daughters, and that we should accept them as wives,
and they made many other speeches and promises.
Throughout the day Mase Escasi and Xicotenga
223
CORTES EXPLAINS CHRISTIANITY
the elder never left Cortes' immediate neighbour-
hood. As Xicotenga the elder was blind from old
age, he felt Cortes all over his head and face and
beard and over all his body.
Cortes replied to them that, as to the gift of the
women, he and all of us were very grateful and would
repay them with good deeds as time went on. The
Padre de la Merced was present and Cortes said to
him : " Senor Padre, it seems to me that this would
be a good time to make an attempt to induce these
Caciques to give up their Idols and their sacrifices,
for they will do anything we tell them to do on account
of the great fear they have of the Mexicans." The
friar replied : " Sir, that is true, but let us leave the
matter until they bring their daughters and then
there will be material to work upon, and your honour
can say that you do not wish to accept them until they
give up sacrifices — if that succeeds, good, if not we
.shall do our duty."
The next day the same old Caciques came and
brought with them five beautiful Indian maidens, and
for Indians they were very good looking and well
adorned, and each of the Indian maidens brought
another Indian girl as her servant, and all were the
•daughters of Caciques, and Xicotenga said to Cortes :
" Malinche, this is my daughter who has never been
married and is a maiden, take her for your own ",
and he gave her to him by the hand, " and let the
others be given to the captains." Cortes expressed his
thanks, and with every appearance of gratification
-said that he accepted them and took them as our own,
but that for the present they should remain in the care
of their parents. The Chiefs asked him why he would
not take them now, and Cortes replied that he wished
fir£t to do the will of God our Lord, and that for which
our Lord the King had sent us, which was to induce
them to do away with their Idols, and no longer to
224
THE TLAXCALAN REPLY
kill and sacrifice human beings, and to lead them to
believe in that which we believed, that is in one true
God, and he told them much more touching our holy
faith, and in truth he expressed it very well, for Dona
Marina and Aguilar, our interpreters, were already
so expert at it that they explained it very clearly.
He also told them that if they wished to be our
brothers and to have true friendship with us, so
that we should willingly accept their daughters and
take them, as they said, for our wives, that they should
at once give up their evil Idols and believe in and
worship our Lord God and things would prosper with
them, and when they died their souls would go to
Heaven to enjoy glory everlasting ; but that if they
went on making sacrifices as they were accu&omed to
do to their Idols, they would be led to Hell where
they would burn for ever in live flames, and what
they replied to it all is as follows :
" Malinche, we have already understood from you
before now, and we thoroughly believe that this God
of yours and this great Lady are very good, but look
you, you have only ju& come to our homes, as time
goes on we shall underhand your beliefs much more
clearly, and see what they are, and will do what is
right. But how can you ask us to give up our Teules
which for many years our ancestors have held to be
gods and have made sacrifices to them and have
worshipped them ? Even if we, who are old men,
might wish to do it to please you, what would our
priests say, and all our neighbours, and the youths
and children throughout the province ? They would
rise against us, especially as the prie&s have already
consulted the greatest of our Teules, and he told
them not to forget the sacrifice of men and all the
rites they were used to practise, otherwise the gods
would destroy the whole province with famine,
pestilence and war." Thus they spoke and gave as
225 Q
TLAXCALAN DAMSELS ALLOTTED
their answer that we should not trouble to talk of them
on that subjeft again for they were not going to leave
off making sacrifices even if they were killed for it.
When we heard that reply which they gave so
honestly and without fear, the Padre de la Merced,
who was a wise man, and a theologian, said : "^Sir,
do not attempt to press them further on this subjeft,
for it is not ju£l to make them Christians by force,
and I would not wish that you should do what we did
in Cenipoala, that is, destroy their Idols, until they
have some knowledge of our Holy Faith/' Further-
more two gentlemen, namely Juan Velasquez de
Leon and Francisco de Lugo, spoke to Cortes and
said : " The Padre is right in what he says, you
have fulfilled your duty with what you have done,
and do not touch again on this matter when speaking
to these Caciques", and so the subject dropped. What
we induced the Caciques to do, by entreaty, was at
once to clear out one of the cues, which was close by and
had been recently built, and after removing the Idols,
to clean it and whitewash it so that we could place a
cross in it and the image of Our Lady, and this they
promptly did. Then Mass was said there and the
Cacicas were baptized. The daughter of the blind
Xicotenga was given the name of Dona Luisa, and
Cortes took her by the hand and gave her to Pedro de
Alvarado, and said to Xicotenga that he to whom he
gave her was his brother and his Captain, and that
he should be pleased at it as she would be well treated
by him, and Xicotenga was contented that it should
be so. The daughter or niece of Mase Escasi was
named Dona Elvira and she was very beautiful and
it seems to me that she was given to Juan Velasquez
de Leon. The others were given baptismal names,
always with the title of nobility (dona) and Cortes
gave them to Gonzalo7de Sandoval and Cri&oval de
Olid and Alonzo de Avila. When this had been done
226
TO THE SPANISH CAPTAINS
Cortes told them the reason why he put up two crosses,
and that it was because their Idols were afraid of them,
and that wherever we were encamped or wherever we
slept they were placed in the roads ; and at all this
they were quite content.
Before I go on any further I wish to say about the
Cacica the daughter of Xicotenga, who was named
Dona Luisa and was given to Pedro de Alvarado, that
when they gave her to him all the greater part of
Tlaxcala paid reverence to her, and gave her presents,
and looked on her as their mistress, and Pedro de
Alvarado, who was then a bachelor, had a son by her
named Don Pedro and a daughter named Dona
Leonor, who is now the wife of Don Francisco de la
Cueva, a nobleman, and a cousin of the Duke of
Alberquerque, who had by her four or five sons, very
good gentlemen.
CHAPTER LIII
CORTES then took those Caciques aside and questioned
them very fully about Mexican affairs. Xicotenga, as
he was the be£t informed and a great chieftain, took
the lead in talking, and from time to time he was
helped by Mase Escasi who was also a great chief.
He said that Montezuma had such great Strength
in warriors that when he wished to capture a great
city or make a raid on a province, he could place a
hundred and fifty thousand men in the field, and this
they knew well from the experience of the wars and
hostilities they had had with them for more than a
hundred yelars pa£L
Cort6s asked them how it was that with so many
warriors as they said came down on them they had
never been entirely conquered They answered that
although the Mexicans sometimes defeated them and
killed them, and carried off many of their vassals for
227
THE TLAXCALAN CACIQUES
sacrifice, many of the enemy were also left dead on
the field and others were made prisoners, and that
they never could come so secretly that they did not
get some warning, and that when they knew of their
approach they mustered all their forces and with the
help of the people of Huexotzingo they defended
themselves and made counter attacks. That as all
the provinces which had been raided by Montezuma
and placed under his rule were ill disposed towards
the Mexicans, and that as their inhabitants were
carried off by force to the wars, they did not fight with
good will ; indeed, it was from these very men that
they received warnings, and for this reason they had
defended their country to the beft of their ability.
The place from which the moSt continuous trouble
came to them was a very great city a day's march
distant, which is called Cholula, whose inhabitants
were mo£t treacherous. It was there that Montezuma
secretly mustered his companies and, as it was near
by, they made their raids by night. Moreover, Mase
Escasi said that Montezuma kept garrisons of many
warriors Stationed in all the provinces in addition to
the great force he could bring from the city, and
that all the provinces paid tribute of gold and silver,
feathers, Clones, cloth and cotton, and Indian men
and women for sacrifice and others for servants, that
he [Montezuma] was such a great prince that he
possessed everything he could desire, that the houses
where he dwelt were full of riches and [precious]
Clones and chalchihuites which he had robbed and
taken by force from those who would not give them
willingly, and that all the wealth of the country was
in his hands.
^ Then they spoke of the great fortifications of the
city, and what the lake was like, and the depth of
water, and about the causeways that gave access to
the city, and the wooden bridges in each causeway,
228
DESCRIBE MEXICO
and how one can go in and out [by water] through
the opening that there is in each bridge, and how when
the bridges are raised one can be cut off between bridge,
and bridge and not be able to reach the city. How the
greater part of the city was built in the lake, and
that one could not pass from house to house except
by draw-bridges and canoes which they had ready.
That all the houses were flat-roofed and all the roofs
were provided with parapets so that they could fight
from them.
They brought us pidhires of the battles they had
fought with the Mexicans painted on large henequen
cloths, showing their manner of fighting.
As our captain and all of us had already heard about
all that these Caciques were telling us, we changed
the subjeft, and Parted them on another more profound,
which was, how was it that they came to inhabit that
land, and from what direction had they come ? and
how was it that they differed so much from and were
so hostile to the Mexicans, seeing that their countries
were so close to one another ?
They said that their ancestors had told them, that
in times pa£t there had lived among them men and
women of giant size with huge bones, and because
they were very bad people of evil manners that they
had fought with them and killed them, and those of
them who remained died off. So that we could see
how huge and tall these people had been they brought
us a leg bone of one of them which was very thick
and the height of a man of ordinary Stature, and that
was the bone from the hip to the knee. I measured
myself against it and it was as tall as I am although
I am of fair size. They brought other pieces of bone
like the fir& but they were already eaten away and
destroyed by the soil. We were all amazed at seeing
those bones and felt sure that there mu£t have been
giants in this country, and our Captain Cortes said
229
THE PROPHECY
to us that it would be well to send that great bone to
Ca&ile so that His Maje&y might see it, so we sent
it with the firft of our agents who went there.
These Caciques also told us that they had learnt
from their forefathers that one of their Idols, to which
they paid the greatest devotion, had told them that
men would come from distant lands in the direction
of the rising sun to subjugate them and govern them,
and that if we were those men, they were rejoiced at
it, as we were so good and brave, and that when they
made peace with us they had borne in mind what their
Idols had said, and for this reason they had given us
their daughters so as to obtain relations who would
defend them against the Mexicans.
When they had finished their discourse we were all
astounded and said, can they possibly have spoken
the truth ? Then our Captain Cortes replied to them
and said that certainly we came from the direction
of the sunrise and that our Lord the King had sent
us for this very purpose that we should become as
brothers to them ; for he had heard of them, and that
he prayed God to give us grace, so that by our hands
and our intercession they would be saved, and we all
said Amen,
I feel bound to dwell on one other thing which
they discussed with us, and that is the volcano near
Huexotzingo which at the time we were in Tlaxcala
was throwing out much fire, much more than usual.
Our Captain Cortes and all of us were greatly astonished
as we had never seen such a thing before. One of our
Captains named Diego de Ordas was very anxious
to go and see what sort of a thing it was, and asked
leave of the general to ascend the mountain, and leave
was given,1 and he even expressly ordered him to
1 Tills account of the ascent of Popocatepetl appears to be given in
the wrong place by Bernal Diaz : it probably took pkce when the
Spaniards left Choluk. See Cortes' Second Letter.
230
ORDAS ASCENDS POPOCATEPETL
do it. He took with him two of our soldiers and certain
Indian chiefs from Huexotzingo, and the chiefs that
he took with him frightened him by saying that when
one was half way up Popocatepetl, for so the volcano
is called, one could not endure the shaking of the
ground and the flames and stones and ashes which
were thrown out of the mountain, and that they would
not dare to ascend further than where ftood the cues
of the Idols which are called the Teules of Popo-
catepetl. Nevertheless Diego de Ordas and his two
companions went on up until they reached the summit,
and the Indians who had accompanied them remained
below and did not dare to make the ascent. It appears
from what Ordas and the two soldiers said afterwards,
that, as they ascended, the volcano began to throw
out great tongues of flame, and half burnt Clones of
little weight and a great quantity of ashes, and that
the whole of the mountain range where the volcano
Stands was shaken, and that they flopped Still without
taking a Step in advance for more than an hour, when
they thought that the outburst had passed and not so
much smoke and ashes were being thrown out ; then
they climbed up to the mouth which was very wide
and round, and opened to the width of a quarter of a
league. From this summit could be seen the great
city of Mexico, and the whole of the lake, and all the
towns which were built in it. This volcano is distant
twelve or thirteen leagues from Mexico.
Ordas wa& delighted and astonished at the sight of
Mexico and its cities and after having had a good look
at the view he returned to Tlaxcala with his com-
panions, and the Indians of Huexotzingo and of
Tlaxcala looked on it as a deed of great daring. When
he told his £tory to Captain Cortes and all of us, we
were greatly astonished at it, for at that time we had
not seen nor heard of such things as we have to-day,
when we know all about it, and many Spaniards and
231
PRISONERS CONFINED IN CAGES
even some Franciscan friars have made the ascent
to the crater.
When Diego de Ordas went to Ca£tille he asked
the King for it [the mountain] as his [coat of] arms
and his nephew who lives at Puebla, now bears them.
Since we have been settled in this land we have
never known the volcano to throw out so much fire
or make such a noise as it did when we fir ft arrived,
and it has even remained some years without throwing
out any fire, up to the year 1539 when it threw up
great flames and Atones and ashes.
I mu£t tell how in this town of Tlaxcala we
found wooden houses furnished with gratings, full
of Indian men and women imprisoned in them, being
fed up until they were fat enough to be sacrificed and
eaten. These prisons we broke open and destroyed,
and set free the prisoners who were in them, and these
poor Indians did not dare to go in any direction, only
to £iay there with us and thus escape with their lives.
From now on, in all the towns that we entered, the
fir£t thing our Captain ordered us to do was to break
open these prisons and set free the prisoners.
These prisons are common throughout the land
and when Cortes and all of us saw such great cruelty,
he showed that he was very angry with the Caciques
of Tlaxcala, and they promised that from that time
forth they would not kill and eat any more Indians
in that way. I said [to myself] of what benefit were
all those promises, for as soon as we turned our heads
they would commit the same cruelties.
CHAPTER LIV
WHEN our Captain remembered that we had already
been renting in Tlaxcala for seventeen days, and that
we had heard so much said about the great wealth of
232
CORTES DECIDES TO ADVANCE
Montezuma and his flourishing city, he arranged
to take counsel with all those among our captains
and soldiers whom he could depend on as wishing to
advance, and it was decided that our departure should
take place without delay, but there was a good deal of
dissent expressed in camp about this decision, for some
soldiers said that it was a very rash thing to go and
enter into such a Strong city, as we were so few in
number, and they spoke of the very great Strength
of Montezuma. Our Captain Cortes replied that
there was now no other course open to us, for we had
constantly asserted and proclaimed that we were going
to see Montezuma, so that other counsels were
useless.
When Xicotenga and Mase Escasi, the lords of
Tlaxcala, saw that we were determined to go to
Mexico, their spirits were weighed down, and they
were constantly with Cortes advising him not to enter
on such an undertaking.
Our captain said to them that he thanked the
Caciques for their good counsel, and he showed them
much affection, and made them many promises, and
he gave as presents to Xicotenga the elder, and to Mase
Escasi and moSl of the other Caciques a great part of
the fine cloth which Montezuma had presented, and
told them that it would be a good thing to make peace
between them and the Mexicans, so that they should
become friends and they could then obtain salt and
cotton and other merchandise. Xicotenga replied that
peace was useless, and that enmity was deeply rooted
in their hearts, for such were the Mexicans that,
under cover of peace, they would only be guilty of
greater treachery, for they never told the truth in
anything that they promised, and that he was not to
trouble about saying more on the subjeft, and that
they could only again implore us to take care not to
fall into the hands of such bad people.
MESSENGERS SENT TO CHOLULA
We went on to talk about the road which we should
take to reach Mexico, for the ambassadors from
Montezuma, who remained with us and were to be
our guides, said that the mo£t level and the beft road
was by the city of Cholula, where the people were
vassals of Montezuma and there we should receive
proper attention. To all of us this appeared to be good
advice, that we should go by that city. When however
the Caciques of Tlaxcala heard that we wished to go
by a road which the Mexicans were choosing for us,
they became very sorrowful, and begged us in any
case to go by Huexotzingo, where the people were
their relations and our friends, and not by way of
Cholula, for in Cholula Montezuma always kept his
double dealings concealed.
For all that they talked and advised us not to enter
into that city, our Captain, (in accordance with our
counsel which had been well talked over,) Still
determined to go by Cholula, on the one hand, because
all agreed that it was a large town, and well furnished
with towers, and fine and tall cues, and situated on a
beautiful plain, and on the other hand, because it
was almo& surrounded by other considerable towns
and could provide ample supplies, and our friends
of Tlaxcala were near at hand. We intended to £tay
there until we could decide how to get to Mexico
without having to fight for it, for the great power of
the Mexicans was a thing to be feared, and unless
God our Lord, by His Divine mercy which always
helped us and gave us Strength, should fir£t of all so
provide, we could not enter Mexico in any other
manner.
After much discussion it was settled that we should
take the road by Cholula, and Cortes at once sent
messengers to ask the people of Cholula how it
happened that being so near to us they had not come
to visit us, and pay that respeft which was due to us
234
MONTEZUMA'S AMBASSADORS
as the messengers of so great a prince as the King who
had sent us to the country to tell them of their salva-
tion. He then requeued all the Caciques and prie&s
of that city to come and see us and give their fealty to
our Lord and King, and if they did not come he would
look upon them as ill disposed towards us.
CHAPTER LV
WHILE Cortes was talking to us all and to the Caciques
of Tlaxcala about our departure and about warfare,
they came to tell him that four Ambassadors, all four
chieftains who were bringing presents, had arrived
in the town.
Cortes ordered them to be called, and when they
came before him they paid the greatest reverence to
him and to all of us soldiers who were there with him,
and presented their gift of rich jewels of gold and many
sorts of workmanship, well worth two thousand
dollars, and ten loads of cloth beautifully embroidered
with feathers.
Cortes received them moft graciously, and the
Ambassadors said, on behalf of their Lord Monte-
zuma, that he greatly wondered that we should &ay
so many days among a people who were so poor and
so ill bred, who were so wicked, and such traitors
and thieves that they were not fit even to be slaves,
and that when either by day or by night we were mo£l
off our guard they would kill us in order to rob us.
That he begged us to come at once to his city, and he
would give us of all that he possessed, although
it would not be as much as we deserved or he would
like to give, and that although all the supplies had
to be carried into the city, he would provide for us
as well as he was able.
235
JOURNEY TO MEXICO ABANDONED
Montezuma did this so as to get us out of Tlaxcala,
for he knew of the friendship we had made, and how,
to perfect it, the Tlaxcalans had given their daughters
to Malinche, and the Mexicans fully understood that
our confederation could bring no good to them.
Cortes thanked the messengers with many caressing^
expressions and signs of affeftion, and gave as his
answer that he would go very soon to see their Lord
Montezuma, and he begged them to remain a few
days with us.
At that time Cortes decided that two of our Captains,
should go and see and speak to the great Montezuma,
and see the great city of Mexico and Pedro de Alvarado
and Bernaldino Vasquez de Tapia had already set
out on the journey, accompanied by some of the
ambassadors of the great Montezuma who were
used to being with us, and the four ambassadors who
had brought the present remained with us as hostages.
However, we did not think it well advised, so he wrote
to them telling them to return at once.
The ambassadors with whom they had been travel*
ling gave an account of their doings to Montezuma,
and he asked them what sort of faces and general
appearance had these two Teules who were coming
to Mexico, and whether they were Captains, and it
seems that they replied that Pedro de Alvarado was
of very perfeft grace both in face and person, that he
looked like the Sun, and that he was a Captain, and in
addition to this they brought with them a pifture of
him with his face very naturally portrayed, and from
that time forth they gave him the name of Tonatio,
which means the Sun or the child of the Sun, and so
they called him ever after. Of Bernaldino Vasquez de
Tapia, they said that he was a robust man, and of a
very ^ pleasant disposition, and that he also was a
captain, and Montezuma was much disappointed
that they had turned back again.
236
THE CACIQUES OF CHOLULA
I have already said how our Captain sent messengers
to Cholula to tell the Caciques of that City to come
and see us at Tlaxcala. When the Caciques under-
&ood what Cortes ordered them to do, they thought
that it would be sufficient to send four unimportant
Indians to make their excuses. The Caciques of
Tlaxcala were present when these messengers arrived,
and they said to our Captain that the people of Cholula
had sent those Indians to make a mock of him and
of all of us, for they were only commoners of no
standing ; so Cortes at once sent them back with
four other Cempoala Indians to tell the people of
Cholula that they mu£i send some chieftains, and as
the distance was only five leagues that they mu& arrive
within three days, otherwise he should look on them
as rebels ; that when they came he wished to receive
them as friends and brothers as he had received their
neighbours the people of Tlaxcala, and that if they
did not wish for our friendship that we should take
measures which would displease them and anger them.
When the Caciques of Cholula had likened to that
embassy they answered that they were not coming to
Tlaxcala, for the Tlaxcalans were their enemies, and
they knew that they [the Tlaxcalans] had said many
evil things about them and about their Lord Monte-
zuma ; that it was for us to come to their city and to
leave the confines of Tlaxcala, and that then if they
did not do what they ought to do we could treat them
as such as we had sent to say they were
When our Captain saw that the excuse that they
made was a ju& one we resolved to go to Cholula, and
as soon as the Caciques of Tlaxcala perceived that
we were determined to go there, they said to Cortes :
" So you wish to tru£h to the Mexicans and not to us
who are your friends, we have already told you many
times that you muSt beware of the people of Cholula
and of the power of Mexico, and so that you can
237
MONTEZUMA'S GIFTS TO CORTES
receive all the support possible from us5 we have got
ready ten thousand warriors to accompany you."
Cortes thanked them very heartily for this, but after
consultation with all of us it was agreed that it would
not be advisable to take so many warriors to a country
in which we were seeking friends, and that it would
be better to take only one thousand, and this number
we asked of the Tlaxcalans and said that the reft should
remain in their houses.
MONTEZUMA'S GIFTS TO CORTES
PADRE SAHAGUN, in his history of the Conquest, Sates that
the first presents sent by Montezuma to Cortes were the
ornaments of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl. Montezuma is
reported to have said to his messengers : " Our Lord Quetzal-
coatl has arrived, go and receive him and listen to what he says
with great attention, see to it that you do not forget anything
that he may say, you see that these jewels that your are presenting
to him on my behalf, are all the priestly ornaments that belong
to him." Then follows a detailed description of the ornaments
of the deity beginning with " A mask worked in a mosaic
of turquoise ; this mask has a double and twilled snake worked
in the same Stones whose fold was (on) the projection of the nose,
then the tail was parted from the head and the head with
part of the body went above one of the eyes so that it formed
an eyebrow, and the tail with a part of the body went over
the other eye to form the other eyebrow. This mask was decked
with a great and lofty crown, full of rich feathers, very long
and beautiful, so that on placing the crown on the head, the
mask was placed over the face ", etc. The messengers also
carried for presentation to Cortes "The ornaments or finery
with which Tezcatlipoca was decorated ", and " the ornaments
and finery of the God called Tlalocantecutli " (Tlaloc). Also
other ornaments of the same Quetzalcoatl, a mitre of tiger-
skins, etc.
It is interesting to know that the masks belonging to these
four costumes and adornments of the Gods are still in exigence,
and that three of them can be seen in the room devoted to
American Antiquities in the British Museum.
238
MONTEZUMA'S GIFTS TO CORTES
The mask of Quetzalcoatl with the folds of the snake's
body forming the eyebrows is easily identified, and the mask
with the eyes of pyrites and the bands across the face is probably
the mask of the God Tezcatlipoca.
The presents sent by Cortes to Charles V were conveyed
to Spain in the charge of Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero and
Francisco de Montejo, who sailed from Villa Rica in July,,
1519, and reached Valladolid probably in Oftober of the same
year, where they awaited the arrival of the Emperor. Bernal
Diaz says that Charles V was in Flanders when the presents
arrived in Spain, but this is not correft ; the Emperor was in
Catalonia and did not return to Valladolid until some time in
1520, when he was on his way to Coruna, whence he sailed
for Flanders in May, 1520.
It is, however, remarkable that these masks and ornaments
of the Gods do not appear in the lift of the presents, signed by
Puertocarrero and Montejo, which accompanied the letter
from the Municipality of Vera Cruz, dated loth July, I5i9>
nor in the Manual del Tesorero de la Casa de Contratacion
de Seviila, both of which documents were published in the
Document os Ineditos far a la historia de Espana, Madrid, 1842.
A note to the former document States that the gifts and the
letter from the Municipality were received by the King, Don
Carlos, in Valladolid during Holy Week, in the beginning of
April, 1520.
As, however, this note mentions the letter from tne
Municipality only (cm la carta y relation de suso dicha que et
concejo de la Vera Cruz envib\ and makes no mention of the
firft letter sent to the Emperor by Cortes himself, which letter
has never yet been found, it is possible that the masks and
ornaments of the Gods were sent separately with Cortes' firft
letter, and were therefore not included in the list of gifts sent
by Cortes in conjunction with the Municipality.
Las Casas (Hist, de las Indias, cap. ocxi), writing about
these presents, which included two great discs, one of gold
and the other of silver, says : " These wheels were certainly
wonderful things to behold. I saw them and all the re£ (of
the presents) in the year 1520 at Valladolid, on the day that
the emperor saw them, for they arrived there then sent by
Cortes."
239
MONTEZUMAJS GIFTS TO CORTES
There is a tradition that Charles V presented these gifts
to the Pope (a Medici) for the family Museum, which is
well known to have exited, and of which the present Museum
of Natural History at Florence is an outcome. If these gifts
were sent to Rome, as is probable, soon after their arrival in
Spain, they must have been sent to Leo X (Giovanni de Medici),
who died in 1521. If they were not sent before the death of
Leo X, it is not likely that they were sent to Italy during the
troublous years that followed, but they may have been taken to
Spain by Cortes himself when he returned in 1528 and have been
given to Clement VII (Giulio de Medici) when Charles V
ivas crowned by him as King of the Romans at Bologna in
1529-30.
However that may be, I have the authority of Professor
H. Giglioli, the Direftor of the Museum of Natural Hi&ory
in Florence, for Stating that nearly all the known group of
objects — namely, mosaic masks, mosaic decorated knife-handles,
gold-plated and figured atlatls (spear throwers), etc. — were at
one time in Florence. At the end of the sixteenth century, when
Aldrovandi, who was a friend of the Medici, founded his cele-
brated Museum at Bologna, he was given some of these articles
from the Medici Collection at Florence 5 and these, with the
exception of the turquoise mosaic mask mentioned below,
were discovered by Professor L. Pigorini in the attics of the
Bologna University and transferred to the Ethnographic
Museum in Rome, which he was then forming, and which now
contains perhaps the finest collection of these relics. However,
the greater number of them up to the years 1819—21 were
registered in the Florentine Museum under the tide ofMaschere
e strumenti de popoll larbari, and were partly sent thence to the
-Officina delh pietre dure in that city to be broken up and used
for mosaic work, being Maschere di cattivi turchesi !
The last turquoise mosaic mask (now in Rome) was found a
few years ago by Professor Luigi Pigorini in the ^lore-room
of the pietre dure laboratory, labelled with an inventory value
of two francs and a half ! As this mask shows the remains oL ,
tusk-like teeth, it is probably the Mask of Tlaloc.
Five years ago two magnificent plated atlatls 1 were found
1 Described and figured in the American Anthropologist (N.S,),
vol. vii, No. 2, April-June, 1905.
240
MONTEZUMA'S GIFTS TO CORTES
in the garret of a nobleman *s palace in Florence, and sold by a
dealer to the Ethnographical Museum in that city, for 500
lire,, as " Indian Sceptres " ; they were in a leathern case,
Stamped with the Medici arms. One of them is double-grooved,
for throwing two darts at a time.
The whole number of known examples of this class of
Mexican work did not exceed twenty in 1893, and of these eight
are now in the British Museum. Many of them were bought
by Mr Christy and Sir Augustus Franks in Northern Italy,
where they had been scattered after the dispersal of the Medicean
Collection.
A full account of these interesting objects, by Mr C. H.
Read, is given, with ill ust rations, in Archceologia^ vol. liv, 1895.
Professor Pigorini published, in 1885, a full account, with
coloured plates, of the collection in the Ethnographical Museum
at Rome, in the Memorie of the R. Accademia dei Lincei
at Rome. Another interesting paper on the subject was
published by Dr W. Lehmann in Globus (Bd. 91, No. 21),
6th June, 1907.
BOOK V
THE MARCH TO MEXICO
CHAPTER LVI
ONE morning we Started on our march to the city of
Cholula and that day we went on to sleep at a river
which runs within a short league of the city, and there
they put up for us some huts and ranchos. This same
night the Caciques of Cholula sent some chieftains
to bid us welcome to their country, and they brought
supplies of poultry and maize bread, and said that
in the morning all the Caciques and priests would come
out to receive us, and they asked us to forgive their
not having come sooner. Cortes thanked them both
for the food they had brought and for the good will
which they showed us.
At dawn we began to march and the Caciques and
prie&s and many other Indians came out to receive
us, moft of them were clothed in cotton garments
made like tunics. They came in a mo£l peaceful
manner and willingly, and the priests carried braziers
containing incense with which they fumigated our
Captain and us soldiers who were Standing near him.
When these priests and chiefs saw the Tlaxcalan
Indians who came with us, they asked Dona Marina
to tell the General that it was not right that their
enemies with arms in their hands should enter their
city in that manner. When our Captain understood
this, he ordered the soldiers and the baggage to
halt, and, when he saw us all together and that no one
was moving, he said : " It seems to me, Sirs, that
before we enter Cholula these Caciques and prices
242
CORTES REACHES CHOLULA
should be put to the proof with a friendly speech, so
that we can see what their wishes may be ; for they
come complaining of our friends the Tlaxcalans and
they have much cause for what they say, and I want to
make them underhand in fair words the reason why
we come to their city, and as you gentlemen already
know, the Tlaxcalans have told us that the Cholulans
are a turbulent people, and, as it would be a good
thing that by fair means they should render their
obedience to His Majesty, this appears to me to be
the proper thing to do/'
Then he told Dona Marina to call up the Caciques
and prices to where he was Rationed on horseback
with all of us around him, and three chieftains and
two prie£s came at once, and they said : " Malinche,
forgive us for not coming to Tlaxcala to see you
and to bring food, it was not for want of good will but
because Mase Escasi and Xicotenga and all Tlaxcala
are our enemies, and have said many evil things of
us and of the Great Montezuma our Prince, and as
though what they said were not enough, they now
have the boldness, under your protection, to come
armed into our city, and we beg you as a favour to
order them to return to their own country, or at lea£t
to £tay outside in the fields and -not to enter our city
in such a manner," But as for us they said that we
were very welcome.
As our Captain saw that what they said was reason-
able, he at once sent Pedro de Alvarado and Crist6bal
de Olid to ask the Tlaxcalans to put up their huts and
ranchos there in the fields, and not to enter the city
with us, excepting those who were carrying the
cannon, and our friends from Cempoala, and he told
them to explain to the Tlaxcalans that the reason why
he asked them to do so was that all the Caciques and
prices were afraid of them, and that when we left
Cholula on our way to Mexico we would send to
243
MONTEZUMA INCITES PEOPLE
summon them, and that they were not to be annoyed
at what he was doing. When the people of Cholula
knew what Cortes had done, they appeared to be
much more at ease.
Then Cortes began to make a speech to them, saying
that our Lord and King had sent us to these countries
to give them warning and command them not to worship
Idols, nor sacrifice human beings, or eat their flesh,
and as the road to Mexico, whither we were going to
speak with the Great Montezurna, passed by there,
and there was no other shorter road, we had come to
visit their city and to treat them as brothers. As other
great Caciques had given their obedience to His
Majesty, it would be well that they should give theirs
as the others had done.
They replied that we had hardly entered into their
country, yet we already ordered them to give up their
Teules, and that they could not do it. As to giving
their obedience to our King they were content to do
so. And thus they pledged their word, but it was not
done before a notary. When this was over we at once
began our march towards the City, and so great was
the number of people who came out to see us that
both the Streets and house tops were crowded, and I
do not wonder at this for they had never seen men
such as we are, nor had they ever seen horses.
They lodged us in some large rooms where we were
all together with our friends from Cempoala and the
Tlaxcalans who carried the baggage, and they fed us
on that day and the next very well and abundantly.
CHAPTER LVII
AFTER the people of Cholula had received us in the
festive manner already described, and moSt certainly
with a show of good will, it presently appeared that
244
j
U
c
I
U
3 I
TO KILL THE SPANIARDS
Montezuma sent orders to his ambassadors, who
were £till in our company, to negotiate with the
Cholulans that an army of 20,000 men which Monte-
zuma had sent and equipped should, on entering the
city, join with them in attacking us by night or by day,
get us into a hopeless plight and fcbring all of us that
they could capture bound to Mexico. And he sent
many presents of jewels and cloths, also a golden drum,
and he also sent word to the priests of the city that
they were to retain twenty of us to sacrifice to their
idols.
The warriors whom Montezuma sent were Stationed
in some ranches and some rocky thickets about half
a league fron Cholula and some were already polled
within the houses.
They fed us very well for the fir£t two days, but
on the third day they neither gave us anything to
eat nor did any of the Caciques or priefts make their
appearance, and if any Indians came to look at us,
they did not approach us, but remained some distance
off, laughing at us as though mocking us* When our
Captain saw this, he told our interpreters to tell the
Ambassadors of the Great Montezuma to order the
Caciques to bring some food, but all they brought
was water and fire wood, and the old men who brought
it said there was no more maize.
That same day other Ambassadors arrived from
Montezuma, and joined those who were already with
us and they said to Cortes, very impudently, that
their Prince had sent them to say that we were not
to go by his city because he had nothing to give us
to eat, and that they wished at once to return to
Mexico with our reply. When Cortes saw that their
speech was unfriendly, he replied to the Ambassadors
in the blandest manner, that he marvelled how such a
great Prince as Montezuma should be so vacillating,
and he begged them not to return *to Mexico, for he
245
INTERVENTION OF NATIVE PRIESTS
wished to £hart himself on the next day, to see their
Prince, and aft according to his orders, and I believe
that he gave the Ambassadors some strings of beads
and they agreed to £tay
When this had been done, our Captain called us
together, and said to us : "I see that these people
are very much disturbed, and it behoves us to keep
on the alert, in case some trouble is brewing among
them ", and he at once sent for the principal Cacique,
telling him either to come himself or to send some
other chieftains. The Cacique replied that he was ill
and could not come.
When our Captain heard this, he ordered us to
bring before him, with kindly persuasion, two of the
numerous priests who were in the great Cue near our
quarters. We brought two of them, without doing
them any disrespect, and Cortes ordered each of them
to be given a Chalchihuite, and addressing them with
friendly words he asked them what was the reason
that the Cacique and chieftains and mo£t of the priests
were frightened, for he had sent to summon them and
they did not want to come. It seems that one of these
priests was a very important personage among them,
who had charge of or command over all the Cues in
the City, and was a sort of Bishop among the priests
and was held in great respeft. He replied that they,
who were priests, had no fear of us, and if the Cacique
and chieftain did not wish to come, he would go
himself and summon them, and that if he spoke to
them he believed they would do as he told them and
would come.
Coitus at once told him to go, and that his com-
panion should await his return. So the prie£t departed
and summoned the Cacique and chieftains who
returned in his company to Cortes* quarters. Cortes
asked them what it was they were afraid of, and why
they had not given us anything to eat, and said that
246
HOSTILE PREPARATIONS DISCOVERED
if our presence in their city were an annoyance to
them, we wished to leave the next day for Mexico to
see and speak to the Lord Montezuma, and he asked
them to provide carriers for the transport of the baggage
and te-pusques and to send us some food at once.
The Cacique was so embarrassed that he could
hardly speak, he said that they would look for the food,
but their Lord Montezuma had sent to tell them not
to give us any, and was not willing that we should
proceed any further.
While this conversation was taking place, three of
our friends, the Cempoala Indians, came in and said
secretly to Cortes, that close by where we were
quartered they had found holes dug in the Greets,
covered over with wood and earth, so that without
careful examination, one could not see them, that
they had removed the earth from above one of the
holes and found it full of sharp pointed flakes to kill
the horses when they galloped, and that the Azoteas
had breastworks of adobes l and were piled up with
Clones, and certainly this was not done with good
intent for they also found barricades of thick timbers
in another Street. At this moment eight TIaxcalans
arrived, from the Indians whom we had left outside
in the fields with orders that they were not to enter
Cholula, and they said ' to Cortes : " Take heed,
Malinche, for this City is ill disposed, and we know
that this night they have sacrificed to their Idol*
which is the God of War, seven persons, five of them
children, so that the God may give them viftory over
you, and we have further seen that they are moving
all their baggage and women and children out of the
city." When Cortes heard this, he immediately sent
these TIaxcalans back to their Captains, with orders
to be folly prepared if we should send to summon
1 Sun-dried bricks.
247
CORTES WARNED OF DANGER
them, and he turned to speak to the Caciques, priests
and chieftains of Cholula and told them to have no
fear and show no alarm, but to remember the obedience
which they had promised to him, and not to swerve
from it, le£t he should have to chastise them. That
he had already told them that we wished to set out on
the morrow and that he had need of two thousand
warriors from the city to accompany us, just as the
Tlaxcalans had provided them, for they were necessary
on the road. They replied that the men would be
given, and asked leave to go at once to get them
ready, and they went away very well contented, for
they thought that between the warriors with whom
they were to supply us, and the regiments sent by
Montezuma, which were hidden in the rocky thickets
and barrancas, we could not escape death or capture,
for the horses would not be able to charge on account
of certain breastworks and barricades which they
immediately advised the troops to con&ruft, so that
only a narrow lane would be left through which it
would be impossible for us to pass. They warned the
Mexicans to be in readiness as we intended to £tart
on the next day and told them that our capture would
be sure, for they had made sacrifices to their War
Idols who had promised them victory.
As our Captain wished to be more thoroughly
informed about the plot and all that was happening,
he told Dona Marina to take more chalchihuites to
the two priests who had been the first to speak, for
they were not afraid, and to tell them with friendly
words that Malinche wished them to come back and
speak to him, and to bring them back with her. Dona
Marina went and spoke to the priests in the manner
she knew so well how to use, and thanks to the presents
they at once accompanied her. Cortes addressed
them and asked them to say truly what they knew, for
they were the priests of Idols and chieftains and ought
248
FULL DISCLOSURE OF PLOT
not to lie, and that what they should say would not
be disclosed in any manner, for we were going to leave
the next morning, and he would give them a large
quantity of cloth. They said the truth was that their
Lord Montezuma knew that we were coming to their
city, and that every day he was of many minds and
could not come to any decision on the matter, that
sometimes he sent orders to pay us much respeft
when we arrived and to guide us on the way to his.
city, and at other times he would send word that it
was not his wish that we should go to Mexico, and now
recently his Gods Tescatepuca and Huichilobos, to
whom he paid great devotion, had counselled him
that we should either be killed here in Cholula or
should be sent, bound, to Mexico. That the day
before he had sent out twenty thousand warriors, and
half of them were already within this city, and the
other half were Stationed near by in some gullies, and
that they already knew that we were about to £bart
to-morrow ; they also told us about the barricades
which they had ordered to be made and the two
thousand warriors that were to be given to us, and how
it had already been agreed that twenty of us were to
be kept to be sacrificed to the Idols of Cholula,
Cortes ordered these men to be given a present of
richly embroidered cloth, and told them not to say
anything about the information they had given us for,
if they disclosed it, on our return from Mexico we
would kill them. He also told them that we should
£iart early the next morning, and he asked them to
summon all the Caciques to come then so that he
might speak to them.
That night Cortes took counsel of us as to what
should be done, for he had very able men with him
whose advice was worth having, but as in such cases
frequently happens, some said that it would be advisable
to change our course and go by Huexotzingo, others
249
CORTES PREPARES COUNTER PLOT
that we mu& manage to preserve the peace by every
possible means and that it would be better to return
to Tlaxcala, others of us gave our opinion that if we
allowed such treachery to pass unpunished, wherever
we went we should be treated to worse treachery,
and that being there in the town, with ample provisions,
we ought to make an attack, for the Indians would feel
the effect of it more in their own homes than they
would in the open, and that we should at once warn
the Tlaxcalans so that they might join in it. All
thought well of this la£t advice. As Cortes had already
told them that we were going to set out on the following
-day, for this reason we should make a show of tying
together our baggage, which was little enough,
and then in the large courts with high walls, where
we were lodged, we should fall on the Indian warriors,
who well deserved their fate. As regards the Am-
bassadors of Montezuma, we should dissemble and
tell them that the evil-minded Cholulans had intended
treachery and had attempted to put the blame for it
on their Lord Montezuma, and on themselves as
his Ambassadors, but we did not believe Montezuma
had given any such orders, and we begged them to £tay
in their apartments and not have any further converse
with the people of the city, so that we should not have
reason to think they were in league with them in their
treachery, and we asked them to go with us as our
guides to Mexico.
They replied that neither they themselves nor their
Lord Montezuma knew anything about that which we
were telling them. Although they did not like it,
we placed guards over the Ambassadors, so that they
could not go out without our permission.
All that night we were on the alert and under arms
with the horses saddled and bridled, for we thought
that for certain all the companies of the Mexicans as
well as the Cholulans would attack us during the night.
250
A WOOER FOR DONA MARINA
There was an old Indian woman, the wife of a
Cacique, who knew all about the plot and trap which
had been arranged, and she had come secretly to
Dona Marina, having noticed that she was young and
good looking and rich, and advised her, if she wanted
to escape with her life, to come with her to her house,
for it was certain that on that night or during the
next day we were all going to be killed. Because she
knew of this, and on account of the compassion she
felt for Dona Marina, she had come to tell her that
she had better get all her possessions together and
come with her to her house, and she would there marry
her to her son, the brother of a youth who accom-
panied her.
When Dona Marina understood this (as she was
always very shrewd) she said to her : " O mother,
thank you much for this that you have told me, I would
?o with you at once but that I have no one here whom
can trust to carry my clothes and jewels of gold of
which I have many, for goodness sake, mother, wait
here a little while, you and your son, and to-night we
will set out, for now, as you can see, these Teules are
on the watch and will hear us/*
The old woman believed what she said, and remained
chatting with her, and Dona Marina asked her how
they were going to kill us all, and how and when and
where the plot was made. The old woman ^told her
neither more nor less than what the two priests had
already stated, and Dona Marina replied : " If this
affair is such a secret, how is it that you came to know
about it ? " and the old woman replied that her husband
had told her, for he was a captain of one of the parties
in the city ; as to the plot she had known about it
for three days, for a gilded drum had been sent to her
husband from Mexico, and rich cloaks and jewels of
gold had been sent to three other captains to induce
them to bring us bound to their Lord Montezuma.
251
CORROBORATIVE EVIDENCE
When Dona Marina heard this she deceived the old
woman and said : " How delighted I am to hear that
your son to whom you wish to marry me is a man of
distinction. We have already talked a good deal,
and I do not want them to notice us, so Mother you
wait here while I begin to bring my property, for I
cannot bring it all at once, and you and your son, my
brother, will take care of it, and then we shall be able
to go." The old woman believed all that was told her,
and she and her son sat down to resl. Then Dona
Marina went swiftly to the Captain and told him all
that had passed with the Indian woman. Cortes
at once ordered her to be brought before him, and
questioned her about these treasons and plots, and
she told him neither more nor less than the priests
had already said, so he placed a guard over the woman
so that she could not escape.
CHAPTER LVIII
WHEN dawn broke it was a sight to see the ha£te with
which the Caciques and priests brought in the warriors,
laughing and contented as though they had already
caught us in their traps and nets, and they brought
more Indian warriors than we had asked for, and large
as they are (for they Still Stand as a memorial of the pall)
the courtyards would not hold them all.
We were already quite prepared for what had to
be done. The soldiers with swords and shields were
Rationed at the gate of the great court so as not to let
a single armed Indian pass out. Our Captain was
mounted on horseback with many soldiers round him,
as a guard, and when he saw how very early the Caciques
and prie&s and warriors had arrived, he said : " How
these traitors long to see us among the barrancas so
252
CORTES ADDRESSES CHOLULANS
as to gorge on our flesh, but Our Lord will do better
for us." Then he asked for the two priests who had
let out the secret, and he sent our interpreter, Aguilar,
to tell them to go to their houses, for he had no need
of their presence now. This was in order that, as they
had done us a good turn, they should not suffer for it,
and should not get killed. Cortes was on horseback
and Dona Marina near to him, and he asked the
Caciques why was it, as we had done them no harm
whatever, that they had wished to kill us, and why
should they turn traitors against us, when all we
had said or done was to warn them against certain things
of which we had already warned all the towns that we
had passed through, and to tell them about matters
concerning our holy faith, and this without compulsion
of any kind ? To what purpose then had they quite
recently prepared many long and Strong poles with
collars and cords and placed them in a house near to
the Great Temple, and why for the la£t three days
had they been building barricades and digging holes
in the Streets and raising breastworks on the roofs
of the houses, and why had they removed their children
and wives and property from the city ? Their ill will
however has been plainly shown, and they had not been
able to hide their treason. They had not even given
us food to eat, and as a mockery had brought us
firewood and water, and said that there was no maize.
He knew well that in the barrancas near by, there were
many companies of warriors lying in wait for us,
ready to carry out their treacherous plans, thinking
that we should pass along that road towards Mexico.
So in return for our having come to treat them like
brothers and to tell them what Our Lord God and
the King have ordained, they wished to kill us and eat
our flesh, and had already prepared the pots with salt
and peppers and tomatoes. If this was what they wanted
it would have been better for them to make war on
253
CORTES PUNISHES CHOLULANS
us in the open field like good and valiant warriors,
as did their neighbours the Tlaxcalans. He knew for
certain all that had been planned in the city and that
they had even promised to their Idol, that twenty of
us should be sacrificed before it, and that three nights
ago they had sacrificed seven Indians to it so as to
ensure viftory, which was promised them ; but as the
Idol was both evil and false, it neither had, nor would
have power against us, and all these evil and traitorous
designs which they had planned and put into effect
were about to recoil on themselves. Dona Marina
told all this to them, and made them understand it
very clearly, and when the priests, Caciques, and captains
had heard it, they said that what had been Stated was
true but that they were not to blame for it, for the
Ambassadors of Montezuma had ordered it at the
command of their Prince.
Then Cortes told them that the royal laws decreed
that such treasons as those should not remain unpunished
and that for their crime they mu£t die. Then he ordered
a musket to be fired, which was the signal that we had
agreed upon for that purpose, and a blow was given to
them which they will remember for ever, for we killed
many of them, so that they gained nothing from the
promises of their false idols.
Not two hours had passed before our allies, the
Tlaxcalans, arrived, and they had fought very fiercely
where the Cholulans had polled other companies to
defend the Greets and prevent their being entered,
but these were soon defeated. The Tlaxcalans went
about the city, plundering and making prisoners and
we could not llop them, and the next day more companies
from the Tlaxcalan towns arrived, and did great damage,
for they were very hostile to the people of Cholula,
and when we saw this, both Cortes and the captains
and the soldiers, on account of the compassion that
we had felt, retrained the Tlaxcalans from doing
254
CORTES PARDONS SURVIVORS
further damage, and Cortes ordered Cristobal de Olid
to bring him all the Tlaxcalan captains together so
that he could speak to them, and they did not delay
in coming ; then he ordered them to gather together
all their men and go and camp in the fields, and this they
did, and only the men from Cempoala remained with us-
Just then certain Caciques and priests of Cholula
who belonged to other diltrifts of the town, and said
that they were not concerned in the treasons against
us (for it is a large city and they have parties and
factions among themselves), asked Cortes and all of
us to pardon the provocation of the treachery that had
been plotted against us, for the traitors had already
paid with their lives. Then there came the two priests
who were our friends and had disclosed the secret
to us, and the old woman, the wife of the captain,
who wanted to be the mother-in-law of Dona Marina,
and all prayed Cortes for pardon.
When they spoke to him, Cortes made a show of great
anger and ordered the Ambassadors of Montezuma, who
were detained in our company, to be summoned. He
then said that the whole city deserved to be de£lroyed>
but that out of respeft for their Lord Montezuma,
whose vassals they were, he would pardon them, and
that from now on they mu£t be well behaved, and let
them beware of such affairs as the la& happening again,
le£l they should die for it.
Then, he ordered the Chiefs of Tlaxcala, who were in
the fields, to be summoned, and told them to return the
men and women whom they had taken prisoners,
for the damage they had done was sufficient. Giving
up the prisoners went againft the grain with the
Tlaxcalans, and they said that the Cholulans had
deserved far greater punishment for the many
treacheries they had constantly received at their hands.
Nevertheless as Cortes ordered it, they gave back
many persons, but they Still remained rich, both in
255
CORTES APPOINTS NEW GOVERNOR
gold and mantles, cotton cloth, salt and slaves. Besides
this Cortes made them and the people of Cholula
friends, and, from what I have since seen and
ascertained, that friendship has never been broken.
Furthermore, Cortes ordered all the priests and
Caciques to bring back the people to the city, and to
hold their markets and fairs, and not to have any fear,
for no harm would be done to them. They replied
that within five days the city would be fully peopled
again, for at that time nearly all the inhabitants were
in hiding. They said it was necessary that Cortes
should appoint a Cacique for them, for their ruler
was one of those who had died in the Court, so he asked
them to whom the office ought to go, and they said to
the brother of the late Cacique, so Cortes at once
appointed him to be Governor.
In addition to this, as soon as he saw the city was
reinhabited, and their markets were carried on in safety,
he ordered all the prie&s, captains and other chieftains
of that city to assemble, and explained to them very
clearly all the matters concerning our holy faith, and
told them that they could see how their Idols had
deceived them, and were evil things not speaking the
truth ; he begged them to destroy the Idols and
Tbreak them in pieces. That if they did not wish to
do it themselves we would do it for them. He also
ordered them to whitewash a temple, so that we might
set up a cross there.
They immediately did what we asked them in the
matter of the cross, and they said that they would remove
their Idols, but although they were many times ordered
to do it, they delayed. Then the Padre de la Merced
said to Cortes that it was going too far, in the beginning,
to take away their Idols until they should understand
things better, and should see how our expedition to
Mexico would turn out, and time would show us what
we ought to do in the matter, that for the present the
256
MONTEZUMA IS ANNOYED
warnings we had given them were sufficient, together
with the setting up of the Cross.
The city is situated on a plain, in a locality where
there were many neighbouring towns, and it is a land
fruitful in maize and other vegetables, and much
Chili pepper, and the land is full of Magueys from which
they make their wine. They make very good pottery
in the city of red and black and white clay with various
designs, and with it supply Mexico and all the
neighbouring provinces. At that time there were many
high towers in the city where the Idols £iood, especially
the Great Cue which was higher than that of Mexico,
although the Mexican Cue was very lofty and mag-
nificent.
As soon as the Squadrons sent by the Great Monte-
zuma, which were already Rationed in the ravines
near Cholula, learned what had taken place they
returned, faster than at a walk, to Mexico and told
Montezuma how it all happened. But fa& as they went
the news had already reached him, through the two
Chieftains who had been with us and who went to
him po^l-hasle. We learned on good authority
that when Montezuma heard the news he was greatly
grieved and very angry, and at once sacrificed some
Indians to his Idol Huichilobos, whom they looked on
as the God of War, so that he might tell him what was
to be the result of our going to Mexico, or if he should
permit us to enter the city. We even knew that he was
shut in at his devotions and sacrifices for two days
in company with ten of the Chief Priests, and that a
reply came from those Idols which was, that they
advised him to send messengers to us to disclaim all
blame for the Cholulan affair, and that with demon&ra-
tions of peace we should be allowed to enter into
Mexico, and that when we were inside, by depriving
us of food and water, or by raising some of the bridges,
they would kill us.
CORTES CONSULTS HIS CAPTAINS
This affair and punishment at Cholula became known
throughout the provinces of New Spain and if we had a
reputation for valour before, from now on they took
us for sorcerers, and said that no evil that was planned
against us could be so hidden from us that it did not
come to our knowledge, and on this account they
showed us good will.
I think that the curious reader must be already
satiated hearing this £lory about Cholula and I wish
that I had finished writing about it, but I cannot avoid
calling to mind the prisons of thick wooden beams
which we found in the city, which were full of Indians
and boys being fattened so that they could be sacrificed
and their flesh eaten. We broke open all these prisons,
and Cortes ordered all the Indian prisoners that were
confined within them to return to their native countries,
and with threats he ordered the Caciques and captains
and priests of the city not to imprison any more Indians
in that way, and not to eat human flesh. They promised
not to do so, but what use were such promises ? as they
never kept them.
CHAPTER LIX
FOURTEEN days had already passed since we had come
to Cholula and we had nothing more to do there, for
we saw that the city was again fully peopled, and we
had established friendship between them and the
people of Tlaxcala. But as we knew that the Great
Montezuma was secretly sending spies to our camp
to enquire and find out what our plans were, our
Captain determined to take counsel of certain captains
and soldiers, whom he knew to be well disposed
towards him, because he never did anything without
asking our advice about it. It was agreed that
258
MESSAGE TO MONTEZUMA
we should send to tell the Great Montezuma, gently
and amicably, that in order to carry out the purpose
for which our Lord and King had sent us to these parts,
we had crossed many seas and distant lands, and that
while we were marching towards his city, his
ambassadors had guided us by way of Cholula, where
the people had plotted a treason with the intention of
killing us, and we had punished some of those who
intended to carry out the plot. As our Captain knew
that the Cholulans were his subjects, it was only out of
respeft for his person, and on account of our great
friendship, that he refrained from destroying and killing
all those who were concerned in the treason. How-
ever, the wor^l of it all is that the priests and Caciques
say it was done on his advice and command. This of
course we never believed, that such a great prince
as he is could issue such orders, especially as he had
declared himself our friend, and we had inferred from
his charafter that since his Idols had put such an evil
thought as making war on us into his head, he would
surely fight us in the open field, But as we look upon
him as our great friend and wish to see and speak to
him, we are setting out at once for his city to give him
a more complete account of what Our Lord the King
had commanded us to do.
When Montezuma heard this message and learned
through the people of Cholula that we did not lay all
the blame on him, we heard it said that he returned
again with his priests to fa£i and make sacrifices to
his Idols, to know if they would again repeat their
permission to allow us to enter into the city or no, and
whether they would reiterate the commands they had
already given him. The answer which they gave was
the same as the firft, that he should allow us to enter
and that once inside the city he could kill us when
he chose. His captains and prie&s also advised him
that if he should place obstacles in the way of our
259
MONTEZUMA SENDS PRESENTS
entry, we would make war on him through his subjeft
towns, seeing that we had as our friends the Tlaxcalans,
and all the Totonacs of the hills, and other towns
which had accepted our alliance, and to avoid these
evils the besT: and most sensible advice was that which
Huichilobos had given.
When Montezuma heard the message which we
sent to him concerning our friendship and the other
fearless remarks, after much deliberation he despatched
six chieftains with a present of gold and jewels of a
variety of shapes which were estimated to be worth over
two thousand pesos, and he sent certain loads of very
rich mantles beautifully worked.
When the Chiefs came before Cortes with the present
they touched the ground with their hands and with
great reverence, such as they use among themselves,
they said : " Malinche, Our Lord the Great Monte-
zuma, sends thee this present, and asks thee to accept
it with the great affeftion which he has for thee and all
thy brethren, and he says that the annoyance that
the people of Cholula have caused him weighs heavily
on him, and he wishes to punish them more in their
persons, for they are an evil and a lying people in that
they have thrown the blame of the wickedness which
they wished to commit upon him and his ambassadors/'
that we might take it as very certain that he was our
friend, and that we could go to his City whenever
we liked, for he wished to do us every honour as very
valiant men, and the messengers of such a great King.
But because he had nothing to give us to eat, for
everything has to be carried into the city by carriers
as it is built on the lake, he could not entertain us
very satisfactorily, but he would endeavour to do us
all the honour that was possible, and he had ordered
all the towns through which we had to pass to give
us what we might need. Cortes received the present
with demonstrations of affe&ion and embraced the
260
TLAXCALAN ALLIES
messengers, and ordered them to be given certain
twisted cut glass beads.
Cortes gave the ambassadors a suitable and affec-
tionate reply and ordered the messengers who had
come with the present to remain with us as guides
and the other three to return with the answer to their
Prince, and to advise him that we were already on the
road.
When the Chief Caciques of Tlaxcala underwood
that we were going, their souls were affli&ed and they
sent to say to Cortes that they had already warned him
many times that he should be careful what he was
about, and should refrain from entering such a &rong
city where there was so much war-like preparation and
such a multitude of warriors, for one day or the other
we would be attacked, and they feared that we would
not escape alive, and on account of the good will
that they bore us, they wished to send ten thousand
men under brave captains to go with us and carry
food for the journey.
Cortes thanked them heartily for their good wishes
and told them that it was not juft to enter into Mexico
with such a hoSt of warriors, especially when one party
was so hostile to the other, that he only had need of
one thousand men to carry the tepusques and the
baggage, and to clear some of the roads, and
they at once sent us the thousand Indians very well
equipped.
Ju£t as we were ready to set out, there came to
Cort6s all the Caciques and all the principal warriors
whom we had brought from Cempoala, who had
marched in our company and served us well and loyally,
and said that they wanted to go back to Cempoala
and not to proceed beyond Cholula in the direftion
of Mexico, for they felt certain that if they went there
it would be for them and for us to go to our deaths. The
Great Montezuma would order them to be killed
261
THE START FOR MEXICO
because they had broken their fealty by refusing to
pay him tribute and by imprisoning his tax-gatherers.
When Cortes observed the determination with which
they demanded permission, he answered that they need
not have the slightest fear that they would come to
any harm, for, as they would go in our company,
who would dare to annoy either them or us r and he
begged them to change their minds and slay with us,
and he promised to make them rich. Although Cortes
pressed them to £tay, and Dona Marina put it in the
mo& warm-hearted manner, they never wished to £iay,
but only to return to their homes. When Cortes
perceived this he said : " God forbid that these
Indians who have served us so well should be forced
to go," and he sent for many loads of rich mantles and
divided them among them, and he also sent to our
friend the fat Cacique two loads of mantles for himself
and for his nephew the other great Cacique named
Cuesco.
CHAPTER LX
WE set out from Cholula in carefully arranged order
as we were always accustomed to do, and arrived
that day at some ranchos standing on a hill about four
leagues from Cholula, they are peopled from Huexo-
tzingo, and I think they are called the Ranchos of
Yscalpan. To this place soon came the Caciques and
priests of the towns of Huexotzingo which were
near by, and people from other small towns, which
ftand on the slopes of the volcano near their boundary
line, who brought us food and a present of golden
jewels of small value, and they asked Cortes to accept
them and not consider the insignificance of the gift
but the good will with which it was offered. They
advised him not to go to Mexico as it was a very Strong
262
THE CHOICE OF ROAD
city and full of warriors, where we should run much
risk. They also told us to look out, if we had decided
upon going, for when we had ascended to the pass
we should find two broad roads, one leading to a town
named Chalco, and the other to another town called
Tlamanalco,1 both of them subject to Mexico ; that
the one road was well swept and cleared so as to induce
us to take it, and that the other road had been closed
up and many great pines and other trees had been
cut down so that horses could not use it and we could
not march along it. That a little way down the side
of the mountain along the road that had been cleared,
the Mexicans (thinking that we mu£l take that road)
had cut away a piece of the hill side, and had made
ditches and barricades, and that certain squadrons
of Mexicans had waited at that point so as to kill
us there. So they counselled us not to go by the road
which was clear, but by the road where the felled
trees were, saying that they would send many men
with us to clear it.
Cortes thanked them for the counsel they had given
him, and said that with God's help he would not
abandon his march but would go the way they advised
him. Early the next morning we began our march,
and it was nearly midday when we arrived at the
ridge of the mountain where we found the roads
ju£t as the people of Huexotzingo had said. There
we rented a little and began to think about the Mexican
squadrons on the intrenched hillside where the earth
works were that they had told us about,
Then Cortes ordered the Ambassadors of the great
Montezuma who came in our company to be
summoned, and he asked them how it was that
those two roads were in that condition, one very clean
and swept and the other covered with newly-felled
trees. They replied that it was done so that we should
1 B. D. writes Tkma.nalco in error — Cortes says it was Amecameca.
263
CORTES' CHOICE
go by the cleared road which led to a city named
Chalco, where the people would give us a good
reception, for it belonged to their Prince Montezuma,
and that they had cut the trees and closed up the
other road to prevent our going by it, for there were
bad passes on it, and it went somewhat round about
before going to Mexico, and came out at another
town which was not as large as Chalco. Then Cortes
said that he wished to go by the blocked up road, and
we began to ascend the mountain with the greatest
caution, our allies moving aside the huge thick tree
trunks with great labour, and some of them Still lie
by the roadside to this very day. As we rose higher
it began to snow and the snow caked on the ground.
Then we descended the hill and went to sleep at a
group of houses which they build like inns or hostels
where the Indian traders lodge, and we supped well,
but the cold was intense, and we polled our watchmen,
sentinels, and patrols and even sent out scouts. The
next day we set out on our march, and, about the
hour of high mass, arrived at a town (Amecameca),
where they received us well and where there was no
scarcity of food.
When the other towns in the neighbourhood heard
of our arrival, people soon came from Chalco and
from Chimaloacan and from Ayotzingo, where the
canoes are, for it is their port. All of them together
brought a present of gold and two loads of mantles
and eight Indian women and the gold was worth
over one hundred and fifty pesos and they said :
" Malinche, accept these presents which we give you
and look on us in the future as your friends/' Cortes
received them with great good will and promised to
help them in whatever they needed and when he
saw them together he told the Padre de la Merced
to counsel them regarding matters touching our holy
faith, and that they should give up their Idols. Cortes
264
NATIVES COMPLAIN OF MONTEZUMA
also explained to them about the great power of our
Lord, the Emperor, and how we had come to right
wrongs and to slop robbery.
When they heard this, all these towns that I have
named, secretly, so that the Mexican Ambassadors
should not hear them, made great complaints about
Montezuma, and his tax-gatherers, who robbed them
of all they possessed, and carried off their wives and
daughters, and made the men work as though they
were slaves, and made them carry pine timber and
stone and firewood and maize either in their canoes
or over land, and many other services such as planting
cornfields, and they took their lands for the service
of the Idols.
Cortes comforted them with kindly words which he
knew well how to say to them through Dona Marina,
but added that at the present moment he could not
undertake to see justice done them and they mu£t
bear it awhile and he would presently free them from
that rule. The Caciques replied : " We are of opinion
that you should £tay here with us, and we will give
you what we possess, and that you should give up
going to Mexico, as we know for certain it is very
&rong and full of warriors, and they will not spare
your lives."
Cortes replied to them, with a cheerful mien, that
we had no fear that the Mexicans, or any other
nation, could destroy us and, as we wished to &art
at once, he asked them to give him twenty of their
principal men to go in his company, and they brought
us the twenty Indians.
CHAPTER LXI
JUST as we were Parting on our march to Mexico there
came before Cortes four Mexican chiefs sent by
265
MONTEZUMA ATTEMPTS TO BRIBE
Montezuma who brought a present of gold and cloths.
After they had made obeisance according to their
custom, they said : " Malinche, our Lord the Great
Montezuma sends you this present and says that he
is greatly concerned for the hardships you have
endured in coming from such a distant land in order
to see him, and that he has already sent to tell you that
he will give you much gold and silver and chalchihuites
as tribute for your Emperor and for yourself and the
other Teules in your company, provided you do not
come to Mexico, and now again he begs as a favour,
that you will not advance any further but return whence
you have come, and he promises to send you to the
port a great quantity of gold and silver and rich Clones
for that King of yours, and, as for you> he will give you
four loads of gold and for each of your brothers one
load, but as for going on to Mexico your entrance into
it is forbidden, for all his vassals have risen in arms to
prevent your entry, and besides this there is no road
thither, only a very narrow one, and there is no food
for you to eat." And he used many other arguments
about the difficulties to the end that we should advance
no further.
Cortes with much show of affeftion embraced the
Ambassadors, although the message grieved him, and
he accepted the present, and said that he marvelled
how the Lord Montezuma, having given himself
out as our friend, and being such a great Prince,
should be so inconstant ; that one time he says one
thing and another time sends to order the contrary,
and regarding what he says about giving gold to our
Lord the Emperor and to ourselves, he is grateful
to him for it, and what he sends him now he will pay
for in good works as time goes on. How can he deem
it befitting that being so near to his city, we should
think it right to return on our road without carrying
through what our Prince has commanded us to do ?
266
CORTES DECLINES THE BRIBE
If the Lord Montezuma had sent his messengers and
ambassadors to some great prince such as he is him-
self, and if, after nearly reaching his house, those
messengers whom he sent should turn back without
speaking to the Prince about that which they were
sent to say, when they came back into his [Monte-
zuma's] presence with such a £fcory, what favour would
he show them ? He would merely treat them as
cowards of little worth ; and this is what our Emperor
would do with us, so that in one way or another we
were determined to enter his city, and from this time
forth he must not send any more excuses on the subject,
for he [Cortes] was bound to see him, and talk to
him and explain the whole purpose for which we had
come, and this he mu& do to him personally. Then
after he understood it all, if our presence in the city
did not seem good to him, we would return whence
we had come. As for what he said about there being
little or no food, not enough to support us, we were
men who could get along even if we have but little
to eat, and we were already on the way to his city,
so let him take our coming in good part.
As soon as the messengers had been despatched,
we set out for Mexico, and as the people of Huexot-
zingo and Chako had told us that Montezuma had
held consultations with his Idols and prices, who had
said he was to allow us to enter and that then he could
kill us, and as we are but human and feared death, we
never ceased thinking about it. As that country is
very thickly peopled we made short marches, and
commended ourselves to God and to Our Lady his
blessed Mother, and talked about how and by what
means we could enter the City, and it put courage into
our hearts to think that as our Lord Jesus Christ
had vouchsafed us protection through pa& dangers,
lie would likewise guard us from the power of the
Mexicans.
267
CACAMATZIN'S GREETING
We went to sleep at a town called Iztapalatengo *
where half the houses are in the water and the other
half on dry land, and there they gave us a good
supper.
The Great Montezuma when he heard the reply
which Cortes had sent to him, at once determined to
send his nephew named Cacamatzin, the Lord of
Texcoco, with great pomp to bid welcome to Cortes
and to all of us, and one of our scouts came in to tell
us that a large crowd of friendly Mexicans was coming
along the road clad in rich mantles. It was very early
in the morning when this happened, and we were
ready to &art, and Cortes ordered us to wait in our
quarters until he could see what the matter was.
At that moment four chieftains arrived, who made
deep obeisance to Cortes and said that close by there
was approaching Cacamatzin, the great Lord of
Texcoco, a nephew of the Great Montezuma, and he
begged us to have the goodness to wait until he
arrived.
He did not tarry long, for he soon arrived with
greater pomp and splendour than we had ever beheld
;n a Mexican Prince, for he came in a litter richly
worked in green feathers, with many silver borderings,
and rich Clones set in bosses made out of the finest
gold. Eight Chieftains, who, it was said were all
Lords of Towns, bore the litter on their shoulders,
When they came near to the house where Cortes was
quartered, the Chieftains assisted Cacamatzin to
descend from the litter, and they swept the ground,
and removed the &raws where he had to pass, and
when they came before our Captain they made him a
deep reverence, and Cacamatzin said :
" Malinche, here we have come, I and these
Chieftains to place ourselves at your service, and to
give you all that you may need for yourself and
1 This is clearly a mi^ake ; the town was Ayotzingo.
268
THE CUITLAHUAC CAUSEWAY
your companions and to place you in your home, which
is our city, for so the Great Montezuma our Prince
has ordered us to do, and he asks your pardon that
he did not come with us himself, but it is on account
of ill-health that he did not do so, and not from want
of very good will which he bears towards you."
When our Captain and all of us beheld such pomp
and majesty in those chiefs, especially in the nephew
of Montezuma, we considered it a matter of the
greatest importance, and said among ourselves, if
this Cacique bears himself with such dignity, what
will the Great Montezuma do ?
When Cacamatzin had delivered his speech, Cortes
embraced him, and gave many caresses to him and all
the other Chieftains, and gave him three Atones which
are called Margaritas, which have within them many
markings of different colours, and to the other chief-
tains he gave blue glass beads, and he told them that
he thanked them and when he was able he would
repay the Lord Montezuma for all the favours which
every day he was granting us.
As soon as the speech-making was over, we at
once set out, and as the Caciques whom I have spoken
about brought many followers with them, and as many
people came out to see us from the neighbouring
towns, all the roads were full of them.
During the morning, we arrived at a broad Cause-
way1 and continued our march towards Iztapalapa,
and when we saw so many cities and villages built
in the water and other great towns on dry land and
that Straight and level causeway going towards Mexico,
we were amazed and said that it was like the enchant-
ments they tell of in the legend of Amadis, on account
of the great towers and cues and buildings rising from
the water, and all built of masonry. And some of our
1 The Causeway of Coithhuac separating tibe lake of Cfaako from
the kke of Xochimiko.
269
SIGHTS IN IZTAPALAPA
soldiers even asked whether the things that we saw
were not a dream ? It is not to be wondered at that
I here write it down in this manner, for there is so
much to think over that I do not know how to describe
it, seeing things as we did that had never been heard
of or seen before, not even dreamed about.
Thus, we arrived near Iztapalapa, to behold the
splendour of the other Caciques who came out to
meet us, who were the Lord of the town named Cuitla-
huac, and the Lord of Culuacan, both of them near
relations of Montezuma. And then when we entered
the city of Iztapalapa, the appearance of the palaces
in which they lodged us ! How spacious and well
built they were, of beautiful £bone work and cedar
wood, and the wood of other sweet scented trees, with
great rooms and courts, wonderful to behold, covered
with awnings of cotton cloth.
When we had looked well at all of this, we went to
the orchard and garden, which was such a wonderful
thing to see and walk in, that I was never tired of
looking at the diversity of the trees, and noting the scent
which each one had, and the paths full of roses and
flowers, and the many fruit trees and native roses,
and the pond of fresh water. There was another
thing to observe, that great canoes were able to pass
into the garden from the lake through an opening
that had been made so that there was no need for
their occupants to land. And all was cemented and
very splendid with many kinds of ftone [monuments]
with pi&rures on them, which gave much to think
about. Then the birds of many kinds and breeds
which came into the pond. I say again that I Stood
looking at it and thought that never in the world
would there be discovered other lands such as these,
for at that time there was no Peru, nor any thought
of it. Of all these wonders that I then beheld to-day
all is overthrown and loft, nothing left landing.
270
APPROACHING CITY OF MEXICO
Let us go on, and I will relate that the Caciques of
that town and of Coyoacan brought us a present of
gold, worth more than two thousand pesos.
CHAPTER LXII
EARLY next day we left Iztapalapa with a large escort
of those great Caciques whom I have already men-
tioned. We proceeded along the Causeway which is
here eight paces in width and runs so Straight to the
City of Mexico that it does not seem to me to turn
either much or little, but, broad as it is, it was so
crowded with people that there was hardly room for
them all, some of them going to and others returning
from Mexico, besides those who had come out to
see us, so that we were hardly able to pass by the
crowds of them that came ; and the towers and cues,
were full of people as well as the canoes from all
parts of the lake. It was not to be wondered at, for
they had never before seen horses or men such as-
we are.
Gazing on such wonderful sights, we did not know
what to say, or whether what appeared before us was
real, for on one side, on the land, there were great
cities, and in the lake ever so many more, and the
lake itself was crowded with canoes, and in the Cause-
way were many bridges at intervals, and in front of
us £tood the great City of Mexico, and we — we did
not even number four hundred soldiers ! and we well
remembered the words and warnings given us by the
people of Huexotzingo and Tlaxcala, and the many
other warnings that had been given that we should
beware of entering Mexico, where they would kill
us, as soon as they had us inside.
Let the curious readers consider whether there is
not much to ponder over in this that I am writing*
271
MARCH ALONG THE CAUSEWAY
What men have there been In the world who have
shown such daring ? But let us get on, and march
along the Causeway. When we arrived where another
small causeway branches off1 [leading to Coyoacan,
which is another city] where there were some buildings
like towers, which are their oratories, many more
chieftains and Caciques approached clad in very rich
mantles, the brilliant liveries of one chieftain differing
from those of another, and the causeways were crowded
with them. The Great Montezuma had sent these
great Caciques in advance to receive us, and when
they came before Cortes they bade us welcome in
their language, and as a sign of peace, they touched
their hands against the ground, and kissed the ground
with the hand.
There we halted for a good while, and Cacamatzin,
the Lord of Texcoco, and the Lord of Iztapalapa and
the Lord of Tacuba and the Lord of Coyoacan went
on in advance to meet the Great Montezuma, who
"was approaching in a rich litter accompanied by other
great Lords and Caciques, who owned vassals. When
we arrived near to Mexico, where there were some
-other small towers, the Great Montezuma got down
from his litter, and those great Caciques supported
him with their arms beneath a marvellously rich
canopy of green coloured feathers with much gold
and silver embroidery and with pearls and chalchi-
huites suspended from a sort of bordering, which
was wonderful to look at. The Great Montezuma
was richly attired according to his usage, and he was
shod with sandals, the soles were of gold and the upper
part adorned with precious Clones. The four Chieftains
^who supported his arms were also richly clothed
according to their usage, in garments which were
apparently held ready for them on the road to enable
them to accompany their prince, for they did not
1 AcacMnango.
272
CORTES AND MONTEZUMA MEET
appear in such attire when they came to receive us.
Besides these four Chieftains, there were four other
great Caciques who supported the canopy over their
heads, and many other Lords who walked before the
Great Montezuma, sweeping the ground where he
would tread and spreading cloths on it, so that he
should not tread on the earth. Not one of these
chieftains dared even to think of looking him in the
face, but kept their eyes lowered with great reverence,
except those four relations, his nephews, who supported
him with their arms.
When Cortes was told that the Great Montezuma
was approaching, and he saw him coming, he dis-
mounted from his horse, and when he was near
Montezuma, they simultaneously paid great reverence
to one another. Montezuma bade him welcome and
our Cortes replied through Dona Marina wishing him
very good health. And it seems to me that Cortes,
through Dona Marina, offered him his right hand,
and Montezuma did not wish to take it, but he did
give his hand to Cortes and then Cortes brought out
a necklace which he had ready at hand, made of glass
Clones, which I have already said are called Margaritas,
which have within them many patterns of diverse
colours, these were Strung on a cord of gold and with
musk so that it should have a sweet scent, and he
placed it round the neck of the Great Montezuma and
when he had so placed it he was going to embrace
him, and those great Princes who accompanied
Montezuma held back Cortes by the arm so that he
should not embrace him, for they considered it an
indignity.
Then Cortes through the mouth of Dona Marina
told him that now his heart rejoiced at having seen
such a great Prince, and that he took it as a great
honour that he had come in person to meet him and
had frequently shown him such favour.
CROWDS WATCH THE ENTRY
Then Montezuma spoke other words of politeness
to him, and told two of his nephews who supported
his arms, the Lord of Texcoco and the Lord of Coyoa-
can, to go with us and show us to our quarters, and
Montezuma with his other two relations, the Lord of
Cuitlahuac and the Lord of Tacuba who accompanied
him, returned to the city, and all those grand com-
panies of Caciques and chieftains who had come with
him returned in his train. As they turned back after
their Prince we &ood watching them and observed
how they all marched with their eyes fixed on the
ground without looking at him, keeping close to the
wall, following him with great reverence. Thus space
was made for us to enter the Greets of Mexico, without
being so much crowded. But who could now count
the multitude of men and women and boys who were
in the Streets and on the azoteas, and in canoes on
the canals, who had come out to see us. It was indeed
wonderful, and, now that I am writing about it, it all
comes before my eyes as though it had happened but
yesterday. Coming to think it over it seems to be a
great mercy that our Lord Jesus Christ was pleased to
give us grace and courage to dare to enter into such a
city ; and for the many times He has saved me from
danger of death, as will be seen later on, I give Him
sincere thanks, and in that He has preserved me to
write about it, although I cannot do it as fully as is
fitting or the subject needs. Let us make no words
about it, for deeds are the be& witnesses to what I
say here and elsewhere.
Let us return to our entry to Mexico. They took
us to lodge in some large houses, where there were
apartments for all of us, for they had belonged to the
father of the Great Montezuma, who was named
Axayaca, and at that time Montezuma kept there the
great oratories for his idols, and a secret chamber
where he kept bars and jewels of gold, which was
274
SPANIARDS IN AXAYACA'S PALACE
the treasure that he had inherited from his father
Axayaca, and he never disturbed it. They took us to
lodge in that house, because they called us Teules,
and took us for such, so that we should be with the
Idols or Teules which were kept there. However,
for one reason or another, it was there they took us,
where there were great halls and chambers canopied
with the cloth of the country for our Captain, and for
every one of us beds of matting with canopies above,
and no better bed is given, however great the chief
may be, for they are not used. And all these palaces
were coated with shining cement and swept and
garlanded.
As soon as we arrived and entered into the great
court, the Great Montezuma took our Captain by the
hand, for he was there awaiting him, and led him to
the apartment and saloon where he was to lodge, which
was very richly adorned according to their usage, and
he had at hand a very rich necklace made of golden
crabs, a marvellous piece of work, and Montezuma
himself placed it round the neck of our Captain
Cortes, and greatly astonished his [own] Captains
by the great honour that he was bestowing on him.
When the necklace had been fastened, Cortes thanked
Montezuma through our interpreters, and Montezuma
replied — " Malinche you and your brethren are in
your own house, rest awhile," and then he went to
his palaces, which were not far away, and we divided
our lodgings by companies, and placed the artillery
pointing in a convenient direction, and the order which
we had to keep was clearly explained to us, and that
we were to be much on the alert, both the cavalry and
all of us soldiers. A sumptuous dinner was provided
for us according to their use and custom, and we ate
it at once. So this was our lucky and daring entry
into the great city of Tenochtitlan Mexico on the
8th day of November the year of our Saviour Jesus
Chri^l, 1519.
275
SPANIARDS IN MEXICO
Thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ for it all. And if
I have not said anything that I ought to have said,
may your honours pardon me, for I do not know now
even at the present time how better to express it,
Let us leave this talk and go back to our &ory of
what else happened to us, which I will go on to relate.
276
INTRODUCTORY NOTES TO BOOK VI
THE VALLEY OF MEXICO
THE Valley of Mexico is a level plain about 7,244 feet above the sea,
completely surrounded by mountains winch leave no exit for the
escape of the water from a fairly abundant rainfall, and as a conse-
quence the whole valley at one period mu£ have formed one vaft
lake, whose volume was limited only by soakage and the very rapid
evaporation due to a tropical sun. At the time of the Conquest the
area of the surface of the lakes was (very roughtly) 442 square miles,
The mountains surrounding the valley may be roughly divided
into three ranges. To the Eaft the Sierra Nevada, with the great
peaks of Popocatepetl (17,887 ft) and Ixtaccihuatl (17,342 ft.) capped
with perpetual snow, and the three lower peaks to the North, Papayo,
Telapon and Tlaloc; to the South lies the great volcanic barrier
of Ajusco, to the We& the range of Las Cruces, and to the North that
of Pachuca. *»
Although the kkes have received different names, the water surface
muft have been continuous until separated by the earthworks of the
Indians. Starting from the North the kkes are named Zumpango,
Xaltocan, Texcoco, Xochimilco and Chalco. All these lakes were very
shallow.
The site of the City was originally, in all probability, two reed-
covered mud banks or islands, which may have been cultivated in
much the same manner as were the chinampas or floating gardens
at the time of the Conque&, or as the chinampas of Xochimilco are
at the present day, and these two isknds became respectively the
sites of the towns of Tktelolco and Tenochtitlan, and the space between
them was eventually reduced to a rather broad canal.
The chinampas were formed by heaping up the soft mud from the
kke on to wattles in order to form seed beds for flowers and vegetables^
and these floating gardens gradually increased in size and became more
compaS from the growth of the interkting roots of the willows and
other water-loving plants until they may have supported a small hut
for the owner and his family, and the lengthening roots eventually
anchored them on the shallow margin of the kke.
These gardens are divided into long narrow Strips with canals
running between ju& wide enough for the passage of a dag-out canoe.
The Indian cultivator poles his canoe along the narrow channels and
THE VALLEY OF MEXICO
scoops up the soft mud from the bottom to spread It over the land, and
splashes the water over the growing pknts with his paddle. It was
probably this method of cultivation which gave the mainly rectangular
arrangement of the streets of the City of Mexico, the more unsym-
metrical canals showing the original water-ways between the mud banks,
while the aggregation of chinampas may have left an irregular margin
of outlying houses and gardens.
The very slight difference in level between the Lake of Texcoco and
the site of the City made the ktter liable to frequent inundations, and
this difficulty was met by the inhabitants by engineering works of
considerable importance. A causeway was built passing through the
island town of Tlahuac, dividing the Lake of Chalco from that of
Xochimilco, and a second causeway separated the waters of Xochimilco
from those of Texcoco. The City of Mexico had probably already
been joined to the mainland, for purposes of communication, by the
causeways of Tlacopan (Tacuba) and Tepeyac (Guadalupe), and a
third and longer causeway was added by connecting the City with the
barrier holding back the waters of Xochimilco ; this third causeway
was known as the causeway of Iztapalapa. The lakes of Zumpango
and Zaltocan were also traversed by causeways, but it is not now
possible to locate their position.
These various causeways did much to control the movement of
the waters of the kkes during the rainy season, but they were not
sufficient to prevent serious inundations, and native tradition and
a picture in a Mexican codex 1 go to prove that during the reign of
Motecuhzoma (Montezuma) IHhuicamina, between the years 1440
and 1450, a very wet season caused the waters of Lake Texcoco to
rise so much that the City was almost destroyed and the inhabitants
had to take refuge in their canoes and piraguas. Montezuma applied
for assistance and advice to his friend Netzahualcoyotl the King of
Texcoco, and under his sage direction a great dyke was con£tru<Eted,
known as the " Albarradon of Nezhualcoyotl ".
" This gigantic dyke Started from Atzacualco on the North and
followed a &raight line to the South as far as Ixtapalapa at the foot
of the hill called la E&relk. This great work, which was sixteen
kilometres 2 in length, was con&ructed of &one and cky and crowned
with a Strong wall of rubble masonry, and was protected on both sides
by a Strong Cockade which broke the force of the waves.
" The dyke divided the kke into two parts, the krger to the East
was known as the Lake of Texcoco, from the city situated on its shores,
the ^lesser to the West was called the Lake of Mexico because the
capital was surrounded by its waters on all sides. From this arrange-
ment Mexico derived an aggregate of inestimable benefits. The
1 Gedex Tflleriaxo Remeusio. 2 Ten Miles.
278
THE VALLEY OF MEXICO
great lake, like all kkes having no outlet for their waters, was salt,
notwithstanding the volume of all the rivers which Sowed into it, for
in fact it owed its saltness to this very flow which carried in its current
the soluble salts which the falling rain has robbed from the land. The
salt water saturating the soil has little by little rendered it sterile, and
in addition, the carbonate of soda and the thousand other impurities
with which it is charged are hostile to animal life to such an extent that
fishes could not live in it, neither to-day nor at the time of the Conquest,
as was slated by the writers at that epoch, although the water was then
less salt that it is at the present. As die kkes of fresh water to the south
poured their surplus water into the kke of Mexico through the narrows
of Culhuacan and Mexicaltzingo, those waters spread through the
western kke, the Lake of Mexico, and completely filled it, separated as
it was from the salt lake by the dyke of Netzahuakoyotl. In this way
the basin of fresh water was converted into a fish pond and a home for
all sorts of aquatic fowl. Chinampas covered its surface, separated by
limpid spaces which were furrowed by swift canoes, and all the
suburbs of this enchanting capital became flowery orchards." *
The great dyke was provided with numerous openings for the
passage of canoes, but these openings were furnished with sluice
gates, which could be closed during the rainy season when the water
of Texcoco rose and threatened to flood the City, and could be opened
again to let out the fresh water from Mexico when the rapid evapora-
tion during the summer months had lowered the level of Texcoco.
There must have been one or more springs on the site of the City
which supplied its earliest inhabitants with drinking water, although in
kter Indian times the supply was brought in an aqueduct, from a fine
spring near Chapultepec.
44 The popuktion of Tenochtitlan (the City of Mexico) at the time
of the conquest is variously stated. No contemporary writer estimates
it at less than sixty thousand houses, which by the ordinary rules of
reckoning would give three hundred thousand souls. If a dwelling
often contained, as it asserted, several families, it would swell the amount
considerably higher." 2
The supply of food for such a popuktion must have been a matter
of no little difficulty, for the soil on the hill-sides is scanty, many of
the slopes are composed of tepetatle> a mixture of volcanic ash and
scoria fit only for growing Maguey,3 and considerable surfaces are
covered with kva and carry no loam at all. The scarcity of good soil
must have led to an intensive cultivation, and this is also shown by
1 Francisco de Garay, El valle ds Mexico, apnntes hlSarlcos sobre
su hidrographia^ pp. 13 and 14,
2 Prescott, ConqusS of Mexico.
3 The American aloe, Agave americana^ from which pulque is made.
279
THE CITY OF MEXICO
the care with which manure was collected as is the case in China and
Japan today.
Food mus'l have been brought from very considerable distances,
a*nd the want of sufficient supply from the near neighbourhood musl:
have had much to do with the predatory nature of the Aztec dominion.
The lakes of Zaltocan and Zumpango are now almost dry during
the summer months. The Lake of Chalco has been drained dry,
excepting the southern edge round Mixcuic, and is now one vasi
maize field.
Zochimilco is reduced to a swamp traversed by many water-ways
and the water from its springs is being utilized for the supply of
drinking water to the City. Tezcoco alone remains, in a shrunken
condition, and no further drainage of its waters is contemplated,
as the evaporation from its surface is one of the main factors con-
tributing to the equable climate of the valley.
THE CITY OF MEXICO
The two towns of Tenochtitlan and Tlaltelolco appear to have
risen side by side, each retaining control of its own local affairs, until
the time of Axayacatl, the sixth ruler of Tenochtitlan (1473), when,
after a fierce battle in the Greets of the City, Tlaltelolco was conquered,
its chiefs killed, and it became a part of the City of Tenochtitlan. It is,
however, this growth of the City in two dislincl: parts that accounts for
the exigence of the two centres of religious worship, the great teocalli
of Tenochtitlan with its surrounding courts and temples (where the
Cathedral of Mexico now Stands), and the slill larger and more impor-
tant teocalli of Tlaltelolco and the adjacent temples, courts, and priesV
houses, etc., which are so fully described by Bernal Diaz in the text.
The following quotation is from the writings of the " Anonymous
Conqueror " who himself beheld Mexico in the days of Montezuma : —
" The great city of Temiftan (Tenochtitlan) Mexico, has and had
many wide and handsome Streets ; of these two or three are the principal
streets, and all the others are formed half of hard earth like a brick
pavement, and the other half of water, so that they can go out along
the knd or by water in the boats and canoes which are made of
hollowed wood, and some are krge enough to hold five persons. The
inhabitants go abroad some by water in these boats and others by land,
and they can talk to one another as they go. There are other principal
streets in addition, entirely of water which can only be traversed by
boats and canoes, as is their wont, as I have already said, for without
these boats they could neither go in nor out of their houses."
280
THE CITY OF MEXICO
Cortes in liis second letter to the Emperor says :
" There are many very large and fine houses in this City, and the
reason of there being so many important houses is that all the Lords
of the land who are vassals of the said Montezuma have houses in this
City and reside therein for a certain time of the year, and in addition
to this there are many rich Citizens who also possess very fine houses.
All these houses in addition to having very fine and krge dwelling
rooms, have very exquisite flower gardens both on the upper apart-
ments as well as down below." 1
" The principal houses were of two Tories, but the greater number
of houses were of one Storey only. The materials, according to the
importance of the buildings, were tezontli 2 and lime, adobes 3 formed
the walls pkStered with lime, and in the suburbs and shores of the
island (the houses were constructed) of reeds and Straw, appropriate
for the fishermen and the lower classes" 4
Of the external ornament or decoration of the more important
houses or palaces we know nothing, as the destruction of the City was
complete. If the ornamentation was elaborate we hear nothing about
it from the conquerors, and it must in any case have been of plaster or
some perishable material, otherwise some fragments of it would have
survived. It seems therefore probable that the architectural decora-
tion of the houses was of a very simple character, and that the more
elaborate Stone work was reserved for the teocallis and temples of
their gods.
Notwithstanding the above qualifications, the ancient City of
Tenochtitlan must have been a place of much beauty and even of
considerable magnificence, and it could not have failed to make a vivid
impression on the Spaniards, who, it must be remembered, until
they set foot in Yucatan, two years earlier, had seen nothing better
during the twenty-five years of exploration of America than the houses
of poles and thatch of Indkn tribes, none of whom had risen above a
State of barbarism. Much no doubt was due to the natural surround-
ings ; the white City with its numerous teocallis was embowered in
trees and surrounded by the blue waters of the kke sparkling under a
tropical sun, a kke that was alive with a multitude of canoes passing
and repassing to the other white cities on its shores, and in every
direction the horizon was closed with a splendid panorama of forest-
covered hills, while to the south-east the eye always rested with delight
on the beautiful slopes and snow-covered peaks of the two great
1 Cortes* Second Letter.
2 Tezontli, a volcanic Stone, easily worked, of a beautiful dull-red
colour.
3 Adobes^ sun-dried bricks,
4 Orozco y Berra, HIM. de Mexico, vol. iv, p. 2 8 1 .
THE CITY OF MEXICO
volcanoes. It Is an enchanting scene to-day, in spite of the shrinkage
of the lakes, the smoke from factory chimneys, and the somewhat
squalid surroundings of a modern city, and but little effort of imagina-
tion is needed to appreciate the charm that it must have exercised in
the days of Montezuma.
Gardens and groves were evidently numerous in the City itself;
the Mexicans were distinguished for their love of flowers, and there is
no climate where gardening is more remunerative than in these tropical
highlands when water is plentiful. The flowering plants cultivated
on the roofs of the houses musl: have added greatly to the picturesque
aspe& of the Greets and canals.
Bernal Diaz tells us how clean the surroundings of the great temple
were kept, where not a straw or a spot of dust could be seen (filth
seems to have been confined to the temples themselves where the
horrid rites of their religion were performed) and this cleanliness
probably extended to the City itself, for it will be observed by any
traveller in Mexico or Central America that the purely Indian villages
of considerable size are almost always kept swept and tidy, while this
is not the case in the towns and villages inhabited by the mixed race.
282
BOOK VI
THE STAY IN MEXICO
CHAPTER LXIII
WHEN the Great Montezuma had dined and he knew
that some time had passed since our Captain and all
of us had done the same, he came in the greatest £late
to our quarters with a numerous company of chief-
tains, all of them his kinsmen. When Cortes was told
that he was approaching he came out to the middle of
the Hall to receive him, and Montezuma took him
by the hand, and they brought some seats, made
according to their usage and very richly decorated and
embroidered with gold in many designs, and Monte-
zuma asked our Captain to be seated, and both of
them sat down each on his chair. Then Montezuma
began a very good speech, saying that he was greatly
rejoiced to have in his house and his kingdom such
valiant gentlemen as were Cortes and all of us. That
two years ago he had received news of another Captain
who came to Champoton and likewise la£i year they
had brought him news of another Captain who came
with four ships, and that each time he had wished to
see them, and now that he had us with him he was at
our service, and would give us of all that he possessed ;
that it mu£l indeed be true that we were those of whom'
his ancestors in years long pa£l had spoken, saying that
men would come from where the sun rose to rule over
these lands, and that we mu£l be those men, as we had
fought so valiantly in the affairs at Champoton and
Tabasco and against the Tlaxcalans ; for they had
brought him piftures of the battles true to life.
283
MONTEZUMA AND CORTES
Cortes answered him through our interpreters
who always accompanied him, especially Dona Marina,
and said to him that he and all of us did not know how
to repay him the great favours we received from him
every day. It was true that we came from where the
sun rose, and were the vassals and servants of a great
Prince called the Emperor Don Carlos, who held
beneath his sway many and great princes, and that
the Emperor having heard of him and what a great
prince he was, had sent us to these parts to see him,
and to beg them to become Christians, the same as
our Emperor and all of us, so that his soul and those
of all his vassals might be saved. Later on he would
further explain how and in what manner this should
be done, and how we worship one only true God, and
who He is, and many other good things which he
should listen to, such as he had already told to his
ambassadors Tendile and Pitalpitoque and Quintalbor
when we were on the sand dunes. When this conference
was over, the Great Montezuma had already at hand
some very rich golden jewels, of many patterns, which
he gave to our Captain, and in the same manner to
each one of our Captains he gave trifles of gold, and
three loads of mantles of rich feather work, and to the
soldiers also he gave to each one two loads of mantles,
and he did it cheerfully and in every way he seemed
to be a great Prince. When these things had been
distributed, he asked Cortes if we were all brethren
and vassals of our great Emperor, and Cortes replied
yes, we were brothers in affection and friendship, and
persons of great di&in<5tion, and servants of our
great King and Prince. Further polite speeches passed
between Montezuma and Cortes, and as this was the
fir£l time he had come to visit us, and so as not to be
wearisome, they ceased talking. Montezuma had
ordered his Rewards that, according to our own use
and customs in all things, we should be provided with
284
CORTES EXPLAINS HIS MISSION
maize and grinding slones, and women to make
bread, and fowls and fruit, and much fodder for the
horses. Then Montezuma took leave of our Captain
and all of us with the greatest courtesy, and we went
out with him as far as the £lreet. Cortes ordered us
not to go far from our quarters for the present, until
we knew better what was expedient.
The next day Cortes decided to go to Montezuma's
palace, and he fir£l sent to find out what he intended
doing and to let him know that we were coming. He
took with him four captains, namely Pedro de Alvarado,
Juan Velasquez de Leon, Diego de Ordds, and
Gonzalo de Sandoval, and five of us soldiers also went
with him.
When Montezuma knew of our coming he advanced
to the middle of the hall to receive us, accompanied
by many of his nephews, for no other chiefs were
permitted to enter or hold communication with
Montezuma where he then was, unless it were on
important business. Cortes and he paid the greatest
reverence to each other and then they took one another
by the hand and Montezuma made him sit down on
ids couch on his right hand, and he also bade all of
us to be seated on seats which he ordered to be
brought.
Then Cortes began to make an explanation through
Dona Marina and Aguilar, and said that he and all
of us were reeled, and that in coming to see and
converse with such a great prince as he was, we had
completed the journey and fulfilled the command
which our great King and Prince had laid on us. But
what he chiefly came to say on behalf of our Lord God
had already been brought to his [Montezuma's]
knowledge through his ambassadors, Tendile, Pital-
pitoque, and Quintalbor, at the time when he did us
the favour to send the golden sun and moon to the
sand dunes ; for we told them then that we were
285
MONTEZUMA'S REPLY
Christians and worshipped one true and only Gody
that we believe in Him and worship Him, but that
those whom they look upon as gods are not so, but
are devils, which are evil things, and if their looks
are bad their deeds are worse, and they could see
that they were evil and of little worth, for where we
had set up crosses such as those his ambassadors had
seen, they dared not appear before them, through fear
of them, and that as time went on they would notice
this.
He also told them that, in course of time, our
Lord and King would send some men who among us
lead very holy lives, much better than we do, who will
explain to them all about it, for at present we merely
came to give them due warning, and so he prayed him
to do what he was asked and carry it into effeft.
As Montezuma appeared to wish to reply, Cortes
broke off his argument, and to all of us who were with
him he said : " with this we have done our duty
considering it is the fir£t attempt,"
Montezuma replied : " Senor Malinche, I have
underwood your words and arguments very well
before now, from what you said to my servants at the
sand dunes, this about three Gods and the Cross,
and all those things that you have preached in the
towns through which you have come. We have not
made any answer to it because here throughout all
time we have worshipped our own gods, and thought
they were good, as no doubt yours are, so do not
trouble to speak to us any more about them at present.
Regarding the creation of the world, we have held
the same belief for ages past, and for this reason we
take it for certain that you are those whom our
ancestors predicted would come from the direction
of the sunrise. As for your great King, I feel that I
am indebted to him, and I will give him of what
I possess, for as I have already said, two years ago I
286
THE DISCUSSION CONTINUED
heard of the Captains who came in ships from the
direction in which you came, and they said that they
were the servants of this your great King, and I wish
to know if you are all one and "the same/'
Cortes replied : Yes, that we were all brethren
and servants of our Emperor, and that those men came
to examine the way and the seas and the ports so as
to know them well in order that we might follow as
we had done. Montezuma was referring to the
expeditions of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova and
of Grijalva, and he said that ever since that time he
had wished to capture some of those men who had
come so as to keep them in his kingdoms and cities
and to do them honour, and his gods had now fulfilled
his desires, for now that we were in his home, which we
might call our own, we should rejoice and take our re&,
for there we should be well treated. And if he had on
other occasions sent to say that we should not enter
his city, it was not of his free will, but because his
vassals were afraid, for they said that we shot our flashes
of lightning, and killed many Indians with our
horses, and that we were angry Teules, and other
childish stories, and now that he had seen our persons
and knew we were of flesh and bone, and had sound
sense, and that we were very valiant, for these reasons
he held us in much higher regard than he did from
their reports, and he would share his possessions with
us. Then Cortes and all of us answered that we
thanked him sincerely for such signal good will, and
Montezuma said, laughing, for he was very merry in
his princely way of speaking : " Malinche, I know
very well that these people of Tlaxcala with whom
you are such good friends have told you that I am a
sort of God or Teule, and that everything in my houses
is made of gold and silver and precious liones, I know
well enough that you are wise and did not believe it
but took it as a joke. Behold now, Senor Malinche>
287
MONTEZUMA'S GIFTS TO SPANIARDS
my body is of flesh and bone like yours, my houses
and palaces of £tone and wood and lime ; that I am
a great king and inherit the riches of my ancestors
is true, but not all the nonsense and lies that they
have told you about me, although of course you treated
it as a joke, as I did your thunder and lightning/'
Cortes answered him, also laughing, and said that
opponents and enemies always say evil things, without
truth in them, of those whom they hate, and that he
well knew that he could not hope to find another
Prince more magnificent in these countries, and
that not without reason had he been so vaunted to
our Emperor.
While this conversation was going on, Montezuma
secretly sent a great Cacique, one of his nephews who
was in his company, to order his Rewards to bring
certain pieces of gold, which it seems muSt have been
put apart to give to Cortes, and ten loads of fine cloth,
which he apportioned, the gold and mantles between
Cortes and the four captains, and to each of us soldiers
he gave two golden necklaces, each necklace being
worth ten pesos, and two loads of mantles. The
gold that he then gave us was worth in all more than
a thousand pesos and he gave it all cheerfully and with
the air of a great and valiant prince. As it was now pa£t
midday, so as not to appear importunate, Cortes
said to him : " Senor Montezuma, you always have
the habit of heaping load upon load in every day con-
ferring favours on us, and it is already your dinner
time." Montezuma replied that he thanked us for
coming to see him, and then we took our leave with
the greatest courtesy and we went to our lodgings.
And as we went along we spoke of the good manners
and breeding which he showed in everything, and
that we should show him in all ways the greatest
respeft, doffing our quilted caps when we passed
before him, and this we always did.
288
DESCRIPTION OF MONTEZUMA
CHAPTER LXIV
THE Great Montezuma was about forty years old,
of good height and well proportioned, slender and
spare of flesh, not very swarthy, but of the natural
colour and shade of an Indian. He did not wear
his hair long, but so as just to cover his ears, his scanty
black beard was well shaped and thin. His face was
somewhat long, but cheerful, and he had good eyes
and showed in his appearance and manner both
tenderness and, when necessary, gravity. He was
very neat and clean and bathed once every day in the
afternoon. He had many women as mistresses,
daughters of Chieftains, and he had two great Cacicas
as his legitimate wives. He was free from unnatural
offences. The clothes that he wore one day, he did not
put on again until four days later. He had over two
hundred chieftains in his guard, in other rooms close
to his own, not that all were meant to converse with
him, but only one or another, and when they went
to speak to him they were obliged to take off their
rich mantles and put on others of little worth, but
they had to be clean, and they had to enter barefoot
with their eyes lowered to the ground, and not to
look up in his face. And they made him three
obeisances, and said : " Lord, my Lord, my Great
Lord", before they came up to him, and then they
made their report and with a few words he dismissed
them, and on taking leave they did not turn their backs,
but kept their faces towards him with their eyes to the
ground, and they did not turn their backs until they
left the room. I noticed another thing, that when
other great chiefs came from distant lands about
disputes or business, when they reached the apart-
ments of the Great Montezuma, they had to come
barefoot and with poor mantles, and they might not
enter direftly into the Palace, but had to loiter about a
289 v
MONTEZUMA'S MODE OF LIVING
little on one side of the Palace door, for to enter
hurriedly was considered to be disrespectful.
For each meal, over thirty different dishes were
prepared by his cooks according to their ways and
usage, and they placed small pottery braziers beneath
the dishes so that they should not get cold. They
prepared more than three hundred plates of the food
that Montezuma was going to eat, and more than a
thousand for the guard. When he was going to eat,
Montezuma would sometimes go out with his chiefs
and Rewards, and they would point out to him which
dish was be&t, and of what birds and other things it
was composed, and as they advised him, so he would
eat, but it was not often that he would go out to see
the food, and then merely as a pastime.
I have heard it said that they were wont to cook
for him the flesh of young boys, but as he had such
a variety of dishes, made of so many things, we could
not succeed in seeing if they were of human flesh
or of other things, for they daily cooked fowls, turkeys,
pheasants, native partridges, quail, tame and wild
ducks, venison, wild boar, reed birds, pigeons, hares
and rabbits, and many sorts of birds and other things
which are bred in this country, and they are so
numerous that I cannot finish naming them in a
hurry ; so we had no insight into it, but I know for
certain that after our Captain censured the sacrifice
of human beings, and the eating of their flesh, he
ordered that such food should not be prepared for
him thenceforth.
Let us cease speaking of this and return to the way
things were served to him at meal times. It was in this
way : if it was cold they made up a large fire of live
coals of a firewood made from the bark of trees which
did not give off any smoke, and the scent of the bark
from which the fire was made was very fragrant, and
so that it should not give off more heat than he
290
MONTEZUMA'S MEALS
required, they placed in front of it a sort of screen
adorned with figures of idols worked in gold. He
was seated on a low stool, soft and richly worked, and
the table, which was also low, was made in the same
style as the seats, and on it they placed the table
cloths of white cloth and some rather long napkins
of the same material. Four very beautiful cleanly
women brought "water for his hands in a sort of deep
basin which they call sdcalesj- and they held others
like plates below to catch the water, and they brought
him towels. And two other women brought him tortilla
bread, and as soon as he began to eat they placed
before him a sort of wooden screen painted over with
gold, so that no one should watch him eating. Then
the four women £tood aside, and four great chieftains
who were old men came and stood beside them, and
with these Montezuma now and then conversed, and
asked them questions, and as a great favour he would
give to each of these elders a dish of what to him tasted
best. They say that these elders were his near rela-
tions, and were his counsellors and judges of law
suits, and the dishes and food which Montezuma gave
them they ate standing up with much reverence and
without looking at his face. He was served on Cholula
earthenware either red or black. While he was at his
meal the men of his guard who were in the rooms near
to that of Montezuma, never dreamed of making any
noise or speaking aloud. They brought him fruit of
all the different kinds that the land produced, but he
ate very little of it. From time to time they brought
him, in cup-shaped vessels of pure gold, a certain
drink made from cacao, and the women served this
drink to him with great reverence.
Sometimes at meal-times there were present some
very ugly humpbacks, very small of Stature and their
bodies almost broken in half, who are their je&ers, and
1 Gourds.
291
MONTEZUMA'S MEALS
other Indians, who mu£t have been buffoons, who told
him witty sayings, and others who sang and danced,
for Montezuma was fond of pleasure and song, and
to these he ordered to be given what was left of the
food and the jugs of cacao. Then the same four women
removed the table cloths, and with much ceremony
they brought water for his hands. And Montezuma
talked with those four old chieftains about things
that interested him, and they took leave of him with
the great reverence in which they held him, and he
remained to repose.
As soon as the Great Montezuma had dined, all
the men of the Guard had their meal and as many
more of the other house servants, and it seems to me
that they brought out over a thousand dishes of the
food of which I have spoken, and then over two
thousand jugs of cacao all frothed up, as they make it
in Mexico, and a limitless quantity of fruit, so that
with his women and female servants and bread makers
and cacao makers his expenses mu£t have been very
great.
Let us cease talking about the expenses and the
food for his household and let us speak of the Stewards
and the Treasurers and the Stores and pantries and of
those who had charge of the houses where the maize
was Stored. I say that there would be so much to write
about, each thing by itself, that I should not know
where to begin, but we Stood astonished at the
excellent arrangements and the great abundance of
provisions that he had in all, but I muSt add what I
had forgotten, for it is as well to go back and relate
It, and that is, that while Montezuma was at table
eating, as I have described, there were waiting on
him two other graceful women to bring him tortillas,
kneaded with eggs and other sustaining ingredients,
and these tortillas were very white, and they were
brought on plates covered with clean napkins, and
292
THE USE OF TOBACCO
they also brought him another kind of bread, like long
balls kneaded with other kinds of sustaining food, and
pan pachol^ for so they call it in this country, which
is a sort of wafer. There were also placed on the table
three tubes much painted and gilded, which held
liquidambar mixed with certain herbs which they call
tabaco^ and when he had finished eating, after they
had danced before him and sung and the table was
removed, he inhaled the smoke from one of those tubes,
but he took very little of it and with that he fell asleep.
I remember that at that time his Reward was a
great Cacique to whom we gave the name of Tdpia,
and he kept the accounts of all the revenue that was
brought to Montezuma, in his books which were
made of paper which they call amal^ and he had a
great house full of these books. Now we mu£t leave
the books and the accounts for it is outside our &ory>
and say how Montezuma had two houses full of every
sort of arms, many of them richly adorned with
gold and precious stones. There were shields great and
small, and a sort of broad-swords, and others like two-
handed swords set with £one knives which cut much
better than our swords, and lances longer than ours
are, with a fathom of blade with many knives set in
it, which even when they are driven into a buckler
or shield do not come out, in faft they cut like razors
so that they can shave their heads with them. There
were very good bows and arrows and double-pointed
lances and others with one point? as well as their
throwing sticks, and many slings and round Hones
shaped by hand, and some sort of artful shields which
are so made that they can be rolled up3 so as not to be
in the way when they are not fighting, and when they
are needed for fighting they let them fall down, and
they cover the body from top to toe. There was also
much quilted cotton armour, richly ornamented on
the outside with many coloured feathers, used as
293
THE AVIARY
devices and distinguishing marks, and there were
casques or helmets made of wood and bone, also
highly decorated with feathers on the outside, and
there were other arms of other makes which, so as
to avoid prolixity, I will not describe, and there
were artisans who were skilled in such things and
worked at them, and Stewards who had charge of the
arms.
Let us leave this and proceed to the Aviary, and
I am forced to abstain from enumerating every kind
of bird that was there and its peculiarity, for there
was everything from the Royal Eagle and other smaller
eagles, and many other birds of great size, down to
tiny birds of many-coloured plumage, also the birds
from which they take the rich plumage which they
use in their green feather work. The birds which
have these feathers are about the size of the magpies
in Spain, they are called in this country Queza/es,1
and there are other birds which have feathers of five
colours — green, red, white, yellow and blue ; I don't
remember what they are called ; then there were
parrots of many different colours, and there are so
many of them that I forget their names, not to mention
the beautifully marked ducks and other larger ones
like them. From all these birds they plucked the
feathers when the time was right to do so, and the
feathers grew again. All the birds that I have spoken
about breed in these houses, and in the setting season
certain Indian men and women who look after the
birds, place the eggs under them and clean the ne&s
and feed them, so that each kind of bird has its proper
food. In this house that I have spoken of there is
a great tank of fresh water and in it there are other
sorts of birds with long lilted legs, with body, wings
and tail all red ; I don't know their names, but in
the Island of Cuba they are called Tpiris> and there
1 Trogm
294
HOUSE OF WILD ANIMALS
are others something like them, and there are also
in that tank many other kinds of birds which always
live in the water.
Let us leave this and go on to another great house,
where they keep many Idols, and they say that they
are their fierce gods, and with them many kinds of
carnivorous bealls of prey, tigers and two kinds of
lions, and animals something like wolves and foxes,
and other smaller carnivorous animals, and all these
carnovores they feed with flesh, and the greater number
of them breed in the house. They give them as food
deer and fowls, dogs and other things which they are
used to hunt, and I have heard it said that they feed
them on the bodies of the Indians who have been
sacrificed. It is in this way : you have already heard
me say that when they sacrifice a wretched Indian
they saw open the che£l with £tone knives and hasten
to tear out the palpitating heart and blood, and offer
it to their Idols, in whose name the sacrifice is made.
Then they cut off the thighs, arms and head and eat
the former at feasts and banquets, and the head they
hang up on some beams, and the body of the man
sacrificed is not eaten but given to these fierce animals.
They also have in that cursed house many vipers and
poisonous snakes which carry on their tails things
that sound like bells. These are the wor& vipers of
all, and they keep them in jars and great pottery
vessels with many feathers, and there they lay their
eggs and rear their young, and they give them to
eat the bodies of the Indians who have been sacrificed,
and the flesh of dogs which they are in the habit of
breeding.
Let me speak now of the infernal noise when the
lions and tigers roared and the jackals and the foxes
howled and the serpents hissed, it was horrible to
li&en to and it seemed like a hell. Let us go on and
speak of the skilled workmen Montezuma employed
295
THE CRAFTSMEN AND ARTISTS
in every craft that was pra&ised among them. We will
begin with lapidaries and workers in gold and silver
and all the hollow work, which even the great gold-
smiths in Spain were forced to admire, and of these
there were a great number of the be£t in a town named
Atzcapotzalco, a league from Mexico. Then for
working precious Clones and chalchihuites, which
are like emeralds, there were other great artists. Let
us go on to the great craftsmen in feather work, and
painters and sculptors who were mo£h refined ; then
to the Indian women who did the weaving and the
washing, who made such an immense quantity of
fine fabrics with wonderful feather work designs ;
the greater part of it was brought daily from some
towns of the province on the north coa£b near Vera Cruz
called Cotaxtla.
In the house of the great Montezuma himself,
all the daughters of chieftains whom he had as
mistresses always wore beautiful things, and there
were many daughters of Mexican citizens who lived
in retirement and wished to appear to be like nuns,
who also did weaving but it was wholly of feather
work. These nuns had their houses near the great
Cue of Huichilobos and out of devotion to it, or to
another idol, that of a woman who was said to be their
mediatrix in the matter of marriage, their fathers
placed them in that religious retirement until they
married, and they were only taken out thence to be
married,
Let us go on and tell about the great number of
dancers kept by the Great Montezuma for his amuse-
ment, and others who used Stilts on their feet, and
others who flew when they danced up in the air, and
others like Merry-Andrews, and I may say that there
was a di£trift full of these people who had no other
occupation. Let us go on and speak of the workmen
that he had as £tone cutters, masons and carpenters^
296
PLAN OF THE GREAT TEOCALLI
By Padre Bernadino de Sahagun
I face p. 296
THE GARDENS
all of whom attended to the work of his houses, I
say that he had as many as he wished for. We mu£l
not forget the gardens of flowers and sweet-scented
trees, and the many kinds that there were of them,
and the arrangement of them and the walks, and the
ponds and tanks of fresh water where the water entered
at one end and flowed out of the other ; and the
baths which he had there, and the variety of small
birds that nested in the branches, and the medicinal
and useful herbs that were in the gardens. It was a
wonder to see, and to take care of it there were many
gardeners. Everything was made in masonry and well
cemented, baths and walks and closets, and apart-
ments like summer houses where they danced and
sang. There was as much to be seen in these gardens
as there was everywhere else, and we could not tire
of witnessing his great power. Thus as a consequence
of so many crafts being practised among them, a
large number of skilled Indians were employed.
CHAPTER LXV
As we had already been four days in Mexico and
neither the Captain nor any of us had left our lodgings
except to go to the houses and gardens, Cortes said
to us that it would be well to go to the great Plaza
of Tlaltelolco and see the great Temple of Huichilobos,
and that he wished to consult the Great Montezuma
and have his approval. For this purpose he sent
Jeronimo de Aguilar and the Dona Marina as
messengers, and with them went our Captain's small
page named Orteguilla, who already understood
something of the language. When Montezuma knew
his wishes he sent to say that we were welcome to
go ; on the other hand, as he was afraid that we
might do some dishonour to his Idols, he determined
297
CORTES VISITS THE TEMPLES
to go with us himself with many of his chieftains.
He came out from his Palace in his rich litter, but
when half the distance had been traversed and he was
near some oratories, he Stepped out of the litter, for he
thought it a great affront to his idols to go to then-
house and temple in that manner. Some of the great
chieftains supported him with their arms, and the
tribal lords went in front of him carrying two Slaves
like sceptres held on high, which was the sign that
the Great Montezuma was coming. (When he went
in his litter he carried a wand half of gold and half
of wood, which was held up like a wand of justice.)
So he went on and ascended the great Cue accom-
panied by many priests, and he began to burn incense
and perform other ceremonies to Huichilobos.
Our Captain and all of those who had horses went
to Tlaltelolco on horseback, and nearly all of us
soldiers were fully equipped, and many Caciques
whom Montezuma had sent for that purpose went
in our company. When we arrived at the great
market place, called Tlaltelolco, we were abounded
at the number of people and the quantity of merchandise
that it contained, and at the good order and control
that was maintained, for we had never seen such a
thing before. The chieftains who accompanied us
afted as guides. Each kind of merchandise was kept
by itself and had its fixed place marked out. Let us
begin with the dealers in gold, silver, and precious
Atones, feathers, mantles, and embroidered goods.
Then there were other wares consisting of Indian
slaves both men and women ; and I say that they
bring as many of them to that great market for sale
as the Portuguese bring negroes from Guinea ; and
they brought them along tied to long poles, with
collars round their necks so that they could not escape,
and others they left free. Next there were other
traders who sold great pieces of cloth and cotton, and
298
THE MARKET PLACE
articles of twisted thread, and there were cacahuateros
who sold cacao. In this way one could see every sort
of merchandise that is to be found in the whole of
New Spain. There were those who sold cloths of
hennequen and ropes and the sandals with which they
are shod,, which are made from the same plant, and
sweet cooked roots, and other tubers which they
get from this plant, all were kept in one part of the
market in the place assigned to them. In another part
there were skins of tigers and lions, of otters and
jackals, deer and other animals and badgers and
mountain cats, some tanned and others untanned,
and other classes of merchandise.
Let us go on and speak of those who sold beans and
sage and other vegetables and herbs in another part,
and to those who sold fowls, cocks with wattles,
rabbits, hares, deer, mallards, young dogs and other
things of that sort in their part of the market, and let
us also mention the fruiterers, and the women who sold
cooked food, dough and tripe in their own part of
the market ; then every sort of pottery made in a
thousand different forms from great water jars to
little jugs, these also had a place to themselves ;
then those who sold honey and honey pafte and other
dainties like nut pa£te, and those who sold lumber,
boards, cradles, beams, 'blocks and benches, each
article by itself, and the vendors of ocote 1 firewood,
and other things of a similar nature. But why do I
wa£te so many words in recounting what they sell
in that great market ? — for I shall never finish if I
tell it all in detail. Paper, which in this country is
called amal) and reeds scented with llquidambar^
and full of tobacco, and yellow ointments and things
of that sort are sold by themselves, and much cochineal
is sold under the arcades which are in that great
market place, and there are many vendors of herbs
1 Pitch-pine for torches.
299
TEMPLE AT TLALTELOLCO
and other sorts of trades. There are also buildings
where three magistrates sit in judgment, and there
are executive officers like Alguadh who inspeft the
merchandise. I am forgetting those who sell salt,
and those who make the Stone knives, and how they
split them off the Stone itself ; and the fisherwomen
and others who sell some small cakes made from a
sort of ooze which they get out of the great lake, which
curdles, and from this they make a bread having a flavour
something like cheese. There are for sale axes of brass
and copper and tin, and gourds and gaily painted
jars made of wood. I could wish that I had finished
telling of all the things which are sold there, but they
are so numerous and of such different quality and
the great market place with its surrounding arcades
was so crowded with people, that one would not have
been able to see and inquire about it all in two days.
Then we went to the great Cue, and when we
were already approaching its great courts, before
leaving the market place itself, there were many more
merchants, who, as I was told, brought gold for sale
in grains, juSt as it is taken from the mines. The gold
is placed in thin quills of the geese of the country
white quills, so that the gold can be seen through,
and according to the length and thickness of the quills
they arrange their accounts with one another, how
much so many mantles or so many gourds full of cacao
were worth, or how many slaves, or whatever other
thing they were exchanging.
Before reaching the great Cue there is a great
enclosure of courts, it seems to me larger than the
plaza of Salamanca, with two walls of masonry
surrounding it, and the court itself all paved with
very smooth great white flagstones. And where there
were not these Stones it was cemented and burnished
and all very clean, so that one could not find any duSt
or a Straw in the whole place.
300
CORTES VIEWS MEXICO
When we arrived near the Great Cue and before
we had ascended a single ftep of it, the Great Monte-
^uma sent down from above, where he was making
his sacrifices, six priests and two chieftains to accom-
pany our Captain. On ascending the £leps, which are
one hundred and fourteen in number, they attempted
to take him by the arms so as to help him to ascend,
(thinking that he would get tired,) as they were
accustomed to assist their lord Montezuma, but Cortes
would not allow them to come near him. When we
got to the top of the great Cue, on a small plaza
which has been made on the top where there was a
space like a platform with some large Stones placed
on it, on which they put the poor Indians for sacrifice,
there was a bulky image like a dragon and other evil
figures and much blood shed that very day.
When we arrived there Montezuma came out of an
oratory where his cursed idols were, at the summit
of the great Cue, and two prieSts came with him, and
after paying great reverence to Cortes and to all of
us he said : " You muSt be tired, Senor Malinche,
from ascending this our great Cue ", and Cortes
replied through our interpreters who were with us
that he and his companions were never tired by any-
thing. Then Montezuma took him by the hand and
told him to look at his great city and all the other
cities that were landing in the water, and the many
other towns on the land round the lake, and that if
he had not seen the great market place well, that from
where they were they could see it better.
So we Stood looking about us, for that huge and
cursed temple Stood so high that from it one could see
over everything very well, and we saw the three cause-
ways which led into Mexico, that is the causeway of
Iztapalapa by which we had entered four days before,
and that of Tacuba, and that of Tepeaquilla,1 and we
1 Guadelupe.
301
CORTES VIEWS MEXICO
saw the fresh water that comes from Chapultepec
which supplies the city, and we saw the bridges on
the three causeways which were built at certain
distances apart through which the water of the lake
flowed in and out from one side to the other, and we
beheld on that great lake a great multitude of canoes,
some coming with supplies of food and others returning
loaded with cargoes of merchandise ; and we saw
that from every house of that great city and of all the
other cities that were built in the water it was impossible
to pass from house to house, except by drawbridges
which were made of wood or in canoes ; and we saw
in those cities Cues and oratories like towers and
fortresses and all gleaming white, and it was a wonderful
thing to behold ; then the houses with flat roofs,
and on the causeways other small towers and oratories
which were like fortresses.
After having examined and considered all that we
had seen we turned to look at the great market place
and the crowds of people that were in it, some buying
and others selling, so that the murmur and hum of
their voices and words that they used could be heard
more than a league off". Some of the soldiers among us
who had been in many parts of the world, in Constant!-
nople, and all over Italy, and in Rome, said that so
large a market place and so full of people, and so well
regulated and arranged, they had never beheld before.
Let us leave this, and return to our Captain, who
said to Fray Bartolom£ de Olmedo, who happened to
be near by him : " It seems to me, Sefior Padre,
that it would be a good thing to throw out a feeler
to Montezuma, as to whether he would allow us to
build our church here " ; and the Padre replied that
it would be a good thing if it were successful, but it
seemed to him that it was not quite a suitable time to
speak about it, for Montezuma did not appear to be
inclined to do such a thing,
302
SPANIARDS ENTER SANCTUARY
Then our Cortes said to Montezuma : " Your
Highness is indeed a very great prince and worthy of
even greater things. We are rejoiced to see your cities,,
and as we are here in your temple, what I now beg
as a favour is that you will show us your gods and
Teules." Montezuma replied that he mu£l first
speak with his high priefts, and when he had spoken
to them he said that we might enter into a small
tower and apartment, a sort of hall, where there were
two altars, with very richly carved boardings on the
top of the roof. On each altar were two figures, like
giants with very tall bodies and very fat, and the fir£t
which £tood on the right hand they said was the figure
of Huichilobos their god of War ; it had a very broad
face and monstrous and terrible eyes, and the whole
of his body was covered with precious Clones, and gold
and pearls, and with seed pearls Stuck on with a pa£le
that they make in this country out of a sort of root,
and all the body and head was covered with it, and
the body was girdled by great snakes made of gold
and precious Atones, and in one hand he held a bow
and in the other some arrows. And another small
idol that £lood by him, they said was his page, and he
held a short lance and a shield richly decorated with
gold and Clones. Huichilobos had round his neck
some Indians' faces and other things like hearts of
Indians, the former made of gold and the latter of
silver, with many precious blue Clones.
There were some braziers with incense which they
call copal, and in them they were burning the hearts,
of the three Indians whom they had sacrificed that
day, and they had made the sacrifice with smoke and
copaL All the walls of the oratory were so splashed
and encrusted with blood that they were black, the
floor was the same and the whole place &ank vilely*
Then we saw on the other side on the left hand there
the other great image the same height as-
303
HUICHILOBOS AND TEZCATEPUCA
Huichilobos, and it had a face like a bear and eyes
that shone, made of their mirrors which they call
Fezcat, and the body plastered with precious Atones
like that of Huichilobos, for they say that the two
are brothers ; and this Tezcatepuca was the god of
Hell and had charge of the souls of the Mexicans,
and his body was girt with figures like little devils
with snakes' tails. The walls were so clotted with
blood and the soil so bathed with it that in the slaughter
houses of Spain there is not such another Stench.
They had offered to this Idol five hearts from the
day's sacrifices. In the highest part of the Cue there
was a recess of which the woodwork was very richly
worked, and in it was another image half man and half
lizard, with precious Atones all over it, and half the
body was covered with a mantle. They say that the
body of this figure is full of the seeds that there are in
the world, and they say that it is the god of seed time
and harvest, but I do not remember its name, and
everything was covered with blood, both walls and
altar, and the Stench was such that we could hardly
wait the moment to get out of it.
They had an exceedingly large drum there, and
when they beat it the sound of it was so dismal and
like> so to say, an instrument of the infernal regions,
that one could hear it a distance of two leagues, and
they said that the skins it was covered with were
those of great snakes. In that small place there were
many diabolical things to be seen, bugles and trumpets
and knives, and many hearts of Indians that they
had burned in fumigating their idols, and everything
iffas so clotted with blood, and there was so much of
it, that I curse the whole of it, and as it Stank like a
slaughter house we hastened to clear out of such a
bad Stench and worse sight. Our Captain said to
Montezuma through our interpreter, half laughing :
^ Montezuma, I do not understand how such
CORTES ANGERS MONTEZUMA
a great Prince and wise man as you are has not come
to the conclusion, in your mind, that these idols of
yours are not gods, but evil things that are called devils,
and so that you may know it and all your priests may
see it clearly, do me the favour to approve of my
placing a cross here on the top of this tower, and that
in one part of these oratories where your Huichilobos
and Tezcatepuca Sand we may divide off a space
where we can set up an image of Our Lady (an image
which Montezuma had already seen) and you will see
by the fear in which these Idols hold it that they are
deceiving you."
Montezuma replied half angrily (and the two priests
who were with him showed great annoyance), and
said : " Senor Malinche, if I had known that you
would have said such defamatory things I would
not have shown you my gods, we consider them to be
very good, for they give us health and rains and good
seed times and seasons and as many victories as we
desire, and we are obliged to worship them and make
sacrifices, and I pray you not to say another word to
their dishonour/'
When our Captain heard that and noted the angry
looks he did not refer again to the subjeft, but said
with a cheerful manner : " It is time for your
Excellency and for us to return," and Montezuma
replied that it was well, but that he had to pray and
offer certain sacrifices on account of the great tatacul^
that is to say sin, which he had committed in allowing
us to ascend his great Cue, and being the cause of
our being permitted to see his gods, and of our dis-
honouring them by speaking evil of them, so that
before he left he mu£t pray and worship.
Then Cortes said : " I ask your pardon if it be so,"
and then we went down the £teps, and as they numbered
one hundred and fourteen, and as some of our soldiers
were suffering from tumours and abscesses, their
legs were tired by the descent.
305
DESCRIPTION OF GREAT TEMPLE
CHAPTER LXVI
I WILL leave off talking about the oratory, and I will
give my impressions of its surroundings, and if I do
not describe it as accurately as I should do, do not
wonder at it, for at that time I had other things to
think about, regarding what we had on hand, that is
to say my soldier's duties and what my Captain ordered
me to do, and not about telling Tories. To go back to
the fafts, it seems to me that the circuit of the great
Cue was equal to that of six large sites,1 such as they
measure in this country, and from below up to where
a small tower £tood, where they kept their idols, it
narrowed, and in the middle of the lofty Cue up to
its highest point, there were five hollows like barbicans,
but open, without screens, and as there are many Cues
painted on the banners of the conquerors, and on one
which I possess, any one who has seen them can infer
what they looked like from outside, better than I
myself saw and understood it. There was a report
that at the time they began to -build that great Cue,
all the inhabitants of that mighty city had placed
as offerings in the foundations, gold and silver and
pearls and precious Clones, and had bathed them with
the blood of the many Indian prisoners of war who
were sacrificed, and had placed there every sort and
kind of seed that the land produces, so that their Idols
should give them viftories and riches, and large crops.
Some of my inquisitive readers will ask, how could
we come to know that into the foundations of that
great Cue they caft gold and silver and precious
chalchihuites and seeds, and watered them with the
human blood of the Indians whom they sacrificed,
when it was more than a thousand years ago that
1 Solares. Solar is a town lot for house-building.
306
DESCRIPTION OF GREAT TEMPLE
they built and made it ? The answer I give to this
is that after we took that great and Strong city, and
the sites were apportioned, it was then proposed that
in the place of that great Cue we should build a church
to our patron and guide Senor Santiago, and a great
part of the site of the great temple of Huichilobos was
occupied by the site of the holy church, and when
they opened the foundations in order to Strengthen
them, they found much gold and silver and chalchi-
huites and pearls and seed pearls and other Clones.
And a settler in Mexico who occupied another part
of the same site found the same things, and the officers
of His Majesty's treasury demanded them saying
that they belonged by right to His MajeSty, and there
was a lawsuit about it. I do not remember what
happened except that they sought information from
the Caciques and Chieftains of Mexico, and from
Guatemoc, who was then alive, and they said that it
was true that all the inhabitants of Mexico at that
time caSt into the foundations those jewels and all
the reSl of the things, and that so it was noted in their
books and piftures of ancient things, and from this
cause those riches were preserved for the building of
the holy church of Santiago.
Let us leave this and speak of the great and splendid
Courts which were in front of the temple of Huichi-
lobos, where now Stands the church of Senor Santiago,
which was called Tlaltelolco, for so they were
accustomed to call it.
I have already said that there were two walls of
masonry which had to be passed before entering, and
that the court was paved with white Stones, like
flagstones, carefully whitewashed and burnished and
clean, and it was as large and as broad as the plaza of
Salamanca. A little way apart from the great Cue there
was another small tower which was also an Idol house,
or a true hell, for it had at the opening of one gate a
307
DESCRIPTION OF GREAT TEMPLE
mo£t terrible mouth such as they depift, saying that
such there are in hell. The mouth was open with
great fangs to devour souls, and here too were some
groups of devils and bodies of serpents close to the
door, and a little way off was a place of sacrifice all
blood-plained and black with smoke, and encrusted
with blood, and there were many great ollas and
cantaros and tinajas 1 of water inside the house, for
it was here that they cooked the flesh of the unfortunate
Indians who were sacrificed, which was eaten by the
priests. There were also near the place of sacrifice
many large knives and chopping blocks, such as those
on which they cut up meat in the slaughter houses.
Then behind that cursed house, some distance away
from it, were some great piles of firewood, and not
far from them a large tank of water which rises and
falls, the water coming through a tube from the
covered channel which enters the city from Chapul-
tepec. I always called that house " the Infernal
Regions ".
' Let us go on beyond the court to another Cue
where the great Mexican princes were buried, where
also there were many Idols, and all was full of blood
and smoke, and it had other doorways with hellish
figures, and then near that Cue was another full of
skulls and large bones arranged in perfeft order, which
one could look at but could not count, for there were
too many of them. The skulls were by themselves
and the bones in separate piles. In that place there were
other Idols, and in every house or Cue or oratory that
I have mentioned there were prie&s with long robes
of black cloth and long hoods like those of the
Dominicans and slightly resembling those of the
Canons. The hair of these priests was very long and
so matted that it could not be separated or disentangled,
1 Names of various large pottery vessels for holding water and
cooling.
AND SURROUNDING COURTS
and most of them had their ears scarified, and their
hair was clotted with blood. Let us go on ; there
were other Cues, a little way from where the skulls
were, which contained other Idols and places of
sacrifice decorated with other evil paintings. And
they said that those idols were intercessors In the
marriages of men. I do not want to delay any longer
telling about idols, but will only add that all round
that great court there were many houses, not lofty,
used and occupied by the priests and other Indians
who had charge of the Idols. On one side of the great
Cue there was another much larger pond or tank of
very clear water dedicated solely to the service of
Huichilobos and Tezcatepuca, and the water entered
that pond through covered pipes which came from
Chapultepec. Near to this were other large buildings
such as a sort of nunnery where many of the daughters
of the inhabitants of Mexico were sheltered like nuns
up to the time they were married, and there £tood two
Idols with the figures of women, which were the
intercessors in the marriages of women, and women
made sacrifices to them and held festivals so that
they should give them good husbands.
I have spent a long time talking about this great
Cue of Tlaltelolco and its Courts, but I say that it
was the greatest temple in the whole of Mexico although
there were many others, very splendid. Four or five
parishes or di£tri£ts possessed, between them, an
oratory with its Idols, and as they were very numerous
I have not kept count of them all. I will go on and say
that the great oratory that they had in Cholula was
higher than that of Mexico, for it had one hundred
and twenty £teps, and according to what they say
they held the Idol of Cholula to be good, and they
went to it on pilgrimages from all parts of New Spain
to obtain absolution, and for this reason they built
for it such a splendid Cue ; but it is of another form
3°9
DISCOVERY OF THE
from that of Mexico although the courts are the
same, very large with a double wall. I may add that
the Cue in the City of Texcoco was very lofty, having
one hundred and seventeen £teps, and the Courts
were broad and fine, shaped in a different form from
the others. It is a laughable matter that every province
had its Idols and those of one province or city were of
no use to the others, thus they had an infinite number
of Idols and they made sacrifices to them all.
After our Captain and all of us were tired of walking
about and seeing such a diversity of Idols and their
sacrifices, we returned to our quarters, all the time
accompanied by many Caciques and chieftains whom
Montezuma sent with us.
CHAPTER LXVII
WHEN our Captain and the Friar of the Order of
Mercy saw that Montezuma was not willing that we
should set up a cross on the Temple of Huichilobos
nor build a church there, and because, ever since we
entered this city of Mexico, when Mass was said, we
had to place an altar on tables and then to dismantle
it again, it was decided that we should ask Monte-
zuma's Rewards for masons so that we could make
a church in our quarters.
The Rewards said that they would tell Montezuma
of our wishes, and Montezuma gave his permission
and ordered us to be supplied with all the material
we needed. In two days we had our church finished
and the holy cross set up in front of our apartments,
and Mass was said there every day until the wine
gave out. As Cortes and some of the other Captains
and the Friar had been ill during the war in Tlaxcala,
they made the wine that we had for Mass go too fa£,
but after it was all finished we Skill went to the church
310
TREASURE OF AXAYACA
daily and prayed on our knees before the altar and
images, for one reason, because we were obliged to
do so as Christians and it was a good habit, and for
another reason, in order that Montezuma and all
his Captains should observe it, and should witness
our adoration and see us on our knees before the Cross,
especially when we intoned the Ave Maria, so that
it might incline them towards it.
When we were all assembled in those chambers,
as it was our habit to inquire into and want to know
everything while we were looking for the be£t and
mo£t convenient site to place the altar, two of our
soldiers, one of whom was a carpenter named Alonzo
Yafies, noticed on one of the walls marks showing
that there had been a door there, and that it had been
closed up and carefully pla&ered over and burnished.
Now as there was a rumour and we had heard the
Story that Montezuma kept the treasure of his father
Axayaca in that building, it was suspe&ed that it
might be in this chamber which had been closed up
and cemented only a few days before. Yanes spoke
about it to Juan Velasquez de Leon and Francisco de
Lugo, and those Captains told the &ory to Cortes,
and the door was secretly opened. When it was opened
Cortes and some of his Captains went in fir£t, and they
saw such a number of jewels and slabs and plates of
gold and chalchihuites and other great riches, that
they were quite carried away and did not know what
to say about such wealth. The news soon spread among
all the other Captains and soldiers, and very secretly
we went in to see it. When I saw it I marvelled, and
as at that time I was a youth and had never seen such
riches as those in my life before, I took it for certain
that there could not be another such &ore of wealth
in the whole world. It was decided by all our captains
and soldiers, that we should not dream of touching
a particle of it, but that the Atones should immediately
3"
THE SPANIARDS DISCUSS
be put back in the doorway and it should be sealed
up and cemented ju£t as we found it, and that it should
not be spoken about, lest it should reach Montezuma's
ears, until times should alter.
Let us leave this about the riches, and say that
four of our captains took Cortes aside in the church,
with a dozen soldiers in whom he trusted and confided,
and I was one of them, and we asked him to look at
the net and trap in which we found ourselves, and to
consider the great strength of that city, and observe
the causeways and bridges, and to think over the words
of warning that we had been given in all the towns we
had passed through, that Montezuma had been
advised by his Huichilobos to allow us to enter into
the city, and when we were there, to kill us. That he
[Cort£s] should remember that the hearts of the men
are very changeable, especially those of Indians, and
he should not repose tru£ in the good will and affeftion
that Montezuma was showing us, for at some time or
other, when the wish occurred to him, he would order
us to be attacked, and by the Stoppage of our supplies
of food or of water, or by the raising of any of the
bridges, we should be rendered helpless. Then,
considering the great multitude of Indian warriors
that Montezuma had as his guard, what should we
be able to do either in offence or defence ? and as all
the houses were built in the water, how could our
friends the Tlaxcalans enter and come to our aid ?
He should think over all this that we had said, and if
we wished to safeguard our lives, that we should at
once, without further delay, seize Montezuma and
should not wait until next day to do it. He should
also remember that all the gold that Montezuma had
given us and all that we had seen in the treasury of
his father Axayaca, and all the food which we ate,
all would be turned to arsenic poison in our bodies,
for we could neither sleep by night nor day nor reft
312
DIFFICULTIES OF THEIR POSITION
ourselves while these thoughts were in our minds,
and that if any of our soldiers should give him other
advice short of this, they would be senseless beasts
who were dazed by the gold, incapable of looking
death in the face.
When Cortes heard this he replied : " Don't you
imagine, gentlemen, that I am asleep, or that I am
free from the same anxiety, you mu£t have felt that
it is so with me ; but what possibility is there of our
doing a deed of such great daring as to seize such a
great prince in his own palace, surrounded as he is
by his own guards and warriors, by what scheme or
artifice can we carry it out, so that he should not call
on his warriors to attack us at once ? " Our Captains
replied, (that is Juan Velasquez de Leon and Diego
de Ordas, Gonzalo de Sandoval and Pedro de Alvarado),
that with smooth speeches he should be got out of his
halls and brought to our quarters, and should be
told that he must remain a prisoner, and if he made a
disturbance or cried out, that he would pay for it
with his life ; that if Cortes did not want to do this at
once, he should give them permission to do it, as they
were ready for the work, for, between the two great
dangers in which we found ourselves, it was better
and more to the purpose to seize Montezuma than
to wait until he attacked us ; for if he began the attack,
what chance should we have ? Some of us soldiers
also told Cortes that it seemed to us that Montezuma's
Stewards, who were employed in providing us with
food, were insolent and did not bring it courteously
as during the fir£t days. Also two of our Allies the
TIaxcalan Indians said secretly to Jer6nimo de Aguilar,,
our interpreter, that the Mexicans had not appeared
to be well disposed towards us during the k£t two
days. So we Stayed a good hour discussing the question
whether or not we should take Montezuma prisoner,
and how it was to be done, and to our Captain this
THE PLOT TO SEIZE MONTEZUMA
la£t advice seemed opportune, that in any- case we
should take him prisoner, and we left it until the next
day. All that night we were praying to God that our
plan might tend to His Holy service.
The next morning after these consultations, there
arrived, very secretly, two Tlaxcalan Indians with
letters from Villa Rica and what they contained was
the news that Juan de Escalante, who had remained
there as Chief Alguacil, and six of our soldiers had
been killed in a battle againft the Mexicans, that his
horse had also been slain, and many Totonacs who
were in his company. Moreover, all the towns of the
Sierra and Cempoala and its subjeft towns were in
revolt, and refused to bring food or serve in the fort.
They [the Spaniards] did not know what to do, for
as formerly they had been taken to be Teules, that
now after this disaster, both the Totonacs and Mexicans
were like wild animals, and they could hold them to
nothing, and did not know what &eps to take.
When we heard this news, God knows what sorrovr
•affected us all, for this was the fir£t disaster we had
suffered in New Spain.
CHAPTER LXVIII
As we had determined the day before to seize Monte-
zuma, we were praying to God all that night that it
would turn out in a manner redounding to His Holy
service, and the next morning the way it should be
done was settled.
Cortes took with him five captains who were Pedro
de Alvarado, Gonzalo de Sandoval, Juan Velasquez
de Leon, Francisco de Lugo and Alonzo de Avila, and
he took me and our interpreters Dona Marina and
Aguilar, and he told us all to keep on the alert, and
the horsemen to have their horses saddled and bridled.
CORTES UPBRAIDS MONTEZUMA
As for our arms I need not call them to mind, for by
day or night we always went armed and with our
sandals on our feet, for at that time such was our foot-
gear, and Montezuma had always seen us armed in
that way when we went to speak to him, so did not take
it as anything new, nor was he disturbed at all.
When we were all ready, our Captain sent to tell
Montezuma that we were coming to his Palace, for
this had always been our custom, and so that he should
not be alarmed by our arriving suddenly.
Montezuma understood more or less that Cortes was
coming because he was annoyed about the Villa Rica
affair, and he was afraid of him, but sent word for him
to come and that he would be welcome.
When Cortes entered, after having made his usual
salutations, he said to him through our interpreters :
" Senor Montezuma, I am very much astonished that
you, who are such a valiant Prince, after having
declared that you are our friend should order your
Captains, whom you have Stationed on the coaSt near
to Tuxpan, to take arms againSt my Spaniards, and
that they should dare to rob the towns which are in the
keeping and under the protection of our King and
maSter and to demand of them Indian men and women
for sacrifice, and should kill a Spaniard, one of my
brothers, and a horse." (He did not wish to speak of
the Captain nor of the six soldiers who died as soon
as they arrived at Villa Rica, for Montezuma did not
know about it, nor did the Indian Captains who had
attacked them), and Cortes went on to say : " Being
such a friend of yours I ordered my Captains to do all
that was possible to help and serve you, and you have
done exaftly the contrary to us. Also in the affair
at Cholula your Captains and a large force of warriors
had received your own commands to kill us. I forgave
it at the time out of my great regard for you, but
now again your vassals and Captains have become
SPANISH CAPTAINS IMPATIENT
insolent, and hold secret consultations Stating that
you wish us to be killed. I do not wish to begin
a war on this account nor to de&roy this gity, I am
willing to forgive it all, if silently and without raising
any disturbance you will come with us to our quarters,
where you will be as well served and attended to as
though you were in your own house, but if you cry out
or make any disturbance you will immediately be killed
by these my Captains, whom I brought solely for this
purpose." When Montezuma heard this he was
terrified and dumbfounded, and replied that he had
never ordered his people to take arms againSl us, and
that he would at once send to summon his Captains
so that the truth should be known, and he would
chastise them, and at that very moment he took from
his arm and wrist the sign and seal of Huichilobos,,
which was only done when he gave an important
and weighty command which was to be carried out
at once. With regard to being taken prisoner and
leaving his Palace again& his will, he said that he was
not the person to whom such an order could be given,
and that he would not go. Cortes replied to him with
very good arguments and Montezuma answered him
with even better, showing that he ought not to leave
his house. In this way more than half an hour was
spent over talk, and when Juan Velasquez de Leon
and the other Captains saw that they were waiting
time over it and could not longer await the moment
when they should remove him from his house and
hold him a prisoner, they spoke to Cortes somewhat
angrily and said : " What is the good of your making
so many words, let us either take him prisoner, or
Sab him, tell him once more that if he cries out or
makes an uproar we will kill him, for it is better at
once to save our lives or to lose them ", and as Juan
Velasquez said this with a loud and rather terrifying
voice, for such was his way of speaking, Montezuma,
316
AND MONTEZUMA CARRIED OFF
who saw that our Captains were angered, asked Dona
Marina what they were saying in such loud tones. As
Dona Marina was very clever, she said : " Seiior
Montezuma, what I counsel you, is to go at once to
their quarters without any disturbance at all, for I
know that they will pay you much honour as a great
Prince such as you are, otherwise you will remain here
a dead man, but in their quarters you will learn the
truth." Then Montezuma said to Cortes : " Sefior
Malinche, if this is what you desire, I have a son and two
legitimate daughters, take them as homages, and do not
put this affront on me, what will my chieftains say
if they see me taken off as a prisoner ? " Cortes
replied to him that he musl come with them himself
and there was no alternative. At the end of much more
discussion that took place, Montezuma said that he
would go willingly, and then Cortes and our Captains
bellowed many caresses on him and told him that they
begged him not to be annoyed, and to tell his captains
and the men of his guard that he was going of his own
free will, because he had spoken to his Idol Huichilobos
and the priests who attended him, and that it was
beneficial for his health and the safety of his life that
he should be with us. His rich litter, in which he was
used to go out with all the Captains who accompanied
him was promptly brought, and he went to our
quarters where we placed guards and watchmen
over him.
All the attentions and amusements which it was
possible for him to have, both Cortes and all of us
did our be£t to afford him, and he was not put under
any personal restraint, and soon all the principal
Mexican Chieftains, and his nephews came to talk
with him, and to learn the reason of his seizure;, and
whether he wished them to attack us. Montezuma
answered them, that he was delighted to be here some
days with us of his own free will and not by force,
MONTEZUMA'S CAPTIVITY
and that when he wished for anything he would tell
them so, and that they mu£b not excite themselves nor the
City, nor were they to take it to heart, for what had
happened about his being there was agreeable to his
Huichilobos, and certain priests who knew had told
him so, for they had spoken to the Idol about it. In
this way which I have now related the capture of the
Great Montezuma was effefted.
There, where he remained, he had his service and
his women and his baths in which he bathed himself,
and twenty great chiefs always flayed in his company
holding their ancient offices, as well as his councillors
and captains, and he flayed there a prisoner without
showing any anger at it, and Ambassadors from
distant lands came there with their suites, and brought
him his tribute, and he 'carried on his important
business.
I will not say anything more at present about this
imprisonment, and will relate how the messengers whom
Montezuma sent with his sign and seal to summon the
Captains who had killed our soldiers, brought them
before him as prisoners and what he said to them
I do not know, but he sent them on to Cortes, so that
he might do justice to them, and their confession was
taken when Montezuma was not present and they
confessed that what I have already Stated was true,
that their Prince had ordered them to wage war and
to extraft tribute, and that if any Teules should appear
in defence of the towns, they too should be attacked
or killed. When Cort6s heard this confession he sent
to inform Montezuma how it implicated him in the
affair, and Montezuma made all the excuses he could>
and our captain sent him word that he believed the
confession himself, but that although Montezuma
deserved punishment in conformity with the ordinances
of our King, to the effeft that any person causing others,
whether guilty or innocent, to be killed, shall die for it,
3*8
MEXICAN CAPTAINS EXECUTED
yet he was so fond of him and wished him so welly
that even if that crime lay at his door, he, Cortes,
would pay the penalty with his own life sooner than
allow Montezuma's to pass away. With all this that
Cortes sent to tell him, Montezuma felt anxious, and
without any further discussion Cortes sentenced those
captains to death and to be burned in front of Monte-
zuma's palace. This sentence was promptly carried
out, and, so that there could be no ob&rudion while
they were being burned, Cortes ordered shackles to
be put on Montezuma himself, and when this was
done Montezuma roared with rage, and if before this
he was scared, he was then much more so. After the
burning was over our Cortes with five of our captains-
went to Montezuma's apartment and Cortes himself took
off the fetters, and he spoke such loving words to
him that his anger soon passed off, for our Cortes
told him that he not only regarded him as a brother,
but much more, and that, as he was already Lord and
King of so many towns and provinces, if it were possible
he would make him Lord of many more countries as
time went on, such as he had not been able to subdue,,
and which did not now obey him, and he told him that
If he now wished to go to his Palace, that he would give
him leave to go. Cortes told him this through our
interpreters and while Cortes was saying it the tears
apparently sprang to Montezuma's eyes. He answered
with great courtesy, that he thanked him for it (but
he well knew that Cortes speech was mere words),
and that now at present it was better for him to ftajr
there a prisoner, for there was danger, as his chieftains
were numerous, and his nephews and relations came
every day to him to say that it would be a good thing
to attack us and free him from prison, that as soon as
they saw him outside they might drive him to it.
He did not wish to see revolutions in his city, but
if he did not comply with their wishes possibly
MONTEZUMA IN CAPTIVITY
they would want to set up another Prince in his place,
and so he was putting those thoughts out of their heads
by saying that Huichilobos had sent him word that
he should remain a prisoner. (From what we under-
£tood, and there is no doubt about it, Cortes had told
Aguilar to tell Montezuma secretly, that although
Malinche wished to release him from his imprisonment,
that the reft of our captains and soldiers would not
agree to it.) When he heard this reply, Cortes threw
his arms round him and embraced him and said :
" It is not in vain Senor Montezuma that I care for
you as I care for myself." Then Montezuma asked
Cortes that a Spanish page named Orteguilla who
already knew something of his language might attend
on him, and this was very advantageous both for
Montezuma and for us, for through this page Monte-
zuma asked and learned many things about Spain,
and we learned what his captains said to him, and in
truth this page was so serviceable that Montezuma
got to like him very much.
Let us cease talking about how Montezuma became
fairly contented with the great flattery and attention
he received and the conversation that he had with us,
and whenever we passed before him, even if it was
Cortes himself, we doffed our mailed caps or helmets,
for we always went armed, and he treated us all
with politeness. The name of the principal captain
who was punished by being burned was Quetzalpopoca.
I may say that when the news of this punishment
spread about throughout the provinces of New Spain,
they were terrified, and the towns of the Coaft, where
they had killed our soldiers, returned again ajad
rendered good service to the settlers who remained
in Villa Rica.
320
ALONZO DE GRADO
CHAPTER LXIX
AFTER justice had been done on Quetzalpopoca and
his captains and the Great Montezuma had been
tamed, our Captain decided to send to Villa Rica,
as his lieutenant, a soldier named Alonzo de Grado,
for he was a very prudent man of good address and
presence, and a musician and a great writer.
This Alonzo de Grado was one of those who were
always in opposition to our Cortes about going to
Mexico, and wished us to go back to Villa Rica. And
when at the time of the Tlaxcala affair there were
certain meetings of the discontented, it was always
Alonzo de Grado who agitated. Had he been as good
a man of war as he was a man of good manners, it
would have been to his advantage. I say this because
when Cortes gave him this appointment, as he was not
a bold man, he was facetious in his remarks, and said
to him : " Here, Senor Alonzo de Grado, you have
your wish fulfilled, for you are going now to Villa
Rica as you have wished, and you will take charge
of the fortress, and take care that you don't go out
on any expeditions and get killed as Juan de Escalante
did/' And when he was saying this to him Cortes
winked his eye, so that we soldiers who were ^landing
round might see it, and we knew why he said this,
for it was well known of Alonzo de Grado that he
would not go on such an expedition even if he were
ordered to do so with threats. Cortes charged him to
look well after the settlers and to see that he caused
no annoyance to our Indian Allies and should take
nothing from them by force.
When Alonzo de Grado arrived at the town he
gave himself great importance towards the settlers,
321 Y
ALONZO DE GRADO RECALLED
and wished to make them do him service as a great
Lord, and to the allied towns which numbered more
than thirty, he sent to demand jewels of gold and
pretty Indian women, and he paid no attention at all
to the fortress. How he spent his time was in feeding
well and in gambling, and what was worse than all this,
he secretly called together his friends, and even
some who were not his friends and suggested that
if Diego Velasquez or any of his captains should come
from Cuba to that country, that they should join
him and give up the land to him. All this news was
at once sent in ha£te by letter to Cortes in Mexico,
and it seemed to Cortes advisable to send some man
whom he could truft to the port and town, so he sent
Gonzalo de SandovaL
When Gonzalo de Sandoval arrived at Villa Rica
he sent Alonzo de Grado as a prisoner to Mexico
under a guard of Indians, for so Cortes had told him
to do.
When Alonzo de Grado reached Mexico, Cortes
would not allow him to be brought before him but
ordered him to be imprisoned in some wooden
Stocks which had ju£l been newly made, and he
remained a prisoner for two days.
As~ Alonzo de Grado was very plausible and a man
of many expedients, he made many promises to
Cortes that he would be his humble servant and loyal
to him in all things, and gave so many indications of
his desire to serve him that at length he convinced
him, and he gained his release. I mu£t not forget
to say that when Cortes sent Gonzalo de Sandoval
to Villa Rica he had ordered him, as soon as he arrived,
to send two blacksmiths, with all their apparatus of
bellows and tools and much iron from the ships which
we had destroyed, and two great iron chains which were
already made, and he told him to send also sails and
tackle, and pitch and tow and a mariner's compass,
322
MONTEZUMA PLAYS AT TOTOLOQUE
and everything else that was needed to build two
sloops to sail on the lake of Mexico. These things
Sandoval sent at once following in every particular
the orders he had received.
As our captain was careful in all things, and seeing
that Montezuma was a prisoner, and fearing that he
might become depressed at being shut in and confined,
he endeavoured every day, after prayers (for we then
had no wine for Mass) to go and pay court to him,
and he went accompanied by four Captains, usually
by Pedro de Alvarado, Juan Velasquez and Diego de
Ordas, and with much reverence they asked Montezuma
how he was, and that he should issue his orders and
they would all be carried out, so that he should not
be weary of his confinement. He answered that on
the contrary, being a prisoner rented him, and this
was because our gods gave us power to confine him
or his Huichilobos permitted it, and in one conversa-
tion after another they gave him to underhand more
fully the things about our holy faith, and the great
power of the Emperor our Lord.
Then sometimes Montezuma and Cortes would play
at Totoloque, which is the name they give to a game
played with some very smooth small pellets made of
gold for this game, and they toss these pellets to some
distance as well as some little slabs which were also
made of gold, and in five Strokes [tries] they gained
or loSt certain pieces of gold or rich jewels that they
&aked. I remember that Pedro de Alvarado was
keeping the score for Cortes, and one of his nephews,
a great cacique, was marking for Montezuma, and
Pedro de Alvarado always marked one point more
than Cortes gained, and when Montezuma saw
it he said courteously and laughingly that he did
not like Tonatio (for so they called Pedro de Alvarado)
to keep the score for Cortes, because he made so much
j#0#0/in what he marked, which in their language means
323
MONTEZUMA'S CAPTIVITY
to say that he cheated, in that he always marked one
point too many. Cortes and all of us soldiers who
were on guard at the time, could not restrain our
laughter at what the great Montezuma said, because
Pedro de Alvarado, although he was so handsome
and well mannered, had a mania for excessive talking,
and we knew his temperament. To return to the game,
if Cortes won, he gave the jewels to those nephews
and favourites of Montezuma who attended on him,
and if Montezuma won he divided them among us
soldiers on guard, and in addition to what he gave us
from the game, he never omitted giving us every day
presents of gold and cloth, both to us and to the
captain of the Guard, who, at that time, was Juan
Velasquez de Leon, whq showed himself in every way
to be the friend and servant of Montezuma.
A soldier named Pedro Lopez was placed as sentinel
over Montezuma, and on the question whether it
was time to change the watch during the night, he
had words with an officer and said, " Oh ! curse this
dog, I am sick to death of keeping constant guard
over him." Montezuma heard the expression, and
weighed it in his mind, and when Cortes came to
pay his court to him, he heard of it, and was so angry
about it, that he had Pedro Lopez, good soldier as
he was, flogged in our quarters, and from that time
on all the soldiers who came on guard, went through
their watch in silence and good manners. However
it was not necessary to give orders to many of us who
&ood guard over him about the civility that we ought
to show to this great cacique ; he knew each one of
us and even knew our names and our characters and
he was so kind that to all of us he gave jewels and to
some mantles, and handsome Indian women. As I was
a young man in those days, whenever I was on guard,
or passed in front of him, I doffed my headpiece with
the greatest respeft, and the page Orteguilla had told
MONTEZUMA'S CAPTIVITY
him that I had been on two expeditions to discover
New Spain before the time of Cortes, so I asked Orte-
guilla to beg Montezuma to do me the favour of
giving me a very pretty Indian woman, and when
Montezuma heard this he told them to call me, and
he said to me : " Bernal Diaz del Caftillo, they tell
me that you have quantities of cloth and gold, and I
will order them to give you to-day a pretty maid.
Treat her very well for she is the daughter of a
chieftain, and they will also give you gold and mantles ",
and I answered him with much reverence, that I kissed
his hands for his great favour, and might God our
Lord prosper him, and it seems that he asked the
page what I had replied to him, and he told him ; and
Montezuma said to him : " Bernal Diaz seems to
me to be a gentleman," for as I have said, he knew
all our names, and he told them to give me three small
slabs of gold and two loads of mantles.
Let us Stop talking of this and tell how of a morning
after saying his prayers and making sacrifices to
his idols, he took his breakfast, which was a small
matter, for he ate no meat, only chili peppers, then he
was occupied for an hour in hearing suits from many
parts brought by Caciques who came to him from
distant lands.
CHAPTER LXX
As ^ all the materials for building the two sloops had
arrived, Cortes at once went to tell the great Monte-
zuma that he wished to build two small ships so as
to take pleasure trips on the lake, and asked him to
send his carpenters to cut the wood, together with
our experts in boat-building, who were named Martin
Lopez and Andres Nunez. As the oak timber was
distant about four leagues, it was soon brought and
3*5
CORTES PERMITS MONTEZUMA
shaped, and as there were many Indian carpenters,
the boats were soon built and caulked and tarred, and
their rigging was set up and their sails cut to the right
size and measurement, and an awning provided
for each one, and they turned out to be as good and
fa£t as though they had taken a month to set up the
models, for Martin Lopez was a pasl masher of the art.
Let us leave this and say that Montezuma told Cortes
that he wished to go to his temples and make sacrifices,
and pay the devotion to his gods that it was his duty
to do, so that his Captains and chieftains might
observe it, especially certain nephews of his, who came
every day to tell him that they wished to free him and
to attack us, and he answered them, that it pleased
him to be with us, so they should think it was as he
had told them, that his God Huichilobos had com-
manded him to &ay with us, as he had made them
believe before. Cortes replied that as to this per-
mission he asked for, he should beware not to do
anything for which he might lose his life, and so as
to prevent any disorders, or commands to his Captains
or priests either to release him, or attack us, he would
send Captains and soldiers with him who would
immediately £tab him to death, should any change be
noticed in his bearing. He might go and welcome,
but mu£t not sacrifice any human beings, for that was
a great offence against the true God, that was to the
God we were preaching to him about, and there Stood
our altars and the image of Our Lady, before whom he
could pray. Montezuma said that he would not
sacrifice a single human being, and he set off in his
rich litter in great £tate with many great Caciques
in his company as was his custom, and they carried
his insignia in front of him in the form of a sort of
£taff or rod, which was the sign that his royal presence
was going that way (ju& as they do now to the Viceroys
of New Spain). There went with him as a guard four
326
TO VISIT TEMPLES OF HIS GODS
of our Captains, and one hundred and fifty soldiers,
and the Padre de la Merced also went with us to £lop
the sacrifice if he should offer human beings. So we
went to the Cue of Huichilobos and when we came
near to that cursed temple, Montezuma ordered them
to take him from his litter and he was carried on the
shoulders of his nephews and of other Caciques
until he arrived at the temple ; as I have already
Stated, as he went through the Greets all the chieftains
ca£t down their eyes and never looked at his face.
When we arrived at the foot of the sleps leading to
the oratory there were many priests waiting to help
him with their arms in the ascent.
There had already been sacrificed the night before
four Indians, and in spite of what our Captain said
and the dissuasions of the Padre de la Merced, he paid
no heed but persisted in killing men and boys to
accomplish his sacrifice, and we could do nothing at
that time only pretend not to notice it, for Mexico
and the other great cities were very ready to rebel
under the nephews of Montezuma, as I shall explain
further on. When Montezuma had completed his
sacrifices, and he did not tarry much in making them,
we returned with him to our quarters, and he was
very cheerful, and gave presents of golden jewels
to us soldiers who had accompanied him.
When the two sloops were finished building and
had been launched and the ma£ts and rigging had
been set up and adorned with the Royal and Imperial
banners, and the sailors had been got ready to navigate
them, they went out in them both rowing and sailing,
and they sailed very well. When Montezuma heard
of it, he said to Cortes that he wished to go hunting
on a rocky Island,1 Standing in the lake which was
preserved so that no one dared to hunt there, however
great a chief he might be, under pain of death.
1 The Penon de Tepepolco or del Marques.
327
MONTEZUMA SAILS ON LAKE
Cortes replied that he was very welcome to go, but
he mu& remember what he had told him on the former
occasion when he went to visit his Idols, that to raise
any disturbances was more than his life was worth ;
moreover, he could go in the sloops, as it was better
sailing in them than in the canoes and pirogues however
large they might be. Montezuma said that he would
be delighted to sail in the sloop that was the swiftest,
and he took with him many lords and chieftains, and
advised his huntsmen to follow in canoes and pirogues.
A son of Montezuma and many Caciques went in the
other sloop. Then Cortes ordered Velasquez de Leon
who was captain of the Guard and Pedro de Alvarado
and Cristobal de Olid, Alonzo de Avila with two hundred
soldiers, to accompany Montezuma, and to remember the
great responsibility he was placing on them in looking
after him, and as all those Captains whom I have
named were very alert, they took on board all the
soldiers I have spoken about, and four bronze cannon
and all the powder that we possessed, and our gunners,
and they put up a highly decorated awning as a protec-
tion from the weather, and Montezuma and his
chieftains went under it. As at that time there was a
£trong breeze blowing, and the sailors were delighted
to please and content Montezuma, they worked the
sails so well that they went flying along, and the
canoes which held his huntsmen and chieftains were
left far behind in spite of the large number of rowers
they carried. Montezuma was charmed, and said
that it was a great art this of combining sails and oars
together. So he arrived at the Penol, which was not
very far off, and Montezuma killed all the game he
wanted, deer and hares and rabbits, and returned
very contented to the city. When we arrived near
Mexico, Pedro de Alvarado and Juan Velasquez de
Leon and the other Captains ordered the cannon
to be discharged, and this delighted Montezuma, and
328
CACAMATZIN'S CONSPIRACY
as we saw him so frank and kind, we treated him
with the respeft in which the Kings of these countries
are held, and he behaved in the same manner to us.
If I were to relate the traits and qualities that he
showed as a great Prince, and the reverence and service
that all the Lords of New Spain paid to him, I should
never come to an end. There was not a thing that
he ordered to be brought that was not immediately
there.
CHAPTER LXXI
As Cacamatzin, lord of the City of Texcoco, which
after Mexico is the largest and mo& important city
that there is in New Spain, knew that his uncle,
Montezuma, had been imprisoned for many days,
and that we were taking the upper hand in every way
that was possible, and also got to know that we had
opened the chamber where the great treasure of his
grandfather Axayaca was kept, but had not taken
anything from it, he determined, before we could
take possession of the treasure, to call together all
the Lords of Texcoco, who were his vassals, and the
lord of Coyoacan, who was his cousin and Montezuma's
nephew, and the lord of Tacuba, and, the lord of
Iztapalapa, and another great Cacique who was
lord of Matalfingo, who was very nearly related to
Montezuma and of whom it was even said that he
was the rightful heir to the kingdom and lordship
of Mexico, and who was a chieftain known among
the Indians for his personal bravery. While Caca-
matzin continued to negotiate with these and other
Mexican chieftains that on a given day they should
come with all their forces and attack us, it seems
that the Cacique whom I have said was known for
his personal bravery (whose name I do not know)
CACAMATZIN'S CONSPIRACY
•said that if Cacamatzin would assure to him the
Kingship of Mexico, to which he was the rightful
heir, that he and all his relations, and the people of
the province called Matalfingo, would be the fir£h
to take up arms and turn us out of Mexico, or not
leave anyone of us alive. It appears that Cacamatzin
replied that the Chieftainship of Mexico belonged
to him and that he himself mu£t be King, for he
-was the nephew of Montezuma ; and that if the Lord
of Matalfingo did not wish to come, that they would
make war on us without his help or that of his people,
for it seems that Cacamatzin had got ready all the
Lords and towns already named by me, and had
already arranged the day on which they were to fall
on Mexico, and that the chieftains of his fa£Hon who
were then in the city would facilitate their entry.
While these negotiations were going on, Monte-
zuma knew all about them from the lord of Matal-
^ingo, and to be more sure of it, Montezuma sent to
summon all the Caciques and chieftains of Texcoco,
and they told him how Cacamatzin was going about
persuading them all with words and gifts to join
liim in an attack on us, and to free his uncle. As
Montezuma was prudent and did not wish to see
his city rise up in arms or riots, he told Cortes what
was happening. Our Captain and all of us soldiers
knew a good deal about this disturbance, but not so
fully as Montezuma now detailed it. The advice
that Cortes now gave him was that he should give
us his Mexican followers and we would fall on Texcoco
and capture or destroy that city and its neighbour-
hood. As that advice did not suit Montezuma, Cortes
sent to tell Cacamatzin that he should cease his
preparations for war, which would be the means of
his de&rudtion, for he wished to have him as a friend.
Now Cacamatzin was a young man who found many
others, who shared his opinions, ready to support
330
CACAMATZIN DEFIANT
him in the war, so he sent to tell Cortes, that he under-
£fcood his flatteries and did not want to hear any more
of them. Cortes again sent to tell him that he should
beware not to do an ill turn to our King and Lord,
for he would pay for it with his person, and lose his
life for it. He replied that he knew no King and wished
he had never known Cortes, who, for all his fair
words, had imprisoned his uncle.
As Montezuma had both great Caciques and kins-
men in Texcoco who were not friendly with Caca-
matzin (who was very haughty and much disliked)
and as he had with him there in Mexico a brother of
this same Cacamatzin, a youth of a good disposition,
who had fled from his own brother to escape being
killed by him (for after Cacamatzin he was the heir
to the kingdom of Texcoco) our captain implored
Montezuma to concert measures with his people in
Texcoco to seize Cacamatzin, of to send secretly to
summon him to come to Mexico, and if he did come,
to lay hands on him and keep him in his power until
he had quieted down and later on should promote
this other nephew to be the Lord of Texcoco and take
the chieftainship from Cacamatzin.
Montezuma said that he would at once send to
summon Cacamatzin, but he did not think he would
come, and that if he did not come he would make
arrangements with his Captains and relations to
seize him.
Cort6s thanked him heartily for this, and even
said : " Senor Montezuma, you may indeed believe
me that if you wish to go to your Palace, you are
free to do so, for since I understand that you are
well disposed towards me, I am so devoted to you,
that were I not in such a difficult position, I would
not even insist upon accompanying you when you
proceed to your palace with all your nobility. If I
have failed to carry out such a plan, it is on account
331
MONTEZUMA SUMMONS CACAMATZIN
of my Captains who went to seize you, for they are
not willing that I should set you free, and also because
you say that you prefer to Stay in confinement so as
to avoid the disturbances through which your nephews
would attempt to obtain power over this City of yours,
and deprive you of your rule/'
Montezuma thanked him, and as he began to
underhand Cortes' flattering speeches and saw that
he made them, not with any intention of setting him
free, but only to teft his good will, he added that it
was as well for him to remain a prisoner until he
could see whither the treachery of his nephews would
lead. Moreover he would immediately send messengers
to Cacamatzin, begging him to appear before him,
as he wished to speak to him about friendship between
him and us. Montezuma sent the same message to
the Captains of Texcoco, telling them that he was
sending to summon his nephew to make friends,
adding that they should beware how that youth turned
their brains so that they would take up arms again& us.
Cacamatzin took counsel with his chiefs as to what
should be done, and began to blu&er and say that
he would kill us all within four days, and that his
uncle was a chicken not to attack us when he advised
him to do so.
Cacamatzin promised his followers there and then>
that if the Lordship of Mexico should fall to him, he
would make them great chieftains, and he also gave
them many golden jewels, and told them that he had
already made arrangements with his cousins, the lords
of Coyoacan and Iztapalapa and Tacuba and other
relations, to help him, and there were other chieftains
in Mexico itself who would assist him and let him into
the city at whatever hour he might choose. He said
that some of them might go along the causeway and
all the re£t could go across the lake in their pirogues
and small canoes, and they would enter the city
33*
CACAMATZIN DEFIES MONTEZUMA
without meeting opponents to defend it, for his
uncle was a prisoner, and they need have no fear of
us, for they knew that only a few days ago, in the
affair of Almeria, his uncle's Captains had killed
many Teules and a horse, and they had seen the head
of the Teule and the body of the horse ; that they
could kill us all in an hour and could have feafts and
stuff themselves with our bodies.
When this speech was finished, they say that
the Captains looked at one another, waiting for those
who usually spoke fir£t in councils of war, and that
four or five of these Captains replied to him how was
it possible for them to go without the permission of
their great prince Montezuma, and wage war in his
very house and city ? that they should fir£t send to
let him know about it, and if he consented, they
would accompany Cacamatzin with the greatest good
will ; but otherwise they did not wish to turn traitors.
It seems that Cacamatzin was angered with the
Captains and ordered three of those who gave that
reply to be imprisoned. As there were present at that
meeting and council others, who were his relations,
who were longing for a riot, they said that they would
aid him to the death. So he decided to send to his
uncle the great Montezuma to say that he ought to
be ashamed of sending him word to come and make
friends with those who had done him such harm and
dishonour in holding him a prisoner, that such a
thing was only possible because we were wizards and
had Stolen away all his great Strength and bravery
with our witchcraft, and that our gods and this great
lady from Ca&ile, whom we said was our Counsellor,
had given us the great power to do what we had done.
The gi& of his message was, that he would come in
spite of us and of his uncle to speak to us and to
kill us.
When the great Montezuma heard that insolent
333
CACAMATZIN IMPRISONED
reply, he was greatly angered, and at once sent to
summon six of his mo£t trusted captains. And he
gave them his seal, and ordered them to go to Texcoco
and secretly to show that seal to certain Captains and
relations of his, who were on bad terms with Caca-
matzin on account of his haughtiness, and so to
manage that they should make prisoners of Cacamatzin
and those who were in his confidence, and bring them
before him at once. When those Captains had
departed, and it was understood in Texcoco what it
was that Montezuma had ordered, as Cacamatzin
was greatly disliked, he was taken prisoner in his
own palace while he was discussing the subject of
the war with his confederates, and they brought five
of them as prisoners in his company.
As that city Stands close to the lake, they got ready
a great pirogue with awnings, and they placed Caca-
matzin and the othei prisoners in it and with a great
crew of rowers they brought them to Mexico. When
they had disembarked, they placed Cacamatzin in a
richly adorned litter fit for a king such as he was,
and with the greatest show of respeft they brought
him before Montezuma.
It seems that in his interview with Montezuma,
he was even more insolent than he had been before,
and if Montezuma was angry with his nephew before,
he was now doubly so, and he promptly sent him to
our Captain to be held as a prisoner, and the other
prisoners he ordered to be set free.
Cortes went at once to the palace to Montezuma's
chamber to thank him for so great a favour and the
order was given that the youth, who was in Monte-
zuma's company, who was also his nephew and the
brother of Cacamatzin, should be raised to the Kingship
of Texcoco.
So as to make the appointment with all solemnity
and with the consent of all the city, Montezuma
334
OTHER CACIQUES IMPRISONED
summoned before him the principal chieftains of the
whole province and after fully discussing the matte^
they elected him as King and Lord of that great city,
and he was named Don Carlos.
After all this was over, when the Caciques and
Kinglets, nephews of the great Montezuma, namely
the Lord of Coyoacan, and the Lord of Iztapalapa,
and he of Tacuba saw and heard of the imprisonment
of Cacamatzin, and learnt that the great Montezuma
knew that they had joined in the conspiracy to deprive
him of his kingdom, and give it to Cacamatzin, they
were frightened and did not come to pay their court
to Montezuma as they were used to do. So with the
consent of Cortes, who clamoured and persuaded him
to order them to be seized, within eight days they were
all in prison and attached to the great chain, and our
Captain and all of us felt not a little relieved.
CHAPTER LXXII
WHEN Captain Cortes saw that those kinglets named
by me were prisoners, and that all the cities were at
peace, he said to Montezuma that, before we had
entered Mexico, he [Montezuma] had twice sent to
say that he wished to pay tribute to His Maje&y,
and that as he now underwood about the great power
of our Lord and King, to whom many lands pay
tribute and taxes and many great kings are subjeft,
it would be well for him and all his vassals to give
him their fealty, for such is the custom, fir£b to give
fealty and then to give tribute and taxes. Montezuma
replied that he would gather his vassals together,
and talk to them about it. And within ten days nearly
all the Caciques of that territory assembled together,
but that Cacique who was mo& nearly related to
335
MONTEZUMA ADVISES CACIQUES
Montezuma did not come, and said that he would
neither come, nor pay taxes, for he was not able to
keep himself with the income from his provinces.
Montezuma was very angry at this reply, and at once
sent some Captains to take him prisoner, but as he
"was a great Lord, and had many relations, he was
warned of this and withdrew to his province where
they were not then able to catch him.
I muft leave him now and Slate how, in the discussion
that Montezuma held with the Caciques of all the
territory whom he had called together, after he had
made a speech without Cortes or any of us, excepting
Orteguilla the page, being present, it was reported
that he had told them to consider how for many years
pa£t they had known for certain, through the traditions
of their ancestors, which they had noted down in their
books of records, that men would come from the
direction of the sunrise to rule these lands, and that
then the lordship and kingdom of the Mexicans would
come to an end. Now he believed, from what his
Gods had told him, that we were these men, and the
priests had consulted Huichilobos about it and
offered up sacrifices, but their Gods would no longer
answer them as they had been accu£lomed to do.
All that Huichilobos would give them to under-
hand was that what he had told them before he now
again gave as his reply, and they were not to ask him
again, so that they took it to mean that they should
give their fealty to the King of Spain whose vassals
these Teules say that they are. He went on to say :
" As for the present it does not imply anything, and
as in time to come we shall see whether we receive
another and better reply from our Gods, so we will
aft according to the time. For the present, what I
order and beg you all to do with good will is to give
and contribute some sign of vassalage, and I will
soon tell you what is mo£t suitable, and as ju£t now I
336
TO BECOME VASSALS OF SPAIN
am importuned about it by Malinche, I beg that no
one will refuse it. During the eighteen years that
I have been your Prince, you have always been very
loyal to me, and I have enriched you and have
broadened your lands, and have given you power
and wealth, and if at this present time, our Gods permit
me to be held captive here, it would not have happened,
unless, as I have told you many times, my great
Huichilobos had commanded it."
When they heard these arguments, all of them
gave as an answer that they would do as he had
ordered them, and they said it with many tears and
sighs, and Montezuma more tearful than any of them.
Then he sent a chieftain to say that on the following
day they would give their fealty and vassalage to His
Majesty.
Montezuma returned after this to talk about the
matter with his Caciques, and in the presence of Cortes
and our Captains and many of our soldiers, and of
Pedro Hernandez, Cortes' secretary, they gave their
fealty to His Maje&y, and they showed much emotion
in doing so, and Montezuma could not keep back
his tears. He was so dear to us, and we were so much
affefted at seeing him weep, that our own eyes were
softened and one soldier wept as much as Montezuma,
such was the affeftion we had for him. I will leave
off here, and say that Cortes and the Fraile de la
Merced, who was very wise, were constantly in
Montezuma's palace, trying to amuse him and to
persuade him to give up his Idols.
CHAPTER LXXIII
As Captain Diego de Ordas and the other soldiers
[who had been sent by Cortes on an exploring expedi-
tion] arrived with samples of gold and the report
337
CORTES DEMANDS TRIBUTE
that all the land was rich, Cortes by the advice of
Ordas and the other Captains and soldiers, decided
to speak to, and demand of Montezuma, that all the
Caciques and towns of the land should pay tribute
to His Majesty, and that he himself as the greatest
Chieftain, should also contribute from his treasure.
Montezuma replied that he would send to all his
towns to ask for gold, but that many of them did not
possess any, only some jewels of little worth which
had come to them from their ancestors. He at once
despatched chieftains to the places where there were
mines and ordered each town to give so many ingots
of fine gold, of the same size and thickness as others
that they were used to pay as tribute, and the
messengers carried with them as samples two small
ingots. From other parts they only brought small
jewels of little worth.
He also sent to the province whose Cacique and
Lord was that near kinsman of his who would not
obey him. This province was distant from Mexico
about twelve leagues, and the reply the messengers
brought back was to the effeft that neither would
he give any gold nor obey Montezuma, that he also
was Lord of Mexico, and that the dominion belonged
to him as much as to Montezuma himself, who was
sending to ask him to pay tribute.
When Montezuma heard this he was so enraged
that he immediately sent his seal and sign by some
faithful captains with orders to bring him as a prisoner.
When this kinsman was brought into Montezuma's
presence he spoke to him very disrespectfully, and
without any fear, and very valiantly, and they say,
that he had intervals of madness, for he was as though
thunderstruck. Cortes came to know all about this,
and he sent to beg Montezuma as a favour, to give this
man to him as he wished to place a guard over him,
for he had been told that Montezuma had ordered
338
MONTEZUMA PAYS TRIBUTE
'him to be killed. When the Cacique was brought before
him Cortes spoke to him in a mo£t amiable manner
and told him not to aft like a madman against his
prince, and wished to set him free. However, when
Montezuma heard this he said that he should not be
set free but should be attached to the great chain
like the other Kinglets already named by me.
Let us go back to say that within twenty days all
the chieftains whom Montezuma had sent to colled
the tribute of gold,, came back again. And as they
arrived Montezuma sent to summon Cortes and our
captains and certain soldiers whom he knew, who
belonged to his guard, and said these formal words,
or others of like meaning : —
" I wish you to know, Senor Malinche and Senores
Captains and soldiers, that I am indebted to your great
King, and I bear him good will both for being such a
great Prince and for having sent to such distant lands
to make inquiries about me ; and the thought that
most impresses me is that he mu£t be the one who is to
rule over us, as our ancestors have told us, and as even
our gods have given us to understand in the answers
we have received from them. Take this gold which
has been collefted ; on account of ha£te no more has
been brought. That which I have got ready for the
emperor is the whole of the Treasure which I have
received from my father, which is in your possession
and in your apartments.
" I know well enough that as soon as you came here
you opened the chamber and beheld it all, and that
you sealed it up again as it was before. When you
send it to him, tell him in your papers and letters,
* This is sent to you by your true vassal Montezuma/
I will also give you some very valuable £tones which
you will send to him in my name ; they are Chalchi-
huites, and are not to be given to any one else but
only to him, your Great Prince. Each £lone is worth
339
THE GOLD MELTED DOWN
two loads of gold. I also wish to send him three blow
guns with their bags and pellet moulds for they have
such good jewel work on them that he will be pleased
to see them, and I also wish to give him of what I
possess although it is but little, for all the re& of the
gold and jewek that I possessed I have given you
from time to time,"
When Cortes and all of us heard this we &ood
amazed at the great goodness and liberality of the
Great Montezuma, and with much reverence we all
doffed our helmets, and returned him our thanks, and
with words of the greatest affeftion Cortes promised
him that we would write to His Majesty of the
magnificence and liberality of this gift of gold which
he gave us in his own royal name. After some more
polite conversation Montezuma at once sent his
Mayordomos to hand over all the treasure and gold
and wealth that was in that plastered chamber, and
in looking it over and taking off all the embroidery
with which it was set, we were occupied for three
days, and to assist us in undoing it and taking it to
pieces, there came Montezuma's goldsmiths from
the town named Azcapotzalco, and I say that there was
so much, that after it was taken to pieces there were
three heaps of gold, and they weighed more than six
hundred thousand pesos, as I shall tell further on,
without the silver and many other rich things, and not
counting in this the ingots and slabs of gold, and the
gold in grains from the mines. We began to melt it
down with the help of the Indian goldsmiths, and
they made broad bars of it, each bar measuring three
fingers of the hand across. When it was already
melted and made into bars, they brought another
present separately which the Grand Montezuma had
said that he would give, and it was a wonderful thing
to behold the wealth of gold and the richness of the
other jewels that were brought, for some of the
340
AND CAST INTO BARS
Chalchihuites were so fine that among these Caciques
they were worth a va& quantity of gold. The three
blow guns with their pellet moulds, and their cover-
ings of jewels and pearls, and pictures in feathers
of little birds covered with pearlshell and other birds,
all were of great value. I will not speak of the plumes
and feathers and other rich things for I shall never
finish calling them to mind.
The gold I have spoken about was marked with
an iron £tamp, and the & was the royal arms.
The mark was not put on the rich jewels which it did
not seem to us should be taken to pieces.
As we had neither marked weights nor scales,
some iron weights were made, some as much as an
arroba,1 others of half an arroba, two pounds, one
pound and half a pound, and of four ounces, not that
they would turn out very exaft, but within half an
ounce more or less in each lot that was weighed.
After the weight was taken the officers of the King
said that there was gold worth more than six hundred
thousand pesos, and this was without counting the
silver and many other jewels which were not yet valued.
Some soldiers said that there was more. As there
was now nothing more to do than to take out the royal
fifth, and to give to each captain and soldier his share,
and to set aside the shares of those who remained at
the port of Villa Rica, it seems that Cortes endeavoured
not to have it divided up so soon, but to wait until
there was more gold, and there were good weights,
and proper accounts of how it turned out. But moft
of us captains and soldiers said that it should be
divided up at once, for we had seen that at the time
when the pieces were given out of the Treasury
of Montezuma, there was much more gold in the
heaps, and that a third part of it was missing, which
they had taken and hidden both on behalf of Cort6s,
1 An arroba = 25 IBs.
341
THE DIVISION OF THE SPOIL
as well as of the Captains and the Fraile de la Merced,
and it went on diminishing. The next day they
were to distribute the shares, and I will tell how it
was divided, and the greater part remained with
Captain Cortes and other persons, and what was done
about it I will go on to relate.
Firft of all the royal fifth was taken out, then Cortes
said that they should take out for him another fifth,
the same as for His Majesty, for we had promised
it to him at the sand dunes when we elefted him
Captain General and Chief Juftice. After that, he said
that he had been put to certain expenses in the Island
of Cuba and that what he had spent on the expedition
should betaken from the heap, and in addition to this that
there should be taken from the same heap the expenses
incurred by Diego Velasquez in the ships which we
had destroyed, and we all agreed to it, and beside
this the expenses of the procurators who were sent
to Spain. Then there were the shares of those who
remained in Villa Rica, and there were seventy of
them, and for his horse that had died, and for the
mare which had belonged to Juan Sedeno which the
Tlaxcalans had killed with a sword cut ; then for the
Fraile de la Merced, and the prieft Juan Diaz and the
Captains and for those who had brought horses,
double shares, and for musketeers and crossbowmen
the same, and other trickeries, so that very little was
left to each as a share, and it was so little that many
of the soldiers did not want to take it, and Cortes was
left with it all. At that time we could do nothing but
hold our tongues, for to ask for justice in the matter
was useless. There were other soldiers who took their
shares at the rate of one hundred pesos and clamoured
for the reft, and to content them Cortes secretly gave
to one and the other, apparently bestowing favours
so as to satisfy them, and with the smooth speeches
that he made to them they put up with it.
342
DISCONTENT AT THE RESULT
At that time many of our Captains ordered very
large golden chains to be made by the Great Monte-
zuma's goldsmiths. Cortes, too, ordered many jewels
to be made, and a great service of plate. Some of our
soldiers had their hands so full, that many ingots of
gold, marked and unmarked, and jewels of a great
diversity of patterns were openly in circulation.
Heavy gaming was always going on with some playing
cards which were made from drum skins by Pedro
Valenciano and were as well made and painted as the
originals. So this was the condition we were in, but
let us Stop talking of the gold and of the bad way it
was divided, and worse way in which it was spent.
As Cortes heard that many of the soldiers were
discontented over their share of the gold and the way
the heaps had been robbed, he determined to make a
speech to them all with honeyed words, and he said
that all he owned was for us, and he did not want
the fifth but only the share that came to him as
Captain General, and that if any one had need of
anything he would give it to him, and that the gold
we had collected was but a breath of air, that we
should observe what great cities there were there and
rich mines, and that we should be lords of them all
and very prosperous and rich, and he used other
arguments very well expressed which he knew well
how to employ.
CHAPTER LXXIV
ONE day Montezuma said : " Look here, Malinche,
I love you so much that I want to give you one of my
daughters, who is very beautiful, so that you can
marry her and treat her as your legitimate wife " ;
Cortes doffed his cap in thanks, and said that it was
343
PROPOSAL TO OVERTURN IDOLS
a great favour that Montezuma was conferring on
him, but that he was already married and had a wife,
and that among us we were not permitted to have
more than one wife, he would however, keep her
[Montezuma's daughter] in the rank to which the
daughter of so great a prince was entitled, but that
firft of all he desired her to become a Christian, as
other ladies, the daughters of Chieftains, already
were ; and to this Montezuma consented.
The Great Montezuma always showed good will
to us, but he never ceased his sacrifices at which human
beings were killed, and Cortes tried to dissuade him from
this but met with no success. So Cortes took counsel
with his captains as to what should be done in the
matter, for he did not dare to put an end to it for fear
of a rising in the City and of the priests who were in
charge of Huichilobos. On the advice of his Captains,
Cortes went to the Palace where Montezuma was
imprisoned and took seven captains and soldiers with
him, and said to Montezuma : " Seiior, I have often
asked you not to sacrifice any more human beings to
your gods who are deceiving you, and you will not
cease doing it, I wish you to know that all my com-
panions and these captains who are with me have come
to beg you to give them leave to remove the gods from
your temple and put our Lady Santa Maria and a Cross
in their place, and, if you will not give them leave
now, they will go and remove them, and I would
not like them to kill any prie£ls."
When Montezuma heard those words, and saw
that the Captains were rather angry, he said : " Oh !
Malinche, how can you wish to destroy the city
entirely ! for our gods are very angry with us, and
I do not know that they will £top even at your lives,
what I pray you to do for the present is to be patient,
and I will send to summon all the prices and I will
see their reply." When Cortes heard this he made a
344
CHRISTIAN ALTAR ON GREAT CUE
sign that he wished to speak quite privately to Monte-
zuma. When they were left alone he said to Monte-
zuma, that in order to prevent this affair from becoming
known and causing a di&urbance and becoming an
offence to the prielts on account of their Idols being
overturned, that he would arrange with these Captains
to the effed that they should do nothing of the sort,
provided they were given an apartment in the Great
Cue where they might make an altar on which to
place the Image of Our Lady and set up a Cross,
Then Montezuma, with sighs and a very sorrowful
countenance, said that he would confer with his prie&s.
After much discussion had taken place, it was agreed
to, and our altars and an image of Our Lady and a
Cross were set up, apart from their cursed Idols, with
great reverence and with thanks to God from all
of us, and the Padre de la Merced chanted Mass
assisted by the prieft Juan Diaz and many of our
soldiers. Our Captain ordered an old soldier to be
Stationed there as guardian, and begged Montezuma
to order the priests not to touch the altar, but only to
keep it swept and to burn incense and keep wax candles
burning there by day and night, and to decorate it
with branches and flowers.
There was never a time when we were not subject
to surprises of such a kind, that had our Lord God
not assisted us, they would have co& us our lives.
Thus as soon as we had placed the image of Our Lady
and the Cross on the Altar which we had made on the
Great Cue and the Holy Gospel had been preached
and Mass said, it seems that Huichilobos and Tezcate-
puca spoke to the priests, and told them that they
wished to leave their country as they were so badly
treated by the Teules, and they did not wish to &ay
where those figures and the Cross had been placed>
nor would they remain there unless we were killed,
and this was their answer and they need not expert
345
MONTEZUMA BEGS SPANIARDS
any other, and they should inform Montezuma and
all his Captains, so that they might at once go to war
and kill us. The Idols further told them that they
could see how all the gold that used to be kept for their
honour, had been broken up by us and made into ingots,
and let them beware how we were making ourselves
lords over the country, and were holding five great
Caciques prisoners, and they told them of other mis-
deeds so as to induce them to attack us. In order
that Cortes and all of us should know about this, the
Great Montezuma sent word to tell Cortes that he
wished to speak to him on very important matters,
and the page Orteguilla came and said to him that
Montezuma was very sad and much disturbed, and
that during the previous night and part of the day
many prie&s and leading Captains had been with
him and had said things to him privately that he [the
page] could not understand.
When Cortes heard this he went in haSte to the
palace where Montezuma was Staying and took with
him Cristoval de Olid, who was Captain of the Guard,
and four other Captains and Dona Marina and
Jeronimo de Aguilar, and, after they had paid much
respeft to him, Montezuma said : " Oh ! Senor
Malinche and Captains, how distressed I am at the
reply and command which our Teules have given to
our prie&s and to me and all my Captains, which is
that we should make war on you and kill you, and drive
you back across the sea. I have thought it over, and
what seems to me beSt is that you should at once
leave this city before you are attacked, and that not
one of you should remain here. This, Senor Malinche,
I say that you should not fail to do, for it is to your
interest, if not you will be killed, remember it is a
question of your lives/' Cortes and our Captains felt
grief at what he said and were even a good deal
disquieted, and it was not to be wondered at, the affair
346
TO LEAVE MEXICO
coming so suddenly and with such insistence that our
lives were at once placed in the greatest danger by it,
for the warning was given us with the greatest urgency.
Cortes replied that he thanked Montezuma sincerely
for the warning, and that at the present time there
were two things that troubled him, one was that he
had no vessels in which to sail, for he had ordered
those in which he had come to be broken up, and the
other was that Montezuma would be forced to come
with us so that our great Emperor might see him, and
that he begged as a favour that he would place restraint
on his priests and captains while three ships were
being built at the sand dunes, as it would be more
advantageous to them, for if they began the war
they would all of them be killed.
He also asked, so that Montezuma might see that
he wished to carry out what he had said without delay,
that carpenters might be sent with two of our soldiers
who were great experts in shipbuilding, to cut wood
near the sand dunes.
Montezuma was even more sorrowful than before
because Cortes told him that he would have to come
with us before the Emperor ; he said that he would
send the carpenters, and that they should hurry and
not wa£te time in talk, but work, and that meanwhile
he would command the priests and captains not to
ferment disturbances in the city and he would order
Huichilobos to be appeased with sacrifices, but not
of human lives. After this exciting conversation
Cortes and his captains took leave of Montezuma,
and we were all in the greatest anxiety wondering
when they would begin the attack.
Then Cortes ordered Martin Lopez, the ship
carpenter, to be summoned and Andres Nunez, and
the Indian carpenters whom the Great Montezuma
had given him and after some discussion as to the size
of the three vessels to be built he ordered him at once
347
PREPARATIONS FOR EMERGENCY
to set about the work and to get them ready, for in
Villa Rica there was everything necessary in the way
of iron and blacksmiths, tackle, tow, and calkers and
pitch. So they set out and cut the wood on the coa£i
near Villa Rica, and in ha£te began to build ships.
Let us leave him building the ships and say how
we all went about in that city very much depressed,
fearing that at any moment they might attack us ;
and our friends from Tlaxcala and Dona Marina also
told the captain that an attack was probable, and
Orteguilla, Montezuma's page, was always in tears.
We all kept on the alert and placed a Strong Guard
over Montezuma, and we slept shod and armed and
with all our weapons to hand, and our horses £tood
saddled and bridled all day long. There is another
thing I muft say, but not with the intention of boating
about it, that I grew so accustomed to go about armed,
and to sleep in the way I have said, that after the
conqueft of New Spain I kept to the habit of sleeping
in my clothes and without a bed, and I slept thus
better than on a mattress.
348
BOOK VII
THE EXPEDITION UNDER
PANFILO DE NARVAEZ
CHAPTER LXXV
WE muSt now go a little way back in our Story so that
what I am about to relate may be clearly understood.
Diego Velasquez, the Governor of Cuba, knew that
we had sent our Prodtors to His MajeSty, with all
the gold that we had obtained, and that we were
not asking his assistance about anything. He also
knew that Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, Bishop
of Burgos and President of the Indies, had everything
absolutely under his authority, because His Majesty
was in Flanders, and that the Bishop had treated our
Proftors very badly. They say that the Bishop
advised Diego Velasquez to have us captured, and
that he, from Spain, would afford him full support
for so doing. So Diego Velasquez got together a fleet
of nineteen ships and fourteen hundred soldiers, and
they brought with them over twenty cannon and much
powder and all sorts of Stores of Stones and balls,
and two gunners, eighty horsemen and ninety cross-
bowmen and seventy musketeers. Diego Velasquez,
although he was very fat and heavy, himself went
about from village to village, and from town to town,
Erovisioning the fleet and inviting the settlers who had
ndians, as well as his relations and friends, to go with
Panfilo Narvaez to capture Cortes and us his Captains
and soldiers, or at leaSt not to leave any of us alive,
and he went about so incensed and angry and with
349
INTERVENTION OF AYLLON
such energy, that he got as far as Guaniguanico which
is seventy leagues beyond Havana. It seems that
when the Royal Audiencia of Santo Domingo got
to hear of it, they decided to send a Licentiate named
Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, who was Oidor of this same
Royal Audiencia, to ftop this fleet of Diego Velasquez
and not to let it sail, under pain of heavy penalties,
but all the injunctions and penalties that the Oidor
proclaimed were of no avail, and when the Oidor saw
this he himself accompanied Narvaez so as to keep
the peace and to promote agreement between Cortes
and Narvaez,
As Panfilo de Narvaez came across the sea with all
his fleet of nineteen ships, it appears that on nearing
the Sierra of San Martin, he was Struck by a north
wind, which is a head wind on that coaft, and during
the night he loft one ship of small burden which
foundered ; her Captain and a number of other
persons were drowned. All the reft of the fleet arrived
at San Juan de Uliia.
When the arrival of this great fleet came to the ears
of those soldiers whom Cortes had sent to look for
mines, these three men came to the ships of Narvaez.
When they found themselves safe on board ship and
in Narvaez's Company, it is said that they raised their
hands to God who had delivered them from the power
of Cortes and got them out of the great City of
Mexico where every day they expected to be killed.
When they had eaten with Narvaez and drunk wine,
and were satiated with too much drink, they kept
saying to one another before the General himself :
" See here, is it not better to be here drinking wine
than to be unhappy in the power of Cortes who made
such slaves of us night and day that we hardly dared
to speak, expefting from day to day to meet death
ftaring us in the face." And one of them named
Cervantes, who was a buffoon, even said by way of
350
NARVAEZ AT SAN JUAN DE ULUA
pleasantry : " Oh, Narvaez, Narvaez, how fortunate
you are to have come at this time, for this traitor of a
Cortes has got together more than seven hundred
thousand dollars of gold, and all the soldiers are very
discontented with him because he has taken a great
part of their share of the gold, and they do not want
to accept what he is giving them." So those soldiers
who had deserted from us as they were mean and
worthless, told Narvaez much more that he wanted
to know. They also informed him that eight leagues
distant from where he was, a town had been founded
named Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz and that Gonzalo
de Sandoval was in command of it with seventy
soldiers, all of them old and invalid, and that if he
should send some fighting men there at once, they
would surrender to him, and they told him many other
things.
Now the great Montezuma soon got to know that
there were ships anchored in the port with many
captains and soldiers on board, and he secretly sent
some of his chiefs, without Cortes knowing anything
about it, and ordered the Spaniards in the ships to be
given food, gold and cloth, and the neighbouring
villages were told to furnish them with supplies of food.
Narvaez sent to tell Montezuma many abusive and
many uncivil things about Cortes and all of us, such
as that we were bad men and thieves who had fled from
Caftile without the permission of our Lord and King,
and that when our Lord the King had heard that
we were in this country, and knew about the evil deeds
and robberies we had committed and that we had taken
Montezuma prisoner, he had ordered Narvaez to
set out at once with all these ships and soldiers and
horses, to put an end to such evils and to free him
[Montezuma] from his prison, and either to kill
Cortes and all of us evil-doers, or to capture us and send
us back to Spain in these same ships, and that when
CORTES CONCEALS APPREHENSIONS
we arrived there we should be condemned to death ;
and he sent to tell him much more nonsense. The
interpreters who explained all this to the Indians
were the three soldiers who already understood the
language. In addition to these messages, Narvaez
also sent some gifts of things from Spain.
When Montezuma heard all this he was very well
satisfied with the news, for he believed that they would
take us prisoners. In addition to this when his chieftains
saw our three soldiers with Narvaez and perceived
that they said much evil of Cortes, they accepted as
the truth all that Narvaez had told them to say. They
brought with them a pifture of the fleet painted quite
correctly on some cloths. Then Montezuma sent Narvaez
much more gold and cloths and ordered all the towns
in his neighbourhood to take them plenty to eat,
and for three days Montezuma was in possession of
this news and Cortes knew nothing at all.
One day when our Captain went to see Montezuma
and to pay him court, after the usual civilities had
passed between them, it seemed to Captain Cortes
that Montezuma was looking very cheerful and
happy, and he asked him how he felt, and Montezuma
replied that he was better. When Montezuma saw
that he came to visit him twice in one day, he was
afraid that Cortes knew about the ships, and so as to
get ahead of him and to avoid suspicion, he said to
him : " Senor Malinche, only ju£t now messengers
have come to tell me that at the port where you
landed there have arrived eighteen more ships and
many people and horses, and they have brought it all
to me painted on some cloths, and as you came twice
to visit me to-day I thought that you mu£t have come
to bring me this news ; now you will have no need
to build ships. Because you did not tell me about
it, on the one hand I was annoyed with you for keeping
me in ignorance, and on the other hand I was delighted
35*
AND CONCILIATES HIS FOLLOWERS
at the arrival of your brothers, for now you can all
return to Spain and there need be no further excuse/'
When Cortes heard about the ships and saw the
pifhire on the cloth, he rejoiced greatly and said :
** Thank God ! who at the right moment provides
for us," and we soldiers were so delighted that we
could not keep quiet, and the horsemen rode skirmish-
ing round about and we fired off shots. But Cortes
was very thoughtful, for he well underwood that that
fleet was sent by Diego Velasquez the Governor of
Cuba against him and again^l all of us, and, wise man
as he was, he said what he felt about it to all of us
captains and soldiers, and by great gifts of gold to us,
and promises to make us rich, he induced us all to
&and by him. He did not know who had come in
command of the fleet, but we were greatly rejoiced
at the news, and at the gold that Cortes had given us
by the way of gratuity, as if he had taken it from his
own property and not from that which should have
been our share.
CHAPTER LXXVI
As those three scoundrelly soldiers of ours had gone
over to Narvaez, and had given him news of all the
things that Cortes and all of us had done since we
entered New Spain, and had told him that Captain
Gonzalo de Sandoval was about eight leagues distant
at Vera Cruz, and that he had with him seventy settlers
nearly all of them old or invalids, Narvaez determined
to send to the town a prie£t named Guevara, who had
good address, and another man of considerable
importance named Amaya, a relation of Diego
Velasquez of Cuba, and a notary named Vergara, and
three witnesses whose names I do not remember.
353
NARVAEZ' ENVOYS TO SANDOVAL
He sent them to give notice to Sandoval to surrender
at once to Narvaez, and for this purpose they said
that they brought copies of the decrees. It is said
that Gonzalo de Sandoval had already received news
from some Indians about the ships and the great
number of persons that had come in them, and as he
was very much of a man, he always had everything in
readiness and his soldiers armed, and as he suspefted
that that fleet came from Diego Velasquez and that
some of the crew would be sent to that town to take
possession of it, and so as not to be hampered by his
old and invalid soldiers, he sent them off at once to
an Indian town named Papalote, and kept with himself
the healthy ones.
Sandoval called his soldiers together and impressed
on them that if Diego Velasquez or any one else should
come, they mu£t not surrender the town to him, and
all the soldiers answered that they would do as he
wished ; he furthermore ordered a gallows to be set
up on a hill. The spies whom he had ported on the
road hurried in to give him notice that six Spaniards
and some Cuban Indians were approaching the town,
and Sandoval awaited them in his house, for he would
not go out to receive them, and he had already ordered
that none of his soldiers should leave their houses or
speak to them. When the priest and those whom he
had brought in his company met with no Spanish
settlers to speak to but only Indians who were working
at the fort and did not understand them, they entered
the town, and went to the church to say their prayers,
and then went to the house of Sandoval, as it seemed
to them to be the largest in the place. After giving
Sandoval a friendly salutation to which he replied,
they say that the priest commenced a speech saying
that Diego Velasquez, the Governor of Cuba, had
spent much money on the fleet, and that Cortes and
all the others whom he had brought in his company
354
SANDOVAL SEIZES THE ENVOYS
had been traitors to him, and that they had come to
give notice that they mu£t go at once and give their
obedience to Senor Panfilo de Narvaez who came as
Captain General on behalf of Diego Velasquez. When
Sandoval heard these words and the rudeness with
which the Padre Guevara spoke, he was biting his
lips with annoyance at what he heard, and said :
" Senor Padre, you are speaking very maliciously, in
using these words about traitors — we are here all
better servants of His Majesty than Diego Velasquez
— but that you are a prie£fc I would chastise you as you
deserve for your bad manners. Be off with you and
go to Mexico, where you will find Cortes who is
Captain General and Chief Justice of this New Spain,
.and he will give you your answer, here you need say
no more."
Then the priest in a blustering way told the notary
named Vergara whom he had brought with him, to
take out at once the decrees that he carried in his
bosom to notify Sandoval and the settlers who were
with him, but Sandoval told the notary that he should
not read a single paper, that he did not care whether
they were decrees or any other documents. While
they were disputing, the notary began to take out from
his bosom the documents he had brought, and San-
doval said to him : " Look here, Vergara, I have
already told you not to read any papers here, but to
go to Mexico, and I promise you that if you do read
them I will have you given a hundred lashes, for we
do not know whether you are a king's notary or not ;
show us your title, and if you have got that, read it ;
nor do we know if these decrees are the originals or
copies or other documents." The prie& who was a
very haughty man, exclaimed : " How are you
dealing with these traitors ? Bring out the decrees
and notify them," and he said this with much anger.
When Sandoval heard that expression he told him
355
ENVOYS CARRIED TO MEXICO
that he lied like a vile prieft, and at once ordered his
soldiers to take them all prisoners to Mexico. He
had hardly uttered the words when a number of the
Indians who were at work at the fort, snatched them
up in net hammocks like sinful souls, and carried
them off on their backs, and in four days arrived with
them close to Mexico, for they travelled day and night
with relays of Indians. They were indeed frightened
when they saw so many cities and large towns, and
food was brought to them, and one party dropped them
and another carried them on their way, and it is said
that they were wondering whether it was all witchcraft
or a dream.
Sandoval wrote in ha£te to Cortes to tell him who
was Captain of the fleet, and all that had happened.
As soon as Cortes knew that the prisoners were close
to Mexico, he sent out horses for the three principal
persons and ordeied them at once to be released from
their confinement and wrote to them that he regretted
that Sandoval should have treated them so disrespeft-
fully, as he would have wished him to do them much
honour, and when they arrived at Mexico he went
out to meet them, and brought them very honourably
into the city. When the prie& and his companions
saw how great a city was Mexico and the wealth of
gold that we possessed, and the many other cities
in the waters of the lake, and all us captains and
soldiers, and the frank open-heartedness of Cortes,
they were amazed, and by the end of the two days
they flayed with us, Cortes had talked to them in such
a way with promises and flattery and even by greasing
their palms with little ingots and jewels of gold, that
when he sent them back to their Narvaez with food
for the road, although they had set out as fierce lions,
they returned thoroughly tamed, and offered them-
selves to Cortes as his servants. So when they returned
.to Cempoala to report to their Captain, they began
356
CORTES' LETTER TO NARVAEZ
to persuade all the camp of Narvaez to come over to
our side.
CHAPTER LXXVII
As Cortes always exercised great care and forethought
and no matter escaped him that he did not try and put
right, and as I have often said before, he had truSt-
worthy and good captains and soldiers who, besides
being very valiant, gave him good advice, — it was
agreed to by all of us that he should at once write
and send the letters by Indians po£t haSte to Narvaez,
before the priest Guevara could arrive, and should
tell Narvaez with friendly expressions and promises
which we one and all made him, that we would do
what his honour should command but that we begged
him as a favour not to create a disturbance in the land,
or to allow the Indians to see any division among us.
This promise was made because we who formed the
party of Cortes were only a few soldiers in comparison
with those whom Narvaez had brought, and in order
to gain his good will, and to see how he would aft.
So we offered ourselves as his servants, while at the
same time, beneath all these good words, we did not
negleft any chances to look for friends among the
Captains of Narvaez3 for the Padre Guevara and the
Notary Vergara had told Cortes that Narvaez was not
much liked by his captains, and advised us to send
them some slabs and chains of gold, for "gifts break
rocks ", Cortes wrote to them that he and all his
companions were rejoiced at their arrival at the port,
and, as they were old friends, he begged Narvaez to
do nothing towards the release of Montezuma who
was a prisoner, or to cause a rising in the city, for it
would involve the destruction of himself and his men
as well as all our lives on account of the great power
that Montezuma wielded ; that he Slated this because
357
CORTES SENDS GIFTS
Montezuma was very much excited and all the city
was in revolt on account of the messages that had been'
sent to him. That he (Cortes) thought and felt certain
that things expressed in such a way and at such a
time could never have come from the mouth of such
a wise and valiant man as Narvaez, but were such
things as Cervantes the jester and the soldiers he had
with him might say. Beside other words that were
written in this letter, he placed his person and his
property at the disposal of Narvaez, and said that he
would do whatever Narvaez might command.
Cortes also wrote to the Secretary, Andres de Duero,
and to the Oidor, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, and he
secretly ordered the Oidor to be given ingots and chains
of gold. Then he begged the Padre de la Merced to
follow the letters to the camp of Narvaez without
delay, and he gave him more golden chains and ingots
and some very valuable jewels to give to his friends
there. So the fir£t letter which Cortes wrote and sent
by the Indians arrived before the Padre Guevara, and
Narvaez went about showing it to his Captains and
jeering at it and even at us. It is said that one of the
Captains whom Narvaez had brought with him, named
Salvatierra, who had come as Veedor, raised a clamour
when he heard it, reproving Narvaez for reading such
a letter from a traitor like Cortes, and saying that he
ought to proceed againsT: us at once, and not leave one
of us alive, and he swore that he would roa£l Cortes'
ears and eat one of them, and other such ribaldry.
So Narvaez would not answer the letter, nor consider
us worth a snap of the fingers.
]u£k at that time the priest Guevara and his com-
panions arrived in camp, and told Narvaez that Cortes
was a very excellent gentleman and a faithful servant
of the King, and he told him of the great power of
Mexico and of the many cities he had seen on the
way, and that they underwood that Cortes wished to
358
TO FOLLOWERS OF NARVAEZ
serve him, and do all that he ordered, and it would be
a good thing, if, peaceably and without disturbance,
an agreement should be come to between them :
he added that Senor Narvaez should consider that
all New Spain lay before him and he could take the
people he had brought with him wherever he chose,
and leave the other provinces to Cortes, for there were
territories and to spare where one might settle. When
Narvaez heard this, they say that he was so angry with
Padre Guevara and Amaya that he would not see or
listen to them again. When the people in the camp
saw the Padre Guevara and the Notary Vergara and
the others so greatly enriched, and the followers of
Narvaez heard from them secretly so much good of
Cortes and of all of us, and how they had seen such
quantities of gold Staked at play in our camp, many of
them wished that they were already there. Ju£t about
this time our Padre de la Merced arrived at Narvaez's
camp, with the ingots of gold which Cortes had given
him and the private letters, and he went to kiss hands
to Narvaez, and to tell him how Cortes wished for
peace and friendship and was ready to obey his
orders. But Narvaez who was very obstinate, and felt
very aggressive, would not listen to him, and chose
to say before the Padre himself, that Cortes and all
of us were traitors, and because the Friar replied that
on the contrary we were very loyal subjefts of the
King, Narvaez used abusive language to him.
Then the Friar very secretly distributed the ingots
and chains of gold to those whom Cortes had named,
and he got together and won over the chief persons
in Narvaez's camp.
CHAPTER LXXVI1I
IT appears that the Oidor Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon
came in order to favour the cause of Cortes, and all of
359
THE OIDOR LUCAS VASQUEZ
us, according to his instruction from the Royal
Audiencia of Santo Domingo, who were aware of
the many good and loyal services which we had done
to God, and to our Lord the King. Moreover, in
addition to what the Royal Audiencia had ordered
him to do in his official capacity, the Oidor had now
seen the letters from Cortes, and with them the blocks
of gold ; and whereas he had said previously that
the despatch of the fleet was contrary to all right and
justice, from this time forward he spoke so much more
clearly and openly, and said so much good of Cortes
and of all of those who were with him, that in the
camp of Narvaez nothing else was talked about.
In addition to this it was seen that in Narvaez there
was nothing but the utmost Stinginess, for he took
for himself all the gold and cloths which Montezuma
had sent them and did not give a scrap of it either to
a captain or a soldier, on the contrary he said very
loudly to his Steward, with a haughty voice, " See to
it that not a mantle be missing, for they have all been
noted down."
As they knew him to be so mean, and heard what I
have already said about Cortes, and how we who were
with him were very generous, his entire camp was-
more than half mutinous. Narvaez thought that
the Oidor was at the bottom of it, and was sowing
discord. Beside this, when Montezuma sent them
food which the caterer or Steward of Narvaez dis-
tributed, he did it without paying the attention to
the Oidor or his servants that he should have done,
and there was some irritation and uproar about it
in the camp. Then owing to the advice given him by
Salvatierra, and others, and above all trusting in the
great support that he had received from the Bishop
of Burgos, Narvaez had the daring to seize the King's
Oidor and some of his servants and his clerk, and put
them on board ship and send them as prisoners to
360
SENT AS PRISONER TO SPAIN
Spain, or to the Island of Cuba. Also, because a
gentleman, named Oblanca, a learned man, said that
Cortes was a very good servant of the King, and it
seemed to him wrong to call us traitors, Narvaez
ordered him to be imprisoned. As Gonzalo de Oblanca
was a very high-bred nobleman, he fretted himself
to death within four days. Narvaez also made prisoners
of two other soldiers whom he had brought in his
ship who knew and spoke well of Cortes.
The Oidor, whom they were carrying as a prisoner
to Castile, spoke kindly to the Captain and pilot
and master who had charge of him on board the ship,
but at the same time he frightened them by saying
-that when they arrived in Spain, that instead of
paying them for what they had done, His Majesty
would order them to be hanged. When they heard
these words they told him that if he would pay them
for their trouble they would take him to Santo Domingo
and so they changed their course from what Narvaez
had ordered and arrived and disembarked at the
Island of Santo Domingo. When the Royal Audiencia
heard the £tory of the Licentiate Lucas Vasquez de
Ayllon, and took into consideration the great dis-
respedl and effrontery that had been shown they felt
it deeply, and were so much annoyed that they at
once wrote to Ca&ile to His Majesty's Royal Council.
Then certain soldiers, friends and relations of the
Oidor Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, seeing that Narvaez
had committed that great disrespeft and irregularity
against an Oidor of His Maje&y, agreed to flee from
the sand dunes to the town where Captain Sandoval
was Rationed, Sandoval treated them with much
honour, and learnt from them all that I have here
related.
As soon as Narvaez had sent away the Oidor as a
prisoner, he at once proceeded with all his baggage
and supplies and munitions of war to form a camp in
COMPLAINTS FROM FAT CACIQUE
the town of Cempoala which at that time had a large
population, and the fir£t thing that he did was to take
by force from the fat Cacique all the mantles and
cloths and gold which Cortes had given into his
charge before we left for Tlaxcala, and he also took
the Indian women whom the Caciques of that town had
given us, who had been left in the houses of their
parents because they were daughters of chieftains,
and too delicate to go to the war. When he did this
the fat Cacique said many times to Narvaez that he
muft not touch any of the things that Cortes had left
in his charge for if Cortes knew that anything had
been taken he would kill him for it. He also complained
to Narvaez himself of the many evil deeds and robberies
that his people committed in the town, and told him
that when Malinche was there with his people, they
had not taken a single thing from them, and that he
was very good and juft, and that Narvaez should at
once give him back his Indian women, and gold and
mantles, for if he did not, he would send and complain
to Malinche. When they heard that, they made fun
of what he said, and the Veedor, Salvatierra, who was
the one who boasted mo£l, said to his friends and to
Narvaez himself : " Don't you hear what a fright all
these Caciques are in of this nonentity of a Cortes/'
Let us go on and say that Cortes promptly took
counsel with our Captains and all of us whom he knew
to be his faithful followers, and whom he was
accustomed to call in council in such important
affairs as this. And it was decided by us all, that at
once, without waiting for any more letters or other
information, we should fall upon Narvaez and that
Pedro de Alvarado should remain in Mexico to take
charge of Montezuma with all the soldiers who were
not inclined to go on that expedition, so that all those
persons whom we suspected of being friends of Diego
Velasquez could be left behind.
362
MONTEZUMA BEWILDERED
Ju£t about that time, Cortes had sent to TIaxcala
for a large supply of maize, for there had been a bad
seed time in the Mexican territory from want of
rain, and we were in want of maize, for as we had
with us many of our Tlaxcalan friends, there was
great need of it. So they brought the maize and fowls
and other food and we left it with Pedro de Alvarado,
and we even made some barricades and fortifications
for him and mounted some bronze cannon, and we
left with him all the powder we possessed and fourteen
musketeers, eight crossbowmen and five horses, and
we left with him in all eighty soldiers*
CHAPTER LXXIX
WHEN as usual Cortes and the great Montezuma
were conversing, Montezuma said to Cortes: " Senor
Malinche, I noticed that all your captains and soldiers
are agitated, and I have also observed that you only
come to see me now and then, and Orteguilla the page
tells me that you intend to go against those, your
brothers, who have come in the ships, and to leave
Tonatio here to guard me ; do me the favour to tell
me if there is anything I can do to assist you, for I will
do it with the greatest good will Moreover, Senor
Malinche, I do not wish any calamity to befall you,
for you have very few Teules with you, and those who
have now come are five times as numerous, and they
say that they are Chri&ians like yourselves, and vassals
and subjefts of your Emperor, and they possess
images and set up crosses and say Mass and say and
announce that you are persons who have fled from
your King, and that they have come to capture and
363
CORTES EXPLAINS
kill you. I do not understand it at all, so take care
what you are doing."
Cortes answered with a pretence of lighthearted-
ness, and said through Dona Marina, who was always
with him during all these conversations, that she
should inform him that if he had not come to tell
him all about it, it was because he loved him very
much and did not wish to grieve him by our departure,
and this was why he had postponed telling him, for
he felt certain that Montezuma was well disposed
towards him. That regarding what he said as to all
of us being vassals of our great Emperor, it was true,
also that they were Christians as we were, but as to
what they said about our fleeing from our Lord the
King, that it was not so, for our King had sent us to
see him and tell him all that had been said and done
in his royal name. As for what he said about their
bringing many soldiers and ninety horses and many
cannon and powder, and our being few in number,,
and that they had come to kill us and take us prisoners,,
that Our Lord Jesus ChriSt in whom we believe, and
our Lady Santa Maria, his blessed Mother, would
give more Strength to us than to them, for they were
bad people and had come with a bad purpose. As our
Emperor ruled over many kingdoms and princi-
palities, there were great differences of race among
them, some very valiant, and others even much more
so. We came from CaStile itself, which is called Old
CaStile, and we called ourselves CaStilians, and the
Captain who was now at Cempoala and the people
he had brought with him came from another province,
named Biscaya and called themselves Biscayans, and
spoke like the Otomis of this land of Mexico, and he
would see how we would bring them as prisoners.
He need have no anxiety about our departure, for
we would soon return victorious, and what he now
begged of him was to Slay quietly with his brother
Tonatio and eighty soldiers. And, so that there should
364
ALVARADO AND MONTEZUMA
be no disturbance after we left the city, he mu& not
countenance his captains and priests in doing any-
thing for which, as soon as we returned, the rebellious
ones would have to pay with their lives, and he begged
him to provide our people with anything they might
need in the way of food. Then Cortes embraced
Montezuma twice, and Montezuma also embraced
Cortes, and Dona Marina, who was very sagacious,
said to him artfully that he was pretending sadness
at our departure. Then Montezuma offered to do
all that Cortes had asked him, and even promised
that he would send five thousand warriors to our
assi&ance, Cortes thanked him for it, but he well
knew that he would not send them, and said that he
needed no more than fir£t of all the help of God, and
then that of his companions.
Then Cortes spoke to Alvarado and all the soldiers
who were remaining with him, and he charged them
to take the greatest care that the great Montezuma
did not escape, and to obey Pedro de Alvarado, and
he promised with the help of our Lord God, to make
them all rich men. The Prieft, Juan Diaz, also
remained behind with them, as did also other suspefted
persons. Then we embraced one another and without
taking any Indian women or any servants with us,
and marching in light order, we set out on our journey
for Cholula.
While on the road Cort6s sent to TIaxcala to beg
our friends Xicotenga and Mase Escasi, to send us at
once five thousand warriors, and they sent to say in
reply that if It were against Indians like themselves
they would do so, and even much more, but against
Teules like us, and against lombards, and crossbows,
they had no wish to fight. However they sent us
twenty loads of fowls. Cortes also wrote to Sandoval
that he should join us with all his soldiers as
quickly as possible and that we were going to some
365
CORTES MEETS ALONZO DE MATA
towns about twelve leagues from Cempoala named
Tanpaniguita and Mitlanguita.
Then as our scouts were marching on the look
out, they saw Alonzo de Mata approaching, who
said that he was a Notary, and was coming to serve
the papers or copies of the decrees, and four Spaniards
who came with him as witnesses. Two of our horse-
men at once came to give notice, while the other
scouts entered into conversation with Alonzo de
Mata and his four witnesses. We hurried up and
quickened our fteps, and when they came near to us,
they made deep bows to Cort6s and to all of us, and
Cortes dismounted from his horse, and as he knew
why they came and that Alonzo de Mata wished to
serve the decrees that he had brought, Cortes asked
him if he was a King's Notary, and he replied yes ;
then he ordered him at once to exhibit his title, and
if he had brought it that he should read the messages,
and he [Cortes] would do what he should consider
would be to the service of God and of His Majesty.
That if he had not brought his title he should not read
those documents, also that he ["Cortes] mu£t see the
originals of the documents signed by His Majesty.
So Mata, who was somewhat confused and timid,
for he was not a King's Notary, and those who had
come with him, did not know what to say. Cortes
ordered them to be given food, for we were making
a halt there, and he told them that we were going to
some towns named Tanpaniguita near to the camp
of Senor Narvaez, and that there he would be able to
proclaim what his Captain might direft. Cortes
was so tolerant that he never said a hard word about
Narvaez, and he spoke privately with them and took
their hands and gave them some gold, and soon after-
wards they went back to their Narvaez, speaking well
of Cortes and of all of us. As many of our soldiers at
that time, out of orientation, had jewels of gold on
366
SANDOVAL REPORTS TO CORTES
their arms and golden chains and collars round their
necks, and these men who came to serve the decrees
saw them, they told wonderful Glories of us in Cem-
poala, and there were many of the principal people in
the camp of Narvaez who wanted to come and make
peace, and negotiate with Cortes, because they saw
that we were all rich. So we arrived at Tanpaniguita,
and the next day Captain Sandoval came with his
soldiers numbering about sixty, for he had left behind
all the old men and the invalids in a town named
Papalote belonging to our Indian allies, so that
they could be provided with food. There also came
with him the five soldiers who were friends and
relations of the Licentiate, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon,
who had fled from the camp of Narvaez, and came to
kiss hands to Cortes, by whom they were all very well
and gladly received.
Sandoval told Cortes that he had sent two soldiers
disguised as Indians with Indians* clothes, to the camp
of Narvaez, and Sandoval said that as they were dark-
complexioned men they did not look like Spaniards,
but like real Indians, and each one carried a load of
plums on his back, for this was the plum season (this
happened when Narvaez was Still at the sand dunes,
and before they had moved to the town of Cempoala),
and they went to the hut of the fierce Salvatierra, who
gave them a String of yellow beads for the plums, and
when they had sold the plums, Salvatierra, believing
them to be Indians, sent them to bring grass for his
horse from the banks of a Stream that ran near by the
ranches. So they went and brought several loads of
grass, and, as it was about the hour of Ave Maria
when they returned with the grass, they squatted
down on their heels like Indians in the hut until
night fell, and they kept their eyes and ears open to
what some of the soldiers of Narvaez were saying who
had come to pay their respefts to and keep company
367
SALVATIERRA IS TRICKED
with Salvatierra. They reported that Salvatierra said
to them : " Ah ! at what a lucky moment we have
come, for this traitor Cortes has collected more than
seven hundred thousand dollars of gold, so we shall
all be rich, and his captains and soldiers whom he has
with him can hardly be less rich for they possess much
gold ! " — and they went on with their conversation.
When it was quite dark our two soldiers silently
crept out of the hut to where Salvatierra kept his
horse, and as the bridle and saddle were close by, they
saddled and bridled the animal and jumped on its
back and rode off towards the town, and on the way
they came upon another horse hobbled near the
Stream, and they took that also.
Cortes asked Sandoval where these horses were,
and he replied that he had left them at the town of
Papalote where he had placed the invalids, for the
road by which he and his companions had come was
impassable by horses, for it was very rough and crossed
high mountains, and he had come that way so as not
to fall in with any of the soldiers of Narvaez. When
Cortes heard of the capture of Salvatierra's horse he
was perfectly delighted, and said, " Now he will
brag all the more since he finds it missing."
When Salvatierra woke up to find that the two
Indians who had brought the plums for sale were
missing, and could not find his horse or his saddle
or his bridle, he said things that raised a laugh at
his expense, for he soon found out that they were
some of Cortes' Spaniards who had carried off his
horse ; and from that time on they kept watch.
CHAPTER LXXX
As we had now all got together in that town, we
agreed that another letter should be written to Narvaez
to be carried by the Padre de la Merced, which, after
368
LETTER WRITTEN TO NARVAEZ
an expression of respeft and the utmost politeness,
was more or less to the following effeft : That we
had rejoiced at his arrival and had believed that with
his magnanimous chara&er we should do great
service to our Lord God and to his Majesty, but that
he had replied to us nothing whatever ; on the other
hand he had called us who were loyal servants of
His Majesty, traitors ! and had Stirred up trouble
throughout the land by the messages he had sent
to Montezuma ; that Cortes had sent to beg him to
choose whatever province he might prefer wherein to
settle with his people, or that he should advance,
and we would go to other territory and would under-
take what it was the duty of faithful servants of His
Majesty to accomplish ; we had also begged as a
favour that if he had brought any decrees from His
Majesty that he would send the originals to us, so
that we might examine them to see whether they had
the royal signature and what orders they contained,
so that with our breasts bowing before them on the
ground, we might at once obey them. However, he
would do neither one thing nor the other, but merely
used abusive language to us and ftirred up the country
against us ; that we begged and entreated him to
send within three days and proclaim through His
Maje&y's Notary the Decrees he had brought, and
we would obey ; that if he had not brought the
Decrees and wished to return to Cuba, he had better
return and not disturb the country any more with
threats, for if he made any more trouble, we would
come against him and arreft him, and send him a
prisoner to our Lord the King, because without the
royal permission he had come to make war on us and
disturb all the cities, and all the evils and deaths and
burnings and losses that might thereon happen would
be on his responsibility and not on ours ; that he
[Cortes] wrote and sent this letter now by hand, for
369 Bb
THE FRIAR CARRIES THE LETTER
no King's Notary dared to go to Narvaez to proclaim
it for fear of being treated with as great disrespeft
as that with which Narvaez had treated the Oidor of
His Majesty ; where was there ever seen such audacity
as to send him away a prisoner ? In addition to what
he had already said, he [Cortes] felt bound in duty to
the honour and justice of our King, to punish that
great disrespeft and crime, and as Captain General
and Chief Justice of New Spain which offices he held,
he summoned and cited him on this charge and
accused him, as in justice bound, for the crime in
which he was involved was that of" laesio Maje£batis ",
and that he called God to witness what he now said.
Cortes also sent to tell Narvaez that he mu£t at once
return to the fat Cacique the mantles and cloth and
jewels of gold which he had taken from him by force,
and also the daughters of the chieftains who had been
given to us by their parents, and that he mu£b order
his soldiers not to rob the Indians of that town nor of
any other. After the usual expressions of courtesy,
Cortes placed his signature, as did our Captains and
some of the soldiers and I added mine. There accom-
panied the Friar a soldier named Bartolome de Usagre,
because he was a brother of the artilleryman Usagre
who had charge of the artillery of Narvaez.
I will not wa£te further words on repeating how the
Fraile de la Merced reached the Camp of Narvaez,
for he did what Cortes ordered, which was to call
together certain gentlemen followers of Narvaez, and
the gunners Rodrigo Martin and Usagre. So as to
be sure of attracting Usagre, his brother carried some
gold ingots which he secretly gave to him. In the
same manner the Friar distributed the gold as Cortes
had commanded him, and told Andres de Duero to
come to our camp soon to meet Cortes. In addition
to this the Friar went to see Narvaez, and speak to
him and pretend to be his mo£t humble servant.
370
TO CAMP OF NARVAEZ
While this was going on the partisans of Narvaez
were very suspicious of what our Friar was about
and advised Narvaez to seize him at once, and this
he was willing to do. When Andres de Duero heard
of it he went to Narvaez and said to him that he had
been told that he wished to arrest the Fraile de la
Merced who was the messenger and Ambassador from
Cortes, and although some suspicions might be
entertained that the Friar was saying things In favour
of Cortes, It would not be wise to arrest him, for it
had been clearly shown what great honours and gifts
Cortes bellowed on all the adherents of Narvaez who
went to visit him ; that the Friar had spoken to him
[Andres de Duero] as soon as he had arrived and
given him to understand his desire that he himself
and other gentlemen from Cortes' camp should come
to give Narvaez a reception, and that they should all
be friends. Moreover, that it would be mean to arrest
a cleric. It were better that Usagre the gunner whose
brother had come to visit him should invite the Friar
to dinner and find out from him what it was that all
the followers of Cortes desired. With those and
other palatable speeches Andres de Duero calmed
Narvaez, and when this had come to pass he took
leave of him and secretly told the prieft what had
taken place.
Narvaez sent at once to summon the Friar, and
when he came he showed him great respe&, and the
Friar half laughing, for he was very sly and sagacious,
begged him to come aside with him in privacy, and
Narvaez went trolling with him in a courtyard, and
the Friar said to him : " I know well that your Honour
wished to have me arrested but I wish you to know,
Sir, that you have no better or more devoted servant
In the camp than I am, and you may feel sure that
many gentlemen and captains among the followers of
Cortes would be glad to see him already in your hands,
THE FRIAR AND ANDRES DE DUERO
and I think that we shall all see him there ; and so
as more surely to bring about his undoing they have
made him write a nonsensical letter which was signed
by the soldiers and was given to me to present to
your Honour. I have not wished to show it until
now, when we can chat together, and I longed to throw
it in a river on account of the foolishness that it
contains, and the soldiers and Captains of Cortes
have done this so as to ensure his undoing." Narvaez
said that ^ie letter should be given to him, and the
Friar replied that he had left it at his lodging and that
he would go for it, and so he took his leave and went
for the letter. Meanwhile the blustering Salvatierra
came to the quarters of Narvaez.
The Friar quickly called Duero to go at once to
the house of Narvaez for the presentation of the
letter, for Duero and others among the captains who
had shown themselves favourable to Cortes, knew all
about it, as the Friar carried it about with him, but he
desired that many persons from that camp should be
assembled to hear it read.
When the Friar arrived with the letter he at once
gave it to Narvaez himself and said : " Do not be
astonished at it. Sir, for Cortes talks as though out of
his mind, but I know for certain that if your Honour
will speak to him with affeftion he will promptly yield
himself up with all his followers."
The Captains and soldiers told Narvaez to read
the letter. When they heard it, Narvaez and Salvatierra
roared with anger, the others laughed as though
making fun of it, and then Andres de Duero said ;
" Now I do not see how this can be, and I do not
understand it, for this Cleric has told me that Cortes
and a:ll the reSt would yield to your Honour, and now
he writes these ravings." Then one Augu&in
Bermtidez, who was Captain and chief constable
of the -Camp of Narvaez, ably helped Duero and said :
372
NARVAEZ PLOTS TREACHERY
" I certainly learnt from this Friar of the Order of
Mercy, in &rift privacy, that if we were to send good
mediators that Cortes himself would come to visit
your Honour in order to give himself up with his
soldiers, and it will be a good thing to send to his camp,
which is not far off, the Senor Veedor Salvatierra and
the Senor Andres de Duero, and I will go with them " :
this he said purposely to see what Salvatierra would
say, Narvaez at once said that Andres de Duero and
Salvatierra should go, but Salvatierra answered that
he was indisposed, and that he would not go to see a
traitor. The Friar said to him : " Senor Veedor, it
is good to have moderation, for it is certain that you
will have him a prisoner before many days/'
As soon as the departure of Andres de Duero was
agreed upon, it seems that, in &ri<5t secrecy, Narvaez
planned with Duero himself and three other Captains,
that he should arrange with Cortes for an interview
at some farms and Indian houses, which &ood between
the camp of Narvaez and ours, and that there an arrange-
ment would be come to as to where we should go with
Cortes to settle, and where boundaries should be
drawn, and that during the interviews he [Narvaez]
would arre& Cortes, and to this effeft Narvaez had
already bespoken twenty soldiers who were his friends.
The Friar knew about this at once, and so did
Andres de Duero, and they informed Cortes qf
everything.
CHAPTER LXXXI
LET us go back. As soon as Cortes heard news of the
fleet that Narvaez was bringing he at once despatched
a soldier to a province called the land of the Chinantecs,
near to where our soldiers had flayed when they went
to search for mines, for the people of that province
were very hostile to the Mexicans and they had
373
CHINANTECS SUPPLY LANCES
accepted our friendship a few days before. They
used as arms very long lances, longer than ours
from Caftile, with two fathoms of flint and £bone
knives, so he sent to beg them to bring him promptly
three hundred of them, and to remove the knives,
and, as they possessed much copper, to make for each
one two metal points. The soldier took with him the
model which the points should resemble, and they
fashioned the points far more perfeftly than those we
sent to order from them. He also commanded our
soldier to demand of them two thousand warriors, and
by the day of the feaft of Espiritu Santo to come with
them to the town of Tanpaniguita, and that the two
thousand men should bring lances. The Caciques
said that they would come with the warriors, and the
soldier soon came with a matter of two hundred
Indians who carried the lances, and another of our
soldiers remained behind to accompany the other
warriors.
The lances proved to be extremely good, and the
soldier trained us and taught us how to handle them,
and how we were to cope w!th the horsemen. When
we had made our muster and the li£t and record of
all the soldiers and captains of our army, we found
that there were two hundred and sixty-six including
the drummer and fifer, and not counting the Friar.
There were five horsemen and two small cannon, a few
crossbowmen and fewer musketeers ; what we relied
on for fighting with Narvaez was the lances, and they
were very good as will be seen further on.
I have already Plated that when we were in Santiago
de Cuba, Cortes settled with Andres de Duero and
with Amador de Lares that they should use their
influence with Diego Velasquez to have [him] Cortes
appointed Captain General to go with that fleet and,
that he would divide with them all the gold, silver
and jewels that might fall to his lot. As Andres de
374
DUERO VISITS CORTES
Duero saw that his partner Cortes was at this moment
so rich and powerful, under pretext of making peace
and adting in favour of Narvaez, he concealed his
real intention, which was to claim his share in the
partnership, for his other partner Amador de Lares
was already dead. As Cortes was far-sighted and
crafty he not only promised to give Andres de Duero
great wealth, but also to give him a command over the
whole force neither more nor less than he himself
held, provided that he would induce Auguftin Ber-
mudez, who was Chief Constable in the camp of
Narvaez, and other gentlemen (whom I will not name
here), to endeavour to lead Narvaez a&ray, so that
he should not escape with his life or honour and should
be defeated.
The better to lure and bind Duero to what had
been said, Cortes loaded his two Cuban Indians with
gold, and it seems that Duero gave a promise to him.
Cortes also sent many ingots and jewels of gold to
Bermudez and to a prieft named Juan de Leon and
the prieft Guevara.
Andres de Duero flayed in our camp from the day
of his arrival until after dinner the following day which
was the fea& of Espiritu Santo, He dined with Cortes
and conversed a while with him in private. When
dinner was over, Duero took leave of all of us both
Captains and soldiers and then, already on horse-
back, he once more approached Cortes and said :
" What are your orders, your honour ; I wish to
depart." Cortes answered him : " God be with you,
and look to it, Senor Andres de Duero, that what we
have been talking about be well arranged, if not,
by my conscience, (for it was thus Cortes swore,) before
three days are passed I shall be there in your camp,
and, if I find anything contrary to what we have agreed
upon, your honour will be the fir£i to be pierced by
my lance."
375
A RETURN VISIT PLANNED
Duero laughed and said : "I shall fail in nothing
which concerns my service to your honour," and he
set off at once, and when he arrived at his camp it is
said that he told Narvaez that Cortes and all of us
who were with him were very willing to go over to
Narvaez himself.
Let us &op talking about this Duero affair and I
will relate how Cortes promptly sent to summon one
of our Captains named Juan Velasquez de Leon.
When he had come before Cortes and made his salute
he said : " What are your orders, sir," and as Cortes
at times spoke honeyed words with a smile on his
lips, he said half laughingly : " What made me
summon the Sefior Juan Velasquez is what Andres
de Duero has reported, which is that Narvaez says,
and such is the report throughout his camp, that if
your honour should go there that I would be at
once undone and defeated, for they believe that you
would join with Narvaez, and for this reason I have
resolved that, for the life of me, if you really love
me, you shall go on your good gray mare, and take
all your gold and the fanfarrona (which was a very
heavy golden chain) and other trifles that I will
give you, in order to give them in my name to whom-
soever I may direft. Your heavy fanfarrona you shall
carry over one shoulder, and another chain which
weighs even more than it, you shall wear wound twice
round, then you will see how Narvaez loves you.
Try to come away again soon, for then the Senor
Diego de Ordas may go there, whom they wish to
see in Narvaez's camp as he has been a Mayor-domo
of Diego Velasquez."
Juan Velasquez answered that he would do what
His Excellency commanded him,! but that he would
not take his own gold and his chains with him, only
such as might be given him with orders to hand over
to certain persons, but, wherever he might be, he would
376
JUAN VELASQUEZ SETS OUT
be at all times ready to render His Excellency such
service as no amount of gold or diamonds could
procure. " That was my belief/' said Cortes, tc and with
this confidence in you, sir, I send you, but unless you
take all your gold and jewels as I command, I do not
wish you to go." Juan Velasquez replied : " Whatever
your honour commands shall be done ", but he did
not wish to take his jewels. Cortes spoke to him then
in private and he at once set out and took with him
one of Cortes' orderlies named Juan del Rio to
attend on him. Within two hours of the departure
of Juan Velasquez, Cortes ordered Canillas to beat
the drum and Benito de Beger our fifer to sound his
tambourine, and he ordered Gonzalo de Sandoval
who was Captain and Chief Constable to summon
all the soldiers, and we at once began our march in
quick time along the road to Cempoala. While we
were on the march two native swine were killed which
have a scent gland on the back, and many of the
soldiers said that it was a sign of victory, and we slept
on a bank near a small Stream, with our scouts on ahead
and spies and patrols.
When dawn broke we went Straight along and
marched until midday when we had a re£ by a river
where the town of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz now Elands.1
CHAPTER LXXXII
JUAN VELASQUEZ made such speed on the road, that
he reached Cempoala by dawn and dismounted at
the house of the fat Cacique, and thence went afoot
to the quarters of Narvaez. The Indians recognized
Juan Velasquez and were delighted to see and speak
to him and said aloud to some of the soldiers of
1 The third site of the city, on the Rao Antigua.
377
JUAN VELASQUEZ
Narvaez, who were quartered in the house of the
fat Cacique, that this was Juan Velasquez de Leon one
of Malinche's Captains. As soon as the soldiers heard
this they went running to Narvaez to demand rewards
for bringing the good news that Juan Velasquez de
Leon had come.
When Narvaez heard of his arrival, before Juan
Velasquez could reach his quarters, he went out to
receive him in the Street accompanied by some soldiers.
On meeting they made a great show of reverence to
one another, and Narvaez embraced Juan Velasquez,
and asked him why he did not dismount at his quarters,
and he ordered his servants to go at once for the horse
and baggage, if he had brought any. Juan Velasquez
replied that he wished to return at once, and that he
had only come to kiss his hands and those of all the
gentlemen of his camp, and to see if his Excellency
and Cortes could agree to keep peace and friendship.
Then it is said that Narvaez promptly repelled Juan
Velasquez, greatly annoyed that such words should
be spoken to him. " What ! to make friends and
peace with a traitor who had rebelled with the fleet
against his cousin Diego Velasquez?" — and Juan
Velasquez replied that Cortes was no traitor but a
faithful servant of His Majesty, and that to appeal
to our Lord and King as he had done should not be
imputed to him as treason, and he begged Narvaez
to use no such word in his presence. Then Narvaez
began to bribe Juan Velasquez with great promises
so as to persuade him to remain with him and to
arrange with the followers of Cortes to give Cortes up
and to come at once and place themselves under his
command, promising him with oaths that he should
be the foremost captain in all the camp and be the
second in command. Juan Velasquez answered that
it would be a great treason to desert the Captain to
whom he had sworn obedience during war, and to
378
IN THE CAMP OF NARVAEZ
abandon him knowing as he did that all that he had
done in New Spain was in the service of God our
Lord and His Majesty, and that Cortes could not
avoid appealing, in the way he had appealed, to our
King and Master, and he begged Narvaez to say no
more about it.
By that time all the moSt important Captains from
the Camp of Narvaez had come to see Juan Velasquez
and they embraced him with the greatest courtesy,
for Juan Velasquez was much of a courtier, well
made, robust, of good presence and features and with
a becoming beard, and he wore a great golden chain
thrown over his shoulder giving it two turns under
his arm, and it suited him well in the part of the
gallant and brave captain.
It seems that at that time certain captains of
Narvaez advised him to arrest Juan Velasquez at
once, for it seemed to them that he was speaking very
freely in favour of Cortes. When Narvaez had already
secretly ordered his Captains and Constables to take
him prisoner, Auguftin Bermudez and Andres de
Duero and our Padre de la Merced and a priest
named Juan de Leon, and other persons from among
those who had professed themselves friends of Cortes,
heard about it, and they said to Narvaez that they were
astonished at his ordering Juan Velasquez de Leon
to be arre£ed, for what could Cortes do against him
[Narvaez] even if he had another hundred Juan
Velasquezes in his Company ? that Cortes might
easily have arrested Andres de Duero and the priest
Guevara and others who had gone to his camp, and
he did not do so ; on the contrary, as they have Sated,
he paid them great honour ; and it would be better
once again to speak to Juan Velasquez with much
courtesy and to invite him to dinner. This seemed to
Narvaez to be good advice, and he promptly spoke
again to Juan Velasquez in very affectionate terms so
379
THE FRIAR'S CUNNING
that he should be the mediator through whom Cortes
might give himself up with all of us ; and he invited
him to dinner. Juan Velasquez replied that in that
case he would do what he could, although he held
Cortes to be very obstinate and Stubborn in the
matter, and that it would be better to divide the
provinces, and his honour [Narvaez] should choose
the land that pleased him be£t. This Juan Velasquez
said in order to pacify him.
While these conversations were going on the
Padre de la Merced whispered to Narvaez as his
confidant and adviser which he had already become,
u Order them to mu£ter all your artillery and cavalry
and musketeers and crossbowmen and soldiers so
that Juan Velasquez de Leon and the orderly Juan del
Rio may see them, and so that Cortes may fear your
force. " So on the advice of our Friar Narvaez held a
review before Juan Velasquez de Leon and Juan del
Rio, and in the presence of our cleric. When it was
finished Juan Velasquez said to Narvaez : " You have
brought a great force with you, may God increase it."
Then Narvaez replied : " Ah, you can see that had
I wished to go against Cortes I should have taken
him prisoner and all of you that are with him." Then
Juan Velasquez answered and said : " Look on him
as taken and us soldiers too, but we shall know well
how to defend ourselves," and so the conversation
ended.
The next day Juan Velasquez was invited to dinner,
and there was dining with Narvaez a nephew of Diego
Velasquez the Governor of Cuba, who was also one
of his captains, and while they were eating at table
be began to talk of how Cortes had failed to surrender
to Narvaez, and of the letter and summons that he
sent him. And from one speech to another, the nephew
of Diego Velasquez (who was also called Diego
Velasquez like his uncle) exceeded all bounds and
380
JUAN VELASQUEZ INSULTED
said that Cortes and all of us who were with him
were traitors, because they did not come to submit
themselves to Narvaez. When Juan Velasquez heard
this he rose from the chair on which he was seated and
with great ceremony said : " Senor Captain Narvaez,
I have already told you that I cannot acquiesce in
such words being spoken against Cortes or against
any of those who are with him, as those that have
been uttered, for it is truly malicious to speak evil of
us who have served His Majesty so loyally."
Diego Velasquez replied that his words were well
said and that he [Juan Velasquez] was upholding a
traitor, and that traitors were as worthless as he was,
and that he was not a good Velasquez. Juan Velasquez
grasped his sword and said that he lied and that he
was a better gentleman than he was, and a good
Velasquez, better than him or his uncle, and that he
would let him know it, if the Senor Captain Narvaez
would give him leave. As there were many captains
present, they placed themselves between them and
they advised Narvaez that he should promptly order
Juan Velasquez to leave the camp, both him and the
Friar and Juan del Rio for they felt sure that they
were doing no good there. At once without further
delay they were ordered to leave, and they, who could
hardly await the hour of getting back to our camp,
complied.
It is said that Juan Velasquez mounted on his good
mare in his coat of mail, which he always wore, and
helmet and great golden chain, went to take leave of
Narvaez, and Diego Velasquez, the youth who had
quarrelled, was there with Narvaez, and Juan Velasquez
said to Narvaez : " What are your Honour's orders
for our camp ? " Narvaez replied in a great rage that
he should get him gone and that it would have been
better had he never come, and the youth Diego
Velasquez uttered threats and offensive words to
381
JUAN VELASQUEZ AND THE FRIAR
Juan Velasquez, who answered that he was very
audacious and deserved chastisement for the words
he had spoken, and placing his hand on his beard he
cried by this my beard I swear that I will see before
many days whether your courage is as good as your
words. So they parted, and keeping on their way they
met us at the river near Vera Cruz.
When they arrived where we were, what delight
and happiness we all experienced, and how many
caresses and what praise did Cortes beStow on Juan
Velasquez and on our Friar, and he had good cause,
for they were his faithful servants.
Then Juan Velasquez related, &ep by £ep, all that I
have already Elated had happened to them with Narvaez
and how he sent secretly to give the chains and ingots
and jewels of gold to the persons whom Cortes had
indicated. Then you should have heard our Friar !
Being of a merry disposition, he well knew how to
mimic his own behaviour as Narvaez's faithful
servant, and to tell how, in sheer mockery, he advised
him to hold the review and call out his artillery, and
with what astuteness and cunning he gave him the
letter. Then he next related what happened to him
with Salvatierra, and told us what fierce threats
Salvatierra uttered as to what he would do and what
would happen when he captured Cortes and all of us,
and that he even complained to him about the soldiers
who had Stolen his horse and that of the other captain,
and we were all as delighted at hearing about it as
though we were going to a wedding or a merry-
making, [although] we knew that the next day we
should be going into battle and muSt conquer or die
in it, we being but two hundred and sixty-six soldiers
and those of Narvaez being five times as numerous
as we were. We all marched at* once, and we went
to sleep near a small Stream about a league from
Cempoala where there was a bridge.
382
NARVAEZ DECLARES WAR
It seems that when Juan Velasquez and the Friar
and Juan del Rio went back, Narvaez was told by his
captains that a belief had arisen in the camp that
Cortes had sent many jewels of gold, and had gained
friends to his side in the camp itself, and that it would
be well to be much on the alert, and to warn the
soldiers to have their arms and horses ready. In
addition to this the fat Cacique was in great fear of
Cortes because he had allowed Narvaez to take the
cloths and gold and to seize the Indian women, more-
over he always had spies out to see where we slept and
by what road we were coming, for so Narvaez had
compelled him to do by force. When he knew that
we were already arriving near to Cempoala the fat
Cacique said to Narvaez : " What are you about ?
you are behaving very carelessly ; do you think that
Malinche and the Teules that he brings with him are
the same as you are ? Well, I tell you that when you
lea£t expert it he will be here and will kill you."
Although they made fun of those words that the fat
Cacique said to them, they did not fail to get ready,
and the fir& thing they did was to declare war against
us with fire and sword and free loot. This we heard
from a soldier called El Galleguillo, who came fleeing
from the camp of Narvaez, and he informed Cortes
about the proclamation and about other things that
it was as well to know.
Let us return to Narvaez, who ordered all the
artillery, horsemen, musketeers and crossbowmen to
be taken out to a plain about a quarter of a league
from Cempoala to await us there, and not to let one of
us escape either death or capture. As it rained hard
that day the followers of Narvaez had already had
enough of waiting for us in the wet, and as they were
accustomed neither to rain nor hardships and did not
think we were of any account, his captains gave him
notice that they would return to their quarters, as it
383
FEEBLE PREPARATIONS
was an outrage to be kept there waiting for two or
three men, as they said we were. They further advised
Narvaez to place his artillery, which numbered eighteen
large cannon, in front of their quarters and that forty
horsemen should remain all night waiting on the road
by which we had to come to Cempoala ; furthermore
that he should Station his spies by the ford of the river
which we would have to cross, selefting good riders
and lithe runners to carry messages, and that twenty
horsemen should patrol throughout the night in the
courtyards of their quarters. This plan which they
communicated to him was to induce him to return to
his quarters. Moreover, his captains said to him :
" What, Senor ? do you take Cortes to be so valiant
as to dare with the three cats which he commands to
come to this camp merely because this fat Indian
says so ? Don't you believe it, your Honour, he had
only made this fuss and pretence of coming so that
your Honour may grant good terms." It was in this
way, as I have said, that Narvaez returned to his
camp, and after his return he publicly promised to
give two thousand pesos to whoever should kill
Cortes or Gonzalo de Sandoval. He at once placed
spies at the river, and the cry and countersign that he
gave when they should fight against us in the camp
" Santa Maria, Santa Maria ! "
CHAPTER LXXXIII
WHEN we -arrived at the Stream about a league from
Cempoala, where there were some good meadows,
Captain Cortes sent to summon us, both Captains
and soldiers, and when he saw us assembled, he said
to us that he begged the favour of silence. Then he
began a speech in such charming £lyle, with sentences
384
CORTES HARANGUES FOLLOWERS
so neatly turned, that I assuredly am unable to write
the like, so delightful was it and so full of promises,
in which he at once reminded us of all that had
happened to us since we set out from the Island of
Cuba until then, and he said to us : " You well know
that Diego Velasquez, the Governor of Cuba, chose me
as Captain General, not that there were not many gentle-
men among you worthy of the po&, and you knew and
believed that we were coming to settle, for thus it was
published and proclaimed ; however, as you have
seen, he was merely sending to trade. You are already
aware of what happened about my wishing to return
to the Island of Cuba to render an account to Diego
Velasquez of the task that he entrusted to me, in
accordance with his instructions ; but Your Honours
ordered and obliged me to form a settlement in this
country in His Majesty's name, and thanks to our
Lord the settlement has been made and it was a very
wise decision. In addition to this you made me your
Captain General and the Chief Justice of the settle-
ment until His Maje&y may be pleased to order
otherwise. As I have already mentioned there was
certain talk of returning to Cuba among some of
you, but I do not wish to dwell further on that ; it is,
so to say, a bygone and our flaying was a blessed
and good thing, for it is clear that we have done great
service to God and His Maje&y. You already know
that we told His Maje&y that this land is, so far as
we have seen and know, four times larger than Ca£ile
and has great cities and is very rich in gold and mines,
and how we begged His Maje&y not to give it away
to be governed in any other manner by any one
whosoever, for we believe that the Bishop of Burgos
would ask it from His Maje&y for Diego Velasquez,
or for some relation or friend of the Bishop's own.
This land is so good that it would be proper to be&ow
it on an Infante or great Prince, and we are determined
385
CORTES HARANGUES FOLLOWERS
not to give it up to any one until His Majesty shall have
heard our Prodlors and we behold his royal signature
and approval, so that in all humility we may do what
he may be pleased to order. You also know that we
sent with the letters and placed at His Majesty's
service all the gold and silver and jewels and every-
thing that we possessed or had acquired, moreover
you will well remember, gentlemen, how often we
have been at the point of death in the wars and battles
we have passed through ; let me also remind you how
inured we are to hardship, rains, winds and some-
times hunger, always having to carry our arms on
our backs and to sleep on the ground whether it is
snowing or raining, and if we examine it closely our
skin is already tanned from suffering. I do not wish
to refer to over fifty of our comrades who have died
in the wars, nor to all of you who are bandaged in
rags, and maimed from wounds which are not even
yet healed. I should like to remind you of the troubles
we had at sea and in the battles of Tabasco, and, those
who were present at them, of the affairs of Almeria
or Cingapacinga, and how often in the mountains and
on the roads attempts were made to take our lives.
In what Straits they placed us in the battles of Tlaxcala
and how they handled us ; then in the affair of Cholula,,
they had even prepared the earthen pots in which to
cook our bodies ; at the ascent of the passes you will
not have forgotten the forces that Montezuma had
gathered to exterminate us and you saw all the roads
blocked with felled trees. Then during the dangers
of the entry into and &ay in the great City of Mexico,
how many times did we look death in the face ? who
is able to count them ?
" Then look at those among you who have come
here twice before I did, fir£t with Francisco Hernandez
de Cordova, and the other time with Juan de Grijalva ;
consider the hardships you underwent in discovering
386
CORTES HARANGUES FOLLOWERS
these countries, the hunger and thirst of the wounded
and loss by death of so many soldiers and all the
property of your own that you expended in those two
voyages. Let us add now, gentlemen, that as Panfilo
de Narvaez marches against us with great fury and
desire to get us in his power, calling us traitors and
malefaftors even before he had landed, and sends
messages to the great Montezuma not in the words
of a wise Captain, but of a mischief-maker, and as in
addition to this he had the audacity to arre£fc one of
His Majesty's Judges, for this great crime alone he
deserves condign punishment. You have already heard
how in his camp he has proclaimed war again^l us,
and outlawed us as though we were Moors/' Soon
after saying this Cortes began to extol our appearance
and courage in the late wars and battles, saying that
then we were fighting to save our lives, and that now
we had to fight with all our £brength both for life and
honour, for they were coming to capture us and drive
us from our houses and rob us of our property,
"moreover", he added, "we do not even know if he
brings authority from our King and Lord or only
support from our opponent the Bishop of Burgos,
and if by ill luck we should fall into the hands of
Narvaez, which God prevent, all the services that we
have done both to God and His Majelty will turn to
disservice, they will bring law suits against us, saying
that we killed and robbed and destroyed the land,
where in truth they are the ones to rob, brawl and
disserve our Lord and King but they will claim that
they have served him " ; then he said that all that
he had related we had seen with our own eyes, and
that as true gentlemen we were bound to &and up
for His Majesty's honour and our own homes and
properties ; he left Mexico on that understanding
with confidence in God and in us, that fir£ he
tru^ed everything in the hands of God and next
387
CORTES MAKES DISPOSITIONS
in ' our hands, and let us consider what we thought
of it.
Then one and all we answered him, jointly with
Juan Velasquez de Leon and Francisco de Lugo and
other captains, that he might feel sure that, God helping
us, we would conquer or die over it, and he should
look to it that they did not persuade him to terms,
for if he should do anything underhand that we would
£tab him.
Then when he saw our determination he rejoiced
greatly. When this was over he turned to beg us as
a favour to keep silence. As the fir£t thing to be done
was to seize their artillery, which numbered eighteen
cannon, and was ported in front of the quarters of
Narvaez, he appointed a relation of his own to go as
Captain, whose name was Pizarro, and he assigned
to him sixty young soldiers, and he named me among
them, and ordered that after the artillery was taken,
we should all run to the quarters of Narvaez which
were on a very lofty Cue. For the capture of Narvaez
he named as Captain Gonzalo de Sandoval with sixty
companions, and as he was chief Constable he gave
him an order which read thus : — Gonzalo de Sandoval
Chief Constable of this New Spain, in His Majesty's
name I command you to seize the person of Panfilo
Narvaez, and should he resist, to kill him, for the
benefit of the service of God and the King, insomuch
as he has committed many a<5ts to the disservice of
God and of His Majesty, and arrested an Oidor.
Given in this camp and signed Hernando Cortes,
countersigned by his Secretary Pedro Hernandez.
After issuing the order, he promised to give three
thousand pesos to the soldier who fir£t laid hand on
Narvaez, and to the second two thousand, and one
thousand to the third. Then he chose Juan Velasquez
de Leon to arre£l the youth Diego Velasquez with
whom he had had the quarrel, and gave him another
388
FOR ATTACK ON NARVAEZ
sixty soldiers, and he likewise named Diego de Ordas
to arrest Salvatierra and gave him another sixty soldiers,
and there was Cortes himself ready for an emergency
with another twenty soldiers, to hasten to where he
was moft needed, and where he intended to be present
was at the capture of Narvaez and Salvatierra,
As soon as the lifts were given to the Captains,
Cortes said : "I well know that the followers of
Narvaez are in all four times as numerous as we are,
but they are not used to arms, and as the greater part
of them are hostile to their captain, and many of them
are ill, and we shall take them by surprise, I have an
idea that God will give us the viftory, and that they
will not persist much in their defence, for we shall
procure them more wealth than their Narvaez can.
So, gentlemen, our lives and honour depend, after
God, on your courage and your Strong arms, I have
no other favour to ask of you or to remind you of but
that this is the touchstone of our honour and our glory
for ever and ever, and it is better to die worthily than
to live dishonoured." And as at that time it was
raining and was late he said no more. There is one
thing I have thought about since, he never told us :
" I have such and such an arrangement in the camp
made with so and so, which is in our favour ", nor
anything of that kind, but merely that we were to
fight like brave men ; and this omitting to tell us
that he had friends in the camp of Narvaez, was the
aftion of a very astute Captain, so that we should
not fail to fight as very valiant men, and should place
no hope in them, but only, after God, in our own
great courage.
Later on they secretly gave us the password that
we were to use while fighting, which was " Espfritu
Santo, Espfritu Santo ! " The followers of Narvaez
had as their password and battle cry " Santa Maria,
Santa Maria ! "
389
PASSAGE OF THE RIVER
When all this was finished, as I was a great friend
and servant of Captain Sandoval, he begged me as a
favour to keep by him that night and follow him if I
were £lill alive after capturing the artillery, and I
promised him that I would do so, as will be seen
later on.
CHAPTER LXXXIV
LET me say now that we spent part of the night in
preparations and in thinking about what we had
before us, for we had nothing at all on which to sup.
I myself and one other soldier were polled as sentinels,
and before long a scout came to ask me if I had per-
ceived anything, and I said " No." Then came an
officer and said that the Galleguillo who came from
the camp of Narvaez had disappeared and that he
was a spy sent by Narvaez, and that Cortes ordered
us to march at once on the road to Cempoala, and we
heard our fifer and the beating of the drum and the
Captains getting their soldiers ready, and we began
to march. The Galleguillo was found asleep under
some cloths, for as it was raining and the poor fellow
was not accustomed to be in the wet and cold he went
there to sleep. Then going along at a good pace and
without any playing on the fife or drum, and with the
scouts reconnoitring the road, we reached the river
where the spies of Narvaez were ported, and they were
so little on the look out that we had time to capture
one and the other fled shouting to the camp of
Narvaez, crying " To arms ! to arms ! Cortes is
coming."
I remember that when we passed through that
river, as it was raining, it had become rather deep and
the Clones were slippery and we were much encumbered
with our pikes and our arms, and I also remember
390
" VICTORY, VICTORY FOR CORTES ! "
that when the spy was captured he said to Cortes in
a loud voice : " Take care, Senor Cortes, don't you
go on there, for I swear that Narvaez is waiting for
you in camp with all his army."
The order " To arms, to arms " and Narvaez
calling to his captains, and our charging with our
pikes and engaging the artillery, happened simul-
taneously, and the gunners had time only to fire four
shots, and some of the balls passed overhead but one
of them killed three of our comrades.
At that moment all our Captains came up with
the fife and drum beating the charge, and as many
of the followers of Narvaez were mounted, they were
delayed for a few moments by them, but they promptly
unhorsed six or seven of them. Then we who had
seized the guns did not dare to leave them, for Narvaez
was shooting at us with arrows and muskets from his
quarters and wounded seven of us. At that moment
Captain Sandoval arrived and made a rush to scale
the Steps, and, in spite of the strong resistance which
Narvaez made with muskets, partisans and lances
and flights of arrows, Sandoval and his soldiers Sill
gained ground. Then as soon as we soldiers saw that
the guns were ours and no one was left to dispute
possession of them, we gave them over to our gunners,
and Captain Pizarro and many of us went to the
assistance of Sandoval, for the soldiers of Narvaez
had driven them back down two of the Steps. On our
arrival he turned to ascend the Steps again and we Stood
for some time fighting with our pikes which were
very long, and when I was leaSt expe6ting it we heard
shouts from Narvaez who cried : " Holy Mary
prote£t me, they had killed me and destroyed my
eye."
When we heard this we at once shouted : " Victory,
Victory for those of the password of Espiritu Santo,
for Narvaez is dead ; Victory ! Viftory 1 for Cortes,
39 i
" VICTORY, VICTORY FOR CORTES!"
for Narvarez has fallen ! " — but for all this we were
not able to force the entrance to the Cue where they
were polled, until a certain Martin Lopez who was
very tall, set fire to the thatch of the lofty Cue and all
the companions of Narvaez came tumbling down the
steps. Then we seized Narvaez, and the first to lay
hands on him was Pedro Sanchez Farfan, a good
soldier, and I gave him to Sandoval and the other
Captains who were with him, and we were Still shouting
and crying : " Long live the King, long live the King,
and in his Royal Name, Cortes, Cortes, Viftory,
Vi&ory, for Narvaez is dead ! "
Let us leave this Struggle and return to Cortes
and the other Captains who were each one of them
Still fighting against the Captains of Narvaez who had
not yet yielded, notwithstanding the shots that our
gunners fired at them, and our shouts and the death
of Narvaez, for they were ported in very lofty temples.
As Cortes was very sagacious he promptly ordered it
to be proclaimed that all the followers of Narvaez
should come at once and yield themselves up under
the banner of His Majefty, and to Cortes in his
Royal name, under pain of death. Yet with all this
the followers of the youth Diego Velasquez and those
of Salvatierra did not give in, for they were in very
lofty temples and could not be reached until Gonzalo
de Sandoval went with half of us who were with him,
with the cannon and the proclamation, and forced
his way in and seized Salvatierra and those in his
company as well as the youth Diego Velasquez.
Then Sandoval came with all those who had gone to
capture Narvaez to put him in a safer place. And,
after Cortes and Juan Velasquez and Ordas had made
prisoners of Salvatierra and the youth Diego Velasquez
and Gamarra, and Juan Yu&e and Juan Bono the
Biscayan and other persons of importance, Cortes
came, without being re'cognized, in company with
392
NARVAEZ WOUNDED
our Captains to where we held Narvaez. As the heat
was great, and as Cortes was burdened with his
arms, and had been going from place to place shouting
to our soldiers and giving out proclamations, he arrived
sweating and tired and panting for breath, and he
spoke to Sandoval twice, and did not succeed in
saying what he wanted on account of the trouble he
was in ; and he said : " What about Narvaez, what
about Narvaez ? " — and Sandoval said : " He is
here ; he is here and well guarded." Then Cortes,
still much out of breath, turned to say: "Take care,
my son Sandoval, that you do not leave him, and that
you and your comrades do not let him break away
while I go and attend to other matters, and see to it
that these other captains who are prisoners with him
are guarded in every way." Then he promptly went
off to issue other proclamations to the effeft that under
pain of death all the followers of Narvaez should at
once come to that place to surrender themselves under
the banner of His Majesty and in his royal name to
Hernando Cortes his Captain General and Chief
Justice, and that no one should carry arms, but that
all should give them up and hand them over to our
Constables.
All this was done in the night, for it was not
yet dawn, and it Still rained from time to time ; then
the moon came out, but when we had arrived there it
was very dark and was raining. However, the darkness
was a help, for as it was so dark there were many
fire-flies which give light by night, and the soldiers
of Narvaez believed that they were the match fires
of muskets,
Let us leave this and go on to say that as Narvaez
was very badly wounded and had lo$t an eye, he asked
leave of Sandoval for his surgeon named Mae&re
Juan, whom he had brought in his fleet, to attend to
his eye and to the other captains who were wounded,
393
NARVAEZ A PRISONER
and permission was given. While they were being
doftored, Cort6s came near by, on the sly, so that they
should not recognize him, to see Narvaez. Some one
whispered to Narvaez that Cortes was there, hardly
was this said to him than Narvaez exclaimed : " Senor
Captain Cortes, you muft consider this a great feat,
this victory which you have won over me and the
capture of my person " ; and Cortes answered him
that he gave many thanks to God for giving the viftory
to him and to the gallant gentlemen and comrades
who had a share in it, but that to capture and defeat
him [Narvaez] who had seen fit to dare to arre& one
of His Majesty's Judges, was one of the leaft important
things he had done in New Spain. As soon as he had
said this he went away and said no more, but ordered
Sandoval to place a Strong guard over Narvaez and
to £tay with him himself and not leave him in charge
of others. We had already placed two pairs of fetters
on him, and we carried him to an apartment and
Rationed soldiers to guard him, and Sandoval desig-
nated me as one of them, and privately he ordered me
not to allow any of the followers of Narvaez to speak
to him until it was daytime and Cortes could place
him in greater security.
Let us leave this, and relate how Narvaez had sent
forty horsemen to wait for us on the road, when we
were on our way to his camp, and we were aware
that they were £till wandering in the country and were
fearful le£t they should come and attack us, and
rescue their captains and Narvaez himself whom we
held prisoners. So we kept much on the alert, and
Cortes determined to send and beg them as a favour
to come into camp, and made great offers and promises
to them all.
He despatched Cri&obal de Olid, who was our
quartermaller, and Diego de Ordas, to bring them
in, and they went on horses that we had captured from
394
CORTES TRIUMPHANT
the followers of Narvaez (for our horsemen brought
no horses with them, but left them picketed in a small
wood near Cempoala ; we brought only pikes, swords,
shields and daggers) and they went out into the
country with one of the soldiers of Narvaez who
showed them the track by which they had gone, and
they came upon them, and gave expression to so
many offers and promises on behalf of Cortes that
they won them over, but some gentlemen among
them bore Cortes ill will.
Before they reached our camp it was broad daylight,
and the drummers brought by Narvaez, without word
from Cortes or any of us, began to beat their kettle-
drums and play on their fifes and tambourines and
cry : " Viva, Viva the gala of the Romans ! who few
as they are have conquered Narvaez and his soldiers " ;
and a negro named Guidela whom Narvaez had brought
with him, who was a very witty jefter cried out and
said : " Behold ! The Romans never accomplished
such a feat " ; and although we told them to keep
quiet and not to beat their drums, they would not do
so until Cortes sent to arrest the drummer, who was
named Tapia and was half crazy. At this moment
came Cristobal de Olid and Diego de Ordds and
brought in the horsemen whom I have mentioned,
and among them came Andres de Duero and Agu£in
Bermiidez and many of our Captains' friends, who
as soon as they came went to kiss hands to Cortes
who with us around him was seated on an armchair,
wearing a long orange-coloured robe with his armour
beneath it. Then to see the graciousness with which
he addressed and embraced them, and the flattering
words that lie said to them were matters worthy of
note, and how cheerful he was, and he had good cause
in seeing himself at that moment such a lord and so
powerful, and so after kissing his hands each one
passed to his quarters.
395
SALVATIERRA'S STOMACH-ACHE
Let us speak now of those who were killed and
wounded on that night. The &andard-bearer of
Narvaez named Fuentes, a gentleman from Seville,
died. Another of Narvaez' captains named Rojas,
a native of Old Ca&ile, also died, and two of the other
followers of Narvaez died. There also died one of the
three soldiers who had belonged to us and had gone
over to Narvaez. Many of the followers of Narvaez
were wounded, and four of our men died and more
were wounded, and the fat Cacique also was wounded,
for when he knew that we were nearing Cempoala he
took refuge in the quarters of Narvaez and there he
was wounded, and Cortes at once ordered him to be
well attended to and placed him in his house so that
he should not be molested. Then the mad Cervantes
and Escalonilla, who were those who had been of our
party and had gone over to Narvaez, fared badly, for
Escalona was severely wounded and Cervantes well
beaten,
Let us go to those in the quarters of Salvatierra
the fierce, of whom his soldiers say that never in all
their lives did they see a more worthless man, or one
so much alarmed at death when he heard us beat to
arms. It is reported that when we cried out " Victory,
Vidory for Narvaez is dead ", he promptly said that
he was very sick at the Stomach and was no good for
anything. This I have related because of his threats
and bravado ; some of the men of his company were
wounded.
Our Captain Juan Velasquez de Leon captured
Diego Velasquez, him with whom he had the strife
when he dined with Narvaez, and he took him to his
quarters, and ordered him to be cared for and treated
with all honour.
396
NARVAEZ' FLEET CAPTURED
CHAPTER LXXXV
I HAVE already said that Cortes had sent to advise the
towns of Chinantla that two thousand of their Indians
with their lances should come to aid us, and they came
late in the afternoon of this very day, after Narvaez
had been made prisoner, under the command of their
own Caciques. They entered Cempoala in good array,
two by two, so gallantly that it was an affair worthy
of note. When the followers of Narvaez beheld them
they were astonished, and it is reported that they said
to one another, if those people had caught them in
the rear or had come in with us, what could have
flopped them ? Cortes thanked the Indian Captains
for coming, and he gave them beads from Castile
and ordered them to return at once to their towns.
After Panfilo de Narvaez had been defeated, and all
his followers disarmed, Cortes directed Captain
Francisco de Lugo to proceed to the port where the
fleet of Narvaez, which numbered eighteen ships,
was lying, and to order all the mates and masters of
the ships to come up to Cempoala, and to remove the
sails, rudders and compasses, so that they should not
carry the news to Diego Velasquez in Cuba, and that,
if they refused to obey him, he was to make them
prisoners.
The Masters and mates promptly came to kiss
hands to Captain Cortes, and he made them take an
oath that they would not leave his command, and
would obey whatever orders he gave them.
Then he appointed as Admiral and Captain of the
Sea one Pedro Cavallero who had been ma&er of one
of the ships of Narvaez, a person whom Cortes
thoroughly trusted.
Orders were given that Juan Velasquez de Leon
397
THE LOOT TO BE RETURNED
should proceed to conquer and form a settlement in
the region of Panuco, and for this Cortes allotied
him one hundred and twenty sailors, one hundred
were to be followers of Narvaez with twenty of our
men mixed with them as they had more experience in
war.
He also gave another command to Diego de Ordas
of another hundred and twenty soldiers to go and
settle in the region of Coatzacoalcos.
In order that those Captains and their soldiers could
set out fully armed, Cortes had them equipped, and
ordered all the prisoners who were captains under
Narvaez to be set free, except Narvaez himself and
Salvatierra who said that he was ill of the Stomach.
Now as to furnishing them with all their arms, as
some of our soldiers had already taken some of their
horses, swords and other things, Cortes ordered them
all to be given back to them, and over our refusal to
give them up there occurred certain angry discussions.
Cortes £till contended that we mu£t give them up, and
as he was Captain General we had to do what he
ordered. I gave them a horse which I had hidden
away saddled and bridled, and two swords and three
poignards and a dagger. Many others of our soldiers
also gave up horses and arms. Alonzo de Avila was a
^captain and a person who dared to speak his mind to
* Cortes, and he and the Padre de la Merced together
spoke privately to Cortes, and told him that all the
golden jewels that the Indians had presented to
him, and all the food, he had given to the Captains of
Narvaez forgetting us as though he had never known
us, and it was not well done, but a very great ingratitude
after we had placed him in his present position.
To this Cortes replied that all that he possessed
both his person and his property was ours, but for the
present he could do no less than propitiate the followers
of Narvaez with gifts, good words and promises, for
398
MEXICO IN REVOLT
they were many in number, and we were few, left
they should rise against him and us and kill him.
Let us return now to Narvaez and a black man
whom he brought covered with smallpox, and a very
black affair it was for New Spain, for it was owing to
him that the whole country was Stricken and filled
with it, from which there was great mortality, for
according to what the Indians said they had never
had such a disease, and, as they did not underhand it>
they bathed very often, and on that account a great
number of them died ; so that dark as was the lot
of Narvaez, £ill blacker was the death of so many
persons who were not Christians.
Let me say how ill luck suddenly turns the wheel,,
and after great good fortune and pleasure follows
sadness ; it so happened that at this moment came
the news that Mexico was in revolt, and that Pedro
de Alvarado was besieged in his fortress and quarters,
and that they had set fire to this same fortress in two
places, and had killed seven of his soldiers and wounded
many others, and he sent to demand assistance with
great urgency and ha£te. This news was brought by
two Tlaxcalans without any letter, but a letter soon
arrived by two other Tlaxcalans sent by Pedro de
Alvarado in which he told the same Story. When
we heard this bad news, God knows how greatly it
depressed us.
By forced marches we began our journey to Mexico,,
Narvaez and Salvatierra remaining as prisoners in
Villa Rica.
Ju£t at this moment, as we were ready to £art, there
arrived four great chieftains sent to Cortes by the
great Montezuma to complain to him of Pedro de
Alvarado, and what they said, with tears breaming
from their eyes, was that Pedro de Alvarado sallied
out from his quarters with all the soldiers that Cortes
had left with him, and, for no reason at all, fell on their
399
FORCED MARCHES TO THE CITY
chieftains and Caciques who were dancing and
celebrating a fea£b in honour of their Idols Huichilobos
and Tezcatepuca, Pedro de Alvarado having given
them leave to do so. He killed and wounded many of
them and in defending themselves they had killed
six of his soldiers. Thus they made many complaints
again& Pedro de Alvarado, and Cortes, somewhat
disgusted, replied to the messengers that he would
go to Mexico and put it all to rights. So they went
off with that reply to their great Montezuma, who it
is said, resented it as a very bad one and was enraged
at it.
Cortes also promptly despatched letters to Pedro
de Alvarado in which he advised him to look out that
Montezuma did not escape, and that we were
coming by forced marches, and he informed him
about the victory we had gained over Narvaez, which
Montezuma knew about already, and I will leave off
here and tell what happened later on.
400
BOOK VIII
THE FLIGHT FROM MEXICO
CHAPTER LXXXVI
WHEN the news came which I have recorded that
Pedro de Alvarado was besieged and Mexico in
revolt, the commands that had been given to Juan
Velasquez de Leon and Diego de Ordas for the
purpose of going to form settlements at Panuco and
Coatzacoalcos were rescinded and neither of them
went, for all joined with us. Cortes spoke to the
followers of Narvaez, for he felt that they would not
accompany us willingly, and to induce them to give
that assistance, he begged them to leave behind them
their resentment over the affair of Narvaez, and he
promised to make them rich and give them office,
and as they came to seek a livelihood, and were in a
country where they could do service to God and His
Majesty and enrich themselves, now was their chance ;
and so many speeches did he make to them that one
and all offered themselves to him to go with us, and
if they had known the power of Mexico, it is certain
that not one of them would have gone.
We were soon on our way by forced inarches until
we reached Tlaxcala, where we learnt that up to the
time that Montezuma and his captains heard that we
had defeated Narvaez they did not cease to attack, and
had already killed seven of Alvarado's soldiers and
burnt his quarters, but as soon as they heard of our
viftory they ceased attacking him ; but they added
that Alvarado's company were much exhausted through
401 Dd
CORTES RE-ENTERS MEXICO
want of water and food, for Montezuma had failed
to order food to be given to them.
Some Tlaxcalan Indians brought this news at the
very moment we arrived, and Cortes at once ordered
a muster to be made of the men he had brought with
him and found over thirteen hundred soldiers counting
both our people and the followers of Narvaez, and
over ninety-six horses and eighty crossbowmen, and
as many musketeers, and with these it seemed to
Cortes that he had force enough to enter Mexico in
safety. In addition to this the Caciques of Tlaxcala
gave us two thousand Indian warriors, and we at
once set out by forced marches to Texcoco, and they
paid no honour to us there and not a single chieftain
made his appearance, for all were hidden away and
ill disposed.
We arrived at Mexico on the day of Senor San
Juan de Junio l 1520, and no Caciques or Captains
or Indians, whom we knew appeared in the Streets,
and all the houses were empty when we reached the
quarters where we used to lodge. The great Monte-
zuma came out to the courtyard to embrace and speak
to Cortes and bid him welcome, and congratulate
him on his viftory over Narvaez, and as Cortes was
arriving victorious he refused to listen to him, and
Montezuma returned to his quarters very sad and
depressed.
When each one of us was lodged in the quarters
he had occupied before we set out from Mexico, and
the followers of Narvaez were lodged in other quarters,
we then saw and talked with Pedro de Alvarado and
the soldiers who had Stayed with him ; they gave us
an account of the attacks made on them, and the
traits in which the Mexicans had placed them, and we
told them the £tory of our viftory over Narvaez.
Cortes tried to find out what was the cause of the
1 Midsummer day.
402
CAUSES OF THE REVOLT
revolt in Mexico, for we clearly understood that it
made Montezuma unhappy if we should think it
had been his desire or had been done by his advice.
Many of the soldiers who had remained with Pedro
de Alvarado through that critical time said, that if
Montezuma had had a hand in it3 all of them would
have been killed, but Montezuma calmed his people
until they ceased to attack.
What Pedro de Alvarado told Cortes about the
matter was that it was done by the Mexicans in order
to liberate Montezuma, and because their Huichilobos
ordered it, on account of our having placed the image
of our Lady the Virgin Santa Maria and the Cross
in his house. Moreover he said that many Indians
had come to remove the holy image from the altar
where we placed it, and were not able to move it,
and that the Indians looked upon it as a great miracle
and had said so to Montezuma, who had told them
to leave it in the place and altar in which it £tood, and
not to attempt to do otherwise, and so it was left.
Pedro de Alvarado further stated that because
Narvaez' message to Montezuma, that he was coming
to release him from prison and to capture us, had not
turned out to be true, and because Cortes had told
Montezuma that as soon as we possessed ships we
should go and embark and leave the country entirely,
and we were not going, and it was nothing but empty
words, and because it was evident that many more
Teules were arriving, it seemed well to the Mexicans
to kill him (Pedro de Alvarado) and his soldiers and
release the great Montezuma before the followers of
Narvaez or our own men re-entered Mexico, and
afterwards not to leave one of us or of the followers of
Narvaez alive.
Cortes turned and asked Pedro de Alvarado what
was the reason that he attacked them when they were
dancing and holding a fe&ivaL He replied that he
403
ALVARADO DISCREDITED
knew for certain that as soon as they had finished
the festivals and dances and the sacrifices that they
were offering to their Huichilobos and Tezcatepuca,
they would at once come and make an attack according
to the agreement they had made between themselves,
and this and all the re£t he learned from a prieft and
from two chieftains and from other Mexicans.
Cortes said to him : " But they have told me that
they asked your permission to hold festivals and
dances " ; he replied that it was true, and it was in
order to take them unprepared and to scare them, so
that they should not come to attack him, that he
hastened to fall on them.
When Cortes heard this he said to him, very angrily,
that it was very ill done and a great mistake and that
he wished to God that Montezuma had escaped
and not heard such an account from his Idols, So he
left him and spoke no more to him about it.
Pedro de Alvarado himself also said that when he
advanced againft them in that conflict, he ordered a
cannon, that was loaded with one ball and many small
shot, to be fired, for as many squadrons of Indians
were approaching to set fire to his quarters he sallied
forth to fight them, and he ordered the cannon to be
fired, but it did not go off, and after he had made a
charge against the squadrons which were attacking
him, and many Indians were bearing down on him,
while he was retreating to the fortress and quarters,
then, without fire being applied to the cannon, the ball
and the small shot was discharged and killed many
Indians ; and had it not so happened the enemy
would have killed them all, and they did on that
occasion carry off two of his soldiers alive.
Another thing Pedro de Alvarado Stated, and this
was the only thing that was also reported by the other
soldiers, for the reft of the Stories were told by Alvarado
alone, and it is that they had no water to drink, and
404
CORTES GREATLY IRRITATED
they dug in the courtyard, and made a well and took
out fresh water, all around being salt ; in all it
amounted to many gifts that our Lord God bellowed
on us.
CHAPTER LXXXVII
WHEN Cortes saw that they had given us no sort of a
reception in Texcoco, and had not even given us food,
except bad food and with bad grace, and that we found
no chieftains with whom to parley, and he saw that all
were scared away and ill disposed, and observed the
same condition on coming to Mexico, how no market
was held and the whole place was in revolt, and he heard
from Pedro de Alvarado about the disorderly manner
in which he made his attack, and as it appears that on
the march Cortes had spoken to the Captains of
Narvaez glorifying himself on the great veneration
and command that he enjoyed, and how on the road
the Indians would turn out to receive him and celebrate
the occasion and give him gold, and that in Mexico
he ruled as absolutely over the great Montezuma as
over all his Captains, and that they would give him
presents of gold, as they were used to do, and
when everything turned out contrary to his expec-
tations and they did not even give us food to
eat, he was greatly irritated, and haughty towards the
numerous Spaniards that he was bringing with him,
and very sad and fretful. At this moment the great
Montezuma sent two of his chieftains to beg our
Cortes to go and see him, for he wished to speak to
him, and the answer that Cortes gave them was " Go
to, for a dog, who will not even keep open a market,
and does not order food to be given us." Then when
our Captains, that is, Juan Velasquez de Leon, Cri&6bal
de Olid, Alonzo de Avila, and Francisco de Lugo, heard
405
DISCOURTESY TO MONTEZUMA
Cortes say this, they exclaimed : " Senor, moderate
your anger and refleft how much good and honour
this king of these countries has done us, who is so
good that had it not been for him we should all of us
already be dead, and they would have eaten us, and
remember that he has even given you his daughters/'
When Cortes heard this he was more angry than
ever at the words they said to him, as they seemed to
be a reproof, and he said : " Why should I be civil
to a dog who was treating secretly with Narvaez, and
now you can see that he does not even give us food
to eat." Our Captains replied : " That is to our
minds what he ought to do and it is good advice."
As Cortes had so many Spaniards there with him in
Mexico, both of our own party and of the followers of
Narvaez he did not trouble himself a whit about any-
thing, and he spoke angrily and rudely again, addressing
the chieftains and telling them to say to their Lord
Montezuma that he should at once order the markets
and sales to be held, if not he would see what would
happen.
The chieftains well understood the offensive remarks
that Cortes made about their Lord and even the
reproof that our Captains gave to Cortes about it,
for they knew them well as having been those who
used to be on guard over their Lord, and they knew
that they were good friends of their Montezuma, and
according to the way they understood the matter
they repeated it to Montezuma. Either from anger
at this treatment, or because it had already been agreed
on that we were to be attacked, it was not a quarter
of an hour later that a soldier arrived in great haSte
and badly wounded. He came from a town close by
Mexico named Tacuba and was escorting some Indian
women who belonged to Cortes, one of them a daughter
of Montezuma, for it appears that Cort6s had left
them there in charge of the Lord of Tacuba, for they
406
MEXICANS ATTACK SPANIARDS
were relations of this same Lord, when we went off
on the expedition against Narvaez. This soldier said
that all the city and road by which he had come was
full of warriors fully armed, and that they had taken
from him the Indian women he was bringing and had
given him two wounds and that if he had not let the
women go, the Mexicans would have captured him,
and would have put him in a canoe and carried him off
to be sacrificed, and that they had broken down a
bridge.
Let me go on and say that Cortes promptly ordered
Diego de Ordas to go with four hundred soldiers,
and among them moSt of the crossbowmen and
musketeers and some horsemen, and examine into
what the soldier had reported, and that if he found that
he could calm the Indians without fighting and
disturbance that he should do so.
Diego de Ordas set out in the way that he was
ordered with his four hundred soldiers, but he had
hardly reached the middle of the Street along which he
was to march, when so many squadrons of Mexican
warriors fell on him and so many more were on the
roofs of the houses, and they made such fierce attacks
that on the firSt assault they killed eight soldiers and
wounded all the reSt, and Diego de Ordas himself
was wounded in three places, and in this manner
he could not advance one Step further but had to return
little by little to his quarters. During the retreat they
killed another good soldier named Lyscano who,
with a broadsword, had done the work of a very
valiant man.
At that moment, while many squadrons came out
againSt Ordas, many more approached our quarters
and shot off so many javelins and Stones from slings,
and arrows, that they wounded on that occasion alone
over forty-six of our men, and twelve of them died of
their wounds ; and such a number of warriors fell
407
THE SPANIARDS BESIEGED
upon us that Diego de Ordas, who was coining in
retreat, could not reach our quarters on account of
the fierce assaults they made on him, some from the
rear and others in front and others from the roofs.
Little availed our cannon, or our muskets, crossbows
and lances, or the thrusts we gave them, or our good
fighting, for although we killed and wounded many of
them, yet they managed to reach us by pushing
forward over the points of our swords and lances, and
closing up their squadrons never desisted from their
brave attack, nor could we push them away from us.
At la£t, what with cannon and muskets and the
damage we did them with our sword-thru&s, Odds
found an opportunity to enter our quarters, and not
until then, much as he desired it, could he force a
passage with his badly wounded soldiers, fourteen
fewer in number. Still many of the squadrons never
ceased from attacking us, and telling us that we were
like women, and they called us rogues and other
abusive names. But the damage they had done us up
to this time was as nothing to what they did after-
wards, for such was their daring that, some attacking
on one side and some on the other, they penetrated
into our quarters and set fire to them, and we could
not endure the smoke and the fire until it was remedied
by flinging much earth over it, and cutting off other
rooms whence the fire came. In truth, they believed
that they would burn us alive in there. These conflicts
la&ed all day long, and even during the night so many
squadrons of them fell on us, and hurled javelins,
Atones and arrows in masses, and random Atones so
that what with those that fell during the day and those
that then fell in all the courts and on the ground, it
looked like chaff on a threshing floor.
We passed the night in dressing wounds and in
mending the breaches in the walls that the enemy had
made, and in getting ready for the next day. Then,
408
IN THEIR QUARTERS
as soon as it was dawn, our Captain decided that all
of us and Narvaez' men should sally out to fight with
them and that we should take the cannon and muskets
and crossbows and endeavour to defeat them, or at
Iea£t to make them feel our Strength and valour better
than the day before. I may £tate that when we came
to this decision, the Mexicans were arranging the
very same thing. We fought very well, but they
were so Strong, and had so many squadrons which
relieved each other from time to time, that even if
ten thousand Trojan Heftors and as many more
Roldans had been there, they would not have been able
to break through them.
We noted their tenacity in fighting, but I declare
that I do not know how to describe it, for neither
cannon nor muskets nor crossbows availed, nor
hand-to-hand fighting, nor killing thirty or forty of
them every time we charged, for they Still fought on
in as close ranks and with more energy than in the
beginning. Sometimes when we were gaining a little
ground or a part of the ftreet, they pretended to retreat,
but it was merely to induce us to follow them and cut
us off from our fortress and quarters, so as to ,fall on
us in greater safety to themselves, believing that we
could not return to our quarters alive, for they did us
much damage when we were retreating.
Then, as to going out to burn their houses, I have
already said that between one house and another
they have wooden drawbridges, and these they raised
so that we could only pass through deep water. Then
we could not endure the rocks and Clones hurled from
the roofs, in such a way that they damaged and
wounded many of our men. I do not know why I
write thus, so lukewarmly, for some three or four
soldiers who were there with us and who had served
in Italy, swore to God many times that they had never
seen such fierce fights, not even when they had taken
409
PLANS FOR COUNTER-ATTACKS
part in such between Christians and againSt the artillery
of the King of France, or of the Great Turk, nor had
they seen men like those Indians with such courage
in closing up their ranks.
With great difficulty we withdrew to our quarters,
many squadrons of warriors Still pressing on us with
loud yells and whiStles, and trumpets and drums,
calling us villains and cowards who did not dare to
meet them all day in battle, but turned in flight.
On that day they killed ten or twelve more soldiers
and we all returned badly wounded. What took place
during the night was the arrangement that in two
days' time all the soldiers in camp, as many as were
able, should sally out with four engines like towers
built of Strong timber, in such a manner that five
and twenty men could find shelter under each of them,
and they were provided with apertures and loopholes
through which to shoot, and musketeers and cross-
bowmen accompanied them, and close by them were
to march the other soldiers, musketeers and cross-
bowmen and the guns, and all the reSt, and the horse-
men were to make charges.
When this plan was settled, as we spent all that
day in carrying out the work and in Strengthening
many breaches that they had made in the walls, we
did not go out to fight.
CHAPTER LXXXVIII
I DO not know how to tell of the great squadrons
of warriors who came to attack us that day in our
quarters, not only in ten or twelve places, but in more
than twenty, for we were distributed over them all
and in many other places, and while we built up and
fortified ourselves, as I have related, many other
410
PLANS FOR COUNTER-ATTACKS
squadrons openly endeavoured to penetrate into our
quarters, and neither with guns, crossbows nor
muskets, nor with many charges and sword-thrusts
could we force them back, for they said that not one
of us should remain alive that day and they would
sacrifice our hearts and blood to their gods, and would
have enough to glut their appetites and hold fea£ls
on our arms and legs, and would throw our bodies to
the tigers, lions, vipers and snakes, which they kept
caged, so that they might gorge on them, and for that
reason they had ordered them not to be given food for
the paft two days. As for the gold we possessed, we
would get little satisfaftion from it or from all the
cloths ; and as for the Tlaxcalans who were with us,
they said that they would place them in cages to
fatten, and little by little they would offer their bodies
in sacrifice ; and, very tenderly, they said that we
should give up to them their great Lord Montezuma,
and they said other things. Night by night, in like
manner, there were always many yells and whittles
and showers of darts, Clones and arrows.
As soon as dawn came, after commending ourselves
to God, we sallied out from our quarters with our towers,
with the cannon, muskets, and crossbows in advance,
and the horsemen making charges, but, as I have
Stated, although we killed many of them it availed
nothing towards making them turn their backs, indeed
if they had fought bravely on the two previous days,
they proved themselves far more vigorous and dis-
played much greater forces and squadrons ^ on this
day. Nevertheless, we determined, although it should
co& the lives of all of us, to push on with our towers
and engines as far as the great Cue of Huichilobos.
I will not relate at length the fights we had with
them in a fortified house, nor will I tell how they
wounded the horses, nor were the horses of any use
to us, because although the horsemen charged the
411
ATTACK ON THE GREAT CUE
squadrons to break through them, so many arrows,
darts and Stones were hurled at them, that they, well
protected by armour though they were, could not
prevail against the enemy, and if they pursued and
overtook them, the Mexicans promptly dropped for
safety into the canals and lagoons where they had
raised other walls against the horsemen, and many
other Indians were Stationed with very long lances to
finish killing them. Thus it benefited us nothing to
turn aside to burn or demolish a house, it was quite
useless, for, as I have said, they all Stood in the water,
and between house and house there was a movable
bridge, and to cross by swimming was very dangerous,
for on the roofs they had such &ore of rocks and
Atones and such defences, that it was certain destruction
to risk it. In addition to this, where we did set fire to
some houses, a single house took a whole day to burn,
and the houses did not catch fire one from the other ;
thus it was useless toil to risk our persons in the
attempt, so we went towards the great Cue of their
Idols. Then, all of a sudden, more than four thousand
Mexicans ascended it,1 not counting other Companies
that were ported on it with long lances and Stones and
darts, and placed themselves on the defensive, and
resisted our ascent for a good while, and neither the
towers nor the cannon or crossbows, nor the muskets
were of any avail, nor the horsemen, for, although they
wished to charge, the whole of the courtyard was paved
with very large flagstones, so that the horses loSt their
foothold, and the Stones were so slippery that the
horses felL While from the Steps of the lofty Cue they
forbade our advance, we had so many enemies both
on one side and the other that although our cannon
shots carried off ten or fifteen of them and we slew
1 This was the Great TeocalJi of Tenochtitlan, quite close to the
Spanish Quarters. Cortes says that five hundred Mexicans ascended
the Teocalli itself to defend it.
412
THE IDOLS ARE BURNED
many others by sword-thrusts and charges, so many
men attacked us that we were not able to ascend the
lofty Cue. However with great unanimity we persisted
in the attack, and without taking the towers (for they
were already destroyed) we made our way to the
summit.
Here Cortes showed himself very much of a man,
as he always was. Oh ! what a fight and what a fierce
battle it was that took place ; it was a memorable
thing to see us all Streaming with blood and covered
with wounds and others slain. It pleased our Lord
that we reached the place where we used to keep the
image of Our Lady, and we did not find it, and it
appears, as we came to know, that the great Montezuma
paid devotion to Her, and ordered the image to be
preserved in safety.
We set fire to their Idols and a good part of the
chamber with the Idols Huichilobos and Tezcatepuc
was burned. On that occasion the Tlaxcalans helped
us very greatly. After this was accomplished, while
some of us were fighting and others kindling the fire,
as I have related, oh 1 to see the priests who were
Stationed on this great Cue, and the three or four
thousand Indians, all men of importance. While we
descended, oh ! how they made us tumble down six
or even ten £teps at a time ! And so much more there
is to tell of the other squadrons poSted on the battle-
ments and recesses of the great Cue discharging so
many darts and arrows that we could face neither one
group of squadrons nor the other. We resolved to
return, with much toil and risk to ourselves, to our
quarters, our castles being destroyed, all of us wounded
and sixteen slain, with the Indians constantly pressing
on us and other squadrons on our flanks.
However clearly I may tell all this, I can never fully
explain it to any one who did not see us. So far, I
have not spoken of what the Mexican squadrons
SPANIARDS HARD PRESSED
did who kept on attacking our quarters while we
were marching outside, and the great obstinacy and
tenacity they displayed in forcing their way in.
In this battle, we captured two of the chief priests,
whom Cortes ordered us to convey with great care.
Many times I have seen among the Mexicans and
Tlaxcalans, paintings of this battle, and the ascent
that we made of the great Cue, as they look upon it
as a very heroic deed. And although in the piftures
that they have made of it, they depift all of us as badly
wounded and Streaming with blood and many of us
dead they considered it a great feat, this setting fire
to the Cue, when so many warriors were guarding it
both on the battlements and recesses, and many
more Indians were below on the ground and the
Courts were full of them and there were many more
on the sides ; and with our towers destroyed, how was
it possible to scale it ?
Let us £top talking about it and I will relate how
with great labour we returned to our quarters and if
many men were then following us, as many more
were in our quarters, for they had already demolished
some walls so as to gain an entry, but on our arrival
they desisted. Nevertheless, during all the re£t of the
day they never ceased to discharge darts, Atones and
arrows, and during the night yells and stones and
darts.
That night was passed in dressing wounds and in
burying the dead, in preparations for going out to
fight the following day, in Strengthening and adding
parapets to the walls they had pulled down, and to
other breaches they had made, and in consulting how
and in what way we could fight without suffering
such great damage and death, and throughout the
discussion we found no remedy at all.
Then I also wish to speak of the malediftions that
the followers of Narvaez hurled at Cortes, and the
414
MONTEZUMA PLEADS WITH PEOPLE
words that they used, cursing him and the country
and even Diego Velasquez who had sent them there
when they were peacefully settled in their homes in
the Island of Cuba, and they were crazy and out of
their minds.
Let us go back to our £tory. It was decided to sue
for peace so that we could leave Mexico, and as soon
as it was dawn many more squadrons of Mexicans
arrived and very effectually surrounded our quarters
on all sides, and if they had discharged many stones
and arrows before, they came much thicker and with
louder howls and whittles on this day, and other
squadrons endeavoured to force an entrance in other
parts, and cannon and muskets availed nothing,
although we did them damage enough.
When Cortes saw all this, he decided that the great
Montezuma should speak to them from the roof and
tell them that the war must cease, and that we wished
to leave his city. When they went to give this message
from Cortes to the great Montezuma, it is reported
that he said with great grief : " What more does
Malinche want from me ? I neither wish to live nor
to listen to him, to such a pass has my fate brought
me because of him." And he did not wish to come,
and it is even reported that he said he neither wished
to see nor hear him, nor listen to his false words,
promises or lies. Then the Padre de la Merced and
Cristobal de Olid went and spoke to him with much
reverence and in very affectionate terms, and Monte-
zuma said : "I believe that I shall not obtain any
result towards ending this war, for they have already
raised up another Lord and have made up their minds
not to let you leave this place alive, therefore I believe
that all of you will have to die,"
Montezuma was placed by a battlement of the
roof with many of us soldiers guarding him, and he
began to speak to his people, with very affectionate
415
DEATH OF MONTEZUMA
expressions telling them to desist from the war, and
that we would leave Mexico. Many of the Mexican
Chieftains and Captains knew him well and at once
•ordered their people to be silent and not to discharge
darts, Clones or arrows, and four of them reached a
spot where Montezuma could speak to them, and
they to him, and with tears they said to him : " Oh !
Senor, and our great Lord, how all your misfortune
•and injury and that of your children and relations
afflifts us, we make known to you that we have already
raised one of your kinsmen to be our Lord ", and
there he Stated his name, that he was called Cuitlahuac,
the Lord of Ixtapalapa, and moreover they said that
the war mu£t be carried through, and that they had
vowed to their Idols not to relax it until we were all
dead, and that they prayed every day to their Huichi-
lobos and Texcatepuca to guard him free and safe
from our power,- and that should it end as they desired,
they would not fail to hold him in higher regard as
their Lord than they did before, and they begged him
to forgive them. They had hardly finished this speech
when suddenly such a shower of Atones and darts
were discharged that (our men who were shielding
him having neglected for a moment their duty,
because they saw how the attack ceased while he spoke
to them) he was hit by three Atones, one on the head,
another on the arm and another on the leg, and although
they begged him to have the wounds dressed and to
take food, and spoke kind words to him about it, he
would not. Indeed, when we lea£l expefted it, they
came to say that he was dead. Cortes wept for him,
and all of us Captains and soldiers, and there was no
man among us who knew him and was intimate with
him, who did not bemoan him as though he were
-our father, and it is not to be wondered at, considering
how good he was. It was Elated that he had reigned
for seventeen years and that he was the be£l kifig there
416
BODY HANDED OVER TO MEXICANS
had ever been in Mexico, and that he had conquered
in person, in three wars which he had carried on in
the countries he had subjugated.
I have already told about the sorrow that we all of
us felt about it when we saw that Montezuma was
dead. We even thought badly of the Fraile de la
Merced because he had not persuaded him to become
a Christian, and he gave as an excuse that he did not
think that he would die of those wounds, but that he
ought to have ordered them to give him something
to Stupefy him. At the end of much discussion Cortes
ordered a priest and a chief from among the prisoners
to go and tell the Cacique whom they had chosen for
Lord, who was named Cuitlahuac, and his Captains,
that the great Montezuma was dead, and they had
seen him die, and about the manner of his death and
the wounds his own people had inflifted on him, and
they should say how grieved we all were about it, and
that they should bury him as the great king that he
was, and they should raise the cousin of Montezuma
who was with us, to be king, for the inheritance was
his, or one of Montezuma's other sons, and that he
whom they had raised to be king was not so by right,
and they should negotiate a peace so that we could
leave Mexico ; and if they did not do so, now that
Montezuma was dead, whom we held in respeft and
for that reason had not destroyed their city, we should
sally out to make war on them and burn all their
houses and do them much damage. So as to convince
them that Montezuma was dead, he ordered six
Mexicans who were high chieftains, and the priests
whom we held as prisoners, to carry him out on their
shoulders, and to hand the body over to the Mexican
Captains, and to tell them what Montezuma had
commanded at the time of his death, for those who
carried him out on their backs were present at his
death ; and they told Cuitlahuac the whole truth,
417 *e
THE MEXICANS DEFIANT
how his own people killed him with blows from three
Clones.
When they beheld him thus dead, we saw that they
were in floods of tears and we clearly heard the shrieks
and cries of distress that they gave for him, but for all
this, the fierce assault they made on us never ceased,
and then they came on us again with greater force and
fury, and said to us : " Now for certain you will pay
for the death of our King and Lord, and the dishonour
to our Idols ; and as for the peace you sent to beg for,
come out here and we will settle how and in what
way it is to be made ", and they said that they had
already chosen a good king, and he would not be so
faint-hearted as to be deceived with false speeches
like their good Montezuma, and as for the burial, we
need not trouble about that, but about our own lives,
for in two days there would not be one of us left — so
much for the messages we had sent them. With these
words they fell on us with loud yells and whittles and
showers of Clones, darts and arrows, while other
squadrons were Still attempting to set fire to our
quarters in many places.
When Cortes and all of us observed this, we agreed
that next day we would all of us sally out from our
camp and attack in another dire&ion, where there
were many houses on dry land, and we would do all
the damage we were able and go towards the causeway,
and that all the horsemen should break through the
squadrons and spear them with their lances or drive
them into the water, even though the enemy should
kill the horses. This was decided on in order to find out
if by chance, with the damage and slaughter that we
should inflift on them, they would abandon their
attack and arrange some sort of peace, so that we could
go free without more deaths and damage. Although
the next day we all bore ourselves very manfully and
killed many of the enemy and burned a matter of
418
SPANIARDS DETERMINE TO LEAVE
twenty houses and almost reached dry land, it was all
of no use, because of the great damage and deaths and
wounds they inflifted on us, and we could not hold a
single bridge, for they were all of them half broken
down. Many Mexicans charged down on us, and
they had set up walls and barricades in places which
they thought could be reached by the horses, so that
if we had met with many difficulties up to this time,
we found much greater ones ahead of us.
CHAPTER LXXXIX
Now we saw our forces diminishing every day and
those of the Mexicans increasing, and many of our
men were dead and all the re£t wounded, and although
we fought like brave men we could not drive back nor
even get free from the many squadrons which attacked
us both by day and night, and the powder was giving
out, and the same was happening with the food and
water, and the great Montezuma being dead, they
were unwilling to grant the peace and truce which we
had sent to demand of them. In fa& we were Glaring
death in the face, and the bridges had been raised.
It was therefore decided by Cortes and all of us captains
and soldiers that we should set out during the night.
That very afternoon we sent to tell them, through one
of their prle£ls whom we held prisoner and who was a
man of great importance among them, that they should
let us go in peace within eight days and we would give
up to them all the gold ; and this was done to put them
off their guard so that we might get out that night.
The order was given to make a bridge of very Strong
beams and planks, so that we could carry it with us
and place it where the bridges were broken. Four
hundred Tlaxcalan Indians and one hundred and fifty
419
PREPARATIONS FOR RETREAT
soldiers ^ were told off to carry this bridge and place it
in position and guard the passage until the army and
all the baggage had crossed. Two hundred Tlaxcalan
Indians and fifty soldiers were told off to carry the
cannon, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, Diego de Ordas,
Francisco de Sauzedo, Francisco de Lugo and a
company of one hundred young and aftive soldiers
were selefted to go in the van to do the fighting. It
was agreed that Cortes himself, Alonzo de Avila,
Cristobal de Olid, and other Captains should go
in the middle and support the party that mo£t needed
help in fighting. Pedro de Alvarado and Juan
Velasquez de Leon were with the rearguard, and placed
in the middle between them and the preceding section
were two captains and the soldiers of Narvaez, and
three hundred Tlaxcalans and thirty soldiers were told
off to take charge of the prisoners and of Dona Marina
and Dona Luisa ; by the time this arrangement
was made, it was already night,
In order to bring out the gold and divide it up and
carry it, Cortes ordered his Steward named Cri&obal
de Guzman and other soldiers who were his servants
to bring out all the gold and jewels and silver, and he
gave them many Tlaxcalan Indians for the purpose,
and they placed it in the Hall. Then Cortes told the
King's officers named Alonzo Davila and Gonzalo
Mejia to take charge of the gold belonging to His
Majesty, and he gave them seven wounded and lame
horses and one mare, and many friendly Tlaxcalans,
more than eighty in number, and they loaded them
with parcels of it, as much as they could carry, for it
was put up into very broad ingots, and much gold Still
remained in the Hall piled up in heaps. Then Cortes
called his secretary and the others who were King's
Notaries, and said : " Bear witness for me that I
can do no more with this gold. We have here in this
apartment and Hall over seven hundred thousand pesos
420
FLIGHT ON THE NOCHE TRISTE
in gold, and, as you have seen, it cannot be weighed nor
placed in safety. I now give it up to any of the soldiers
who care to take it, otherwise it will be lo£fc among these
dogs of Mexicans/'
When they heard this many of the soldiers of
Narvaez and some of our people loaded themselves
with it. I declare that I had no other desire but the
desire to save my life, but I did not fail to carry off
from some small boxes that were there, four chalchi-
huites, which are Atones very highly prized among
the Indians, and I quickly placed them in my bosom
under my armour, and, later on, the price of them
served me well in healing my wounds and getting
me food.
After we had learnt the plans that Cortes had made
about the way in which we were to escape that night
and get to the bridges, as it was somewhat dark and
cloudy and rainy, we began before midnight to bring
along the bridge and the baggage, and the horses
and mare began their march, and the Tlaxcalans who
were laden with the gold. Then the bridge was quickly
put in place, and Cortes and the others whom he took
with him in the firft detachment and many of the
horsemen, crossed over it. While this was happening,
the voices, trumpets, cries and whittles of the Mexicans
began to sound and they called out in their language
to the people of Tlaltelolco, " Coine out at once with
your canoes for the Teules are leaving ; cut them
off so that not one of them may be left alive/' When I
lea£l expected it, we saw so many squadrons of warriors
bearing down on us, and the lake so crowded with
canoes that we could not defend ourselves. Many of
our soldiers had already crossed the bridge, and while
we were in this position, a great multitude of Mexicans
charged down on us with the intention of removing the
bridge and wounding and killing our men who were
unable to assist each other ; and as fortune is perverse
421
FLIGHT ON THE NOCHE TRISTE
at such times, one mischance followed another, and
as it was raining, two of the horses slipped and fell
into the lake. When I and others of Cortes Company
saw that, we got safely to the other side of the bridge,
and so many warriors charged on us, that despite all
our good fighting, no further use could be made of
the bridge, so that the passage or water opening was
soon filled up with dead horses, Indian men and women,
servants, baggage and boxes.
Fearing that they would not fail to kill us, we thrust
ourselves ahead along the causeway, and we met many
squadrons armed with long lances waiting for us, and
they used abusive words to us, and among them they
cried : " Oh ! villains, are you £till alive ? " — and
with the cuts and thrusts we gave them, we got through,
although they then wounded six of those who were
going along with me. Then if there was some sort of
plan such as we had agreed upon it was an accursed
one ; for Cortes and the captains and soldiers who
passed fir£t on horseback, so as to save themselves
and reach dry land and make sure of their lives,
spurred on along the causeway, and they did not fail
to attain their objeft, and the horses with the gold and
the Tlaxcalans also got out in safety. I assert that if
we had waited (the horsemen and the soldiers one for
the other) at the bridges, we should all have been put
an end to, and not one of us would have been left
alive ; the reason was this, that as we went along the
causeway, charging the Mexican squadrons, on one
side of us was water and on the other azoteas,1 and
the lake was full of canoes so that we could do nothing.
Moreover the muskets and crossbows were all left
behind at the bridge, and as it was night time, what
could we do beyond what we accomplished ? which
was to charge and give some sword-thru£ls to those
who tried to lay hands on us, and to march and get on
ahead so as to get off the causeway.
1 The flat roofs of the houses.
422
SURVIVORS REACH TACUBA
Had it been in the day-time, it would have been
far worse, and we who escaped did so only by the
Grace of God. To one who saw the hosts of warriors
who fell on us that night and the canoes full of them
coming along to carry off our soldiers, it was terrifying.
So we went ahead along the causeway in order to get
to the town of Tacuba where Cortes was already
Rationed with all the Captains. Gonzalo de Sandoval,
Cri&obal de Olid and others of those horsemen who
had gone on ahead were crying out : " Senor Capitan,
let us halt, for they say that we are fleeing and leaving
them to die at the bridges ; let us go back and help
them, if any of them survive " ; but not one of them
came out or escaped. Cortes' reply was that it was a
miracle that any of us escaped. However, he promptly
went back with the horsemen and the soldiers who
were unwounded, but they did not march far, for Pedro
de Alvarado soon met them, badly wounded, holding
a spear in his hand, and on foot, for the enemy had
already killed his sorrel mare, and he brought with
him four soldiers as badly wounded as he was himself,
and eight Tlaxcalans, all of them with blood flowing
from many wounds.
While Cortes was on the causeway with the re& of
the captains, we repaired to the courtyard in Tacuba.
Many squadrons had already arrived from Mexico,
shouting out orders to Tacuba and to the other town
named Azcapotzalco, and they began to hurl darts,
Clones and arrows and attack with their long lances.
We made some charges and both attacked them and
defended ourselves*
Let us go back to Pedro de Alvarado. When Cortes
and the other Captains met him in that way, and saw
that no more soldiers were coming along the causeway,
tears sprang to his eyes. Pedro de Alvarado said that
Juan Velasquez de Leon lay dead with many other
gentlemen both of our own company and that of
423
ALVARADO'S LEAP
Narvaez, and that more than eighty of them were at
the bridge ; that he and the four soldiers whom he
brought with him, after their horses had been killed,
crossed the bridge in great peril, over the dead bodies,
horses and boxes with which that passage at the
bridge was choked. Moreover, he said that all the
bridges and causeways were crowded with warriors.
At the bridge of sorrow, which they afterwards called
" Alvarado's leap ", I assert that at the time not a
single soldier Stopped to see if he leaped much or
little, for we could hardly save our own lives, as we
were in great danger of death on account of the
multitude of Mexicans charging down on us. I never
heard of this leap of Alvarado until after Mexico was
captured, and it was in some satirical verses made by
a certain Gonzalo de Ocampo, which, as they were
somewhat na£ly, I will not fully quote here, except
that he says : " Thou should£t remember the leap
that thou tooke& from the bridge " ; but I will not
dwell on this subjeft.
Let us go on and I will relate how, when we were
waiting in Tacuba, many Mexican warriors came
together from all those towns and they killed three
of our soldiers,- so we agreed to get out of that town
as quickly as we could, and five Tlaxcalan Indians,
who found out a way towards Tlaxcala without follow-
ing the main road, guided us with great precaution
until we reached some small houses placed on a hill,
and near to them a Cue or Oratory built like a fort,
where we halted.
As we marched along we were followed by the
Mexicans who hurled arrows and darts at us and Clones
from their slings, and the way in which they surrounded
us and continually attacked us, was terrifying, as I
have already said many times and am tired of
repeating it.
We defended ourselves in that Cue and fortress,
424
II
fV e
*"* .C
ffi S
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M S
TJ
Q |
O *5
?2 a
Id in
en ej
5?
II
SLAUGHTER AT THE BRIDGES
where we lodged and attended to the wounded and
made many fires, but as for anything to eat, there
was no thought of it. At that Cue or Oratory, after
the great city of Mexico was captured, we built a
church^ which is called " Nue&ra Senora de los
Remedies ", and is very much visited, and many of
the inhabitants and ladies from Mexico now go there
on pilgrimages and to hold novenas.'1
It was pitiable to see our wounds being dressed
and bound up with cotton cloths, and as they were
chilled and swollen they were very painful. However
what was more to be wept over was the loss of the
gentlemen and brave soldiers who were missing,
namely, Juan Velasquez de Leon, Francisco de
Sauzedo, Francisco de Morla, Lares the good horse-
man and many others of us followers of Cortes. I name
these few only because it would be a long business to
write the names of the great number of our com-
panions who were missing. Of the followers of
Narvaez, the greater number were left at the bridges
weighed down with gold.
Let us go on to say how there were left dead at the
bridges the sons and daughters of Montezuma as well as-
the prisoners we were bringing with us, also Cacamatzin
the Lord of Texcoco and other kings of provinces.
Let us £top relating all these hardships and say how we
were thinking of what we had in front of us, for we
were all wounded, and only twenty-three horses
escaped ; then of the cannon and artillery and powder,,
we saved nothing ; the crossbows were few in number
and we promptly mended their cords and made
arrows but the wor& of all was that we did not know
what we should find the disposition of our friends the
Tlaxcalans would be towards us. In addition to this,
always surrounded by Mexicans who fell on us with
yells, we determined to get out of that place at
1 Novenas : religious exercises extending over nine days.
425
THE RETREAT CONTINUED
midnight with the Tlaxcalans in front as guides,
takingevery precaution. We marched with the wounded
in the middle and the lame supported with Staffs,
and some, who were very bad and could not walk,
on the croups of the horses that were lame and were
not fit for fighting. Those horsemen who were not
wounded went in front or were divided some on one
•side, some on the other, and marching in this manner
all of us who were mo£t free from wounds kept our
faces towards the enemy. The wounded Tlaxcalans
went in the body of our squadron and the reft of
them who were sufficiently sound faced the enemy
in company with us. The Mexicans were always
harassing us with loud cries, yells and whittles,
shouting out, " You are going where not one of you
will be left alive ", and we did not understand why
they said so, but it will be seen later on. But I have
forgotten to write down how happy we were to see
Dona Marina Still alive, and Dona Luisa the daughter
of Xicotenga, whose escape at the bridges was due
to some Tlaxcalans, and also a woman named Maria
de Estrada, who was the only Spanish woman in
Mexico. Those who escaped and got away firft from
the bridges were some sons of Xicotenga, the brothers
of Dona Luisa. Moft of our servants who had been
given to us in Tlaxcala and in the city of Mexico
itself were left behind dead.1
1 The distances traversed on the Noche Trifte are approximately
as follows :
Yards. Miles.
Prom the Spanish quarters to Tecpantzingo . . roool
Tecpantzingo to Tolteacalli . . . 740 my I J
Tolteacalli to Toltecaacalopan . . . 5°°J
Toltecaacalopan to the Ahuehuete Tree at
Popotla on the margin of the lake zj
The Ahuehuete Tree to the Pkza of Tacuba i
Tacuba to Los Remedies ...... 4
426
SPANIARDS REACH CUAUTITLAN
CHAPTER XC
THAT day we reached some farms and huts belonging
to a large town named Cuautitlan. Thence we went
through some farms and hamlets with the Mexicans
always in pursuit of us, and as many of them had
got together, they endeavoured to kill us and began to
surround us, and hurled many Clones with their slings
and javelins and arrows, and with their broadswords they
killed two of our soldiers in a bad pass, and they also
killed a horse and wounded many of our men, and
we also with cut and thrust killed some of them, and
the horsemen did the same. We slept in those houses
and we ate the horse they had killed, and the next
day very early in the morning we began our march,
with the same and even greater precautions than we
observed before, half of the horsemen always going
ahead. On a plain a little more than a league further
on, (when we began to think that we could march in
safety,) our scouts, who were on the look out, returned
to say that the fields were full of Mexican warriors
waiting for us. When we heard this we were indeed
alarmed but not so as to be faint-hearted or to fail to
meet them and fight to the death. There we halted
for a short time and orders were given how the horse-
men were to charge and return at a hand gallop, and
were not to £top to spear the enemy but to keep their
lances aimed at their faces until they broke up their
squadrons ; and that all the soldiers, in the thrusts
they gave, should pass their swords through the bodies
of their opponents, and that we should aft in such a
way as to avenge thoroughly the deaths and wounds
of our companions, so that if God willed it we should
escape with our lives.
After commending ourselves to God and the Holy
427
THE BATTLE OF OTUMBA
Mary, full of courage, and calling on the name of
Senor Santiago, as soon as we saw that the enemy
began to surround us, and that the horsemen, keeping
in parties of five, broke through their ranks, we all
of us charged at the same time.
Oh ! what a sight it was to see this fearful and
de£tru6tive battle, how we moved all mixed up with
them foot to foot, and the cuts and thrusts we gave
them; and with what fury the dogs fought, and what
wounds and deaths they inflifted on us with their
lances and macanas. Then, as the ground was level,
to see how the horsemen speared them as they chose,
charging and returning, and although both they and
their horses were wounded, they never topped fighting
like very brave men. As for all of us who had no
horses, it seemed as if we all put on double Strength,
for although we were wounded and again received
other wounds, we did not trouble to bind them up so
as not to halt to do so, for there was not time, but with
great spirit we closed with the enemy so as to give them
sword thrusts. I wish to tell about Cortes and Cristobal
de Olid, Gonzalo de Sand oval, Gonzalo Domfnguez
and a Juan de Salamanca who although badly wounded
rode on one side and the other, breaking through the
squadrons ; and about the words that Cortes said
to those who were in the thick of the enemy, that the
cuts and thrums that we gave should be aimed at
distinguished chieftains, for they all of them bore
great golden plumes and rich arms and devices.
Then to see how the valiant and spirited Sandoval
encouraged us and cried : " Now, gentlemen, this
is the day when we are bound to be victorious ; have
truSt in God and we shall come out of this alive for
some good purpose." They killed and wounded a
Seat number of our soldiers, but it pleased God that
>rtes and the Captains whom I have already named
who went in his Company reached the place where
428
THE BATTLE OF OTUMBA
the Captain General of the Mexicans was marching
with his banner displayed, and with rich golden
armour and great gold and silver plumes. When
Cortes saw him with many other Mexican Chieftains
all wearing great plumes, he said to our Captains :
" Now, Senores, let us break through them and
leave none of them un wounded" ; and commending
themselves to God, Cortes, Cristobal de Olid, Sandoval,
Alonzo de Avila, and the other horsemen charged,
and Cortes Struck his horse against the Mexican
Captain, which made him drop his banner, and the
reft of our Captains succeeded in breaking through
the squadron which consisted of many Indians follow-
ing the Captain who carried the banner, who never-
theless had not fallen at the shock that Cortes had given
him, and it was Juan de Salamanca, who rode with
Cortes on a good piebald mare, who gave him a lance
thruft and took from him the rich plume that he wore,
and afterwards gave it to Cortes, saying that as it
was he who firft met him and made him lower his
banner and deprived his followers of the courage to
fight, that the plume belonged to him (Cortes).
However, three years afterwards, the King gave it
to Salamanca as his coat of arms, and his descendants
bear it on their tabards.
Let us go back to the battle. It pleased Our Lord
that when that Captain who carried the Mexican
banner was dead (and many others were killed there)
their attack slackened, and all the horsemen followed
them and we felt neither hunger nor thirft, and it
seemed as though we had neither suffered nor passed
through any evil or hardship, as we followed up our
viftory killing and wounding. Then our friends the
Tlaxcalans were very lions, and with their swords and
broadswords which they there captured from the
enemy behaved very well and valiantly. When the
horsemen returned from following up the viftory we
429
THE SPANISH LOSSES
all gave many thanks to God for having escaped from
such a great multitude of people, for there had never
been seen or found throughout the Indies such a
great number of warriors together in any battle that
was fought, for there was present there the flower of
Mexico and Texcoco and all the towns around the
lake, and others in the neighbourhood, and the people
of Otumba and Tepetexcoco and Saltocan, who all
came in the belief that this time not a trace of us would
be left. Then what rich armour they wore, with so
much gold and plumes and devices, and nearly all
of them were captains and chieftains. Near the spot
where this hard-fought and celebrated battle took
place, and where one can say God spared our lives,
there Stands a town named Otumba.
Our escape from the City of Mexico was on the
tenth of the month of July [1520], and this celebrated
battle of Otumba was fought on the fourteenth of July.
I assert that within a matter of five days over eight
hundred and sixty soldiers were killed and sacrificed,
as well as seventy-two who were killed in a town
named Tu&epec,' together with five Spanish women
(those who were killed at Tu&epec belonged to the
company of Narvaez) and over a thousand Tlaxcalans
were slain. At that time they also killed Juan de
Alcantara the elder, with three other settlers from
Villa Rica. If many more of the followers of Narvaez
than those of Cortes died at the bridges, it was because
they went forth laden with gold, and owing to its
weight they could neither escape nor swim.
We went on to some othefr farms and a small town
where there was a good Cue and Strong house where
we defended ourselves that night and dressed our
wounds and got some re£t. Although squadrons of
Mexicans £till followed us they did not dare to come
up to us, and those who did come were as though
they said " There you go out of our country."
430
SPANIARDS REACH TLAXCALAN TOWN
From that small town where we slept, the hills
over against Tlaxcala could be seen, and when we
saw them we were as delighted as though they had been
our own homes. But how could we know for certain
that they were loyal to us or what their disposition was,
or what had happened to those who were settled at
Villa Rica, whether they were alive or dead ? Cortes
said to us that, although we were few in number, and
there were only four hundred and forty of us left
with twenty horses and twelve crossbowmen and seven
musketeers, and we had no powder and were all
wounded, lame, and maimed, we could see very
clearly how our Lord Jesus Christ had been pleased
to spare our lives, and for that we should always give
Him great thanks and honour. Moreover, we had
come again to be reduced to the number and Strength
of the soldiers who accompanied him the fir£t time
we entered Mexico, namely four hundred soldiers.
He begged us not to give annoyance to the people
in Tlaxcala, and not to take anything from them, and
this he explained to the followers of Narvaez, for they
were not used to obey their Captains in the wars as
we were. Moreover, he said he trusted in God that
we should find the Tlaxcalans true and very loyal,
and that if it were otherwise, which God forfend, we
mu£t turn aside the blows of fate with Stout hearts
and Strong arms, and for this we mu£t be well
prepared.
With our scouts ahead of us, we reached a spring
on the hillside where there were some walls and
defences made in pa£l times, and our friends the
Tlaxcalans said that this was the boundary between
them and the Mexicans, and, in welcome tranquillity
after the misery we had gone through, we halted to-
wash and to eat. Then we soon resumed our march
and went to a Tlaxcalan town named Hueyotlipan
where they received us and gave us to eat, but not much>
ARE WELL RECEIVED
unless we paid them with some small pieces of gold and
chalchilmites which some of us carried with us ; they
gave us nothing without payment. There we remained
one day reeling and curing our wounds and we also
attended to the horses. Then as soon as they heard
the news at the Capital of Tlaxcala, Mase Escasi and
Xicotenga the elder, and Chichimecatecle and many
other Caciques and Chieftains and nearly all the
inhabitants of Huexotzingo promptly came to us.
When they reached the town where we were camped
they came to embrace Cortes and all of us captains
and soldiers, some of them weeping, especially Mase
Escasi, Xicotenga, and Chichimecatecle, and Tapaneca,
and they said to Cortes : " Oh ! Malinche, Malinche !
How grieved we are at your misfortunes and those of
all your brothers, and at the number of our own people
who have been killed with yours. We have told you
so many times not to put tru£l in the Mexican people,
for one day or the other they were sure to attack you,
but you would not believe us. Now it has come to
pass, and no more can be done at present than to tend
you and give you to eat ; reft yourselves for you are
at home, and we will soon go to our town where we
will find you quarters. Do not think, Malinche, that
it is a small thing you have done to escape with your
lives from that impregnable city and its bridges, and
I tell you that if we formerly looked upon you as very
brave, we now think you much more valiant ; and
although many Indian women in our towns will bewail
the deaths of their sons, husbands, brothers and
kinsmen, do not trouble yourself about that. Much
do you owe to your Gods who have brought you here
and delivered you from such a multitude of warriors
who were awaiting you at Otumba. For four days
I had known that they were waiting for you to slay
you. I wanted to go in search of you with thirty
thousand of our own warriors, but I could not £tart
432
THE SPANIARDS REST
because they were not assembled and men were out
collefting them."
Cortes and all our Captains and soldiers embraced
them and told them that we thanked them, and Cortes
gave to all the chieftains golden jewels and precious
Itones, and as every soldier had escaped with as much
as he could carry some of us gave presents to our
acquaintances from what we possessed. Then what
rejoicing and happiness they showed when they saw that
Dona Luisa and Dona Marina were saved, and what
weeping and sorrow for the other Indians who did
not come but were left behind dead. Especially did
Mase Escasi weep for his daughter Dona Elvira and
the death of Juan Velasquez de Leon to whom he had
given her.
In this way we went to the Capital of Tlaxcala with
all the Caciques, and Cortes lodged in the houses of
Mase Escasi, and Xicotenga gave his quarters to
Pedro de Alvarado, and there we tended our wounds
and began to recover our Strength, but, nevertheless,
four soldiers died of their wounds and some other
soldiers failed to recover.
CHAPTER XCI
WE were also uneasy at not knowing about the
people at Villa Rica, le£t some disaster had happened
to them, so Cort6s at once wrote to them and sent
the letter by three Tlaxcalans, and he asked them
whether they had any powder or crossbows because
he wished to return and scour the neighbourhood of
Mexico. He also wrote to the officer named Caballero
whom he had left there as Captain of the Sea, to keep
watch that neither Narvaez nor any of the ships should
leave for Cuba, and if he considered the two ships
belonging to Narvaez which were in the harbour to
433 rf
NEWS FROM VILLA RICA
be unfit for sea that he should de&roy them and send
their crews to him with all the arms they possessed.
Caballero wrote and said he would soon despatch
the succour they were sending from Villa Rica,
numbering seven in all, including four sailors. ^ Their
Captain was a soldier named Lencero, as they arrived at
Tlaxcala thin and ill, we often for our own diversion
and to make fun of them spoke of " Lencero's Help,"
for of the seven that came five had liver complaint and
were covered with boils and the other two were swelled
out with great bellies.
I will tell what happened to us there in Tlaxcala
with Xicotenga the younger and his ill will. The truth
is that when it became known in that City that we
were fleeing from Mexico, and that the Mexicans
had killed a great number of soldiers, and that we were
coming for aid and shelter to Tlaxcala, Xicotenga
the younger went about appealing to all his friends
and relations and to others who he thought were on
his side, and said to them that they should kill us and
make friends with Cuitlahuac, the Lord of Mexico,
and that in addition to this they should rob us of the
cloaks and cloth which we had left in Tlaxcala to be
taken care of, and the gold that we were now bringing
from Mexico, and they would all become rich with
the spoil.
This came to the ears of the elder Xicotenga, his
father, who quarrelled with him and told him that
no such thought should have entered his head, that
it was disgraceful, but much as his father rebuked
him he paid no heed nor did it Stop him from talking
about and working at his evil purpose. This reached
the ears of Chichimecatecle, who was the mortal enemy
of Xicotenga the younger, and he told it to Mase
Escasi, and they called together Xicotenga the elder
and the chiefs of Huexotzingo, and ordered Xicotenga
the younger to be brought prisoner before them.
434
LOYALTY OF THE TLAXCALANS
Then Mase Escasi made a speech to them all and
asked if they could remember or had heard it said that
during the laft hundred years there had ever been
throughout Tlaxcala such prosperity and riches as
there had been since the Teules had arrived in their
country, or if in any of their provinces they had ever
been so well provided for. For they possessed much
cotton cloth and gold and they ate salt, and that
wherever the Tlaxcalans went with the Teules, honour
was paid to them out of respeft to the Teules, and
although many of them had now been killed in Mexico,
they should bear in mind what their ancestors had
said to them many years ago, that from where the
sun rises there would come men who would rule over
them. Why then was Xicotenga now going about
with these treasons and infamies, scheming to make
war on us and kill us ? It was evilly done, and there
was no excuse to be made for the knavery and mischief
which he always had hidden in his breast, and now at
the very moment when he saw us coming back defeated,
when he ought to help us to recover ourselves, so as to
turn again upon his enemies the towns of Mexico,
he wished to carry out this treachery.
To these words Xicotenga the younger replied,
that what he had said about making peace with the
Mexicans was a very wise decision, and he said other
things that they could not tolerate. Then Mase Escasi
and Chichimecatecle and the old man, his father,
blind as he was, arose and took Xicotenga the younger
by the collar and by his mantle and tore it and roughly
pushing him and with reproachful words they ca£l
him down the &eps with his mantle all torn, and
had it not been for his father they would have slain
him. The others who had been in his confidence were
made prisoners. As we were all taking refuge there,
and it was not the time to punish him, Cortes said
nothing more about it.
435
DISSENSIONS IN THE CAMP
I have called this to mind so that it may be seen
how loyal and good were these people of Tlaxcala,
and how much we are indebted to them, and especially
to the good Xicotenga the elder, who is said to have
ordered his son to be killed when he knew of his plots
and treason.
Let us leave this, and I will relate how we remained
twenty-two days in that town curing our wounds and
recovering. Then Cortes determined that we should
go to the province of Tepeaca which was near by.
When Cortes told this to our Captains, and they were
preparing the soldiers of Narvaez to go to the war,
as these men were not accustomed to fighting, and
having escaped from the defeat at Mexico and at the
bridges, and from the battle of Otumba, they were
moSt anxious to return to the Island of Cuba, to their
Indians, and their gold mines, they cursed Cortes
and his conquests. Especially was this the case with
Andres de Duero, the partner of Cortes. When they
saw that words had no effeft on Cortes, they drew up a
formal requisition before a King's Notary demanding
that he should go at once to Villa Rica and abandon
the war, giving as a reason that we had neither horses
nor muskets, crossbows nor powder, nor thread with
which to make crossbow Strings, nor Stores, that we
were all wounded, and out of all our company and the
soldiers of Narvaez there only survived four hundred
and forty, and that the Mexicans would hold the Strong-
holds, sierras and passes againSt us, and that if we
delayed any longer the ships would be eaten by worms
and many other things were Stated in this petition.
After Cortes had given his answer to the requisition,
the men who were pressing their demands upon him
saw that many of us, who Stood firmly by Cortes, would
put a Stop to the importunity with which they expressed
their demands merely by insisting that it would be
neither to the service of God nor His MajeSty to
436
THE DISCONTENTED APPEASED
desert their captain during war time. At the end of
much discussion they gave their obedience so far
as to go with us on any expeditions that might be
undertaken, but it was on condition that Cortes
promised that when an opportunity should occur he
would allow them to return to the Island of Cuba.
437
BOOK IX
THE HALT AT TEPEACA
CHAPTER XCII
As Cortes had asked the Caciques of Tlaxcala for
five thousand warriors, in order to overrun and chastise
the towns where Spaniards had been killed, namely
Tepeaca and Quecholac and Tecamachalco, distant
from Tlaxcala six or seven leagues, they got ready
four thousand Indians, with the greatest willingness.
Then as we were all ready, we began our march.
On that expedition we took neither artillery nor
muskets, for all had been lo£t at the bridges, and for
the few that were saved, we had no powder. We had
with us seventeen horses and six crossbows, and
four hundred and twenty soldiers, moSt of them
armed with sword and shield, and about two thousand
friends of Tlaxcala.
The next day we had a fine battle with the
Mexicans and Tepeacans, on a plain, and as the field
of battle was among maize and maguey plantations,
although the Mexicans fought fiercely, they were
soon routed by those on horseback, and those who
had no horses were not behindhand. Then to see
with what spirit our Tlaxcalan allies attacked them
and followed them up and overtook them ! and many
of the Mexicans and Tepeacans were slain, but of our
Tlaxcalan allies only three were killed, and two horses
were wounded, and one of them died, and two of our
soldiers were wounded, but not in a manner to cause
them any danger.
438
VILLA SEGURA DE LA FRONTERA
Then we went to the town of Tepeaca and founded
a town there, which was named La Villa de Segura
de la Frontera, because it was on the road to Villa
Rica, and it £tood in a good neighbourhood of excellent
towns subjeft to Mexico, and there was plenty .of
maize, and we had our allies the Tlaxcalans to guard
the frontier. There, Alcaldes and Regidores were
chosen, and orders were given that the neighbourhood
subjeft to Mexico was to be raided, especially the
towns where Spaniards had been killed. An iron was
made with which to brand those whom we took for
slaves, it was shaped thus $% which means Guerra
[war]. From the Villa Segura de la Frontera we
scoured the neighbourhood which included Quecholac
and Tecamachalco, and the town of the Guayavas,
and other towns of which I do not remember the names.
It was in Quecholac that they had killed fifteen Spaniards
in their quarters, and here we made many slaves, so
that within forty days we had all these towns punished
and thoroughly subdued.
At that time, in Mexico, they had raised up [to
the throne] another Prince, because the Prince who
had driven us out of Mexico had died of Smallpox.
He whom they now made Lord over them was a
nephew or very near relation of Montezuma-, named
Guatemoc, a young man of about twenty-five years,
very much of a gentleman for an Indian, and very
valiant, and he made himself so feared that all his
people trembled before him, and he was married to
a daughter of Montezuma, a very handsome woman
for an Indian. When this Guatemoc, Prince of Mexico,
learned that we had defeated the Mexican squadrons
Rationed in Tepeaca, and that the people of Tepeaca
had given their fealty to His Majesty, and served us
and gave us food, and that we had settled there, he
feared that we should overrun Oaxaca and other
provinces and bring them all into our alliance ; so
439
PEDRO BARBA
he sent messengers through all the towns and told
them to be on the alert with all their arms, and he
gave golden jewels to some Caciques, and to others
he remitted their tribute, and above all he despatched
great companies and garrisons of warriors to see that
we did not enter his territory, and charged them to
fight very fiercely against us, so that it should not
happen again, as it did at Tepeaca and Quecholac.
Letters came to Cortes from Villa Rica to say that
a ship had arrived in port, and that her Captain was a
gentleman named Pedro Barba, a great friend of
Cortes. He brought with him only thirteen soldiers,
a horse and a mare, for the vessel that he came in was
very small. He also brought letters for Panfilo de
Narvaez in the belief that New Spain was now his,
and in these letters Velasquez sent to tell him that
if he had not already killed Cortes that he should
at once send him a prisoner to Cuba, so that he could
be sent to Castile, for so it had been ordered by the
Bishop of Burgos.
As soon as Pedro Barba arrived in port with his
ship, and let go his anchor, Pedro Caballero went off
to visit and welcome him in a boat well manned by
sailors with their arms hidden.
They told Pedro Barba and his companions so many
yarns that they induced them to go ashore in the
boat, and when they had got them clear of their ship
Pedro Caballero said to Pedro Barba, " Surrender, in
the name of the Sefior Capitan Hernando Cortes,
my commander." Thus they were captured, and they
were thunderstruck. Then they sent Pedro Barba
and his companions to where we were Stationed with
Cortes in Tepeaca, and we were delighted to receive
them for the help that it brought us in the very nick
of time.
Cortes paid much honour to Pedro Barba, and made
him Captain of the crossbowmen. Another small vessel
440
WELCOME REINFORCEMENTS
arrived within eight days, and a gentleman named
Rodrigo Morejon de Lobera came in her as Captain,
and brought with him eight soldiers and six cross-
bows and much twine for making bow&rings, and one
mare. In exaftly the same way that they had taken
Pedro Barba, so did they take this Rodrigo Morejon,,
and they were sent at once to Segura de la Frontera,
and we rejoiced to see all of them, and Cortes paid
them much honour and gave them employment.
CHAPTER XCIII
GUATEMOC, the chieftain who had recently been raised
to be King of Mexico, was sending garrisons to his
frontiers, and in particular he sent one very powerful
and numerous body of warriors to Guacachula and
another to Izucar, distant two or three leagues from
Guacachula. It seems that this hoSt of warriors
committed many robberies and a£ls of violence again&
the inhabitants of those towns where they were
quartered ; so much so, that four chieftains of
Guacachula came very secretly to Cortes and asked
him to send Teules and horses to put a £lop to these
robberies and injuries which the Mexicans were
committing, and said that all the people of that town
and others in the neighbourhood would aid us in
slaying the Mexican squadrons.
When Cortes heard this he despatched Cristobal
de Olid as Captain with nearly all the horsemen and
crossbowmen and a large force of Tlaxcalans. Cortes
[also] told off certain captains from among those
who had come with Narvaez, to accompany Captain
Cri£t6bal de Olid, so he took with him over three
hundred soldiers and all the be& horses that we had.
About a league from Guacachula the Caciques of the
441
THE FAILURE OF GARAY
town came out to tell them how and where the men
of Culua were ported, and how they should be attacked,
and in what way the Spaniards could be assisted,
and they fell on the troops of Culua, and although the
latter fought well for a good while and wounded some
of our soldiers and killed two horses and wounded eight
more at some barricades and ditches that were in the
town, within an hour all the Mexicans were put to
flight. Olid did not tarry long in that town but went
on at once to Izucar, and with those who could follow
him and with our allies from Cuacachula he crossed
the river and fell on the Mexican squadrons and
quickly defeated them. There they killed two horses
and gave Olid two wounds, one of them in the thigh,
and his horse was badly wounded.
While we were Stationed at Segura de la Frontera,
letters reached Cortes to say that one of the ships
which Francisco de Garay, the Governor of Jamaica,
had sent to form a settlement at Panuco, had come into
port, and that her Captain was named Camargo, and
that she brought over sixty soldiers, all of them ill,
and very yellow and with swollen bellies. They brought
the news that the other Captain whom,Garay had sent
to settle at Panuco, whose name was Alvarez Pinedo,
and all the soldiers and horses that had been sent to
that province, had been killed by the Indians, and
their ships burned. This Camargo, seeing how badly
things had turned out, re-embarked his soldiers and
came for help to the port, for they knew well that we
had settled there. It was because they had to endure
the constant attacks of the Indians of Panuco, that
they had nothing to eat and arrived so thin and yellow
and swollen. These soldiers and their captain came
on very slowly (for they could not walk, owing to
their weakness) to the town of Frontera. When
Cortes saw them so swollen and yellow he knew that
they were no good as fighting men and that we should
442
PROVES A BOON TO CORTES
hardly be able to cure them, and he treated them with
much consideration. I fancy that Camargo died very
soon, but I do not well remember what became of
him, and many others of them died, and then for a
joke we gave the others a nickname, and called them
the " verdigris bellies " for they were the colour of
death and their bellies were so swollen.
One Miguel Diaz de Auz arrived soon after, who
had been sent as one,of Francisco de Garay' s captains
to succour Captain Alvarez Pinedo, for he thought
that Pinedo was at Panuco. When Miguel Diaz
de Auz arrived at the port of Panuco and found no
vestige, neither hide nor hair, of the Armada of Garay
he underwood at once from what he saw, that they
were all dead. The Indians of that province attacked
Miguel Diaz as soon as he arrived with his ship, and
for that reason he came on to our port and disem-
barked his soldiers, who numbered more than fifty
with seven horses, and he soon arrived where we were
Stationed with Cortes, and this help was moSt welcome
juSt at the time when we needed it moSt.
A few days after Miguel Diaz de Auz had come to
port, another ship arrived in port which Garay had
also sent to help and succour his expedition, believing
that they were all safe and well in the Rio de Panuco.
The Captain who came in her was an old man named
Ramirez. Thus, Francisco de Garay shot off one
shaft after another to the assistance of his Armada,
and each one went to assist the good fortune of Cortes
and of us. It was of the greatest help to us, and all
these men from Garay, as I have already said, came
to Tepeaca where we were Stationed. Because the
soldiers brought by Miguel Dfaz de Auz arrived
very hearty and fat, we called them " the Strong
backs ", and those who came with the elder Ramirez,
who wore cotton armour so thick that no arrow could
penetrate it, and it was very heavy, we called " the
443
EXPEDITION UNDER SANDOVAL
pack saddles ". When the captains and soldiers whom
I have mentioned, presented themselves before Cortes,
he paid them much honour.
Cortes had now an abundance of soldiers and horses
and crossbows. He had received news that in some
towns named Zocotla and Xalatcinco and in others in
the neighbourhood, many of the soldiers of Narvaez.
had been killed when on their way from Mexico,
and also that it was in those towns that they had killed,
and Stolen the gold from Juan de Alcantara and the
other two settlers from the town of Villa Rica.
Cortes sent Gonzalo de Sandoval, the chief Alguacil,
as the captain of that expedition, a valiant man of good
counsel, and he took with him two hundred soldiers,
nearly all of them from us, the followers of Cortes,
and twenty horsemen and twelve crossbowmen and
a large force of Tlaxcalans.
Without relating anything more that happened
on this expedition, I may say that the enemy were
defeated and the Mexicans and the Caciques of those
towns were put to flight.
They found in the Cues of that town clothes and
armour and horses' bridles and two saddles, and other
things belonging to horsemen, which had been
offered to the Idols. Sandoval returned with a great
spoil of women and boys who were branded as slaves,
and Cortes was delighted when he saw him arrive
Strong and well, although eight soldiers had been
badly wounded, and three horses killed, and Sandoval
himself had one arrow wound.
I did not go on that expedition as I was very ill with
fever and was vomiting blood, and thank God I got well
for they bled me.
444
BRANDING OF THE SLAVES
CHAPTER XCIV
WHEN Gonzalo de Sandoval arrived at the town of
Segura de la Frontera after having made the expeditions
I have spoken of, we had all the people of that province
pacified. So Cortes decided, with the officials of the
King, that all the slaves that had been taken should
be branded so that his fifth might be set aside after
the fifth had been taken for His Majesty, and to
this effeft he had a proclamation made in the town
and camp, that all the soldiers should bring to a
house chosen for the purpose all the women whom
we were sheltering, to be branded, and the time
allowed for doing this was the day of the proclamation
and one more.
We all came with all the Indian women and girls
and boys whom we had captured, but the grown-up
men we did not trouble about as they were difficult to
watch and we had no need of their services, as we had
our friends the Tlaxcalans. When they had all been
brought together and had been marked with the iron
which was like this ^ , which &ands for guerra [war],
when we were not expe£ting it they set aside the
Royal fifth, and then took another fifth for Cortes,
and, in addition to this, the night before, after we had
placed the women in that house as I have Stated, they
took away and hid the be& looking Indian women,
and there was not a good-looking one left, and when
it came to dividing them, they allotted us the old and
ugly women, and there was a great deal of grumbling
about it against Cortes and those who ordered the
good-looking Indian women to be £tolen and hidden ;
so much so that some of the soldiers of Narvaez said
to Cortes himself, that they took God to witness that
such a thing had never happened as to have two Kings
in the country belonging to our Lord the King, and
445
DISPUTES ARISE
to deduft two-fifths. One of the soldiers who said
this to him was Juan Bono de Quejo, and moreover
he said that they would not remain in such a county
and that he would inform His Majesty in Spain about
it, and the Royal Council of the Indies. Another
soldier told Cortes very clearly that it did not suffice
to divide the gold which has been secured in Mexico
in the way in which he had done it, for when he was
dividing it he said that it was three hundred thousand
pesos that had been collected, and when we were fleeing
from Mexico, he had ordered witness to be taken
that there remained more than seven hundred
thousand ; and that now the poor soldier who had
done all the hard work and was covered with wounds
could not even have a good-looking Indian woman ;
besides the soldiers had given the Indian women skirts
and chemises, and all those women had been taken and
hidden away. Moreover when the proclamation had
been issued that they were to be brought and
branded, it was thought that each soldier would
have his women returned to him, and they would be
appraised according to the value of each in pesos,,
and that when they had been valued a fifth would be
paid to His Majesty and there would not be any
fifth for Cortes ; and other complaints were made
worse than these.
When Cortes saw this, he said with smooth words
that he swore on his conscience (for that was his usual
oath) that from that time forward he would not aft
in that way, but that good or bad, all the Indian women
should be put up to auction, and that the good-looking
ones should be sold for so much, and those that were
not good looking for a lower price, so that there
should be no cause of quarrel with him. However,
here in Tepeaca no more slaves were made, but after-
wards in Texcoco it was done nearly in this manner,,
as I will relate further on.
446
OVER SLAVES AND GOLD
I will Stop talking about this and will refer to another
matter almost worse than this of the slaves, which was
that when on that night of sorrow * we were fleeing
from Mexico, Cortes declared before a King's Notary
that whoever should wish to take gold from what was
left there, might carry it off and welcome, for their
own, as otherwise it would be lo£L As in our camp and
town of Segura de la Frontera Cortes got to know that
there were many bars of gold, and that they were
changing hands at play, and as the proverb has it :
" El oro y amores eran malos de encubrir " (gold and
love affairs are difficult to hide), he ordered a proclama-
tion to be made, that under heavy penalty they should
bring and declare the gold that they had taken, and
that a third part of it should be returned to them,
and that if they did not bring it, all would be seized.
Many of the soldiers who possessed gold did not
wish to give it up, and some of it Cortes took as a
loan, but more by force than by consent, and as nearly
all the Captains possessed gold and even the officials
of the King, the proclamation was all the more ignored
and no more spoken of ; however, this order of Cortes"
seemed to be very wrong.
CHAPTER XCV
WHEN the Captains of Narvaez observed that now we
had reinforcements both through those who had
come from Cuba, and those whom Francisco de Garay
had sent to join his expedition from Jamaica, and they
saw that the towns of the province of Tepeaca were
all at peace, after much discussion with Cortes, and
many promises and entreaties, they begged him to
give them leave to return to the Island of Cuba, as
he had promised. Cort6s promptly granted their
1 The no'che trifle.
447
CORTES DESPATCHES ENVOYS
request, and even promised them that if he regained
New Spain and the city of Mexico that he would give
his partner Andres de Duero much more gold than
he had given him before, and he made similar promises
to the other Captains, especially to Augu&in Bermtidez,
and he ordered them to be given supplies such as
could be procured at that time, maize, and salted dogs,
and a few fowls, and one of the be& ships. Cortes
wrote to his wife. Dona Catalina Juarez, la Marcaida,
and to Juan Juarez his brother-in-law, who at that
time lived in the Island of Cuba, and sent them some
bars and jewels of gold, and told them about all the
disasters and hardships that had happened to us,
and how we had been driven out of Mexico.
When Cortes gave the men leave to go, we asked him
why he gave it, as we who remained behind were so
few, and he replied that it was to avoid brawls and
importunities, and that we could see for ourselves
that some of those who were returning were not fit
for warfare, and that it was better to remain alone
than in useless company. Cortes sent Pedro de
Alvarado to despatch them from the port, and told
him that after they were embarked he was to return
at once to the town.
I will now say that he also sent Diego de Ordas
and Alonzo de Mendoza to Castile, with certain
messages from himself, and I do not know if he sent
any from us, for he did not tell us a thing about the
business that he was negotiating with His Maje£ly.
Cortes also sent Alonzo de Avila to the Island of
Santo Domingo to give an account of all that had
happened to the Royal Audiencia.
I well know that some inquiring readers will ask
how without money could Diego de Ordas be sent
on business to Ca&ile, for it is clear that in Castile
and elsewhere money is a necessity, and in the same
way how could Alonzo de Avila and Francisco
448
SPANIARDS MARCH TO TLAXCALA
Alvarez el Chico be sent on business to Santo Domingo,
and to the Island of Jamaica for horses and mares ?
I may answer this, that when we were fleeing from
Mexico by Cortes' orders more than eighty Tlaxcalan
Indians were laden with gold, and they were amongst
the fir£l who got clear of the bridges, so that it is clear
that many loads of it were saved, and it was not all
loft on the causeway.
Let us leave this subject, and I will say that now as
all the towns in the neighbourhood of Tepeaca were
at peace, Cortes settled that one Francisco de Orozco
should £tay in our town of Segura de la Frontera as
captain, with a batch of twenty soldiers who were
wounded or ill, and that all the re£b of the army should
go to Tlaxcala, He also gave orders that timber
should be cut for the building of thirteen launches
so that we could return to Mexico again, for we
knew for certain that we could never ma£fcer the lake
without launches, nor carry on war, nor enter that
great city another time by the causeways, without
great risk to our lives.
He who was the expert to cut the wood and make
the model and the measurement, and give instructions
how the launches were to be fa£t sailors and of light
draught for their special purpose, and the one who
built them, was Martin L6pez, who certainly, besides
being a good sailor in all the wars, served His Majesty
very well in this matter of the launches and worked
at them like a Strong man.
When we arrived at Tlaxcala our great friend Mase
Escasi had died of smallpox. We all grieved over his
death very much and Cortes said he felt it as though
it were the death of his own father, and he put on
mourning of black cloth, and so did many of our
Captains and soldiers. Cortes and all of us paid much
honour to the children and relations of Mase Escasi.
As there were disputes in Tlaxcala about the Cacique-
449 eg
BUILDING LAUNCHES
ship and command, Cortes ordered and decreed
that It should go to a legitimate son of Mase Escasi,
for so his father had ordered before he died, and he
had also said to his sons and relations, that they should
take care always to obey the commands of Malinche
and his brethren, for we were certainly those who
were destined to govern the country, and he gave
them other good advice.
Xicotenga the elder and Chichimecatecle and
nearly all the other caciques of Tlaxcala offered their
services to Cortes, both in the matter of cutting wood
for the launches and anything else he might order for
the war against Mexico. Cortes embraced them with
much affeftion and thanked them for it, especially
Xicotenga the elder and Chichimecatecle, and soon
persuaded them to become Christians and the good
old Xicotenga with much willingness said that he
wished to be a Christian, and he was baptized by the
Padre de la Merced with the greatest ceremony that
at that time it was possible to arrange in Tlaxcala,
and was given the name of Don Lorenzo Vargas.
Let us go back to speak of the launches, Martin
Lopez made such speed in cutting the wood with the
great assistance rendered him by the Indians, that he
had the whole of it cut within a few days, and each
beam marked for the position for which it was intended
to occupy, after the manner that the master carpenters
and boat builders have of marking it. / He was also
assisted by another good soldier named Andrez Nunez,
and an old carpenter who was lame from a wound,
called Ramirez the elder.
Then Cortes sent to Villa Rica for much of the
iron and the bolts of the ships which we had destroyed,
and for anchors, sails and rigging and for cables and
tow and all the other material for building ships, and
he ordered all the blacksmiths to come, and one
Hernando de Aguilar who was half a blacksmith and
450
TEXCOCO AS HEADQUARTERS
helped in the forging. Cortes sent a certain Santa
Cruz as Captain to Villa Rica with orders to bring
all the material I have mentioned. He brought
everything, even to the cauldrons for melting the
pitch, and all the things that they had taken out of
the ships, and transported them with the help of more
than a thousand Indians, for all the towns of those
provinces were enemies of the Mexicans, and at once
gave men to carry the loads. Then as we had no pitch
with which to caulk the launches, and the Indians
did not know how to extraft it, Cortes ordered four
sailors who understood the work to go and make pitch
in some fine pine woods near Huexotzingo.
As soon as Cortes saw that the timber for the
launches was cut, and the persons named by me had
Started for Cuba he settled that we should go with all
our soldiers to the city of Texcoco. Over this there
were many and great discussions, for some of the
soldiers said that there was a better position, and better
canals and ditches in which to build the sloops at
Ayotzingo near Chalco than in the ditch and lake [at
Texcoco], and others contended that Texcoco was
the better, as it was nearer to many other towns, and
that when we held that city in our power, we could
make expeditions to the country in the vicinity of
Mexico, and that once Stationed in that city we could
form a better opinion as to how things were going on.
News now reached us that a large ship had arrived
from Spain and the Canary Islands, laden with a
great variety of merchandise, muskets, powder, cross-
bows and crossbow cords, and three horses, and other
arms. Cortes sent at once to buy all the arms and
powder and everything else that she carried, and
Juan de Burgos, the owner of the ship, and Amedel
the sailing mailer, and all the passengers on board
soon came to our camp, and we were very well satisfied
at receiving such timely assi&ance.
BOOK X
THE RETURN TO THE VALLEY
CHAPTER XCVI
WHEN Cortes saw that he possessed such a goodly
&ore of muskets and powder and crossbows and
realized the Strong desire of all of us, both Captains
and soldiers, again to attack the great City of Mexico,
he decided to ask the Caciques of Tlaxcala to give him
ten thousand Indian warriors to join us on an expedi-
tion to Texcoco ; which after Mexico is one of the
largest cities in the whole of New Spain. Xicotenga
the elder promptly said that he would give him with
the utmost willingness not only ten thousand men
but many more if he chose to take them, and that
another valiant Cacique, our great friend Chichime-
catecle would go as their captain. On the day after
the fea£t of the Nativity in the year 1520 we began
our march, and slept at (Tesmelucan) a pueblo subjeft
to Tlaxcala, and the people of the town gave us what
we needed. From there onward it was Mexican
territory, and we went more cautiously, for it was
well known in Mexico and Texcoco that we were
marching towards their city. That day we met no
obstacles whatever and camped at the foot of the Sierra,
a march of about three leagues. The night was very
cold, but we got through it safely thanks to our
patrols, and scouts. When the dawn came we began
to ascend a small pass and in some difficult places
like barrancas the hillside had been cut away so that
we could not pass, and many pine trees and other
452
SPANIARDS MARCH TO TEXCOCO r
timber had been placed across the track, but having
so many friendly Tlaxcalans with us, a clearing was
soon made, and sending a company of musketeers
and crossbowmen in advance we marched on with
the utmost caution, our allies cutting and pushing
aside trees to enable the horsemen to pass, until \ye
got to the top of the range. Then we descended -a
little and caught sight of the lake of Mexico and its
great cities Standing in the water, and when we saw. it
we gave great thanks to God for allowing us to see
it again.
We descended the mountain to where we saw great
smoke signals, and marching onward we came upon a
large squadron of Mexican and Texcocan warriors
who were waiting for us at a pass through a rocky
thicket where there was an apparently broken down
wooden bridge, and a deep gulch and waterfall
below it. However, we soon defeated the squadron
and passed in perfeft safety. To hear the shouts
that they gave from the farms and from the barrancas: 1
However they did nothing else, and shouted only
from places where the horsemen could not reach
them. Our friends the Tlaxcalans carried off fowls
and whatever else they could fteal, and they did not
abstain from this although Cortes had ordered them
not to make war on the people if they were not
attacked. The Tlaxcalans answered that if the people
were well disposed and peaceable they would not
come out on the road and attack us as they did at the
passage of the barranca and bridge, where they tried
to Stop our advance.
We went to sleep that night at (Coatepec) a deserted
pueblo subjeft to Texcoco, and took every precaution
left we should be attacked during the darkness.
As soon as dawn came we began our march towards
Texcoco, which was about two leagues distant from
where we slept. However, we had not advanced
453
MESSENGERS SENT TO SUE FOR PEACE
half a league when we saw our scouts returning at a
breakneck pace and looking very cheerful, and they
told Cortes that ten Indians were approaching unarmed
and carrying golden devices and banners, and that
yells and shouts no longer came from the huts and
farms they had passed on the road as had happened
the day before.
Then Cort6s ordered a halt until seven Indian
Chieftains, natives of Texcoco, came up to us. They
carried a golden banner, and a long lance, and before
reaching us they lowered the banner and knelt down
(which is a sign of peace), and when they came before
Cortes who had our interpreters ^landing by him,
they said : " Malinche, our Lord and Chieftain of
Texcoco, Coanacotzin sends to beg you to receive
him into your friendship, and he is awaiting you
peaceably in the City, and in proof thereof accept this
banner of gold, and he begs as a favour that you will
order your Tlaxcalans and your brethren not to
do any harm to his land, and that you will come and
lodge in the city where he will provide you with all
that you need." Moreover they said that the troops
which had been Stationed in the ravines and bad
passes did not belong to Texcoco, but were Mexicans
sent by Guatemoc.
When the message had been considered Cortes at
once sent for the Tlaxcalan Captains and ordered
them, in the mo£t friendly way, not to do any damage
nor to take anything whatever in this country because
peace had been made, and they did as he told them,
but he did not forbid their taking food if it were only
maize and beans, or even fowls and dogs, of which
there was an abundance, all the houses being full of
them.
Then Cortes took counsel with his Captains, and it
seemed to them all that this begging for peace was a
trick, for if it had been true it would not have been
454
CORTES ENTERS TEXCOCO
done so suddenly, and they would have brought food.
Nevertheless, Cortes accepted the banner, which
was worth about eighty pesos, and thanked the
messengers and said to them, that he was not in the
habit of doing evil or damage to any vassals of His
Majesty, and if they kept the peace which they had
announced he would proteft them againft the
Mexicans ; that as they might have seen, he had
already ordered the Tlaxcalans not to do any damage
in their country, and they would avoid doing so for
the future, although they knew how in that city over
forty Spaniards our brethren, and two hundred Tlax-
calans had been killed at the time when we were
leaving Mexico, and many loads of gold and other
spoil which belonged to them had been Stolen, and
that he mu£t beg their chieftain Coanacotzin and the
other chiefs and captains of Texcoco to restore to us
the gold and the cloths, but as to the death of the
Spaniards, there was no remedy for it, he would
therefore not ask them for any.
The messengers replied that they would report to
their Lord as he ordered them to do, but that he who
had ordered the Spaniards to be killed and who took
all the spoil was a chieftain named Cuitlahuac who
had been chosen King of Mexico after Montezuma's
death, and that they took to him in Mexico nearly
all the Teules and they had been promptly sacrificed
to Huichilobos.
When Cortes heard that reply, he made no answer,
left he should lose his temper or threaten them, but
he bade them Godspeed. One of the ambassadors
remained in our company, and we went on to a
suburb of Texcoco called Coatlinchan, and there they
gave us plenty to eat and all that we had need of,
and we caft down some Idols that were in the houses
where we lodged, and early the next day we went to
the city of Texcoco. In none of the Greets nor houses
455
COANACOTZIN FLEES TO MEXICO
did we see any women, boys or children, only terrified
looking men. We took up our quarters in some great
rooms and halls, and Cortes at once summoned the
captains and mo£t of us soldiers and told us not to
leave the precinfts of the great courts, and to keep
well on the alert until we could see how things were
going, for it did not seem to him that the city was
friendly. He ordered Pedro de Alvarado and Cri£toval
de Olid and some other soldiers, and me among
them, to ascend the great Cue which was very lofty,
and to look from the lofty Cue over the City and the
lake, and what we saw was that all the inhabitants
were moving off with their goods and chattels, and
women and children, some to the hills and others to
the reed thickets in the lake, and that the lake was
thronged with canoes great and small.
As soon as Cortes knew this he wanted to capture
the Lord of Texcoco who had sent him the golden
banner, and when certain priests whom Cortes sent
as messengers went to summon him, he had already
placed himself in safety, for he was the very fir£l to
flee to Mexico with many other chieftains. We passed
that night with great precautions, and very early the
next day Cortes ordered all the Indian chieftains who
had remained in Texcoco to be summoned before
him, for as it was a very large city there were many
other chieftains of the parties opposing the Cacique
who had fled, with whom there had been discussions
and disputes about the command and Kingship of
that city. When they came before Cortes he learned
from them how and since when Coanacotzin had ruled
over the city. They told him that Coanacotzin in his
desire to seize the power had infamously killed his
elder brother Cuicuitzcatzin with the assistance
given him for that purpose by Cuitlahuac, the Prince
of Mexico, the one that made war on us when we were
fleeing after the death of Montezuma. Furthermore,
456
NEW CACIQUE APPOINTED
there were among them other Lords who had a better
right to the kingdom of Texcoco than he who now
held it, and that it should go to a youth who at that
time became a Christian with much religious pomp,
and was named Don Hernando Cortes, for our Captain
was his Godfather. They said that this youth was the
legitimate son of Nezahualpilli, the Lord and King
of Texcoco, and presently without any further delay,
and with the greatest festive celebration and rejoicing
throughout Texcoco, they appointed him their natural
Lord and King, with all the ceremonies which they
were accustomed to render to their so-called Kings ;
and in perfect peace and with the love of all his vassals,
and of the neighbouring towns, he governed absolutely
and was obeyed. For his better instruction in the
matters of our faith and to improve his manners, and
so that he should learn our language, Cort£s ordered
that he should have as his tutors Antonio de Villa Real,
and a Bachelor of Arts named Escobar ; Cortes then
asked for a large force of Indian labourers to broaden
and deepen the canals and ditches through which we
were to draw the launches to the lake when they were
finished and ready to sail. He also explained to Don
Hernando himself and the other chieftains what
was the reason and purpose in having the launches
built, and how we were going to blockade Mexico.
Don Hernando offered all the assistance within his
power, and of his own accord promised to send
messengers to all the neighbouring pueblos and tell
them to become vassals of His Majesty, and accept
our friendship and authority against Mexico.
CHAPTER XCVII
AFTER spending twelve days in Texcoco the Tlaxca-
lans had exhausted their provisions, and they were
457
CORTES ATTACKS IZTAPALAPA
so numerous that the people of Texcoco were unable
to furnish them with sufficient food. As we were
unwilling that they should become a burden to the
people of Texcoco and as the Tlaxcalans themselves
were mo£t desirous of fighting the Mexicans and
avenging the death of the many Tlaxcalans who had
been killed and offered as sacrifices during their pa£t
defeats, Cortes determined that we should set out
on our march to Iztapalapa with himself as Com-
mander in Chief, and with Andres de Tapia, Cri&6bal
de Olid, and thirteen horsemen, twenty crossbowmen,
six musketeers and two hundred and twenty soldiers,
and our Tlaxcalan allies, besides twenty chieftains
from Texcoco given us by Don Hernando. I have
already said that more than half the houses in Izta-
palapa were built in the water and the other half on
dry land. We kept on our way in good order, and as
the Mexicans always held watchmen and garrisons
and warriors ready to oppose us and to reinforce any
of their towns, when they knew that we were going
to attack them, they warned the people of Iztapalapa
to be prepared, and sent over eight thousand Mexicans
to help them. Like good warriors they awaited our
coming on dry land, and for a good while they fought
very bravely against us. Then the horsemen broke
through their ranks, followed by the crossbows and
muskets, and all our Tlaxcalan allies who charged on
them like mad dogs, and the enemy quickly abandoned
the open ground and took refuge in the town. How-
ever, they had arranged a £tratagem, and this was
the way they did it ; they fled and got into their
canoes which were in the water, and into the houses
which £tood in the lake, others retired among the
reeds, and as it was a dark night, they gave us a chance
to take up quarters in the town, well contented with
the spoil we had taken and £till more with the vi&ory
we had gained. While we were in this situation, when
458
THE TOWN FLOODED
we leaSt expefted it such a flood of water rushed
through the whole town, that if the chieftains whom
we had brought from Texcoco had not cried out, and
warned us to get out of the houses to dry land as
quickly as we could, we should all have been drowned,
for the enemy had burSt open the canals of fresh and
salt water and torn down a causeway, so that the
water rose up all of a sudden. As our allies the
Tlaxcalans were not accustomed to water and did
not know how to swim, two of them were drowned,
and we, at great risk to bur lives, all thoroughly
drenched and with our powder spoilt, managed to get
out without our belongings, and in that condition,
very cold, and without any supper, we passed a bad
night. WorSt of all were the jeers and the shouts and
whittles which the people of Iztapalapa and the
Mexicans uttered from their houses and canoes.
However, there was Still a worse thing to happen to us,
for as they knew in Mexico about the plan that had
been made to drown us by breaking down the causeway
and canals, we found waiting for us on land and in the
lake many battalions of warriors, and, as soon as day
dawned, they made such an attack on us that we
could hardly bear up againSt it ; but they did not
defeat us, although they killed two soldiers and one
horse, and wounded many both of us and the Tlaxca-
lans. Little by little the attack slackened and we
returned to Texcoco, half ashamed at the trick and
Stratagem to throw us into the water, and also because
we gained very little credit in the battle they fought
againSt us afterwards, as our powder was exhausted.
Nevertheless, it frightened them, and they had
enough to do in burying and burning their dead, and
curing their wounds and rebuilding their houses.
When we had been two days in Texcoco after our
return from the expedition to Ixtapalapa, three pueblos
came peaceably to Cortes to beg pardon for the paSt
459
PUEBLOS BEG FOR HELP
wars and the deaths of Spaniards whom they had
killed.
As Cortes saw that there was nothing else to be
done at the time, he pardoned them, but he gave
them a severe reprimand, and they bound themselves
by many promises always to be hostile to the Mexicans
and to be the vassals of His Majesty, and to serve
us, and so they did.
About the same time the inhabitants of the pueblo
named Mixquic, which is also called Venezuela, which
Stands in the lake, came to beg for peace and friend-
ship. These people had apparently never been on good
terms with the Mexicans, and in their hearts they
detected them. Cortes and all of us were greatly pleased
at these people coming to seek our friendship, because
their peblo was in the lake, and through them we hoped
to get at their neighbours who were likewise established
on the water, so Cortes thanked them greatly and
dismissed them with promises and gentle speeches.
While this was taking place they came to tell Cortes
that great squadrons of Mexicans were advancing on
the four pueblos which had been the fir& to seek our
friendship, one named Coatlinchan and others whose
names I forget, and they told Cortes that they did not
dare to &ay in their houses and that they wished to
flee to the mountains or to come to Texcoco where
we were, and they said so many things to Cortes to
induce him to help them, that he promptly got ready
twenty horsemen and two hundred soldiers, thirteen
crossbowmen, and ten musketeers and took with him
Pedro de Alvarado and Cri£t6bal de Olid, and went to
the pueblos, a diftance from Texcoco of about two
leagues. It appeared to be true that the Mexicans
had sent to threaten them and warn them that they
would be destroyed for accepting our friendship, but the
point of dispute over which they uttered the wor ft threats
concerned some large maize plantations lying near the
460
DEFENCE OF MAIZE FIELDS
lake which were ready for the harvest, whence the
people of Texcoco were providing our camp. The
Mexicans wanted to take the maize, for they said that
it was theirs, for it had been the custom for those
four pueblos to sow and harvest the maize plantations
on that plain for the priests of the Mexican Idols.
Over this question of the maize field many Indians
had been killed. When Cortes understood about it,
he promised the people that when the time came for
them to go and gather maize, he would send a Captain
and many horsemen and soldiers to protect those who
went to fetch it. They were well pleased with what
Cortes had said to them, and we returned to Texcoco.
From that time forward, whenever we had need of
maize in our camp, we mustered the Indian warriors
from all those towns and with our Tlaxcalan allies and
ten horsemen and a hundred soldiers, with some
musketeers and crossbowmen, we went after the
maize. I say this because I went twice for it myself
and on one occasion we had a capital skirmish with
some powerful Mexican Squadrons which had come
in more than a thousand canoes, and awaited us in
the maize fields, and as we had our allies with us,
although the Mexicans fought like brave men, we
made them take to their canoes, but they killed one
of our soldiers and wounded twelve, and they also
wounded some Tlaxcalans, but the enemy had not
much to brag about for fifteen or twenty of them
were lying dead, and we carried off five of them as
prisoners.
The next day we heard the news that the people of
Chalco and Tlamanalco and their dependencies wished
to make peace, but on account of the Mexican garrisons
Rationed in their towns, they had no opportunity to
do so, and that these Mexicans did much damage in
their country and took their women, especially if they
were handsome.
461
HELP SENT TO CHALCO
We had also heard that the timber for building the
launches had been cut and prepared at Tlaxcala, and
as the time was passing, and none of the timber had
yet been brought to Texcoco, mo£t of the soldiers
were a good deal worried about it. Then, in addition
to this, the people came from the pueblo of Mixquic
and from other friendly pueblos to tell Cortes that the
Mexicans were coming to attack them because they
had accepted our friendship. Moreover some of our
friends the Tlaxcalans, who had already grabbed
clothing and salt and gold and other spoil, wished to
return home, but they did not dare to do so because
the road was not safe.
CHAPTER XCVTII
WHEN Cort6s found that to succour some of those
towns that clamoured for help and to give assistance
to the people of Chalco as well would make it
impossible to give security to either one or the other,
he decided to put aside all other matters and first of all
to go to Chalco and Tlamanalco. For that purpose
he sent Gonzalo de Sandoval and Francisco de Lugo
with fifteen horsemen and two hundred soldiers and
musketeers and crossbowmen and our Tlaxcalan
allies, with orders by all means to break up and disperse
the Mexican garrisons and to drive them out of
Chalco and Tlamanalco, and leave the road to Tlaxcala
quite clear, so that one could come and go to Villa
Rica without any molestation from the Mexican
warriors. As soon as this was arranged he sent some
Texcocan Indians very secretly to Chalco to advise
the people about it, so that they might be fully pre-
pared to fall on the Mexican garrison either by day
or night. As they wished for nothing better, the
people of Chalco kept thoroughly prepared.
462
SKIRMISH NEAR CHALCO
When Gonzalo de Sandoval marched with his army
he left a rearguard of five horsemen and as many
crossbowmen to proteft the large number of the
Tlaxcalans, who were laden with the spoil that they
had seized. The Mexicans knew that our people
were marching on Chalco, and had got together many
squadrons of warriors, who fell on the rearguard where
the Tlaxcalans were marching with their spoil, and
punished them severely, and our five horsemen and
the crossbowmen could not hold out against them, for
two of the crossbowmen were killed and the others
were wounded, and although Gonzalo de Sandoval
promptly turned round on the enemy and defeated
them, and killed ten Mexicans, the lake was so near
by that the enemy managed to take refuge in the canoes
in which they had come.
When the enemy had been put to flight and
Sandoval saw that the five horsemen, in the rearguard
with the musketeers and crossbowmen, were wounded
both they and their horses, and that two crossbowmen
were dead and the others wounded, although, I repeat,,
he saw all this, he did not fail to say to them that they
were not worth much for not having been able to
resist the enemy and defend themselves and our
allies, and that he was very angry with them ; they
were from among those who had lately come from
Spain, and he told them that it was very clear that
they did not know what fighting was like. Then he
placed in safety all the Tlaxcalan Indians with their
spoil, and he also despatched some letters which
Cort6s was sending to Villa Rica. In these Cortes
told the Captain, who had remained in command
there, that if there were any soldiers who were disposed
to take part in the fighting, that he should send them
to Tlaxcala, but that they should not go beyond that
town until the roads were safer, for they would run
great risk.
463
SANDOVAL DEFEATS MEXICANS
When the messengers had been despatched and the
Tlaxcalans sent off to their homes, Sandoval turned to-
wards Chalco. As he marched on he sawmanysquadrons
of Mexicans coming against him, and on a level plain,
where there were large plantations of maize and
magueys, they attacked him fiercely with darts, arrows,
and Phones from slings, and long lances with which
to kill the horses. When Sandoval saw such a ho£t
of warriors opposed to him, he cheered on his men
and twice broke through the ranks of the enemy, and
with the aid of the muskets and crossbows, and the
few allies who had flayed with him, he defeated them,
although they wounded five soldiers and six horses,
and many of our allies. However, he had fallen on
them so quickly and with such fury that he made
them pay well for the damage they had fir£t done.
When the people of Chalco knew that Sandoval was
near, they went out to receive him on the road with
much honour and rejoicing. In that defeat eight
Mexicans were taken prisoners, three of them chieftains
of importance.
When all this had been done, Sandoval said that on
the following day he wished to return to Texcoco,
and the people of Chalco said they wanted to go with
him to see and speak to Malinche and take with them
the two sons of the Lord of that province who had
•died of small-pox a few days before, and before dying
had charged all his chieftains and elders to take his
sons to see the Captain, so that by his hand they might
be installed Lords of Chalco, and that all should
endeavour to become subjects of the Great King of
the Teules, for it was quite true that his ancestors
had told him that men with beards who came from the
direction of the sunrise would govern these lands,
and from what he had seen, we were those men.
Sandoval soon returned with all his army to Texcoco
and took in his company the sons of the Lord of
464
CORTES NOMINATES CACIQUES
Chalco and the other chieftains, and the eight Mexican
prisoners and Cortes was overjoyed at his arrival.
The Caciques presented themselves at once before
Cortes, and, after having paid him every sign of respeft,
they told him of the willingness with which they would
become vassals of His Majesty, as their father had
commanded them to do, and begged that they might
receive the chieftainship from his hands. When they
had made their speeches, they presented Cortes with
rich jewels worth about two hundred pesos de oro.
When Cortds thoroughly understood what they
had said, he showed them much kindness and embraced
them, and under his hand gave the Lordship of Chalco
to the elder brother with more than the half of the
subjedl pueblos, and those of Tlamanalco and Chimal
he gave to the younger brother together with Ayot-
zingo and other subjeft pueblos.
Cortes begged the chieftains to wait in Texcoco for
two days, as he was about to send a Captain to Tlaxcala,
for the timber and planking, who would take them in
his company, and conduft them to their country, so
that the Mexicans should not attack them on the
road ; for this they thanked him greatly and went
away well contented.
Let us Stop talking about this and say how Cortes
decided to send to Mexico the eight prisoners, whom
Sandoval had captured in the rout at Chalco, to tell
the Prince named Guatemoc, whom the Mexicans had
then chosen as king, how greatly he desired to avoid
being the cause of his ruin and that of so great a city ;
he therefore begged them to sue for peace, and he
would pardon them for the losses and deaths we had
suffered, and would ask nothing from them. He
reminded Guatemoc that it is easy to remedy a war
in the beginning but very difficult towards the middle
and at the end, and that it would end in their deftrudion
465 nh
MESSAGE SENT TO GUATEMOC
and how could Guatemoc desire all his people to be
slain and his city destroyed ? He should bear in mind
the great power of our Lord God in whom we believe
and whom we worship, and who always helps us, and
he should always remember that all the pueblos
in the neighbourhood were now on our side, that
the Tlaxcalans had no wish but for war, in order to
avenge the deaths of their compatriots. Let the
Mexicans lay down their arms and make peace, and
he [Cortes] would promise them that he would
always treat them with great honour. Dona Marina
and Aguilar made use of many other sound arguments
and gave them good advice on the subje£l. Those
eight Indians went before Guatemoc, but he refused
to send any answer whatever, and went on making
dykes and gathering £lores, and sending to all the
provinces an order that if any of us could be captured
Graying, we should be brought to Mexico to be
sacrificed, and that when he sent to summon them,
they should come at once with their arms, and he sent
to remit and free them from much of their tribute.
CHAPTER XCIX
As we were always longing to get the launches finished,
and to begin the blockade of Mexico, our Captain
Cortes, so as not to wa£te time to no purpose, ordered
Gonzalo de Sandoval to go for the timber, and to take
with him two hundred soldiers, twenty musketeers
and crossbowmen, fifteen horsemen and a large com-
pany of Tlaxcalans as well as twenty chieftains from
Texcoco ; also to take in his company the youths
and the elders from Chalco and to place them in safety
in their towns.
Before they set out Cortes established a friendship
between the Tlaxcalans and the people of Chalco.
466
STORY OF JUAN YUSTE
Cortes also ordered Gonzalo de Sandoval to go to
a pueblo subjeft to Texcoco, where more than forty
soldiers of the followers of Narvaez and some of our
own men and many Tlaxcalans had been killed, and
the people had also Stolen three loads of gold, when we
were turned out of Mexico.
Before our soldiers arrived at this pueblo the people
already knew through their spies that they were
coming down on them and they abandoned the pueblo
and fled to the hills, and Sandoval followed them and
killed only three or four of them, for he felt pity for
them, but they took some women and girls and
captured four chieftains. Much blood of the Spaniards
who had been killed was found on the walls of the
Temple in that pueblo, for they had sprinkled their
Idols with it, and Sandoval also found two faces
which had been flayed, and the skin tanned like skin
for gloves, the beards were left on, and they had been
placed as offerings upon one of the altars. There were
also found four tanned skins of horses very well pre-
pared, with the hair on and the horse shoes, and they
were hung up before the Idols in the great Cue. There
were also found many garments of the Spaniards who
had been killed hung up as offerings to these same
Idols, and on the pillar of a house where they had
been imprisoned there was found written with char-
coal : " Here was imprisoned the unfortunate Juan
Yu£te and many others whom I brought in my com-
pany." This Juan Yu£te was a gentleman, and was
one of the persons of quality whom Narvaez had
brought with him. Sandoval and all his soldiers were
moved to pity by all this and it grieved them greatly,
but, how could the matter now be remedied except
by being merciful to the people of the pueblo, however
they had fled and would not wait, and had taken their'
women and children with them. A few women who
were captured wept for their husbands and fathers,.
467
TIMBER FOR THE LAUNCHES
and when Sandoval saw this, he liberated four chief-
tains whom he had captured and all the women and
sent them to summon the inhabitants of the pueblo,
who came and begged for pardon and gave their
fealty to His Majesty, and promised always to oppose
the Mexicans and to serve us well with all possible
affeftion and good will. When they were asked
about the gold they had Stolen from the Tlaxcalans
who passed that way, they replied that they had taken
three loads of it from them, but the Mexicans and the
lords of Texcoco had carried it off, for they said that
the gold had belonged to Montezuma, "^ho when he
was a prisoner had taken it from their temples and
given it to Malinche.
So Sandoval went on his way towards Tlaxcala,
and when near the capital where the Caciques reside,
he met eight thousand men carrying on their backs
all the timber and boards for the launches, and as
many more men with their arms and plumes afting as
a guard, and two thousand others who brought food
and relieved the carriers. There came as commanders
of the whole force of Tlaxcalans, Chichimecatecle, and
all came in the charge of Martin Lopez who was the
Master carpenter who cut the timber and gave the
model and dimensions for the boards. When Sandoval
saw them approaching he was delighted that they
had relieved him from his task, for he expected to be
detained some days in Tlaxcala waiting for them to
get off with all the timber and planking. In the same
order in which they came up to us we accompanied
them for two days until we entered Mexican territory,
The Mexicans whittled and shouted from their
farms and from the barrancas and from other places
where we could do them no harm either with our
horsemen or our muskets.
Then Martin Lopez said that it would be as well
to change the order in which they had hitherto marched
468
TLAXCALANS ENTER TEXCOCO
for the Tlaxcalans had told him they feared that the
powerful forces of Mexico might make a sudden
attack in that part of the road, and might defeat them,
as they were so heavily laden and hampered by the
timber and food they were carrying. So Sandoval
at once divided the horsemen and musketeers and
crossbowmen, so that some should go in advance and
others on the flanks, and he ordered Chichimecatecle
to take charge of the Tlaxcalans who were to march
behind as a rearguard with Gonzalo de Sandoval him-
self. The Cacique was offended at this, thinking that
they did not consider him a brave man, but they
said so much to him on that point, that he became
reconciled, seeing that Sandoval himself was to-
remain with him, and that he was given to under-
hand that the Mexicans always made their attacks,
on the baggage which was kept towards the rear.
When he clearly understood this he embraced Sandoval
and said that he felt honoured by what had been done.
Another two days' march brought them to Texcoco,
and before entering the city they put on very fine
cloaks and plumes, and marched in good order to
the sound of drums and trumpets, and in an unbroken
line they were half a day marching into the City,
shouting, whittling and crying out " Viva, Viva for
the Emperor our Lord and Ca&ile ! Ca&ile and
Tlaxcala ! Tlaxcala ! "
From that time forward the greatest despatch was
used in building the thirteen launches. Martin
Lopez was the Master builder, aided by other
Spaniards and two blacksmiths with their forges,
and some Indian carpenters ; and all worked with
the greatest speed until the launches were put together,
and they only needed to be caulked, and their ma&s,
rigging and sails to be set up. I want to say how great
were the precautions that we took in our camp while
this was being done, in the matter of spies and scouts
469
BUILDING OF THE LAUNCHES
and guards for the launches, for they lay near the
Lake, and three times the Mexicans tried to set
them on fire, and we even captured fifteen of the
Indians who had come to set fire to them, and from these
men Cortes learned fully what was being done in
Mexico and what Guatemoc was planning, and it
was that they would never make peace but would
either all die fighting, or kill every one of us.
I wish now to mention the summonses and
messengers that the Mexicans sent to all their subject
pueblos, and how they remitted their tribute, and the
work that they carried on both by day and night, of
digging ditches and deepening the passages beneath
the bridges, and making Strong entrenchments and
preparing their darts and dart throwers and making
very long lances with which to kill the horses, to
which were attached the swords that they had captured
from us on the night of our defeat.
Let us also speak of the canal and trench by which
the launches were to go out into the great Lake, for
it was already very broad and deep so that ships of
considerable size were able to float in it, for, as I have
already said, there were eight thousand Indians always
employed on the work.
470
BOOK XI
PRELIMINARY EXPEDITIONS
CHAPTER C
As over fifteen thousand Tlaxcalans had come to
Texcoco with the timber for the launches, and had
already been five days in the city without doing any-
thing worth mentioning, and, as they had not brought
supplies with them, food was getting scarce, and
Chichimecatecle the Captain of the Tlaxcalans being
a very valiant and proud man said to Cortes that he
wished to go and render some service to our great
Emperor by fighting against the Mexicans, both to
show his Strength and the goodwill he bore us, as well
as to avenge the deaths of his brethren and his vassals,
and he begged as a favour from Cortes that he would
command and in£bru<5t him in what direftion he should
go and encounter our enemies. Cortes replied to
him that he thought very highly of his good-will,
and said that he wished to go himself, the next day,
to a pueblo named Saltocan, five or six leagues distant
from the City of Texcoco, where, although the houses
were built In the waters of a lake, there was an entrance
from the land. He had sent three times to summon
the people of that pueblo to make peace and they
refused to do so, but ill-treated the messengers and
wounded two of them, and sent as an answer that if
we came there we would find forces and a fortress
as Strong as Mexico, and come when we might, we
would find them on the field of battle, for they had
received word from their Idols that they would kill
us there, and their Idols had advised them to send
this reply.
EXPEDITION TO SALTOCAN
Cortes got ready to go in person on this expedition,
and ordered two hundred and fifty soldiers to go in
his company with thirty horsemen, and he took with
him, Pedro de Alvarado and Cristobal de Olid and many
musketeers and crossbowmen, and all the Tlaxcalans,
and a company of warriors from Texcoco, nearly all of
them chieftains. He left Gonzalo de Sandoval on guard
at Texcoco, and told him to keep a good look out both
on the Texcocans, and the launches and the camp,
and see that no attack was made on it by night for,
as I have already said, we had always to keep on
the alert, on the one hand to guard againlt the Mexicans
themselves and on the other, because we were in such
a great city, as was Texcoco, where all the inhabitants
of the city were relations and friends of the Mexicans.
He also ordered Sandoval and Martin Lopez to have
the vessels ready to be launched and to sail within
fifteen days.
Then after hearing Mass, Cortes set out with his
army ; and not far from Saltocan he met great
squadrons of Mexicans who were awaiting him in a
place where they believed that they could get the
better of our Spaniards and kill the horses. Cortes
ordered the horsemen as soon as the muskets and
crossbows had been discharged, to break in upon the
enemy; however, they killed only a few of the Mexicans,
who at once took refuge in the bush, and in places
where the horsemen could not follow them, but our
friends the Tlaxcalans captured and killed about
thirty of them.
That night Cortes went to sleep at some huts, and
kept a good look-out for they were in a thickly peopled
country, and he knew that Guatemoc had sent many
squadrons of warriors to Saltocan as reinforcements,
and these troops had come in canoes along some deep
creeks. Early the next morning the Mexicans and
the people of Saltocan began to attack our troops
472
ATTACK ON SALTOCAN
and they shot many darts and arrows at them and
slung Atones from their slings, from the canals where
they were ported, and they wounded ten of our soldiers
and many of our Tlaxcalan allies, and our horsemen
could do them no hurt, for they could not gallop nor
cross the creeks. The causeway and road by which
they were used to enter the town from the land had
been destroyed and broken down by hand only a few
days before. Owing to this, our soldiers found no
way by which they could enter the town, or do any
damage to its defenders, although they kept up a fire
against those who went about in canoes, but the canoes
were protefted by bulwarks of wood, and besides
they took good care not to expose themselves. Our
soldiers seeing that they could gain no advantage what-
ever, and that they could not hit on the road and
causeway which was there before, because it was all
covered with water, cursed the town and our profitless
expedition, and were half ashamed because the
Mexicans and townspeople shouted at them and called
them women, and said that Malinche was a woman
too, and that his only bravery was in deceiving them
with Stories and lies. Ju£t at this moment, two of the
Indians, who had come there with our people, who
belonged to the pueblo Tepetezcuco and were very
hostile to the people of Saltocan, said to one of our
soldiers that three days before they had seen the people
of Saltocan breaking open the causeway and they
made a ditch across it and turned the water of another
canal into it, but that not very far ahead the road began
again and led to the town. When our soldiers
thoroughly understood this, the musketeers and
crossbowmen were ranged in good order, and little
by little and not altogether, sometimes skipping along
and at other times wading waift deep, all our soldiers
crossed over, with many of our allies following them.
Cortes and the horsemen, turning their backs on our
473
SALTOCAN ABANDONED
soldiers, kept guard on the land, for they feared that
the Mexican squadrons might again fall on our rear.
When our men had passed the canals, the enemy fell
on them with fury, and wounded many of them, but
as they had made up their minds to gain the cause-
way which was close by, they Still forged ahead until
they could attack the enemy on land, clear of the water,
and then they got to the town. Without further wa£te
of words they fell on the enemy so fiercely that they
killed many of them and repaid them well for the
trick they had played. Much cotton cloth and gold
and other spoil was taken, but, as the town was built
in the lake, the Mexicans and the inhabitants soon
got into their canoes with all the property they were
able to carry, and went off to Mexico.
When our people saw the town deserted, they
burned some of the houses, and as they did not dare
to sleep there because the town Stood in the water,
they returned to where Captain Cortes was awaiting
them.
The next day they marched to the great pueblo
named Guautitlan, and as they went on their way, the
Indians from the neighbouring villages, and many
Mexicans who had joined them, yelled and whittled
and shouted insults at our men, but they kept to the
canals and the places where the horsemen could
not gallop and no harm could be done to them. In
this way, our troops arrived at the town, which had
been abandoned that same day and all property carried
off. That night they slept there, well guarded by
sentinels and patrols, and the following day marched
on to the great pueblo called Tenayuca. They
found this pueblo deserted like the la&, and all the
Indian inhabitants had assembled together in another
town further on called Tacuba. From Tenayuca they
marched to Atzcapotzalco, about half a league distant
one from the other, and this too was deserted. This
474
ADVANCE ON TACUBA
town of Atzcapotzalco was where they used to work
the gold and silver for the great Montezuma. From
there they marched to Tacuba, a distance of half a
league, and this is the place where we halted on that
sad night when we came out from Mexico routed.
Before our army could reach the town it was met in
the open by a large number of troops which were lying
in wait, gathered from all the pueblos through which
our army had passed, as well as those from Tacuba and
Mexico, for Mexico was close by. All of them together
began an attack on our people in such a manner that
our Captain and the horsemen had all they could do
to break through their ranks, so close did they keep
together. However, our soldiers with good sword
play forced them to retreat ; then, as it was night-time,
they went to sleep in the town after porting sentinels
and watchmen.
If there had been many Mexicans gathered together
that day, there were many more on the next morning,
and in excellent order they advanced to attack our
people with such energy that they killed and wounded
some of our soldiers. Nevertheless, our men forced
them to retreat to their houses and fortresses, so that
they found time to enter Tacuba and burn and sack
many of the houses. When this was known in Mexico,
many more squadrons were ordered to go forth from
the city to fight against Cortes, and it was arranged
that when they fought with him, they should pretend
to turn in flight towards Mexico, and little by little
they should draw our army on to the causeway until
they had them well on to it, and that they should
behave as though they were retreating out of fear.
As it was arranged, so they carried it out> and
Cortes believing that he was gaining a viftory, ordered
the enemy to be followed as far as a bridge. When the
Mexicans thought that they had already got Cortes
in their trap, and the bridge had been crossed, a huge
475
SKIRMISH ON THE CAUSEWAY
multitude of Indians turned on him, some in canoes
and others by land, and others on the azoteas, and they
placed him in such Straits and .matters looked so
serious that he believed himself to be defeated, for at
the bridge that he had reached, they fell on him with
such force that he could effect little or nothing. A
Standard bearer in resisting the charge of the enemy,
was badly wounded and fell with his banner from the
bridge into the water, and was in danger of being
drowned, and the Mexicans had even seized him to
drag him into a canoe, but he was so Strong that he
escaped with his banner. In that fight they killed
four or five of our soldiers and wounded many of them,
and Cortes recognizing the great audacity and want
of forethought that he had shown in going on to the
causeway in the way I have related, and feeling that
the Mexicans had caught him in a trap, ordered all
his followers to retire in the be& order possible without
turning their backs, but with their faces towards the
enemy and hand to hand as though resisting an onset.
The horsemen made some charges, but they were
very few, for the horses were soon wounded. In this
way, Cortes escaped that time from the power of the
Mexicans, and when he got on dry land he gave great
thanks to God.
During the five days that Cortes Stayed in Tacuba,
he had encounters and battles with the Mexicans,
and he then returned to Texcoco along the road by
which he had come.
By long marches, Cortes arrived at a pueblo subjeft
to Texcoco, named Acolman, about two leagues and
a half distant from Texcoco, and as soon as we knew
that he had arrived there we went out with Gonzalo
de Sandoval to see him and receive him, accom-
panied by the Caciques of Texcoco. We were greatly
delighted at the sight of Cortes, for we had known
nothing of what had happened to him for fifteen
476
CORTES RETURNS TO TEXCOCO
days. After welcoming him we returned to Texcoco
that afternoon, for we did not dare to leave the camp
without a sufficient guard. The Tlaxcalans, as they
were now rich and came laden with spoil, asked leave
to return to their homes, and Cortes granted it, and
they went by a road where the Mexicans could not
spy on them and saved their property.
At the end of four days, during which our Captain
was renting, and hurrying on the building of the
launches, the people from some pueblos on the North
CoaSt came to ask for peace and offer themselves as
vassals to His Majesty. At this same time, there
came messengers from other pueblos who had become
our friends, saying that we muft come and help them
because great squadrons of Mexicans were coming
against them and had entered their territory and were
carrying off many of their Indians as prisoners, and
had wounded others. There also came people from
Chalco and Tlamanalco who said that if we did not
come to their assistance they would all be lo£t, and told
a moft pitiful tale, and brought a piece of henequen
cloth, painted with an exaft representation of the
squadrons of Mexicans which had come against them.
Cortes did not know what to say, nor how to answer
them or help them, for he had seen that many of our
soldiers were wounded and ill, and eight had died of
pains in the back, and from throwing up clotted blood
mixed with mud from the mouth and nose, and it
was from the fatigue of.always wearing armour on our
backs, and from the everlasting going on expeditions
and from the du£t that we swallowed. In addition to
this, three or four horses had died of their wounds,
yet we never Stopped going on expeditions. So the
answer he gave to the firSt pueblos was to flatter them,
and to say that he would soon come to help them, but
that while he was on the way they should get help
from their neighbours. He said so much to them,
477
ALLIES DEFEAT MEXICANS
through our interpreters, that he encouraged and put
heart into them. As Cortes had ordered them, they
awaited the Mexicans in the open and fought a battle
with them, and with the help of our allies, their
neighbours, they did not do badly.
Let us return to the people of Chalco ; as our
Cortes saw how important it was for us- that this
province and the road through it should be freed from
Mexicans, (for it was the way we had to come and go
to Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz and to Tlaxcala, and we
had to supply our camp from that province, for it was
a land that produced much Maize), he at once ordered
Gonzalo de Sandoval to get ready to £tart the next
morning for Chalco, and he ordered him to take
twenty horsemen and two hundred soldiers, twelve
crossbowmen and ten musketeers and the Tlaxcalans
who were in camp, who were very few, (for the greater
number of them had gone to their homes laden with
spoil) and Sandoval also took with him a company
of Texcocans, and Captain Luis Marin who was his
intimate friend. Cortes and Pedro de Alvarado and
Cri£t6bal de Olid remained behind to guard the
city and the launches.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO CHAPTERS CI-CII
DURING the expeditions described in the four following Chapters,,
the Spaniards passed out of the Valley of Mexico through the gap
between the Serrania of Ajusco and me slopes of Popocatapetl, and
descended into the plains of Morelos and Cuernavaca. The towns
of Yecapixtla, Oaxtepec, Yautepec, and Cuernavaca all £tand at
somewhat the same altitude, about 5,000 ft. above the level of the
sea and a little more than 2,000 ft. below the level of the Valley
of Mexico. The Serrania of Ajusco, with its innumerable extinct
craters and somewhat recent lava fields, and the mass of Popo-
catapetl, form a lofty barrier to the north of these towns, which is
edged near Tepoftlan and towards the EasT: by a fringe of broken
and abrupt conglomerate rock, forming hills and cliffs, with spurs
478
SANDOVAL'S EXPEDITION
running southward into the plains of Morelos and Cuernavaca. Jusl:
to the south of this rampart, several isolated hills of a few hundred
feet in height arise somewhat abruptly from the plain, and it was on
one of these hills (probably Tlayacapan), which ties halfway between
Yecapixtla and Tepoftlan, that the Indians took refuge.
Neither Bernal Diaz nor Cortes appear to have visited Yecapiztla,.
and their descriptions of its position are somewhat misleading. The
town is not situated on a lofty eminence, but, like Cuernavaca,
although on slightly rising ground, it hardly Elands out from the
surrounding plain. These plains slope gradually to the south, and
are deeply scored by the numerous small ftreams which, flowing
from the mountains to the north, have cut their way deep down
through soil and rock, forming ravines or barrancas, which, in chosen
spots, render fortifications almost unnecessary. Both Yecapixtla
and Cuernavaca are nearly surrounded by such ravines.
CHAPTER CI
AFTER hearing Mass, Sandoval set out on the I2th
March in the year 1521, and slept at some farms
belonging to Chalco, and on the next morning arrived
at Tlamanalco where the Caciques and Captains gave
him a good reception and provided food, and advised
him to go at once in the direction of a great pueblo
called Oaxtepec, for he would find the whole of the
Mexican forces either assembled at Oaxtepec or on
the road thither ; and they said that all the warriors
from the province of Chalpo would accompany him.
Sandoval set out at once, and went on to sleep at a
pueblo subjeft to Chalco called Chimaluacan, for the
spies, sent by the people of Chalco to watch the Culuas,
came to report that the enemy's forces were lying
in wait for them in some rocky defiles in the neighbour-
hood of that town. As the enemy was polled in broken
ground and it was not known if they had dug pits
or raised barricades, Sandoval wished to keep his
soldiers well in hand so as to avoid any disa^ler.
479
SANDOVAL ENTERS OAXTEPEC
As he continued his march he saw the Mexican
squadrons approaching him in three divisions, shout-
ing and whirling and sounding trumpets and drums,
and they came on to the attack like fierce lions,
Sandoval told the horsemen to charge them at once
before they could reach our men. Cheering on his
troops by shouting : " Santiago and at them ! "
Sandoval led the charge himself, and by that move-
ment, he routed some of the Mexican squadrons, but
not all of them, so that they soon turned and showed
a firm front, for they were helped by the bad track
and broken ground, and the horsemen owing to the
rough ground were not able to gallop and could not
get in rear of them. To finish my glory, the Mexicans
were forced into retreat but their flight was towards
other bad passes. Sandoval and the horsemen went in
pursuit, but overtook only three or four of the enemy.
During that pursuit, owing to the badness of the road,
the horse of a cavalryman, named Gonzalo Dominguez,
fell with his rider beneath him, and the man died from
his injuries within a few days. I call this to mind
because Gonzalo Dominguez was one of the be£t
horsemen and one of the mo£t valiant men that Cortes
had brought in his Company, and we held him in
much esteem for his valour, so that we all felt the loss
greatly.
To go back to Sandoval and his army ; they followed
the enemy to the neighbourhood of the pueblo of
Oaxtepec, but before reaching the town, over fifteen
thousand Mexicans emerged from it and began to
surround our soldiers and wounded many of them and
five horses, but as the ground was level in some places,
our horsemen, making a united effort, broke up two
of their squadrons, and the re£t turned tail and fled
towards the town in order to guard some barricades
-which they had raised, but our soldiers and the allies
followed so close that they had no time to defend
480
THE GARDENS AT OAXTEPEC
them, and the horsemen kept up the pursuit in other
directions until they had shut the enemy up in a part
of the town where they could not be reached. Thinking
that the enemy would not again renew the attack on that
day, Sandoval ordered his men to reft and tend their
wounds, and they began to take their food. While
they were eating, two horsemen and two soldiers
who had been told off as scouts before the men began
to eat, ran in crying : " To arms, to arms ; the
Mexicans are coming in great force/' As they were
always accustomed to have their arms in readiness,
the horsemen were soon mounted and they came out
into a great plaza. At that moment the enemy were
upon them, and there they fought another good battle.
After the enemy had been for some time showing us
a good front from some barricades and wounding
some of our men, Sandoval fell on them so suddenly
with his horsemen that with the help of the muskets
and crossbows and the sword-play of the soldiers, he
drove them from the town into some neighbouring
barrancas, and they did not come back again that day.
When Captain Sandoval found himself free from
that Struggle, he gave thanks to God and went to re&
and sleep in an orchard within the town, which was
so beautiful and contained such fine buildings that
it was the be£ worth beholding of anything we had
seen in New Spain. There were so many things in
it to look at that it was really wonderful and was
certainly the orchard of a great prince, and they could
not go all through it then, for it was more than a
quarter of a league in length,
Let us Stop talking about the orchard and say that
I did not go myself on this expedition^ nor did I then
walk about this orchard, but I went there about twenty
days later when, in company with Cortes, we made
the round of the great towns of the lakes, as I shall
tell later on. The reason why I did not go this firft
481 ii
SANDOVAL GOES TO YECAPIXTLA
time was because I had been badly wounded by a
spear-thrufb in the throat, and was in danger of dying
from it, and I &ill bear the scar. The wound was
given me during the Iztapalapa affair, when they tried
to drown us.
On the following day Gonzalo de Sandoval sent
messengers to treat for peace, but the Caciques did
not dare to come in for fear of the Mexicans.
CHAPTER CII
THE same day, Sandoval sent to another large pueblo
called Yecapixtla, about two leagues distant from
Oaxtepec, to tell the people to take warning from what
had happened to the squadrons of Culuas Stationed
in the pueblo of Oaxtepec, and to make peace and
expel the Mexican garrisons who were guarding their
country, and that if they did not do so he would come
and make war on them and chastise them. The answer
returned was that the Spaniards might come when
they liked, for they were looking forward to fea£t on
their flesh and provide • sacrifices for theii Idols.
When this reply was given, the Caciques from
Chalco, who were with Sandoval, knew that there
mu£t be a large force of Mexicans in garrison at
Yecapixtla ready to make war on Chalco as soon as
Sandoval should retire ; and for this reason they
begged him to go to Yecapixtla and drive the Mexicans
out of the place. However, Sandoval was not willing
to go, one reason being that many of his soldiers and
horses were wounded, and the other that he had
already fought three battles and he did not wish to
exceed the instructions that Cortes had given him.
Moreover, some of the gentlemen whom he had brought
482
CAPTURE OF YECAPIXTLA
in his company, men from the army of Narvaez,
advised him to return to Texcoco and not go to
Yecapixtla, which was Wrongly fortified, left some
disaster should befall him. However, the Captain,
Luis Marin, counselled him not to fail to go to that
fortress and do what he could, for the Caciques from
Chalco said that if he turned back without defeating
the force which was assembled in that fortress, that
as soon as they saw or heard that he had returned
to Texcoco, the enemy would at once attack Chalco.
Sandoval, therefore, decided to go to Yecapixtla.
As soon as he came in sight of the town, a hoft of
warriors came out and began to shoot darts and arrows
and ca£t ftones from their slings, so that they fell like
hail, and three horses and many soldiers were wounded
without our men being able to do any harm to the
enemy.
As Sandoval observed that the Caciques from Chalco
and their Captains and many of the Indian warriors
were manoeuvring round about without daring to
attack the enemy, on purpose to try them and to see
what they would answer, Sandoval said to them,
" What are you doing : why don't you begin to fight
and get into the town and fortress, for we are here and
will defend you." They replied that they did not dare
to do it, that the enemy were in a ftronghold, and it
was for this very purpose that Sandoval and his brother
Teules had come with them and that the people of
Chalco had come under his protection relying on his
help to drive the enemy out.
So Sandoval and all his soldiers began the attack,
and many were wounded as they clambered up [the
sides of the ravines] and Sandoval himself was again
wounded in the head, and many of our allies were
wounded, for they too entered the town and did much
damage to it, and it was the Indians from Chalco
and our allies from Tlaxcala who did mo£t damage
483
RETURN TO TEXCOCO
to the enemy, for our soldiers after breaking up their
ranks and putting them to flight, would not give a
sword-thrust at the enemy, for it seemed to them mere
cruelty, and they were chiefly occupied in looking
out for pretty .Indian women or seeking for plunder,
and they frequently quarrelled with our allies on
account of their cruelty, and took the Indian men and
women away from them to prevent their being killed.
I mu£t go on to say that when this was over, San-
doval and all his army returned to Texcoco with
much spoil, especially of good-looking Indian women.
When the lord of Mexico, who was called Guatemoc,
heard of the defeat of his armies it is said that he
showed much resentment at it, and Still more at the
thought that the people of Chalco, who were his
subjects and vassals, should dare to take up arms
three times against his forces,
He was so angry that he resolved that as soon as
Sandoval should return to his camp at Texcoco he
would send out a great force of warriors, which he
at once assembled in the city of Mexico, and another
force which was got together from the lake, equipped
with every sort of arms, and would despatch this force,
numbering over twenty thousand Mexicans, in two
thousand large canoes to make a sudden descent on
Chalco, to do all the damage that it was possible to do.
This was all accomplished with such skill and
rapidity that Sandoval had hardly arrived at Texcoco
and spoken to Cortes, when again messengers came
in canoes across the lake begging help from Cortes,
telling him that more than two thousand canoes
carrying over twenty thousand Mexicans had come to
Chalco, and they begged him to come at once to their
assistance.
At the very moment that Cortes heard this news
Sandoval came to speak to him and to give him an
account of what he had done during the expedition
484
CORTES' RESENTMENT
from which he had ju£t then returned, but Cortes
was so angry with him he would not listen to him,
believing that it was through some fault or carelessness
on his part that our friends at Chalco were experiencing
this trouble, and without any delay, and without
listening to him, Cortes ordered Sandoval to leave
all his wounded men in camp and to go back again
in all hafte with those who were sound.
Sandoval was much distressed at the words Cortes
used to him, and at his refusal to listen to him, but
he set out at once for Chalco where his men arrived
tired out with the weight of their arms and their long
march. It appears that the people of Chalco, learning
through their spies that the Mexicans were coming
so suddenly upon them, and that Guatemoc had
determined that they should be attacked, before any
help could reach them from us, had sent to summon
aid from the people of the province of Huexotzingo
which was near by, and the men from Huexotzingo
arrived that same night, all equipped with their arms,
and joined with those from Chalco, so that in all there
were more than twenty thousand of them. As they
had already lo& their fear of the Mexicans they quietly
awaited their arrival in camp and fought like brave
men, and although the Mexicans killed many of them
and took many prisoners, the people of Chalco killed
many more of the Mexicans and took as prisoners
fifteen captains and chieftains and many other warriors
of lesser rank. The Mexicans looked upon this battle
as a much greater disgrace, seeing that the people of
Chalco had defeated them, than if they had been
defeated by us.
When Sandoval arrived at Chalco and found that
there was nothing for him to do, and nothing more to
be feared as the Mexicans would not return again to
Chalco, he marched back again to Texcoco and took
the Mexican prisoners with him.
485
BRANDING THE SLAVES
Whereat Cortes was delighted but Sandoval showed
great resentment towards our captain for what had
happened, and did not go to see or speak to him,
until Cortes sent to tell him that he had misunderstood
the affair, thinking that it was through some careless-
ness on his part that things had gone wrong, and
that although he had set out with a large force of
soldiers and horsemen he had returned without
defeating the Mexicans.
I will cease speaking about this matter, for Cortes
and Sandoval soon became fail friends again and there
was nothing Cortes would not do to please SandovaL
As Gonzalo de Sandoval had arrived in Texcoco
with a great booty of slaves and there were many
others which had been captured in the late expeditions,
it was decided that they should at once be branded.
When proclamation was made, mo£t of us soldiers
took those slaves that we possessed to be marked with
the brand of His Majesty, in the way that we had
already arranged with Cortes. We thought that our
slaves would be returned to us after the Royal fifth
had been paid, and that a price would be put on the
women slaves in accordance with the value of each one
of them. However it was not so done, and if the
affair was badly managed at Tepeaca, it was managed
much worse here at Texcoco, From this time on many
of us soldiers when we captured good-looking Indian
women hid them away and did not take them to
be branded, but gave out that they had escaped ; or
if we were favourites of Cortes we took them secretly
by night to be branded, and they were valued at their
worth, the Royal fifth paid and they were marked
with the iron. Many others remained in our lodgings
and we said that they were free servants from the
pueblos that had made peace, or from Tlaxcala.
About this time a ship arrived from Spain in which
came Julian de Alderete, as his Maje&y's Treasurer.
486
EXPEDITION ROUND THE LAKES
A great £hore of arms and powder was also brought
in this ship, in faft as was to be expe&ed in a ship
coming from Spain it came well laden, and we rejoiced
at its arrival and at the news from Spain that it brought.
Cortes now saw that the building of the launches
was finished, and noted the eagerness of all of us
soldiers to commence the siege of Mexico.
CHAPTER CIII
As Cortes had told the people of Chalco that he was
coming to help them so that the Mexicans should no
longer come and attack them, (for we had been going
there and back every week to assist them) he ordered
a force of soldiers to be prepared, and they were
three hundred soldiers, thirty horsemen, twenty
crossbowmen and fifteen musketeers, and the Treasurer
Julian Alderete, Pedro de Alvarado, Andr6s de
Tapia, Criftobal de Olid, and the Friar Pedro Mel-
gar ejo went also, and Cortes ordered me to go with
him, and there were many Tlaxcalans and allies from
Texcoco in his company. He left Gonzalo de Sandoval
behind with a good company of soldiers and horse-
men to guard Texcoco and the launches.
On the morning of Friday the ^th April, 1521, after
hearing Mass we set out for Tlamanalco, where we
were well received, and we slept there. The next
day we went to Chalco, for the one town is quite close
to the other, and there Cortes ordered all the Caciques
of the province to be called together, and he made
them a speech, in which he gave them to understand
that we were now going to try whether we could
bring to peace some of the towns in the neighbour-
hood of the lake, and also to view the land and position
before blockading Mexico, and that we were going to
487
JOINED BY 20,000 ALLIES
place thirteen launches on the lake, and he begged
them to be ready to accompany us on the next day
with all their warriors. When they underwood this,
all with one voice promised that they would willingly
do what we asked.
The next day we went to sleep at Chimaluacan,
and there we met more than twenty thousand allies
from Chalco, Texcoco, and Huexotzingo and from
Tlaxcala and other towns, and in all the expeditions
in which I have been engaged in New Spain, never
have I known so many of our allied warriors to accom-
pany us as joined us now.
About this time we received news, that in a plain
near by, there were many companies and squadrons of
Mexicans and all their allies from the country round
about waiting to attack us. So Cortes held us in readi-
ness and after hearing Mass we set out early in the
morning from the pueblo of Chimaluacan, and
marched among some high rocks between two hills
where there were fortifications and barricades, where
many Indians both men and women were safely
sheltered, and from these Strongholds they yelled and
shouted at us, but we did not care to attack them, but
kept quietly on our way, and arrived at a plain where
there were some springs with very little water. On
one side was a high rocky hill x with a fortress very
difficult to subdue, as the attempt soon proved, and
we saw that it was crowded with warriors, and from
the summit they shouted at us and threw Clones
and shot darts and arrows, and wounded three of our
soldiers. Then Cortes ordered us to halt there, and
said : "It seems that all these Mexicans who shut
themselves up in fortresses make mock of us as long
as we do not attack them ", and he ordered some horse-
men and crossbowmen to go round to the other side
of the hill and see if there was a more convenient
1 Probably Tlajacapan;
ATTACK ON HILL-FORTRESS
opening whence to attack them. They returned to
say that the be& approach was where we then were,
for there was no other place where it was possible to
climb up, for it was all Steep rock. Then Cortes ordered
us to make an attack. The Standard Bearer Cri&obal
del Corral led the way with other ensigns and all of
us followed him while Cortes and the horsemen kept
guard on the plain, so that no other troops of Mexicans
should fall on the baggage or on us during our attack
on the Stronghold. As we began to climb up the hill,
the Indians who were polled above rolled down so
many huge Clones and rocks that it was terrifying to
see ^them hurtling and bounding down, and it was
a miracle that we were not all of us killed. One soldier
named Martinez fell dead at my feet ; he had a
helmet on his head but he gave no cry and never spoke
another word. Still we kept on, but as the great Galgas^
as we call these big rocks in this country, came rolling
and tearing and bounding down and breaking in
pieces, they soon killed two more good soldiers,
Caspar Sanchez, nephew of the Treasurer of Cuba,
and a man named Bravo, but Still we kept on. Then
another valiant soldier named Alonzo Rodriguez
was killed, and two others were wounded in the head,
and nearly all the reSt was wounded in the legs, and
Still we persevered and pushed on ahead.
As I was aftive in those days, I kept on following
the Standard Bearer Corral, and we got beneath some
hollows and cavities which there were in the hillside
so as to avoid a chance rock hitting us and I clambered
up from hollow to hollow to escape being killed. The
Standard Bearer CriSt6bal del Corral sheltered himself
behind some thick trees covered with thorns which
grow in these hollows, his face was Streaming with
blood and his banner was broken, and he called out :
" Oh Sefior Bernal Dfaz del Castillo, it is impossible
to go on any further, keep in the shelter of the hollow
489
THE ASSAULT FAILS
and take care that none of those galgas or boulders
Strike you, for one can hardly hold on with one's hands
and feet, much less climb any higher/' Ju£t then I
saw that Pedro Barba, a captain of the crossbowmen,
and two other soldiers were coming up in the same
way that Corral and I had done, climbing from hollow
to hollow. I called out from above : " Senor Capitan,
don't come up any further, for you can't hold on with
hands and feet, but will roll down again." When I
said this to him he replied as though he were very
valiant, or some great lord and could make no other
reply : " Go ahead." I took that reply as a personal
insult, and answered him : " Let us see you come
to where I am", and I went up ftill higher. At that
very moment such a lot of great Clones came rolling
down on us from above where they had Stored them
for the purpose, that Pedro Barba was wounded and
one soldier killed, and they could not climb a single
*£tep higher.
Then the Standard Bearer Corral cried out that
they should pass the word to Cortes, from mouth to
mouth, that we could not get any higher, and that
to retreat was equally dangerous.
When Cortes heard this he understood what was
.happening, for there below where he £hood on the
level ground two or three soldiers had been killed and
seven of them wounded by the great impetus of the
toulders which were hurled down on them, and
Cortes thought for certain that nearly all of us who had
made the ascent mu£t have been killed or badly
wounded, for from where he £lood he could not see
the folds in the hill. So by signs and shouts and by
the shots that they fired, we up above knew that they
were meant as signals for us to retreat, and in good order
we descended from hollow to hollow, our bodies bruised
and Streaming with blood, the banners rent, and
men dead. When Cortes saw us he gave thanks
490
SPANIARDS SHIFT CAMP
to God and they related to him what had happened
between Pedro Barba and me. Pedro Barba himself
and the Standard Bearer Corral were telling him
about the great ftrength of the hill and that it was a
marvel that the boulders did not carry us away as they
flew down, and the &ory was soon known throughout
the camp.
Let us leave these empty tales and say how there
were many companies of Mexicans lying in wait in
places where we could neither see nor observe them,
Iioping to bring help and succour to those polled on
the hill, for they well knew that we should not be
able to force our way into the Stronghold, and they
had arranged while we were fighting to attack us
in the rear. When Cortes knew that they were approach-
ing, he ordered the horsemen and all of us to go and
attack them, and this we did, for the ground was level
in places as there were fields lying between the small
hills, and we pursued the enemy until they reached
another very Strong hill.
We killed very few Indians during the pursuit
for they took refuge in places where we could not
reach them. So we returned to the Stronghold which
we had attempted to scale, and seeing that there was
no water there, and that neither we nor the horses
had had anything to drink that day, for the springs
which I have spoken about as being there contained
nothing but mud, because the many allies whom we
had brought with us crowded into them and would
not let them flow. For this reason orders were given
to shift our camp, and we went down through some
fields to another hill which was distant from the firSt
about a league and a half, thinking that we should
find water there, but we found very little of it. Near
this hill were some native mulberry trees and there
we camped, and there were some twelve or thirteen
houses at the foot of the Stronghold. As soon as we
49 i
ANOTHER HILL-FORTRESS
arrived the Indians began to shout and shoot darts
and arrows and roll down boulders from above.
There were many more people in this fortress
than there were in the firft hill, and it was much ^bronger,
as we afterwards found out.
Our musketeers and crossbowmen fired up at
them but they were so high up and protefted by so
many barricades that we could not do them any
harm, besides there was no possibility of climbing
up and forcing our way in. Although we made two
attempts, from the houses that £tood there, over some
Steps by which we could mount up for two Plages,
beyond that it was worse than the fir£b hill, so that
we did not increase our reputation at this Stronghold
any more than at the fir£t, and the victory lay with the
Mexicans and their allies.
CHAPTER CIV
THAT night we slept in the mulberry grove and
were half dead with thirft. It was arranged that on
the next day all the musketeers and crossbowmen
should go to another hill which was close by the large
one, and should climb up it, for there was a way up
although it was not an easy one, to see if from that
hill their muskets and crossbows would carry as far
as the Stronghold on the other, so that they could
attack it. Cortes ordered Francisco Verdugo and the
Treasurer Juan de Alderete, who boasted that they
were good crossbowmen, and Pedro Barba who was
a Captain, to go as leaders, and all the reft of the
soldiers to attack from the £teps and tracks above
the houses which I have already spoken of, and to
climb up as be£t we could. So we began the ascent,
492
HILL-FORTRESS CAPTURED
but they hurled down so many Atones both great
and small that many of the soldiers were wounded, and
in addition to this it was quite useless to attempt the
ascent, for even using both our hands and feet we
could climb no further. While we were making
these attempts the musketeers and crossbowmen
from the other hill of which I have spoken, managed
to reach the enemy with their muskets and crossbows
but they could only ju£t do it, however they killed
some and wounded others. In this way we went on
attacking them for about half an hour when it pleased
our Lord God that they agreed to make peace. The
reason why they did so was that they had not got a
drop of water, and there was a great number of
people on the level ground on the hill top and the
people from all the neighbourhood round had taken
refuge there both men, women and children and
slaves. So that we down below should understand
that they wished for peace, the women on the hill
waved their shawls and clapped the palms of their
hands together as a sign that they would make bread
or tortillas for us and the warriors ceased shooting
arrows and darts and hurling down Stones.
When Cortes observed this he ordered that no
more harm should be done to them, and by signs
he made them understand that five of their chiefs
should come down to treat for peace. When they
came down with much reverence they asked Cort6s
to pardon them for having protefted and defended
themselves by taking refuge in that Stronghold.
Cortes replied somewhat angrily that they deserved
death for having begun the war, but as they had come
to make peace, they mu£l go at once to the other hill
and summon the Caciques and chiefs who were
Rationed there and bring in the dead bodies, and
that if they came in peace he would pardon what had
happened, if not, that we should attack them and
493
DIAZ TO EXAMINE FORT
besiege them until they died of thirst, for we knew well
that there too they had no water, for there is very little
in all that part of the country. So they went off at
once to summon the Caciques as they were told to do.
Cortes sent the Standard Bearer Corral, and two
other captains namely Juan Jaramillo and Pedro de
Ircio and me, who happened to be there with them,,
to ascend the hill and see what the Stronghold was like,,
whether there were many Indians wounded or killed
by the arrows and muskets and how many people were
gathered there.
When he gave us these orders he said, " Look to it.
Sirs, that you do not take from them a single grain of
maize, and as I understood it he meant that we
should help ourselves, and it was for that reason that
he sent us and told me to go with the others. We
ascended the hill by a track, and I mu& say that it
was Stronger than the firSt hill for it was sheer rock,
and when we reached the top the entrance into the
Stronghold was no wider than the two mouths of a
silo or an oven. At the very top it was level ground
and there was a great breadth of meadow land all
crowded with people, both warriors and many women
and children, and we found twenty dead men and
many wounded, and they had not a drop of water to
drink. All their clothes and other property was done
up in bundles and there were many bales of cloaks
which were the tribute they paid to Guatemoc, and
when I saw so many loads of cloths and knew that
it was intended for tribute I began to load four
Tlaxcalans, my free servants whom I had brought
with me, and I also put four other bales on the backs
of four other Indians who were guarding the tribute,
one bale on each man's back. When Pedro de Ircio
saw this he said that the bales should not be taken,
and I contended that they should, but as he was
Captain, I did^ as he ordered, for he threatened to
494
DIAZ AND PEDRO DE IRCIO
tell Cortes about it. Pedro de Ircio said to me that
I had heard what Cortes had said, that we should not
take a single grain of maize, and I replied that was
true, and that it was on account of those very words
I wished to carry off these robes. However, he would
not let me carry off anything at all, and we went down
to tell Cortes what we had seen. Then Pedro de Ircio
said to Cortes : "I took nothing from them although
Bernal Diaz del Caftillo had already laden eight
Indians with cloth and would have brought them away
loaded had I not topped him/' Then Cortes replied,
half angrily : " Why did he not bring them, you
ought to have Stayed there with the cloth and the
Indians," and he added : " See how they underhand
me, I send them to help themselves, and from Bernal
Diaz, who did understand me, they took away the spoil
which he was taking from those dogs who will sit
there laughing at us in the company of those whom,
we have killed and wounded."
When Pedro de Ircio heard this he wished to go*
up to the Stronghold again, but he was told that-
there was no reason for his going, and that on no
account should he return there.
Let us leave this talk and say that the people from
the other hill came in, and, after much discussion
about their being pardoned for their paft deeds, all
gave their fealty to His Majefty. As there was no
water in that place we went at once to a fine pueblo
already mentioned by me in the la& chapter called
Oaxtepec, where is the garden which I have said is
the be£ that I have ever seen in all my life, and so
said the Treasurer Alderete and the monk Fray Pedro
Melgarejo and our Cortes. When they saw it and
walked about in it they admired it greatly and said
that they had never seen a better garden in Spain.
I muft add that we all found quarters in the garden
that night. The Caciques of the town came to speak .
495
CAPTURE OF TEPOSTLAN
and offer their services to Cortes, for Gonzalo de
Sandoval had already brought them to peace when he
entered the town. That night we slept there and the
next morning very early we left for Yautepec and we
met some squadrons of Mexicans who had come out
from that town and the horsemen pursued them more
than a league and a half until they took refuge in
another large pueblo called Tepo£tlan where the
inhabitants were so completely off their guard that
we fell upon them before their spies whom they had
sent to watch us could reach them.
Here we found some very good-looking Indian
women and much spoil, but none of the Mexicans
nor any of the inhabitants waited for us in the town,
so Cortes sent three or four times to summon the
Caciques to come and make peace, and said that
if they did not come he would burn the town and go
in search of them. They replied that they did not
mean to come, therefore, so as to Strike fear into the
other pueblos, Cortes ordered half the houses round
about to be set on fire. At that very moment the
Caciques from the pueblo that we had passed that
•day called Yautepec came and gave their fealty to
His Majesty. The next day we took the road for a
much better and larger town named Coadlabaca (at
the present time we usually alter the spelling and call
it Cuernavaca), and it was garrisoned by many warriors
both Mexican and Native, and was very Strong on
account of the Barrancas more than eight fathoms deep,
with running water at the bottom, but the volume
of water is small. However, they make the place into
a ftronghold and there was no way of entering for
horses except by two bridges which had already been
broken down. This proteftion was sufficient to prevent
our forcing an entrance so we fought with them from
across the Stream and ravine, and they shot many
arrows and lances at us and hurled Atones from their
496
ATTACK ON CUERNAVACA
slings, so that they fell thicker than hail. While
this was happening Cortes was informed that about
half a league further on there was a place where horses
could pass, and he at once set off with all the horse-
men while all of us remained looking for some way
to get across, and we saw that by means of some trees
which £bood near the edge one could get over to the
other side of that deep ravine, and although three
soldiers fell from the trees into the water below, and
one of them broke his leg, nevertheless we did cross
over although the danger was great. As for me I will
say truly that when I was crossing and saw how bad
and dangerous the passage was, I turned quite giddy,
£H11 I got across, I and others of our soldiers and
many Tlaxcalans, and we fell on the rear of the Mexicans
who were shooting Atones and darts and arrows at
our people, and when they saw us they could not
believe it and thought that we were more numerous
than we were. At that moment Cri&obal de Olid
and Andres de Tapia and other horsemen who at great
risk had crossed by a broken bridge, arrived on the
scene and we fell on the enemy so that they turned
their backs and fled into the thickets about the deep
ravine where we could not reach them. Soon after-
wards Cortes himself arrived with the re£l of the
horsemen.
In this town we took great spoil both of large bales
of cloth as well as good-looking women. Cortes ordered
us to remain there that day and we all found quarters
in the beautiful garden of the chief of the town.
Although I feel bound to speak many times in the
course of this &ory about the great precautions of
sentinels, spies and scouts which were taken wherever
we were, whether encamped or on the march, it would
be tedious to repeat it too often, and for this reason
I will go on and say that our scouts came to tell Cortes
that twenty Indians were approaching, and that from
497 *k
MARCH TO XOCHIMILCO
their movements and appearance they seemed to be
Caciques and chieftains who were bringing messages
or coming to seek for peace. They proved to be the
Caciques of the town, and when they arrived where
Cort6s was Sanding they paid him great respeft
and presented him with some gold jewels and asked
him to pardon them for not meeting him peacefully,
but they said the Lord of Mexico commanded them
to £tay in their Sronghold and thence to make war on
us, and had sent a large force of Mexicans to aid them,
but from what they had now seen, there was no place,
however Strong it might be, that we would not attack
and dominate, and they begged Cortes to have mercy
and make peace with them. Cortds received them
graciously, and they then gave their fealty to His
Maje£fcy.
CHAPTER CV
THE next day we set out towards Xochimilco,1 which
is a great city where nearly all the houses are built in
a fresh water lake, distant about two and a half leagues
from Mexico. We marched with great circumspeftion
and in close order and we passed through some pine
forests, but there was no water whatever along the
road. As we carried our arms on our backs and it
was already late and the sun was very hot we suffered
much from thirft, but we did not know if there was
any water ahead of us, for we had marched two or three
leagues, and we were Sill uncertain how far off was
the pool which we had been told was on the road.
When Cortes saw that the whole of the army was tired
out and our allies the Tlaxcalans were dispirited, and
1 The march from Cuernavaca to Xochimilco mu& have been very
arduous, as it was necessary to cross the desolate Serrania de Aljvisco
by a pass of not less than 10,000 feet in altitude.
498
SUFFERING FROM THIRST
one of them had died of thirst, and I believe one of
our soldiers who was old and ailing also died of thirst,
he ordered a halt to be made in the shade of some
pine trees and sent six horsemen ahead on the road to
Xochimilco to see how far off the nearest village, or
farm, or pool of water might be, so that we might
know if it were near and might go and sleep there.
When the horsemen set out, I made up my mind to
£tep aside so that neither Cortes nor the horsemen
should see me, and with my three Strong and aftive
Tlaxcalan servants I followed behind the horsemen
until they observed me coming behind them, and
Stopped in order to turn me back for fear that there
should be some unexpected attack by Mexican warriors
from which I could not defend myself. Nevertheless
I preferred to go on with them, and Cristobal de Olid,
as he was a friend of mine, said that I might go but
should keep my hands ready to fight and my feet ready
to place myself in safety if there was any fear of warriors,
however, my thir& was so great that I would have risked
my life to satisfy it. About half a league ahead there
were a number of farms and cottages on the hillsides
belonging to the people of Xochimilco. The horse-
men left me and went to search for pools of water and
they found some and satisfied their thir&, and one of
my Tlaxcalans brought out of a house a large pitcher
of very cold water (for they have very large pitchers
in that country) from which I quenched my thirft,
and so did they.
Then I determined to return to where Cortes was
reding, for the dwellers in the farms were already
giving the call to arms and shouting and whirling
at us. With the help of the Tlaxcalans I carried along
the pitcher full of water and I found Cortes who was
beginning to march again with his army. I told him
that there was water at the farms near by and that I
had already had a drink and was bringing water in a
499
ATTACK ON XOCHIMILCO
pitcher which the Tlaxcalans were bringing very
carefully hidden, so that it should not be taken from
me, for thirft has no laws, and Cortes and some of the
other gentlemen drank from it, and he was well
satisfied and all were rejoiced and hastened on their
march so that we arrived at the farms before the sun
had set.
Water was found in the houses, but not very much
of it, and owing to the hunger and thirst that they
suffered some of the soldiers ate some plants like
thistles which hurt their tongues and mouths.
Ju£b then the horsemen returned and reported that
the pool of water was a long way off, and that all the
country was being called to arms, and that it would
be advisable to sleep where we were. So sentinels
and watchmen and scouts were at once ported and
I was one of the watchmen, and I remember that it
rained a little that night and there was a very high
wind.
The next day very early in the morning we began
our march again and about eight o'clock we arrived at
Xochimilco. I cannot estimate the great number of
the warriors who were waiting for us, some on the
land and others in a passage by a broken bridge, and
the great number of breast works and barricades
which had been thrown up, and the lances which they
carried made from the swords captured from us during
the great slaughter on the causeways at Mexico.
I say that all the mainland was covered with warriors,
and at the passage of that bridge we were fighting
them for more than half an hour and could not get
through, neither muskets nor crossbows nor the many
great charges that we made were of any avail, and the
wor£t of all was that many other squadrons of them
were already coming to attack us on our flanks. When
we saw that, we dashed through the water and bridge,
some half swimming and others jumping, and here
500
CORTES IN DANGER
some of our soldiers, much against their will, had
perforce to drink so much of the water beneath the
bridge that their bellies were swollen up from it.
To go back to the battle, at the passage of the
bridge many of our soldiers were wounded, but we
soon brought the enemy to the sword's point along
some Streets where there was solid ground ahead of us.
Cortes and the horsemen turned in another direftion
on the mainland where they came on more than ten
thousand Indians, all Mexicans, who had come as
reinforcements to help the people in the city, and they
fought in such a way with our troops that, with their
lances in reft, they awaited the attack of the horsemen
and wounded four of them. Cortes was in the middle
of the press and the horse he was riding, which was a
very good one, a dark chestnut called " el Rome "
[the flat-nosed] either because he was too fat or was
tired (for he was a pampered horse) broke down, and
the Mexican warriors who were around in great
numbers laid hold of Cortes and dragged him from
the horse ; others say that by sheer Strength they
threw the horse down. Whichever way it may have
happened, Cortes and the horse fell to the ground, and
at that very moment many more Mexican warriors
pressed up to see if they could carry him off alive.
When some Tlaxcalans and also a very valiant soldier
named Cristobal de Olea saw what had happened, they
at once came up and with good cuts and thrufts they
cleared a space so that Cortes could mount again although
he was badly wounded in the head. Olea was also very
badly wounded with three sword cuts. By that time
all of us soldiers who were anywhere near came to
their help. At that time, as every £treet in the. City
was crowded with squadrons of warriors and as we
were obliged to follow their banners, we were not able
all to keep together, but some of us to attack in some
places and some of us in others as Cortes commanded
501
FIERCE BATTLE IN
us. However we all knew from the shouts and cries,
yells , and whittles that we heard, that where Cortes
and the horsemen were engaged the fight was hottest,
and, without further explanation, although there were
swarms of warriors round us, we went at great risk
to ourselves to join Cortes. Fifteen horsemen had
already joined him and were fighting near some canals
where the enemy had thrown up breastworks and
barricades. When we came up we put the Mexicans
to flight, but not all of them turned their backs on us,
and because the soldier Olea who had helped our Cortes
was very badly wounded with three sword cuts and
was bleeding, and because the Streets of the city were
crowded with warriors, we advised Cortes to turn back
to some barricades, so that he and Olea and the horse
might be attended to.
So we turned back, but not without anxiety on
account of the Clones, arrows and javelins which they
fired at us from the barricades, for the Mexicans
thought that we were turning to retreat and they
followed us with great fury. At this moment Andres
de Tapia and Cristobal de Olid came up, and all the
re£t of the horsemen who had gone off with them in
other direftions. Blood was Streaming * down Olid's
face, and from his horse and from all the re£t of them,
for everyone was wounded, and they said that they
had been fighting against such a ho£t of Mexicans in
the open fields that they could make no headway
against them, for when we had passed the bridge which
I have mentioned it seems that Cortes had divided
the horsemen so that half went in one direction and
half in the other, one half following one set of squadrons
and the other half another set of squadrons.
While we were treating the wounds by searing them
with oil, there was a great noise of yells, trumpets,
shells and drums from some of the Streets on the
mainland, and along them came a ho£t of Mexicans
502
THE STREETS OF XOCHIMILCO
into the court where we were tending the wounded,
and they let fly such a number of javelins and Clones
that they at once wounded many of our soldiers.
However, the enemy did not come very well out of
that incursion for we. charged on them and with good
cuts and thrums we left mo£t of them Wretched out on
the ground.
The horsemen too were not slow in riding out to
the attack and killed many of them, but two of the
horses were wounded. We drove them out of that
court, and when Cort6s saw that there were no more
of the enemy we went to re£t in another great court
where £lood the great oratories of the city.
Many of our soldiers ascended the highest temple
where the Idols were kept, and from thence looked
over the Great City of Mexico and the lakes, for one
had a commanding view of it all, and they could see
approaching more than two thousand canoes full of
warriors who were coming Straight towards us from
Mexico. Later on we learnt that Guatemoc had sent
them to attack us that night or next day, and at the
same time he sent another ten thousand warriors by
land so that by attacking us both on one side and the
other, not one of us should go out of that city alive.
He had also got ready another ten thousand men as
a reinforcement when the attack was made. All this
we found out on the following day from five Mexican
captains who were captured during the battle.
However, our Lord ordained that it should be other-
wise, for when that great fleet of canoes was observed
and it was known that they were coming to attack us,
we agreed to keep a very good watch throughout
the camp, especially at the landing places and canals
where they had to disembark. The horsemen were
waiting very much on the alert all night through, with
the horses saddled and bridled on the causeway and
on the mainland, and Cortes and all his captains were
503
NIGHT OF ANXIOUS WATCHING
keeping watch and going the rounds all night long.
I and two other soldiers were ported as sentinels on
some masonry walls, and we had got together many
Atones where we were polled, and the soldiers of our
company were provided with crossbows and muskets
and long lances, so that if the enemy should reach
the landing place on the canals we could resist them
and make them turn back.
While my companions and I were watching we heard
a sound of many canoes being paddled, although they
approached with muffled paddles, to disembark at
the landing place . where we were ported, and with
a good shower of Phones and with the lances we opposed
them so that they did not dare to disembark. We sent
one of our companions to give warning to Cortes, and
while this was happening there again approached
many more canoes laden with warriors, and they began
to shoot darts and Clones and arrows at us, and as we
again opposed them, two of our soldiers were wounded
in the head, but as it was night time and very dark
the canoes went to join the captains of the whole fleet
of canoes and they all went off together to disembark
at another landing place where the canals were deeper.
Then as they were not used to fighting during the night,
they all went to join the squadrons that Guatemoc had
sent by land which already numbered more than
fifteen thousand Indians.
I also wish to relate, but not for the purpose of
boasting about it, that when our companions went to
report to Cortes that many canoes full of warriors had
reached the landing place where we were watching,
Cortes himself accompanied by ten horsemen came
at once to speak to us, and as he came close to us
without speaking we cried out, I and Gonzalo Sanchez,
a Portuguese from Algarve, and we shouted : " Who
comes there, are not you able to speak, what do you
want ? " and we threw three or four Clones at him.
504
CORTES PRAISES DIAZ
When Cortes recognized my voice and that of my
companion he said to the Treasurer Julian de Alderete
and to Fray Pedro Malgarejo and Cristobal de Olid,
who were accompanying him on his rounds : " We
need no further security here than the two men who
are here Rationed as watchmen, they are men who
have been with me from. the earliest times and we can
fully tru£fc them to keep a good look out even in a case
of £till greater danger," and then they spoke to us
and explained the danger that was threatening us.
In the same way without saying more to us they
went on to examine the other outposts and we heard
how they flogged two soldiers who were lounging
through their watch, these were some of Narvaez's
men.
There is another matter which I call to mind,
which is that our musketeers had no more powder,
and the crossbowmen no arrows, for on the day before
they had fired so quickly that all had been used up.
That same night Cortes ordered the crossbowmen to
get ready all the arrows they possessed and to feather
them and fix on the arrow heads, for on these expedi-
tions we always carried many loads of materials for
arrows and over five loads of arrow heads made of
copper, so that we could always make arrows when
they were needed. So all that night every crossbow-
man was occupied feathering and putting heads on
the arrows, and Pedro Barba, who was their Captain,
never ceased from overseeing the work and from
time to time Cortes assisted him.
CHAPTER CVI
As soon as there was daylight we saw all the Mexican
squadrons closing in on the court where we were
encamped, and, as they never caught us napping, the
505
SECOND DAY'S FIGHTING
horsemen in one dire&ion where there was firm
ground, and we and our Tlaxcalan allies in another,
charged through them and killed and wounded three
of their captains who died the next day, and our allies
made a good capture and took as prisoners five
chieftains, from whom we learnt what orders had been
given by Guatemoc.
Many of our soldiers were wounded in that battle,
but this encounter was not the end of the fighting,
for our horsemen, following on the heels of the enemy,
came on the ten thousand warriors whom Guatemoc
had sent as reinforcements. The Mexican Captains
who came with this force carried swords captured from
us, and made many demonstrations of the valour with
which they would use them saying that they would
slay us with our own arms. When our horsemen who
were few in number found themselves close to the
enemy and saw the great number of squadrons, they
feared to attack them, and they moved aside so as not
to meet them until Cortes and all of us could come
to their aid. When we heard of this, without a
moment's delay, all the horsemen who were left
mounted their horses although both men and horses
were wounded, and all the soldiers and crossbowmen
and our Tlaxcalan allies marched out and we charged
in such a way that we broke the ranks of the enemy
and got at them hand to hand and with good sword
play made them abandon their unlucky enterprise
and leave us the field of battle.
We captured some other chieftains there and heard
from them that Guatemoc had ordered another great
flotilla of canoes to be despatched and was sending
many more warriors by land, and had said to his
warriors that when we were weary from our recent
encounters and had many dead and wounded, we
would become careless, thinking that no more
squadrons would be sent against us, and that with the
506
GUATEMOC'S REINFORCEMENTS
large force he was then sending they would be able
to defeat us. When this was known, if we had been
on the alert before we were much more so now, and
it was agreed that the next day we should leave the
city and not wait for more attacks. That day we spent
in attending to the wounded, and in cleaning our arms
and making arrows.
It appears that in this city there were many rich
men who had very large houses full of mantles and
cloth and Indian cotton shirts, and they possessed
gold and feather work and much other property. It
so happened that while we were occupied as I have
described, the Tlaxcalans and some of our soldiers
chanced to find out in what part of the town these
houses were situated, and some of the Xochimilco
prisoners went with them to point them out. These
houses £tood in the fresh water lake and one could
reach them by a causeway but there were two or three
small bridges in the causeway where it crossed some
deep canals, and as our soldiers went to the houses
and found them full of cloth and no one was guarding
them, they loaded themselves and many of the
Tlaxcalans with the cloth and the gold ornaments
and came with it to the camp. Some of the other
soldiers when they saw this, also set out for the houses,
but while they were inside taking the cloth out of
some huge wooden boxes, at that very moment a great
flotilla of canoes arrived full of Indians from Mexico
who fell upon them and wounded many of the soldiers,
and carried off four of them alive and took them to
Mexico, but the re£t escaped.
«When these four* soldiers were taken to Guatemoc
he learnt how few of us we were who had come with
Cortes and that many of us were wounded, and all
that he wished to know about our journey. When
he had thoroughly informed himself about all this,
he ordered the arms, feet and heads of our unfortunate
507
SPANIARDS SACRIFICED
companions to be cut off and sent them to the towns
of our allies, to those that had already made peace
with us, and he sent to tell them that he did not think
there would be one of us left alive to return to Texcoco.,
The hearts and blood were offered to the Idols.
Let us leave this and say how he at once sent many
fleets of canoes full of warriors, and other companies,
by land, and told them to see to it that we did not
leave Xochimilco alive. As I am tired of writing about
the many battles and encounters which we fought
against the Mexicans in those days, and yet cannot
omit to mention them, I will say that as soon as dawn
broke there came such a ho£t of Mexicans by the
waterways and others by the causeways and by the
mainland, that we could hardly break them up. So
we then went out from the city to a great Plaza which
Stood at a little distance from the town, where they
were used to hold their markets, and halted there
with all our baggage ready for the march. Cortes
then began to make us a speech about the danger
in which we were placed, for we knew for certain
that in the bad passes on the roads, at the creeks and
on the canals the whole power of Mexico and its
allies would be lying in wait for us, and he told us
that it would be a good thing, and it was his command,
that we should march unencumbered and should
leave the baggage and the cloths so that it should
not impede us when it came to fighting. When we
heard this with one voice we answered that, please
God we were men enough to defend our property and
persons and his also, and that it would show great
cowardice to do such a thing. When Cortes knew ojir
wishes and heard our reply he said that he prayed God
to help us, and then, knowing the Strength and power
of the enemy, we arranged the order of march, the
baggage and the wounded in the middle, the horse-
men divided so that half of them marched ahead and
508
CORTES RETREATS
half as a rearguard. The crossbowmen and our native
allies we also placed near the middle as a security, for
the Mexicans were accustomed to attack the baggage.
Of the musketeers we did not take much count for
they had no powder left.
In this order we began our march, and when the
squadrons of Mexicans whom Guatemoc had sent
out that day saw us retreating from Xochimilco they
thought that it was from fear and that we did not dare
to meet them, which was true, and so great a hoSt of
them Parted off at once and came direftly against us
that they wounded eight soldiers of whom two died
within eight days, and they thought to defeat us and
break into the baggage, but as we marched in the
order I have described they were not able to do it.
However, all along the road until we reached a large
town called Coyoacan, about two leagues distant
from Xochimilco, the warriors never ceased to make
sudden attacks on us from positions where we could
not well get at them, but whence they could assail
us with javelins and Stones and arrows, and then take
refuge in the neighbouring creeks and ditches.
When we arrived at Coyoacan about ten o'clock
in the morning we found it deserted.
As this large town Stands on level ground, we
determined to reSt there that day and the next so as to
attend to the wounded and to make arrows, for we
understood very well that we should have to fight
more battles before returning to our camp at Texcoco.
Next day but one early in the morning we began our
march, following the road to Tacuba, which Elands
about two leagues from our Parting place. At one
place on the road many squadrons of warriors divided
into three parties came out to attack us, but we resided
.all three attacks, and the horsemen followed the enemy
over the level ground until they took refuge in the
creeks and canals.
509
ANXIETY FOR CORTES
As we kept on our way Cortes left us with ten horse-
men and four pages, intending to prepare an ambush
for the Mexicans who came out from the creeks and
made attacks on us. The Mexicans pretended that
they were running away and Cortes with the horsemen
and servants followed them. Then Cortes saw that
there was a large force of the enemy placed in ambush
who fell upon him and his horsemen and wounded
some horses, and if they had not retreated at once
they would all have been killed or taken prisoners.
As it was, the Mexicans carried off two alive out of
the four soldiers who were pages to Cortes, and
they carried them to Guatemoc who had them
sacrificed.
We arrived at Tacuba with our banners flying and
with all the army and the baggage. The re£b of the
horsemen had come in with Pedro de Alvarado and
Cristobal de Olid, but Cortes and the ten horsemen
who were with him did not appear, and we had an
uncomfortable suspicion that some disaster might
have overtaken him. Then Pedro de Alvarado and
Cristobal de Olid and other horsemen went in search
of him, in the direction of the creeks where we had
seen him turn off. At that moment the other two pages
who had gone with Cortes and who had escaped with
their lives came into camp, and they told us all that I
have already related, and said that they had escaped
because they were fleet of foot, and that Cortes and
the others were following slowly because their horses
were wounded. While we were talking Cortes appeared,
at which we all rejoiced, although he had arrived very
sad and almost tearful.
When we reached Tacuba it rained heavily and we
took shelter for nearly two hours in some large courts,
and Cort6s with some other captains and many of us
soldiers ascended the lofty temple of that town whence
one had a good view of the city of Mexico which is
510
HARDSHIPS OF THE MARCH
quite near, and of the lake and the other cities which
are built in the water.
We continued our march, and passed by Atzcapot-
zalco, which we found to be deserted, and went on to
Tenayuca. This town was also deserted. From thence
we went to Guatitlan, and throughout the day it never
ceased raining with heavy rainworms, and as we
marched with our arms shouldered and never took off
our harness by day or night, what with the weight and
the soaking we got, we were quite broken down.
We arrived at that large town when night was falling
but it also was deserted. It never ceased raining all
night long and the mud was very deep. The natives
of the place and some squadrons of Mexicans yelled
at us all night from the canals and other places where
we could do them no harm. As it was raining and
very dark no sentinels could be ported or rounds made,,
and no order was kept, nor could we find those who
were ported, and this I can myself assert for they
Stationed me as a watchman for the firft watch, and
neither officer nor patrol visited me, and so it was
throughout the camp.
Let us leave this carelessness and say that the next
day we continued our march to another large pueblo x
of which I do not remember the name ; the mud was
very deep in it, and we found it deserted. The follow-
ing day we passed by other deserted pueblos and the
day after we reached a pueblo called Aculman, subjeft
to Texcoco. When they knew in Texcoco that we
were coming, they came out to receive Cortes, and
there were many Spaniards who had lately come
from Spain. Captain Gonzalo de Sandoval with many
soldiers also came out to receive us and with him
came the Lord of Texcoco.
Cortes had a good reception both from our own
people and from those recently come from Spain, and
1 Citlaltepec.
ARRIVAL AT TEXCOCO
a Still more cordial reception from the natives of the
neighbouring towns, who at once brought food.
That night Sandoval returned to Texcoco with all
.his soldiers to proteft his camp, and the next morning
Cortes and all of us continued our march to Texcoco.
So we marched on weary and wounded, and having
left many of our soldier companions behind us dead,
or in the power of the Mexicans to be sacrificed and
instead of renting and curing our wounds we had to
meet a conspiracy organized by certain persons of
quality who were partisans of Narvaez for the purpose
of killing Cortes and Gonzalo de Sandoval, Pedro de
Alvarado and Andres de Tapia.
CHAPTER CVII
As I have already said we returned broken up and
wounded from the expedition that I have recorded.
It appears that a great friend of the Governor of Cuba
named Antonio de Villafana, a native of Zamora or
Toro, planned with other soldiers of the party of
Narvaez (I will not mention their names for their
honour's sake), that when Cortes should thus return
from that expedition they would kill him with dagger
thrusts. As a Spanish ship had arrived at that time
it was to happen in this way : when Cortes should fee
seated at table dining with his Captains, one of the
persons who had made the plot should bring him a
letter firmly closed up and sealed as though it came
from Ca&ile, and should say that it came from his
father Martin Cortes, and while he was reading it
they should £tab him with daggers, both Cortes
and all the Captains and soldiers who should happen to
be near him and would defend him.
512
PLOT TO ASSASSINATE CORTES
When all that I have spoken about had already been
talked over and prepared, it pleased Our Lord that
those who had arranged it should give a share in the
affair to two important persons (I wish also to avoid
mentioning their names) who had gone on the expedi-
tions with us, and in the plan that had been made they
had named one of these persons to be captain general
when they had killed Cortes, and other soldiers of the
party of Narvaez they appointed chief alguazil and
ensign, and alcaldes, magistrates, treasurer and
inspector and other officers of that sort ; and they
had even divided among themselves our property
and horses, and this plot was kept secret until two
days after our arrival at Texcoco.
It pleased our Lord God that such a thing should
not come to pass, for New Spain would have been lo£t
and all of us, for parties and follies would have sprung
up at once.
It seems that a soldier divulged the plot to Cortes,
who at once put a £top to it before more fuel could
be added to the fire, for that good soldier asserted that
many persons of quality were concerned in it. When
Cortes knew of it, after making great promises and
gifts, which he gave to the man who disclosed it to
him, he at once secretly informed all our Captains,
namely, Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Lugo,
Cri£t6bal de Olid, Andres de Tapia, Gonzalo de
Sandoval and me, and the two alcaldes who were on
duty that year, namely, Luis Marin and Pedro de
Ircio and all of us who were adherents of Cortes.
As soon as we knew about it we got ready, and
without further delay went with Cort6s to the lodging
of Antonio Villafana, and there were present with
him many of those who were in the conspiracy, and
with the aid of four alguaciles whom Cortes had
brought with him we promptly laid hands on Villafana,
and the Captains and soldiers who were with him at
VILLAFANA HANGED
once began to flee and Cortes ordered them to be
seized and detained. As soon as we held Villafana
prisoner Cortes drew from his [Villafana's] breast the
memorandum which he possessed with the signatures
of all who were in the conspiracy, and after he had
read it and had seen that there were many persons
of quality in it, so as not to dishonour them, he spread
the report that Villafana had swallowed the memor-
andum and that he [Cortes] had neither seen nor
read it, and he at once brought him to trial. When
Villafana's Statement was taken he spoke the truth
and with the many witnesses of good faith and
credibility whose evidence they took on the case, the
regular Alcaldes jointly with Cortes and the Quarter-
matter Cristobal de Olid gave sentence, and after
Villafana had confessed with the priest Juan Diaz,
they hanged him from the window of a room where
he had lodged.
Cortes did not wish that anyone else should be dis-
honoured in that affair, although at that time many
were made prisoners in order to frighten them, and
to make a show that he wished to punish others, but
as the time was not suitable he overlooked it.
Cortes at once agreed to have a guard for his
person, and the Captain of it was a gentleman named
Antonio de Quinones, a native of Zamora, with six
soldiers, good and valiant men who guarded Cortes
day and night. And he begged us, whom he knew
belonged to his party, to look after his person. Although
from that time forth he showed great kindness to
those who were in the conspiracy, he di£tru£ted them.
Let us leave this subjeft and say that he at once
ordered it to be proclaimed that, within two days, all
the Indian men and women that we had captured on
those expeditions should be brought to be branded,
and a house was designated for the purpose.
So as not to wa£te more words in this ftory about the
5H
INDIAN PRISONERS BRANDED
way that they were sold at the auftion, (beyond what
I have said at other times on the two other occasions
when they were branded,) if it were done badly before,
it was done much worse this time, for, after taking out
the royal fifth, Cortes took his fifth and further thefts
for Captains, and if those we sent to be branded were
handsome and good Indian women they £tole them by
night from the crowd, so that they should not reappear
from then till doomsday and on this account many
women were left out, who we afterwards kept as free
servants.
BOOK XII
THE SIEGE AND FALL OF MEXICO
CHAPTER CVIII
AFTER Antonio de Villafana had been punished, and
those who had joined with him in the conspiracy
had quieted down, Cortes examined the sloops which
were already built and had their rigging, sails and
oars in place, and spare oars for each sloop. Moreover
the canal by which the sloops were to pass out to the
lake was already broad and deep. So Cortes sent to
advise all the friendly pueblos near Texcoco to make
eight thousand arrow heads of copper in each pueblo,
and he also ordered them to make and trim for him
in each pueblo eight thousand arrows of a very good
kind of wood, and for these they also carried away
a sample, and messengers and letters were then sent
to our friend Xicotenga the elder, and to his son
Xicontenga the younger and to his brothers, and to
Chichimecatecle, informing them that when the day
of Corpus Chri£bi was passed, we were going to leave
this city to proceed against Mexico and to invent it.
He told them to send him twenty thousand warriors
from their own people at Tlaxcala, and from those of
Huexotzingo and Cholula, for all were now friends
and brothers in arms, and they all knew the time of
meeting and the plan, as he had informed them by
their own Indians who were continually leaving our
camp laden with the spoils from the expeditions we
had made.
He also gave warning to the people of Chalco and
Tlamanalco and their vassals, to be prepared when we
should send to summon them, and he gave them to
CORTES REVIEWS HIS FORCES
understand that we were about to invent Mexico,
and the time when we should set out, and he said the
same to Don Fernando the Lord of Texcoco and to his
chieftains and to all his vassals, and to all the other
towns friendly to us. One and all replied that they
would do exaftly what Cortes sent to order them,
and that they would come.
After the orders were given, Cortes decided with
our Captains and soldiers that on the second day of
the feaft of Espiritu Santo (this was the year one
thousand five hundred and twenty-one) a review should
be held. This review was held in the great Courts
of Texcoco and there were present eighty-four horse-
men, six-hundred-and-fifty soldiers with swords and
shields and many with lances, and one-hundred-and-
ninety-four crossbowmen and musketeers. From
these there were chosen to man the thirteen launches
those that I will now mention — For each launch,
twelve crossbowmen and musketeers ; in addition
to them there were also set apart another twelve men,
six on each side as rowers for each launch. And besides
these there was a Captain for each launch and an
artilleryman.
Cortes also divided among them all the boat guns
and falconets we possessed and the powder he thought
they would need. When this was done, he ordered the
following rules, which we all had to observe, to be
proclaimed.
First, no man should dare to blaspheme our Lord
Jesus Chria, nor Our Lady, His Blessed Mother,
nor the Sainted Apostles, nor any other saints under
heavy penalty.
Second, no soldier should illtreat our allies, since
they went to help us, or should take anything away
from them even if they should be spoils gained by
war, whether Indian men or women or gold or silver
or Chalchihuites.
CORTES ISSUES PROCLAMATION
Another was, no soldier should dare to depart either
by day or night from our camp to go to any pueblo of
our allies, or anywhere else, either to fetch food or for
any other matter, under heavy penalties.
Another, all the soldiers should wear very good
armour, well quilted, a neck guard, head piece, leggings
and shield, for we knew about the great number of
javelins and Clones and arrows and lances, and for all
of them it was necessary to wear the armour which
the proclamation mentioned.
Another, no one should gamble for a horse or arms
on any account, under heavy penalty.
Another, no soldier, horseman, crossbowman, or
musketeer should go to sleep unless he were fully
armed and shod with his sandals, unless it were under
the Stress of wounds or because he was suffering from
illness, so that we might be fully prepared whatsoever
time the Mexicans might come to attack us.
In addition to these, the laws were proclaimed
which were ordered to be observed in soldiering ;
that is, that anyone who sleeps when on guard or
leaves his po£t should be punished with death, and
it was proclaimed that no soldier should go from one
camp to another without leave from his Captain under
pain of death.
Another, that any soldier deserting his Captain in
war or battle, should suffer death.
After the review had taken place, Cortes saw that
not enough men who knew how to row could be found
for the launches, although those who had been brought
in the ships which we destroyed when we came
with Cortes were thoroughly experienced and the
sailors from the ships of Narvaez and those from
Jamaica also knew how to row, and all of them were
placed on the lift and had been warned. Yet counting
all of them, there was not a full supply, as many of
the men refused to row. So Cortes made enquiries to
CORTES SELECTS THE CREWS
find out who were seamen, or had been seen to go
out fishing, and if they came from Palos or Triana
or from any other port or place where there were
sailors, and he ordered them under pain of heavy
penalties to go on board the launches. However
high-born they might say they were, he made them
go and row, and in this way he got together one
hundred and fifty men as rowers, and they were
much freer from hardships than we were who were
Stationed on the causeways fighting, and they became
rich from plunder as I will relate further on.
After Cortes had decided who should go in the
launches, he divided the crossbowmen and musketeers
and the powder, cannon and arrows and everything
else that was necessary among them and ordered them
to place in each launch the royal banners and other
banners with the name that was given to each launch,
besides other things which were needed, and he named
as Captains of the launches those whom I will now
mention here : — Garci Holguin, Pedro Barba, Juan
de Linpias, Carvajal the deaf, Juan Jaramillo, Jeronimo
Ruiz de la Mota, his companion Caravajal, and one
Portillo who had juft come from Castile, a good soldier
who had a handsome wife and a Zamora who was a
ship's mate, a Colmenero , who was a seaman and a
good soldier, a Lema, a Jines N6rtes, one Briones a
native of Salamanca, another Captain whose name I do
not remember, and Miguel Diaz de Auz.
After he had named them, he gave in&ru&ions to
each Captain what he was to do, and to what part of
the causeways he was to go, and with which one of the
Captains who were on land he was to co-operate.
When he had finished arranging all that I have men-
tioned, they came to tell Cort6s that the Captains
from Tlaxcala with a great number of warriors were
approaching, and that Xicotenga, the younger, was
coming as their commander in chief, and that he was
ARRIVAL OF THE TLAXCALANS
bringing in his company his two brothers, sons of
the good old man Don Lorenzo de Vargas. Xicotenga
was also bringing a great force of Tlaxcalans under
the command of Chichimecatecle and men from
Huexotzingo, and another regiment of Cholulans,
although they were few in number, because, from what
I always observed after we had punished the people
of Cholula, they never afterwards sided with Mexicans
nor yet with us, but were keeping on the look-out,
[to see which side to take,] and even when we were
expelled from Mexico they were not found in
opposition to us.
When Cortes knew that Xicotenga and his brothers
and other Captains were approaching, (and they were
coming one day before the time he had told them to
come,) Cortes went out a quarter of a league from
Texcoco to receive them with Pedro de Alvarado
and others of our Captains, and as soon as he met
Xicotenga and his brothers, Cortes paid them great
respeft and embraced them and all the other Captains.
They approached in fine order, all very brilliant with
great devices, each regiment by itself with its banners
unfurled, and the white bird, like an eagle with its
wings outstretched, which is their badge. The ensigns
waved their banners and Standards, and all carried
bows and arrows, two handed swords, javelins and
spear throwers ; some carried macanas and great
lances and others small lances. Adorned with their
feather head-dresses, and moving in good order and
uttering shouts, cries, and whi&les, calling out :
" Long live the Emperor our Mailer ", and " Caftile,
CaStile, Tlaxcala, Tlaxcala", they took more than
three hours entering Texcoco.
Cortes ordered them to be lodged in good quarters,
and to be supplied with everything we had in our camp.
After many embraces and promises to enrich them, he
took leave of them and told them that next day he would
520
CORTES NAMES COMMANDERS
give them orders what they were to do, and that now
they were tired and should
CHAPTER CIX
CORTES appointed Pedro de Alvarado Captain of one
hundred and fifty sword and shield soldiers (and many
of them carried lances) and thirty horsemen and
eighteen musketeers and crossbowmen, and he named
his brother Jorge de Alvarado, and Gutierrez de
Badajoz and Andres de Monjaraz to go together
with him, and these he appointed to be Captains of
fifty soldiers and to divide among the three of them
the musketeers and crossbowmen, as many in one
Company as in the other. Pedro de Alvarado was to
be Captain of the horsemen and General of the three
companies, and he gave him eight thousand Tlaxcalans
and their Captains, and he selected me and ordered
me to go with him, and told us to go and take up our
position in the City of Tacuba. He ordered that the
armour we took with us should be very good head-
pieces, neck coverings, and leggings, for our defence
was to go well armoured.
Let us go on to the next division. He gave to
Cri£t6bal de Olid, who was quartermaster, other thirty
horsemen and one hundred and seventy-five soldiers
and twenty musketeers and crossbowmen all provided
with armour in the same way as the soldiers he gave
to Pedro de Alvarado, and he appointed three other
Captains who were Andres de Tapia, Francisco
Verdugo, and Francisco de Lugo, and between all
three Captains were divided all the soldiers and cross-
bowmen and musketeers. Cri£l6bal de Olid was
Captain General of the three Captains and of the-
horsemen, and he gave him another eight thousand
Tlaxcalans, and ordered him to go and establish his
521
CORTES DISTRIBUTES HIS FORCES
camp in the city of Coyoacan, which is two leagues
from Tacuba.
Cortes made Gonzalo de Sandoval, the chief Alguacil,
Captain of the other division of soldiers, and gave him
twenty-four horsemen, fourteen musketeers and cross-
bowmen, one hundred and fifty sword, shield and lance
soldiers, and more than eight thousand Indian warriors
from the people of Chalco and Huexotzingo and of
some other friendly pueblos through which Sandoval
had to pass, and he gave him as companions and
captains, Luis Marin and Pedro de Ircio who were
Sandoval's friends, and ordered the soldiers, cross-
bowmen and musketeers to be divided between the
two captains, and that Sandoval should have the horse-
men under his command and be the General, and that
he should place his camp near to Iztapalapa, and attack
it and do it all the damage he could, until Cortes
should send him other orders. Sandoval did not
leave Tezcoco until Cortes, who was Commander
in chief of the regiments and of the launches, was
quite ready to set out for the lake with the thirteen
launches.
So as to avoid confusion on the road, we sent on
ahead all the regiments of Tlaxcalans, until they
should reach Mexican Territory.
As the Tlaxcalans with their Captain, Chichime-
catecle and other Captains with their men, marched
carelessly, they did not notice whether Xicotenga, the
younger, who was their Captain General, accompanied
them and when Chichimecatecle asked and enquired
what had become of him, and where he had Chopped,
they found out that he had that night returned secretly
to Tlaxcala, and was going to seize forcibly the cacique-
ship and vassals and lands of Chichimecatecle himself.
The Tlaxcalans said that the reasons for his so doing
were that when Xicotenga, the younger, saw the
Captains of Tlaxcala, especially Chichimecatecle,
522
DEATH OF YOUNGER XICOTENGA
going to the war, [he knew that] there would be
nobody to oppose him, for he did not fear his father
Xicotenga, the blind, who, being his father would
aid him, and our friend Mase Escasi was already dead,
and the only man he feared was Chichimecatecle. They
also said that they always knew that Xicotenga had
no wish to go to the war against Mexico, for they heard
him say many times that all of us and of them would
be killed. As soon as the Cacique Chichimecatecle
heard and understood this, he turned back from the
march more than swiftly, and came to inform Cortes
about it.
Cortes at once ordered five Texcocan chieftains and
two from Tlaxcala, friends of Xicotenga, to go and
force him to return, and to tell him that Cortes begged
him to come back at once and go against his enemies
the Mexicans, and to refleft that if his father Don
Lorenzo de Vargas were not so old and blind he would
come again^l Mexico himself and as all Tlaxcalans
were and are very loyal servants of His Majesty,
that it did not become him to dishonour them as he was
now doing. And he sent to make him many offers
and promises that he would give him gold and cloths
if he would return. The reply Xicotenga sent was
that if the old man his father, and Mase Escasi would
have believed him, that Cortes would not have so
lorded it over them and made them do all that he
wished, and not to waste more words, he said that
he did not intend to return. When Cortes heard
that answer he at once gave an order for an Alguacil
and four horsemen and five Indian chieftains from
Texcoco to go in all ha£te and wherever they should
overtake him to hang him, and he said : " There is
never any improvement in this Cacique, but he mu£t be
traitor and ill-disposed towards us and of bad counsel ",
and that there was no time to put up with him any
longer, or to ignore what had passed. When Pedro
523
ALVARADO AND OLID
de Alvarado knew of it he petitioned Strongly on
Xicotenga's behalf, and Cortes gave him a favourable
answer, but secretly he ordered the Alguacil and the
horsemen not to leave Xicotenga alive. And so it was
done and in a town subjeft to Texcoco they hanged
him, and thus his treason was put an end to. There
were some Tlaxcalans who said that Don Lorenzo de
Vargas, the father of Xicotenga, sent to tell Cortes
that this son of his was a bad man and he would not
vouch for him, and that he begged Cortes to kill him.
Let us leave this £tory as it is, and say that for this
reason we remained that day without setting out from
Texcoco, and the next day we set out, both divisions,
together, for Cri£t6bal de Olid and Pedro de Alvarado
had both to take the same road. We went to sleep
at a pueblo subject to Texcoco named Acolman,
and it happened that Cri£t6bal de Olid sent on ahead
to that pueblo to secure quarters, and had green
branches placed above the roof of each house as a sign.
When we arrived with Pedro de Alvarado we found
no place where we could lodge, and over this [matter]
the men of our Company had already put hands to
their weapons against those of Cri£l6bal de Olid and
even the Captains were defying one another, but there
were not wanting on both sides gentlemen who got
between us and somewhat appeased the clamour, yet
not so much but that we £till all remained dissatisfied,
and from that place they sent to inform Cortes, and he
at once despatched Fray Pedro de Melgarejo, and
the Captain Luis Marin in all ha£te, and wrote to
the Captains and all of us reproving us, and when they
arrived we made friends, but from that time on, the
Captains, Pedro de Alvarado and Cri£t6bal de Olid
were not on good terms.
THE MARCH TOWARDS MEXICO
CHAPTER CX
THE next day [Thursday, 23rd May] the two Divisions
continued their March together and we went to sleep
at a large town [Zitlaltepec] which was deserted,
for we were already in Mexican territory. The day
following we ^ went to sleep at Cuautitlan, and it also
was without inhabitants, and the next day we passed
through Tenayuca and Atzcapotzalco, which were also
deserted, and at the hour of vespers we arrived at
Tacuba and at once took up our quarters in some large
houses and rooms, for this town also was deserted, and
there, too, all our friends the Tlaxcalans found quarters,
and that very afternoon we went through the farms
belonging to those towns and brought in food to eat
We slept there that night after stationing good watch-
men, sentinels and scouts, for as I have already said,
Mexico was close by Tacuba, and when night fell we
heard great shouts which the Mexicans raised at us
from the lake, crying out much abuse, that we were
not men enough to come out and fight them. They
had many of their canoes full of warriors and the
causeways also were crowded with fighting men,
and these words were said with the idea of provoking
us to come out that night and fight ; but as we had
gained experience from the affair of the causeways
and bridges we would not go out until the next day,
which was Sunday [26th May].
After hearing Mass, which was said by Father Juan
Diaz, and commending ourselves to God, we agreed
that with the two Divisions together, we should go out
and cut off the water of Chaptdtepec by which the city
was supplied which was about half a league distant
from Tacuba.
As we were marching to break the pipes, we came on
525
CITY'S WATER-SUPPLY CUT OFF
many warriors who were waiting for us on the road,
for they fully understood that would be the firft thing
by which we could do them damage, and so when they
met us near some bad ground, they began to shoot
arrows at us and hurl javelins and Atones from slings,
and they wounded three of our soldiers, but we quickly
made them turn their backs and our friends the
Tlaxcalans followed them so that they killed twenty
and we captured eighteen of them.
As soon as these squadrons had been put to flight
we broke the conduits through which the water flowed
to the city, and from that time onwards it never flowed
into Mexico so long as the war la&ed. When we
had accomplished this, our Captains agreed that we
should go at once to reconnoitre and advance along
the causeway from Tacuba, and do what was possible
towards gaining possession of a bridge. When we had
reached the causeway, there were so many canoes on
the lake full of warriors, and the causeways also were
so crowded with them, that we were astounded at it ;
and they shot so many arrows and javelins and Atones
from slings that at the firft encounter they wounded
over thirty soldiers. Still we went on marching along
the causeway towards the bridge, and from what
I underhand they gave way for us to reach it, so as to
get us on the other side of the bridge. When they
had got us there, I declare that such a hoft of warriors
charged down on us, that we could not hold out
against them ; for on the causeway, which was eight
paces wide, what could we do against such a great force
as was Stationed on one side and the other of the
causeway, and ftruck at us as at a mark, for although
our musketeers and crossbowmen never ceased loading
and firing at the canoes, they did them but very
little damage for they brought the canoes very well
protected with bulwarks of wood. Then when we
attacked the squadrons that fought on the causeway
526
BATTLE ON THE CAUSEWAY
itself, they promptly threw themselves into the water,
and there were so many of them that we could not
prevail against them. Those on horseback did not make
any progress whatever, for the Indians wounded their
horses from one side and from the other, and as soon
as they charged after the squadrons the Indians threw
themselves in the water. The enemy had raised brea£t-
works where other warriors were Stationed in waiting^
with long lances which they had made like scythes
from the weapons which had been captured from us
when they drove us fleeing out of Mexico.
In this manner we £tood fighting with them about an
hour, and so many Clones were showered on us that we
could not bear up against them, and we even saw that
there was approaching us in another direction a great
fleet of canoes to cut off our passage, so as to turn our
flanks, and knowing this, and because we saw that our
friends the Tlaxcalans whom we had brought with us
were greatly ob£tru£Hng the causeway, and, if they
went off of it, it was clear enough that they could not
fight in the water, our Captains and all of us soldiers
agreed to retreat in good order and not to go further
ahead.
When the Mexicans saw us retreating and the
Tlaxcalans escaping beyond the causeway what shouts
and howls and whittles they gave us, and how they
came on to join us foot to foot. I declare that I do not
know how to describe it, for all the causeway was
heaped up with javelins, arrows, and Atones that had
been hurled at us, and many more of them mu£t have
fallen in the water. When we found ourselves on dry
land we gave thanks to God for having freed us from
that battle, for by that time eight of our soldiers had
fallen dead, and more than fifty were wounded.
Through all this, they yelled out at us and shouted
abuse from the canoes, and our friends the Tlaxcalans
told them to come on land and even if they were double
527
THE SPANIARDS RETREAT
the number they would fight them. These were the
firft things that we did to cut off the water and recon-
noitre the lake, although we gained no honour by
them. That night we flayed in our camp while the
wounded were attended to, and one horse died, and
we ported a good force of sentinels and scouts.
The next morning Captain Cri£t6bal de Olid said
that he wished to go to his station at Coyoacan, a league
and a half away, and notwithstanding that Pedro de
Alvarado and other gentlemen begged him not to
separate the two divisions, but to keep them together,
he would not do so ; for as Cri£t6bal de Olid was
very courageous, and in the reconnaissance which
we made of the lake, the day before, we had not done
well, he said that it was Pedro de Alvarado 's fault
that we had advanced so rashly, so that he would not
£tay and went off to Coyoacan where Cortes had sent
him. We remained in our camp, for it was not right
to separate one division from the other at that time,
and if the Mexicans had known how few soldiers we
were duringthe four or five days that we were there apart
before the launches could come, and had fallen on us
and on the division of Cri£t6bal de Olid separately,
we should have incurred great hardship and they
would have done us great damage. So we Stayed in
Tacuba and Cri£fc6bal de Olid in his camp, without
daring to reconnoitre any further nor to advance
along the causeways, and every day we had skirmishes
with many squadrons of Mexicans who came on land
to fight with us, and even challenged us so as to place
us in situations where they could master us and we
could do them no damage.
I will leave them there and I will tell how Gonzalo
de Sandoval set out from Texcoco four days after
the feaft of Corpus Chrifbi x and came to Iztapalapa ;
almost all the march was among friends, subjefts
1 Fridaj, 3 ist May.
528
SANDOVAL ATTACKS IZTAPALAPA
of Texcoco, and when he reached the town of Izta-
palapa he at once began to make war and to burn
many of the houses that &ood on dry land, for all the
re& of the houses £tood in the lake. However, not
many hours passed before great squadrons of Mexicans
came promptly to the aid of that city and Sandoval
had a good battle with them and great encounters
when they fought on land ; and when they had taken
refuge in their canoes they shot many javelins, arrows
and Atones at him and wounded his soldiers. While
they were thus fighting they saw that on a small
hill1 that was close to Iztapalapa on dry land, great
smoke signals were being made, and they were
answered by other smoke signals from other towns
landing in the lake, and it was a sign to assemble
all the canoes from Mexico and all the towns around
the lake, for they saw that Cortes had already set out
from Texcoco with the thirteen launches. \¥he
following description of Cortes' s movements is taken
from his third letter to the Emperor Charles VI\
^\st May : As soon as I had despatched Sandoval
I embarked in the launches and set out using both sails
and oars, and while Sandoval was fighting and setting
fire to the city of Iztapalapa we came in sight of a lofty
hill landing in the water, which was Strongly forti-
fied2 where many people had got together both
from the neighbouring pueblos round the lake as
well as from Tenochtitlan, for they knew I should
make my fir& attack on Iztapalapa, and they were
Rationed there in its defence as well as to attack us
if they could do so. When they saw our fleet approach
they began to cry out and make great smoke signals
to warn the cities on the lake so that they might be
•on the alert. Although it was my intention to attack
that part of the City of Iztapalapa which &ood in
1 Cerro de la Eftrelk. 2 Tepepolco, the Penon del Marques.
529 Mm
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
the water I turned aside to that hill and landed on it
with one hundred and fifty men, and although it
was very steep and high with much difficulty we began
the ascent and captured the barricades which they
had raised on the summit for their defence, and fell
on them in such a way that none but the women and
children escaped.
In this combat twenty-five Spaniards were wounded,
but it was a very beautiful vi&ory.
As the people of Iztapalapa had made smoke signals
from some Idol towers on a high hill l near the city,
the people of Tenochtitlan and of the other cities which
£tand in the water were aware that I had already
entered the lake with the launches, and they at once
got together a great fleet of canoes, and as far as we
could judge there were about five hundred of them,
to come and attack us and to find out what the launches
were like. When I saw that they were coming
Straight towards us, I and the men who had landed
on that hill re-embarked in ha£te.
I ordered the captains of the launches to make no
movement whatever, so that those in the canoes, in
the belief that we were afraid to move against them,
might be led to attack us. Thus they began to drive
their fleet against us headlong, but at the distance
of two crossbow shots they Stopped short and remained
As I was very anxious that our fir£t encounter should
be a victorious one and should be made in such a way
that they should be deeply impressed with fear of
the launches, for the launches were the key of the whole
war, and it was on the water that a decision would be
come to, it pleased God that as we halted gazing at
one another a favourable breeze should spring up
from the land to enable us to join battle with them,
and I promptly ordered the captains to fall upon the
1 Cerro de k Eftrella.
530
OF THE SIEGE
fleet of canoes and follow them until they were shut up
in the city of Tenochtitlan. As the breeze was very
ftrong, although they fled as faft as they were able
we dashed into the mid& of them and broke up number-
less canoes and killed and drowned many of our
enemies. It was the mo§t wonderful sight in the world
to behold ! We pursued them fully three leagues
and shut them in among the houses of the city. There
it pleased our Lord to grant us even a greater and
better victory than we had hoped and prayed for.
When the garrison at Coyoacan saw us pursuing
the canoes mo£t of the horsemen and foot soldiers
who were Stationed there set out on the march for
Tenochtitlan and fought fiercely with the Indians
on the causeway, and captured the barricades they
had made ; and with the help of the launches which
came close to the causeway they captured and passed
across many of the places where the bridges had been
removed, both the foot soldiers and the horsemen.
Our friends the Indians from Tlaxcala as well as the
Spaniards followed up the enemy and slew them and
forced them into the water on the other side of the
causeway where the launches could not go. They
followed up their viftory for more than a league
of the causeway until they reached the place where
I had halted with the launches, as I will go on
to tell.
We chased the canoes with our launches for a good
three leagues ; those that escaped us took refuge
among the houses in the city, and as it was already
pa£t Vespers I ordered the launches to be recalled
and we approached the causeway with them, where
I decided to land with thirty men to capture two small
Idol towers which were surrounded by a low masonry
wall (Acachinango). As we jumped ashore they
fought fiercely to defend them from us, but we
captured them with great effort* and risk to ourselves.
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
and I promptly landed three large cannon I had
brought with me.
The distance along the causeway between this
place and the city was about half a league, and it was
crowded with the enemy and the water on either side
of the causeway was covered with canoes full of
warriors, so I had one of the cannon aimed and fired
along the causeway, which did much damage to the
enemy. Through the carelessness of the gunner,
at the moment of firing he set fire to the gunpowder
we had with us. However, it was only a small quantity.
That same night I despatched a launch to Iztapalapa
where Sandoval was Rationed, a distance of about two
leagues, to bring back all the gunpowder he possessed.
Although it was originally my intention when I
set out with the launches to go to Coyoacan, yet when
I landed on the causeway and captured those two towers
I decided to make my headquarters (Acachinango)
there and to keep the launches there near the
towers, and that half the force from Coyoacan
and fifty of Sandoval's men should join me there
the following day.
Having arranged for this, that night we kept on
the alert, for we were in great danger, and at midnight
a great ho£b of men came in canoes and along the
causeway to attack our camp, and truly they caused
us great surprise and alarm, because they came by
night and up to that time they had never done such
a thing, nor have they ever been known to fight by
night unless sure of viftory.
However, as we were keenly on the look-out we
began to fight with them as did those on the launches,
for each one carried a small field piece and they began
to fire them, and the crossbowmen and musketeers
did likewise.
So the enemy did not dare to advance any further,
nor did they approach close enough to do us any
532
OF THE SIEGE
damage. So they left us for the re& of the night
without troubling us any further.
i st June : The next day at dawn fifteen crossbowmen
and musketeers, and fifty men armed with swords
and shields and seven or eight horsemen from the
Coyoacan garrison arrived at my encampment on
the causeway. When they reached us we were already
being attacked by the enemy in such numbers that
both on land and water we could see nothing but men
and they raised such cries and yells that it seemed as
though the world were sinking.
We began to fight with them along the causeway
and captured an opening where they had removed
the bridge, and a barricade which had been raised
at the approach to it. However with our cannon
and horsemen we did them so great damage that we
almost shut them in among the firft houses of the city.
Because many canoes gathered on the other side
of the causeway and did us great harm with darts
and arrows which they shot at us on the causeway,
and as our launches were not able to pass through I had
a portion of the causeway broken through near our
camp and sent four launches through to'the other side,
and they drove all the canoes back among tlje houses
of the city, and they followed in after them which up
to that time they had not dared to do, for there were
many shallows and Stakes to impede them. When
they found canals where they could enter safely they
fought with the canoes and captured some of them and
set fire to many of the houses in the suburbs. Thus
we passed all that day fighting.
ind June : The next day Sandoval with the men he
had with him in Iztapalapa, both Spaniards and Dallies,
left for Coyoacan. From Iztapalapa to the mainland
there is a causeway about a league and a half in length,
and as Sandoval began his march of about a quarter
of a league along it he reached a small city which also
533
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
in the water, but through a good part of it
one can ride on horseback, and the natives of ^ the
town began to attack him. He defeated and killed
many of them and destroyed and burnt the town.
As I knew that the Indians had broken down many
parts of the causeway and our men would not be able
to pass along it I sent two launches to aid them in the
passage and they used them as bridges and they went
to lodge at Coyoacan. Sandoval himself with the
horsemen took the road along the causeway on which
we were camped, and when he reached us found us
fighting, and he and those with him dismounted and
began to fight with those on the causeway whom we
were driving back. As Sandoval began to fight
the enemy pierced his foot with a dart, and although
they wounded him and others that day, what with the
cannon, crossbows and muskets we did much execution
that neither those in the canoes nor those on the cause-
way dared to approach us and they showed more fear
and less pride than was usual.
During the following six days we went on fighting
in this way and the launches went about burning all
the houses they could in the neighbourhood of the
city, andrfhey discovered a canal by which they could
enter the suburbs and even reach the main part of the
city, which was very fortunate as it put a Stop to the
coming of the canoes so that not one of them dared
to show themselves within a quarter of a league of
our camp.
One day Alvarado who was in command of the
garrison at Tacuba sent to tell me that on the other
side of the city the people of Mexico came and went
as they pleased along a causeway which led to some
towns on the mainland and by another small cause-
way near to it, and in order that the city should be
completely invented I sent Sandoval (though he was
wounded) to fix his camp at a small pueblo [Tepeyac,
534
OF THE SIEGE
now Guadelupe] at the end of the causeway, so he set
out with twenty-three horsemen, one hundred and
ten foot soldiers and eighteen crossbowmen and
musketeers and set up his camp where I told him. As
I had at my camp on the causeway two hundred
Spanish foot soldiers including twenty-five crossbow-
men and musketeers, and more than two hundred and
fifty men in the launches and many friendly Indian
warriors, I decided to push along the causeway into
the city as far as I was able with the launches protecting
our flanks, and I ordered some of the troops from
Coyoacan to join me at my camp and ten horsemen
to remain at the entrance of the causeway and the
remainder of the garrison of Coyoacan and ten thousand
Indian allies to protect our rear, for some of the
pueblos in the lake were Still hostile. I also ordered
Sandoval and Alvarado to attack in force on the same day.
I set out from the camp along the causeway in
the morning and soon came upon the enemy at one
of the breaches they had made in the causeway, a lance
in length and two lance lengths in depth, and a barricade
they had raised to defend it. Both sides fought
Stoutly but in the end we prevailed and followed
along the causeway until we reached the entrance
to the city where £tood one of their Idol towers l and
at the foot of it a great bridge2 which spanned a broad
canal. The bridge had been raised and the place
defended by a very Strong barricade. They began
to attack us as we approached, but with the launches
on both sides of us we captured it without loss,
which would have been impossible but for the help
of the launches. As soon as they began to abandon
the barricade the men from the launches jumped
ashore and we crossed the canal with more than eight
thousand of our allies from Tlaxcala, Huexotzingo,
Chalco and Texcoco.
1 Xoluco. 2 Puente de San Antonio Abad.
535
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
While we filled in the place of the bridge with
Clones and adobes the Spaniards captured another
barricade in the Street which is the broadest and mo£t
important Street in the city ; as there was no canal
at this barricade it was easier to carry it. They
pursued the enemy along the Street until they reached
another canal 1 where the bridge had been removed
excepting one broad beam across which the enemy
passed in safety and then promptly removed it. On
the other side of the canal they had raised a great
barricade of earth and adobes. When we reached
it we could not advance unless we threw ourselves
in the water, and this would have been very dangerous
as the enemy were fighting very valiantly and a count-
less number of them were attacking us fiercely from
the azoteas on either side of the Street. However,
when the musketeers and crossbowmen came up and
we fired with two cannon up the Street we did the
enemy great damage, and observing this some of the
Spaniards threw themselves in the water and got to
the other side, but it took us more than two hours
to overcome the defence.
When the enemy saw us crossing over they abandoned
the barricade and the azoteas and took to flight
along the Street. Then all our men got across and I
made them fill in the site of the bridge and destroy
the barricade. Meanwhile the Spaniards and our
Indian allies went ahead along the Street a distance
of two crossbow shots to another bridge 2 which was
close to the Plaza and principal buildings of the city.
This bridge had not been removed nor had any
barricade been raised, for they never thought that we
should gain as much as we had done that day, nor
did we think we should get half so far.
At the entrance to the Plaza we placed a cannon
and with it did great execution, for the enemy were
1 Huitzlau (Hospital de Jesus Nazarino). 2 Puente de Palacio.
536
OF THE SIEGE
so numerous that the Plaza would not hold them alL
The Spaniards seeing that there was no water there
(which was our greatest danger) determined to enter
the Plaza, and when the enemy saw this carried into
effeft and observed the multitude of our allies (although
they had no fear of them unless they were in our
company) they fled with our allies after them until
they were shut up in the court of the Temple, which
was enclosed with a masonry wall.
This enclosure would be large enough to hold a
town of four hundred houses. However, a breach
was made and the Spaniards and allies captured it and
remained there and on the Towers for a good while.
When the people of the city saw that there were no
horsemen with us they turned again on the Spaniards
and drove them from the towers and courts, and as
our men were in great danger, for it was worse than
a retreat, they took refuge in the porticoes of the
courts ; however, the enemy had chastened them so
severely that they abandoned these and retreated to
the Plaza whence they were driven out into the Street
and were obliged to abandon the cannon which had
been placed there.
The Spaniards, unable to withstand the onset of the
enemy, retreated in great danger and would have
suffered great loss had it not pleased God that at that
moment three horsemen should arrive who entered
the Plaza, and when the enemy beheld them they
thought that there were more of them and began to
flee and the horsemen killed some of them and we
regained the courts and enclosure. On the moft
important and highest tower which has over a hundred
£leps to reach the summit, ten or twelve Indian
chieftains had sheltered themselves, and four or five
of the Spaniards clambered up, and, although the
Indians fought bravely, they gained the summit
and slew them all.
537
CORTES* OWN ACCOUNT
Five or six more horsemen had now arrived, and they
and the others arranged an ambuscade by which they
killed over thirty of the enemy.
As it was already late I got the men together
and ordered a retreat, and as we retired such a ho£t
of the enemy fell upon us that had it not been for the
horsemen the Spaniards mu£t have suffered great loss.
However, as I had had all the bad places in the Street
and causeways thoroughly filled in and repaired
by the time we retired, the horsemen were able to
come and go over them, and as the enemy attacked
our rearguard so the horsemen charged back on them
and speared and killed many of them, and as the
Street is a long one they did this four or five times.
Although the enemy knew how much they were
suffering they came like mad dogs, and nothing could
check them or prevent them pursuing us. In this
way we returned along the causeway to our camp
without losing any Spaniards, although some were
wounded. We set fire to mo£t of the houses bordering
that Street, so that when we should return again they
could do no harm from the azoteas.
[At this time Cortes was joined by a great number
of Indians from ¥excoco and Xochimiko who threw in
their lot with the Spaniards J]
As the launches had burnt many of the houses in
the suburbs of the city and no canoe dared to venture
out, it seemed as though six launches would suffice
for the protection of our camp, so I decided to send
three launches each to the camps of Sandoval and
Alvarado. This proved a mo£t successful plan, for
they performed some wonderful exploits, capturing
many of the enemys' men and canoes.
When this was arranged and the reinforcements
had arrived I gave out that in two days' time I was
going to enter and attack the city.
Sunday, i6th June : When the day came, after
538
OF THE SIEGE
hearing Mass and giving in&ru£tions to my captains
I left our camp with fifteen or twenty horsemen, three
hundred Spaniards and a huge ho£h of our allies,
and soon came on a yelling crowd of our enemies.
As we had not attacked them for three days they had
removed all our fillings from the breaches in the
causeway and made the openings much more dangerous
and difficult for us to capture. As the launches on
either side of the causeway could get close up to the
enemy they did great execution with their cannon,
muskets and crossbows. Moreover, the men leapt
ashore and carried the barricade and breach and we
all got across in pursuit of the enemy. Again and
again the Indians made Elands behind breaches and
barricades, but we carried them all and drove the enemy
from the Street and from the Plaza where £tand the
principal houses of the city. I ordered the Spaniards
to advance no further, as I was busy with the help of
ten thousand allies in filling in the water openings
and breaches in the Street and causeway.
This occupied us until Vespers, meanwhile the
Spaniards were skirmishing with the people of the
city and killing many of them. I rode through the
city for a short time with the horsemen, charging
along the Streets which were free from water, and the
enemy no longer dared approach us on dry land.
All I had seen forced me to two conclusions, the one
that we should regain little of the treasure the Mexicans
had taken from us ; the other that they would force
us to destroy and kill them all, and this la£ weighed
on my soul. I began to wonder how I could terrify
them and bring them to a sense of their error. It
could only be done by burning and destroying their
houses and the towers of the Idols, and so as to impress
it on them this day I set fire to the great houses round
the Plaza where before we were driven from the
city the Spaniards and I had been lodged, and they
539
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
were so extensive that a prince and six hundred of his
household and followers might have been lodged in
them.
Near these there were others, which although smaller
were newer and more elegant, and Montezuma kept
all kinds of birds in them and although I suffered in
doing it, in order that they should suffer more I
decided to burn them, and this scared both them
and their allies.
As it was already late I ordered the troops to return
to camp, and as we retired a numberless ho£t of the
enemy fell on the rearguard, but as the Street was now
in good condition for charging, the horsemen turned
on them and speared many of them.
i *]th June : The next day I returned to the city in
the same way so that the enemy should not have time
to open the breaches and raise barricades, but early
as we set out, two of the canals which cross the Street
had been opened ju£t as they were the day beforej
and it was very difficult to pass them so that the
fighting lasted until an hour after noon, and we had
used up almost all our arrows and ammunition. It
may seem that after being exposed to so great danger
in crossing these canals and capturing the barricades
that we were negligent in not holding them so as to
avoid having to repeat the work every day, but it was
not possible, for we should have had either to move the
camp into the Plaza or to have left guards at the
bridges. By placing our camp in the city we should
have been exposed to attacks from all sides both by
day and night, and as we were few in number and they
were many the Strain would have been unbearable.
As to guarding the bridges by night, the Spaniards
were so exhausted by day that they could not have
endured night guards in addition, so we were forced
to do the work over again each time we entered the city.
As it was late we did not do much more this day
540
OF THE SIEGE
than capture and fill in the site of the two bridges
and set fire to many fine houses on the main road
which goes from the city to Tacuba. Although
the enemy well knew the loss they suffered when follow-
ing us as we retired, yet they never omitted to follow
and attack us until they saw us clear of the city.
The natives of Iztapalapa, Churubusco, Mexi-
caltzingo, Culuacan, Mixquic and Cuitlahuic, all
towns on the fresh water lake, seeing that we were
viftorious over the people of Tenochtitlan and on
account of the injury they were receiving from our
allies, came to beg for peace and freedom from attack
from our friends at Chalco. I received them favour-
ably and told them that my only enmity was against
the people Tenochtitlan and said that they could
show the sincerity of their friendship by aiding me
with their canoes, and as it was the rainy season and
we were lodged in wretched huts, by building houses
for us on the causeway.
This they did so well that on either side of the
two towers on the causeway they built so many that
they extended for the distance of three or four cross-
bow shots. The causeway was so wide here that there
was space between the houses for a road where foot-
soldiers and horsemen could freely pass.
For several days in succession we entered the city
and were always vi&orious over our enemies. I then
arranged to enter the city in three or four divisions
and summoned all the people from the towns on the
lake to come in their canoes.
zyd June : That morning there were more than
a hundred thousand allies at our camp and I ordered
four launches with half the canoes (which muft have
numbered fifteen hundred) to go in one direction
and the other three launches and half the canoes to
go in another direftion and scour the city and burn
and de^lroy all they could.
ALVARADO AT TACUBA
I myself entered by the principal Street and found
everything clear as far as the Plaza and none of the
breaches re-opened. I went on to the Street which
goes to Tacuba in which there were other six or seven
bridges. There I arranged that one captain should
advance along another Street with sixty or seventy
Spaniards and six horsemen to guard the rear,, and
with them went ten or twelve thousand of our allies,
and I ordered another captain to do the same along
another Street while I advanced along the Tacuba
£treet, where I captured three bridges and filled them
in. The other three bridges we left for another day
as it was already late.
I was very anxious to clear that Street so as to
communicate with the camp of Pedro de Alvarado
and pass from one camp to the other. However, it was
a day of great victory on land and water both for us
and the companies under Sandoval and Alvarado.
\We mutt now return to Bernal Diaz who was with
Pedro de Alvarado at Tacuba^ and go lack to the
May,, when Cortes fought his fir§l battle on the lake.']
CHAPTER CXI
I WILL now relate what we did in our camp at Tacuba,
for, as we knew that Cortes was going about the lake,'
we advanced along our causeway with great caution,
and not like the firft time, and we reached the finft
bridge, the crossbowmen and musketeers acting in
concert some firing while others loaded. Pedro de
Alvarado ordered the horsemen not to advance with
us but to remain on dry land to guard our rear,
fearing left the pueblos I have mentioned through
which we had passed, should attack us on the cause-
way. In this way we ftood sometimes attacking, at
542
MEXICAN METHODS OF ATTACK
others on the defensive so as to prevent the Mexicans
reaching land from the causeway, for every day we
had encounters and in them they killed three soldiers,
and we were also engaged in filling up the bad places.
When we saw ourselves reinforced with the four
launches sent by Cortes, Pedro de Alvarado ordered
two of them to go on one side of the causeway and
two on the other side, and we began to fight very
successfully, for the launches vanquished the canoes
which were wont to attack us from the water, and so we
had an opportunity to capture several bridges and
barricades, and while we were fighting, so numerous
were the Atones from the slings and the javelins and
arrows that they shot at us that although all the
soldiers were well protected by armour they were
injured and wounded, and not until night parted us
did we cease contending and fighting.
From time to time the Mexicans changed about
and relieved their squadrons as we could tell by the
devices and distinguishing marks on their armour.
Whenever we left a bridge or barricade unguarded
after having captured it with much labour, the enemy
would retake and deepen it that same night, and
conStruft Stronger defences and even make hidden
pits in the waters, so that the next day when we were
fighting, and it was time for us to retire, we should
get entangled among the defences. To prevent the
launches from coming to our assistance, they had
fixed many Stakes hidden in the water so that theyshould
get impaled on them.
When we drew off in the night we treated our
wounds by searing them with oil, and a soldier named
Juan Catalan blessed them for us and made charms,
and truly we found that our Lord Jesus Christ was
pleased to give us Strength in addition to the many
mercies he vouchsafed us every day, for the wounds
healed rapidly.
543
SCARCITY OF SUPPLIES
Wounded and tied up in rags as we were we had to
iight from morning until night, for if the wounded
had remained in camp without coming out to fight,
there would not have been twenty men in each company
well enough to go out.
Then I wish to speak of our captains and ensign
and our Standard bearers, who were covered with
wounds and their banners ragged, and I declare that
we had need of a fresh £landard bearer every day
for we all came out in such a condition that they were
not able to advance fighting and carry the banners
a second time.
Then with all this did we perchance have enough to
eat ? I do not speak of want of maize cakes, for we had
enough of them, but of some refreshing food for the
wounded. The cursed £tuff that kept life in us was
some herbs that the Indians eat, and the cherries of
the country while they ladled, and afterwards tunas,1
which came into season at that time.
Tlatelolco and the towns on the Lake had been
warned by Guatemoc that on seeing a signal on the
great Cue of Tlatelolco they should hasten to assist
•some in canoes and others by land ; and the Mexican
captains had been fully prepared and advised how and
when and to what points they were to bring assistance.
When we saw that however many water openings
-we captured by day the Mexicans returned and closed
them up again, we agreed that we should all go and
Station ourselves on the causeway2 in a small plaza
where there were some Idol towers which we had
already taken, and where there was space to ereft our
1 Fruit of the Nopal cafius, prickly pears.
2 About Thursday, 2Oth June. Alvarado musl have turned off from
.the Tacuba Causeway to the left on entering the outskirts of the city,
and followed a causeway leading direct to Tlatelolco, making his camp
about half-way between the Tacuba Causeway and the great Teocalli
of Tlatelolco.
544
ALVARADO CAMPS ON CAUSEWAY
" ranches ", although they were very poor ones and
when it rained we all got wet, and they were fit for
nothing but to cover us from the dew.
We left the Indian women who made bread for us
in Tacuba, and all the horsemen and our friends the
Tlaxcalans were left to guard them, and to watch and
guard the passes so that the enemy should not come
from the neighbouring pueblos and attack our rear-
guard on the causeway while we were fighting. '
So when once we had set up our ranchos where I
have Elated, thenceforward we endeavoured quickly
to destroy the houses and blocks of buildings and to
fill up the water openings that we captured. We
levelled the houses to the ground, for if we set fire
to them they took too long to burn, and one house
would not catch fire from another, for each house
£tood in the water, and one could not pass from one
to the other without crossing bridges or going in
canoes. If we wanted to cross the water by swimming
they did us much damage from the azoteas, so that
we were more secure when the houses were demolished.
As soon as we had captured some barrier or bridge
or bad pass where they offered much resistance, we
endeavoured to guard it by day and by night. This
was the way in which all our companies kept guard
together during the night. The fir& company,
which numbered more than forty soldiers, kept watch
from nightfall until midnight, and from midnight
until two hours before dawn another company, also
of forty men, kept watch, and the fir£t company did not
leave their po£t but we slept there on the ground ;
this second watch is called the modorra* and
soon another forty soldiers came and kept the alba
[dawn] watch, which is the two hours until daylight,
but those who watched the modorra could not leave,
but had to £tay there, so that when dawn came there
1 Modorra = the drowsy time, before dawn.
545 *n
LAUNCHES USED TO PREVENT
were over one hundred and twenty soldiers all on watch
together. Moreover on some nights, when we judged
that there was special danger we kept watch together,
from nightfall until dawn, awaiting a great sally of
the Mexicans in fear left they should break through.
On several nights great squadrons came to attack
us and break through at midnight, and others during
the modorra and others during the dawn watch,
and they came sometimes without commotion and at
others with loud yells and whittles, and when they
arrived where we were keeping night watch, what
javelins and Atones and arrows they let fly, and there
were many others with lances, and although they
wounded some of us, yet we resisted them, and sent
back many of them wounded. Then, notwithstanding
all the precautions we took, they would turn on us
and open some bridge or causeway which we had cap-
tured, and we could not defend it from them in the
night so as to prevent them doing it, and the next
day it was our turn again to capture it and £top it up,
and then they would come again to open it and
strengthen it with walls, until the Mexicans changed
their method of fighting which I will tell about in
its proper time.
The Mexicans £lill brought in much food and
water from the nine towns built on the lake, so to
prevent these supplies being brought to them, it was
arranged between all the three camps that two launches
should cruise in the lake by night and should capture
all the canoes they were able, and de&roy or bring
them to our camps. But even with all this, many laden
canoes did not fail to get in, and as the Mexicans
went about in their canoes carrying supplies, yet there
was never a day when the launches did not bring in
a prize of canoes and many Indians hanging from the
yards.
The Mexicans then armed thirty firaguas^ which
546
SUPPLIES REACHING THE CITY
are very large canoes, with specially good rowers and
warriors, and by night they ported all thirty amongst
some reed beds in a place where the launches could
not see them ; then they sent out before nightfall,
with good rowers, two or three canoes covered over
with branches as though they were carrying provisions
or bringing in water. In the track which, in the opinion
of the Mexicans, the launches would follow them
when they were fighting with them, they had driven
numerous Strong timbers made pointed like Stakes
so that they should get impaled on them. Then as
the canoes were going over the lake showing signs
of being afraid and drew near to the reed beds, two
of our launches set out after them, and the two canoes
made as though they were retreating to the land,
to the place 'where the thirty piraguas were polled
in ambush, and the launches followed them and as soon
as they reached the ambush all the piraguas together
sallied out and made for the launches and quickly
wounded all the soldiers, rowers, and captains, and the
launches could go neither in one direction or another on
account of the flakes that had been fixed. In this way
the Mexicans killed a captain named de Portilla, an
excellent soldier who had been in Italy, and they
wounded Pedro Barba who was another very good
captain, and they captured his launch, and within
three days he died of his wounds. These two launches
belonged to the camp of Cortes, and he was greatly
distressed about it.
Let us leave this and say that when the Mexicans
saw that we were levelling all the houses to the ground
and were filling up the bridges and openings they
decided on another way of fighting, and that was, to
open a bridge and a very wide and deep channel
which we had to pass wading through the water,
and it was sometimes out of our depth, and they had
dug many pits which we could not see under the
547
ANOTHER MEXICAN STRATAGEM
water and had made walls and barricades both on
the one side and the other of the opening, and had
driven in many pointed Stakes of heavy timber in
places where our launches would run on to them if they
should come to our assistance when we were fighting
to capture this fort, for they well knew that the firft
thing we muSt do was to destroy the barricade and
pass through that open space of water so as to reach
the City. At the same time they had prepared in
hidden places many canoes well manned with warriors
and good rowers. One Sunday morning [2 3rd June]
great squadrons of warriors began to approach from
three directions and attacked us in such a way that
it was all we could do to hold our own and prevent
them from defeating us.
At that time Pedro de Alvarado had ordered half
the horsemen who used to Stay in Tacuba to sleep
on the causeway, for there was not so much risk as at
the beginning, as there were no longer any azoteas,
for nearly all the houses had been demolished. To
go back to my Story, three squadrons of the enemy
came on very fearlessly, the one from the direftion of the
great open space of water, the other by way of some
houses that we had pulled down, and the other squadron
had taken us in the rear from the direction of Tacuba,
and we were surrounded. The horsemen with our
Tlaxcalan friends broke through the squadron that
had taken us in the rear and we all of us fought very
valiantly with the other two squadrons until we forced
them to retreat. However, that seeming flight that
they made was a pretence, but we captured the firSt
barricade where they made a Stand, and we, thinking
th!at we were victorious, crossed that water at a run,
for where we passed there were no pits and we followed
up our advance among some great houses and temple
towers. The enemy acted as though they were &ill
retreating, but they did not cease to shoot javelins and
548
ALVARADO SUFFERS REVERSE
Clones from slings and many arrows and when we
were leaft expe&ing it a great multitude of warriors
who were hidden in a place we were not able to see,
and many others from the azoteas and houses joined
the combat, and those who at firft afted as though
they were retreating, turned round on us all at once
and dealt us such treatment that we could not with-
stand them. We then decided to retreat with great
caution, but at the water opening which we had
captured, that is to say at the place where we had crossed
the firSt time, where there were no pits, they had
Rationed such a fleet of canoes that we were not. able
to cross at that ford, and they forced us to go across
in another direction, where the water was very deep,
and they had dug many pits. As such a multitude
of warriors were coming against us, and we were in
retreat, we crossed the water by swimming and wading,
and nearly all the soldiers fell in the pits ; then the
canoes came down upon us and there the Mexicans
carried off five of our companions, and took them
alive to Guatemoc, and they wounded nearly all of us.
Moreover, the launches which were guarding us
could not come to our assistance because they were
impaled on the Stakes which had been fixed there,
and from the canoes and azoteas the Mexicans
attacked them so fiercely with javelins and arrows that
they killed three soldiers and rowers and wounded
many of us. To go back to the pits and the opening,
I declare it was a wonder that we were not all killed
in them. Concerning myself, I may say that many
Indians had already laid hold of me, but I managed
to get my arm free, and our Lord Jesus Christ gave
me Strength so that by some good sword thrums
that I gave them I saved myself, but I was badly
wounded in one arm, and when I found myself
out of that water in safety, I became insensible and
without power to Stand on my feet and altogether
549
ESCAPE OF BERNAL DIAZ
breathless, and this was caused by the great Strain
that I exerted in getting away from that rabble and
from the quantity of blood I had lo£t. I declare that
when they had me in their clutches, that in my
thoughts I was commending myself to our Lord God
and to our Lady His Blessed Mother and He gave
me the Strength I have spoken of by which I saved
myself ; thank God for the mercy that He vouch-
safed me.
There is another thing I wish to mention, that
Pedro de Alvarado and the horsemen, when they had
thoroughly routed the squadrons that came on our
rear from Tacuba, did not any of them pass that
water or the barricades, with the exception of one
horseman who had come only a short time before
from Spain, and there they killed him, both him and
his horse. The horsemen were already advancing
to our assistance when they saw us coming back in
retreat, and if they had crossed there, and should have
then had to retreat, there would not have been one
of them, nor of the horses, nor of us left alive. Flushed
with the viftory they had gained, the Mexicans
continued during that whole day, which as I have said
was a Sunday, to send so vaft a ho£t of warriors again^l
our camp, that we could not prevail againft them,
and they expefted for certain to rout us, but we held
our own against them by the help of some bronze
cannon and hard fighting, and by all the companies
together keeping guard every night.
CHAPTER CXII
LET us leave this and say when Cortes heard of it
he was very angry. Then when we saw that it was our
fault that great disaster had happened, we began then
550
PUEBLOS SUE FOR PEACE
and there to fill in that opening, and although it
meant great labour and many wounds which the
enemy infli&ed while we were at work, and the death
of six soldiers, in four days we had it filled in,1 and
at night we kept watch on the place itself, all three
companies in the order I have already mentioned.
Let me now say that the towns situated in the lake
when they saw how day by day we were victorious
both on water and on land, and that the people of
Chalco, Tlaxcala, Texcoco and other pueblos had
made friends with us, decided to sue Cortes for peace
and with great humility they asked pardon if in any
way they had offended us, and said that they had been
under orders and could not do otherwise.2 The towns
that came in were Iztapalapa, Churubusco, Culuacan,
and Mixquic and all those of the fresh water lake, and
Cortes told them that we should not move the camp
until the Mexicans sued for peace or he had destroyed
them by war. He ordered them to aid us with all
the canoes that they possessed to fight against Mexico,
and to come and build ranchos for Cort6s and to bring
him food, and they replied that they would do so,
and they built the ranchos but brought very little
food. However, our ranchos where we were Rationed
were never rebuilt so we remained in the rain, for
those who have been in this country know that through
the months of June, July and August it rains every
day in these parts.
We made attacks on the Mexicans every day and
succeeded in capturing many idol towers, houses,
canals, and other openings and bridges which they
had constructed from house to house, and we filled
them all up with adobes and the timbers from the
houses that we pulled down and destroyed and we
1 By Friday, 28th June.
2 From Cortes' account the submission of these towns appears to
have taken place about 1 8th June.
551
FIERCE ATTACKS
kept guard over them, but notwithstanding all this
trouble that we took, the enemy came back and
deepened them and widened the openings and erefted
more barricades. And because our three companies
considered it a dishonour that some should be fighting
and facing the Mexican squadrons and others should
be filling up passes and openings and bridges, Pedro
de Alvarado, so as to avoid quarrels as to who should
be fighting or filling up openings, ordered that one
company should have charge of the filling in and look
after that work one day, while the other two companies
should fight and face the enemy, and that this should
be done in rotation one day one company, and another
day another company, until each company should
have had its turn, and owing to this arrangement
there was nothing captured that was not razed to
the ground, and our friends the Tlaxcalans helped us.
So we went on penetrating into the City, but at the
hour for retiring all three companies had to fight in
union, for that was the time when we ran the greatest
risk. Fir£t of all we sent all the Tlaxcalans off the
causeway, for it was clear that they were a considerable
embarrassment when we were fighting.
Guatemoc now ordered us to be attacked at all
three camps at the same time by all his troops and
with all the energy that was possible both on land and
by water, and he ordered them to go by night during
the modorra watch, so that the launches should not
be able to assi& us on account of the flakes. They
came on with so furious an impetus that had it not
been for those who were on the watch, who were over
one hundred and twenty soldiers well used to fighting,
they would have penetrated into our camp, and we ran
a great risk as it was, but by fighting in good order
we withstood them ; however, they wounded fifteen
of our men and two of them died of their wounds
within eight days.
552
A SURFEIT OF BATTLES
Also in the camp of Cortes they placed our troops
in the greatest Straits and difficulties and many were
killed and wounded, and in the camp of Sandoval
the same thing happened, and in this way they came
on two successive nights and many Mexicans also
were killed in these encounters and many more
wounded. When Guatemoc and his captains and
priests saw that the attack that they made on those
two nights profited them nothing, they decided to
come with all their combined forces at the dawn
watch and attack our camp, and they came on so
fearlessly that they surrounded us on two sides, and
had even half defeated us and cut us off, when it pleased
our Lord Jesus Christ to give us Strength to turn and
close our ranks, and we sheltered ourselves to a certain
degree with the launches, and with good cut and thruft,
and advancing shoulder to shoulder, we drove them off.
In that battle they killed eight and wounded many
of our soldiers and they even injured Pedro de Alvarado*
If the Tlaxcalans had slept on the causeway that night
we should have run great risk from the embarrassment
they would have caused us on account of their numbers,
but the experience of what had happened before made
us get them off the causeway promptly and send them
to Tacuba, and we remained free from care. To go
back to our battle, we killed many Mexicans and took
prisoners four persons of importance. I well under-
hand that interested readers will be surfeited with
seeing so many fights every day but one cannot do
less, for during the ninety and three days that we
besieged this Strong and great City we had war
and combats every day and every night as welL
However, when it seemed to us that we were viftorious,
great disasters were really coming upon us, and we were
in the greatest danger of perishing in all three camps,
as will be seen later on.
[30 return to Cortes' account of Us doings^
553
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
June : When on my return to camp in the
evening (of the 24th June) I heard about Pedro de
Alvarado's reverse, I decided to go to his camp on
the following morning and reprimand him for what
had happened and to see how far he had advanced
and where he had placed his camp. When I arrived
there I was astonished to see how far he had penetrated
into the city and the formidable passes and bridges
which he had captured, and having seen them I
could not impute much blame to him, and after talking
over what was to be done I returned to my own camp.
I made several advances into the city during the
next few days and was everywhere victorious. How-
ever, as we had now been continuously fighting for
more than twenty days, and every attack exposed us
to great risk for the enemy were united and powerful
and ready to fight to the death. The Spaniards,
irritated at the delay, importuned me to advance and
capture the market place [of Tlatelolco] for having
gained that the enemy would have little space in which
to defend themselves, and if they would not give in,
would die of hunger and thirft for they had nothing
to drink but the salt water of the lake.
When I demurred to this plan, your Majesty's
Treasurer (Julian de Alderete) told me that the whole
camp was set on it and I ought to do it, and in the
end they pressed me so greatly that after consultation
with others I gave way. The next day (29th June)
I called together the moft important persons in the
camp and we agreed to give notice to Sandoval and
Pedro de Alvarado that on the following day we should
advance into the city and endeavour to reach the
market place of Tlatelolco and I also sent them
written in&ruftions and asked them to send me
seventy or eighty foot soldiers.
The following day (3oth June) after hearing Mass
there set out from our camp seven launches, more than
554
OF THE SIEGE
three thousand canoes of our allies, and I followed
with twenty-five horsemen and all my foot soldiers
and those who had come from Tacuba, and when we
reached the city I divided my force as follows : — From
the position we had already gained there are three
Streets leading to the market place, or Tianginz as
the Indians call it, of Tlatelolco. Along the principal
Street I sent your Majesty's treasurer and accountant
(Julian de Alderete) with seventy men and fifteen
or twenty thousand of our allies and seven or eight
horsemen as a rearguard, and as they carried the
barricades they were to fill in the bridge openings,
and for this purpose a dozen men carried mattocks,
and our allies were very useful at this work. The
other two Streets lead from the Tacuba Street to the
market place, and they are narrower and there are
causeways with bridges and canals. By the broadeSt
of these two I ordered two captains to advance with
eighty men and more than ten thousand Indian allies.
At the entrance to the Tacuba Street I polled two large
cannon with eight horsemen to guard them. I myself
with eight horsemen and one hundred foot soldiers
including twenty-five crossbowmen and musketeers
and a great hoSt of our allies went on so as to advance
along the narrowest Street as far as possible.
At the entrance of the Street I halted the horsemen
and ordered them to Stay there and not to follow
me unless I sent for them. Then I dismounted and
we reached a barricade at the end of a bridge and with
the help of a small field piece and the musketeers
and crossbowmen we carried it and went along the
causeway, which had been broken down in two or
three places. In addition to the three lines of attack
which we were following, our allies were so numerous
that they swarmed over the azoteas in all directions
and it seemed as if nothing could harm us. As the
Spaniards carried those bridges and barricades our
555
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
allies followed us along the causeway without making
good, and I halted with about twenty Spaniards
where there was an island, for I saw that some of our
allies were surrounded by the enemy who sometimes
drove them back and thrust them into the water,
but with our help they rallied. In addition to this
we had to take care that the people of the city did not
emerge from the cross Streets and attack in the rear
the Spaniards who had advanced along the Street, and
who at this time sent to tell me that they had made
great gains and were not far from the market place,
and that in any case they should press forward, for
they already heard the noise of battle which Sandoval
and Pedro de Alvarado were waging from their side.
I sent to tell them on no account to go ahead without
fir£b thoroughly filling in the bridge openings so that
in case of retreat the water should not trouble or
impede them, for they knew that there lay the greatest
danger. They sent back to say that every place they
had captured had been made good, and I could go there
and verify it for myself.
Having some misgiving left they might err and
be wanting in caution about filling in the bridge
openings I went there and found that they had advanced
across one breach in the ftreet which was ten or twelve
paces in width and the depth of the water that filled
it was twice a man's height. In order to cross it they
had thrown in timber and bundles of reeds and as
they crossed with care, a few at a time, the timber
and reeds had not given way with them, and they
in the joy of vidory were so dull witted as to think
that they had left it quite firm.
At the moment that I reached that wretched
bridge I saw that the Spaniards and many of our allies
were retreating in full flight with the enemy setting
on them, like dogs and, when I saw that great disaster
I began to shout : " Hold on ! " and when I got to
556
OF THE SIEGE
the water I found it full of Spaniards and Indians as
though not a £traw had been thrown into it, and the
enemy in order to kill the Spaniards charged into
the water after them, and canoes manned by the
enemy came along the canals and carried off the
Spaniards alive. The whole affair was so sudden that
seeing how the people were being killed I determined
to £tay there and die fighting.
All that I and those with me could do was to give
a hand to some unfortunate Spaniards who were
drowning and drag them out ; some got out wounded
and others half drowned, and others without arms,
and we sent them to the rear. Then such numbers
of the enemy charged on me and the dozen or fifteen
Spaniards in my company that they completely
surrounded us. As I was busy helping those who
were drowning I did not see or think of the danger
we were in and some of the Indians seized me and
would have carried me off but for a captain of fifty
(Cri£t6bal de Olea) who always attended me, and a
youth (named Serma) of his company, who, after
God, saved my life. Like the valiant man he was,
Olea in saving my life lo£l his own.
Meanwhile the defeated Spaniards got along the
causeway, and as it was small and narrow and on a
level with the water, for the dogs had been careful to
make it so, and many of our routed allies were pouring
along it, it became so crowded that movement was
slow and the enemy had time to reach it by water on
either side and capture and kill at their will. A captain
who was with me named Antonio Quinones said to
me : " Let us get away from here and save yourself,
for you know that without you none of us will escape,"
but he could not prevail on me to go, and seeing this
he seized me by the arms to urge me to flight, and
although I was better pleased with death than with
life, at the urgency of that captain and other com-
557
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
panions who were present we began to retreat fighting
with our swords and shields against the enemy who
came rushing against us.
Then one of my servants arrived on horseback and
cleared a small space, but at that moment from a roof
he received a spear thrust in the throat which made
him turn back, and while we were battling fiercely,
waiting for the people to pass along that narrow
causeway and gain safety and keeping back the enemy,
another servant of mine brought a horse for me to
mount, but such was the mud on the causeway from
those who fell in and scrambled out of the water,
that no one could keep his feet* all the more from the
jostling of one against another in the efforts to save
themselves.
I mounted, but not with the intention of fighting
on the causeway for that was impossible on horseback,
and if it could have been done the eight horsemen
whom I had left on the island at the entrance of the
causeway would have done so, but they could do no
more than retreat along it, and even this was dangerous
enough and two mares ridden by two of my servants
fell from the causeway into the water, one being killed
by the Indians and the other rescued by some foot
soldiers. Another of my servants named Cri£t6bal de
Guzman mounted a horse on the island to bring it
to me so that I could escape, but before reaching me
the Indians killed both him and the horse. His death
caused grief throughout the camp and grief is £till
intense among those who knew him.
Notwithstanding all these dangers it pleased God
that we who survived should reach the Calle de Tacuba
which is very broad, and colle£l the troops while I
and nine horsemen formed a rearguard. The enemy
came on so greatly elated by viftory and pride it
seemed as though no one would be left alive, and
retiring as beft I could I sent to tell the treasurer
558
OF THE SIEGE
and ^ accountant to retreat to the Plaza with great
caution, and I sent to say the same to the other two
captains who had advanced by the Street leading to
the market place. Both one and the other had fought
valiantly and captured many barricades and bridges
which they had carefully filled in which was the reason
of their suffering no loss in their retreat.
Before the treasurer and accountant retired the
people of the city threw from the barricade where
they were fighting the heads of two or three Spaniards
which they had cut off, and the Treasurer could not
tell at the time if they came from our troops or from
those of Pedro de Alvarado.
We all got together in the Plaza when such ho£ts
of the enemy charged on us from all directions that
it was all we could do to keep them off, and this in a
place where before our defeat they did not dare to
await the approach of three horsemen or ten foot
soldiers. Then they promptly burned incense of
perfumes and resins of the country on the summit
of a lofty tower near the Plaza as an offering to their
Idols and as a sign of viftory, and however much we
might wish to prevent it, nothing could be done, for
already our people were hastening towards our camp.
In this defeat the enemy killed thirty-five or forty
Spaniards, and more than a thousand of our Indian
allies, and I was wounded in the leg, and we loft a
small field piece, and many crossbows, muskets and
other arms.
\We muft now turn to Bernal Diaz's account of the
happenings on the %oth June.]
CHAPTER CXIII
As Cortes saw that it was impossible to fill in all the
openings, bridges, and canals of water that we captured
day by day, which the Mexicans reopened during the
559
A COUNCIL OF WAR
night and made Stronger than they had been before
with barricades, and that it was very hard work
fighting and filling in bridges and keeping watch
all of us together (all the more as we were mo£t of us
wounded and twenty had died), he decided to consult
his captains and soldiers who were in his camp, that
is Cri£t6bal de Olid, Francisco Verdugo, Andres de
Tapia, the ensign Corral and Francisco de Lugo, and
he also wrote to us in the camp of Pedro de Alvarado
and to the camp of Sandoval to take the opinion of all
us captains and soldiers. The question he asked was,
whether it seemed good to us to make an advance into
the City with a rush, so as to reach Tlatelolco, which
is the great market of Mexico, and is much broader
and larger than that of Salamanca, and that if we
could reach it, whether it would be well to Station
all our three camps there, as from thence we should
be able to fight through the Streets of Mexico without
having such difficulty in retreating and should not
have so much to fill in, or have to guard the bridges.
As was likely to happen in such discussions and
consultations, some of us said that it was not good
advice or a good idea to intrude ourselves so entirely
into the heart of the City, but that we should remain
as we were, fighting and pulling down and levelling
the houses. We who held the latter opinion gave as
the mo£t obvious reason for it that if we Stationed
ourselves in Tlatelolco and left the causeways and
bridges unguarded and deserted, the Mexicans —
having so many warriors and canoes — would reopen
the bridges and causeways and we would no longer
be masters of these. They would attack us with their
powerful forces by night and day, and as they always
had many impediments made with Stakes ready pre-
pared, our launches would not be able to help us, thus
by the plan that Cortes was proposing we would be
the besieged and the enemy would have possession
560
CORTES ORDERS ADVANCE
of the land, the country and the lake, and we wrote
to him about his proposal so that " it should not happen
to us as it had happened before " (as the saying of the
Mazegatos runs), when we went fleeing out of
Mexico.
After Cortes had heard our opinions and the good
reasons we gave for them the only result of all the
discussion was that on the following day we were to
advance with all the energy we could from all three
camps, horsemen as well as crossbowmen, musketeers
and soldiers and to push forward until we reached
the great market place at Tlatelolco. When all was
ready in all the three camps and our friends the
Tlaxcalans had been warned as well as the people of
Texcoco and those from the towns of the lake who
had again given their fealty to His Majesty, who were
to come with their canoes to help the launches, one
Sunday morning (3oth June) after having heard
mass, we set out from our camp with Pedro de
Alvarado, and Cortes set out for his camp, and San-
doval with his companies, and in full force each com-
pany advanced capturing bridges and barricades,
and the enemy fought like brave warriors and Cortes
on his side gained many victories, so too did Gonzalo
de Sandoval on his side. Then we on our side had
already captured another barricade and a bridge,
which was done with much difficulty because Guatemoc
had great forces guarding them, and we came out of
the fight with many of our soldiers wounded, and one
soon died of his wounds, and more than a thousand
of our Tlaxcalan friends alone came out of it injured ;
however, we &ill followed up our vidory very cheer-
fully.
\Eernal Diaz here gives an account of the disafter
which overtook the division under Cortes which has already
been given in Cones' own words J]
Let us cease speaking about Cortes and his defeat
561 oo
DEATH DRUM IS SOUNDED
and return to our army, that of Pedro de Alvarado,
and say how we advanced victoriously, and, when we
lea£t expected it, we saw advancing against us with
loud yells very many squadrons of Mexicans with
very handsome ensigns and plumes, and they ca£t
in front of us five heads ^breaming with blood which
they had ju£t cut off the men whom they had captured
from Cortes, and they cried : — " Thus will we kill
you as we have killed Malinche and Sandoval, and
all whom they had brought with them, and these are
their heads and by them you may know them well,"
and saying these words they closed in on us until they
laid hands on us and neither cut nor thrust nor cross-
bows nor muskets availed to £top them, all they did
was to rush at us as at a mark. Even so we loft nothing
of our order in retreating, for we at once commanded
our friends the Tlaxcalans to clear off quickly from the
causeways and bad passages, and this time they did
it with a will, for when they saw the five heads of our
companions dripping with blood and heard the
Mexicans say that they had killed Malinche and
Sandoval and all the Teules whom they had brought
with them, and that so they would do to us also and
to the Tlaxcalans, they were thoroughly frightened,
thinking it was true, and for this reason, I say, they
cleared off the causeway very completely.
As we were retreating we heard the sound of
trumpets from the great Cue, which from its height
dominates the whole City, and also a drum a mo£t
dismal sound indeed it was, like an instrument of
demons, as it resounded so that one could hear it
two leagues off, and with it many small tambourines
and shell trumpets, horns and whi&les. At that
moment, as we afterwards learnt, they were offering
the hearts of ten of our comrades and much blood to
the idols.
Simultaneously there came against us many
562
ALVARADO HOLDS HIS OWN
squadrons which Guatemoc had newly sent out, and
he ordered his horn to be sounded. When this horn
was sounded it was a signal that his captains and
warriors mu£t fight so as to capture their enemies or
die in the attempt., and the sound that it made
echoed in their ears, and when his captains and
squadrons heard it, the fury and courage with which
they threw themselves on us, in order to lay hold of
us, was terrifying, and I do not know how to describe
it here ; even now when I £top to remember, it is as
though I could see it all at this minute, and were
present again in that fight and battle. But I reassert
that our Lord Jesus Christ saved us, for if he had not
given us Strength, seeing that we were all wounded,
we should never otherwise have been able to reach
our ranchos, and I give thanks and praise to God for
it, that I escaped that time with many others from the
power of the Mexicans.
To go back to our £tory, the horsemen made charges,
and with two heavy cannon that we placed near our
ranchos with some loading while others fired we held
our own, for the causeway was crowded to the utmost
with the enemy and they came after us up to the
houses, as though we were already conquered, and
shot javelins and Clones at us, and as I have said, with
those cannon we killed many of them. The man who
was moft helpful that day was a gentleman named
Pedro Moreno Medrano, for he afted as gunner
because the artillerymen we used to have with us were
some of them dead and the others wounded, and Pedro
Moreno besides always being a brave soldier was on
that day a great help to us. Being as we were in th^t
condition, thoroughly miserable and wounded, we
knew nothing of either Cortes or Sandoval nor of their
armies, whether they had been killed or routed, as
the Mexicans told us they were when they ca£| before
us the five heads which they brought tied together by
563
LAUNCHES IN DIFFICULTIES
the hair and the beards, saying that Malinche and all
the Teules were already dead, and that thus they were
going to kill all of us that very day. We were not able
to get news from them because we were fighting half
a league apart one from the other, and for this very
reason we were much distressed, but by all of us both
wounded and sound keeping together in a body we
held out against the shock of the fury of the Mexicans
who came againSt us, and who did not believe that
there would be a trace of us left after the attack that
they made upon us.
Then they had already captured one of our launches
and killed three soldiers and wounded the captain and
moSb of the soldiers who were in it, and it was rescued
by another launch of which Juan Jaramillo was
captain. Yet another launch was impaled in a place
from which it could not move, and its captain was
Juan de Linpias Caravajal, who went deaf at that
time. He himself fought mo£l valiantly and so
encouraged his soldiers, who were rowing the launch
that day, that they broke the Stakes on which they
were impaled and got away, all badly wounded, and
saved their launch. This Linpias was the firSt to break
the Stakes and it was a great thing for all of us.
Cortes sent Andres de Tdpia with three horsemen
poSt-ha£le by land,1 at the risk of their lives, to our
camp, to find out if we were alive. The Captain
Andr6s de Tapia made great haSte, although he and
two of those who came with him were wounded.
When they reached our camp and found us fighting
with the Mexican force which was Still close to us,
they rejoiced in their hearts and related to us what had
happened about the defeat of Cortes. However, they
did. not care to State that so many were dead, and
said that about twenty-five had been killed and that
all the re£l were well.
1 Round by Coyoacan.
564
SANDOVAL WOUNDED
CHAPTER CXIV
LET us £top talking of this and turn to Sandoval and
his captains and soldiers, who marched on victoriously
in the part and Greets they had captured, and when
the Mexicans had defeated Cortes they turned on
Sandoval and his army and captains so effectively
that he could make no headway, and they killed six
soldiers and wounded all whom he had brought
with him, and gave Sandoval himself three wounds
one in the thigh, another in the head and another in
the left arm. While Sandoval was battling with the
enemy they placed before him six heads of Cortes'
men whom they had killed, and said they were the
heads of Malinche and of Tonatio and other Captains,
and that they meant so to do with Sandoval and those
who were with him, and they attacked him fiercely.
When Sandoval saw this he ordered all his captains
and soldiers to show a brave spirit and not be dis-
mayed, and to take care that in retreating there should
not be any confusion on the causeway which was
narrow, and firft of all he ordered his allies, who were
numerous, to clear off the causeway so as not to
embarrass him, and with the help of his two launches
and of his musketeers and crossbowmen, with great
difficulty he retired to his quarters, with all his men
badly wounded and even discouraged and six of them
dead. When he found himself clear of the causeway,
although he was surrounded by Mexicans, he
encouraged his people and their captains and charged
them all to be sure to keep together in a body by day
and by night so as to guard the camp and avoid defeat.
Then when he learned from the captain Luis Marin,
that they were well able to do it, wounded and bound
up in rags as he was, he took two other horsemen with
565
ARRIVAL OF MISSING LAUNCHES
him and rode po^-hafte to the camp of Cortes. When
Sandoval saw Cortes he said : " Oh Sir .Captain, what
is this ? Are these the counsels and Stratagems of
warfare that you have always impressed on us, how
has this disaster happened ? " Cortes replied, with
tears springing to his eyes : " Oh my son Sandoval,
for my sins this has been permitted ; however, I do
not deserve as much blame in the matter as all my
captains and soldiers impute, but the Treasurer Julian
de Alderete to whom I gave the order to fill in that
passage where they defeated us, and he did not do it."
The Treasurer in turn blamed Cort& for not order-
ing the many allies that he had with him to clear off
the causeway in good time, and there were many other
discussions and replies from Cortes to the Treasurer
which as they were spoken in anger, will be left untold.
At that moment there arrived two launches which
Cortes kept in the lake and by the causeway, and they
had not come in nor had anything been known about
them since the defeat. It seems that they had been
detained and impaled on some ftakes, and, according
to what the captains reported, they had been kept there
surrounded by canoes which attacked them, and
they all came in wounded, and said that God in the
fir£t place aided them with a wind, and thanks to the
great energy with which they rowed they broke the
ftakes ; at this Cortes was well pleased, for up to that
time, although he did not publish it so as not to dis-
hearten the soldiers, he knew nothing about the
launches and had held them as loft.
Cortes Wrongly advised Sandoval to proceed at
once po£l-ha£te to our camp of Pedro de Alvarado, and
see whether we were routed, or how we £lood, and if
we were alive to help us to keep up the defence so
that they should not break into our camp, and he told
Francisco de Lugo, who accompanied Sandoval (for
he well knew that there were Mexican squadrons on
566
ANOTHER LAUNCH RESCUED
the road), that he had already sent Andres de Tapia
with three horsemen to get news of us, and he feared
that they had been killed on the road. After saying
this to him and taking leave of him he went to embrace
Sandoval, and said : " Look here, my son, as I am
not able to go everywhere, for you can see that I am
wounded, I commit this work to your care so that you
may inspire confidence in all three camps. I know well
that Pedro de Alvarado and all his captains and
brothers and soldiers have fought valiantly and afted
like gentlemen, but I fear the great forces of these
dogs may have defeated him, and as for me and my
army, you observe in what condition I am/'
Sandoval and Francisco de Lugo came po£t-ha&e x
to where we were and when he arrived it was a little
after dusk and it seems that the defeat of Cortes took
place before noon. When Sandoval arrived he found
us fighting with the Mexicans who wanted to get
into our camp by way of some houses which we had
pulled down, and others by the causeway, and many
canoes by the lake, and they had already got one
launch branded on the land, and of the soldiers who
were in it two were dead and mo£t of them wounded.
Sandoval saw me and six other soldiers Standing more
than wai£t high in the water helping the launch to
get off into deep water, and many Indians attacking
us with swords which they had captured from us,
(and they gave me an arrow wound and a sword cut
in the leg) so as to prevent us helping the launch,
which, judging from the energy they were displaying,
they intended to carry off with their canoes. They had
attached many ropes to it with which to tow it off and
place it inside the City. When Sandoval saw us in
that position he said to us : " Oh 1 Brothers put your
Strength into it and prevent them carrying off the
launch", and we exerted so much Strength that we
1 By way of Coyoacan and Tacuba to the camp on the causeway.
567
PRISONERS SACRIFICED
soon hauled it out in safety, although as I have said,,
all of the sailors came out wounded and two dead.
At that time many companies of Mexicans came
to the causeway and wounded the horsemen as well
as all of us, and they gave Sandoval a good blow with
a Stone in the face. Then Pedro de Alvarado and other
horsemen went to his assistance. As so many squadrons
approached I and twenty other soldiers faced themy
and Sandoval ordered us to retreat little by little so
that they should not kill the horses, and because we did
not retreat as quickly as he wished he said to us with
fury : " Do you wish that through your selfishness
they should kill me and all these horsemen ? For
the love of me, dear brothers, do fall back " — at that
moment the enemy again wounded him and his horse.
Ju^l then we cleared our allies off the causeway, and
we retreated little by little keeping our faces to the
enemy and not turning our backs, as though to form
a dam. Notwithstanding the number of Mexicans-
that the balls were sweeping away, we could not fend
them off, on the contrary they kept on following us*
thinking that this very night they would carry us off
to be sacrificed.
When we had retreated near to our quarters and
had already crossed a great opening where there was
much water the arrows, javelins and Clones could
no longer reach us. Sandoval, Francisco de Lugo and
Andres de Tapia were Standing with Pedro de Alvarado
each one relating what had happened to him and what
Cortes had ordered, when again there was sounded
the dismal drum of Huichilobos and many other
shells and horns and things like trumpets and the
sound of them all was terrifying, and we all looked
towards the lofty Cue where they were being sounded,,
and saw that our comrades whom they had captured
when they defeated Cortes were being carried by
force up the £teps, and they were taking them to be
568
IN SIGHT OF THE ARMY
sacrificed. When they got them up to a small square
in front of the oratory, where their accursed idols
are kept, we saw them place plumes on the heads of
many of them and with things like fans in their hands
they forced them to dance before Huichilobos, and
after they had danced they immediately placed them
on their backs on some rather narrow Clones which
had been prepared as places for sacrifice, and with
&one knives they sawed open their cheats and drew out
their palpitating hearts and offered them to the idols
that were there, and they kicked the bodies down the
£teps, and Indian butchers who were waiting below
cut off the arms and feet and flayed the skin off the
faces, and prepared it afterwards like glove leather
with the beards on, and kept those for the festivals
when they celebrated drunken orgies, and the flesh
they ate in chilmole. In the same way they sacrificed
all the others and ate the legs and arms and offered
the hearts and blood to their idols, as I have said, and
the bodies, that is their entrails and feet, they threw
to the tigers and lions which they kept in the house
of the carnivores which I have spoken about in an
earlier chapter.
When we saw those cruelties all of us in our camp
said the one to the other : " Thank God that they
are not carrying me off to-day to be sacrificed."
It should also be noted that we were not far away
from them,1 yet we could render them no help, and
could only pray God to guard us from such a death.
Then, at the moment that they were making the
sacrifices, great squadrons of Mexicans fell on us
suddenly and gave us plenty to do on all sides and
neither in one way or the other could we prevail
against them.
And they cried : " Look, that is the way in which
1 They muft have been at their camp on the causeway — they
could not have seen this from Tacuba.
569
ATTACKS ON ALVARADQ'S CAMP
you will all have to die, for our gods have promised
it to us many times. " Then the words and threats
which they said to our friends the Tlaxcalans were so
injurious and evil that they disheartened them, and
they threw them roasted legs of Indians and the arms
of our soldiers and cried to them : " Eat of the flesh of
these Teules and of your brothers, for we are already
glutted with it, and you can £tuff yourselves with this
which is over, and observe that as for the houses which
you have destroyed we shall have to bring you to
rebuild them much better with white £tone and well
worked masonry, so go on helping the Teules, for
you will see them all sacrificed."
There was another thing that Guatemoc ordered to
be done when he won that viftory, he sent to all the
towns of our allies and friends and to their relations,
the hands and feet of our soldiers and the flayed
faces with the beards, and the heads of the horses that
they had killed, and he sent word, that more than half
of us were dead and he would soon finish us off, and
he told them to give up their friendship with us and
come to Mexico and if they did not give it up promptly,
he would come and destroy them, and he sent to tell
them many other things to induce them to leave our
camp and desert us, and then we should be killed by
his hands.
As they £till went on attacking us both by day and
by night, all of us in our camp kept watch together,
Gonzalo de Sandoval and Pedro de Alvarado and the
other captains keeping us company during our watch,
and although during the night great companies of
warriors came against us we withstood them. Both
by day and night half the horsemen remained in
Tacuba and the other half were on the causeway.
There was another greater evil that they did us ;
no matter how carefully we had filled in the water
spaces since we advanced along the causeway, they
57°
SANDOVAL REPORTS TO CORTES
returned and opened them all and constructed barricades
Stronger than before. Then our friends of the cities
of the lake who had again accepted our friendship
and had come to aid us with their canoes believed
that they " came to gather wool and went back
shorn ", for many of them lo£b their lives and many
more returned wounded, and they loft more than
half of the canoes they had brought with them, but,
even with all this, thenceforth they did not help the
Mexicans for they were hostile to them, but they
carefully watched events as they happened.
Let us cease talking about misfortunes and once
again tell about the caution, and the manner of it,
that from now on we exercised, and how Gonzalo
de Sandoval and Francisco de Lugo and Andres de
Tapia and the other soldiers who had come to our camp
thought it would be well to return to their po£ts and
to give a report to Cortes as to how and in what position
we £tood. So they went po£i-ha£te and told Cortes
that Pedro de Alvarado and all his soldiers were using
great caution both in fighting as well as in keeping
watch, and moreover Sandoval, as he considered me a
friend, said to Cortes that he had found me and the
soldiers fighting more than wai& high in water
defending a branded launch, and that if it had not been
for us the enemy would surely have killed the captain
and soldiers who were on board, and because he said
other things in my praise about when he ordered me
to retreat, I am not going to repeat them here, for
other persons told of it, and it was known throughout
the camp of Cortes and in our own, but I do not wish
to recite it here. When Cortes clearly understood the
great caution that we observed in our camp it greatly
eased his heart, and from that time onwards he ordered
all three camps not to fight with the Mexicans either
too much or too little, meaning that we were not to
trouble about capturing any bridge or barricade, and.
SPANIARDS SUSPEND ATTACK
except in defence of our camps, we were not to go
out to fight with the enemy.
Nevertheless the day had hardly dawned when they
were attacking our camp, discharging many Atones from
slings, and javelins and arrows and shouting out
hideous abuse, and as we had near the camp a very
broad and deep opening of water we remained for
four days in succession without crossing it. Cortes
remained as long in his camp and Sandoval in his.
This determination not to go out and fight and
endeavour to capture the barricades which the Mexicans
had returned to open and fortify, was because we were
all badly wounded and worn out with hardships,
both from keeping watch and bearing arms without
anything su&aining to eat ; and because we had lo&
the day before over sixty and odd soldiers from all
the camps, and eight horses and so that we might
obtain some re£t, and take mature counsel as to what
should be done. From that time onwards, Cortes
ordered us to remain quiet, as I have said, so I will
leave off here and tell how and in what way we fought
and everything else that happened in our camp.
CHAPTER CXV
THE Mexicans continued with their attacks every
day, and our friends, the people of Tlaxcala and
Cholula and Huexotzingo, and even those of Texcoco
and Chalco and Tlamanalco, decided to return to
their own Countries, and nearly all of them went off
without Cortes or Pedro de Alvarado or Sandoval
knowing about it. There only remained in Cortes"
camp Ixlilxochitl, who was afterwards baptized and
named Don Carlos (he was the brother of Don
Fernando the Lord of Texcoco and was a very valiant
57*
IXLILXOCHITL'S ADVICE
man) and about forty of his relations and friends.
In SandovaPs camp there remained another cacique
from Huexotzingo with about fifty men, and in our
camp there remained two sons of Lorenzo de Vargas
and the brave Chichimecatecle with about eighty
Tlaxcalans, his relations and vassals. When we found
ourselves with so few allies we were digressed, and
Cortes and Sandoval each of them asked the allies
that remained in his camp, why the others had gone
off in that way, and they replied that they had
observed Mexicans speaking with their Idols during
the night who promised them that they should kill
us, and they believed it to be true ; so it was through
fear that they left, and what made it more credible
was seeing us all wounded and many of us dead, and
of their own people more than twelve hundred were
missing, and they feared that we should all be killed.
In conversations which Cortes had with Ixlilxochitl,
he said to him : " Senor Malinche, do not be digressed
because you cannot fight every day with the Mexicans,
get your foot well, and take my advice, and that is to
Jtay some days in your camp, and tell Tonatio to do
the same and £tay in his camp and Sandoval in Tepea-
quilla, and keep the launches on the move night and
day to prevent supplies of provisions or water from
getting to the enemy for there are within this great
City so many thousand xiqui-peks^- of warriors that
they mu£t of necessity eat up the food that they possess,
and the water they are now drinking is from some
springs they have made, and it is half salt, and as it
rains every day and sometimes at night they catch the
water and live on that, but what can they do if you £top
their food and water ? They will suffer more from
hunger and thir& than from war/' When Cortes
understood this advice, he threw his arms round him
and thanked him for it and made him projnises that
1 A division numbering 8,000 men.
•573
A POLICY OF STARVATION
he would give him pueblos. This advice many of us
soldiers had already discussed, but, such is our nature,
that we did not wish to wait so long a time, but to
advance into the city. When Cortes had well
considered what the cacique had said, he ordered two
launches to go to our camp and to that of Sandoval
to tell us that he ordered us to remain another three
days without advancing into the city. As at that time
the Mexicans were victorious he did not dare to send out
one launch alone. There was one thing that helped us
much, which was that our launches now ventured to
break the Stakes that the Mexicans had placed in
the lake to impale them, and they did it in this way,
they rowed with all their Strength, and so that the
rowing should carry greater impetus they set about
it from some distance back and got wind into their
sails and rowed their be£t, so they became masters of
the lake and even of a good many houses that £tood
apart from the city, and when the Mexicans saw this
they lo£t some of their courage.
As now we had no allies, we ourselves began to fill
in and Stop up the great opening that, I have said
before, was near our camp, and the fir£t company on
the rota worked hard at carrying adobes and timber
to fill it in, while the other two companies did the
fighting, and in the four days that all of us worked
at it we had it filled in and levelled. Cortes did the
same in his camp where the same arrangement pre-
vailed, and even he himself was at work carrying adobes
and timber, until the bridges and causeways and
openings were secure so that a retreat could be effected
in safety ; and Sandoval did neither more nor less
in his camp. With our launches close by us, and
free from any fear offtakes we advanced in this manner
little by little.
Let me say now what the Mexicans did during the
night on their great and lofty Cues and that was to
574
DISMAL SOUND OF DEATH DRUM
sound the cursed drum, which I again declare had the
moft accursed sound and the molt dismal that it was
possible to invent, and the sound carried far over the
country, and they sounded other worse instruments
and diabolical things, and they made great fires and
uttered the loudeft yells and whittles, for at that
moment they were sacrificing our comrades whom
they had captured from Cortes and we knew that it
took them ten days in succession to complete the
sacrificing of all our soldiers, and they left to the laft
Cri£t6bal de Guzman whom they kept alive for twelve
or thirteen days, according to the report of the three
Mexican captains whom we captured. Whenever
they sacrificed them then their Huichilobos spoke to
them and promised them vidory, and that we should
die by their hands within eight days, and told them to
make vigorous attacks on us although many should
die in them and in this way he kept them deluded.
Once more as soon as another day dawned all the
greatest forces that Guatemoc could colleft were
already down upon us, and as we had filled up the
opening and causeway and bridge they could pass it
dryshod. My faith ! They had the daring to come
up to our ranches and hurl javelins and &ones and
arrows, but with the cannon we could always make them
draw off, for Pedro Moreno, who had charge of the
cannon did much damage to the enemy. I wish to say
that they shot our own arrows at us from crossbows,
for while they held five crossbowmen alive, and
Cri£t6bal de Guzman with them, they made them
load the crossbows and show them how they were
to be discharged, and either they or the Mexicans
discharged those shots deliberately, but they did no
harm with them.
Every day we had very hard fights, but we did not
cease to advance, capturing barricades, bridges and
water openings, and as our launches dared to go
575
RETURN OF THE ALLIES
where ever they chose in the lake, and did not fear
the Stakes, they helped us very much. Let me say
that as usual the launches that Cortes had at his
camp cruised about giving chase to the canoes that
were bringing in supplies and water and collecting
in the lake a sort of ooze which when it was dried had
the flavour of cheese, and these launches brought in
many Indian prisoners. Twelve or thirteen days had
gone by since the defeat of Cortes, and as soon as
Ixlilxochitl observed that we had thoroughly recovered
ourselves, and what the Mexicans said that they were
sure to kill us within ten days was not true (which
was what their Huichilobos and Tezcatepuca had
promised them), he sent to advise his brother Don
Fernando to send to Cortes, at once, the whole force
of warriors that he could muster in Texcoco, and within
two days of the time of his sending to tell him, more than
two thousand warriors arrived.
When Cortes saw such a good reinforcement he
was greatly delighted and said flattering words to
them. At that time many Tlaxcalans with their
captains also returned and a cacique from Topeyanco
named Tepaneca came as their general. Many Indians
also came from Huexotzingo and a very few from
Cholula. When Cortes knew that they had returned
lie ordered that all of them, as they arrived, should
come to his camp so that he could speak to them.
Before they arrived he ordered guards of our soldiers
to be placed on the roads to protect them, in case the
Mexicans should come out to attack them. When
they came before Cortes he made them a speech
through Dona Marina and Jer6nimo de Aguilar
and told them that they had fully underwood and knew
for certain about the good will with which he had always
regarded them and &ill bore them, both because they
had served his Majesty, as well as for the good offices
that we had received at their hands, and if he had, after
576
CORTES ADDRESSES THE ALLIES
reaching this city, commanded them to join us in
destroying the Mexicans, he intended them to profit
by it, and return to their land rich men, and to revenge
themselves on their enemies, and not that we should
capture that great City solely for his benefit, and
although he had always found them useful and they
had helped us in everything, they mu£b have seen
clearly that we ordered them off the causeways every
day, because we were less hampered when we fought
without them, and that he who gave us vi&ory and
aided us in everything was Our Lord Jesus Christ,
in whom we believe and whom we worship as he had
already often told them and warned them at other
times. Because they went away at the moft critical
time of the war they were deserving of death, for
deserting their captains when they were fighting and
for forsaking them, but as they did not underhand
our laws and ordinances he pardoned them, and in
order to underhand the situation better they should
observe that without their help we &ill continued
destroying houses and capturing barricades. From
that time forward he ordered them not to kill any
Mexicans, for he wished to conquer them by kindness.
When he had made this speech to them he embraced
Chichimecatecle and the two youthful Xicotengas,
and Ixlilxochitl, and promised to give them territory
and vassals in addition to what they now held. After
the conversation with them he ordered them to depart,
and each one went to his camp.
From all three camps we were now advancing into
the City, Cort6s on his side, Sandoval on his and
Pedro de Alvarado on our side, and we reached the
spot where the spring was, that I have already spoken
about, where the Mexicans drank the brackish water,
and we broke it up and destroyed it so that they might
not make use of it. Some Mexicans were guarding it
and we had a good skirmish with them. We could
already move freely through all parts of the Greets
577
ALVARADO FIRES THE GREAT CUE
we had captured, for they were already levelled and
free from water and openings and the horses could
move very easily.
Thus the ten Companies of Pedro de Alvarado
advanced fighting and reached Tlatelolco, and there
were so many Mexicans guarding their Idols and lofty
cues, and they had raised so many barricades that
we were fully two hours before we were able to
capture them and get inside. Now that the horses
had space to gallop, although moft of them were
wounded, they helped us very much, and the horsemen
speared many Mexicans. As the enemy were so
numerous the ten 1 companies were divided into three
parts to fight againft them, and Pedro de Alvarado
ordered the company commanded by a captain named
Gutierre de Badajoz to ascend the lofty Cue of Huichi-
lobos, which has one hundred and fourteen £teps,
and he fought very well against the enemy and against
the many priests who were in the houses of the oratories,
but the enemy attacked Gutierre Badajoz and his
company in such a way that they sent him rolling down
ten or twelve £teps, and we promptly went to his
assistance. ,
As we advanced the squadrons with which we were
fighting followed us, and we ran great risk of our
lives, but nevertheless we ascended the £teps which
as I have said before were one hundred and fourteen
in number. It is as well to mention here the great
danger we were in, both one [company] and the other,
in capturing those fortresses which were very lofty,
and in those battles they once more wounded us all
very badly, nevertheless we set the oratories on fire
and burned the idols, and we planted our banners
and were fighting on the level after we had set fire
to the oratories until night time, but we could do
nothing against so many warriors.
1 In the text " dos capitanias ", evidently a mi&ake for " diez
capltanias" as above.
578
WITH CORTES
[ExtraS from the third letter of Cones to the Emperor
Charles F.}
About \$th July : By now the Spaniards who had
been wounded at the time of our defeat had recovered,
Moreover, a vessel belonging to Ponce de Leon
arrived at Vera Cruz, and the people of the town sent
me some powder and crossbows, of which we had
great need.
The people in the surrounding country had, thank
God, now declared in our favour, and I, seeing how
those of the city were Still hostile and showing as
clearly as any people could do a determination to die
in its defence, was at a loss to know how to free ourselves
from the dangers and hardships we were enduring
without totally destroying their city, for it is the mo&
beautiful city in the world. It was useless to tell
them that we would not raise the siege, and that the
launches would not cease to fight them on the water,
nor that we had already destroyed the people of
Matalcingo and Malinalco, and that there was no
one left in the land to bring them succour, and that
there was nowhere whence they could procure maize,
meat, fruit, water, or other necessaries, for the more
we repeated this to them the less faintheartedness
they showed. On the contrary, both in fighting and
in Stratagems we found them more undaunted than
ever.
This being so, and seeing that the siege had la&ed
already more than forty-five days, I decided to take
other means for our security and for the reduction of
the enemy. The plan was to demolish every house on
each side of the Street as we penetrated into the city
and not to advance a Step until all was levelled to
the ground, and what had been water was dry land,
no matter what delay this would entail.
For this purpose I called together all the chieftains
and leading men among our allies and explained my
579
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
plan to them, and told them to summon all their
labourers and order them to bring their coas which
are like Spanish hoes. They replied that they would
do so very willingly and were delighted at the plan,
for it seemed to them the beSt way of destroying the
city, which they desired above all things in the world.
Three or four days were occupied making arrange-
ments, then one morning after hearing mass, we set
out for the city, and on reaching the water opening
and barricade near the great houses of the Plaza
with the intention to attack it, the people of the city
asked me to desist, as they wished to make peace,
and that a chieftain from the city was coming to speak
to me. In this way they detained me for more than
an hour, but in truth they had no desire for peace for
while we were Standing at ease they began to shoot
arrows and darts and Clones at us. When I saw this
we attacked and carried the barricade. On entering
the Plaza we found it all Strewn with great Stones
and that the horsemen could not gallop, and we found
one Street barricaded with a dry Stone wall and another
Street also full of Stones, In this day we filled in the
canal which goes out of the Plaza in such a way that
the Indians were never able to open it again, and from
this point onwards we began little by little to demolish
the houses and to fill in the canals, and as on that day
we had one hundred and fifty thousand warriors with
us, we accomplished a good deal , . .
In this way we penetrated into the city during the
following five or six days, and always on retiring we
sent off our allies firSt while some of the Spaniards
Stayed in ambush among the houses, and the horsemen
who were in the rear pretended to retreat haStily so
as to draw the enemy out into the Plaza, and by this
means and with the foot soldiers in ambush we managed
to spear some of the enemy every afternoon.
* * *
580
OF THE SIEGE
We knew already that the Indians in the city were
much discouraged^ and we heard from two wretched
Indians who had left the city by night and come to
our camp that the people were dying of hunger and
that they came out by night to search among the
houses and in those parts of the city we had already
captured, seeking for firewood and herbs and roots
for food. As we had already filled in many of the
canals and made good many of the bad places I
decided to enter the city before dawn and do all the
damage we were able, so the launches set out before
daybreak, and I with twelve or fifteen horsemen and
some foot soldiers and allies entered with a rush, but
fir£t of all while we were in hiding we Stationed some
spies who as soon as day dawned gave us the signal
to advance, and we fell on a great multitude of people,
but as they were the poor wretches who had come out
hunting for food they were mo£t of them unarmed
and were women and children, and we did so much
damage to them whenever we could get about the
city that prisoners and dead between them numbered
over eight hundred.
The launches also captured many canoes with
Indians who were out fishing. When the captains and
chieftains of the enemy saw us advancing through
the city at this unusual hour they were dismayed,
and did not dare to come out and fight us, so we
returned to our camp with booty and food for our
allies.
The next day we again entered the city and as our
allies observed the orderly method with which we were
carrying out its de£hru6tion they accompanied us every
day in untold numbers. That day we succeeded in
gaining the whole of the Tacuba Street and filling in
the bad places in such a way that we could com-
municate with the camp of Pedro de Alvarado through
the city, and we also captured two bridges on the
581
CORTES5 OWN ACCOUNT
principal Street leading to the market place, and solidly
filled in the canals. We also set fire to the houses of
the Lord of the City, a youth of eighteen years named
Guatemoc, who was the second Lord after the death
of Montezuma. These houses were large and well
fortified and were surrounded by water. We also
gained two bridges near this on the other Greets
leading to the market place, so that three quarters of
the city were already in our hands and the Indians
were forced to retire to their Stronghold, which was
among the houses more completely surrounded by
water.
July : The next day, which was the festival of
the apoStle Santiago (St James), we entered the city
in the same order and followed the great ^reet which
leads to the market place, and captured a very large
water-opening which the enemy thought they held
securely. It was a very dangerous operation and
caused much delay as the opening was so wide, and
we were not able that day to fill it in solidly so that the
horsemen could pass. Observing this, the Indian
reinforcements, splendid in appearance, attacked us,
but as we continued to face them and had with us
many crossbowmen we drove them back to their
barricades.
i6th July : When we returned very early next
morning we found the water-opening we had been
filling up in the same State as we had left it, and
advancing two bowshots ahead we captured two great
water-openings which the enemy had broken through
the road-bed, and we reached a small idol tower, where
we found the heads of some of the Christians whom the
enemy had killed, which caused us great grief. This
Street which we had been following leads direftly to
the causeway to SandovaPs camp, and a Street to the
left leads to the market place. In this latter Street
there was no water except one water-opening which
582
OF THE SIEGE
the enemy were defending again£l us and on that day,
when we were getting ready to enter the city at nine
in the morning, we observed from our camp that
smoke was ascending from the two lofty towers which
£tand in Tlatelolco, the market place of the city, and
could not think what it could be, for it was more
copious than the smoke of incense which the Indians
offer to the Idols, and we concluded that Pedro de
Alvarado 's men mufb have got there, which turned
out to be the fad, though we could hardly believe it.
That day we did not attempt to capture the bridge
and canal which separated us from the market place,
but contented ourselves by filling in and levelling all
the bad places. On retiring the enemy attacked us
fiercely although at great coft to themselves. The next
morning we had only to capture the canal across the
road and its barricade which was near the Idol tower
to reach the market place. When we began the attack
a Standard bearer and two or three other Spaniards
threw themselves into the water and the enemy gave
way before them, and we began to fill in the opening
so that the horsemen could cross ; and while this
was being done, Pedro de Alvarado with four horse-
men came along the Street, and this gave the greatest
delight to all of us, for it meant the speedy end of
the war.
Pedro de Alvarado placed guards to defend our
flanks, and as the opening was soon filled I ordered
my troops not to advance any further, and went
forward myself with a few horsemen to see the market
place. We rode for a short time about the Plaza,
observing the arcades where the enemy were clu&ered
in great numbers on the roofs, but as they saw us
riding freely about the great Plaza they did not dare
to approach us.
Then I ascended the great tower which is near
the market place, and on it and on others we found the
583
CORTES' OWN ACCOUNT
heads of the Christians they had killed and offered
to their Idols, as well as the heads of our Tlaxcalan
allies. From the great tower I could see that we had
captured seven-eighths of the city, and knew that the
enemy were so numerous that they could not exiSt
in that narrow space, especially as the houses left to
them were small and each one Stood by itself in the
water. And above all, knowing of the great hunger
they were suffering, for we had found in the Streets
gnawed roots and bark of trees, we determined to
cease fighting for a day, and derive some means to
save such a multitude from de&ru&ion. However
they said they would never make peace, and that if
only one was left he would die fighting, , . ,
Several days passed without fighting, and then
one day when we returned to the City we found the
Streets full of women and children and other miserable
people, thin and affli&ed, who were dying of hunger,
the moSt pitiable thing in the world to see and I ordered
our allies to do them no hurt, but not a single warrior
appeared where he could be got at although we saw
them on the roofs, covered with their cloaks and
unarmed.
Again I tried this day to bring them to peace but
their replies were evasive. After passing moSt of the
day in these efforts I sent to tell them I should attack
them and that they muSt call in all their people, other-
wise I should allow our allies to kill them. They Still
said they wanted peace, so I replied that I did not see
there the Lord with whom I could treat for peace
and that if he would come I would give him all the
security he might ask for and that we would discuss
peace.
However, when we saw that it was all a mock and
that they were all getting ready to attack us, after
having warned them many times so as to conStrain
them to the utmoSt necessity, I ordered Pedro de
584
OF THE SIEGE
Alvarado and all his men to enter the large quarter
which the enemy ftill held, which consisted of more
than a thousand houses, while I entered with all my
men from the other side on foot, as the horsemen were
useless there. The battle was waged fiercely until we
captured the whole of the quarter and the slaughter
effefted by our allies was so great that dead and
prisoners numbered more than twelve thousand souls,
and the cruelty of our allies was so great that on no
account would they spare a life in spite of our reproofs
and example.
[To return to Bernal DiazJ]
CHAPTER CXVI
As we were all of us now in Tlatelolco, Cortes ordered
all the companies to take up their quarters, and keep
watch there, because from our camp we had to come
more than half a league to where we were now fighting.
So we Stayed there three days without doing anything
worth mentioning, because Cortes ordered us not to
advance any further into the City nor to destroy more
houses, for he wished to &op and demand peace.
During those days that we were waiting in Tlatelolco
Cortes sent to Guatemoc begging him to surrender,
and not to have any fear, and with many promises-
he undertook that his (Guatemoc's) person should be
much respefted and honoured by him, and that he
should govern Mexico and all his territory and cities
as he was used to do, and he sent him food and presents
such as tortillas, poultry, tunas and cacao, for he had
nothing else to send, Guatemoc took counsel with
his captains and what they advised him to reply was
that he desired peace but that he would wait three
days before giving an answer, and that at the end of
three days Guatemoc and Cortes should meet and
585
FUTILE ATTEMPTS
make arrangements about the peace, and that during
those three days they would have time to know more
fully the wishes and reply of their Huichilobos, and
he might have added to mend bridges and to make
openings in the causeway and prepare arrows, javelins,
and Atones and make barricades.
Guatemoc sent four Mexican chieftains with that
reply, and we believed that the promise of peace was
true, and Cortes ordered the messengers to be given
plenty to eat and drink and then sent them back to
Guatemoc, and with them he sent more refreshments
the same as before. Then Guatemoc sent other
messengers, and by them two rich mantles, and they
said that Guatemoc would come when everything was
ready. Not to waSte more words about the matter he
never intended to come (for they had counselled him
not to believe Cortes and had reminded him of the end
of his uncle the great Montezuma, and of his relations
and the destruction of all the noble families of Mexico ;
#nd had advised him to say that he was ill) but intended
that all should sally out to fight and that it would
please their Gods to give them the victory they had so
often promised them. As we were waiting for Guatemoc
and he did not come, we understood their deceit and
at that very moment so many battalions of Mexicans
with their distinguishing marks sallied out and made
an attack on Cortes that he could not withstand it,
and as many more went in the direction of our camp
and in that of Sandoval's. They came on in such a way
that it seemed as though they had ju£t then begun the
fighting all over again, and as we werd ported rather
carelessly, believing that they had already made
peace, they wounded many of our soldiers,- three of
them very severely, and two horses, but they did not get
off with much to brag of, for we paid them out well.
When Cortes saw this he ordered us again to make
war on them and to advance into the City in the part
586
TO MAKE PEACE
where they had taken refuge. When they saw that
we were advancing and capturing the whole City,
Guatemoc sent two chiefs to tell Cortes that he
desired to speak with him across a canal, Cortes to
ftand on one bank and Guatemoc on the other and
they fixed the time for the morning of the following
day. Cortes went, but Guatemoc would not keep
the appointment but sent chieftains who said that
their Lord did not dare to come out for fear left, while
they were talking, guns and crossbows should be
discharged at him ^and should kill him. . Then Cortes
promised him on his oath that he should not be
molefted in any way that he did not approve of, but
it was no use, they did not believe him and said " left
what happened to Montezuma should happen to
him." At that time two of the chieftains who were
talking to Cortes drew out from a bag which they carried
some tortillas and the leg of a fowl and cherries, and
seated themselves in a very leisurely manner and
began to eat so that Cortes might observe it and believe
that they were not hungry. When Cortes observed
it he sent to tell them that as they did not wish to
make peace, he would soon enter into all their houses
to see if they had any maize and how much more
poultry.
We went on in this way for another four or five days
without attacking them, and about this time many poor
Indians who had nothing to eat, would come out every
night, and they came to our camp worn out by
hunger. As soon as Cortes saw this he ordered us not
to attack them for perhaps they would change their
minds about making peace, but they would not make
peace although we sent to entreat them.
In Cortes' camp there was a soldier who said that
he had been in Italy in the Company of the Great
Captain l and was in the skirmish of Garallano and in
1 Gonzalvo de C6rdova.
587
FAILURE OF THE CATAPULT
other great battles, and he talked much about engines
of war and that he could make a catapult in Tlatelolco
by which, if they only bombarded the houses and part of
the city where Guatemoc had sought refuge, for two
days, they would make them surrender peacefully.
So many things did he say to Cortes about this, for
he was a very faithful soldier, that Cortds promptly
set to work to make the catapult and they brought
lime and ftone in the way the soldier required, and
carpenters and nails and all that was necessary for
making the catapult, and they made two slings of
Strong bags and cords, and brought him great Atones,
larger than an arroba jar. When the catapult was
made and set up in the way that the soldier ordered,
and he said it was ready to be discharged, they placed
a suitable £tone in the sling which had been made and
all this £tone did was to rise no higher than the
catapult and fall back upon it where it had been set
up. When Cortes saw this he was angry with the
soldier who gave the order for making it, and with
himself for believing him, and he said that he knew
well that in war one ought not to speak much about
a thing that vexes one, and that the man had only
been talking for talking's sake, as had been found out
in the way that I have said. Cortes at once ordered
the catapult to be taken to pieces. Let us leave this
and say that, when he saw that the catapult was a thing
to be laughed at, he decided that Gonzalo de Sandoval
should go in command of all the twelve launches
and invade that part of the City whither Guatemoc
had retreated, which was in a part where we could not
reach the houses and palaces by land, but only by
water. Sandoval at once summoned all the captains
of the launches and invaded that part of the City where
Guatemoc had taken refuge with all the flower of his
Captains and the mo£t distinguished persons that were
in Mexico. Cortes ordered Sandoval not to kill or
588
THE MEXICANS' LAST STAND
wound any Indians unless they should attack him, and
even if they did attack him, he was only to defend
himself and not do them any other harm, but he should
destroy their houses and the many defences they had
erected in the lake. Cortes himself ascended the
great Cue of Tlatelolco to see how Sandoval advanced
with the launches.
Sandoval advanced with great ardour upon the place
where the Houses of Guatemoc £tood, and when
Guatemoc saw himself surrounded, he was afraid that
they would capture him or kill him, and he had got
ready fifty great piraguas with good rowers so that
when he saw himself hard pressed he could save him-
self by going to hide in some reed beds and get from
thence to land and hide himself in another town, and
those were the instructions he had given his captains
and the persons of mo£t importance who were with
him in that fortified part of the city, so that they should
do the same.
When they saw that the launches were getting
among the houses they embarked in the fifty canoes,
and they had already placed on board the property
and gold and jewels of Guatemoc and all his family
and women, and he had embarked himself and shot
out into the lake ahead, accompanied by many Captains.
As many other canoes set out at the same time, the
lake was full of them, and Sandoval quickly received
the news that Guatemoc was fleeing, and ordered all
the launches to Stop destroying the houses and
fortifications and follow the flight of the canoes.
As a certain Garcia Holguin a friend of Sandoval,
was captain of a launch which was very faSl and a good
sailor and was manned by good rowers Sandoval
ordered him to follow in the direction in which they
told him that Guatemoc was fleeing with his great
piraguas, and in£tru£ted him not to do Guatemoc any
injury whatever beyond capturing him in case he
should overtake him, and Sandoval went in another
589
GUATEMOC IS CAPTURED
direftion with other launches which kept him company.
It pleased our Lord God that Garcia Holguin should
overtake the canoes and piraguas in which Guatemoc
was travelling, and from the ftyle and the awnings
and the seat he was using he knew that it was Guatemoc
the great Lord of Mexico, and he made signals for them
to ftop, but they would not £top, so he made as though
he were going to discharge muskets and crossbows.
When Guatemoc saw that, he was afraid, and said :
" Do not shoot — I am the king of this City and they
call me Guatemoc, and what I ask of you is not to
disturb my things that I am taking with me nor my
wife nor my relations, but carry me at once to Malinche. ' '
When Holguin heard him he was greatly delighted,
and with much respect he embraced him and placed
him in the launch, him and his wife and about thirty
chieftains, and seated him in the poop on some mats
and cloths, and gave him to eat of the food that he
had brought with him, and he touched nothing
whatever in the canoes that carried Guatemoc's
property, but brought it along with the launch. By
this time Gonzalo de Sandoval knew that Holguin
had captured Guatemoc and was carrying him to
Cortes, and he overtook Holguin and claimed the
prisoner, and Holguin would not give him up and
said that he had captured him and not Sandoval.
When Cortes knew of this dispute he at once des-
patched Captain Luis Marin and Francisco de Verdugo
to summon Sandoval and Holguin to come as they
were in their launches without further discussion, and
to bring Guatemoc and his wife and family with all
signs of respeft and that he would settle whose
prisoner he was and to whom was due the honour of
the capture.
While they were bringing him, Cortes ordered a
gue£t chamber to be prepared as well as could be
done at the time, with mats and cloths and seats, and
590
GUATEMOC BEFORE CORTES
a good supply of the food which Cortes had reserved
for himself. Sandoval and Holguin soon arrived with
Guatemoc, and the two captains between them led him up
to Cortes, and when he came in front of him he paid
him great respeft, and Cortes embraced Guatemoc
with delight, and was very affectionate to him and his
captains. Then Guatemoc said to Cortes : " Senor
Malinche, I have surely done my duty in defence of
my City, and I can do no more and I come by force
and a prisoner into your presence and into your power,
take that dagger that you have in your belt and kill
me at once with it," and when he said this he wept
tears and sobbed and other great Lords whom he had
brought with him also wept. Cortes answered him
through Dona Marina and Aguilar very affeftionately,
that he esteemed him all the more for having been so
brave as to defend the City, and he was deserving of
no blame, on the contrary it was more in his favour
than otherwise.
What he wished was that Guatemoc had made
peace of his own free will before the city had been so
far destroyed, and so many of his Mexicans had died,
but now that both had happened there was no help
for it and it could not be mended, let his spirit and the
spirit of his Captains take reft, and he should rule in
Mexico and over his provinces as he did before. Then
Guatemoc and his Captains said that they accepted
his favour, and Cortes asked after his wife and other
great ladies, the wives of other Captains who, he had
been told, had come with Guatemoc. Guatemoc
himself answered and said that he had begged Gonzalo
de Sandoval and Garcia Holguin that they might
remain in the canoes while he came to see what orders
Malinche gave them. Cortes at once sent for them
and 'ordered them all to be given of the beft that at
that time there was in the camp to eat, and as it was late
and was beginning to rain, Cortes arranged for them
591
END OF THE SIEGE
to go to Coyoacan, and took Guatemoc and all his
family and household and many chieftains with him
and he ordered Pedro de Alvarado, Gonzalo de
Sandoval and the other captains each to go to his own
quarters and camp, and we went to Tacuba, Sandoval
to Tepeaquilla and Cortes to Coyoacan. Guatemoc
and his captains were captured on the thirteenth day
of August at the time of vespers on the day of Senor
San Hip61ito in the year one thousand five hundred
and twenty-one, thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ and
•our Lady the Virgin Santa Maria, His Blessed Mother,
Amen.
592
INDEX
Acachinango, 531
Acolman, 476, 511, 524
Ajaruco, 10, 37
Ajusco, 277, 478
Alaminos, Anton de, 45, 56 st seq.
Alcantara, Juan de, 430
Alderete, Juan de, 486
Alvarado, Gomez de, 79
Gonzalo de, 79
Jorge de, 79
Juan de, 79
f Pedro de, 12, 16, 18, 60, 79,
399 ** seq-
Riode, 12, 37, 68
Alvarez, Francisco, 448
Amaya, 353
Amendel, 451
Argueta, Juan I., 7
Ascencion, Bahia de la, 37
Astecs, 31
Atzacualco, 278
Atzcapotzalco, 423, 474, 511, 525
Auz, Miguel Diaz de, 443
Avila, Alonzo de, 60, 79, 420, 448
Avila, Pedro Arias de, see also Davila,
Pedrarias, 10, 16
Ayagualulco (La Ranabla), n, 37, 67
Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 15, 350 et
seq.
Ayotzingo, 264, 465
Baena, 79
Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, 10, 44
Banderas, Rio 4e, 12, ^7, 6&
Barba, Pedro de, 86, 440
Barcia, Andre's Gonzalez, 5
Batabano, 38
Blanca, Isla^ 12, 37
Boca de Te"rminos, 1 1, 37 etseq., 64
Bonaeea, 45
Burgos, Juan de, 45 r
Caballero, 433, 440
Cabrera, Manuel Eftrada, 7
Cacamatzin, 13 et seq., 26&, 329, 425
Cachula, 16
Camacho, the pil«t, 87 &ts&q.
Camargo, 442
Campeche, 37 et sey.) 50
Canoas, Rao de, I2» 38, 73
Cdrdenas, 15
Carenas, Puerto de, 37
Carlos V, 9, 21
Caltillo, Francisco Dfaz del, 9, 43
Catoche, Cape, 1 1, 38, 49
Cempoala, 12 etseq., 141
Chalco, 17, 262 et sey.} 461 et s&j .
487 et seq.
Champoton, II et seq., 37 et seq., 52, 62
Chapultepec, 279, 302, 525
Charles V, see Carlos V
Chiapas, 23, 26 et seq.
Chiche'n-Itza, 27 et seq.
Chichimecatecle, 193, 217, 432 et
«?•» 573
Chimal, 465
Chimaluacan, 264, 479, 488
Cholula, 13, 26, 244 et seq.
Churubusco, 541, 551
Cingapacinga, 157
Cintla, Battle of, 38, 104
Citaltepec, 511
Coanacotzin, 454 et seq.
Coatepec, 453
Coatlinchan, 455, 460
Coatzacoalcos, Rio de, 12, 37 et seq.,,
6^, 73,, 398, 401
Columbus, Chri Gopher, 9
Conil, 38
Copan, 28
C6rdova, Francisco Hernandez. dey 10,
37>44
Corral, Crift6bal del, 489 et se$.
Cortes, Hernando,, 12, 21, 33, 76 et
seq.
Coyoacan, 14, 509, 528 et seq., 592
Cozumel, II et seq., 37 et seq^, 6 1, &7
Cuauhte*moc, 14^ 16 et seq.
Cuautitlan, 42,7,, 53,5,
Cuba, 10 et seq., 37 «/ seq.
Cue, the Great, 300
Cuitlahuac, 14, 1 6, 416^ 5,41
Culuacan, 270^, 541^ 551
593
INDEX
Davila, Pedrarias, 10, 16, 43 et seq.
Dfaz, Juan, 22 passim
Domfnguez, Gonzalo, 428, 4.80
Duero, Andres de, 76 et seq., 370 et seq.
Eguiara y Eguren, Juan Jose de, 5
Escalante, Juan de, 14, 79
Escobar, 78, 137
Escudero, Pedro, 78, 138
Estrada, Maria de, 426
E&rella, Cerro de la, 278, 529 et seq.
Farfan, Pedro Sanchez, 16, 79
Fernando and Isabel (Ferdinand and
Isabella), 9
Florida, n, 37, 57
Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, Bishop of
Burgos, 349
Fucnterrabia, Juanes of, 79
Fucntes y Guzmdn, Francisco Antonio
de, 3 et seq.
Garay, Francisco de, 172, 442
Garcia, Bartolome", 79
Godoy, Diego de, 98
Gomara, 13
Gonzalez, Alonso, 46
Grado, Alonzo de, 321
Gran Cairo, 37, 46
Grande, Rio, 127
Grijalva, Juan de, II et seq., 37, 60, 75
Grijalva, Rio de, see also Tabasco, Rio
de, 1 1 et seq., 37 et seq., 64
Guacachula, 16, 441
Guadelupe, see Tepeaquilla
Guanajes Islands, 45
Guatemala, 3 et seq., 23 et seq.
Guat<£moc, 33 et seq., 439 et seq*
Guautitlan, 474, 511
Guaxoban, 193
Guaxolocingo, 217
Guayabos, 16
Guerrero, Gonzalo, 91 et seq.
Guevara, 353 et seq.
Guzman, Cri$"l6bal de, 558, 575
Havana, 37, 59, 83
Heredia, 78
Herrera, Antonio de, 3, 39
Holguin, Garcia, 589 et seq.
Honduras, 23 et seq.
Huetzotzingo, 201, 434, 488
Huezotlipan, 431
Huichilobos, 29, 122 passim
Huitzilopochtli, see Huichilobos
Huitzlan, 536
Ircio, Pedro de, 494
Itinerary under Francisco Hernandez
de Cordova, 37
under Juan de Grijalva, 37
under Hernando Cortes, 38
Itzcalpan, 13
Itztapalapa, seelztapalapa
Itztapalatengo, 13, 268
Ixhuacln, 13
Ixlilxochitl, 572 et seq.
Ixtaccihuatl, 277
Ixtacihuatl, 23
Iztapalapa, 13 et seq., 270, 278, 459,
528, 54!, 551
Izucar, 442
Jalapa, 13, 177
Jamaica, 61 et seq.
Jamapa, Rio, 37, see also Banderas,
Riode
Jaruco, 37 etseq.
Jimena, Gonzalo L6pes de, 80
Juarez, Catalina, 76, 448
Juarez, Juan, 448
Juarros, Padre Domingo, 6
Julianillo, an Indian, 49, 6 1 et seq.
Kukulcan, 29
Lagartos, Estero de los, 37 et wy., 56
Lares, Amador de, 76
Lares, Martin Ramos de, 78, 79, 425
Las Cruces, 277
Lencero, 434
Le6n, Emilio, 6
Leon, Juan Ponce de, $6 et seq., S79
Leon, Juan Vela'squez de, So, 137, 376
et seq., 420, 423
Lobera, Rodrigo Morejon de, 441
Lugo, Francisco de, 101 et seq.
Luisa, Dofia, 426
Marcayda, see Juarez, Catalina
Marin, Luis, 165
Marina, Dofia, no, 115, 317, 426
Martires, Los, 37, 59
Mase Escasi, 193, 201, 217, 432 et seq.-,
449
Matanzas, n, 37
Mayas, 26 et seq.
Medrano, Pedro Moreno, 563
Mejfa, Gonzalo, 79, 420
594
INDEX
Melchorejo, 49 et seq.
Mendoza, Alonzo de, 448
Mexicaltzingo, 279, 541
Mexico, 13 etseq., 22 et seq., 277
Mexico City, 14, 274, 280, 402 et seq.
Montejo, Francisco de, 30, 60, 70
Montezuma, 13, 32, 68, 272 et seq.
Ambassadors of, 119 et seq., 211,
235
Tax-gatherers of, 146 et seq.
Morelos, 478
Morla, Francisco de, 78, 425
Moron, Pedro de, 189 et seq.
Motagua, River, 26
Motecuhzoma, see Montezuma
Mufioz, Juan Bauti&a, 6
Nahua, Tribe, 24 et seq.
Narvaez, Pdnfilo de, 15, 349 et seq.
Nezahualcoatl, 278
Nezahualpilli, 457
Nicaragua, 27
Nombre de Dios, 10, 43
Oaxaca, 27, 30
Oaxtepec, , 478 et seq., 495
Ocampo, Gonzalo de, 424
Olea, Cri&6bal de, 501, 557
Olid, CrislxSbal de, 79, 420 et s&q.
Olintecle, 178 et seq.
Olmedo, Friar Bartolome* de, 5 passim
Ordds, Diego de, 78 et seq.j 137, 407,
420, 448
Orizaba, 23
Orozco y Berra, 39
Orteguilla, 15, 297
Ortis, 79
Otumba, 430
Ozucar, 16
Pachuca, 277
Padre de La Merced, 114 passim
Pateez, Garcfa, 6
Panuco, Rio, 28, 398, 442
Papaloapan, Rio de, 12, 37, 68
Papayo, 277
Paula, Bishop Francisco de, 6
Pefion del Marques, see Tepepolco
Pineda, Diego de, 79
Pinedo, Alvarez, 442
Pinelo, Antonio de Leon, 3, 4
Pitalpitoque, 119 et seq.
Popocatepetl, 23, 231, 277, 478
Porcallo, Vasco, 81
Puente de Palacio, 536
Puente de San Antonio Abad, 535
Puertocarrero, Alonzo Hernandes, So
Puerto Deseado, see Boca de Te*rminos
Punta de Mujeres, 38, 95
Quauhpopoca, 14
Quecholac, 439
Quetzalcoatl, 29
Quetzalpopoca, 320
Quiahuiztlan, 12, 144
Quintalbor, 284
Rambla, La, n, 37, 68
Ramirez, 443
Rejon, Maria Diez, 9
Remedies, Los, 425
Remo'n, Friar Alonzo, 4 et seq.
Reogel, Rodrigo, 80
Rivera, Padre Augu&in, 38
Roatan, 45
Rodriguez, Alonzo, 79
Rojo, Cape, 12, 38
Ruano, Juan, 78
Sacrificios, Isla de, 12, 37, 71
Salamanca, Juan de, 428 et seq.
Salazar, Ram6n A., 6
Saltocan, 277, 430, 472
Sanchez, Caspar, 79
Sandoval, Gonzalo de, 16, 30, 354, 420,
444 et seq.
San Crift6bal, 38
San Martin, Sierra de, 37
Santa Maria de la Victoria (Tabasco),
38, 106
Santiago Baracoa, 77
Santiago de Cuba, 37 et seq., 60 et seq.
Santiago de Guatemala, 43
Santispiritus, 59, 80
Santo Anton, Rio de, see also Tonala,
Rio de, 12, 37, 46, 61
Saucedo, Francisco de, 165, 420, 425 .
Sedeno, Juan, 80
Segura de la Frontera, 1 6, 2 1 , 439 et seq.
Sisal, 38
Socochima, 177
Tabasco, Rio de (Rio de Grijalya),
ii etseq., 23* 37» 64> 95
Tabasco state, 24, 31
Tacuba, 14, 18, 278, 406 et seq., 475,
510, 525, 534 et seq.
Tanpaniguita, 367
Tapia, Andre's de, 21, 564
Tarascos, 30
595
INDEX
Tecamachalco, 16, 4.39
Tecapacneca, see Tecapaneca
Tecapaneca, 193, 217, 432
Tehuacingo, 191
Tehuantepec, 23, 27
Telapon, 277
Tenayuca, 474, 511,525
Tendile, 119 et seq.
Tenochtitlan, see Mexico City
Teotchuacan, 26
Tepeaca, 21, 439
Tepeaquilla, 278, 301, 534, 592
Tepepolco, 327, 529
Tepetexcoco, 430, 473
Tepeyac, see Tepeaquilla
Tepeyacac, 16
Tepostlan, 478, 496
Terminos, Puerta de, 38
Tesmelucan, 452
Tetzcoco, see Texcoco
Texcoco, 13 etseq,,z?j, 402, 455 etseq.
Texutla>i3, 177
Tezcatepuca, 130 passim
Tierra Firme = the Spanish Main, 10,
43
Tlacopan, see Tacuba
Tlacotlalpan, 37, 68
Tlahuac, 278
Tlaloc, 277
Tlarnaqalco, 13, 461 et seq., 479, 487
Tlatelolco, 14, 31, 2/7, 298, 544, 554
et seq.
Tlaxcala, 13, 16, 183, 220, 401
flaxealans, 16 et seq., 30, 186, 402
et seq.
Tlayacapan, 479, 488
Toltccs, 26 et seq.
Tonali, Rio 4e, 12, 37 et seq^ 73
Torquemada, Friar Juan de, 3
Totonacs, 28, 150
Totoquihuatzin, 14
Trmi4}idT 12, 79 etseq.
Tula, 26, 28
Tullepec, 430
Tuxpan, 12, 38
Tuxtla, 12
Tuzpa, Sierra dc, 72
Tzumpantzingo, 203
UMa, 12 etseq., 38, 115
Usumacinta, River, 23, 26
Uxmal, 27
Vasquez, Friar Francisco, 5 et scf.
Veldsquez, Diego, Governor of Cuba,
10 et seq., 44 et seq., 59, 72, 81, 86,
349
Vera Cruz (see also Villa Rica), 24, 72
Verde, Isla, 12, 37
Verdugo, Francisco, 81
Vergara, 353
Villafafia, Antonio de, 512 et seq.
Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, 12, 135,
151, 314
Xalacingo, 13, 16, 182
Xaltocan, see Saltocan
Xicochimilco, see Xochimilco
Xicotenga, 201 et seq,, 43-2 et seq.
Xicotenga the Younger, 1 88 et a<?£.,
Xochimilco, 13, 277, $o&et$eq.
Xocotla, see Xocotlan
Xocotlan, 13, 178
Xoluca, 535
Yau tepee, 478, 494, 496
Yecapixtia, 478, 483
Yfiigucz, Bernaldino, 46
Yucatan, 22 et seq.
Yuste, Juan, 467
Zacatami, 16
Zapotecs, 30
Zitlaltep*fct 525
Zurnpango, 277
Printed m Great Britain by Stephen Auttin & Sons, Ltdt> Hertford.
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VOLUMES READY
1 ravels an a Adventures of Pero Tafur (1435-1439).
Translated and edited from the Spanish, with an Intro-
duction by Malcolm Letts. With 8 plates, 12/6 net.
" A document of unique interest. It was well worthy of Ms care, since
it is a picture of Europe at the most critical moment of its history, when all
the Continent was overwhelmed by misery, disease, and unrest, when the
old order was everywhere changing, when the distracted Empire of the East
was c rocking to its fall.' A cool observer, without prejudice, without excite-
ment, Tafur noted the symptoms of decay.5' — SIR EDMUND GOSSE, in SUNDAY
TIMES.
Akbar and the Jesuits. Translated from the
41 Histoire " of Father Pierre du Jarric^ S.J., with an
Introduction by C. H. Payne. With 8 plates, 12/6 net.
" These documents are full of intimate interest. The Fathers tell a number
of fascinating stories. Strange characters pass before our eyes. The intrigues
of the mighty are revealed. We get glimpses of truly Oriental splendour,
of Oriental treachery and nobility. And in the midst of it all move these
few Jesuit Fathers, uncomprehending and incomprehensible. . ." — TIMES
LITERARY SUPPLEMENT. "A serious and intensely interesting piece of
work."— GUARDIAN.
JDon Juan ot .Persia, a Shi'ah Catholic (1560-1604).
Translated and edited from the Castilian with an Intro-
duction by Guy le Strange. 12/6 net.
** The record of an intrepid Persian nobleman who undertook a special
diplomatic mission to various Courts of Europe in the interests of his King.
The first Part describes his native country, the second deals with the wars
between the Persians and the Turks, and the third records his amazing voyage
from Isfahan in 1599 to Western Europe, which exploit makes a fine story,
We are grateful to the learned editor of this book of gallant adventure." —
NEW STATESMAN.
The Diary of Henry Teonge7 Chaplain on board
H.M.'s Ships Assistance^ Bristol^ and Royal Oak (1675-
1679). Edited with an Introduction and Notes by G.
E, Manwaring* With 8 plates, 12/6 net.
" Teonge was for two years a naval chaplain ; his realistic descriptions of
life in the old Navy are as illuminating as Smollett's, his cheerfulness and
gusto equal those of his 1 8th century brother-of-the-cloth, the Rev. Mr
Woodforde. This diary is history ; and more can be learnt from it of
actual life under Charles II than from many able academic books." — J. C.
SQUIRE, in OBSERVER. " It would be a fitting memorial if his book were
issued to add to the jollity of every wardroom in the Fleet."— TIMES
LITERARY SUPPLEMENT.
VOLUMES READY
jMemoirs of an Eighteenth-Century Footman:
the Life and Travels of John Macdonald (1845-1779).
Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, byJohnBeresford.
With 8 plates, 10/6 net. Second Impression.
" Exceedingly entertaining travels, instinct with life."— TIMES LITERARY
SUPPLEMENT. " Really a great lark and a model of genuine writing."—
ARNOLD BENNETT in EVENING STANDARD. " Deserves a high place among
autobiographies. I can recommend this book to all biographical connois-
seurs as a mirror of Macdonald's times and of the human soul" NATION.
" Simply packed with interest."— SUNDAY TIMES. " This Pepysian revela-
tion of a character that might have escaped from a novel of Fielding."
MORNING POST.
Nova Francia: a Description of Acadia, 1606. ~B>yMarc
Lescarbot, Translated by P. Erondelle, 1609. Edited,
with Introduction and Notes, by H. P. Biggar. With
2 maps, 12/6 net.
" Lescarbot was a born traveller, observant, inquisitive, and somewhat
garrulous. His account of the sea-voyages and of his experiences ashore
are thoroughly-entertaining. His work, in fact, constitutes a very complete
and vivid account of the new lands."— WESTMINSTER GAZE-TIE. " This
admirable edition reveals Lescarbot to be something of a lesser-known
Montaigne, and Erondelle a second Florio." — DAILY NEWS.
Travels in Tartary, TLiket, and Cliina (1844-6).
By E. R. Hue. Translated from the French by W. Hazlitt.
Introduction by Professor Paul Pelliot. With a Map.
Two volumes, 25/- net the set. >
Full of intimate details, this interesting book is the chief classic for life in
early nineteenth-century China. In 1844 the Pope instructed Fathers
Hue and Gabet to explore the new diocese of Mongolia, which was at the
time almost unknown to the Western world. In spite of the greatest
difficulties, they carried out their instructions in a spirit of high adventure.
Their account- of the two-years journey became instantly a classic of
Asiatic ezploration and a best-seller.
The Discovery anJ Conquest of Mexico, By Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, 1517-21. Edited by Genaro Garcia.
Abridged and translated with an Introduction and Notes
by Professor A. P. Maudslay. With 15 plates and
maps, 157- net.
Four^ eye-witnesses of the discovery and conquest of Mexico by the
Spaniards have left written records, but of these the present volume and
the letters of Cortes are by far the most important. Both Cortes and
Diaz were great soldiers and adventurers, Cortes the leader and Diaz the
follower. Diaz's book gives us a vivid impression of the daring plunge
of the Spaniards into the unknown, of the triumphant struggle of a mere
handful of men against a powerful and warlike race,
VOLUMES NEARLY READY
A JLaay s Travels into Spain. By Madame cPAulnoy,
1691. Edited from the -translation of 1692, with, an
Introduction and Notes, by R. Foulche-Delbosc. About
IS/- net.
Madame d'Aulnoy, the author of fairy-tales which are familiar in every
nursery, also wrote two books on Spain, both of which had a great vogue
in their day and were much used by historians after her, for they are full
of verve. Nevertheless this enterprising lady had never been to Spain
and the Travels are a pastiche, very ingeniously put together from other
people's writings. It has been left to M. Foulche-Delbosc to expose the
true origins of the Travels. His exposure will increase interest in a
book which remains one of the most diverting fakes in travel literature.
1 ravels in Persia, 1627-29, By Sir Thomas Herbert.
Edited with an Introduction by , Sir William Foster,
CJ.E. With 12 plates., about 12/6 net.
Herbert went to Persia in the train of the first English Ambassad9r, Sir
Dodmore Cotton. Proceeding by sea to India and thence to the Persian
Gulf, the mission duly reached the court of Shah Abbas, But soon after-
wards the ambassador died, and his party made their way back home.
Herbert gives a detailed narrative of his experiences and adds much about
the country and its inhabitants. His work went through four editions
in his lifetime, but has never been reprinted since.
Tlie True History of Hans Staoeii^ 1557. Edited
with an Introduction by Malcolm Letts. With numerous
reproductions of the original woodcuts, about 12/6 net.
Staden was a German gunner of the 1 6th century, who fell into the hands
of the savages and narrowly escaped being killed and eaten. His book,
which is now very scarce, contains one of the earliest accounts of the
cannibalistic and religious customs of the Tupi Indians of Eastern Brazil
and a detailed description of the fauna and flora of the country.
Xne Englisn Ajcnericaii : his Travailes by Sea and "by
' Land. By Thomas Gagey 1648, Abridged, and edited,
with an Introduction, by Professor A. P. Newton. \JNitk
8 plates, about 12/6 net.
This amusing account of travel in the Spanish dominions in America "by
one who had a most adventurous career as a missionary priest in Mexico
is filled with touches of acute observation and describes at first hand a
stage of American society so little known that it amply deserves its revival
This book by a well-known and educated Englishman excited widespread
interest on the occasion of its first publication, and had an important
share in reviving the anti-Spanish policy of Elizabeth.
VOLUMES IN PREPARATION
Selections Irom tlie Travels ol Ion Oattuta.
Translated from the Arabic and edited by H. A. R. Gibb.
Ibn Battiita, an outstanding figure in Arabic literature and the greatest
Moslem traveller of the Middle Ages, is a most amusing person. His
journeys, which ranged from Morodfco to China, have not hitherto been
accessible to English readers except for a short fragment translated by
Colonel Yule.
The Embassy of Clavijo* Edited by Guy le Strange.
Clavijo's account of his famous embassy to Timur in Samarquand. His
description of Timur and his family, and of court life, is curious and unique.
His account of Constantinople, where he stayed on his way from Spain,
is of the utmost importance.
JLetters ol Hernanoo v^ortes. Translated from the
Spanish, with an Introduction, by J. Bayard Morris.
The Conquest of Mexico by Cortes is one of the best known events in
history. This is the conqueror's own account, told in a simple and
straightforward fashion, and, with Diaz's account (see above) provides
almost every detail on which later accounts are based.
Bontekoe s E/ast -Indian V ojage. Translated from the
Dutch by Mrs. Bodde, with an Introduction by Professor
P. Geyl
Among the many excellent travel-stories which Dutch literature can
boast, none have achieved a greater popularity than that of Skipper
Wittern Ysbrantszoon Bontekoe. He made no discoveries. He was just
an ordinary merchant sailor. But he went through an amazing series of
disasters and misfortunes which he bore with patience and fortitude, and
which he narrated vividly and with a delightful absence of self-conscious-
ness. His book first appeared at Hoorn in 1646, but the adventures
related took place between 1619 and 1625.
V oyages of Francesco Carletti. (1594-1602).
Translated from the Italian with an Introduction by
Janet Ross.
Carletti was a Florentine merchant and one of the first to circumnavigate
the globe on a regular trading voyage. His account of his " long
pilgrimage," as he called it, is full of acute observation vividly reported.
The New-Founde World or Aiitarticke. By
Andre Thevet., 1568. Edited with an Introduction by
Charles Singer, M.D., DXitt.
It must be confessed that Thevet's contemporaries had a low opinion of
his veracity and a modern writer has declared that " though he posed as
an enlightened scientific traveller, he was in reality but a survivor of the
Mandeville school of medieval compilers." This book is nevertheless
interesting, as one of the earliest works on America, never before reprinted.
VOLUMES IN PREPARATION
Voyages and Travels of JVtancleLlo. Translated b7
Join Davies of Kidwelry, 1662. Revised edition with an
. Introduction by Professor H. Dodwell.
In 1663 Mandelslo, a native ot Mecklenburg, accompanied an embassy
sent by the Duke of Holstein to Persia. When the ambassadors left
Ispahan to return to Europe, he went to on India and afterwards to China
and Japan. He gives a lively account of the Moghal courts and of the
Dutch and English factories at Surat.
Literary Remains of TLomas and Antliony SLerley
Edited by Sir Denis on Ross.
Two o'f the three remarkable brothers who travelled in Persia and the
Near East in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Their adventures
are enthralling and their personalities highly romantic. Anthony's
narrative (1613) has never been reprinted, while Thomas's account of
Turkey has hitherto lain hidden in a unique MS. in the Lambeth Library.
Two Missions to tlie Great Klian : the Visits of the
Taoist Monk, Chang Chun, to Chingis Khan (1221-24)
and of the Franciscan Friar, William of Rubruck, to Mangu
Khan (1253-5). The former translated by G. C, Wheeler,
the latter by Samuel Purcbas. Introduction by Sir Denison
Ross and Eileen Power.
Chang Chun, a Taoist doctor and saint, travelled from his native Shantung
at the invitation of Chingis to the Khan's camp near the Hindu Kush
and left " some of the most faithful and vivid pictures ever drawn of nature
and society between the Aral and the Yellow Sea." William of Rubruck
came from the other direction, on an embassy from Louis IX, King of
France, to Mangu Khan at his court in Mongolia. He was one of the
first Europeans to make the land journey across Central Asia and his book
is one of the most delightful of all records of medieval travel and deserves
to be much better known that it is.
Up me Country. Letters written to her sisters from
the Upper Provinces of India, by the Hon. Emily Eden. ,
Emily Ederi belonged to a great Whig family and was well known as a
novelist in her own day. In 1837 she accompanied her brother Lord
Auckland when he went to India as Governor General, and her racy letters,
full of observation and humour, give an excellent picture of the Upper
Provinces.
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