GENEALOGY COLLECTION
THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON AND
NETHER WINCHENDON
Vol. III.
Vols. I. & II. 8vo. 2 is. net.
THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
AND NETHER WINCHENDON:
A FAMILY HISTORY.
By MRS. NAPIER HIGGINS.
LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London,
New York and Bombay.
THE BERNARDS OF
ABINGTON AND
NETHER WINCHENDON
A Family History
BY
MRS. NAPIER HIGGINS
Vol. III.
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1904
All rights reserved
11SI372
CONTENTS
OF
THE THIED VOLUME
CHAPTEE I
SCROPE BEENARD's OXFORD DAYS
PAGE
Scrope Bernard wins the Christ Church Prizes — William Wyndham
Grenville's admiration for Scrope Bernard — Scrope Bernard takes his
Degree — Eev. Timothy Shaw, Vicar of Bierton — George Shaw — An
Election Song — Letters from William Grenville to Scrope Bernard —
Scrope Bernard's English Prize Essay — Verses by William Grenville —
Scrope Bernard's visit to the North—The Aylesbury Eaces— George
Shaw's Career 1
CHAPTEB II
THE DISPERSED FAMILY
The Competitors for the Christ Church Prizes — Letters from William
Wyndham Grenville — Life at Wendover — Julia Smith nee Bernard —
Fanny Bernard and Julia's Wedded Happiness — A Remarkable Gar-
ment—The ' Courting Bower ' — Rev. Richard King — Mrs. Edmunds —
Fanny Bernard's Engagement to Mr. King — Thomas Bernard— His
MatrimonialEngagement with Margaret Adair — Their Marriage — Scrope
Bernard's First Love— Fanny Bernard's Determination— Her Marriage . 20
CHAPTEE III
SCROPE Bernard's introduction to political life
Scrope Bernard's Interest in Politics— His Project of taking up a Tutorship
— William Wyndham Grenville's offer of Assistance — Scrope Bernard
accepts a Tutorship — A Sudden Change in his Prospects— He gives up
his Medical Studies and becomes Private Secretary to Earl Temple in
Ireland— His First Visit to Ireland— The State of Parties in Ireland—
The Coalition Ministry — Earl Temple Resigns the Viceroyalty of
Ireland— Letter from Lady Roche— The Irish Volunteers— The Earl of
Hillsborough— Earl Temple's Viceroyalty 38
vi THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
CHAPTER IV
EXCURSIONS AND RETURN TO NETHER WINCHENDON
PAGE
Scrope Bernard's Komance— Crazes of the Time— Mrs. Siddons— Scrope
Bernard's Plans— The Hon. George Fulke Lyttelton— Scrope Bernard's
Visits to France — His Interest in Poor Law — Marriage of AmeUa
Bernard— Rumours of Scrope Bernard's Approaching Marriage— His
anxiety to become Possessor of Nether Winehendon — Mr. and Mrs.
King — Life in a Country Parish — Scrope Bernard becomes Lord of
Nether Winehendon Manor — He is Offered and Accepts the Secretary-
ship to a Commission of Inquiry into Public Offices . . . .57
CHAPTER V
BRIDAL VISITS TO LINCOLN AND NETHER WINCHENDON
The Morlands of Woolwich— Sir Samuel Morland— Scrope Bernard's
Engagement — Samuel Gillam — The Marquess of Buckingham's Testi-
mony to Scrope Bernard's Character — Scrope's Marriage with Harriet
Morland — They Visit Worcester and Lincoln — The ' Stuff and Colour
Ball '—They Visit Nether Winehendon— The State of the Manor
House— Friendship with the Lees of Hartwell— Scrope Bernard's Last
Appearance as a Public Speaker in Oxford — His Work as Secretary to
the Commission — Birth of his Eldest Son William — The Nether
Winehendon Estate — The Knollys Family — Portraits at Nether Win-
ehendon—Mrs. Beresford's Burial 77
CHAPTER VI
THE SECOND VICEROYALTY OP IRELAND
Scrope Bernard appointed Usher of the Black Eod and Private Secretary
to the Marquess of Buckingham — Death of his Son Thomas — His
intention to contest Aylesbury — His post of Private Secretary —
Debates in the House — William Grenville and the appointment of
Master of the Rolls in Ireland — Lord Nugent — Scrope Bernard's de-
parture for England — The Trial of Warren Hastings — Disagreement
between the Marquess of Buckingham and the King — The King's
illness — Thomas Grenville — Birth of Margaret Bernard — The Opposi-
tion to the Viceroy 101
CHAPTER VII
SCROPE Bernard's political career
Recovery of the King— Scrope Bernard's Election as Member for Aylesbury
— Friction between the Marquess of Buckingham and the King — The
Thanksgiving for the King's Recovery — Scrope Bernard appointed
Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department — The Marquess of
Buckingham resigns the Viceroyalty— Election Riots at Aylesbury —
CONTENTS OF THE THIED VOLUME vii
PAGE
Scrope Bernard's Degree of Doctor of Civil Law — British Slaves in
Algeria — The Family Name of the Duke of Wellington — Colonial
Questions of the Day — Ministerial Changes 121
CHAPTEE VIII
INCIDENTS OF A STORMY TIME
The French Eevolution — News from Paris — Birth of Thomas Tyi'ingham
Bernard — The Manors of Great and Little Kimble — Trespasses of
Villagers — Purchases of Land by Scrope Bernard — Chequers — Emigra-
tion from France — The Descoeiilles — War with France — Petitions for
Peace — Death of the Second Viscount Barrington — Birth of Richard
Scrope Bernard and Mary Ann Bernard — Scrope Bernard re-elected for
Aylesbury — He becomes a Partner in Ransom and Morland's Bank . 143
CHAPTEE IX
SIR JOHN BERNARD
Sir John Bernard's Prospects — The First Massachusetts Act of Confisca-
tion— Proscriptions in New York — Poverty of Sir John Bernard — The
American Loyalists — Ministerial Changes — Sir John Bernard's Claims
upon the Government — Sabine's unsympathetic Account of Sir John's
Life — Contrast between his Situation and that of Thomas and Scrope
Bernard — Sir John's Return to England — The alleged Restoration to
him of Mount Desert Island — Efforts of the Family to dissuade him from
Returning to America — His Visit to France — He is appointed to an Office
in Barbados — He receives tardy Compensation for Losses in America—
His Life in Dominica — His Death 160
CHAPTEE X
THE AMERICAN LOYALISTS
Distressing Cases of Insanity — Richard King — The Fate of General Lyman
and his Family — Fate of Colonel Robinson and his Family — Atrocities
in the Northern Provinces— Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy — The
Retaliation exercised by Loyalists — The Share of John Adams in the
Policy against the Loyalists — Treatment of the Exiles in England — Dr.
Peter Oliver — Parson Peters — Captain Fenton — Peter Van Shaack —
Action of the Commissioners in England — Timothy Ruggles — Jonathan
Sewall — Daniel Leonard — Samuel Quincy — John Adams, Ambassador
of the United States — John Hancock — Samuel Adams .... 179
CHAPTEE XI
THOMAS BERNARD, TREASURER OF THE FOUNDLING HOSPITAL
Cordial Relations between Thomas and Scrope Bernard — Retiring Disposi-
tion of Thomas and Margaret Bernard — Their Circle of Friends — ' The
VOL. III. a
viii THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
r.Kc.r.
Clapham Sect '—Thomas Bernard Purchases a House at Tver — Serjeant
Adair — Thomas Bernard Eetires from Practice at the Bar — His Disposi-
tion towards Philanthropic Efforts — Neglect of Officers charged with
the care of the Poor — Addison's Denunciation of the Prevalence of
Infanticide — The Founding of the Foundling Hospital — Infant Mortality
in the Hospital— The Trade in Carrying Children— Indiscriminate
Admission to the Hospital stopped — Suppression of the Branch
Establishments — Jonas Hanway promotes an Inquiry into the Con-
dition of Children in the Workhouses — Thomas Bernard's Connection
with the Hospital— He Supports the Suggested Admission of Exposed
and Necessitous Children of Soldiers and Sailors — He is elected
Treasurer — His Administration of the Hospital — The Mothers of the
Foundlings 204
CHAPTEE XII
THE SOCIETY FOE BETTERING THE CONDITION OF THE POOR
Count Kumford's Grates — The Establishment of a Rumford Eating-house
on the Foundling Estate — Thomas Bernard's Projects — The General
Object of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor — Thomas
Bernard Requested to Arrange the Publication of Extracts from the
Communications Received — The First General Conamittee of the
Society — The Reports of the Society — Thomas Bernard's Views as to
the Wants of Agricultural Labourers — The Parish Windmill on Barham
Downs — Thomas Bernard is Instrumental in Forming a School for the
Indigent Blind in London — Houses of Recovery for Fever Patients —
Lord Winchelsea's Experiments with Small Holdings .... 227
CHAPTEE XIII
THE society's WORK IN BUCKINGHAMSHIRE
Thomas Bernard's House at Iver — Papers Contributed to the Society's
Reports by Members of His Family — His Interest in the Working of
the Poor Laws — His First Contribution to the Society's Reports — His
Decided Opinion in Favour of Boarding-out Workhouse Children — The
Village Soup Shop at Iver— The Provision of Fuel for the Poor of
Lower Winchendon — Resistance to the Introduction of Proper Chimneys
into Cottages— The Society at Wendover for Encouraging Prudence
and Industry — The Progress of Vaccination for Small-pox— Mrs. Parker
Sedding's Interest in the Poor in the Workhouse— Her Work as an
Overseer 246
CHAPTEE XIV
LONDON CHARITIES AND THE ROYAL INSTITUTION
Institutions for the Blind— The Asylum for the Blind at Liverpool— The
School for the Indigent Blind — Houses of Recovery for Fever
Patients— Prevalence of Malignant Fever in London— Opening of a
CONTENTS OF THE THIED VOLUME ix
VAGK
House of Becovery in Gray's Inn Lane — Erection of the Cancer
Institution — Count Eumford's Career — The Acquaintanceship between
Thomas Bernard and Count Kumford— Their Plan for Founding the
Royal Institution — The Committee appointed to consider the Plan —
The Objects of the Institution — Its Constitution — Count liumford's
and Thomas Bernard's Scheme with regard to Bridewell— Thomas
Bernard's Interest in the Casual Mendicant Poor — ' Martin's Act ' . 264
CHAPTEE XV
PAROCHIAL WORK AND HOLIDAY EXCURSIONS
Fanny King's Interest in the Children of her Parish— The Establishment
of Sunday Schools by Eobert Raikes — Membership of the S. P. C. K. —
Mrs. Trimmer's Work — Mrs. King's Parochial Lending Libraries— Her
Love of Nursing— Mr. King a Candidate for the Wardenship of New
College— Mrs. King's Letters— A Visit to Alveston— Mrs. King's
Acquaintance with Hannah More— Hannah More and the People of
Cheddar— Report of Thomas and Margaret Bernard on the Mendip
Schools— Attack of Mr. Bere upon Hannah and Martha More— A
Charitable Effort in Bath — Thomas Bernard sells his House at Iver . 287
CHAPTEE XVI
THE FREE CHAPEL IN ST. GILES's
Mr. Daubeny's Chapel at Bath— The First Mention of "West Street Chapel,
St. Giles's— It becomes John Wesley's West End Mission Station—
The Chapel in Thomas Bernard's hands— The Galleries of the Chapel
let to Tradesmen in Order to Defray Expenses — Thomas Bernard's
Account of the Progress of the Chapel — The Religious Destitution of
the Day — Neglect by the Church of the Poor — Thomas Bernard's
Scheme for the Establishment of Free Chapels for the Poor — Proposed
Free Chapel in Douglas, Isle of Man— Offshoots from the West Street
Chapel — Public-houses Patronised by Beggars in St. Giles's — The
Weakness of English Schemes of Improvement — West Street Chapel
passes out of the hands of Thomas Bernard's Trustees — The Later
History of the Chapel— The Rev. R. W. Dibdin 307
CHAPTEE XVII
CHIMNEY SWEEPERS' APPRENTICES
The Origin of Climbing Chimneys — The Sale of a Child to a Master
Sweep — Appeal in the ' Gentleman's Magazine ' on Behalf of Climbing
Boys — The Interest taken by Jonas Hanway and Thomas Bernard
in Climbing Boys — The Neediness of Master Sweepers — The Act of
1788 — Thomas Bernard's Efforts to Abolish the System of Employing
Boys — David Porter's Scheme on Behalf of Climbing Boys — Thomas
Bernard Promotes a Movement for the Invention of a Sweeping
Machine — Meeting at the Mansion House on Behalf of Climbing Boys —
THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
PAGE
Some of the Horrors of Chimney Sweeping — Sydney Smith's Article on
the Subject in the ' Edinburgh Review '- -Acts of Parliament dealing
with the Subject— Final Triumph of the Earl of Shaftesbury — The Act
of 1875 326
CHAPTEE XVIII
CHILDREN IN COTTON MILLS
Invention of the Fly-shuttle and the ' Spinning Jenny ' — The Inventions
of Richard Arkwright and Samuel Crompton, and Dr. Cartwright and
Robert Millar— The Creation of a Demand for Child Labour— The Use
of Parish Apprentices — Edwin Hodder's description of the Employment
of Children in Mills — Pubhc Protest against the Employment of
Children — Thomas Bernard attacks the System— David Dale's Mills —
Thomas Bernard's Strictures upon the System in Force— Regulations
suggested by him — Strength of the Mill-owning Interest — Sir Robert
Peel introduces a Bill for the Amelioration of the Children's Condition
—The Opposition to the Bill— The Second Bill 346
THE BEENAEDS
OF
ABINGTON AND NETHER WINCHENDON
CHAPTEE I
SCEOPE BEENAED'S OXFOED DAYS
Serope Bernard wins the Christ Church Prizes — William Wyndham Grenville's
admiration for Serope Bernard— Serope Bernard takes his Degree — Key
Timothy Shaw, Viear of Bierton — George Shaw — An Election Song —
Letters from William Grenville to Serope Bernard — Serope Bernard's
English Prize Essay — Verses by William Grenville — Serope Bernard's visit
to the North — The Aylesbury Eaees — George Shaw's Career.
The grave had scarcely closed over the earthly remains
of Sir Francis Bernard, in June, 1779, when his children
became aware that, through the confiscation of his American
estates by the Eevolutionary Government, their lot was
cast in comparative poverty. This news had probably
reached England, and appeared in the public journals, before
Sir John Bernard arrived to confirm it.^ In consequence
of his father's death he visited Aylesbury during the
ensuing autumn. As the war with America still continued,
there remained a chance that the Acts of Confiscation might
be revoked or annulled ; but it was a slender chance, since
the Americans had been reinforced by French troops, and
' It appears, from a message in a letter, that Sir John Bernard was in
England at this time, and made some stay. I have not ascertained the precise
date of the New York Confiscation Act, but it may not have affected the family
so severely as the Massachusetts Act, since Sir F. Bernard had not apparently
begun to ' settle ' his 30,000 acres in New York Province.
VOL. III. B
2 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
fortune was turning against the mother country, to the
amazement and consternation of her people.
It must have been almost immediately after the decease
of his father that Scrope Bernard discovered himself to be
the winner of the Christ Church prizes, as they are
designated in a private letter. Of the composition, whether
in prose or verse, which obtained this reward, I have no
account beyond the statements of William Wyndham
Grenville, already mentioned as the third son of the Prime
Minister. His mother was Elizabeth, daughter of another
statesman, Sir William Wyndham, and of Catherine, sister
of the seventh Duke of Somerset.^ Possibly some feeling
of compunction, for the trouble which his father's Stamp
Act had brought upon the Bernard family, first induced
young Grenville to cultivate Scrope's acquaintance during
their residence at Christ Church ; but, whatever may have
been the originating cause of his regard, it is evident from
Grenville's gushing epistles, that he soon became enthusiastic
in his admiration of the Governor's son.
Mr. Grenville writes ^ concerning the prizes : ' ' Dear
Bernard, you may judge by your own feelings of the real
and excessive satisfaction which I have in sending you
the enclosed list ; it was given out last night.' Scrope
headed a list of four candidates. ' Jackson ' — afterwards
Dean — ' says that yours was incomparably the best ; there
being no doubt at all of the decision. Eandolph desires
me to tell you that, if it may be done with propriety, he
wishes you to be here on Monday, as Wednesday next is
fixed for the recital.' The expression ' with propriety,'
contains, I imagine, an allusion to Sir Francis Bernard's
recent death, and thus serves as a clue to the date, which is
not given in the hastily penned note. This epistle is
endorsed, by Scrope, * sent express.'
On September 7, in the same year 1779, about three
' See Debrett's Peerag^e, 17th Edition, ' Duke of Somerset,' and 'Earl of
Egremont,' Also preface to The Grenville Papers, vol. i.
^ This and other extracts in this chapter are from MS. Letters at Nether
Winchendon, written by W. W. Grenville to Scrope Bernard.
TIMOTHY SHAW 3
months subsequent to the family bereavement, Juha Bernard
married the Eev. Joseph Smith, and went to reside at
Wendover. The home at Aylesbury appears to have been
then broken up. Fanny Bernard had been promised a
welcome by Julia, and joined her some little while after
the marriage. Emily, or Amelia, had evidently arranged
to live with her sister Jane White at Lincoln, Sir John
Bernard probably spent his time in visiting friends and
relations and in urging his claims on the British Govern-
ment, until he returned to America in the following spring
or summer ; there he will be found once more battling
against adverse fate. Thomas continued his legal studies
in London, and Scrope remained at Oxford studying
medicine.
The first Earl Temple died on September 11, 1779, from
the effects of a carriage accident ; ^ and his nephew George,
the eldest brother of William Wyndham Grenville, succeeded
to the title.
Scrope Bernard took his B.A. degree in 1780,^ and
apparently spent the long vacation in his old neighbourhood,
at the vicarage of Bierton, a parish adjoining Aylesbury.
The vicar was a man of some note, whose biography has
been condensed by the county historian ^ as follows :
Timothy Shaw, A.B. inst. 1752. He was of St. John's College,
Camb., A.B. 1740, A.M. 1763; kept a very reputable school in
the village during many years, and was highly esteemed by his
pupils. He was inst., August 30, 1763, to the Vicarage of St.
Michael, St. Albans, but resigned in 1777. He was indefatigable
in the discharge of his clerical functions, and of so friendly and
accommodating a temper, that, though he constantly officiated in
his parish church and its members Stoke Mandeville and Buck-
land, he very frequently extended his assistance to the neighbouring
clergy of less activity, and among his famihar acquaintances
obtained the title of ' The Angel of the Seven Churches ' from
having at one time no less than that number to provide for
' Debrett and Burke Peerages, ' Buckingham, Duke of,' until 1889. See
also ' Baroness Kinloss,' and ' Earl Temple,' in more recent editions.
^ Oxford University Calendar.
^ Lipscomb, History of Buckinghamshire, vol. ii., ' Bierton.'
4 THE BERNARDS OP ABINGTON
simultaneously. He died in 1786, having been long infirm, and for
some time was assisted in the performance of his clerical duties
by his younger son.
This younger son, George, eventually attained a more
widely spread reputation than his father, by whom he had
been early initiated into various branches of natural history ;
he first studied medicine, but was afterwards admitted to
deacon's orders, and acted as his father's curate in Bierton
and the adjacent parishes for about ten years, during which
period Scrope, who had probably been well acquainted with
this cultivated family in the lifetime of Sir Francis Bernard,
became an inmate of the parsonage. Soon after his return
to Oxford, in November, 1780, George Shaw wrote ^ :
It is with great pleasure that I hear of your being so agreeably
and usefully engaged in the attendance of Dr. P.'s Clinical Lectures,
which I am certain must be of the greatest possible advantage
to you, especially if you continue regular and constant in your
attendance on the Hospital, and take proper notes from the
Lectures ; at the same time 1 cannot help observing that unless
the celerity of your pen be equal to that of Dr. P.'s tongue your
extracts will not be very considerable ; at all events, however,
I shall be happy to read them, and shall therefore depend upon
your promise of bringing them with you when you mean to return
to Bierton, and above all I beg you will remember to take the
history and progress of any uncommon or curious case.
I shall be glad to hear in your next letter who the pupils are
that constitute the clinical ; I think if I was at Oxford for any
length of time I should be strongly tempted to make one of the
party ; I suppose you do not take the range of a great part of the
Hospital, but only select a certain number of cases for the clinical
pupils ; at least that used to be the custom at Edinburgh, and
I think it greatly preferable to the confused practice of a large
London Hospital, where the multiplicity of business and variety
of cases rather tend to puzzle than inform the student. I re-
member when 1 was at St. Bartholomew's Hospital 1 used to
neglect the generality of cases, and confine myself to a very few,
which 1 used to observe and attend in my own way, exclusive of
seeing them in company with the physicians.
For some time past my time has been engaged in writing over
several old lectures of a miscellaneous nature, on a variety of
' MS. Letter at Nether Winehendon.
AN ELECTION SONG 6
subjects, and which had lain by so long, quite neglected, that
some appeared in such a state of inextricable confusion as to
oblige me to burn them to prevent further trouble. When we
have the pleasure of seeing you again at Bierton you shall see
them, and copy any that may happen to please you. Amongst
them are several clinical cases from Edinburgh, &c.
This letter contains some further information, which
may relate to an old acquaintance of Sir Francis Bernard.
The Queen's Eegiment under Colonel Dalrymple is quartered
at Aylesbury, and Sir "William Lee has made the officers an offer
of Sir F. B.'s house, which is accordingly inhabited by the
gentlemen of the military.
Sundry letters were exchanged between Scrope Bernard
and William Grenville in the course of this year. I possess
only the Grenville side of the correspondence, except in one
instance, when Scrope left a rough draft among his papers
which shows his growing interest in politics ; it contains
some crude but spirited verses entitled, ' Smith's the Man,'
to the tune of the ' Dusky Night,' and was written during his
stay at Mr. Shaw's house, with this explanation :
As I was leaving Aylesbury about one o'clock to return to
Bierton, I happened to hear an election song, in favour of the
other party, when it struck me that I might have been useful in
that province myself. In my walk I composed the underwritten,
which on reaching home I put to paper, and returned with it to
Aylesbury, but found matters too far gone, and the poll almost
concluded, which I had been told would not have been done till
the next day. Perhaps this was a lucky circumstance, for I doubt
whether it would have done most injury or service to the cause.
Of this effusion three stanzas may suffice :
The rest your favour wish to buy.
But this is all their plan—
To sell themselves full twice as high ;
But Smith must be your Man.
They bow and cringe for place and gains,
Get pensions if they can ;
But Smith such sordid arts disdains
Then Smith must be your Man.
6 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
'Gainst courtiers he your trade defends,
Protects each artisan,
Your lace and lacemakers befriends,
Then Smith must be your Man.
You will observe [continues Scrope in his letter to William
Grenville] that Smith proposed himself as a Minority Man, in
opposition to the noted principles of the others — hence all the
abuse of courtiers, &c. You will at least allow that it was
calculated for the meanest capacities, among such it was to be
disseminated.
After some further allusion to the election, followed by
a paragraph in Greek, the writer ends by requiring his
friend to burn his letter.^ But he kept the original draft.
I find no clue in the local histories to the candidature of
Mr. Smith, although two gentlemen of that name were
returned for Wendover ; the members elected to represent
Aylesbury were Anthony Bacon and Thomas Orde ; those
for the shire, Kalph, Earl Verney, and Thomas Grenville.
It was the polling for the borough that Scrope had witnessed.^
He writes in the same letter : ' At the late election for
Aylesbury, with the warmest wishes for Smith, I could
go no farther than talk with my late Taylor and such persons
as had been our Servants, upon the subject.' And : ' The
County Election I hear is fixed for this day se'night.'
Scrope Bernard seems to have been capable of more
elaborate efforts, if any reliance is to be placed on the
following utterances of William Grenville, of which the
meaning from the first was so slightly veiled as to be quite
evident. He dates from Tunbridge Wells, October 12,
1780:
My dear Bernard, — I write these few lines in haste to beg that
you will tell me seriously whether you know anything of a copy
of verses which came to me by the post to-night. They are
addressed to me on the occasion of my coming of age, and are
' Possibly the letter may have been much altered, if it was sent at all,
after the enthusiasm of the moment went off.
^ Lipscomb, History of Bucks, vol. i. ; ' General History,' vol. ii. ; ' Aylesbury
with Walton,' Gibbs (Eobert) ; History of Aylesbury, chapter xxv. ; ' Parlia-
mentary History ' (resumed).
A COPY OF VEESES 7
such as I did not imagine any person now living, much more in
the confined circle of my acquaintance, was equal to. I should
be inclined to speak more largely still in my admiration of them
if they were not so flattering to myself as to prevent me from
commending them without the imputation of vanity.
I apply to you, because I remember, in one of the letters
I received from you the other day, your enquiring about the day
on which I shall be of age. I have no time now for a longer
letter, but am so impatient that I would not delay a moment
writing to you. I beg that you will answer me as soon as
possible, and let me know whether you can satisfy my curiosity
on a subject respecting which I am very desirous to be informed.
Believe me
Ever most afftely yours
W. W. Geenville.
There is a postscript—' Direct to me at my brother's in
Pall Mall, but do not enclose your letter to him.' Grenville
wrote again, a little later, on other topics ; and that letter will
be presently quoted at length. It contains one allusion to the
birthday greeting : ' You have probably by this time received
the note I wrote the other day about the verses. Pray tell
me if you know anything about them, for I am on the rack
of curiosity.' Scrope's answer I do not possess, but the
following letter from William Grenville refers to its contents,
and is dated November 7.
My dear Bernard, — You will doubtless think it very strange
that after the confession, if I may call it such in a matter of such
infinite honour to yourself, contained in yr last letter, you should
have heard nothing from me for so long. All I can say in excuse
is that I have been following most exactly the dictates of a certain
inspired Bard, who has counselled me to persevere in my under-
taking.
' Tho' Dissipation's frantic sons deride,' &c.
' Tho' gaudy fashion,' &c,, &c., which stanza, you will observe,
I think one of the best, if not the best, in the whole. If it were
not that the matter contained in the last is such as I cannot
praise with any face at all, I should be inclined to give that the
preference.
I do not know whether you will think it any compliment to
you when I tell you how much the verses alluded to exceed the
8 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
opinion I had of your poetical abilities ; but to myself it is one,
and of the most flattering nature ; since you must allow me to be
vain enough to imagine that the enthusiasm of the Muse was
a little assisted by that of very warm and sincere friendship, such
as I have always experienced from you, and such as it shall
always be the pride of my life to cultivate.
After this complimentary exordium, Grenville continues :
You must permit me now to play the critic a little, at the same
time assuring you that, except what I am going to mention, there
is not a word that I could wish otherwise than it is.
Then follows a good page of severe analysis, after v^^hich the
writer adds :
But something I will say, as hoping that it will be more
agreeable to you than the greatest encomiums I could bestow
on the verses. What I mean is this, that they came to me at one
of the most discouraging moments that I have yet encountered,
or hope to encounter, and were, as well as continue to be, of very
great use and real service in raising my spirits, and pointing them
to their true end. This is a very uncommon effect of modern
poetry, which consists chiefly in the 7iiig(B canora ; while your
poem would, if it were divested of all its fine imagery and strong
expression, make as good a serious discourse to a man in my
situation as could be addressed to him. The difficulties you state
are the very difficulties I feel, at least many of them, and the
answers you make to them are the real and true answers, and
those which suggest themselves in my most confident moments.
It is unfortunate, considering the encomiums lavished by
Mr. Grenville on this poem, that no copy should have been
preserved in the composer's family ; but I have not found
any copy or even memorandum amongst the papers at
Nether Winchendon.
Two other letters, belonging to this correspondence, and
dated October ' of 1780, are here noticed together, because
they refer to a special subject, distinct from the birthday
poem. From these two epistles it is evident that William
Grenville was prepared to see his friend a physician, in full
' The figures in the dates of these letters are not very clear. I believe them,
however, to be October 3 and 15, as stated below.
THE CHOICE OF A PEOFESSION 9
confidence that he would prove a distinguished member of
the profession ; but that he had a decided objection to his
becoming more closely attached to the University.
As for your sub-librarianship, I must still say that if it prevents
your attending either Parsons, or whatever else might be of use
to you in your studies, you can never answer it to yourself
hereafter — considering especially that from the circumstance of
Parson's being of so much longer standing than yourself, it is
your business to push yourself in point of time as much as possible.
I am dreadfully afraid of your involving in some speech or other
which will be only a fresh interruption without any one advantage.
Everything that can be done in point of character at Ch. Ch.
I consider as already done. Would not some medical prize (for
I believe there are such things) at Edinburgh be a much more
rational object of pursuit ? As for the point of income, I will not
hear of it. Without being impertinent, or going into particulars
which do not belong to me, that cannot be an object to any man
whatever who has a profession to pursue. You should consider
that you are not obliged to any expence which is in any degree
inconvenient to you.
I have said perhaps too much on this subject, but you will,
I know, attribute it to its true cause. There is still another
objection behind, which is the continuance of a college life to
a man bound to go out into the world bye-and-bye, and who
already wants something of the manners of the world, a deficiency
which will grow upon you more and more every day. I wish you
to think these things over and over.
' Nocturne versare animo, versare diurno.'
See how others have succeeded in your line. The practice of
such men is the best lesson for you. Without being able to speak
from any previous knowledge, I am confident you will find it
militate against your present ideas. Unless you are as fixed as
fate, pray let me hear from you soon, with your answer to all
these objections. Nevertheless wherever you are, and whatever
you are, either Censor at Ch. Ch. or King's Physician, believe me
ever
Most afftely yours
W. W. G.
Tunbridge Wells,
Oct. 3rd 1780.
P.S. — See how even Eandolph was able to reconcile a college
life with your pursuits, and then ask yourself whether you expect
10 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
to succeed better. As for the command of books, I am sure that
except in critical pursuits, which you have no business with, they
rather distract than assist you — too great a number of them
I mean— such as you will find the Library will afford you.
Direct to me still at my Brother's, Pall Mall, but do not
enclose your letters to him.
Then came the already discussed verses, and the enthu-
siastic epistle w^hich has been quoted. Scrope, however,
still maintained his own views against his confident juvenile
mentor. And so it was that William Grenville wrote, on
October 15 :
My dear Bernard, — I sit down to confess the weight of your
arguments. If it be really true that the advantages of Oxford are
equal or nearly so to those of other places, it certainly is an object
to you to keep up your connections and your name there. Your
arrangement with Pell is in one point of view very satisfactory,
but not in all equally so ; for if it is to keep you, as it did Sawkins
at Oxford, in vacation time, it will hardly do you less harm than
if it was to stop you from attending Lectures. Indeed it would
fall under that objection precisely — it would debar you from the
most useful of all lectures — lectures in worldly manners — lectures
which, to the shame of Oxford, are not to be got there, but just
their reverse — lectures which, say what you will, we both stand
in need of, and you from character perhaps less, but certainly now
from situation more than myself — lectures in short which I am
studying to very little purpose. What a happy man you are
to love dancing ! Eemember that I by no means admit all that
you say, hardly indeed any part of it, about your own disposition
for bustling and putting yourself forward. Fortunately you have
a noble ambition — the most so of any — the ambition of distin-
guishing yourself by honest means. That will I hope supply the
place of a more active turn, but be not too confident. Pray tell
me whether you look so far forward as to next summer, and what
is to become of you then ? I have a reason for asking.
With regard to the profession itself, I think you undervalue
its consequence — the consequence which it gives, I mean — for,
as to the study, I perfectly agree with you that Hippocrates,
Chrysostom, and Lord Coke are indifferent (do not let Sawkins
see that !) I know but of one which gives more of the Hie illc
Wardus, &c., than Physick, and by that you may guess I mean
Law. As to your E — s, your L — s, &c., &c., peace be to all such
COEEESPONDENCE WITH W. W. GEENVILLE 11
— such peace I mean as can be enjoyed by people who have
neither opinions nor characters of their own, but are obliged to
borrow them from the reflection of some red-heeled luminary
or other. God forbid that any one whom I value but half as much
as I do you, should engage in the most toilsome of all drudgery,
and I think the most unprofitable, since its means and its end are
both that greatest curse in Nature — Dependence.
I laugh at your Eudiometer, it is true, but at the same time
I rejoice in it. What the had you to do with Gas ? I do not
see how, when the particular view which had to do with that was
at an end, it was at all better than mosses and toadstools.
And now I think I have pretty well answered your letter.
The print was left there for your approbation, and if it met with
that, for your acceptance.
There is no description to indicate the subject of the
print ; but the passage about the verses, already quoted,
follows. There is also an allusion at the close of this letter
to the possibility of Scrope entering the Militia. William
Grenville w&s averse from the idea of his friend joining that
corps, apparently because he thought it v^ould tend to divide
his energies. The step, however, had probably been sug-
gested by Lord Temple, or those around him, for it was the
Bucks Militia which Scrope eventually joined, perhaps some
time later. At this period the correspondence betv^een the
two young men was briskly carried on ; Scrope w-rote
speedily, perhaps more than once, in response to Grenville's
desponding remarks, warning him against indulgence in
the feelings which had prompted them. The next letter in
my collection is dated, ' Pall Mall, November 30, 1780.'
My dear Bernard, — You seem to have taken in too strong
a sense what I said about the difficulties I find in attaining what
I am so very sensible that I want ; or perhaps (for I really forget)
my letter might have been written as you suppose in an unlucky
moment. But you certainly misunderstood the cause, or rather
the object, of my despair, be that more or less according as the
wind is in the East or the West ; you wonder that I should
suppose myself incapable of acquiring what is already attained by
so many men for whom, as you justly suppose, I must have so
perfect a contempt ; and you state that by using the proper means
nothing is more easy — why then should I despair ? You give me
12 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
here, I see, credit for a modesty and diffidence of myself which
I have. I have treasured up in my mind a saying of Lord
Cobham's M^hich was repeated to me frequently by my Uncle,^
after having been confirmed to him, as he said, by all his ex-
perience. This was that there is nothing within the compass of
a reasonable man's wish which he may not be sure of attaining,
if he will use the proper means. If, then, I hold nothing to be
impossible to me which I in my sober senses desire, how much
less must I imagine those things to be which the most con-
temptible of mankind possess ? But it is the road to them of
which I despair, I have no doubt if I could bring myself to
attend Mr. Hart's school, where grown gentlemen are taught to
dance, that I should acquit myself as well as any Alderman of
them all. But you are too good a logician not to know that the
premises being taken away, the conclusion follows it [sic]. And
certainly if I set out on the Oxford road, that will not carry me
to Scotland ; that is to say, that the being a student at Ch. Ch. for
four years and then moving to Lincoln's Inn, or at least living in
Pall Mall as if I was at L. Inn, is not the ready way to carry off
a rich heiress. And so much for that, observing only — that
I think myself already improved, notwithstanding that I can
reproach myself with no neglect of my Blackstone, but on the
contrary can affirm with truth, that at no time, hardly even when
in the furor of prize-writing did I employ myself better, I mean
in point of application, or even so well, in the quiet shades of
Oxford, than now during my first month's residence in London.
The next paragraph apparently refers to some assistance
which Scrope gave to Lord Wellesley, eldest son of the
Earl of Mornington, in translating the ' Odyssey,' he being
senior by nearly two years to the young lord.
You may perhaps expect that I should attack you on what
Wellesley had told me about Homer's ' Odyssey ' ; but on the
contrary I approve very much — in great measure on your account,
and infinitely more on his. It was the greatest act of friendship
you could show him, and I think you will find your account
in it.
Perhaps you will not think the following lines equally ex-
' The uncle must have been the Earl Temple recently deceased ; and the
'Lord Cobham,' Kichard Temple, Viscount and Baron Cobham (died 1749),
whose sister Hester, created Countess Temple, was wife of Richard Grenville
of Wotton, mother of the first Earl Temple and grandmother of the second,
and of William Wyndbam Grenville. See Debrett's and Burke's Peerages.
THE ENGLISH PEIZE ESSAY 13
cusable, since I could derive no benefit from making them, and
I am afraid they only show how soon disuse swallows up whatever
little one has had that way, &c., &c.
Then follow some Latin verses about Medea. Further
on Mr. Grenville adds : ' I am glad to hear from yourself
and from Wellesley, to what good account your time is
turned in Oxford.'
There is a postscript to this letter, which refers to
Thomas Bernard :
I saw your Brother in the Court of King's Bench the other
day, taking the oaths (without his wig) on being called to the
Bar.
Then Mr. Grenville returns to the old topics :
Do you come to town at all at Xmas ? and when, for I would
contrive to be here. ' 'Gainst the soft magic ' has a peculiar
beauty from being connected with ' Victor unto bondage charmed '
in the next line.
In the following year, 1781, Scrope Bernard was the
fortunate writer of the English Prize Essay. A rush of
congratulatory epistles from friends and relatives proclaimed
their satisfaction, in some cases approaching to delight, at
his triumph. There is scarcely one of these letters more
jubilant than the following effusion from William Grenville
dated ' Lincoln's Inn, June 18.'
My dear Bernard, — I am sure you do not expect a formal
congratulation from me, but judge from your own feelings what
mine are on the occasion. I heartily wish it was in my power
to come down on Saturday, but it is absolutely necessary in order
to keep the term that I should be one day in Hall next week.
That day shall be Sunday, and unless anything should intervene
(which is just possible) you may expect me on Monday time
enough for the ceremony. At all events nothing but an immediate
offer of the Seals should make me miss Wednesday. Can you get
me any rooms for that week ? I am afraid not. If so, you must
engage lodgings for me at Brown's or anywhere that you can get
them.
I am overjoyed, but not surprised, so Adieu.
Ever most afftely yours
W. W. G.
14 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Thomas Bernard wrote kindly and calmly as ever, though
his letter was evidently penned in haste.
My dear brother, — Accept my congratulations. I did not
venture to say how much I set my heart on your success, as in
possibility it might add to a disappointment. It is exactly what
your friends would wish for you. Mr. Jackson wished me joy on
your success just before I came to my chambers and found your
letter.
I have every reason to expect that I shall be able to be with
you on Wednesday. I certainly will come if I can. May I re-
commend you to try (and to be sure of) the tone of voice which
you can command, which will best suit the Theatre ; it is the fault
of all young speakers ; a jury of your friends who have ears would
enable you to decide upon it with precision.
The other subject I reserve till I see Oxford.
Yours ever with the warmest wishes,
Tho. Bernaed.
19 June, 1781.
Mr. Harwood, who has just come in, desires to add his con-
gratulations.
How this Commemoration passed off and especially how
Scrope acquitted himself in the Theatre, I have not been
able to discover. A printed notice of his life in the * Annual
Biography and Obituary of 1831 ' ^ gives the name of his
essay ' The Origin and Use of Fable.' This is probably
correct, although the notice contains some mistakes on
other points. But it is curious that Scrope's sister Julia,
writing to one of his sons after his death, on the subject of
the proposed obituary notice, entitled his essay ' Antiquity,'
and states that Dr. Hall, afterwards Dean of Christ Church,
recited the Latin Prize Poem on the same occasion. No
copy of Scrope's Essay is now to be found amongst the
family papers.
When the excitement was well over, Scrope Bernard
evidently sent a copy of his treatise to Dr. Drury, who must
have been his tutor or master at Harrow ; perhaps at the
doctor's request. The reply is extant.
' ' Annual Biography and Obituary, 1831 : A General Biographical List of
Persons who have died in 1829-30.'
VEESES BY W. W. GRENVILLB 15
My dear Friend, — I thank you for your excellent Essay, which
I- have already perused twice with infinite Pleasure. It is a close,
compact, and elegant Peace [sic] of Eeasoning, and without pro-
truding any amhitiosa ornamenta on the reader, it engages his
attention, satisfies his enquiries, and commands his approbation.
That you may continue to enrich your mind with various know-
ledge, and ever meet with Honors suitable to your Deserts is the
sincere wish of your
Affectionate Friend
J. Druky.
Harrow, Sept. 25th, 1781.
Scrope Bernard's success inspired William Grenville with
some grandiloquent Long Vacation verses, written while he
was staying with other friends in Cornwall, near the Land's
End. They are headed :
Bernarde salve, maxime Physice !
Bernarde salve ! Te Boerhavius
Hippocratesque Galenusque
Suspicient Dominumque dicent.
Then follows a Greek introduction, after which the poet
bursts into English verse which he terms Pindaric,
Bernard, whom rebel Jersey bore
There, where the hostile shore
O'er the vast Atlantic frowns,
Where Indians howl away the night
And Yankees tremble while they fight
To shake Imperial George's crowns ;
Nursed in the lap of Power
And in a luckless horn-
Doomed to cross the foaming main,
Thee Medycina gave
To be the ever-scowling Jackson's slave
O'er Logic's gulf to yawn in vain.
And so on. Scrope's appearance on the occasion of taking
his B.A. degree is noted with :
Bare was thy hallowed head
Which PhcelDUS circles with his laurel wreath,
A lambskin o'er thy shoulders spread
Emblem of innocence and honours new.
16 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
The young graduate is then depicted as spurning * un-
hooded undergraduates,' and beholding them ' with exulting
joy,' placed beneath his feet in church.
Nor this thy soaring mind could satisfy,
Ever to ambition true ;
Such as when William passed th' ensanguined Boyne,
You viewed with ardent eyes,
You seized the envied prize, &c. &c.
Grenville and his friends, for it was probably a joint
composition, continue :
Bernard all hail !
Prom that remotest bay
Lashed by the salt sea's whitening spray.
Where scowls the fabled Michael's Mount,
The seat of warrior and of chieftain bold,
O'er Marazion and Pensanza's hold.
The youths, who spread the daring sail
From Foy to Mevagissey's rocky pier,
And braved perfidious Galha's threat'ning privateer,
With votive verse thy footsteps greet.
This might mean that Scrope had joined the party, or
was about to join it ; but I have no note of any journey that
year except in a northerly direction. The Latin and
Grecian Muses are next described as showering * lyric
chaplets ' and scattering * epigrammatic lays ' before Scrope.
And then :
Though not the briefest, next the British maid.
Daughter of Freedom, on Pindaric wing
Soaring aloft, spurns metre's iron chains
And times to thee her native strains.
Rejoiced one loyal Yankee's worth to sing.
Sundry learned Latin annotations illustrate and explain this
interesting effusion.
From a letter, of September 15, written by George Shaw
to Scrope Bernard,^ it appears that the latter must have
' MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon,
SCAEBOEOUGH 17
visited Scarborough before that date. From that gay resort
he wrote an ' extremely pictm'esque' description, from which
his friend gathered that it was ' an excellent place for
killing time,' but that its medical merits were doubtful.
Probably Scrope either met his cousin Mrs. Edmunds
there, or visited her at Worsborough, and through her
made the acquaintance of a young lady who will be men-
tioned again more than once, but whose name has not
transpired.
Mr. Shaw's letter is addressed to Oxford ; it is therefore
probable that the query which follows may be answered
in the negative, and that Scrope, having once returned from
the north, did not travel in that direction again ; indeed,
although the idea of studying in Edinburgh had at one
time apparently crossed his mind, I cannot find any
evidence of his having visited that city at all.
Do you still continue your intention of taking a much longer
Northern journey this season, or do you mean to pursue your
medical studies at Oxford or in London ? The London Lecturers,
I observe, are already filling the newspapers with their advertise-
ments, and promising great advantages to a rising race of homi-
cides. If you continue in Oxford during the winter I make no
doubt of your attending Dr. Wall's Lectures, which I venture to
predict will be excellent and well attended.
After some reference to a controversy on respiration,
Mr. Shaw adds :
If I remember right, a great part of your own studies during
your residence at Bierton was directed to this sublime subject ;
in particular, I remember, a treat of air which you was ambitious
of having reputed greatly superior to common atmospheric air,
but which, from some perverse circumstances attending your
experiment, proved, so far as could be guessed from the trial of
common sense and perception, to be not quite so good as the air
we are obliged to make shift with in general.
After all, however, I do by no means ridicule the investigation
of this important fluid, but am inclined to express a doubt whether
Dr. Priestly's experiments are so conclusive as he persuades him-
self to believe.
To descend at once from these lofty speculations. Aylesbury
VOL. III. C
18 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
races you know are almost at hand, but the expectations of people
do not seem to be raised very high on this subject ; and I believe it
is generally thought that these will be the last Aylesbury races.
If they should prove any temptation to you to leave more im-
portant pursuits for a few days, we shall rejoice very much in the
hope of seeing you at Bierton.
Scrope must have accepted this invitation, since he
writes to Mr. Edmunds : ^
The Aylesbury races, or rather the races of Buckinghamshire,
have been particularly gbod this year, and have made a great
noise in this part of the world. I will not flatter the county by
comparing them with Doncaster ; nor shall I flatter Yorks if I say
that in consideration of Doncaster they were very insignificant ;
we had no Pilots, or Fortunes, no Mansion-house for our balls ; no
playhouse or company of players. However, we exhibited some
decent gallops upon the race-grounds, had one or two hops at
night, and made altogether a snug party, and what the Bucking-
hamshires called a magnificent meeting.
To return to Mr. Shaw's letter, the following postscript
bears witness to his love of horticulture, and to his friends
attentive care :
When you write to Mr. Wickham, be so good as to give my
compliments to him, and tell him I am extremely obliged to him
for the trouble he has taken in preserving a specimen of the
cactus. That any other plant he may think curious, if not too
troublesome to him, would be extremely acceptable.
There is another postscript relating to a Mr. Hare, who
had been admitted to Holy Orders somewhat late, and
who seems to have regretted this step. George Shaw had
apparently entered his sacred profession too early to have
ascertained his vocation. When, soon after this period,
his home was broken up by the successive deaths of his
mother, sister, and father, he reverted to his medical studies.
This indeed would not have been conclusive, since many
clergymen of the time combined the practice of the healing
art with their clerical duties ; but Mr. Shaw,^ after taking
' MS. Letters at Nether Wincliendon.
" Lipscomb, Hist, of Bucks, vol. ii., ' Bierton.'
GEOEGE SHAW 19
his M.A. degree, devoted himself entirely to natural history,
lectured in London on botany and zoology, became a Vice-
President of the Linnaean Society, a Fellow of the Koyal
Society, and Principal Keeper of the Natural History
Collections at the British Museum. His brother the Eev.
John Shaw, D.D., of Magdalen College, Oxford, wrote a
Latin epitaph, describing his career, for his grave in St.
George's churchyard, Bloomsbury.
c 2
20 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
CHAPTER II
THE DISPERSED FAMILY
The Competitors for the Christ Church Prizes — Letters from William Wyndham
Grenville — Life at Wendover — Julia Smith n^e Bernard— Fanny Bernard
and Julia's Wedded Happiness — A Remarkable Garment— The 'Courting
Bower' — Rev. Richard King — Mrs. Edmunds— Fanny Bernard's Engage-
ment to Mr. King — Thomas Bernard — His Matrimonial Engagement with
Margaret Adair— Their Marriage— Scrope Bernard's First Love— Fanny
Bernard's Determination — Her Marriage.
It will of course be concluded that Scrope Bernard had
many college friends besides William Wyndham Grenville,
but he was probably first on the list ; I certainly have not
the same amount of correspondence from any other youth.
Mr. Godschall, who continued to express himself chiefly
in careless verse, comes next ; and I ought not to omit
Mr. Sawkins, whose name occurs immediately after Scrope
Bernard's in the list of competitors for the Christ Church
prizes. The others were Buckle, and Harwood whose
congratulations to Scrope on his University Prize Essay
have been mentioned. Mr. Sawkins wrote several letters
during the continuance of a college quarrel ; he seems to
have been a sensitive young man, and believed for a time
that Grenville and Bernard, who may have been somewhat
exuberant in their mirth, were turning him into ridicule.
The bundle of letters, labelled by Scrope Bernard, ' Letters,
Negotiations, &c.,' shows that every effort was made to
soothe him, and that William Grenville gave himself much
trouble in the matter ; the result being a complete restoration
of harmony.
It would be interesting to follow the career of this gentle-
man, and of others connected with those Oxford days, but
LETTEES PEOM W. W. GEENVILLE 21
this I am unable to do in all cases. In the case of William
Granville, there are ample materials, owing to his originally
distinguished surroundings, and his eminent public career,
which is only touched upon in these volumes when it has
any bearing on the Bernard history. And it must be added
that, by reason of his early advantages, and of the use
which he made of them, being, even in youth, not only
a scholar, but a thinker, his early letters are the most
interesting of the collection.
Soon after the Long Vacation of 1781, William Grenville
wrote to Scrope Bernard from Lincoln's Inn,^ one of those
epistles no longer to be met with — lengthy, erudite, and
well-thought out — which have vanished before the penny
post and the general scramble for existence :
My dear Bernard, — I rejoice exceedingly in your account of
your industry, especially as I know you have not exaggerated it
from my having often observed how little you are disposed (less
than any man I know) even to do justice to your own merit.
And I say merit, because 1 think it would be preposterous if men
were allowed to arrogate merit to themselves for their abilities,
which are such as God has given them ; or their rank or fortune,
which they owe too often to the guilt of their ancestors, or to their
own, and that none should be allowed to the sacrifice of time,
pleasure, or health to laborious and useful pursuits. When there-
fore you tell me of your adding to your other advantages that
alone which is wanted from you, I already see you at the head of
a lucrative and honourable profession, doing credit to it, both by
that extensive circle of knowledge for which it is so distinguished,
and by your own gentleness of manners and a natural humanity
which is too often wanting in the profession.
If this should sound a little too grave you will excuse me, and
attribute it to my pleasure in hearing that you was leaving step by
step. The medical society, especially under such auspices, is not
a hobby horse ; it is the steady and trained horse, assigned you in
that troop of life in which you have a commission, and you can-
not exercise yourself upon it too often, since it is upon that that
you are to exert yourself in certamine, and by that, that you ac-
quire, not wealth only (which, by the by, is not in itself to be
' MS. Letter of William Grenville, at Nether Winchendon, dated Lincoln's
Inn, November 23, 1781.
22 THE BBKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
despised, but the vicious desire for it and the bad use of it).
But:—
Honour, Love, Obedience, troops of Friends,
Praises both loud and full — heart-honour — ^
Immediately after this quotation the writer makes a
digression from his theme by entering into questions of
style, as a vehicle for thought more especially ; but it appears
in the course of a page of the large letter-paper then in use
that he kept the original subject in viev^, and that the
digression was subsidiary. It begins :
At the same time you must give me leave to tell you my
opinion upon your St. Johnian or Bolingbrokian furor, which
appears to me more likely to vitiate and corrupt your title than if
you had a taste for all the bad writing that was never read. This
perhaps you'll vote a paradox. My idea is grounded upon the
clear distinction which appears to me to exist between the didactic
and the epic stile of prose, between the simple, clear, elegant and
philosophical stile of Addison and Swift, and the oratorical and
declamatory effusions, I might almost say rhapsodies, of Boling-
broke ; which are nevertheless as well suited to his subjects as
the stile of the others is to theirs.
Mr. Grenville then instances Steele as an author who
made the mistake of writing in the same style in his essays
as in his political pamphlets.
Now if Bolingbroke wishes, either by a speech, a pamphlet, or
a craftsman, to raise or to foment a faction against a minister, it
is for his purpose to inflame the passions of his countrymen. He
is to raise in them a certain degree even of phrensy, before he can
hope to accomplish that end to which his labour is directed. Is
this the case with a moralist or a philosopher ? And is it not still
less so with a man who is explaining the theory of a science, or
deducing practical consequences from its nature and principles ?
' I do not know whether Mr. Grenville altered Shakespeare in this instance
himself. The passage in Johnson and Stevens, and in Theobald runs :
' And that which should accompany old age,
As honour, love, obedience, troops of friends,
I must not look to have ; but, in their stead.
Curses, not loud, but deep, mouth-honour, breath,
Which the poor heart would fain deny, and dare not.'
Macbeth, Act V., Scene III.
A 'MUTUAL IMPEOVEMENT' COEEESPONDENCE 23
Certainly you say very truly that the Thoracic Duct is a bad
subject for a declamatory composition. But it does not follow
that it is so for a clear and elegant composition. Observe v^hat
is the practice of a great man, and great master of both stiles.
This means Cicero, and after illustrating his meaning
from his works, Mr. Grenville proceeds to instance Virgil
for a like purpose, ending with : ' It is an endless and
inexhaustible subject, but I will release you at last ' ; and
then alludes to the project of a sort of ' mutual improvement '
correspondence :
I shall be most sincerely obliged to you for such letters as you
mention, which will afford me a most agreeable relaxation from
my own studies, and will in some degree supply what I always
considered a deficiency in my Oxford education. My own hobby
at present is the following (tho' I must do myself the justice to
say that I give little time to anything but law) — I want to collect
what I call historical parallels. Such is, tho' it is a very trite
example, that of the deaths of Epaminondas and Wolfe, or that
of the resignations of Charles Vth and Diocletian or that more
extraordinary one of Sylla. By throwing these together one sees
how different men have acted in the same events, and one derives
a certain degree of advantage with some little amusement in the
composition. If you should happen to meet with or recollect any
at all remarkable, I wish you would, whenever you have leisure,
send me either a simple note of the names, or — what I should like
much better — a little parallel drawn up by yourself. You will
observe I mean them to be short, as the plan merely goes to one
incident and not, like Plutarch's, to whole lives. Whenever I
see you I shall have one or two to show you. It is at least a
harmless, and perhaps not quite useless, lounge.
But do not let it interrupt better, much better things, such as
Anatomical Discourses and Harangues on the Diseases of
Children. It would be a curious speculation on that subject, to
know whether more have not perished since it has become the
fashion for all mothers to suckle their children. I own I should
think that a cow, or a farmer's wife, would be a much fitter nurse
than the Duchess of Devonshire. But I am going very far ultra
crepidam, so I shall return to my reports, and wish you good
night.
But the writer had not quite finished yet. A postscript
or short appendix, originally, no doubt, jotted down on a
24 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
stray bit of paper, is stuck by sealing-wax to the end of
the letter,
I never knew what good, or rather fine criticism was, till I
dipped the other day into Longinus, and read his observations on
the passage in Demosth. ' De Corona ': Ov fia tou? ii> MapaOwvt
TrpoKLvSweva-avTU';, &c., &c. You may easily find it out, and pray
read it if you have leisure. I have even found time to translate
both text and commentary, but not satisfactorily to myself.
That Scrope was now commencing in earnest the battle
of life is evident from this and other letters, and that he
was, as part of the necessary effort, vigorously striving to
concentrate his energies on the profession he had chosen, an
effort always painful to persons conscious of varied abilities,
and obliged, as it were, to suppress a portion of themselves
in order to achieve success. He was so far his own master,
being left without father or mother, as to make the effort
doubly hard, since he lacked the external support and
pressure of parental authority, the only substitute being the
wise and kindly counsel of his brother Thomas, and of other
members of the family in their degrees.
At this period the current of life flowed onward with a
peacefulness, probably unexpected, for all the family of Sir
Francis Bernard, notwithstanding their previous bereave-
ments and disappointments — for all, that is, except the
unfortunate eldest son in America. Scrope, while at
Oxford, was not precluded by distance from an occasional
visit to Wendover, where an unmarried sister lived with
Julia, ordinarily Fanny, but in her absence, Emily. The
Eev. Joseph Smith's parish, nestling under the shelter of
the Chiltern Hills, was divided into the ' borough and
forrens,' ^ and the said borough returned two members to
Parliament, having done so since the 28th of Edward I.,
except for an interval in the following reign. It was dis-
' Lipscomb, Hist, of Bucks, vol. ii., ' Wendover.' England's Gazetteer, 1751,
vol. ii., ' Wendover.' It sent members to Parliament the 28th of Edward I.,
and intermitted the two first years of Edward II., but was restored to that
privilege with Amersham.
WENDOVER 25
franchised by the Keform Bill of 1832, at which time it
contained 264 houses and 1,387 inhabitants.
The situation [says Lipscomb] is pleasant and even picturesque,
the town being partly enclosed by lofty irregular eminences
whose surfaces, clothed with beechwood and firs, or dotted with
sheep, are in full view from the streets, whilst, in an opposite
direction, the eye ranges over the contiguous Vale of Aylesbury,
rich with corn and pasturage, to the bold hills which are its
northern boundaries. . . . The town, properly so-called, is situated
about the middle of the parish ; the forrens, consisting of detached
farmhouses and cottages, interspersed among some dwellings of
superior description, being chiefly southward of the tovm.
The population V7as almost entirely agricultural, and the
women made lace, then an important industry in Bucks.
The site of the old vicarage is still shown, though it has
been pulled down some years, and another built in a different
part of the parish ; and Wendover is a pretty village, not-
withstanding the nearness of a railway which has cut up
that line of country. The value of the living must have
been small indeed when Julia Bernard married its vicar,
if, as I have heard my father say, their income, from all
sources, did not exceed SOOl. per annum ; by no means a
large sum, even in those days. Julia wrote, in her
* Keminiscences ' : ' His good prudence and my willing
acquiescence enabled us to get on pretty well. Certainly it
was a small style I had not been accustomed to, but a
willing and contented mind made us very happy.' I have
been told that the young wife, conscious of her inability
to give her friends luxurious dinners, yet anxious for her
reputation as a housekeeper and hostess, used to ask
them to name some favourite dish, that she might provide
it when they visited her, and which was brought, of course,
as nearly to perfection as previous study and practice could
achieve.
And the vicarage, as appears from glimpses given of the
life in her letters, was not entirely left to soHtude, quiet as
its social intercourse must have been. Julia has noted in
an especial manner the continued kindness of the Hartwell
26 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
family under the new circumstances : ' Good Sir William
and Lady Elizabeth's first visit to us was a family dinner ;
only themselves.'
From her rural home the vicar's wife corresponded in
French with Scrope at Oxford ; and, in spite of mistakes,
such as were to be expected, her letters show a considerable
aptitude for entering into the spirit of the language. They
are not dated ; but one of those in my possession was
probably written very soon after her marriage.
In this epistle Julia tells her brother that want of time
prevented her from writing the day before, that he will
no doubt smile at this, she being a ' jeune dame ' living in
the country, but that she would gladly borrow from those
who have too much time ; and does he not sometimes wish
for more leisure than he can obtain ? She continues :
'I wish to do all that can be done; I wish to read very
many books, I wish to play well, to do all that a good
woman ought to do in her own house, not only to work
much, but also to look after everything ; yet when we have
company I am obliged to devote myself to conversation, to
excursions, to cards, to badinage, and very often to etiquette
only.' After sundry philosophical reflections, she informs
her brother that she has been reading Eobertson's
' Charles v., ' Voltaire's ' Peter the Great,' and ' Charles XII.'
and has greatly enjoyed the visit of a Mr. Crowe, who had
spent three weeks in Kome and had much to relate about
his foreign experiences.
Fanny Bernard joined her sister soon after this time,
and JuHa's wedded happiness became the subject of a
grandiloquent poetical effusion from her ready pen. In
this quaint production Jove is brought upon the scene.
After commenting on certain scandals in high life with
an amount of indignation scarcely reasonable, if his own
conduct be taken into account, he sends two sylphs to
ascertain if the menage at Wendover vicarage is really as
harmonious as it appears to be. These airy visitants are
taken for benighted travellers, made welcome, and hospitably
entertained, the evening winding up somewhat incongruously
•THE EVEELASTING HABIT' 27
with family prayers ; and the next day they are able to
carry a most favourable report to Jove.
Fanny's spirits seem to have risen in this congenial
atmosphere ; it must have been in the early part of 1780
that she wrote ' The Lamentations of the Everlasting
Habit.' This habit was, or rather had been, the gorgeous
pearl-coloured garment, trimmed with gold lace, and lined
with costly fur, which many years before had caused a
memorable sensation in Lincoln Minster, when Mrs. Terry
— not her daughter, Mrs. Hastings, as Fanny erroneously
supposed — in the bloom of youth and beauty had disturbed
the devotions of the worshippers.^ It must apparently have
descended to Mrs. Hastings, who left it by will to Jane
Bernard — according to Fanny — and this is probably correct.
Jane, after wearing it for some time in its original state,
took off the gold and fur, and had the cloth dyed a dark
blue. In course of years she seems to have tired of this
too durable vestment, and passed it on to Fanny, when the
latter was about twelve; and now Fanny, having worn it
ten years, had caused it to be dyed a dark brown, and
proceeded to make it up once more with her own hands, as
a hack habit. She writes : ' It was cloth of such fabric,
that it seemed neither threadbare nor thin after sixty years'
wear.'
As the young seamstress plied her needle, she pondered
over the possible feelings of the old garment, until her
thoughts found utterance in a poem from which I give
some extracts.
O'er a half-finished button-hole she hung
While in harmonious numbers thus she sung.
Having informed the habit that it is in future to be only
a hack :
The offended garb, convulsed in every thread.
Thrice sighed, thrice gaped its seams, while thus it said,
After enumerating its former glories :
When pious Inet filled the chanter's chair ;
' See vol. i. of this Family History, chapter viii., p. 188.
28 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
the habit continues :
When I engaged his powerful prying eyes
He sent the verger to express surprize,
That thus famed Hastings should attract each eye
From Heavenly things to such frail vanity.
Then, contrasting with this proud remembrance its
present state :
Is this the conduct to old servants used ?
A button grudged, a skein of silk refused.
In all your wardrobe to bring up the rear.
And only in bad roads and rain appear !
Shame on such conduct, my complaints attend,
Nor in the years of age neglect a friend ;
Let me enjoy my long-sought, wished repose
Snug in a trunk among thy cast-off clothes,
Or grant me all my former rank and power,
And let me deck thee in thy gayest hour !
The angry maid, spurning the rebel prayer,
Stuck in her needle, and refused to hear.
In one of the French letters to Scrope, Julia mentions
a projected excursion to Winchendon, which was about
eleven or twelve miles distant from Wendover, and hopes that
he will arrange to meet them there ; if he wishes to bring
* Monsieur Le Eoi,' he is welcome to do so. Fanny adds
a postscript desiring that Scrope will on no account bring
this gentleman, whose name in plain English was Mr. King ;
if he does, she cannot go. Apparently, however, Scrope
did bring his friend, and Fanny was induced to join the
party ; for it must have been on this occasion that — accord-
ing to tradition — an offer was made at Winchendon to one
of my grand-aunts, and accepted, in a bowser which long
bore the name of the * Courting Bower ' in honour of the
event.
About this time, but whether before or after the declar-
ation I know not, Fanny wrote a poem : ' On a young
gentleman taken out of a cottage and patronised by
Mr. K ,' which poem was of course a panegyric on
THE KING FAMILY 29
Mr. King, who had rescued this youth from the mortifica-
tions and deprivations incident to unrecognised talent. His
name was George Anderson ; he became an accountant to
the East India Board, and maintained through life a repu-
tation for superior intellect and irreproachable conduct ;
but his career must have been somewhat prematurely
brought to a close, since he died several years before
Mr. King, whose life was not remarkable for duration. In
the words of an obituary notice : ^ ' An interesting account of
his (Mr. King's) ' fostering kindness to that eminent young
man, and of the distinguished talents of his protege, may be
found in a work published a few years ago under the title of
' Necrology.'
The Kev. Eichard King, Fanny's accepted suitor, was a
Fellow of New College, Oxford ; ^ he belonged to a family
which claimed descent from the ancient monarchs of Devon.
To this lineage Kobert King, first Bishop of Oxford ; John
King, Bishop of London ; and Henry King, the poet Bishop
of Chichester, belonged. At one time the family possessed
land in the parishes of Worminghall and Shabbington,
Bucks, in both of which it had built almshouses ; but I
doubt whether it had retained any of this property down to
the days of the Bernard courtship. As to the place in
which Fanny made her suitor's acquaintance, it was pro-
bably either Oxford or Wendover ; and Mr. Smith is more
likely to have been responsible than Scrope, because he was
evidently a more intimate friend of Eichard King.
Mr. King was vicar of Steeple Morden in Cambridge-
shire, but his benefice did not afford sufficient emolument
to justify marriage, and, as neither he nor Fanny Bernard
were endowed with large private means, the young lady's
brothers considered her engagement imprudent. Thomas,
' The Gentleman's Magazine, vol. Ixxx. part ii., Dec. 1810, ' Obituary Notice
of the Eev. Bichard King.'
2 This account of the King family was communicated by the late Miss
CoUinson. It may also be found in Lipscomb, Hist. Bucks. I was informed
through Miss Collinson that a notice of a Miss Alice King, an author, had
appeared in a newspaper, stating her descent from the first Bishop of Oxford
and also from John of Gaunt.
30 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
who still had the burden of his father's unsettled affairs to
sustain, strongly deprecated any alliance tending to increase
the family difficulties, and apparently Scrope soon saw
matters in the same light. It would seem also that
Mr. King's offhand manner caused a further amount of
friction, while his views on questions of the day did not
always harmonise with the Bernard ideas.
The engaged couple, however, adhered to their determina-
tion. At one time Mr. King was looking forward to the
possibility of becoming vicar of Whitchurch, near Aylesbury ;
but he had apparently hampered himself by some promise,
which, being strictly construed by the recipient, so diminished
the income, that when offered the living by his college he
felt compelled to decline it. Nether Winchendon was then
thought of for a moment, and Fanny would have rejoiced in
the return to her old haunts, and must almost inevitably have
made the deserted Manor House her home during a portion
of the year ; but it is doubtful whether Mr. King's views of
life would have rendered him equally contented there, and the
stipend was so insignificant as to be scarcely worth taking
into consideration, even if the parish could be held together
with Steeple Morden, according to the fashion of the time.
So the idea was dropped. Then a chaplaincy was suggested
as a means of tiding over the difficulty ; but this plan also
fell through.
Meanwhile Fanny paid a visit to Lincoln, or was per-
haps driven there by her anxious relatives, who thus hoped
to keep her away from dangerous company ; a letter ^
from Mrs. Edmunds to Scrope, who had left Worsborough
shortly before, evidently belongs to this period ; it is dated
' November 18.'
Y/e have been perpetually on the ramble since you left us,
and are but just sat down composedly at home ; our visit to
Lincoln at last took place, and I had the pleasure to see your
sister well. But poor Mr. White was confined to his room all the
time we stayed, except two days, and I find he continues still in
the same place.
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
FANNY BEENAED 31
Mr. White, as other letters show, suffered at times from
gout, which is no doubt the ailment noted in this letter.
We stayed one Assembly, your sister being Queen ; but there
were but a very thin room, tho' esteemed a good Assembly.
Mr. Edmunds danced with a Miss Tayloi', who really is a fine
young woman. Don't be too much amazed ! when I tell you that
Fanny returned with us to Worsbrough for the winter, where she
now is to the Surprize of every Body that we left, and those we
came too [to] ; nay they can hardly think it is herself. Mrs.
White thought that it was Better for her to be with her in the
Summer, and she was not very reluctant to comply. We stayed a
few days at Ferbeck and a few at Norton, saw Lord Scarbrough's
sweet place and passed our time very agreably with our friends.
Fanny came from Norton last night after paying a week's visit ;
they set off for town to-morrow morning for the winter.
Then follows a budget of local news — marriages, births,
misfortunes, &c. ; after which Mrs. Edmunds adds : ' We
are going to lead a very quiet domestick life this winter ; I
want only a little concert to enliven our evening hours.'
But after this declaration she reverts to the subject of a
visit just made to a lovely spot, ' everything in the highest
perfection,' including a new church on the top of a hill
built by the last owner — neither he nor the actual owner
are named — and also an orangery, which must have been
something uncommon. She adds indeed : ' My little girls
are at work by me,' and there are various allusions to her
children in other letters, showing that pleasure did not
exclude them from her thoughts.
Apparently Fanny Bernard did not leave the north until
the autumn of 1781. Scrope says, in a letter to Mr.
Edmunds : ' We have got Fanny home again at last, and
think that on the whole she does credit to your Yorkshire
air ; she played off all her Doncaster airs at our race
with very great success ' — that is, in Aylesbury. But
in one respect the sojourn in the north was a failure ;
Fanny was resolute in maintaining her engagement to Mr.
King.
I have few particulars of Thomas Bernard's existence
32 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
during the years immediately following his father's death.
He dined once, but apparently once only, with Governor
Hutchinson, on January 14, 1780.^ ' Strahan, Maseres,
Mauduit, Galloway, Livius, and T. Bernard ' formed the
party. Strahan was the King's printer, Maseres was
Attorney-General of Canada and afterwards cursitor-baron
of the Exchequer ; the other guests may be called old
acquaintances — they are mentioned in the second volume of
this history. Billy Hutchinson, the Governor's son, was
then in a rapid consumption. He died in the following
month, and the Governor survived only till April. Thomas
Bernard must also have gone through the terrible experience
of the Gordon riots this year, but he achieved his call to the
Bar, and was soon in good practice as a conveyancer. It
would be interesting to know what further intercourse he
kept up with the loyalists of America, but, except in the case
of Sir William Pepperell, I have no materials to quote from;
the ranks of the exiles were indeed every year thinned by
death and dispersion.
Early in 1782, Thomas - formed a matrimonial engage-
ment with Margaret, daughter of Patrick Adair, a London
merchant, and niece of Serjeant James Adair, whose pro-
fessional relations with Thomas were probably the means
of introducing the young couple to each other. The father
of Patrick and James Adair had been an army agent, and
one at least of his sons appears to have continued the
business ^ ; but they came of an old lineage, according to the
Serjeant's biographer, who says :
This family, being of the Geraldines, emigrated from Ireland,
circa 1300 ; acquired Portpatrick, which they subsequently sold
to the Montgomeries, but remained seized of large possessions
in Galloway till near the close of the seventeenth century. They
had previously acquired considerable property in Antrim, to which
they eventually betook themselves. Sir Robert Shafto Adair,
' Diary and Letters of Governor Hutchinson, vol. ii., chap. vii.
^ Life of Sir Thomas Bernard, Bart., by Rev. James Baker. Lipscomb,
Hist, of Bucks, vol. i., ' Nether Winchendon.'
^ This I gather from a list in an Almanack of the time.
PEOSPECT OF THOMAS BEENAKD'S MAEEIAGE 33
of Ballymena, Antrim, and Huxton Hall, Suffolk, is the head of
the family.^
A letter from Jane White to her brother Scrope depicts
the excitement caused by the prospect of Thomas's
marriage :
Lincoln, 29 April 1782.
Dear Scrope, — Amongst the numerous congratulations bandied
about on this joyful occasion, I must not forget my dear brother
at Oxford, who I know takes a large share in the felicity of the
Templar, but I am not without apprehension that this letter will
not find you at Ch. Ch., which may for some little time delay the
enclosed proceeding by the newsman to Wendover. I conclude
the wedding will be next week, and am much pleased that Brother
Smith is chosen to perform the ceremony. I imagine you will
not be there at that time, as I suppose it will be a point of delicasy
with my brother not to have more than two of his own family
present, in order to show the greater respect to hers. Indeed
I think she must be already half-frighted at hearing of brothers
and sisters without end. I wish in the midst of our American
Brother [sic], for I think his situation at present must be disagree-
able, and the new ministry have given a turn in his disfavour, but
if a peace should be accomplished in the course of this summer
it would fully compensate.
Your favourite printroom was in high glory last Thursday,
being as full as it could possibly hold. A commerce-table in the
middle of sixteen; a I'^y quadrille-table in one corner, and the
harpsichord very well engaged in the other. In order to expunge
all engagements we had a great route ; 70 invited and towards 60
came ; we had 3 whist tables and 8 quadrille.
After some news about tv^^o charming young ladies who
had recently been in Lincoln, and whom Scrope might meet
in London, followed by the expression of a wish that the
writer could entice Julia into the bracing air of Lincoln —
Jane continues :
If you was but in Orders, perhaps Brother Smith could come
too, but I doubt as it is there would be some difficulty in getting
' Woolrych, Lives of Eminent Serjeants-at-Law, vol. ii., ' James Adair.'
The biographer erroneously calls Margaret Adair the Serjeant's daughter.
Her father's name was certainly Patrick, and he was a merchant. Serjeant
Adair had one daughter only, married to Admiral Sir John Colpoys.
VOL. III. D
34 THE BBRNAEDS OF ABINGTON
a proper person to attend his living. You will hear how my
cause is likely to go. The children are very well, but if you don't
come to see them soon, they will almost forget Uncle Scrope, of
whom they seem to have but a faint remembrance. Dr. Sibthorpe
has been a good deal here, and talks much of your botanical
abilities, as does the Subdean, with whom you are a great
favourite.
If this letter was written soon after Mrs. White became
aware of her second brother's engagement, the marriage
must have been somewhat hurried ; and no doubt by reason
of Mr. Adair's state of health he probably wished to see his
daughter married before he died. This was the more easily
arranged, that a numerous attendance was not in those days
usual, and far less preparation was therefore required, not-
withstanding that some formalities were observed which
have since been dropped. Thomas Bernard and Margaret
Adair were married on May 11, 1782, and in a letter written
on June 10, the bridegroom says to Scrope : * We are all well
at present, except in respect of the anxiety and melancholy
we have suffered from Mr. Adair's death, who was released
from his sufferings last Friday.' Mr. Adair left apparently
two daughters only, Mrs. Bernard, and another who never
married — they were motherless.
It appears that Scrope Bernard's poetical talents had
been called into exercise on this important occasion of his
brother's marriage. In a letter of May 20, when Mr. Adair
must have been still alive, Thomas wrote :
My dear Brother, — You will think me very ungrateful in not
having taken a more early notice of your charming Poem. I have
shown it to Margaret, and she is extremely pleased with it. We
think the most beautiful passages are the 3rd stanza, the simile
of the vestal in the 6th, and the whole passage (and that is our
great favourite) which refers to music.
I have shown it to nobody but her and Emily, partly because
there are passages in it which mark haste, and some repetitions,
which I think you would alter. The passage on music is so
pleasing to me, and comes so home to my dear Margaret's
' Harmony of Disposition,' that I wish it to conclude there, and
a few of the thoughts, though not the ruling idea of the 2 last
FANNY BEENAED 35
stanzas, thrown into other parts in order to give variety. Such
is ' the severity of my criticism.' Mrs. B. finds no fault at all,
so that you must say with the Critic : — ' Well ! the women are
the best judges after all.' However, a proof of its merit is that
it is commended and admired (spite of poetical envy) by a brother
author, and he all the while continuing
J^ ^^ M oH°j/-> Your affect. Brother
^X'^'XO/^ T. B.
The Emily mentioned in this letter was no doubt
Thomas's sister, vt^ho had probably come up for the v^edding
and remained v^^ith her brother and sister-in-lav7. Eanny also
had come to town, probably with Julia and her husband ;
she addressed a letter from Soho Square, in May, to her
youngest brother. The independent style of this epistle,
the defensive, or even antagonistic, attitude she had felt
bound to assume with regard to her own family, were con-
sequences of her attachment to Mr. King. She was of
course staying with friends — in all likelihood still with
the Smiths ; but speaks of going about on her own account
in a manner scarcely usual at that epoch ; and the letter
further reveals the secret that Scrope Bernard was then
passing through the ordeal of ' first love,' or what his sister
supposed to be such, and that Fanny was most anxious to
be of use to him, not only from sympathy, but probably also
because she hoped thus to enlist his feelings in favour of her
own. views. She writes :
Your letter met me here last night on my arrival, too late to
answer it by that post, and indeed I delayed answering it from
a hope that I should have been able to have said something
positive from the regions of St. James's, for though I am come to
town with a resolution to see no one, I meant to have paid a visit
there this morning, if I possibly could, to have learnt the time of
their stay in town, their peregrinations for the summer, &c. ; but
it is a very rainy day, and the horses cannot go out after their two
days' journey, so I must delay it till to-morrow, when I mean if
possible to go, and if I see any reason for your coming to town
immediately I will write again, but on the whole, if your not
coming now is a great object to you, it certainly is at this moment
— before I have been — too uncertain a cause to sacrifice much in.
I am, however, much interested in it, and if friendship for the
D 2
36 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Sister could inspire love for the Brother, I will leave no stone
unturned to recommend myself to her.
The young lady to whom allusion is here made was
evidently Scrope's Yorkshire acquaintance ; I do not know
whether he came to London, nor indeed whether the
energetic Fanny was able to give him any ground for hope.
The rest of her letter relates to her own affairs, and is most
resolute in tone. She writes :
With respect to the last subject of your letter, it is become
a very painful one to me, and as I think I am most competent
to judging [sic] on the subject, it being now a matter of mere
inclination, I wish as little as possible to talk about it to others,
but yet it would be painful and a hard thing upon me to conclude
the whole of this, till lately unpleasant affair, by having myself
and my future Husband slighted by Brothers, and by no one else,
but in that case I shall consider myself as between two evils and
chuse the least.
The remainder of the letter is in the same strain, and
Fanny Bernard was so far a champion of the rights of
women as to declare : ' It must rest solely within myself to
guide my own conduct.' She complains of Thomas's cold,
legal way of looking at the subject, and vindicates Mr. King.
Admitting that he might be somewhat regardless of etiquette,
and too easily duped by ' unsuspected artifice ' — which is, of
course, an allusion to his promise concerning Whitchurch —
she winds up with ' in heart and disposition I know not his
equal.' As to her future residence :
With respect to Whitchurch, if the income is repaired that is
no fair release to me, for he knows, you and most people know,
that Whitchurch itself was no object — for I hated the house, the
situation, and the neighbourhood, and never meant to live there ;
you know it, for I understand you was the first who suggested the
idea of living at Winchendon — a scheme infinitely more agreeable
to me.
The conclusion is calmer, but quite as determined :
I don't thoroughly understand you in your hope against
positiveness on my side. I am now of an age to have a conse-
quence and a conduct of my own ; so if my own mature reason
MAEEIAGE OF FANNY BEENAED 37
and judgement directs me to any object I shall be steady in my
pursuit of it — steadiness and consistency of conduct is what
I have hitherto wanted, but what, at my age, and in such a cause,
I ought to want no longer.
Whatever happens on yours or my Brother's side, I shall not
forget that you have both been warmly actuated by your interest
for my welfare, tho' possibly mistaken in the pursuit — and if
I can, consistent with my own ideas, make you both happy,
I shall be very happy myself — at all events I shall ever feel
myself
Your very affectionate Sister
F. E. B.
As to further details I am but very imperfectly informed.
It is certain that when Thomas Bernard wrote to Scrope on
June 10 he believed that he had induced Fanny to give up
Mr. King, indeed she had desired him to write to that effect
and to express her wish that no further communication
should take place except through her brother. But this
was evidently an arrangement prompted by some necessity
of the moment, and something must ere long have happened
to release Fanny from its restrictions — in her own estima-
tion— since she was certainly married to Eichard King
in August. The event took place, I believe, in London, and
an uncle — not then born — subsequently asserted that she went
from Thomas Bernard's house but without his knowledge.
Thomas and Scrope appear indeed to have been both out of
town in that month ; whether Thomas left her free to take
the decisive step, which he could not legally prevent, merely
refusing the sanction of his presence, I do not know ; nor
who acted as chaperon or gave her away — possibly Mr. and
Mrs. Smith came up for the purpose.
Fanny was then five-and-twenty, and had therefore some
reason for announcing that she was competent to judge for
herself ; and it will be seen in these volumes that she was
justified by the result. None of the evils anticipated by her
friends befell her — her relatives became thoroughly reconciled
to her husband, and the marriage proved one of more than
average happiness.
THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
CHAPTEK III
SCROPE BERNARD S INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL LIFE
Scrope Bernard's Interest in Politics— His Project of taking up a Tutorship —
William Grenville's offer of Assistance— Scrope Bernard accepts a Tutor-
ship— A Sudden Change in his Prospects — He gives up his Medical Studies
and becomes Private Secretary to Earl Temple in Ireland— His First Visit
to Ireland — The State of Parties in Ireland — The Coalition Ministry —
Earl Temple Resigns the Vice-Royalty of Ireland — Letter from Lady
Roche— The Irish Volunteers— The Earl of Hillsborough— Earl Temple's
Vice-Royalty.
It must be assumed, from the tone of the following letter
from William Grenville, that Scrope Bernard early took
a strong interest in politics, perhaps, indeed, to some extent
for the sake of his friend. The letter is dated ' March 25,
1782.'^
My dear Bernard, — As I know the impatience you must feel
at the present moment, I send you the following list, on which
you may depend. It was settled only a few hours ago, so that
you will have possibly the first news of it at least as early as
anyone.
Cabinet.
The Chancellor to stay if he thinks fit ; if not, to be suc-
ceeded by Dunning.
1st Lord of the Treasury
1 Ld. of ye Admiralty .
Commander-in-Chief .
Secretary of State
Do.
President of the Council
Privy Seal .
Chanc. of the Exchequer
Master of the Ordnance
Ld. Eockingham
Adml. Keppel
General Conway
Ld. Shelburne
Ch. Fox
Lord Camden
Duke of Grafton
Lord John Cavendish
Duke of Eichmond
' The letters in this chapter are in the Collection at Nether Winchendon,
when nothing is said to the contrary.
A TUTOESHIP 39
This last is not a Cabinet oflSce, but the Duke takes it to make
the other arrangements easy, and is to be called to the Cabinet.
Lord Howe has the Channel Fleet — Barrington is talked of
for the W. Indies — Barre is Secretary at War — Burke and
Townshend Paymaster of ye Army and Treasurer of ye Navy,
on a reduced scale of profits.
I am vastly sorry to hear that you do not think of coming to
town this Easter as I shall not stir from hence. Could you
contrive to spend a day or two here ?
Ever most sincerely and afftely yours
W. W. G.
It is just come into my head that I don't know where to direct
to you. I believe the safest place is Oxford, but there my news
loses its freshness which is all its merit. I send it, however,
to show that I wished to have satisfied your curiosity tho' I fear
I have not done it.
The nearness of Easter may have suggested this doubt ;
otherwise Scrope's address was certainly Oxford in the
early part of this year. He was continuing his medical
studies ; but was apparently becoming uneasy at the length
of time which must elapse before he could earn any money,
while his unavoidable expenses during this preparatory
interval were, and would continue to be, considerable. It
was probably in this year that his brother Thomas wrote
him a scrap of a note in Latin, interspersed for greater
security with many blanks — which were of course quite
intelligible to the recipient — in which he delicately offered
pecuniary assistance, on the ground that Scrope's idea of
earning a little money by a short tutorship — although less
objectionable than another project, which is not explained,
might lead to failure — in his intended profession no doubt.
An invitation from Lord Bristol, in April, to undertake
the tuition of Lord Sandys's nephew, was evidently the
occasion of Thomas Bernard's letter. This scheme was
not carried out ; but Scrope declined his brother's offer,
promising, it may be supposed, to apply to him whenever
he felt a real need of help, since he did avail himself of
Thomas's kindness at a later period.
It appears that Mr. Grenville had, in a letter I do not
40 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
possess, made Scrope an offer of assistance couched in the
most generous terms, and that Scrope had partially accepted.
The date of a second epistle, with the address, except the
words * Lincoln's Inn,' has disappeared with the seal, but it
is approximately fixed by the contents of the letter, and the
presumption that Scrope received it before his brother's
proposal. "William Grenville writes :
As the main object and intention of my proposal was no other
than the enabling you with ease and satisfaction of mind to pur-
sue the road into which you have entered, and which will I hope
in your instance lead you so much beyond Parson's situation, to
which you refer as the ultimate end of your labours, and as I had
originally some difficulty with myself how to make it in a manner
most agreeable to your feelings, I certainly can have no objection
whatever to acquiesce in any modification of it which may unite
those two objects. You must allow me, however, to entreat that
you will not be over hasty nor over scrupulous in putting an end
to it. That however is a future consideration. On the present
arrangement I beg you to believe that you put me to no kind of
inconvenience, and that even if you did, I could by no other
means employ the matter in question more agreeably to my
feelings than by being of service to you, nor more agreeably to
my conscience than by going to my country instead of a parson
buried in obscurity, and a tutor whose abilities would be choked
up and overgrown by a college life, a man useful to himself,
his friends, and to mankind.
I am very glad that you yourself have mentioned the scheme
which you propose for your two next winters. It was the very place
which I should have wished to have suggested to you. I can by no
means allow that the failure of your views at Ch. Church is of such
consequence as to put an end to your other hopes. Without that
advantage you set out on a level with other people, with it you
have much the start of them. As to Bagot's offer, tho' you do
not mention what it is, I should hope you could no longer have
any difficulty on the subject. The only one which remains with
me, is how you can manage to observe the secrecy which I
absolutely require of you, and to reconcile the world and your
friends to the abandoning your present advantages. As to the
first you may very well say that you have found your present
avocations incompatible with your professional studies, and con-
sequently with all your views in life. To the latter you must
make such apologies as you can best invent, but remember that
A TUTOESHIP 41
you are by no means at liberty to communicate the true reason to
any person nor in any degree. One thing more I would mention
is that whatever your feelings might induce you to do hereafter in
case of our both living, if I should die before you are in a situation
to comply with those feelings, you must consider what has passed
between us as done away, and keep it as a tacit bequest of which
no trace whatever will be found among my papers. I am not
quite fixed either about my going abroad or my degree. There
are difficulties attending both.
It is clear that Scrope was unwilling to accept help from
his friend, unless arrangements were made guaranteeing
its repayment. The allusions to Oxford matters in this
letter I am unable to explain ; but before Mr. Grenville had
dispatched it he received from Scrope intelligence of the
offer of a tutorship to Lord Sandys' s nephew, and he opened
his letter again to inform his friend that he had been
consulted by Lord Temple on this very subject. The
tutor was to be ' a Ch. Church man and an Etonian.' Some-
what reluctantly he had been persuaded to incur the
responsibility of mentioning some of his own friends.
The names were — 1st Harwood, supposing that an Eton
man was absolutely necessary ; if not, Sawkins, and Bernard,
supposing that he would accept the charge. But I made no
difficulty of saying that I wished the choice to fall upon the
former of the two. This of covu'se will have no influence when
compared with Bagot's recommendation. But I mention it be-
cause it is more proper that you should know it from me than
from anyone else. I am sure you will give me credit for the true
reason, which is my utter abhorrence and aversion to your under-
taking such a charge. It would be very useless for me to repeat
the reasons I have so often urged, or to appeal to your own
experience. I would only ask you what possible advantage —
supposing the lad good for anything, which you cannot know —
supposing your temper suited to his, which you can still less
know — supposing the uncle grateful to you, which you can least of
all know — what possible advantage can you derive from the utmost
success of such a project, equal to the blessings of an honest,
independent affluence ? As for your argument about study &c.,
if any attention is required to any object, you cannot as an
honest man give it; if any attainment is necessary, beyond
42 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
what you have, you cannot as an honest man acquire it ; and if
neither is the case why do not you practise now ?
Scrope declined this tutorship, but almost immediately
after this decision he must have undertaken the tuition
of a son of Dr. Buller, of Alresford, Hants ; and I find
no intimation that either Thomas Bernard or William
Grenville objected to this engagement; apparently it was
only for the Long Vacation. When the time drew near,
Scrope was invited by the father of his pupil, in a highly
eulogistic epistle, to spend the whole period of tuition at
his house ; and at this house he appears to have been when
a sudden change occurred in his prospects which changed
the whole current of his life.
The reader of the foregoing letters can hardly doubt
that William Grenville had set his heart upon seeing his
friend a distinguished man; and, while urging him to
persevere in his chosen profession, the idea was perhaps
often present to his mind that, if it were possible to start
Scrope Bernard in the political line, it might better suit
his varied talents, and eventually place him in a more
exalted position than medicine ever could. It is indeed not
unlikely that Scrope's constant intercourse with Grenville
had led, perhaps unconsciously, to his imbibing ambitious
dreams. Although I have no record of the fact, he may
very possibly have been already an occasional guest at
Stowe, the mansion of Earl Temple ; and here he would be
introduced to society, English and foreign, likely to in-
dispose him for the drudgery of professional work.
Of the foreign guests I know nothing save in one case —
the Comte du Koure wrote to Scrope in this year regretting
that the invitation, sent him through Scrope, to visit
Oxford for the purpose of receiving an honorary degree,
had reached him too late in consequence of being wrongly
directed. I conclude that this nobleman was a friend of
Lord Temple, and a person of some importance also, since
he was thus complimented by the university.
William Pitt, second son of the great Earl of Chatham,
and of the first Lord Temple's sister, Hester Grenville,
THE COALITION MINISTEY 43
was then very young, but was already on the high road
to power and fame. The Lord Wellesley of Oxford days,
who had become Earl of Mornington by the death of his
father, was another youth destined to achieve celebrity,
and there were probably others starting in life with numerous
advantages, whose companionship must have been gratifying
but also disturbing.
The Marquess of Kockingham died on July 1. On the
12th, Lord Mornington wrote to William Grenville, from
Dangan Castle : '
We are all thrown into the utmost consternation by the
apparent confusion in the British Cabinet ; at this time instability
of counsels will be absolute destruction. W. Pitt, Secretary of
State ! and Lord Shelburne Premier ! Surely the first cannot be
qualified for such an office, and the last is, in my opinion, little
to be depended upon. He certainly has not the confidence of the
people.
Among the many changes consequent on the formation
of this coalition ministry. Earl Temple was appointed Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. WilHam Wyndham Grenville
became his brother's public secretary; and, in answer to
Scrope Bernard's congratulations, wrote — without any date
beyond the day of the week :
My dear Bernard, — Your intelligence is true, though rather
premature, as it was not till yesterday evening after much serious
deliberation that I accepted the situation in which I now stand.
How it will turn out for me God knows. I have at least the satis-
faction of thinking that it cannot but prove advantageous to you,
as I have a commission to desire that you will come up to town
immediately so as to be with me at Lincoln's Inn on Friday
morning as early as you can — before ten, if it can be done by
travelling all night, if necessary.
Believe me ever,
most afftely yrs.,
W. W. G.
Pray don't be later Scrope Bernard, Esqre
if you can help it, Rev. Dr. Buller's
Wednesday night. Alresford Hants.
• Tlie Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esg., preserved at Droiymore (His-
torical Manuscripts Commission), vol. i., p. 162.
44 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
Lord Temple proposed to take Scrope Bernard with him
to Ireland as private secretary. Against this tempting offer
Scrope was not proof. He gave up the tutorship of young
Buller, and, what was more serious, he gave up his medical
studies.
The following letter from a friend, afterwards Dr. Austin,
who succeeded him in the tutorship, explains itself :
Oxford, August 7, 1782.
Dear Bernard, — I am much obliged to you for your instructions
respecting Mr. B., from which I perfectly understand the path I
have to follow. It is lucky for Mr. B. that you have undertaken
the correction of his poetical exercises, as I had never paid the
least attention to the very arduous task of making myself a poet,
and did not even know that poetical exercises were regularly called
for by any college in the University.
Though I have some fear from your late appointment that you
will be drawn from a profession to which I am obliged for intro-
ducing me to your acquaintance, yet I cannot but congratulate
you upon your preferment, which I daresay you would not have
accepted of unless it afforded you some compensation for the
sacrifice you have made. I am happy to find, however, that you
have not yet absolutely forsaken us, and that you have still a wish
to preserve a name in the Medical Society, which I am sure would
be very sorry to part with you. Whether you persevere in this
line or find it more eligible to adopt some other — for I take it for
granted you will pursue some profession — as you justly observe
that politics are precarious matters to depend upon, you will
always have my best wishes.
Should you continue with Lord Temple for a year or two, you
will enter upon physic as early as I did ; and will I doubt not
return to it with some valuable connections. I shall be happy to
see you on your way to Ireland, and am
Yours very sincerely,
Wm. Austin.
Flattering as was Lord Temple's selection of Scrope
Bernard, I am by no means certain that this new career
was not the ' objectionable ' plan of life against which his
brother Thomas had written. Thomas had himself been
thoroughly sickened of politics, and he had gained sufficient
experience to perceive that Scrope ran some risk of being
A SEEIES OF CONGEATULATIONS 45
stranded in life altogether. If, however, this was the case,
he showed no resentment at the failure of his advice. Other
friends were ready with congratulations. Dr. Drury wrote :
My dear Friend, — I sincerely rejoice at your late appointment
and flatter myself it will prove as beneficial to you as it is honor-
able. Your ability and known Industry leave me no Koom to
doubt but that the attachment you have now formed will be
lasting, and attended with the best of consequences ; pray let me
hear from you. I promise you my pen shall never fail to thank
you for j^our attention, or to assure you with how much sincerity
and affection, I am at all times your Friend and Servt
J. Drury .
Aug. 2nd 1782 Harrow,
Shute Barrington, Bishop of Llandaff, wrote from
'Mongewell, Oxon,' most kindly, though with episcopal
solemnity :
When the die is cast, to calculate chances is but lost time and
thought misspent.
Nothing can be more flattering and honorable to you than the
friendship of Mr. Wm. Grenville, or the appointment of Lord
Temple's to so confidential a situation. You carry with you into
the new scene, active talents, much industry, and I am persuaded,
much attachment to your Patron. That they may be rewarded as
they deserve is my earnest wish. My goodwill and good opinion
will always accompany you, as I cannot entertain a doubt that
they will always be merited.
Accept my thanks for your kind congratulations.
This last sentence evidently refers to the Bishop's
impending translation to the see of Salisbury.'
There is one more letter of this time in my collection
which deserves notice. It is from Cyril Jackson, who in the
following year became Dean of Christ Church.^ This letter
does not contain congratulations on Scrope's appointment,
for these had probably been expressed at an earlier moment ;
but refers to a present made by Lord Temple to Christ
Church, without any further description. The writer thanks
' Beatson, Political Index, vol. i., ' Archbishops and Bishops ' (Edition of
1788).
- A History of the University of Oxford, &c., printed for H. Ackerman.
46 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
Scrope for forwarding Lord Temple's letter, and states that
he has written to him and to Mr. Grenville in return. He
continues :
I can very truly assure you as indeed I have said to himself,
that I consider it as the highest compliment that has been paid to
Xtch on the present occasion — I have a very real pleasure in it.
There is a liberality and a rightness of mind in his thinking of it at
all, & it is done in the most handsome way. I am very sure that
both the Chapter and the Society at large will view it in the same
light.
I am really sorry to miss you. It is not, however, quite
impossible that I may catch you for one day. You may assure
yrself that I will take care yr rooms shall always be ready for you.
Believe me with great truth
Dear Sir
Yr very faithful
& affectionate servt
Cyr Jackson.
Stamford, Sept. 12, 1782.
Scrope Bernard must have started for Ireland very soon
after the receipt of this letter. And he was not the only
member of the family connection who accompanied Lord
Temple to Ireland. The Rev. Joseph Smith was a member
of the suite, apparently as one of the Lord-Lieutenant's
chaplains. He had been sufficiently long curate of Wad-
desdon — a parish in which the Grenvilles had property, and
which adjoined where their ancestral home was situated — to
have won the Earl's goodwill, and spoke of him in after
years as having been a kind friend. The journey to Ireland
must have taken place before the end of September ; in the
course of October, Eichard and Fanny, soon after their
marriage, took charge of Wendover, then temporarily bereft
of its pastor. Julia took the opportunity of paying a visit
to her sister, Jane White, at Lincoln, accompanied by Emily,
who had been her companion of late.
There are very few memorials of Scrope's first visit to
Ireland in my possession. The only allusions to its com-
mencement are contained in a letter from his lively cousin
Mrs. Edmunds, dated ' 7th Oct., 1782,' and are as follows :
THE GOVEENMENT OF IRELAND 47
1 have the pleasure of your letter this day, and you see I take
the first moment to reply, and send you my congratulations on
your safe arrival and [the] pleasure you enjoy at the Castle ; you
would almost fancy yourself in Fairyland, that you was become a
Sovereign of the first magnitude when you made so magnificent
an entry.
Of this entry I have no further account. The writer adds,
with an allusion to the convivial habits of the day : * But
you see every situation has its inconveniences ; we at our
little villa can sit down to our sober meal without danger of
excess, whilst you must retreat to avoid it.'
In Lecky's * History of Ireland in the Eighteenth
Century,*^ the recent changes in the mode of governing
Ireland, which had culminated in what the historian terms
'the Constitution of 1782,' may be read at some length.
The compiler of the Buckingham Memoirs ^ more briefly
states that :
Lord Temple entered upon the government of Ireland at a
crisis of serious agitation. A short time before, under the Duke
of Portland's administration [Lord Temple's predecessor as Lord
Lieutenant], a Bill had passed the Imperial Parliament, recogniz-
ing in full and in the most expUcit manner, the sole and exclusive
right of the ParUament of Ireland to make laws for Ireland . . .
The Bill had given complete satisfaction to the popular leaders . . .
But the factious and jealous spirit of the Irish was subsequently
disturbed by indications on the part of the EngUsh Legislature, of
a disposition to depart in some particulars from this settlement.
'Things were never more unsettled than they are at
present,' Mv. Perry writes to IVIr. Grattan, in October, 1782 ;
' some of the ]Ministry here are at open enmity with each
other, and everybody seems to distrust the head ' — that is,
Lord Shelburne.
From the 'Buckingham IMemoirs ' it appears that Mr.
William Grenville was sent back to London to communicate
with the Government confidentially on the part of his brother
the Lord Lieutenant. About the same time, in November,
' Leoky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (Edition 1902), vol.
chap, v., p. 334.
2 Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George III., vol. i., 1782.
48 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
apparently, Mr. Grenville encountered anxiety of a different
sort as to the fate of his possessions at Lincoln's Inn. Mr.
Wickham, who must have written to Scrope Bernard on the
subject of a fire, says, in a second letter dated ' Cottingley,
December 1782 ' : ^
I was made very happy this morning, after no small appre-
hension, by a letter from Bierton, informing me that all Grenville's
books, which were removed on account of the late fire at Lincoln's
Inn, were lodged in his chambers, and had received no injury
whatever — they will all be replaced immediately. I thought it
necessary to give you the information immediately, to relieve
Grenville from any apprehension he might have been under on
hearing the account of the fire, in case no other person had written
to him on the subject. I should hope, however, that some [one]
of his friends has been beforehand with me in the communication
of his narrow escape.
Your brother, I fear, must have been under much greater
apprehensions. I hope he has not suffered in the hurry and con-
fusion of removing. Probably you will hear particulars from him,
at present I am as ignorant of everything as you can be — excepting
only that we may both congratulate each other on a very immi-
nent escape.
The writer goes on to say that Grenville had arrived in
town a few days before he left, but that he did not venture
to trespass on his time. By the tenor of the letter it is clear
he cannot have been aware that Mr. Grenville was still
there, and must therefore have been well informed already
of the calamity at Lincoln's Inn. There are some allusions
towards the close to friends :
I heard last week from Oxford that Milner's voice, I am sorry
to say, was just as I left it. G. Markham going to town in great
spirits — his brother Jack is arrived from the W. Indies, after being
in no small danger from the terrible storm which proved so fatal
to our fleet.
Mention is made in the ' Memoirs ' of a ' network of small
difficulties ' in which Mr. William Grenville was involved
during his mission to London ' by the want of unity in the
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
THE STATE OF PAETIES IN lEELAND 49
Cabinet, especially between Mr. Townshend and Lord
Shelburne on the Irish question.' Lord Temple, according
to those ' Memoirs,' had always been in favour of keeping
strictly to the compact with Ireland ; and, in consequence
of these complications, his brother was detained the whole
winter in England.
In the collection of letters preserved at Dropmore, the
home of William Grenville's later years, Scrope Bernard's
presence in Ireland is first made known through a long
letter from Lord Temple to Mr. Grenville, dated * December
1st,' ^ and descriptive of the state of parties in Ireland,
which is noted as being ' in Mr. Bernard's handwriting,
except the last paragraph.' In January, 1783, there are
various allusions to him in the Lord Lieutenant's correspond-
ence with his brother, as, for instance : ' The slip of in-
formation you enclosed imder cover to Bernard, dated the
24th (which is the last date from you), makes, no alteration
in my ideas ' ; and ' The death of the Chancellor's fat Hewitt
and another arrangement enables me to give Bernard 400^.
per annum ; this therefore is off my mind ; and if I could
provide for you, the brother of my affection, my task is done
to my content.'
At length, after a few more weeks of uneasiness and
constraint, a decided ministerial crisis in England de-
termined Lord Temple to resign the Viceroyalty. He
writes to Mr. Grenville, on ' March 20th ' : -^
1 have thought it fair to apprize some few individuals of this
event, and therefore it cannot remain a secret ; and if it is known
to Mr. Fox, it will not long be a secret here, as Sheridan has
spoken to Bernard about my letter to the Duke of Portland, and
has offered him ten to one that I stay. So much for dehcacy, and
therefore it need no longer be a mystery.
Fox was one of the ministry which had gone out in the
previous year, and he appeared very soon after the date of
this letter in the list of a new ministry, under the Duke of
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esg[., jyreserved at Dropmore, vol. i.,
pp. 165-8.
2 Ibid., vol. i., p. 202.
VOL. III. E
50 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
Portland, which obtained the name of 'the "Coalition"
Ministry, from the remarkable union of Lord North with
Mr. Fox.'
On March 23, Scrope Bernard writes, at Lord Temple's
desire but in his own name, to William Grenville from
* Phoenix Lodge ' : ^
I do not pretend to describe my feelings upon the receipt of
your most kind letter of the 12th instant. . . . But I must break
off from this subject to obey your brother's commands by writing
you a detail of what occurs to me as most striking in the situation
of things here. The addresses go on with tolerable spirit ; nine
already presented, and others voted but not yet arrived at the
capital. A very warm and affectionate one from the county of
Galway, presented this day, seems to curse the consequences of the
coalition, when it concludes with this sentence : We cannot with-
out anxiety hear that some change is meditated in his Majesty's
ministry in England, only hecaiise we fear it may lead to the
departure of your Excellency, luhich, luhenever it may ha2:)pen, we
7)mst feel with regret, and meet with reluctance. This regret upon
the apprehension of the event is, I assure you, so general that,
exclusive of the addresses, it resounds from every quarter, and
notwithstanding there are necessarily a few Ponsonbyites and
others, who do not feel it, yet on account of the general disposition
of the people, there is not one of them who dares avow their un-
friendly sentiments.
Then follow sundry details respecting the machinations
of Lord Temple's opponents, and the dismay of another
political set who had reason to dread the Duke of Portland
as Prime Minister, and the appointment of one of his friends
as Viceroy ; these persons, however they might previously
have demeaned themselves towards the Lord Lieutenant,
were now earnest in desiring him to remain. Mr. Bernard
continues :
As for the general mass of the people, abstracted from party,
their addresses will fully show their sentiments, from which, not-
withstanding the almost extravagant warmth of some of them, not
a single man, however from passions unfriendly disposed, dare
express his dissent or disapprobation. The numbers that flocked
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., preserved at Dropviore, vol. i.,
p. 203.
EESIGNATION OP LOED TEMPLE 51
to vote the address from Galway were so great that they could
not assemble at their usual place, but were obliged to meet in the
church, as at the famous Belfast meeting. I feel an anxious
suspense to see what effects will first show themselves upon your
brother's resolution first getting abroad. At present all is mere
surmise, and the very household continue to amuse themselves
with speculating whether they are to lose their warm berths in the
Castle. We shall have quitted this place at the very pinnacle of
our glory, and shall leave a great many friends jealous of our
honour and regardful of our memory ; and who will not patiently
suffer any slur to be thrown on the splendour of these six months
of your brother's government, which I am confident, are not to be
paralleled.
The letter is continued, apparently, on the same paper,
by Lord Temple, who says : ' Bernard has been v^riting this
while I have copied mine to the King. I send it open, and
you have the former envelope in which you may put it, as
I write at the park, where I have not my wafer seal.' He
then goes on to discuss politics.
In this letter to the King, the Earl tendered his resigna-
tion of the Viceroyalty, and from that time forward he
occupied himself more or less with the arrangements con-
sequent on this step. In a letter of April 6 ^ he adverts to
the condition of his friends and dependents :
The total and absolute failure of Mr. Tunnadine, Master in
Chancery and Commissioner of Appeals, makes it necessary to
dismiss him. These offices provide for Doyle and Coppenger, and
give me a satisfaction which I cannot express. All other con-
siderations are indeed trifling, but I own I feel them strongly for
some of my unfortunate household, out of which number, how-
ever, Sir Scrope Bernard and Dame Eleanor his wife are happily
excepted.
Scrope Bernard was not then a baronet, nor a knight,
nor was he married. But it is curious that both the title
and the wife are mentioned in a document — little more
indeed than a scrap of paper — signed ' Mornington, K.P.,'
and addressed ' S'' Scrope Bernard, Bart., Castle, Dublin.
' Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esg., vol. i., p. 209.
52 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
To the care of Dame Eleanor Bernard.' ^ It begins * Lord
Apsley desires to acquaint S'' Scrope Bernard, Bart., that
his Majesty has been pleased to sign a patent of the dignity
of a Baronet of Nova Scotia,' for him with remainder to his
children by ' Eleanor his now wife — the consequence of his
faithful services as Examinator of the Hearth money in
Ireland.' The missive is dated ' Secretary's Office, White-
hall, Ap. 1, 1783,' a significant day. There was no doubt
some joke involved, but it cannot be fathomed so long after
the event as the present time ; ' Dame Eleanor ' remains a
mystery, and was probably a mythical personage. She is
not mentioned again. Scrope had written to Mrs. Edmunds
in unflattering terms about the ladies of Dublin, perhaps
because his mind was engrossed by memories of the York-
shire lady which his cousin seems to have carefully kept
alive as long as possible. Lord Mornington, the ostensible
perpetrator of the joke, was then in Dublin.
Scrope Bernard had known very early in March that the
retiring Viceroy intended to retain him as his private secre-
tary after his arrival in England. This disposed of all idea that
he might, as suggested by Mr. Austin, return to his medical
studies, for which indeed he was probably becoming every
day more unfit, and William Grenville had already written to
express his complete satisfaction in the following letter : ^
Pall Mall, March 12th, 1783.
My dear Bernard, — I am very sure that you know too well the
interest which I take in what concerns you, and the sincere satis-
faction of my mind from your letter of the 5th (which I have this
instant received) to make it necessary for me to expatiate further
upon that subject. I can truly say that I am by it relieved from
what has been a burden upon my mind ever since I have foreseen
an event which is now almost certain (you will understand to
what I allude). It was a most sensible mortification to me to
think that I had contributed to take you from a line of life in
which you must have succeeded, and to have thrown you into one
so different, without your receiving any adequate compensation
for what you have sacrificed.
As it is I own I am satisfied for the present. You may depend
' MS. at Nether Winchendon. ' Ibid.
LADY EOCHE 53
upon it that the present situation of things will not last. Proba-
bly their change may again place you in a situation in which my
brother or myself may derive advantage from that industry, those
abilities, and above all that integrity and character which I was
sure (and experience has proved it in the instance of my brother)
wanted only to be known to be as much the subject of admiration
and affection in others as in
Your most sincere and affte friend
W. W. G.
There was some difficulty in filling the office of Lord
Lieutenant, several persons refused ; but eventually Lord
Northington v^as appointed. Lord Temple remained until
after the King's birthday, June 4, sorely against his wish,
because his successor was not ready to undertake the duties
of his post, and it was considered inexpedient to leave the
country vdthout a representative of royalty.^
I possess a manuscript letter addressed to Scrope
Bernard by the lively Lady Eoche, wife of Sir Boyle Roche,
described by Lecky as * a member of Parliament who was
well known for his buffoonery, but who was also a promi-
nent and a shrewd debater, closely connected with the
Government and chamberlain at the Castle.' This letter is
too characteristically Irish to be omitted. It is dated
' Limerick, April ye 18, 1783.'
I had yesterday an opportunity of seeing all the volunteers of
Limerick, who made a most martial appearance, when they
attended the funeral of a brother volunteer, a dyer in the town ;
the procession was closed by a corps of cavalry commanded by
the Speaker's son, and it was with difficulty I could recognize
amongst them some honest traders of my acquaintance, and some
good hack horses which I know, through the splendour of their
dress and arms, and the richness of their furniture. I could not
help fancying that the volunteers were not sorry for the death of
their brother, which had enabled them to display such military
On Monday our Assizes are to begin ; I know not who is to be
' Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (Edition 1892),
vol. ii., chap. 5, p. 350 ; Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George III.,
vol. i. 1783.
2 MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
54 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
hanged, but the ladies are making great preparations for dressing
and dancing, and the gentlemen ought to be sharpening their
pistols, as balls in these parts are commonly followed by duels.
The objectionable practice of organising assize balls at
which the gentry of the neighbourhood danced, flirted, and
feasted, while the wretched prisoners, many of them con-
demned for slight offences, were awaiting the hour of execu-
tion, was probably as common in England as in Ireland ;
but duels were much less frequent.
With regard to the Irish Volunteers, their position had
just at this time become one of great importance, and some
persons looked on it with alarm. Originally organised as a
temporary expedient through dread of foreign invasion, they
held their ground after the necessity had ceased.' ' Peace
had been signed, but there was no prospect of a dissolution
of the volunteer body. The last reviews had been the most
splendid hitherto celebrated, and the institution had become
a recognised national militia, discharging many important
police functions, and bringing the Protestant gentry and
yeomanry into constant connection with each other ' ; indeed,
the force threw itself ' into the reform agitation, and ' the
relations between the Castle and Charlemont ' ^ — a leader in
the volunteer movement — ' became very cold.'
The mention of another and more important letter, from
a family point of view, as well as from the fact of its writer
being a prominent statesman only a few years before, has
been reserved to conclude this Chapter. This was the Earl
of Hillsborough, so often mentioned in Vol. II. of this
History. On September 8, 1782, Lord Barrington had
written to his young cousin Scrope Bernard from Hills-
borough congratulations on his appointment as secretary
to Lord Temple, accompanied by best wishes for his success
in his new career, by favourable prognostics and encomiums ;
he continued : ' I have passed a very agreeable month with
' Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (Edition 1892),
vol. ii. chap. 5, p. 351-2.
^ Lord Charlemont commanded the Ulster, and at one time also the
Leinster, Volunteers.
THE EARL OF HILLSBOEOUGH 55
my old friend Lord Hillsborough, who, as you know, was
a most sincere and useful friend to your Father. I wish
my time would have allowed me to have paid my respects
to the Lord Lieutenant and embraced you.' Scrope
Bernard can hardly have left England when this letter
reached Dublin, and probably, by the wording of it, he
did not meet Lord Barrington, who may have crossed the
channel, while Lord Hillsborough perhaps sent some
intimation that it would give him pleasure to hear from
a son of Sir Francis Bernard. A letter from Scrope seems
to have led to the following reply from his father's old ally
dated, * Hillsborough, 21st of December ' :
Sir, — Upon my return to this place after a tour of visits which
I have been making in this county, I found upon my table a most
obliging letter from you dated the 6th inst., for which I take leave
to return you my best thanks. I am much obliged to my friend
Lord Barrington for making me acquainted with you, and lament
that my leaving Dublin so soon prevented that acquaintance from
becoming personal, but I shall hope for some other opportunity
either of meeting you in London, or when I return to Dublin, or
if curiosity or business should lead you into this part of the
country I should be happy to see you at this place. You do me
the honour to take notice of the connection I had with your
excellent and worthy Father ; I assure you, Sir, I entertained the
highest esteem for him as a gentleman very meritorious in the
service of his King and country, and shall be very glad to show
every mark of respect and regard in my person to any of his
Family. These sentiments make it particularly agreeable to me
to have this opportunity of assuring you that I am
Sir, your most obedient Humble
Servant
Hillsborough.
Scrope Bernard, Esqr.
Castle, Dublin.
The tone of this letter is so cordial that it seems not
unlikely the young secretary may have found it possible to
make the acquaintance of a minister of whom he must
have heard much in his boyhood. But I have no record
of the fact.
Lord Temple quitted Ireland on June 5, 1783; and it
56 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
may be assumed that Scrope Bernard accompanied him,
and also his brother-in-law the Vicar of Wendover. The
viceroyalty of their chief had been so short that it afforded
little opportunity for memorable deeds. The creation of
the Order of St. Patrick must have been its most showy act,
and Scrope had doubtless been a witness of the ceremonial
attending it, but of this there is no record in his letters.
Lecky states also that Lord Temple ' succeeded in detecting
and punishing several instances of great peculation in
administration,' and that * he announced to Lord Charlemont
his firm intention of reducing ** that impolitic and uncon-
stitutional influence which has been the bane and ruin of
both countries." ' This determination he had of course no
time to put into execution.
SCROPE BERNAED'S ROMANCE 57
CHAPTEK IV
EXCURSIONS AND RETURN TO NETHER WINCHENDON
Serope Bernard's Romance— Crazes of the Time — Mrs. Siddons— Scrope
Bernard's Plans— The Hon. George Fulke Lyttelton— Scrope Bernard's
Visits to France— His Interest in Poor Law— Marriage of Amelia Bernard —
Rumours of Scrope Bernard's approaching Marriage — His Anxiety to become
Possessor of Nether Winchendon — Mr. and Mrs. King — Life in a Country
Parish — Scrope Bernard becomes Lord of Nether Winchendon Manor —
He is Offered and Accepts the Secretaryship to a Commission of Inquiry
into Public Offices,
Scrope Bernard's friends were not backward in supplying
him with news on topics likely to interest him while he
was under the disadvantage of being separated by the sea
from his old haunts.
Mrs, Edmunds, always a sympathetic relative, did not
forget her cousin's attraction towards the lady mentioned
by his sister Fanny some months previously, whose home
was apparently in the neighbourhood of Worsborough.
She writes, in the letter already quoted, soon after Scrope's
arrival in Dublin ^ :
I know that any intelligence from this quarter will be
acceptable ; first then the St. James Street Party. I spent
a very agreeable day at her own house in this neighbourhood
lately ; she looks very well and enquired how long you continued
in Ireland of my daughter who sat next her at table. They have
been at Wakefield and Doncaster races, and are to be at the
Mayor's feast this next week. I hear of no overtures at present.
Alas ! in a later letter Mrs. Edmunds says :
Only returned on Saturday from Heath and Nowland Park
Lady Georgina enquired after you ; we spent a day and evening
' This and the two following extracts are from MS. Letters at Nether
Winchendon.
58 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
there very agreeably, for our visit was to the old lady. We left
that part on the day of the ball, in honour of the Queen's birth ;
it had no charms to detain us ; you would have felt yourself
differently affected ; a certain lady was to make her appearance ;
report speaks of an alliance I don't wish to take place, how true,
time will discover, to a young man of very moderate parts, but
ample fortune.
Two rich mountains of Peru,
Eush to wealthy Marriage too.
And make a world of love.
I have learnt long since not to wonder at what I see and hear,
we have so many unaccountable events that all astonishment
ceases ! You will, I hope, find some worthy kindred mind that
will make disappointment sit easy.
But there is a further allusion to this subject in a third
letter :
I am informed the news I sent you in my last is not True,
the young Lady begged it might be contradicted from herself,
so you see while there is Life there is Hope. She is at present
in a poor state of health from Ague and Fever.
This is the last mention of the affair I can find, and
whatever may have been the reason, it is evident that it
came to nothing about this time. So ended Scrope
Bernard's romance, if it was one.
Two other letters from Oxford friends are interesting,
as touching on crazes of the time. The first is especially
notable as a craze. Mr. Godschall, Scrope's eccentric
friend, had been captivated by the feats of an alchemist,
apparently at Oxford, and so, it would seem, had many other
persons. Scrope, indeed, took an interest in the reports
which reached him, by reason of his love for chemistry.
Mr. Godschall writes from ' Weston House ' :
You enquire concerning Dr. Price and his experiments. I was
present at one of them ; and will relate what I saw there, and
then leave you to judge for yourself. Ths doctor mixed borax,
charcoal, and quicksilver in a crucible ; he then put in some of
his gold-making powder, and after the crucible had remained in
the fire for a certain time, he broke it, and produced several bits
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon,
MRS. SIDDONS 59
of yellow metal, which being carried to the refiner, were proved
to be pure gold ; if it is objected that gold is an ingredient in the
powder (I suppose that granted), by one grain of the powder are
produced five or six grains of gold. The process for making silver
is less complicate. A quantity of quicksilver is mixed with a
white powder, by which it is converted into a paste ; the gross
particles are then blown off by fire, and there remains a round
ball of silver, which was also proved to be such.
Dr. Price evidently had a run ; but it appears from
a subsequent letter that his reputation had not been well
maintained. The following account relates to the early
days of a career of more enduring renown. The writer
was Mr. Frankland, formerly of Christ Church, who was
then a Fellow of All Souls :
Old Bond Street,
January 2nd 1783.
My dear Bernard, — . . . All the world is wild here after
Mrs. Siddons, the new actress. She is I understand all in all ;
she has the sweetest voice, most accurate pronunciation, and the
most dignified action that ever graced the stage. In short you
may say of her without flattery what Horace {lohom ive both
I hnoio particularly admire) said of Augustus with a great deal
of truth, ' Nihil oriturum alias, nihil ortum tale fatenttcr.' This is
all very fine, vague, and poetical, and can give you no possible
determinate idea. I assure you if I had seen her myself I would
not have given you so undiscriminating, unphilosophical a
description.
I endeavoured last night to mob it into the pit as the boxes
were all taken. I was at Drury Lane half an hour before the
doors open, but it was too late as I found by experience, for the
passages leading to the pit contained people enough to fill it,
so that after being squeezed and sweated for an hour I was forced
to return. A night or two ago the fine Mr. Hampden was in the
same situation, though he did not make so disgraceful a retreat.
He and his friend, who was going to the East Indies, tried the
boxes, were repulsed, descended to the pit door, could not get in,
went up to the two shilling gallery, ditto. The one shilling gallery
was now their only resource, to which they at length forced their way,
and thrusting their heads in at the door hollowed out [sic] — ' Is
there any honest fellow in the front row, who will take five shillings
for his place V 'I will. Sir, I will. Sir,' resounded on all sides,
and two men presently came out from the centre division, and
60 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
having received half a guinea between them, probably went to the
next ale-house and got drunk, while our two heroes entered their
seats in triumph, having found that money has the same effect
in Britain as Philip of Macedon found it had in Greece.^
After this account it may be assumed that Scrope, on
his return to London, took an early opportunity of attending
a performance at Drury Lane, but he has not left his
impressions on record ; they must have been favourable,
however, as he was a frequenter of those theatres at which
the Kembles acted for many years.
Soon after his arrival in England, he formed plans for
utilising the interval of leisure afforded him by circumstances.
The following letter^ to Thomas Bernard partly explains
itself :
Cross Inn, Oxford, Aug. 17, 1783.
My dear Brother, — Your letter, though calculated as well as
mine, met with little better success. After searching for me in
vain at Christchurch, it reached me at Stowe, which place I did
not leave till this very day, near a fortnight after the time I had
fixed in my letter to you. I have a train of plans for the rest of
the Vacation, with the precise dates fixed to each, and a firm
intention on my part to adhere to them, though Heaven only
knows whether I shall ; and yet my ideas of the usefulness of
punctuality are as strong as any person's. On Monday the 25th
I return to Stowe, where I am to meet my friend Mr. Lyttelton,
who takes me with him on the 27th to Hagley, where I am to
spend a few days which I limit to three, This brings me to the
30th of August. I then set out to prosecute my plan, which Lord
Temple not only consents to, but has spontaneously revived and
recommended, of my going abroad. His advice coincided very
much with my inclination not to go immediately to Paris, but
to take up my residence in some provincial town, of which he
thinks Lille is as good as any. I will therefore trouble you to
recollect your knowledge of that place, and to think of some house
for lodging and dieting myself, or to put me in the way of finding
one. The time for my stay is limited to six weeks at the utmost.
You best know what sum of money will be sufficient to carry me
through that, allowing for a few days' excursion before my return,
and if you still think you can for the present spare me such a sum,
will be kind enough to assist me at least as far as the state of my
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon. - Ibid.
THE HON. GEOEGE FULKE LYTTELTON 61
purse requires it. You will wonder perhaps, as I am to go, why
I do not set off immediately, but I have engaged myself strongly
to Mr. Lyttelton, and at the same time am so much bent on seeing
Hagley and the family in so advantageous a manner, that I cannot
break into this part of my plans, and after all — the remainder of
the Vacation will allow me ample time for the purpose of launching
me into the French language.
Part of my plan is not to take a servant, but to trust to Lisle
for suiting myself, which I think you will approve of. I am happy
in hearing of our Brother ; if there are any particulars respecting
him, you will inform me when I pass through town.
This is Cross pen, ink, and paper, and therefore no wonder if
it does not please you, or makes me write ill.
Yrs affectly S. B.
Addressed :
Thomas Bernard Esqre,
Lincolns Inn,
London.
What the news was about Sir John Bernard, and
whether it had arrived from him or some one else, does
not transpire ; but there was nothing cheerful to tell about
this sojourn in America, as will appear when Sir John's
experiences are related.
Scrope's friend, the Hon. George Fulke Lyttelton, was
the eldest son of Lord Westcote, afterwards Lord Lyttelton.^
Although he writes in one of his letters of their having
read together, Scrope probably took the lead on these
occasions, since he was five years older than Mr. Lyttelton.
This youth was related to Lord Temple and William
Grenville, but only as second cousin, and I know not
whether the Bernard intimacy commenced in Oxford or at
Stowe. Lord Westcote was married to a second wife, by
whom he had a young family ; the second of the two sons
by his first marriage had been killed in battle in 1781,
leaving George somewhat lonely, and inclined to melancholy ;
a studious youth, he appears to have shrunk from pleasure,
so called, and to have been indifferent to general society.
For many years he corresponded with Scrope, but his
• See Debrett, Burke, and other Peerages, ' Lyttelton, Baron, now Cobham,
Viscount.'
62 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
most interesting letters belong to a later period. That
Scrope should desire to visit Hagley was natural, not only
for the sake of its own attractions and those of the family
then residing there, but also because the reputation of
the first Lord Lyttelton, elder brother of Lord Westcote,
had made it classic ground. It was believed to have been
the scene of wedded happiness, as intense as it was short-
lived, which Lord Lyttelton had commemorated in his
then famous monody on the death of his wife.^ The
reckless career of his son, the second lord, and the legend
attaching to his end, had given the family a celebrity of
another sort.
I have no record of Scrope's impressions of Hagley,
nor of the results of his Lille visit. Why Lille should
have been chosen for the study of French is a puzzle.
Thomas Bernard, it appears, had already been there, with
what object is not stated ; but I am disposed to think
that the choice of that town in both cases may be attributed
to Lord Temple's influence. It is noted in a subsequent
letter that Lady Temple had a relative, the Hon. Mrs.
Storer, daughter of Lord Carysfort, at Lille, and that
Scrope Bernard made the acquaintance of a family named
Descouelle, well-known to that lady; it seems probable
that by the recommendation of Mrs. Storer, transmitted
originally through Lord Temple, he boarded with that
family.
In the August of the following year a correspondent
who signs ' C. Macartney,' and who was evidently George
Lyttelton's maternal aunt, thanked Scrope for his kindness
to the young man during a recent illness at Bichmond.
The lady says : * Accept my best thanks for the favour
' Lucy Fortescue ; Lord Lyttelton's Dialogties of the Dead, were also much
read, and he wrote other books. ' By the death of his father [in 1751] he
inherited a baronet's title with a large estate, which, though perhaps he did
not augment, he was careful to adorn by a house of great elegance and expence,
and by much attention to the decoration of his jmrk.' Johnson (Dr. Samuel),
Lives of the Most Eminent English Poets, vol. ii., ' Lyttelton.' The pedigree
may be found in Debrett and Burke's Peerages, since 1889, under the heading
of ' Cobham, Viscount.'
MONTEEUIL-SUE-MEE 63
you did me in coming to the relief of yom- poor sick friend,
for the comfort you gave him, and for having relieved many
a sad and gloomy hour of distress for me by your attentions
and your cheerful and agreeable conversation,' and continues
her letter in the same tone of praise.
In the autumn of the same year, 1784, Scrope made
another attempt to master the French language ; he vs^ent
for his holiday to Montreuil-sur-Mer, on the route from
Boulogne to Paris. Murray describes it in recent times as
'an uninteresting country town, on a hill crowned by a
citadel.' ^ It owed its origin to a monastery, of which
some vestiges remained, and at that time there was also
an old Chartreuse, since destroyed and rebuilt, in the
immediate vicinity of the town. ' The fortifications were
partly constructed by Vauban on older foundations.' And
the same account adds : * It is now principally known to
Englishmen as the spot in which Sterne laid one of the
scenes in the " Sentimental Journey. " ' When Scrope
Bernard visited the locality it contained evidently some
English residents ; he went, perhaps, because he had friends
there, but probably did not remain for the whole of his
vacation. It must have been " during this excursion that
he went on to Paris, and, as I have heard my father say,
attended the court of Louis XVL, where he beheld Marie
Antoinette in her glory. This experience made a lasting
impression, partly no doubt by reason of those subsequent
events which imparted a tragic interest to the recollection
of scenes dazzhng by their beauty and splendour. Mr.
Bernard must have often spoken on the subject to his
children.
I have no notes of this visit, but a letter from Scrope's
friend, H. G. Quin, written at Geneva, in the spring of the
following year, probably conveys the ordinary impressions
of a travelling Englishman at that period. He says :
A letter from Paris would 1 imagine have been little else than
an echo of the Ideas which that City had impressed on your own
' Mnrray, Handbook for France, vol. i., 1886
64 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
mind, I therefore wave the subject, observing only that the actual
appearance of things there wonderfully corresponds with the
Nature of the Government ; in fact they are an Epitome of it ;
everything connected with the King is great, superb, costly, mag-
nificent, and colossal, whilst the very reverse of this is the Condi-
tion of the People. I do not suppose there is another city in the
World in which the contrast between the mean and the magnificent
is more strongly marked. Paris seems to be a heterogeneous
mixture of Marble, Dirt, Gold, Filth, Splendor, Poverty, spacious
Gardens, blind Alleys, Palaces & Hovels. As to the King, a man
need only walk through the streets to be convinced of the nature
and extent of his Authority, from the frequency and magnitude of
the different Hotels du Boi, he will conceive him to be a very
Argos and Briareus.
No hint is given that Mr. Quin had any suspicion of the
changes that were coming. I do not know whether Scrope
felt doubtful, but probably not, since an older friend to
whom he wrote for information as to the provision made
for the poor in France, and who was resident in the country,
does not appear to have harboured any misgivings. This
was Mr. Kobert Browne, who had married the widow of
General the Hon. John Barrington, next brother of the
Viscount then living. It was probably his presence at
Montreuil which had attracted Scrope thither, partly if not
wholly. As to the young man's interest in Poor Law
questions, it is evident that he cherished the wish to
become a country gentleman and magistrate, and in time
a member of Parliament. But he may also have asked
them for the sake of his brother Thomas, who was then
preparing the ground for his future philanthropic career.
Perhaps the brothers often conversed on this and kindred
topics.
It will be observed that Mr. Browne's letter hardly
depicts the condition of the lower classes about Montreuil
as steeped in the wretchedness so generally ascribed to the
whole of France. Besides the curious lack of apprehension
for the future which it shows within a very few years of the
great catastrophe, this letter is noticeable by reason of
the light it throws on the difficulties and deprivations of
CONDITION OF THE POOE IN FEANCE 65
the English colony at Montreuil/ barely thirty miles from
Boulogne :
Montreuil, Deer. 6, 1784.
I sit down, my dear Bernard, to acknowledge the receipt of
your pacquet, with the money &c. I sent your letter and gazettes
to Williams who I have not seen for a few days, but I suppose to-
morrow or next day shall have that pleasure. As to your question
about the Poor Laws, I shall inform myself as soon as possible ;
all I know at present is that at Montreuil there are none ; but
a voluntary subscription monthly provides the Indigent with
bread and a small sum of money ; the collectors are some of the
first and most respectable characters here, who gave a certain
quantity of bread and money weekly to the Eectors of the 6
parishes with directions to distribute it to such persons as are on
the poor list in their respective parishes ; but as the subscriptions
were voluntary they frequently failed, and the Bureau was obliged
to be shut in the month of March last, when the Poor were in the
most deplorable condition. I spoke to several of the Collectors
and recommended them to go to every house in Montreuil and beg
the Noblesse and the Bourgeois respectively to write their names
on a list with the sum they would engage to subscribe monthly for
a year, which I find they have done, and the poor are now toler-
ably comfortable at a time when bread is so extraordinarily dear ;
but whether this will continue another year I cannot answer for.
There was one great abuse in the first Institution, which I hope
they have reformed ; when a family gave liberally, they recom-
mended people to be put on the list who, very often, were not
proper objects of charity, which was one principal, or at least first
ostensible reason for the failure of the monthly contributions, as
people cried out at the abuse of the charity, &c.
Some years ago, Government opened Hospitals or Asylums in
the principal towns of France, where they obliged all the vagrant
poor to reside ; but this was at the expense of the King, or the
Princes of the Blood in their different appanages. At first the
officers appointed to take up the vagrants kept a strict hand, but
when those places were full and they found there were still
many left, they relaxed ; and lately I am informed they let the
poor beg in the different parts of France without molestation,
however, I will this week make inquiries about this affair, and will
' There can be no doubt that the Montreuil in which Mr. Browne resided
and which Scrope Bernard visited was Montreuil-sur-Mer, though not so
distinguished in my MS. letters ; the other Montreuils in France are mere
villages.
VOL. III. F
66 'THE BERNABDS OF ABINGTON
write to you as soon as I hear anything satisfactory. The Abbayes
are not obliged to give any specific charity, but are supposed to
assist the poor of their cantons ; you know there are Nuns who
take a vow to educate children gratis, but they live themselves on
charity. There are also poorhouses for the reception of Foundlings
in every town almost, where the children are kept till they are
four or five years old and then sent to Paris, which saves the lives
of many infants, as formerly they sent young creatures of a week
or a month old, and one half died before they reached the capital.
The rest of the letter refers to other topics, personal and
public — ' Will you forgive me if I beg you to send me
a North Wiltshire cheese of about 20 or 30 lbs. weight,
two more guinea bottles of the same medicine for my friend
& to send them by the Paris Diligence.' And the writer
then goes into other particulars, such as the disposal of an
unnecessary watch ; the repair of an old violoncello — for
these negotiations a friend in London was exceedingly useful.
After which the writer continues :
Many thanks for the newspapers ; they are a great comfort to
us ; pray are you determined to keep an exact neutrality in case
of a war? I find by the papers your Ministry strengthens daily
— does Lord Carmarthen come Ambassador here ? and does Lord
Shelburne take Mr. Pitt's place First Lord of the Treasury ?
Some officers have orders to join the 15th January, and to have
two horses to camp, but many people think there will be no war.
Adieu, Mrs. B and Louisa desire many kind compts, and
believe me to be Dr Sir
Your sincere and
Aff Humble Servant
R. Bkowne.
On his return journey Scrope had the vexation of losing
a trunk, probably of some value in itself and also for the
property it contained ; and this had led to a correspondence
with a Monsieur Degros, apparently a wine merchant, in
whose house he had perhaps lodged. I doubt if the trunk
was ever recovered ; nevertheless, Mr. Browne hoped that
the sojourn in Montreuil had been sufficiently agreeable
to induce a second visit, in spite of this contretemps. In
the beginning of the next year he wrote to announce the
CONDITION OF THE POOE IN FBANCE 67
results of his inquiries on the old subject. The letter^ is
dated ' Jany 20, 1785 ' :
I have done everything possible to find out if there existed
any Poor Laws in this country, and have never been able to
succeed. I am informed they attempted to tax the Estates in Artois
for that purpose & oblige any Village to support their own poor,
but they were obliged to desist ; I consulted several persons on
the subject of our system ; they admire the idea exceedingly but
are of opinion that it [is] very difficult to put into execution
without great abuses arising, & a general remark is that wher-
ever in France there is an ample provision for the Poor, there are
a greater number of the Poor than in the other parts ; about Mon-
treuil, where there are spacious Commons, the Villagers are poorest,
as they content themselves with a Cow or two which cost them
little or nothing, & tho' there is work for twice the number of
inhabitants they will not trouble themselves to gain a shilling,
whereas in those places where they have no advantages you never
meet any poor but those who have really bodily infirmities ; this is
a proof to me that our own poor are too well taken care of, as per-
haps there is not a country in the world where there are so many of
that class, & I should imagine the Poor Laws are one cause, as
every one I have ever talked to says, that no one should be admitted
on the parish list but by the unanimous consent of the Farmers, as
they are the best Judges whether their neighbours are really Poor
or only lazy, as it is I beheve a self-evident proposition that in
so commercial a country as England there should be no poor but
the Aged & Infirm, as certainly it is not too populous.
Mr. Browne then proceeds to expound his views as to
the right way of administering relief ; which, with more
or less modification, no doubt were shared by many other
persons.
I believe that another abuse is that, once a family is put on
the list from sickness, they continue after tho' the cause is
done away, which is abominable ; they do not seem to agree
whether Poor Houses are a prudent scheme, as the Poor with a
weekly allowance would live as comfortable and I believe much
happier than they do at present, as I fear the officers and directors
of such houses enrich themselves too often !
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
F 2
68 THE BEKNARDS OF ABINGTON
' They,' which word means of course Mr. Browne's in-
formants,
are all of opinion that voluntary contributions in every parish
under the direction of the Parson & the principal Inhabitants
would be infinitely preferable to a tax imposed by Government,
as in the former case everyone would be interested to prevent
improper persons from being on the list, & at the end of the
months, those who were there for mere local reasons (when they
should no longer exist) would be struck off by those people who
would be most in the situation to judge of these matters.
This is everything that strikes me on that subject ; if there is
any objections and you would let me know them, I will inform
myself about them and let you know what I have heard.
I hope you do not forget my favourite Tax on Travellers into
this country & I confess I could wish to see an Absentee Tax not
only on Estates but on Interest in the Funds, money lent on
Mortgages &c. I know Englishmen would cry out, as an attack on
liberty, but between you & me that is all nonsense & we should
all contribute to assist government ; we for instance spend £400
a year here & Hve as well as on 7 or 8 in England, & pay no kind
of Taxes. I should certainly not murmur to be obliged to pay 2
or 3 per cent as I know my friends in England pay 5 times as
much, & I hope every Englishman has the same way of reasoning.
The amazing number of Horses & Hounds sent over here
would certainly bear a tolerable tax, as a french nobleman who
pays 50 guineas for a horse & 12 guineas for 2 dogs would not feel
two guineas more on the former & half a guinea on the latter.
In a postscript the writer adds :
You have no conception of the rage for English Dogs & Horses
— at present.
This letter is not entirely composed of such grave topics ;
it returns thanks for a ' handsome pocket book,' which had
been much admired, and which was a present from Scrope
Bernard, brought over by ' Mr. Littleton ' — probably it
should be ' Lyttelton ' — Scrope's friend. He was only
passing through Montreuil on his way to Paris, and could
not be persuaded to alight, though pressed to partake of
Mrs. Browne's soupe. English cheeses were evidently in
great request : a Cheshire cheese is desired for Mr. Le
ME. WILLIAMS 69
Gaucher and a small Gloucester for Mr. Browne himself, and
there are various details about such matters, including the
medicine bottles.
In March, Mr. Browne wrote again, and as he himself
intimates, this correspondence was greatly encouraged, to
his satisfaction, by the fact of their having a topic in
common, which necessitated frequent communication. The
letters contain allusions more or less lengthy to Mr. WiUiams.
This young man was the only son of Sir David mentioned in
a previous volume as the husband of Eebecca Eowland.
He had recently come of age, and was visiting France with
the object of learning French thoroughly, and perhaps of
being introduced to good French society. This at least
must have been the view his friends took, and his mother
had written to Scrope Bernard,^ begging him to watch over
her son, as she considered him peculiarly exposed to tempt-
ation. When Scrope returned to England, Mr. Browne
evidently succeeded to the office of mentor, and did not
spare himself trouble in the cause. With reference to
Mr. Williams, he wrote : ^
Montreuil is really not a place for a young man to learn French
at unless he has as much constancy as your honor or Capt. Young,
& that he will not absolutely live entirely with the English, which
is difficult as there are no public amusements, and you know how
shy the French are.
I hope this will not discourage you from coming over this
summer as you are known & esteemed by the French society,
and therefore are sure of turning everything to your advantage.
I need not assure you how sincerely happy we shall be to see you
and to offer you our humble fare. Mrs. B. desires to say every-
thing kind to you on this occasion and will not give you her
blessing unless you come to see her & him who is sincerely
Dr Sir
Your faithful friend
EoB. Beowne.
Notwithstanding this pressing invitation, it is not likely
that Scrope Bernard visited Montreuil in 1785. He must
have been engaged with other projects. For some time he
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon. 2 j^j^^
70 THE BEENAKDS OF ABINGTON
had been the only unmarried member of his family— ex-
cepting the brother who was battling against adverse fate
in America. In 1783, the year of Scrope's return from
Ireland, his sister Amelia had married Captain Benjamin
Baker, of the 5th Foot Eegiment, who appears to have
been quartered at Stamford, within reach of Lincoln. Of
his family I only know what I have heard, that he was
descended from the Baker of the siege of Derry. Amelia
Bernard was at this time in her 29th or 30th year; her
husband must have been some years older, since he had a
son by a former marriage, a lieutenant in 1790, For the
advancement of that son Scrope Bernard afterwards exerted
himself, as appears by family letters on the subject. But
the marriage had not been a topic of congratulations to
Amelia's brothers — it was another impecunious aUiance ; but
Amelia was of age, and apparently as determined in her
way as Fanny. Though perhaps less aggressive, she was, as I
have heard, firm in the belief that Providence would assist
her and her children. It is curious that this quiet daughter
of the family should have become the wife of a warrior, her
livelier sisters respectively having married two clergymen
and a barrister.
Already towards the end of 1783 — that is, soon after
the return from Ireland — rumours had begun to be rife in
Buckinghamshire to the effect that Scrope Bernard was
about to marry a lady of fortune and reside at Nether
Winchendon.^ These floating reports were not always pre-
sented in the same form ; for some reason, now forgotten,
Halton was sometimes named as the intended residence.
It is also probable that the lady's name varied in the
different versions. In one of Scrope's letters to his sister
Julia he chides her for bantering him on the subject, and
disclaims the idea ; whereupon she had to apologise, assuring
him that she had heard the news confidently announced
by a person she had every reason to believe well informed.
Her intelligence indeed was not altogether ill-founded, but
it must have been premature, and possibly there was some
^ Information contained in MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon.
SCROPE BERNARD'S PLANS 71
confusion as to the person, since Scrope endorsed her letter
' Congratulations on a mistake.'
Whatever may have been the real state of the case at
that particular moment it is clear that Scrope was full of
plans during this j^ear (1784) of comparative leisure ; he
harboured the idea of entering Parliament, as appears by
two letters written for him by Mr. Eobert Thornton in
April from 'King's Arms Yard.' They were addressed to
Mr. Terry and Mr. Kennard of Hull,^ soliciting their votes
and interest on behalf of Scrope as a candidate for the
representation of the city of Lincoln, where a vacancy had
occurred through the death of Lord Scarbrough. The
Nettleham property, it will be remembered, was still in the
family, and the sons of Sir Francis Bernard were freemen of
Lincoln. I have no means of knowing whether a contest
ensued, but I think it probable that Scrope never went to
the poll, from a conviction that he had no chance in that
locality. Had Mr. Bernard become member it is likely
that he would have resided part of the year in his father's
old home, notwithstanding the counter attractions in Bucks.
The result perhaps saved the old Manor House at Nether
Winchendon from subsiding into a farm house, which has
been the fate of many venerable homes of our English
gentry ; for it was to this forsaken place that the young
man now turned his thoughts, with all the eagerness which
habitually characterised his movements.
The house and land had been left by Sir Francis Bernard
amongst his children, with instructions that it should be
sold. Scrope now aspired to become its possessor. For
this purpose he must have been compelled to enter into a
long correspondence with other members of the family,
especially Mr. White and Thomas Bernard, the executors ;
but I do not possess many of their letters. In one Thomas
alludes to the plan with disapproval, as an undertaking which
would 'hamper' his brother, though, on finding Scrope
resolute, he did his utmost to make it work smoothly. In
truth the house appears to have required a large expenditure
■ MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon.
72 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
to render it a desirable residence, and this outlay, in addition
to the purchase money, was scarcely within Scrope's means.
Possibly Charles White, whose wife had an affection for the
place, may have been more accommodating than Thomas
Bernard. Eichard King, some of whose letters remain,
certainly was; and it may be inferred from the cor-
respondence that he was a good man of business.
Mr. King's affairs were prosperous, since he had been
presented by New College to the Kectory of Worthen in
Shropshire, a parish ' twelve miles W.S.W. of Shrewsbury ' ^
according to the ' Gazetteer,' and continued to hold Steeple
Morden in Cambridgeshire also, an arrangement then con-
sidered perfectly correct, except, perhaps, by a few persons of
extremely strict views. In this case indeed the arrangement
worked fairly well for some years; Mr. and Mrs. King
would seem by the dates of their letters to have divided
their time between the two parishes, allowing for occasional
holidays besides; they perhaps gave the larger share to
Worthen, as the more important and populous parish, and
also because it provided a better house for its incumbent
than Steeple Morden. Mr. King writes to Scrope in glow-
ing terms of his new residence : ^
I shall be very happy when you shall be able to make it
convenient to be a personal judge of our habitation, country, and
neighbourhood ; I think I told you in my last that the country
was the finest I ever saw — the neighbourhood also, what we have
hitherto seen, is very agreeable and respectable. Our habitation
is large and commodious though irregular ; we have three good
parlours, one as good a room as I should wish to see in any house
— and when I have finished some intended improvements, the
house will be fit for any private gentleman.
The population of Worthen is given in the 'Parliamentary
Gazetteer ' as 1,602 in 1801 ; Steeple Morden had fewer than
500 inhabitants. In both parishes Mr. King appears to
have kept a curate. Judging from the customs of the age
it might be supposed that these assistants undertook other
duty also, but certain passages in the family letters tell
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon. - Ibid.
LIFE IN A COUNTEY PARISH 73
against this assumption. The prospect of retaining the
Winchendon home in the family rejoiced Fanny King, and
her husband was evidently thus influenced to smooth the
way for Scrope. The minute business details of the trans-
action it is unnecessary to quote ; but in the course of the
correspondence an illustration occurs of the difficulties and
privations then attendant on life in a country parish, which
should make all but the most devoted of the present clergy
pause ere they condemn absentees and pluralists of the
eighteenth century. Mr. King writes,' on ' October 11,
1784 ' :
I fear my last letter in answer to yours sent by the coach
never came to you, as you do not mention the receipt of it in
yours from London dated Oct. 2, and I expect it would have been
in London by the 30th of Sept., and I regretted much that your
letter which you intended should come to me with great dispatch
by the coach, did not come to me till some days later than I should
have received it by the post, but I immediately sat down to answer
without a moment's delay, and sent it off by a person who was
going immediately to Ludlow, who promised not to neglect putting
it in the post the moment he came there ; but I fear he was either
careless or unfortunately lost the letter, as it does not appear by
your last that you have received it. I have often reflected of how
great importance is the regularity of the post, for it sometimes,
if neglected, may be the occasion of great uneasiness and vexation,
and in some matters the cause of real distress. The only un-
pleasant part of our situation at Worthen is that we have com-
munication with the post only once a week (Saturdays) both to
receive and send letters, though some few years ago the post used
to go by the door on its way to Shrewsbury. I wish to God it
could be brought back again into the old channel, for I cannot
find out any good reason why it was ever altered.
In spite of delays and mistakes, however, the affair was
carried to a successful conclusion, and Scrope attained his
wish ; he became lord of Nether Winchendon Manor. It is
tolerably certain that his anxiety to come out as a country
gentleman must have been connected with matrimonial
projects, as will appear by the result ; but it is also certain
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
74 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
that Scrope Bernard had imbibed a taste for antiquarian
lore of the mediaeval type, which was uncommon at that
period, and that the Winchendon idea owed much of its
charm to this taste.
Some particulars of Scrope's courtship will be mentioned
in the next chapter. In the meantime his dreams were
probably somewhat rudely interrupted by the following
letter ^ from William Grenville, flattering as it might be in
some respects. It was dated * Whitehall, 23rd of December.'
My dear Bernard, — Pitt has just been with me to desire that
I would mention to you the following idea. You remember that
during the Coalition Government he proposed a bill, and carried
it through the House of Commons for obliging the Commissioners
of Accounts to enter upon an inquiry into the establishments,
business, and emoluments of the several Public Offices, in order
to judge what reform could be made in them. The bill was thrown
out, but he feels himself bound not to drop the idea, although he
thinks it inexpedient now to put it into the hands of the Com-
missioners of Accounts. He has therefore ordered a Commission
to be made to three persons, who are the two Comptrollers of
Army Accounts and Mr. Baring, a considerable merchant, who
are to execute this business. What he wishes to know is whether
you would like to take the Secretaryship to this Commission.
He imagines the business will employ about six months (I think
more), and he states that such an investigation could not fail of
giving you an insight into the nature, constitution, and practice
of all the offices of Government, besides bringing your name
forward as a person employed or to be employed.
It is not his intention to give any salaries in the first instance,
either to the Commissioners or to the Secretary, but that they
should be paid (as the Commissioners of Accounts and their
Secretary are) by vote of Parliament when the business shall be
done.
While this lasts it will be an office of extreme labour. It is
left entirely to your option whether you choose to undertake it
or not, but it is material that he should have your answer soon.
I have not written to my Brother on the subject ; the event which
would render it impossible for you to accept this offer is, I think,
not likely to happen. But you will certainly be understood to be
at liberty to cross the Channel, should that happen. I should
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
A DISTASTEFUL POST 75
think you would do well to ride over to Stowe, and to let me have
your answer from thence.
I have written so far without giving you any opinion upon it ;
but on reflection I think you have a right to my advice, provided
you will accept it merely as advice, subject to your own opinion.
In that light only I state my own sentiments to be in favour
of your accepting the offer, both on account of the thing itself,
from the insight it will give you into the business &c. of office,
and from the advantage of accustoming Pitt to have recourse
to you on similar occasions, and to look upon you as a man whom
he may employ with credit and advantage to himself. Molleson,
who was Secretary to the Commissioners of Accounts, and is now
a Comptroller of Army Accounts, got that appointment solely on
that ground — it being thought a creditable thing to appoint to
that office, in these days of reform, a man trained in that sort of
school.
Ever most afftely yours
W. W. G.
From a letter ^ of the Eev. Eichard King it would seem
that the office was accepted by Scrope with reluctance ; he
probably yielded to the advice of many friends. Scrope
could achieve much in his own way, in this, which was his
idle year ; besides his work as the Marquess's Secretary he
had been to France, studied the language of the country,
and since obtained information about its provision for the
poor, a subject which he probably talked over with Thomas
—the two brothers comparing the English system with the
French voluntary methods — and he had purchased Nether
Winchendon. But such work as he was now asked to
undertake was hardly of a kind likely to interest him, and it
was to be unremitting for six months or more — how much
longer it was perhaps difficult to say, nor did there seem
any certainty of adequate compensation. Possibly the
likelihood of his courtship or honeymoon being interfered
with by this troublesome Commission strengthened his
determination to win the lady of whom he had been think-
ing, and precipitated the declaration ; it also gave him, on
the other hand, the opportunity of coming forward as a man
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
76 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
of more importance, selected by William Pitt for a task of
some magnitude. Fortunately the Commission, as might
perhaps have been expected, took some time to organise, so
that Mr. Bernard's services as Secretary were not required
till late in the following year (1785) leaving the interval free
for courtship, marriage, and visiting.
SCEOPE BEENAED'S COUETSHIP 77
CHAPTER V
BEIDAL VISITS TO LINCOLN AND NETHER WINCHENDON
The Morlands of Woolwich — Sir Samuel Morland — Scrope Bernard's Engage-
ment— Samuel Gillam— The Marquess of Buckingham's Testimony to Scrope
Bernard's Character— Scrope's Marriage with Harriet Morland — They Visit
Worcester and Lincoln— The ' Stuff and Colour Ball '—They Visit Nether
Winchendon — The State of the Manor House — Friendship with the Lees of
Hartwell — Scrope Bernard's Last Appearance as a Public Speaker in Oxford
— His Work as Secretary to the Commission — Birth of his Eldest Son,
' William — The Nether Winchendon Estate — The Knollys Family — Portraits
at Nether Winchendon — Mrs. Beresford's Burial.
The lady to whom Scrope Bernard paid his addresses was
Harriet, only child of William Morland, banker. The firm
was then known as Kansom and Morland, but the actual
partners were, I believe, the seventh Lord Kinnaird, who
had married Mr. Eansom's daughter, and Mr. Morland.
Mr. Morland was the grandson of another William
Morland, styled a ' master shipwright ' of Woolwich, who
would now, I suppose, be called a shipbuilder ; ^ he was
chosen by the body of ' master shipwrights ' to present an
address to William III. on the occasion of a royal visit to
Woolwich. His wife was Alice Leving, daughter of John
Leving, another master shipwright, and described in an
epitaph in the Old Church at Woolwich as son of ' Eichard
Lewing of Bridgen in the parish of Bexley, Kent, Esqre,
and also of this parish.' ^ I have some difficulty about the
^ Some of this information concerning the Morlands I heard from my
father Sir Thomas Tyringham Bernard. A licence from the Heralds' College,
authorising Scrope Bernard, as he then was, to quarter the Tyringham arms, also
exemplifies the Morland bearings, and describes the second William as grand-
son of William and Alice, but does not name his father.
- The entries of the Morland and Leving burials are at Winchendon, on a
scrap of paper, showing the position of their tombs, which must have been
marked by slabs on the pavement.
78 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
name of the son of this couple who became the father of
the second William Morland. They had a son John, whose
portrait in a red coat, with a dog by his side, is at Nether
Winchendon ; he died at the age of twenty-seven, and three
sons of his are buried at Woolwich in the church of St.
Mary Magdalen, the old church but then rebuilt ; it is not
likely that he had any more children, and 1 do not know
the name of any other son. I have some reason, however,
to think that the second WiUiam's mother was Elizabeth
Pratt.
I have lately obtained the following information about
the Morland graves from Mr. William Norman of Plum-
stead : ' The old church stood much nearer to the river-side
than the present one, which was erected in 1733, about
which time the old one was rased to the ground, and the
space utilised for burials. In 1893-4 the whole church-
yard was laid out as a public garden, and most of the old
stones and tombs removed — among them the Morlands'
tomb, the inscription upon which had at that time become
illegible.'
In that same year an old clerk, John Walker Moore,
whose father and grandfather had been clerks of the church
before him, gave Mr. Norman the information that 'the
Morlands' tomb formerly bore an inscription to the effect
that the vault which it covered was under the chancel of
the old church.'
There seems to have been a tradition that those
Morlands were related to Sir Samuel Morland, son of an
incumbent of Sulham, Berks, the great engineer and scien-
tific inventor, who had been Cromwell's ambassador to the
Duke of Savoy, sent specially to intercede for the persecuted
Vaudois. A possible link between Sir Samuel and the
Woolwich Morlands may be found in the person of ' Joseph
Morland, M.D., F.K.S.,' who, in 1713, published a book
entitled ' Disquisitions on the Force of the Heart,' illus-
trated by a number of diagrams. The book is at Nether
Winchendon, and the name * William Morland ' is written
on the title page. By the date Joseph might have been a
HARRIET MORLAND 79
brother of the first William, and he was clearly a protege
of Sir Samuel and admitted to his friendship. He was the
editor of the great man's posthumous work on * Hydro-
statics,' and states in the preface that Sir Samuel left him
all his mathematical papers.^
Mary Ann, the wife of the second William Morland,
was daughter of Austen Mills, a merchant residing at
Greenwich ; he was twenty-two and she seventeen when
they were married at the church of St. Benet Finck, London,
1762. He was brought up to the surgical profession,
whether by transmission from Dr. Joseph, I do not know ;
but he must have left it somewhat early, for he was well
established as a banker when his daughter became engaged
to Scrope Bernard, and he was then only forty-five. At a
later period, from 1786 to 1796, he represented the borough
of Taunton, Somerset, in Parliament. His portrait by
Northcote, though it presents him as a fine man, is too
commercial in its character to do him full justice ; he was a
man of refined mind. His younger grand-daughter, when re-
cording his death, wrote, with pardonable pride : ' He had
travelled in France, Italy, and Germany, and was reckoned
one of the most accomplished gentlemen of his time.' In
the course of his wanderings he had acquired a small but
choice collection of pictures, and various articles then rare
and valued as curios and works of art.
Mrs. Morland was a bright, lively woman, as her letters
show ; she was not apparently what would now be called
intellectual, and as her husband objected to her burdening
herself with the management of her house, she must have
' Dr. Joseph Morland's own book is entitled ' Disquisitions Concerning tJie
Force of the Heart, the Dimensions of the Coats of the Arteries, and the Circu-
lation of the Blood, by Joseph Morland, M.D. and F.R.S. Printed for John
Lawrence at the Angel in the Poultry, 1713.' It was sixteen years earlier that
he had sent Sir Samuel Morland's last work to the same publisher. This is
called : ' Hydrostatics or Instruciimis Concerning Water Works, collected out of
the Papers of Sir Samuel Morland, containing the Method he made use of in
the Curious Art. London : Printed for John Lawrence at the Angel in the
Poultry, over against the Compter, 1697.' Sketches of Sir Samuel Morland's
career will be found in the Dictionary of National Biography, the Biographie
Universelle, and many other works.
80 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
led a leisurely life ; but she was a genial hostess and tender
mother, and in due time a devoted grandmother, and looked
up admiringly to the husband who was supreme over all
his surroundings, receiving in return unremitting attention
from him. Her daughter Harriet inherited her amiable
disposition, but perhaps with less Hghtheartedness.
Mrs. Mills, the mother of Mrs. Morland, came in her
widowhood to hve in Mr. Morland's house, and was an
honoured member of the family. She had several children,
and was grandmother of Charles Mills, the historian of the
Crusades, Chivalry, and ' Muhamedanism.' Her maiden
name was Gillam, a Kochester family ; and a brother of
hers became for a moment noted in the history of England.
Samuel Gillam was a London magistrate at the period of
the Wilkes Riots, about the time when Governor Bernard's
troubles were beginning in America, 1765. It was Mr.
Gillam who, seeing that the reading of the Eiot Act had
but inflamed the passions of the mob, that the magistrates
were hooted and pelted, and the soldiers assailed with
stones and brickbats, gave the order to fire — the first result
being that five or six persons were killed, and fifteen
wounded.^
It is always a distressing alternative to resort to such
measures, but in this case there is little doubt that the
resolution of the magistrates, and of Mr. Gillam in parti-
cular, saved many lives. * Happily,' writes Mr. Jesse, ' the
terrible chastisement which had been inflicted in St. George's
Fields had the effect, for a time, of restoring peace to the
metropolis.' Only the day before this event King George III.
had written to Lord Weymouth, Secretary of State : ' I can-
not conclude without strongly recommending the justices, if
' Jesse, Memoirs of tlie Life and Reign of George III., vol. i., chap. xx. A
most unfortunate occurrence had exasperated the mob. The soldiers, it is said,
in pursuing a ringleader, bayonetted a young man who was an innocent
spectator, mistaking him for the culprit. This catastrophe goaded the rioters
to frenzy, and Mr. Gillam's order, which was subsequent, prevented a general
massacre of the troops, and perhaps the general wreck of London. Mr. Jesse
has in this account spelt the magistrate's name erroneously ' Gillman,' but
on another page it is correctly given as ' Gillam.'
SCEOPE BERNAKD'S MAREIAGE 81
they call the troops to their assistance, should show that
vigour which alone makes them respected,' And in other
letters he had used still stronger language ; Mr. Gillam, how-
ever, was put on his trial for murder, but acquitted, and lived
many years longer, apparently in peace and honour.^
Scrope Bernard's courtship of Harriet Morland must
have been well advanced when the Marquess of Buckingham
wrote the following letter,^ advocating his suit, to her father :
Wotton, April 13, 1785.
Sir, — Although I have not the honour of being personally
known to you, yet the affectionate interest which I take in what-
ever concerns Mr. Bernard will I hope apologize for this liberty.
He has detailed to me the conversation which you was so good as
to hold with him, & I owe it to him to bear that testimony to
his character and conduct, which the most intimate knowledge
enables me to give, & in giving it I feel that I discharge a debt of
gratitude to him. I will not presume to add anything further
upon a subject, which I could not venture to mention to you, but
for the confidence which he puts in me, & for the affection which
I bear him ; if however he should be fortunate enough to be the
object of Miss Morland's choice & of your approbation, I will
answer for him that he will discharge to her & to you the duties
of his new situation with that attention to his character & conduct,
which has so warmly recommended him to his friends.
May I hope for your excuses for this trouble ; I owed it in
favour of one whom I sincerely love & esteem, I will therefore
only detain you to assure you of the regard with which,
I have the honour to be
Sir,
Your obedient humble servt
Nugent Buckingham.
It is almost superfluous to state that such a recom-
mendation was not thrown away, and that Scrope Bernard
became the accepted suitor of Harriet Morland. They
were married, from Mr. Morland's house in Upper Grosvenor
' The King wrote to Lord Weymouth on July 8 : ' Though averse in general
to signing a respite previous to conviction, I think it my duty in the most public
manner to show my countenance to those who with spirit resist the daring spirit
that has of late been instilled into the populace.' Mr. Gillam was tried and
acquitted July 11.
2 MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
VOL. III. G
82 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
Street, at St. George's, Hanover Square, on July 26, 1785 ;
the officiating clergyman was Dr. Price. My father used
to say that a portrait by Hoppner, now at Winchendon,
represented his mother in her wedding-dress, but he may
have drawn upon his imagination. There is a church in
the background, but it is a country church amongst fields
and trees. ^ There is also a blue sash to the white dress
and a blue ribbon to the white ' Gainsborough ' hat. It is
an especially pleasing picture.
Mr. and Mrs. Scrope Bernard appear to have gone
first to Worcester; at least it was to Worcester that a
business letter was addressed. Whether they visited Hagley
is not stated. Wedding tours could then hardly be said to
exist; the newly married pair often remained some time
with the bride's parents ; and then perhaps visited relations,
or went to their own home. In this case I know incidentally
of the letter to Worcester ; and that they were in Lincoln at
an early date after their departure from thence. A family
gathering took place at the house of Mr. and Mrs. White.
The other members of the family there assembled were
apparently Fanny and Julia with their respective husbands.
These made up the * party of four brothers and sisters,'
mentioned in a letter from Scrope to Mrs. Morland. Emily
and Captain Baker must have been in Ireland, and Thomas
Bernard was evidently not there, nor his wife, since
allusion is made to them as absent members resident in
Lincoln's Inn Fields. Another allusion to friends in South-
ampton Row, I cannot verify ; it perhaps refers to some of
the Mills family, Mrs. Morland's relatives.
The letter is dated * Lincoln, August 10, 1785,' and after
some preliminary messages, and an announcement of the
completed purchase of a house in Bolton Street, Mayfair,
from Mr. Pulteney ; it continues : ^
We arrived here to a minute of the time appointed on Saturday
last, and we had not been in Mr. White's house many minutes
' These particulars are partly derived from my father, partly from the
diary of an aunt, &c.
'' The Letters in this Chapter are in MS. at Nether Winchendon.
SCEOPE BEENAED'S WEDDING TOUE 83
before our arrival was discovered, and the Minster bells struck
up, to the great danger of the steeple, which is out of repair, inso-
much that the Dean sent the ringers word after half an hour's
ringing, that they had done enough for a compliment, and that he
was sure the new-comers would be sorry to occasion any harm to
the Cathedral. At dinner the City Musick waited upon us and
played their whole store of airs and marches, &c. There was an
Assembly in the evening which we were told was more fully attended
than usual, in expectation of our party making our appearance there;
but the ladies were too late and too tired to get themselves dressed,
so that we contented ourselves with a domestic party of four
Brothers and Sisters, which is a larger family set than has met
together this many, many years. At our meals as well as upon
the road we have never forgot Upper Grosvenor Street, and as
frequent repetition brings on abbreviation, we soon began to toast
that, with Southampton Eow, and Lincoln's Inn Fields, under the
appellation of ' the Eow, the Street, and the Fields,' and within
these few days have reduced it to ' Eow, Street, Fields,' which the
little children in their eagerness to emulate us in drinking toasts,
have converted into ' Eoasted Fields.'
On Sunday morning we went to the City Church, below Hill,
and took our places among the Aldermen and Aldresses, which is
the title given here (not ludicrously) to their ladies. In the after-
noon we went to the Minster, where Dr. Gordon, the Chanter,
was so good as [to] interest himself that we might have a good
anthem. That evening we spent en famille, excepting only a
short walk upon the Minster Green, which is the Mall of this
place.
On Monday Mr, White had a select Lincoln party to dinner,
with cards in the evening — Harriot and I at the commerce table ;
and yesterday the Dean favoured us with a grand dinner, to which
we sat down nineteen in number, were very sociable, and had a
pleasant drawing-room party afterwards. Harriot seems to take
very well to the good people of Lincoln, and I am sure they do to
her. In a little time she would be quite at home here ; but upon
so short an acquaintance with them, it is perfectly natural that she
should be willing to return to Upper Grosvenor Street for the
present, and come some other time to improve her acquaintance
with the card parties of this place. She is gone out this morning to
see the Assembly Eooms, and call at one or two places ; she would
have staid at home to write, but that I told her my letter would be
sufficient, and that she might write another to-morrow, which may
accordingly be expected . . ,
s %
84 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
We propose being in town on Sunday or Monday, but her
letter to-morrow will inform you. I beg my affectionate and
dutiful remembrances to Mrs. Morland and Mrs. Mills, and my
best respects and thanks to Lord and Lady Kinnaird, if you are
still with them. The whole Brotherhood here have desired me to
present their united love and compts to you and family.
A letter from the Rev. R. G. Bowyer, of Willoughby,
followed Scrope Bernard to town, having missed him at
Lincoln, and is a good specimen of the ceremonious style
of the day. It refers to the ' Stuff and Colour Ball,' which
was instituted in that very year for the promotion of
Lincolnshire manufactures :
Willoughby, August 16, 1785.
Dear Sir, — Much flattered as I am by the honour of your very
obliging letter, I think myself unfortunate that my distance from
Lincoln and the shortness of your stay in our county deprives
me of the still greater pleasure which you give me reason to think
you intended me. Permit me. Sir, to hope that some future
opportunity will be more favourable to me and that I may look
upon your letter as some kind of earnest for a share of the next
visit you will pay these parts.
Mrs. White, whose approbation has been a great encourage-
ment to my endeavours for the employment of the poor, has pro-
bably given you some account of the success of our plans, which
is really satisfactory for the time.
Mrs. Bowyer and I are not without hopes that we may be
honoured with Mrs. White's company at Willoughby Parsonage in
November, if she still holds to the kind intention Miss Fellowes
told us she entertained of honouring with her presence the little
festivity we have announced for the seventeenth of this month, in
behalf of our infant manufacture, by an advertisement which
perhaps you have seen. The ground of this our hope is that the
company then expected will be too numerous for the accommoda-
tions of the town of Alford, which is within half an hour's drive
of our house.
Allow me to express my regret that so necessary a step as the
revision and amendment of the Poor Laws should be for the
present laid aside, and to indulge a hope that your abilities will
yet be efficaciously exalted in a cause to which your inclination
seems to point so strongly, that I shall make no apology for the
freedom I mean to take from time to time of communicating to
you anything that may seem to me worthy of your notice on this
THE 'STUFF AND COLOUK BALL' 85
subject, desiring only that such communications may lay by you,
till your leisure permits you to peruse them, and though the
transactions of this obscure little corner are not important enough
to claim much of your attention, yet I shall so far avail myself of
the partiality you was pleased to profess for the first account of
them, as to transmit to you, as soon as it is published, an appen-
dix I am now preparing.
I have the honour to present my respectful compliments to
Mr. and Mrs. White, and to remain most faithfully
Your obliged and
obedient humble servant
E. G. BOWYEK.
The announcement of an intended ball having called
attention to the subject of the woollen industry, it was
resolved to found a manufactory for the employment of the
poor, and efforts were made to induce persons connected
with the county to assist the scheme by taking shares.
Mrs. White appears to have thrown herself energetically into
this project. She writes ^ from Lincoln, ' Nov. 8, 1785 ' :
Dear Brother, — I received a message from you in Captain
Baker's letter which I understood, I flatter myself, right, & thank
you for your acquiescence in case I should wish it. — I forget
whether my answ^, that we would wait a quarter of a year & I
would then let you know how we went on, ever was committed to
paper or sent to you, & I am ashamed to say that only on your
slight permission, I have since ventured to set down your name
& even given Lowrie leave to draw on you at a month's date for
£30 Since which I have paid £20 on the same acct to make
up yr 50. I hope it will not at the present be particularly dis-
agreeable to you, & conclude you will wish me to take the first
opportunity of selling it again. This is the time for the Manu-
factory's having a large stock in hand, both of goods & Wool,
but if you permit us to retain your name a quarter of a year I
shall hope to give you by that time a good account of the money
again.
The writer observes satirically :
As it is professedly begun for the good of the Poor, several
People we are acquainted with are waiting to see if anything is to
be gained by it, & will then be very ready to enter.
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
86 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
She then continues :
It goes on exceedingly well and with a quiet steadiness that
does it honour, & will during this winter have the effect of intro-
ducing the Parish Spinning Schools in the manner recommended
by Mr. Bowyer, so earnestly desired by us all, & they will be in-
dependent of the Factory & almost in opposition to it, which is
for particular reasons still more desirable, as nothing can hurt it
but too great a load of poor, which lay heavy on the fund last
winter, but is now removed without detriment to them, & the City
Jersey School taken up to assist in the great work of making the
poor industrious & comfortable.
She then mentions that ' S*" John Nelthorpe will have
two shares, and perhaps another gentleman or too of
[position ?] in the county who have behaved handsomely
with regard [?] to the public Warehouse plan, which the
Dean wishes to see carried into execution.' The festive
part is not forgotten. Jane White says that she is ' going
in a few days to the Ball ... & shall be busy now in
preparing the dress, which is an Uniform & very pretty.
Mr. White is recovering from the gout but will not venture
to go, & I am to accompany another Lady & be at Mrs.
Bowyer's house which will make it very agreeable.' She
ends : ' I believe Sister Scrope will think me a little crazy,
but desire she will suspend her judgement a while till the
event of these things justify ye eager attention.'
By way of resuming the history of this movement
I anticipate the course of time. Jane White wrote to
Scrope Bernard in the following year, 1786, enclosing 25Z.
and promising another remittance as soon as she received
it. She adds ' if you please to give my Sister Scrope the
odd 5s. to lay out in a new song for me, when she meets
with a pretty one in English or Italian,' intimating that
all claims would thus be satisfied. 'Mr. Bowyer's ball
went off very agreeably this year & we had a great meeting
the week after at Lincoln,' adding with a thought of
Buckinghamshire: 'Will this French Treaty hurt our
friends the Lacemakers ? I hope not.'
A SCHOOL OF INDUSTRY 87
Mr. Bowyer afterwards wrote a paper for a publication
edited by Thomas Bernard, entitled : ^ ' A School of Industry
for Sixty Girls.' This was one of the institutions founded
by the will of Lord Crewe, Bishop of Durham,^ but
organised by trustees. Whether Mr. Bowyer had studied
this scheme before he came forward in the Lincolnshire
plans of improvement, or whether he helped in the
Bamburgh organisations a few years later, I am not able to
state.
Bishop Barrington wrote to Scrope Bernard, in 1788 :
The first specimen Mr. Bowyer gave of his talents in that line
which he has pursued with so much credit to himself and so much
utility to his neighbours, will make me read his second with equal
eagerness and pleasure. I beg that you will thank him in my
name, and request that he will never come to London without
calling upon me.
Bishop Barrington was translated from Salisbury to
Durham in 1791, and Bamburgh Castle was in that diocese ;
but whether Mr. Bowyer became incumbent by his appoint-
ment I cannot say.
The Lincolnshire scheme probably succumbed to the
introduction of steam. A recent guide writes of it, in
somewhat depreciatory terms : ^
This ball was originally estabUshed at Alford in 1785, with the
view of encouraging the Lincolnshire manufactory of woollen
stuff, and was removed to Lincoln, where it has been since
regularly held, in 1789. It owes its origin to the Society of Industry,
for the Southern Division of the parts of Lindsey, who, August 5,
1785, issued cards for an assembly at the Windmill Inn, Alford,
at which free admission was given to all ladies appearing in
gowns and petticoats of woollen stuff spun and woven in Lincoln-
shire, and gentlemen appearing without any cotton or silk in their
dress except stockings. The manufacture having been taken up in
high circles, it became fashionable for ladies to spin the yarn for
their own dresses. Those who did so were distinguished at the
ball by white ribbons ; their less industrious sisters wearing blue.
One of the ladies of rank of the county was each year chosen as
' Beports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of tlie Poor, vol i.
- Translated from Oxford in 1674.
' Williamson's Guide to Lincoln.
88 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
patroness. A colour — that chosen at the first Alford ball was orange
—was declared by her at the commencement of the year, in which
all ladies were to appear, thus ensuring the wearing of new dresses
on the occasion. Lady Banks, the wife of Sir Joseph Banks, was
patroness of the first ball held at Lincoln.
Notwithstanding the ' laudable zeal shown by the county
ladies in support of their infant manufactory' at the outset,
woollen stuff proved to be too heavy a garb to be tolerated in a
ballroom ; and, in 1803, a compromise was made, by which
ladies were admitted free ' on taking 6 yards of stuff of the first
quaUty or ten of the plain,' while those ' who had not less than 4
yards could have tickets 5s. each, gentlemen 10s. 6d. as usual.'
But the manufacture proved a complete failure, and died out in
spite of this adventitious aid, and almost the only memorial of its
existence is the title of the ' Lincoln Stuff Ball,' and the traditionary
rule — still nominally enforced — of the choice of a colour for the
ladies' costume.
Not later, I believe, than two or three years ago, I noticed
a paragraph in the * Times ' vouching for the continuance
of the same ball, which must, however, have lost much of
its pristine interest.
From the wording of Scrope's letter to Mr. Morland,
written at Lincoln, it is evident that he intended to travel
with his wife direct to London, and the plan was apparently
carried into effect, since the young couple took possession
of the house in Bolton Street about this time. In the
autumn they went to Nether Winchendon. No record is
left of their welcome to the deserted homestead ; but it
may be assumed that the bells of the village church rang
merrily, though not sonorously like the peal of Lincoln
Minster, and that the villagers were treated to some
festivities in honour of the occasion.
It is said, however, that the bride, accustomed as she
was to town life, and knowing little of the country beyond
the civilised neighbourhood of Lee, was discouraged by the
forsaken appearance of the place. The Manor House had
indeed all but sunk into a farm-house; Richard Plater,
who held the land in its immediate proximity, was living in
the house as caretaker ; another tenant, Gurney, had been
NETHEE WINCHENDON MANOR HOUSE 89
allowed to occupy a far end of the building. By this
means it had been kept more or less aired, but at the
expense of its refinement ; and it must have been difficult
to make the reserved portion of the home comfortable,
according to London ideas, without a thorough renovation.
In an age when the prevailing taste in architecture, gardening,
and all their accompaniments, was quite anti-mediaeval,
the venerable aspect of the place afforded no compensation
for its shortcomings ; at least, so its new mistress is said
to have thought. Possibly, also, the sights and sounds—
the rats making their rounds all through the night ; the
hooting and screeching of the owls, and the dashing of
the bats against the windows, ready to enter at the first
opportunity — may have affected her nerves ; for during this
first residence she contracted a feverish indisposition. Mr.
Morland wrote in distracted terms to Scrope, praying for
full information ; but no serious consequences ensued, and
ere long Harriet Bernard was restored in good health to
the society of her devoted parents.
One pleasant reminiscence of this visit apparently is a
note from Hartwell, written according to the fashion of the
day, in the third person, but most friendly. It evidently
refers to the difficulties of locomotion in Bucks ; perhaps
the Bernards had no suitable vehicle, but it is also possible
that they could not make use of any on the cross road
between Winchendon and Dinton, which was their way to
Hartwell — at least at certain seasons. I have heard that
Mrs. Scrope Bernard had to ride pillion for some years after
she made acquaintance with Winchendon, and of course
with a manservant when her husband was not there. The
note is as follows :
Sir Wm. and Lady Eliz. Lee return compts to Mr. & Mrs. S.
Bernard, and beg that they will give no attention to formalities ;
they will be glad to see them in any dress and in any manner or
on any day most agreeable to them, and hope shd it be agreeable
to them to accept of their carriage they will be so good as to send
order for it at what Hour may be convenient to them.
Hartwell, Sept. 10th.
90 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Various kind notes were written from the same quarter —
in successive years it would seem — showing that the old
feeling of friendship was kept up. The intercourse with
the Lees of Hartwell had never been dropped by Scrope ;
he had even acted as tutor to young William Lee for a
short time, residing in his father's house but refusing all
remuneration. This youth was a subject of much anxiety
to his father, and probably to his mother also, and Scrope
had not been able to continue the tutorship so long as
Sir William would have wished ; his pupil had written to
him afterwards from Oxford consulting him about his
studies, in an affectionate tone, but somewhat free and easy,
considering the difference in their ages.
During the autumn of this year, in which Scrope Bernard
had entered upon a new phase of life, he received a letter
from France, apparently the last on William Grenville's side
of their college or bachelor correspondence. Mr. Grenville
did not marry for some years, but he soon became immersed
in political business, and the careless freedom of early times
was succeeded by the tone of a man who had commenced the
struggle of life in right earnest. The letter is here given :
A Nancy en Lorraine.
Ce 20"^ Oct- 1785.
Longos
Cantando memini puerum me condere soles. ^
Nunc oblita mihi tot carmina, or you should not have received
a letter in English prose to follow the clouds of Epitaphs, Epigrams
and Odes which used to be the production of our evenings at an
EngHsh Inn. You must attribute this entirely to my stupidity and
by no means must imagine that Nancy of Lorraine is less adapted
to poetical images than Marazion or Penzanza's hold. If there
were in me any veteris vestigia flamma they must have been
called out by our journey of this day, through a valley watered
by the Moselle, and enclosed by the most beautiful hills,
crowned with woods which have just received the first tints of
autumn, while the sides are covered with vineyards. The vintage
' The writer has not quoted this passage quite accurately. It runs :
' Saepe ego longos
Cantando puerum memini me condere soles ;
Nunc oblita mihi tot carmina.'
A PEETTY SCENE 91
is but just begun here, and forms the prettiest moving picture that
can be imagined ; the whole villages, men, women, and children,
gathering the grapes and bringing them in baskets to the houses
where they are pressed. I am astonished that this scene has not
furnished more images to the Eoman poets ; perhaps it was too
familiar to them, tho' the same thing might be said of our harvest
which has however been a constant topic.
It will, I am sure, not be indifferent to you to know that you
made a considerable part of our conversation in the course of our
journey, and that I took up my pen principally, to express to you
what I have not yet done since your going to Chateau Bernard,
our sincere wishes for every sort of happiness that can befall
you.
If I calculate right this letter will reach you in the midst of
your Oxford glories. I would by no means interrupt the con-
sideration of so important a personage as S' Thomas Bodley, and
therefore give you no direction for writing to me, for which indeed
another reason may be assigned, which is that till we get to
Paris we shall never be stationary above two days in any one
place, having found that time amply sufficient for acquiring a full
and perfect knowledge of the manners, customs, language, laws,
manufactures and commerce of the different cities of Europe.
I remember a French President in London who had allotted a
week for a journey which he had undertaken to England for the
sake of acquiring information on these points, and we were told at
Brussels of a man there who, having infinitely more capacity for
gaining knowledge in a short space of time, had returned there,
after sleeping one night in London, coeffe d I'Angloise. It is true
this coeffure did not require much application or labour, as it
consisted in untying his queue and letting his hairs hang about
his ears. So that you may justly expect to see me return ac-
complished in mniii scibili atque acquisibili in France, Switzerland,
or Flanders.
After telling Scrope that the travellers had not yet passed
through Montreuil, but intended to do so on their way home,
and expected to find his friends tenderly remembered,
Grenville alludes to friends who were apparently travelling
in England. The ' King ' mentioned in the following para-
graph was not Scrope's brother-in-law, nor apparently re-
lated to him ; his father was Dean of Raphoe. The Moss
alluded to was probably son of the Bishop of Bath and
92 THE BBRNAEDS OF ABINGTON
Wells, and must have taken Holy Orders soon after this
tour.
If you see Moss pray tell him that he must live in daily expecta-
tion of a new Episcopo-pastoral. I had one letter from King during
this tour. But it reached me in the midst of East India dispatches.
I beg you will collect from Moss a just and complete account of
all their calamities. How often, while he was reading, King fell
asleep (as well he might) and the horse turned aside to graze in
the bottom of the neighbouring ditch. How often the buggy
broke down
' And laid the Bishop's mitred head in dust.'
How often they were splashed by stage coachmen, and how often
run over by Phaeton, with a long list of other misfortunes. Our
journey has been uncommonly prosperous, and les Milords Anglais
have come off with flying colours.
I have left no directions for any mortal to write to me.
If anything very remarkable happens, of which it is absolutely
necessary that I should be immediately informed, you will write
to me d la Poste Bestante d Paris, by which means I may pro-
bably get your letter by the beginning of December. You will
however write with a due regard to the Inspector General of
Foreign Letters.
Believe me ever most afftely yours
W. W. G.
The * Oxford glories ' to which Mr. Grenville alludes in
this letter, as connected with the memory of Sir Thomas
Bodley, I cannot further explain ; George Barrington, a son
of the General/ and eventually fifth Viscount Barrington,
has, however, alluded to this occasion evidently in the
following paragraph :
I went to Oxford yesterday to vote for the Camden Professor-
ship, and calling upon the Dean I took an opportunity of mention-
ing your speech. He said it did you great credit on the whole
but he lamented you had not come to Oxford a day or two earlier
and shown it to him, that he might amend the exceptionable parts
where you had now and then offended against a regimen of
grammar which only marked your desuetude of writing Latin.
' See vol. i., chapter x., pp. 215, 216, for some account of the Barrington or
Shute pedigree ; it may also be found in Burke and Debrett's Peerages.
A NEW PHASE OP LIFE 93
This was probably Scrope's last appearance as a public
speaker in Oxford. He was there again the following
summer, but I do not know for what reason ; and he never
entirely lost his connection with the University ; but in this
respect, as in many others, he had entered upon a different
phase of life. On his return to London in this year of his
marriage it would seem that the work offered him by Pitt
commenced in right earnest, that it was continuous and
severe, and that Scrope when he found that there was no
probability of its coming to an end at the expiration of six
months, as at first suggested, began to have thoughts of
flinging it up. This I gather from a letter sent by a friend
whose name I cannot give, because I am unable to identify
the handwriting, and the second portion of the letter con-
taining the signature is not to be found; but there is
enough on the first sheet to show that the writer was one
who thought he had a claim to address Mr. Bernard in a
paternal or semi-paternal tone, and remonstrate seriously
against his project of relinquishing a post that might lead to
further advantages, before he had given it a fair trial. He
comments on the desponding strain in which Scrope had
written to him, as unintelligible from one so fortunately
placed and, as he supposes, happily married. Thereupon he
enters into a dissertation on the evil results of marrying
without affection — a folly which he believes Scrope incapable
of committing. He then alludes to the expected birth of a
first child, and thus fixes approximately the date of the letter.
No doubt the simple explanation of this dolorous mood,
into which Mr. Bernard appears to have fallen, was the
protracted drudgery of his occupation as secretary to the
Commission. All through life the routine of office work
was most distasteful to his nervous, excitable nature —
unluckily— for he was constantly being driven into it by
circumstances.
William, the eldest son of Scrope and Harriet Bernard,
was born on July 17, 1786,^ at Mr. Morland's house in
Upper Grosvenor Street, and it may be hoped that this
• Debrett and Burke, Baronetages, ' Bernard Morland.'
94 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
event had some effect in raising his father's spirits and
inducing him to take a more hopeful view of life. This
precious child was apparently sent to his grandparents at
Lee while his parents were settling down at Winchendon in
August, and then went to stay with his uncle Thomas and
aunt Margaret in London who had no children of their own.
This appears from a letter written by Thomas to Scrope in
that month.
My little nephew arrived in Town yesterday, and is I hope in a
fair way of being a great and good man. I need not tell you that
any attention we can pay you and yours, is ever contributed with
the utmost pleasure.
The child was probably sent on to the country ; but in
the same letter Thomas Bernard continues :
"We were obliged to defer our Winchendon visit for many
reasons ; one, that I thought that under present circumstances it
would make an unpleasant hurry to Margaret, and prevent her
giving a few hours to her Aunt and Sister this week. We do not
OQ to Wilton Park till the afternoon, and I am obliged to return
to town on Tuesday morning. Could you conveniently fix
Saturday for the Kings, and let us come to you on Friday which
we will make a point of doing ? I mention that time, because it
is the only time that I am sure of commanding. Mrs. Stainforth
comes to us on Saturday. If that suits you we shall sleep at
Wilton Park on Thursday, breakfast at Wendover, and get early
to you at Winchendon.
Wilton Park, near Beaconsfield, was the seat of Josias
Du Pre, Esq.,^ a late Governor of Madras. Mr. and Mrs.
King were staying with the Smiths at Wendover Vicarage,
whence Mr. King wrote to Scrope in anticipation of their
visit : ' Fanny in particular promises herself no small
gratification.' She had perhaps never seen her childhood's
home since the day when ' Monsieur Le Eoi ' declared his
love in a bower.
That the accommodation at Nether Winchendon Manor
House was not extensive is clear from this correspondence,
since the Kings could not be received the same day as
' Burke, A Dictionary of the Landed Gentry : 'Du Pr6 of Wilton Park,'
HILLSBOEOUGH 95
Thomas and Margaret Bernard ; yet there is no mention of
the Whites attempting the long journey from Lincoln,
while Amelia and Captain Baker must have been still in
Ireland, whence the Kings had but recently returned ; neither
is any other guest mentioned. Possibly Scrope had already
begun his work of renovation, which became a hobby, and
had workmen in part of the house.
The only long letter ^ I possess written by Amelia is
dated from Carrick-on- Shannon, and was written on July 25
in this year, just after she had received the news of
William Bernard's birth. After congratulations, and thanks
for a present to her son Frank — evidently of a silver knife
and fork in case — she continues :
Tom seems to thrive best in his native country, is grown very
stout. Frank tho' very well at present has not been quite so well
since we left England, but is what is called a fine Boy : for my-
self I am pretty well & so much pleased with some parts of
Ireland. I do not know whether we shall not settle in Belfast
and the country about it is very enticing ; the town well governed
and the inhabitants uncommonly well behaved and civil to
strangers.
Hillsborough belonging to that Earl is a most charming place.
Mrs. King & self & our Husbands spent two days there on our
way to this place ; it is a few miles out of the way and after the
Gentlemen had seen the men settled in quarters they walked on
to meet us ; the town consists of his own house, a very good Inn
& a few small houses, a very handsome church, the whole
surrounded by beautiful woods with pretty walk ; the Inn is kept
by an EngUsh woman, the servants & furniture all English brought
over at the Earl's expense ; in short it has all the luxuries of
an Inn with the quiet & comforts of a private house. We saw
many other pretty places on the road, but the Inns were miserably
bad.
This is a tolerable place, but at first we were much at a loss &
but for the better sort of people we should not get on, & what
we cannot get for money we do for love ; every one milks his
own cow, kills his mutton, & grows his garden stuff &e &c, &
if I do but send for anything I happen to want, they seem to
think it a favour I do them ; the mistress of the Inn made a
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
96 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
serious complaint that I did not send for anything, so to pacify
her I was obliged to send next day for a rosting [sic] Pig she had
promised me ; not a day but presents of Pease, Beans, new
Pottaties &c. come in ; we live cheap and comfortably & the place
is very healthy — The Eegt. is in four differ* quarters. Baker
commands two Companies here. Grenard is head quar^^ I
wish to know where we shall be sent next ; country qrs. are
generally more agreeable than Dublin, I have filled the Barrack
yard with chickens for which I gave 4*^ & 5'' a couple & that
was too much, a couple of young Turkies for 8'' & hen &
12 eggs for 5*^^ ... I call this my retirement & expect in the
course of two or three years to come amongst you all & cut a
dash, but must now cut some fine Trout 6 of which cost 1^
weighing between 4 & five Pounds altogether. Adieu, dear
brother let me hear from you soon. . . .
In this year, also, Scrope Bernard extended his views
beyond the homestead, and endeavoured to reduce the
Nether Winchendon estate to some kind of order. He was
in correspondence with the Eev. Charles Cave, owner of the
' Hill Farm ' portion of the Tyringham estate ; and an
appointment was made in order that they might examine
the contents of an old chest. This arrangement may have
brought Mr. Cave to Nether Winchendon, but after the
relatives had departed. No practical result, however, came
of their interviews at this time ; Mr. Cave declined to part
with any of his Nether Winchendon property, one portion
of which lay so near the Manor House as to^ interfere with
the convenience and pleasure of its owner. Three years
later, in 1789, something was achieved. Mr, Bernard was
able to purchase *a messuage and two closes.' This
* messuage ' was probably a house rather above the size of
an ordinary labourer's cottage, which may possibly have
been the village inn at the time, and was called the Bear
Inn during Scrope Bernard's ownership, which name it still
retains ; it stood near a gate leading from the village to the
* Hill Farm,' and a small field near by was probably one of
those transferred at the same time.
Another matter which the new Lord of the Manor had
much at heart was to buy that moiety of the advowson
THE PUECHASE OF AN ADVOWSON 97
which had gone to the Cave family at the same time as the
land, and he wrote to Dr. Andrew, the actual holder of the
perpetual curacy, for information upon the subject of his
clerical income derived from Nether Winchendon. The
doctor, who, it need hardly be stated, was not a constant
resident in that parish — (Mr. Newborough was apparently
his assistant curate) — wrote ^ from Ashford as follows :
I had the pleasure of your letter last post, and am puzzled
how to set any value at all upon a living, the fixed income of
which is not sufficient (and hereafter will be less so) to pay any
gentleman that shall serve — I pay Mr. Newborough 20^ p. ann.,
the fixed income is about 19£, so that what is strictly purchase-
able is 1£ minus. I presume it would be frivolous to suppose you
would take into your consideration the trifling and precarious
contributions of 4 or 5 farmers, none of whom subscribe more
than 15s. a year — Lady Knollys, indeed, subscribes 5 guineas ; but
'tis possible that good lady may die some time or other, and we may
not perhaps after her decease, be blessed with a successor so well
disposed. My particular acquaintance with the late Mr. Knollys,
and my laying hold of the Mollia Tempora fandi, was the foundation
and rise of that beautiful subscription. I always considered it as
a lucky hit, and it must be allowed to stand very ticklish in future.
In short I look upon the subscriptions (amounting, after deducting
the Tithe Feast and subscription to the widow and orphans, to
about 8^) to be what the algebraists call an evanescent quantity.
Besides, I take it, the subscribers would disdain to be sold and
would fly off at a tangent, were the subject ever so gently touched
upon.
This last phrase is obscure, but it probably refers to
Mr. Bernard's project of buying the moiety of the advowson,
which transaction, according to Dr. Andrew, the subscribers
were Hkely to resent, as a sale of their souls, or at least as
an indignity of some sort. It is curious to find such sensi-
tiveness in these Bucks farmers about a practice so fully
permitted, if not even encouraged, at that time in the Church
of England as by law estabHshed. The reverend gentleman
further observed that, as he had been appointed by Mr.
Cave, the next presentation would fall to Mr. Bernard or
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
VOL. Ill, H
98 THE BERNABDS OF ABINGTON
his heirs, and it was therefore scarcely worth his while to
purchase.
The transaction was not effected at this time. Dr.
Andrew died in 1790, and was succeeded by Mr. William
Lloyd. Before these events, however, the living had re-
ceived 200^. from Queen Anne's Bounty. The 191. per
annum reckoned by Dr. Andrew as the only settled income
of the incumbent was partly derived from a tithe rent
charge of 101. 13s. ^ paid by Scrope and by Sir Francis before
him with the proceeds of former grants in the Tyringham
time. Of tithes the Bernards never received any ; their
privileges as lay rectors have always consisted solely in
the obligation to keep the chancel in repair. Scrope
Bernard, however, had resolved to become sole patron, and
he achieved his object in 1804. Successive attempts to
improve the living at last raised it to the magnificent
income of 801. per annum.
The Mr. Knollys ^ who had been on terms of friendship
with Dr. Andrew was probably Francis Knollys, at one
time M.P. for Oxford, who died in June 1754, not quite three
months after his nephew, the last Sir Francis, had been
created a baronet. The title died with that Sir Francis in
1772. Lady Knollys, daughter and heiress of Sir Kobert
Kendall, later of Kempson, co. Bedford, still occasionally
resided at Winchendon ; one business letter ^ from her to
Scrope Bernard, preserved at the Manor House, is however,
presumptive evidence that she had ceased to occupy the
house some years later. It is dated : ' Soho Square feb''^
ye 26, 1789,' and is written in a fine bold round hand :
Lady Knollys's Compts to Mr. Bernard is very happy to ac-
commodate him with the ground he desires to have ; when he goes
to "Winchendon her tenant will settle the business with him. She
will sign the lease when ready, desires the rent may be paid to
her tenant as she does not chuse to alter the account, is sorry
she could not acquaint Mr. Bernard before, but did not hear from
Mrs. Quartermain till yesterday.
' See Lipscomb, Hist, of Bucks, vol. i., ' Nether Winchendon.'
' Ibid., ' Pedigree of Knollys.'
* MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
PICTURES AT NETHER WINCHENDON 99
With this letter the history of the Knollyses of Nether
Winchendon ends ; at least I have no means of tracing it
further. Lipscomb states briefly :
The remains of the mansion of the Knollyses, with certain
lands here, after the death of the last Lady KnoUys, passed to the
family of Longmire, and from them to the Rev. John King
Martyn, Rector of Pertenhall, co. Beds, and are now the property
of his son the Rev. Thomas Martyn, the present Rector of Perten-
hall.
Since Lipscomb's time the house and land have been
sold more than once, and the land has been divided ; the
house, which has been chiefly inhabited by its owners, I
have recently purchased.
For some years Scrope Bernard, who visited Winchendon
whenever his other avocations permitted, was in occasional
correspondence on family matters with his sister Jane
White ; in the course of which time several pictures, in
the custody of Mrs. White at Lincoln, were transferred to
her brother at Nether Winchendon. She enumerates *
' Mr. and Mrs. Terry and Miss Winlowe.' These pictures
were probably Mrs. White's property, left her by her
father's cousin Jane Hastings, daughter of Mr. and Mrs.
Terry, whom I suppose to have been one of her god-
mothers. There is also mention of a miniature of Mrs.
Beresford's father, * which is so strong a Likeness and so good
a Painting that I hope you will think it worth accepting as
Mrs. Beresford valued it so much.' The miniature really,
I believe, represented Francis Tyringham, Mrs. Beresford's
grandfather. He died before her birth, and her father died
so soon after that she can scarcely have remembered him ;
nevertheless it was probably Mrs. White who made the
mistake, as Mrs. Beresford would have inherited a tradition.
I find no mention of any other Tyringham portrait ; the
rest of the family paintings had probably hung undisturbed
on the walls of the Manor House through all its vicissitudes.
Another portion of the correspondence referred to the
' This letter and the rest of the correspondence are in MS. at Nether
Winchendon.
h2
100 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
dates of Mrs. Beresford's birth and marriage. The first was
easily ascertained ^ ; of the second I am not so sure. A third
point concerned her burial. Jane White wrote soon after
her stay at Winchendon to Scrope, then in Ireland :
I don't know whether the enclosed will [be] of any use to you
in Ireland, but you will have the option of forwarding them to any
person that is employed for you in these things.
What was the nature of these documents — for such they
evidently were — does not appear ; but the writer continues :
It has led to a discovery that my Father's sudden seizure,
just after Mrs. Beresford's interment, prevented his paying that
respect to her memory he wished, for I believe there is not even a
Tombstone. If you wish me to make any further enquiry, I will
go over to Leadenham & examine if the report is a mistaken one.
Having gone there in person with great sorrow to attend her
funeral, I should be sorry to find it quite true.
When I visited Leadenham there was certainly no
appearance of a tombstone or tablet ; the sole mention I
could find of Mrs. Beresford was in the epitaph to her son.
Nor has any monument been erected to her especially
at Nether Winchendon, though she is to a certain extent
commemorated on a tablet, which includes her father, John
Tyringham and Sir Francis and Lady Bernard in its
inscription, and which was of course placed there by
Scrope. This and the words underneath the clock to some
extent perpetuate the memory of the last Tyringham.
' From the register at Nether Winchendon.
THE VICEKOYALTY OF IKELAND 101
CHAPTEE VI
THE SECOND VICEKOYALTY OF lEELAND
Scrope Bernard appointed Usher of the Black Eod and Private Secretary to
the Marquess of Buckingham — Death of his Son Thomas — His intention to
contest Aylesbury — His post of Private Secretary — Debates in the House —
William Grenville and the appointment of Master of the EoUs in Ireland —
Lord Nugent — Scrope Bernard's departure for England — The Trial of Warren
Hastings — Disagreement between the Marquess of Buckingham and the
King — The King's illness — Thomas Grenville — Birth of Margaret Bernard —
The Opposition to the Viceroy.
In 1787, two years after Scrope Bernard and his bride had
made a prolonged stay at Winchendon, and the year after
the first family gathering had taken place^ — William Pitt
being still Prime Minister — the Viceroyalty of Ireland
became vacant by the death of the Duke of Rutland, and
the Marquess of Buckingham, the former Earl Temple,
attained the goal of his hopes. On November 2 Scrope
Bernard wrote ^ to Mr. Morland, who was then at Bath :
I have just time to write a line by this post to inform you
and Mrs. Morland that Lord Buckingham has this day been
declared in Council Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; and that he has
nominated me Usher of the Black Eod and Private Secretary, which
office, with the approbation of my friends, I propose to accept. I
imagine we shall set off by about the end of this month, but can-
not yet be certain. In the meantime I shall have a great deal to
do in making family and other arrangements ; in which I shall
want Mrs. Morland's and your assistance. I should propose the
nursery to be stationary in this country for the present ; but of this
and other subjects I shall write more particularly when at leisure.
Another son had been born to Scrope and Harriet
Bernard on October 15, and was named Thomas, having, no
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
102 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
doubt, his good uncle for a godfather. "Whether the agita-
tion into which his mother was thrown both before and
after his birth by the changes in the family prospects, or
some less obvious cause, affected her nurseling, I do not
know; but he died on December 13, the only child his
parents lost in infancy.
Scrope Bernard had apparently left England before his
son's death. His second period of office as a viceroy's
private secretary was, it will be seen, if somewhat longer
than the first, so disturbed and broken up by absences from
Ireland as to be by no means a satisfactory record ; possibly
it would not have been more satisfactory had it been further
protracted. The accounts of the Marquess's viceroyalty in
the volumes compiled from the family archives read of
course differently from those written by an independent
historian. Mr. Lecky ushers it in with the following
remarks ^ : .:
His short viceroyalty in 1783 had given him some Irish
experience, and it was thought that the fact that his wife was a
Catholic might give him some popularity. With considerable busi-
ness talents, however, the new Lord Lieutenant was one of those
men who in all the relations of life seldom fail to create friction
and irritation. Great haughtiness, both of character and manner ;
extreme jealousy and proneness to take offence, had always
characterized him; and before he had been many months in
Ireland we find him threatening his resignation, bitterly offended
with the King, angiy and discontented with the Ministers in
England, and very unpopular in Dublin.
In the ' Memoirs ' '^ the account is of course more favour-
able :
On the 1st of January 1788, Lord Buckingham transmitted
to the Ministry a copy of the speech he proposed for the opening
of the Irish Parliament on the 17th. He threw himself at once
into the labours of his Government, which, judging from the
multitude of topics that pressed upon his time, and the consci-
entious consideration he bestowed upon them, were onerous and
' Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (Edition 1892),
vol. ii. chap, v., p. 463.
■' Memoirs of tlie Cowt and Cabinets of George III., vol. i.
LOUD BUCKINGHAM'S EECEPTlON 103
absorbing. The correspondence of this period is very volumin-
ous, and embraces in detail an infinite variety of subjects. The
universal reliance which was placed in his justice and toleration,
drew upon him petitions and complaints from all manner of people.
I leave the reader, after perusing these accounts, to form
his own opinion, as far as may be, from the glimpses
afforded in this chapter of the second Grenville viceroyalty.
To gain a just estimate of the Marquess it is of course
necessary to compare him with other leading men of the
time, for it is only by such comparisons that he can be
fairly judged either in his public or private character.
The first letter addressed by Scrope Bernard after his
arrival in Ireland to William Grenville is lengthy, but it
relates so much of his own personal movements — they
cannot be called adventures — that, although it has already
been printed,^ I give it in full :
1787, December 27, Dublin Castle, — I have not written to you
sooner, because I knew that you would be as well informed of
Lord Buckingham's landing and reception here by the Gazette
and newspapers, if not better, than I could describe it to you.
But as we have now been here for above ten days, it is time I
should commence my correspondence.
There seems very little prospect of any diflficulty in the
approaching sessions here; no opposition is as yet announced.
The principal leading interests in opposition have mostly declared
their favourable dispositions, and wishes to support ; and nothing
is to be feared but from their jealousy of the comparative atten-
tions shown to one another, which must end in producing an
Opposition sooner or later, as the market is overstocked. Lord
Charlemont put himself forward to be one of the two noblemen
sent to conduct the Lord Lieutenant up the Castle stairs to the
Council Chamber, and sat next him yesterday at the Lord Mayor's
dinner, where there was a very pleasant party, and your brother
was in high spirits, and gave the greatest pleasure to those around
him. Chief Justice Carleton, who sat next me, observing Lord
Charlemont's assiduities, whispered that he wondered how long
this would last. I think it, however, possible that an old man
like him may be tired of volunteering and opposition, and may be
' TJie Manuscripts of J. B. Fortesctie, Esg^., vol. i., p. 293.
104 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
glad to seize a moment when he may think he can support, with
safety to his popularity. Fitz-Herbert seems a man of very pleas-
ing and taking manners, and to judge very prudently and dis-
creetly in the instances which have been yet seen and, what gives
me the most satisfaction, does not manifest the least jealousy
of your brother's monopoly of the business. Cuffe lays unremit-
ting siege to him, but I trust will be repulsed, though I know not
how it happens, but he seems to be a man much considered here,
and of political weight. With respect to myself, I go on very
pleasantly in my own quiet way, more sought than seeking, which
is the only plan for a private secretary. Lord Buckingham means
to give me one of the vacant houses in the Phoenix Park, not far
from the Lord Lieutenant's lodge, which will be very convenient
for my wife when she comes over, as I should not have had room
or conveniences for her at the Castle. As far as I can see, the
household is likely to be very well managed under Griffith's and
my joint government. I really am satisfied Griffith is as fit a
man as could have been found. Young was expected before this,
and it was wondered why he did not arrive, when the observation
was (not mine) that without doubt he would contrive to arrive
accidentally at the Head at the same time with Lady Buckingham,
and make himself her Excellency's squire in the yacht to Dublin.
I was offered a bet of this, but would not take it, as I am satisfied
it is his plan, and it accounts for his delay. I hope you will
find questions enough for him, which will require his attendance
when the business of your sessions is resumed, at the end of
January.
The next paragraph evidently refers to Scrope's intention
of standing for Aylesbury at the next election :
I forgot when I took leave of you to state what passed at the
interview which it was agreed I should seek with Lord
previous to my departure. He held the same explicit language
that he had used to your brother, declared that he should not put up
anybody himself and would give me no impediment ; adding that
he had no doubt I should succeed, if I did not mind creating so
many troublesome neighbours. I am however more fortified by
the deep clays and ruts than his lordship ; and if it should come
to that, I am not so tied down but I should always have my
remedy. Accordingly as I passed through Aylesbury finding
Chaplain in all the rest of the secret, I told him this remaining
part, and how he was to proceed in case of a vacancy. I called
on Sir William Lee as I went on, who, to my surprise, reminded
SCEOPE BEENAED'S EMOLUMENTS 105
me that I was to have written to him when I was last in Ireland,
but I had forgot it ; and asked me whether he might expect an
occasional letter from me this time ; which pleasure I certainly
shall not deny him ; and Lord Harcourt's picture at the Mansion
House suggested itself to me yesterday as a topic for opening the
correspondence.
Something passed in a conversation when your brother was with
you at Whitehall at which I was hurt, and which I think it neces-
sary for my credit that I should explain. When you were talking
of the Lord Lieutenant's emoluments commencing, in the present
instance, from the day of his declaration in Council, you added that,
what was a better thing, his private secretary's emoluments also
commenced from the same date. Now as my present emoluments
(those of Usher of the Black Eod) are a sessional grant, I thought
you could mean nothing else by that expression but the emolu-
ments of private secretary, which I declared from the first moment
of my being appointed Black Eod I would not accept ; and it
would be highly to my discredit if, with an office of that degree
of profit, I could have thought of taking any salary as private
secretary, which, being an allowance out of the pocket of the Lord
Lieutenant, could not with any propriety be taken where there is
such ample compensation from another office. I did not make
this observation at that moment, lest your brother should have
thought me ostentatious of what was no matter of ostentation. But
I own I was uneasy, lest by what you said at the time, that I was
the only officer whose profits were not affected by the early com-
mencement of Lord Buckingham's government, you should have
thought me a pluralist in so improper an instance ; though perhaps
in some instances, where the public were sure to be at the expence
whether I accepted it or not, I may have shown myself not
averse to pluralities.
I must conclude this letter here. I have so full a confidence
that none of these letters, particularly to friends of Government,
are pried into at the Post Office, that I have written without
reserve on all subjects ; and beg a hint if you think I do wrong
in using this freedom. I little thought that it would ever fall to
my lot to have the honour of franking a letter to you, but it is an
instance of what odd things happen. If you would prefer to have
my letters sent under cover to Anderson, I will beg an intimation
to that effect. The objection would be the delay in the receipt of
my communications, particularly if he should be out of the way,
or accidentally in the country . . . but of that you will be to
judge.
106 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
Long as this letter is, the writer added a lengthy post-
script :
I was delighted to find by one of your letters that you intended
paying some attention to Lyttelton. I have taken the greatest
pains on that subject, and have been continually afraid lest he
should be lost for want of common attention. He is very many
degrees above his father in point of political weight, character,
and abilities. If there were nothing else in his favour but his
name of Lyttelton, I should be sorry not to see it reunited to those
of Pitt and Grenville in political life ; but when, in addition to
this circumstance, he is a young man of uncommon value, I should
have been grieved to have seen him enlisted under any other
banners. I meant before I left town to have told you where he
lived, and to have requested you to call upon him, but it escaped
me. He is very shy, and feels any inattention shown to his
father as much as if it was to himself. Upon my making an
appointment, at Lord Wescote's desire, for his lordship to call on
Lord Buckingham the Friday before he left town. Lord Bucking-
ham would hardly at first consent to receive him, but did at last ;
and I understand expressions of civility passed between them.
You however will have ample opportunities of placing all this on
a better footing in the course of the winter. In case Mrs. C.
Macartney dies, which is daily expected, Lyttelton will come to
Ireland to settle his affairs ; and in that case I shall see him often
at the Castle, and have opportunities of putting him in Lord
Buckingham's way. In such a situation I think nothing could
prevent him from becoming intimate with, and attached to your
brother.
In my letters (in case you approve of my writing on at this
rate) you will find many expressions of self-importance, which
arise out of the nature of the subject, and which I must beg you
to excuse, whenever they occur. I stated your wishes for WiUiam
Bisset, when the list of chaplains was made out, and he is
appointed 7th Chaplain.
Apparently Mr. Grenville approved of Scrope's com-
munications, for the letters are continued, although they
were not so diffuse as the first, or are perhaps curtailed by
the transcriber. On January 17 Mr. Bernard wrote:
After having gone through my duty in the House of Lords to-
day, I attended the debates of the House of Commons. Your
brother has written to you, and will have informed you of Mr.
THE DUKE OP RUTLAND'S ADMINISTEATION 107
Parsons' motion respecting the Duke of Rutland's administration,
which missed fire. Indeed the feelings of the House were strongly
against him, and seemed to join in the sentiment of de mortuis nil
nisi bonum. The Attorney-General, in answering Parsons, asked
him whether he would persist in putting his absurdities to the
vote. After the House adjourned, Parsons went off in a great
hurry, and it was said that he meant to challenge Fitzgibbon, and
that they would fight before morning. But I take this to be mere
talk, and that it could not be meant seriously even by those who
suggested it. Nothing has been said of it since. Lord Delvin
spoke very well, was very collected, clear, and distinct. Packen-
ham, who seconded, spoke but one short sentence to your brother's
disappointment, who expected him to discuss foreign politics and
abuse the French. I have not time to state further particulars,
and therefore conclude.
On February 14, Mr. Bernard writes,' as before from
' Dublin Castle ' :
Grattan's long expected motion respecting a commutation for
tythes comes on this evening in the House of Commons, when
there is expected to be a late sitting. If I get home time enough,
before the post goes out, I will let you know the issue of the
debate ; and the numbers, if there should be any division.
The rest of the letter is occupied, for the most part, with
strictures on a Mr. Young, who was ' at times, in my own
confession, very entertaining,' and therefore generally liked ;
but presumptuous in his familiar mode of designating persons
of rank and importance, and his habit of glorifying his own
family and himself. Of this habit Scrope says :
It sometimes makes my blood boil to hear the pitch of extrava-
gance and absurdity to which he carries this kind of conversation.
.... My emotions, however, on the occasion proceed from a
cause peculiar to myself. I was not aware that I should have
been put to this scene of trial. It has left me in a feverish state
of mind, which two days since has hardly diminished. It will,
however, pass off in a short time, I trust. It is hardly fair to
trouble you with all this, but it is a relief to me, and you will
excuse me.
This over-sensitiveness seems to point to some personal
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortesctie, Esq., vol. i., p. 303.
108 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
reason for dislike, but no hint of such is given ; and it may
have been only the effect of political agitation and anxious
work upon a nervous temperament.
The next day Mr. Bernard vi^rites ^ to correct a mistake he
had made in the numbers of a division, notes some parlia-
mentary facts, and continues :
I have settled the point of attendance with the Lord Chancellor,
who says I may as well humour Sir H. Cavendish by attending
the delivery of all money bills, but I need attend on no other
occasion. Some of the members told me that, if what Sir H.
Cavendish said had appeared to make the smallest impression on
the House, they would have risen to say a word on my part ; but
as it passed off without further observation, they thought it wiser
to let it drop.
Grattan's motion about tithes did not come on till
February 24 ; on this occasion he made ' a wonderfully able
and animated speech, which lasted three hours.' The
Attorney-General and Mr. Parsons opposed, Curran sup-
ported the measure, which was lost by a large majority.
This letter concludes with : * Sir H. Cavendish, very ill-
naturedly, took notice of my not coming up with the Bills
from the House of Lords, which has always latterly been
done by the deputy usher. Not a person followed him in
the observation.'
On February 29, Mr. Bernard wrote ^ an account of ' Mr.
Forbes's motion for limiting the amount of pensions ' and
* his second motion for an address to his Majesty on the
subject of pensions,' both of which were lost, in spite of
Curran's eloquence. After some notice of the discussions,
Scrope continues :
You see we keep up somewhat above the proportion I men-
tioned of 5 to 2, There have been some curious debates about
lowering the interest of money, in which Government were neuter,
though brought forward by Sir John Parnell. NeutraHty on any
question produces relaxation of disciphne, and Mr. Fitz Herbert
is a little too much inclined to slacken the reins, but all the rest
' r/ie Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., vol. i., pp. 303, 304.
' Ibid., vol. i., pp. 306, 307.
THE MASTEE OF THE KOLLS IN IRELAND 109
of us are so much for a tight hand, that I trust we shall open and
go through with the next campaign very well in that respect.
There is no other question of any consequence in this. . . . The
last messenger went off before I was aware of it, else I should
have sent your seal.
There are no letters by Scrope Bernard in the Fortescue
Collection for some weeks after the one just quoted. In
the interim occurred a negotiation for obtaining William
Grenville's appointment as Master of the Kolls in Ireland.
The subject bears on this volume by reason of the great
friendship between Mr. Grenville and Mr. Bernard ; and the
slur which in some persons' estimation this negotiation
threw upon Mr. Grenville's reputation. Mr. Lecky writes ^
on this subject :
I have mentioned the anxiety of all parties in Ireland to
bring back to the country the great offices which were held by
absentees. Eutland, shortly before his death, had tried to induce
Pitt to make an arrangement for the restoration of the Vice
Treasurers to Ireland. It would, he said, be ' an object of great
utiHty to his Majesty's Irish Government, both as a measure
calculated to fasten on popularity, and at the same time as uniting
the more solid advantage of crediting new objects for ambition of
the first men and the most extensive connections in this country.'
Pitt was unable or unwilling to consent, but shortly after the
appointment of Buckingham, the death of Eigby made it possible
to bring back the important office of Master of the Eolls. The
office, however, was coveted by William Grenville, the brother
of the Lord Lieutenant, who was now President of the Board of
Trade in England. His letters on the subject are curious, and far
from edifying. He found that part of the revenue which Eigby
had received was derived from an illegal sale of places. He
doubted whether the office could be legally granted for life, and
whether the performance of certain duties might not be required,
and for these and some other reasons he at last determined to
relinquish it to the Duke of Leinster, but asked and obtained for
himself the best Irish reversion — that of the office of Chief
Eemembrancer, which was held by Lord Clanbrassil. An appoint-
ment so flagrantly improper completely discredited Buckingham
' Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (Edition 1892),
vol. ii., chap, v., p. 464.
110 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
at the outset of his administration, and it was well fitted to
exasperate equally both the most selfish and the most disinterested
of Irish politicians. The unpopularity of the Lord Lieutenant was,
however, chiefly personal, and confined to a small court or political
circle. The country continued perfectly quiet.
And the historian enumerates several signs of contentment
and prosperity. But the letters of William Grenville un-
doubtedly afford a sad instance of a frank and generous nature
warped by the exigencies of a political career. In his mind at
this time the idea of office appears to be wholly unconnected
with any recognition of consequent duties. Even more
might indeed be said. The compiler of the 'Memoirs,'
however, sees nothing amiss in the incessant schemes of
promotion which formed a great part of the correspondence
between the Marquess and William Grenville. He says of
Mr. Grenville : ^ ' The letter in which he unfolds all these
plans to his brother is affecting in its appeal to those feelings
of implicit trust and attachment which existed so warmly
between these distinguished men.'
It must also be admitted that Scrope Bernard showed no
dislike to these manoeuvres ; he was perhaps not in a position
to do so, and his warm attachment to William Grenville led
him to rejoice in anything that rejoiced his friend. But he
does not appear to have been mixed up in any intrigues.
His next letter — or the next in the collection — is dated from
the house in the Phoenix Park, indicating that his wife had
joined him in the interim.
On May 19, he dates a letter ^ from * Phoenix Park ' :
I do not know whether you will have taken any notice of my
silence for this last month or two ; or, if you have, whether you will
have put any unfavourable construction upon it ; but it has been
owing to my expectation, for many weeks past, of coming over to
England, and consequently having reserved my observations on
what was going on here to the time of seeing you. As it would
be a convenience to me to spend a few weeks in Buckinghamshire,
I had proposed to your brother to be there while the militia were
' Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of Oeorge III., vol. i.
* The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., vol. i., p. 329.
lEISH APFAIES 111
out, which he had intended should be in the month of May, and
as there is little necessary business here in my line at present, he
had not disapproved of my plan. Prom some omission, how-
ever, in forms and notices, the militia cannot now be out till the
autumn ; and while this point has been under consideration, I
have remained in uncertainty respecting the time of my coming
over. I still think of crossing the water soon, though without the
pretext above mentioned ; but not being now tied to any particular
time, I may be led to continue here longer than I imagine ; and,
accordingly break the interval by writing a few lines to say, that
though so long silent, I am still in the land of the living, and that
in a Uttle time you may see me, or perhaps may not see me, for
having fixed no day it does not become me to speak very posi-
tively.
The matter of the Eolls has remained so much in uncertainty,
that I did not follow up my short congratulations with others
more diffuse, and suited to the occasion and my feeUngs upon it,
as had been my intention. From what, however. Lord Bucking-
ham has hinted to me, I shall soon have matter of ample and more
permanent congratulation to you in this kingdom ; and in the
course of time, be able to wish you joy of the improvement of
your situation on your side of the water.
Mr. Fitz Herbert, who left us about a fortnight ago, will have
informed you of the state of things here. We are very quiet, but
are told by all the Uttle men that the great men hate us, and are
threatened with much opposition next winter ; which we shall
have, but it cannot be to a degree which will be material, or
which has not been foreseen from the first. The leading
Government men are, I am told, offended with his Excellency for
not forming personal intimacies with them ; but, on the other hand
this circumstance pleases the jealous feelings of those who are in
opposition, or in a state of indecision between both ; at the same
time that it accords with his own inclination and judgement. Mr.
Longfield who has persisted in supporting us, though your brother
would give him no encouragement, has shown us a proof of his
kind dispositions by producing your silver box with the freedom of
Cork, which had been so long missing ; a circumstance which may
have appeared to you rather suspicious ; but, when I tell you the
reasons, you must own yourself not only satisfied, but very much
flattered, for he said that you was so little in Dublin when Secretary,
that they had not a proper opportunity of presenting it ; and, since
that time, they have not known where to send it to you. I have
had it many weeks in my possession, and shall not fail to bring it
112 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
with me to England, as I know it will be a valuable acquisition to
your shaving apparatus.
Lord Nugent arrived here in good health on Friday last, and
rather opportunely for the family in one respect, it having been
somewhat melancholy since Tompkins's death, which your brother
and Lady Buckingham took much to heart. They have of late
been a good deal out on parties, and, by way of a little change,
they purpose living for the next month or two at a house
belonging to Mr. Lees at the Black Eock, which they have
taken for that purpose ; where they will have the advantage of
being near Lord Nugent's house called Clare Hall, which he
built about twenty years ago ; and at which he will now reside.
Lady Buckingham has had a swelled face for a day or two past,
and your little niece is just recovering from the smallpox. In
other respects the family are all very well.
In this case of the young Lady Mary, the smallpox
must be understood to be the kind produced by inoculation,
then the best known means of minimising the risks of that
scourge. To which of many political mysteries the Marquess
alludes in a letter of the following day. May 20, I cannot
say. He writes ' :
I had talked with Bernard upon a certain speculation long
before it was even probable, so that I am sure that the very little
which I have been able to say to him has given him certain sus-
picions. He will, however, be in London for a month, in about
ten days, having made up his mind to attend our militia meeting
which we expected in June.
Mr. Bernard's departure for England must have taken
place about the time specified ; I have no particulars of the
event, but it must have been on this occasion that his wife
also left Ireland. Her sojourn there must have been in
some respects a pleasant time, from the varied society, the
occasional festivities, and the constant kindness of the Lord
Lieutenant and the Marchioness, who was a lady of a bright
and lively disposition. Among the guests at the Castle, as
I have been told, was Lord Mornington's brother, Arthur
Wesley — so the name was then written— and Lady Bucking-
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., vol. i., p. 330.
THE TEIAL OF WAREEN HASTINGS 113
ham is said on one occasion, when he was late for breakfast,
to have gone with the ladies then staying with her to call
him. This is not unlikely, as such practical jokes were at
that time not uncommon.' It is, however, quite likely
that considerations of health induced Mrs. Bernard to give
up the comparatively brilliant life of the Viceregal court for
a quiet sojourn amongst her friends in England.
A question arose about a picture which Scrope Bernard
had ordered to be sent to Winchendon from Dublin. The
agents at Chester sent to know if the picture was by an
Irish or English artist ; if by the former, it was liable to
duty. The sequel does not appear ; but there is very little
doubt that the portrait is of Scrope in his picturesque dress
as Usher of the Black Kod — a full length portrait in pastel
or crayon, though much smaller than life-size, and it may
be assumed that it is by an Irish artist.
The first intimation of Scrope Bernard's presence in
London I have found in a letter dated ' Bolton Street,
June 10, 1788 ' ; it is on the subject of the trial of Warren
Hastings, late Governor-General of India, ' for high crimes
and misdemeanours ' alleged to have been committed by him
in that capacity. The trial had begun on February 13, and
had been brilliantly opened by Sheridan's speech for the
prosecution. This effort had perhaps exhausted the orator
for a time, since the third day does not appear to have been
remarkable. The compiler of the * Buckingham Memoirs ' ^
remarks on Mr. Bernard's letter, that ' the point, naturally
enough, which made the deepest impression on him was the
exhibition in evidence of the private letters that passed
between Mr. Hastings and his Secretary.' He writes to
Lord Buckingham :
My Lord, — I have been this morning at the trial ; it was
Sheridan's third day. It was near one o'clock before he began.
There was nothing very striking or brilliant in his oratory ; he
continued for about an hour and a quarter, and then retired. Mr.
' This story I heard from my stepmother ; it was probably transmitted to
her through some Buckinghamshire relative.
- Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George III.
VOL. III. I
114 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
Adam assisted him in the reading parts, and continued reading after
he retired. Presently he made a lame apology for him, saying that
he had a very trifling without specifying what, whether illness,
agitation, or want of due preparation. Mr. Fox soon afterwards
made a more complete apology for him, and the Court adjourned ;
but till what time I have not heard.
I was gratified with the sight as an object of curiosity, but not
as affording either pleasure or entertainment. It would seem
preposterous to me, if, upon any charge against the Government
of Ireland, the Lord Lieutenant's, or his secretary's private and
separate letters were to be subjected in a Court of Justice to the
acrimonious, malevolent and palpably strained comments that forty
of the ablest men of an opposite party could put upon them, par-
ticularly without having an equal number of persons of a similar
description in point of talents and political weight to defend them.
And yet this seems to be the case in the instance of the present
tribunal ; for the letters read and commented upon to-day were
chiefly of the above description : the letters absolutely official were
very Uttle dwelt upon.
Your Excellency's most faithful and affectionate servant,
S. Bernard.
Possibly Mr. Bernard's criticism was hypercritical,
as regarded Sheridan's management of the case. Lord
Bulkeley wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on the 14th,^
' Sheridan finished his summing-up yesterday on the Begum
charge, and has certainly throughout displayed the greatest
and most artful abilities.' Whether Scrope had any further
opportunity of attending the trial I do not know ; but it is
not improbable, since it lasted till April 23, 1795.^
Apparently Mr. Bernard left London very early in July,
for Mr. Grenville, dating from 'Whitehall, July 1,' says to
his brother : ^ ' I shall write to you again to-morrow and it
is not impossible that you may receive that letter before
this, as I think I shall avail myself of Bernard's offer to be
the carrier of it ' — a sentence which implies that the private
traveller could reach Ireland more quickly than the mail.
On July 5, the Marquess writes from Black Kock : *
' Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George III., vol. i.
* Haydn, Dictionary of Dates, ' Hastings' Trial.'
-' Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George III., vol. i.
* The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., vol. i., p. 342.
LOED BUCKINGHAM AND THE KING 115
I have only time to say, in three words, that I received yester-
day yours of the 1st, referring me to another which I was to have
through the hands of Bernard. The mail of the 2nd is just come
in and brings no letter from you, but as no mail leaves Dublin to-
morrow, I was unwiUing to leave you unanswered for three days,
though I can say nothing decisive, till I see the sort of solution
which you propose.
The Marquess was at this time in a restless, irritable
state, probably intensified by the dangerous illness of his
only son, which, however, ended in a complete recovery.
But his mind was especially disturbed by an insult which he
considered that he had received from George III. : '
The King's personal interference in appointments and pro-
motions had produced, on several occasions, remonstrances and
complaints from Lord Buckingham, and the judicious zeal of Mr.
Grenville was in constant requisition to prevent an open rupture
between the Lord Lieutenant and the Government. Calm and
enduring as he was, Mr. Grenville frankly stated to his brother
that, although he could never tire of the employment of serving
him, his patience was almost exhausted by finding that one case
was no sooner settled or compromised (for it generally ended in
that way) than a fresh one came upon the tapis. At length the
tenacity of the King on these points wounded Lord Buckingham
so keenly, that it very nearly led to the most serious consequences.
Lord Buckingham wished to appoint his nephew. Colonel Nugent,
to a vacant lieutenant-colonelcy within his own patronage, and
through some friendly channel notified or expressed his desire to
do so ; but the King without communicating his intentions or
waiting to go through the ordinary oflScial forms, which usually
founded such appointments on the recommendation of the Lord
Lieutenant, appointed another person to the vacancy — Colonel
G Wynne. Lord Buckingham felt the slight so acutely that he
threatened to resign ...
From this step he was strongly dissuaded by his brother
and also by Mr. Pitt ; and the affair, like others, ended in
a compromise ; but it rankled in the Lord Lieutenant's mind,
although thrown into comparative oblivion before the end of
the same year, by the King's terrible illness, which had
been coming on apparently for weeks before it was definitely
' Memoirs of the Court and Cabiiiets of George III., vol. i.
116 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
announced. This calamity, which dismayed the British
Islands, was in some respects most acutely felt by loyalists
in Ireland on account of the complications brought about by
its possession of a Parliament distinct from England and
Scotland, and of various Acts differentiating it from the
other two countries. The chronic irritations of Ireland, and
the critical state of foreign affairs which might not impro-
bably lead to an attempt at enlisting Ireland against
England rendered the situation of Lord Lieutenant unusually
arduous. The Marquess also had domestic anxieties—
his father-in-law. Lord Nugent, died that autumn, and left, of
course, succession business to be gone through ; and the
expectation of a third child troubled the Marquess, who was
doubtful whether it would be best for his wife to go to
England for the birth, in which case he would accompany
her, or to remain in Ireland. The latter opinion prevailed,^
and her son George was born in Ireland on the 31st of the
following December.-
Under these circumstances Scrope Bernard probably had
a troublesome time as the Marquess's secretary, but there is
hardly any notice to be found of the work achieved. On
October 18, Lord Buckingham writes to William Gren-
ville :
As to my own affairs, on which head you complain so much of
my neglect, I do not really recollect any point which I had left
unanswered, either through my letters or through Bernard, except
that of my bond to you for the lOOOZ. advanced to Tom.
Mr. Thomas Grenville was the second brother of the
family — between the Marquess and William ; he had often
differed in opinion with them both, especially with the
Marquess, whose views he withstood not unfrequently when
they did not coincide with his own.
It would seem that Scrope Bernard had been sent to
London on the Lord Lieutenant's business that autumn, since
' The Lord Lieutenant states, in his letter of December 1, that his wife
had declared to remain in Ireland.
" Debrett, Burke, and other Peerages.
LOED BUCKINGHAM'S NAVY ACCOUNTS 117
the great man writes ^ to William Grenville, under date
* December 1, Dublin Castle ' :
Bernard has heard from me on the subject of my navy
accounts, which hang heavy on my mind ; and on the subject of
a purchase which I am negotiating for W. Fremantle.
Close on that letter, which is twice adorned with cipher
figures, like other letters written during this crisis, follows
another, which states that :
Bernard wrote me the enclosed letter, very unexpectedly, by
which I see that he is probably at Holyhead. I shall write to
him by this messenger to re-dispatch him to London, for he may
be of great use to me by writing, when you are too much engaged
in the House for that purpose ; and you must be sensible that
every communication must be most interesting. I enclose his
letter that you may see how cruelly I have been used by Eose's
carelessness on the subject of my navy accounts.^
And then follow some lines of lamentation and exhorta-
tion to exertion.
It seems, indeed, that Mr. Bernard went on to Dublin,
which apparently the Lord Lieutenant did not expect ; but
perhaps he had almost been persuaded that his Secretary
would be best by his side, since he writes to his brother on
December 13 :
Your letter of the 9th was put into my hands an hour after
Bernard left me. I wished very much to have kept him, partly
indeed because I may want him for the same reasons as those which
induce you to wish him in England ; but I feel that he can be so
much more useful with you that I have acquiesced. He will
state to you a great deal of general observation which I have
detailed to him upon my situation, and the state of this kingdom,
and much of what I have entrusted to him is an answer to your
proposition in your last letter. It is fitting upon every considera-
tion, that you should know that I cannot think of making myself
responsible in the slightest degree, for any one thing which the
Parhament of this kingdom may do if I should meet them after
my friends are dismissed in England.
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq. (Letter of December 1, 1788),
p. 377.
2 Ibid. (Letter of December 2, 1788), p. 379.
118 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
Towards the end of this letter, which is a long one, the
writer adds, after expounding his views as to restrictions in
case of a Regency :
On this point I have explained myself with Bernard, and must
refer you to him, and he will tell you why I am so little sanguine
in my expectations from the virtue of our Parliament. I must
again repeat that Pitt or Fox are equally uninteresting, and that
no testimony will be given by them except to the Minister actually
in ofiBce.
On the 18th the Marquess writes again ^ :
Your letters of Sunday and Monday have arrived this morning
by the same mail ; the north wind having detained them at
Holyhead, while the north-east winds kept Bernard in Dublin
exactly a week beyond the time which was fixed for his departure.
I mention this, as I would wish you to believe that I would not
have detained him where he can be of so little use compared to
the services which you can entrust to him in England. His
mystery was a desire to save a year's absentee tax and to avoid
his wife's lying-in ; and for these ridiculous reasons he had left
London, proposing not to return.
The absentee tax was certainly a serious matter to a man
of small income, which, perhaps, the Marquess did not
realise. The second reason could hardly have approved
itself to him, seeing that he had determined to remain with
his own wife even if he had to cross the channel on purpose.
However, Mr. Bernard was at last compelled to encounter
another comfortless Journey by sea and land, in a very bad
season ; only a few days before. Lady Fortescue, the Lord
Lieutenant's sister, and her husband, had been compelled to
put back to Kingstown, after an eight hours' attempt to
cross, and to wait for a favourable opportunity. I have,
indeed, no records in letters of this stay in England ; but
only the negative evidence of no Dublin letters being quoted
before February 1789.
His daughter Margaret was born on December 21, 1788,
apparently in South Park Street, because the Bolton Street
house had been let.
The first letter in the Fortescue collection, of the following
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortesciie, Esq., p. 387.
IRISH POLITICS 119
year, from Scrope Bernard to William Grenville, is dated :
' 1789, February 6, Dublin Castle.' In it allusion is made
to a previous letter which is not in the printed collection ;
neither is the whole of this letter, nor of the succeeding one.
The extracts given, are here quoted : ^
I was obliged to close my letter of yesterday before I had
finished what I had to say, else I meant to have added that, not-
withstanding the appearance of temper and coolness in the Houses
yesterday, the opposite party seemed very confident of their
strength and sanguine in their expectations of success. My hopes
are that the first question or two may be such as to induce some
of the great interests to divide with us ; and a division or two in
our favour in the outset would soften the effects of a contrary
event upon the main question ; and would deter the party from
afterwards attempting any question of violence towards Lord
Buckingham, which has at times been whispered. Yet after all,
what I am most anxious about is, that people in England should
know how it is that the same majority does not follow Lord
Buckingham's government here that has followed Mr. Pitt's in
England ; and that this is owing to the disposition of the great
men and placemen here, always to follow the English party in
power, be it what it may, so as to secm-e to themselves the
patronage of the country and a continuance in their offices. I am
told, that the Speech is very generally approved of, as saying just
as much as it should, and no more. Some persons thought that
theh particular hobby horses whatever they might be (Charter
Schools, Linen Board) ought to have been mentioned, but should
have known that this could not have been with propriety. It is
thought that there will be long debates in both Houses to-day,
and that there will be divisions in each. I own I wish there may
so long as the questions are of the nature I have above alluded
to. No packet is at present on this side of the water, but one
may come in before evening ; and in that case the Mail will go at
an early hour, 7 o'clock ; so that you may probably hear no account
of to-day's business by this post.
The sequel of the story was told by Scrope to his friend
Grenville the very next day : ^
The hopes which I expressed to you in my letter of yesterday
of a preliminary division in our favour are, by the event of last
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., p. 408.
^ ' 1789, February 7, Dublin Castle.' (From the same Collection).
120 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
night, entirely vanished ; as, on a question respecting the day of
taking the physicians' reports into consideration, we were beat by
a majority of 54, the numbers being 128 to 74. We had much
the gi-eater share of the independent members with us, and were
beat solely by the combination of the Shannon, Ponsonby, Loftus,
and Leinster interests against us, which interests are guided by
the Prince's party in England. I wish this matter may be fairly
represented on your side of the water, and may not reflect any
discredit on your brother's conduct in the eyes of people there.
Some people spoke with great violence, particularly Sir J.
Blaquiere, who dehvered a studied invective with the greatest
possible bitterness, being incensed by pique and disappointment.
But he was very well answered by many of your brother's friends,
particularly Toler, Fitz-Gibbon, Parnell, Coote, Hewitt, and Mark
Beresford, as you will see in the 'Freeman's Journal.' The
Addresses came up to-day ; a respectable but not a very full
attendance. Our situation begins to grow very unpleasant, but
we consider ourselves as suffering for the common cause.
I am told that in the House to-day, the triumphant party
would not permit any public business to be brought forward ; and
they talked of adjourning till Wednesday, when the Committee
sit on the state of the nation.
I have been told that some people were against us on this
question (being averse to delay) who will be with us on the main
question of the limitations ; but I do not know how to credit such
language.
EECOVERY OF THE KING 121
CHAPTER VII
SCROPE BERNARD'S POLITICAL CAREER
Recovery of the King — Scrope Bernard's Election as Member for Aylesbury —
Friction between the Marquess of Buckingham and the King — The Thanks-
giving for the King's Recovery— Scrope Bernard appointed Under-Secretary
of State for the Home Department — The Marquess of Buckingham resigns
the Viceroyalty — Election Riots at Aylesbury — Scrope Bernard's Degree of
Doctor of Civil Law— British Slaves in Algeria — The Family Name of the
Duke of Wellington — Colonial Questions of the Day— Ministerial Changes.
The country was now more pleasantly excited by the
gradual recovery of the King, of which the Lord Chancellor's
visits to Kew, mentioned in the last quoted letter of Mr.
Grenville, were a consequence. It came opportunely to
the rescue of the Lord Lieutenant, as will appear by Scrope
Bernard's description of the situation in a letter ^ to William
Grenville. The same letter contains his simple and natural
account of his own sensations during a time of suspense. It
is dated February 21, 1789 :
I scarce ever spent a day that was so uncomfortable in the
preceding part of it, and so pleasurable in the close of it as
yesterday. My anxiety on the subject of the Aylesbury election
was at its height, and added to late sittings up for some nights
past either at the House of Commons or writing despatches, had
produced the most unpleasant effect upon my nerves, which was
not mitigated by the croakings of everybody about me respecting
the consequences to be expected in the two Houses that evening,
from Lord Buckingham's having refused to transmit their Address.
This Address requested the Prince of Wales whose
' virtues ' it stated ' have been so matured as to enable ' his
' Eoyal Highness to discharge the duties of an important trust,'
to take upon him ' the government of this realm. . . . under
' The Manuscripts of J. B..Fcyrtescue, Esq^., vol. i., p. 416.
122 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
the style and title of Prince Kegent of Ireland,' during the
continuance of the King's illness. The Lord Lieutenant
explained to Lord Sydney, Home Secretary, the reasons of
his conduct.^ * I bless God,' writes Mr. Grenville, to his
brother, 'it is yet some time before these matured and
ripened virtties will be visited upon us in the form of a
Government.' Such an event seemed, however, but too pro-
bable at one moment. Mr. Bernard continues, referring to the
Marquess's refusal :
No one of his Cabinet here would have thought of suggesting
to him that step ; and of those to whom he mentioned it, only the
Chancellor and the Attorney-General were hearty in it. And when
he talked of it to me, I was only restrained from murmuring at it
by knowing that it was an object to English party, and that you
had advised and pressed it. When Lord Buckingham deUvered
his answer on Thursday last, great chagrin manifested itself on
the countenances of those who had acted with Mr. Grattan ; and
if a succession of English news respecting the King had not
damped their spirits, I believe this chagrin would have shown
itself in the most unpleasant and violent manner. Your brother
delivered his answer with dignity, and great appearance of temper,
and will have acquired immortal honour by his firmness through-
out this business, in which he has met with every discouragement
from people here, and has I believe only been supported by the
decided opinion contained in your letter ; excepting indeed that the
Attorney-General has on this, as on every other occasion, stood
by him in a very decided and honourable manner. The good news,
however, which arrived from England, and the dislike which the
House seem to have to any personal attack upon him, prevented
their going the lengths that were talked of last night. And as on
every question which they tried they lost ground in proportion as
it was directed more against him, I should think that they would
venture to go no further, and would not take up the subject of
your reversion, and that of the arrangements in the revenue,
which Grattan had shown an intention of bringing forward, by
moving for papers respecting them. The same ground will be
gone over in the Lords, but I apprehend they will be very tame
upon it, and the Archbishop of Cashell and others mean to shirk it.
Thus all their threats came to little or nothing. And as for
their resolutions, though the last is strongly worded, nobody
' Memoirs of tJie Court and Cabinets of OeOrge III., vol. ii.
SCROPE BERNARD ENTERS PARLIAMENT 123
regards it, or lays any stress upon it ; and, as a consolation, it has
been a means (with the help of the good news) of making a
difference in the divisions of above 20 members. In addition to
my satisfaction on this head, I had the pleasure in the evening to
receive your letter, with one from Aylesbury, announcing the
favourable event of that election, with which I am extremely
gratified. Lord Buckingham says that my setting off immediately
is out of the question, I must therefore defer it for a week or two.
I think however that I ought to behave in the handsomest manner,
both in regard to personal attendance and expense to the Borough
as well with a view to my next election, as for the general benefit
of the party in that quarter.
A fortnight had just elapsed from the date of the pre-
ceding letter, when, on March 9, the Marquess of Bucking-
ham wrote ^ to his brother :
Bernard will leave me on Tuesday next, and by him you will
be more informed of my ideas and wishes than you can from
volumes of correspondence.
And three days later Mr. Bernard himself wrote ^ to
Mr. Grenville :
1789 March 12 Dublin Castle.
Though I have not written to you myself for some time, you
have seen such frequent accounts in my handwriting of what is
going on here, that I have thought it unnecessary to intrude upon
you with letters from myself particularly as nothing occurred to
me to mention beyond what either your brother's letters or the
newspapers would detail to you. We all remain in good spirits,
being confident that our adversaries can do us no mischief ; for
although we may be beat in the House of Commons on most
popular questions, yet we feel strong enough there to carry through
any material business, and prevent personal attacks, as we showed
you on the night on which Mr. Grattan moved his resolution
against your reversion.
Besides the Pension Bill, there remains another question,
videlicet, the Repeal of the Police, upon which we are likely to be
beat in the House of Commons. But one half of the Opposition
would not vote as they do on these measures if they were not sure
that they would be thrown out in the House of Lords, in which
' The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., vol. i., p. 427.
- Ibid., vol. i., p. 432.
124 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
House we shall have a majority of about ten or a dozen, and
perhaps more, if the Irish Ambassadors do not bring over some
fresh proxies with them from England, for which I hear they have
been canvassing, though I am not aware of any Peers that have
taken their seats, who have not already been applied to, by one
party or the other.
William Fremantle returned about ten days ago, and I should
have set off before this, but I could not be spared immediately ;
and I have had a good many concerns of my own to attend to
previous to my taking leave of this country, to which it is probable
I may not return again. I have fixed to sail next week, probably
on Wednesday the 18th and shall come to town immediately to
take my seat, and then go down to pay my compliments to my
electors.
The Morning Herald says that the Castle is surrounded loith
guards to 'protect the Marquis from the fury of the populace.
There are no other guards than the usual sentries, and your
brother drives out in his coach continually without any other
attendants than an aide-du-camp and two footmen.
The Public Advertiser says that he shuts himself up from the
world. The fact is that he sees all sorts of people from eleven
o'clock till five every day ; and has either had company to dinner,
or dined out, almost every day for some day[s] past.
When Scrope Bernard penned this letter, expressing his
belief that he should never revisit Ireland, he must have
been aware that the Marquess v^^as not likely to remain
Lord Lieutenant for many months. The King's recovery,
however favourable to the prospects of the party, had one
serious disadvantage ; it revived the friction on the subject
of appointments, especially in the Nugent case. Lord
Buckingham became chronically irate with George III., and
ere long with Lord Sydney as the King's agent. He com-
plains, on April 3, to his brother, that Lord Sydney : ^
is quoted for having said that the persons interested in the
question of the promotions recommended me in June last might be
at ease, for that he had stopped my jobs. This agrees with Nepean's
strange speech to Bernard, recommending me to send over another
list omitting them all. Now I have neither temper nor spirits for
such a battle, and therefore I have determined never to send over
' T}ie Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., p. 442.
THANKSGIVING FOR THE KING'S RECOVERY 125
another list till those of May and June are returned to me, and if
this is not done I shall insist on being relieved immediately, and
shall leave to the v^hole world the full right of deciding on the
conduct tovs^ards me from the King, and from his Lordship, and
this too at the time when the whole army of Great Britain cries
shame on the two most iniquitous jobs of Major Burrard and
Captain Lenox ; to which this of Major Taylor, junior to almost
every English cavalry major, and junior to three Irish cavalry
majors, is a proper counterpart, even if the name of Colonel Nugent
was out of the question.
Scrope Bernard was perhaps glad to be out of all this ;
he certainly vs^ent to England this time in improved spirits.
Even if his chief's Viceroyalty was to be cut short, with per-
haps untoward results to himself, his name was now before
the public as member of Parliament for Aylesbury. No
doubt he accomplished all that he had intended — took his
seat, and met the borough electors ; but the first news I
have of him relates to the Thanksgiving for the King's
recovery. Lord Temple, mentioned in the letter, was the
Marquess's eldest son, a boy of twelve, who must have
accompanied the Marchioness to England some time before.^
London, April 23rd 1789, Two o'clock, p.m.
My Lord, — The ceremony of this day has been gone through
exceedingly well. The procession from the House of Commons
began at eight o'clock, and the King reached St. Paul's between
eleven and twelve. The arrangement of the cathedral, particu-
larly the dome, presented a beautiful sight. The King seems
much reduced by his late illness — was remarkably composed
during the service, and attentive to the music. His Majesty, as
well as the Queen, seemed much affected with the solemnity of
their first entrance, as were many of the persons present. Lady
Uxbridge was near fainting away.
As the King went out of the church, he seemed to be in good
spirits, and talked much to the persons about him ; but he stared
and laughed less than ever I knew him on a public occasion. He
returned to the Queen's House between three and four o'clock.
Mr. Pox and most of his party were there. He and Colonel
Pitzpatrick were stationed in front of the altar, and directly
opposite the King being the part of the cathedral for Privy
> Memoirs of tlie Court and Cabinets of George III., vol. ii.
126 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
Councillors and Peers' sons. Mr. Pitt sat near them, but not in
the first ranks. I saw Lord Temple in a very good place, in that
part of the church. I did not see Mr. Burke there, and therefore
suppose he continues ill. The trial was deferred yesterday on
account of his illness, which people say was occasioned by his
working himself into too great a passion the day before.
I have the honour to be ever, my Lord,
Your Excellency's most faithful and affectionate servant,
S. Beenard.
• The trial ' in this letter means, of course, the protracted
ordeal through which Warren Hastings had to pass. It was
then only in its second year.
In the ensuing month of May, William Grenville was
appointed Secretary of State for the Home Department.
True to his early friendship, he offered Scrope Bernard the
post of Under-Secretary of State. It was accepted, but, as
will be seen, rather as a matter of necessity than of satis-
faction ; and what is more singular, Scrope's father-in-law,
Mr. Morland, seems also to have disliked the prospect.
The following letter endeavours to make the transaction
clear, by smoothing some complications which had evidently
resulted from the delivery of a former letter by a servant,
Fludyer Street. Sunday Evening
7th June.'
My dear Sir, — I find that Mrs. M. and you have been so
good as to call on me this morning, and am sorry I was not at
home, particularly as I wished to say a word to you in conse-
quence of yours of Friday, which was perfectly intelUgible, but it
seems by the purport of it, that I am the person, who have written
unintelligibly.
I meant to explain to you that, in order to set myself right
with the world after my late expenses and enable Harriet and
myself to settle quietly on this side of the water, I intended taking
a permanent ofiice here, superior in emolument, but less pleasant
in point of labour and confinement in London, in lieu of the tem-
porary office held in Ireland on much easier and more comfortable
terms.
In doing this I thought I consulted the interests of one part
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon,
SCEOPE BEENAED'S NEW OFFICE 127
of the family, and the wishes of another part, more than my own
personal gratification. But you tell me on this occasion that it
will be consulting my own comfort to take the office in London —
I can only say that I had originally determined never to take an
office, which would confine me so much to London as the Under-
Secretaryship of State. And when it was once before proposed
as an arrangement for me (before those reasons operated which
have occasioned my present determination) I said that I did not
wish it for the reason I have mentioned — a reason which now gives
way to the considerations above alluded to, as, however little I
might like the office, I should not get one of equal emolument and
advantage if this opportunity was suffered to pass by.
I thought these circumstances so obvious, and so decisive,
that I wrote rather to communicate my intention, than to consult
upon it, and, before I got your letter, I had accepted — If, however,
you really are perfectly indifferent on the subject, and Harriet can
be prevailed on to be the same, it will make a material change in
my sentiments and conduct.
I should have waited on you to dinner agreeably to your
obliging invitation ; but, exclusive of other business, that of
Mr. Grenville's re-election detains me at home. In the meantime
I wished not to delay making myself understood as I seem not to
have done it before. Or perhaps, from the hurry you mention
yourself to have been in at that moment, it might happen that the
interruption of intermediate business prevented your perfect re-
collecting the letter at the time you wrote the answer. — Mark had
no instructions to wait for an answer, and there was no occasion
for his pressing you to write one at such a moment. I am, my
dear Sir, very faithfully,
and affectly yours
S. Bernard.
Love and remembrances
to William and the ladies.
' William ' was no doubt the son of Scrope and Harriet
Bernard, who seems from an early age to have been almost
appropriated by his grandparents. This letter reveals the
fact that the period of attendance on the Viceregal Court
and the missions undertaken on its behalf, had not proved
a financial success, and it must be supposed that Mr.
Morland admitted the force of his son-in-law's reasoning,
since Scrope Bernard entered upon the duties of his office.
128 THE BBENARDS OF ABINGTON
Possibly his father-in-law had not reaUsed how near the
Marquess of Buckingham's Viceroyalty was to its end.^
The Lord Lieutenant, who had become really ill from the
vexations of his exalted position, spent the summer in
England by the King's permission ; and, after being enabled
to make an elaborate settlement of claims advanced by his
friends and followers to peerages, posts, and pensions — with
which he was fairly well satisfied — he resigned the Vice-
royalty towards the end of the year.
While Scrope Bernard had been making up his mind to
accept a position for which he felt no vocation, he had been
involved in some unpleasantness with respect to his other
piece of promotion, the representation of Aylesbury. With-
in three months from the election the neighbourhood had
been disturbed by lawless proceedings ; the popular excite-
ment being stimulated by the prospect of a General Election
in the following year.- ' On the 16th of May a large con-
course of electors went to meet Colonel Lake on the Aston
Clinton road,' writes Mr. Gibbs. ' On their return they
came into collision wdth a party of Bernard's supporters,
and Bernard's men are reported to have behaved very
badly.' Further particulars are, however, noted in a letter ^ of
the Eev. Joseph Smith to his brother-in-law, Scrope Bernard :
The Meeting at Aylesbury on Monday had some serious con-
sequences. The 4 returning officers with a few friends met at
Ivatts' to have their share of conviviality. A riot somehow
ensued. . . . About 148 went en cavalier to meet Lake and accom-
pany him in. He was attended by Little Barker and his brother
Warwick Lake, and afterward joined by Ld Geo. Cavendish,
I understand that about a third of the Number were not voters.
—Sellers, the Chimney Sweeper, in his full Professional Hue,
mounted on a white horse — with Moll Smith behind him — graced
the Colonel's Cavalcade and Entrc[e]. Upon the whole I know
not whether the Col has not lost as much interest as he has gain'd
Renown by the Event of the Day.'
' Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George III.
■ Gibbs (Robert), History of Aylesbury, Chapter xxv. ' Parliamentary Re-
presentation (resumed).'
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
AYLESBUKY ELECTION EIOTS 129
It must have been this demonstration which exasperated
the Bernardites, and led to violence. Mr. Gibbs continues :
' So great was the disturbance that Edward Terry was
called upon to read the Eiot Act, and it is recorded that he
got a black eye for his pains. The riot led to a prosecu-
tion. . . .' Which prosecution, it may be briefly stated, came
to nothing. The accused persons were brought before the
Eev. Joseph Smith ; he granted warrants against four men
who had ' insulted and assaulted ' the constables in the
execution of their duty; but after going through certain
formalities, such as appearing at Quarter Sessions, &c., they
escaped scot free : even Budd, who had given the black eye,
was acquitted.
The historian of the town next expatiates on the
' benevolences ' — so called — which both parties dispensed to
their supporters from time to time ; in these practices, how-
ever, they kept within the bounds then traced by custom,
and were considered blameless. The conclusion was rather
tame ; Mr. Wrighton, the former colleague of Sir Thomas
Halifax, retired ; consequently Lake and Bernard were both
elected without further contest in 1790.^
On June 7 in that same year, 1790, Scrope Bernard
became the father of another son, who received the ancestral
name of Francis.^ In connection with this event it may be
noted that Lord Valentia writes, on June 25, to Mr. Bernard :
' Lady V. will wait upon Mrs. B. on Sunday morning if
agreeable, to drink caudle.' ^
Amongst all his calls in various directions, it would seem
that Scrope clung even at this time to the idea of pro-
fessional life. During his visit to England, in the autumn
of 1788, he had taken the degree of Doctor of Civil Law at
Oxford. Out of this occurrence a controversy arose on the
question of precedence between Scrope Bernard and another
Doctor, Maurice Swabey, which forms the subject of the
following letters :
' The letters on this subject are all among the MSS. at Nether Win-
chendon.
2 Debrett, Burke, Lipscomb. ' MS. Letter at Nether Winchenclon*
VOL. III. K
130 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
Oxford October 25 1789
Sii.^_I have no other idea than, that as being superior in
every sense in the University you must take your rank before D>-
Swabey and D"" Coote. There is, if you recollect, no admission
to Eegency, and I think with you that, as you all commence
Regents at the Act whether you were admitted on this or that day,
procedure will not be at all affected by it. It will be however neces-
sary that you have a certificate of the day of your admission to
the Degree, which I will transmit to you if required, and in what
form you please.
I am Sir,
Yr faithful & obed^ hbi'^ Serv*.
S. FORSTER.^
Dr. Swabey was apparently not disposed to let the
matter drop, and Dr. Bernard gave him the following letter
for the Dean of Christ Church :
Whitehall 29th Oct 1789
Dear Sir, — I am to be admitted an advocate at Doctor's Com-
mons on Tuesday next at the same time with D'-^ Swabey &
Coote, and there is a doubt whether Dr Swabey or myself rank
as Senior in the University, as according to such seniority will be
the order of our admission on this occasion.
I am of longer standing & took my degree first, but D''
Swabey was presented on the first day of October and took out
his Eegency in person, when I was admitted (as I am told) by a
Dispensation passed after he was presented ; and I did not attend
myself till two days afterwards — I imagined that the admission to
Regency was a matter of course, & did not affect our i-ank in the
University. He understands that the respective rank of Doctor
depends entirely on the time of their presentation to the Vice
Chancellor — What therefore we wish to ascertain is which of us
ranks first in the University, and in what order our names appear
there as Regent Doctors of Law, if we are entered as such. And
I hope you will excuse my requesting you to take the trouble of
ascertaining this point with the Vice-Chancellor on my part.
We both rank before D'' Coote, as being Grand Compounders.
I am
Dear Sir,
Your very faithful
& obedt serve
S. Bernard.
Dr. Forster was Registrar of the University of Oxford.
A WEIGHTY CONTEOVEESY 131
This letter is marked ' (Not delivered).' It was returned
by Dr. Swabey in a letter dated ' Commons, 31st Oct'' 1789,'
and addressed * Dr. Bernard,' in which he explained his
reason for so doing :
Finding on my arrival yesterday in Oxford, from the informa-
tion of a friend, that the question had been already put to the
Vice-Chancellor, in consequence of your application to Dr Forster,
in whose sentiments He had coincided, and that custom is said to
have sanctioned a different opinion from that which I had been
led to entertain on the subject, I did not think it necessary further
to stir in a matter, I dare to say, not settled with^ sufficient con-
sideration ; and I shall be happy to acquiesce on Tuesday in your
right of seniority. . . .'
So ended this weighty controversy. The certificate
transmitted to Scrope was expressed as follows :
It appears by the Eegister of the University of Oxford, which
is in my custody, that Scrope Bernard of Christ Church was
regularly admitted to the degree of Doctor in Civil Law on the
twentieth Day of November, in the Year of our Lord 1788 ; Which
said Degree of Doctor in Civil Law was not conferred on him by
Grace or Favour.
Samuel Foestee, Bcq\
Oxford Nov. 20 1788.
Tied up with the foregoing letters is a most respectful
and apologetic epistle from ' Wm. Child, Kobe-maker,
(Nephew and Successor to the late Mr. Mark Child) No. 78
Coi-ner of Bishop's Court, Chancery Lane,' requesting the
honour of supplying Mr. Bernard with ' Doctor of Laws'
Eobes.' It is addressed : * The Worsh^ Dr Barnard.'
There is another record of this episode still extant. In
the gallery at Nether Winchendon now hangs an oval wooden
shield painted with the arms of Bernard quartering Tyring-
ham and Winlow, with an ornamental border— partly of
oak leaves ; and beneath, the inscription — ' Scrope Bernard
LLD, Nov 3'd 1789.'
It was in this same year that Mr. or Dr. Bernard, after
some correspondence with the Heralds' College,^ succeeded
' These statements are found in the correspondence and other papers on the
subject, and the arms are blazoned on a parchment, as also those of Mcrland
132 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
in having his arms and pedigree registered ; the arms being
differentiated by order of the college — the bear was to be
represented with a collar as well as a muzzle. He further
obtained the Heralds' licence to quarter the arms of
Tyringham as well as Winlow.
And now came the trial — how far the new Under-
Secretary would learn to take an interest in the duties of his
office, and look upon the career thus opened to him as his
appointed vocation in life. If there was some chance that
he might become reconciled to it as a road to eminence, there
was perhaps more likelihood that he would in time become
extremely weary of its drudgery.
The early days of Scrope Bernard's Under- Secretaryship
were marked by dilEficulties respecting a troublesome claimant.
Mr. Evan Nepean, who appears to have been Mr. Grenville's
Private Secretary, writes from Bath — where he was probably
enjoying a holiday — on November 10, 1789 : ^
Dear Bernard, — Mr. Murray has never been watched by the
people employed under the direction of the Secretary of State.
The object he has in view is that of getting a Pension, which he
has tried a variety of methods to obtain. He represents that he is
a natural son of the late Prince of Wales by one of the Atholl
Family ; (who never existed). That his mother had a pension on
the Irish EstabHshment of £140 per ann., and that in the early part
of his life 100£ or 200£ per ann. had been allowed for his Education
and Maintenance, which allowance has been discontinued about 20
years. — I made a particular enquiry into these matters, and found
that the accoUnt[s] he gave of his mother and of himself were
entirely without foundation, and that he is nothing more or [sic]
less than an impostor. He has I understand frequently obtained
money from the King, has had some from the Prince of Wales, and
I believe he has also had supplies from the Treasury.
Why, when so many persons were hanged for almost
nothing, this objectionable man could not have been arrested
long before, it is difficult to understand ; but this does not
setting forth the permission of Garter King at Arms, witii his own shield dis-
played and elaborate seals attached.
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
A TEOUBLESOME CLAIMANT 133
seem to have been thought of, the first idea was simply to
guard, by elaborate precautions, against the risk of his
injuring, or even alarming, the King, his alleged half-brother,
since the writer continues :
It does not appear to me that any danger is to be apprehended
from him, but I would nevertheless advise his being watched and
prevented from visiting St James— that can be done by sending
Clarke, who knows his person, and Macmanusor Townsendto the
door where the King enters from the Park whenever His Majesty
comes to Town. They should be directed to keep him off, if he
should attempt to get near His Majesty, and while the Lev6e
continues Clarke should be stationed at the bottom of the stairs to
prevent his going up. Neither Macmanus or [sic\ Townsend will
be suspected as they are frequently there, looking out after the
Pick Pockets who infest the Palace at these times. The
Equerries will take care of him, if he appears on the Terrace at
Windsor,
I settled with Mr. Grenville before I left Town to employ a
trusty man constantly at Windsor, and I thought that I should
have been able to have got a proper person for that duty, but I
found upon talking to him (Catmeer) [?] that he was obliged to be
twice or thrice a week in town to attend to his duty. I then had
an idea of employing a man whose name is Barker, but I could
not find his address.
Until we can meet with a suitable person. It may not perhaps
be amiss that Clarke should be at Windsor when the King is there,
and that Macmanus or Townsend, after Murray's person has been
ascertained, should be stationed at St James when the King comes
to town, and be directed to take Murray into Custody, if he should
be in the smallest degree troublesome
Yours faithfully
Evan Nepean.
The sequel of Mr. Murray's story I do not know.
Many of the memoranda of this time are of a monotonous
description — the mere routine of office indeed ; but they
illustrate the life of Scrope Bernard at this period, and a
sample of them is therefore given. ^
Desire Fawkenor to summon the Council for Tuesday at
2 o'clock. We need only send the letters to the Lord Chancellor
' From MSS. at Nether Wincbeudon.
134 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
— D of Leeds, Ld Chatham, Lord Kenyon, Ld Westmorland, &
Pitt — He should however know whether the D. of Leeds will be
in town, as, if not, somebody else must attend.
Let Millbanke know that he will be wanted at that time, and
that I should wish to see him at my office on Tuesday at eleven.
I enclose a draft to the Lds Justices, wh. you will send me
for signature early to-morrow.
Send the inclosed to the Ld Chancellor— He will be either in
town or at Knight's Hill.
It is not an interesting occupation to wade through shoals
of letters begging for introductions, compensations, posts
and promotions, and many other things, down to free trans-
mission of parcels beyond the seas — a favour which peers
and peeresses did not disdain to ask ; and I do not profess to
have performed the task thoroughly. A large proportion of
missives received by Scrope Bernard as Under-Secretary are
of this description. There are, however, some letters and
other documents in the collection relating to matters of wider
interest, such as the exportation of provisions from Ireland —
or, rather, the prevention of any such heinous act ; the arrival
of ships, and their condition, &c. &c.
That the treatment of convicts and the arrangements for
their transportation when respited from capital punishment
should occupy considerable space is, perhaps, not surprising ;
but there must be many persons who are not aware that
British subjects were — a little more than a hundred years
ago — exposed to the perils of Mohammedan slavery in Algeria.
I have found a letter ^ from a British Consul, touching the
redemption of a slave, which tells its own tale, and is here
given at length to illustrate the insecurity of navigation at
that period :
Copy Algiers 24th Feby 1790,
(Private)
Sir, — I had the Honour on the 9th Instant to be favored wuth
your Letter of the 25th November last, with this inclosed Copy of
a Letter and Attestation, signifying to me Mr. Secretary Grenville's
Wishes respecting Charles Colvill a Slave in Algiers. I have the
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
A BRITISH SLAVE IN ALGERIA 135
greatest Pleasure and Satisfaction, in acquainting you, for Mr.
Grenville's Information, that strictly following the Line of Office
he has prescribed me, I have this Day, in Consequence of some
private Commission I had lately vt^ith the Regency, prevailed upon
them to use their Influence w^ith the Dey to release Charles
Colvill upon moderate Terms, and through them, have released him
from Slavery for the low Sum of £'330 . . 8 . . — no Slave taken by
Sea, has for the last three Years been released under the Sum of
between 5 &, £600. I paid the Ransom Money immediately, and
took Colvill Home with me, where he will remain until his Friends
pay the ^330 . . 8 . . — to Mess""^ Drummonds & Co Bankers at
Chairring Cross, who have my Authority to receive it, as I have
not the Pleasure of being acquainted with either of the
Gentlemen mentioned in the Copy of the Letter you inclosed me.
I have, from authentic Documents produced, every Reason to
believe that Charles Colvill was shipwrecked, and that his entering
into the American Service, was owing to his Distresses at the
Time, and not meeting with a British Vessel that wanted Men in
Philadelphia ; during his Captivity no man could have acted with
more Credit to his Country. I have great Pleasure in having
executed Mr. Secretary Grenville's Wishes so expeditiously, and
shall esteem myself highly honored when he is pleased to command
either my public or private Services.
I am &c
Charles Logie.
Scrope Bernard Esqre
One incident in the official correspondence, which has
acquired value by the subsequent course of history, is the
difficulty about the first commission of Mr. "Wesley — that is,
of the future Duke of Wellington. The two following letters ^
confirm the fact that, although the second title of the Earl
of Mornington was Viscount Wellesley, the family name
was then Wesley — a fact since carefully suppressed in the
Peerage.
Dear Sir, — I have spoken to Major Hobart with regard to the
Ensigncy designed for Mr. Wesley; and we have enquired
respecting it & fear some mistake. I recollect his speaking to
me on the subject, and I think that he was recommended to S'' G.
Yonge to have the Ensigncy in the 9th which was to be opened
by the Promotion of Lt. Beresford to a Company in the 27th. I
' MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon.
136 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
cannot find that the succession to Beresford is filled ; nor have
I the EecoUection or Copy of a Letter on the subject. Will you
be so good as to have Enquiry made at the War Office & we will
search further here
Yours most faithfully
E. CooKE
Dublin Castle. 6 Aug. 1790
This letter is addressed to Mr. Bernard.
The second runs :
Dear Bernard,— Many thanks for your kind attention to my
letter respecting Lieut Walsh :— A letter is sent this evening to
Messrs. Freemantle &c., with regard to Wesley's Commission
Ever yours
most sincerely
E. Cooke.
Dublin 27 Oct. 1790
In one of his undated sheets of memoranda, Mr. Grenville
writes: 'Kemember to give me Cooke's letters and the
Comms to carry to the King.' It is stated, in Debrett's
' Peerage,' ^ that the Duke of Wellington * first entered upon
active service in 1794, when, with the rank of Lieut. -Col.
in the army, he commanded a brigade in the unsuccessful
expedition to Holland under the Duke of York.' His
promotion was therefore rapid, and he had risen to the
Lieutenant-colonelcy without risk to life or limb.
Some of the colonial questions of that day were of con-
siderable public interest, but they are topics of allusion
rather than discussion in the correspondence I possess.
The dispute with Spain about * the Nootka Sound ' '^ trade,
and settlement * in Vancouver's Island, though trivial in
itself, involved wide issues. The Quebec question culminated
in the Quebec Government Act of 1791, which established
representative government in Canada.' ^ This last subject is
not only noticed in several letters from Grenville to Bernard,
but was also the occasion of Mr. Bernard receiving three
' Debrett, Peerage of the United Kingdom, vol. i. ' Wellington (Duke of).'
^ Lecky, Hist, of England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. iv., chap, xvii,
* Ibid.
THE QUEBEC QUESTION 137
letters ' from Sir William Scott, afterwards Lord Stowell,
which are here given. The first is remarkable for com-
mencing in the third, and concluding in the first person ; the
second for its abrupt termination.
Sir William Scott presents his compliments to Mr. Scrope
Bernard, and will be much obliged to him for a copy of the
Instructions to Lord Dorchester, dated August 1768, referred to
in official letter of Lord Grenville respecting the lands belonging
to the Ecclesiastics at Quebec, as neither the Attorney nor myself
have it.
I have written upon the Honduras Case, and what I have
written is now with the Attorney, for his consideration of the
subject.
I am dear Sir
Yours very truly
Thursday W. ScOTT.
The second letter is altogether without a date, but is
endorsed by Mr. Bernard—' E. 29th Novr 1790.'
Dear Sir, — I forgot to mention to you when I first saw j'ou,
that we have looked into the business of the Monastery of S*^
Sulpice in Canada, and are perfectly disposed to report in behalf
of the Crown, upon any Eeference however general that Lord
Grenville may think proper to send us.
The third letter is dated at the end of the letter.
Commons Deer 1st 1790.
Dear Sir, — The Attorney sent to me a Eeport from the Crown
Officers at Quebec, which he said Mr. Grenville had desired us to
look over, in order that we might consider what opinion we were
likely to form upon the same Subject ; and particularly for the
purpose of pointing oiit what should be the Nature and Terms of
the Beference to be sent to us ; And we agreed ; And we agreed
upon Conversation that any general Eeference to us upon the
Eight of the Crown would be sufficient, as we were clear in the
affirmative. That is all that I know of the Matter excepting that
He is positive no Eeference has been sent to Him.
The Mode therefore of sending it, if any should be thought
necessary, is for Lord Grenville's own Determination.
I am dear Sir
Yours very faithfully
Wm. Scott.
' MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon.
138 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Another letter of interest is from the restless and unfor-
tunate Theobald Wolfe Tone, then about twenty-seven years
of age.^ Born in Dublin, after leaving Trinity College he
had come to London to study for the Bar, but threw up his
profession to take up politics — that is, to agitate for the repeal
of the Penal Laws ; though himself a member of the
Established Church, he felt deeply the degraded position of
his Eoman Catholic fellow-countrymen. At this time, how-
ever, he had not avowed himself an enemy of England, but
v/as striving to induce the Government to carry out certain
plans to which this letter - refers. It is, of course, addressed to
Mr. Grenville, but passed through Scrope Bernard's hands.
Sir, — A very short time since I took the liberty to ti'ansmit a
plan for military establishment at the Sandwich Isles to the Duke
of Eichmond, to whom I am utterly unknown. His Grace with a
condescension utterly unexpected by me, answered my letter im-
mediately and informed me that I should have addressed myself
to you. My ignorance of the etiquette of office must excuse my
mistake which however his Grace has been so kind as in some
degree to rectify, by offering to lay the plan before you, which, in
a letter by this post, I have requested him to do.
You will perceive, Sir, that it is but a sketch. The number of
men, the times of service, in short the whole arrangement is but
for an example and may be altered at your pleasure ; but I hope
and trust that you will find the general scope of the design worthy
of your attention. I have thought of it so long and with un-
ceasing ardor for its execution that I should doubt my own judge-
ment, were it not in a degree corroborated by the manner in which
the Duke of Eichmond has received my proposal.
If you should think the plan worthy of your notice, I shall be
proud of your permission to go more into detail, either by letter
or personally. If you should think it fit for adoption, I trust I
shall be allowed my utmost and most earnest wish, permission to
devote myself wholly to its execution.
It is a proof that I am, myself at least, satisfied of its merit
when I stake my whole future success in life, as I wo aid my life
itself, on the event.
The Duke of Eichmond's condescension to me emboldens me
' Memoirs of Theobald Wolfe Tone, written by Himself. Edited by his son
Wm. Th. Wolfe Tone. Biographie UniverseUe, ' Tone (Theobald Wolfe).'
^ MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
WOLFE TONE 139
to hope that my present application to you will not pass without
your notice. I therefore take the liberty to subjoin my address
I am Sir, with great respect
Your most obedient humble servant
Theobald Wolfe Tone.
Oct. 1st 1790
No. 5 Great Longford Street, Dublin.
This letter is endorsed ' answered S B — If any steps are
taken respecting his Plan, he will hear further on the
subject.' I have not found any statements of the purpose
or details of this plan. But in the following year, a letter
from the author was intercepted ^ — declaring his ' unalterable
opinion ' to be against the evil influence of England, and in
favour of separation — which must have effectually put a stop
to all chance of its adoption. The unquiet career of Wolfe
Tone came to a close in 1798. He was captured in the
Hoche,^ a French vessel sent to invade Ireland — being then an
Adjutant-General in the French service — and committed
suicide to avoid the ignominy of the gallows.
In 1792, the Home Secretary, who had been elevated to
the Peerage as Lord Grenville, was transferred to the
Foreign Office, and the Eight Hon. Henry Dundas, who was
President of the Indian Board, became Home Secretary.
From sundry notes, written by Lord Grenville at this time,
it is evident that Scrope Bernard ran the risk of being left
out altogether, which his friend was anxious to prevent. In
the result he remained at the Home Office with the new
Secretary.
Of the short period during which Mr. Dundas held the
Secretaryship I have few records.^ Occasionally he writes
from Wimbledon to make appointments with the Under-
Secretary, or to express his intention of not coming to town
unless it is absolutely necessary. On this subject Mr. John
King, who was also in the Home Office, writes :
There is no reason in the world why you shd come before the
' Lecky, Hist, of Ireland iv tlie Eighteenth Century (Edition 1902), vol. v.,
chap. xi. - Ibid.
^ The following references are all from MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon.
140 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
time you propose. Mr. D. is gone to Wimbledon, & does not
return before tuesday.— By the by this going to Wimbledon, &
doing business at his own House in Somerset Place is playing the
old soldier with us.
The communication, formally worded, decides that the
Under-Secretary is not justified in complying with 'the
requisition made by Colonel Low^ther, of the Whitehaven
correspondence.' At another time Mr. Bernard is directed
to ' summon a cabinet to meet to-morrow at i past two
o'clock.' Then there are letters from and to him about
hopes and grievances, from various quarters, as in Grenville's
time. The letter, endorsed by Mr. Bernard March 23, 1792,
is from the Solicitor-General ' J. Scott,' afterwards Lord
Chancellor, and Earl of Eldon, stating that it is impossible
for him to leave the House of Lords ; it continues : ' If you
can slip down here you will find me at the Bar ; if the
subject of Mr. Dundas's Letter can be so communicated.'
There is a postscript ' perhaps the Attorney General will,
who I understand is to be with Mr. D.'
In September 1791 the Duke of York married the Princess
Frederica of Prussia. The following note relates to the
Duchess's formal reception of the Ministry and the Eoyal
Households — the word ' famille ' signifying household. It is
endorsed ' Copy of a note from General Bude ' to General
Grenville.
Le Due d'York m'envoye pour vous prier d'informer les
Ministres de sa Majeste que la Duchesse les recevra en particulier
demain a St. James. — lis doivent lui etre present6s d'abord apres
la Famille du Eoi et avant celle de la Eeine — autant qu'on pent
fixer le moment ce sera a 1 heure et demie.
Lundy a Midy.
On receiving this Mr. Dundas wrote to his Under-Secre-
tary from Wimbledon the same evening :
Dear Bernard, — I have just received the enclosed. I am at a
loss to know whether it is a copy sent to me for my own informa-
tion, or sent to me by Lord Grenville, as more properly belonging
to my Department, that I may inform the rest of his Majesty's
Ministers. The subject is in truth one which belongs to neither
HENEY DUNDAS 141
of our Departments, but the intimation ought to have come to
each of us from the proper officer of the Duke or Duchess of
York's Household. That is however of no moment, and care
must be taken that the information at any rate is conveyed.
You'll therefore take care to enquire at Lord Grenville[s] office
how the fact is. If a copy of the enclosed has been sent to all the
Ministers as well as to me, you have no occasion to take further
trouble about it, but if it is meant that I am to give the Intimation,
take care that it is accurately done.
Yours
H. D.
Eventually, as appears in a communication from Mr.
Aust, who was probably Lord Grenville's Under-Secretary,
that gentleman was desired by his Chief to forward the
important notice to all members of the Cabinet.
The straggling, unformed handwriting of Mr. Dundas
presents a strong contrast to the neat, almost feminine calli-
graphy of Lord Grenville, of his brother, the Marquess of
Buckingham, and of several other more or less distinguished
correspondents of the Under-Secretary. Some, indeed,
wrote more clerk-like, others — as, for instance. Sir William
Scott — bolder hands than the Grenville brothers ; but scarcely
any even approximate to the Dundas scrawl.
In 1792, Mr. Dundas resigned his secretaryship, with
the expressed intention of devoting himself entirely to his
duties as President of the Indian Board. Whether Mr.
Bernard was compelled to retire, or left, in disgust at the
continual changes, a post he had reluctantly accepted, I do
not know. His friendship for Lord Grenville had doubtless
lightened the burden of uncongenial work at first, but the
last months of office were not thus cheered. Mr. Dundas
could never of course have been to him the same as his former
chief, though his letters are civil and pleasant, when not
hampered by formalities ; but it is known that he, like his
great leader Pitt, had a weakness for strong potations, without
the extenuating circumstances which might be urged in Pitt's
case.
Whatever may have been the reasons, Scrope Bernard
now retired from public life, except so far as his county and
142 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Parliamentary position kept him in touch with the questions
of the day, in which it is evident that his interest continued
to the last. His friend John King remained in the official
groove, and was for some years Under-Secretary.' He
married the sister of another friend, Charles Moss, who
became Bishop of Oxford in 1807.^
' Burke, A Dictionary of the Landed Gentry, ' King, of Cbadshunt,' and
' King, of Preston Candover.'
Abbey, The English Church and its Bishoi^s, 1700-1800, vol. ii. Haydn,
Book of Dignities.
THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 143
CHAPTEB VIII
INCIDENTS OF A STORMY TIME
The French Revolution — News from Paris — Birth of Thomas Tyringham
Bernard — The Manors of Great and Little Kimble — Trespasses of Villagers —
Purchases of Land by Scrope Bernard— Chequers — Emigration from France
— The Descoeiilles — War with France — Petitions for Peace — Death of the
Second Viscount Barrington — Birth of Richard Scrope Bernard and Mary
Ann Bernard — Scrope Bernard re-elected for Aylesbury — He becomes a
Partner in Ransom and Morland's Bank.
Scrope Bernard's period of office as Under-Secretary coin-
cided with the first startling manifestations of a momentous
Revolution, which convulsed France, and shook Europe to
its centre. England was of course not free from peril ; she
had her own discontented and dangerous classes, who were
more to be feared than a foreign enemy ; and even some of
her ablest men hailed the outbreak of the French struggle as
the commencement of a better era; but the extremes to
which it was carried, the fearful excesses which marked its
progress, eventually checked the outburst of this feeling, and
even caused a strong re- action.
The quiet Hfe of an English family like the Bernards
was but little affected by the strong movement in France ;
there were no near relatives in the army or navy.
In this chapter, however, while relating the story of my
grandfather's private life, I have noted such indications of
the crisis as can be found in the papers at Nether
Winchendon. They are, of course, fragmentary; but a
more extended view belongs only to general history and
biographies of men conspicuous in the great contest.
A letter ^ signed 'CM.' (Charles Moss) and dated ' Spa,
' MS. Letter at Nether Wincheudon.
144 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
August 28,' seems to belong to the year 1790. It relates the
impression received in an outward journey :
At Dover the packet did not sail for Ostend for above three
days after our arrival, &, as we met with an acquaintance who had
just passed thro' France without difficulty, we took our course for
Calais — & I am glad we did so, because it gave us an opportunity
of seeing to what a pitch of absurdity the people were arrived. —
The waiters, nay the very postilions & the labourers talk politics,
of dethroning the monarch, of his violability or inviolability &c
with as much importance, and as much appearance of the object
being within their power, as you wd talk of sending your son to
school, & selling your estate.
Two letters from another correspondent belong to the
spring of 1791, when England was apparently waking to the
consciousness of the tragic aspect which the great French
drama had assumed. Scrope Bernard then had a friend in
Paris, who does not sign his name, probably by way of pre-
caution. I am unable to identify the writer, although it is
quite possible that there may be other letters from him,
not on the subject of France, in the collection at Nether
Winchendon. His two Parisian letters contain nothing very
striking, but the experience of an intelligent observer in the
midst of such exciting scenes cannot be altogether devoid of
interest.
Hotel d'Angleterre
Eue de F. St. Thomas ' 24 April
1791.
Dear Bernard, — I obey my promise in writing to you, though
I am unable to give you any particular news ; the difiiculties
attending a first visit to Paris have so much occupied my time,
that it has left me no opportunity of gaining information.
I had no idea, until I became a witness, of the general infatua-
tion of the French people respecting the Eevolution ; every peasant
and every woman and child from Calais to this place wears the
cockade, and the people here abandon every other consideration
but that which relates to the situation of public affairs ; the com-
monest of the rabble collect in small bodies in the street to consult
' This evidently means ' Eue des Filles St. Thomas.' The date of this
letter, which is not very distinct, looks like '1790,' but, even if it was so written,
the date must have been a mere slip of the pen ; it was evidently written just
before the letter immediately following, and the events are those of 1791. It is
one of the MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon.
NEWS FROM PARIS 145
on state affairs, and on every pillar and in every street there are
stuck up inflammatory publications which they are continually
reading. From what I perceive I do really think that Europe
united could hardly effect a counter-revolution ; they tell me that
in the southern parts of France the public are still more violently
attached to their new system,
I this day was in the Hall where the National Assembly meet,
but unfortunately they were not speaking ; there is a gallery, at
each end and on the sides, for the public, and the benches below
are arranged all round for the Deputies, &c. ; in the midst of one of
the sides is the President's seat, elevated, and before him a table
for the clerks, upon which is placed the bust of Mirabeau. — There
has been a considerable ferment, which is not yet subsided, upon
the subject of the King's permission to leave Paris. The Assembly
have allowed him this liberty, which the people dislike, and Mon-
sieur de la Fayette, displeased with their conduct in objecting to
this favour towards the King, has resigned the command of the
National Troops, who were all yesterday and to-day attending
him, in order to persuade him to resume it, but as yet they have
been unsuccessful. This morning the drums were beating in parts
of the town to call a meeting of the National Troops at five o'clock,
to take an oath to conform themselves to the laws, — which they
will do without understanding them, and which will not quiet the
disturbance, for everything is actuated by prejudice and by passion.
In looking at the remains of the Bastille, a Frenchman told
me, with the highest exultation (which certainly is natural on
such an event) that he was one of the first to enter that horrid
prison ; it is wonderful how totally they have demolished it, there
is hardly a stone left, and the workmen who are employed will
very soon have removed the remaining few.
I will write to you again before I leave Paris ; it is uncertain
how long I stay, or which way I shall return, therefore I would
not have you write to me unless you have any commands, which
you may send me in a letter directed to Mr Perigaux, which in all
events will be sent after me.
You will know my hand and therefore I need not add my
name in assuring you that I am most sincerely yours
This anonymous correspondent wrote ^ again four days
later :
Paris 28th April 1791
My dear Bernard, — Since my last nothing new has occurred.
The National Guard have prevailed on Monsr de la Fayette to
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
VOL. III. L
146 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
resume his command, but without accepting the system which he
had pointed out for their future conduct ; however he has re-
primanded the Company of Grenadiers who behaved so improperly
towards the King and Queen, though it was his intention (if
practicable) to have cashiered them, but he did not think proper
to put this latter intention into execution.
I was yesterday at the National Assembly, and I was never
witness to such a scene of turbulence and violent contention ;
several speaking at the same time, and each endeavouring to be
heard in spite of the President's bell, which was continually ring-
ing, to keep order, without effect ; whenever a few sentences could
be heard, they were received either with the clapping of hands or
the groans of the members ; in short I had no belief of such want
of order until I beheld it.
There has been a riot respecting the departure of a regiment
from Versailles, but disturbances are so frequent, that they pass
without consideration or noise ; I understand however that it is
settled.
I am considerably amused at Paris with the spe[ctacles ? ] [part
of the word was evidently torn off in breaking the seal] and variety
of sights, but the people, having mistaken liberty for licence, render
it necessary to be very discreet and prudent in one's behaviour,
and often when I wish to laugh, I am obliged to refrain from fear-
You can have no idea of the want of subordination, of the total abo-
lition of all order, it is liberty to the fullest extent, and whilst such
liberty prevails this kingdom can never profit by its Revolution.
Very truly yours
I am unable to pronounce with certainty as to the letters
of which the signature is composed, or the name it is in-
tended to suggest. The writer must have been a person of
strong nerves if he could keep up an inclination to laugh
amidst his perilous and distressful surroundings. But I
doubt whether he fully realised the approaching horrors of
the great crash.
The King and Queen, with their children and Madame
Elisabeth, weary of a scarcely disguised captivity, attempted
flight in the following June, but were recaptured at Varennes.
Scrope's previous correspondent had probably left Paris
before that time, but Mr. Morland appears to have been
there, and, since he was a man of observation and knowledge
of the world, it is to be regretted that no letter of his,
DOMESTIC TEIFLES 147
describing the situation, is extant. Possibly he may have con-
sidered it prudent to reserve the narrative of his experiences
till his return. The only allusion I can find to this visit is
in a letter ^ from Mrs. Scrope Bernard to her husband, dated
' Winchendon Bower, July 2nd,' a heading which may mean
either that she was writing in the ' Courting Bower,' or that
she gave the old house a pet name to show how entirely she
had overcome her original prejudice against it.
I was wishing to hear from my Mother, in order that I might
learn a little of what is become of my Father at Paris, — and am
much surprised to hear from you that he and Paris are in a quiet
state. I was afraid he was in a dangerous situation, being among
the French.
I imagine it will be a very long while now (if ever) before
their troubles are over. I pity degraded Monarchy exceedingly. —
I have lent the newspapers, with the affecting account, to my neigh-
bours to read.
The rest of the letter, with its allusions to home life,
forms a contrast to the beginning. Willy's birthday — ' next
Thursday ' — had begun to be a subject of consideration ; he
was apparently in town with his father, and the writer ex-
presses her satisfaction that ' Greatgrandmamma ' — Mrs. Mills
— had taken tea with them. ' Madge,' or Margaret, was of
sufficient age to send ' her duty ' to her father, and had some
' pretty curls ' to show him when he came to the country.
Sundry other matters of domestic interest fill up the sheet of
paper. Harriet Bernard considered that the opera box— her
husband either had one of his own or, more probably, shared it
with his brother — should be lent a second time to a young
lady, Miss Hamilton, who had sung at their concerts. Then
follow some items of country news — the safe arrival of a
mare, * but without a saddle,' the low state of the ale, and
the desirableness of unpacking and tasting * the new cyder,'
the whole finishing up with an important postscript : ' We
have got all our hay in.'
On the 15th day of the following September another son
was born to Scrope and Harriet Bernard, in Bolton Street.
» MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
L 2
148 THE BERNARDS OP ABINGTON
He was baptized in London by the name of Thomas Tyring-
ham, his uncle Thomas, and, I believe, also his aunt Mar-
garet, standing sponsors on the occasion. His father wrote
on this occasion to the perpetual curate of Nether "Winchen-
don, desiring that the child's birth and baptism might be
entered in the register of that parish, which was accordingly
done.^ This circumstance, and the double Christian name,
which was at that time uncommon, suggest that he may
even then have entertained the idea of making the boy his
successor at Winchendon. His eldest son William had
been virtually adopted by Mr. Morland, and was recognised
heir, after Mrs. Bernard, to the bulk of his property. More-
over, earlier in the year 1791, Scrope had been buying land
which he may have intended for Francis, his second sur-
viving son. In March, William Bridges Ledwell, ' together
with his Mother . . . and others, conveyed all their interest
and title to the estate and Manor of Little Kimble, to
Scrope Bernard, Esq.' ^
It was probably about the same time that Mr. Bernard
bought the adjoining ' Manor of Great Kimble,' with ' the
Manors of Marshal and Fennel's Grove, comprising the
hamlets of Marsh and Kimblewick,' of ' the Eight Hon,
George John, Earl Spencer, K.G.' ^ The new possessions
were situated about twelve or thirteen miles from Nether
Winchendon by road, and formed a more important estate.
These purchases, while they gave fresh scope to Mr.
Bernard's energies, did not diminish his interest in Nether
Winchendon, for it was also about this time that he must
have built the stone bridge near his house, for which pur-
pose, as I have heard, he diverted a small portion of the
channel of the river Thame in order to render the situation
and appearance of the new bridge more suitable and
picturesque. It would seem to have been in consequence of
the facilities afforded by this change that, in the following
year, one ' W. Bray ' complained of a path made by the
' MS. Letter and entry in Eegister of Nether Winchendon.
* Lipscomb, Hist, of Bucks, vol. ii., ' Little Kimble.'
^ Ibid., vol. ii., ♦ Great Kimble.'
VILLAGE LAWLESSNESS 149
villagers through his tenant's land in Cuddington parish,
which was divided by the river from Nether Winchendon.
Possibly Mr. Bray may have been lessee of the Dean and
Chapter of Rochester, who long held certain fields incon-
veniently wedged into other people's property. He suggested
that Mr. Bernard should stop the trespass ' by putting a
roller with iron spikes on the top of the gate and guarding
the sides.' ^ But I have no evidence that this was ever done.
In the matter of making new paths wherever it suits
their convenience, regardless of other folk's rights, the
present inhabitants of that country are not very much behind
their forefathers. Scrope Bernard had to suffer, like his
neighbours, from their lawlessness. Eichard Plater, a
Winchendon man belonging to a family of small farmers, who
became his factotum about the land, wrote,^ early in 1791 :
I have given it out in the town amung the poor that you was
greatly a frunted at there caring your postes and Eails a way, but am
a fraid it will not make very little difference, for they have cared
the greatest part of the post and rails in Mr Bainton's cloas a way.
Plater wrote a good hand, but his composition was not
perfect and his spelling most peculiar. A large number of
his letters have been preserved.
A further illustration of the aggressiveness of the sur-
rounding population, is to be found in a letter from Dr.
Littlehales, Perpetual Curate of Brill and Boarstall— written
from the old gatehouse known as Boarstall Tower, the only
remnant of a mansion pulled down some years previously —
to Mr. Bernard in London, enclosing the following
statement :
'The Information and Complaint of Elizabeth Jessop
of the parish of Lower Winchendon in the County of
Bucks J Bucks widow taken upon oath before me J. L.
to wit \ Littlehales Doctor of Laws one of his Majesty's
Justices of the Peace for the said County the 13th day
of June 1792
Who says that she lives in the same parish together with
Ehzabeth Blake, another widow of the parish, and that frequently
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
- MS. Letters and other papers at Nether Winchendon.
150 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
they have been disturbed in their Beds all hours of the night by
William Goff and Eichard Smith Labourers belonging to the said
parish by knocking at the door and breaking the viz. door down —
and particularly on Wednesday last the Sixth Instant about
Twelve o'clock at! Night as they were in their beds— they were
disturbed by a most violent knocking at the door — and upon the
Deponent calling out ' who is there ' one of the two men above
mentioned ansv/ered ' Come down,' when this Deponent said Go
about your business or else I will fetch the Constable to you. But
they still kept beating at the door, and upon this, Deponent &
the said Elizabeth coming down to go to the Constable, Mr.
Gurney, and calling out to him, Mr. Gurney came to the window
and told her he had no business unless she brought a warrant ;
upon which she went towards her own door again. — Eichard
Smith struck her a blow in the face with his fist — and smasht a
wooden Bottle full of Beer about the said Elizabeth Blake's
head.
The Mark of
+
before me Elizabeth Jessop
J. L. Littlehales
The result of the magisterial inquiry does not appear.
It may seem surprising that Scrope Bernard should not
have had enough of such petty annoyances at Winchendon,
and should have cared to involve himself with more land.
But at the time of this outbreak he had not only become
the lord of the Kimble manors, but had also taken a lease of
a mansion in the adjoining parish of Ellesborough. There
v^as no gentleman's house on his nev\^ property — a manor-
house and another old residence had been almost demolished
in the course of the eighteenth century. The mansion taken
by Mr. Bernard was called Chequers,^ and was to be let
during the minority of its owner Sir John Eussell. Mr.
Bernard's reasons for occupying the house are stated in a
letter,^ written from Salisbury to a Mr. Powlett, two years
later, when he was already thinking of sub-letting the
place :
When your letter arrived I was absent on the duty of escorting
' It is now generally called Chequers Court, but was then known as
Chequers, Checkers, or Chakers,' &c.
* MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon (Rough Draft).
T^HIi CHEQUiiES 161
some French pvisoners to Warminster ; else, I should have
answered it by return of post. . . . The house in question
(Checkers near Missenden and Wendover) is not my property,
and I am the more particular in letting it on that account. My
own house in Bucks (Winchendon) being situated at a less con-
venient distance from London, I lett it to another person, and
have taken this of Sir John Eussell's Executors upon a lease
during his minority. . . . There is some account of the House and
Pictures in the 2nd Vol. of the Memoirs of Cromwell's family
under the head of Eussell.
If I may trust to the statement of my uncle Frank, or
Francis, who was under two years of age when my father
took Chequers, Winchendon was let to a man who wished to
start a paper-mill there. This was a hobby of the day,
intended to develop the resources of the country ; but it
was very soon stigmatised as an injury to the poor, on
account of the number of corn-mills it suppressed — probably
the hobby was over-ridden. At Winchendon, as I have
heard, it did not succeed, and the paper-mill soon gave up
business, which must have had the accompanying result of
throwing the manor house at Nether Winchendon once
more on Mr. Bernard's hands. During the period of the
paper-mill enterprise, I imagine that the old corn-mill in the
Grove ^ v^as demolished ; as I learned from an old inhabi-
tant, both existed for some time together and gave employ-
ment jointly to the parishioners. In all likelihood the corn-
mill was out of repair and paying badly when the idea of a
rival was started ; and, when that project failed, the new
building became the village corn-mill. It stands at the
end of the Grove nearest the manor house.
Scrope Bernard's new residence at Chequers was natur-
ally a subject of much curiosity amongst his relatives. The
mansion at that time still preserved its Tudor appearance,
but has since been much modernised. It was situated in
the romantic region of the Chilterns, and Velvet Lawn, the
well-known resort for picnic parties, is on the estate within
a short distance of the house. Lipscomb describes ^ this
' See vol. i., ch. vii., of this Family History.
* Lipscomb, Hist. Bucks, vol. ii., ' Ellesborough.'
152 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
mansion as ' situated in a little valley S.S.E. of the parish
church, and surrounded by irregular eminences, clothed to
their summits with beech trees, interspersed with box, larch,
and holly, in a very picturesque manner.' Like many old
houses it was not so placed as to command a distant view,
as it easily might have been. The most marked feature of
the interior was a gallery seventy-five feet long, with
mullioned windows; and it contained many portraits and
other memorials of Oliver Cromwell, his family, and connec-
tions, brought there by the Eussells. Altogether the excite-
ment in the Bernard family was fully justified.
Thomas Bernard wrote ^ in 1792, expressing his fears
that business might prevent him from paying it a visit :
' unless we were to run to you with posthorses, take an early
dinner, and return the same day.' Jane White writes also
from London, thanking Scrope for his offer to meet her and
her daughter Amelia at Chalfont :
We will be there on Wednesday before one o'clock, (no very
extraordinary accident preventing,) and in case you should find
your whiskey horse lame, or anything should hinder your meeting
us, we will come quietly on to tea. Shall be exceedingly glad to
spend two or three quiet days with dear Sis, and get thoroughly
acquainted with our pretty cousins.
A ' whiskey ' was then a favourite kind of carriage. The
letter concludes :
If you have an opportunity of acquainting the good folks at
Wendover that I bring down Julia's commission I shall be obliged
to you.
The Kings appear to have been staying at Wendover
about the same time ; and Mr. King writes his regrets at
being prevented by a severe cold from accompanying Fanny
in her walks to Chequers. Then — after expressing his dis-
appointment at missing Mr. Bernard in town — he adds :
I was also not a little mortified in not having the opportunity
' The family letters here quoted are all in BIS. at Nether Winchendon.
A LANDOWNEK'S ANNOYANCES 153
to hear your grcand debate ' on the Eeform, when I find Mr. Pitt
spoke as never man spoke before in that house.
The people of the Chiltern district were not an ideal
race, and Mr. Bernard encountered on his Kimble property
annoyances of the same description as in the Thame valley.
The following epistle illustrates this statement :
Sir, I made bold to trouble you with afuo lines to let you no
[sic] that I & my Servant man have catched John Delitield your
Hous keeper furiting in my warren with Several nets at Cooms :
it was within the bounds of ragelton's halloway. I asked him
what business he had furiting there ; he told me he wanted some
Eabbits and would have some Let them be whose the would, he
was very impertint indeed to me & said it was not my warren.
I thot it best to Let your Hon"" no of it that I might have your
advice in it before I purseed any further it was yesterday the
26 of Dec^ he was there great part of the day.
S"" I am your Ho'" Humble St
Josh Wakd.
Kimble Warren— Wendover— Bucks
27 Dr 1792.
As to the rights of the parties in this controversy I am
unable to form an opinion. Occurrences of this description,
no doubt, took place on both estates year by year; but the
details already given may suffice.
How far the anarchy in France, combined with the
gradual rise in price of many necessary articles, especially
bread, in this country, had disposed the minds of the lower
classes to lawlessness, I cannot say ; but there was much
alarm in England, and a royal proclamation had been issued
on May 21, 1792, requiring all magistrates and civil officers
to exert themselves, ' for the Suppression of divers wicked
and seditious Writings, published and industriously dispersed
with a view to excite Discontents, Tumults, and Disorders,
in this Eealm.' But, whatever may have been the momen-
tary effect of this proclamation, the treasonable practices
were very soon resumed, and a printed admonition was sent
' For particulars of this debate, see Belsham, Memoirs of tlie Reign oj
George III., vol. iv., book xxiv. (Sixth Edition).
154 THE BBENAEDS OF ABINGTON
by the Home Secretary, dated November 4, addressed
apparently to all the Lords Lieutenant of counties. The
copy sent to the Marquess of Buckingham ^ informs him of :
His Majesty's directions that it should be given in charge to
the Grand Jury, at the next ensuing General Quarter Sessions
of the Peace for the County of Buckingham, diligently to
enquire and true Presentment to make of all such wicked and
seditious writings so published and industriously spread as afore-
said within the said County, as shall be given to them in charge,
or shall otherwise come to their Knowledge; in order that the
Authors, Printers, PubHshers and Distributors of all such wicked
and seditious writings as aforesaid, may be severally dealt with
according to Law.
This severe injunction the Marquess of Buckingham
qualified v/ith a few gracious words; perhaps he really
thought it inapplicable to his county. In any case he
addressed the magistrates as follows :
Stowe, November 26th 1792
Sir, — I have the Honor of sending you a Copy of a Letter which
I have received from the Secretary of State, notifying to me the
King's Commands, respecting the charge to be given by the
Magistrates at the ensuing Quarter Sessions for this County to
the Grand Jury. And I am happy at the same time to express,
from a long and intimate knowledge of the Magistracy, and of the
Inhabitants at large of this respectable County, my fullest persua-
sion that no District in the King's dominions stands less in need
of this Proof of his Majesty's paternal sohcitude for the Security
and Happiness of his People, exciting us to the faithful Discharge
of our judicial Duties, and to every exertion for the support of
our happy Constitution
I am
Your very faithful
and obedient Servant
Nugent Buckingham
By order of the Gustos Eotulorum
Acton Chaplin
Clerk of the Peace.
The stream of emigration from France bad begun in
1791 ; the refugees at that period consisted chiefly of the
noblesse, but as time went on many persons of less pre-
' All the documents referred to in the test are at Nether Winchendon.
EMIGEATION FKOM FEANCE 155
tension were thankful to escape. In 1792 Lille was besieged
by the Austrians, armed against the French Republic. This
war appears to have driven to England a family, named
Descoeiille, who had been intimate with Scrope Bernard
when he stayed at Lille, and who seem to have now quartered
themselves on the Bernards. In virtue of their acquaintance
with the Hon. Mrs. Storer, no doubt, they were received by
the Marquess and Marchioness of Buckingham, and possibly
they may have been persons of some importance in their
own neighbourhood, but their letters are not calculated to
impress the reader with an idea of high culture.
In a letter from Wivenhoe, written in March 1794,
Madame Descoeiille reminds Scrope Bernard of an offer he
had made them of Winchendon for a few weeks, and asks if
they may now go there, because Wivenhoe is full of visitors
to the baths, and all lodgings still vacant, very dear — or, if
it is possible, they would prefer to stay in the Bernard's
London house, supposing it to be empty, as more convenient
for lodging-hunting. Probably they did not visit Win-
chendon, which was let, but were invited to the London
house, though it was not empty, since Mrs. Scrope Bernard
writes to her mother, after mentioning that a harper had
been to her house to hear ' Madge ' play, with a view to de-
ciding whether she should take lessons :
The Descoeiille family hanging on us is not a pleasant affair
when things are so dear— washing, meat, & etceteras — to people
that have a family of their own ; and they, poor creatures, can't
pay for anything themselves.
The Descoeiilles professed an intention of returning to
Lille, where their property was situated, when both armies
should have left the neighbourhood, and no doubt they meant
what they said, but they were hindered by the course of
events, and remained in England many years — not, it may
be hoped, in the same helpless condition.
It was natural that great difference of opinion should
exist in England as to the expediency of going to war with
France — that is, with any of the Governments of the Eevolu-
156 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
tion. But, * the English Ministers,' says Lecky, ' still
carried their desire to be neutral in French affairs to the
verge, if not beyond the verge, of inhumanity,' until, in
February, 1793, immediately after the execution of King
Louis XVI., the Republic declared war on England. If this
was to be the final result, it does seem a pity that the
English did not arm in time to prevent the first series of
atrocities, and when armed did not act with sufficient skill
and vigour to check a continuance of massacre. Some
illustration of this campaign, under the Duke of York, and
of the beauties of war, is found in a letter forwarded by
Jane White to her brother Scrope. She writes :
A tenant of Mrs. Whetham's has received a letter from his son
in the 2nd Dragoons ; it is penned with such simplicity and spirit
that I send you a copy of it. You may take an extract for the
news, if you like it, leaving out the name. Miss Crawford was
here this morning (with Lady Lincoln) — her brother is in the
same Eeg^ and she was much pleased with it. The letter is as
follows :
Ghent Jan. 19tli '94.
Honoured Father and Mother, — This comes with my very
kind love to you and hopes you and Brother and Sister is well, as
this leaves me. I bless God for it. We are in winter quarters at
present, and we shall remain here until we take our quarters in
the field. We have 30,000 French lies within 15 miles of us now,
they be under Hedges or any where they can get ; they are almost
starved to Death. We have 25,000 of the Turks to join us on the
1st of Feby. I should have wrote before but we have not been
settled long. All the Summer after retreating from Dunkirk, we
was marching about, but will be at Dunkirk again betimes at
Spring and give them a proper dressing, and Lyle too we will
have, for we have got a fine army for them, and we are the Boys
thats not affraid to face them though they send their Cannon Balls
ever so hot. We gave them several good dressings before we left
Camp. We went within two miles of Lyle and cut 280 all to
pieces, we did not leave one to tell tales, that's bravo. We lost 3
men that day all shot through the head ; 2 died instantly, the other
came to the Hospital and died there in 3 days. I have a great
deal of news what has happened this autumn, but I cannot have
time to send any now. We have got as good meat as any in
THE BEAUTIES OF WAR 157
England and cheap 3'-^- pr pound ; and all kinds of garden stuff
very reasonable. The best Beer is no better than good English
small Beer ; Gin we have got plenty, and very cheap. Please to
let me have an answer as soon as possible, and direct to me 2nd
Dragn. Gds. with the Duke of York's army Ghent French
Flanders.
I am your Son
W. P.
N.B. This is far more plentiful place than England.
From the tone of Mrs. White's letters it would seem that
she and Scrope Bernard were both in favour of keeping up
the contest, a point still warmly debated. In the same
letter she writes :
Mr. Grey has made a foolish piece of work at Nottingham,
& we have just got a copy of a letter he directed as I understand
to be written to his Party there, & then, by a mistake of the Xtian
name in his Frank, it was sent to a person of sentiments totally
different, & they had it printed in a Handbill & circulated about
the Town ; the chief purport of it to desire they will get petitions
against the war signed as quickly as possible, & that further
instructions should be sent next post ; it is understood here that
he wants to provoke Ministry to arrest him. Lady Lincoln was
so anxious to show it Lord L. that I could not ask to keep it, but
her LadyP will return it on Saturday.
I scarcely need tell you Mr. White and My young folks are
very well ; I should hardly be so bad a wife as to be here if they
were not.
This letter was written from Mrs. Whetham's
'beautiful place' at Kirklington, while on the way, from
Lincoln to London. The lady of the house apparently
required the presence of some friend owing to her weak
state of health, for Mrs. White had previously written :
I am going home on Tuesday next, on which day I hope
Mrs. Manners Sutton will meet me at Newark and return here in
Mrs. Whetham's coach. Mrs. Whetham has been extremely ill.
In another letter it appears that this lady required a
house in town for three months, ' somewhere towards Pic-
cadilly, Berkley Square, Grosvenor Square, or Hanover Sq.'
In due time Mrs. White forwarded the erring document
158 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
to her brother. Her letter is dated ' Kirklington Febj' '94.'
She writes :
The paper I mentioned to you as printed at Nottingham is
returned to night & I send you a copy of it. I believe Sir E.
Sutton has sent one to the Speaker of H. of C or some friends.
I don't know any one who has seen the original letter. The docu-
ment as made pubhc at Nottingham was headed
' Here is
Nottingham all on an Uproar — or
a change in the postmen — being a general mistake
for the good of the country
Copy of a Letter sent to Citizens S y W g & W m
dx. — of Nottingham
Citizens
Charles G y Esq M P requested me to inform you —
That he could wish all societies or as many Towns as coidcl
he got, to petition again for Peace. But not to petition the King
(except you petition the Commons at the same time) for petitions
to the King would only be lodged in the Secretary of State's office,
& the Ministry would advise the King to return no answer ! !
P.S.— On Monday between 1000 & 1400 of the London
corresponding Society met at the Globe Tavern ; they passed very
spirited Eesolutions, which you will receive to-morrow.
Note, 500 dined at the above Tavern
I am, Citizens, a Friend to Freedom
No 9 Piccadilly JoHN Har SON '
On February 1, 1793, in the midst of the agitation conse-
quent on King Louis's violent death, died William Wildman,
second Viscount Barrington, whose name has been often men-
tioned in these pages. He had been a kind friend to Sir
Francis Bernard and his family, and in his private capacity
apparently continued such to the last. His political influence
had no doubt waned, since he had lived many years out of
office.^ Of his public reputation it is unnecessary to speak ;
his untiring devotion to the Crown, under all circumstances,
led to much animadversion. Lecky, however, gives him full
credit for purity of motive.
With the nephew who succeeded him as third Viscount,
' According to Burke, Peerage, &c., he had been out of oflfice ever since 1778.
FRIENDSHIP WITH THE BARRINGTONS 159
the eldest son of his deceased brother, General John Barring-
ton — with the General's two younger sons, who became suc-
cessively fourth and fifth Viscounts, and with their sister, Mrs.
Tristram, afterwards Mrs. Cooke, the 'Louisa' of Mr.
Browne's letters — the Bernard family continued on terms of
social intimacy for many years longer ; but the passing away of
that generation and the course of events at last broke the tie.
In 1793, Scrope Bernard's fifth son, Kichard Scrope, was
born ; and on February 11, 1797, his second daughter, Mary
Ann. Unfortunately Mrs. Bernard never recovered her health
after the birth of this child ; she continued to watch over her
family, and to entertain her friends, but always with more
or less effort.
Another General Election took place in 1796. There was
no contest at Aylesbury, where Scrope Bernard and Colonel
Lake were re-elected.
During these years Scrope Bernard evidently practised to
a certain extent as an advocate, but, owing to the fact of his
having started late, I do not think that he ever had a large
business. The author of an * Obituary Notice ' — who was
perhaps a relation — suggests that he entered this profession
in order to qualify for the post of Judge of the Episcopal
Court of Durham. Bishop Barrington, however, was not
translated to that See until 1792, three years later than
Mr. Bernard's call. He did eventually obtain the office, but I
am uncertain how soon after that date. He retained his
chambers in Doctors' Commons until 1800, at least, as
appears by a boyish letter from his eldest son, Wilham, asking
leave to go and see him there. Eventually his calling in life
was settled by the offer of a partnership in Eansom and
Morland's bank.^
During this period, his elder brother Thomas was com-
mencing his course of philanthropic labours ; but before
proceeding to relate any details of his work, it seems
desirable to state the few particulars known respecting the
unfortunate head of the family. Sir John Bernard.
' The style of the Firm in 1788 was ' Eansom, Morland &Hammersley,' as
appears by a letter so signed.
160 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
CHAPTER IX
SIR JOHN BERNARD
Sir John Bernard's Prospects— The First Massachusetts Act of Confiscation
Proscriptions in New York— Poverty of Sir John Bernard— The American
Loyahsts— Ministerial Changes— Sir John Bernard's Claims upon the
Government— Sabine's unsympathetic Account of Sir John's Life— Contrast
between his Situation and that of Thomas and Scrope Bernard— Sir John's
Return to England— The alleged Restoration to him of Mount Desert Island
—Efforts of the Family to dissuade him from Returning to America— His
Visit to France— He is appointed to an Office in Barbados— He receives tardy
Compensation for Losses in America— His Life in Dominica— His Death.
Sir John Bernard's history is a melancholy record of a Hfe
with a bright dawn, gradually darkening until, after the
midday storms, it set in persistent gloom. In his youth
welcomed and courted as the Governor's son he had every
prospect of becoming — as a large landowner and successful
merchant — one of the most important persons in the
Province of Massachusetts. A few years saw him beggared
and outlawed.
It has been stated that Sir Francis, notwithstanding
his experience of American character, did not believe the
revolutionary governments to be capable of carrying into
execution acts of arbitrary confiscation ; and even if John's
apprehensions were roused, he, as well as the Governor's
other children, may have refrained from urging his own
view of the situation on a father who was evidently
sinking, since it was not in the power of any member of the
family, or of all the members collectively, to avert the blow.
The first Massachusetts Act of Confiscation,^ was pub-
lished in the * London Evening,' of July 18, 1779, and no
doubt in other papers. How long previously John Bernard
' Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, vol. ii., chap. vi.
LOYALISTS IN MASSACHUSETTS 161
had known of its promulgation in America depends on his
abode at the time, whether in Boston or the neighbour-
hood, or far away, in or near Mount Desert ; but it must
have been soon followed by the news of his father's death,
which made him a baronet, but completed his ruin, because
Sir Francis, supposing that he had provided for his eldest
son as amply as his means allowed, by bequeathing to him
the greater part of his American property, had left him very
little besides. The war, indeed, still dragged on, and upon
its issue depended the ultimate result of the American Acts ;
for this reason, apparently. Sir John resolved on returning, to
hold his own, if possible, in the face of all obstacles.
In Massachusetts (writes Sabine) ^ a person suspected of
enmity to the Whig cause could be arrested under a magistrate's
warrant and banished, unless he would swear fealty to the friends
of liberty, and the Selectmen of towns could prefer charges of
political treachery in town meeting, and the individual thus
accused, if convicted by a jury, could be sent into the enemy's
jurisdiction. Massachusetts also designated by name, and gene-
rally by occupation and residence, three hundred and eight of her
people, of whom seventeen had been inhabitants of Maine, who
had fled from their homes, and denounced against any one of
them who should return, apprehension, imprisonment and trans-
portation to a place possessed by the British, and for a second
voluntary return, without leave, death without benefit of clergy.
By another law, the property of twenty-nine persons, who were
denominated ' notorious conspirators,' was confiscated. Of these,
fifteen had been appointed ' mandamus councillors,' two had been
governors, one lieutenant-governor, one treasurer, one attorney-
general, one chief justice, and four commissioners of the customs.
The county committees received power to pass sentences
of imprisonment and banishment on suspected persons.
It has been mentioned that Governor Sir Francis
Bernard possessed 30,000 acres in the Province of New
York.^ There measures of proscription and confiscation
' Sabine, The American Loyalists ; Prelimiimry Bemarks or Historical
Essay, p. 78.
* See vol. i. of this Work, chap, xiv., p. 316,
VOL. III. M
162 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
soon followed. Governor Hutchinson writes, on February 6,
1780 : ^
A newspaper from New York of Dec 15*^* contains an Act of
the new State, confiscating the estates of a great number of
persons beginning with Lord Dunmore, their former Governor,
Tryon, their last Governor ; and goes on with Watts, and four or
five more of the Council, and a great number of others ; and con-
cludes with Sir Henry Clinton, and banishes them all upon pain
of death.
It is probable that news of this further deprivation — for
it is almost certain that the Bernard estates would be among
the first annexed — reached Sir John before he left England.
Sabine states ^ that ' the effects of fifty-nine persons, of whom
three were women, and their rights of remainder and rever-
sion,were to pass by confiscation, from them, to the "people." '
The loss was lessened, perhaps, in the Bernard case, by the
fact that Sir Francis had not begun to settle these lands. ^
In New York the liberty of suspected persons was at the
mercy of the ' County Committees.' In most of the other
states analogous regulations were made.
Mr. Hutchinson ^ wrote on this subject :
I have read the histories of most of the civil dissentions of
which we, in the present age of the world, have any knowledge ;
but I have not met with an instance equally arbitraiy, revengeful
and severe, with the Acts of the new State of Mass Bay.
Mr. Jay, a distinguished adherent of the new Govern-
ments, who a little later was appointed, with Franklin and
John Adams, one of the plenipotentiaries in the peace nego-
tiations, wrote, in a letter to Governor Clinton, dated Madrid,
May 6, 1780 : '
An English paper contains what they call, but I can hardly
believe to be, your Confiscation Act. If truly printed, New York is
' Diary and Letters of Govertwr Hutchinson, by Peter Orlando Hutchinson,
one of his great-grandsons, vol. ii., chap. viii.
- Sabine, The American Loyalists ; Preliminary Remarks, p. 79.
3 Ibid., p. 78.
■* Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, vol. ii., extract from ' The Governor to
J. Putnam, Aug. 3, 1779, in Letter Book.' Given in a Note to chap. v.
=* Note to Sabine's T}ie Ainerican Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks, p. 98.
THE CONFISCATION ACTS 163
disgi'aced by injustice too palpable to admit even of palliation.
I feel for the honor of my country, and therefore beg the favor of
you to send me a true copy of it ; that if the other be false, I may,
by publishing yours, remove the prejudice against you occasioned
by the former.
Contrary to Mr. Jay's belief, the copy seen by him was
authentic ; he never changed the opinion here expressed to
Governor Clinton. Elsewhere Sabine states that : '
Mr. Jay's disgust was unconquerable, and he never would
purchase any lands that had been forfeited under the Confiscation
Act of New York.
Dr. Ryerson, a Canadian, descended from American
Loyalists, and, writing in the nineteenth century, puts the
matter in a strong light : ^
The Draconian Code or the Spanish Inquisition can hardly
be said to exceed in severity and intolerance the acts of the
several State Legislatures and Committees above quoted, in
which mere opinions are declared to be treason, as also the
refusal to renounce a solemn oath of allegiance. The very place
of residence, the non-presenting oneself to be tried as a traitor,
the mere suspicion of holding loyaUst opinions, involved the loss
of liberty and property. Scores of persons were made criminals
not after trial by a verdict of a regularly empannelled jury, but by
name in Acts or Kesolutions of Legislatures ; and sometimes of
Committees. No modern civilized country has presented such a
spectacle of the wholesale disposal by name, of the rights,
liberties, and properties, and even lives of citizens, by inquisition
and various bodies, as was here presented against the Loyalists
guilty of no crime against their neighbours except holding to the
opinion of their forefathers, and the former opinions of their
present persecutors, who had usurped the power to rob, banish,
and destroy them — who embodied in themselves at one and the
same time, the functions of law makers, law judges, and law
executioners, and the receivers and disposers, or, as was the case,
the possessors of the property which they confiscated against the
Loyalists.
' The Aviei-ican Loyalists : Preliminary RemarJcs, p. 94.
- Eyerson (Dr. Egerton), Chief Superintendent of Education for Upper
Canada from 1844 to 1876. The Loyalists of America and tJieir Times, vol. ii.,
chap, xxxvi. (Toronto and Montreal, 1880).
164 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
That Sir John Bernard should have escaped persecution
under this Draconian Code is ahnost impossible. I have,
however, very little information concerning his life at this
period. His brother Thomas stated, in words already quoted,
that he ^ * underwent a series of confinements and sufferings
in America,' but the particulars do not appear ; and the
short biographical article which Sabine has allotted to the
Governor's ill-fated son makes no mention of any arrest or
even threat of imprisonment ; but he writes of course with
an American bias. He merely says of Sir John : ^
Soon after the Revolution he was in abject poverty, and the
misfortunes of himself and his family seem to have unsettled his
mind. When, in 1769, Sir Francis was recalled from the govern-
ment of Massachusetts, he possessed a considerable landed estate
in Maine, of which the large island of Mount Desert, Moose
Island (now Eastport), and some territory on the main, formed a
part. John, at or about the time of his father's departure had an
agency for the settlement of these and other lands ; and probably
until the confiscation of his father's property in 1778 was in com-
fortable circumstances. His place of residence during the war
appears to have been at Bath, though he was sometimes at
Machias.
The only ' Bath,' on Massachusetts territory, which I
have found in a ' Gazetteer,' ^ is described as ' a village in Lin-
coln County, 165 miles N.E. from Boston.' ' Machias,' which,
according to Sabine, had been formerly called ' Mechisses,'
was much further north, now in Washington County, Maine,
' situated in a bay of its own name. There are two consider-
able villages of this name within the township, one at the
falls of the east branch of Machias river, the other at the
falls of the west branch.'
In Sir John Bernard's time these villages can scarcely be
said to have existed. There seems to have been only a fierce
population of 'loggers' and * sawyers,' * whose habitations
' Life of Sir Francis Bernard. (By one of his Sons.)
* Sabine, The American Loyalists : 'Bernard ''Sir John).' p. 156.
» The Edinburgh Gazetteer : ' Bath,' 1822.
* Sabine, The American Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks. These ' loggers,
SIK JOHN BEENAED'S POVEETY 165
were no doubt very straggling, and who were not favourable
to English rule. Machias ^ is ' 339 miles from Boston, and
300 by water.'
The mansion of Governor Bernard, on Jamaica Pond,
later occupied by the younger Sir William Pepperell, became
the quarters of the Rhode Island Colonel Miller for a while,
and later was used as a camp hospital.'
In the ' Life of John Adams, by his Son,' much stress is
laid on the exertions he made to reach Pownalborough, on
Kennebec River, to plead a cause in 1765. The biographer
speaks of the ' obstructions of nearly impassable roads,
through an inhospitable region,' and notes that his father
' fell sick on the way ' ; he, however, arrived in time, and this
cause, won under difficult circumstances, was the starting-
point of his fame. But Pownal, or Pownalborough, although
Mr. Adams described it as being ' at almost the extreme
verge of civilisation,' was only about half the distance of
Machias from Boston ; and this long journey Sir John
Bernard had to travel without gaining any fame. The
roads are scarce likely to have improved in the interval, and
latterly what population there was must have been more or
less hostile.
Perhaps he sometimes tried a sea voyage by way of im-
provement ; but the service, judging from its organisation
on more frequented routes, must also have been tedious,
comfortless, and perilous. Whether he travelled by sea or
by land he must have arrived at his destination only to find
his title to the land impugned, and his right to remain on it
denied.
If this was his situation during the continuance of the
war, it must have been much aggravated by the conclusion of
peace. Great Britain, after an attempt to obtain compen-
and ' sawyers,' began the sea warfare with England soon after the battle of
Lexington. Armed only with such weapons as they used in their daily work,
they seized the royal schooner ' Margranetto,' mounting four guns and fourteen
swivels.
' The Edinburgh Gazetteer, ' Machias,' 1822.
-' Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, vol. iii.. ' The Revolutionary Period,'
chap. 2. Tlie Siege of Boston, by Eev. Edward E. Hale, D.D.
166 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
sation for her own adherents from the now ' United States,'
as a condition of that peace and of the recognition of
American Independence, gave way upon that point, as on
others.' Defeated and humihated, she was unable to obtain
her own terms, and when, on September 3, 1783, a treaty-
was signed, the American LoyaHsts were left to their fate.
The part of the treaty with England which excited most severe
criticism ^ (writes Mr. Lecky), was the abandonment of the
Loyalists. These unfortunate men had, indeed, a claim of the
very strongest kind to the protection of England, for they had lost
everything in her cause. Some had simply fled from the country
before mob violence, and had been attainted in their absence.
Others had actually taken up arms, and they had done so at the
express invitation of the English Government and of Enghsh
Generals. Their abandonment was described by nearly all the
members of the Opposition as an act of unqualified baseness,
which would leave an enduring stain on the English name.
' What,' said Lord North, ' are not the claims of those who, in
conformity to their allegiance, their cheerful obedience to the
voice of Parliament, their confidence in the proclamation of our
Generals, invited, under every assurance of military, parliamentary,
political, and affectionate protection, espoused with the hazard of
their lives, and the forfeiture of their properties, the cause of
Great Britain ? '
It had hitherto nearly always been the custom to close a
struggle, which partook largely of the nature of Civil War, by
a generous act of amnesty and restitution. At the peace of
Miinster a general act of indemnity had been passed, and the
partisans of the Spanish Sovereign had either regained their con-
fiscated properties, or had been indemnified for their loss.
A similar measure had been exacted in favour of the revolted
Catalans by France at the peace of the Pyrenees, and by Eng-
land at the peace of Utrecht, and Spain had frankly conceded it.
The case of the American Loyalists was a still stronger one, and
the Opposition emphatically maintained that the omission of aay
effectual provision for them in the Treaty of Versailles, ' unless
marked by the just indignation of Parliament, would blast for
ever the honour of this country.'
' Sabine, The American Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks.
■ Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century (Edition 1890),
vol. iv., chap, xv., p. 264.
SIE JOHN BEENAED'S CLAIMS 167
Fierce debates • took place in both houses, and led to the
resignation of Lord Shelburne,^ the Prime Minister, some
months before the peace was concluded. A coalition
ministry was formed by Lord North and Charles James
Fox ; it did not last quite to the end of the year, and William
Pitt then became Premier.
The Government had already begun giving assistance to
some of the exiles before the close of the war,"* believing that
only temporary assistance would be required. It now found
a crushing number of these unhappy people thrown upon
the national generosity, or rather sense of honour. How
soon Sir John Bernard's brothers began to plead his cause I
can but guess from Mrs. White's letter of April 29, 1782,'
in which she speaks of hopes from an expected change of
ministry. From time to time his father's executors, Thomas
Bernard and Charles White, advanced money for the pur-
pose of pushing forward his case. But it appears that Sir
John had not only the dilatory action of the Commissioners
appointed for the consideration of loyalist grievances to con-
tend vdth ; his claims were altogether disallowed.
In the ' Life of Sir Francis Bernard, by his son Thomas,'
privately printed in 1790, it is stated that Sir John, after the
' series of confinements and sufferings ' already mentioned,
was * almost the only person precluded from participating
in that relief which British justice and liberality had provided
for the sufferers by the American War.' In a note he adds :
I had intended to have inserted Sir John Bernard's case in the
Appendix to this work — but I have thought it better to wait for
some minutes of evidence, which I have applied for to the
American Board.
There is reason to doubt if the case ever appeared in any
book or pamphlet ; it is not mentioned in the lists I have
' Sabine, TJie American Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks.
'■ Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century (Edition 1890),
vol. iv., chap. xv.
^ Sabine, TJie American Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks.
* Given in Chapter ii. of this Volume. The Executors, according to a
memorandum in my possession, advanced money for the pui-pose stated above.
168 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
seen of Thomas Bernard's writings/ and no copy seems to
have been preserved in the family, but the motive for with-
holding it has not transpired. Possibly the minutes were
never obtained ; and a hope may have been held out to the
relatives that their requests might at some future period
obtain attention, while in the meantime silence was desirable,
if not indispensable.
The narrative of Sir John's experiences is therefore lost —
which is to be regretted ; as, in addition to its domestic value,
it must have afforded some insight into the life of the time.
The family considered that Sir John had claims in re-
spect : (1) Of his loss of the post of naval officer to the
port of Boston. (2) Of the annihilation of his business as
a merchant. (3) Of the confiscation of his land. But some
pretext was found for ignoring every one of these wrongs.
Yet the qualification for redress was far from rigid, as will
appear from the following list of classes, given by Sabine,^
into which the claimants were officially divided :
First Class. — Those who had rendered services to Great
Britain.
Second Class. — Those who had borne arms for Great Britain.
Third Class. — Uniform loyalists.
Fourth Class. — Loyal British subjects resident in Great
Britain.
Fifth Class. — Loyalists who had taken oaths to the American
States, but afterwards joined the British.
Sixth Class. — Loyalists who had borne arms for the American
States, but afterwards joined the British navy or army.
These six classes were eventually — in consequence of
popular clamour — placed on the same footing, a proceeding
not consonant with ordinary ideas of justice. There were
many other points on which the Commissioners' decisions
were open to cavil. Sir John Bernard's difficulty I at first
' There is a complete list— or intended to be complete— of Sir Thomas
Bernard's writings at the end of the biography by the Rev. James Baker. The
case is not there, nor is it in the catalogue of the British Museum, I believe ;
it is certainly not under the head of ' Bernard.'
^ Sabine, Tlu American Loyalists, note to Preliminary Remarks, p. 105.
AN UNSYMPATHETIC SKETCH 169
supposed to be, that he was ' a loyal British subject,' and yet
not ' resident in Great Britain,' and so did not come within
the letter of any one of the definitions. Yet surely he had
' rendered services to Great Britain,' as naval officer, and in
sundry other ways. Scrope Bernard indeed ascribes his
exclusion to ' the nature of his losses.' This is an incidental
mention of the subject in a letter to Scrope ; and I cannot
attempt to explain the phrase. In his * Sketches of American
Loyalists,' ^ Sabine has given short notices of both John and
Thomas Bernard, and in both of these he terms Sir John ' a
Whig,' which, in American parlance, meant a favourer of
independence. This, also, I have no means of explaining ;
certainly, all that is known of him up to the time of his
visit to England, in 1779, is inconsistent with this epithet ;
but it is possible that, at some later period, when he found
that England had cast him off, he may have been willing to
make his peace with the revolutionary government. Such
a concession would, in ordinary circumstances, have been
completely overlooked, on repentance, as the list of classes
shows ; whether the case of a Governor's son was different
it is impossible to say without further evidence ; but Thomas
Bernard gives no hint that his brother's exclusion was attri-
butable to any such cause.
The very unsympathetic account given by Sabine of
Sir John's troubled life, is continued as follows :
Not long after the peace he lived at Pleasant Point a few miles
from Eastport in a small hut built by himself, and with no com-
panion but a dog. An unbroken wilderness was around him.
The only inhabitants at the bead of the tide -waters of St. Croix
were a few workmen, preparing to erect a saw-mill. Eobbinston
and Perry were uninhabited. Eastport contained a single family.
Yet, at the spot now occupied by the remnant of the tribe of the
Passamaquoddys, he attempted to make a farm. He had been
bred in ease, had hardly done a day's work in his life ; and yet he
believed that he could earn a competence by labour. He told
those who saw him, that ' other young men went into the woods,
' Sabine, TJie American Loyalists, ' Bernard, Sir Thomas, Baronet '—
' Bernard, Sir John.' Thomas is placed first, out of the regular order, for some
reason which does not appear.
170 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
and made themselves farms, and got a good living, and he saw no
reason why he could not.' But he cut down a few trees, became
discouraged, and departed.
His abject condition in mind and estate rendered him an
object of deep commiseration ; and his conduct diiring hostilities
having entitled him to consideration, the legislature of Massa-
chusetts restored to him one half of the island of Mount Desert.
Of his subsequent history, while he continued in the United
States, but little is known to me. He came to Maine occasionally,
and was much about Boston.
Sabine, writing from an American point of view, has
probably exaggerated Sir John's helplessness and want of
perseverance. That he was unfit to struggle single-handed
against the forces of nature in a bleak northern latitude
is quite likely ; but he had never been an idler, and, for
some years previous to the Confiscation, he must have lived
more or less the life of a settler, though, no doubt, with men
under him. His situation, after that event, an outcast in
a howling wilderness, presented a strong contrast to the
position of Thomas working in Lincoln's Inn Chambers and
dining in the Middle Temple Hall, and to that of Scrope in
Doctors' Commons and Lord Temple's mansion — both latterly
possessing comfortable homes of their own, both mixing in
cultivated and sometimes in brilliant society. But the
younger brothers were most anxious to effect some change
in the life of the unfortunate head of their family, and
I gather from a letter ^ written by Thomas to Scrope, that
the chief obstacle was Sir John's own determination. Easily
as Sabine represents him to have been turned from his
purpose, he did not return to England until 1786,- where
he was really wanted to assist in winding up his father's
affairs, and yielded to the remonstrances of his relatives, and
possibly also to the prospect of ever increasing severity on
the part of the United States Government, and especially
of the Massachusetts authorities. John Hancock was then
Governor, Samuel Adams Lieutenant-Governor, of that State.^
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
- This also appears from Letters and Memoranda at Nether Winchendon.
^ Winsor, Mem. Hist, of Boston, vol. ill.
EESULTS OF CIVIL WAE 171
As to Sir John's frequent visits to Boston, I do not know
what business or how often it may have called him there.
He can hardly have gone for pleasure.
Military occupation, pestilence, and the flight of the Tory
party, had done their work (writes Dr. Lodge), and had more
than decimated the people. Commerce, the main support of the
inhabitants, suffered severely in the war, and had been only
partially replaced by the uncertain successes of the privateers.
The young men had been drawn away to the army ; both State
and Confederacy were practically bankrupt ; and the disorganisa-
tion consequent upon seven years of Civil War was great and
disastrous.^
Of Sir John's own friends scarce one would be left, and
strange men had taken their places. Mr. Curwen ^ probably
understated the case when he wrote, in 1779 :
Two or three persons, I am told, who had not money enough
for shoes for their feet, are now riding coaches of their own in
Boston. Solomon says, ' I have seen servants on horseback, and
Princes walking on foot.' I really think the royal preacher was a
prophet, and pointed at the events of our day ; at least the present
state of English America verifies the remark.
As to the restoration of half the island of Mount Desert,
no tradition has been preserved in the family; if such
a restoration ever took place it cannot have been for long ;
the authorities in Massachusetts must speedily have resumed
possession, and possibly some fresh persecution accompanied
the resumption. Thomas Bernard evidently did not realise
the ' commiseration ' and ' consideration ' which, according
to Sabine, characterised the behaviour of the victorious
Americans to his brother, for he has spoken of nothing but
cruelty.
From the time when the Bernard family welcomed
Sir John, on his return to England, there is no doubt that
' Lodge (Henry Cabot, Ph. D.), Tlie Last Forty Years of Town Oovern-
ment, 1782-1822. In Winsor's Mem. Hist, of Boston, vol. iii. The Last
Hundred Years, part i.
- Cui-wen (Samuel, Judge of Admir.alty, &c.), Journal and Letters from
1775 to 1784, ' Letter to Bev. Isaac Smith, Sidmouth,' dated ' Exeter, Feb. 19,
1779.*
172 THE BEENAKDS OF ABINGTON
its members made every effort to dissuade him from ever
setting his foot in America again. Yet his position in
England, as a ruined man, was distressing and humihating ;
and the exertions of his brothers seem to have been directed
to obtaining for him some official post — they could only hope
for a small one — and this is some evidence that the excite-
ment of brain to which Sabine alludes, must, whatever
its previous extent, have passed away. Had it remained
and amounted to insanity there would have been nothing
very surprising in the fact — it was no uncommon result of
the sufferings and hardships of the unfortunate Loyalists ;
as will be shown in the next chapter. But, though not
driven absolutely mad, Sir John's nerves were more or less
shattered by his late experiences, and he remained all his
life to some extent a crushed and broken-down man.
At this period, 1786, he was turned forty ; it was there-
fore not easy to procure a post for him in a new and untried
line, nor would it be easy for him to adapt himself to the
circumstances. It would seem, however, that as soon as
the family affairs were settled he went to France ; the first
news I have of him is contained in a letter ^ he wrote to his
brother Scrope, on August 8, 1788. In this epistle he thanks
both his brothers for remittances, including seven magazines
and a newspaper — and proceeds :
I understand that there are two portrait painters here ; one of
which being well recommended, I went in quest of him, and was
informed by his landlady that he was absent on a journey, and
that she did not expect his retm-n in less than six weeks. After
twice to-day calling, I found the other at his lodgings, where I
saw three pieces of his performance, one of which (a pretty good
likeness) I immediately knew. As you are very desirous that
I should lose no time in sitting for my picture, and send it by the
captain of the vessel who delivered me your two packets, it is with
pleasure I acquaint you that I conceive it will be in my power
early to comply with your request, and to which I shall give due
attention, thanking you for your civility and notice of me in pre-
ferring to number my portrait amongst your collection. I have
been for some time past, (as I still continue to be) very seriously
' MS. Letter at Nether Winehendon.
A SOJOURN IN FRANCE 173
indisposed, oppressed with a very bad settled cold, &c., upon
which account, had not your orders forbad any delay, I should
have been inclined to have postponed my sitting, to have given
time for the recovery of health and spirits, that my picture might
have afforded a better countenance, than I can expect it will at
the present.
The result, no doubt, is to be seen in a small oil paint-
ing at Nether Winchendon, which has preserved only too
faithfully the woebegone appearance produced by a severe
cold accompanying an aggravating nervous depression. It
is a stiff front-face representation, possibly a good likeness
in some respects, but certainly verging on caricature.
I have no information as to the reason of Sir John's
stay at Dunkirk. France seems hardly a country he would
have chosen for pleasure, having regard to the part the Govern-
ment and people had taken as allies of the American Revolu-
tionists ; at one time I thought he might have obtained
some small consulship, or vice-consulship ; but in the sequel
he appears rather as a free man. He probably economised
by living out of England, besides escaping from a galling
position ; and as he seems to have lingered in the country he
may have possessed some of his brother Francis's talent for
languages, and made friends as he wandered. In the be-
ginning of 1791 he was still in France, though in a part
very distant from Dunkirk ; and this, notwithstanding the
agitated state of the country, which may perhaps have re-
minded him of America. I can bring forward nothing to
show where he had been meanwhile.
In February 1791, Mr. William Grenville wrote to Lord
Buckingham :
You probably know also that Selwyn's death gives me the
disposal of his office in Barbados, of between £400 and £500 per
annum ; but it can be held only by a resident. I feel myself
bound, in the first instance, to offer to Nepean, who is killing
himself by his labour here, to give it to any proper person who
will vacate anything for it here. If that fails, you know I have
no other idea of patronage than that of consulting your wishes, or
serving our joint objects.'
' Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George III., vol. ii,, 1791.
174 THE BEENAKDS OP ABINGTON
Mr. Grenville's first idea must have failed, since the rough
draft of a letter • from Scrope Bernard to Governor Parry,
dated Whitehall, July 5, 1791, shows that Sir John
Bernard was appointed to this office, for which there may
not have been much competition :
Sir, — A Patent having passed the Great Seal dated the fourth
of June last, appointing Sir John Bernard (my eldest Brother)
Eegister in Chancery, & Clerk of the Crown & Peace in Barbados
in the room of the late Mr. G. Selwyn, I take the liberty of
mentioning to your Excellency this appointment, & of requesting
your friendship and good offices towards my Brother after his
arrival in the Island. He is at present in the South of France ;
& proposes going immediately to Bordeaux, & embarking
from thence to the West Indies without coming to England.
I therefore send his Patent & a few other things to meet him
at Barbados, & hope you will excuse my consigning them to
your care till the time of his arrival, which will probably be in the
course of August. And in the meantime I will trust to your
taking such steps respecting his Office as may be proper and for
his benefit, preparatory to his arrival.
Sir John having been a great sufferer in America, without
having been able from the nature of his Losses to obtain any
compensation for them, his wish at Barbados will be to live in a
moderate scale, & if you could assist him with your advice
respecting the proper advantage and plan of life at Bridgetown
consistent with propriety, you would be of considerable service to
him, & this & any other instance of your attention & kindness
would be thankfully acknowledged by
Sir
Your Excellency. . . .
The Governor's reply is dated ' Barbados, August 29th
1791 ' :
Sir, — I am honoured with your letter together with Sir John
Bernard's, and take the earliest opportunity of assuring you that
nothing shall from my part be wanting to promote his interest,
and to render his situation in this country as pleasing to him as
the nature of things will admit of.
The full amount of the profits of his office I very fairly stated
' This letter and Governor Parry's reply are copied from MSS. at Nether
Winchendon.
A NEW CAREER 175
some time since to my friend Nepean, and as this is by far the
cheapest island in the West Indies, I think his expenses need not
exceed his receipts, provided it will be consistent with his rank in
life to execute the office himself. But this and every other
difficulty you may rest assured I shall endeavour to remove, and
be happy upon all occasions to testify my readiness to comply
with your wishes, and to assure you of the esteem with which
I am,
Sir
Your most obedient and
most humble servant
D. Pakry.
The appointment was evidently not one to marry on, but
Sir John had probably looked upon himself, for some years,
as destined to a single life. At the age of forty-six, he now
commenced a new career, without the hope and spirit of
youth or the well-balanced tone of a serene middle-age.
The transit to his new home was tedious, if not stormy,
since he had not reached Barbados when the Governor
wrote to his brother. There were disturbances amongst the
' Malottos ' of the nearer French islands, Guadaloupe and
St. Lucia, which, in the following October, culminated in
massacres ; but I do not know whether Sir John's arrival
was at all delayed by this rebellion. When once settled, his
life was probably untroubled by calamities for some time ;
his biography now, indeed, is a blank, since I have no letters
throwing any light on the period.
In 1799, Sir John was in England ; this date is fixed by
an entry in one of his sister Julia's manuscripts. My father
had some recollection of him, derived, no doubt, from this
visit. It may have been at this time that he was transferred
to a post in Dominica, which apparently included work in
St. Vincent and Martinique, and perhaps improved his
position. Moreover, the persevering efforts of his brothers
at length wnning from the British Government thirty
thousand pounds, as compensation for the losses in America,^
and this sum, allowing for inevitable deductions, went,
' This information I derived from my uncle, Sir F. Bernard-Morland, and
my father.
176 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
I believe, entirely to Sir John, whose presence in England
was probably desired for this settlement.
During this visit his second portrait was in all likeli-
hood painted. It bears no great resemblance to the first,
but is equally characterised by a gloomy expression.' Good
fortune had come too late.
Three letters written from * Roseau, Dominica,' to Scrope
Bernard, throw some light on Sir John's history four or five
years after his return to the West Indies. They are chiefly
on business, and it is evident that the writer was fond of
buying and selling houses and land — a very natural hobby in
one who had made the settling and improving of a new
country part of his business during the years of his youth,
and had then been deprived of all power to follow this or
any other outlet for his energies. It may be assumed that
his ofiQcial work left him time for this recreation, but it may
have been pursued somewhat recklessly ; and I am afraid that
the compensation grant was frittered away in unfortunate
investments of this sort.
Sir John's principal residence appears to have been at
Roseau,^ the capital of Dominica, but a small town ; it was
situated ' on a point of land on the south-west side of the
island, which forms two bays.' Occasionally he seems to
have visited the other two islands, and in his last years he
was evidently once more involved in the troubles of warfare,
to an extent that was at least annoying and was near leading
to serious consequences. The French were endeavouring to
recover Martinique, which had been wrested from them
nearly twenty years before. It would seem that Sir John
was suspected of being in communication with them,
although his American experiences had afforded him no
reason for courting their alliance. But this is the only
construction I can put upon one of his letters.^ * Lord
S. made representations to the English Government,' in
' Now in the possession of Serope Bernard's great grand-daughter,
Mrs. Walton.
^ Kees's Cyclapcedia, ' Eoseau — now Charlotte Town.'
^ MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
CONVULSIONS OP NATURE 177
relation to some rumour concerning his conduct, which
appears to have arisen, so far as I can judge, from his having
bought a house and land in the island, and gone to look
after them at this critical time — a result perhaps of his old
habits of determined resistance to circumstances and dis-
regard of danger.
That there was some danger appears from. his letter' of
July 0, 1803, written in Dominica :
I am yet far from having recovered from the excessive fatigue
occasioned by a precipitate retreat from Martinique, attended by
a long and tempestuous passage on a crowded vessel across the
Channel to this island.
The charge, which Sir John indignantly denied, was ap-
parently dropped, and he remained at his post. On the
point of land between two bays he had opportunities of ob-
serving those convulsions of nature which added to the
troubles of war. In a letter '^ of September, 1804, he says :
The Packet by which I forwarded mine of the 28th ulto. to
you, was drove on Shore and totally lost at St. John's, Antigua,
during a storm of long continuance ; the mails on board, as I am
informed, were saved, and therefore it is probable that such Letter
will reach you with this. Of the losses sustained during the
Storm of Persons who had property afloat in the different Bays of
all the Islands in these Seas you will have better information from
Newspapers than it is in my Power to give you. Several Vessels
in this Bay were saved by going to Sea at the commencement of
the Gale : all others remaining in this Bay wei'e drove on the
Shore and totally lost, except one Ship and one Brig, belonging to
London, who rode out the Storm. Every Tree near the Sea, and
within reach of the Spray of it was blasted ; some were blown
down and some torn up by the Roots.
The struggle with France which cut Dominica off from
St. Vincent, and other islands probably, was a source of
great inconvenience. The last letter ^ I can find in Sir John's
handwriting, dated from Koseau, ' Novem"" 4th 1804,' about
two months after the previous epistle just quoted, states
that:
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon. -' Ibid. ' Ibid.
VOL. in. N
178 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
This is a horrid war for the West Indies ; its effects are
extreme scarcity of all necessaries, and consequently enormous
prices. Our seas swarm with French privateers, who are very
active and not unsuccessful. . . . Whilst I am writing, a French
Eow-boat with sixteen oars has been plainly discovered to have
boarded and taken possession of a Mail-boat on her passage from
Antigua to Barbados, and to have hoisted French colours over the
English. All here is motion and commotion.
This day (Sunday), which with you is a day of rest, is here a
day of tumult, drunkenness, and riot. As the plantation negroes
have this day to themselves, it would indeed be very difficult, if
not impossible, to preserve that order and decorum, which is
most devoutly to be wished.
This unfortunate war had probably a disastrous effect
on Sir John's improvement schemes. Whether he was
subject to any personal danger in the ensuing years there
are no letters to show. That he was grateful for the
exertions of his brothers on his behalf there is no reason
to doubt from his correspondence, but it is doubtful whether
he ever attained to a cheerful view of life. Sir John
Bernard died on August 25, 1809, aged sixty-three, at
Eoseau.^ Communication with the "West Indies must have
been very imperfect at that time, since the news did not
reach England till the following January (1810).-
' From various Family Eeeords.
■^ The interval between the death and the reception of its announcement in
England is recorded in the Diary of Mary Ann Bernard-Morland.
THE AMERICAN LOYALISTS 179
CHAPTEK X
THE AMERICAN LOYALISTS
Distressing Cases of Insanity — Richard King — The Fate of General Lyman and
his Family— Fate of Colonel Robinson and his Family — Atrocities in the
Northern Provinces— Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy — The Retaliation
exercised by Loyalists— The Share of John Adams in the Policy against
the Loyalists — Treatment of the Exiles in England — Dr. Peter Oliver —
Parson Peters— Captain Fenton — Peter Van Shaack— Action of the Com-
missioners in England — Timothy Ruggles — Jonathan Sewall — Daniel
Leonard — Samuel Quincy — John Adams, Ambassador of the United States
— John Hancock — Samuel Adams.
The narrative of Sir John Bernard's ruined career seems to
require as its accompaniment some mention of the trials
endured by the great body of American LoyaHsts, although
the subject is but indirectly connected with the history of
the Bernard family. It must have been often in the
thoughts of its members, notwithstanding that I possess
only occasional records of their continued interest in the
common cause.
Compared with some of this faithful and persecuted
band, Sir John might almost be termed a happy man.
Name after name in the pages of Sabine's book ^ is followed
by the words, ' Proscribed and banished, suffered much at
the hands of the Sons of Liberty.' The plundering and
burning of houses, the wounding or even killing of their
inmates, seem to have been matters of everyday occurrence.
It has been stated, in commenting on Sabine's intima-
tion that Sir John's troubles had affected his head, that un-
doubted insanity, of a permanent nature, was sometimes the
result of the miseries and terrors of the times. Two dis-
tressing cases of this kind may be mentioned.
' Sabine, The American Loyalists.
180 THE BEENAKDS OF ABINGTON
Eichard King was a prosperous merchant of Scarborough,
Maine, ' with a leaning towards the Government,' to whom
many persons had become indebted beyond their ability to
pay. In consequence, apparently, of this circumstance his
troubles began early, soon after the attack on Mr.
Hutchinson's residence, of which the outrage now to be
related appears to have been an imitation ; and the story
has been handed down by no less a person than John
Adams :
Taking advantage of the disorders occasioned by the passage
of the Stamp Act, a party, disguised as Indians, on the night of the
16th of March, 1766, broke into his store, and his dwelling-house
also, and destroyed his books and papers containing evidence of
debts. Not content with this, they laid waste his property and
threatened his life if he should venture to seek any legal mode of
redress. Many of the perpetrators were, however, detected and
brought to justice.'
John Adams was Counsel for King in the suit which
followed; and he, who had no pity for Hutchinson, but
rather rejoiced in the impunity of his assailants, writes :
The terror and distress, the distraction and horror, of his family,
cannot be described by words or painted on canvas. It is enough
to move a statue, to melt a heart of stone, to read the story.^
The popular bitterness thus engendered did not, however
subside, and in 1774 a slight incident occurred which soon caused
it once more to break out. A vessel of Mr. King's was found to
have delivered a load of lumber in Boston by special license, after
the port had been closed, and the materials had been purchased
for the use of the troops. On this occasion forty men from the
neighbouring town of Gorham came over and compelled Mr.
King, in fear of his life, to make a disavowal of his opinions.
These repeated shocks seem to have been too much for Mr. King's
constitution. He became distempered in mind, and died in the
following March.3
The story of another family is still more distressing.
General Lyman ^ belonged to Connecticut, where he was
' John Adams's Letters to his Wife, Note to No. 9.
* Ibid. No. 9. « Ibid.
* Sabine, The American Loyalists, dc. ' Lyman (Phineas).' An additional
notice, headed ' Lyman,' commemorates the fate of the General's sons. At
FATE OF THE LYMANS 181
distinguished both as a lawyer and as an officer. His mis-
fortunes began with a voyage he made to England to ask a
grant of lands for a company, chiefly military. Through
official neglect and intrigues he was detained eleven years ;
and meanwhile his affairs in America went to wreck and
ruin. The grant was at last obtained in 1774, just as
the changes in his native land rendered it useless ; he re-
turned to find his family in want and to encounter political
agitation. General Lyman died imbecile and his eldest son
a lunatic.
The widow, her brother and daughters, made their way
to the dearly purchased land amid perils and hardships
which continued after their arrival. They fled before the
Spaniards in 1782, and one division of the party was im-
prisoned by the Americans. A younger son of the General,
who had been a brilliant officer in the British Army, worn
out by successive troubles, ended his life in a state of
melancholy madness. Three sons remained, of whom
Sabine records only that they lived and died in obscurity.
Most of the violent acts which are recorded in this
chapter were perpetrated in the northern provinces, but
many, no doubt, took place in every colony, though perhaps
with less frequency in some than in others. One instance
may here be mentioned of cruelty in the south, which will
suffice, as this history is concerned chiefly with Massachu-
setts.
Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Kobinson,^ from Virginia,
resident in South Carolina, was marked as a Loyalist and a
price was set on his head ; his house was fired by rebels, after
his escape, but while his wife and children were still there.
The lady had but just time to drag her little girls out of the
flames ; she placed one child before her on horseback ; a
negro, her sole attendant, carried the other in like manner ;
and they travelled thus several hundred miles across a
the end of the war the property was confiscated and the family, shipwrecked
on the way to Jamaica, lost everything, and barely escaped drowning.
' Ryerson, vol. ii., chap. xli. Letter from Hon. R. Hodgson, a grandson of
Colonel Robinson, Chief Justice of Prince Edward's Island.
182 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
disturbed country, till she joined her husband in East
Florida, where their troubles, though much mitigated, were
probably by no means over.
It certainly seems, however, as if the northern provinces
were specially notorious for atrocities. A horrible story
is told of General Putnam forcing two boys to hang a man
named Jones, of Eidgefield, Connecticut, on a charge of
carrying provisions to British soldiers, although he denied
this charge to the last.^ The boys executed their dreadful
task with sobs and tears, while the General * compelled them
at the sword's point to obey his orders.'
The cases of the two Dunbars of Halifax, Massachusetts,
which actually occurred before the beginning of the war,
are instances of refined cruelty without palliation.
Daniel Dunbar,^
of Halifax, Massachusetts, was an officer in the militia, and in
1774 a mob demanded of him the surrender of the colours of his
company. He refused ; when the multitude broke into his house,
took him out, forced him to get upon a rail, where he was held,
and tossed up and down until he was exhausted. He was then
dragged and beaten, and gave up the standard to save his life.
Jesse Dunbar ■'
bought some fat cattle of a Mandamus Councillor in 1774, and
drove them to Plymouth for sale. The Whigs soon learned with
whom Dunbar had presumed to deal, and after he had slaughtered,
skinned, and bung up one of the beasts, commenced punishing
him for the offence. That punishment was cruel in the extreme.
His tormentors, it appears, put the dead ox in a cart, and fixed
Dunbar in his belly, carted him four miles, and required him to
pay one dollar for the ride. He then was deUvered over to a
Kingston mob, who carted him four other miles and exacted
another dollar. A Duxbury mob then took him, and, after beating
him in the face with the creature's tripe, and endeavouring to
cover his person with it, carried him to Councillor Thomas's
house, and compelled him to pay a further sum of money.
Flinging his beef into the road, they now left him to recover and
return as he could.
' Sabine, Tlie American Loyalists, ' Jones, of Ridgefield, Connecticut.'
^ Ibid., ' Dunbar, Daniel.'
^ Ibid., ' Dunbar, Jesse.'
DESCENDANTS OF THE PILGRIM FATHERS 183
Such were the noble descendants of the Pilgrim i^'athers
— or, if not their descendants, the men who were brought
up amid their traditions and educated in their principles !
The subsequent history of Jesse Dunbar is not given.
Daniel recovered his injuries sufficiently to reach the British
lines, and accompanied the Koyal forces to Halifax, Nova
Scotia, in 1776. These outrages, it should be remembered,
are chronicled by a writer who sympathises with the
insurgents, though not with all their deeds. He records
some cases of cruelties committed by the Loyalists and the
British, but chiefly by leaders of armed forces, and, for
the most part, measures of retaliation.
The Episcopal clergy, whose position can never have
been very comfortable in the northern provinces, fared
badly during the war. Many escaped to England, and many
could not escape. Dr. Seabury,^ a prominent and representa-
tive man, has left some account of their troubles in a letter
to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, written
from Westchester, province of New York, in 1775. ' Dr.
Cooper and Dr. Chandler have been obliged to quit their
community, and sailed for England last week.' ^ Dr. Myles
Cooper, president of King's College, the first-named clergy-
man, was saved from the violence of the mob only by the
presence of mind and ready wit of a collegian named
Hamilton, who harangued the assailants while he escaped.
Dr. Seabury had since been concealed in the Wilkins
mansion on Castle Hill Neck, Westchester, with Cooper,
Chandler and Isaac Wilkins. They were secreted in or
about a chimney, and supplied with food through a trapdoor
in the floor. Dr. Seabury continues :
I have been obliged to retire a few days from the threatened
vengeance of the New Englanders who lately broke into this
Province. But I hope I shall be able to keep my station. The
charge against the clergy is a very extraordinary one — that they
' See vol. ii. of this Family History, chap, xxiv., pp. 181, 182.
- Beardsley (E. Edwards), D.D., LL.D., rector of St. Thomas's Church,
New Haven, Conn., The Life of Samuel Seabury, D.D., First Bislwp of Con-
necticut, and of the Episcopal Church in tlie United States of America.
184 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
have, in conjunction with the Society and the British Ministry,
laid a plan for enslaving America.
Beardsley, the Doctor's biographer, proceeds to state
that
The fears which Seabury had expressed in his letter to the
Secretary were soon realised. He had been serving, as best he
could, his two diminished congregations, and working in another
way to obtain a partial support for his family, when an armed
force from Connecticut invaded the territory of New York, seized
him at his schoolroom, and carried him to New Haven. The
particulars of his arrest, and the recital of his wrongs and of the
cruelties inflicted upon him, were well stated in a petition to the
General Assembly, asking for relief from ' the heavy hand of
oppression and tyranny.'
Dr. Seabury obtained his release, and lived on at West-
chester, in considerable discomfort, until another invasion,
after the Declaration of Independence, drove him to seek
refuge with the King's troops in Long Island. When they
left he retreated to l^ew York, then in British occupation
and in a country v^hich was ravaged by both armies. From
thence he wrote to the Society various particulars of the
unfortunate clergy.
His biographer states that he noted the death of Mr.
Avery, missionary at Eye, but does not give any particulars,
beyond the assertion that
He detailed the sad circumstances as he had received them,
and placed the cause of his death, whether justly or not is uncertain,
among the barbarities of civil war.
Then follows another sad case.
In the same letter he reported the death of another
missionary, the Kev. Luke Badcock, who for six years had
been stationed at the manor of Philipsburg (now Yonkers),
and, like himself, was a sincere and active Loyalist. From
his allegiance to the King sprang the calamities which
hurried him to the grave.
The latter end of October (wrote Seabury) he was seized by the
rebels at his house, and carried off to the Provincial Congress at
Fishkill. His papers and sermons were also seized and examined,
TREATMENT (3F WOMEN AND CHILDREN 185
hut, as nothing appeared on which they could ground any i)re-
tence for detaining him, he was asked whether he supposed himself
bound by his oath of allegiance to the King ; upon his answering
in the affirmative, he was deemed an enemy to the liberties of
America, and ordered to be kept in custody. About the middle of
February he was taken sick, and, as his confinement had produced
no change in his sentiments, he was dismissed with a written
order to remove, within ten days, within the lines of the King's
army, being adjudged a person too dangerous to be permitted to
continue where his influence might be exerted in favour of a
legal government. He got home with difficulty, in a raging fever,
and delirious. In this state he continued about a week (the
greatest part of the time delirious), and then died, extremely
regretted. Indeed I know not a more excellent man, and I fear
his loss, particularly in that mission, will scarcely be made up.
Over one portion of Dr. Seabury's statements his
biographer has drawn a veil :
His description of the treatment of women and children is too
painful to be repeated. This treatment must be ascribed to that
spirit of lawlessness which, unhappily, in times of great excitement
and disorder, is somewhat beyond the control of magistrates and
military commanders. New York was their place of refuge, where
they found protection, if not support. 'Many famihes of my
parishioners, said he, are now in this town, who used to live
decently, suffering for common necessaries. I daily meet them, and
it is melancholy to observe the dejection strongly marked on their
faces, which seem to implore that assistance which I am unable to
give. To pity and to pray for them is all I can do.'
As regards the clergy, one more extract from the same
biography is here given, which sums up the case :
The Eev. Thomas Barton, a missionary' of the Society in
Delaware, was forced to surrender his loyalty or find protection
within the British lines ; and in a letter to the Secretary, dated
New York, January 8th, 1779, he said : •— ' The clergy of America,
the missionaries in particular, have suffered beyond example, and,
indeed, beyond the records of any history, in this day of trial.
Most of them have lost their all, many of them are now in a state
of melancholy pilgrimage and poverty ; and some of them have
' Histcn-ical Collectimis, Delaware, p. 131, quoted in the Life of Bishop
Seabury.
186 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
lately (from grief and despondency, it is said), paid the last debt
of nature. . . . We may exclaim, Quis ftoror, 0 cives ! What have
we done to deserve this treatment from our former friends and
fellow-citizens? We have not intermeddled with any matters
inconsistent with our callings and functions. We have studied to
be quiet, and to give no offence to the present rulers. We have
obeyed the laws and government now in being, as far as our
consciences and prior obUgations would permit. We know no
crime that can be alleged against us, except an honest avowal of
our principles can be deemed such, and for these we have suffered
a persecution as cruel as the bed of Procrustes.'
With regard to the cruelties practised on the general
body of the Loyalists, none has spoken more forcibly than
Sabine, himself a patriotic American ; he exclaims :
Did the cause of America and of human freedom gain
strength by the deeds of the five hundred who mobbed Sheriff
Tyng, or by the speed of the one hundred and sixty on horseback
who pursued Commissioner Hallowell ? Were the shouts of an
excited multitude, and the crash of broken glass and demolished
furniture, fit requiems for the dying Eopes ? Were Whig interests
promoted because one thousand men shut up the Courts of Law
in Berkshire, and five thousand did the same in Worcester, and
mobs drove away the judges at Springfield, Taunton, and
Plymouth ? because in one place a judge was stopped, insulted,
and threatened ; in another the whole Bench were hissed and
hooted, and in a third were required to do penance, hat in hand, in a
procession of attornies and sheriffs ? Did the driving of Ingersoll
from his estate, of Edson from his house, and the assault upon the
home of Gilbert, and the shivering of Sewall's windows, serve to
wean them, or their friends and connexions, from their royal
master ? Did Euggles, when subsequent events threw his country-
men into his power, forget that the creatures which grazed his
pastures had been painted, shorn, maimed and poisoned ; that he
had been pursued on the highway by day and night ; that his
dwelling had been broken open, and he and his family had been
driven from it ? What Tory turned Whig because Saltonstall was
mobbed, and Oliver plundered, and Leonard shot at in his own
house ? Was the kingly arm actually weakened or strengthened
for harm, because thousands surrounded the mansions of high
functionaries, and forced them into resignation — or because sheriffs
were told that they would perform their duties at the hazard of
their lives ? Which party gained by waylaying and insulting at
BITTER PERSECUTION 187
every corner the ' Rescinders,' the ' Protesters,' and the ' Ad-
dressers ' ? Which by the burning of the mills of Putnam ?
Had widows and orphans no additional griefs, because the Probate
Courts were closed by the multitude, and their officers were driven
under cover of British guns? Did it serve a good end to en-
deavour to hinder Tories from getting tenants or to prevent
persons who owed them from paying honest debts ?
On whose cheek should have been the blush of shame, when
the habitation of the aged and feeble Foster was sacked and he
had no shelter but the woods ? — when Williams, as infirm as he,
was seized at night, dragged away for miles, and smoked in a
room with fastened doors and a closed chimney-top ? What
father, who doubted, wavered, and doubted still, whether to join
or fly, determined to abide the issue in the land of his birth,
because foul words were spoken to his daughters, or because they
were pelted when riding, or moving in the innocent dance ? Is
there cause for wonder that some who still live should yet say, of
their own and their fathers' treatment, that ' persecution made half
the King's friends ' ? The good men of the period mourned these
and similar proceedings, and they may be lamented now.'
From Mr. Sabine's conclusions I venture to differ. The
patriotic persecution did not, of course, advance ' the cause
of human freedom,' but it was, I must believe, a great
success from the American point of view. If it made
Loyalists, it crushed them also, old and new alike. Numbers
of persons whose convictions and feelings were, and always
had been, in favour of allegiance to England, were driven
by terror, often as the only way of saving their children's
lives and their own; to acknowledge the new Government.
Some, no doubt, took refuge in England or Nova Scotia
who might in other circumstances have settled down quietly
as citizens of the United States ; but America probably does
not to this day regret their loss, although a voice may here
and there be raised speaking a kindlier feeling.
As to the amount of retaliation exercised by Loyalists,
it must have been in the early stages of the struggle very
slight. Few were in a position to assert themselves. General
Euggles was an exceptional man, who weathered the storm
' Sabine, The Aviericafi Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks, en- Historical
Essay, pp. 76-7.
188 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
and became Attorney-General of Nova Scotia, no very
brilliant post in those days, however ; but what he did, or
had the power of doing, cannot have had any appreciable
effect on the other party. And the same may be said of the
acts of any other Loyalist who attained office in the recently
settled colony of Nova Scotia, or elsewhere. Before quitting
this subject it may be observed that some of the instances
of persecution to which Sabine alludes acquire fresh force
when the details are given. Eopes, for instance, was lying
in the agonies of small-pox when his house was wrecked ; ^
he died the next day.
The same author asserts that 'the good men of the
period ' mourned the proscription of the LoyaHsts ; but one
whom the United States reckon amongst their * good men,'
and also amongst their greatest men, was a chief persecutor.^
* Perhaps no one did as much to promote the cruel policy
against the Loyalists as Mr. John Adams, who was the
ruling spirit in all the proceedings of Boston for years,'
writes Dr. Kyerson ; and he quotes from a letter written
by John Adams, when Ambassador from the American
Congress to Holland, addressed to Thomas Gushing, then
Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts, in which he adverts
to the Loyalists as ' thorns indeed to us on both sides of the
water,' and continues : ' but I think their career might have
been stopt on your side if the executive officers had not been
too timid on a point which I strenuously recommended at
the first, namely, to fine, imprison, and hang, all inimical
to the cause, without favour or affection.'
John Adams did not stand alone in advising strong
measures. Of Josiah Quincy Hosmer says : ' In unwise
fervour he could counsel assassination as a proper expedient.
Warren, too,* he adds, ' could rush into extremes of rashness
and ferocity, wishing that he might wade to the knees in blood.'^
' Ward (G. A.), Biographical Notices of many American Loyalists, dc,
' Judge Eopes.'
^ Ryerson (Dr. Egerton), The Loyalists of America and their Times, vol. ii.,
chap, xxxvi.
^ Hosmer, Sanvuel Adams, chap. xxi. : ' Character and Service of Samuel
Adams.'
ENGLAND'S TREATMENT OF LOYALISTS 189
Even the American idol, Washington, was scarcely more
moderate ; exulting over the hardships of the Boston refugees,
he wrote deliberately :
One or two have done what a great number ought to have done
long ago— committed suicide. By all accounts there never existed
a more miserable set of beings than these wretched creatures now
are. . . . They were at their wits' end, and, conscious of their
black ingratitude, they chose to commit themselves, in the manner
I have above described, to the mercy of the waves at a tempestuous
season rather than meet their oifended countrymen.'
There can be no doubt that the lot of the exiles was in
most cases a hard one. Severed from old friends and old
surroundings, in some cases from near relatives, they escaped
the dangers of the sea only to meet with scant welcome
in the land to which they had fled for refuge. It might
have been expected that in old England her unfortunate
children would have found sympathy and support ; but, on
the contrary, they appear to have been disliked, as reminding
the inhabitants of defeat and adding to the burdens of the
people, and therefore by no means entitled to assistance, but
rather the contrary.
Governor Wentworth,- of New Hampshire, having by
degrees lost his popularity, had been driven to seek safety
in his fort at Portsmouth, and from thence fled to Boston,
where Gage then governed, and finally to England. He
wTote in May 1783, from Hammersmith, to Captain Cochran
of Portsmouth :
As to your coming here, or any other LoyaUst that can get
clams and potatoes in America, they most certainly would regret
making bad worse. It would be needless for me to enter into
reasons ; the fact is so, and you will do well to avoid it.^
In the following year Dr. Peter Oliver, who was labouring
at the thankless task of starting afresh as a physician in
a strange land, complains of the conduct of a landlord or
lodging-house keeper, adding :
' Sabine, The American Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks, p. 14.
* See vol. ii. of this Family History, chap, xxiv., pp. 193, 194.
^ Sabine, The American Loyalists, ' Cochran, Captain John,' of Portsmouth,
New Hampshire.
190 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
We are obliged to put up with every insult from this ungrateful
people, the English, without any redress. If this nation does not
make the refugees compensation for the losses they have sustained,
so far as it is in their power, a curse will befall them sooner or
later.'
The English Government was at this time supposed to
be doing something for the Loyalists, but Dr. Peter Oliver,
son of Chief Justice Oliver, writing in the same year, pro-
bably expressed the feelings of many sufferers who had
petitioned, and attended again and again — all in vain.
I stayed in London above three weeks, and returned, heartsick
of it, without effecting my business with the Commissioners of the
American Department.^
Jonathan Sewall, the ' Philanthropes ' of former days,
who had been Attorney-General, under Sir Francis Bernard
from 1767, wrote to Curwen :
The situation of American Loyalists, I confess, is enough to have
provoked Job's wife, if not Job himself ; but still we must be men,
philosophers, and Christians, and bearing up with patience,
resignation, and fortitude, against unavoidable sufferings is our
duty in each of these characters.^
Curwen himself exclaims that ' the gratitude of Courts
ought to be reckoned among the nonentities of Lord
Rochester's list.'
In the course of his stay in England he met with many
pitiable cases. Early in December 1775, he vnrites :
Thence to Heralds' Office, where Parson Peters, with his
friend Mr. Pinderson, lodges-; the latter has lately arrived from
Boston, having escaped by rowing himself in a cock-boat eighteen
miles into the sound from his native place, Norwich, Connecticut ;
and being taken up by a vessel and put on board the Rose
man-of-war, Capt. Wallace, and conveyed to Boston.'*
These events happened in 1775, and General Gage had
' Hutchinson (Governor), Diary and Letters, vol. ii., chap. ix.
^ Ibid., vol. ii., chap. ix.
' Curwen, Journal and Letters, chap, x., dated Bristol, Dec. 18, 1778.
^ Ibid., chap. i.
PAESON CLARKE 191
taken military command of the town when Mr. Pinderson
returned. Curwen continues :
It seems he was harshly dealt with by the Sons of Liberty ;
being obliged to make two confessions to save his life ; notwith-
standing which, he was hunted, pm-sued, and threatened, and
narrowly escaped death (or the Simsbury Mines, to which he was
finally adjudged, and he thinks with the loss of his eyes), which
would have been his fate, but for his seasonable and providential
retreat.
Sabine mentions that ' Many Loyalists were confined
in private houses, some were sent to jails, and others to
Simsbury Mines.' '
On another occasion (February 13, 1781), Mr. Curwen
was visited by ' Parson Peters,' who was really a man of
some note, and was admitted to preach at Lincoln's Inn
Chapel, and a
Parson Clarke,- late a townsman ; from a cold taken on board a
prison ship in Boston harbour, to which he was consigned by the
patriots in punishment of Toryism, he has lost his voice, and is
scarce able to articulate. This, added to his deafness renders him
a lonely, pitiable object ; he has received twenty pounds per
annum from the Society for Propagating the Gospel— Govern-
ment declining to give him a settled stipend, though it has once
and again presented him with a scanty gratuity.
About a year and seven months later (July 16, 1782) the
same writer records the partial recovery of ' young Parson
Clarke,' who could ' speak articulately, and with some degree
of clearness.' ^ He stated that he had recovered the power of
speech suddenly, on the seventh anniversary after losing
it. In spite of depressing circumstances his nerves had
recovered their tone, no doubt. In London he was at least
free, and could meet friends.
In some instances, comparatively few, no doubt, the mis-
fortunes of Loyahsts were directly traceable to the action of
the British army, but were not for that reason more speedily
alleviated by the Government. This appears in the case of
' Sabine, American Loyalists, ' Note to Preliminary Eemarks, p. 84.
-' Curwen, Journal and Letters, 1781, chap. xv.
' Ibid., chap. xvi.
192 THE BBENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Captain Fenton/ who from Dublin petitioned Earl Temple,
then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in 1783. He was probably
not a native of America, but the same Captain Fenton who
is mentioned by Sabine^ as having a commission in the
British army, although settled in New Hampshire, where he
held several appointments. When the troubles came he
expressed his views too openly, and was attacked by a mob,
who pursued him to the Governor's house ' with a field piece,
which they threatened to discharge unless he was delivered up.
Fenton surrendered.' Apparently he lingered some time in
Boston, where he was tried and imprisoned, finally being
allowed to escape and go to England.
The appeal to Earl Temple states that the Petitioner
had ' lost a large property in House and Lands in America,
over and above May Place on Bunker's Hill, which was
burned by order of General Gage, and a Fort built thereon
for his Majesty's service, to the utter ruin of said place. . . .
having also his employment taken from him.' A copy of
this Memorial is amongst Scrope Bernard's papers ; he was
no doubt commissioned by Lord Temple to bring the matter
before Lord Shelbume, then Prime Minister,^ though it
appears from Mr. Bernard's letter to ' John Morris, Esq.,' that
Captain Fenton 'not long since was dismissed by Lord
Shelburne from the government of Fort WiUiam in New
Hampshire,' and therefore had little chance of favourable
consideration. The reason of his dismissal is not stated, but
too much zeal in the Boyal cause is not unlikely to have
been a ground of offence to Shelburne. In his Memorial
the Captain prayed to be appointed Consul-General to the
United States, then just recognised by Great Britain ; but
whether he obtained that post, or any other, I know not.
Lord Shelburne decided that the matter did not belong to
his department, and must be referred to Lord Sydney ; and
so, in that time of excitement and changes of Ministry, it
may have gone on ad infinitum.
' This Memorial is amongst the MSS. at Nether Winchendon.
- Sabine, The American Loyalists, ' Fenton, John.'
•' Beatson, Political Index, 1788, vol. i. Haydn, Dictionary of Dates.
REFUGEES IN NOVA SCOTIA 193
Many Loyalists, as already noted, fled to Nova Scotia,
where their fortunes were various. Some were sent to
colonise the wildernesses of Upper Canada and New Bruns-
wick, where they encountered terrible difficulties, and were
neglected by the British Government, which had enticed or
driven them thither.' The enterprise proved fatal to a
certain number. Even those who remained in Halifax, a
recently settled town, must have had a hard time, for some
years at least, if not for life. The following letter,'^ dated
* Strand, London, 1791,' and addressed to Scrope Bernard as
Under-Secretary of State, relates to the painful case of a
refugee in Nova Scotia :
Sir, — A Petition to the Lords of the Treasury was transmitted
to me by Mr. James Stewart, son of the late Mr. Anthony Stewart
of Halifax, who died of a palsy, leaving five infant children totally
unprotected and unprovided for, their Father having lost his all in
Maryland, in consequence of his attachment to Government during
the War — and the pension of 150£ p. annum given him in
consequence of these losses, now ceasing with his. Mr. James
Stewart, the Petitioner, being at an age to take care of himself,
claims nothing — but he is married & has a Family who [sic] he
can hardly maintain — much more support his Brother and Sister.
He informs me that Mr. Strange, Chief Justice at Halifax, has
written to you upon the case — and therefore in case you have the
means or the desire to promote the prayer of the Petition, which
is for a part of the Pension to be continued to the children of
Mr. Stewart, I take the liberty to inform you I have transmitted
the petition to Mr. Bose but it would be very presuming and use-
less for a Humble Individual as I am to solicit for such a favour
being granted.
I am
Sir
Your most obedient
& most humble Servant
Thomas Coutts.
I do not know the result of this application.
In some instances the refugees in England were driven
by desperation to make their peace with the revolutionary
' See Ryerson, The Loyalists of America, vol. ii., chap. xli. especially.
* MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
VOL. III. O
194 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
Government and return to America after the conclusion of
the war. The sad case of Mr. Van Shaack has been epi-
tomised by Sabine from the unfortunate gentleman's own
narrative.
In 1778 his sick wife desired leave from the Governor
to enter her native city of New York, then held by the
British, but beleaguered, in the hope of being cared for
during her illness ; this boon was refused, and she then
applied to Lafayette to implore the services of a skilful
British surgeon. Dr. Hayes, then his prisoner. This request
the General at the instigation of the Committee of Safety,
refused ; she sank under the effects of her disease and its
aggravations, dying with words of forgiveness on her lips.
Her loss was the first of a series of misfortunes. Within
eight years the widower lost his father and six children,
from causes largely due to the war and its consequences ;
he was, moreover, destitute and an outlaw, had lost the sight
of one eye, and was in dread of total blindness.'
' Of overt acts against this country ' (writes Sabine)
' Van Schaack had committed none : his sole offences were
his opinions. That he was a pure and noble man there is
sufficient proof.' Unable to make a home in any other
country, Mr. Van Schaack eventually made his way back to
the States. Sabine asserts that he was received with honours
and became eminent in the law after his return. If so, he
was a man of marvellous vigour and nerve. He died in out-
ward seeming a dutiful son of the Eepublic, but he must have
been more, or less, than human if he could really love it
and rejoice in its success.
Such cases of return were, however, the less frequent
that they were generally discouraged.
At the peace (says Sabine) justice and good policy both
required a general amnesty, and the revocation of the acts of
disability and banishment, so that only those who had been guilty
of flagrant crimes should be excluded from becoming citizens.
Instead of this, however, the State Legislatures generally continued
in a course of hostile action, and treated the conscientious and
' Sabine, The American Loyalists, ' Van Schaack, Peter, Esq.'
LOYALISTS' CLAIMS 195
pure, and the unprincipled and corrupt, with the same indis-
crimination as they had done during the struggle.^
He specially characterises New York, Massachusetts and
Virginia as ' neither merciful nor just.'
That the Mother Country did admit a certain amount of
responsibility for the welfare of the American Loyalists has
been shown in the previous chapter, and some work was done.
On the 5th of April 1788, the Commissioners in England had
heard and determined one thousand six hundred and eighty claims
(besides those withdrawn) and had liquidated the same at
£1,887,548. Perhaps no greater despatch was possible, but the
delay caused great complaint. The King, his Ministers, and
Parliament were addressed and petitioned, either on the general
course pursued by the Commissioners, or on some subject connected
with the Loyalist Claims. Letters and communications appeared
in the newspapers, and the public attention was again awakened
by the publication of essays and tracts, which renewed the state-
ments made in 1783 of the losses, services, and sacrifices of the
claimants."^ Two years previously (1786) the agents of the
Loyalists had invoked Parliament to hasten the final action upon
the claims of their constituents, in a petition drawn up with care
and ability. ' It is impossible to describe, (are words which occur
in this document) the poignant distress under which many of these
persons now labour, and which must daily increase should the
justice of Parliament be delayed, until all the claims are liqui-
dated and reported. . . . ten years have elapsed since many of
them have been deprived of their fortunes, and with their helpless
families reduced from independent aifluence to poverty and want ;
some of them now languishing in British gaols, others indebted to
their creditors, who have lent them money barely to support their
existence ; and who, unless speedily relieved, must sink more than
the value of their claims when received, and be in a worse condi-
tion than if they had never made them ; others have already sunk
under the pressure and severity of their misfortunes.
Sabine insinuates that this picture may be overcharged,
but he quotes the statement of Galloway,^ ' a distinguished
' Sabine, The American Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks, pp. 86, 87.
2 Ibid. pp. 107-8.
^ Galloway's tract was entitled: The Claims of the American Loyalists
Renewed and Maintained upon Incontrovertible Principles of Lata and Justice.
Galloway is mentioned in vol. ii. p. 324 of this Family History.
02
196 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Loyalist of Pennsylvania,' made in 1788, which is quite as
strong :
It is well known (says the writer) that this delay of justice has
produced the most melancholy and shocking events. A number
of the sufferers have been driven by it into insanity and become
their own destroyers, leaving behind them their helpless widows
and orphans to subsist upon the cold charity of strangers. Others
have been sent to cultivate a wilderness for their subsistence,
without having the means, and compelled through want to throw
themselves on the mercy of the American States, and the charity
of their former friends, to support the life which might have been
made comfortable by the money long since due by the British
Government ; and many others, with their families, are barely sub-
sisting upon a temporary allowance from Government, a mere
pittance when compared with the sum due to them.
Many victims were not included in the first measures of
compensation. ' Mr. Pitt ' (says Sabine) ' had introduced
and carried through in 1785 a Bill for the distribution of
£150,000 among the claimants ' ; but, he adds, ' that sum,
it was held, was to be applied to a distinct class, to those who
had lost " property," and neither to those who had lost " life-
estate " in property, nor to those who had lost " income." ' ^
How many subsequent Bills were passed I know not ;
but I have in my possession a pamphlet entitled * The
Case of the Uncompensated American Loyalists ' — these
being fifty-five persons — ' whose claims (arising on debts
owing them in America, previous to the Kevolutionary War,
and lost during that period by allegiance to his Majesty),
were established under the Commission appointed by
the Act of the 43 Geo. III., but who from particular cir-
cumstances have not obtained the benefit of the Act of
the 23 Geo. III., chap. 80.' ^ There is no date on the
title-page, but the documents are brought down to 1816.
Many claimants are represented by executors, &c. ' John
Lane ' appears ' for Paxton Commissioner and Governor
Hutchinson.'
' Sabine, Tlie American Loyalists : Preliminary Remarks, p. 109.
^ Ibid. pp. 86-87.
TIMOTHY BUGGLES 197
Mr. P. 0. Hutchinson ^ doubtless alludes to this effort at
obtaining justice when he says :
Such were the delays that even so late as 1821, thirty-eight
years after the war had ended, and forty-three years after the
passing of the Confiscation Act, the subject was again mooted in
Parliament.
He does not state the result. The Eev. John Inglis,
afterwards Bishop of Nova Scotia, alludes to the subject
in a letter^ of the following year (1822), addressed to Scrope
Bernard, then Sir Scrope Bernard-Morland. What was the
end, or whether there ever was one, I know not.
Although the fate of the exiled Loyalists was in all cases
probably a hard one, it is not denied that in some cases they
partially regained their position, though always as the result
of a severe struggle. These successes must be attributed
to exceptional mental and physical vigour, and perhaps also
to the assistance of influential friends.
Foremost among the Loyahsts of Massachusetts, after
as well as before the final outbreak, was * stalwart Timothy
Kuggles.' ^ In 1774, when his home was rendered uninhabit-
able by the ill-treatment of his cattle and attacks upon his
house by night, he took refuge in Boston, where he formed an
association of Loyalists for mutual defence. When the
British army evacuated the town, he accompanied it to
Halifax, Nova Scotia, but left a little later for Long and
Staten Islands, New York, where he organised a force of
three hundred loyal militia.
' After many vicissitudes incident to his position in so
troubled times,' writes Sabine, ' he established his residence
in Nova Scotia. Of the beautiful site of Digby, in that
colony, he was a proprietor and a settler.' The development
of this property was apparently a principal occupation of
his later life. ' He died in 1798, aged eighty-seven years.'
Jonathan Sewall,'* who, under the signature of ' Phil-
' Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, vol. ii. chap. ix.
- MS. Letter at Nether Winehendon.
^ Sabine, Tlte American Loyalists, ' Buggies (Timothy).'
■• Ibid., ' Sewall, Jonathan.'
198 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
anthropos,' had defended Governor Bernard in the news-
papers, and became Attorney-General in 1767 and Judge
of Admiralty for Nova Scotia in 1768, was also a refugee in
Boston after his ' elegant house at Cambridge,' as it is
called by Sabine, was injured by the mob. He was one
of the proscribed, and went on to England; after some
years of weary waiting he emigrated to New Brunswick,
and was appointed a Judge of Admiralty in that partially
reclaimed wilderness. It was a poor post for one of the
rising men of Massachusetts. His wife was a Quincy, sister
of John Hancock's wife ; and he was also the bosom friend
of John Adams, whose regard survived the separation brought
about by politics. Sewall lived to see both these men in
high places ; Adams, indeed, had nearly attained the highest,
when Sewall, who had sacrificed a brilliant career for
conscience' sake, died in 1796. His son Jonathan was more
fortunate ; he became Chief Justice of Canada.
Sewall, ^ when Attorney-General, was concerned in a
transaction which ought to have won him lasting honour
in the land of his birth ; but he was a Loyalist.
He commenced the suit in May, 1769, in favour of a negro
against his master for his freedom, by James Richard Lechmere,
of Cambridge. The late Chief Justice Dana was counsel for the
defendant. The suit terminated the following year in favour of
the negro ; and I believe it was the first case where the grand
question was settled, abolishing slavery in that State. The case
of the negro Somerset, which Blackstone commends so highly,
and which has been matter of self-gratulation in England, was not
settled till 1772, two years after the decision in favour of James.
Daniel Leonard,^ another barrister, is known chiefly in
connection with Governor Hutchinson, whom he defended
in a pamphlet as * Massachusettensis,' but he appears to
have been a political writer for some time previous to Sir
Francis Bernard's departure; in any case he was a Loyal
representative for some years. Leonard ran the usual
course : bullets were fired into his house, he went to Boston
' Curwen, Biographical Notices (by Ward?), • Hon. Jon. Sewall.'
* Sabine, The American Loyalists, ' Leonard, Daniel.'
SAD STOEIES 199
then to Halifax, and to England, and was finally Chief
Justice of the Bermudas,^ a cluster of four hundred rocky-
islands in the Atlantic, whose population in 1822 was little
over ten thousand, nearly half blacks.
Samuel Quincy,^ the successor of Jonathan Sewall as
Solicitor-General, who visited Sir Francis Bernard in Ayles-
bury, may be said to have given up more than other exiles.
His family had one and all embraced the cause of the
revolution, and on leaving America he bade, unconsciously,
a last adieu to all his family save his wife. She appears to
have joined him later, probably when he obtained the
modest appointment of ' Comptroller of the Customs ' at
the port of Perham, in Antigua. Here she died ; he married
again, but died on a voyage to England to recruit his health,
within sight of land. His widow re-embarked, only to die
on the return journey.
Many other sad stories might be told ; and I do not
forget that there were Loyalists who did not leave the
States, in some cases could not, but lived on in a constrained
position, objects of suspicion and dislike to their neighbours
and the authorities, and liable at least to petty persecutions,
sometimes to more stringent measures of repression. But
they lost their connection with England, and necessarily
became by degrees identified with their surroundings. If
not effected at once, a generation or two must have seen the
change.
That the leaders of the successful party — the insurgents
— throve on revolution is almost a foregone conclusion.
James Otis ^ is the most marked exception. Weighted by
incipient brain disease, and uncongenially married to a lady
of Loyalist opinions, whose views influenced their children,
his mind gave way altogether after a quarrel with Eobinson,
the Commissioner of Customs ; he spent the remainder of his
days under care in a farmhouse, at the door of which he was
' The Edinhurgh Gazetteer, 1822, ' Bermudas or Somers' Islands.'
^ Sabine, The Ainerican Loyalists, ' Quincy, Samuel.' Curwen, or Ward,
Biographical Notices, ' Samuel Quincy.'
Tudor, Life of Otis.
200 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
killed, some years later, by a flash of lightning. Hawley,
whose tendency to depression has been noticed, retired early
from the strife and led the life of a private gentleman.
Warren died young.
John Adams ^ stands forth pre-eminent as having attained
the highest possible position in the United States. His
early career in his native land, his missions to France and
Holland, have been the subject of some pages in these
volumes. After the peace he became ambassador of the
United States to England, and was received by George III.,
reluctantly, indeed, but with magnanimity. Unhappily,
many Loyalists were then, perhaps, perishing from want.
The wrath of John's wife, Abigail, the daughter of William
Smith, Congregational minister of Weymouth, United States,
was, however, excited by the coldness of Queen Charlotte's
manner.^ Her first reception was civil, though, perhaps,
scarcely cordial ; but on subsequent occasions — whether the
Queen's anxiety about public affairs and her husband's health
or the self-assertion of Mrs. Adams was the immediate cause —
the ambassadress considered that she had not received the
measure of courtesy due to her exalted position, and she did
not forget this omission. At a much later period, when the
French Kevolution seemed to have shaken the Throne of
England, she wrote to her daughter :
Humiliation for Charlotte is no sorrow for me. She richly
deserves her full portion for the contempt and scorn which she
took pains to discover.^
John Adams was distinguished as a political writer, an
orator, and a statesman ; he became Vice-President of the
United States under Washington, and his successor as
President. In his decHning years he was harassed by
opposition, which led to his retirement from public life, and
he was not exempt from domestic bereavements ; but on
the whole his life was singularly fortunate. He survived
' Life of John Adams. See also various American histories.
^ 'Memoir of Mrs. Adams,' by Charles Francis Adams, prefixed to the
Collection called Familiar Letters of John Adams a')id his Wife, Abigail
Adams, during tlie Revolution.
^ Memoir prefixed to Familiar Letters.
JOHN HANCOCK 201
to see a son his successor in the Presidency, and died in his
native land of Massachusetts in high honour. Like Hancock,
he loved display as well as superiority ; in age as in youth
he was an aristocratic partisan of popular rights.
John Hancock's career up to the time of Sir Francis
Bernard's departure has been sketched in the previous
volumes of this History. Together with Samuel Adams, he
escaped from Boston to Philadelphia in order to avoid arrest
by General Gage's order, joined Washington, John Adams,
and others, and became first revolutionary Governor of
Massachusetts in 1780. In 1773, while Governor Hutchinson
was still in Boston, Hancock was elected Treasurer of
Harvard College. The result is told by the revolutionary
historian of Harvard, Josiah Quincy, and curtly summed up
by Birkbeck Hill :
George III. was down, but Governor Hancock was up. In an
evil day for the University that favourite of the people had been
appointed Treasurer. He would neither discharge the duties of
his office nor resign his post. The Corporation, after patiently
waiting two or three years, appointed his successor. ... To con-
ciliate the great man, they asked for his portrait, to place beside
that of his uncle, who had been a benefactor. He neither sent
his portrait nor settled his accounts. ... So powerful was his
position that the Corporation did not dare to bring him before a
court of law. They could scarcely have been worse off had they
had to deal with George III. himself. It was not till full eleven
years after their first demand that he condescended to state the
amount of the balance still owing by him to the College. On
being pressed for payment he would do nothing more than give a
bond and security. It was in vain that the distress of the Pro-
fessors was laid before him. Their salaries were unpaid, but
neither interest nor principal could be got out of the great man.
He died in 1793, leaving ample means, but the debt still owing.
It was not till eight years later that his heirs discharged it.
Ward charges Mr. Hancock with similar conduct towards
Mr. Harrison Gray,^ Treasurer or Eeceiver-General of
Massachusetts, to whom he owed ' a large sum for borrowed
money, no part of which would he pay in his lifetime, and
' Ward, Biographical Notices, ' Harrison Gray.'
202 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
of which a small part only was received from his executors,'
and he contrasts this callous conduct with Mr. Gray's high
sense of honour. That gentleman, when he departed into
exile, left the books and files in his office in exemplary order,
although they might have proved valuable against his own
actual losses and the impending confiscation. He calls
Mr. Gray ' the model of a faithful Treasurer,' and both Ward
and Sabine describe him as a model man in all respects.
Hancock's money was spent on ' grand living,' and his
hand was open * to every object coinciding with his views
or his interest ; ... it suited both his interest and his policy
to postpone debts and gratify friends.'
Hosmer records his brilliant entertainments to the French
officers in Boston. Thirty or forty dined with him each
day, whom he dazzled with his liveries and plate. At Concert
Hall, too, he gave them a great ball, and stimulated other
Whigs to similar hospitalities.
Probably the restless Samuel Adams, the wirepuller
of all agitations in Massachusetts, was, of all the revolutionists
in that State, the least satisfied with his success. It must
have been undoubtedly galling to behold his ' puppets,' as
they had been called, in several cases exalted over his head.
He continued throughout the course of the revolution to be
the life and soul of political intrigues, but, as might have
been expected from his antecedents, he was too much of
a revolutionist to be in his right element when organising
a constitution, and had to give way to the colleagues from
whom he differed. For many years he was a member of
Congress, but eventually lost his seat when opposed by a
young and popular orator.
' The would-be Cromwell of America,' as he is called in
the pamphlet of a refugee American printer, and perhaps
justly, he saw men whom he had introduced to pubHc life,
and, as he probably believed, moulded to his ideas, rising
above him. The brilliant fortunes of John Adams could
scarcely fail to affect him with a sense of undeserved in-
feriority. He became Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts,
in succession to his former tool, Thomas Gushing, and
SAMUEL ADAMS 203
under John Hancock, once styled his 'dupe.' In
Hutchinson's time he had been at variance with Hancock,
and they were again while in office at variance for some
years ; but a reconciliation was eventually brought about,
and on Hancock's death in 1793 Adams, at the age of
seventy, was elected Governor,^
It was a grand position for the former maltster and tax-
collector, but can hardly have satisfied all his longings.
The revolution, moreover, had brought about some changes
which he had not contemplated, and certainly not desired :
religious toleration was making rapid advances, and re-
creations distasteful to Puritans were recognised. Samuel
Adams resigned his government after three years : it had
probably come too late and developed too many uncongenial
elements to be enjoyed ; he lived five years more in retire-
ment. The great grief of his later life had been the death
of his only son, who is said to have succumbed to his
exertions and hardships as a surgeon during the war. By
his wife and daughter he was carefully tended, and he sur-
vived to be eighty-one, dying — it may be said to his credit —
a comparatively poor man, in 1802.
' Memoir of J. Quincy Adams, by C. F. Adams, vol, i. Note to p. 38.
204 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
CHAPTER XI
THOMAS BERNAED, TREASURER OF THE FOUNDLING
HOSPITAL
Cordial Relations between Thomas and Scrope Bernard — Retiring Disposition of
Thomas and Margaret Bernard — Their Circle of Friends—' The Clapham
Sect' — Thomas Bernard purchases a House at Iver — Serjeant Adair —
Thomas Bernard retires from Practice at the Bar — His Disposition towards
Philanthropic Efforts— Neglect of Officers charged with the care of the Poor—
Addison's Denunciation of the Prevalence of Infanticide— The Founding of
the Foundling Hospital — Infant Mortality in the Hospital— The Trade in
Carrying Children — Indiscriminate Admission to the Hospital stopped —
Suppression of the Branch Establishments — Jonas Hanway promotes an
Inquiry into the Condition of Children in the Workhouses — Thomas
Bernard's Connection with the Hospital — He Supports the Suggested
Admission of Exposed and Necessitous Children of Soldiers and Sailors —
He is elected Treasurer — His Administration of the Hospital— The Mothers
of the Foundlings.
For thirteen years after his marriage Thomas Bernard was
a diligent worker in the profession he had chosen. There
is not much to be related about this portion of his life. Some
few allusions have already been made in previous chapters,
in connection chiefly with his brother Scrope's career ; what
little remains to be said will find a place here.
The intercourse between the two brothers was always
cordial, and Thomas was of use to Scrope in many small
matters of business, especially while Scrope was in Ireland.
One of the arrangements to which several of Thomas's
letters refer was the insertion of certain paragraphs in news-
papers, apparently to forward the views of the Lord
Lieutenant.^
It is possible that Thomas and Margaret Bernard re-
mained with her father after the marriage; but whatever
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
TEOUBLES OF IRISH PROPEETY 205
was the reason, they were domiciled in Soho Square for
a year. He writes ^ on January 8, 1783 : ' We get into our
new house in Lincoln's Inn Fields — South Side — in the be-
ginning of April, but not on the first of April.' Some years
later, apparently, a letter is dated from Great Kussell Street ;
but it was probably a temporary residence only, since they
seem to have made Bloomsbury Place - their next abode.
Mrs. Bernard's sister, Miss Adair, is mentioned a little later
as living in Lansdown Place.^
Margaret Bernard apparently had property in Ireland ;
it must be hers that is referred to in several letters, but,
according to the custom of the time, Thomas writes of it as
his. It was not long before he experienced the trouble and
vexation attendant on Irish property. In the letter of
January 8, 1783, he continues, with reference to an attack
on the property :
As to the Proclamation, if it is little or no expense, I shall be
glad of it ; by little expense I mean not above 4 or 5 £. That
Estate gives me a good deal of Trouble, and would, I think, be
better for a resident Irishman than for me. Nothing but Mr.
Smith's being so good as to take the Care of it has reconciled me
to keeping it, & now, if a tolerable offer was made me, I would sell
it and willingly leave the greater part of the Purchase Money in
the Purchaser's hands.
The Proclamation came out, disclosing the fact that
his house had been violently attacked ; apparently as part
of an organised system of annoyance and intimidation. The
original document has been mislaid, but a letter^ from
' Rich. W. Talbot,' asking Scrope Bernard to apply to his
brother ' for his interest in the County of DubUn upon the
approaching election,' dated February 5, 1790, may almost
be said to determine the locality of the property within
certain limits.
Thomas and Margaret Bernard probably moved little in
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
^ Life of Sir Thovias Bernard, by the Eev. James Baker.
' Miss Adair's address appears in a list of subscribers to the Society for
Bettering tlie Condition of the Poor.
* MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
206 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
general society ; he had his profession, and she appears to
have been of a retiring disposition ; but they had a wide circle
of friends. In early days, it would seem, he wrote to
Scrope :
This is written at the close of a business evening, & not the
more legible or intelligible for that. Mrs. B. is gone a routing,
she is very well. I am returning home expecting to meet her at
supper.'
At all times, however, the old intercourse with relatives
was kept up ; not only did Mr. and Mrs. "White visit Thomas
from Lincoln, but Mrs. Edmunds also; and he speaks of
going to Norton with young Shore, who had succeeded his
mother in 1781, and expecting to meet Bishop Barrington's
wife there ; he is glad ' our Bishop has arrived safe ' — appa-
rently in Ireland, for the letter is addressed to Scrope in
Dublin.
On another occasion he — perhaps his wife also — dined in
Cavendish Square with the Bishop of Salisbury (Shute
Barrington), Mrs. Barrington— probably the Bishop's wife —
and Mr. Price,- a nephew.
The name of Pownall is more than once mentioned in
letters, and refers apparently to the Under-Secretary of
State, the friend of Sir Francis Bernard. Of the American
refugees, Sir WilHam Pepperell is the only one who can be
traced. He remained in London, and his name appears in
a list of subscribers to a society ^ which owed its origin to
Thomas Bernard, so late as 1805.
But Thomas Bernard's marriage apparently introduced
him to a circle which must have strongly influenced his
after-life. His wife's uncle, James Adair, the King's Ser-
jeant, was a man of some importance, and having only
one child of his own, a daughter, who married Admiral Sir
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon. It is dated 'Jan. 21,' and probably
refers to 1783. The following extracts are also from MS. letters at Nether
Winchendon, but without the date of any year.
- The son of a sister of the second Viscount and the Bishop. See Debrett
and Burke, ' Barrington, Viscount.'
* Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, vol. ii.
List of Subscribers.
THE ' CLAPHAM SECT ' 207
John Colpoys, K.B., he bestowed much affection on his
brother's daughters.^ The Serjeant loved politics ; he was
a warm friend and admirer of Fox. Already in 1769 he had
come forward at a meeting of Middlesex freeholders ; ' to in-
struct Wilkes and Glyn, their representatives ; he moved the
resolution concerning the tumult in St. George's Fields, the
riot at Brentford, and the commission of the Peace.' Suc-
cessively member of Parliament for Cockermouth and for
Higham Ferrers, he was of course opposed to the war with
America, and disapproved of Lord North, but his general
views appear to have been somewhat modified by time.
There was, indeed, a liberal set, of a different type from
the followers of Wilkes, with which the Serjeant had become
intimately connected. On February 17 he spoke in favour
of the abolition within a limited time of the slave trade.
' Politics ' (wrote Wilberforce) ' are said to harden the heart
and pervert the understanding. In this instance it seems
not. Sergeant Adair's speech I like the best of all, compre-
hensive, strong, clear.' And a little later they were working
together for the redress of Quaker grievances, and Wilber-
force notes : ^ ' March 25— Got Adair to put off" his motion,'
being himself too unwell to attend. He was in the House
of Commons the following day, when the Serjeant's Bill was
brought forward, and was partially successful.
Long before these entries were penned in the Diary of
William Wilberforce, Thomas Bernard had probably been
introduced to him by Serjeant Adair, and through him to the
society of those friends whom the Eev. Sydney Smith had
jocosely described as ' the Clapham Sect,' and whose social
life Sir James Stephen, the nephew of Wilberforce, has made
known.^
From Sir James's own account it would seem that this
' Sect ' or ' Coterie,' was pre-eminently remarkable, but in
' Woolrych, Lives of Eminent Serjeants, vol. ii.
^ The Life of William Wilberforce, by his Sons, vol. ii., chap. xii. (Second
Edition).
' Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography, by Sir James Stephen, K.C.B., ' The
Clapham Sect.'
208 THE BBENAEDS OP ABINGTON
a good sense, for what has since been called ' making the
best of both worlds,' It consisted chiefly, if not entirely, of
men prosperous alike in their pecmiiary and domestic affairs
— singularly fortunate in their exemption from most of the
sorrows of life, indeed — and in some cases in the public
reputation which they achieved. William Wilberforce and
his connection, Henry Thornton, owned adjoining properties
and pleasant residences at Clapham. They had some con-
genial neighbours and many visitors from London and
more distant localities, but, while thoroughly enjoying the
blessings of their own lot, they strove in many ways to
brighten the lives of those less happily placed.
It does not appear that Thomas Bernard was ever one of
the inner circle, although he must have been on cordial
terms with many of its members. Two of them — besides
Wilberforce — took part in subsequent philanthropic schemes
suggested by him ; these two were the Kev. Thomas Gis-
borne,^ of Yoxall Lodge, Staffordshire, a thoughtful writer
and exemplary pastor, but one of the most retiring of the
band ; and Sir John Shore,^ afterwards Lord Teignmouth,
who had been Governor-General of India. Other names
appear in letters and other illustrative documents occasion-
ally, showing the many ties which drew Mr. Bernard to
these pious and agreeable gentlemen, while at the same time
his own life remained distinct.
During this period he bought a house with grounds at
Iver, near the southern extremity of Buckinghamshire, and
also ' the Eectory and Kectory Manor,' ^ besides certain
tithes. Here he apparently spent a portion of his vacations.
The Bar was not then so exacting a profession, in point of
attendance, as it has been since, and there were many in-
tervals of relaxation.
In and about Iver there were several gentlemen's seats,
and Thomas Bernard there formed some lasting friendships.
' Author of An Inqtiiry into the Duties of Men, &c., and A Familiar
Survey of the Christian Religion, dc.
- Created an Irish Baron in 1797, sec Debrett and other Peerages. He was
President of the British and Foreign Bible Society.
' Lipscomb, Hist. Bucks., voL iv., ' Iver.'
STONE'S TEIAL 209
He writes to his brother Scrope, September 23, 1788, from
Lincoln's Inn :
I received yours just as I was leaving Iver this morning. If
the weather continues fair I hope to see you and your Company
on Saturday next. Mrs. Du Pre, her son, three of her Daughters,
& Mr. Bateson Harvey (who has purchased Langley and takes
possession next Monday), will be of the Party.
I wish to show my Clients the magnificence of Stowe, our Lord
Lieuten's Residence. We lye at Aylesbury on fryday, & proceed
to Stowe time enough to order dinner & take a previous peep on
Saturday. Will you send a hint to the Inn at Stowe to be ready
to receive us, & a few Lines of Advice to meet us at the George at
Aylesbury ? ^
Mr. (aftervi^ards Sir Kobert) Bateson Harvey continued
on intimate terms with Thomas Bernard during the rest of
his life. Another gentleman of the neighbourhood, Mr. Sul-
livan, of Kichings Park, Iver,^ was a fellow-worker in
schemes of reform. As a guest the name of Stephen occurs
twice in letters,^ and that gentleman was probably the
brother-in-law of Wilberforce.
In 1796, the year in which Serjeant Adair is mentioned ^
by the biographers of Wilberforce, he appears to have been
especially prominent, he was counsel for a Mr. Stone, who was
accused of high treason — that is, of having given traitorous
information, when in Ireland, as to the state of England
to a clergyman named Jackson, who was an emissary of the
French Government and had since poisoned himself in
prison.
It appeared in the course of the trial that Stone had dis-
couraged the idea of invasion ; and after deliberating three
hours, the jury returned a verdict of * Not Guilty,' which
was received in court with loud applause, echoed by the
Hall. One unlucky gentleman was caught in the act of
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
"^ The names of these two gentlemen will frequently appear again in con-
nection with Poor-Law reform and the Society for Bettering the Condition of
the Poor.
^ MS. Letters at Nether Winchendon from Thomas to Scrope Bernard.
* Woolrych, Lives of Eminent Serjeants, vol. ii.
VOL. III. P
210 THE BBENAEDS OF ABINGTON
shouting and made an example of ; he was fined £20, and, his
cheque being refused, taken into custody. The Serjeant's
speech, which was much admired, is given at length in the
* State Trials.'
Serjeant Adair had declined to be classed as an unreason-
ing partisan of Mr. Fox, and when the latter proclaimed his
unquaHfied admiration of the French Eevolution, notwith-
standing its excesses, he withdrew from the Whig Club, but
did not renounce all friendship with his late leader,
Eadical as some persons may have considered him, he really
fell a victim to his loyalty, or perhaps his patriotism, by
joining the volunteers raised in London and the neighbour-
hood to repel the threatened invasion, at an age when he
was no longer fit for such work. On July 21, 1798, after
returning with his corps from a shooting-practice, and while
walking by Lincoln's Inn, he was seized with paralysis, and
being carried to his house in Lincoln's Inn Fields, died
there in a few hours.
Woolrych adds that ' he was buried in Bunhill Fields,
on the 27th, by his father and mother.'
Before this event took place Thomas Bernard had
retired from the practice of his profession, and commenced
to devote his time to other objects. His biographer says
little about the step ; merely that by * marriage and by as-
siduous attention to his profession for fifteen years he ac-
quired such a competence as satisfied his desires, and led
him to withdraw himself from the law and look out for
some useful occupation of his future life.' ^ And from that
period it was devoted to ameliorating the lot of his less
favoured brethren and sisters. He had a wife like-minded
with himself, and they were childless ; the accumulation of
money was therefore no object ; although, indeed, Thomas
extended an almost paternal care over his nephews and nieces,
and especially over the children of his deceased sister, Amelia
Baker." Margaret Bernard, who had no young relatives
' Life of Sir Thomas Bernard.
2 These assertions are verified by numerous passages in letters and other
papers at Nether Winohendon.
THE FOUNDLING HOSPITAL 211
so near, as her only sister never married, seconded all his
efforts, and they were much beloved by the rising generation.
Probably Mr. Bernard had always had a disposition to
philanthropic efforts, which had been intensified by com-
panionship with a wife who is said to have been a worker
among the poor, and also by his introduction to the circle at
Clapham. He would seem to have begun by some attempts
to improve the domestic habits of the lower classes. He also
took an active part on the Committee of the Foundling
Hospital, its nearness to his residence in Bloomsbury Place
allowing him to attend even while he was in full work at the
Bar ; and his election to the office of Treasurer, or Eesident
Governor of the Hospital, in May, 1795,^ apparently decided
the next move ; he must have ceased to practise in the
course of that year.
At this period France and several other European
countries possessed institutions for the rescue and support
of deserted and destitute children. ^ If nothing of the sort
had been established in England, it was — as we are told —
because this work of mercy was included in the functions
of the Poor Law passed in the reign of Elizabeth. But it
had been scandalously ignored, probably from the very
beginning. Perhaps matters had grown worse by degrees ;
I only know that early in the reign of Queen Anne public
indignation was aroused.^ * The officers whom the laws had
charged with the care of the poor had been so negligent
that some infants had been suffered to perish with cold and
hunger in the streets, without any attempt for their relief.'
The movement, headed by certain benevolent merchants,
to raise subscriptions for building an asylum met with
opposition on the ground ' that it might seem to encourage
vice, by making too easy a provision for illegitimate children,^
and it was dropped for a while; but several persons left
legacies for the hospital — whenever it should be founded.
' Life of Sir Thomas Bernard.
2 An Account of the Foundling Hospital, by Thomas Bernard.
^ Pugh, Bemarkable Occurrences in the Life of Jonas Hanway.
* Ibid.
212 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
In 1713 Addison called attention to the subject in the
' Guardian,' denouncing the prevalence of infanticide ; and
ten years later Thomas Coram, master of a vessel trading to
the American coast, and a man of remarkable benevolence
and still more remarkable disinterestedness, came forward as
the champion of the cause, in which he enlisted the sym-
pathies of twenty-one ladies of rank as well as of sundry
noblemen and gentlemen.
In the Ladies' Memorial it is stated that :
No expedient has yet been found out for preventing the fre-
quent murders of poor miserable infants at their birth, or for
suppressing the inhuman custom of exposing new-born infants, or
the putting out such unhappy foundlings to wicked and barbarous
nurses, who, undertaking to bring them up for a trifling sum
of money, do often suffer them to starve for want of due susten-
ance or care ; or, if permitted to live, either turn them into the
streets to beg or steal, or hire them out to loose persons, by whom
they are trained up in that infamous way of living ; and sometimes
are blinded, or maimed and distorted in their limbs, in order to move
pity and compassion, and thereby become fitter instruments of gain
to those vile merciless wretches.
Captain Coram himself stated that he had been a witness
* to the shocking spectacle of innocent children who had
been murdered and thrown upon dunghills.' His petition
for a charter, sent to the King with the two memorials from
the Ladies and from the Noblemen and Gentlemen, was
successful, and the good work was commenced in 1737.
After a modest beginning in Hatton Garden, an estate was
purchased from the Earl of Salisbury, on which the present
palatial building was erected, the architect being Theodore
Jacobson.^
And now some of the eccentricities of English charity
came into full play. Several of the most eminent painters
and sculptors of the day volunteered to adorn the principal
rooms of the new institution with more or less appropriate
works of art ; the most inappropriate of all being, perhaps,
' Brownlow (J.), Memoranda, or Chronicles of the Foundling Hospital, in-
eluding Meinoirs of Captain Coram, dc.
A FASHIONABLE LOUNGE 213
Hogarth's ' March to Finchley,' unless the spectacle of vice
in many phases was intended to act as a deterrent. Perhaps,
as the picture was placed in the committee-room, it was
supposed to be out of the way of the children. Hogarth
was really interested in the new foundation, as many of his
acts prove. Handel organised an entertainment of vocal and
instrumental music from his own works, some of it composed
for the occasion, which the Prince and Princess of Wales
attended ; and for several years he superintended an annual
performance of his ' Messiah ' for the benefit of the institution.
The King (George II.) contributed ^2,000 to the chapel and
igl,000 for the services of a preacher, of whose sermons the
children probably understood not a single word, except when
he may have alluded to their desolate condition.
It is scarcely surprising to learn that with all these
attractions the Hospital soon became a fashionable morning
lounge ; a quaint print of the time ^ represents a parade of
beaux and belles in the enclosure on the south side of the
edifice. The artists not only gave some of the Vv'orks, but
they also held exhibitions in the Hospital — an arrangement
no doubt suggested by convenience, there being then no
rooms elsewhere suitable for the purpose. They also held
their annual dinner there, and that festival and the governors'
anniversary dinner must have been lively gatherings. But
all the gay doings and the munificent patronage did not
remove the difficulties inherent in the administration of the
new establishment.
Although the theoretical completeness of the English
Poor Law had been held not to preclude the necessity for a
Foundling Hospital, the somewhat illogical belief prevailed
that it ought to modify the new arrangements, and, conse-
quently, the foreign system of receiving the children in a
' turning-box ' was not adopted ; yet numbers of children
were brought to the Hospital, and several branch establish-
ments were opened in the country, ' with large rolls of county
governors and county committees,' amongst which may be
noted one in Aylesbury.
' In Brownlow's Meinoratida.
214 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
But in 1756 the London committee was already short of
money, while its success in other respects was not brilliant,
since at the close of 1757 it was found that 2,311 infants
out of 5,618 received had died. There were probably many
causes for this mortality, but it appears to have been attri-
buted partly to want of funds ; and having regard to the
fact that institutions of a similar character abroad received
assistance from the State, the committee applied to
Parliament for a grant, as indispensable to the maintenance of
their foundation. The grant was promised, but on condition
that all children left at the gate were to be admitted indis-
criminately. And the publication of this new rule was the
signal for a rush to the Hospital, many of the children
brought there being in the last stage of disease or inanition,
sent, it would seem, to save the expense of burial ; and there
were instances in which they did not live to be carried into
the wards, and the numbers were so overwhelming as to
threaten ruin to the whole scheme of the foundation,
especially as the announcement of the Parliamentary grant
checked the flow of private charity.
The new rule of unrestricted admission opened the door
to another evil — a trade in carrying children.
A man on horseback, going to London with luggage in two
panniers, was overtaken at Highgate, and being asked what he
had in his panniers, answered, ' I have two children in each ; I
brought them from Yorkshire for the Foundling Hospital, and
used to have eight guineas a trip ; but lately another man has set
up against me, which has lowered my price. ^
This was not the worst phase of the traffic.
At Monmouth, a person was tried for the murder of his child,
which was found drowned with a stone about its neck ! when the
prisoner proved that he delivered it to a travelling tinker, who
received a guinea from him to carry it to the Hospital. Nay, it
was publicly asserted in the House of Commons that one man
who had the charge of five infants in baskets, happened in his
journey to get intoxicated, and lay all night asleep on a common ;
and in the morning he found three of the five children he had in
' Brownlow, Chronicles of the Foundliiig Hospital.
JONAS HANWAY 215
charge actually dead. Also, that of eight infants brought out
of the country at one time in a waggon, seven died before it reached
London, the surviving child owing its life to the solicitude of its
mother, who, rather than commit it alone to the carrier, followed
the waggon on foot, occasionally affording her infant the nourish-
ment it required.^
It may be added that such children as did reach the
Hospital alive, were frequently stripped of every particle of
clothing ; thereby not only were their lives imperilled, but
all clue was lost to their origin ; whereas the governors, at
the first outset of the institution, had expressly desired that
persons leaving children there should also leave some token
by which they might, if desired, be afterwards identified.
Some of these deposits and the clothes of sundry infants
showed them to be children of at least one parent in good
circumstances.
In the course of the fourth year of its operation the
House of Commons passed a resolution annulling the order
for indiscriminate admission — none too soon ; also, however,
withdrawing the Government grant.
About the same time an inquiry into the management
of the country branches established by the committee of
the Hospital showed that it had been often victimised in
another manner, the parish officers and their allies having,
for reasons of their own, sent children to the Houses who
were neither deserted nor destitute, and this discovery
led to the suppression of these branch estabhshments.
The institution now certainly stood in need of some good
friend willing to go thoroughly into the consideration of its
difficulties, and to reflect on the best means of overcoming
them ; and such a one was found in Jonas Hanway,^ who
in 1758 was already a governor. His father was ' an officer
in the naval line, and for some years storekeeper to the
dockyard at Portsmouth,' who had died prematurely from
the effects of an accident, leaving his children to be reared
by their energetic mother. Jonas became a merchant and
' Brownlow, Chronicles of the Fo^mdling Hospital.
- Pugh, Some Passages in the Life of Jonas Hamvay.
216 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
travelled much ; as superintendent of the Caspian trade he
went through multifarious experiences and adventures in
Persia ; then, finding himself in middle age a bachelor with
a good fortune, he determined to spend some of his time
and money in helping his fellow-creatures.
Mr. Hanway soon formed a strong opinion against
indiscriminate admission, especially as there was in England
no provision for making the Foundling boys serviceable as
soldiers or sailors, and apparently no effectual supervision,
as in France, over any of the children after their departure
from the Hospital. The chances of reclaiming infants thus
admitted, weighted as fchey mostly were by hereditary ten-
dencies to degradation, were therefore minimised ; and it
was found, on inquiry, that those who had already left, the
institution had in most cases rejoined the ranks of the
vicious and criminal population.
An idea which struck Mr. Hanway while investigating
this perplexed subject was, that the provisions of the Poor
Law ought no longer to be ignored, but that the workhouses
and the Hospital might work together, perhaps in different
departments, for a common object ; and this led to an inquiry
into the condition of children in workhouses. The following
statements form a portion of the report : ^
During the year 1765, in the workhouse of St. Clement Danes,
one nurse, Mary Poole, had twenty-three children committed to
her care, and on the 25th of January, 1766, eighteen were dead,
two had been discharged, and three only remained alive.
Of seventy-eight children received into the workhouse of the
united parishes of St. Andrew and St. George, Holborn, in the
year 1765, sixty-four were dead before 1766.
Of forty-eight received into the workhouse of St. Luke,
Middlesex, 1764, for nurture, — died within the year, thirty-seven.
Of nineteen received into the workhouse of St. George,
Middlesex, in 1765— died before 1766, sixteen.
In some other parishes not one child was living of all that
were received in the course of twelve months.
Mr. Hanway took especial pains to verify these state-
' Pugh, Some Passages in the Life of Jonas Hamoay.
POOE LAW CHILDEEN 217
ments, and he extended his inquiries into the country, where
things were not nearly so bad, although there was plenty
of carelessness. The anecdote here given refers apparently
to London :
He observed that a certain overseer refused to allow the
mother of a new-born infant more than one shilling and sixpence
a week for nm'sing it, and remarked to him that this pittance was
less than he gave to strange nm^ses. ' Yes,' said the conscientious
ofl&cer, ' but you don't consider that this woman will take care of
her own child, and it may be on our hands a long time, whereas
we shall, perhaps, hear no more of the others.'
Mr. Hanway and his colleagues in the investigation now
formed the idea of receiving children from the unhealthy
London workhouses into the Hospital with parish payment ;
but the Poor-Law authorities having, in consequence of the
revelations just noticed, resolved to put the pauper children
out to nurse in the country, this plan was dropped. And
the final result of the committee's deliberation was to restrict
admissions at the Foundling Hospital to the first children
of girls who up to the time of their seduction had borne a
good character. Great attempts were now made at economy ;
which was, indeed, rendered necessary by the withdrawal of
State aid. During the few years that such aid was extended
it had averaged £33,530 per annum ; and the committee does
not appear to have shown much skill in reducing its
expenditure, although the change in the system produced
such a diminution in the number of applications as to assist
its efforts materially, while, on the other hand, this result
exposed the institution to the reproach of comparative
uselessness. That it had departed to some extent from the
original intention of its founders and benefactors is evident,
and the uncertainty of its aims cannot have tended to an
advance in public favour.
Thomas Bernard's connection with the Hospital must
have commenced soon after his call to the Bar ; he was one
of the fifty governors, or members of the managing committee,
in 1785, and must have been acquainted with Jonas Hanway,
218 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
who lived till the following year. It is not unHkely that he
may have heard of Thomas Coram in Massachusetts ; the
good Captain had spent some years of his life there, where
he was a great benefactor, and the memory of his good
works must have survived until Governor Bernard's ad-
ministration ; also, it may have formed a link in the chain
of events which turned his attention to the Hospital.
The institution was still in pecuniary difficulties, and
about this time took into consideration a project of meeting
expenses by letting some of its land on building leases.
This idea had been previously mooted ; but the scheme had
been strongly opposed, on the pretext that the children, if
surrounded by buildings, would be deprived of air and
exercise ; though, as a matter of fact, the founders had been
originally compelled to buy much more land than they
intended in order to secure a site. This outcry had effectually
hindered any arrangement from being carried out. Mr.
Bernard now proposed that twenty acres should be secured
to the institution, the remaining thirty-six being let for
building, on conditions which ensured a due regard for health,
and even for appearance. Some difficulties raised by neigh-
bouring owners and occupiers had to be adjusted, and
eventually Brunswick and Mecklenburgh Squares rose on
either side of the Hospital, with several wide streets about
them, according to Mr. Bernard's plans. The rest of the
governors and other persons interested in the institution
were so well satisfied with this result that the whole
committee of management determined to bestow the name
of the governor who had brought this matter to a happy
conclusion on one of the new streets, and it is called Bernard
Street to this day.
These facts are related by the Kev. James Baker.* Mr.
Bernard himself gave particulars of an alteration in the
internal arrangements of the Hospital effected under his
management in an account which he published of its
history. This is cautiously worded, as it might otherwise
have affected the reputations of certain persons who were
' Life 0/ Sir Thomas Bernard, by Rev. James Baker.
THE FOUNDLING INFIEMAEY 219
his fellow- workers. It appears that the governors as a body,
and perhaps none more so than those who deprecated the
effects of building on the children's health, had been most
negligent as to the accommodation and care of the sick.
The infirmary of the Hospital had, by a resolution of
June 1753, been directed to be placed in the western wing, at the
south end of the upper floor.^
Apparently there had been objections raised to this
position, but it does not seem to have been bettered.
By subsequent resolutions different situations were appointed
for it ; and as is usual where there are various measures and
various directions, without any fixed or particular attention to the
subject, it had at length sunk into a low, damp, confined building
near the Hospital gate, incapable of separate accommodation for
the sexes, and bidding defiance to medical skill to restore the
inhabitants to the free air and healthy apartments of the Hospital.
Hopeless labour is generally void of exertion. In the present
instance the unfavourable situation of the infirmary seems to have
produced an extraordinary effect of inattention and want of
cleanliness in those who had the care of it, and this and the other
evils attending the scite [sic] of the Infirmary being increased by
two epidemical disorders in December, 1789, the Quarterly Court
referred the whole to the investigation of the General Committee ;
the result of which was a systematic regulation as to the cleanli-
ness, management, and diet of the children, which has been since
very well observed : the establishment of a regular visitation of the
Hospital and the restoration of the infirmary to its original
scite [sic], a change which has operated as a charm on the sick-
list of the Hospital, and reduced it to half its former average.
Apparently the institution was at this time by no means
flourishing ; there was perhaps a dread of the new regula-
tions, by which the mothers had to appear with their infants,
and to state their case. In January, 1794, a court was sum-
moned to consider the propriety of making all the ' exposed
and necessitous children of soldiers and seaman who are,
have been, or shall be, employed in the service of their
country during the present war eligible to the Foundling
Hospital.' Mr. Bernard was a strong supporter of this
' Account of the Foundling Hospital, by Thomas Bernard.
220 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
proposition, because he considered that these children had
exceptional claims on the public, and that their case might
be reasonably construed as coming within the scope of the
work for which the institution had been originally founded ;
moreover, there was apparently no other charity prepared to
receive them, except, perhaps, in very small numbers. He
was sorry that only a qualified resolution was passed,
declaring the children admissible up to the age of five, so
far as the funds would allow, 'consistent with a proper
degree of attention to the other deserving objects of the
charity.' And he quotes Adam Smith on the topic of
soldiers' marriages, that
So far from recruiting their regiment, they have never been
able to supply it with drums and fifes from all the soldiers'
children that were born in it. A greater number of fine children,
however, is seldom seen anywhere than about a barrack of soldiers.
Very few of them it seems arrive at the age of thirteen or fourteen.
After enumerating the dangers, moral and physical, to
which a soldier's child is exposed, even when the parents are
living, Mr. Bernard continues :
But for the child whose father, or perhaps both his parents,
have perished in the field, his settlement or connections distant or
unknown, where can the poor orphan look for preservation and
instruction but to some national establishment like the Foundling
Hospital ? If this is not an exposed and deserted child, entitled
by its own distress and its father's services to the peculiar protec-
tion of its country, it should seem that no such case can exist.
A letter from Thomas Bernard to his brother,
written in 1792, evinces a desire to ease off the work
of his profession ; in 1795, as already stated, he resolved to
give it up altogether, and during the year, carried this deter-
mination into effect. His election to the Treasurership of
the Foundling Hospital ^ in the May of that year gave
him the opportunity of carrying out his views of improve-
ment in the internal administration of the institution.
It has been shown that the architectural and decorative
' Life of Sir Tliomas Bernard, by Rev. James Baker.
A NEW PEOJECT 221
arrangements had not been carried out originally on an ascetic
or even a simple scale; the Treasurer was therefore pro-
vided with a residence at one extremity of the Hospital
buildings, containing large and comfortable rooms. In these
Thomas and Margaret Bernard made their abode for eleven
years, allowing for holidays and unavoidable absences, and
devoted a considerable portion of their time to the superin-
tendence of the establishment.
Mr. Bernard's biographer says that
He began by adopting Count Rumford's plans as to food and
fuel, and fitted up the kitchen and fireplaces of the Hospital on
the Count's principles, and with his personal assistance, a
similarity of pursuits having produced great intimacy between
them, which continued many years. This new project succeeded,
reducing the consumption of coals in the kitchen from thirty-five
chaldrons a year to ten, saving the labour of one of the two
cooks, rendering the labour of the remaining one more easy, and
dressing the food better than before.
Changes were also made in the diet of the children.
When the institution was founded, the enormous allowance
of one pound of butcher's meat a day for each child was
given. This had since been apparently modified, so far that
suet puddings, made with an admixture of flour, were sub-
stituted for meat on two days in the week. Mr. Bernard
altered this to rice and treacle ; in both cases milk was used,
but less in the rice pudding ; and the rice went further than
the suet and flour — the last having been a serious item in a
time of scarcity.
Moreover, the difference was found beneficial to the
children, whose constitutions were wholly unprepared for
a heavy diet. The meals were carefully superintended.
Day by day, as I have heard my father state, Mr. Bernard
took his place punctually at the head of the boys' table,
Mrs. Bernard, in like manner, presiding in another room over
the girls during the one o'clock dinner ; thus ensuring not
only that the food should be properly served, but also that
the children should be trained in good habits.
In less than a year after his appointment Mr. Bernard
222 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
wrote the ' Account of the Foundling Hospital,' from which
extracts have been made. A second edition was printed in
1799, with a supplement ; it was dedicated to the gover-
nors, or rather to those who had co-operated in reforms
and improvements, ' by their affectionate friend and faithful
servant, Thos. Bernard,' and contained seventy-three small
octavo pages, besides the preface, &c. In the supplement
he wrote :
There was a period when the proportionate mortality in the
Hospital had been very considerable, and the children were
neither healthy in constitution nor promising in aspect ; but that
period is, I trust, entirely passed by. I question whether any
public establishment, or even if private families, can show better
effects of care and attention in this respect than what is exhibited
in the FoundUng Hospital.
The children were generally admitted at about the age
of six weeks, and forthwith baptised ; wet nurses were pro-
cured from the country to meet them, and they were sent
in charge of these women to their homes, where they
remained about four years, under the eye of an inspector, and
Hable to surprise visits from friends of the institution.
At the age of four years [continues Mr. Bernard] the
children are returned to the Hospital. They are then (if not
sooner) inoculated and placed in the school, when they are
gradually accustomed to regular and early habits of order and
attention ; the lesser children being occasionally let out to play
during the school-hours. They rise at six o'clock in the summer
and at dayhght in winter ; part of them being employed before
breakfast in dressing the httle children, in cleaning about the
house, and the boys in working a forcing pump which supphes all
the wards and every part of the Hospital abundantly with water.
At half -past seven they breakfast, and at half after eight go into
school, where they continue, the boys till twelve, the girls a little
later. At one o'clock they dine, and return to school at two, and
stay till four in the summer and in winter till dusk ; except on
Saturday, when they have a half-holiday. They are also in-
structed in singing the Foundling hymns and anthems, and in
their Catechism, and are occasionally employed in and about the
house during play-hours. At six in the evening they sup, and at
eight go to bed.
THE MOTHEES OF FOUNDLINGS 223
It appears from other paragraphs that the girls learned
needlework, house work, laundry-work and cooking ; the
boys were instructed in several trades, and also attended to
the garden, and kept the large courtyard clean. In an
article written by Mrs. Bernard for a series of reports^
instituted by her husband, it is incidentally stated that a
lending library was formed for the use of the Foundling
children. The greatest care was exercised in the selection
of places for the young inmates when old enough to leave
the Hospital. This was made a special point, in consequence
of former negligence having led to deplorable results. The
children were apprenticed, and frequently visited during
their term of service, the girls by the matron, the boys by
the schoolmaster, and very few disappointed expectation.
In resuming the subject, Mr. Bernard attributes the
amelioration of the Foundling children
To the removal of an ill-placed infirmary to its present airy
and healthy situation ; to an increased cleanliness in the children
and in the house ; and to some improvement in their diet, and
(which I conceive to be very important to children) a more
unrestrained liberty during their hours of play and recreation.
He adds :
I repeat with a confirmed and most satisfactory experience
what I have stated in the former instance, that ' an happier, a more
healthy or a more innocent collection of beings does not exist in
the world than is to be found within the walls of the Foundling
Hospital.'
One word must be said, in conclusion, concerning the
mothers of the foundlings. The eighteenth century was
a time when society, always hard upon women, was, in
England, especially severe on the victims of seduction,
while continuing very lenient, and even gracious, to the
seducer. In this state of things Captain Coram thought he
had discovered the main cause of infanticide : ^
He found that it arose out of a morbid morality then possess-
ing the public mind, by which an unhappy female, who fell a
' Reports of the Society for Bettering the Conditimi of the Poor.
* Brownlow (John), Meynoranda, or Chronicles of the Foundling Hospital.
224 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
victim to the seductions and false promises of designing men, was
left to hopeless contumely, and irretrievable disgrace. Neither
she nor the offspring of her guilt appear to have been admitted
within the pale of human compassion ; her first false step was
her final doom, without even the chance, however desirous, of
returning to the road of rectitude. All the consideration which
was given to her condition, was the enactment of laws to bring
her to punishment, after she had been driven to the commission
of the worst of crimes : for the error of a day, she was punished
with the infamy of years ; and although her departure from the
path of virtue, so far from being the consequence of a previous
vicious disposition, might have been brought about by an awful
scheme of treachery, she was branded for ever as a woman
habitually lewd.
In other words, he believed that despair, sometimes
amounting almost to insanity, led to many of the cases of
infanticide, though not of course to all.
The system of admission without any attempt at inquiry
had, however, been abandoned before Thomas Bernard became
connected with the institution, and the new arrangements
required those mothers who sought entrance for their chil-
dren to attend in person, and submit to the interrogatories of
the governors — a plan which seemed doubtful as a check to
infanticide, since it involved the exposure of their shame,
and, before a tribunal of men, must — even if it so far suc-
ceeded— have a tendency to harden these unfortunate
women.
Mr. Bernard's endeavour was, evidently, to soften this
rule. He wrote ^ some years later :
The preserving and educating of so many children, which,
without the Foundling Hospital, would have been lost to that
society of which they are calculated to become useful members, is
certainly a great and public benefit. The adoption of a helpless
unprotected infant, the watching over its progress to maturity, and
the fitting it to be useful to itself and others here, and to attain
eternal happiness hereafter, these are no common or ordinary acts
of beneficence ; but their value and their importance are lost,
when compared with the benefits which (without any prejudice
' Reports of tlie Society for Bettering tJie Condition of the Poor, vol. iv.
No. 4 of the Appendix. Note to p. 38.
MAEGAEET BEENAED'S DISPOSITION 225
to the original objects of the charity) the mothers derive from this
Institution, as it is at present conducted. The preserving the
mere vital functions of an infant cannot be put in competition
with saving from vice, misery and infamy, a young woman, in the
bloom of life, whose crime may have been a single and solitary
act of indiscretion. Many extraordinary cases of repentance, fol-
lowed by restoration to peace, comfort, and reputation, have come
within the knowledge of the writer of this note. Some cases have
occurred, within his own observation, of wives happily placed, the
mothers of thriving families, who, but for the saving aid of this
Institution, might have become the most noxious and abandoned
prostitutes. Very rare are the instances, none has come within
notice, of a woman relieved by the Foundling Hospital, and not
thereby preserved from a course of prostitution.
In this work of mercy I have no doubt that Margaret
Bernard was a most efficient worker — very privately no
doubt — for the opinion of the age must have been against
a lady's name being divulged in connection with such a
mission ; and, moreover, such efforts are best made privately,
when it is possible. But the veneration which my father
always entertained for this aunt — who was, I believe, also
his godmother; the affectionate feeling with which he
selected the New Testament she had given him in his boy-
hood, to read in his old age, seldom opening it without
making some reference to her virtues — is to me evidence of
her holy and beneficent life ; although his mention of her
attendance on the Foundling children is the only fact I can
call to memory. This view is, indeed, corroborated by Julia
Smith's allusions to her sister-in-law's self-denying and
charitable disposition.
In conclusion, it may be admitted that the London
Foundling Hospital, though no doubt an efficient school, is
not really what its name implies. The workhouses are, as
they were originally intended to be, the real Foundling
Hospitals, since it is to them that waifs and strays are
carried, and are received as a matter of course. Many recent
institutions are indeed more easy of access than the founda-
tion of Thomas Coram. What different steps ought to have
been taken it is not easy to say. The turning-box system of
VOL. III. Q
226 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
indiscriminate admission has, I believe, been abolished in
France and some other continental countries, and other modes
of combating the evil have been adopted. But infanticide is
not extinct anyvi^here ; and I do not know that the problem,
how to reconcile the claims of humanity vidth the duty of
repressing vice, has — as yet — been satisfactorily solved any-
where.
COUNT EUMFORD'S GEATES 227
CHAPTER XII
THE SOCIETY FOR BETTERING THE CONDITION OF THE POOR
Count Rumford's Grates— The Establishment of a Rumford Eating-house on
the Foundling Estate — Thomas Bernard's Projects — The General Object of
the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor— Thomas Bernard
requested to Arrange the Publication of Extracts from the Communica-
tions Received — The first General Committee of the Society — The Reports
of the Society — Thomas Bernard's Views as to the Wants of Agricultural
Labourers — The Parish Windmill on Barham Downs— Thomas Bernard is
instrumental in Forming a School for the Indigent BHnd in London —
Houses of Recovery for Fever Patients — Lord Winchelsea's Experiments
with Small Holdings.
Thomas Bernard's active mind could not long rest content
with the limited sphere of activity presented by the Found-
ling Hospital. He was accustomed to a busy life, and the
nature of his new occupations left him many intervals of
freedom. His first idea was apparently to diffuse the bene-
fits of Count Rumford's grates amongst the charitable
institutions of London, and eventually of the whole country.
And he began with the Marylebone Workhouse, either
because it was one of the largest, or by reason of some con-
necting link not now discoverable.^
At one of the meetings of the Proclamation Society, on the
20th of April 1796, Mr. Bernard produced a proposal, to be
offered to the Select Committee of Marylebone Parish, for intro-
ducing into their workhouse, under Count Eumford's inspection,
all his improvements, the Society, as the proposers, undertaking to
defray all the expenses incidental to the alterations, and to give
the parish the full benefit. For this object a subscription of one
hundred pounds each from Mr. Bernard, the Bishop of Durham,
Mr. Eliot, Mr. Wilberforce, and some others, was raised to com-
mence operations ; but this proposal was not acceded to.
' Life of Sir Thomas Bernard.
228 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
In the meantime, however, he (Mr. Bernard) had succeeded in
two other attempts to disseminate these plans of economy — the
one by the estabUshmenb of a Eumford Eating House on the
Foundling estate ; an account of which he afterwards published
in the Eeports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the
Poor ^ in the name of the person who had undertaken the manage-
ment of it ; the other by introducing them under his own im-
mediate inspection, on a considerable scale, near Eippon [sic] in
Yorkshire.
It must have been about this time, or very little later,
that the Governors of Christ's Hospital applied to Mr.
Bernard ^ for assistance in introducing the Kumford arrange-
ments. This he willingly undertook :
at the same time asking that they would either appoint a Select
Committee to direct the management of the new kitchen, or put it
entirely under his directions. He was told that their officers were
persons of such respectable character, as not to require any
interference of that kind ; and upon inquiry, it was found that the
cook had the perquisite of the dripping, and her husband (who
had some appointment about the house) the perquisite of the
cinders ; and that these two persons were to have the direction of
the new experiment. As a considerable saving was to be made in
these two articles, it might be supposed that there was little pro-
spect of success beyond the period of the personal attendance of
the cook from the Foundling Hospital — and so it happened : the
new kitchen spoiled and wasted the meat, and increased the con-
sumption of coals.
During the course of these experiences, Mr. Bernard,^ who
had already the sympathy of three influential friends, was
evidently revolving the possibility of enlisting public feeling
in favour of his projects.
The partial success of these his new occupations encouraged
further exertion, and suggested to him the advantages to be
derived from the formation of a Society of Benevolent Individuals
who should unite their labours for promoting and disseminating all
improvements and proceedings relative to the poor, and thus by
• Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, vol. i.,
No. 28. 'Extract from an Account of a London Soup-shop.' By William
Hillyer.
* Life of Sir Thomas Bernard. ^ Ibid.
A SOCIETY FOR THE POOR 229
drawing to a centx'e every information of this nature which could
be collected from various quarters, might render their operations
more pubhc and more extensive than could be done by private
individuals.
In the beginning of November, 1796, after several previous
conferences with the Bishop of Durham on the subject, he pro-
duced an outline of his plan for the formation of a ' Society for
Bettering the Condition of the Poor.' No objection was made
except impracticability ; at the same time he was requested to
prepare a circular letter on the subject, which might tend to show
how far the objection was surmountable. For this purpose he
prepared the following, which was an address to a few friends,
who, it was conceived, would interest themselves in the measure :
' December 17, 1796
' Sir, — The purport of this letter is to propose the formation of
a " Society for Bettering the Condition and Increasing the
Comforts of the Poor ; " an establishment which we trust, may be
the means of adding much to the general mass of national
happiness. In other liberal pursuits the joint labours of intelli-
gent and active men have never failed to produce considerable
effects. Models, inventions, and experiments have been improved
and applied to purposes of great importance. The same degree
of success may reasonably be expected from a Society, formed for
the improvement of the most beneficial of all sciences, the
promotion of the welfare of our fellow-creatures.
' Its object would be everything that concerns the happiness of
the poor, everything by which their comforts can be increased.
To remove the difficulties attending parochial relief, and the dis-
couragement of industry and economy by the present mode of
distributing it ; to correct the abuses of workhouses, and to assist
the poor in placing out their children in the world ; in this, and in
the improvement of their habitations and gardens ; in assistance
and information as to the use of fuel, so as to give them more
benefit from it ; and in adding to and meliorating their means of
subsistence, by public kitchens and by other means — much may
be done by the union of liberal and benevolent minds — much by
the circulatiug of information, and by personal assistance and
influence.
' It must afford a strong additional inducement to efforts of this
nature to consider, that in proportion as we can multiply domestic
comforts, in the same degree we may hope to promote the cause
of morality and virtue. For a very gratifying illustration of this.
230 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
as well as for the most important improvements in fuel, food, and
in the mode of assisting the poor, the world is indebted to the
philanthropy and abilities of Count Eumford.
' It is not however merely the increase of the comforts and
morals of the poor, great as that benefit would be, that may be
effected by the proposed establishment ; its improvements and
experiments will be more or less applicable to farms, manu-
factories, private families and to every situation of life. But,
supposing it otherwise, were its object confined to the poor only ;
yet to add to the plenty of a nation, by encouraging its means,
and to strengthen by increase of happiness the attachment which
every true Englishman feels to his country and its invaluable
constitution, must be deemed at any time objects of no trifling
consideration.
' If you should so far concur with us, as to give a general
approbation of the plan, we shall hope to be honoured by your
attendance at Mr. Wilberforce's, Old Palace Yard, on Wednesday
the 21st instant, at a quarter before two o'clock ; in order to con-
sider of the formation of the Society, and of the outline of the
necessary regulations.'
This letter was approved and signed by himself, Mr. Wilber-
force, and Mr. Ehot — the Bishop of Durham being absent in the
country ; and a meeting was accordingly held on the day proposed.
Mr. Bernard then gave some explanation as to the proposed
objects and plan of the Society ; a unanimous resolution was
adopted for its establishment ; and a Committee was appointed
to prepare a draft of Eegulations for the Consideration of the
Society.
His Majesty, being informed of the plan and object of the
Society, was graciously pleased to declare himself the Patron of it.
At a subsequent Meeting the following Eesolution, declaratory
of their Plans was passed :
' Eesolved, that the general object of the Society be to collect
information respecting the circumstances and situation of the
poor, and the most effectual means of meliorating their condition ;
in order that any comforts and advantages which the poor do now
actually enjoy in any part of England may eventually be extended
to every part of it, with as much improvement and additional
benefit as may be to the poor ; and with a tendency gradually to
diminish parochial expenses. For the attainment of these ends,
it appears to the Society, that the circulation of useful and
practical information, derived from experience, and stated briefly
and plainly, so as to be generally read and understood, may be of
A SOCIETY FOE THE POOR 231
very great national and individual benefit, and may induce and
enable all well-disposed persons to unite in the promotion of an
object so important to the happiness and welfare of the com-
munity at large, and particularly of that valuable branch of it, the
labouring poor.'
In order that the papers might be made interesting, and all the
necessary information comprised in as small a compass as was
consistent with the objects of the Society, it was resolved rather
to make extracts from the communications which should be
received, than to publish the whole ; the present plan was there-
fore adopted, and Mr. Bernard was requested to arrange and
superintend the pubHcation, and the first number came out in
May 1797.
When the first volume of these collected extracts w^as
published, in 1798, the General Committee ^ was headed as
follows :
' President
The Lord Bishop of Durham
Vice-Presidents
William Morton Pitt, Esq., M.P.
Thomas Bernard, Esq.
Rich. Joseph Sulivan, Esq.^
The Earl of Winchelsea.'
Then followed a list of thirty-four members, many of them
distinguished in various ways — all indeed, probably, men of
' Some perplexity has arisen from the variations in different editions of the
Keports. I possess two volumes of what appears to be the first edition,
published respectively in 1798 and 1800 ; from which the above-given list of
Vice-Presidents is taken. From the London Library I have had the use of
the same two volumes— the fifth edition, 1811. In these Mr. and Mrs. Bernard
are called Sir Thomas and Lady Bernard, which they were in 1811, but not
in 1798 or 1800. The King is announced as Patron, the Bishop of Durham as
President ; but the Vice-Presidents are Lord Dynevor, Sir Thomas Bernard,
Bart., the Rev. Dr. Glasse, and John Hinckley, Esq. I cannot explain this
discrepancy, but it cannot represent the original list. The names of the
Committee also vary. The Committee did, no doubt, vary from time to time,
but I do not see how there could be moi*e than one original list. Vols. iii. and iv.,
obtained from the London Library, appear to be first editions ; Vol. v. might
be second, as the Preface is dated 1805, but it was not published till 1808.
- Afterwards Sir Eichard Joseph Sulivan, M.P. See vol. of Keports (iii.)
dated 1805.
232 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
some mark in their day. The Bishop of Durham was Shuts
Barrington, who had been translated from Salisbury in 1791.
The name of Wilberforce appears as a member of the Com-
mittee ; he sent one paper, which was pubHshed in the first
volume of Eeports/ and devoted such time and attention as
he could spare from his own special objects to the work of
the Society.
Another gentleman is mentioned as having co-operated
with Mr, Bernard, the Bishop of Durham, and Mr. Wilber-
force, in launching the Society ; and also, shortly before, in
the attempted reforms at the Marylebone Workhouse. This
was the Hon. Edward James Eliot,^ eldest son of the first
Lord Eliot of St. Germans, Cornwall, and brother-in-law of
William Pitt, the Prime Minister. He never recovered from
the shock of his wife's death, and himself died so soon after
the formation of the Society that his name is not found in
the list of members ; but he is mentioned in a note, evi-
dently by Thomas Bernard, with regret, affection, and even
admiration. 3
There were in course of time changes in the Committee,
and also among the Vice-Presidents — who never indeed ex-
ceeded the number of four — 'Mr. Bernard being always one.
Lord Teignmouth, John Sulivan, Esq., the Rev. Dr. Glasse,
the Duke of Somerset, Dr. Gartshore, Lord Dynevor, John
Hinckley, Esq., were, at various stages, his colleagues.
To describe all the ground covered by the Society's pub-
lications would be difficult and tedious ; some idea of the
whole will be formed from the chapters in these volumes
which treat of the Society's work. Its reports extended
over nearly eleven years, from February 17, 1797, to Octo-
ber 19, 1807, and are one hundred and forty-two in number.^
' Extract from Oxley's Account of\the Poor and Strangers' Friend Society,
at Hull, by William Wilberforce, Esq. The ' Observations ' following the
' Extract ' are probably by Wilberforce.
- Note to vol. i. Appendix No. V. of the Society's Reports. For Mr. Eliot's
parentage and office, see Debrett, Burke, and other Peerages, ' Earl St. Germans
and Baron Eliot.'
' These names are in the list of Vice-Presidents in the various volunit-s of
Reports.
* These figures have been ascertained from the volumes of Reports.
THE SOCIETY'S OBJECTS 233
The Appendices to the five volumes, eighty-eight in all, were
in many cases amplifications of the subject treated in the
Eeports.^ Mr. Bernard wrote — ostensibly — forty Keports,
and two of the appended papers ; but is known to have been
responsible for many more, and also for the Prefaces to all
the volumes, which gradually developed into careful and
suggestive essays.
In one of the appended papers in the first volume ^ I find
some attempt at classification ; and the list there given is
consequently quoted here :
The following are selected as the subjects of information upon
which the Society is desirous of obtaining and circulating
information.
Parish Belief — how it may be directed for the benefit of the
poor.
Friendly Societies — their good effects and how they may be
best encouraged.
Parish Workhouses — the amendment of them.
Cottages — the increasing the comfort and neatness of them.
Cottage-gardens — and the means of enabling the cottager to
keep a cow, or of supplying him with milk.
Parish Mills for corn ; and Parish Ovens.
Village Shops, for better supplying the Poor with the necessaries
of fife.
Village kitchens, and Soup Shops.
Cottage Fire-places and Chimnies — the improvement of them.
Fuel — how the poor may be better supplied with it.
Apprentices to Manufacturers, and all Parish Apprentices.
County Jails — the means and effects of reforming them.
Beggars — the least exceptionable modes of assisting them.
Public rooms for the resort of the industrious Poor in cold
weather.
The greater number of these headings, it will be observed,
refer especially to the country poor, whose condition at that
period Mr. Bernard evidently considered one of great hard-
' Mr. Baker states that he wrote most of the Eeports ; in some cases this
may mean suggested and revised. See ' List of the Principal Works of the late
Sir Thomas Bernard, Bart.,' at the end of the ' Life,' by Kev. James Baker.
- No. V. in the Appendix to Vol. I. of the Society's Keports entitled:
' Account of the Society, its object, subject of inquiry, regulations, &c.'
234 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
ship. Other details affecting their comfort were subsequently
discussed in the Eeports ; and many subjects were introduced
relating to towns, or to both town and country — such as
hospitals and asylums for various descriptions of suffering
and privation, schools, church accommodation, &c.
Some of these will be noticed in subsequent chapters.
This chapter and the next contain an exposition of Mr.
Bernard's views with regard to the agricultural labourer's
wants. His ideas, and those of his fellow workers, refer to
a state of things which has, in great measure, passed away,
but which may be advantageously studied as historj^ even
when it cannot be otherwise utilised. Some improvements
urged by the Society have long since been carried into effect
— often by its agency ; others have been brought about by the
changes in public opinion ; but even in these cases the
Society — that is, the men who composed it and brought the
power of united action to bear upon the evils of the day —
constituted an important factor.
The first paper which Mr. Bernard contributed to the
Reports was on the ' A.dministration of Parochial Relief at
Iver ' ; and will be noticed in the next chapter on account of
its connection with Buckinghamshire. It was immediately
followed by an account of ' A Parish Windmill on Barham
Downs, in the county of Kent,' ' which begins in the following
terms :
In January 1796, a parish Windmill was erected by subscrip-
tion on Barham Downs, very near the village of Barham. The
subscribers were eight in number ; the subscriptions £40 each.
The whole cost of the mill (which began to work on the 5th of
April 1796, and contains two pair of stones, one for wheat and one
for other corn) was £336 ; the expense of the scales and utensils
of different kinds was £17 ; the whole together amounting to £353,
being £33 more than the original sum subscribed. The surplus
of expense was discharged out of the extra profits of the mill that
were received between the 5th of April 1796 and the 1st of January
1797.
' Extract from ' An Account of a Parish Windmill on Barham Downs, in the
County of Kent,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq. Bepwts of the Society for Bettering
the Condition of the Poor, vol. i., No. VIII.
EXACTIONS OF MILLERS 235
This enterprise was suggested by the exactions of
the millers, as a class, which especially affected their
customers among the poor — and there seem to have been
many of this description ; their average ' toll ' on grinding
Mr. Bernard reckons ^ at a fourteenth.
During the late scarcity, corn was in some parts of England,
at one time, as high as a guinea a bushel ; the toll on which
would be one shilling and sixpence ; but when it is recollected
that the miller's toll is always taken from the best of the meal and
from the finer flour that is in the centre of the hopper, the value
of that toll cannot be less than two shillings and sixpence a bushel.
If, in addition to these circumstances, we advert to the fact, that,
during the scarcity of wheat, some millers purchased at half price
foreign and damaged corn, which they mixed with English wheat,
we shall have reason to believe that five shillings a bushel on
grinding wheat is not more than may have been made, in some
instances, during that period of scarcity.
The actual price of grinding was ordinarily sixpence a
bushel, with a deduction of one pound for waste; at the
Barham Mill the charge was fourpence, with a deduction of
half a pound only. Persons could, if they pleased, have
their corn ground before their eyes — a bushel taking only
ten minutes ; this regulation attracted many customers.
Whole meal was sold on one day in the week for ready
money to the poor of Barham and the four adjoining
parishes ; the person who was employed to buy the corn,
and was responsible for its quality, being in attendance on
behalf of the subscribers. The rate was fixed by the average
price of wheat on the preceding Saturday at Canterbury,
with the addition of a fixed charge for grinding, and was
generally about a shilling per bushel lower than at the
neighbouring mills ; the result being that the millers had
reduced their prices, and sold their flour ' much nearer to
the price of wheat than they did formerly.'
The subscribers had determined that all profits, after
recouping themselves, should be appropriated in some way
' Note to the foregoing Account. The next quotation is taken from
another Note.
236 THE BEENARDS OP ABINGTON
to the benefit of the Barham poor ; on this agreement Mr.
Bernard remarks ^ :
I hope the proprietors will excuse my expressing a hope that
this surplus may be applied in giving aid and encouragement to
those labourers, whose industry and economy have enabled them
to do without parochial relief ; by furnishing the annual premium
of a cow, a pig, or the fitting up of a cottage, as the means of
enabhng them to thrive, and of raising them above the condition
of applying for relief under the Poor's rate.
The prime mover in the establishment of Barham Mill
appears to have been a Mr. Oxenden, who was well sup-
ported. When the report was published, a Parish Mill had
just been erected at Chislehurst, in Kent, by the subscriptions
of ten ladies and gentlemen ; it was built on a site granted
by the lord of the manor, consisting of two acres for mill,
house, garden, and paddock ; and the construction of the
mill was superintended by the Rector. This clergyman, the
Rev. Francis Wollaston, afterwards contributed a paper on
Chislehurst Mill to the Society's Reports.
It was not only in respect of mills that the poor found
themselves at a disadvantage. The paper,- on ' A Village
Shop at Mongewell, in the county of Oxford,' contributed
by the Bishop of Durham, which is the second Report in
the first volume, describes an attempt at saving them from
the high prices charged by small shopkeepers — themselves
frequently at the mercy of larger and richer tradesmen— by
placing many articles, but chiefly groceries, within easy
reach :
A quantity of such articles of consumption as they use, as
bacon, cheese, candles, soap, and salt, was procured from the
wholesale dealers, to be sold at prime cost and for ready money.
They were restricted in their purchases to the supposed weekly
demand of their families. The bacon and cheese, being purchased
in Gloucestershire, had the charge of carriage. Most other situa-
' Note on Memorandum appended to the Report, No. VIII., vol. i.
- Reports of tlie Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, vol. i..
No. 11. Extract from an 'Account of a Village Shop, at Mongewell, in the
County of Oxford,' by the Bishop of Durham.
EFFORTS FOR THE POOR 237
tions would be nearer to an advantageous market. This plan was
adopted under the apparent inconvenience of not having a more
pioper person to sell the several commodities, than an infirm old
man, unable to read or write. He received the articles that were
wanted for the week ; and it has appeared by his receipts at the
close of it, that he has been correct. Since the commencement to
the present time, there has been no reason to regret his want
of scholarship : a proof how very easy it must be to procure in
every village a person equal to the task. As he has parish pay,
and his house rent is discharged, he is perfectly contented with
his salary of one shillicg per week, having also the common
benefit of the shop.
The Bishop then goes into minute details as to the
working of the scheme, which had been started in 1794, and
supplied three small parishes besides Mongewell. He also
deals with the question of the possible injury to small shop-
keepers, suggesting that the more deserving among them
might be employed in these shops, and that the steady
and permanent character of the business would compensate
for the loss of their previous profits, which were generally
precarious.
Two papers were contributed in this volume by Mr.
Bernard, which may be mentioned here, leaving the efforts
on a larger scale for other chapters. One relates to the
soup shop at Birmingham,^ where a bread and meat soup
was prepared ' on Count Eumford's principle, so far varied
in the cookery as to be adapted to an English taste ' ; the
bones were utilized by means of a digester, which effectually
dissolved them, and the meat seems to have been cooked with
some skill. The other describes a * Parish Dinner for Poor
children at Epping,' ^ in Essex. There was a school of
industry in the parish for the employment of children, and
' an ordinary was, on the recommendation of Mr. Conyers,
opened in October last,' that is, in 1797, ' and a general dinner
has been provided on week days for any children of that
' Reports of the Society B.C.P., vol. i., No. xxx. Extract from ' An Account
of the Manner in which the Poor have lately been supplied with bread and
meat soup at Birmingham,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq.
- Ibid., vol. i., No. xxxiii. Extract from ' An Account of a Parish Dinner for
poor children at Epping,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq.
238 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
place whose parents desire it.' The charge was sixpence a
week, and the dietary resembled that in use at the Foundling
Hospital. It was provided by the mistress of the workhouse,
in a room adjoining that building, used at other times as a
spinning school. The table was nicely laid, grace was said
regularly, and the children trained in good habits and
manners. In some cases, but apparently not in all, the
prosperous neighbours paid for the children.
The situation of Epping, a large market-town, with a sur-
rounding forest the scene and object of petty thefts, and a public
road through it, was not very favourable to the industry and
regular habits of the poor, nor was their usual dinner of a hunch
of bread, part to be swallowed with a little water as they went
along (the other part being most frequently thrown away),
conducive either to their health, or to habits of economy. It is
therefore a most pleasing circumstance to state that within one
month after this dinner had been regularly provided at Epping,
the appearance and manners of the poor children there were
totally altered.
In case of illness the dinner could be sent for. It was
also the workhouse dinner, and the overseers sometimes
allowed it to the very poor in lieu of relief in money.
The housing of the rural poor was a favourite topic with
Mr. Bernard and his friends, and the possibility of sur-
rounding their dwellings with more aids than were then
known — unless in very exceptional cases— to comfort and
sustenance. An extract from Mr. Kent's book, ' Hints to
Gentlemen of Landed Property,' ^ is given in an Appendix to
the first volume of the Society's Keports, advocating the
* three acres and cow ' which have since become such a
prominent subject, and it was followed up.
Mr. Bernard carefully inspected the working of Lord
Winchelsea's experiments, which had already formed the
subject of a short paper by the Bishop of Durham, and
' Reports of the Society B.C.P. vol. i., Appendix No. III. ' Observations on
the larger sort of cottages, and the mode of erecting them.' Extracted from
' Hints to Gentlemen of Landed Property,' by Nathaniel Kent, Esq. Published
in 1775.
LORD WINCHELSEA'S EXPEEIMENTS 239
described at some length the result of his observa-
tions : ^
A late visit into Eutlandshire has given me an opportunity
of acquiring more minute and correct information respecting the
circumstances and situation of the cottagers keeping cows, in the
four parishes of Hambledon, Egleton, Greetham, and Burley on
the Hill. I give the result of my inquiries, and I give it with more
precision and detail than I otherwise should, as 1 am very desirous
of enabling landowners to ascertain whether, in their own
peculiar instances, it will not answer for them to follow the
example of what has been done in that neighbourhood. At the
same time I beg leave to anticipate the observation, that in arable
countries where there is a scarcity of grass land, and in those
districts where, from vicinage or a peculiar market, grass land
bears a rent above its intrinsic value, it may not be practicable to
supply cottagers with pasture for a cow, without some sacrifice
on the part of the landlord.
The writer then describes the position of the eighty
cottagers who keep cows, varying from one to five in number ;
how about a third part have their lands in severalty ; the
rest have the use of a cow pasture in common with others.
Most of them possessing a small homestead, adjoining to their
cottage ; every one of them having a good garden, and keeping
one pig at least, if not more. Without any exception they pay
for theu- land the same rent as a farmer would. . . . The cottagers
who keep cows are almost all of them labourers in husbandry ;
there are however among them, some widows and daughters of
deceased labourers, and some men who work as country carpenters,
or in similar trades. I can add that of all the rents of the estate
none are more punctually paid, than those for the cottagers' land.
The steward informs me that there has never been an instance of
an arrear or of a delay in payment, even for a few days.
But these small holders were provided with well-kept
cottages — ' and yet pay no more rent, than the ruinous and
miserable hovels in England generally do ' ; which no
doubt greatly helped them on their way. Mr. Bernard
narrates how this system of farming was started, assuring
' Extract from ' A Further Account of the Advantages of Cottagers keeping
Cows,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq. Repcyrts, vol. ii., No. LX.
240 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
his readers that its results on the character of the fortunate
cow-keepers and their families was most beneficial. He
says:
As a proof of the effects of this system in promoting industry
and frugality, I give the history of one of them, Christopher Love,
of Hambledon, who is now seventy-five years of age, and has for
fifty-three years back kept three cows ; and nevertheless has gone
regularly every summer, for fifty years past to harvest work in
Cambridgeshire : because he is in more request there, and receives
better wages, than he would at home. He has bred up a family
of nine children in great comfort, and is now well and in good
health himself, and has been in Cambridgeshire this preceding
harvest, but thinks he shall go no more, as the family for whom
he went to work are all dead or removed.
I saw one instance among them of a man who was bringing up
and supporting nine children, all healthy, well-fed, clean, and
neatly dressed. A little child under four years of age was asked
if she could spin ? ' No, she was too little, but she could knit.' —
' Her sister (said the mother, pointing to another girl, between
five and six years of age), spins very well ; she got a prize for
spinning this year, and brought home a pi-emium of the value of
six shillings in clothing. '
Mr. Bernard then points out the valuable training
afforded by these small holdings :
The education of their children to husbandry, to the manage-
ment of cattle and of a dairy, and of every occupation that can
tit them for the service of a farmer, is a very important advantage
of this system : and if there were no other benefit to be derived
fi-om it, but that of adapting, and habitually preparing, the rising
veneration for the most useful and necessary employment in the
island ; — this alone would produce an abundant compensation for
any effort, or attention, that has been, or may be, directed to the
subject. They are not only stout, healthy, clean, well clothed, and
educated in regular and principled habits of life, but they are used
to almost every part of their business from the earliest period of
life, every inhabitant of the cottage being, from infancy, so
interested in their cow, their pig, their sheep, and their garden,
as to imbibe, at a very early age all the material information in
those subjects.
It need hardly be said that the long and compulsory
schooling of the present era would stand considerably in
BEITTON ABBOT 241
the way of this farm training, and that consequently the
pleasant picture could scarcely be reahsed under existing
circumstances. But in Thomas Bernard's day it might
be a reality. He had illustrated his views by the true story
of Britton Abbot, the occupier of a ' beautiful little cottage
situated two miles from Tadcaster, on the left hand side of
the road to York, with a rood of land well planted with fruit
trees, vegetables, &c., and displaying three bee-hives.' After
making the acquaintance of this notable man, Mr. Bernard,
in 1797, published his biography, with observations, in the
form of a pamphlet ; and it was republished, when nearly
out of print, at the request of the Society, as an Appendix to
the second volume of Keports, where it affords an interesting
narrative of a labourer's strugghng life brought to a success-
ful issue. His prospects had been once well-nigh wrecked
by an enclosure at Poppleton, which drove him, with six
children and a seventh expected, from the house and land
he had occupied for nine years ; only through the con-
sideration of ' Squire Fairfax ' did he obtain the rood of land
on which he built his new house, and laid out and enclosed
his garden. Whether there were many like him I cannot tell.
In a paper ^ contributed to the Society's Reports by
Thomas Thompson, Esq., the provision made by Lord
Carrington on his estate at Humberston, in Lincolnshire,
'for cottagers keeping cows,' is briefly described. Other
instances of the same provision were no doubt to be found
in various parts of the kingdom ; but it is hardly necessary
to remark that the experiments of Lord Winchelsea and
Lord Carrington were both carried on under specially
favourable circumstances — those noblemen having sufficient
means to incur risk without inconvenience, and ample space
to carry out the plan with comfort to all parties ; but that
such schemes could not be urged upon persons of moderate
incomes and small estates, without a probability of disaster
to the landlord, and perhaps eventually to the tenant.
' Extract from ' An Account of a Provision for Cottagers keeping Cows at
Humberston in the County of Lincoln,' by Thomas Thompson, Esq. Reports
of the Society B.C.P., vol. ii., No. LIII.
VOL. III. R
242 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
One advantage, indeed, existed for such arrangements
in the eighteenth century, and a httle later, which has been
to a great extent lost. Large tracts of waste land were then
far more frequently to be met with than now. ' Five
unsightly, unprofitable acres of waste ground would afford
habitation and comfort to twenty such families as Britton
Abbot's,' remarks Mr. Bernard ; and he was a party to the
scheme of enclosure at Iver in Bucks, where it was intended
to form cow-pastures for the benefit of the poor. But
processes of enclosure, whether well or ill-intended or
designed, have been continued until in many neighbour-
hoods there is no waste land available. At the same time,
however, some such homesteads as Britton Abbot's have
arisen and bettered the condition of the villages, and the
system of allotments leaves no ground to complain of want
of land, or of the produce of land.
' In June 1798,' writes Mr. Baker,^ ' the first volume of
the " Eeports of the Society for Bettering the Condition
of the Poor " was completed, and a cheap edition was
published for more general circulation.' The soup-house,
begun at Iver and on the Foundling Estate, had been
established in several parts of the metropoHs, and in
Birmingham and other places, as a temporary remedy — (of
course such establishments should never be permanent)— for
the scarcity which then existed.
' The Publications of the Society for Bettering the
Condition of the Poor ' soon began to operate. A society on
the same principles was established at Cork, in March, 1799 ;
and one in the City of Dublin in the following month. They
were both conducted with considerable energy and effect,
and were followed, in January, 1801, by an establishment
of the same kind at Edinburgh. In the meantime the
society at Winston, in the county of Durham, for the aged,
had been formed in May, 1798, and a similar society at
Wendover in July, 1799 ; and, in the same year, the Clapham
Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, and several
others.
' Life of Sir Thomas Bernard, by the Eev. James Baker.
THE DUBLIN FOUNDLING HOSPITAL 243
The results of Mr. Bernard's management at the
Foundling Hospital in London also had roused the attention
of some eminent persons in Dublin to the condition of a
similar institution in the Irish capital ; and not without
cause, for it was worse than that of the one in London.
In the beginning of 1798 [writes the E,ev. James Baker]/ Mr.
Bernard was applied to by Mr. Pelhani (now Earl of Chichester)
respecting the Foundling Hospital in Dublin, where great inatten-
tion and a great mortality had taken place. Of twelve thousand
six hundred and forty one children received in six years, ending
the 24th of June, 1794, as many as nine thousand eight hundred
and four had died ; two ihousand six hundred and ninety two were
unaccounted for, and only one hundred and forty five were to be
traced.
In the Infirmary the mortality had been still more shocking.
Of five thousand two hundred and sixteen children sent into the
Infirmary in those six years, three individuals only came out of
the walls ahve.
These facts were ascertained on the oath of the culprits them-
selves ; and were occasioned partly by gross negligence, and
partly by the radical defect of the system of a general admission
of this nature ; which has a direct and uncontroulable tendency
to encourage the vice, and increase the mortality of our species.
In the endeavours of the Governors to reform these evils, Mr.
Bernard supplied them with all the information which his
experience could afford ; especially by drawing up a statement as
to the reception and management of the children in the establish-
ment which he superintended.
At this moment, however, Thomas Bernard's mind seems
to have been especially occupied with the subject of the
agricultural labourer. He frequently recurs to it, and the
following passages are from his observations on the pro-
ceedings of an Agricultural Society in Sussex : -
If we would preserve those blessings which Providence has
bestowed on this favoured island, it is necessary that the higher
classes of society should be immediately atvakened to the duty of
' Life of Sir Thomas Beryiard, by the Rev. James Baker.
■■^ Reports of the Society B.C.P., vol. ii., No. LI. Observations on 'An
Extract from an Account of the Eewards given by the Sussex Agricultural
Society to the industrious and deserving Poor,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq.
244 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
assisting by every exertion in their power, the prevalence of
industry, prudence, morality, and religion among the great mass
of our fellow-subjects. To this desired effect, disinterested kind-
ness, and well directed encouragement are indispensable requisites.
Without them, words and actions are but empty professions ; and
the poor and uneducated cottager will never profitably receive
that instruction, which is not enforced by the example of the
teacher.
It is the misfortune of this country, and it has been the
calamity, and it may prove the destruction of Ireland, that the
different classes of society have not a sufficient bond and con-
nection of intercourse ; that they want that frequent communica-
tion of kindness and benefit and that reciprocal good will and
esteem, which (except only in the case of the worst of beings) must
always result from rational creatures possessing the means of
knowing and appreciating each others' good qualities and utility.
When that does not take place, the unfortunate consequence is,
that neither of the parties does justice to the other. The rich do
not sufficiently estimate the virtues of the poor ; nor are the latter
aware of the real and affectionate interest which many of the
higher classes in England feel for their concerns.
But this is not all, the rich become less useful, because they
undervalue their own influence and power of doing good ; and the
poor are often degraded in their own opinion, and debased in
character, by the persuasion that they neither possess, nor are
entitled to, the esteem and commendation of the other ranks in life.
And in the prefatory introduction ' to the same volume
the writer touches at some length on the topic :
The question whether the rich support the poor, or the poor
the rich, has been frequently agitated by those who are not aware,
that while each does his duty in his station, each is reciprocally a
support and blessing to the other. All are parts of one harmonious
whole ; every part contributing to the general mass of happiness, if
man would but endeavour to repay his debt of gratitude to his
Creator ; and by a willing habit of usefulness, to promote the
happiness of himself and his fellow creatures. In this way the
higher classes of society may, by superiority of power and educa-
tion, do more service to the other parts of the community than what
they receive ; the welfare of the poor being then, in truth, more
promoted by the gradations of wealth and rank, than it ever could
' Reports of tJie Society B.C.P., Prefatory Introduction to the Second
Volume dated Nov. 2, 1798. This volume was not published till 1880. It
contains the Reports of 1798 and 1799.
A PLEA FOE THE POOR 245
have been by a perfect equality of condition ; even if that equality
had not been in its nature chimerical and impracticable ; or (if
practicable) had not been hostile and fatal to the industry and
energy of mankind. Eank, power, wealth, influence, constitute
no exemption from activity or attention to duty ; but lay a weight
of real accumulated responsibility on the possessor. If the poor
are idle and vicious, they are reduced to subsist on the benevolence
of the rich ; and if the rich (I except those to whom health and
ability, and not will is wanting) are selfish, indolent, and neglectful
of the conditions on which they hold superiority of rank and
fortune, they sink into a situation worse than that of being
gratuitously maintained by the poor. They become paupers of an
elevated and distinguished class ; in no way personally contributing
to the general stock, but subsisting upon the labour of the
industrious cottager ; and whenever Providence thinks fit to
remove such a character, whether in high or in low life, whether
rich or poor, the community is relieved from an useless burden.
These remarks are followed up by an earnest exhortation :
If there should be among my readers, any one whose views are
directed to himself only, I could easily satisfy him, that his means
of self-indulgence would be increased, his repose would be more
tranquil, his waking hours less languid, his estate improved, its
advantages augmented, and the enjoyment permanently secured,
by his activity in the melioration of the condition, the morals, the
religion, and the attachment, of a numerous and very useful part
of his fellow-subjects. — To the patriot, who wishes to deserve well
of his country, I could prove that, from the increase of the
resources and virtues of the poor, the kingdom would derive pro-
sperity— the different classes of society, union — and the constitu-
tion, stability. — To the rich who liave leisure, and have unsuccess-
fully attempted to fill up their time with other objects, I could
offer a permanent source of amusement ; that of encouraging the
virtues and industry of the poor, with whom by property, residence,
or occupation, they are connected ; — that of adorning the skirts of
their parks and paddocks, of their farms and commons, with
picturesque and habitable cottages, and fruitful gardens ; so as to
increase every Englishman's affection for an island replete with
beauty and happiness ; — that of assisting the poor in the means of
life, and in placing out their children in the world, so as to attach
them by an indissoluble tie, and by a common interest, to their
country, not only as the sanctuary of liberty, but as an asylum,
where happiness and domestic comforts are diffused, with a liberal
and equal hand, through every class of society.
246 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
CHAPTEE XIII
THE society's WORK IN BUCKINGHAMSHIRE
Thomas Bernard's House at Tver — Papers Contributed to the Society's Reports
by Members of His Family — His Interest in the Working of the Poor
Laws — His First Contribution to the Society's Reports — His Decided
Opinion in Favour of Boarding-out Workhouse Children— The Village
Soup Shop at Iver — The Provision of Fuel for the Poor of Lower Win-
chendon — Resistance to the Introduction of Proper Chimneys into Cot-
tages— The Society at Wendover for Encouraging Prudence and Industry —
The Progress of Vaccination for Small-pox — Mrs. Parker Sedding's Interest
in the Poor in the Workhouse — Her Work as an Overseer.
Mention has been made of Thomas Bernard's house at
Iver, Bucks, in which he probably spent the greater part
of his vacations for some years, and where he no doubt
matured, if he did not form, some of his opinions on the
state of the country poor.
' Iver,' says Lipscomb, the county historian, * is a parish
of large extent, and contains about 2,462 acres, comprising
large tracts of heath and waste land.' It was probably the
sight of so much ground — unprofitable from more than one
point of view — that led to his suggestions for turning such
land to good account.
Besides the papers contributed by Mr. Bernard to the
Society's Reports, three bear the name of his wife, Margaret
Bernard, one of his brother, Scrope Bernard, and two of
their brother-in-law, Joseph Smith ; in these, of course, Julia
Smith may have had a share. Jane White, the eldest sister
of the family, contributed part of a Eeport ; Fanny King
furnished the subject of one of Mrs. Bernard's contributions,
and it will be seen that some years later a Ladies' Branch
of the Society owed much to her pen as well as to her
powers of organisation.
THE POOR LAWS 247
Other persons, less nearly related, also helped — from the
Bishop of Durham, who contributed several papers beginning
with the second number ever published,' of which the village
shop at Mongewell, Oxon, formed the subject — to Mrs.
Shore, of Norton Hall, Derbyshire, whose paper '^ is entitled :
' An account of the manner and expense of making stewed
ox head for the poor.' A large proportion of members of
the society and subscribers consisted of Mr. Bernard's
relations, connections, and personal friends.
Since Thomas Bernard had a house at Iver in Bucking-
hamshire, Scrope Bernard possessed the Manor House of
Nether Winchendon, and Julia Smith inhabited the vicarage
at Wendover in the same county, several of the papers in
the Society's Reports relate, as might be expected, to work
done in that county — though not in all cases by the family.
These will form the subject of the present chapter.
In a letter to his brother Scrope, Thomas expresses
regrets for not having attended a meeting at which the
Marquess of Buckingham was to preside, and returned
thanks for the compliment paid him by the Marquess in
making him a Deputy Lieutenant for Bucks. The reason
for not attending is characteristic; he was previously
engaged to a parish meeting on the reform of Iver Work-
house.
The biographer of Thomas Bernard observes, after
speaking of his exertions to form the Society :
While Mr. Bernard was thus employed in disseminating
throughout the kingdom useful information on the works of
charity, he spared not his personal exertions in similar occupa-
tions. As Chairman of the Petty Sessions for the Hundred of
Stoke, in Buckinghamshire, he was watching over the execution
of the Poor Laws vnth vigilance and discretion. With this object
' Extract from ' An Account of a Village Shop at Mongewell, in the county
of Oxford,' by the Bishop of Durham. Reports of the Society B.C.P., vol. i.,
No. 11. The first of the Eeports, the one which preceded the Bishop's, was : ' An
Account of a Friendly Society at Castle Eden in the county of Durham,' by
Eowland Burdon, Esq.
2 Extract from ' An Account of the manner and expence of making stewed
ox's head for the Poor,' by Mrs. Shore, of Norton Hall, Derbyshire.
248 THE BEKNAEDS OP ABINGTON
he printed and distributed a ' Charge to the Overseers of the Poor '
of that district,^ in which he laid down the principles of their
duty, and gave much useful advice in the execution of their office.
In his own immediate neighbourhood he was engaged, in conjunc-
tion with Mr. Sullivan, in improving the internal discipline,
decency, and cleanliness of Iver Workhouse, as well as its ex-
ternal appearance. He found in it fifty-three persons ; of whom
thirteen were above the age of fifty, three helpless men and
women under that age, and eleven children, too young to be
placed out in the world. Fifteen of the remaining twenty-six
were placed out in service or otherwise, in the course of a month,
and the other eleven were only kept till places could be found for
them. In this instance (he remarks) it is to be observed that
twenty- six of these fifty-three persons would have been better out
of the workhouse ; but the house had been formed, and on that
account it had not been the man's interest to put them out, as
that would have occasioned some immediate expense, and it might
probably have been the cause of his allowance from the parish
being reduced at the end of the year, or of his losing his contract
by the competition of a lower offer.
Mr. Bernard's first contribution to the Society's Eeports
is on ' the mode adopted as to parochial relief in the hundred
of Stoke.' From this paper his biographer derived the
information in the last part of the paragraph just quoted ;
but a further extract ^ will explain his views more fully :
In December 1795, when the applications of the poor for relief
were necessarily increased, on account of the high price of bread,
it appeared to the magistrates of the hundred of Stoke, that a
regular book by way of register of the cases relieved in that
district, might be put to considerable use, and might tend to put
the relief given to the poor, on a more regular system.
With that view a folio book was prepared with four columns ;
the first containing the name of the pauper and his parish, and
whether he (or any other person) was sworn to the circumstances
of his case, or whether those circumstances were admitted by the
overseer, on his personal knowledge ; in the second column his
own account of the condition of his family and of the amount of
' The Charge is given in Appendix No. IV. to vol. i. of Bepcrrts.
* Extract from ' An Account of the Mode adopted as to Parochial Belief in
the Hundred of Btoke, Bucks.' Reports, vol. i., No. VII.
PAEISH RELIEF 249
their earnings ; in the third, the relief asked ; and in the fourth
the oi'der or agreement respecting it.
The heads of the four cohimns occupy the long side of a foho
page.
A specimen is then given of the form of the book and
mode of entry. Omitting some further details, I insert the
notice which, in March, 1796, the magistrates sent round to
the different parishes in their hundred :
' Hundred of Stoke.
' In order to encourage industry and economy, and to explain
their general plan of granting relief for the poor, the magistrates
give notice, that particular attention is paid by them to the number
of children of any age to requii'e relief ; and to the degree of in-
dustry of the person applying, and of every part of his or her family ;
and that, for this purpose, a book is kept by them, in which these
circumstances, and any other, entitling the party to relief, are
entered before any order is made.
' The magistrates, having hitherto granted relief, at home, to
persons applying on account of children under seven years of age,
have it now in their power, under the provisions of an Act lately
passed, to extend that relief to industrious and sober persons, who
have in part, though not entirely, the means of comfort and sub-
sistence in their own dwellings : they therefore declare that, in all
cases, where any parish workhouse is farmed out, they shall con-
sider that circumstance as an additional reason for giving (as far
as the law authorizes) relief, at hovie, to the industrious and well-
disposed poor of that parish ; it appearing that the forming of a
parish workliouse sets the interest of the party in opposition to
his duty, and prevents the rehef, that the poor are by law entitled
to, and which they would otherwise receive.
' They also recommend to the parishes not to lessen at all (or at
least in a very small degree) the relief to the labouring poor, on
account of any allowance the party may receive from any friendly
society ; or on account of any little portion of property which his
industry or economy may have treasured up against an evil day ;
such a conduct tending to discourage frugality, and increase the
parish burthens.'
This notice was signed by Sir Charles Palmer, Mr. SulUvan,
Sir Eobert Harvey, Mr. Penn, Sir William Johnston, and myself,
acting magistrates for the hundred of Stoke.
Sir Eobert Harvey was the gentleman called in a previous
250 THE BERNARDS OF ABTNGTON
chapter Mr. Bateson-Harvey. Mr. Sullivan, of Kichings
Park, Iver, was probably an elder brother of the Mr. Sulivan ^
who was a Vice-President of the Society ; but he. Sir Robert
Harvey, and Mr. Penn, were members of the General
Committee.
The report concludes, according to the custom observed
in the Society's Eeports, with some ' Observations ' ; these
may be termed amplifications of the previous topics. The
same description applies to the forcible ' Charge to the
Overseers,' ^ which occupies ten pages of an Appendix to the
' Eeports,' headed :
' HUNDKBD OF StOKE
Bucks,
to wit :
' To Overseer of the Poor for the Parish of in the said
County.'
And begins :
' Sir, — The oflfice, to which you are this day appointed, is of no
small importance ; inasmuch as the welfare of a considerable part
of our fellow-subjects depends upon the due execution of it. It is
your duty, Sir, to be the Guardian and Protector of the Poor ; —
and, as such, to provide employment for those who can work, and
relief and support for those who canyiot ; to place the young in a
way of obtaining an honest livelihood by their industry, and to
enable the aged to close their labours and their life in comfort.'
Mr. Bernard held a decided opinion in favour of boarding
out the workhouse children, which, however, scarcely touches
the controversy of the present day on that subject, because
the conditions were so different. There were then no work-
house or district schools, no provision apparently of any
kind for discipline and education, and the children simply
ran loose in the workhouse, worrying the old people, and,
' Their names are generally spelt differently ; but ' Sullivan ' is the only
spelling in Lipscomb, who gives a pedigree, and in Bui-ke's Baronetage. Here
the two gentlemen seem to be identified as brothers. John became a Privy
Councillor, Eichard Joseph a baronet. One portion of the family called itself
O'Sullivan.
^ Reports, vol. i., Appendix No. IV.
'FAEMING' WOEKHOUSES 261
it may be assumed, picking up many undesirable notions and
practices.
The paragraph immediately preceding the recommenda-
tion to board out all children, touches on the practice of
' farming ' workhouses ; and shows the extremes to which
this doubtful practice was carried. After noting some of its
bad tendencies, Mr. Bernard continues :
Where, indeed, a principal landowner, or land occupier, of a
parish can be induced to contract for the parish workhouse, he
has an interest in the permanent improvement of its condition, and
in the diminution of the distresses of the poor ; but where a
vagrant speculating contractor visits your parish, with a view of
making his incidental profit by farming your workhouse, we trust
you will consider the Christian principle of doing as you would
be done by ; and that you will not confide the poor whose guardian
and protector it is your duty to be, to one, into whose hands you
would not trust an acre of your land, or any portion of your own
property.
The report on the ' Village Soup Shop at Tver ' ' was
written by Mrs. Bernard, and begins as follows :
In October 1796, a village soup shop was set up at Iver in the
county of Buckingham. The most proper person that occurred
for the purpose, was the wife of Eichard Learner, an industrious
man, who had lost a leg by an accident in the course of his labour ;
and who, notwithstanding that disadvantage, had brought up a
large family decently and creditably, without parochial relief —
She was an industrious and notable woman, and had lived in a
family as a kitchen maid. She attended by desire, several times,
to see the soup made, which she afterwards took home for the use
of her own family. She was then informed that if she could
make the same kind of soup twice a week during the winter, it
would be a benefit to her poor neighbours, and a considerable ad-
vantage to herself : that she should be furnished with the receipt,
and the necessary utensils and materials to set up her shop ;
which consisted of a tin pot that contained four gallons, and a
bushel of split pease, and that we would purchase of her tickets,
or give orders for soup, for her poor neighbours, at threepence a
quart, besides recommending to others to purchase of her similar
' Extracts from ' An Account of a Village Soup Shop at Iver, in the County
of Bucks,' vol. i. of Reports, No. 18.
252 THE BEKNARDS OF ABINGTON
tickets for other poor persons, whom they wished to be of
use to.
The advantages which this proposal held out to her were these ;
that the soup which she sold for threepence a quart, she could
make for half that money ; that, therefore, if she could get by the
tickets, and by chance customers, a sale of only eight gallons a
week (which was about her average) her profit, with very little
interruption to her other work, would be not much less than four
shillings a week ; besides the comfort, of which she seemed fully
to feel the benefit, but which it was much easier for her to enjoy
than to describe, of being in the midst of a cook shop.
What happened in the present case, is what will hardly fail to
happen in similar cases : there were few poor families in the
parish, but what, placed on some list or other, received a good
meal, to take home twice or oftener each week to their houses.
The soup was strictly vegetarian, consisting of split
peas, and potatoes previously boiled and mashed, with a
seasoning of herbs, salt, pepper, and onion ; the whole
boiled in water very slowly. This recipe had been used in
the soup kitchen originally established on the Foundling
estate, and afterwards moved to Fulwood's Eents, Gray's
Inn. In the concluding observations, a strict supervision of
the cook is enjoined, as everything depended on her choice
of materials and mode of treating them. It is also stated
that the plan was imitated in the parish of Langley, ad-
joining Iver, where Sir Eobert Harvey resided.
The paper, contributed by Scrope Bernard, on * A
Provision of Fuel made for the Poor of Lower Winchendon,' '
is specially interesting from a family point of view, because
it relates to a parish where a descendant of his still has a
home, and affords opportunity for comparing the Winchen-
don of that day with the Winchendon of the present
advanced age. It begins :
There having been several prosecutions at the Aylesbm^y
Quarter Sessions, for stealing fuel last winter, I was led to make
some particular inquiries, respecting the means which the
poor at Lower Winchendon had of providing fuel. I found that
' Extract of ' An Account of a Provision of Fuel made for the Poor of Lower
Winchendon,' by Scrope Bernard, Esq. Reports, vol. ii., No. LXVII.
THE POOR OF WINCHBNDON 253
there was no fuel to be sold within several miles of the place, and
that, amid the distress occasioned by the long frost, a party of
cottagers had joined in hiring a person to fetch a load of pitcoal
from Oxford, for their supply. In order to encourage this
disposition to acquire fuel in an honest manner, and to induce the
poor to burn coal instead of wood, in a country very bare of the
latter article, a present was made to all this party (eight famihes in
number) of as much more coal as they had purchased, and the car-
riage of the like quantity was further allowed them free of expense.
Having no grates, they had employed the village blacksmith to
tack together a few iron bars by an iron rim at each end, which
when raised above the hearths by loose bricks, had enabled them
to keep up a good fire. I went to see one of those grates ; it was
a foot square, quite flat, and had been made out of an old scythe
by the blacksmith at the expense of one shilling. In this manner
some of the poorest families in the village got through the last
hard winter.
This article, indeed, carries the mind back to the days of
the Tyringhams as well as forv^^ard to the present time. If
the tradition of Mrs. Mary Tyringham's letter be accepted,
in which she suggested that the thick woods of Nether
Winchendon would hide the existence of the Manor-house,
and probably of the village also, from an invading army,
a great change must have taken place in the course of little
more than fifty years. That it had not very long affected
the parish, at least to a serious extent, is probable, from the
fact that the habits of the people were as yet so little adapted
to the new state of things. Mr. Scrope Bernard continues
his narrative of his attempt to help the villagers by saying :
But they complained of the want of faggots to light their fires,
which were not to be obtained by honest means. To remedy this,
against the next winter, I had three waggon loads of the small
faggots called kindlers, made up from a fall of beechwood, in the
Chiltern country, ten miles off, and brought to Winchendon in the
summer season. And as, in September, from the state of the
harvest, it was foreseen that it would be a trying winter for the
poor, a vestry was called and it was proposed, as one mode of
relief, that they should allow the poor the carriage of a limited
portion of coal ; which was then sold at 1^ 4^^ the hundred, at the
Oxford Wharf. At the same time they were informed that eleven
254 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
hundred faggots were provided out of ihe Chiltern woods, as kindlers,
to assist such a plan, which it was intended to sell much under the
real value, at a penny a piece.
Scrope Bernard then narrates the distribution of the
coal ' with three kindlers to every hundredweight, by a
person residing in the centre of the parish.' Twenty-nine
families out of thirty-five came to buy, bringing ready money ;
one person, probably the head of a family, was a man ' who
had been lately imprisoned by his master for stealing wood
from his hedges.' One hundred and ten persons were thus
relieved ' at an expense to the parish, aided by voluntary
charity, of about three guineas per month, being the charge
for carriage distribution, and occasional excess of price.'
The six families who did not buy were ' prevented by some
particular circumstances which rendered the supply un-
necessary,'
In the ' Observations ' following his article, Mr. Bernard
notes that a charity of the same kind had been started the
previous winter at Whitchurch, in Bucks, but entirely on
voluntary lines ; and, that ' one or two of the most opulent '
parishioners had refused to contribute. He proposes that, if
possible, such schemes should always be adopted as the act
of the parish, allowing the sum thus assured to be supple-
mented by private charity, as at Nether Winchendon.
As frequently happens the persons to be benefited by in-
novations which they refused to consider as improvements
had obstructed Scrope Bernard's previous endeavours at
reform. He continues :
I have often wished to bring coal into general use at
Winchendon ; the poor however being jealous of any new schemes,
under the impression that they are more calculated for the benefit
of others, than of themselves, and the farmer not being veiy fond
of new expenses, I had judged the attempt to be vain. But the
circumstances above recited, having led boih parties to make a
trial, I believe that the one finds a great addition of comfort, and
the other no great increase of expense.
The attempt to introduce proper chimnies into cottages in this
neighbourhood, instead of the present spacious and airy ones with
seats in the corner, has met with constant resistance, nor is it to be
THE FAMILIAK INGLE-NOOK 255
expected that any impression will be made on the poor inhabitants
till they have had full opportunity of ascertaining, by observation
and experience, the comforts and advantages of chimnies on a
different construction. In the hope of effecting which change in
their opinions, two cottage chimnies, on Count Rumford's
principles, are now building in this village.
It is not difficult to sympathise v^ith the cottager who
was required, by alterations in the general mode of living,
to give up his old familiar ingle-nook, and the chimney
corner of ancient times died hard. Some specimens re-
mained in my youth, and even after it ; but, so far as I know,
close kitchen-ranges are now almost universal.
Scrope Bernard's ' Observations ' ' conclude with a survey
of the question in its moral aspect :
If we wish effectually to prevent the poor from stealing wood,
and from similar acts of theft, it should be our first aim to put it
perfectly in their power to obtain on fair terms the articles necessary
to their existence. When the means of life and the acquisition of
food and fuel are beyond the attainment of the mdustrious Isbhourer,
the inducement to guilt, and to invading the store of his neighbour,
becomes so powerful as to put the virtue and integrity of the poor
man to a very severe trial. — Persons enjoying the superior
advantages of education, with minds formed to habits of honour
and virtue, may feel confident in their own powers of forbearance,
even under such circumstances ; but it will not follow that it is
either wise, or just, to expose the cottager to so great a temptation.
"Where the option is not given them of acquiring in an honest
manner, and in exchange for the produce of their labour, the
indispensable necessaries of existence (and such is fuel in this
northern climate), however we may condemn any crime which may
follow, we have no great reason to be surprised at such a result ;
nor perhaps ought we to consider ourselves as entirely exempt
from a share in the guilt.
The following ' Account of a Society at Wendover, for
encouraging Prudence and Industry,' by the Kev. Joseph
Smith, tells its own tale. The two previous Societies
mentioned therein had been formed in the diocese of
Durham — the first at the Bishop's suggestion, the second
' The date of these ' Observations ' was February 1, 1800.
256 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
under his immediate auspices, near his own palace ; and
they had been noticed in one of the Society's Ke-
ports : ^
Upon perusing the account of the benevolent and excellent
establishment of Sunday societies ^ for the aged poor at Winston and
Bishop's Auckland, I considered it as incumbent on me, at least to
endeavour to form something of a similar nature in my own parish of
Wendover ; but at that time of the year (the latter end of autumn)
I found it impossible to do anything effectual and useful for that
purpose in a country parish. I therefore deferred it till a more
favourable season. Early in the spring, having first secured the co-
operation and assistance of two very worthy and charitable families
in the parish, I visited the cottagers, and pointed out to them,
in as strong terms as I could, the benefit and comfort which they
would derive from such a society ; but I found, in my own parish,
an insurmountable objection to a meeting of elderly persons, at
each other's houses, on a Sunday evening; an objection arising
from a circumstance, that the labourers are scarcely any of
them resident within the town, but are dispersed in their habita-
tions in all directions, over a very extensive parish, containing a
square of about five miles. From the different parts of such a
district it would be hardly practicable for the aged and infirm to
attend alternately at each other's dwellings ; and there seemed to
be objections to any common room, in a central situation, being
applied for that purpose ; or indeed that any fixed place of meeting,
"except the church, should regularly be used, for reading or
expounding the Scriptures.
The last sentence evidently refers to the state of the law
respecting conventicles, which forbade more than twenty
persons, not belonging to the house, to meet for worship in
an uncertified place. ^ The relinquishment of the Sunday
gatherings involved the loss of a pleasant as well as edifying
social meeting. It was part of the Winston arrangement,
apparently with the hearty concurrence of the old people,
• Extract from ' An Account of a Sunday Friendly Society for the Aged
Poor, at Winston,' by the Kev. Thomas Burgess. Reports, vol. ii.. No. XL VII.
In the ' Observations,' the Bishop's Auckland Society is mentioned. /.r; ri..
"^ Extract from ' An Account of a Society at Wendover, for Encouraging
Prudence and Industry,' by the Kev. Joseph Smith. Reports, vol. ii.. No. LIX.
3 See Arnold (T. J.), Summary of the Duties of a Justice of tlie Peace out
of Sessions—' Dissenters.'
A CHEAP SUNDAY DINNER 257
that they should be regular at public worship ; ' they make
a point of attending church on Sundays, when not prevented
by sickness, infirmity, or some unavoidable impediment, and
also on other days, whenever they have opportunity.'
Possibly the Wendover members may have been fairly
regular also, allowing for distances ; but as they rejected the
idea of meeting afterwards, they apparently did not reap the
benefit of another portion of the scheme :
There is a cheap but comfoi-table Sunday dinner provided,
gratis, for all who attend church. It is prepared from one of the
receipts in the first volume of the Society's Reports, the expence of
it not exceeding three halfpence a head. They dine at the house
of one of the members, which from its situation is most convenient
for the infirm members. The dinner is dressed at the Rectory,
and sent on the Saturday evening to the house where they dine.
The subsequent meeting is called an evening meeting,
but the labourer's evenings then began and closed early, and
Mr. Smith does not mention the dinner ; it probably failed
with the other arrangement, of which he writes :
I therefore very reluctantly gave up, for the present, the attempt
to engage the old people to meet systematically on the Sunday
evening at each other's houses, for their mutual comfort and
religious improvement ; and I have confined my endeavours at the
commencement, to inducing, in all my poorer neighbours, a habit of
saving some part of their earnings, during the period of the year
when they could best spare it, against a time when they would
most want it. To the poor, therefore, both male and female, and
of all ages, I proposed that part of the plan only ; as the means of
laying up, from the excess of the most productive part of the year,
that which might procure them comfort and relief at the season
the least productive, and the most expensive ; and in order to
make it generally known, I employed the schoolboys at the writing-
school in the parish to copy out the following proposals for a
weekly contribution of money during the summer months, to be
repaid them with a considerable increase, the addition of one third
at least, at the end of the year.
The scheme was called a ' Friendly Society for the en-
couragement of the prudent and industrious labourers of the
parish of Wendover ' ! ' T. Lovell, Esq., F. P. Bingham, Esq.,
VOL. III. s
258 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
and the Kev. Joseph Smith, Vicar,' arranged to receive the
contributions of the labourers every Sunday morning at their
own houses as the people went to church ; the text, 1 Cor.
xvi. 2, was quoted as an encouragement to this practice :—
* Upon the first day of the week let every one of you lay by
him in store, as God hath prospered him.' The three
gentlemen engaged to add, at Christmas, a third to the sum
contributed by the poor, if the payments were kept up till
then, in some special cases more ; and the bounty was not
to form any hindrance to parish relief. Donations from
parishioners in easy circumstances to the fund were invited.
About sixty labourers at once brought their contributions
from sixpence to a shilling, although twopence would have
entitled them to the benefit of the association ; the boys
who received a trifle for copying the announcement were
eager in making it known.
Such schemes of course seem commonplace now, but
were then no doubt new, and received as inestimable boons.
In April 1801 the Vicar of Wendover contributed a paper
to the third volume of the Society's Eeports ^ on ' the mode
of parochial relief at, and near, Wendover ' ; the gist of
which is that in that locality
the calculation of the relief of the poor has been made on the
presumed and supposed earnings of the labourer, and not on the
actual amount of what he does actually acquire by industry and
exertion.
The writer continues :
As the principle on which this has been gi-ounded is the same
as that adopted by the farmers at Whelford, I should not have
made it the subject of a communication, except to notice two or
three variations, which may perhaps, not be undeserving of
attention.
Whelford is in Gloucestershire, and the Keport in which
it is mentioned was communicated by the Earl of Winchel-
' Extract from ' An Account of the Mode of Parochial Relief at, and near
Wendover,' by the Rev. Joseph Smith.
VACCINATION 269
sea ; ' but he gives the credit of the scheme altogether to the
vestry — that is, the farmers— of Whelford. Both this and
the Wendover scheme are on the hnes laid dov^^n by Thomas
Bernard in his address to the Overseers for the Hundred of
Stoke — namely, that the industry of the poor should not
be turned against them by being made a bar to parochial
relief.
These are the only records I can find of the work carried
on by the Bernard connection in Bucks ; there are other
entries in the Keports which refer to the county, and would
probably never have been publicly known but for the
existence of the Society. One of these refers to the subject
of vaccination, which was then making its way, not without
opposition, but surely, as the best means discovered for the
prevention of small-pox. It will be seen that Mr. Bernard
was a friend of Jenner, and an active supporter of his dis-
covery, which is mentioned at length, and strongly recom-
mended, in the fifth volume of the ' Keports.' ^
The paper contributed by the Eev. J, T. A. Eeed,^ who
practised vaccination in the neighbourhood of Buckingham,
is, perhaps, more nearly connected with the Society's work
than at first appears, as it was probably through that Society
that he learned, if not the existence of the new discovery, at
least of its value. It begins :
In March 1800, having previously informed myself of the
safety and efficacy of the cow-pock, I began to inoculate my two
parishes, Leckhampstead and Akeley, near Buckingham. I was
induced to do this at that particular time, because the Grand
Junction Canal was in its progress in my immediate neighbour-
hood ; and, like every other great work employing vast bodies of
men from distant quarters, would probably introduce the small-
pox. It was my wish that the labourers of these parishes should
' Reports of the Society B.C.P., vol. iii.. No. LXXX. Extract from ' An
Acconnt of what has been done for the relief of the Poor at Whelford,' by the
Earl of Winchelsea.
- See Appendix xxv. of vol. v., containing the Reports of eminent Physicians
and Surgeons.
^ Reports of tlie Society B.C.P., vol. v., No. CXXXVIII. Extract from 'An
Account of Vaccine Inoculation in the Neighbourhood of Buckingham,' by the
Eev. J. T. A. Reed.
260 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
have the benefit of the high wages given on such occasions, with-
out being exposed to the danger of that dreadful pestilence.
Having been in the habit of administering medicines to the
poor, my offer to inoculate them was very generally accepted ; and
especially, as most of these people are employed in milking. The
common answer of such persons to my proposals was, ' we all
know that nobody ever died of the Cow-pock, and we all know
that nobody ever had the Small-pox after it ; but what an odd
thing it is, that anybody should think of inoculating with it.'
Mr. Reed originally intended to vaccinate in his own
parishes also, but he was induced to extend his operations to
the vicinity of Towcester, in Northamptonshire, where those
who had been vaccinated by him were enabled to attend
with impunity on small-pox patients, and, when the great
fair at Towcester was expected on old May-day, one thousand
persons were thankful to be thus safeguarded by him. In
1804 the small-pox was raging among the people employed
at the Grand Junction Canal, and 570 persons were vac-
cinated ; in the following year 270 in Potterspury only. He
speaks with satisfaction of his success in all his cases,
amounting to upwards of 4,700, in a period of six years.
There were many amateur vaccinators at this time, per-
haps partially instructed, no regular medical organisation
existing as yet for the purpose, but inoculation with the
small-pox itself was still carried on. I have not any-
where read that the amateurs did any harm, beyond some-
times inspiring misplaced confidence when they had not
thoroughly performed the operation. Mr. Reed, it is pro-
bable, like many clergymen, had received some medical
training, and went to his work advisedly.
The last good work connected with Bucks that will be
mentioned owed decided encouragement to Mr. Bernard, if
even he was not the instigator of the enterprise ; the paper ^
bears the name of George Brooks, Esq. :
Mrs. Parker Sedding of Stoke Fogies [sic], Bucks, widow, rents a
farm of upwards of 400Z. a year. Seeing that the state of the poor,
' Reports of the Society B.C.P., vol. v., No. CXXIX. Extract from 'An
Account of a Female Overseer of the Parish of Stoke,' by George Brooks, Esq.
A FEMALE OVERSEER 261
especially in the workhouse, was in an ill condition, she consented
to undertake the troublesome office of overseer ; and is now, with
the commendation of the justices, serving her third year in that
office.
The interior of the workhouse was irregular and dirty, and the
poor inhabitants of it filthy and idle ; and, as its distance from
her own dwelling prevented her going to inspect the orderly
and cleanly regulations she would establish, with that frequency
which their necessity required, she voluntarily left the comforts of
her own house, and lived one whole month in the workhouse.
She employed the poor to clean the house throughout, and
compelled them to observe cleanliness in their own persons, to
fumigate the clothes and bedding in the oven, to mend the ragged
garments capable of being mended, and to make what new ones
were necessary ; and, having taken proper measures that the
poor should have sufficient and sound clothing and bedding,
wholesome food, instruction and employment, she left them in a
state of order, cleanliness, and comfort, under the charge of a
careful man and his wife, whom she had engaged to superintend
the workhouse under her direction. This couple perform the
offices of schoolmaster and mistress to the children, read the
prayers daily with all the poor, and on Sundays read to them the
Holy Scriptures. They also instruct the poor in spinning. Being
unable to prevail upon the vestry to establish a parochial manu-
factory in the workhouse, on a scale adapted to their numbers,
Mrs. Sedding has done it at her own charge, and has introduced
a little manufactory of worsted. The poor have a portion of their
earnings. One little boy in petticoats at the spinning wheel,
earned twopence a day, and had it all for himself ; and as he knew
he was to be put into boys' clothes when he had earned them, he
was working very diligently indeed to obtain them. A little girl
eight years old earned threepence a day for herself.
Exclusively of these interior improvements, it should not be
omitted to be sta.ted, that, when Mrs. Sedding was named overseer
she found the poor were farmed. She took the care of them into
her own hands, made them more comfortable, paid off the arrears of
debt owing by the parish, and, notwithstanding this incumbrance,
she has reduced the poor's rates. Mrs. Sedding is universally
allowed to be one of the best farmers, as well as best neighbours ;
she is a most active woman, and is continually doing good among
the poor.
I would submit to consideration, whether this valuable
Female Overseer, in her sphere, is not forwarding the views of the
262 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Society, and whether it would not help to promote their human
object if the example of such an overseer of the poor were so
noticed and recorded by the Society, that it might be generally
held out to the imitation of other overseers, where any excitement
may be wanting to put the condition of a workhouse into better
order especially in some of the country parishes.
The writer continues this topic in the ' Observations,'
adding :
The late Earl of Eosslyn, who lived in the parish, and took
an active part in the interest of the poor, was so much satisfied
with Mrs. Sedding's conduct in her office, as to request her to
continue it another year, and she accordingly has served a third
year. Many of the circumstances above stated are well known to
others as well as to myself. At my request David Pike Watts, Esq.,
personally visited the workhouse at Stoke, and viewed the state of
things there, since the salutary regulations introduced under the
direction and through the indefatigable exertion of Mrs. Sedding.
The Eeverend Arthur Bold, the Vicar of Stoke Pogies is a
frequent observer of these proceedings in the parochial workhouse,
warmly commends the zeal and perseverance with which they
have been carried into effect, and would, I make no doubt, be
ready to allow any references to be made to him respecting
them.
The date of this communication is ' 3rd February, 1806 ' ;
there is a note to the paper signed ' B,' and dated the follow-
ing February 15, which is, of course, by Mr. Bernard, to the
following effect :
I have great pleasure in being able to add to Mr. Brooks's, my
own testimony of Mrs. Sedding's merit as an exemplary overseer.
In attending as a magistrate at Salthill, I have been a witness of
Mrs. Sedding's conduct in the execution of her office, and of the
success which has attended it, and I have taken an opportunity of
recommending her knowledge of her duty, her care of the poor
and her attention to the true interests of her parish, as objects of
imitation to the other overseers of that district. In consequence of
Mr. Brooks's account, and of the corroborative testimony of Mr.
Watts and myself, the Committee of the Society for Bettering the
Condition of the Poor, at their monthly meeting, last week, came
to a resolution ; ' That George Brooks, Esq., be requested to convey
to Mrs. Sedding, the Thanks of the Committee, for her great Exer-
A FEMALE OVERSEER 263
tions for the benefit and improvement of that Parish, and that a
copy of the Reports of the Society be presented to Mrs. Sedding as
a testimonial of the sense which the Members of the Committee
entertain of her conduct.'
Why, then, had Mrs. Sedding no successors in office of
her own sex ? Were there no women in the neighbourhood
like-minded with herself ? Or were they discouraged by the
264 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
CHAPTEK XIV
LONDON CHAEITIES AND THE ROYAL INSTITUTION
Institutions for the Blind— The Asylum for the Blind at Liverpool— The School
for the Indigent Blind — Houses of Recovery for Fever Patients — Prevalence
of Malignant Fever in London — Opening of a House of Recovery in Gray's
Inn Lane— Erection of the Cancer Institution — Count Rumford's Career —
The Acquaintanceship between Thomas Bernard and Count Rumford — Their
Plan for founding the Royal Institution — The Committee appointed to
consider the Plan — The Objects of the Institution — Its Constitution — Count
Rumford's and Thomas Bernard's Scheme with regard to Bridewell —
Thomas Bernard's Interest in the Casual Mendicant Poor — ' Martin's Act.'
London was undoubtedly a very different city at the close
of the eighteenth century from the London we are now
acquainted with ; the population I find estimated, in 1801/
at 900,000 only, but even this was a sufficient number to
include a formidable amount of vice, poverty, and misery of
all descriptions. And little had been done to combat any
form of evil.
Here, then, the Society, from its first commencement
found an ample field for work, and some of the consequent
reforms are noted in this chapter.
It must appear singular, for instance, that so little had
been done for the blind. A few blind children had been taught
music at the Foundling hospital, but there seems to have been
no systematic attempt before this time at enabling the blind
to gain their own living. It was in the provincial commercial
town of Liverpool, then rising into note, but far below the
capital in wealth and population, that Mr. Bernard found an
institution for this purpose, which he made known for the
imitation of other towns, but especially of London.
This was the Asylum or School of Instruction for the
' The Edinburgh Gazetteer (Edition of 1822).
INSTITUTIONS FOR THE BLIND 265
Blind, established in 1790/ which aimed, not at separating the
scholars from their families, but at affording them good in-
dustrial teaching in comfortable rooms during eight hours of
the day ; scholars from a distance were provided with lodgings
in the town. They received from eighteenpence to five
shillings weekly — the supposed value of their work — though,
for some time, it was, of course, worth nothing ; their friends
or the parish were expected to contribute a part of this.
' Upon my visiting the Asylum to-day — (3rd of August 1798)
[writes Mr. Bernard] — I found 43 blind persons at work ; 16 of
whom were females and 27 males.' The principal employment
of the women seems to have been spinning yarn for window cords,
sail cloth, and linen cloth. The men made baskets, lobby cloths,
doormats, whips,- and clock and window cords.
Special advantages were given to scholars who showed
musical talent. They might be admitted at the age of
eight instead of twelve or fourteen, and if partially in-
structed before admission might enter after the prescribed
age of forty-five. As a rule pupils remained about four or
five years only. There were few failures ; of certain scholars
who might be so considered, Mr. Bernard remarks leniently :
There are ten who have been strolling fiddlers, and have since
learnt a trade in the School ; but who have nevertheless resumed
their former occupation — and who can wonder at their recurring
to an art, which habit and want of sight must have made pleasant,
and almost necessary to them ; when he considers how great is
the blank in the mind of a blind person, and how much of that
may be filled up by their own music, though sometimes with less
delight to their hearers than to themselves ? [And he adds] : They
have, however, the benefit of having learnt a trade, whereby in
future they may add to their other means of support.^
The idea was taken up by a IVTr. Houlston, in London,
with the result that a meeting was held on January 8, 1800,
' Extract from ' An Account of the Asylum (or School of Instruction) for
the Blind at Liverpool,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq. Reports of the Society
B.C.P., vol. ii., No. XLIV.
^ Whips were soon afterwards discontinued. It is not stated why.
^ Extract from ' An Account of the House of Recovery established by the
Board of Health at Manchester,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq. (dated Nov. 1797)-
It is probable that he had not then visited the Institution.
266 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
and ' The School for the Indigent Bhnd ' formed, of which
the Bishop of Durham was chosen President. By a paper
which the Bishop contributed to the Society's ' Reports ' it
appears that the Institution began on a small scale in ' part
of the buildings formerly known by the name of the Dog and
Duck, in St. George's Fields, and once applied to very dissimi-
lar purposes.' ' For the earlier arrangements and conduct of
this establishment ' (writes Mr. Baker), 'Mr. Bernard took
an active part ; and after he had withdrawn his personal
attention to it, continued to express much pleasure in observ-
ing the degree of zeal and exertion with which it was con-
ducted.' He indeed revisited the Liverpool Asylum in 1806,
and wrote another paper on the progress and success of its
work.'
An undertaking of perhaps greater magnitude was the
providing houses of recovery for fever patients, on the plan
of one at Manchester which Mr. Bernard visited August 2,
1798, the day before he went over the Blind Asylum at
Liverpool. He sent a paper to the Society's first volume of
' Reports ' on this subject, and obtained a hearing for the
scheme in the metropolis. A House of Recovery did not
signify, as might be supposed, a convalescent home, but a
refuge to which persons could be removed whose circum-
stances rendered recovery in their homes apparently hope-
less. In London there were persons in many quarters
huddled together in one small room night and day, sick or
well, and sometimes dead and living. This had been the
case in Manchester, but the House of Recovery had made
such a marked difference in the health of the locality, that
its benefit had since been extended to places outside the
town. Thus London had to take from a remote county the
first idea of checking the inroads of disease by isolation.
Dr. Haygarth, who had made notes for thirty years on the
subject, and had established district fever wards in Chester
Hospital,^ seems to have been one of the first physicians, if
' Extract from ' A Further Account of the House of Recovery at Manchester,'
by Thomas Bernard, Esq. (dated June 7, 1799).
- ' Notes and Additional Observations collected by a Member of the Com-
mittee.' Appendix to the Reports of the Society B.C.P.. vol. ii.. No. XIV.
CHECKING DISEASE 267
not the first, to realise the necessity of the case. Dr. Fer-
riar took the lead at Manchester when the house was
established in 1796.
In London, Dr. Murray, one of the physicians to the
Carey Street Dispensary, a neighbourhood which had
suffered severely from the scourge, at the request of the
Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, published
his * "Remarks on the Situation of the Poor in the MetropoHs,
as contributing to the Progress of Contagious Diseases, with
a Plan for the Institution of Houses of Eecovery, for Persons
infected by Fever.' ^
But the terrible scarcity, which appears to have exer-
cised an influence over every phase of life, retarded the active
measures in contemplation until May 1, 1801, when the
Committee called a meeting, which was well attended by
persons of various classes. The Duke of Somerset, the Earl
of Pomfret, the Bishop of London, were present ; and at the
request of the meeting the Bishop of Durham took the chair.
Resolutions were adopted, on the motion of Lord Sheffield :
That it appears to this meeting by a certificate from the physicians
of the hospitals and dispensaries in London, that the contagious
malignant fever has been for some time past, and now is, preva-
lent in the metropolis : and that it has been occasioned by indi-
vidual infection, which, with proper care, might have been im-
mediately checked — or has been produced, or renewed, by the
dwellings of the poor not having been properly cleansed and
purified from contagion, after the fever has been prevalent in
them : — that it also appears that this evil (the injury and danger
of which extend to every part of the metropolis) might be pre-
vented, by cleansing and purifying the clothes, furniture, and
apartments, of persons attacked by this disease, and by removing
them from situations where, if they remain, the infection of others
is inevitable ; — and that a subscription be immediately set on foot,
for the purpose of forming an Institution for checking the progress
' Extract from ' An Account of the Institution to Prevent the Progress of
the Contagious Fever in the Metropolis.' Reportsof the Society B.C. P., vol. iii.
No. XCII. {Note.— This Paper was originally prepared for the Bepmis, by
Thomas Bernard, Esq. ; but its insertion has been deferred on account of its
having been printed separately, and distributed by the desire of the Committee
of the Fever Institution. It is of considerable length.)
268 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
of the contagious malignant fever in the metropoHs, and for remov-
ing the causes of infection from the dwellings of the Poor, upon a
plan similar to that which has been adopted with great success
and effect at Manchester.
It appears that, in 1750, some agitation had been caused by
the prevalence of fever, and sundry measures had been taken
which checked its progress for a while, until the increased
difficulty of procuring food had so reduced the vitality of the
poorer classes as to facilitate a fresh outbreak. Of course dis-
tressing cases were reported, such as the increased publicity
of later years has rendered familiar to most persons. A
husband and wife in Lumley's Rents, near Chancery Lane,
were without attendance, in a room of which the windows
would not open ; the wife's sister took the children to her
home, and ran in occasionally ' to set a little whey by their
bedside,' but dared not remain lest she should carry the
infection back with her — which she actually did. This
woman was advised that the man could be received at a
certain hospital without notice, as in cases of accident ; he
was taken there and rejected, reaching his room again only
after three hours spent in a hackney coach. For another
case, in Clarence Passage, St. Pancras, the parish officers
refused to afford any help, except for passing the sick
persons to their own parish, a hundred miles from London.'
Many patients no doubt owed their illness to carelessness,
induced partly by extreme poverty, in sleeping on infected
bedding, and to such ignorance as keeping door and window
closed in a room without a fireplace, the room being nine
feet square, and inhabited by six persons.
These cases, and others quite as perilous, the Committee
did its best to alleviate ; but in spite of the titled and
wealthy persons who were supposed to take an interest in
the matter, the most that could be achieved in the direction
of permanent improvement was the opening of one small
House of Recovery in Gray's Inn Lane. To obviate the use
' The information here given is chiefly from : ' Three Eeports of the Sub-
Committee appointed by the Fever Institution, &c.,' vol. iii. of the Reports of
the Society B.C.P. Appendix No. III.
FEVER PATIENTS 269
of hackney coaches — the precursors of cabs — a litter was
invented, composed of sacking and oil-cloth, supported on
poles, something like those of a sedan-chair ; ' it could be
carried by two men, or even women. It is on record that
the sight of this unusual conveyance on one occasion
collected a crowd which refused to let the patient depart.
But as she became worse she was, at her own request, even-
tually conveyed by permission of the mob to the Institution,
and recovered. The prevalent fever was pronounced by
Dr. Haygarth and other physicians to be in nearly all cases
a form of typhus, by whatever name it was called. It was
to a great extent checked by the removal of the patients,
followed by a vigorous use of lime-wash in all infected
dwellings.
The Parliamentary Grant (says Mr. Baker) "^ of three thousand
pounds voted to this Institution in 1804, aided by a gift of five
hundred pounds from the Society for the Poor, and additional sub-
scriptions of one hundred and two hundred pounds each, from some
of its original supporters, was applied in 1813 to the purchase and
fitting up of the westernmost of the two buildings erected for the
Small Pox Hospitals, situate in an airy part of Pancras Road, and
admirably calculated in all respects, with arcades and space for
the convalescents to take air and exercise ; and so separated and
secluded from other habitations, as not to leave ground for the
least alarm of infection to the most timid mind.
This building contains sixty-four beds, and received within
its walls between the 1st of March and 21st of November, 1817,
no less than four hundred and seventy patients afiiicted with con-
tagious fever.
It is needless to add that Pancras Koad must have been
a very different locality in those days from what it now
is. The possibility of appropriating a building intended for
smallpox patients indicates a diminution of the number of
cases of that disease, probably brought about by the more
frequent practice of vaccination.
In all these arrangements (continues Mr. Baker), from the
first formation of the Institution to its present establishment,
' The conveyance used in Manchester was a sedan-chair of a special make.
* I/i/e o/ Sir Thomas Bernard.
270 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
Mr. Bernard principally contributed to its success, both by the un-
wearied attention which he paid as a Member of the Committee,
and the many efforts he made by numerous publications on its
behalf to draw the public mind to the due consideration of a
measure so important to the health of this vast metropolis.
Of Mr. Bernard's interest in the Cancer Institution I
cannot write at any length, as his biographer gives scarcely
any details of the movement. It arose on the failure of
another institution, but in what manner is not explained.
There was no connection between the two in their objects.
It has been stated that Mr. Bernard wrote an account of
the London Foundling Hospital which was sent to Dublin
to assist in the scheme of reformation started for the
Foundling Hospital there. In this report he again alludes
to the benefits reaped by the mothers of those children who
had been admitted to the London institution, in the following
words : ^
It should not be unnoticed that there occur every year in-
stances of penitent mothers, who, benefiting by the concealment
of their shame, have become industrious, respectable, and prosper-
ous in life. Some have been afterwards enabled to many decently
and comfortably, and in some cases to the very person who was
the original cause of their misfortune. Of these several have
come to the Hospital to reclaim their children, which are delivered
to them, if they can satisfactorily prove their ability to maintain
them.
There seems little doubt, from the interest which he con-
stantly showed in the rescue of women as well as children,
that Thomas Bernard must have been a prime mover in
another attempt at furthering the cause, in which he
certainly took a part, as mentioned by his biographer : -
In June 1799, the Committee of the Society for Bettering the
Condition of the Poor had established an Infant Asylum which
had two objects, the preservation of a peculiar class of infants, and
the supply of wet nurses for the children of some of the other
classes. The irreconcilable enmity and jealousy however of the
nurses and female attendants, soon broke up the new establish -
' Reports of tlie Society B.C. P.
- Life of Sir Thomas Bernard, by the Rev. James Baker.
THE CANCER INSTITUTION 271
ment, and on its ruins was erected in June 1801, the Cancer
Institution.
So far as can be gathered from this concise statement,
the Asylmn must have been intended for illegitimate
children who for various reasons were ineligible to the
Foundling Hospital, or had failed to gain admission there.
It was so far on a different principle, that the mothers were
not entirely separated from their children, and there may
have been divergencies in the system. But the institution
lasted so short a time that there is no account of it in the
Society's ' Reports.' It apparently failed through the lack of
devoted women to undertake the task of superintendence
and reformation as a labour of love, not merely as a means
of living.
Some of the life governors — that is, the principal donors
to the Asylum — apparently resolved to transfer their gifts to
a new charity rather than take them back ; and there were
no doubt discussions as to the most pressing calls for
benevolent exertion, which resulted in a much needed insti-
tution.
In June 1801, there was formed in London an institution for
investigating the nature and cure of cancer ; ' a disease to which
the rich as well as the poor are liable ; but which seems to bear
more hardly on the latter, as wanting that alleviation of pain, and
that degree of attention and assistance, which an evil so hopeless
and so aggravated must require.
A meeting was called by Dr. Denman, and resulted in
the formation of a committee of superintendence, consisting of
twenty-one gentlemen, and of a medical committee composed
of fourteen eminent physicians and surgeons. Dr. Denman
being secretary, and the person to whom all communications
should be addressed. The visitation of patients at their own
homes was to be speedily begun; and, when the funds
allowed, a house was to be hired for the reception of indigent
' Extract from ' An Account of the Institution for Investigating the Nature
and Cure of Cancer,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq. Rejiorts of tlie Society B.C.P.,
vol. iii., No. XCIX.
272 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
sufferers, who were to be admitted free for some weeks, and
then in some special cases to remain on at a small charge.
A register was to be kept of all cases, and a list of queries
sent round to all corresponding members, on the nature,
symptoms, and treatment of cancer. The queries were pre-
pared under the direction of the Medical Committee, and
inserted in the ' Account,' published by the Society, as a
long note. Thomas Bernard wrote or compiled the
' Account ' and the ' Observations ' which followed it. And
thus a systematic attempt, probably the first, was made at
investigating the nature of the disease, which is still a subject
of inquiry and research.
I now come to a more cheerful topic, the foundation of
the Koyal Institution, in which the biographers of Count
Kumford and Mr. Bernard seem each to claim the greater
share for their respective heroes. It does not appear, however,
to be denied that it was a subject much discussed between
them, and also that the details were left chiefly in the Count's
hands by reason of his scientific knowledge and varied
experience. To elucidate this view, a sketch is here given of
his previous life of adventure — an extraordinary record, even
in that disturbed epoch.
The name of Count Kumford has been mentioned more
than once as the friend and fellow-labourer of Thomas
Bernard, and the originator of valuable improvements. But
the talents of this remarkable man extended far beyond the
production of model grates and ranges, and his biography
is one of the most curious episodes of his time.
Count Kumford ' was originally plain Benjamin Thomp-
son, the scion — it is said — of an old family, sprung from one
of 'Winthrop's company,' who was located at Charleston,
near Boston, in 1630. The boy was born, in March 1753, at
a large farmhouse in North Woburn, Massachusetts. His
' Memoir of Sir Benjamin Tlvompson, Count Rumford ; with Notices of his
Daughter, by George E. Ellis. (Published, in connection with an Edition of
Eumford's complete Works, by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences,
Boston, 1871.) T]i.e Royal Institution, its Founder, a-nd its first Professors,
by Dr. Bence Jones. Longmans, Green & Co.
COUNT RUMFOKD'S CAREER 273
father died the following year, and his mother, by birth
Ruth Simonds, the daughter of a distinguished officer, took
for her second husband one Josiah Price, and moved to
another house in the same parish. It has been said that
this step-father was a tyrant, but the charge is not proved.
Benjamin was, no doubt, a difficult boy to manage, and his
genius for science sometimes stood in the way of more
homely occupations.
While apprenticed to a merchant in Salem, he formed
an intimacy with Thomas Barnard, son of the minister who
had taught Governor Hutchinson, and who was then himself
a teacher. From this friend he learned ' algebra, geometry,
astronomy, and even the higher mathematics,' so that before
the age of fifteen he was able to calculate an eclipse.
Having received the best education which circumstances
admitted, Benjamin tried various ways of earning his
living — mercantile, medical, &c. — till, in 1772, while resid-
ing at Concord, a town of New Hampshire, which had once
formed part of Massachusetts, the well-to-do widow of
Colonel Rolfe, daughter of Timothy Walker, an influential
minister, selected him — according to his own account — for
her second husband. He was then nineteen and she thirty-
three. This marriage introduced him to Governor Went-
worth, the popular representative of royalty,' extolled only
a few years previously by the Nationalists as a noble contrast
to Governor Bernard.^ But his popularity was already on
the wane, and Wentworth hastened its decline by appointing
Benjamin Thompson major in the second New Hampshire
company, over the heads of officers with superior claims.
The discovery that the Governor was, at the request of
General Gage, secretly providing workmen to assist in the
construction of barracks at Boston, finished his reign as the
people's hero, and Thompson, his supposed favourite, was
involved in this reverse, and even, without any apparent
fault of his own, in a persecution which eventually drove
him to seek service in the British army.
' See vol. i. of this Family History, ch. xv.
■^ See vol. ii. of this Family History, ch. xxiv.
VOL. III. T
274 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
In 1776 he was sent on a mission to England, and retained
by Lord George Germaine, then Secretary of State ; in 1780
he held for a short time the appointment of Under-Secretary
of State for the Northern Department. In little more than
a year after, Lord George retired, and became a peer as
Viscount Sackville; meanwhile Thompson had obtained
a commission of Lieutenant-Colonel in the British army
and returned to America. His conduct was in some respects
distinguished, but he has been accused of acts of cruelty
while in command at Long Island, from which charges his
biographer defends him on the ground that he was not
worse than others. Mr. Ellis also suggests that the allega-
tions against him may have owed their origin to the jealousy,
evoked by his extraordinary good fortune at various periods
of his life, from less successful competitors.
At the peace of 1783, Thompson's regiment was dis-
banded ; he returned to England on half-pay, with the rank
of full colonel, and received, it is said, large compensation
as a loyaHst. In a short time he obtained the King's
permission to travel, and crossed the Channel with some
idea of serving in the Austrian army as a volunteer against
the Turks.
One of his fellow-travellers was Henry Laurens, who
had been president of an American Congress, and had just
been released from the Tower of London. Another was
Gibbon, the historian, who left a comical account of Thomp-
son's stately departure from the British shore. ^ How far
the three journeyed together I do not know ; but Thompson
made his way direct to Strasburg, and, appearing at a
military parade in his English uniform, mounted on one of
the three fine horses he had brought with him from England,
he attracted the notice of Maximilian, Duke of Deuxponts
or Zweibriicken, then a field marshal in the service of
France, and was introduced to officers who had served on
the revolutionary side in America. He was next received
with distinguished honours at Munich and at Vienna, where
' In a letter to Lord Sheffield, quoted by Ellis, Memoir of Sir Benjamin
Thompson, p. 153, also by Dr. Bence Jones, The Royal Institution, ch. i.
COUNT EUMFOED'S CAREER 275
he remained long enough to hear that the Turkish war had
been given up ; consequently he went no further, but
returned to Munich once more, only to move by slow stages
to England.
Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria, was uncle to the
Duke of Deuxponts, and, like his nephew, succumbed to the
unaccountable fascination exercised by the young American
on nearly all persons who were brought within the range
of his influence. At this time Thompson was already
remarkable for his practical scientific knowledge. Gibbon
describes him ^ as ' Mr. Secretary, Colonel, Admiral,
Philosopher Thompson ' ; and the Elector appears to have
decided that he was the man to superintend the regeneration
of his electorate. Thompson therefore visited England only
to obtain the permission of his own sovereign, and George III.
not only granted his request, but, in February 1774, con-
ferred on him the honour of knighthood. He then entered
the service of the Elector of Bavaria, retaining his half-pay
as an English officer.
Thenceforth the career of the gifted adventurer reads
more like a romance or a fairy tale than ever, as the following
passages from his biography ^ will show :
On the arrival of Sir Benjamin, the Elector appointed him
Colonel of a regiment of Cavalry, and general Aide-de-Camp,
in order that he might be in immediate contact with himself. A
palatial edifice was furnished for his residence in Munich, shared
between himself and the Russian Ambassador, with a military
staff and a proper corps of servants. Sir Benjamin especially
prided himself upon the blood horses which he had brought with
him from England. His fine appearance when mounted on
parade is frequently noticed. His imposing figure, his manly and
handsome countenance, his dignity of bearing, and his courteous
manners, not only to the great, but equally to subordinates and
inferiors, made him exceedingly popular. This finished courtier
and favoured child of fortune — favoured both by native gifts and
by opportunities — needed no transformation within or without to
adapt himself to circumstances. . . .
' In the letter to Lord Sheffield, quoted by Mr. Ellis and Dr. Bence Jones.
* Ellis, Memoir of Sir Benjamin Thompson, p. 162.
T 2
276 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Sir Benjamin very rapidly acquired a mastery of the German
and French languages. Like a true practical philosopher, also,
he gave the whole force of his inquisitive and comprehensive mind
to the preliminary work of informing himself generally, and in
minute particulars, about everything that concerned the dominions
of the Elector. The relations of the electorate to other powers,
within and outside of the Empire; its population and their
employments ; its resources and the means of their development ;
the abuses and evils which admitted of remedies, and the method
of applying them — all found in him as curious and intelligent an
investigator as could have been chosen among the select few most
concerned to examine them. . . .
It may be as well to mention here the titular, military, civil, and
academic honours which so rapidly and lavishly were bestowed
upon Sir Benjamin while residing in Bavaria. By request of
the Elector, the King of Poland, in 1786, conferred on him the
Order of Saint Stanislaus, the statutes of Bavaria not then al-
lowing of his receiving any Bavarian orders. In a journey to
Prussia in 1787, he was made a member of the Academy of Berlin.
He was also admitted to the Academies of Science at Munich and
Mannheim. In 1788, the Elector made him Major-General of
Cavalry and Privy Councillor of State. He was also put at the
head of the War Department, with powers and directions from
the Elector to carry into effect the schemes which he had been
maturing for the reform of the army and the removal of mendicity.
In the interval between the death of the Emperor Joseph and the
coronation of Leopold II., the Elector profited by the right going
with his functions, as Vicar of the Empire, to raise Sir Benjamin
in 1791 to the dignity of a Count of the Holy Eoman Empire, with
the Order of the White Eagle.
Sir Benjamin chose to be designated Count of Kumford,
the name of his home at Concord, during the period when it
belonged to Massachusetts. On this subject his biographer
remarks :
That he should have selected as his title marking this distinction
the former name of the New England village in which he had first
enjoyed the favours of fortune, shows that he was not alienated
in heart from his native land, and that he gladly associated the
memory of it with his own personal advancement.
But he had never seen the wife who had given him the
COUNT BUMFOED'S CAEEEE 277
first step to fortune since 1775, nor their daughter ; while,
in Munich, he led a decidedly irregular life.
In 1793, Count Kumford's health failed in consequence
of his exertions — one would fain hope that the news of his
wife's death in the previous year may have had some effect
also ; and he was allowed to travel for a twelvemonth. He
returned to Munich only partially restored, and, in 179/5,
obtained leave to visit England, after an absence of eleven
years. Mr. EUis writes :
The principal object of his visit was, as has been said, that he
might publish his essays. But he had another leading end in view.
He had many warm friends and admirers as well as scientific
correspondents in England, with whom he had kept up constant
intercourse, communicating his experiments, as we have seen, to
the Eoyal Society, — his membership of which always enlisted his
pride and obligation of constant service. •
At what period Benjamin Thompson made the acquaint-
ance of Thomas Bernard I am uncertain. That they ever
met in Massachusetts is improbable ; and there is nothing
to show that during his first sojourn in England he ever saw
Sir Francis Bernard. To Governor Hutchinson he was
evidently unknown, or he would have been mentioned in
the ' Diary.' The date of his first interview with Thomas
Bernard may with some plausibility be assigned to 1783,
when Thompson was again in England, seeking compensation
as a loyalist, while Bernard was engaged in a similar effort
on behalf of his brother John.
Thompson was, indeed, accused by his enemies of obtain-
ing for himself most inordinate compensation — no less than
30,000Z. ; but Mr. Elhs observes that this is unlikely, since
the English Government was by no means profuse in its
grants, and in June, 1783, shortly before his arrival, had
divided 50,000^. amongst nearly seven hundred loyalists.
Moreover, Thompson had no claim to a large sum, because he
had very little of his own when he left his home at Concord,
and his wife's property does not appear to have been touched
' Ellis, Memoir of Sir Benjamin Thompsmi, p. 201.
278 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
by the revolutionary government. Nevertheless, it is difficult
to understand how he was enabled to travel with three horses
and attendants, unless his own slender means had been
largely supplemented from some quarter.
It may be assumed, however, that Thomas Bernard saw
nothing unallowable in the conduct of Thompson, or Kum-
ford, as he must henceforward be called — since he was on
intimate terms with him in 1795. It would be pleasant to
think that he and Mrs. Bernard may have influenced Eumford
to send for his daughter Sarah from America, which he did
in the course of 1795.^
Count Eumford met with a singular misfortune on his
arrival in England. A trunk, containing all his private
papers, and his notes and observations on philosophical
subjects, was removed from his post-chaise in St. Paul's
Churchyard, at six o'clock in the evening ; he never recovered
the contents, which were probably stolen by some one envious
of his luck. This was a heavy blow ; but in other respects
his visit was prosperous. In Ireland, where he was invited
to effect sundry improvements, he was received with honours.
It was during this stay in the British Islands that the
alterations, already mentioned in Chapter XI., were effected
at the Foundling Hospital ; and in all likelihood the idea of
the Eoyal Institution was at the same time discussed between
the Count and Mr. Bernard.
On this subject the Count's biographer ^ states :
While he was himself one of the most zealous and laborious
Fellows of the Eoyal Society, he saw that without trespassing at
all upon the range, wide as it was, that was recognized by his
associates, there was room for an Institution whose aims should be
more practical and popular, coming into direct contact with the
agricultural, the mechanical, and the domestic life of the people.
And this theme was expanded by him in a pamphlet,^
' Ellis, Memoir of Sir Benjamin Thompson, p. 204. She left America in
January, 1796.
2 Ibid., ch. vii., p. 379.
* ' Proposals for forming by Subscription, in the Metropolis of the British
Empire, a Public Institution for diffusing the Knowledge and facilitating the
General Introduction of useful Mechanical Inventions and Improvements, and
THE ROYAL INSTITUTION 279
tVio introduction to which contains the followinj^ pas-
sage : •
' In the beginning of the year 1796, I gave a faint sketch of this
plan in my second Essay ; but being under tlie necessity of return-
ing soon to Germany, I had not leisure to pursue it farther at that
time ; and I was obliged to content myself with having merely
thrown out a loose idea, as it were by accident, which I thought might
possibly attract attention. After my return to Munich, I opened
myself more fully on the subject in my correspondence with my
friends in this country [England], and particularly in my letters to
Thomas Bernard, Esq., who, as is well known, is one of the
founders and most active members of the Society for Bettering the
Condition and Increasing the Comforts of the Poor.'
The Count subjoins, in a note, three letters of his to Mr.
Bernard, dated at Munich, 28th April 1797, 13th May 1798, and
8th June 1798. The first of these letters returns the writer's
grateful acknowledgments for the honour done him by his election
as a member of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the
Poor. It closes with a characteristic suggestion that visible
examples, ' by models,' will advance its objects better than will
anything that can be said or written. The third letter emphasises
a well-pointed hint that, indolent, selfish, and luxurious persons
' must either be allured or shamed into action,' and that it is
very desirable 'to make benevolence fashionable.' Thev5a:iter also
expresses his interest in his correspondent's ' plan with regard to
Bridewell. A well arranged House of Industry is much wanted
in London.' He closes by asking Mr. Bernard ' to read once
more the Proposals pubhshed in my second Essay. I really
think that a pubUc establishment like that described might easily
be formed in London, and that it would produce infinite good.
I will come to London to assist you in its execution whenever you
will in good earnest undertake it.'
Eeturning to England in September 1798, the Count says he
found Mr. Bernard very solicitous for an attempt for the
immediate execution of the plan. ' After several consultations
that were held in Mr. Bernard's apartments in the Foundling
Hospital, and at the house of the Lord Bishop of Durham, at
which several gentlemen assisted who are well known as zealous
promoters of useful improvements, it was agreed that Mr. Bernard
for teaching by courses of Philosophical Lectui-es and Experiments the Applica-
tion of Science to the Common Purposes of Life.'
' Ellis, Mevioir of Sir Benjamin Thompscm, p. 383.
280 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
should report to the Committee of the Society for Bettering the
Condition of the Poor the general result of these consultations,
and the unanimous desire of the gentlemen who assisted at them
that means might be devised for making an attempt to carry the
scheme proposed into execution.
For convenience sake the organisation of the Society had
been utilised, and a committee of eight members formed to
consider the new^ plan ; but it was agreed that so interesting
and important a scheme ought not to be made ' " an appendix
to any other existing establishment," and, therefore, that it
ought to stand alone on its own proper basis.' ^
The Committee consisted of ' the Earl of Winchelsea,
Mr. Wilberforce, the Kev. Dr. Glasse, Mr. Sullivan, Mr.
Eichard Sulivan, Mr. Colquhoun, Mr. Parry, and Mr.
Bernard.' It met on January 31, 1799, and thoroughly
discussed the elaborate statement prepared by the Count.
On the following day it held another meeting — the
Bishop of Durham being in the chair— reported what
had taken place at the conference, and pronounced a full
approval of the scheme. A circular soliciting subscriptions
was drawn up, and the recipients were requested to address
their replies — ' To Thomas Bernard, Esq., at the Foundling.' ^
It had been originally proposed ' that subscribers of
fifty guineas each should be the perpetual proprietors of the
Institution, and be entitled to perpetual transferable tickets
for lectures and for admission to the apartments of the
Institution.'
As soon as thirty such subscribers were obtained, the
question of organisation was to be settled with them. Be-
fore, however, any meeting of this description could be called,
fifty-eight promises of fifty guinea subscriptions were
received from most desirable persons, and it was then re-
solved to apply at once for a charter. Scrope Bernard, it
may be mentioned, was one of these original subscribers.
The objects of the Institution were stated as ' The speedy
' Ellis, Memoir of Sir Benjamin TJiompson, p. 385. See also Dr. Bence
Jones, The Royal Institution, its Founder and its First Professor; eh. iii.
- Life of Sir Thovias Bernard.
A ROYAL CHARTEK 281
aud general diffusion of the knowledge of all new and useful
improvements, in whatever quarter of the world they may
originate ; and teaching the application of scientific dis-
coveries to the improvement of arts and manufactures in
this country, and to the increase of domestic comfort and
convenience.' It was intended to fill spacious show-rooms
with models of mechanical inventions and to fit up a
lecture-room with a laboratory and all the requisites for
scientific experiments. On March 7, the proprietors — or sub-
scribers of fifty guineas— met in the house of Sir Joseph
Banks, President of the Koyal Society, who took the
chair, and it was decided to apply to the King for a charter,
which Count Kumford and Mr. Bernard were requested
to draw up.
Mr. Baker speaks of his uncle Thomas Bernard as the
sole framer of the charter, and such he must have been in
its legal aspect. It passed the royal seals on January 30,
1800. The constitution of the Society is described by
, Mr. Ellis as follows :
The King appears as Patron ; the oflficers of the Institution
were appointed by him at its formation, — the Earl of Winchelsea
and Nottingham being President, the Earls of Morton and
Egremont and Sir Joseph Banks Vice-Presidents ; the Earls of
Bessborough, Egremont, and Morton, being respectively the first-
named on each of the three classes of Managers, — on the first of
which, to serve for three years, is Count Rumford. The Duke of
Bridgewater, Viscount Palmerston, and Earl Spencer, lead each
of the three classes of Visitors. The whole list proves with what
a power of patronage, as well as with what popularity and
enthusiasm, the enterprise was initiated. Dr. Thomas Garnett
was made Professor of Natural Philosophy and Chemistry, and
Thomas Bernard, Esq., Treasurer. A Home and Foreign
Secretary, Legal Council, a Solicitor, and a Clerk, complete the list.
The Institution was located in Albemarle Street,^
Piccadilly, and some portion of its early history will be told
in another chapter.
' ' The Managers have since purchased a large and roomy house, the late
Mr. Mellish's, in Albemarle Street.' Reports of the Society B.C.P., by Thomas
Bernard, Esq., vol. ii., No. LV., note.
282 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
In the meantime, something must be said of another
scheme, in which Count Rumford and Thomas Bernard were
fellow-workers. It has been stated that the Count expressed
in a letter his interest in Mr. Bernard's plan with regard to
Bridewell ; ' that is, no doubt, to a mode of compelling
able-bodied beggars to work.' ^ It was a subject on which
he could bring his own experience to bear ; since he had
himself conferred a signal benefit on Bavaria by his repression
of mendicity, which — owing to the carelessness of former
Sovereigns, and the disorganised state of Bavaria during the
crisis of the French Revolution — had assumed formidable
proportions, and was associated with robbery and violence,
to the grave detriment of all peaceable and industrious
subjects. Under Count Rumford's management the hordes
which infested Bavaria were surrounded and seized by the
military in Munich — acting in concert with the civil
authorities — and compelled to labour in an establishment
called the Mihtary Workhouse, fitted up in a disused
manufactory ; they were at the same time provided with all
reasonable comforts ; and every precaution was taken to
discriminate between the depraved and the victims of cir-
cumstance.
This plan approximated to the mode of procedure adopted
in Paris by St. Vincent de Paul, during the previous century.
Whether Count Rumford had ever heard of that reform, I
cannot say, but the resemblance is striking.^ St. Vincent,
indeed, vdshed to act by persuasion, not compulsion, .in
opposition to the opinion of the ladies who worked with him ;
but the King decided that under such a system the evil
would never disappear, and declared begging prohibited
from the day when the General Hospital should be opened.
This royal proclamation at once thinned the ranks of the
mendicants ; and the remaining beggars were in most cases
' ' Bridewell, in our customs denotes a workhouse, partly for the correc-
tion of vagrants and disorderly persons, and partly for the employment of the
parish poor.' . . . 'Bridewell near Fleet Street, is a foundation of a mixt
and singular nature, partaking of the hospital, the prison, and the work-
house.' Rees's Cyclopcedia, 1819.
- Bedford, Life of St. Vincent de Paul, eh. xxiii.
THE TREATMENT OF MENDICANTS 283
willing to avail themselves of the refuge provided for them,
in which they were to be trained to industry.
The beggars of London may not have been altogether
as mischievous and degraded as those which infested con-
tinental towns demoralised by the scourge of war ; but their
existence was a disgrace to the community, and, except in
cases of unavoidable misfortune, to themselves. A paper
on this evil was written by Mr. Bernard for the Society's
' Reports,' ^ recapitulating some of the evidence collected by
Matthew Martin, Esq., Secretary to the Society, and one
of a committee appointed to inquire into this matter, with
remarks on its tendency.
In order to inform himself on this subject (writes Mr. Bernard),
Mr. Martin has from the beginning of the year distributed
tickets in London to appoint such of the beggars there as seemed
to merit and wish inquiry into their circumstances to come to him
for that purpose. Of this as many as 120 have attended in
consequence — 21 men and 99 women.
Of the men, the greater part were maimed, or disabled by age
or sickness ; and only two of them belonged to any place of legal
settlement in London.
Of the women there were 48 widows ; seven of them the widows
of soldiers ; only one of them of a seaman. About a third of these
consisted of aged women ; some were crippled and some disti'essed
for want of work ; many of them embarrassed by ignorance of the
mode of obtaining parochial assistance, or by the fear of applying
for it.
Of the wives in most cases, the difficulty was the want of work,
or the incapacity of doing it on account of a child in arms. There
were cases of very great distress. Above half of them had two or
more children, who were some of them infants, and the greater
part of the residue of an helpless age, too young for work.
With regard to the settlements of the women, 24 referred him
to parishes in London and Westminster ; 33 to parishes in
different parts of England ; 22 belonged to Scotland and Ireland,
and the remaining 20 said they could not give, or at least declined
giving him any account of their place of settlement.
By application, in most cases, to their parishes, and in some to
' Extract from ' An Account of an attempt to ascertain the circumstances
of the beggars of London, with observations on the best mode of relieving them,'
by Thomas Bernard, Esq. Reports of the Society B.C.P., vol. i., No. XXII.
284 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
their friends, he was enabled to obtain effectual relief for several
of them ; for others he is now using his endeavours. To all of
them, the gift of a little food, and the hearing of their melancholy
story, afforded some comfort.
Mr. Bernard added some observations to Mr. Martin's
' Report,' from vi^hich it appears that some beggars had
become such through the carelessness or neglect of London
parish officers, v^^ho had not afforded them the assistance
to vi^hich they vi^ere entitled ; others had been driven from
comitry parishes, likewise by the parochial authorities, who
wished to be quit of their poor, and plied them alternately
with menaces and promises till the end was accomplished.
As regarded the remainder, Mr. Baker says,^ epitomising
his uncle's observations :
Mr. Bernard proposed that a police office should be established
solely for the case of the casual mendicant poor in the metropolis,
which should enforce the existing laws, and compel parishes to
watch over and provide for their own poor ; and that inspectors
should attend the streets, and bring all common beggars before the
Board, whose duty should be to compel labour, or require sub-
sistence, according to the circumstances of the parochial case.
And, in January 1799, shortly after the publication of
the Eeport, the committee waited on the Duke of Portland,
Secretary of State, and obtained from him a promise of
government assistance. The evil had been long and
painfully obvious to the British public, and the prospect
of relief was hailed with satisfaction. But the Government
took a view of the measures to be adopted which proved
fatal to reform.
"When, however (continues Mr. Baker), it was agreed to take
only voluntary examinations of mendicants, without any com-
pulsory process, and without enforcing a penalty on false oaths
and declarations, Mr. Bernard despaired of the object being
attained, and withdrew from any concern in the measure.
Like others of his benevolent efforts,^ indeed, which
appeared at the time to fail, the seed then sown bore fruit
' Life of Sir TJiomas Bernard.
- Haydn, Dictionary of Dates (Tenth Edition), ' Mendicity Society.'
STREET BEGGARS 286
in after years. It would seem, indeed, that the agitation for
reform in this matter was continued, and Mr. Martin was
the recognised leader of this movement. Some startling
disclosures were made before the Committee of the House
of Commons ^ appointed for the purpose of receiving and
weighing the evidence — most of which had, however, been
known or surmised by the band of philanthropists to which
Mr. Martin belonged.
The practice of ' farming ' the poor — that is, the paupers
— to persons who made a profit out of then- earnings, and in
whose power they were virtually placed, was almost universal
in London. There was, of course, some variety in these
estabhshments. Overcrowding, underfeeding, insanitary
conditions generally, were evils often alleviated by lax dis-
cipline, and the inmates, if so incHned, figured as street
beggars. As to these street beggars, they included every
description of impostor — the blind and the lame, or maimed,
the man with fits, women with twins, children brought up
to lying and forced to get their living by the same vile
means as their parents or employers.
The large earnings and sumptuous living of the cleverest
of these people is frequently adverted to, the woeful tales
of distress, related both viva voce and also in affecting letters ;
the success of ' the Laudable Institution ' for supplying
the poor with good meat and vegetables at a low price,
whose inventor is supposed to have pocketed at least 500^.
a year — are all related in the evidence, and were probably
revelations to a large portion of the public.
But there was much difficulty in getting the authorities
to stir in this matter. The majority of magistrates had been
accustomed to take it easily, and the Legislature seemed
inclined to do the same. It was not until 1819, the year
after Thomas Bernard's death, that an Act was passed,
' The Quarterly Review (October 1815), Art. VI. ' Minutes of the Evidence
taken before the Committee appointed by the House of Commons to inquire
into the State of Mendicity and Vagrancy in the Metropolis and its neighbour-
hood.' (Ordered to be printed July 11, 1815.) The Edinburgh Review also
had an article on this subject, to much the same elfect, but more discursive
and general than the one in the Quarterly.
286 THE BEENAKDS OF ABINGTON
commonly known as 'Martin's Act,' which dealt a severe
blow at * Mendicity.' The evil is not, indeed, annihilated,
notwithstanding the continuous efforts made to deal with
it ; but, considering the vast increase in the population, we
may perhaps be thankful that it is no worse.
FANNY KING 287
CHAPTER XV
PAROCHIAL WORK AND HOLIDAY EXCURSIONS
Fanny King's Interest in the Children of her Parish— The Establishment of
Sunday Schools by Robert Raikes — Membership of the S. P. C. K. —
Mrs. Trimmer's Work— Mrs. King's Parochial Lending Libraries— Her
Love of Nursing— Mr. King a Candidate for the Wardenship of New Col-
lege— Mrs. King's Letters — A Visit to Alveston — Mrs. King's Acquaintance
with Hannah More — Hannah More and the People of Cheddar — Report of
Thomas and Margaret Bernard on the Mendip Schools — Attack of Mr. Bere
upon Hannah and Martha More — A Charitable Effort in Bath — Thomas
Bernard sells his House at Iver.
The life of Fanny King, as wife of a country clergyman, did
not afford the same opportunities for philanthropy on a large
scale as the position of her brother Thomas in London, en-
joying the acquaintance, and in some cases the intimacy, of
many distinguished persons ; but in her narrower sphere she
was earnest and diligent in the use of the talents committed
to her charge. The writer of a short ' Memoir ' ^ of Mrs.
King states, with reference to her work at Steeple Morden
and Worthen, that :
In addition to unremitting attention to her children, she was
exemplarily useful in those parishes, by administering to the wants
of the poor with activity and energy, and particularly by originat-
ing the establishment of schools for their children.
The elementary week-day schools of the age, few and far
between in country districts, when not the gift of some
munificent squire or lady, were generally held in some
cottage, and were in most cases the private enterprise of
the good woman at their head, often indeed assisted and
' ' Memoir of the Author,' prefixed to Female Scripture Clmracters ; (pro-
bably by the Rev. John Collinson).
288 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
encouraged by ladies. There girls learned reading and sew-
ing, with the addition of lace-making and other local indus-
tries in certain neighbourhoods ; and these local industries
occupied a large portion of the school hours. Little boys
often attended these schools till they went to work. In
1784/ Robert Raikes opened a Sunday-school at Gloucester,
and thus inaugurated a great popular movement, which
became, like many more innovations, or revivals, the subject
of much controversy. Something of the kind had been
known in France,^ and apparently in other European
countries, for about two centuries, and even in England he
evidently had predecessors ; but it was reserved to him to
attract the public attention by his labours, and to make
England a country where systematic religious instruction
was recognised. The new system was a subject of much
eulogy on the part of his supporters, and of depreciation by
his opponents. For this controversy Raikes, who appears
to have been a single-minded man, was in no way re-
sponsible— he was not a hunter after fame.
In connection with the subject of Sunday-schools, there
is evidence in the family papers how solemn an affair it then
was to be received into membership by the highly orthodox
and loyal S.P.C.K.
Mr. King virites,^ to Scrope Bernard, from Worthen, ap-
parently in 1786 :
I will beg the favour of you to give the enclosed to Smith, who
I expect will be in town very soon, and desire him to deliver it to
the Society of which I am desirous to become a member, as I have
established Sunday Schools in this parish and wish to distribute
among the children the useful books that are published by the
above Society.
' This is the date in A Summary of the History of tlie English Church,
by the Eev. Johnson Gant ; and suggested in Rees's Cyclopedia. Mr. Raikes
had previously tried the plan of Sunday teaching in his own parish of Painswick.
The Sunday-school Society was founded in 1785.
- Sunday Classes for religious instruction appear to have been one of the
features of the Religious Revival of the seventeenth century in France ; as also
of the Ursuline Congregation, founded by St. Angela Merici, in Northern Italy,
during the sixteenth century.
^ MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
MES. KING'S INTEEEST IN SCHOOLS 289
The certificate enclosed, which is a printed form — only
the names and descriptions of the three clergymen being
filled up by hand — runs as follows :
We, the underwritten do recommend the Eev^. Eichard King
M.A. Eector of Worthen in the county of Salop, to be a Member
of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge — and do verily
believe that he is well affected to his Majesty King George and
his Government, and to the Church of England as by law
established, of sober and religious Life and Conversation, and of
an humble, peaceable, and charitable Disposition.
Ed. Blakeway, Minister of St. Marys Salop.
Thomas Stedman, Minister of St. Chad's Salop.
The fact of Mrs. King's interest in schools, continued
from the time when she represented the heroine of ' The
Kector's Memorandum Book,' ^ as educating the children of
her village, is corroborated by passages in her latest work,
' Female Scripture Characters,' written about thirty years
later, in which she displays considerable acquaintance with
the efforts of Mrs. Trimmer in that direction, and with the
working of the Barrington Training School, as recorded by
her brother Thomas. In this book '^ she exhorts women to
follow the example of their Saviour as ' an Instructor of the
ignorant and a Teacher of babes,' continuing :
Let us consider ourselves, as we really are. His chosen disciples ;
and imagine that we hear (as we do in the Gospel) the question
put to St. Peter, ' Lovest thou Me ? ' Should we not, with pious
ardour and holy affection, reply with him, 'Yea, Lord; Thou
knowest that I love Thee.' Let us then observe the proof required
of that love ' Feed My lambs.' — If our hearts answer sincerely to
this tender and impressive question, we shall feel ourselves
anxious to give the proof by collecting the little lambs of His
flock, in order to lead them to the fold of Christ and to train them
in His holy laws.
Of Mrs. Trimmer the author states that, while bringing
up her twelve children admirably, and discharging all the
' See vol. ii., ch. xxx., p. 323, of this Family History,
^ Female Scriphire Characters, ' Dorcas.'
VOL. III. U
290 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
domestic occupations rendered necessary by a limited
income,
she managed to create so much time to devote to the benefit of
others, that the town and neighbourhood of Brentford, previously
a sink of vice and corruption, became, under her instruction,
christianized, orderly, moral, and taught in a v^ay ' able to make
them wise unto salvation.' ^
Another writer, Mrs. Papendiek,^ who was personally
acquainted with Mrs. Trimmer, says :
Morning visits in this exemplary family could not be admitted,
for Mrs. Trimmer was occupied in writing her excellent works on
education, while the eldest daughter acting as bookkeeper was in
the accounting room, and the second daughter, Sarah, was
instructing her younger brothers and sisters in the schoolroom.
Mrs. Trimmer, being the daughter of Mr. Kirby, Clerk of
the Works at Kew, as well as President of the ' Society of
Artists ' of Great Britain — from which sprang the Koyal
Academy — enjoyed the advantage of interesting royalty
itself in her schemes :
Mrs. Trimmer's movement in establishing Sunday Schools in
many parts of England came to pass during this year (1786 —
says Mrs. Papendiek), and her Majesty hearing of it, and being
much struck with the excellence and advisability of such a plan,
desired that the same might be instituted at "Windsor. . . . Her
Majesty had several interviews with Mrs. Trimmer, and being
much impressed with that lady's clear understanding and sound
judgement, requested her to write a work on education, which she
did, and it has ever since been considered an authority on the
question.
I have not been able to ascertain whether Mrs. King was
known to this invaluable woman, but, in ' Female Scripture
Characters,' she mentioned Mrs. Trimmer and Miss Hannah
More as two women especially worthy of admiration ; and
Hannah More she certainly knew. The ' Memoir,' entitled
' Some Account of the Life and Writings of Mrs. Trimmer,'
' Sovie Account of the Life and Writings of Mrs. Trhmner, with Original
Letters, Meditations and Prayers.
* Papendiek (Mrs.), Court and Private Life in time of Queen Charlotte.
PAEOCHIAL LENDING LIBRAEIES 291
is too sketchy and fragmentary to throw light upon the
subject ; but it estabhshes the fact that the Brentford schools
were opened in June 1786. Mr. King's letter to Scrope
Bernard about the S.P.C.K. was apparently written a few
weeks later ; and a little later still— August 27 — Mrs. Trim-
mer mentions in her Journal a Mrs. K., but not in connection
with schools :
I had yesterday great pleasure in receiving from Mrs. Denward
a considerable donation for the relief of the sick and aged. After
that I attended Mrs. K. to Mary Pearce's and other poor houses.
The pleasure I received from these circumstances fatigued my
sph-its, but I would not but have felt the sensations which so
fatigued me for any consideration.
It is obviously not unlikely that Fanny King had taken
an opportunity of visiting Brentford to examine the work-
ing of the schools, and other charities.
Of Mrs. King's parochial lending libraries a more par-
ticular account can be given, because her sister-in-law,
Mrs. Bernard, contributed a paper ^ on the subject to the
* Eeports ' of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the
Poor, commencing :
At Steeple Morden, in the county of Cambridge, the poor have
been furnished with a circulating library of short tracts of a
religious and moral nature. The idea had been originally
suggested by a similar plan, useful in its way, but not so peculiarly
required, which has been adopted for the benefit of the children
at the Foundling. The collection at Steeple Morden consists of
the Cheap Eepository Tracts, and some few others of a similar
kind, and has already, even at the beginning, proved of consider-
able benefit to the parish. On Sunday afternoon when the
business of the Sunday-school is over, Mrs. King, the lady who
has founded the library, reads one of the tracts to the children,
and to such of the parents as choose to attend. It is then made the
subject of conversation, and a few copies of the tract are lent to
the different children, who read it over again in the evening with
their parents and neighbours, and by these means spend their
Sunday evening well and with useful amusement. Copies of the
' Extract of ' An Account of a Parish Library for the Poor,' by Mrs.
Bernard. Beports of the Society for Bettering the Conditimi of the Poor,
vol. iii., No. LXXXII.
V 2
292 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
same tract are afterwards lent out for the week ; and generally go
round the parish. On the Sunday following they are brought
back, when they receive others, which have been first read over to
them in the same manner. Fifty-two tracts furnish the year's
reading, and ten or twelve copies of each are sufficient for a
moderate sized parish. It is very gratifying to contemplate the
pleasure, the amusement, and other more material effects which
are produced in this parish by a measure perfectly simple and easy
in itself, and executed at a trifling expense. It answers in one
respect, the end of the Sunday Friendly Societies at Winston and
Auckland, and with more general extension to the different ages
in the parish.
Mrs. Bernard states that this plan has been tried by
Mrs. King in two other parishes, and that it has everyv^^here
proved efficacious in keeping the poor from the ale-house.
It may be assumed that Worthen was one of these two
parishes ; the second can only be the subject of conjecture. At
one time Mr. King was drawn by circumstances to spend a
considerable portion of the year at his brother's house at
Alveston, near Bristol ; and it is quite likely that having
provided his own parishes with curates for a settled period,
he may have undertaken the temporary charge of Alveston
parish, and thus afforded his wife an opportunity of intro-
ducing her favourite scheme. The ' Cheap Repository
Tracts ' which she distributed were the composition of
Hannah More, and consisted, to a great extent, of narratives
and ballads which, in that age, might be considered lively as
well as pious.
The failing health from which both her parents had
suffered for several years probably impressed the subject of
nursing on the mind of Fanny King, and she never forgot
her early love for this occupation — first studied, perhaps, at
Winchendon under Mrs. Beresford — which the case of her
own children must have presented to her in a new aspect.
Her remarks on the subject, in ' Female Scripture Characters,'
show that she had some practical knowledge of its details,
and of the disadvantages under which the poor laboured in
time of sickness. She writes : ^
' Female Scripture Characters, ' Dorcas.'
NURSING THE SICK 293
Most of us have experienced, in some degree, that greatest of
human calamities, loss of health, and those who have, have found it
the loss of everything, for with health all calamities may he
surmounted, without it no blessing can be enjoyed. If to those
who are surrounded by ' all the appliances and means to boot '
which affluence furnishes to lessen this evil, it is so heavy a
calamity, what must it be to the poor cottager on his pallet of
straw, without the common comforts of life ? Riches, indeed can-
not be enjoyed under the pressure of affliction, but poverty makes
a bitter addition to its sufferings. Oh ! let the happy female,
distinguished by the invaluable blessing of health, evince her
gratitude to the Great Giver of all good by dispensing aid and
comfort to all sufferers under this inevitable evil ; let her study
nursing the sick as a science, assured that the skill of the nurse is
more beneficial than that of the physician. The tenderness, the
sympathy, the quietness of her attention, her knowledge in
preparing the various little articles of nourishment, and her
judgement in producing them at proper times, in small quantities,
and in a palatable state, have been found inestimable comforts to
those who have languished under the affliction of sickness. She
should learn to perform common operations, to administer every
kind of remedy, and raise herself above any delicacy of feeling, or
nervous weakness, that can impede her usefulness.
These remarks are applicable to the general nursing of the sick in
all ranks ; but to the sick poor her duties will be still more extensive.
Besides administering to their bodily and temporal ease, she should
pour into their hearts the comfort of God's Holy Word ; she
should hold out to them the blessings and comforts that await the
patient sufferer, and read and explain to them the many passages
in the Scriptures, particularly the Psalms, which mark the value
of the poor in the sight of Heaven. She should tell them that our
Blessed Lord dignified a state of poverty by His voluntary choice ;
that the poor were the particular objects of His favour and
attention ; and that all His doctrines and precepts tended to their
comfort and instruction.
Other passages follow in amplification of the same
theme, but those already quoted suffice to exemplify
Mrs. King's treatment of this topic. One observation here
suggests itself : namely, that her plans involved the further
task of training some persons of a class or classes above the
very poor to aid in their development, whether in the school
294 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
or the sick-room. To a certain extent this would have been
the case even had she lived always in one place ; but when
moving from one parish to another, or quitting them both
for a holiday, sometimes of long duration, Mrs. King must
have left her work of every sort in abeyance, either in Worthen
or Steeple Morden, or both, unless she had assistants to
carry on the work on the lines laid down by her. And the
following paragraph alludes, it would seem, to some organi-
sation of this kind :
In towns and populous villages much benefit has arisen to the
poor from ladies forming themselves into societies, either for the
general good of the poor, or for some particular object. Besides
the union of the many mites they may collect amongst themselves,
here is a union of hearts, heads, talents, time, and exertion ; and
many agents are enlisted in the cause, who would otherwise for
want of activity, thought, or example, have been simply idle and
In Worthen there were probably some women of educa-
tion and more or less leisure, while even in Steeple Morden
there may have been farmers' daughters able and willing
to assist Mrs. King and her deputy — who would, of course,
be the curate's wife, when he had one— in their labours for
the good of the parish.
In 1794 the quiet routine of country life must have been
ruffled, though perhaps not seriously, by passing excitement.
Mr. King was induced by friends to become a candidate for
the headship of his College, somewhat against his better
judgment, since he was aware that his long absence from
Oxford, and the distance of his actual residence, placed him
at a disadvantage, as compared with his rivals, who were
certain of strong support on the spot. Mr. Gauntlett was
the successful competitor. As Warden of New College
Mr. King would undoubtedly have been in a more congenial
sphere than as Eector of a country parish, but he philo-
sophically remarks ^ on his defeat :
I have now the pleasure to reflect that though I have not
' MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
DEATH OF EMILY BAKER 296
succeeded in the late object of my wishes, I am not lessened in
the esteem of the Society for whom I have ever entertained the
highest regard, and — what is better — I am surrounded and in
possession of every comfort that any reasonable man can wish for
or enjoy.
A greater affliction had been the death of Amelia, or
Emily, Baker, which took place in 1791,^ and which evoked
her sister's active sympathy for the last born sickly child — •
William — who was for some time under Fanny King's
fostering care ; ^ but she could not save his life ; he died in 1793.
From a letter, dated ' Alveston, Oct. 3'"'^,' ^ and which,
from its allusion to ' Admiral Nelson's glorious victory,' was
probably written in 1798, the year in which the battle of
the Nile was fought, it appears that Mr. and Mrs. King
were established there for the time ; in all likelihood Mr.
King had charge of the parish ; but he must have lived in
a large house — probably his brother's — since his wife then
had under her care several young girls besides her own three
daughters.^ Some of these were daughters of Lady Ingilby,
afterwards Lady Ingilby Amcoats, and even her son was
for a time in charge of the Kings. Whether the parents
were abroad, or the neighbourhood of Bristol offered special
advantages for education, I cannot tell.
Another young lady frequently mentioned in the hvely
letters of the Misses King, dated from Alveston, was Miss
Bichardson,^ afterwards the first wife of Sir Lancelot
Shadwell, Vice-Chancellor of England.
In the letter already mentioned Fanny King tells her
brother Scrope that :
The book is safely arrived for which I am much obliged to you
and a most valuable book it is ; I shall study nothing else for
' By some, the date of the death of Amelia is given as 1795 ; but I believe
that the date I have given is correct.
2 MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon. =* Ibid.
* I was told by a relative that Mrs. King was their guardian ; but both the
parents were certainly living at this time.
* This information is from MSS. lent by the Collinson family, and from
facts stated by its members in conversation.
296 THE BEBNAEDS OF ABINGTON
months to come, and I hope to make considerable use of it in this
neighbourhood. I have ah-eady done something and shall be very
busy this winter.
The paragraph evidently refers to some study she had
taken up, and but for the allusion to the winter it might
be supposed that the subject was botany, which was her
favourite recreation at this period ; but as winter was not
a good time for that pursuit, it may have been some branch
of parochial work — probably schools. Mrs. King continues :
I thank you for your enquiries ; my husband and my children
are always well, at all times and in every place, and I think I
have much less of the rheumatism here than I had at Worthin ; it
is a very delightful situation, and an excellent house, and I have
every comfort about me, more frequent intercourse with our friends
and many advantages in the education of my large family of girls,
now increased to eight. The old lady, Mr. King's mother, has
been with us some weeks, in her 89th year and in perfect health.
I am rejoiced poor old Winchendon is restored to its honours
and glories ; I still dearly love the place and lamented its
desertion.
Mr. King's mother, Priscilla Moon by birth, was a
Quakeress of Bristol, related to several leading Quaker
families.
The Alveston visit was evidently renewed, perhaps every
autumn and winter, for some years ; and there seems to have
been generally a merry party of young girls in the house. •
One of their amusements was writing a magazine of their
own composition ; it was, however, a laborious business, and
not apparently carried on very long.
It is, of course, probable that the Kings had been in the
habit of paying visits to Bristol, and perhaps to Alveston,
ever since their marriage, though not of such long duration,
since Mr. King's nearest relations were domiciled there.
Indeed, Mr. King, in an earlier letter to Scrope Bernard,^
alludes to a visit which his wife had paid without him to
Bristol and Gloucestershire. Her acquaintance with Hannah
' MS. Notes in a book lent by Mrs. Bernard Collinson.
- MS. Letter at Nether Winchendon.
HANNAH MORE 297
More is most likely to have dated from the period of the
first long sojourn at Alveston, although it is just possible
that they may have met previously in London, or at Monge-
well, in Oxfordshire, the private residence of Bishop Barring-
ton, where Hannah More was a welcome guest. But even
if such was the case, the acquaintance was renewed in the
West of England.
The father of Hannah More^ was said to come of an
impoverished gentleman's family ; he had been Master of
a Free School, at Fish Ponds, near Bristol ; and Hannah was
the fourth of five sisters, every one of whom must have
been a woman of energy and talent. For many years the
three elder sisters kept a ladies' school, in Bristol, which
they had started when the eldest was only in her twentieth
year, and effectually raised the standard of female education
in their neighbourhood. Hannah, who was handsome and
brilliant, was early wooed by a man much older than herself,
and sold her share in the school. When the engagement
was finally broken off, through irresolution on his part, and
the determination of her sisters that she should not be trifled
with, he insisted on settling an annuity on her. Thus placed
in easy circumstances she was soon attracted to London,
where she entered much into society, without, however,
losing the pious feelings common to the whole family. Ere
long she attained celebrity by her writings. Martha, or
Patty, who, being fourteen years her junior, was like a
daughter to all the elder sisters, frequently accompanied her
on her visits to the metropolis, and learned to look up to
her with devoted admiration.
As time went on, increased seriousness of thought led
Hannah gradually to retire from London gaiebies to her old
home. The elder sisters had saved enough money to retire,
and the five ladies lived together in great harmony, spending
the winters in Bath, and the summers chiefly at Hannah's
pretty cottage on Cowslip Green in the Vale of Mendip.
In 1789, William Wilberforce, who was staying with Miss
' Thompson, Life of Mrs. Hannah More ; Roberts (William), Memoirs of
the Life and Correspondence of Mrs. Hannah More.
298 THE BERNAEDS OP ABINGTON
More in this retreat, drove to Cheddar Cliffs ; he was so
shocked by the abject misery and lawless savagery of the
people, that he exclaimed : ' Miss Hannah More, something
must be done for Cheddar.' And presently added : ' If you
will be at the trouble, I will be at the expense.' This
promise he kept by forwarding a large annual contribution
for the purpose. Mr, Henry Thornton also came forward
to help, and other friends and well-wishers in their degree.
Hannah More wrote to Wilberforce :
I was told we should meet with great opposition if I did not
try to propitiate the chief despot of the village, who is very rich,
and very bi-utal ; so I ventured into the den of this monster in a
country as savage as himself, near Bridgewater. He begged I
would not think of bringing any religion into the country ; it was
the worst thing in the world for the poor, for it made them lazy
and useless. In vain did I represent to him that they would be
more industrious as they were better principled ; and that, for
my own part, I had no selfish views in what I was doing. He
gave me to understand that he knew the world too well to believe
either the one or the other. ^
Hannah More was staying at the George Hotel, Cheddar,
with her sister Martha, when she wrote this letter ; they
remained there to pay eleven other visits to farmers. She
continues :
Patty, who is with me, says she has good hope that the hearts
of some of these rich poor \vretches may be touched ; they are as
ignorant as the beasts that perish, intoxicated every day before
dinner, and plunged in such vices as make me begin to think
London a virtuous place.
... I asked the farmers if they had no resident curate. They
told me they had a right to insist on one, which right they con-
fessed they had never ventured to exercise, for fear their tithes
shotdd be raised. The glebe house is good for my purpose [that
is for a school]. The incumbent is a Mr. E who has some-
thing to do, but I cannot find out what, in the University of
' Moidip Annals, or Narrative of tJie Charitable Labours of Hannah atid
Martha More in their Neighbourhood, being the ' Journal of Martha More,'
edited, with additional matter, by Arthur Roberts, M.A., Rector of Woodrising,
Norfolk, &c. Memoirs, dc, of Mrs. Hannah More, by WiUiam Roberts, Esq.,
vol. ii., chap. v.
DEPEAVED PAEISHES 299
Oxford, where he resides. The curate lives at Wells, twelve miles
distant. They have only service once a week, and there is scarcely
an instance of a poor person being visited or prayed with.'
Mrs. M. reports of the incumbent of a neighbouring parish,
that he was intoxicated about six times a week, and was very
frequently prevented from preaching by black eyes, caused by
fighting. She tells her correspondent in another letter : ' We saw
but one Bible in all the parish, and that was used to prop a flower-
pot.'
The following year some progress v^^as made : '
We were not long in discovering a sufficient number of wretched
ignorant parishes [writes Martha More]. Among the most de-
praved and -svretched were Shipham and Rowberrow, two mining
villages, at the top of Mendip ; the people savage and depraved,
almost even beyond Cheddar, brutal in their natures and ferocious
in their manners. They began by suspecting we should make our
fortunes by selling their children as slaves. No constable would
venture to arrest a Shipham man, lest he should be concealed in
one of their pits, and never heard of more ; no uncommon case.
In Nailsea, after establishing a school chiefly attended
by ' inferior farmers' ' and colliers' children, the sisters visited^
* the glass-house people, and entered nineteen houses in a
row (little hovels), containing in all near two hundred
people,' and Martha describes their condition :
The wages high, the eating and drinking luxurious — the body
scarcely covered, but fed with dainties of a shameful description.
The high buildings of the glass-houses ranged before the doors of
these cottages — the great furnaces roaring — the swearing, eating,
and drinking of these half-dressed, black-looking beings, gave it a
most infernal and horrible appearance. . . . We had a gentleman
with us, who being rather personally fearful, left us to pursue our
own devices, which we did by entering and haranguing every
separate family. We were in our usual luck respecting personal
civility, which we received even from the worst of these creatures,
some welcoming us to ' Botany Bay,' * others to ' Little Hell ' as
they themselves shockingly called it.
' Mendip Annals, ' A Journal of the Mendip Schools from the year 1789 to
the close of 1791.' ' Ibid.
3 Mendip Annals, 'Continuation of the School Journal, beginning the
year 1792,'
* This was the name of the great settlement for convicts in Australia ; the
300 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
No wonder that Hannah expressed her astonishment ^
that England should be sendmg missionaries to the colonies,
while its own villages were perishing for lack of instruction.
Neither Hannah nor Martha More was a strong woman ;
both suffered from distressing pains in the head and face,
and their previous life had not been good training for
evangelising a scattered population of white pagans, in a
country almost destitute of roads ; yet they kept up the
work for many years, only retiring to Bath, of necessity, for
the worst of the winter.
Ten years after the beginning of the work, Thomas and
Margaret Bernard made some stay in Bath, towards the
close of 1799. There it may be assumed that they visited
the Misses More, the five sisters being all probably together
in the house in Pulteney Street, and obtained from them
the materials for the first part of a Keport which shows the
development of the good work begun in 1789. The account,
dated December, 1799, was communicated to the Society
for Bettering the Condition of the Poor ; it commences :
The Mendip Schools ^ are situate in the part of Somersetshire
between Wells, Bristol, and the channel which divides Wales
from England. They extend over twelve parishes, which are
dispersed throughout a district of country about twenty-five miles
in diameter. They are intended not merely for the education of
youth, but for the instruction and reformation of mature life, and
for the improvement and consolation of the aged — and, according
to the circumstances of each parish, are opened daily, or twice or
thrice a week, or on Sundays only. The early part of the Sabbath
is devoted to the instruction of the young, who afterwards proceed
to church in a body, to attend divine service. Towards the close
of the day the room is frequented by others ; chiefly by the aged,
who come to take the benefit of the evening readings and dis-
course ; and attend with great pleasure and eagerness to derive
from religious information and society that soUd relief, which
fact is here stated as it is so long since the arrangement was altered that it
may be unknown to some English persons born after that time.
' To her friend Mrs. Kennicott, Memoirs of the Life and Correspoyidetice of
Mrs. Hanimh More, by William Roberts, Esq., vol. ii., Part III.
2 Extracts from ' An Account of the Mendip Schools,' by Thomas Bernard,
Esq. Reports of tlie Society B.C.P., vol. ii.. No. LXIV.
THE 'MENDIP ANNALS' 301
alone can give comfort to declining life, and smooth the path to
the grave. Their stay in the school is for half an hour, an hour,
or more, as their convenience or inclination directs. The number
of those who frequent the schools, including children and parents
is about three thousand. . . . The anniversary meeting of these
societies and schools is, generally, early in July. Of that held on
the eighth day of last August, I am able to give a correct account
from the relation of my sister Mrs. White, who was one of the
ladies then present.
Mrs. White had probably accompanied Mr. and Mrs. King
to Bristol and Alveston ; her narrative is written throughout
in the plural number, implying that she was with friends.
It so happens that the ' Mendip Annals,' or ' Journal of
Miss Martha More,' which is the fullest account of the
sisters' work, does not contain any report of this meeting.
Jane White's notice is therefore a contribution to the history
of the movement. It is here subjoined : ^
The day begins with a breakfast at Miss H. More's house at
Cowslip Green, which is attended by the neighbouring families.
From thence they adjourn to Shipham, one of their school-houses,
which was decorated by the hands of the children with wreaths
and chaplets of natural flowers ; every room, and the outside of
the cottage, being white-washed, and made a pattern of rural
neatness. The company was invited to partake of a collation
above stairs, while the better sort of poor were collecting together
below, to walk to the Church in a procession which was composed
first of the school children of this and the adjoining parish, in
number about 120, with their school-mistresses, after them the
clergyman who was to preach, the vicar of the parish, and some
of the neighbouring clergy, tvv'o and two. Then followed Miss
Martha More, one of the patronesses, and her sister Mrs. More, of
Bath, and the ladies who were members of the society ; followed
by the poor who were members, and then the ladies and gentle-
men, who were introduced by members.
After divine service we had a discourse, exhorting the audience
to fulfil all the duties of Christianity, in every rank and condition
of society, and to set the example of a virtuous and religious life.
The company then returned to the school, where the children
' Continuation of the ' Account of the Mendip Schools.' Reports of the
Society B.C. P., vol. ii., Ixiv.
302 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
were called over ; each being noticed in turn, and receiving the
present of a plumb-cake, with a particular commendation of every
one who had been distinguished for good behaviour. The children
were then dismissed ; and the poor, and some of the lesser farmers'
wives and daughters, sat down to their entertainment of tea and
cakes. The ladies assisted to make the tea, and butter the cakes ;
and in the course of an hour, in three rooms, about a hundred
were served with great attention and satisfaction. The yearly
account of the Society was then examined by Miss Martha More,
with the assistance of the Vicar, and his wife ; all the particulars
were minutely explained to the members, and the balance in hand,
amounting to rather better than £50, was produced, as their fund
for sickness or misfortune. It was stated that £50 more had,
with consent, been lent the preceding year on Government
security, which the poor expressed a wish might be continued.
After the ladies and gentlemen present had tendered their
benefactions to the Society, and some members had been admitted
whose character and conduct had previously been inquired into,
and others entered, and their names referred for inquiry, the
patronesses' wedding-present with some profitable advice was
given to a young woman who had been married since the last
meeting.
Miss Martha More then addressed herself to her poorer friends
with much energy and effect — to mothers on good order in their
families, on decency of conduct and the efificacy of example ; to
young wives, on industry, attention, neatness, gentleness of man-
ners, and good temper ; to young women preparing for or going
into service, on obedience, simplicity of dress, and mutual kind-
ness and affection to each other. She concluded with an animated
detail of the happy effects of a truly Christian spirit ; as supply-
ing comfort during life and at the hour of death, and affording the
hope of eternal happiness hereafter. The poor then departed to
their homes, having expressed their gratitude for the comforts they
had derived from the institution during the late severe winter, and
having poured forth their earnest wishes and prayers for the
health of their absent patroness, Miss Hannah More, who by
severe illness was prevented attending this anniversary meeting,
which she had originally founded.
Lady Olivia Bernard Sparrow, of Brampton Park,^ who
was a friend of the sisters, said of the younger lady :
' Introduction to Mendip Annals, by the Editor, Mr. Arthur Eoberts, M.A.,
Eector of Woodrising. Lady Olivia Bernard Sparrow has been mentioned in
A PEEIOD OF SUFFERING 303
Miss Martha More was a most estimable person, but whose
admiration and love for her sister caused her to keep herself, as
much as she could, out of observation, so that, in fact, little is
known of her.
She certainly threvi^ herself into their mission work at
least as thoroughly as Hannah, and her ' Journal ' gives a
clear account of its progress.
Very soon after the period of this festival just described
the sisters were exposed to a virulent attack from Mr. Bere,
the curate of Blagdon,^ in which parish Cowslip Green was
situated. They had not at first undertaken any work there,
as it was some distance from the wild district on which
Mr. Wilberforce had taken compassion, and Mr. Bere was
supposed to be caring for it ; the rector was, of course, an
absentee. It was at the urgent request of the curate,
supported by the churchwardens and overseers, that, at
much inconvenience to themselves, they opened a school
in Blagdon parish. Early in 1800, when this school had
worked much good and was flourishing, Mr. Bere — from
what motive, except jealousy, it is hard to see, although the
schoolmaster's want of judgment furnished a pretext — accused
them, Hannah as the leader especially, of teaching Methodism
and Calvinism, and, moreover, principles of infidelity, im-
morality, and disloyalty, supposed to be derived from France.
Of course many partisans of the old state of things in that
and other parishes joined in the outcry. The sisters
demeaned themselves bravely : Martha perhaps bore the
brunt of the battle physically, for Hannah was for some
months prostrate with ague. They had, no doubt, many
friends, and the Bishop and Eector did them justice ; but, as
usual, the defence was not as energetic as the attack, and the
sisters went through a long period of suffering, without,
however, giving up their work.
Either during this or a subsequent visit to Bath, Mr.
vol. i., chap, iv., p. 94, of this Family History. Mr. Roberts dedicated the
Mendip Annals to her as one who had appreciated the sisters.
' Roberts (William), Memoirs, £c., of Mrs. Hannah More. (Second Edition),
vol. iii., chap. xi. In those days the title Mrs. was given to unmarried as well
as to married ladies.
304 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
Bernard probably discovered the existence of some schools
at Weston, near Bath, founded recently by a Mrs. Hocker,
where children, apparently girls only, were taken from two
years old to twelve, received elementary religious instruction,
and were taught to sing in church. The very young children
were placed singly under the care of an elder child, super-
vised of course by the Mistress ; as they advanced in age
they were taught to read, and to work sufficiently well to
mend and make for themselves and for their poor neighbours.
When arrived at a certain point they were allowed to take
orders for paying work.
The relatives of these children, and many other persons,
were attracted to church by the sight of the whole school,
excepting, perhaps, some babes, accompanying its foundress
to church, and the consequent introduction of psalmody ;
indeed the attendance increased so much that the rector
was induced to give another service, and a marked change
for the better took place in the whole character of the
parish.
These schools were only so far connected with the Society
for Bettering the Condition of the Poor that an account
of them, written by a Miss Masters, appeared in the third
volume of the ' Reports,' which probably means that they
were visited by Mr. and Mrs. Bernard. Another charitable
effort in Bath was, however, the subject of a paper,^ by
Margaret Bernard herself, dated '6th Dec, 1799,' be-
ginning :
Towards the end of the year 1796, a Eepository was opened at
Bath by several ladies, for the reception of works of industry and
ingenuity, to be sold for the benefit of the poor. It is supported
by subscription, and is conducted by a committee of ladies chosen
from among the subscribers ; of whom one attends the sale every
day from twelve to three, and three or four meet on Saturday, to
look over the books, and to pay the poor people. During the two
first years articles were sold for the benefit of 200 poor persons,
and the receipts amounted to £1133 lis. 4(Z. The last year's
receipt was £700.
' Extract from ' An Account of the Bath Repository for the benefit of the
Poor,' by Mrs. Bernard. Reports of the Society B.C.P., vol. ii., No. LXV.
THE BATH RBPOSITOEY 305
There are at present sixty-three poor women, who regularly
bring their work, and come every Saturday to be paid for such
part as is sold ; many of them are widows with large families, and
some very infirm, particularly one poor woman who employs her-
self in making stay-laces, and is paralytic ; so much so, as to be
unable even to lift her head from the pillow. Her work is re-
markably neat and well done, and she not only earns some
addition to her means of subsistence, but relieves herself from
the weariness of many painful hours.
The children of the School of Industry sent their work
thither, and also ladies, who wished to work for the benefit
of particular poor persons ; the names of the intended
recipients were ticketed on the work, and they were required
to come in person for the money. Another thoughtful
arrangement was that visitors who did not intend to buy
were requested to put sixpence into a charity box, ' to prevent
the inconvenience that might arise from idle visits of
curiosity.'
Although Mrs. Bernard states that there was one charity
of the same kind in London, it appears that such schemes
were by no means common, and were, therefore, worth
writing about. She remarks ^ on the advantage not only
to the needy recipients, but also to the rich by giving them
an unselfish occupation, ' and making the amusements of
the idle and the young contributory to charity and bene-
volence.'
Especially does Mrs. Bernard dilate on the advantage
to the visitors of very tender years :
Amid the pleasures and dissipation of Bath, it must be no
small satisfaction to those parents whose health obliges their
families to be occasionally resident there, that a place of amuse-
ment of this kind should be opened for their children, and that it
should be powerfully recommended by fashion ; a place, where
they may at an early age, be instructed to employ the means,
and enjoy the gratification, of being useful to the poor, and of
soothing and relieving their distresses. For it must occur to them,
before it can be suggested, that habits of this kind, when at an
' ' Observations ' appended to the ' Account of the Bath Eepository,' by
Mrs. Bernard.
VOL. III. X
306 THE BERNARDS OF ABINGTON
early and teachable age they are acquired and enjoyed, will remain
through life a blessing and an ornament to the possessor.
But the most important result of this visit to Bath was
the determination formed by Mr. Bernard to publish the
good work achieved by the Eev. Mr. Daubeny, in obtaining
the funds, superintending the arrangements, and officiating,
together with the Eev. Mr. Leigh, in a chapel of the Church
of England, to which the poor were admitted free, and invited
to attend.
This phenomenon, for such in the usual acceptation of
the term it then was, was felt by Thomas to be the first
step towards filling a want he had long deplored, and as an
example calling for imitation. And the sequel to his resolve
that a movement in the same direction should be inaugurated
in London will be told in the next chapter.
In the following year, 1800, Thomas Bernard sold his
house at Iver to Mr. John Sullivan. It may be conjectured
that, as his time and attention became increasingly devoted
to philanthropic schemes, he found the country house an
encumbrance. From that time he made more excursions to
various parts of England — whether for business or pleasure
— generally it would seem with a view to some benevolent
project ; sometimes, perhaps, as aids to health, which had
been probably one reason for his visits to Bath.
I have heard an aunt say that Mr. Bernard's wife
regretted this change : she was not strong, and thought that
the new plan involved more mental and bodily fatigue ; but
she acquiesced loyally in his wishes, whether they obliged
her to make a prolonged stay in London, or a long journey
— sometimes to an untried locality.
ME. DAUBENY'S CHAPEL 307
CHAPTEK XVI
THE FEEE CHAPEL IN ST. GILES'S
Mr. Daubeny's Chapel at Bath— The First Mention of West Street Chapel,
St. Giles's — It becomes John Wesley's West End Mission Station — The
Chapel in] Thomas Bernard's hands— The Galleries of the Chapel let to
Tradesmen in Order to Defray Expenses— Thomas Bernard's Account of
the Progress of the Chapel— The Eeligious Destitution of the Day— Neglect
by the Church of the Poor— Thomas Bernard's Scheme for the Establish-
ment of Free Chapels for the Poor— Proposed Free Chapel in Douglas,
Isle of Man — Offshoots from the West Street Chapel —Public-houses
Patronised by Beggars in St. Giles's— The Weakness of English Schemes
of Improvement— West Street Chapel passes out of the hands of Thomas
Bernard's Trustees— The later History of the Chapel— The Kev. R. W.
Dibdin.
Mr. Bernard appears to have lost no time in writing an
account ^ of Mr. Daubeny's chapel at Bath for the ' Keports '
of his Society ; it is dated November 29, 1799, and the
subject is introduced as follows :
The free church, in the parish of Walcot, at Bath, was opened
in November, 1798, for the general and indiscriminate accommoda-
tion of the poor. The idea was originally suggested by the Eev.
Mr. Daubeny, in a sermon delivered at St. Margaret's chapel, at
Bath, in April 1792 ; and afterwards, with the concurrence and
approbation of the Eev. Mr. Sibley, the Eector of the parish, pub-
lished with an address to the inhabitants.
In this discourse, Mr. Daubeny, after enlarging upon the great
characteristic of the Christian religion that ' the Poor have the
Gospel preached to them,' and upon the expected benefits of the
Sunday Schools then estabhshed at Bath, proceeded to ask ' where
are the children of that place when discharged from the Sunday
Schools at a time of Hfe the most dangerous, — where are they to
gain that instruction which is calculated to bring to perfection the
' Extract from 'An Account of the Free Church at Bath,' by Thomas
Bernard, Esq. Reports, vol. ii., No. LXIII,
x3
308 THE BERNABDS OF ABINGTON
education which they have received? If in conformity to the
ideas with which they have been brought up they come to places
of worship belonging to the EstabHshment, they find, alas ! the
doors for the most part, shut against them.'
He then goes on to observe that this is in some degree to
exclude them from the Estabhshed Church, instead of inviting, and
providing places of worship for them ; without which (he adds)
' we cannot be surprised that they should no longer continue
members of a church, which, in a manner, excommunicates them.
In which case their infidelity and consequent immorality, will not
so much lay at their own doors, as at the doors of those who
ought, in charity, to have taken their case into consideration, and
to have provided means for their instruction.'
The poor of Walcot had actually been wronged by a
measure which should have been beneficial in its effects :
namely, the enlargement and alleged improvement of their
parish church ; this had led to an extension of the system
of ' farming ' the pews in order to defray the interest on the
expenditure. There were, indeed, four proprietary chapels
besides in the parish, but in these the seats were let at very
high prices. Mr. Bernard adds : ' I do not mean to suggest
that no accommodation is left for the poor. In Laura Chapel,
at Bath, I observed one hundred seats reserved for the poor,
in the back of the south gallery ; and forty for charity children. ' ^
There is sufficient evidence that this state of things was
usual throughout England, wherever it was possible to
make money by pew rents.
Thomas Bernard did not content himself with giving cur-
rency to Mr. Daubeny's appeal, and chronicling its results —
which had been most satisfactory ; while the paper containing
the particulars of the enterprise was passing through the
press, he had obtained the lease of a building suitable for his
purpose, which was the opening of a free chapel in London,
and was able to state the fact in a note to the second volume
of the ' Eeports,' dated January 29, 1800.^
' Note to the ' Account of the Free Chapel in Bath.'
^ Note to the ' Observations ' following the ' Account of the Free Chapel in
Bath.' Mr. Bernard received the news of the engagement while the ' Account '
or ' Report ' was in the printers' hands.
WOEKS OF MEKCY 309
While Mr. Bernard was engaged in the negotiation for
this building, and in the business of fitting it for the services
of the Church of England, he was also helping forward other
works of mercy, mentioned elsewhere — the foundation of the
Blind School ; the formation of the Cancer Institution ; the
efforts to obtain a suitable building for a Fever Institution,
especially ; and was beginning a new crusade on behalf of the
unhappy children employed as chimney-sweeps. Indeed, this
appears to have been about the busiest period of his philan-
thropic career. During this winter — 1800-1 — moreover, the
scarcity and consequent dearness of provisions reached a point
which seriously affected the well-being of the people ; and the
Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor was busy
with experiments and instruction as to the best means of
meeting the emergency. So early as November, 1800,^
Thomas Bernard was examined before a Committee of the
House of Commons, especially as to the advantages he had
found in using rice instead of flour at the Foundling Hospital
and elsewhere ; and the Committee embodied the details of
his evidence in its Keport. Bread, in 1800, was Is. 5^d. the
quartern loaf of 41bs. 5^ ozs., and for some weeks it rose to
Is. lO^d. To remedy the effects of the high price of meat
it was proposed to secure for the metropolis a supply of
salted or corned fish. The Society elected a committee, which,
by the agency of Mr. Patrick Colquhoun, entered into exten-
sive correspondence with Edinburgh on this subject.
On the 29th of November the first cargo arrived containing
390,000 herrings. They were immediately announced for sale,
which commenced on the 3rd of December, and proceeded with as
much rapidity as could have been wished. In the meantime,
measures were taken for continuing the supply, at the price then
fixed, of 3s. 4:d. per hundred.-
A little later an effort was made to utilise the Cornish
fisheries, which had been much neglected, and Mr. Henry
' Life of Sir Tlwmas Bernard, by the Bev. James Baker.
2 Extract from ' An Account of the Measures taken during the late Scarcity,
for supplying the Poor with corned Herrings and other cheap Fish,' by Thomas
Bernard, Esq. Reports of tlie Society B.C.P., vol. iii., No. XCV.
310 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Boase, who was a Cornishman, wrote a paper ^ on the
subject for the Society's 'Reports.' Herrings formed the
staple of the fish supply ; but after a while pilchards, cod,
and even several other kinds of fish were sent to London.
Fresh sea fish was then impossible at any considerable
distance inland, except as an occasional luxury for the rich
man's table.
The chapel obtained by Mr. Bernard ^ for the use of the
poor was situated in West Street, St. Giles's, one of the
streets which converged in a centre called the Seven Dials.
"West Street Chapel is first mentioned in 1700,^ when it was
held by a French Protestant congregation, which had moved
there from another locality. Soon after that period the
neighbourhood appears to have become more thickly
populated, and, being much neglected, obtained a bad pre-
eminence in reputation amongst London parishes. This
misfortune was no doubt originally due to various changes
in the metropolis, such as are still constantly in operation ;
and it probably owed to this otherwise undesirable distinction
the honour of being chosen by John Wesley as one of the
scenes of his ministry. He moved into the chapel when it
was vacated by the French congregation, and it became his
West End mission station.
Wesley still professed to be an attached son of the Eng-
lish Church, and his friend Fletcher, who preached his first
sermon in West Street Chapel, lived and died Vicar of
Madeley, Salop. Yet the proceedings were altogether
irregular, and unsanctioned by ecclesiastical authority ; they
were, to most intents and purposes, dissenting services,
founding their best excuse on the teiiible indifference of both
Church and State to the spiritual condition of the masses.
The chapel was simply a large room, with galleries on the
two sides, entirely devoid of architecture and ornament.
' Extract from ' An Account of the Fisheries in the West of England,' by
Henry Boase, Esq. Beports of the Society B.C. P., vol. iii., Appendix xii.
- Life of Sir Thomas Bernard, by Rev. James Baker.
' The History of West Street Episco2ml Chapel, by Eev. R. W. Dibdin, M.A.
(Nisbet & Co.. 1862.)
ST. GILES'S FREE CHURCH 311
Adjoining it was a house, apparently built for the officiating
minister, and in an upper room of this house were three
windows looking into the chapel directly over the com-
munion-table. In Wesley's time many persons, both lay and
clerical, some of considerable note, who wished to hear him,
occupied this room during the services, though they did not
wish — especially if clergymen — to be stigmatised as atten-
dants on his ministry ; from this custom these convenient
apertures received the name of the ' Nicodemus windows.'
The chapel had no sooner come into Mr. Bernard's
hands than he began to realise the semi-starvation to which
the poverty-stricken district around had been reduced during
the prevailing distress. On April 4, 1800, he wrote : ^
Some delay in opening the Free Church in St. Giles's has been
unavoidably occasioned by the increased demand of the poor upon
the soup-house of that district, adjoining to, and in some degree
connected with, that Church. On this account it has been deemed
proper to fit up the soup kitchen there, with twice the accommoda-
tion originally intended ; and until that could be completed, the
necessary repairs and preparation of the Chapel could not well be
proceeded in. That part of the work is, however, now completed ;
and the repairs of the chapel are proceeding in ; with the hope of its
being opened, not as a solitary free church in the metropolis, but as
one, prior only in time, but inferior in size and accommodation, to
many free churches, which the active and persevering benevolence
of the inhabitants of the metropolis will establish and open for the
benefit of the poor.
These words stamp the Free Chapel in West Street as
the first metropolitan place of worship of its kind in con-
nection with the Church of England ; but the well-to-do
members of that Church did not respond to Mr. Bernard's
appeal sufficiently to provide for its maintenance, much less
for others of the sort. They apparently looked either with
indifference or dislike on the strange idea of preaching the
Gospel to the poor, and affording them Christian privileges
> In a note to a portion of the Appendix to the second volume of the
Reports of the Society B.C.P., No. XIV., entitled ' Notes and Additional Obser-
vations,' collected by a Member of the Committee.
312 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
in the capital of Christian England, and under the shelter of
buildings belonging to the so-called National Church. It
was found necessary, as at Bath, to let the galleries to
tradesmen in the neighbourhood, by way of paying the
expenses of the whole ; the body of the chapel was reserved
for those who did not pay, and, as the entire number of
sittings was over one thousand, they probably obtained about
seven hundred.
Mr. Bernard's biographer writes ^ concerning this chapel :
It was fitted up by him at the expense of nearly one thousand
pounds, the whole of the body being free for the poor, and was
opened on the 25th of May, by an excellent and impressive dis-
course by the late Bishop Porteous, who then presided over the
diocese of London. The chapel had been originally intended to
be consecrated, but the objection of its being only leasehold for
years, together with the Bishop's opinion that consecration was
not essential in this more than in many cases of chapels in the
metropolis, prevented its taking place. A formal licence was also
deemed by the Bishop of London to be unnecessary, he and the
Eector of the parish having expressed their approbation by preach-
ing in the chapel ; at the same time the appointment of the
minister and the attendants was left with Mr. Bernard. In other
undertakings of this nature he had received liberal pecuniary
assistance from others ; to this the contributions were incon-
siderable. In addition to the original expense of fitting up, he
engaged to pay, during the continuance of the twenty-one years'
lease, the further annual sum of fifty guineas, which with the
rents of the pews in the galleries defrayed all the expenses.
Thomas Bernard wrote his own account ^ of the com-
mencement and progress of the chapel in the 'Eeports ' of his
Society as follows :
On Sunday the 25th of May, 1800, a free chapel was opened in
West Street, near the Seven Dials, for the benefit of the Poor.
Those who have witnessed the pathos and energy with which the
Bishop of London delivers and enforces the divine truths and
ordinances of the Gospel, may conceive how powerful and impres-
' Lije of Sir Thomas Bernard, by Rev. James Baker.
^ Extract from ' An Account of the Free Chapel, in West Street, St. Giles's,'
by Thomas Bernard, Esq. Beports of tJie Society B.C.P., vol. iii., No. LXXVIII.
ST. GILES'S FEEE CHUKCH 313
sive his discourse must have been on this occasion ; addressed as
it was to the feehngs, and understandings of his audience, and
received by them with silent and unfeigned satisfaction.
The chapel was extremely crowded ; not merely by the poor,
but by many of the other classes of life. The singing was
peculiarly striking and affecting ; all the persons who were present,
standing up, and uniting earnestly and zealously in this delightful
act of devotion. In the afternoon the Rev. Dr. Glasse preached,
with much effect upon his audience ; if fixed and gratified atten-
tion can be admitted as evidence of the impression of the preacher.
On the succeeding Sunday the sacrament was administered at the
Chapel ; and fifty persons, chiefly the aged poor, received the
Communion with decency and devotion.
It appears that the Eector of St. Giles's was also Bishop
of Chichester. The chapel was placed under the direction of
the Bishop of London, the Eector, and eight principal sub-
scribers. The Methodist Society, which was leaving six
months before its time, behaved with great friendliness and
liberality. For nearly a year, Mr. Vevers was the officiating
clergyman, but from Lady-day 1801, Mr. Gurney was
engaged, apparently with the idea that he was a very fit
person for this difficult post.
It had been conceived (writes Mr. Bernard), that it would be
better, and more conducive to the permanency of the institution,
that the poor should gradually find their way into the chapel ;
rather than by any special means to press their premature
attendance. No hope was entertained that their habits would be
suddenly and entirely changed ; and that those, who from infancy
had passed the Lord's Day in sloth and brutal indulgence, should
be at once amended ; and be prepared regularly to attend vdth
cleanliness and decency, in a place of divine worship. A complete
and permanent reform was not to be immediately expected ; and
a temporary conformity, a mere yielding for the time to pressing
instances, compelling them to come in, did not promise any stable
improvement.
Everything appears to have been done to make the
chapel attractive, according to the ideas of the times, and so
far as circumstances permitted ; an organ was provided, an
organist engaged, and printed copies of the psalms and
314 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
hymns placed in the free seats ; there was also some atten-
tion paid to the comfort of the seat-holders in the galleries,
on whom the support of the chapel mainly depended, and
room was made there for a few additional sittings. Mr.
Gm:ney, who undertook the charge of the district, was
evidently considered an eloquent preacher, since many of the
inhabitants of St. Giles's had desired to see him appointed
to the lectureship of the parish church, and such lecturers
were ordinarily chosen on account of their powers of attract-
ing a congregation. He was content to accept the pew rents
and the additional 501. provided by Mr. Bernard as his
stipend. The salary of the organist and other church
expenses must have been defrayed by the very moderate
contributions of the public.
The ' Observations ' appended to Mr. Bernard's paper on
the chapel, according to the custom adopted in the Society's
* Keports,' are of unusual length, and contain some curious
particulars of the religious destitution of the day : ^
Whoever takes a view of the parochial districts of the western
end of our metropolis, will find that in the four parishes of
Marybone, St. James's, St. Giles's, and St. George's Hanover
Square, with a population of some hundred thousand inhabitants,
there are only four churches for the reception of those, who are
desirous of attending divine worship, according to the rites of the
Church of England. Three of these are of a moderate size ; but
the other, that of Marybone, hardly fit for the chapel of some petty
insulated hamlet. In these four parishes, the utmost exertions of
the parochial clergy, combined with the greatest talents, must be
utterly inadequate to the religious duties of their respective dis-
tricts.
The writer then recurs to the vexed subject of accommo-
dation ; those who did not pay being relegated to ' standing-
room in the aisles, and sometimes an occasional neglected
bench ' ; and continues :
It is of very little or no consequence, that in these four parishes,
there are many private chapels. These chapels are let at rack-
' Extract from ' An Account of the Free Chapel in West Street, St. Giles's,'
by Thomas Bernard, Esq. (' Observations ' appended to the Account). Reports
of the Society B.C.P., vol. iii., No. LXXVIII.
RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION 315
rent, to some speculating undertaker : the pews, and every part of
them, being laid out and disposed (as other private property
generally is) so as to produce the greatest possible income loith the
least outgoings ; and the free admission of the poor being directly
opposite to the principle, on which they are built and opened ; and
perfectly incompatible with the great object of making a very largo
revenue, by the admission of very genteel company.
He notes that
many of the better and more serious of the labouring poor are
driven and compelled to take refuge in the different places of
worship, which the more accommodating spirit of other sects pro-
vides for their religious duties. But this is not all : the greater
number of these neglected Christians preserve their orthodoxy, by
never attoiding any church at all ; and in a country justly boasting
of the purity of its religious doctrines, — extremely fortunate in the
possession of a learned and pious clergy, — and consecrating very
ample funds to the support of a most respectable church establish-
ment—two thirds of the lower order of people in the metropolis,
live as utterly ignorant of the doctrines and duties of Christianity,
and are as errant and unconverted pagans, as if they had existed
in the wildest part of Africa.
Mr. Bernard, though fully admitting the obligation of
carrying the Gospel to other lands, remarks how curious an
enigma it will appear to future ages that England, while
sending missions to distant and unknown countries, should
utterly neglect its own metropolis. In the present day we
do not look back on the transition years of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries as particularly distinguished by
zeal for foreign missions, but such they apparently were by
comparison, since the Church totally ignored the duty of
providing for its people at home, where the increase of
population demanded an increase of exertion, or where any
change of circumstances rendered fresh measures urgent.
In his animadversions on the shortcomings of the
National Church, he alludes to ' the awful series of events
which is now desolating, and we may hope at the same time
reforming, the Christian world ' — namely, the great Eevolu-
tion in France, and the consequent misfortunes in which
other countries had been involved. He continued, in a more
316 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
animated strain than was usual to him— his feelings having
been stirred from their depths by this topic :
It is written in the recent History of Europe, it is inscribed in
the summary of the preceding ten years, that there is no protection
against the calamities which are now laying waste our quarter of
the globe, except that purity of faith and integrity of life, which
are to be derived from the vivifying influence of religion, extend-
ing, like the solar ray, to every class of our fellow subjects, and
operating in the moral amendment of the great mass of the
people.
And after some further remarks, he adds :
With these sentiments, and with this conviction on my mind,
I venture to submit to those, from whom only such a measure can
properly originate, the expediency of providing some remedy for
this national evil. — What I have to suggest may be considered as
a mission for the instruction and conversion of our neglected felloio
creatures^ the Pagan Inhabitants in the Centre of London.
Mr. Bernard's suggestion was the formation of a society
for the foundation and establishment of free chapels for the
poor in populous towns, * subject, as all other chapels and
churches of the Estabhshed Church must be, to episcopal
control and government.' The principal subscribers were to
be governors of the Society. 'Whenever such a Society
shall be formed,' he adds, ' and the directing power placed in
unexceptionable hands, I will venture to hope that some
addition to its funds may be afforded by government.'
Mr. Baker is silent as to the results of this appeal ; it
clearly met with little or no response. The West Street
chapel struggled on amidst difficulties, and apparently
without successors. Some years later, in 1812, Thomas
Bernard was engaged in furthering a similar enterprise at
Brighton, which, however, had a very troubled career ; but,
in 1814, his heart was at length rejoiced by the receipt of a
letter ^ from the Isle of Man stating that :
In the principal town of Douglas, which contains about seven
thousand inhabitants, there is no accommodation for the poor in
' Life of Sir Thomas Bernard, by the Ecv. James Baker.
GOOD WOEK 317
the churches belonging to the establishment. It is now in con-
templation to erect a Free Chapel on the plan of that in London,
West Street, Seven Dials, and his Grace the Duke of Athol,
Governor-in-Chief, highly approves of the plan.
It is hardly possible, therefore, that the bishops can have
thrown their influence into the movement ; most of them
probably looked with suspicion on such innovations, while
some of the beneficed clergy dreaded the diminution of their
rights and incomes. Such were the ideas of the age, indeed,
that Mr. Bernard was fortunate in not being opposed in
West Street by the Bishop and Kector, whose work he was
doing for them. As to the laity, it is not surprising that in
such circumstances they, also, should have been generally
indifferent, when not hostile to the effort.
The little chapel of the Seven Dials had a subsequent
history of some interest. It went through years of bare
toleration doing good work in a very unostentatious manner.
For some time the majority of the poor inhabitants of the
district could scarcely be brought to understand that they
were no longer to be repelled from church, but were invited
and even expected to attend rehgious services. The idea
was too startling to be quickly realised.
The habitual neglect of Divine Service and of all observance of
the Sabbath [writes Mr. Baker •] was so inveterated in the
minds of the poor of that neighbourhood, that after the first
effects of curiosity were over, the chapel was for some months
very thinly attended. Perseverance however, and the assiduity
and talent of Mr. Gurney who devoted himself to the duty with
extraordinary zeal, produced a numerous and regular congregation
of the poor. The Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper is fully
attended, and a weekly evening Lecture established, and con-
stantly frequented by the neighbourhood.
In a note the same writer adds :
The number of attendants has been from one hundred and
eighty to two hundred persons, and the collections among persons
so necessitous have amounted to three or four pounds on a
' Life of Sir Thomas Bernard.
318 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Sunday. At the first Confirmation the Bishop of London held
after the opening of the Chapel, one hundred and fifty young
persons went in a body from the Chapel to be confirmed.
The soup-kitchen, established in the lower part of the
chapel house, may be supposed to have had some influence
in attracting persons to the services ; but if so, it was within
fair bounds; no pious bribery was attempted. The soup
was, indeed, as the scarcity increased, supplemented by salt
or corned fish, pork, potatoes, bread, and savoury rice. As
the scarcity increased and lengthened, these provisions were
not given away, but sold at a low price, and to all comers ;
but the applicants chiefly belonged to St. Giles and the ad-
joining parish of St. Ann's, Soho. There was also a charity
for coals, which were stored under the chapel — this being a
customary arrangement in proprietary places of worship —
though, perhaps, wine and spirits were the more usual
commodities. But it is probable that the provisions were
partly discontinued after the times began to mend. Sir
Frederick Morton Eden,^ who wrote a full account of this
institution for the Society's * Keports,' was against leading
the poor to rely on such aid too exclusively.
The success of the chapel [says Mr. Baker 2] was followed by
the formation of a school, originally containing only about two
hundred children. It was however progressively increased to four
hundred, consisting of two hundred and fifty boys in the chapel,
and about one hundred and fifty girls in the house adjoining.^ The
parents pay ninepence a month for each child ; and the payments
are very punctually made, and are adequate to a considerable part
of the expense of these schools, which have continued to benefit
and improve that part of the metropolis for above fourteen years.
» Extract from ' An Account of the Soup House in West Street, St. Giles's,'
by Sir Frederick Morton Eden, Bart.
* Life of Sir Thatnas Bernard.
' See also, for earlier statistics and other particulars, extract from ' An
Account of the Free Chapel Schools in West Street, Seven Dials,' by John
Dougan, Esq., Reports of tJie Society B.C.P., vol. iv.. No. C. The total expense
of the day and Sunday-schools, was 283L 10s. per annum. Of this 90Z. was
expended in clothing for ninety children nominated by subscribers of one
guinea or benefactors of ten guineas each. The parents of the scholars contri-
buted 13s. a year for each child, amounting to 156L, when this account was
written.
PUBLIC HOUSES IN ST. GILES'S 319
The chapel produced in 1803 another beneficial establishment —
' A Society of the Poor for the Belief of their poor Neighbours in
Distress,' its objects being to visit, ascertain the circumstances and
character, and, as far as may be, relieve the distresses of any poor
persons in that neighbourhood, v^^ho are suffering in silence and
obscurity. In the course of a week from its first proposal by Mr.
Gurney from the pulpit, one hundred and eighty-seven of his con-
gregation subscribed to the annual amount of one hundred and
tv^enty-eight pounds ; and what makes it singular is that these
poor persons subscribe without any preferable claim on the funds,
except what may arise from superior character or more urgent
distress.^
It is difficult to understand how a population which could
undertake a work of this kind could be either very wretched
or very depraved. Only from the article in the ' Quarterly
Eeview ' on Mendicity,^ vn:itten some years later, have I
been able to glean any particulars throwing light on the
darker shades of its social life. It deals with some Minutes
of a Committee, printed in 1815, by order of the House of
Commons. Some passages relate to two houses in Church
Lane, very near West Street.
Joseph Butterworth, Esq., one of the Committee, and an active
member of the ' Strangers' Friend Society ' says :
' There are two public-houses in Church Lane St. Giles's whose
chief support depends on beggars ; one called the Beggar's Opera,
which is the Eose and Crown public-house, and the other the
Ptobin Hood. The number that frequent those houses, at various
times, are computed to be between two and three hundred. I have
been credibly informed that they are divided into companies, and
each company is subdivided into what are called walks, and each
company has its particular walk : if this walk be considered
beneficial, the whole company take it by turns, each person keep-
ing it from half an bom- to three or four hours. Their receipts,
' Mr. Baker's notice is chiefly taken from the extract of ' An Account of a
Society in West Street for the Belief of their Poor Neighbours in Distress,' by
Thomas Bernard, Esq. Reports of the Society B.C. P., vol. iv., No. CIV.
^ The Quarterly Review, October 1815, vol. xiv., Art. vi. Minutes of the
Evidence taken before the Committee appointed by the House of Commons to
inquire into the State of Mendicity and Vagrancy in the Metropolis and its
Neighbourhood, ordered to be printed July 11th, 1815.
320 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
at a moderate calculation, cannot be less than from three to five
shillings a day each person. . . . '
Mr. WilHam Dorrell, inspector of the pavement of St. Giles's,
has been on an evening, out of curiosity, at the Rose and Crown,
kept by a man of the name of Sheen, and the Robin Hood, in
Church Lane, by a man whose name is Pearl. ' I have seen them,'
he says, ' some years back, at a time when the knives and forks,
the snuffers, the pokers, tongs, and so on, were chained to the
place, take fowls and such things for supper.' He also says that
there were two cellars between Plumtree Street and Dyot Street
where they used to dress sausages for their supper, and where the
things were chained to the table to prevent their being stolen.
Mr. Sampson Stevenson, overseer of the parish of St. Giles's,
gives a similar account of another house, called the Fountain, in
King Street, Seven Dials, where the beggars assemble, not only at
night, but in a morning before they start upon their daily occupa-
tions. He has gone into the bar to see their manner of going on :
they set out in a morning some with knapsacks on their back ;
some with none. The former take anything they can collect, old
clothes and old shoes, which they bring to a place near Monmouth
Street, where ' they translate old shoes into new ones ; they make
sometimes three or four shillings a day by old shoes only ' ; and
' their mode of exciting charity for shoes is invariably to go bare-
footed, and scarify their feet and heels with something or another
to cause the blood to flow.' He says they are the worst of
characters, get violently drunk, quarrel and fight, calling for gin,
rum, beer, and whatever they like ; ham, beef, and so on ; broken
victuals none of them will touch.
'There are houses where there are forty or fifty of them, like a
gaol ; the porter stands at the door and takes the money. For
threepence they have clean straw, or something like it ; for those
who pay fourpence there is something more decent ; for sixpence
they have a bed. They are all locked in for the night, lest they
should take the property. In the morning there is a general
muster below.'
It appears that in the parish of St. Giles there are numbers of
these houses ; the persons who frequent them have no habitations,
but live entirely by begging, or something worse.
This evidence was given before a Committee of the
House of Commons, whose business was 'to inquire into
the State of Mendicity and Vagrancy in the Metropolis,'
omitting other forms of vice and crime ; the record would
AN INSTEUCTIVE LESSON IN ADMINISTRATION 321
probably be quite as black in each case had other phases
been set forth. As the money raised in the parish for the
relief of distress was distributed by persons well acquainted
with the locality, it may be concluded that it was given to
the deserving poor only, for whom these successful vaga-
bonds must have been a sore trial of faith.
The great weakness in every English scheme of improve-
ment is want of continuity. It seems impossible to ensure
an organisation for carrying on philanthropic works after
the first promoters and benefactors have passed away from
the scene. The history of the West Street Chapel has been
vioritten, and forms an instructive lesson in the administration
of Anglican Church affairs.
It appears from the ' Quarterly Eeview ' that Mr. Gurney,
who gave evidence before the Committee, was then rector
of St. Clement Danes, as well as minister of West Street
Chapel. Pecuniary reasons may have rendered this arrange-
ment inevitable, but it must have diminished his usefulness
in St. Giles's. Within three years from that time Sir
Thomas Bernard, as he then was, died — the original lease
of the chapel had but another three years to run ; but it
seems evident that Sir Thomas must have obtained some
extension of the term, since Mr. Gurney remained five years
longer at his post. The annual sum allowed by Sir Thomas
was, therefore, in all likelihood, secured to the officiating
clergyman for that period. If the statement of Mr. Samuel
Cole, of 98 Great Russell Street, may be received as accurate,
the visible results of the chapel teaching had much diminished
in the meantime ; and Mr. Cole having been converted by
Mr. Gurney, was not likely to exaggerate deficiencies which
might tell against him.
In the course of his twenty-five years of labour about the
Seven Dials Mr. Gurney must have grown sensibly older,
and less able to manage large numbers of persons, while the
population amongst which he toiled was not of a sort to
make allowance for the shortcomings of declining age.
Indeed, it may be conjectured that a decided change for the
worse had taken place in the character of the inhabitants —
VOL. m. y
322 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
that a recent additional influx of lawless and abandoned
settlers had proved too much for the clergyman, and had
fixed upon St. Giles's/ and especially upon the Seven Dials,
the reputation of being the worst quarter of London. This
influx of reprobates had, no doubt, led to an exodus of some
of the more respectable residents, such as the tradesmen who
had occupied the galleries, and the quieter portion of the
poor; added to which changes, the death of Sir Thomas
Bernard must have been preceded and followed by the loss
of some of his contemporaries, who had been friends and
fellow-workers, and thus the needful support was withdrawn
from the chapel — moral as well as pecuniary. Of the Bishop
and Eector at this crisis nothing is said.
Mr. Gurney was succeeded by Mr. Ellaby, who appears
to have taken the chapel on his own responsibility, so that
it passed out of the hands of Sir Thomas Bernard's trustees.
Mr. Cole writes :
At that time there were only ten communicants. A committee
was then formed for repairing and altering the chapel ; the cooking
apparatus for making soup was taken away, and the centre of the
chapel fitted up with pews. A benevolent society was formed for
visiting the sick and poor.
But the pewing of the chapel must have meant that
pew-rents were exacted ; so that it became an ordinary * pro-
prietary chapel,' though not of the most fashionable type.
The historical ' Nicodemus windows ' were blocked up at
this time.
It is not surprising to find that the enterprise ended in
disappointment ; but it is perhaps remarkable that Mr. Ellaby
should have speedily found an opportunity of disposing of
the chapel to a new bidder, and, as may be assumed, on
satisfactory terms to himself. His widow, who seems to
have jotted down some reminiscences as a contribution to
the history of the chapel, writes : ^
' The stigma which attached to the parish is exemplified in Douglas
Jerrold's story — with a purpose — entitled St. Giles and St. Janies, in which,
about the middle of the nineteenth century, St. Giles figures as the type of
degradation, St. Janies of exaltation.
2 In The History of West Street Episcopal Chapel, by Rev. R. W. Dibdin, M.A.
A DWINDLING CONGEEGATION 323
As far as I can recollect my late dear husband commenced his
ministry at West Street in 1826, and closed it in 1830 or 1831,
when it was taken by the Irish Society. We lived in the chapel-
house for three years. It was not a very desirable locality in
which to train up a young family, but we were mercifully kept in
health and quietness during our continuance there, with but little
occasional annoyance from the turbulent spirits by whom we
were surrounded, who knew nothing of the privilege of reverencing
the sanctuary or keeping the Sabbath holy.
Daring the years in which the Irish Society held the
chapel it was the scene of fierce denunciations of Popery ; but
even these did not ensure success, apparently, for the Society
soon parted with the building, which was taken by the Eev.
James Endell Tyler, rector of St. Giles's, in 1836. He
probably worked it partly by means of his curates ; but he
also procured the services of eminent popular preachers.
Still the results fell far short of expectation, and when in
1841 or 1842 the Eev. E. W. Dibdin wished for a lease of the
chapel under the Eector, the congregation numbered but
twenty-five persons, all but one of whom were, however,
communicants.
The Eector, who appears to have spoken very frankly to
Mr. Dibdin, expressed surprise at his own failure to
evangelise the district, after the trouble he had given him-
self with that view. He stated that he had opened the
chapel with twelve judges as worshippers at the service ;
thereupon Mr. Dibdin observed that judges were the last
persons in the world Mr. Tyler should have invited to St.
Giles's if he wished the inhabitants to frequent his chapel.
The further conversation is instructive :
' You are not risking much money, I hope ? ' I told him that I
had not much to risk, and that it was not a speculation. He said,
' I am glad that you are not risking money, for you would
certainly lose it. I have long looked upon that part of my parish
as hopeless. Bring me your chapel book, and I will write in it
to authorise you to dispense the sacramental alms as you think
fit ; but it will not be much, 1 fear.' He little thought that the
communicants would in a few years become nearly ten times as
numerous as they were at his parish church.
Y 2
324 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
From this narrative it may be inferred that Mr. Dibdin
was a man of great energy and devotion, who was satisfied
with the results of his ministry, and had reason to be so ; he
held strong views on some points — was especially hostile to
Popery, and a firm believer in demoniacal possession, in
which belief he was probably confirmed by observations
made during his residence in St. Giles's. One of his ex-
periences was the loss of his plate, which was stolen ; it
was, however, replaced by ' friends and well-wishers.'
Mr. Dibdin's account of the chapel is dated 1862 ; at
that period the building had again been put up to auction.
Apparently the Rector had previously leased it to St. Clement
Danes, since the vestry clerk of that parish was to receive
applications. The house and ' extensive cellarage ' had been
let separately ; it may be assumed that the cellarage was
now used for the ordinary purposes of such accommodation.
I am indebted to the present ' Missioner,' the Rev. A. C.
Holthouse, for a continuation of the narrative, in a letter
dated ' December 6, 1892 ' :
Mr. Dibdin died about five years ago. He conducted service
here and preached right up to the end. On his death the building
was put up for auction. Owing to the energy of his sons and of
Canon Nisbet, who collected the money, it was bought for the
' Seven Dials Mission ' — one of the Diocesan Home Missions.
The Mission before that only had a room-church (rented) in
Short's Gardens. Now it is in permanent quarters here, although
we keep on the mission-room in Short's Gardens.
After that, ' West Street Episcopal Chapel ' had been cleaned
and somewhat renovated ; we took possession four years ago last
Easter.
Some further changes have of course taken place since
that time. For two years and a half, ending in April 1903,
the Rev. Ernest Schofield replaced the Rev. A. C. Holthouse,
who has since taken up the work again. In 1901 an order
of the London County Council led to the demolition of the
old Mission House. It has been replaced by one of more
imposing appearance, and the Short's Gardens Mission has
been incorporated in the West Street Mission.
THE 'SEVEN DIALS' 325
Much as the neighbourhood has altered of late years,
many of the houses having given place to warehouses, while
printing works are carried on in close proximity to the
chapel, there is still a sufficient amount of poverty and vice
in the district to call forth the strenuous work of the clergy.
Even now it includes a region styled ' The Street of the
Forty Thieves.' The ' Seven Dials ' are gone ; they dis-
appeared from the locality early in the last century. ' The
old Seven Dials Pillar,' writes Mr. Holthouse, * is on the
Green at Weybridge, where it tells of the virtues of a
Duchess of York. The head has been chopped off and lies
at a little distance ; its new head proudly wears a coronet ! ' ^
' Letter to the Author, dated June 8, 1904.
326 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
CHAPTER XVII
chimney-sweepers' apprentices
The Origin of Climbing Chimneys— The Sale of a Child to a Master Sweep-
Appeal in the ' Gentleman's Magazine ' on behalf of Climbing Boys— The
Interest taken by Jonas Hanway and Thomas Bernai-d in Climbing Boys —
The Neediness of Master Sweepers — The Act of 1788— Thomas Bernard's
Efforts to abolish the System of Employing Boys — David Porter's Scheme
on behalf of Climbing Boys — Thomas Bernard promotes a Movement for
the Invention of a Sweeping Machine — Meeting at the Mansion House on
behalf of Climbing Boys — Some of the Horrors of Chimney Sweeping —
Sydney Smith's Article on the Subject in the ' Edinburgh Review ' — Acts of
Parliament dealing with the Subject— Final Triumph of the Earl of Shaftes-
bury—The Act of 1875.
The generation which in its own childhood remembers the
cry of ' Sweep ! ' in the streets, and has seen boys commence
the ascent of chimneys, and watched them with eager
interest emerge partially from the chimney top, flourishing
the brush in token that the work had been thoroughly done,
is fast passing away, and there remains only a tradition of
the boys' miseries. The interest of the last years of that
protracted struggle, which ended in the total abolition of the
practice, is, moreover, concentrated on Lord Shaftesbury
as the hero of the fight, to the oblivion of those previous
workers who had to some extent prepared the way.
One who had himself passed through the ordeal of
apprenticeship to a master sweep has written : '
Who first discovered the art of climbing internally, or at what
period it was introduced, is, I believe, not known. I rather conceive
it to be a modern invention, having found no mention of chimney
' Porter, Consideratio^is an tlie Present State of Chimney Stoeepers, London,
1802. The author is evidently the same Mr. Porter who is quoted by Thomas
Bernard in the Reports of tlie Society B.C. P.
CLIMBING CHIMNEY SWEEPS 327
sweeping or chimney sweepers, before Shakespeare, who, in reflect-
ing on the brevity of human life, and the certainty of death, says :
Golden lads and girls all must
Like chimney sweepers, turn to dust.
But even here though it is fair to conclude there were some
who made a business of sweeping chimneys, it is not clear by
what method they swept them. Some old men of the trade say
that the first climbing chimney sweeper was an intimate of Henry
Jenkins, so memorable for longevity. Though climbing chimneys
may not be an ancient discovery, it is not so modern that we can
trace its original ; but, from its nature, it was probably the desperate
expedient of a criminal, or the last resource of some poor negro to
prolong a miserable life. — I know from experience that no
employment is more laborious than climbing chimneys.
Thomas Bernard ^ believed that the practice of bringing
up boys to this occupation dated from about the beginning
of the eighteenth century. Before that time, indeed, chimneys
wove sufficiently wide to admit of easy sweeping ; if human
beings did ascend them, they were probably men, and the
risk and hardship would be much less. The fashion of
narrow chimneys was in all likelihood connected with the
gradual substitution of coal for wood as fuel.
' The employment of boys,' adds Mr. Bernard, 'is peculiar
to England,' and surely this is a subject for humiliation.
No doubt there were always benevolent persons who pro-
tested against the practice ; but the nation generally seems
to have adopted it with very few qualms of conscience, even
though the chimneys continued to become narrower. That
harshness must have been used even by the best disposed
masters to drive children of six — or even eight — the age
fixed by the Act of 28 George III.— up those steep, dark
passages, is obvious. But the majority of the masters were
ruffians ; the children were forced up the chimneys ^ ' by
cruel blows, by pricking the soles of their feet, or by applying
' Extract from ' An Account of a Cliimney Sweeper's Boy, with Observations
on a Proposal for the Belief of Chimney Sweepers,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq.,
Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of tlie Poor, vol. i., No. XIX.
* Hodder (Edwin), The Life and Work of tlie seventh Earl of Shaftesbury,
K.G., ch. viii.
328 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
wisps of lighted straw ' ; their lives were at all times ren-
dered deplorable by privation and suffering ; many sank
under their cruel tasks ; others lived crippled and diseased.
A large number of the victims were probably obtained
from abandoned or starving parents in the lower ranks.^
There is a case given in a pamphlet on this topic of a fine
boy of five, the son of a working plumber named Miller —
not apparently in want — who was sold by his father to a
master sweep, in the absence of his mother from town. On
her return the poor woman became almost frantic ; with
difficulty she traced her child to a vile den, only to discover
that the sweep had bought him of his father for three
guineas, which she could not replace.
Happily, a humane solicitor took her case in hand ; the
sweep, Henry Doe of Marylebone, was summoned, and fined
by the magistrate sitting at Bow Street 51., while the child
was restored to its mother. This result, however, would
not have been achieved had not the boy been under the age
prescribed by the Act just mentioned. Chimney-sweeping
was considered a trade like any other, and the masters
openly advertised for ' Small boys for narrow flues,'
In the February of the year in which the Act was passed,
while the matter was being agitated, there appeared in the
* Gentleman's Magazine ' ^ a notice of a pamphlet called
* An Appeal to the Humane on behalf of the most deplor-
able Class of Society, the Climbing Boys employed by the
Chimney-sweepers,' by J. P. Andrews ; the writer was a
brother of Sir Joseph Andrews, and the following extract
is given :
When we order our chimneys to be swept we little recollect
that we often order a fellow-creature to be consigned to death or,
what is worse, to a life rendered wretched by deformity, imbecillity,
and disease. Surely if the management of our plantations and
our chimneys would allow us, it were to be wished that we should
have nothing to do with black in either case. We are now
' Report of Society for Superseding the Necessity of Climbiiig Boys.
■ ' T]ie Gentleman's Magazine and Historical Chronicle, vol. Iviii., for
the year MDCCLXXXVIII., Part the First, by Sylvanus Urban, Gent.'
(February number).
CLIMBING CHIMNEY SWEEPS 329
thinking of the poor Africans ; let us also think a little of those
English men, those English children, who only resemble the
Africans in colour ; because in point of wretchedness, they are
indisputably, a much more poor, and more pitiable race of beings.
Many of them, gentle readers, have as yet committed no greater
crime than that of being the natural children perhaps, of some
relation of yours, or even of you, or you, or you. It is a fact also
that they do not often commit crimes ; for who remembers a
chimney sweeper's coming to be hanged (which calculation would
tell us might sometimes happen) ? — unless, indeed, hy his oiun
hands, at the hazard of all that is dear in the next world, in order
to avoid all that is dreadful in this.
The story of the boy who, after climbing chimneys in a
nobleman's mansion, lay dovv^n to rest, and fell asleep on
a sumptuous bed, and v^as not only forgiven, but rescued
and educated by the nobleman, because he felt sure that a
boy who could venture, in spite of his degradation, to lie on
such a bed must have good blood in his veins, is, or was,
well known. As it does not appear that the boy was
claimed by guardians or kinsfolk, he must have been either
a gentleman's illegitimate child or an orphan with hard-
hearted relations. But if some of the reports current in the
eighteenth, and early in the nineteenth, century may be
believed, legitimate children were sometimes kidnapped from
happy homes to be sold to master sweeps. I had in my
childhood a book called 'Timothy Thoughtless,' handed
down, I believe, from a previous generation, in which the
son of genteel parents having, as far as I remember, played
truant, goes through a series of sad adventures, and becomes
a climbing boy ; he is discovered, long after, by his discon-
solate father and mother, who had in vain endeavoured to
trace him previously, crying * Sweep ! ' in a street, begrimed
like his fellows, and laden with his tools and bag of soot.
It has been stated that Mr. Jonas Hanway had taken up
the cause of the climbing boys ; ^ he was largely instru-
mental in obtaining the Act already mentioned, which was
passed two years after his death— in 1788. That Thomas
' See chapter xi. of this volume.
330 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Bernard may have learned to take an interest in the subject
through his acquaintance with Mr. Hanway at the Found-
ling Hospital is probable. There was a thread of connection
between the foundlings and the chimney-sweepers' appren-
tices, since many of the boys rescued by the Hospital might,
but for its intervention, have been in the position of the
poor slaves who now swept the chimneys of their comfort-
able rooms, and Mr. Bernard had evidently collected and
stored information as to their condition, which he com-
menced to utilise so soon as he had formed the Society for
Bettering the Condition of the Poor. Some painful facts
had recently been brought before Parliament, and he no
doubt considered it useless, and even unadvisable, to com-
mence a recapitulation of similar statements. Most of the
report he wrote for the Society's first volume was derived
from the testimony of David Porter, a master sweep, whom
he enlisted as an ally in the crusade, and is of a more
encouraging nature, though it begins with the narrative of a
breach of the law, induced by hardship : ^
In December 1791 Charles Eichmond, a little boy, the
apprentice of a chimney sweeper in High Street, Marylebone, was
convicted at the Old Bailey of a felony in the adjoining house of
the Eev. Mr. Buckley.
The circumstances were as follows :
On the preceding Sunday he had run away from his master.
He was brought home on Tuesday, and (his master and mistress
having occasion to go out) was left locked up by himself. On
their return that evening the doors and windows were all fast ;
but the boy had escaped. On Thursday the master and mistress
(on their returning home that day to dinner, and unlocking the
door of the house) perceived the boy in the room, with a bundle
of woman's clothes, which he said he had found in a cockloft, and
had brought home for his mistress. Some circumstances leading
to detection, the boy was apprehended, and tried at the Old
Bailey ; upon his trial it appeared that he had climbed up his
master's chimney, and down Mr. Buckley's, where he had stolen
the clothes. The boy's account was that ' he took the clothes to
' Extract from 'An Account of a Chimney Sweeper's Boy, with Observations
and a Proposal for the Relief of Chimney Sweepers,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq.,
Rei^orts of tlie Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, vol. i., No. XIX.
MASTEE CHIMNEY SWEEPEES 331
prevent his being beat ; that when he was unemployed, he was sent
to beg in the streets, and that on one Sunday he had begged eight
shillings, which his master took from him ; another time he brought
home a new pair of shoes that some charitable person had given
him ; they were taken off his feet, and pawned for a few pence.'
The boy was convicted ; but he was thought more an object of pity
than of justice, and on the application of Sheriff Anderson was
taken under the protection of the Philanthropic Society.
This was a satisfactory result, so far as the individual
boy was concerned, although, from another point of view, it
might be called a reward for theft ; but it did not alter the
system. Mr. Andrews was probably justified in saying that
the unfortunate apprentices did not often commit crimes ;
some petty offences, hardly to be called crimes, are no doubt
on record, but fewer than might have been expected.
It appears that the masters were in most cases needy
men. Mr. Bernard writes : ^
Of about two hundred master chimney sweepers in London there
are not above twenty who can make a decent livelihood by it . . .
in most instances the master is only a lodger, having one room for
himself his wife and children, and another, generally a cellar with-
out a fireplace for his soot and his apprentices; without any
means of providing for their comfort, health or cleanliness ; and
without any other bed than the soot bags, which they have been
using in the course of their day's work.
It was an aggravation of the unfortunate climbing-boy's
lot that as he grew up he became useless.
At the age of sixteen, a period of some additional enjoyment
to the generality of mankind, he feels that the increase of stature
has unfitted him for the only thing he has been taught ; if he
then endeavours to become a journeyman chimney-sweeper, (and
there are many candidates for one vacancy), his wages, were he to
succeed in obtaining a service, are from £3 to £6 a year ; and on
that miserable pittance, if he should attain the age of twenty-one
years without having done anything to incur the penalty of the
law, and should rise (as it is called) in the world, and become a
' Observations appended to the ' Account of a Chimney Sweeper's Boy,' by
Thomas Bernard, Esq. Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of
the Poor, vol. i., No. XIX.
332 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
master chimney sweeper, he then finds that in London, there are
many more persons in the trade than can obtain employment.
The Act of 1788 (28 Geo. III.) appears to have been
mainly procured by the efforts of Mr. Hanway and those
he had rallied round him ; ^ but it did not represent the
wishes of its promoters. The original Bill had passed the
House of Commons, ' but, unfortunately, the most important
and efficient clauses were omitted in the House of Lords ' ;
and the * Address,' from which I quote, states that * as it
now stands ' it * is altogether inadequate to the object which
it professes to effect.' Its provisoes, moreover, appear to
have been disregarded with impunity from the first by a
large majority of masters. In order to show what might be
done, even under the actual state of the law, and without
injury — indeed, with eventual profit to the master — Thomas
Bernard gave an account of Porter's treatment of his boys,
introducing it with a panegyric as follows : ^
I have these facts from a very intelligent and valuable man,
Mr. David Porter, a master chimney sweeper in Welbeck Street.
An extraordinary energy of mind and body and the protection of
Providence, for which he feels a deep and religious gratitude,
have preserved him through many hardships and dangers to be
the instrument, as I trust, of much good to these unfortunate
creatures. Having undergone the sufferings common to a chimney
sweeper's boy, he has described them with a warmth and feeling,
that do honour to his heart. . . . From the age of eighteen Mr.
Porter has lost very few opportunities of improving either his mind
or his fortune. He has shown a very favourable specimen of his
literary abilities, in what he has written on the subject, and he
has brought up and maintained his family, and has improved his
fortune, with credit and character. His boys are kindly treated
and well kept ; and (tho' they make the usual sooty appearance
on week days) are cleansed and made neat on Saturday night, or
early on Sunday morning ; and regularly attend divine service at
' In the year before his death Mr. Hanway laid the case before the public
in his Sentimental History of Stoeepers in London and Westminster (1785).
(See Hodder's Life of the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, ch. viii.)
- Observations appended to the ' Account of a Chimney Sweeper's Boy,' by
Thomas Bernard, Esq. Reports of tlie Society for Bettering the Condition of
the Poor, vol. i., No. XIX.
A GOOD MASTEE SWEEPEB 333
church on Sunday. He does not permit his boys to be employed,
or sent out on any common work, on the Lord's Day. I lately
made him an unexpected visit in order to see them at their
Sunday dinner ; he had just refused to send two of them to the
house of a nobleman, one of his best customers, to do something
to the kitchen chimney. I had very great pleasure in seeing his
journeymen and boys sitting down to a good meal of boiled
mutton and rice pudding, served up with every circumstance of
cleanliness and comfort. Their behaviour was decent, orderly,
and cheerful. In proof of the good effects of his attention to
them, I have to add that in thirty-two years he has lost only two
apprentices by death ; and as to the dreadful disease called the
chimney-sweeper's cancer, a disorder so common and so fatal to
the climbing boys (and which appears to be caused by the
acrimonious quality of soot, and by an obstructed perspiration in
consequence of the children being so seldom washed and cleaned
of the soot, and too thinly clad to resist the cold) his apprentices
have never had any symptoms of it.
This, however, is an extraordinary and unprecedented history ;
but it affords valuable information, as it shows what may be
done for the benefit of these poor creatures. Of their present con-
dition it is not exaggeration to say, that there is no other species
of slavery existing in the world more derogatory to the rights of
human nature. . . .
The system of employing boys could not, indeed, be
abolished offhand ; it has been seen that there was opposi-
tion in high quarters even to its alleviation. Mr. Bernard,
however, made another attempt in that direction, profiting by
the practical experience of the good * Master Sweeper.' He
continues :
What Mr. Porter recommends, is that a Society or Corporation
be formed, for the protection of Climbing Boys during the period of
their apprenticeship, and for putting them out to other trades at
sixteen years of age when that period expires ; — that their beds,
clothing, and domestic accommodation, shall be put under a regular
system of inspection, and from time to time, be reported to the
Society ; — that the children shall be cleaned, and have a change
of dress, so as, on Sunday, regularly to attend Church ; and that
they shall have, on that day, a comfortable dinner provided for
them, at the Society's expense, in a Sunday school ; thereby
securing to them a periodical return of cleanliness and civiHsation
334 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
every week ; — that no boy shall ever be allowed to cry the streets
of London, a practice that has been the cause of the greatest
part of the hardships that the Climbing Boys undergo, and
which is no more necessary in this, than in any other trade in
London ; — and lastly, that apprentice fees be given with such of
the lads as shall attain the age of sixteen, and prefer a trade, and
to those who shall choose to continue as journeymen in the trade,
or shall enter into the sea service, a similar fee, at the age of
twenty-one, in order to assist them in setting up in business.
Such are the outlines of a plan, which, if the subject is
favourably received, may be soon ready to be submitted to the
consideration of the public.
This report is dated ' 4th December 1797.' In May 1799
Bishop Barrington contributed another paper on the subject
to the ' Eeports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of
the Poor,' ^ by which it appears that Porter had published a
scheme for the formation of a Friendly Society of Master
Chimney Sweepers, whose members should pledge themselves
to adopt the suggestions mentioned by Mr. Bernard for the
improvement of their apprentices' condition, * and to apply
to the magistrates in those cases where the Act of Parliament
remains unexecuted.' Nothing further had as yet been
accomplished in London ; but the Bishop was able to state
that climbing boys had been admitted into the School of
Kingston-upon-Thames, and that a benevolent lady had
furnished each of these Kingston boys with a suit of clothes,
a palliasse, a pair of blankets, and a washing-tub. He also
announced that an enlarged account of David Porter's
scheme would shortly be published.
This scheme appears to have been cast in its final shape
by Mr. Bernard after consultation with the Bishop and other
friends. The Duchess of Gloucester became patroness ; Mrs.
Montague, the accomplished lady who had already signalised
herself by feasting all the climbing boys in London every
first of May, vice-patroness; the Bishop of Durham
' Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Pom: Extract
from ' An Account of a Provision for Chimney Sweepers' Boys at Kingston-
upon-Thames, with Observations,' by the Bishop of Durham, vol. ii., No. L.
A FAILUEE 335
President for the ensuing year. A note at the end of the
Articles of Agreement ^ states that :
These articles have been signed by eighteen of the principal
masters in the trade, and fifty-six chimney-sweepers' boys have
been thereby placed under the cara and protection of the Society.
The Articles are left for signatures at No 7 Welbeck Street, and
little doubt can be entertained, but that they will be speedily
signed by every respectable Master Chimney Sweeper, whose
conduct will bear inspection and inquiry. The Committee sits
every first Wednesday in the month, at three o'clock,
29th May, 1800.
Mr. Bernard's biographer considers that this scheme
proved a failure. The respectable chimney-sweepers had
signed the articles, but they were few in number ; those who
were not respectable did not sign, but continued to ill-
treat their apprentices, and they formed a large majority.
The sole chance of influencing them lay in persuading
householders to employ the signing chimney-sweepers
in preference to others, and in procuring convictions for
flagrant instances of the violation of the Act of Parlia-
ment. * The public mind, however,' as Mr. Baker puts it,
* was not then ready for the consideration of the state of
these destitute children,' and so the first suggestion met with
little or no response. As to the second, it was so difficult for
friendless boys to proceed against their employers, even with
the help of the Society, and to establish their grievances, in
the adverse condition of public opinion, that all hope of
effectual remedy from such proceedings appeared to have
been abandoned as fallacious.
Thus Mr. Baker concludes the subject, as if it had ended
in despair, which, indeed would not have been surprising.
But it was not like Thomas Bernard to abandon a cause
into which he had once thrown his energies ; and there can
' See ' Copy of an Agreement of the 19th of March, 1800, between several
Master Chimney Sweepers within the Liberties of Westminster and the
Holborn Division of the County of Middlesex, for forming a Friendly Society
for the Protection and Instruction of their Apprentices.' Appendix XI. to
vol. ii. of the Reports of the Society B.C. P.
336 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
be no reasonable doubt that he was a promoter of the move-
ment, dating from this very time, for the invention of a
sweeping machine.
In this movement lay the gist of the whole question. It
had become clear that little hope could be entertained for
the young victims, except by rendering them unnecessary ,
and that a machine was the most feasible means of thus
revolutionising the system. Whose was the original idea, I
know not ; like other inventions, it had probably occupied
many minds before anything was done ; but the first mention
I have met with is the following : ^
In the year 1802 a number of public-spirited and wealthy
persons associated for this purpose, and offered considerable
premiums to those who might invent and bring into practice
a method of cleansing chimneys by mechanical means that should
supersede the necessity of Climbing Boys. Feeling themselves,
perhaps, inadequate to the task of carrying their laudable
intentions into full execution, they applied to the Society for the
Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, &c in the Adelphi, request-
ing them to engage in it, and to offer premiums on the subject.
Five curious inventions were produced, and the gold
medal was gained by Mr. George Smart, ' the patentee of a
method of making hollow masts for ships.' His machine
was at once brought into use in some houses, and was found
to answer everywhere except when a deflection in the flue
rendered ascent impossible. In 1803 two patents were taken
out, one by Mr. Bell of Hampstead, the other by Mr. Davis
of Bloomsbury, for machines to be worked from above.
Another method, apparently not modern, was practised at
Edinburgh and other Northern places, which consisted in two
persons, one below and one above, dragging up and down a
cord to which was attached a holly bough.
From a pamphlet published in 1816 ^ I gather that the
' Eees (Abraham), The CyclopcBdia, or Universal Dictionary, vol. vii.,
' Chimney ' ; Longman, Hurst, Kees, Orme & Brown, 1819.
- A Short Account of the Proceedings of the Society for Superseding the
Necessity of Climbing Boys, <&c., dc. London : Printed by C. Baldwin, New
Bridge Street. It was sold for the Society by Baldwin, Cradock, & Jay,
— Hatchard, — and Colburn (1816).
AN INFLUENTIAL MEETING 337
association which took up this question called itself the
' Society for Superseding the Necessity of Climbing Boys,
by encouraging a new Method of Sweeping Chimneys, and
for Improving the Condition of Children and others employed
by Chimney Sweepers.' Its establishment as a society dated
from February 4, 1803, and as the Bishop of Durham was
president, and William Wilberfofce, Henry Thornton, and
other persons connected with Thomas Bernard's charitable
labours were vice-presidents, his influence may be clearly
traced in its formation, although his name does not appear.^
It would seem, from the article quoted above, that Smart's
machine was the favourite ; but it required various improve-
ments to adapt it to the varieties of chimneys, and these had
been carried out by 1815 to an extent which rendered it
suitable for general use. A plan of dropping a weight and
brush downwards, borrowed, perhaps, from one or both of the
other patented machines, and resembling the simple Scottish
arrangement, was substituted in chimneys which could not
be swept mechanically from below.
Meanwhile, attempts were made in 1804, 1807, 1808,
and 1809 to induce Parliament to grant further protection
to the little chimney sweepers. Yet matters remained much
as before when an influential meeting was held at the
Mansion House on June 12, 1816, on behalf of the cause.
The pamphlet already quoted was published soon after ;
it notes that several local societies had formed themselves
with the view of forwarding the same object ; and especially
that the inhabitants of Walthamstow and Leyton had passed
a resolution at a public meeting against the employment of
climbing boys. It might be supposed that the horrors set
forth courageously in this pamphlet would have been suffi-
cient to enlist all England on the same side.
Case I. is as follows :
A few years ago, a chimney belonging to the House of Messrs.
Coutts & Co., Bankers, Strand, being on fire, a boy was sent up to
extinguish it. He climbed up part of the way, but was not able
' It does not appear in the pamphlet of 1816. Whether it may in some
other publication of the Society I cannot tell.
VOL. III. Z
338 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
to proceed farther, on account of the fire. This was in a sloping
part of the flue, where, having thrust some of the burning soot
behind him, he might literally be said to be between two fires ; in
order to save his life it became necessary to make a hole in the
wall from the inside, and he was fortunately taken out alive.
Case II. :
About the beginning of the year 1806 a boy was sent up a
chimney in the house of Mr. Creed, Navy Agent, No. 23, Hans
Place, Knightsbridge. Being unable to extricate himself, he
remained there about half-an-hour, while a person went to
fetch assistance. A hole was made through the brickwork, and
the boy at length released. It appeared that in consequence of
the unusual construction of the flue in one part a vast quantity of
soot had accumulated there, into which the boy had plunged, and
was not able, probably from partial suifocation, to get back again.
So dangerous w^as the sweeping of this chimney considered, that
James Dunn, Chimney Sweeper, No. 46 Hans Town, refused to
let his apprentice ascend the flue.
In Case VI. :
A boy employed to sweep a chimney in Marsh Street,
Walthamstow, in the house of a carpenter named Jeffery, stuck
fast in the flue. Mr. Jeffery heard his cries and sent for help ; the
chimney-pot and several rows of bricks having been removed, he
was brought out alive, but only just alive. His master was
sent for, and he arrived soon after the boy had been released.
He abused him for the accident, and after striking him, sent him
with a bag of soot to sweep another chimney. The child appeared
so very weak when taken out that he could scarcely stand, and
yet this wretched being, who had been up since three o'clock, had
before been sent by his master to Wanstead, which, with his walk
to Marsh Street, made about five miles.
I now come to cases v^^hich terminated fatally, either on
the spot or soon after removal. Whether the child whose
misfortune has just been narrated lived long may be
doubted.
Case V. :
In the course of improvements made some years since by the
Bank of England in Lothbury, a chimney belonging to a Mr.
Mildrum, a baker, was taken down ; but before he began to bake,
THE HOEEOKS OF CHIMNEY SWEEPING 339
in order to see that the rest of the flue was clear, a boy was sent
up, and after remaining some time, and not answering to the call
of his master, another boy was ordered to descend from the top of
the flue and to meet him halfway. But this being found impractic-
able, they opened the brickwork in the lower part of the flue, and
found the first-mentioned boy dead. In the meantime, the boy
in the upper part of the flue called out for relief, saying he was
completely jammed in the rubbish, and was unable to extricate
himself. Upon this a bricklayer was employed with the utmost
expedition, but he succeeded only in obtaining a lifeless body.
The bodies were sent to St. Margaret's Church, Lothbury, and a
coroner's inquest which sat upon them, returned the verdict —
' Accidental death ' !
In Case VIII. :
a boy lost his life in Orchard Street through descending into a
wrong flue, after he had swept up to the top ; faint and giddy,
perhaps, even when he had only begun his work, he probably
became every moment more exhausted, and attempting to hurry
away from his place of torture the first possible moment, was
fatally bewildered in the complicated structure ; his mistake
brought him too near a lighted fire. The verdict ' Accidentally
suffocated ' ! In this instance, also, another boy was exposed to
danger by being sent up to find the first, but survived.
Case IX. is the story of
a boy of twelve, at Wakefield, in Yorkshire, who was cruelly
burned while in the right chimney, because the fire in the neigh-
bouring chimney of John Byron, which communicated by a flue,
had not been thoroughly extinguished. He died after four days'
suffering. ' N.B. The said Byron and his wife were capitally
indicted, and tried at the York Assizes for the alleged murder, but
were acquitted.'
Perhaps the most distressing narrative of all is the next
Case, X. :
On Monday morning the 29th of March, 1813, a chimney
sweeper of the name of Griggs, attended to sweep a small chimney
in the brewhouse of Messrs. Calvert & Co. in Upper Thames
Street ; he was accompanied by one of his boys, a lad of about
eight years of age, of the name of Thomas Pitt. The fire had been
lighted as early as two o'clock the same morning, and was burning
z 2
340 THE BERNAEDS OP ABINGTON
on the arrival of Griggs and his little boy at eight ; the fire-place
was small, and an iron pipe projected from the grate some little
distance into the flue ; this the master was acquainted with
(having swept the chimneys in the brewhouse for some years,) and
therefore had a tile or two taken from the roof, in order that the
boy might descend the chimney. He had no sooner extinguished
the fire than he suffered the lad to go down, and the consequence
as might be expected, was his almost immediate death, in a state
no doubt of inexpressible agony. The flue was of the narrowest de-
scription, and must have retained heat sufficient to have prevented
the child's return to the top, even supposing he had not approached
the pipe belonging to the gi-ate, which must have been nearly red
hot; this however, was not clearly ascertained on the Inquest, though
the appearance of the body would induce an opinion that he had
been unavoidably pressed against the pipe. Soon after his descent,
the master, who remained on the top, was apprehensive that some-
thing had happened, and therefore desired him to come up, the
answer of the boy was, ' I cannot come up. Master, I must die
here.' An alarm was given in the brewhouse immediately, that
he had stuck in the chimney ; and a bricklayer who was at work
near the spot, attended, and after knocking down part of the brick-
work of the chimney, first above the fireplace, made a hole
suJBficiently large to draw him through. A surgeon attended, but
all attempts to restore life were ineffectual.
On inspecting the body, various burns appeared; the fleshy
part of the legs, and a great part of the feet, more particularly,
were injured ; those parts too by which Climbing Boys most
effectually ascend or descend chimneys, viz., the elbows and
knees, seemed burnt to the bone, from which it must be evident
that the unhappy sufferer made some attempt to return as soon as
the horrors of his situation became apparent.
His death, from this account, cannot have been * almost
immediate,' as stated near the beginning of the report. A
jury sat for two days, and returned a most elaborate verdict ;
but, strange to say, containing no word even of censure on
the master. It runs as follows :
That the master was employed to clean a certain chimney at
the brewhouse of Messrs. Calvert & Co. situate, &c. and that he
set the deceased, an infant of about eight years, to clean the said
chimney for him. That deceased accordingly got into and de-
scended the said chimney for the purpose of cleaning the same,
THE HOEEORS OF CHIMNEY SWEEPING 341
and that by the straitness and narrowness of the chimney, and by
the heat thereof, a fire having just been in the grate thereof, the
deceased was burned and hurt on divers parts of his body ; and
also by the foulness and unwholesomeness of the air in the said
chimney, the deceased was suffocated ; of which said burning,
hurts, and suffocation, the deceased then and there died ; and so
the jurors upon their oath say, that he died in the manner afore-
said, and by misfortune came to his death.
The cause of death was sometimes varied, as in Case IV. :
A boy named Sharpless, in the employ of M""^- Whitfield, Little
Shire Lane, Temple Bar, fell from the upper part of a chimney in
July, or August, 1804, in Devereux Court. The chimney-pot fall-
ing, or upper part of the chimney giving way, occasioned this
accident. The boy had several bones fractured, and being carried
to St. Bartholomew's Hospital, died there in a short time.
It was probably in consequence of the attempts made by a
child, about six, to escape ' the horrors of chimney-sweeping,'
which enraged his master and mistress, who beat him to
death, that they were tried for murder, though acquitted ;
the husband, however, * was detained to take his trial as for
a misdemeanour,' and sentenced to two years' imprisonment.
In another case, where the guilt was scarcely less, the
master escaped scot-free, as will be seen.
On Friday Morning, February 12, 1808, a cHmbing Apprentice
to Holland, in East Street, Lambeth, was sent at three in the
morning to sweep some chimneys at Norwood. The snow was so
deep, and the cold so extreme, that a watchman used the remark-
able expression ' That he would not have sent even a dog out.'
The boy, having swept two chimneys, was returning home in com-
pany with another boy, but at length found the cold so excessive,
that he could go no further. After some little time, he was taken
to the Half Moon public-house at Dulwich, and died in the course
of an hour. It was supposed that by proper care his life might
have been preserved. The master-sweep was brought to the
Union Hall Southwark, by Mr. Bowes the Magistrate. Upon
examining him, his principal fault appeared to be sending the boy
out so early, and he was dismissed. A Coroner's Inquest was
held upon the body, and a verdict was returned — ' Died from the
Inclemency of the Weather.'
342 THE BEKNAEDS OF ABINGTON
The clothing of this boy, as of most of his fellow-slaves,
would no doubt be ' a bundle of rags, half stitched together,
and half torn to pieces,' his food, if supplied by his master,
scanty and unwholesome ; but in many cases the boys
depended for sustenance entirely on the charity of the persons
whose chimneys they swept, and were necessarily driven
to begging, and even to thieving, when this resource
failed.
Mr. Wright, the doctor who notes these deficiencies in
food and clothing, also remarks on * the stunted growth,' and
' the deformity of the spine, legs, arms, &c., of chimney-
sweepers ' ; their ' sore eyes and eyelids,' and further ' liability
to sores which were generally a long time in healing ' ; to
burns, as a necessary consequence of their employment, to
cancer, cough and asthma, which often terminated their
miserable lives prematurely.^
From this description it is evident that the survivors
must as a rule have recruited the ranks of the pauper and
criminal population. Yet it appears that when the Society
had promoted ' a Bill in Parliament to supply deficiencies
in the existing one,' which passed the Commons, it was
rejected by the Lords.
To this Bill Mr. Hodder alludes when he says : ^ ' The
subject was referred in 1817 to a Select Committee, and the
printed report is a record of sickening horrors.' Some of
these horrors were narrated by the Eev. Sydney Smith in
the * Edinburgh Keview.' ^ The writer was certainly in some
matters a fellow- worker with Thomas Bernard — at his first
arrival in London he might almost be styled a protegS — and
there is every probability that on the failure of the measure
on which the friends of the poor little sweeps had founded
' These particulars are found in a letter from ' Eichard Wright,' dated from
' 389 Rotherhithe, July 16, 1816,' and apparently addressed to the ' Society for
Superseding the Necessity of Climbing Boys,' in whose ' Short Account ' it is
included. Mr. Wright is described in this pamphlet as ' a very able medical
practitioner.'
" Hodder, The Life and Work of the seventh Earl of SJmftesbury, K.Q.
' EdiniMrgr/i i?erie«;, No. LXIV., October 1819 : 'An Account of the Pro-
ceedings of the Society for Superseding the Necessity of Climbing Boys.'
THE HOEEOES OF CHIMNEY SWEEPING 343
their hopes, Sir Thomas, as he then was, urged this young
adherent to employ his powerful pen in the cause.
The horrors detailed in the article then written equal
or surpass anything that has been previously noted in these
pages. It appears that children had sometimes been sent
up chimneys at five years of age ; that some of the children
employed were girls ; that some of the master-sweeps, being
nightmen, their smallest apprentices were often employed,
when chimney work was slack — that is, of course, during the
summer — in other loathsome and deleterious work; that
they were mercilessly beaten if they showed any fear, and
that their sores were not dressed, but rubbed with brine to
stop the bleeding. There is a heart-rending account of
a boy who was burned to death, slowly, in an Edinburgh
chimney, amid the threats and blasphemies of his master.
Twice the writer expatiates on the elegances and luxuries
of a fashionable dinner-party, and then turns to its dark
side :
In the midst of all this who knows that the kitchen-chimney
caught fire half an hour before dinner, and that a poor little
wretch, of six or seven years old, was sent up in the midst of
flames, to put it out ?
Yet, after these and other shocking details, the Kev.
Sydney Smith concludes :
We should have been very glad to have seconded the views of the
Climbing Society, and to have pleaded for the complete abolition
of Climbing Boys, if we could conscientiously have done so. But
such a measure, we are convinced by the evidence, could not be
carried into execution without great injury to property, and great
increased risk of fire. The Lords have investigated the matter
with the greatest patience, humanity, and good sense, and they do
not venture, in their Eeport, to recommend to the House the
abolition of Climbing Boys.
It may be observed that the Bill had been thrown out
in 1817 ; the article did not appear till 1819, and between
those two dates Sir Thomas Bernard died — 1818. Had he
lived to talk it over exhaustively with the writer, during the
344 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
process of composition, it would perhaps not have been
marred by so lame a conclusion.
A few words are still necessary as to the continuation
of the struggle. In 1834, an Act was actually passed
containing some important ameliorations; in 1840, when
Lord Ashley (afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury) ^ took up the
cause, another Act followed, by which all who should compel
or knowingly allow any person under the age of twenty-one
years to ascend a chimney or flue were punishable by a fine.
The wording of the Act and the feeling of the country
against it, led, however, to continual evasion.
Some few years after that time, I can remember the
annoyance of my father, who was then a magistrate, at
finding that a boy had been sent up his kitchen chimney at
Nether Winchendon. This fact he discovered through his
habit of early rising ; his servants saw no harm at all in the
practice. I may state also that even later I was amazed
by finding that a very sweet and kind-hearted lady, the
daughter of a conscientious clergyman, could not see any
objection to making use of boys, and the inconsistency of
thus employing them — in a charitable institution for children
even — did not strike her.
It is true that in both these cases the chimneys were
shorter and wider than most of the chimneys in towns ; but
the same principle was involved. The argument, however,
was in these and other cases that machines were of little
or no use— could not, in fact, be got up some chimneys.
And this mention of machines shows the connecting link
between the efforts of Thomas Bernard and his coadjutors,
and the final triumph of Lord Shaftesbury — member, as he
was for many years, first of the House of Commons, then
of the House of Peers, A gifted speaker, beginning his
contest in the prime of life, and continuing it to old age,
he could never have won it at all so far as it is possible to
judge, had not one or more of the machines invented in the
very beginning of the century been brought to something
' Hodder, Life of tlie seventh Earl of SMftesbury, chap. viii.
THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBUEY 345
like perfection. So early as 1840 ^ * Every Fire Insurance
Company in London, except one, had adopted machines for
sweeping chimneys, and recommended their adoption to
others,' and they were extensively used in London before
other parts of England would reform their ways. Three
Bills to amend the previous mistakes failed, and the Commons
were as inimical as the Lords. An Act, however, passed
in 1864, making the master who made use of climbing boys
punishable with imprisonment and hard labour.
Even this somehow failed to annihilate the evil. In 1872
Lord Shaftesbury brought the matter forward once more.
Cases were stated of three boys recently killed in flues ; and,
in 1875, an Act passed, which is supposed to have rolled
away this reproach from England — certainly none too soon.
' Hodder, Life of tlie seventh Earl of Shaftestncry, chap. viii.
346 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
CHAPTEK XVIII
CHILDREN IN COTTON MILLS
Invention of the Fly-shuttle and the ' Spinning Jenny '—The Inventions of
Richard Arkwright and Samuel Crompton, and Dr. Cartwright and Robert
Millar— The Creation of a Demand for Child Labour— The Use of Parish
^ Apprentices— Edwin Hodder's description of the Employment of Children in
Mills— Public Protest against the Employment of Children — Thomas Ber-
nard attacks the System— David Dale's Mills— Thomas Bernard's Strictures
upon the System in Force— Regulations suggested by him — Strength of the
Mill-owning Interest — Sir Robert Peel introduces a Bill for the Amelioration
of the Children's Condition —The Opposition to the Bill — The Second Bill.
I HAVE in this chapter to notice another foul blot on the
civilisation and Christianity of England — a blot which stands
out in hideous relief all the more prominently in that it
defaces the annals of a nation which prides itself particularly
on its domestic life. Strange, indeed, is the fact that this
country, which glories especially in its rehgion and virtue,
has been so remarkable for utter heartlessness in its treatment
of children.
The extraordinary development of manufactures, through
the use of machinery in the latter half of the eighteenth
century, led to a rapidly increasing demand for hands to
work the machinery. How was the difficulty of finding
apprentices to be met ? According to a French historian,
Pitt, the Prime Minister, said: 'Take the children.' I
do not know, however, that the onus can be laid in any
special manner on the Premier ; but the Legislature as a
body was certainly guilty, and the whole nation, in its
measure and degree, since it condoned and connived at the
sacrifice of these innocents to Mammon, and clung with
marvellous tenacity to the system of immolation. As to the
THE SPINNING-JENNY 347
guilt of those persons who were directly concerned in the
traffic it is superfluous to speak.
Up to the year 1738 the English hand-loom weaver [writes
Mr. Hodder ^] was in no better case, as regarded his implements,
than the ' rude, unlettered Indian ' ; but in 1738, John Kay, of
Bury, substituted the fly-shuttle for the hand-shuttle, by which
the production of the hand-loom was trebled. Other improve-
ments followed ; and in 1767, Mr. James Hargreaves, a hand-
loom weaver of Blackburn, patented his ' spinning-jenny.' So
great was the saving of labour effected by this machine that the
spinners were up in arms ; they broke into his house, and de-
stroyed the machine. When, however, the advantages became
apparent, fresh machines were brought into use, but these in like
manner were destroyed, and Hargreaves quitted Lancashire in
disgust, and settled in Nottingham, where he erected a mill.
Following close upon the inventions of Hargreaves, came those
of Eichard Arkwright and Samuel Crompton, by whose genius the
production of yarn had increased three hundred-fold ; and to these
again succeeded the inventions of Dr. Cartwright, a clergyman of
the Church of England, and of Mr. Eobert Millar, a caUco-printer
of Glasgow, so that towards the end of last century the condition
of the cotton manufacturing population was completely changed.
Instead of working in their homes they were obUged to work in
mills ; and instead of being comparatively their own masters,
working when they would, they were under masters who made
them work for what wages they chose to give, and during what
hours they chose to dictate.
Remonstrance was in vain ; water could now be employed to
do the harder part of the work formerly done by the men, who, if
they were refractory, could be sent adrift ; and machinery was
invented which children could manage with almost as much suc-
cess as adults.
In this way a demand for child-labour was created, and the
supply was not deficient. But it was effected in a manner which
scarcely seems credible to the humanity of to-day ; large bodies of
children were drafted from the workhouses of London, Edinburgh,
and other great cities, and placed in the mills as ' apprentices,'
where, at the discretion of sordid overseers, they were worked un-
mercifully, and treated with such brutahty that the recital is too
sickening for narration.
' Hodder (Edwin), The Life and Work of the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury,
chap. iii. (Popular Edition),
348 THE BEENAEDS OP ABINGTON
It appears that the lightness of the labour was put
forward at first as an excuse, or even sufficient reason, for the
employment of children. The author of a 'Life of Sir
Robert Peel,' ^ being naturally anxious to place the system
in the best point of view, observes that :
The real tendency of improvements in machinery is, to substitute
the hght toil of feeding the engines, and superintending their
work, for mere exertions of physical strength ; hence women and
children can be employed in cotton mills without having their
strength overtasked, because the chief requisites of their occupa-
tion are regularity, vigilance, and attention. But a uniformity of
work, however light, would, when too long continued, produce an
injurious effect on the physical and mental constitution, particu-
larly in childhood.
After this bland statement, it is instructive to find the
details of this trade in children set forth without disguise,
as in the following passage :
Under the operation of the Factories' Apprentice System
parish apprentices were sent without remorse or inquiry from the
workhouses in England, and the public charities of Scotland, to
be ' used up ' as the * cheapest raw material in the market.' This
inhuman conduct was systematically practised — the mill-owners
communicated with the overseer of the poor, and when the de-
mand and supply had been arranged to the satisfaction of both
the contracting parties, a day was fixed for the examination of
' the little children ' to be inspected by the millowner, or his agent,
previous to which the authorities of the workhouse had filled the
minds of the wards with the notion that, by entering the mills,
they would become ladies and gentlemen. On the day appointed,
the children were drawn up to be inspected and selected ; those
chosen were then conveyed by coach, by waggon, or boat, to their
destination, and, as a rule, from that moment were lost to their
friends and relatives. It sometimes happened that traffickers
contracted with the overseers, removing their juvenile victims to
Manchester, or other towns. On their arrival, if not previously
assigned, they were deposited sometimes in dark cellars, where
the merchant dealing in them brought his customers ; the mill-
owners, by the light of lanterns, being enabled to examine the
children. Their limbs and stature having undergone the necessary
' Life of Robert Peel (published anonymously, 1842).
THE FIEST SIE EOBBET PEEL 349
scrutiny, the bargain was struck, and those poor ' innocents ' were
conveyed to the mills.
The general treatment of those apprentices depended entirely
on the will of their masters ; in very many instances their labour
was limited only by exhaustion, after many modes of torture had
been unavaihngly applied to force continued action; their food
was stinted, coarse, and unwholesome ; in ' brisk times ' their beds
(such as they were) were never cool, the mills were worked night
and day, and as soon as one set of children rose for labour the
other set retired for rest. Discrimination of sexes was not re-
garded ; vice, disease, and death, luxuriated in those receptacles of
human woe. We dare not trust ourselves to write all we know
on this subject, much less all we feel, the cases stated hereafter
are representative of the system. The moral nature of the traffic
between parish authorities and the buyers of pauper children may
be judged from the fact that in some cases one idiot was accepted
with twenty sane children. A question arises — What was the
fate of these idiots ? — that secret has not been revealed. (Pp. 16-17).
Space will not allow me to give the detailed accounts
of the cases of hardship to which allusion is made in the
last extract, and it is the less necessary since students of
Lord Shaftesbury's life cannot fail to have a fairly clear idea
of this iniquitous system. At this time Lord Shaftesbury
was not yet born.^ The first Sir Eobert Peel, who, when
awakened to the conviction of the means by which his great
fortune had been made, did his best to repair the mischief,
expressed his remorse for having, night after night, year after
year, gone comfortably to sleep while the children in his
employ were toiling till daybreak and later.
To return to the pamphlet already quoted. The writer
adds:
Little children have been worked for sixteen hours and upwards ;
with few and trifling intermissions, day and night have been de-
voted to almost constant labour ; a portion of the Sabbath has
been for these helpless ones appropriated to toil. In stench, in
heated rooms, amid the constant whirling of a thousand wheels
have little fingers and little feet been kept in ceaseless action,
forced into unnatural activity by blows from the heavy hands and
' He was born in 1801, when the system had been many years in operation.
350 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
feet of the merciless overlooker, and the infliction of bodily pain
by instruments invented by the sharpened ingenuity of insatiable
selfishness. Tens of thousands of ' the little children ' in those mills
have been destroyed because of their owners' lust of gold.
Mr. Hodder's description is, perhaps, even more forcible ;
but I have only space for a portion. In process of time he
states that :
A horrible traffic had sprung up ; child-jobbers scoured the
country for the purpose of purchasing children to sell them again
into the bondage of factory slaves. The waste of human life in
the manufactories to which the children were consigned was simply
frightful. Day and night the machinery was kept going ; one
gang of children working it by day, and another by night, while,
in times of pressure, the same children were kept working day and
night by remorseless task- masters
Stage by stage they sank into the profoundest depths of
wretchedness. In weariness they often fell upon the machinery,
and almost every factory child was more or less injured through
hunger, neglect, over-fatigue, and poisonous air ; they died in
terrible numbers, swept off by contagious fevers.
There was no redress of any kind. The isolation of the mills
aided the cruelties practised in them. The children could not
escape, as rewards were offered for their capture and were eagerly
sought ; they could not complain when the visiting magistrate
came, for they were in abject fear of their task-masters, and,
moreover on those days the house was swept and garnished for
the anticipated visit, and appearances would have given the lie to
complaints ; if they perished in the machinery, it was a rare thing
for a coroner's inquest to be held, and rarer still for it to issue in
anything but a commonplace verdict. And when the time came
that their indentures expired, after years of toil, averaging fourteen
hours a day, with their bodies scarred with the wounds inflicted
by the overlookers — with their minds dwarfed and vacant, with
their constitutions in many instances, hopelessly injured ; in pro-
found ignorance that there was even the semblance of law for
their protection — these unfortunate apprentices, arrived at man-
hood, found that they had never been taught the trade they should
have learned, and that they had no resource but to enter again
upon the hateful life from which they were legally freed. Should
it happen that they had become crippled or diseased during their
apprenticeship, their wages were fixed at the lowest possible sum,
and their future was a long lingering death.
A BITTEE HEEITAGE 351
And thus a bitter heritage was left to succeeding genera-
tions— a population, physically, mentally, and morally de-
graded, and imbued with traditions and memories of their
own and their parents' wrongs. Strange that King George,
the kind-hearted monarch, whose virtues are popularly sup-
posed to have redeemed the evil deeds of his race, and who
was not too constitutional to oppose his ministers and his
people vigorously when his own wishes were concerned, had
no thought for these infantine victims — nor his ' good Queen
Charlotte ' either ! After reading about the horrors of
George III.'s time, it is impossible to wonder at the bar-
barities of previous ages.
It must not be supposed that the facts were not known.
Mr. Hodder says :
As early as 1796 voices were raised in protest against the cruel
wrongs inflicted on these poor children, who were continually
being sent down to Lancashire by barge-loads by the London
workhouses ; but in the excitement of the stirring events that
were then occurring at home and abroad, those voices were un-
heeded. Meantime the condition of these unfortunate children
was growing from bad to worse, until at last the cruelty of the
system under which they were held was hardly paralleled by the
abominations of negro-slavery.
It appears, indeed, that voices were raised in protest earlier
than 1796. In a book containing a general review of the
duties and responsibilities of the upper classes, of which
the third edition was published in 1795, Mr. Thomas
Gisborne ' called attention to the abuses in cotton mills.
He says :
The ready communication of contagion to numbers crowded
together, the accession of virulence from putrid effluvia, and the
injury done to young persons, through confinement and too long
continued labour are evils which we have lately heard ascribed to
cotton mills by persons of the first medical authority assembled to
investigate the subject.
' Gisborne (Thomas, M.A.), An Enquiry into the Duties of Men in the
Higher and Middle Classes of Society in Great Britain, vol. ii., chap. xiii. : ' On
the Duties of Persons engaged in Trade and Business,' Third Edition, 1795.
352 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
It appears that in consequence of an outbreak of putrid
fever at the EadcHffe Cotton Mills, the magistrates of the
county of Lancaster had requested Dr. Percival and other
Manchester physicians to draw up a Eeport, from which
the preceding details were taken by Mr. Gisborne, who
continues :
To these must be added an evil, which still brands with
disgrace the practice of some cotton-mills, — the custom of oblig-
ing a part of the children employed to work all night ; a practice
which must greatly contribute towards rendering them feeble,
diseased, and unfit for other labour, when they are dismissed ^
a more advanced period of youth from the manufactory.
Important recommendations had been set forth in the
Keport for the better management of mills, but neither
magistrates nor physicians appear to have had any hold on
the mill-owner. Voices were uplifted elsewhere, and pens
set in motion in the cause of humanity, but with little
result. Mr. Bernard had resolved to attack this iniquitous
system, of which he may have learned some minuter par-
ticulars from Mr. Gisborne, who had contributed papers on
kindred subjects to the Society's * Keports.' ^ But Mr. Bernard
began cautiously, as was his wont, avoiding reflections on
individuals. In the case of climbing boys, he had brought
forward Mr. Porter's regulation of his house as an example
of what might be accomplished by a just and benevolent
master ; and he now set before mill-owners the organisation
of Mr. Dale's estabhshment as a model for imitation.
A letter written by the Kev. Sydney Smith,^ apparently
to a Mrs. Beach, in 1798, nearly two years before Mr.
Bernard took up the subject in the 'Keports,' shows that
he had been a visitor to Mr. Dale's mills. Possibly Mr.
Bernard may have suggested his paying this call while in
the neighbourhood, or it may have been Mr. Smith who
' I assume his identity with the Eev. Thomas Gisborne, who wrote on
Supplying the Poor with Milk ' ; ' The Duke of Bridgewater's Colliers,' and
The Situation of the Mining Poor,' in the Society's Reports.
- Memoirs of the Eev. Sydney Smith, by his Daughter, Lady Holland)
vol. i., chap. ii.
DAVID DALE'S MILLS 353
first mentioned these mills in terms of praise to his friend.
On these points I have no information ; but I give his
account of this visit, as preceding, in order of time, Mr.
Bernard's fuller description :
Nothing struck me more than the Courtland Crags, near
Lanark. A small river has worked its passage, of ten or twelve
feet in breadth, through rocks that tower three hundred feet above
it on each side ; the passage is half a mile long. Consider what a
scene this must be ! Near Lanark is settled Mr. David Dale ; he
alone employs in cotton works seventeen hundred souls. He is a
very religious and benevolent man, and is remarkably attentive to
the morals, as well as to the comfort and happiness of the manu-
facturing children. They are admirably instructed and brought
up, with an attention to cleanliness that is truly delightful. He
very often gives them a dance. The evening we were there, after
the hours of work, there was a general country dance, of about
two hundred couples. We knew nothing of it till the following
morning, or of course should not bave missed so pleasing a
spectacle. I love to see the beauties of nature ; but I love better
to see the hand of active piety stretch forth to such young orphans
as these the innocent pleasures of life, the benefit of instruction
and the blessings of religion. It is dreadful to observe in Man-
chester and Birmingham how manufacturers brutahze mankind, —
how small the interval between a loeaver and a beast ! — What
does his country not owe to a man who has promoted industry
without propagating vice, who has enlarged the boundaries of
commerce and strengthened the ties of moral obligation.
Mr. Bernard's paper, dated ' February 24th, 1800,' which
appeared in the ' Eeports ' of the Society for Bettering the
Condition of the Poor, goes more thoroughly into the subject,
and is here transcribed in full : ^
The Cotton Mills at New Lanark in Scotland, are situated in a
beautiful and romantic amphitheatre, near the high road between
CarUsle and Glasgow. The rapid stream of the Clyde supplies
' Extract from 'An Account of Mr. Dale's Cotton Mills at New Lanark in Scot-
land,' by Thomas Bernard, Esq., Reports of the Society B.C. P., vol. ii., No. LXIX.
In vol. iv. of the Reports, No. CII., the subject is followed up by a paper
called ' Extract from an Account of the Cotton Mills at Rothsay in the Isle of
Bute, by Mr. Carr, of Leeds.' He is able to state that Messrs. Bannatine and
Buchanan of Glasgow, who furnished him with particulars, and other mill-
VOL. III. A A
354 THE BERNAEDS OF ABINGTON
that abundance of water which is the powerful operator of the
machinery. For the purpose of conveying and directing its power,
a subterraneous aqueduct is cut for many hundred yards through
the soHd rock. The first mill, in length 154 feet, was originally
erected in 1785, and, having been burnt down, was rebuilt in 1789.
The second is exactly of the same dimensions ; the third is 130
feet and the fourth 156 feet in length.
The two first mills contain 12,000 spindles for spinning water-
twist; the other two are occupied by jennies for spinning mule
yarn. The village of New Lanark owes its existence to the
erection of these mills. It consists of neat substantial houses ;
forming two streets about half a mile in length, and broad,
regular, and clean. Near the centre of the village are the mills,
and opposite to them a neat mansion, the occasional residence of
Mr. Dale, the proprietor, and of his principal manager. The
village consisting chiefly of Highlanders from the counties of
Argyle, Caithness, and Inverness, contains about 1,500 inhabi-
tants ; of whom all who are capable of work are employed in and
about the mills.
Of these there are 300 children who are entirely fed, clothed,
and educated by Mr. Dale. The others lodge with their parents,
in the village, and have a weekly allowance for their work.
The healthy and pleasurable appearance of these children has
frequently attracted the attention of the traveller. Peculiar regu-
lations, adopted by Mr. Dale for the preservation of the health and
morals of those under his protection, have made this striking
difference between his manufactory and many other similar under-
takings in this kingdom ; so that while some other mills must be
regarded as seminaries of vice, and sources of disease, those at
Lanark are so peculiarly exempt from these objections, that out
of near 3,000 children employed in these mills during a period of
12 years, from 1785 to 1797, only fourteen have died, and not one
has been the object of judicial punishment.
In order to supply that first necessary of life, pure and fresh
air, the windows of the manufactory are frequently opened ; and
in summer there are air-holes left under every other window.
Cleanhness is another great object of attention. The children
wash themselves before they go to work, and also after it before
owners, declared themselves satisfied with the Act just passed, ' the abridgement
of labour is fully compensated by the continued good health of the children.'
(Note to ' Observations.' — Some, I fear many, owners, wished it repealed, on the
ground that they could not make profits unless the children worked night and
day.) In the Eeports Lanark is spelt ' Lanerk.'
DAVID DALE'S MILLS 355
they appear in the schools. The floor and the machinery are
washed once a week with hot water ; and the ceilings and walls
twice a year, with unslacked lime. The children who reside in
the house, and who have their maintenance in lieu of wages, are
lodged in six large airy apartments. The boys and girls are kept
distinctly apart, not only in the hours of rest and refreshment, but
during the time of occupation. They sleep on cast-iron bedsteads,
the bed-tick filled with straw, which is changed regularly every
month. The bedrooms are swept, and the windows thrown open
every morning, and kept open all the day. Many of the children
have contrived to provide themselves with boxes with locks, in
which they keep their books and their little property. Their
upper clothing in summer is cotton which is washed once a fort-
night. In winter the boys are dressed in woollen ; and, as well as
the girls, have dress suits for Sundays.
For dinner they have seven ounces each of fresh beef with
barley-broth, or alternately five ounces of cheese ; and a plentiful
allowance of potatoes, or barley bread. This part of the table
diet is seldom varied ; except in winter by a dinner of fresh
herrings as a change. Their breakfast and supper consist of
oatmeal porridge, with the addition of milk in summer, and,
during the winter, with a sauce made of molasses and beer.
Seven o'clock is the hour for supper ; soon after which {for
that 'pernicious practice, called night-ioork is entirely excluded from
these mills) the schools commence, and continue till nine o'clock.
Mr. Dale has engaged three regular masters, who instruct the
lesser children during the day. In the evening they are assisted
by seven others, one of whom teaches writing. There is likewise
a woman to teach the girls sewing, and another person who
occasionally gives lessons in church music. The masters preside
over the boys' dinner-table. On Sundays they conduct them to
the place of divine worship ; and, in the evening of Sunday,
attend to assist and improve them, by religious and moral
information.
In the year 1791, a vessel carrying emigrants to America, from
the isle of Skye, was driven by stress of weather into Greenock,
and about 200 persons were put on shore in a very destitute
situation. Mr. Dale offered them all immediate employment ;
which the greater part accepted. Soon after he notified to the
people of the Highlands and Hebrides the degree of encourage-
ment which he would give to families at the cotton mills, and
undertook to provide houses for 200 families. These were finished
in 1793 ; in consequence of which a considerable number of
356 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
Highlanders have taken up their residence at New Lanark.
Several families also, who were last year driven from Ireland,
have found immediate employment here.
I am uncertain whether Mr. Bernard had himself visited
Mr. Dale's cotton mills ; he acknowledges having derived
the details of his account from ' Mr. Professor Garnett, of
the Eoyal Institution.' But, in any case, by thus placing
before the public a sample of a well-organised Children's
Department, he drew attention to the right mode of managing
such departments, and avoided the necessity of setting forth,
the shortcomings of other mill-owners so pointedly as to
cause irritation. The description also served as a text for
his * Observations ' appended to the Keport, in which, with-
out naming any individual, he speaks of the system generally
in force with considerable severity :
Observations
Amid the numerous variety of Cotton Mills, that have been
erected in this kingdom, I sincerely wish it were in my power to
shew many examples, like those of Mr. Dale's mills at Lanark.
Some few of these manufactories have been distinguished for
attention to health and cleanliness, and many of them for very
curious mechanism, and ingenious inventions, by which the
operations are produced and facilitated ; but I have not had the
good fortune to find in any (tho' I doubt not it may exist in some
instances) that proper degree of attention, which ought to be paid
to the morals and instruction of the children. Where boys and
girls are indiscriminately employed at all hours, not only of the
day but of the night, and are mingled together without any ad-
vantage of education, without benefit of religious instruction or
moral principle, and without any friend to advise or protect them,
can we be astonished at their plunging at a very early age, and
almost during childhood, in every wretched and disgusting species
of debauchery ? Can we be surprised that our numerous and
crowded manufactories should be the nurseries of thieves and
prostitutes, sent out at an early age to their own ruin, and to the
annoyance of the kingdom, and of every individual of which it is
composed ?
Such, however, is the present spirit and speculation of this
country, that wherever the demon of gain raises his banner, talents
CHILDEEN IN COTTON MILLS 357
and exertion are sure to follow it. Cotton Mills are as yet but in
their infancy. Whilst great profits and immense fortunes are to
be made by them, we know they must rapidly increase ; and it is
too obvious that, without public attention, they must be destruc-
tive of the moral and religious principles of the great mass of the
people. The effect of this species of abridgement of labour is so
great, that 100 persons in a Cotton Mill will do more spinning,
and that of ten times the fineness, and of a superior quality to
what can be produced by 3,000 of the very best spinners by hand.
In consequence of this, Cotton Mills have almost entirely deprived
the cottager's wife and children of these means of domestic in-
dustry. The profit of spinning by hand is so reduced, that whole
districts of cottagers' families have been obhged to give it up, and
apply for relief to the parish.
Our national and individual increase of wealth, from the
manufactures of cotton, has been attended with so much injury to
the health and morals of the poor, and is so utterly destructive of
that which constitutes the essential and fundamental virtue of the
female character, that, if I am not permitted to suggest a doubt,
whether it would not have been better for us that Cotton Mills
had never been erected in this island, I may at least express an
anxious wish, that such regulations may be adopted and enforced,
as shall diminish, if not entirely remove, the injurious and per-
nicious effects which must otherwise attend them.
With this view, I will lay before the reader an outline of
some regulations, which impelled by zeal, but very little presum-
ing in personal knowledge of the subject, I venture to submit to
the consideration of the public ; meaning to apply my observa-
tions not merely to Cotton Mills, but to all other manufactories
under similar circumstances : and particularly to those in which
children are engaged as apprentices.
In the first place, I conceive that some general and public
attention ought to be paid to the moral and religious improvement
of so numerous a class of our fellow-subjects ; and that the most
essential parts of their education ought not entirely to depend on
the caprice, or disposition, of their respective masters ; especially
as many of them have been apprenticed by lots from distant
counties, and have been deserted by those, whose duty it was to
have protected them. In addition to this, something should be
done for the benefit of these children, to instruct and prepare
them to support themselves in life, without thievery or prostitu-
tion, when the period of their apprenticeship expires at the age
of 16.
358 THE BEENARDS OF ABINGTON
It seems to me to be also expedient, that the age and condi-
tions of apprenticeship be regulated ; that the hours of work be
limited, and night-work (so destructive to health and morals)
entirely excluded ; that a total separation take place between the
boys and the girls ; that the works be liable to the periodical
inspection of the magistrates, who should have power to order the
regular white-washing and cleaning, and the warming and venti-
lating of the workrooms ; and who should receive quarterly or
monthly reports from each manufactory, of the number, the
health, and the respective ages, of all the apprentices and other
persons employed there.
Such are the regulations, which, upon a cursory view of the
subject, appear to be proper, and to have a tendency to meliorate
the condition, and to preserve the morals, of these unfortunate and
neglected children. Other correctives and remedies may probably
occur to those who possess more practical knowledge of the sub-
ject. At present I have only to add that, as far as my inquiries
have extended, I have reason to be satisfied, that almost all the
owners of Cotton Mills will concur in thinking that the preceding,
or some similar regulations ought to be enforced by the legislature,
for the protection of the children employed in those Mills. In
order therefore that something practicable and effectual may be
done, without injury to the interest of the manufacturers, I would
suggest that the outline of any regulations proposed to be
adopted, should be first communicated to them, so that they
might state any objections, or amendments ; and after a proper
attention shall have been paid to their observations, I venture
boldly to express my confidence, that the measures will have the
support of every one, who desires to promote the welfare and
happiness of his fellow-creatures, and the essential interests of
virtue, morality and religion in this favoured country.'
The question now seems simple enough ; but the mill-
owning interest was then terribly strong, its social and poli-
tical influence great, and it found backers in persons of all
classes who profited by the iniquitous system in vogue.
Fortunately for the cause of the children, Sir Eobert Peel,
the great mill-owner, and first baronet, came forward to help
them. In this case there was no existing Act of Parliament
bearing on the subject, and without one nothing could be
' TAfe of Sir Thomas Bernard, by Bev. James Baker. (See also account of
this time in Dr. W. Cooke Taylor's Life of Sir Robert Peel, vol. i.)
A GENEROUS DONATION 359
hoped for ; it was Sir Eobert Peel who undertook to introduce
a Bill for the amelioration of the children's condition. The
framing of this Bill was entrusted to a committee, chiefly
consisting of members of the Society for Bettering the
Condition of the Poor, and Sir Robert frequently attended
their meetings to watch over its progress. An anecdote
related by Mr. Baker evidently refers to this period. He
writes :
The exclusive and disinterested attention which Mr. Bernard
paid to all objects of public charity, was by this time very
generally known, and had induced the co-operation of many dis-
tinguished individuals in his works of benevolence. One instance
which occurred about this time made a considerable impression on
his mind. Sir Eobert Peel, who had very large concerns in Cotton
Mills, called on him one morning, and, after a general conversation
on the different philanthropic objects they had in view, said, on
leaving the room, that he had to request that he would dispose of
something for him in any way he approved. After he had gone,
Mr. Bernard opened it, and found to his surprise, a bank note for
a thousand pounds. He wrote to Sir Eobert, informing him that
he could not undertake the disposal of so large a sum, and on his
objecting to take it again, proposed that it should be a donation
from him to the Society for the Poor, This Sir Eobert approved,
and it was appropriated as a fund for the melioration of the con-
dition of the Children in Cotton Mills.
The rumour of the forthcoming Bill excited much angry
feeling, which eventually led to modifications in its clauses.
To preserve a chance of gaining anything, it was necessary
to give up something. The following letter from Mr.
Wilberforce,' addressed ' Thomas Bernard, Esq., Foundling
Hospital,' though not fully dated, was evidently written at
this period :
Palace Yard, Wednesday morning.
My dear Sir,— I so much respect the judgement of the Com-
mittee, and I think so much weight is due to the considerations
suggested by Sir Eobert Peel, and even to his feelings, (when our
success in the excellent measure in contemplation will be in
so great a degree owing to his benevolent and pubHc- spirited
' Life of William Wilberforce, by his Sons, vol. iii., p. 44.
360 THE BBENAEDS OP ABINGTON
exertions) that I will not press any ideas of my own, as to the exten-
sion of the plan to any others than apprentices, contrary to what
may be the general opinion which the gentlemen of the Committee
may form on full consideration. I cannot, however, but earnestly
recommend it to them, to consider of some way of securing to the
children some religious instruction more effectually than by the
plan as it at present stands ; and I trust that this subject, on
which, it must be confessed, there are difficulties, will be under-
stood to be reserved for further consideration.
It has happened somewhat remarkably, that, whilst we have
been engaged on this subject, I have received a letter from a poor
but honest and hardworking couple, whose child was barbarously
torn from them, and sent down to a distant Cotton Mill. I have
since conversed with these people, and seldom have heard a
more artless, affecting tale than they related. The letter they
wrote me I send, as perhaps the gentlemen present may like to
hear it. I am very sorry to be prevented by a House of Commons'
Committee from attending you as I had wished this morning.
But I am persuaded I shall not be wanted. I beg you however
to explain the cause of my non-appearance.
I remain, my dear Sir
Yours very sincerely
W. WiLBERFORCE.
On April 7, 1802, Wilberforce notes in his * Diary ' : 'Sir
Robert Peel's Bill — motion well received for morals of
apprentices &c. in cotton factories.'
The opposition to the Bill [writes Mr. Baker] was composed of
a coalition of two classes ; those who thought that too little was
proposed, and those who thought, or rather felt, that any inter-
ference with the excessive profits of the manufacturer was
improper. The bill, however, was passed, not with the expecta-
tion of its affording a complete remedy, where interest was so
actively engaged; but with this degree of satisfaction, that it
must, in any event, produce some improvement in the happiness
and moral character of the children.
As far as it went the legislation was good [says Mr. Hodder '],
it enjoined proper clothing, feeding, and instruction, the limitation
of the hours to twelve, exclusive of meals ; the aljohtion of night-
work, and the appointment of visitors to inspect the factories.
' Hodder (Edwin), TJie Life and Work of the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury,
chap. iii.
THE APPEENTICE SYSTEM 361
It was, no doubt, by reason of the onus being thus thrown
on the mill-owners that Sir Eobert Peel's donation of 1,000^.
was not applied for the benefit of the factory children. This
must be the explanation of a sentence in Mr. Baker's book,
which does not at first seem very clear :
That object not holding out sufficient demand for it, it has been
since applied towards the promotion of education in different
parts of the kingdom.
With this sentence Mr. Baker closes his account of the
movement on behalf of factory children, as if his uncle's
interest in it had suddenly terminated. But I have no
doubt that in this instance, as in the case of the climbing
boys, he continued to labour for the cause, although it was
ostensibly in other hands. It was his friend Sir Kobert
Peel who moved the next Bill on the subject, thirteen years
after the first.
It appears from the letter of Wilberforce, lately quoted,
that the promoters of the Bill had, at Sir Kobert Peel's
desire, confined its provisions to apprentices. This may
have been necessary in order to pass the Bill, but it was a
serious, almost fatal, defect ; for numbers of the children
working in factories at that time were not apprentices.
After relating the horrors of the original system, Mr. Hodder
continues :
Where such abominations were tolerated, the case of the other
children and young persons, not apprentices, could not be other-
wise than almost as bad, and in point of fact, there grew up as we
shall see, consequent upon the rapid increase of trade, a system of
iniquity even greater than that we have described, when, instead
of churchwardens and overseers of parishes apprenticing the
orphans and destitute of their parishes, parents voluntarily placed
their children in the factories to do the same kind of work, during
the same oppressive hours, and under many of the same heartless
conditions. When the mill-owners found that these children were
still left entirely at their mercy, the consequences were such as
might have been expected.
The effect of the new Act was to do away gradually with
the Apprentice System.
362 THE BEENAEDS OF ABINGTON
At first the mills
had been placed where there was plenty of water to drive the
machinery ; and as this was often in thinly populated districts,
the employment of apprentices became a necessity. When how-
ever the steam engine was invented, mills could be planted
anywhere ; and as a matter of fact they were planted in densely
populated neighbourhoods, in order that the children of the
inhabitants might be employed instead of the apprentices, and so
relieve the masters of the trouble of providing food, clothing, and
education.
When Sir Kobert Peel brought in his second Bill, in 1815,
he stated that :
Although ten times the number of children were employed,
compared with the period when the Apprentice Bill had passed,
none of them were bound by articles, or anything in the shape of
a permanent contract.
The inspectors appointed under the previous Act ' had
been very remiss in the performance of their duty. Night
work still continued.' Sir Kobert Peel said that :
It was his intention, if possible to prevent the recurrence of
such a misfortune as had recently taken place ; he alluded to the
fourteen poor children who were recently burnt in the night in a
cotton factory. He knew that the iniquitous practice of working
children at a time when their masters were in bed, too often took
place. He was ashamed to own that he had himself been
concerned where that proceeding had been suffered ; but he hoped
the House would interfere, and prevent it for the future.
Mr. Peel, the future minister, supported his father in a
speech describing : ' The heated atmosphere in which fine
spinning was conducted, the large number of children
engaged (amounting in Manchester alone to nearly twelve
thousand) and the little interest that masters in towns had
to protect the health of their operatives, as they could easily
supply the place of those who were sickly, or worn out.'
When Sir Eobert stated, as he did, that ' the loss of life had
of late been exceedingly small, not exceeding one per cent,
per annum ; a loss falling short of the average loss sustained
NIGHT WOEK 363
in every other class of manufacturing industry . . . ' he
compared the cotton mills evidently with woollen and silk
mills, and establishments of various sorts standing in much
need of protection, but for which none had as yet been
asked, because the warriors of the cause knew that it would
ruin everything to attempt much, and also no doubt because
there was no other great owner like Sir Robert to take the
matter up.
END OF THE THIRD VOLUME
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