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800024478V
THK
BHILSA TOPES;
on,
BUDDHIST MONUMENTS OF CENTRAL INDU.
•
.•*'.
c.
••.
.*.
».
.^
THE
BHILSA TOPES;
OR,
BUDDHIST MONUMENTS OF CENTRAL INDIA :
COXPBISIKG
A BRIEF HISTORICAI. SKETCH
UF THE
RISE, PROGEESS, AND DECLINE OF BUDDHISM ;
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF TflK
OPENING AND EXAMINATION OF THE VARIOUS GROUPS OF TOPKS
AROUND BHILSA.
BY
BREV.-MAJOR ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM,
DKNOAL ENdlNEKRS.
" You fabric hugr,
WIiou diut the sulemu aiiHquariau turna.
And thence in broken iculptiires, cait abntd
like Sibyl*! leafei, collects the builder*! Dime,
Kcjoiced.** Dter.— Ifuin« of Kvnif.
Illnslraieb foit^ e^irtQ-tbrcc plates.
LONDON:
SMITH, ELDER AND CO., 65, CORNHILL.
BOMBAY: SMITH, TAYLOR AND CO.
1854.
The AHlhfTu/ Ihit uurk ri'#cnv# /» himtrlf ih^ right of ftuffwrizinf/ n frnniluli"fi '»/ it.''
U^ . ^. /^.
Tiaudon :
rrinlnl l>y Srr.w\RT nnil Ml'RRlT,
PREFACE.
1. The discoveries made by Lieutenant Maisey and
myself, amongst the numerous Buddhist monuments
that still exist around Bliilsa, ui Central India, are
described — imperfectly, I fear — by myself in the
present work. To the Indian antiquary and his-
torian, these discoveries will be, I am willing to think,
of very high importance ; while to the mere English
reader they may not be uninteresting, as the massive
mounds are surrounded by mysterious circles of stone
pillars, recalhng attention at every turn to the early
earthworks, or barrows, and the Druidical colonnades
of Britain.
In the Buddhistical worship of trees displayed in
the Sanchi bas-rehefs, others, I hope, will see (as
well as myself) the counterpart of the Druidical and
adopted English reverence for the Oak. In the
horse-shoe temples of Ajanta and Sanchi many will
recognise the form of the inner colonnade at Stone-
henge.* More, I suspect, will learn that there are
Cromlechs in India as well as in Britain ;t that tlie
Brahmans, Buddhists, and Druids all believed in tlie
transmigration of the soul ; that the Celtic language
• Plate II. figs. 1, 2, and 3. t Plate IT. fig-s, 4 and 5.
a
VI PREFACE.
was undoubtedly derived from the Sanscrit;* and
that Buddha (or Wisdom), the Supreme Being wor-
shipped by the Buddhists, is probably (most probably)
the same as the great god Buddwdsy considered by the
Welsh as the dispenser of good. These coincidences
are too numerous and too striking to be accidental.
Indeed, the Eastern origin of the Druids was sus-
pected by the younger Pliny ,t who says, ^^Even to
this day Britain celebrates the magic rites with so
many similar ceremonies, that one might suppose
they had been taken from the Persians." The same
coincidence is even more distinctly stated by Diony-
sius Periegesis, who says that the women of the British
Amnitse celebrated the rites of Dionysos, v. 376 : —
As the Bistonians on Apsinthus banks
Shout to the clamorous Eiraphiates,
Or, as the Indians on dark-rolling Gangpes
Hold revels to Dionjsos the noisy
So do the British women shout Evoe !
2. I have confined my observations chiefly to
the religious belief taught by Sakya Muni, the
last mortal Buddha, who died 648 B.C. There
was, however, a oiore ancient Buddhism, which pre-
vailed not only in India, but in all the countries
* The name of Druid may be taken as an example: Greek^
lgv%\ Sanskrit^ -jr, drv ; Welsh, derm ; Erse, dair: a tree, or oak
tree.
t Pliny, Nat Hist. xxx. 1, — " Britannia hodie eam (magiam)
attonite celebrat tantis ceremoniis, ut eam Persis dedisse videri
poaait"
r. :-^'\' ':. vii
populated by the Arian race. Tlie belief in Kra^
hwhanduy Kanaka^ and Ka4njwpay the three mortal
Buddhas who preceded ^Sdhya Muniy was in India
contemporaneous wdth the w^orship of the elements
inculcated in the V6das. The difference between
Vedantism and primitive Buddhism, was not very
great; aud the gradual evolution of the worship of
concrete Nature (called Pradhan by the Brahmans,
and Dharma or PrajnA by the Buddhists), from the
more ancient adoration of the simple elements, was
but the natural consequence of the growth and
progressive development of the human mind In
Europe the traces of this older Buddhism are found
in the CaducevSy or wand of Hermes, which is only
the symbol of Dharma^ or deified nature, and in
the Welsh Buddwdsy and the Saxon Woden ;— but
slig'htly altered forms of Buddha. The fourth day of
the week, Wednesday, or WoderCs-dayy was named
Dies Mercurii by the Romans, and is still called
Bvddhwdr by the Hindus. Maia was the mother
of the Greek Hermeias or Hermes ; and Maya was
the mother of the Indian Buddha. The connection
between Hermes, Buddw6s, Woden, and Buddha is evi-
dent ; although it may be difficult, and perhaps nearly
impossible, to make it apparent to the general reader.
Hermeias and his '' golden wand," yj^vdoppam^y are
mentioned by Homer ; but Hesiod * is the first who
• Theog. 988.
Vlll PBEFACE.
speaks of his mother ^' Maia, the Atlantis who bore
to Zeus the illustrious Hermes, the herald of the
immortals/' In the Homeric poems, also, there is no .
trace of serpents entwining* the wand in the manner
represented in works of art. Even in the late Home-
ridian hymn the wand (which was Apollo's sheep-
staff) is described as ^^ a golden three-leaved innocu-
ous rod/' The epithet of three-leaved is peculiarly
applicable to the three-pointed symbol of Dharma,
so conspicuous an ornament on the Sanchi g'ateways
of this volume.
In illustration of the ancient history of India,
the bas-reliefs and inscriptions of the Bhilsa Topes
are almost equal in importance to the more splendid
discoveries made by the enterprising* and energetic
Layard in the mounds of the Euphrates. In the
inscriptions found in the Sdnchi and Sonari Topes we
have the most complete and convincing proof of the
authenticity of the history of Asoka, as related in
the Mahdwdnso. In the Pali Annals of Ceylon, it
is stated, that after the meeting of the Third Buddhist
Synod, 241 B.C.. K6syapa was despatched to the He-
maroanta country to convert the people to Buddhism.
In the Sanchi and Son^ Topes were discovered two
portions of the relics of Kdsyapa, whom the inscrip-
tions call the ^^ Missionary to the whole HemawantaJ^
The Sfi.nchi bas-reliefs, which date in the early part
of the first century of our era, are more original in
PREFACE. IX
design and more varied in subject than any other
examples of Eastern sculpture which I have seen in
India. The subjects represented are religious pro-
cessions, the worship of Topes and trees, and the
adoration of the peculiar symbols of the Buddhist
Triad. Besides these there are some spirited sieges
of fortified cities, several stories from the life of S^ya
Muni, and some little domestic scenes which I would
rather attribute to the fancy of the artist than to
their particular significance in Buddhistical story.
The plans and sections which accompany this work
are all drawn from careftil meiasurements on the same
scale (of 40 feet to an inch), to preserve the relative
proportions of the different Topes. The top of each
drawing is the north, by which the relative positions
of staircases, gateways, and other parts, may be de-
termined at a glance. The plans of the difierent
hills on which the several groups of Topes are
situated, are all taken from my own surveys on the
same scale of 400 feet to an inch. The eye can
thus compare the disposition of one group with
another. Lastly, the drawings of all the principal
relic-boxes and caskets are one half the origuial size,
sufficient (I have reason to think) for the correct deli-
neation of the different shapes and various mouldings.
I am indebted to the kind liberality of Major H. M.
Durand, of the Engineers, for the view of the Sdnchi
Tope, and for the drawings of the Sandhi bas-reliefs,
X PREFACE.
containing" the boat scene, or '^ Sakya's departure
from this world/' the " Religious Festival, with adora-
tion of a Tope/' and a scene in the royal palace, with
a relic-casket.
The Topes were opened by Lieut. Maisey and
myself in the end of January and beginning of
February, 1851 j and I attribute the success of our
discoveries in great part to the vigilance of our per-
sonal superintendence. I had become aware of the
importance of this strict watchtulness (after I had
opened the g-reat Sarn6.th Tope, near Benares, in
1835), by the purchase of five beautiful gold coins
of Kadphises, which were brought from Affghanistan
at the very time that Mr. Masson was engaged in
opening the Topes of the Kabul valley. I now learn
from Major Kittoe that he has found a broken steatite
vase amongst the rubbish at the foot of the great
Sarndth Tope. It is, I fear, more than probable that
this vase was the relic-casket of the Sarnath Tope,
which must have been destroyed during my unavoid-
able absence on engineer duty at Mirzapore.
As the opening of the Bhilsa Topes has produced
such valuable results, it is much to be hoped that the
Court of Directors will, with their usual liberality,
authorise the emplo3Tnent of a competent officer to
open the numerous Topes which still exist in North
and South Bahar, and to draw up a report on all
the Buddhist remains of Ka])ila and Kusinagara, of
PREFACE. XI
Vaisali and T^ajagTiha, which were the principal
scenes of Sakya^s labours. A work of this kind
would be of more real value for the ancient history
of India (the territory of the Great Company) than
the most critical and elaborate edition of the eighteen
Purdnas.
I would also venture to recommend that the two
fallen g'ateways of the Sanchi Tope should be removed
to the British Museum, where they would form the
most striking" objects in a Hall of Indian Antiquities.
The value of these sculptured gateways will, I feel
confident, be highly appreciated after the perusal of the
brief account of them contained in this work ; while
their removal to England would ensure their preser-
vation. For a most admirable view of one of these
gateways I refer the reader to the frontispiece of
Mr. Fergusson^s beautiful and artistic illustrations
of ancient Indian architecture.
Before parting, may I beg to draw the particular
attention of the reader to my identification of the dif-
ferent classes of Pramnce and GermanfBy as recorded
by Kleitarchos and Megasthenes, with the different
orders of Buddhist Srdmanas. I do so because some
of our most eminent scholars have doubted the preva-
lence and extension of the Buddhist religion before
the beginning of the Christian era. Now the Pramius
of Kleitarchos, and the Gennance of MegastheneS; are
l)oth stated to have been the opponents of the Brah-
Xll PREFACE,
mans. Were this the case they can only be the
SrAmanaSy which was a title common to all the orders
of the Bauddha community ; even Sakya himself being*
styled Malm Sranianay or the '' Great Devotee/^ The
identity of the Oermarue of Megasthenes is placed
beyond all doubt by his mention that '^ women were
allowed to join them on taking vows of chastity/'*
for the Buddhists alone had nuns.
It will not, I trust, be out of place in a Preface to
obsen^e that the several orders of PramiuB^ mentioned
by Kleitarchos, are, —
1 . Opecvoc, or ^^ mountaineers/* a Greek corruption of
Arkan (or Atan^ as it is sometimes spelt), which was
a common title of the BodhisatwaSy or second class of
the Bauddha community, who usually dwelt on hills.
2. rw/nvi|Tai, the ^^ naked,** or rather the " half-
clad,** — a descriptive title of the Bodhisatwas, who,
during their devotions, wore only the Satigh/itiy or
kilt. TvfAviKy or rvfkvrrnKy was applied to a light-armed
soldier, — not to an unarmed one ; and, therefore, also,
to a lightly-clad person.
3. IloXiriJcoi, the ^^ townsmen,** I onlj- take to be
a corrupted transcript of the Sanscrit Pratyekay the
third class of the Bauddha community, whose duty
it was to mingle with the people, and frequent the
towns.
• Megastbenes in Slrabo, v. — Zv^^iXoao^ly c'tViou Koi. yvvait^ai
PREFACE. XUl
4. npoff-j^jUfHOi, the ^^ rural,'' which I take to be
an alteration by some copyist, for the sake of the
antithesis of " town and countr}'/' with the last. The
original term used by Kleitarchos was, I see reason
to believe, npcxn^aipioc, the " listeners,*' a literal trans-
lation of the Sanscrit Srdivaha, the fourth class of the
Bauddha community.
It is my belief that I have identified both the
Opeivoc and the Yvfivnrai with the Bodhisatwa of the
Buddhists. For, though there were four classes of
Buddhists, yet, the superior grade being those who
had attained the rank of Buddha, they had, of course,
no representatives on earth. Kleitarchos, therefore,
who had heard that there were four orders, has created
one out of the ru/nvirrai. Megasthenes, who resided
for some years in India, states more correctly that
there were only three classes of np/mvac j viz.,
1. YXo/3coc, from the Sanscrit alobhiyay ^^ without
desire ; " that is, the Bodhisatwa, who had suppressed
all human passions.
2. larpucoi, the ^^ ph3'sicians,'' which I t^ke to be
a slight corruption of nparijcoi, for Pratyeka, the third
class of Buddhists, who, as they mixed much with
the people, would no doubt have generally acted as
physicians, as the Christian monks have done in later
days.
3. EiraiTai, or ^^ beggars,'' equivalent to the Bhik^
shuy or mendicant monk of the Buddhists.
XIV PREFACE.
Now Kleitarchos was one of the companions of
Alexander; and^ as he did not advance into India
beyond the HyphasiSy or Byfls River, his distinct
mention of the different classes of the Bauddha com-
munity seems to me (at least) conclusive, that the
religion of Sakya had not only become prevalent in
Gangfetic India, but that it had reached the Punjaub
at the period of the Macedonian invasion, B.C. 330.
Let me add that a still earlier mention of the
Buddhists may, I think, be found in Herodotus, who,
writing* about B.C. 420, shortly after the assembly of the
second Synod says, — ^^ There are. other Indians, who,
differing in manners from those before mentioned, put
no animal to death, sow no grain, have no fixed habi-
tations, and live solely upon vegetables.^' The name
of this class of Indians is not given by Herodotus ;
but it is preserved by Nicolaus Damascenus, who
calls them Aritoniiy the same, I believe, as the San-
skrit Arhanta. Now Arhanta is a title of the
Bodhisatwa, one of the classes of the Bauddha com-
munity, which observed aU the peculiarities attributed
by Herodotus to the Aritonii. They were pro-
hibited from taking life; they sowed no grain, but
begged their daily bread ; they had no fixed habita-
tions, and lived wholly upon vegetables.
Alexander Cunningham.
Simla, 1863.
I
«
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
•
TAQM
§1. Limits of Buddhism . .1
2. Decay of Buddhism
2
3. Buddhist Remains
t i
S
4. Ditto
4
5. Cave Temples
4
6. Vihdrs
t ^
5
7. Inscriptions on Rocks and Pillars
5
8. Topes ....
0
. 6
9. Bhilsa Topes
6
10. Ditto
7
11. Description of Topes
7
1*2. Origin of Topes .
9
13. Existing before S&kya*s advent
. 10
14. Ditto
. 11
15. Various Buddhist Topes .
. 11
16. Ditto
. 12
17. Dedicatory Topes
. 12
18. Memorial Topes
. 12
19. Funeral Topes
. 13
20. Ditto
, 13
21. Ditto
. 13
22. Intmiately connected with Buddt
list reli(
jion
. 14
XVI
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER II.
LIFE OF sAkYA.
§ 1. Early Indian worship— Elements
2. Conflicting opinions at Sakya*8 advent
3. Doctrine of transmigration
4. The Sw&stikas ....
6. Their doctrine of eternal annihilation
6. Swastikas, Brdhmans, and Buddhists, compared
7. Ditto Ditto
8. Birth and early life of Sdkya
9. The four predictive signs
10. Ditto
11. Ditto
12. Ditto
13. Probability of th^ story of his conversion
14. Embraces a religious life .
15. His asceticism ....
16. Ditto . . - .
17. Braves the terrors of Maro or death
18. His teaching ....
19. Ditto ....
20. Sakya*s death
21. Grief of his followers
22. Burning of his corpse
23. Division of his relics
24. They are collected by Ajatasatra
25. And again distributed by Asoka
FAGK
15
16
16
17
19
19
20
20
21
21
21
21
22
22
23
24
24
25
25
26
26
28
28
30
SO
CHAPTER III.
FAITH OP sAkYA.
§ 1. Early observations of mankind .
2. Discrimination of the elements
3. Early worship of Greece and India
31
31
32
CONTENTS. XVU
§ 4. Philosophical systems of ditto
5. The Pythagoreans
6. Sukya's faith ; Buddha, Dharma, Sangha
7. The Samadhikas (Contemplatists) and the Prudh^nikas (Ma-
terialists) ....
8. Buddhists deny the Creator*s providence
9. Doctrine of Nirvritti and Pravritti, or rest and action .
10. The five Dhydni Buddhas, or personifications of the elements
11. Similarity of the early Brahmanical and Bauddha schools
12. The Sankhy a doctrine of the eternity of matter
13. Buddhist belief of creation of matter
14. Doctrine of the Sankhy a teacher, Kapila
15. Doctrine of the Sankhya teacher, Patanjali
16. The Brahmanical Nireswara similar to the Bauddha Swabhavika
doctrine of supreme nature ....
17. Mystic roots of the elements ....
18. The Brahmanical Seswaras and the Aiswarika Buddhists
19. All the schools agree that there is a compound of mind and
matter .......
20. The three classes of Sakya*s doctrine: — 1. Vinaya; 2. Sutra
3. Abhidharma
21. Called Tripitaka and Triyanika .
22. Their compilation in b. c. 543
23. Kachhayana*s Pali grammar
24. Ditto
25. Language of the Buddhist books
26. Ditto
27. Ditto
28. Identification of Eachhayana and KutyHyana
29. Ditto
30. Ditto
31. Sakya a social reformer .
32. Ditto
33. Buddhism and Mahomedanism
PAOB
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
38
30
39
39
40
40
40
41
41
41
42
43
44
45
45
46
47
49
50
50
51
52
53
CHAPTER IV,
FIRST SYNOD.
§1. The Bauddha community .55
2. First S3mod of five hundred monks ,56
XVlll
CONTENTS.
pAoe
§3. First Synod of five hundred monks .57
4. Ditto .57
5. Rehearsal of Yinaya .... 58
6. Rehearsal of Dharma .58
7. Buddha's Hymn of Joy . .59
8. His last iigunctions .59
9. Conclusion of the Synod .59
10. Admission of women .60
11. Dress of the ascetics .61
12. Ditto .62
13. Sarmanes, or Sramanas .63
14. Hylobii, or Arhats . . .63
15. latriki, or Pratyekas .64
16. The four classes of Eleitarchos . .64
17. Types of the Buddhist classes .66
18. Difference between Buddhist and Christian ideas of inmiortality 67
19. The Grand Lama of Tibet a Bodhisatwa, and not a Buddha . 67
20. Rules for the Bhikshu .68
21. His dress and equipments .69
CHAPTER V.
CHRONOLOGY.
§1. Succession of teachers
2. Ditto
3. Chronological list of teachers
4. Date of Sakya*s death— 543 b. g.
5. Chandra Gupta's accession
6. Possible origin of the error in Buddhist chronology
71
72
72
73
74
75
CHAPTER VI.
BECOICD SYNOD.
1. Ten indulgences claimed by the Vaisali fraternity
3. Aaaembly of Second Synod
77
78
co^TE^'TS.
XIX
§ 3. Discussion on the indulgences ....
4. Sentence of dcgnulation confirmed
5. Similsiritj of proceedings to those of English trial by jury
VAOB
79
80
80
CHAPTER VII.
BUDDHIST SCHISMS.
) 1. The degraded monks originate the Maha Sanghika heresy
2. Various sects
3. Ditto
4. The Vaibh&shikas
6, The Sautrantikas
6. Names of eighteen schisms
7 Extent of Buddhism in 443 b. c.
81
82
82
83
84
84
85
CHAPTER VIII.
PROGRESS OF BUDDHISM.
j 1. The Maurya dynasty : accession of Chandra Gupta
2. Ue expels the Greeks from the Fanjab
3. Ue conquers India
4. Falibothra, or P&taliputra
5. Indian expedition of Seleukos Nikator
6. Ditto ditto
7. Accession of Bindus&ra
8. Embassy of Dionysios
9. Asoka deputed to Taxila
10. Appointed Governor of Ujain
11. Death of Bindusara
87
88
90
90
91
91
92
93
93
95
96
CHAPTER IX.
REIGN OF ASOKA.
§ 1. Accession and conquests of Asoka
S. His conyersion to Buddhism
97
98
XX CONTENTS.
{8. He erects numerous Vihdrs and Chaityas)
4. I'romulgatcfl numerous edicts ....
6. Title of Priyadarsi doubted by Prof, II. II. Wilson .
6. True meaning of Dharma ....
7. Ditto ......
8. Ditto ......
U. Ditto ......
10. Buddha^ Dharma, and Sangha, mentioned in the Bhabra
inscription ......
U. Antiquity of the Puli Scriptures vindicated
12. Ditto Ditto ....
13. Ditto Ditto ....
14. Name of Asoka not mentioned in his own inscriptions
15. Identity of Priyadarsi and Asoka
16. Chronological difficulties removed
17. Doubtful name in edicts, perhaps Ariobarzanes
18. Asoka's knowledge of the Greeks
19. No mention of the kings of Kabul and Parthia in his edicts
20. Dates of the Rock edicts ....
21. Date of the Pillar edicts ....
22. Sincerity of Asoka's faith ....
CHAPTER X.
THIRD SYNOD.
§ 1. Heretics assume the dress of the Buddhists and enter their
monasteries .....
2. Expulsion of the heretics
3. Rehearsal of Vindya and Dharma
4. Missions to foreign countries
5. Relics of the missionaries found in the Bhilsa Topes
6. Relics of K^pa ....
7. Ditto, andofMajhima
8. Relics of Gotiputra ....
9. Explanation of the term c/aycWa
10. Gotiputra, the missionary to Dardfibhisara
U. Other relios .....
TAr.K
9i)
100
100
102
103
104
105
105
106
107
107
108
109
110
111
111
112
113
113
114
115
116
116
116
119
1-20
120
121
121
122
123
CONTENTS.
XXI
CHAPTER XI.
PAGE
§ 12. The zeal of Asoka anticipated Christianity in religious missions 123
13. Kunala, son of Asoka — Asoka*8 death . . .123
RISE AND FALL OF THE INDO-SCYTHIANS
§ 1. Division of Asoka's empire — Fall of the Mauryas
2. Conquests of Menander in India
3. The Scythian Mauas expels the Greeks
4. He is succeeded hy Azas
5. Rise of the Yuchi or Tochari under Kadphises
6. Kanishka, a zealous Buddhist
7. Milindu, Riga of Sakala
8. N^&rjuna : Buddhism extended into Tibet
9. Mention of Buddhists by Apollonius of Tyana
10. By Klemens of Alexandria
1 1 . By Porphyrins ....
12. By Palladius and Scholastikos .
13. In the Hindu dramas
125
126
127
127
128
128
130
131
131
132
133
135
136
CHAPTER XII.
THE aUPTA DYNA8TY. — DECLINE AND FALL OF BUDDHISM.
§ 1. Rise of the Gupta dynasty — Gupta era
2. Gupta era dates from establishment of dynasty
3. Gupta kings mentioned by the Chinese
4. Chronological table of the Guptas
5. Data for chronology .....
6 & 7. Mr. Thomas's chronology ....
8. He dates the rise of the Guptas from 78 a. d. .
9. Reasons for adopting a later date
9.* Silver currency of Gujrat copied from the drachmas of
Apollodotus ......
10. Inscription of Chandra Gupta at Udayagiri
11 . Sanak^nika, name of the kingdom of Bhilsa
12. Vaishnaya faith of the princes of Sanak^nika .
b
138
139
140
141
141
145
145
146
149
150
151
152
xxu
CONTENTS.
§ 13. Inscription of Chandra Gupta at Sanchi
14. Hlostrations of the meaning of Frajna .
15. Frajna is nature deified .....
16. Chandra Gupta's gift to Sanchi Tope .
17. Chandra Gupta, lord of Ujain ....
18. Ditto not an orthodox Buddhist
19. Buddhism prevalent in Fataliputra
20. Ditto paramount in the Fanjah and Northern India
21. Religious belief of the earlier Guptas .
22. Tantrika belief of Skanda Gupta
23. Extravagance of the Tantrists
24. Their charms and incantations ....
25. Spread of Tantrika doctrines ....
26. Lok^tya ....
27. Budha Gupta ......
28. Toramana — inscriptions at Eran and Gwalior .
29. Conquests of Siladitya .....
30. Decline of Buddhism .....
31. Fall of Buddhism ....
32. Causes of the decline and fall of Buddhism
PAQS
152
153
154
154
154
155
155
156
156
158
160
160
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
CHAPTER XIII.
BUILDING AND DEDICATION OF TOPES.
§ 1. Account of the building of a Tope from the Mahawanso
2. Memorial pillar recording the builder's intentions
3. Topes usually built by forced labour
4. Foundations
5. Laying the foundation stone
6. Ceremonies attending it .
7. Form of the chaitya
8. Construction of the relic-chamber
9. Procession of the relic-casket
10. Ceremonies on closing the relic-casket
11. Ceremonies on placing it in the relic-chamber
12. Completion of the Tope
13. Cornices or copings added to it
169
169
170
170
170
171
172
172
173
173
174
174
175
§ 14. Other addidoofl b; mbaequent king* .
IS- The i^itic acscription applies to the Great SAnehi Tope
IS. Different positions of the relic-chamber
17. Consecration of the groiiml ....
18,19, Various -.hapesof Topee ....
20 Their age ascertained approxjiiutel; fhim shape
CHAPTER XIV.
SiNCBI TOPS. — NO. 1.
1. Poiitioi) of Binebi HUl
2. Description of ditto
3. Group of Topes at S&nchi
4. S&Qchi, the Bune aa Sb&-chi of Fa Hian
9. Name of S&nchi
5. Story of the holy nettle at Sbb-chi
7. Village of Sfinchi
e. Situation of the Great Tope No. 1
9. Other nimed Topea
0. Shape of the dome
1. Upper enclosare
i. Pimiaele, elialia
3. Height of the Tope
t. Colonnade or Bnddhiet railing .
S. Pillars of colonnade
3. Itails of ditto
r. ArchitravCB
3. Frcvalence of Buddhist ndlings
), Four gakwaj's
). Fillnrs of gat ewaj-s— different capitals
1. Architraves of gateways
!. Symbols of Buddha and Dharma
I. Variety of bM-reliefa
^ Figures of the four Buddhos
1. llimswainini iiiHcriptioQ
i. I.ioji pillar, with inscription
'. Capital of pillar
I., Height of ditto
XXIV CONTENTS.
§29. Style of wnlptaie in the lioiiB.
30. Statae pilar . .
81. CajHtal of pillar ....
32. Descriptioii of statue ....
33. Height of pillar ....
34. Shafts of pillars eat into pieces for sugar-mills
35. Eastern pillar .....
36. Broken pillar of Hariswimini Gosha .
37. Flight of steps, and statues at entrance
195
196
197
197
197
198
199
199
199
CHAPTER XV.
DESCRIPTION OF THE sInCHI BAS-RELIEFS.
XASTSBX OATBWAT.
Bight PiOar^FratU Faee.
L Fdaoe Scene — ^Audience Hall ..... 201
n. Palace Scene— Women dancing before the King . SOS
Bighi PiOar^Iumer Faee.
L Adoration of Tree .202
n. Dream of Maya .202
Left Paiar-FmU Face.
L Adoration of Symbol of Dharma .203
n. Boat Scene— SUqrm*! Nirrima . .204
m. Prince in Chariot leaving KapOa .... 205
^ft POkBr^Immr Face.
L Kitchen Scene ....... 205
n. Worship of Boddha— as flame .207
HL Tope dedloited to the SivraM Buddha . 210
CONTENTS. XXV
Architmves — Front,
I. Worship of Topes .211
n. Procession of Baddha*8 feet .211
m. Worship of Tree .211
Architrave — Rear.
I. Worship of Trees .211
n. Worship of Trees by Animals .... 211
m. Worship of Tape by Elephants .212
SOUTH GATBWAT.
Right PiUar-^Frant Face.
I. Triple Symbol of Dharma .218
n. Scene in Palace ...... 213
m. Casket Scene in Palace ..... 213
Architraves — Front.
I. WoMhip of Topes .214
IL Worship of Tope . .214
HL A Siege, and Relic-procession .... 215
WEST GATBWAT.
Right PiUar^Front Face.
L Trial of the Bow .... .218
n. Worship of Tree ...... 222
m. Ditto .222
rV. Lions ........ 223
Right Pillar — Inner Face,
I. Gateway— Worship of Tree ..... 223
II. Worship of Tree surmounted by Chatta . . 223
XXVI CONTENTS.
Left POhr-^Front Face.
FAOI
I. Social Scene .223
II. Love Scene ...... 224
Left PiUar^Iimer Face.
I. Aacetic Life— Arebers ..... 224
II. Festival of the Tree ... .225
IIL State Barge ... .226
ArekUnmet'^Fnmt Facee.
L IVocesBbii escorting a Belic-caaket - 227
II. Wonhip of Symbol of Buddha ... 229
m. Worship of Tree by Elephants .229
L Wonliip of TVypes .229
II TrtumiOial PitweMMm . .229
ni. IWpk Wonhip 229
m«m GATSWAT.
lOL Una :2S1
CONTENTS.
XXVU
Left PWar—Froni Face,
L Worship of Tree
n. Beyerence paid to a Boy
HL Simple Adoration
rv. Procession
y . Domestic Scenes at Fountain
PAOB
231
232
232
232
232
Left PiUar — Inner Face,
I. CaTe Temple
n. Procession
m. Worship of Tree
233
233
233
CHAPTER XVI.
INSCRIPTIONS. — NO. 1 TOPE. — sInCHI.
Nos. 1 to 176. On colonnade— old
No. 177. On southern pillar
Nos. 178 to 196. Later inscriptions from gateways
235-259
. 259
262-267
CHAPTER XVII.
OPENING OF sAnCHI TOPE — NO. 1.
§ 1. Manner of opening the Tope— Brick Tope
2. No discovery made
3. Probable age of the Tope — 500 b.c.
4,5. Probable date of the colonnade— 250 b.c.
6. Date of the gateways — 19 to 37 a.d.
7. Gateway inscriptions in a more recent character
8. Old inscription hidden by pillar of gateway
9. Tope probably dedicated to the Supreme Buddha
269
270
270
271
272
272
273
273
XXVIll
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XVllL
NO. 2 TOPE. — sAnCHI.
§ 1. Position of Tope
2. Dimensions of dome
3. Pinnacle . .
4. Colonnade, or Buddhist railing
5. Ornaments of pillars
6. Bas-reliefs of entrance pillars
7. Bas-reliefs of Tope and wheel pillar
8. Wheel pillar
9. SangluL, or the united s3mibol8 of Buddha and Dharma
10. Probable age, about 220 b. c.
PAGI
275
275
276
276
277
277
278
278
278
278
CHAPTER XIX.
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NO. 2 TOPE. — sAnCHI.
Noe. 1 to 43. On colonnade.
280
CHAPTER XX.
OPENING OF NO. 2 TOPE. — sAnCHI.
§ 1. Present appearance of the Tope
2. Position of the relic-chamber
3. Relic-box with inscription
4. Remarks ou inscription
5. Inscriptions on the steatite boxes
6. Remarks on the enshrined relics
7. Relics of ten Buddhist teachers in 240 d. c.
8. Tope originally intended for relics of two only
9. Intimate connection between the principal Buddhist leaders
10. Value of genealogies derivable fh>m other Topes
285
285
286
286
287
289
291
291
292
293
CONTENTS. xxix
CHAPTER XXI.
NO. 3 TOPB. — sInCHI.
PAOS.
§ 1. Present appearance, and fonner size .... 295
2. Buddhist railing ... 295
8. Pillars of ditto .296
4. Square enclosure ...... 296
5. Relic-chamber with two relic-boxes .... 297
6. Relic-box of SMputra . .297
7. Seven precious things in relic-casket . 297
8, 9. Series of seven precious things according to the Chinese . 298
10. The seven precious things in this Tope . 298
11. Relic-casket of MahaMogalluia .... 299
12. Initial letters of names written in ink . 299
13. Relative position of relics to right and left . 299
14. 15. S&riputra*s career ...... 300
16, 17. S&kja*s account of S&riputra 301
18. His death and cremation ..... 305
19. Origin of Mogallma ...... 305
20. Relics of both found at Satdh&ra .... 306
21. Date of Tope uncertain — between 550 and 250 b. c. 306
22. Date of Tope, perhaps 500 b. c. — of railing, 250 b. c. . 307
23. Other Topes at S&nchi ..... 308
CHAPTER XXII.
SONArI TOPSS. — NO. 1 TOPE.
§ 1. Position of Son&ri — meaning of name
2. Wheel pillar at Sr&vasti
3. Situation of Topes
4. No. 1 Tope— Sondri
5. Dimensions of Tope
309
310
311
311
312
XXX
CONTENTS.
§6. Surrounded by a Buddhist railing
7. Probable date, 250—200 b. c. .
8. Opening of Tope— stone boxes
PAQS
312
313
313
CHAPTER XXIII.
NO. 2 TOPE.— SONIri.
§ 1. Position of No. 2 Tope
2. Dimensions of Tope
3. Opening of Tope
4. Large steatite relic-vase
5. Flat crystal relic-casket of Chtiputra
6. Steatite relic-casket of Majkima
7. Ditto Kdsapa Chta
8. Ditto Kosiki'putra
9. Ditto Alabagira
10. Date of Tope about 220 b. c.
11. Other Topes at Son&ri
315
315
316
316
316
317
317
318
318
318
319
CHAPTER XXIV.
TOPES AT SATDHIrA.
§1. Position of Satdh&ra ....
2. Tope, No. 1, of brick ....
8. Buddhist railing ....
4. Opening of Tope ....
5. Massive foundations of Temples
6. No. 2 Tope .....
7. Steatite Relic-caskets of Sariputra and Mogal&na
8. No. 7 Tope, Satdhara
9. BeKcs of No. 7 Tope
10. Other Topes at Satdhdra
320
321
321
322
322
323
324
325
325
325
CONTENTS.
XXXI
CHAPTER XXV.
TOPES AT BHOJPUR.
1. Ruins of Bhojpur . . . . ,
PAOS
. 327
2. Position of ditto . . . .
. 327
3. Situation of Topes ....
. 328
4. No. 1 Tope, A ....
. 329
6. No. 2 Tope, B . . .
. 330
6. Opening of ditto . . . . .
. 331
7. Relic-casket, a crystal Tope
. 331
8. No. 3 Tope, C .
. 332
9. No. 4 Tope, D . . . . ,
. 383
10. Remains of other Topes, upper stage
. 333
11. No. 7 Tope, a ; second stage
. 334
12. Opening of ditto ....
. 334
13. Relic-jar of Patito, the " d^ppaded"
. 335
14. Relic-jar of Upahitaka
. 336
15. Probable date, 250—200 a. c.
. 336
16. No. 8, Tope, b . . . . .
. 337
17. No. 9 „ c
. 337
18. No. 10 „ d
. 338
19. No. 11 „ 6
. 339
20. Other Topes on the second stage
. 339
21. Third stage of Topes . . . . ,
. 340
22. Fourth stage of Topes . . . .
341
23. Bhojpur Topes, mostly opened before
. 341
CHAPTER XXVI.
ANDHER TOPES.
1. Position of the Topes .
. 342
(i
XXXU CONTENTS.
§2. No. 1 Tope
. 342
3. Buddhist railing
. 843
4. Opening of No. 1
* ■ • 4
. 844
5. No. 2 Tope
. 845
6. Opening of ditto
. 846
7. Flat earthenware relic-box
. 846
8. Tall steatite relic-casket
. 847
0. Large steatite relic- Tase
. 847
10. Probable date, 200 b. c.
. 847
11. NaSTope
. 848
12. Opening of ditto— Relics of
H&ritiputra
. 848
18. Relics presented by Aswa Deya — ^Ink writing
849
I.
■I
t
\t
K
I,
CHAPTER XXVII.
BTBCBOLS OP BUDDHA, DHARMA, AND 8ANOHA.
§ 1. Symbols on Sinchi gateways and cares
2. Triad of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha
3. The wheel, a symbol of universal dominion
4. Crowns the summits of the SILnchi gateways
5. Various forms of wheel
6. Quadruple symbol of Buddha
7. Symbol of Dharma
a. Symbol of Sangha
9. Difibrtmt spellings of Sangha
10. TriiUe symbol of Dharma
11, 12. S^'mbol of Dharma the same as Jagannith
13. l^rt>bable Buddhist origin of Vithoba
14. Fair al Bes&agar
13. Origin of the fair
16. Another account
17. Rukmfa^>da> the same as Lohingada
15. Bemsgar probably included in Vidarbha
|$L IVwadatloo of Bcsnagar
ofBhilsa
351
351
352
353
353
355
355
358
358
358
359
360
361
862
862
362
363.
363
364
CONTENTS. XXXm
PAGK
§21. Position of the various groups of Topes . 364
22. Appearance of the Tope hills in ancient times. . 365
APPENDIX.
Description of ancient arms, &c. . . 369
LIST OF PLATES.
I. Sketch map of the country around Bhilsa.
n. Comparison of Druidical and Buddhist monuments.
in. Various specimens of Topes.
rV. Group of Topes— Sanchi.
V. Groups of Topes — Sonari, Satdhdra, and Andher.
VI. Group of Topes— Bhojpur.
Vll. View of the great Sanchi Tope, No. 1.
VLLl. Flan and elevation of ditto.
IX. Elevation and section of colonnade.
X. Sdnchi pillars.
XI. Boat scene — eastern gateway.
Xn. Relic scene — southern gateway.
Xni. Tope scene — ^northem gateway.
XrV. Female dancer— west gate.
XV. ELitchen scene — leaf-roofed house and gateway
XVI. Inscriptions from No. 1 Tope.
XVn. Ditto ditto.
XVm. Ditto ditto.
XIX. Ditto ditto.
XX. Flan and elevation of No. 2 Tope, Sanchi.
XXI. Inscriptions from No. 2 Tope.
XXn. Flan and elevation of No. 3 Tope, Sanchi.
XXm. Ditto ditto No. 1 ditto, Sonari.
XXrV. Ditto ditto No. 2 ditto, Sonari.
XXV. Topes of Satdhara.
XXXVl LIST OF PLATES.
XXVI. No8. 1, 2, and 4 Topes at Bbojpur.
XXyn. Nos. 8, 9, and 10 ditto.
XXYin. Flan and elevation of No. 1 Tope, Andher.
XXIX. Ditto ditto No. 2 ditto.
XXX. Ditto ditto No. 3 ditto.
XXXI. Symbols of Buddha.
XXXn. Symbols of Dbarma and Sangha.
XXXm. Ancient arms and instruments.
THE
BHILSA TOPES
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
1. The Buddhist religion has long been extinct in
India^ but it still flourishes in Nepdl and Tibet^ in
Ava^ Ceylon^ and China^ and amongst the Indo-
Chinese nations of Anam, Siam^ and Japan. Its
votaries far outnumber those of all other creeds,
except the Christian, and they form one-fourth of the
whole human race.* The valley of the Ganges was
the cradle of Buddhism ; which, from its rise in the
sixth century before Christ, gTadually spread over
the whole of India. It was extended by Asoka
to Kashmir and Kdbul shortly after Alexander's
invasion; and it was introduced into China about
• The Christians number about 270 millions j the Buddhists
about 222 millions, who are distributed as follows -.—China,
170 millions; Japan, 25; Anam, 14; Siam, 3; Ava, 8j
Nepa, 1 J and Ceylon, 1 : total, 222 millions.
- B
8 THE BBIL8A TOPES.
the beg;uinuig of our era by five hundred KashmiriaD
missionaries. In a. d. 400^ when Fa Hian visited
India^ Buddhism was still the dominant religion ;
but the VaiahnatHU were already riung* into con-
sequence. In the middle of the seventh century,
although the pilgrim Hw&n Thsang found numerous
temples of the Saivat, whose doctrines hod been
embraced by Skeuda Gupta and the later princes
of P&taliputra, yet Buddhism was still the pre-
vailing religion of the people. But the progress of
religion is like the existence of a tree; which,
after the first symptoms of decay, can neither be
strengthened nor renewed. The faith of S^ya was
evidently on the decline ; and though it still lingered
about the holy cities of Benares and Gaya for
two or three ceutiu'ies later, it was no longer the
honoured religion of kings and princes, protected by
the strong arm of power, but the persecuted heresy
of a weaker party, who were forced to hide their
images under ground, and were ultimately expelled
firom their monasteries by fire.*
S. Buddhism hod in fact become an old and
worn-out creed, whose mendicant monks no longer
begged their bread, but were supported by lands
• In 1835 I excavated numerous Buddhist images at Sdrnitb,
near Benares, all of which had evidently been purposely hidden
UDdergronnd. I found quantities of ashes also ; and there could
be no doubt that the buildings had baen destroyed by fire. Major
Kittoe, who has made further excavations during the present year,
is of the same opiQion.
INTRODUCTION. 3
lon^ since appropriated to the monasteries. The
Sr&manoB and Bhikshus were not like those of
ancient days^ the learned and the wlse^ whose bodily
abstinence and contemplative devotion^ combined
with practical exhortations and holy example^ ex-
cited the pious wonder of the people. The modem
Buddhists had relapsed into an indolent and corrupt
body^ who were content to spend a passive existence
in the monotonous routine of monastic life. There
was still the daily chantingp of an appointed number
of hymns ; still the same observance of forms and
ceremonies ; there were still the same outward signs
of religion ; but there was no fervent enthusiasm in
the lifeless performance of such monotonous routine ;
and the ardent zeal which once burned in the
heart of every Buddhist monk for the propagation
of his religion^ had long since become extinct.
The only virtue now consisted in abstinence from
evil^ which was accounted equal to the performance
of good. Indolent listlessness and passive indiffer-
ence took the place of devout contemplation and
pious abstraction ; and thus the corrupt practices
of modern Buddhists would seem to countenance
the idea, that the more useless they became in this
life, the more fitted did they consider themselves
for the next.
8. But though the religion of the Buddhists has
long been extinct, and though the monks' ^^ call to
refection'* has been silent for ages, yet their monas-
teries and temples still remain ; their paintings and
4 THE BHILSA TOPES.
sculptures still exist; their historical writings still
live, to attest the wonderful sway which a single
enthusiastic individual may succeed in establishing
over the minds of a whole people.* The sculptures
illustrate the history; and in both we may read of
kings bowing reverentially before Topes and Trees ;
of princes bearing caskets of relics on their heads,
to be shrined in the Topes; and of the universal
reverence paid to the monks.
4. The Buddhist remains now existing may be
divided into four distinct classes.
1st. Cave Temples, containing Topes, Sculp-
tures, Paintings, and numerous inscriptions.
2nd. Vih&raSy or Monasteries.
3rd. Inscriptions on Rocks and Pillars.
4th. TopeSy or Religious Edifices.
6. The Cave Temples have been made known by
the beautiful pictorial illustrations of Fergusson;
but the curious paintings which adorn the interior
must be copied, and the numerous inscriptions must
be deciphered, before the historical value of these
remarkable monuments of the Buddhists will be
fully appreciated. Captain Gill, of the Madras
* The principal paintings are in the Gave Temples at Ajanta
and Ellora; the sculptures at Sdnchi, on the gateways of the
Great Tope. The identity of the head-dresses of the paintings
with those of the sculptures, and more particularly the recent
forms of the alphabetical characters in the Cave Temples, show
that the caves cannot date earlier than the beginning of the
Christian era. My own opinion is, that they are not earlier than
A.D. 200.
INTRODUCTION. 6
Army, is now employed at Ajanta in copyings the
paintings; but the volumes of inscriptions in the
Caves of Nasik, Junivy Kanari, and Karliy still
remain to be copied.*
6. The Vihdrasy or Monasteries, are of two
kinds: — 1st, Cave VihdraSy of which several mag-
nificent specimens have been published by Mr.
Fergusson ; and 2nd, Strttctural VihdraSy of which
some specimens still remain at Sanchi, but in a
very ruinous condition.
7. The Inscriptions on the Pillars at Delhi and
Allahabady and on the Tirhut Pillars at Mathiya
and liddhiya have long ago been deciphered and
translated by the remarkable ingenuity of James
Prinsep. The Inscriptions on the Rocks at Junagiri
in Gujrat, and at Dhauli in Kuttack, were also
interpreted by him. A third version of the rock
inscriptions (but in the Ariano Pali character),
which was found at Kapur-digiri, near Peshawur,
has been cai'efuUy collated with the others by
• In Bird's learned " Historical Researches on the Origin and
Principles of the Bauddha and Jaina Religions/' there are several
plates of inscriptions from the Caves of Kanari^ Karli^ Ajanta^
EUora, Nasik, &c. Of some of these, Dr. Bird has offered
translations ; but as he has an evident leaning towards identify-
ing Buddhism with the ancient Sun-worship, the translations are
not so accurate as could be wished. For instance, wherever the
proper name of Mxtra (a friend) occurs, he has translated it as
if it was the Persian Mitkra, the sun. His third inscription,
p. 61, which gives the name of Budha Mitra (the friend of
Buddha); should have taught him the true value of Mitra.
6 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Professor Wilson. Many short inscriptions from
Gaya^ Sanchi^ and Bir&t^ as well as from the Cave
Temples of Southern India^ have also been published
at different times ; but^ with the single exception of
the edicts in the Rock Inscriptions^ which contain
the names of Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antig^onus, and
Magmas, the inscriptions in the present volume are
of greater interest, and of much higher importance,
than all that have yet been published.
8. The numerous Topes which still exist in India
are chiefly confined to a few localities. The Topes of
K&bul and Jelalabad were opened by Messrs. Honig-
berger and Masson in 1835, and those between the
Indus and the Jhelam by Generals Ventura and
Court in 1883 and 1884. The Topes near Benares
were opened by myself in 1835, and those at S4nchi
and other places around Bhilsa, were opened by Lieut.
Maisey and myself in January and February of the
present year. The Topes of Tirhut and Bahar still
remain to be examined.
9. Of the Bhilsa Topes none have yet been de-
scribed excepting the largest of the Sanchi group
near Bhilsa. An accurate plan and section of this
building, with a short account of the various subjects
represented in the sculptured bas-reliefs of the gate-
ways, was published by my brother Captain J. D.
Cunningham, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal. On his solicitation* and earnest repre-
• See Vol. xvi., p. 745. Just eighteen days before his deaths
my brother thus wrote to a friend regarding these discoveries^
INTRODUCTION. 7
sentation of the gpreat value of these baa-reliefs^ the
Court of Directors were induced to employ Lieut.
Maisey to make drawings of the building*^ and of its
sculptured gateways. In January last I joined Lieut.
Maisey at Sanchi^ and I am therefore able to speak
positively of the value of his drawings, which cannot
be surpassed for strict fidelity of outline and minute
accuracy of detail. The bas-reliefs of the great
Tope at Sanchi will now be illustrated in a manner
worthy of their value and importance.
10. In the present work it is my intention to
describe the Topes j or Buddhist monuments, which
still exist in the neighbourhood of Bhilsa, in Central
India. These Topes consist of five distinct groups,
all situated on low sandstone hills, more or less
inaccessible. {See Map.)
1st, Sanchi, 5^ miles to S. W. from Bhilsa.
2nd, SonAbi, 6 miles to S. W. from Sdnchi.
8rd, SatdhIra, 6^ miles W. from Sanchi.
4th, Bhojpub, 7 miles E. S. E. from Sanchi,
and 6 miles S. S. E. from Bhilsa.
6th, Andheb, 4 miles E. S. E. from Bhojpur,
and 9 miles E. S. E. from Bhilsa.
— ^The extreme distance from west to east, or from
Satdh&ra to Andher, is 17 miles.
11 A Tope is properly a religious edifice de-
which had been early communicated to him. ^' It is no small
pleasure to me to reflect that my residence in Bhop&l brought
about the delineation of this monument and that of others, and
so led the way to many important antiquarian result**."
8 THE BHILSA TOPES.
dicated emphatically to Buddha; that is^ either to
the celestial Adi Buddha^ the great First Cause of
all thiiig^^ or to one of his emanations^ the Mdnu-
shiy or ^^ Mortal*' Buddhas^ of whom the most cele-
brated^ and the only historical one^ is Sakya Muni^
who died in B. C. 543. In the Topes dedicated
to the celestial JBvddika, the invisible Being* who
pervaded all space^ no deposit was made; but the
Divine Spirit^ who is ^^ Light/' was supposed to
occupy the interior^ and was typified on the outside
b^^ a pair of eyes^ placed on each of the four sides
either of the base, or of the crown of the edifice.*
Such is the great Chaitya or Tope near Kathmandu,
in Nepal, dedicated to Sroayambhwiath (the ^^Self
Existent''), in which the eyes are placed on the
upper portion of the building. A specimen of the
regular Chaitya is represented in the 3rd compart-
ment (inner face) of the left-hand pillar of the
eastern gate at Sanchi, in which the two eyes are
placed one above the other. Such also are the
numerous Chhod-tens in Tibet, which are dedicated
to the celestial Buddha, in contradistinction to the
* The legend of Kundla^ the son of Asoka^ proves the antiquity
of this practice. In a former birth, Kundia is said to have
plucked the eyes from a Chaitya, for which he was punished by
the loss of his own in the next birth; and because he then
presented a pair of golden eyes to a Chaitya, he was afterwards
bom as the son of Asoka, with eyes beautiful as those of the
Kun61a bird, — from which circumstance he obtained his name.
See Hodgson, p. 117 ; and Bumouf Buddhisme Indien, pp.
400-413. See also Plate III. of this volume.
INTR0DUC5TI0N. 9
Dung-tensy which are built in honour of the mortal
BvddhaSy and which ought to contain some portion
of their relics either real or supposed. The first,
Chhod'tenj means simply an "offering'*' to the Deity;
the latter, Dung-ten, is emphatically a " bone," or
relic-receptacle. The same distinction is preserved
in the Sanskrit terms, Chaitya and Dhatugarbha or
Dhagoba. The former is properly a religious edifice,
dedicated to Adi-Buddhaj while the latter is only
a "relic-shrine,** or repository of ashes. The word
Chaitya^ however, means any sacred object — as a
tree, an altar, a temple — as well as any monument
raised on the site of a funeral pile, as a mound or
a pillar : Chaitya may therefore, perhaps, be only a
general term for both kinds of mound ; while Dhd'
tugarbha or Dh&goba is particularly restricted to the
" relic** shrine.
12. The word Tope is derived from Afghanistan,
where it is used to designate all the solid mounds of
masonry which were opened by Messrs. Honigberger
and Masson. The same term also is applied to the
massive tower of Maniky^la in the Panjab, as well
as to all the smaller towers in its neighbourhood.
There can be no doubt therefore that the name of
Tope is the same as the P^li Thupo^ and the Sans-
krit Stupay a "mound** or "tumulus," both of which
terms are of constant use in the Buddhist books.
Stupa, or Topcy is therefore a name common to each
kind of tumulus; whether it be the solid temple
dedicated to the Supreme Being, or the massive
10 THE BHILSA TOPES.
mound erected over the relics of S6k3'a^ or of one of
his more eminent followers.
18. From several passag^es in the Pdli Budd-
histical annals^ it would appear that Topes were
in existence prior to Sakya's advent ; and that they
were objects of much reverence to the people.
Sdkya himself especially inculcated the maintenance
of these ancient ChaityM* and the continuance of
the accustomed offering's and worship. But this was^
doubtless^ only a politic accommodation of his own
doctrines to the existing* belief of the people^ adopted
for the purpose of ensuring* a more ready assent to
his own views. Like as Mahomed recognised the
prophetic missions of Moses and Elias^ and the
divinity of our Saviour Christ, so did Sakya Muni
acknowledge the holy Munis Kakut$anda^'\ Kanaka,
and K&syapa, as his immediate predecessors. They
were, probably, heroes or saints, who had obtained
the respect of their fellow-countr3'men during life,
and their reverence after death. Stvpas had been
erected over their relics in the neighbourhood of
Kapila and of Benares, and their worship was too
firmly established to be attacked with any chance
of success. J S4kya therefore artfully engrafted them
^ See his seven imperishable precepts, given to the people of
Vais&li. The sixth of these is, '' to maintain^ respect, reverence,
and make offeringB to the Chaityaa; and to keep up the ancient
offerings without diminution."
f Or Krakuchanda.
X Fo'kfve'kif chap. 20, — *' His body remained entire." And
INTRODUCTION. 1 1
on his own system as the JBvddkas of a farmer age.
In like manner^ the farmer^ who cannot check the
mountain stream^ turns its course into numerous
rivulets for the irrigpation of his lands.
14. It appears also that Stupas had been erected
over Supreme Monarchs prior to Sakya's advent^ for
Sakya particularly informs his disciple^ Ananda
that^ over the remains of a Chakravarti Saja, ^^ they
build the thupo at a spot where ^bur principal roads
meet.^ It is clear^ therefore^ that the Topcy or
^^ tumulus/' was the common form of tombs at that
period. In fact^ the Tope, as its name implies^ is
nothing* more than a regularly-built cairn or pile of
stones^ which was undoubtedly the oldest form of
funereal memento.
15. In his last injunctions to Ananda^f BhagBwIi
likewise ^^ dwelt on the merits to be acquired by
buildings thupd over relics of Tathdgatdj PacJU-
Buddha^ and Sdwakdy*^ or Buddhas, Pratyekas, and
Sr&wakas ; and he more particularly pointed out
that they who prayed at the shrines that would
be raised to him would be born in heaven. ;{; But,
althoug'h the original object of a Tope was to cover
the remains of the great, or to enshrine the relics
of the holy, yet, in a short time, other Topes, or
Tumour quotes the same from the Pali Annals, — ^' The joints
were not separated." — See Prinsep's Journal^ vii. 797.
• See Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1006.
t Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1006.
J Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1005.
12 THE BHILSA TOPES.
memorial monuments^ were erected on spots ren
dered famous by the leading* events of Sakya's life.
These holy places rapidly increased in number^ until
there was scarcely a large city in India^ from K4bul
to Orissa, and from Nep&l to Ceylon, which did not
possess a monument illustrative of some act of the
Great Teacher. For this end, the doctrine of trans-
migration was highly accommodating; for although
the mortal pilgrimage of S^kya was limited to the
central provinces of the Ganges, yet there was no
part of India which he might not have visited in
some former existence; and in this wa}', indeed, he
is said to have been in Ceylon.
16. The Topes were, therefore, of three distinct
kinds : 1st, The Dedicatory y which were consecrated
to the Supreme Buddha ; 2nd, The strictly Funereal^
which contained the ashes of the dead ; and 3rd, the
Memorial^ which were built upon celebrated spots.
17. Of the Dedicatory Topes I have already
spoken; but I may here observe, that, as it is im-
probable that any deposit would have been placed
in them, we may plausibly conclude that the largest
Topes, such as those of Sdnchi^ Satdh&ra, and
Bhojpur, were consecrated to the Supreme Invisible
Adi'Btiddha.
18. Of the Memorial Topes y little is at present
known. It seems nearly certain, however, that the
great Maniky&la Tope was of this kind; for the
inscription extracted from it, which begins with
Gomatigasay " of the abandoned body,'' undoubtedly
INTRODUCTION. 18
refers to Sdkya's abandonment of bis body to a
hungry lion. This Tope, therefore, dates earlier
than the period of Fa Hian's Indian pilgrimag'e
in A.B. 400.
19. The Funereal Topes were of course the most
numerous, as they were built of all sizes, and of all
kinds of material, according^ to the rank of the de-
ceased and the means of his fraternity. At Bhojpur,
the Topes occupy four distinct stages or platforms
of the hill. The largest Topes, six in number, occupy
the uppermost stage, and were, I believe, dedicated
to Buddha; that is, either to the celestial Buddha,
Adinathy or to the relics of the mortal Buddha,
Sakya. This view is borne out by the facts that
the largest Tope contained no deposit ; and that the
second and third sized Topes yielded crystal boxes,
one of which, shaped like a Tope, contained only
a minute portion of human bone smaller than a pea I
20. The second-rate Topes, sixteen in number,
stand on the second stage. According to my view,
these Topes contain the ashes of those who had
reached the rank of Bodhisatwa. We discovered
relics in five of these Topes, but there were no
inscriptions of any historical value.
21. The third stage of the hill is occupied by
seven small Topes, all of which I suppose to have
been built over the remains of the third grade of
Pratyeka Buddhas. Of the eight Topes which stand
on the lowest stage of the hill, one is much larger
than any of those on the third stage. These Topes
14 TH£ BHILSA TOPES.
were^ I believe^ built over the ashes of the lowest
g^rade of the Bauddha community^ the Srli^waka
Buddhas.
22. The few remarks which I have sugfgpested
above^ will be sufficient to show the valuable light
which the Topes are likely to afford in illustration
of the religion of Buddha. But^ before proceeding
to the examination of the Topes and their contents^
I propose to give a slight historical sketch of the
progress of that combined system of practical morality
and philosophical speculation which^ under the name
of Buddhism^ was the dominant faith of India for
nearly fifteen centuries.
LIFE OF SAKYA. 15
CHAPTER II.
LIFE OF SaKYA.
1. In the earliest times of which we have any
authentic record, the Arian race,* both in Persia
and India, was attached to the worship of the Sun.
In Persia, the fiery element was looked upon as the
earthly type of Mithra^ or the heavenly orbj and
the sacred flame was kept continually burning* by
the Magian priesthood. But the worship of the
elements was not unknown to the Persians; for
Herodotus expressly states that ^^ they sacrificed to
the Sun and Moon, to the Earth, to Fire and Water,
and to the Winds.^'f In India, the worship of the
* I use the tenn Arian in its widest acceptation to signify
the race of Art/ya, whose emigrations are recorded in the
Zeudavesta. Starting from Ericene- Veejo, the Aryas gradually
spread to the south-east, over Artfya-vartta or Aryya-desa, the
northern plains of India; and to the south-west, over Irak,
or Persia. The Medes are called Apuoi by Herodotus.
t Herodotus f i. 131, — Qvovtn Se i/Xiy re Kal veXfiyi^ xal yjf
Kal TTvpi Kal vhari Kal &yifjionri. So also Diogenes Laertius^
quoted by Barker, — " They teach the nature and origin of the
Gods, whom they think Fire, Earth, and Water." — Barher^s
Lempriere, in v. Magi. Strabo and others say the same.
16 THE BHILSA TOPES.
material elements was intimately blended with that
of the Sun; and Vabuna and Indba (with his
attendant MIbuts)^ or Water and Air^ shared with
Agni, or Fire, in the daily reverence of the people.
The religious rites consisted of sacrifices, and of the
recitation or chanting* of the ancient hymns of praise
and thanksgiying*, which are still preserved in the
Vedas. The officiating priestB were most probably
Br^hmans; for, although there is no positive au-
thority for such a belief, yet we know that, at the
rise of the Buddhist religion, in the 6th century
before our era, they formed an hereditary priest-
hood, and were the recognised teachers of the
Vedas.*
2. At this particular period of Indian history, the
minds of men were perplexed with conflicting systems
of religious belief, and with various philosophical
speculations on the origin of the world, and on the
mystical union of mind and matter, or of soul and
body. The most popular system was that of the
JBrdhmans and their followers, who believed in the
immortality of the soul after transmigration; while
their opponents, the Swastikas ^ affirmed that its
existence was finite, and was limited to its con-
nection with the body.
3. The doctrine of the transmigration of souls was
one of the earliest religious beliefs of the ancient
world. In Egypt its acceptance was universal ; and
♦ Tumour, in Journal of Asiatic Society, Bengal, vii. pp. 806,
809.
LIFE OF SAKYA. 17
in India* it was denied only by the atheistical
Swastikas; for the Br&hmanSy notwithstanding* the
differences of their metaphysical schools^ agreed in
believing* that mankind were destined^ by means of
successive regenerations, to a prolonged existence
in this world. By the attainment of true know-
ledge^ through abstract meditation, and more espe-
cially by the endurance of painful mortifications of
the flesh, it was held possible to alleviate the misery
of each successive existence by regeneration in a
higher and a happier sphere of life. But it was
not enough that the general tenor of a man's life
was virtuous, for even a single sin was sufficient
to draw down the punishment of a lower state of
existence in the next birth. The sole aim, the one
motive impulse of man, in each successive existence,
was to win for himself a still happier state of life
at each birth, and a still higher stage of perfection
at each death. It was, therefore, only with the
greatest difficulty that the most virtuous could wring
from the reluctant gods his final exemption from
the trammels of this '^ mortal coiP' by the emnn*
cipation of soul from body, and by the re-absorption
of the liberated spirit into the divine essence or God-
head, which was its original source.
4. The Swdstikas received their name from their
* The migration of souls was the fuDdainental belief of all
dassesy both Buddhist and Brahmanical. The principal difference
between the two creeds lay in the means for attaining final
exemption from migration.
C
18 THE BBILSA TOPES.
peculiar symbol the Sfvdstika, or mystic cross^ which
was typical of their belief in Swasti. This term is
a compound of Su, ^^ well/' and astiy ^^ it is ;^ meaning
^^ it is well/' or, as Wilson expresses it, ^^ so be it;''
and implying* complete resignation under all circum-
stances. But it was the stupef3'ing* submission of the
Fatalist, not the meek resigfnation of the Christian,
which bows to the chastening of the Almighty, and
acknowledges that ^^ whatever is, is right," because
it is the will of God. According to the Chinese*
the Swdstikas were Rationalists, who held that con-
tentment and peace of mind were the only objects
worthy of attainment in this life. Whatever ad-
vanced those ends was to be sought; whatever hin-
dered them was to be shunned. All impidses and
desires were to be subdued ; all hopes and fears were
to be suppressed ;
^' All thoughts^ all passions, all delights,
Whateyer stirs this mortal frame/'
were accounted violators of the peace; and all the
common cares of life were considered as so many
different forms and degrees of pain. In the anxious
quest for quietude, even the memory of the past was
to be forgotten; and, what was a more rational
* They are the Tao-sse of the Chinese ; and the founder of
their doctrine is said to have flourished between 604 and 623 b.c.
The Sivatti of Sanskrit is the SuH of Pali ; and the mystic cross,
or Swdstika, is only a monogrammatic symbol formed by the
combination of the two syllables, tu -j- ti = suti.
LIFE OF SiKYA. 19
object^ althougfh perhaps not a more attainable one^
there was to be no vain solicitude for the future.
5. The fatalist doctrine of eternal annihilation^
and consequent escape from future punishment^ will
always be popular amongBt people of weak minds
and strong* passions ; and as these have ever been the
prevailing characteristics of mankind in the East^
the Atheistical principles of the Swastikas were
received by the bulk of the people with very great
favour. They assumed the name of TirthakaraSy*
or ^^ pure- doers;'' but by the Buddhists of Tibet
they are said to have been indecent in their dress^
and grossly Atheistical in their principles. Their
Tibetan name MustegSy or ^^ Finitimists/' is sigfni-
ficant of their doctrine of finite existence ; but they
are more generally known as the PoN, or Pon-po.
This sect^ which prevailed throughout Tibet until
the seventh century^ is now confined to the furthest
parts of the most eastern province of Tibet. The
name of PoN is evidently only the Sanskrit ^m
pumya, ^^ pure," — a synonyme of Tirthakwra.
6. Between the Swastikas^ who promised nothing
after this life^ and the Brahmans^ who offered an
almost endless series of mortal existences^ people of
strong* minds and deep thoughts must have been
sadly perplexed. Few men of vigorous intellect
could have believed that their never-sleeping souls
* See Fo-kne-hij 22, 23| and Gsoma's Tibetan Orammar,
I^. 181y 102. The old name of Tirthakara, rf^iq^i^y is still
preserved amongst the Mogals as Ter.
20 THE BHILSA TOPES.
were subject to decay and dissolution ; and yet how
few of them^ by the most zealous asceticism^ could
reasonably expect the final attainment of incorpora-
tion with the Divinity. For the mass of mankind
there could have been no hope whatever; for few
would attempt the attainment of that which was so
difficult as to be almost impossible.
7. During the prevalence of such beliefs, the
success of any more rational 83'stem was certain ;
and the triumphant career of Sdhya Muniy and the
rapid propagation of his religion, may be attributed
as much to the defects of former S3'stems as to the
practical character of his own precepts, which incul-
cated morality, charity, abstinence, and the more
speedy attainment of Buddhahood, with the abolition
of caste, and of the hereditary priesthood.
8. SiKYA SiNHA, or SIkya Muni, the great
mortal teacher of the Buddhi^ religion, was the son
of MdyAy by Suddhodana, R«ja of Kapila, a petty
principality near the present Gorakhpur. He was
born in the year 623 B. c, and was, by his father's
side, a descendant of Ikshwdkuy of the Suryavansa^ or
solar race.* His original name was SuddhattOy or
Siddhartha. He was reared in the palace of his
father in all the accomplishments of a young prince
of that period ; and at sixteen years of age he was mar-
ried to the Princess Yasodard, or SuhhaddakachhdnA.
From that time until his twenty-ninth year, he was
• Tumour's Mahawanso, p. 9. See also Tumour's Extracts from
the Atthakattha, published in Prinsep's Joumal; vol. yii. p. 927.
LIFE OF SlKYA. 21
wholly wrapped up in the pursuit of human pleasures^
when a succession of incidents awakened in him a
train of deep thought^ which gradually led to a com-
plete change in his own life^ and which eventually
affected the religious belief of one-half of the human
race.*
9. Mounted in his chariot, drawn by four white
steeds, the prince was proceeding as usual to his
pleasure-garden, when he was startled by the sudden
appearance of an old, decrepid, toothless, gray-haired
man, tottering feebly along with a staff. The sight
roused him to reflection, and he returned to his
palace full of the sad belief that man, in whatever
state he may be bom, is still " subject to decay."
10. Four months later, on a second excursion
towards the pleasure-garden, he met a poor wretch,
squalid with disease ; and he returned to his palace
sadder than before, with the reflection that man is
subject to disease as well as to decay.
11. Four months later on a third occasion, he
met a corpse; and he returned to his palace still
sadder than the last time, with the reflection that
man, however high his station, is subject to decay,
disease, and death.
12. Four months later, he noticed a healthy, well-
clad person, wearing the peculiar robe of those de-
* In the time of Trajan; when the Roman Empire had attained
its greatest extent. Buddhism was the prevailing belief of China
and India, which must then have contained more than one-half of
the population of the globe.
28 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
dicated to religion. This caused another reflection
on the propriety of that mode of life which could
produce both cheerfulness of mind and healthiness
of body ; and the prince determined at once to
join the religionists. These four incidents are called
the ^^ four predictive eigns^ which are shown at in-
tervals to the persons destined to become Buddhas.^
13. The whole story of 8dkj/a^s early life, when
stripped of the superhuman incidents fondly added
by his followers, seems both natural and true: for
nothing can be more probable than the religious
retirement of a young prince, who for twelve years
had abandoned himself to every variety of pleasure
until he was cloyed with enjoyment, and the cup of
desire was brimful to satiety. Even the miraculous
incidents narrated by devout Buddhists, are not
more wonderful than those which are recorded and
believed of the Virgin Mary, and scores of Roman
Catholic saints, as well as of the Arabian Mo-
hammed.
14. SAkya Sinha was twenty-nine years of age when
he left his wife Yaeodard and her infant son BAhula,
and quitted his native city of Kapila to assume the
garb of the ascetics. When near his journey's end,
on the bank of the Anama river, he cut oft* his long
* Turnour*9 Bxtraots fift>m the Attkakatikay in Prinsep's Jour-
nal» vol. viL p. 806. These four predictire signs are generally
believed to have been witneeeed at intervals of four months. The
D%g\abkdnaka fratemity, however, assert that Sdkya witnessed all
the four predictive signs on the same day.
LIFE OF SiKYA. 23
hair with the tiara still attached to it^* and donned
the three religious garments^ with the begging* pot^
razor^ sewing needle^ waistband^ and bathing clothe
peculiar to the Bhikshuj or mendicant ascetic. Thus
clad^ the prince entered the city of Rajagriha
(fourteen miles from Oaya)^ and begged for alms and
food^ which having collected^ he retired from the
city, and seating himself with his face to the East,
ate without loathing his first mendicant meal of the
broken scraps of bread which had been thrown into
his begging pot.
16. Thence pursuing his alm^- pilgrimage, Sdkya
acquired from certain priests the knowledge of
Samdpatti ;1[ but ^^ finding that Samdpatti was not
the road that led to Buddhahood/' he gave it up,
and devoted himself to Pradhdn.X For six years
he dedicated himself to the study of Mahd pradhdn^
and subjected himself to the utmost extremes of
penance and starvation, until he was reduced to a
^^ perfect skeleton ;" but finding that the mortification
of the flesh was attended with prostration of the
mind, he gave up this system also, as not being
the right road to Buddhahood. Sdkya then resumed
his begging pilgrimages, and with proper food he
• The Sdnchi bas-reliefe, and Ajanta frescoes, both represent
the hair intertwined with the head-dress in a manner now only
practised by the people of Burmah.
t Samddhi, ^WfV, silent abstraction, and contemplation of
the Supreme Being.
I Pradhdn, HJfm, Nature, or concrete matter.
24 THE BHILSA TOPES.
reg^ained his bodily strength and mental vigfour ; but
was abandoned by the five disciples who had fol-
lowed him for six years.*
10. After this he passed four weeks under the
Bodhi tree^ then one week under the Nigrodho tree
{Fiona Indica), then another week under the Macha^
Undo tree {8travadia)y then another week under the
Rajayatana tree {Buohanania latifolia).'\ For seven
whole weeks he thus continued absorbed in deep
meditation until he had obtained Bodhirjnydny'^ and
was prepared to make known unto mankind the
wonderful efficacy of Dharmma (both faith and
works), and the desirableness of Nirvdna.
17. During his fit of abstract meditation under
the Bodhi tree^ Sakya was assailed by the terrors
of death ^ (Maro^ or Death personified) and his
army of horrors; but, to one whose belief taught
him that the dissolution of the body was the
liberation of the soul from its earthly trammels,
the approach of death was received with calm joy,
instead of cowardly apprehension. This event, which
is sup})Osed to have ended Sakya's trials in this
mortal body, took place in the month of As&rhy or
• Tumour** Gxtracta in Prinsep*8 Journal, p. 811.
t 1 huvo pur()09ely retained the mention of these trees, because
tho Siinchi baa-reliefs, which exhibit the adoration of trees, may
be Inv^t oxplaintxl by the knowledge that certain trees, under which
8akva had «iat, were hold .^acreii.
\ Siipivmo wij^iom.
'^ X«'*»woAi-*Wuiii» the IVmon of Death.
LIFE OF SlKYA. 25
June^ 588 B. c. A few days afterwards^ on the
full moon of Asdrh, or Ist July, 588 B. c, S4kya,
clad in his ascetic dress, and with his begging pot
in his hand, proceeded to the Isipatana Vihdra at
Ben&res. On his approach, he was recognised by
the five Bhikshus who had formerly deserted him,
and who were still resolute not to pay him reverence,
but under the influence of his benign spirit they
bowed down to him with every mark of adoration.
Sdkya then explained to them that he had attained
Buddhahood, and preached to them on the supre-
macy of DJiarmma.
18. From this time SAkya travelled over the
greater part of North-West India, continually in-
culcating the eflScacy of DJiarmmay and the vast
reward of Nirvdna (or final emancipation). In
the first year of his ministry he is said to have
assembled a synod of no less than twelve hundred
and fifty sanctified disciples; of whom the chief
were SAriputra, and MangalyAna^ and the three
KAsyapoB.
19. The various acts of SAkya, during his long
ministry of forty-five years, are too numerous to detail,
and are too much mixed up with the fond exaggera-
tions of his followers to admit of any satisfactory
selection from them. But they may be taken gene-
rally as so many illustrations of the peculiar tenets
which Sakya inculcated — amongst which are charity,
abstinence, and the prohibition against taking life of
any kind.
S6 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
SO. The death of this mortal Buddha took place
at Ku$indra, in January 543 B. c.^ when he was
eighty years of age. On his death-bed he thus
addressed his followers : ^^ Bhikshus I should there
be anything doubtful or incomprehensible regarding
BuddhOy Dhammo, Sanghoy MaggOj or PatUpoMy^
inquire (now)." Three times did Bhagarvd [the Su-
preme^ 1. e. S&kya] address them in the same words ;
but they were all silent. Among the five hundred
Bhikshus present^ there was not one who doubted^
or who did not understand. Bhagarvd again spoke :
^^ Bhikshus ! I now exhort you for the last time :
transitory things are perishable ; without delay
qualif}'' yourselves (for Nirvdnay^ These were the
last words of Tathdgata.1[
21. The lower orders of Bhikshus^ and all the
MaUians of Kusiu^^ lamented aloud with dis-
hevelled hair and uplifted arms^ saying, ^^ Too soon
has Bhagawd died I too soon has Svgato died I too
soon has the Eye (chakku) closed on the world!"
But those BhihshfiSy who had attained the state of
Arahaty comforted themselves with the last words
of the sage^ that all ^^ transitory things are perish-
* Turnour's Extracts inPiiiiBep's Jour. toI. vii. p. 1007. Buddha^
Dharma^ and Sdngha, are the persons of the Buddhist Triad.
MaggOj the Sanskrit Mirgc^ ifnly " road," " way," was one of
the lower stages of initiation in the way of Buddhism. Patipadd,
the Sanskrit Pratipaday was the first or lowest stage of
Buddhism,
t Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's Journal, vol. yii. p. 1008.
UPE OF SAKYA. 27
able.'' This very scene is, I believe, represented in
one of the compartments of the eastern g^ateway at
86nch%. Three figfures are seated in a boat — one
rower, one steersman, and one passeng'er — all in
the dress of the religious class. On the shore are
four figures, also in religious garb; one with dis-
hevelled hair and uplifted arms, and the others,
who wear caps, with hands clasped together in atti-
tudes of devotion. The passenger is, I think, SSkya
Muni, who is represented after Nirvdna on his
passage over the waters which are said to surround
this transitory world.* The figures on the shore
are a Bhikshu of the lower g^ade bewailing the
departure of SAkya with dishevelled hair and uplifted
arms, which, from the description given above, would
seem to have been the customary manner of ex-
pressing grief.f The others are Bhikshns who had
attained the higher grade of Arahaty and who com-
forted themselves with the reflection that ^^ all tran-
sitory things are perishable." The diflerence of rank
is known by the bare head of the mourner and
the capped heads of the others — a distinction which
still prevails in Tibet, where the lower grades of
Oe^thsul and Chhos-pa invariably go bare-headed;
whilst all the Ldmas (or higher grades), includ-
* Hodgson's Literature and Religion of the Buddhists, p. 161.
^^ The world is surrounded by water/' — '' Le tourbillon d'eau qui
embrasse les mondes."
t See Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. pp. 1009, 1011, for
these instances. See also Piute XI. of this volume.
23 THE BHILSA TOPES.
ing* the Grand Lama himself^ have their heads
covered.
22. The corpse of the Great Teacher was escorted
by the Mallians of Kimndra with music^ sing^ng*^
and dancings to the east side of the city. It was
first wrapped in a new cloth, then wound about with
floss cotton, and again wrapped in numerous other
cloths. Thus prepared, the corpse was laid in a
metal oil vessel, covered by another, and placed upon
a funeral pile of sandal wood. At this moment the
venerable Maha KdssapOy having arrived from Pdwd^
approached the funeral pile. With one shoulder
bare (the right), and, with clasped hands, having
performed the padakhindn (perambulation) three
times; and, after opening the pile at the end, he
reverentially bowed down at the feet of BhagawA.*
The five hundred Bhikshus did the same; and the
pile was lighted. When the body was consumed, the
metal vessel was escorted back to the town; where,
with music, song, and dance, and with garlands of
sweet flowers, the people for seven days showed
their reverence and devotion to Bhagawffs mortal
remains.
23. After this, the burnt bones were divided into
eight portions by the Brahman Dono (Drona), and
• Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 1012. This
act of K^syapa I believe to have been the origin of the worship of
Buddha's feet. The reverence shown to the feet is undoubtedly
old, as the feet are represented on the central architrave of the
Eastern Gateway at Ssinclii, in a procession.
LIFE OF SAkYA. 29
distributed amongst those who applied for them^
Eig'ht Stupas or Topes were erected over the relics
at the following places : — *
1st. At Rajagriha, in Magadha^ by Ajdton
satta.
2nd. At YisIli^ by the Lichawi family.
3rd. At Kapilavastu, by the Sdkt/as.
4th. At Allakappo^ by the Balayas.
5th. At Bijf agrIma^ by the Kausalas.
6th. At WetthIdipo, by the Br&hmans.
7th. At PXwi., by the Malliyans.
8th. At EusimXra^ by the Malliyans.
The Moriyans of Pipphaliwano having applied
too late for a share of the relics^ received some
charcoal from the funeral pile, over which they
built Stupa the
9th. At Pipphaliwano ;
* Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 1013. The
whole of these places^ including Alldkappo, although it has not
been identified, were situated in Tirhut and Bahar. — 1. Raja-
ORIHA was the ancient capital of Ma^adha, or Bahar Proper.
2. The ruins of VisIli still exist at Sassahr, to the north of
Patna. 3. Kapilavastu was somewhere between Ayodhya and
Gorakhpur. 5. RamagrIma was in the neighbourhood of
Gorakhpur : it was most likely the Selampura of Ptolemy, or
Sri'Itdmpura, 6. Wetthadipo was most probably Bettiya.
7. Piwi was to the west of Visdli, on the high road to Kunndra.
8. Kusinara was about equi-distant between Benares and Visdli,
or in the position of Kutia on the Little Grandak. 0. Pipphali-
wano, or the place of the Charcoal Tope, was between Kapilavastu
and Kusin&ra. The people of Visdli are called P<usake by
Ptolemy.
80 THE BHILSA TOPES.
and lastly the Brahman Dono^ over the vessel
(kumbha) in which he had measured the relics, built
the
10th Stupa.
24. The relics which remained uninjured b}' the
fire were the four canine teeth, two collar bones,
and one frontal bone with a hair attached to it,
which was therefore called the renhisa, or hair relic.
One of the teeth was ultimately enshrined in Gand-
hara, the country on the lower K&bul river around
Peshawur; a second in Kalinga, at Dantapura, or
" tooth-town ;*' and the others are said to have been
worshipped by the Devas and Nagas.
26. But within twenty years after the death of
86kyaj his relics were all brought together^ excepting
the portion at Rajagrdma^ by Ajatasatta, King of
Magadhay through the influence of Maha KAsyapay
the patriarch or head of the Buddhist religion^ and
a great Stupa was erected over them to the south-
east of Rajagriha.*
26. In the reign of Priyadarsi or Dharmmasoka,
King of Magadha, about 250 B. c, these relics were
again distributed over the whole of India.
* Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's JoumaI| vol. vii. p. 1014.
See also the Mahatvaruo, p. 185. In one of the Topes opened
at JBhajpuTj we found, amongst numerous fragments of bone^ four
teeth, all in good order.
FAITH OF SiKYA. 31
CHAPTER III.
FAITH OP sIkYA.
1. In the infancy of the world, when Man was
left to his own unaided reason to solve the mysteries
of nature, and the destiny of his race, the most casual
observer must have seen that nothing* of this earth
is lasting ; that the loftiest tree, the loveliest flower,
the strongest animal, the hardest rock, are all subject
to decay ; nay, that man himself is nought but dust,
and that to dust does he return. Closer observers
would have been struck with the perpetual recurrence
of seasons ; the ever-changing yet unchanged moon ;
the continued production of plants ; and, above all,
with the never-failing stream of human life.
2. Such observations would naturally lead to the
discrimination of the various elements — earth, water,
fire, and air; to a belief in the eternity of matter,
and to the doctrine of the transmigration of souls.
And thus the material elements, or Nature, with her
supposed inherent power of combination and repro-
duction, became the Deity of this world. But even
the most thoughtless man must at times have felt
82 TH£ BHILSA TOPES.
conscious that he possessed within himself an unseen
power which controlled the actions of his hody.
Hence arose a belief in the existence of Spirit^
which was at first made only an inherent power of
Nature, but was afterwards preferred before her;
and was eventually raised to the position of the Great
First Cause and Creator of all things.
3. Such is the course which the human mind most
probably went through both in India and in Greece.
In process of time the more commanding spirits, who
ruled the passions of their fellow-men by the ascen-
dancy of genius, and by unbending firmness of will,
were held to be mortal emanations or avatars of the
Supreme Being; and, after death, were exalted to
the rank of demigods. Thus, in both countries, hero-
worship hnd prevailed from remote antiquity; and
the tombs of the mighty had become objects of reve-
rence. In India, the Topes or Tumuli of Kraku-
chanda. Kanaka, and Knsyapa, existed before the
preaching of Sakya $ and the ancient elemental deities
of the Vedas preceded the worship of Dharma, or
concrete Nature.
4. The religious systems of India are all deeply
imbued with metaphysical speculations ; and the close
agreement between these and the philosophical sys-
tems of Greece would be an interesting subject to
the classical scholar. A strict analysis and com-
parisou of the systems of both countries would most
pri>bably tend to mutual elucidation. The Indians
have the advantage in point of time; and I feel
FAITH OF SlKYA. 88
satisfied that the Greeks borrowed much of their
philosophy from the East. The most perfect sj^s-
tem of the Ionics^ as developed by Anaxagoras^* is
the same as the Sankhya school of India; and
the famous doctrines of Pythagoras are intensely
Buddhistical. The transmigration of souls is Egyp-
tian as well as Indian: but the prohibition against
eating animal food is altogether Buddhist. Women
were admitted as members both by S&kya and by
Pythagoras; and there were grades in the brother-
hood of Pythagoreans, as in the San'gha, or Com-
munity of Buddhists. These coincidences between
the two systems seem too strong to be accidental.
5. Pythagoras is said to have visited India; and
there are some curious verbal coincidences which
really seem to countenance the story. Pythagoras
married Theano (Sanskrit, JDhydna, ^^ devout con-
templation^; and by her had a daughter whom he
named Damo (Sanskrit, JDharmmay ^^ virtue, or prac-
tical morality''), and who became a most learned
Pythagorean. He was the first who assumed . the
title of fcXoao^oc (Sanskrit, Buddha Mitra), the lover
of wisdom, or Budha. His own name is perhaps
only a compound of imdac, or Buddha, and ayopevcu,
* Anaxagoras held that Novf^ Mind or Intellect, was not the
creator of all things, but only the artist who gave form to pre-
existent matter. According to him, matter consisted of various
particles, which were put in motion by the action of Mind ; the
homogeneous particles were blended together into an infinite
variety of forms, and the heterogeneous were separated.
D
34 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
to expound or announce; and the names of two of his
followers^ il^mon and P3rthias (or Dharmma and
Buddha); have become celebrated for their disin-
terested friendship. All these coincidences can
scarcely be accidental; and though we may not
be able to trace the actual progress of Buddhism
from India to Greece^ yet the evidence in favour
of its transmission is much too strong to be doubted.
6. The system of faith taught by Sakya Muni
has been tersely and truly characterized by Mr.
Hodgson as ^^ monastic asceticism in morals^ and
philosophical scepticism in religion." This is espe-
cially the case with the two more ancient philo-
sophical systems; the Swdbhdvika and Aiswdrikaj
which he has made known to us from the Sanskrit
books of Neplil. The former; Mr. Hodgson thinks;
was that of ^ primitive Buddhism ; but as the
Srvdbh/ivika was essentially a doctrine of materialism;
it must have been closely allied to the Nirisnara
Sdnkhya school of Kapila. In this system* Pradhatiy
or MaJid-PradhdUy or ^^ supreme nature,'' was held
to be the Mula-PrakrUi^ or " plastic origin" of all
thingS; from which Bvdhiy or ^^ intelligence;" was
produced. Now this is the very system which
SIkya had rejected; aft^r six years' study at Ra-
jagriha. The supremacy of Naturef taught by the
Swdlhdvikds is also utterly at variance with the
* Golebrooke^ Trans. Roj. As. Soc.
t Hodgson, pp. 33, 77. The Sw^bhavikas were simple mate-
rialists.
FAITH OF sAkYA. 36
solemn address made by SIkya to his disciples from
Lis death-bed under the Sdl tree at Kusinagara.*
" Bhikshusl^^ said the dying teacher^ ^^ if any points
seem doubtful or incomprehensible to you regarding
BuddhOy DhammOy Sanghoy &c., inquire now/' In
this address^ which was three times repeated^ Buddha^
or ^^ supreme intelligence/' is placed before Bharma,
or *' material nature^** as the first person of the
Triad. The system of faith taught by SIkya must^
therefore, have been that of the Theistical Triad of
Buddhay-\ Bharmay and Sangha. This is placed
beyond all doubt by the edict of Priyadersi, pub-
lished after the meeting of the drd Buddhistical
Synod in B. C. 247, at which the orthodox doctrines
of S4kya were upheld.^ I^ this edict, the names
of the orthodox Buddhist Triad are distinctly men-
tioned as Bttddhuy Bhamuiy and Sangha. The ex-
istence of the Buddhist Triad at that particular
period, is further proved by the occurrence of such
names as Budha^Pdlitay Bharma Bakskitay and
Sangha-Mitray among the colonnade inscriptions of
No. 2 Tope at Sanchi.
7- When Sakya Muni began his religious career,
he first tried the system of the SdmddhikaSy who
placed the attainment of everlasting bliss in the
continued practice of Samddhiy or of deep and
* Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 1007.
t Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha, are the Sanikrit names ; the
others are Pdli.
X See Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. iz. p. 619, where the three
names of Buddfuiy Dhnrma, and Sangha, are improperly translated
" Buddhist faith."
36 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
devout abstraction.^ Dissatisfied with this belief,
he next tried that of the Prddhdnikas, or worshippers
of ^^ universal nature'' as the sole First Cause of
all things. This atheistical doctrine he also aban-
doned; and, in its stead, either invented or adopted
the theistical Triad of Buddha^ Dkarma^ and Sangha,
in which Triad Buddha, or ^^ supreme intelligence,"
is the Creator of all things. ^^ In the transcendental
and philosophical sense, Buddha means Mind;
Dharmma, Matter ; and Sangha, the concretion
of the two former in the sensible or phenomenal
world. In a practical or religious sense, Buddha
means the mortal author of this religion {Sdkya) ;
Dhabmma, his law ; and Sangha, the congregation
of the faithful." f
8. But though the early Buddhists admitted the
existence of a Supreme Being, they denied his
providence, in the full belief that without his aid,
and solely by their own efforts of TapasX ®°^
DhyAuy or Abstinence and Abstraction, they could
win for themselves the ^^ everlasting bliss" {Moksha)
of absorption into the Divine Spirit.§
* So complete was the power of abstraction held to be^ that the
author of the Mahawanso (p. 262) gravely relates the foUowiag
story : — " This Raja (Dhdtusena), at the time he was improving
the Xdlarvdpi tank^ observed a certain priest absorbed in the
Satnddhi meditation ; and; not being able to rouse him from that
abstraction, had him buried under the embankment (of the tank)
by heaping earth over him." f Hodgson, p. 89.
t Hodgson, page 85. The Tapas of the Buddhists was
not penance, or self-inflicted bodily pain, like that of the
Br^hmans, but a perfect rejection of all outward things (prav-
riftika). § Hodgson, p. 37.
FAITH OF SAKYA.
37
0. One belief common to Buddhism is the doctrine
of Nirvritti and Pravrittiy or Rest and Action.*
The latter state is that of man^ and the former that
of the celestial^ self-existent Being^ whether Buddha
or Dharma. According* to the Aiswarikas^ the
Supreme Being* Adi Buddha^ or Iswara, thoug^h
formless as a cypher or mathematical pointy and
separate from all thing's (in Nirvrittt)^ is infinite in
form, pervading* all, and one with all (in Pravritti).^
His proper and lasting state is that of Nirvritti,
but for the sake of creation, he spontaneously roused
himself into activity (Pravritti)^ and by means of
his five spiritual faculties {Panchqjnffdna)^ and by
five exertions of mental reflection (Panchadhydna),
he created the Pancha-Dhyani^BuddKa, or ^^ five
celestial Buddhas/' together with the ^^ five elements,''
the ^^ five senses,'' and the five ^^ objects of sense,"
in the following* order : %
1
2
8
4
6
Buddhaf.
Elements.
Seniet.
Objects
of Sense.
Vairochana.
Akshobta.
Ratna Sambhava.
Amitabha.
Amooha Siddha.
Earth.
Water.
Fire.
Air.
Ether.
Light.
Hearing.
Smell.
Taste.
Touch.
Colour.
Sound.
Odour.
Savour.
Solidity.
• iref% and f?n|f%.
t Hodgson, pp. 81| 40, 110. These terms were also applied to
human beings, according as they passed secular or monastic lives.
Thus Sdkya, while Prince Siddharta, was exercising Pravrittu
Mdrga; but when he adopted the religious garb, and the
devotional abstraction of the ascetics, he was then in a state of
NirvriUi'Mdrga, X Hodgson, pp. 40, 83, 111.
38 THE BHILSA TOPES.
10. These five celestial Buddbas appear to be simple
personifications of tbe five elements; and tbeir in-
herent properties j or, to use Mr. Hodgson's expres-
sion, ^^ of the active and intellectual powers of nature/'
Tbe five Bodbisatwas, as well as the five Lokeswarasp
or inferior celestials, likewise possessed Sahtis.
11 • I omit tbe long* train of BodhisatnaSy Lokes^
warasy and BuddhasAktiSj as I believe that they
formed no part of original Buddhism, but were
engrafted afterwards when the religion of S&kya
had become firmly established, and when its votaries
took more delight in the indolent en]03anent of meta-
physical speculations than in the active exertions
of propagandism. I believe also that, as Buddhism
gradually obtained an ascendancy over men's minds,
the whole of the Brdhmanical schools, by an easy
change of phraseology, accommodated their own
doctrines so as not to clash with those of the domi-
nant party. At least it is only by a supposition of
this kind that I can account for the great similarity
which exists between the philosophical S3'stems of
Buddhism and those of the Br&hmanical Sankhyas.
This similarity, which has already been noticed by
Colebrooke,* is, indeed, so great as to render it
difficult to discriminate the doctrines of the one from
those of the other. The phraseology varies, but the
ideas are the same ; so that there is a distinction, but
without a difference.
* Colebrooke, Trans. Roy. As. Society, vol. i. p. 19 — On the
Philosophy of the Hindus.
FAITH OF S^KYA. 39 ''
12. There is^ however^ one doctrine of the Sdnkh-
yaSf which neatly and clearly distinguishes them
from the Buddhists — a l)elief in the eternity of
matter, as well as in the immortality of the soul.
The S^nkhyas asserted that nothing can be produced
which does not already exist; and that effects are
educts and not products.* This is the old classical
dogma of ex niUh nil Jit , '' from nothing, nothing
can come/'t ^^ stately tree sprang from a seed;
the costly jar was formed from the potter's clay.
There might be infinities of form and ever-varying
combinations of substance ; but the materials existed
before, and the difference consisted only in the shape
and mixture, and not in the matter.
18. The orthodox Buddhists, on the contrary,
believed that every thing was the creation of the
self-existent Adi Bvddha, who willed it, and it
was.
14. The Sdnkhya teachers, whose doctrines cor-
respond with those of the primitive Buddhists, are
Kapila and Patdnjalu The first held that all things
owed their origin to MulorPrakriti, or Radical
Nature, in which Purusha, or Soul, was inherent,
and from which Budhiy or Intellig*ence (in a female
and inferior form), was brought forth. His system
• Colebrooke, Trans. Roy. As. Society, vol. i. p. 38 — On the
Philosophy of the Hindus.
t This is the doctrine of Lucretius, de Berum Natura — Nil fieri
ex nihilo, in nihilum nil posse reverti. '^ From nonentity nothing
can be produced ; and entity cannot be reduced to nothing.''
40 THE BHILSA TOPES.
was called Niriswara Sdnhhyay^ or ^^ atheistical
S^nkhya/' because he denied the existence of an
all-ruling Providence. Kc^ila also prohibited sa-
crifice^ as its practice was attended with the taking
away of life.
15. The followers of Patanjali were called Ses*
fvara 8dnhhyas,1[ or ^^ theistical S&nkhyas/' because
they recognised a Supreme Being who was the
ruler of the world^ infinite and eternal.
16. The Brahmanical Niriswara system agrees
very nearly with that of the Buddhistical Swahh&va^
in which Dharma is made the first person of the
Triads as MahA-PrtynayX or ^^ supreme nature^''
which is Swabhava (or self-existent)^ the sole en-
tity^ from which all things proceeded in this
order §: —
17. From the mystic root of the letter Y air
}) yy ^ fire
,, yy V water
yy yy L carth
yy ^^ S Mount
Sumeru.
In the Swabhltvaka Triad, Dharma is repre-
• JVir, without, and Iswara, God — that is, Godless or
Atheistical.
t Sa, with ; Isruara, (Jod.
J Hodgson^ p. 77.
§ Hodgson^ p. 109. These are the Sanskrit radicals^ — ya, ra,
va, la, which signify air, fire, water, and earth. From Mount
Sumeru proceeded all trees and vegetables, and from the earth
proceeded the Dhdtwdtmika, or bases of all the metals.
FAITH OF sXKTA? 41
Bented as a female^ with Bvddlia on the right hand^
and Sangha on the left.
18. The Sesward school of the Br &h mans agrees
very closely with that of the Aiswdrika Buddhists.
Both take their names from the reco^ition of a
Supreme Being {IsTvara)^ whom the Buddhist con-
siders as the first Intellectual Essence^ the Adi-
Bvddhaj by whom all things were created. In the
Aiswarika Triad^ Buddha holds the first place^ and
Dhamuiy who is represented as a female^ the second
place on his right hand^ while Sangha occupies the
lefl hand.
19. All these schools^ both Br^manical and
Buddhistical^ whether they deify intellectual spirit
or material nature^ agree in considering that man
is the united production of both — a compound of mind
and matter^ or soul and body. According to the
Aiswarikas^ the human body^ as well as the ma-
terial universe^ was compounded of the five elements :
earthy water, fire, air, and ether.* The soul, which
animates it, was an emanation from the self-existent
God. Man was, therefore, emphatically the ^^ Union''
(Sangha) of ^^ material essence'' (Dharma) with a
portion of the " divine intelligence" {Bvddha).1[
20. But these metaphysical speculations were im-
parted only to the initiated, or highest class of
BhihshvSy who had attained the rank of Arahat, or
Bodhisatwa. For Sfikya had divided his doctrines
• Hodgson, p. 112.
t Hodgson, p. 127.
4*2 THE BHILSA TOPES.
into three distinct classes^ adapted to the capabilities
of his hearers.* 1st, The Vindya, or ^^ religious
discipline/' addressed to the Srdwaka, or ^^ au-
ditors/' who were the lowest class of the Bauddha
community j 2nd, The Sutroj ^^ aphorisms," or Prin-
ciples of Faith, addressed to the Pratyekas or ^^ dis-
tinct intelligences,'' who formed the middle class of
monks; and 8rd, the Abhidharma, or ^^ supreme
law/* or Transcendental Principles of Faith, im-
parted only to the Bodhisatwas^ or ^^ true intelli-
gences," who were the highest class of the Bauddha
community.
21. These three classes of doctrine are collectively
called the TH-PitaJia^ or ^^ three repositories j" and
the Tri Yan%kay'\ or '^ three-means-of-progression;"
and separately they are generally known as the
Lowest, the Middle, and the Highest means of
Advancement. These terms are of common oc-
currence in the Buddhist writings, and especially
in the works of the Chinese travellers; from whom
we learn that the pastoral nations of the Nor-
thern Hills, accustomed to active habits, were con-
tent with the Lowest-means-of-Advancement,
while the more intellectual and contemplative people
of India generally strove for the attainment of the
superior degrees of MadhyimonYdniluiy and Mahd'
* Fa-krve-M, c. 2, note. Csoma de Eoros, —Analysis of the
Tibetan Works, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 145.
t Ydna means a vehicle of any kind, by which progress or
advance is obtained.
FAITH OF SAKYA. 43
Ydnikaj or " Middle and Highest Means-of-
Advancement,"
22. The TrirPitaka were compiled immediately
after S&kya's death^ in B. c. 643^ by three of his
chief disciples^ with the assistance of five hundred
learned monks. The Abhidhaema was the work of
Xdsyapay the head of the Bauddha fraternity; the
SirruA of Andnda^ Sakya's favourite disciple; and the
VinAya of Vpdli* The language in which these
works was written, has been the subject of much
dispute; but the account given by the Tibetansf is
so probable, and at the same time so natural, that it
ought, as James Prinsep has observed, to set the
matter at rest. Their account is that the Sutras
in general, that is, the Yin&ya, as well as the Sutrd
proper, were first written in the Sindhu language ;
but that the whole of the Sher-chiny'J^. that is, the
PrajnA Pdramitdy or " transcendental wisdom,"
and the whole of the Grytidy that is, the Tantras, or
'' religious mysticism,'' were composed in Sanskrit.
This appears to be the only conclusion that anyone
can come to who examines the subject attentively.
For the Vindya and Sutra^ which were addressed
to the people at large, as well as to the Srdwakas
and Pratyekasj must necessarily have been published
in the vernacular language of the country; while
* Priiisep's Joumaly vol. i. p. 2; and Transactions As. Soo.
Bengal; yoI. zx. p. 42.
t Csoma's Index to the Kahgyvr, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi.
p. 688. X See Gsoma, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi. p. 503.
44 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the abstruse and metaphysical philosophy of the
Ahhidharmay which was addressed solely to the
learned^ that is^ to the Brdhmans and Bodhisattvas,
would^ without doubt^ have been enunciated in San-
skrit^ for the simple reason that its refined elegance
of ideas^ and delicate shades of meaning*^ could not
be adequately expressed in any of the vernacular
languages. The Tantras are of much later date;
but the same reasoning holds equally ^ood for them ;
as the esoteric mysticism of their doctrines could only
have been expressed in Sanskrit. In a few words
the speculative principles of Buddhism were ex-
pounded and recorded in Sanskrit^* while the
practical system of belief ^ deduced from those prin-
ciples^ was spread abroad and propagated by means
of the vernacular Prakrit.
28. In the Rupasiddhiy which is the oldest Pali
grammar now extant^ and which the author Buddlui^
priya compiled f from the ancient work of KachltA"
yanay a quotation from the latter is given^ appa-
rently in the original words. According to this
account^ Kachhayana was one of the principal
disciples of Sakya, by whom he was selected for the
important office of compiling the first P&li grammar,
the rules of which are said to have been propounded
by TatMgata himself. This statement seems highly
probable j for the teacher must have soon found the
* See also Hodgson's opinion on this point. Prinsep's Journal^
vol. vi. p. 683.
t Tumour's Introduction to the Mahawaruo, p. 26.
FAITH OF SiKYA. 45
difficulty of making* himself clearly understood when
each petty district had a provincial dialect of its
own^ unsettled both in its spelling and its pro-
nunciation.
24. A difficulty of this kind could only be over-
come by the publication of some established rules of
speech^ which should fix the wavering pronunciation
and loose orthography of a common lang'uage.
This was accomplished by the Pali Grammar of
KachMyaruiy compiled under Sakya's instructions;
and the language^ thus firmly established^ was used
throughout India by the Buddhist teachers^ for the
'promulgation and extension of the practical doctrines
of their faith.
25. In the Buddhist works of Ceylon^ this lan-
guage is expressly called Mdgadhi^ or the speech
of Magadha; and as this district was the principal
scene of Sakya's labours^ as well as the native
country of himself and of his principal disciples^ the
selection of MAgadhi for the publication of his doc-
trines was both natural and obvious. It is true^
as Professor H. H. Wilson has remarked,* that
there are several difierences between the language of
existing Buddhist inscriptions and the Mdgcuihi of
P^i Grammars; but these difierences are not such
as to render them unintelligible to those whom
Pbiyadarsi addressed in his Pillar edicts in the
middle of the third century before Christ. The Pro-
* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ vol. xii. p. 238.
46 THE BHILSA TOPES.
feasor admits that the P41i was most likely selected
for his edicts by Priyadarsi^ ^^ that they might be
intelligible to the people ;" but he is of opinion that
the language of the inscriptions was rather the
common tongfue of the inhabitants of Upper India
than a form of speech peculiar to a class of reli-
gionists; and he argues that the use of the P&li
language in the inscription is not a conclusive proof
of their Buddhistical origin.
26. The conclusion which I have come to is exactly
the reverse; for it is a well known fact^ that the
Brdhmans have never used any language but
Sanskrit for their religious writings^ and have
stigmatised the Mdgadhi as the speech of men of
low tribes.* In their dramas also the heroes and
the Br&hmans always speak Sanskrit^ while the use
of Magadhi is confined to the attendants of royalty.
Professor Wilson has, however, identified the Mdgadhi
with Prdhrity the use of which, though more honour-
able, was still confined to the principal female
characters; but the extensive employment, in the
dramatic works of the Brahmans, of various dialects,
all derived from one common stock, seems to me to
prove that they were the vernacular language of the
people. In this vernacular language, whatever it
was, whether the high Prakrit of the Saurasenas^ or
the low Prakrit of the Mdgadhas^ we know certainly
that the VinAya and Sutra^ or the practical doctrines
• Colebrooke, in Trans. As. Soc. Bengal; vol. vii. p. 199.
Wilson's Hindu Theatre, vol. i. p. hdii. iv.
FAITH OF SiKYA. 47
of S&kya^ were compiled^ and therefore also pro-
mulgated.*
27. In the opinion of Tumour, the celebrated
scholar, the Pali is a ^^rich and poetical langfuage,
which had already attained its present refinement at
the time of Gotama Buddha's advent'' (b. g. 588).
According" to Sir William Jones,t it is ^^ little more
than the language of the Brahmans, melted down
by a delicate articulation to the softness of Italian.''
To me it seems to bear the same relation to Sanskrit
that Italian does to Latin, and a much nearer
one than modern English does to Anglo-Saxon.
The nasal sounds are melted down; the compounds
are softened to double and even single consonants;
and the open vowels are more numerous. It is
the opinion of all European scholars that the Pali
lan^age is derived almost entirely from the San-
skrit ; and in this opinion I fully coincide. Messrs.
Bumouf and Lassen, who jointly formed a P^li
Grammar, state, as the result of their labours, that
Pali is almost identical with Sanskrit; J and Pro-
* Gsoma, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi. p. 503. I use the term
Prdkrit as compreheDding all the written and cultivated dialects
of Northern India. Prdkrit means " common" or " natural,"
in contradistinction to the *' artificial " or " refined " San-
skrit.
t Preface to Sakuntala,
t Essai sur le Pali ; par E. Bumouf et Chr. Lassen, p. 187,—
" n en est r^sulte qu'elle etait presque identique ^ Tidiome sacr6
des Brahmanes."
48 THE BHILSA TOPES. ^
fessor Lassen^ at a later date^* when more conversant
with the Pali books, states authoritatively, that the
whole of the Prakrit languagfe is derived from the
Sanskrit. Tumour -f also declares his conviction
that all researches tend to prove the g'reater antiquity
of Sanskrit. Professor Wilson J and James Prin-
sep^ are likewise of the same opinion. This con-
clusion seems to me self evident ; for there is a
tendency in all spoken lang'uages to suppress dis-
similar consonants, and to soften hard ones : as in the
Latin Camillus for the Tuscan Cadmilus^ and the
English ^rfftin^ for the Anglo-Saxon J5?(?rfA/t7i^ ; or,
as in the Pali assa^ ^^ a horse,'* for the Sanskrit amva^
and the P61i majhaj " middle,** for the Sanskrit
madhya. There is also a natural inclination to clear
away the semi- vowels and weaker consonants ; 'as in
the English Kingj for the Anglo-Saxon Kyningj or
as in the Pdli Olakita, '' the seen** (i. e. Buddha), for
the Sanskrit Avalakita ; and in the Pali JJjeniyay a
^^man of Ujain,** for the Sanskrit Ujjayaniya. It
is always therefore easy to determine between any
written languages, that resemble each other, which
of the two is the original, and which the borrowed ;
• Institutiones Linguae Prakriticae ; Chr. Lassen, p. 6, — " Pra-
kriticam linguam derivatam esse totam a Sanskritica."
t Tumour — Mahawanso, Introduction, p. xiii. The general
results of all researches tend to prove the greater antiquity of the
Sanskrit.
I Hindu Theatre, vol. i. p. Ixiii.
§ Prinsep's Jounial, vol. vi. p. 688.
^ FAITH OF SAkTA. 40
because letters and syllables are never added^ but, on
the contrary, are always suppressed or curtailed in
the process of time. The P&li is, therefore, without
doubt, derived from the Sanskrit, and must, more-
over^ have been a spoken language for many cen-
turies.
28. For the publication of his esoteric theories
regarding the origin of the world, and the creation
of mankind, S&kya made use of the Sanskrit lan«
guage only. But the perfect langfuage of our day,
perhaps, owes much of its refinement to the care
and sagacity of that Great Reformer; for it seems
highly probable that KItyAyana, the inspired saint
and lawgiver who corrected the inaccuracies of
F&nini's Sanskrit grammar,* is the same as the
KACHHlYAifOt who compiled the Pdli grammar
during the life-time of S4kya. Kdty&yana^s anno-
tations on Pdnini, called VdrtikaSy restrict his vague
rules^ enlarge his limited ones, and mark numerous
exceptions to others. "These amended rules of
Sanskrit grammar were formed into memorial verses
by BluxHrihariy whose metrical aphorisms, entitled
Xdrikdy have almost equal authority with the pre-
cepts of P6nini, and emendations of Kdtt/dt/ana.
According to popular tradition,^ Bhartrihari was
the brother of Vikramaditya, the author of the Hindu
• (Jolebrooke, Trans. As. Soc. Bengal, vii. 199.
t ITachhdyano is only the P^H fom of the Sanskrit JCdtyd-
yana; the tya of the latter being invariably changed to chha,
t Colebrooke, Trans. As. Soc. Bengal, vii. 204.
£
60 THE BHILSA TOPES. ^
Samvat^ which dates from b. c. 57. The ag^e of
K&ty&yana is unknown ; but as he flourished between
the date of P&nini^ in about 1100 B. c.^ and that of
Bhartrihari^ in 67 B. c, there is every probability
in favour of the opinion that he was one of the
disciples of Buddha.
29. But this identification of the two greatest
grammarians of the Sanskrit and P6U langruages
rests upon other grounds besides those mentioned
above. Colebrooke^ Wilson^ and Lassen^ have all
identified the commentator on P&nini with Vara^-
rvchiy the author of the ^^ Pr&krit Grammar/' called
PrakritorpraMsaj or Ghandrika. Of Vararuchi
nothing* more is known than that his work is the
oldest Prakrit grammar extant^ and that his body
of rules includes all that had been laid down by
earlier grammarians regarding the vemaculaV
dialects.
30. This identification is still more striking'ly con-
firmed by the fact that Kachhdyano is not a name
but only a patronymic,* which signifies the son of
KackhOy and was first assumed by the grammarian
himself. If, therefore, Vararuchi KatyAyana is not
the same person as Kachhdyano^ he must be posterior
to him and of the same family. We shall thus have
• Tumour's Mahawanso, IntroductioD, p. xxvi. where the original
pamiage of the Itupaiiddhi is given. See also Csoma de Koros,
in Prinsep*! Journal, vii. p. 144, where the fiwt is confirmed ; as
i\f TtUtani call the Orammarian JCdtydhi-bu^i^tit is, the son
FAITH OF SiKYA. 61
two K&tydyanas of the same family living* much
about the same time^ each of whom compiled a
P41i or Prakrit g^rammar; a conclusion which is
much more improbable than that the two were one
and the same person.
31. I have been thus particular in stating* all the
evidences in favour of this supposition^ as the pro-
bable identity of the two great grammarians seems
to me to offer an additional reason for considering;
Sdkya Muni as one of the chief benefactors of his
country. For I believe that we must not look upon
Sdkya Muni simply as the founder of a new religious
system^ but as a great social reformer who dared to
preach the perfect equality of all mankind^ and the
consequent abolition of caste, in spite of the menaces
of the most powerful and arrogant priesthood in the
world. We must regard him also as a patriot^
who^ in spite of tyrannical kings and princes^ had
the courage to incite his countrymen to resist the
forcible abduction of their wives and daughters by
great men.* To him the Indians were indebted for
a code of pure and practical morality^ which incul-
cated charity and chastity, performance of good
works, and abstinence from evil, and general kindness
to all living things. To him also I believe they
owe the early refinement and systematic arrange-
ment of their language in the selection of the learned
* See the fifth of the ^' Seven Imperishable Precepts^ imparted
by S&kja to the people of Vais41i." — Tumour in Prinsep's Journal,
vii. p. 991.
52 THE BHILSA TOPES.
K&ty&yana as the compiler of the Sanskrit and
Pali grammars.
82. As the champion of religious liberty and social
equality^ Sdkya Muni attacked the Brahmans in
their weakest and most vulnerable points; in their
impious assumption of all mediation between man
and his Maker^ and in their arrogant claims to here-
ditary priesthood. But his boldness was successful ;
and before the end of his long* career he had seen
his principles zealously and successfully promulgated
by his JBrdhman disciples SIbiputra, MangalyIna,
Ananda, and KLiSYAPA, as well as by the Vaim/a
KItyIyana and the Sttdra UpIu. At his death^
in B.C. 648^ his doctrines had been firmly estab-
lished; and the divinity of his mission was fully
recognized by the eager claims preferred by kings
and rulers for relics of their divine teacher. His
ashes were distributed amongst eight cities ; and the
charcoal from the funeral pile was given to a ninth ;
but the spread of his influence is more clearly shown
by the mention of the numerous cities where he lived
and preached. Amongst these are Champa and
Bdjagriha on the east^ Srdvasti and Kausambi on
the west. In the short space of forty-five years,*
• S^ja began his public career at thirty-five years of age,
and died at eighty. Mahomed was bom in 660 a. d. : he
announced his mission in 600 at forty years of age, and died in
644, when he was seventy-five. In a. d. 640, or in thirty-one
years from the announcement of his mission, the arms and the
religion of Mahomed had spread over the ancient empires of Egypt,
Syria, and Persia.
FAITH OF SiRYA. 53
this wonderful man succeeded in establishing* his
own peculiar doctrines over the fairest districts of the
Gang'es; from the Delta to the neighbourhood of
Agra and Cawnpore. This success was perhaps as
much due to the early corrupt state of Brahmanism^
as to the greater purity and more practical wisdom
of his own system. But^ rapid as was the prog;ress
of Buddhism^ the gfentle but steady swell of its
current shrinks into nothing* before the sweeping^
flood of Mahomedanism, which^ in a few years^ had
spread over one half of the civilized world, from the
sands of the Nile to the swampy fens of the Oxus.
83. The two most successful religious impostures
which the world has yet seen, are Buddhism and
Mahomedanism. Each creed owed its origin to the
enthusiasm of a single individual, and each was
rapidly propagated by numbers of zealous followers.
But here the parallel ends ; for the Kordn of Ma-
homed was addressed wholly to the ^^ passions" of
mankind, by the promised gratification of human
desires both in this world and in the next ; while the
Dharma of Sdkya Muni was addressed wholly to the
^^ intellect,'^ and sought to wean mankind from the
pleasures and vanities of this life by pointing to the
transitoriness of all human enjoyment. Mahomed
achieved his success by the offer of material or bodily
pleasures in the next life, while S^kya succeeded by
the promise of eternal deliverance of the soul from the
fetters of mortality. The former propagated his re-
ligion by the merciless edge of the sword j the latter
64 THE BHILSA TOPES.
by the persuasive voice of the missionary. The san-
gfuinary career of the Islamite was lig^hted by the
lurid flames of burning' cities; the peaceful progress
of the Buddhist was illuminated by the cheerful faces
of the sick in monastic hospitals^* and by the happy
smiles of travellers reposing* in Dharmsdlas by the
road-side. The one was the personification of bodily
activity and material enjoyment; the other was the
genius of corporeal abstinence^ and intellectual con-
templation.t
* Mahar&anMf p. 240. UpatissOy son of Buddha J)^, builds
hospitals for cripples, for pregnant women, and for the blind and
diseased. Dhatusena (p. S56) builds hospitals for cripples and
sick. Buddha J)ka himself (p. 245) ordained a physician for
every ten villages on the high road, and built asylums for the
crippled, deformed, and destitute.
t There is a curious coincidence also in the manner of death of
the two teachers. According to the Buddhists, M&ro, the Angel of
Death, waited upon S^ya to learn tvken it rvould be his pleasure
to die. The Musulm^ns assert the same of Muhammad. Azrail,
the Angel of Death, entered the chamber of the sick man to
aDUounce that ^^ he was enjoined not to interfere with the soul
of Ood*s prophet, without an entire acquiescence on his part." —
See Price's Muhammadan History, vol. i. p. 16.
FIRST SYNOD. 66
CHAPTER IV.
FIRST SYNOD.
1. The whole Bauddha community^ or all who had
taken the vows of asceticism^ were known by the
g'eneral name of Sangha^ or the ^^congregation."
The same term^ with the addition of the local name^
was used to distinguish any one of the numerous
Buddhist fraternities ; as Magadhe-Sanghamy the
fraternity of Mag^adha ; Santi Sanghantj the fra-
ternity of Sdntiy or Sdnchi.* It was also employed
to denote the g'eneral assemblies t of monks, which
were held at stated periods j as well as the Grand
Assemblies^ which took place only on particular
occasions. Three of these extraordinary assemblies^
called respectively the First, Second, and Third
Synods, :|; were held at diflferent periods, for the
* See the Bhabra inscription^ Jour. As. Soc. Bengal^ for the
first ; the other is used in the S4nchi pillar inscription^ published in
this volume.
t MeyaXi^y avroSov is the expression of Megasthenes for the
annual assembly held at Palibothra.
I Prathame, Dwitaye, and Tritaye Sangkam, or Sangiti.
56 THE BHILSA TOPES.
suppression of heresy^ and the solemn affirmation of
orthodoxy.
2. The first of these assemblies was convoked after
the death of Sdkya^ in the middle of the year 543
B. c.^ by the great Kdayapa^ on hearing the in-
sidious address of the aged Subhadra* ^^ Revered
ones ! " said the dotard^ '^ mourn no more ! We
are happily released from the control of the great
Srdmana (Buddha): we shall no more be worried
with ^ this is allowable/ and ^ that is not allowable ;'
we can now do what we wish^ and can leave undone
what we do not desire." K&syapa reflected that
the present was the most fitting time to summon a
general assembly for the solemn rehearsal of Dharma
and Vw64/a, according to the injunction of Sakya.
^^Ananda," said the dying sage, ^^let the Dharma
and VirUij/ay which I have preached and explained
to thee, stand in the place of a teacher after my
death.'' Reflecting on this, and on the first of the
imperishable precepts, ^^ to hold frequent religious
meetings," K^yapa addressed the assembled Bhik-
shus-t ^^ Beloved! let us hold a rehearsal both of
the Dharma and of the VindyaJ'* '' Lord," replied
they, ^' do thou select the Sthdviras and Bhikshus.^^
Kasyapa therefore selected five hundred holy mendicant
monks who had mastered the Tripitakay or Three
Repositories. By them it was decided that the First
Synod should be held at Rajagriha during the rainy
nPrinsep's Journal, vii. 512.
Prinsep'i Journal, vii. 513.
FIBST SYNOD. 67
season^ when the regular pilgrimages of the Buddhist
monks were suspended.
3. At the full moon of the month of Asarh (1st
July^ 543 B. c.)^ the five hundred monks, having
assembled at Rajagriha^ spent the whole of that
month in the repairs of their Vihars^ lest the heretics
should taunt them^* sayings ^^the disciples of Gotama
kept up their Vthars while their teacher was alive^
but they have forsaken them since his death.'' With
the assistance of Ajdiasatra^ Raja of Magadha^ the
Yihars were renewed ; and a splendid hall was built
for the assembly of the First Synod, at the mouth
of the Sattapanni Cave, on the side of the JVebhdra
Mountain. Five hundred carpets were spread around
for the monks; one throne was prepared for the
abbot on the south side, facing the north, f and
another throne was erected in the middle, facing
the east, ^^ fit for the holy Buddha himself.'' Placing
an ivory fan on this throne, the Raja sent a message
to the assembly, saying, ^^ Lords, my task is per-
formed."
4. On the fifth of the increasing moon (first week
of August), the monks, having made their meal, and
having laid aside theu* refection dishes and extra
• Turaoup, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 516.
t Sthavirdsan, the dsan op " seat" of the Sthavira. In the
Mahawanto, p. 12, the position of this throne is exactly reversed.
The pnlpit, or JDharmdsan, « throne of Dharma," was placed in
the middle of the Assembly.— See Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal,
vii. 617.
58 THE BHILSA TOPES.
robes^ assembled in the hall of the Dhartna St/nod^
with their right shoulders bare. They ranged them-
selves according to their rank, each in his appro-
priate place ; and the hall ^^ glittered with the yellow
robes" of the monks.
6. The Synod was opened with the rehearsal of
the Vindyay superintended by Up&li, whom Buddha
himself had pointed out as the most learned of all his
followers in ^^ religious discipline/' Updli mounted
the DharmAsaUy and with the ivory fan * in his hand,
answered all the questions of K&syapa regarding the
Yin^ya, in which there was nothing to be added or
omitted. During this examination, the whole of the
assembled monks chanted the Vindyaj passage by
passage, beginning with ^^The holy Buddha in
Werarya dwells.'' This ended, Up^li laid aside the
ivory fan, and descended from the Dharmdsan ; and,
with a reverential bow to the senior monks, re-
sumed his own seat. Thus ended the rehearsal of
Vin&ya.
6. For the rehearsal of Dharma^ the assembled
Bhikshus selected Ananda (the nephew and companion
of Buddha) t who, with his right shoulder bare, and
the ivory fan in his hand, took his seat on the pulpit
• The "jewelled fan," as a symbol of authority, is men-
tioned in the Mahawamo, p. 189 ; and it is still used by the
chiefs of religious fraternities in Ceylon, on all state occa-
sions.
t According to some, he was the son of Dotodana, the younger
brother of Suddhodan, the father of S^y a.
FIRST SYNOD. 69
of reli^on. He was then interrogfated by Kdsyapa
on Dhamuiy beginning with the first words of SAkyay
after his attainment to Buddhahood^ under the Bodhi-
tree at Bodhi-Gaya. These words are called —
7. Buddha's *^ Hymn of Joy : " •
'' Through a long course of almost endless beings
Have I, in sorrow^ sought the (}reat Creator.
Now thou art found, 0 Great Artificer !
Henceforth my soul shall quit this House of Sin,
And irom its ruins the glad Spirit shall spring,
Free from the fetters of all mortal births,
And over all desires victorious."
8. The examination ended with Buddha's last
injunction to his disciples^ given under the ^S^ tree
at Kusindra.
'' Bhikshus ! I now conjure you — earthly things
Are transitory — seek eternal rest/'
9. These rehearsals of VinAya and Dharma lasted
for seven months^ and were concluded at the begin-
ning of March^ 642 B. c.^ when it was announced
that the religion of the ^^ ten-power-gifted Deity '^
should endure for five thousand years.f This synod
was known by different names; as the Prathama^
Sanghanhj or First Synod, the P anchor Satika^San-'
* Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 623. In this hymn
the Supreme Being is twice called OaMkdraka, the ^^ house-
builder" — that is, the artificer or creator of the human house, or
body.
t See Tumour, in Prinsep's Joumal, vi. 527 ; and Maha-
rvanso, p. 11. The " gifted with ten powers."
60 THE BHILSA TOPES.
ghamy or Synod of Five Hundred^ and the Sthdviraka
Sangham, or Saints'-Sjmod^ because all its members
belonged to the higher grade of monks.*
10. From this time until the end of the long reign
of Ajdtasatra^ 519 B. c.^ the creed of Buddha ad-
vanced slowly, but surely. This success was partly
due to the politic admission of women, who, even in
the East, have always possessed much secret, though
not apparent, influence over mankind. To most of
them the words of Buddha preached comfort in this
life, and hope in the next. To the young widow,
the neglected wife, and the cast-off mistress, the
Buddhist teachers offered an honourable career as
nuns. Instead of the daily indignities to which
they were subjected by grasping relatives, trea-
cherous husbands, and faithless lords, the most
miserable of the sex could now share, although still
in a humble way, with the general respect accorded
to all who had taken the vows. The JBhikshunis
were indebted to Ananda's intercession with Sakya
for their admission into the ranks of the Bauddba
community; and they showed their gratitude by
paying their devotions principally to his relics.f
• See Fo-krve-kiy chap. xxv. note 11 ; and Mahawamo^ chap. v.
p. 20; and Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 627. See also
Csoma's Analysis of the Dulva, Titans. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. xx.
p. 92.
t See Csoma's Analysis of the Dulva, Res. As. Soc. Bengal,
vol. XX. p. 90; also Fo-kme-kiy chap. xvi. p. 101. The Pi-
khieu-ni, or Bhikshunis, at Mathura, paid their devotions chiefly
FIRST SYNOD. 61
11. The dress of the Ascetics was the same both
for males and females. It consisted of three gar-
ments^ all of which were yellow ; Ist^ The Sanghdtiy
or kilt^ fastened round the waist and reaching* to the
knees ; 2nd^ The UitarorSanghdtij a mantle^ or eape^
which was worn over the left shoulder^ and under the
right^ so as to leave the right shoulder bare; 8rd^
The Antarorvdsakay an under vest or shirt for sleep-
ing* in.* The first and second garments are repre-
sented in many of the Sdnchi bas-reliefs. They are
to the SttqHi of A-nan (Ananda)^ because he had besought
Buddha that he would grant to women the liberty of embracing
ascetic life. The observances required from the nuns may be
found in note 23, chap. xvi. of the Fo-kwe-ki. The female ascetic
even of 100 years of age was bound to respect a monk even in the
first year of his ordination.
^ Fo-kwe-ki, chap. ziii. note 14. Gsoma, Res. As. Soc. Bengal,
p. 70, Analysis of the Dulva, states that these three pieces of
clothing were of a dark red colour ; but yellow is the colour every-
where mentioned in the PW annals. These two colours are still
the outward distinctions of the Buddhists of Tibet ; and therefore
it is probable that the Buddhist dress may have been dark red in
Sfikya's time, and yellow during the reigns of Asoka and Milindu.
According to the Chinese {Fo-kwe-ld^ ziii. 10), the Sanghdii
consisted of seven pieces; the Uttara - SangJidti, of seven
pieces ; and the Vdsaka of five pieces : but the number of pieces
is stated differently in another place (Fo-kwe-M, c. viii. p. 5) as
nine, seven, and five. The dress also is said to have been of divers
colours; while in the Buddhist annals it is invariably mentioned
as yellow. Ladies of wealth in Lad^ have their petticoats formed
of numerous perpendicular strips of cloth, of different colours, but
generally red, blue, and yellow. See Plate XI. of this volume for
these dresses.
62 THE BHILSA TOPES.
all hatred perpendicularly to represent their forma-
tion of separate pieces sewn together. In after
times^ the numher of pieces denoted the particular
school or sect to which the wearer belong'ed. The
mantle or cape was scarcely deep enough to hide the
right hreasts of the nuns — at least it is so repre-
sented in the has-reliefs ) hut as the same custom of
haring the right arm and shoulder still prevails
amongst the females of Middle £an&war^ on the
Sutlej^ without any exposure of the hreasts^ I pre-
sume that their representation hy the sculptor at
S&nchi was only the result of his own clumsiness^
as he could not otherwise show the difference of
sex.
12. When engaged in common occupation^ such
as fetching water, felling wood, and carrying loads,*
the monks are always represented without their
mantles or capes. At religious meetings, as we have
seen at the First Synod, and as they are represented
throughout the S&nchi bas-reliefs, they wore all their
robes. But during their contemplative abstraction
in the woods, the devotees are represented naked to
the waist, their upper garments being hung up inside
their leaf-roofed houses. These devotees are, no
doubt, the rv/nvirrac of Eleitarchos ; for Tv^viic or
Tv^vitrrtq does not mean a naked man, but only a
* All these acts are represented in the S&nchi bas-reliefs. The
first is found on the left pillar of the eastern gateway, second com-
partment, inner face. The others are shown in the third compart-
ment of the same pillar.
FIRST SYNOD. 68
Ughtly-clad man; and with this signification it
was applied to the light-armed soldier of Greece.
These same devotees are^ most probably^ the rvfAvo^
(To^iorai of other Greek writers ; for the Budd-
hists were positively prohibited from appearing
naked.*
18. All members of the Bauddha community^ who
led an ascetic life^ were called Srdmanay or Srdmor
nera. They who begged their food from motives
of humility were dignified with the title of Bkikshu
and Bhikshuniy or male and female mendicants. The
Srdmanas are^ beyond all doubt^ the Tapfiavai (or
Oarmanes) of Megasthenes^ and the Ilpa/ivai (or
Pramna) of Kleitarchos ;t while the Bhikshus are
they who went about ^^ begging both in villages and
in towns." J
14. Megasthenes divides the Garmanes or Srd^
manas into three classes, of which the most honour-
able were called Hylohiiy 'YXoj3ioi. These are clearly
the Bodkisatwas or Arhatas, the superior grade of
monks^ who^ having repressed all human passions^
• See Fo-kwe-ki, chap. viii. n. 8 j and chap. xvii. n. 21.
See also Csoma's Analysis of the Dulva^ Trans. As. Soc. Ben-
gal; vol. zz. p. 70^ where Sagama presents cotton cloths to the
monks and nuns^ because she had heard that thej bathed
naked.
t StrabO; xv. The Buddhist belief of the Tapfi&yaij
'YXoj3ioC| and larpcuoc, of Megasthenes^ is proved by his mention
of the fact that women were allowed to join some of them.
Sv/i^iXoso^iy ^iyloic ical yvyaiKac
I Strabo^ XV. Eiracrowras icai Kara Kutfias Kat iroXccs.
64 THE BHILSA TOPES.
were named Alobhit/a * or ^^ without desires/' They
lived in the woods upon leaves and wild fruits.
Several scenes of ascetic life in the woods are repre-
sented in the S&nchi bas-reliefs. On the lowermost
architrave of the northern gateway (inside)^ there is
a very lively scene of monks and nuns, who are
occupied in various acts. Elephants and lions appear
amongst the trees, and the king; on horseback is
approaching* to pay them a visit.
16. The second class of Megtisthenes are the
larpiKOiy latriki, which is a pure Greek word, sig-
nifying* physicians. But I have little doubt that
this word is a corrupted transcript of Pratyekay the
name of the middle class of Buddhists. The Pali
name is PachhSy which seems fully as far removed
from the original as the Greek term. The third
class, or Sr&wakay are represented by the mendicants
before described.
16. According to Kleitarchos,t there were four
classes of Pramnce: the Op^ivoi, or Mountaineers;
the Fvfivijrai, or Naked; the IloXcrcicoc, or Townsmen ;
and the Xlpoor^cupcoc, or Sural. All these are pure
Greek names : but it is not unlikely that Oreinos is
only a transcript of the Pali AranX (Sanskrit Ar-
* Sanskrit, 'V^f4j|€|, from a, without, and lobh, desire. Com-
pare the old latin lubedo, and the name of Queen Lab, of the
Arabian nights.
t Strabo, lib. xv.
X On the stone box, extracted from No. 2 Tope at Siinchi, this
title is twice written >| |-, Aran; but in the inscriptions generally
FIRST SYNOD. 65
hanta)y which was a title of the BodhisatwaSy or
first class of monks. As the Arhans^ however^ dwelt
chiefly in caves cut out of the living rock^ the name
of ^^ hill-men'' is^ perhaps^ a marked one. OumneteSj
or ^^ light-clad,** was, as I have already shown, only
another name for the Arh4m, or hermit, who, during*
his fits of musing, wore nothing hut the kilt, reaching
from his waist to his knees. The name given to the
next class, PoUtikos, seems only a copy, and a very
near one, of the Sanskrit title Prattfehiy or ^^ single
understanding.'' But the Greek term may, perhaps,
be descriptive of the duty of the Pratyeka; who,
while he sought deliverance for himself, was not to
be heedless of that of others.* As this duty would
lead him to mingle with the people, and chiefly with
those of the towns, the appellation of ^^ townsman"
seems intended to distinguish the Pratyeka from
the ^^ hill-monk" or Arhan of the rock-cut caves.
The name of the last class of Kleitarchos has, I
think, been slightly changed; and I would prefer
reading npo(rcx«>»(Movc, the ^^ listeners," instead of
TLpwfx^fiovQj the " rural ;" as the former is the literal
it is written either Araha or Arahata. The Sanskrit word is
^V^, Arhania. In Tumour's Annals (Prinsep's Journal,
vi. 613), the SthAviraB who held the First Synod are caUed
ArahawtA. It is possible that the Greek name of Opcirot
may be derived from the Sanskrit Aranyaka, a desert place,
because the Bhikshus were directed to dweU in such a place.
See Fo-kwe-hiy chap. viii. note 5, where the Chinese term A-lan-yo
is used for Aranyahn.
• See Fo-Jtme-ki, c. ii. n. 4.
66 THE BHILSA TOPES.
translation of the Sanskrit Srdwaka, a ^^ hearer^''
which was the designation of the lowest class of
Buddhist monks. These identifications of the different
classes of Pramtud with those of the Srdmanas are of
the highest importance to the history of the Buddhist
religion. For Kleitarchos was one of the companions
of Alexander ; and his distinct mention of these four
classes of the Bauddha community proves that the
religion of SAkya Muni had already been established
in the Panjab at the period of Alexander's invasion.
The worship of the Bodhi tree is also mentioned by
Curtius^ who says: ^^Deos putant^ quidquid colere
coeperunt ; arbores maxime^ quas violare capital est/'
— '^ They liold as gods whatever they have been
accustomed to worship 3 but principally trees , which
it is death to injure." •
17. The old Buddhists neatly distinguished the
different grades of monks by the types of sheep, deer,
and oxen.f The Sheep, when in flight, never looks
back, and, like the Sfdwaka, cares only for self-pre-
servation. The Deer turns to look back on the
following herd, and, like the Pratt/eka^ is mindful of
others while he seeketh his own deliverance. The
Ox, which beareth whatever burden is put upon him,
is typical of the Bodhisatwa^ who, regardless of him-
self, careth only for the salvation of others. But the
last type is less happy than that of the sheep and
deer; for the Bodhisatway who is supposed to have
• Curtiu8, viii. 9. t Fo-kwe-ki, c. ii. n. 4.
FIRST SYNOD. 07
earned his own deliverance,* could not possibly have
any anxiety for himself, — whereas the most patient
of laden oxen must yearn for his own freedom.
18. The Bodhisatwa is the highest grade of mortal
being ; for on his attaining Buddhahood he can no
more be regenerated. He has then become absorbed
into the Divine Spirit, and has altogether lost his
individuality or separate existence. The Christian
believes in the distinct immortality of each sentient
being; and that each soul will for ever retain its
personality in the world to come. But the Buddhist,
while he admits the immortality of the soul, yet
believes that its individuality will have an end ; and
that, after it has been linked to a mortal body for an
unknown but finite number of existences, it will at
last be absorbed into the Divine Essence from which
it sprang; like as waters wafted from the ocean in
clouds, return to it again in streams ; or as the par-
ticles of sand, borne away from the mountains to the
bottom of the sea, are again imbedded together and
consolidated into rock.
10. There has been some misapprehension regarding
the Buddhas and Bodhisatwas; the regeneration of
the Grand Lama being considered as an exceptional
case of a Buddha returning amongst mankind.f But
•Therefore in Tibet called S^''^^^ Byang-chhvb or
Changchhuby '^ the perfect."
t Mr. Hodgson, pp. 137, 138, truly calls the " divine Lamas*' of
Tibet, Arkantas ; but he believes " that a very gross superstition
has wrested the just notion of the chaiacter to its own use/'
and so created the *' immortid mortals, or present palpable
divinities of Tibet."
68 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the explanation which I received in Lad4k^ which is
the same as that obtained by Fra Orazio^ in Lhasa^
is simple and convincing*. The Grand Lama is only
a regenerated Bodhisatwa^ who refrains from accept-
ing Buddhahood^ that he may continue to be born
agtun and again for the benefit of mankind. For a
Buddha cannot possibly be regenerated; and hence
the fiimous epithets of TathIgata, ^^ thus gone/'
and SuGATA, '^ well gone,^ completely gone^ or gone
for ever.
20. The monk who aspired to the rank of Bhikshuy
or Mendicant^ was obliged to beg his daily food;
which^ when obtained^ was to be divided into three
portions-^one for the hungry^ the second for the birds
and beasts^ and the third for himself; and even this
portion he was not allowed to eat after noon.-)' He
was forbidden to ask for gold and silver ; he was to
prefer old and tattered raiment ; and to eschew orna-
ments of all kinds. He was to dwell in the wilder-
ness {&ranydkd)j or amongst the tombs (smdsdnika)y
where the daily sight of birds of prey, and of funeral
pyres, would show him the instability of all earthly
things, and the utter nothingness of the human body,
* Nouv. Jour. Aaiat. t. xiv. p. 408. '^ II Lama sempre sar^ coIF
istessa anima del medesimo Ciang-cHvhy oppure in altri corpi."
Remusat was not aware of this fact when he stated '^ Les Lamas
du Tibet se consid^rent euz m^mes comme autant de divinit^s
(Bouddhas) incamees pour le salut des hommes." Journal des
Savantes, Mai, 1831, p. 263.
t See the twelve observances, in the Fo-ktve-ki, c. viii. n. 6.
FIRST SYNOD. 69
which endures but for a little time^ and then passeth
away into the five elements of which it is composed.
21. The equipments or indispensable necessaries
of a Bhikshuy or Mendicant, consisted of (1) an
^^ alms-dish ^ (pdtra), or vessel for collecting the food
which he begged ; (2) an ewer, or ^^ water-vessel'^
{uda pdtra) ; (8) a stick or staff (pinda) ; (4) a razor ;
(6) a sewing needle ; and (6) a waistband. The alms-
dish was of common material, such as earthenware
or iron. According to the Chinese it was a shallow
vessel,* narrow at top and broader at bottom; but
the vessel which was shown to me in Lad^ as the exact
cof J of Shakf/a-Thubba's alms-dish was just the reverse,
being broad at top and narrow at bottom ; of a para-
bolic form, and of red earthenware coloured black.
The shape was exactly the same as that of the large
steatite vases from the Son&ri and Andher Topes, f
The colour was most probably black, because Fa
Hian:{: states that the kingdom of Kie-ohha (that is
Kha charirpay ^^ Snow-land,'' or Lad^ §) possessed a
stone bowl of the same colour as the alms-dish of
Buddha. The thin earthenware bowls which have
been found in the Topes of Bhojpur and Andher, are
also black; those of the latter being of a glossy
metallic lustre. The shapes of these vessels would, of
* See Fo-kwe-kif c. xii. n. 8.
t See Plate XXIV. Fig. 3— and Plate XXIX. Fig. 8, of this
volume.
J See Fchhtve-ki, chap. v.
S Ladok is still called JCha-chan-pa, or '^ Snow-land."
70 THE BHILSA TOPES.
course^ vary ; but I have little doubt that the Bhojpur
dishes, Nos. 4, 6, PL XXVII./ and the Andher dish,
No. 7, PI. XXVIII., are the actual alms-dishes, or
pdtraSy of the monks whose relics were deposited there.
And I am the more inclined to this belief because
the bowls which were inside these dishes seem to
answer exactly as water vessels or ewers. A monk
with his staff is represented on the leaden coin (Fig^.
11, PL XXXII.) which was found in the Ganges at
Patna, the ancient P&taliputra or Palibothra.
* See also Plate XXVI. for the black earthenware yessek,
extracted from No. 4 Tope^ D., Bhojpur.
CHRONOLOGY. 71
CHAPTER V.
CHRONOLOGY.
1. During the first century afler Sakya's death^
the Buddhist religion was perpetuated^ if not extended^
by a succession of learned monks. Of these great
Arkans but little is related^ and even that little is
contradictory. During this period the great pre-
ceptors of the Buddhist Faith are so variously named^
that it is clear the recorded succession cannot be con-
tinuous. Even Buddhaghoso gives two different suc-
cessions* down to the third convocation.
L II.
1. UpaLI. 1. SlRIPUTTO.
2. Dasako. 3. Bhaddaji.
3. sonako. 3. kostaputto.
4. SlQQAWO. 4. SiGGAWO.
5. MoGGALIPUTTO. 5. MoGGALIPUTTO.
6. SUDATTO.
7. Dhammiko.
8. DlSAKO.
g. SoNAKO.
10. Rewato.
• See Tumour's P^li Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 728,
and vii. 791.
72 THE BHILSA TOPES.
2. MBhkakmo, the author of the Mahawanso^ gives
the succession agreeably to the first^ and makes each
ach&rya the disciple of his predecessor.* In the
second list the places of the names have been com-
pletely changed^ for we know that MogaUputra
should be the last^ as he conducted the proceedings
of the Third Synod. We know also that Bewato was
the leader of the Second Synod. The other list is
called by Buddhaghoso^ the ^^ unbroken succession of
Sthdviras/* or elders of the faith. It seems likely^
therefore^ that it contains the names of aU the
teachers ; while the first list gives only those of the
most famous. By a new arrangement of the names
of the longer list^ the succession becomes complete
and satisfactory.
3. But there is still one difficulty to be accounted
for; in the assertion that all the leaders of the second
synod had seen Buddha. This assertion^ however^
carries its own denial with it ; for both Buddhaghoso
and MahanAino agree in stating that six of these
leaders were the disciples of Ananda.^( Now the
companion of Buddha did not qualify himself as an
Arahatj or holy teacher, until after the death of his
patron. None of his disciples could, therefore, have
seen Buddha. In the following amended list it must
be remembered that Sdriputra died a few years
before Buddha himself; and that Updliy the com-
* MaluiwajisOj pp. 28, 29.
t Mahawamoy p. 19 j and Tiu'nour's Annals, in Prinsep's Jour-
nal, vi. 730.
CURONOLOGT. 78
piler of the Vindtfa^ was one of the disciples of
Buddha.
SiRIPUTRA. B.O. 436. EOSTAPUTRA.
B.C. 543. UpIli and KIsyapa. 395. Siooawo.
533. Bhadraii or Ananda.* 355. Subatta;
493. DisAKA. 315. Dharmika.
473. SoNAKA. 275. Moqauputra.
453. Rbwata. 233. Mooaliputra's
Dbath.
4. This arranged list has the advantage of placing
Bewaio at the period of the Second Synod^ instead
of that of the Third Synod^ which we know was con-
ducted hy MogaUputra. If we could he positively
certain of the accuracy of the date given for S&kya^s
death^ in 643 B.C., the chronology might perhaps he
arranged in a satisfactory manner. But^ even in
early times^ there would seem to have heen a dif-
ference of opinion as to the period of SSkycHs death ;
for HfoaiirThsangy who travelled in India ahout 632-
640 A.D.^ says that accounts differf as to the year of
the Nirv&na of Buddha. ^^ Some make it 1^00
years ago^ others more than 1^300; others again
more than 1^500. There are some^ too^ that assure
us that this event occurred ahout 900 years ago^ and
that 1,000 years are not yet fulfilled.'^ The same
uncertainty would seem to have prevailed even at an
earlier date; for BuddhagTiosOy speaking about the
succession of teachers from the death of Buddha to
* Bhadra is a synonyme of Ananda.
t See Fo'kfvC'kif c. xxiv. n. 4.
74 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the period of the Third Synod^ says that the religion
was perpetuated from UpW to Mogaliputra^ ^^ tchat^
ever the interval might be/^* This expression clearly
shows that there was a difference of opinion even in
his day (a. d. 420) regarding the exact date of the
death of Buddha. But as Buddhaghoso was a
Magadha Br^hman^ he must have known the Indian
date of Sakya's nirv&nay and as this date coincides
with that of the Burmese and Ceylonese chronicles^
I do not well see how it can be set aside. It is a
curious fact also that the mean of the dates^ obtained
by HwanrThsang^ agrees within one year of the
Burmese and Ceylonese dates. Thus the average
interval which elapsed from S&kya's death to Hwan-
Thsang's visit^ is 1^180 years^ from which^ deducting
636^ the mean period of Hwan-Thsang's travels^ we
obtain b« c. 644 for the death of Buddha. The coin-
cidence is remarkable.
5. In this work I have made use of the generally
received date of B. c. 543^ as it appears to me to be
suflGiciently well established. In adopting this date,
I am aware that a correction will be necessary for
the Buddhistical date of Asoka's succession in the
218th year after the Nirv&na. But as the exact
amount of this correction can be obtained from a
source independent of the Buddhist annals, I think
that every reliance may be placed upon its accuracy.
Both Buddhaghoso and Mah&namo agree in making
the accession of Nanda, King of Magadha, in the
* Tumour's Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 727.
CHRONOLOGY. 75
118th year after the Nirvdna, or in b. c. 426; and
they assi^ to hun, and to his successors^ the nine
Nandas^ a joint period of only forty-four years. Now
all the Br&hmanical Pur&nas^ in their accounts of
the kin^ of Magttdha^ agree in stating that the
Nandas reigned one hundred years. By using this
amount as the correct one^ we ohtain Anno Buddha
218^ or B. c. 326^ as the date of Chandra Gupta's
accession ; thus making him a contemporary of Alex-
ander the Great and Seleukos Nikator ; a fact which
has long since heen proved by several passages from
the Greek historians. The happy identification of
Chandra Gupta with the Sandrocottos^ or Sandro-
kuptos* of the Greeks was first made by Sir William
Jones^ and its accuracy has since been generally
admitted : for the identification depends fully as
much upon the similarity of their personal histories
as upon the positive identity of their names.
6. It would be difficulty and^ perhaps^ impossible^
to ascertain the real origin of this error of sixty-
six years in the Buddhist annals ; but I may hazard
a guess that the pious and enthusiastic Buddhists of
Asoka's age may in the first instance have adopted
the date of his conversion as that of the true foun-
dation of the Mauryan Dynasty^ by omitting the
Brahmanical reigns of his father and grandfather^
as well as the first four years of his own reign before
his acknowledgment of Buddhism. Under this sup-
position^ his inauguration would have been antedated
* 2av?poKvirTo$ id the spelling of Athenseiis.
76 THE BHILSA TOPES.
by sixtyHsiz years^ which is the exact amount of
difference between the Buddhist and Br&hmanical
lengths of reigns^ as well as the precise amount of
correction required to make the Buddhist chronology
harmonise with that of the Greeks. In after times,
when Buddhaghoso composed his commentaries on
the Singhalese Annals, I suppose that the date of
Asoka's inauguration was assumed to be correct, and
that the duration of his father's and grandfather's
reigns, and the first four years of his own reign,
were deducted from the one hundred years of the
Nandas. This supposition is rendered more probable
by the valuable opinion of Mr. Tumour,^ the learned
translator of the Mahawanso, who points to the
difference between the Brahmanical and Buddhistical
authorities, and more particularly to ^^ some confusion
in the durations assigned to the reigns of the ten
Nandas," as the most likely causes of error. He was
unable to account for the error himself; but he did
^^ not despair of seeing the discrepancy accounted for
in due course of time." He adopted the same fixed
points, as I have done ; namely, the Buddhist era of
Sakya's death, in B. c. 643 ; and the Greek age
of Sandrocottos, about 335 B. c. ; but he was in-
clined to believe that the anachronism was the result
of design and not of accident.
* See Priiiaep*8 Journal; vi. 725.
SECOND SYNOD. 77
CHAPTER VL
SECOND SYNOD.
1. Having thus adjusted the chronology^ I can
proceed with confidence to the historical account of
the progress of Buddhism. I have already given the
proceedings of the First Synod^ and some brief
details of the manner of life and strict observances of
the different grades of the Bauddha community. But
these observances^ which the early Buddhists practised
with enthusiastic zeal^ were found irksome by many
of their successors. At the end of the first century
after Soya's death^ a numerous fraternity of monks
at Vaisdli asserted the lawfulness of the following
indulgences* : —
Ist. ^^ The preservation of salt in horn for any
period is lawful/' instead of the seven days
allowed by S^ya.
2nd. ^^ The allowance of two inches in length
of the shadow of the declining sun^ to partake
of food/' which Sakya had prohibited after
midday.
* See MahatvaniOf p. 15 ; and Tornour's P6Ii Annals; in Prin-
sep's Journal; vi. 7228, 729.
78 THE BHILSA T0PE8.
Srd. ^^ In villages it is allowable to partake of
indulgences'' forbidden in the monasteries.
4th. ^^ Ceremonies in their own houses may be
performed by the monks/' instead of in the
public hall.
6th. ^^ Obtaining subsequent consent is allow-
able for the performance of any act j'' whereas,
consent should always precede it.
6th. ^^ Conformity to example is allowable/^
that is, they might act as their superiors did ;
whereas no example was admitted as an excuse
if the act was forbidden.
7th. ^^ The drinking of wh^ is allowable
after midday," which whey, as a component part
of milk, had hitherto been forbidden.
8th. ^^ The drinking of toddy is allowable
because it looks like water:'' whereas all fer-
mented beverages were forbidden.
0th. ^^ Cloth-eovered seats are allowable.^
10th. ^^ Gold and silver may be accepted in
alms:" whereas the very use of the precious
metals was prohibited ; and more especially the
begging for money.
2. When the tidings of this formidable heresy
reached the revered Yasa, son of Kakandaka,
he repaired to Yais&li; and, in the midst of the
assembled monks, he denounced the asking for
money as unlawful. On this he was subjected to
various indignities by the schismatic monks, from
whose vengeance he escaped with difficulty to
SECOND SYNOD. 79
Kausamhi.* Thence^ * despatching' messengers to
Patheya and Ujain^ he collected a small body of
orthodox monks^ who with him waited upon the
Soreyan teacher BewatOy the most famous in his day
for depth of knowledge and holiness of character.
The schismatics tried to influence Bewato with pre*
sents^ but failing in this^ they petitioned the king*^
who was at first inclined to favour them. But the
king's intentions were changed by a dream^ and he
proceeded to Vaisdli in person^ where, having heard
both parties, he decided in favour of the orthodox, and
directed them to take steps for the due maintenance
of religion ; after which he departed for his capital.
3. A stormy discussion then arose between the
assembled monks, which was only quieted by the
proclamation of the Uhhdhika rules for preserving*
order at religious assemblies. Eight of the most
learned teachers, four from the eastern fraternities
and four from the western, were selected by Bewato
to examine into the lawfulness of the indulgences
now claimed. These monks retired to a quiet spot
to consider the matter ; and, after much questioning*
amongst themselves, they decided upon rejecting* the
heresy. They accordingly returned to the assembly,
and denounced the ten indulgences as unlawful ; on
which the penalty of ^^ degi*adation'' was awarded to
the schismatic monks. t
* See MaharvansOy p. 16.
t The sentence of degradation was S^a's punishment for all
who caused dissensions amongst the Bauddha community. See
80 THE BHILSA TOPES.
4* This sentence was afterwards confirmed by the
Second Synod^ which was composed of seven hundred
monks selected by the learned Betvato. The synod
was held at the Bldukar^a Vihara at Yais&li^ under
the protection of Ealasoka^ King of Magadha. The
proceedings^ which were conducted by question and
answer in the same manner as at the First Synod^
occupied eight months. The Vindya and Dharma
were again rehearsed; and the suppression of the
ten indulgences was pronounced. This meeting was
called the Dwitiye Sangiti or Second Sjrnod^ and the
Saptoiatikay or Sjrnod of Seven Hundred. *
ff. The English reader will be struck with the
resemblance which this synod bears to that of a trial
by jury^ in which we have the hearing of both
parties ; the retirement of the jury to consider their
verdict ; and the last sentence of the judge.
Csoma's Analyais of the Dulva, Researches As. Soc. Bengal,
XX. 80. See Plate XXYII. Fig. 4, for a memorial of a degraded
monk. The inscription is simply patito (Sanskrit patitah), the
" degraded."
BUDDHIST SCHISMS. 81
CHAPTER VII.
BUDDHIST SCHISMS.
1. The sentence of degradation which could be
carried out against an individual^ was powerless
when pronounced against a multitude. The bod}-
of schismatic monks who had been degraded
amounted to ten thousand : they were refractory^
and would not submit j and their secession origi-
nated the Mahdsanghika heresy^ or schism of the
^^ Great Union."* In the Tibetan books^ the origin
of this sect is referred to Kdsyapa^t ^^^ ^^ ^^^
disciples of Buddha ) but the account of the Maha-
wanso is too circumstantial^ and the orthodoxy of
the gi*eat Kasyapa is too well established^ for the
admission of such an origin. There is indeed an
heretical Easyapa^ whom the Chinese call Fu-lan-
na-Kia^he (Purtoa Kfisyapa ?), ^^ who repudiated
all law — who recognised neither prince nor subject^
neither father nor son — and who considered void space
* MahawansOf o. zz.
t Gsoma de Eoros, in Prinaep's Journal, vii. 143. It is pro-
bable that his followers may have been the originators of the
Mah&'S6nghxka heresy.
G
82 THE BHILSA TOPES.
as the Supreme Being."* But, as it would appear
that this Kdsyapa was a follower of the Br^manical
S&nkhya philosopher Kapila^ it is scarcely possible
that he could have been the leader of the Maha^
Sanghika Buddhists.
2. According* to the Tibetans, the earliest systems
of Buddhism were the Vaibh&sMka and the Sautran-
tikay both of which were dogmatical.f The followers
of the former believed in everything written in the
Scriptures, and would not dispute ; those of the latter
^^ proved everything on the authority of Scripture,
and by argument/'
3. The Vaibhdshikds were divided into four prin-
cipal classes, which bore the names of four of Sdkya's
disciples : Mdhula^ Kdsyapa, Kdty&yana, and Updli.
But it seems scarcely possible that these celebrated
Buddhist leaders, the companions of Sak3^a, would
have originated any schisms themselves. The more
probable conclusion is, that they established schools,
each instructing his own individual disciples, but all
teaching one common doctrine. That these schools,
though all professing the same belief at first, should,
after the lapse of time, differ from each other, is but
a natural result common to all human beliefs. In
this view there seems nothing extraordinary in the
• Fo-hwe-hi, c. xvii. n. 21.
+ Csoma, as quoted above. The Vaibh^hikas were named
from f%, vt, certainty, and HT^, bkdshd, speech ; t. e. the dog-
matics. The Santrantihas adhered strictly to the Sutras ^ or
Scriptures, from which they obtained their name.
BUDDHIST SCHISMS. 83
principal sects of Buddhism being* named after four
of Sakya's chief disciples.
4. The four schools of the Y aibhashikas were—
1st. Bdhuhy son of S&kya^ a Kshatriya. The
Bahulakas were divided into four sects. They re-
cited the Sutras in Sanskrit^ and affirmed the ex-
istence of all thing's. Their religious garb was
formed of from nine to twenty-nine narrow strips of
cloth. Their distinctive mark was a ^^ water-lily-
jewel" (u^Mlorpadma) and a tree-leaf^ put together
like a nos^ay.*
2nd. Kdsyapa^ a Brahman. His folio wers, who
were divided into six sects^ were called ^^ the great
community'' (Mahasanghika). They recited the
Sutras in a corrupt dialect ; their religious garb was
formed of from three to twenty-three strips of cloth ;
and they carried a shell as the distinctive mark of
their school.
drd. K&tydy&naj a Vaisya. His followers were
divided into three sects ; and they recited the Sutras
in the vulgar dialect. Their religious garb was
formed of frt>m five to twenty-one strips of cloth ;
and they wore the figure of a wheel as a distinctive
mark of their school. They were styled ^' the class
that have a fixed habitation" (query Sthdpitaka).
4th. Updliy a Sudra. His followers were divided
into three sects^ and they recited the Sutra in the
Pisdehika language. Their religious garb was
formed of from five to twenty-one strips of cloth;
* See Csoma de Koros in Prinsep^s Journal^ vii. 143.
84 THE BHILSA TOPES.
and bore a sortsika flower as a mark of their school.
They were styled ^^ the class honoured by many*'
(query the Sabbattha schismatics of the Maha-
wanso '* perhaps from sambhram^ reverence^ respect^
and atishay^ much.)
5. The Sautrantikas were divided into two sects^
the names of which are not given.
6. Altogether^ according^ to the Tibetans^ there
were eighteen sects of Buddhists ; a number which
agrees exactly with that of the Mahdwanso. But
this agreement extends farther than the mere coin*
cidence of numbers ; for two out of three names are
the same as those of the M&hawanso.
The 1st schism of the Mdh&wanso is that which
followed the silly speech of Subhadra to the as-
sembled Bhikshus^ shortly after the death of Buddha.
It was immediately suppressed by Maha-Kasyapa at
the First Synod} but, as it was listened to by the
SthaviraSy it is named the Sthavira^ or Thera schism.
The 2nd schism is that of the Mahasanghika, which
it was the object of the Second Synod to suppress.
The 3rd schism was that of the Gokulikay and the
4th was the Ekabbyoh&rika.
The Ookulika schismatics gave rise to the (6th)
• Mahawanso, p. 21. The derivation of the term Sabbattha
is uncertain; but the most probable etymology of Sabba is the
Sanskrit Sarwa, " all." The name is of some importance, as it
was most probably the original appellation of the Samarkand
River, which the Greeks translated by UoXvrtfiriros " the much-
honoured."
BUDDHIST SCHISMS. 85
Parmatti ; the (0th) BdhuUka; and the (7th) Chetiya
heresies. The last no douht origmated at the great
monastic establishment of Chetiyagiriy or Sdnehij near
Bhilsa.
From these again proceeded the (8th) Sabbattha
and the (9th) Dhammaguttika schisms (which arose
simultaneously) ; and from the Sabbattlia proceeded
the (10th) Kassapiya schism. Lastly the (11th)
Sankantika priesthood gave rise to the Sutta schism.
Six other schisms arose in India during the second
century after the death of Buddha ; namely the (13th)
Hem&wanta; the (14th) Bajagiriya; the (16th) Sid-
dhatiki; the (16th) Eastern and the (17th) Western
Seliya; and lastly the (18th) Wddariyd schism.
^^ Thus there were eighteen inveterate schisms ''
(including the TMra schism^ which was suppressed at
the First Synod), of which seventeen arose in the
second century after Buddha, or between B. c. 443
and 348. I have been thus particular in enumerating
these different secessions from the Buddhist faith,
because the very names are of value in pointing out
the geographical extension of the religion to the
Hem&wanta^ or Him&layan region, and to Chetiya^
or the present district of Bhilsa.
7. The gradual spread of the Buddhist faith is
thus clearly and naturally developed. At S6k3'a's
death in 543 B. c, the influence of his religion was
confined to the central provinces of the Ganges, fi*om
the neighbourhood of Cawnpore and Agra to the
head of the Delta. One hundred years later, at the
80 THE ilHILSA TOPES.
period of the Second Synod^ the Dharma of Buddha
had been preached throughout Malwa^ from Chetiya
(or Bhilsa)^ to Afxinti (or Ujain)^ and to the unde-
fined Patheyaj or ^^Westem*' country. Of the
farther prog^ress of the Buddhist religion^ nothing is
certainly known until Alexander's invasion ; at which
time Br&hnums and Sr&mdnoi would appear to have
been held in about equal honour by the princes of the
land.
* This identi6catian of Chetija or Ghetiyagiri with the modern
Bhilsa is proved by parallel passages in Hah&n6mo and Buddha-
gfaosO; in which the former gives Chetiya and Ghetiyagiri, whera
the latter gives Weesanagara, which is no doubt the old ruined
city of Besnagar, two miles to the northward of Bhilsa.
PROGRESS OF BUDDHIS5I. 87
CHAPTER VIII.
PROGRESS OP BUDDHISM.
1. Chandra Chipta^ the founder of the Mauryan
dynasty of Magadha^ was the illegitimate son of the
last Nanda hy the beautiful^ but low caste^ MurAy
from whom he obtained the name of Maurya. In
the Mudra Bakshasa^ a Sanskrit drama detailing his
elevation^ Chandra Gupta is frequently named Vri-
shala^ a term said to be equivalent to Sudra ; and as
Nanda himself was the son of a Sudra woman^ there
can be little doubt that the celebrated Maurya family
were of Sudra extraction. In the early part of his
career^ Chandra Gupta led a wandering life in
the Panjab ;* and was^ most probably^ engaged with
his fellow-countrymen in opposing Alexander. His
chief adviser^ the Brahman Chanakya^ was a native of
Takshasila^ or Taxila^ the capital of the Western
Panjab; and it was in that country that Chandra
Gupta first established himself by the complete
expulsion of the Greek troops left by Alexander. f
* See Tumour, Introduction to the Mahawan90y p. xlL, quoting
the Tika or Commentar|r.
t Justin. XV. 4. — " Auctor libertatis Sandrocottus fiierat."
88 TH£ BHILSA TOP£S.
2. It would appear that the Greek colonists in the
Panjab had first been placed under^ Philip^ while the
civil administration of the country remained in the
hands of its native princes^ Taxiles and Porus. After
wards^ on the murder of Philip by the mercenary
soldiers^ Alexander* directed Eudemos and Taxiles
to govern the country until he should send another
deputy. It is probable^ however^ that they continued
to retain the charge ; for after Alexander's death in
B. c. 323^ Eudemos contrived to make himself master
of the countr}*^ by the treacherous assassination of
king Porus. t Some few years later, in B. c. 317,
he niarclied to the assistance of Eumenes, with 3,000
infantry and 5,000 cavalry, and no less than 120
elephants. With this force he performed good ser-
vice at the battle of Gabiene. But his continued
absence gave the Indians an opportunity not to be
neglected ; and their liberty was fully asserted by
the expulsion of the Greek troops and the slaughter
of their chiefs.^ Chandra Gupta was the leader of
this national movement, which ended in his own
elevation to the sovereignty of the Panjab. Justin
attributes his success to the assistance of banditti ; §
but in this I think he has been misled by a very
natural mistake ; for the Arattas, who were the
* Arrian, Anabasis, vi. 27. f Diodorus, xix. 5.
J Justin. XV. 4. — ** Pi-a^fectos ejus occiderat;'* again, " Molienti
clt'inde bellum adversus pnefectos Alexandri."
% Justin. XV. 4. — ** Contractis lotronibus Indos ad novitatem
regui solicilavil."
PROGRESS OF BUDDHISM. 80
dominant people of the Eastern Panj&b^ are never
mentioned in the Mah&bh&rata without being called
robbers.* They were the republican defenders of
Sangala^ or S&kala^ a fact which points to their
Sanskrit name of Ardshtray or ^^ kingless/* But
though their power was then confined to the Eastern
Panjab^ the people themselves had once spread over
the whole country.^ They were known by the
several names of Bdhika, Jdrttika, and Takka ; of
which the last would appear to have been their true
appellation ; for their old capital of Taxilay or
Takka-silay was known to the Greeks of Alexander ;
and the people themselves still exist in considerable
numbers in the Panjab hills. The ancient extent of
their power is proved by the present prevalence of
their alphabetical characters^ which^ under the name
of Tdkriy or Tdkniy are now used by all the Hindus
of Kashmir and the northern mountains^ from Simla
and Subathu to Kdbul and Bamiyan. On these
grounds I venture to identify the banditti of Justin
with the TdkkaSy or original inhabitants of the
Panjab^ and to assign to them the honour of deliver-
ing their native land from the thraldom of a foreign
yoke.
* Lassen, Pentapot. Indica. — '' Aratti profecto latrones/' and
^^ Bahici latrones." The Sanskrit name is Arashtra, the ^^ king-
less/' which is preserved in the Adraist^ of Arrian, who places
them on the Il4vi.
t " Ubi fluvii illi quini * * * ibi sedes sunt Arattorum."
— Lassen. Pentapot Indica^ from the Mah^ibhtoit.
00 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
3. Thie event occurred most probably about
816 B. c.^ or shortly after the march of Eudemos
to the assistance of Eumenes. It was followed imme-
diately by the conquest of Gang^etic India;* and in
815 B. c.^ the rule of Chandra Gupta was acknow-
ledged over the whole northern peninsula^ from the
Indus to the mouths of the Ganges. The authorities
differ as to the lengfth of Chandra Gupta's reign^
which some make thirty-four years^ and others only
twenty-four.f This difference may^ perhaps^ have
origfinated in two distinct reckonings of the date ef
his accession ; the one party counting from the death
of Nanda Mahapadma^ in b. c. 825 ; and the other
party from the conquest of India^ in B. 0. 815. Some
assumption of this kind is clearly necessary to recon-
cile the different authorities ; unless^ indeed^ we take
the only alternative of adopting the one and of re-
jecting the other.
4. At this period the capital of India was Patali-
putra or Palibothra, which was situated on the
OangeSy at the junction of the JErrandboas or Aldos
Biver.J The former name has already been iden-
tified with the Sanskrit HiranyaMhuy an epithet
* Justin. XV. 4. — " Indiam possidebat."
t The Mahawanso gives thirty-four years, the Dipawanso and
the Vayu Purana give only twenty-four years.
X Arrian, Indica, x.^ gives the Erranaboas ; and Strabo, xv., uses
the following words, — rai rov aXAov iroTafiov, for which I propose
to read — Kai tov AXaov irorafiov. The change is very slight from
A to A. The Greek text has rov and not rov.
PROGRESS OF BUDDHISM. 91
which has been applied both to the Oandak and to
the 8on. But the latter name can only refer to the
Hi4e-(m of the Chinese travellers^ which was to
the north of the Ghmges^ and was therefore un-
doubtedly the Oandak. Indeed^ this river still joins
the Gktnges immediately opposite to Patna — ^that
is^ ^^ the city^'' or metropolis^ as its proper name
(jpatona) implies^ while the junction of the Son is
some nine or ten miles above Patna. But as there
is good reason for believing that the Son once joined
the Ganges at Bllkipur or Bankipur^ immediately
above Patna^ it is quite possible that the Mrranaboas
may have been intended for the 8on^ and the
Aldas for the Gandak. According to Megasthenes^
Palibothra was eighty stadia, or nearly nine miles
in length ; and fifteen stadia, or one mile and two*
thirds^ in breadth. It was surrounded with a deep
ditch ; and was enclosed by lofty wooden walls^
pierced with loop - holeik for the discharge of
arrows.*
5. Towards the close of the 4th century before
our era^ when Alexander's successors were at peace
with each other^ the great Seleukos^ having con-
solidated his own dominions^ turned his arms towards
the East^ with the intention of recovering the Indian
provinces of Alexander.
6. But the plains of Northern India were no
longer divided amongst a set of petty chiefs^ whose
* Arrian, Indica, x.; and Strabo; xv. ; both quoting Megas-
thenes. Strabo has ^vXiroy wtpifioXor.
02 THE BHILSA TOPES.
gtillant but uaeless resistance had scarcely checked
the g^reat Macedonian's advance. For the Mauryan
prince^ who now wielded the sceptre of the East^
could bring into the field that vast army of six
hundred thousand men^* whose very numbers had
before daunted even the stout hearts of the soldiers of
Alexander. The main object of this expedition was
therefore impossible. Where a successful advance
cannot be made^ an honourable retreat becomes a
decided advantage; and this Seleukos secured for
himself^ by yielding to Chandra Gupta the doubt-
ful allegiance of the provinces to the west of the
Indus for a valuable present of five hundred
elephants.t These friendly relations were cemented
at the time by a matrimonial alliance^ and were
afterwards continued by the embassy of Megasthenes
to the Indian court at Palibothra.
7. Chandra Gupta died in 201 B. c.^ and was
succeeded by his son yindusdra or Bimhisdra ;
to whose court a second Greek embassy was sent
either by Seleukos, or by his son Antiochus Soter.
Nothing is known of the object or results of this
embassy ; but the ambassador, Daimachosy was con-
sidered by Strabo to be the most " lying'' of all the
Greek historians of India.;}; He calls the king
AllitrochadeSy or AmitrochateSy which Professor
Lassen supposes to be the Sanskrit Amitraghdtay
* Plutarch, Life of Alexander,
t Strabo, xv. ; and Plutarch.
t Strabo, xv., i/^ei/^oXoyos.
PROGRESS OF BUDDHISM. 03
or ^^ foe-killer.'' The difference between the Greek
name of Amitrochates and the native one of Bin-
dusdra^ proves nothing more than that the Hindu
princes delighted in a variety of names. For^ though
the Buddhist authorities agree with the Vishnu
Pur&na in calling this king Bindus4ra, yet each of
the other Pur&ns gives him a different name. Thus
he is called JBhadrasdra in the Vdyu^ Vdris&ra in
the Bh&gavata^ and apparently VriJiadratha in the
Motsya Pur&na. If we might read Varisdray the
'^ foe-killing arrow/' instead of Vdrisdray then the
name of Amitragh&ta, or ^^ arrow to his enemies,''
might be considered as synonymous with that of
the V&yu Purana.
8. But in spite of the difference of names, there
can be no doubt of the identity of the persons ; for
Strabo particularly states that Amitrochates was
the son of Sandrokottos. A third Greek embassy
is mentioned by Pliny,* who states that the ambas-
sador Dionysius was deputed by Ptolemy Phila-
delphus, and that he remained for some time at the
Indian court; but as the name of the king is not
given, and as Ptolemy's long reign extended from
B. G. 285 to 246, we are left in doubt whether
Dionysius paid his respects to Bindusara or to his
son Asoka.
9. About the middle of his reign (b. c. 280),
Bindusdra deputed his son Asoka to quell a serious
• Pliny, Hiat. Nat. vi. 17. — *' Dionysius a Philadelpho missus."
94 THE BHILSA TOPES.
revolt in the district of Taxila.* The people came
forth to meet him with offerings^ and to assure him
that they were not displeased with the kin&r, but
,ith th/miBi.ter .h. .ppr«»d them; on .Uch
Asoka made his entry into the town with great
pomp. He then conquered the kingdom of the
SwasaSy or KhasaSj who were most probably the
people of Kashmir.f For the Khasas were the
early inhabitants of Persia and of Northern India
before the Arian immigration^ which drove them
from the plains to the hills^ where they still exist
in great numbers^ and now form a considerable part
of the population of that vast chain of mountains
which stretches from the banks of the Helmand to
the Brahmaputra. In Manu's Hindu Code they
are coupled with the DartuUu or Dards; and in
^ Burnouf, Introd. kV Hist, du Buddhisme Indien, pp. 861, 863.
t The difference between the Khasas and Kasas, is about the
same as that between the '^ men of Kent" and the '^ Kentisli
men." The Kd^miri pandits repudiate all connection with the
IChasas, and even so might an English Lander deny his an-
cestor the Lavandier. The difference of spelling only shows the
influence of Brahmanism, or rather of Hinduism, which changed
the Khasas of Kha-^he (the Tibetan name for Kashmir) into de-
scendants from K&syapa. The connection between the names is
shown by the story which makes Edsyapa and Xhasd the parents
of the Imps and Goblins. As well might the Oggs and Hogges
repudiate their real ancestors the swineherds, and claim descent
from the King of Basan. But even this would be more probable,
for King Og was an actual historical personage, whereas K6syapa
Muni (according to the Brahmans) was the father of gods and
men.
PROGRESS OF BUDDHISM. 95
the Mahabharat they are classed with the Oan-^
dhdrasy ArattM^ and Sindhu'Sauviras. Professor
Lassen has doubted the accuracy of Professor H. H.
Wilson's reading of Xhasa in the Mahabh&rat;
but this reading is supported^ as M. Bumouf
observes^ by the above mention of the Swasas or
Xhasas as neighbours of the Taxilans ; and is fully
confirmed by a copy of the Mah&bh&rat in the
possession of a Brahman at Th&nesar.
10. Shortly afler the reduction of Taxila^ the
successful Asoka was appointed to the government
of Ujain^ the capital of Malwa. Asoka set forth
to assume charge of his government in about
274 B. c. On his way he tarried some time at
Chaityagiri or JBaisnagara,* situated at the junction
of the Besali River with the Betwa^ two miles to
the northward of Bhilsa. Here he gained the
affections of Devi, the lovely daughter of the Sreshti
or " chief man'' of the place. A year afterwards
she bore him a son named Mdhendray and one
year later a daughter called Sanghdmitray both
of whom became celebrated in after times as
* See Tarnour^s Pali Annals, Prinsep's Journal, vii. 980, where
Buddhaghoso calls the city Weuanagara, which Mah&n4mo calls
Chetiya and Chetiyagiri (Mahawanso, p. 76). The story is the
same in both authors ; and as the ruins of the old city of Baii-
nagary or Besnagar, two miles to the north of Bhilsa, are situated
on the high road between P4taliputra and Ujain, there can be no
doubt of the identification. We^anagara was the city ; Chetiya-
giri was the hill of the great Chaitya at Sdnchi, about four miles
to the south of the city.
90 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the introducers of the Buddhist religion into
Ceylon.
11. Of Asoka's administration of Ujain little is
known^ save the establishment of a celebrated place
of punishment^ which was significantly named Hell^*
because criminals were therein subjected to the same
tortures in this life^ as have been generally accorded
to the wicked in the next. During Asoka's govern-
ment of Ujain^ the people of Taxila again revolted
against BindwAra^ who deputed his eldest son
Su^ma to reduce them; but the prince was un-
successful, f During his absence the king fell
grievously sick^ and directed his ministers to send
Prince Asoka to Taxila^ and to recall Prince Susfma
to court^ that he might establish him on the throne.
But the ministers^ who were friendly to Asoka^
deceived the king by a false report of his illness,
and at the same time informed the young prince
that his father was on his death-bed. Asoka in-
stantly hurried from Ujain to his father's palace at
Pataliputraj but the sudden appearance of his
younger son showed the king that he had been
deceived ; and in the midst of a fit of passion, he
burst a blood-vessel and died. This event happened
in the year 263 B. c, when Bindusara had reigned
twenty-eight years.
* Fo-kwe-ki, c. 32, for Fa Hian's mention, and p. 393, for
Ilwan Thsang's account of " Hell."
t Burnouf, Buddhisme Indien, p. 363.
REIGN OP ASOKA. 97
CHAPTEH IX.
REIGN OF ASOKA.
1. Immediately on his father's death Asoka seized
the government, and g-ave orders for the slaughter
of all his brothers, save Tishya^ who was born
of the same mother. His eldest brother, Prince
Susima, who had marched against him from Taxila,
was cut off by an artifice ; and the Mauryan dynasty
was thus reduced to the single family of Asoka ;
who, finding himself safe from the usual jealousies
and intrigues of relatives, gave up his whole energies
to the achievement of military glory. In the short
space of four years he succeeded in reducing the
whole of Northern India, from the mountains of
Kashmir to the banks of the Narbadda, and from the
mouth of the Indus to the Bay of Bengal j* and
* Ifep6l was probably incladed in the conquests of Asoka; for
the kings of Tibet trace their origin to the lAchhavis of Vais^li ;
and KhruUanpo, the first king^ is said to have taken refuge in
Tibet about S60 b. c. — that is, in the reign of Asoka. See
Csoma's List of Tibetan Kings in Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 181 ;
and also Fo-hwe-ki, c. xxiii. n. 6.
EI
08 TaE BHILSA TOPES.
India^ perhaps for the first time^ was brought under
the control of one vigorous and consolidated go-
vernment.
2. During the first three years of his reign^ the
mind of Asoka was fully occupied with views of
worldly ambition and personal aggrandizement ; but
in the fourth year^ when all India was at peace^ his
restless activity found a more pleasing occupation^
and a more lasting emplo3rment^ in the acquisition of
the Buddhist faith. Like his father Bindusdra, he
had been brought up as a worshipper of Agni and
Surya^ of Indra and Yayu ; and^ like him^ he showed
his respect for the Brahmans by feeding sixty thou-
sand of them daily.* But Asoka was of a passionate
and impulsive temperament^ and when he became a
convert to the Buddhist faith^ he embraced it with all
the fervid zeal of his ardent nature; and though^
like Alexander^ he may once have wept that no more
worlds were left for him to conquer, he now found
that he had still himself to subdue. The task, though
difficult, seemed not impossible; and the royal con-
vert, who had before been called Chand-Asokay or
" Asoka the Furious,'' now submitted himself to the
outward discipline of the Buddhist faith, and at last
became so distinguished a follower of Dharma, that
he acquired the more honourable title of DJiarm-
Asoka^ or " Asoka the Virtuous.''
* MahawansOj c. 23 ; but Buddhaghoso has the more moderate
number of eight thousand. — See Tumour's Pdli Annals in Prin-
sep's Journal, vi. 731.
REIGN OF ASOKA* 90
8. The first proof which Asoka g^ave of his con-
version to Buddhism was the dismissal of the sixty
thousand Brahmans^ in whose stead an equal number
of 8r&mana$y or Buddhist ascetics^ were daily fed*
His next act was the distribution of the relics of
Sakya to all the chief cities of India. These relics
had been collected by Aj&tasatra^ at the instance of
K^yapa, and were deposited together in one larg'e
Stupa at R&jagriha. But the king* had now deter-
mined to manifest his zeal for the faith of Buddha^
by the erection of eighty-four thousand V%h6/rSy or
monasteries^ in honour of the eighty-four thousand
discourses of Buddha.* As this precise number has
always been deemed a fortunate one both by Brah-
mans and Buddhists^ it may be looked upon as the
common expression for any very large number.f
These Yih&rs are said to have been erected in eighty-
four thousand different cities. I would reject the
thousands^ and read simply eighty-four cities and
eighty-four Yih&rs. The building zeal of Asoka is
faUy confirmed by the Chinese pilgrim Hwan-Thsang^
who travelled through India in the middle of the 7th
century of our era. At different places on his route,
fi*om Anderab^ beyond the sources of the Kabul River,
to Conjeveram, in the south of India, and from Pito-
shilo, in the delta of the Indus, to Tamluk, at the
mouth of the Ganges, this pilgrim saw upwards of
* MakanoMOy p. 26.
t 86» Sir H. M. BUiott's Supplementary Glossary of Indian
Terms for a number of proofs.
100 THE fiHILSA TOPES.
fifty lai^ Topes^ besides numerous Yibars^ all of
which were attributed to Asoka. This account agrees
with the statements of the Mahawanso^ which ascribe
to Asoka the building* of splendid Chaityas on all the
spots rendered memorable by the acts of Buddha.*
All these buildings were completed within three
years.
4. This great king* was not, however, content with
the erection of stately buildings for the service of his
religion, but, like a true Buddhist, while he sought
the achievement of his own salvation, he wished for
the eternal happiness of others. With this view he
is said to have promulgated eighty-four thousand
royal edictsf for the extension of Dharma. Numbers
of these edicts, engraved on massive rocks, and on
stone pillars, still remain in different parts of India
to attest the general accuracy of the Buddhist annals.
The oldest edicts are contained in the rock inscrip-
tions, which have been found at Dhauli in Kuttack,
at Gimar in Gujrat, and at Kapurdigiri near Pesha-
war. As these three places were the most distant
points in Asoka's dominions, they were no doubt
specially selected as the fittest positions for the in-
scription of these important religious ordinances.
5. In all these edicts the promulgator names him-
self " Pbiyadarsi, the beloved-of-the-Devas." This
appellation, which is evidently only a title, has led
• Mahawamo, p. 34.
t Burnouf, Buddhisme Indien, p. 403, quoting the Asoka
Avadana.
RBIGN OF A80KA. 101
Professor H. H. Wilson to doubt the generally
accepted identification of Asoka with the Priyadarsi
who published the edicts.* The learned professor
rests his scepticism on the following* grounds^ which
it is necessary to examine in detail^ out of respect for
one who has rendered such distinguished services in
every branch of Indian literature.
1st. ^^ It is doubtful whether the edicts of Priya-
darsi have any connection with Buddhism^ the mean-
ing of the inscriptions^ to say the least^ being equi-
vocal.'' Again, " There is nothing in the injunctions
promulgated that is decidedly and exclusively charac-
teristic of Buddhism. ''t
2nd. The total omission of any allusion to Buddha
himself by any of his appellations, Sugata, Tathagata^
Gautamoy or 8dkya.%
3rd. The identification (of Asoka with Priyadarsi)
rests upon a passage in the Dipawanso, ^^ a work of
rather doubtful character/' which is besides a com-
position of the fourth century of our era. J
4th. ^^ It seems very inexplicable, why in none of
the inscriptions his own appellation Asoka, or
Dharmasoka, should ever be mentioned.''^
5th. Chronological difficulties of which it is not
easy to dispose. ||
* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ zii. 236.
t Ibid. p. 288.
J Ibid. p. 241.
(, Ibid. p. 24a
;i Ibid p.. 244,
102 THE BHILSA TOPES.
6. The first objection appears to me to rest entirely
upon the translation of a single word^ Dharmay
which^ as James Prinsep truly observedi is the
^^ keystone'' of all the edicts. By translating* Dhar-
may wherever it occurs^ sometimes as ^^ piety,'' or
" religion," and sometimes as ^^ morality/' or ^^ virtue,"
the whole scope and purport of the edicts of Priya-
darsi are entirely lost sight of. These ordinances, on
all the pillars, and on the rocks, both at Gimar and
at Kapurdigiri, are styled jby the king himself,
dhamalipiy or ^^ ediets-ou-Dharma." James Prinsep
translates this word as ^^ religious edict;" and Pro-
fessor Wilson omits all mention of dharmay and
simply calls the inscription an ^^ edict ;" but to
obtain the full force and meaning of the term, it
should be rendered as I have given it above, ^^ edict
or ordinance on Dharmay^ that is on the ^^ religious
law" of Buddha. If the word Dharma had occurred
but once or twice in these inscriptions, it might have
been rendered by any one of the ordinary meanings
given above ; but in the rock inscriptions it occurs no
less than thirty-seven times; and in combinations
with other terms which prove it to be who^ and em-
phatically Buddhistical. Thus, in the 6th Tablet, w^e
have Dhamma-vadhiyay which Prinsep translates
" increase of religion," and Professor Wilson, " aug-
mentation of virtue," but which ought to be rendered
^^ advancement of Dharma" — that is, the propagation
of the Religious Law of Buddha. This is still more
clearly shown in the opening of the 11th Tablet, in
HEIGN OF ASOKA. 108
which Dharma has been translated by both as
" virtue.''*
** Devdnangnyo Pitadasi rdja evam 6ha :
n6sH etdrisam ddnam ydrisam Dhamnu^ddnam
Dhammasanitavo va Dhammasam vibhago
va Dhammasam handho va^
^^ Thus saith King^ Pbiyadarsi^ the beloved of the
Devas :— There is no gift like the g^ of Dharma ;
whether it be knowledge of Dharma^ or inheritance
of Dharma J or close union with Dharma.*'
And towards the end of the same Tablet : —
*^ idam sddhuy idam katavyam sotathd
kami — lokavasa drddka hoti
parato va anantam punam
bhavati tena Dkammaddnena"
^^ This is well : this should be done : (and for
him) who doeth thus^ there is happiness in this
world ; and everlasting holiness hereafter is obtained
by this gift of Dharma!'
7. Other passages of similar force and value
might be quoted at length \ but it will be sufficient
to mention that the whole of Priyadarsi's edicts
are dedicated to the attainment of one object^
Dharma-^oarddhanay the ^^ advancement of Dharma!'
For this purpose he directed that " men learned in
DharmoP should be appointed to ^^ establishments
of Dharma^' to preach ^^ sermons on Dharma^' to
* Journal of Ro^al Asiatic Society^ zii. p. 213.
104 THE BHILSA T0PE8.
the ^^ people united in Dharma!^^ These doctors
of Dharma were also directed to penetrate amongst
the unbelievers^ to mix with high and low^ rich and
poor^ hermits and worldly men^ for the purpose
of instructing them in the perfect observance of
DJiarfna.-^
8. Throughout all these edicts^ both on the pillars
and on the rocks^ Priyadarsi announces his own
adherence to Dharma (or the law of Buddha)^ and
his belief that the love of Dharma {DJiafnmak&nui)
would continue to increase. He inculcates that
Dharma consists in the strict observance of moral
duties^ in the performance of pious acts^ and in the
entire subjection of the passions ;;{; and he declares
that Dharma will be advanced by the prohibition
(ahinsa or avihinsa) against taking life.§ Dharma
is in fact the only key by which the meaning of
these inscriptions can be unlocked ; and it« frequent
and emphatic use, throughout these royal edicts,
shows that their promulgator was a firm and zealous
adherent of Dharma, or the law of Buddha. Asoka
was the same; for which reason the people called
him Dhamuisoka.
* Prinsep's Journal, vi. 602. Dhamnui-maMmaU, " learaed
men, or doctors of Dharma." Dhamma-thabavi, '^ establiah-
ment3-for-Dharma." Janam-Dhammayutumy " people-joined-by-
Dharnia.*' Dhamma-sdvdfidniy " lectures-on- Dharma."
t DhammapaiUnay perfect observance of Dharma; from apadAn
well-doing:, or complete performance.
I Prinsep's Journal, vi. 582.
S Prinsop s Journal, vi. 608.
REIGN OF ASOKA. 105
9. I may observe here that Mr. Tornour^ the
translator of the Pali Annals of Ceylon^ appears to
have felt the full force and meaning of Dharmay
which he always gives in its P41i form of Dhammo.
Had he translated it simply as ^^ religion/' the true
sense of many passages would have been utterly
lost. But he was living in a Buddhist country^ and
in daily intercourse with Buddhist monks^ and he
therefore knew and appreciated the peculiar signi-
ficance of the term; which stamps the follower of
Dharma as an undoubted Buddhist^ or observer of
the " Religious Law'' of Buddha.
10. Professor Wilson's second objection is the
omission of any mention of Buddha himself^ by any
of his well-known appellations. But this is met
by the frequent and emphatic use of Dharmay the
name of the second person of the orthodox Buddhist
Triad. JBhagavdn is also twice mentioned in the
13th Tablet of the Xapurdigiri inscription ; but this
title^ although very commonly used by the Buddhists^
is only an epithet for the Supreme Beings and might
therefore have been used by the Brahmans of those
days as well as by the Buddhists. The common
Brahmanical term^ however^ is JBhagavat, and I
believe that the use of Bhagavan is almost peculiar
to the Buddhists. But though the omission of
Buddha's own name in these inscriptions cannot^
perhaps^ be now explained, yet the Buddhistical faith
of Priyardarsi is placed be^'ond all doubt by his
mention of Buddha^ Dharma^ and Sangha^ the three
106 THE BHILSA TOPES*
members of the orthodox Buddhist Triad^ in the short
rock inscription found at Bhabra^ near Jaypur.*
11. Professor Wilson's third objection is the
asserted identification of Asoka with Priyadarsii
which rests upon a passage in the Dipawanso^ ^^a
work of doubtful character and of comparatively
modem date.'' Regarding* the authenticity of the
Dipawanso^ I hold an opinion entirely different to
Professor Wilson's. His doubts of its genuineness
were^ I presume^ based on the statement of Mahl^
ndmo^ which Mr. Tumour has brought prominently
forward^t ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ Pittakattaya and its attha--
kathd (or Commentaries)^ had been orally perpetuated"
previous to B. c. 88-76. If this statement were
true^ it is clear that all events recorded previous to
that date could only be regarded as so many tra-
ditions. It is quite possible that the monks may
have made a mystery of their learning to increase
the reverence of the people, by asserting that all the
doctrines which they taught had been handed down
orally; and this assertion might have gradually
grown into a belief which in Mahdn&mo's time
nobody disputed. But it is much more likely that
the assertion is a mere error of the text ; for it is
most fully contradicted by another statement of Ma-
hanamo^J which has every appearance of truth to
recommend it to our implicit belief. According to
• Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, ix. 618.
t MakarvansOy o. 33, p. 207.
1 Mahatvanso, c. 37, p. 261.
REIGN OF A80KA. 107
this statement^ the Siugphalese Atthakatha were com^
poeed by Mahendra (the son of Asoka)^ who had pre^
viowly consulted the discourses of Buddha^ and
the dissertations and arguments of Sdriputra and
others. But^ in addition to this counter statement^
we have the testimony of Buddhaghoso^* who trans-
lated the Singhalese Atthakatha into P^^ between
A. D. 410-^432. He states distinctly^ that for his
own work he had availed himself of the Atthakatha^
which had been in the first instance authenticated by
the five hundred Arahanta at the First Synod^ and
subsequently at the succeeding synods; and which
were afterwards brought to Sihala (or Ceylon) by the
holy Mahendra, and ^^ translated into the Sihala
language for the benefit of the people.''
12. This account is older by some seventy 3'ears
than that of Mahan^o^ the author of the Maha-
wanso ; and as Buddhaghoso was a Magadha Brah-
man^ he must have known that the Buddhist scrip-
tures had been compiled by the disciples of Buddha^
immediately after the meeting of the First Synod.
A P&li version of the Atthakathay or Commentaries^
is mentioned as having been studied by Tis90 Mo-
galiputra, while he was a Samanera^ in the early
part of the third century before our era.f
13. There is^ besides^ the most convincing internal
evidence in the Mahawanso of the correctness of the
* Tumour's P&Ii Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 610.
t Buddhaghoso, quoted by Tumour in Prinsep's Journal, vi.
731.
108 TH£ BfilLSA TOPES.
above statement of Buddhaghoso^ in the fact^ that
no mention whatever la made of Indian affairs after
the advent of Mahendra. This proves^ in my
opinion^ that all the knowledge of Indian history
which the Singhalese possessed had been derived
from Mahendra : a conclusion which is supported by
the direct testimony of Buddhagoso.
14. The fourth objection, urged by Professor
Wilson against the identity of Asoka and Priya-
darsi, is the non-occurrence of the name of Asoka
or Dharmasoka in any of the inscriptions. The
same objection might be offered to the identity of
Prince Salim and Jah&ngir, and of Prince Kurram
and Shah-Jeh^n. In fact, it is a common practice
in the East for a prince to assume a new name upon
his accession to the throne ; and such we know was
the custom in Asoka's own family. His grandfather
had three names, — 1st, a birth name, which is not
given, but which was perhaps Vrishala ; 2nd, a local
name, PalibrotheSy or lord of P&taliputra ; and 3rd,
a royal name, Chandra Gupta^ which he assumed
on his accession to the throne.* Asoka's brother,
named Vitdsoka, was also called Tishya ; his son
Kundla had a second name, DharmorVarddhana y\
and his daughter, Sanghamitrdj was also named
Sumitra.X At that period it was therefore the
common custom, for a prince at least, to have two
* Megasthenes in Strabo; xv.
t Burnoufs Buddhisme Indien.
I Jdahawanso, p. 121.
BEIQN OF ASOKA. 100
names; and if Asoka^ as the Dipawanso explicitly
states, bore also the title of Priyadarsi^ it is evident
that the inscriptions which gtive him this title would
omit all mention of his original name of Asoka. In
the edicts promulgated by himself^ he is mentioned
by the name which he had assumed; but in the
annals written by others he is called by that name
which he had always bome^ and by which he was
best known to the people. An almost similar case
is that of the Boman Emperor Elagabalus^ or
Bassianus^ who assumed the name of Antoninus^
by 'which he is always mentioned on coins and
inscriptions; while the historians and annalists in-
variably call him Elagabalus.
IS. But the statement of the Dipawanso is most
happily confirmed by the Bhabra edict^ from which
we learn that Priyadarsi, the worshipper of Buddha,
Dharma, and Sangha, was the Baja of Magadha
at the period of the Third Synod.* Now we know,
from the Buddhist annals, that this synod took place
in the reign of Asoka Maurya, the Buddhist King*
of Magadha. The statement is further confirmed by
a fact mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hian ;
• Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, ix. 618. The opening words are
" Piyadan-^dja Magadha-^angham dbUvdde-mdnam eha" or
« Raja Priyadarsi, saluting the Synod of Magadha, declareth.'*
This most valuable document should be translated critically ; for
the version already published renders the above passage as foUows :
— " Piadasa Raja, unto the mvUitude assembled in Magadha
saluting him, speaks (thus).
110 THE BHILSA TOPES.
who^ writing in a.d. 400^ attributes the erection of
a lion-pillar at Samkissa to Asoka.* ^^ The king
(Ayu or Asoka) felt sensible of a great increase of
his faith and veneration. He caused therefore a
chapel to be built Behind the chapel
was erected a pillar^ 80 cubits high
Thereon was placed a lion The interior
and the exterior were polished and resplendent as
CTystal.'' Now^ it is remarkable that the pillars
which bear Priyadarsi's inscriptions have all polished
shafts^ about SO cubits in height^ of which some are
still surmounted by Lions. The chain of evidence is
therefore complete ; and there can no longer be any
doubt of the identity of Asoka Maurya with the
Priyadarsi of the inscriptions.
16. The minor difficulties of chronology^ which
form Professor Wilson's last objection^ are easily
disposed of; for they seem to me to have arisen
solely from the erroneous assumption that Priyadarsi
must have been a contemporary of Antiochus the
Great. In the Girnar and Kapurdigiri rock in-
scriptions^ King Priyadarsi mentions the names of
five Greek princes who were contemporary with
himself. Of these, four have been read with cer-
tainty— Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, and Magas ;
and the fifth has been conjectured to be Alexander.
James Prinsep, who first read these names, assigned
them to the following princes : —
• Fo-kwe-ki, c. xiii.
REION OF ASOKA. Ill
Aktiochus II. Tkeas of Stria. b. c. 282^ 247.
ProLBMT II. Philadelphui of Egypt. b. o. 285^ 246.
Antioonus. Oanatoi of Macbdon. b. a 276^ 243.
Maoas. Ctrbnb. b. c. 258.
and with these identifications the learned of Europe
have generally agreed.
17. The fifth name has been read by Mr. Norris as
Alexander; and if this reading is correct^ we may
identify this prince with Alexander II. of Epeiros^
who reigned from B.C. 272-254. But the two
copies of this name^ published by Mr. Norris^ from
fac similes by Masson and Court^ appear to me to
read AlibhMunariy'^ which may be intended for
Ariobarzanes III., King of Pontus, who reigned
from B. c. 266-240. But in either case the date of
Priyadarsi's inscription will be about B.C. 260-258,
shortly preceding the death of Magas.
18. As the last-fitting pieces of a child's puzzle-
map test the accuracy of the previous arrangements,
so do these identifications prove the correctness of
Sir William Jones's happy conjecture of the identity
of Chandra Gupta and Sandrakottos. The^o^^^ are
undeniable. Asoka^ or Priyadarsi^ the Indian King of
Magadha, was the contemporary of five Greek princes,
all of whom began to reign a little before the middle
of the third century B. c. The nature of the rela-
tions which Asoka established with these princes, has
been lost by the abrasion of th^ rock-inscription ; but
* See Plate of Inscription in Jounial Roj. As. Soc. xii.
112 THE BHILSA TOPES.
we may conjecture that the chief point was the pro-
pagation of the Buddhist religion^ and the toleration
of Buddhist missionaries. To some it may seem
difficult to understand how any relations should exist
between the Indian Asoka and the Greek princes of
Europe and Africa ; but to me it appears natural and
obvious. Asoka's kingdom on the west was bounded
by that of Antiochus; his father, Bindusara, had
received missions from Antiochus, Soter, and Ptolemy
Philadelphus ; and as Asoka was forty-five years of
age when he was inaugurated, in B. c. 269, he might
have conversed with both of the Greek ambassadors,
Daimaclws and Dionysios. He had been governor
of Ujain for many 3^ears in the lifetime of his father,
during which the Egyptian fleet had anchored an-
nually at Barj^gaza, while the merchants proceeded
to the viceroy's court at Ozene, with choice specimens
of their valuables — wines, gold and silver plate, and
female slaves. Asoka had known the Greeks before
he became king ; he had seen their ambassadors and
their merchants; and he knew that his grandfather
had given five hundred elephants to Seleukos Nika-
tor in exchange for a barren and mountainous territory,
and a Grecian wife.
19. But there is another fatal objection to Pro-
fessor Wilson's identification of Antiochus the Great
with the Antiochus of Priyadarsi's inscriptions, in the
omission of any of the Greek princes of Kabul and of
the native princes of Parthia j for we know that
Artabauu8 I. and Euthydemus were the contempo-
REIGN OF ASOKA. 118
raries of the Syrian prince, who, after an unsuccessful
attempt to reduce them, was obliged to recognize
them both as independent king's.
20. The ordinances of Asoka, or Priyadarsi,
were issued at different periods of his reign. Those
of the 10th and 12th years are found on the rocks
of Kapurdigiri, Gimar, and Dhauli ; while the
pillar-edicts are all dated in the* 27th year of his
.^eigfn. Much has been written about the confused
dates of the different pillar-edicts, in spite of the
clear and decisive lang'uage of the ordinances them-
selves; which shows that they were all published
in the 27th year. It is true that the Eastern tablet
refers to an edict of the 12th year, but this, as
Priyadarsi states, had been abrogatedy and the
Eastern tablet, which mentions the abolished or-
dinance, is itself doited in the 27th year.* The words
of the inscription referring* to the edict of the 12th
year are dhamma-lipi likhapitay ^^ an ordinance on
Dharma was published f whereas each of the edicts
of the 27th year is described as iyam dhamma-lipij
'^ this ordinance on DharmaJ^ The rock-inscription
at Bhabra, near Jaypur, is of uncertain date ; but, as
it mentions the Third Synod, it must be posterior to
241 B. c.
21. The pillar inscriptions, therefore, contain tU«
latest edicts published by Asoka, as they data nUm
years posterior to the assembly of the Third Hyiw4#
The precepts inculcated in them are, however, geu^riMf
* Prinsep's Journal, vi. 596, 697.
I
114 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the same as those of the 12th year j but a greater ten-
derness is expressed for animal life^ and a more com-
prehensive view is taken of the moral duties of charity
towards all mankindy and of the sacred duty of a
king towards his subjects. This difference shows the
advance made by Asoka in his acquirement of the
Buddhist faith, which is essentially one of good will
and toleration towards all men.
22. But the sincerity of Asoka's belief is further
proved by the zealous earnestness with which he
sought to propagate his new faith over all the distant
provinces of his own empire, as well as in the neigh-
bouring kingdoms of his allies. His own family had
been early converted. His wife Asandhimitra was a
zealous Buddhist ; his brother Tishya took the vows
of an ascetic ; his son Kunala became celebrated for
his early misfortunes and after attachment to the
faith ; while his children Mahendra and Sanghamitra,
who were initiated at twenty years of age, immor-
talized themselves by converting the people of Ceylon.
Their mission formed part of the great scheme for the
propagation of Buddhism, which was arranged
between Asoka and the principal Arliat Mogali-
putra at the meeting of the Tliird Synod, in B. c. 241,
in the 18th year after Asoka's inauguration.
THIRD SYNOD. 115
CHAPTER X.
THIRD SYNOD.
1. The Third Synod was composed of one thousand
holy arhats, selected by Tishya, the son of the
Brahman Mudgala^ from whom he received the patro«
nymic of Maudgalaputra (P&li^ MogaUputa)^ by
which he is generally known.* This Synod was
assembled^ at the express desire of Asoka^ for the
purpose of discovering* and expelling the multitude of
heretics^t ^^^ ^^^ insinuated themselves into the
monasteries^ by shaving their heads^ and by assuming
the yellow dress of the Buddhist ascetics. Each sect
professed its own creed, saying, ^^This is Dharma;
* The assumption of pataron jmios became quite necessary^ owing
to a partial fondness for particular names. Thus^ there were four
other TishyaS; besides the leader of the Third Synod : — Ist^ Tishya^
the brother of Asoka; 2nd^ Tishya^ the Arhata, who died of an
ulcer in his foot; 3rd; Tishya^ the King of Ceylon; 4th; the am-
bassador of the Ceylonese king. Of these, Asoka's brother alone
is called Tishya : the others have additional names.
t Tithaya; that is, the IlrthakaSy or Tirthakaras. See
Tumour's P&li Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 732.
IIG THE BBILSA TOPES.
this is Vinaya;^^ and the Buddhist Vih&ra were
defiled by the presence of worshippers of Fire and
adorers of the Sun.*
2. The Bhikshus and ascetics of all descriptions
who attended the Third S}mod^ were assembled in the
Asokarama Vih4r, at Pataliputra, by the King in
person^ accompanied by the venerable Arhat Mogtdi-
putra^ then seventy-two years of age. The Bhikshus
professing different faiths were separated according
to their sects ; and to each sect was put the question^
"What faith did Buddha profess?" The Su8$ata
said^ ^^ The Sussata faith ;" and each answered
according to its own belief. There were eight dif-
ferent sects^ all of which Asoka readily distinguished
by his own knowledge of the true doctrines. These
heretics^ sixty thousand in number^ were then stripped
of their yellow robes, supplied with white dresses, and
expelled from the Assembly. f
3. After the expulsion of the heretics, the Synod
were occupied for nine months in rehearsing the
Vinaya and JDharmay in the same manner as had
been done at the First and Second Synods by the
Great Kdsyapay and Yasa. From the number of
Arhats who composed it, this Assembly was called
the SaJuisrifia Satigitiy or " Synod of one Thousand."
4. At the conclusion of this Synod in B. c. 241,
several missions were despatched to foreign countries
* Tumo\ir, in !Vin50|>> Journnl, vi. 833.
t Tumour's riili Aiinal;*. in Prinsep*! '^ * * ■"*^- 737.
THIRD SYNOD. 117
for the propagation of the Buddhist religion.* The
missionaries^ who were selected by Mogaliputra, were
the principal SthdviraSy or leaders of Buddhism^ men
who had acquired the rank of arhaty and were re-
spected for superior sanctity. The following' list gives
the names of the missionaries^ and of the scenes of
their labours.
1st. Majjhantikoy or Madhyantika, was deputed to
Kasmira and GandhIra^ or Kashmir and Pesh^war^
where he is said to have ordained 100,000 persons, of
whom 80,000 attained superior grades.f He was at
first opposed by the Naga, King of the Aravdlo or
Wular lake ; but the Naga was finally converted, to-
gether with 84,000 of his subjects, and ^^the land
glittered with the yellow robes'' of the monks.
2nd. MahIdeva was deputed to Mahisamandala,
where he converted 80,000 persons. This country
is not known : it may be Maheswaray on the
Narbada.
8rd. Rakkhito or Bakshita was deputed to TFo-
nawdHy which is probably the country on the Bands
River, or the modern Mew6r and Bundi. 60,000
persons are said to have attained sanctification, and
87,000 to have been ordained monks in five hundred
monasteries.
4th. Yana, DhammarahkhitOj or Yavaka Dhabica
Rakshita (the Greek, — Preserver of Dharma)
was deputed to Aparantaka (the weatem coontrr),
where 70,000 persons were converted. This country
• Mahawanwy p. 71 . t Mahawamm^ pp. 71, 78-
118 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
is probably the Apanchhaj or Northern Sind of Hwan
Thsang.
5th. Maha Dhakma Rakshita was deputed to the
Mah&ratta country, where 97,000 persons were con-
verted.
6th. Maharakshita was deputed to the Yona op
Yavana country, that is, either to the Greek province
of Kabul, or to Arachosia ; for the name of the capi-
tal, Alasadda* or Alexandria, was common to both
countries. The former, however, seems the more pro-
bable— 180,000 persons are said to have been con-
verted, but only 10,000 ordained.
7th. MqjjhimOy or Madhyamay was deputed to the
HiMAWANTA, or couutry of the Him&layas; alongf
with four other Sthdviras, named Kassapo (or Kfis-
y apa), MulikadevOy Dhandabinasso, Sahasadevo. These
five StMviras are said to have converted 80 kotis of
people in the five divisions of the Himala5'^as. Relics
of Majjhima and of Kassapa were discovered in No.
2 Tope at Sanchi.
8th. Song and TJttaro were deputed to Suvarna-
hhumiy or " golden land/' As this country was on
the sea-coast, it may be identified either with Ava,
the Aurea RegiOy or with Siam, the Aurea Cher^
sonesus. Six millions of people are said to have
been converted, of whom 26,000 men became monks,
and 1,600 women became nuns.^
9th. Maha Mahendra the son of Asoka, with four
other StMviraSy named IttiyOy Uttiyo, Samhalo^ and
• Mahawaruo, p. 171. f Ifahawanso, p. 74.
THIRD SYNOD. HO
Bhaddasaloy were deputed to LanJuij or Ceylon,
where they converted the king Devdnampriya-Tishtfa,
and the whole of his court.
5. The narrative of these missions is one of the
most curious and interesting* passages in the ancient
history of India. It is preserved entire in both the
sacred books of the Singalese^ the Dipawanso and
Mahdwanso ; and the mission of Mahendra to Ceylon
is recorded in the sacred books of the Burmese.
But the authenticity of the narrative has been most
fully and satisfactorily established by the discovery
of the relics of some of these missionaries^ with the
names of the countries to which they were deputed.
According to the Mahawanso^ the Sthdvira Kassapo^
or KlSYAPA accompanied the holy Majjhima or
Madhyama to the Himawanta or Himalayan region.
Thus united in life^ they were not separated after
death^ and their relics were found enshrined together
in the same casket in No. 2 Tope at Sanchi. This
casket bears three inscriptions^ each mentioning a dif-
ferent name.* The legend on the top of the lid is —
Sapurisasay KAsapa-gotasa, savahemavatdcharitfasa
" (Relics) of the emancipated K As a pa-got a, the spiritual teacher
to the whole HSmawanta"
On the inside of the lid is this legend : —
Sapurisa (so) Majhimasa
*' (Relics) of the emancipated Majhima.''
* See Plate XX. for these inscriptions.
130 THE BHILSA TOPES.
And on the bottom of the casket is this inscription : —
SapurisoM hIritI-putasa.
*' (Relics) of the emancipated nlRiTi-puTRA."
6. In the first inscription KAsapa is distinctly
styled the acliariya ; that is^ the spiritual teacher or
missionary to the Hhnawanta. The perfect agree-
ment between this inscription and the record of the
Mah&wdnso^ in the names both of the missionary and
of the scene of his labours^ is too remarkable to be
the result of any combination of chances. But the
identity of the two persons is rendered positively
certain by the discovery of the relics of Mqjhinuiy
the companion of Kdsapa^ in the same casket^ and
of the relics of the great Mogaliputra in another
casket which was found in the same stone box.
7. In the text of the Mahawanso Majjhimo alone
is mentioned, but the other names are given in the
commentary J and Mr. Tumour has therefore in-
serted them in his translation. It is probable, there-
fore, that Majhima was the senior monk or head
of the mission, and that Kdsapa was the most suc-
cessful missionary. I infer this from the significant
manner in which he is styled ^^ Missionary to the
whole Hemuwanta ;^^ a marked distinction, which
cannot be accidental, as it is repeated on a second
casket containing his relics which was found in No.
2 Tope at Sonari.* This inscription is the same
* See Plate XXIV. Inscription on No. 3 Box.
THIRD SYNOD. 121
as that of the S4nchi casket, but with the important
addition of the name of the missionary's father.
Sapwitasa Koti-puta8A| KisAPA-ooTASA, Mvakemavatd-
ekariyasa.
** (Relics) of the emancipated son of Xotif EIsapa-oota, the
spiritual teacher of the whole Hiematvanta**
From this inscription we learn that Kdsapa was
ako known by the patronymic of Koti-putea.
8. But there was another missionary companion
of Majhima and Kasapa whose labours in the Hema-
wanta reg^ion are recorded on a crystal casket which
was found in No. 2 Tope at Son&ri.* The legend
is —
Sapurisasa Goti-putasi Hiemavatasa Dadabhisartua ddyidasa.
'^ (Relics) of the emancipated Goti-putra, the relation
[of the faith] amongst the Dadabhisaraa of the Hiemawanta**
JDdrdabMsdra is the hilly country lying on both
banks of the Indus^ to the west of Kashmir. JDardu
was on the right bank^ and Abhisdra (the present
Hazdra) on the left bank of the river. The meaning
of ddydda (literally son, offspring, relative) is best
illustrated by the following anecdote from the Ma-
fa&wanso.t
9. When Asoka had dedicated his son Mahendra
and his daughter Sanghamitrd to the religion of
• See Plate XXIV. Inscription on No. 1 Bq%.
t Mahawanso, p. 36.
122 THE BHIIJ9A TOPES.
Buddha^ he inquired from the arhats — ^^ Lords !
whose acts of pious bounty to the Buddhist religion
have been the ^eatest?'' The crafty Mog'aliputra
answered with ready wit, ^^ Ruler of Men I a greater
benefactor to the faith than thou art can only be
called a benefactor, but he who dedicates a son or
daughter to the ministry of our religion, that person
is more than a ^ benefactor' (ddyako), he is a ^ rela-
tion (ddydda) of the faith/ *' Goti-putba had there-
fore earned the title of ddydda^ or ^^ relation of the
faith" by the ordination of one of his children to the
Buddhist religion.
10. It seems strange that Ootiputra, who was so
famous amongst his contemporaries for the success of
his missionary labours, should not be mentioned in
the Mahawanso. But I have a suspicion that both
himself and the scene of his labours are mentioned in
the Commentary. Mr. Tumour gives KassapOy Mu-
likadewOy Dhandhabinasw, and SahassadewOy as the
name of the four theros or sthdviras who accompanied
Majjhima to the Hemawanta country. One of these,
therefore, must be the missionary to Abhisara, unless
the patronymic Gotiputra has been omitted as super-
fluous; for I propose to read the barbarous Dhan-
dhabinasso as Dardabhisdraj and to insert Gotiputra
as the name of the missionary who was deputed to
that country. I should be inclined to identify Goti-
putra either with MulikddewOy or with SahasadewOy
were it not that the text of the Mahawanso particularly
mentions Jbtir theros {chatuhi therehi) as the com-
THIBD SYNOD. 123
panions of Majjhimo. It is indeed possible to read
JDadabhisdra as the missionary's name; but as the
name of the country^ Hema/oatay is placed between
Gotiputra and Dardabhisara^ it seems much more
probable that the latter is intended for the name
of the well-known country of Dardu and Abhisara.
11. The name of the other ArhatSy whose relics
have been found in company with those of Majjhima^
Kasapa^ and Gotiputra^ will be found in the account of
the discoveries made in theTopes at Sanchi and Son^ri.*
12. The proselytizing* zeal of Asoka is the more
worthy of record, as it anticipated by nearly three
centuries one of the most characteristic institutions
of the early Christian Church. Though his notions
of a Supreme Being were of a less lofty and of a
more indistinct nature than those of the Christian,
yet the Buddhist Prince was imbued with the same
zealous wish for the propagation of his faith, and
with the same good will and brotherly love towards all
mankind. He was especially desirous that all men
should be brought into the right way; but he was
content to propagate his own faith by persuasion and
by argument, and to pray for all those who dif-
fered from him in religion, with the hope that his
example might perhaps induce some to labour for
their own everlasting salvation.f
18. Like the great Constantino, the Indian King
was doomed to learn the guilty passion of his Queen
• See Plates XX. and XXIV.
t Eastern inscription of Delhi Pillar.
124 THE BHII^A TOPES.
for the most promising^ of his sons } but, more fortu-
nate than the Roman Emperor^ Asoka was saved
from the pain of condemning his own child. The
Queen^ Tishya JRakshitd^ was enraged by the beau-
tiful-eyed Kunala^s rejection of her overtures^ and
meditated revenge. An opportunity soon occurred
by the deputation of Kunala to Taxila to quell'
another revolt. Through the Queen^s influence (but
unknown to the King)^ a royal order^ sealed with the
King's signet^ was sent to the Taxilans to put out
those beautiful eyes which had excited the Queen's
love for Kunala. The people hesitated^ but obeyed ;
and the unfortunate Kundla^ guided by his faithful
wife^ Eanchanamiil^^ took his dreary way to the
King's court at P&taliputra. When Asoka saw his
beloved son^ his anger was inflamed against the
Queen, and in spite of Kundla*s entreaties for mercy,
she was made over to the torturers to be burned to
death. Such is the legend which the Buddhists
relate of their king and his favourite son ;* but as
they add that Kunala was restored to sight on
account of his piety, we may perhaps conclude that
the Queen's evil intentions were not fulfilled. Asoka
died in the year 222 B. c. afler a long and pros-
perous reign of forty-one years, including the four
years that elapsed between his accession and his in-
auguration. As he was forty-five years old when
he was crowned in B. c. 269, he lived to the good old
age of foursf^ trs.
^ bdien, pp. 409-413.
RISE AND FALL OF THE IN DO-SCYTHIANS. 125
CHAPTER XL
RISE AND FALL OF THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
]. After the death of Asoka^ the wide dominions
of the Maruyas were divided amongst several of his
descendants. The whole of Central India^ with the
royal metropolis of Pataliputra^ fell to his son Sujasas^
or^ according* to others^ to Sampadi^ the son of Ku-
ndla.* Kashmir was seized by Jaloka^ another son
of Asoka^ who reverted to the Brahmanical faith;
Kunala established himself in the Panj&b; and a
fourth son^ whom the Burmese call JRahanmatiy be-
came king" of Ava-t But though India was thus
politically dismembered, it was strongly united in the
bands of one common faith. The large monastic
establishments instituted by Asoka, possessed all the
learning and much of the wealth of the land. Their
influence was everywhere superior to the power of the
king J and the people deposed and accepted their
monarchs at the bidding of the monks.J The power
• Burnouf 8 Buddhisme Indien, p. 430.
t Prinsep's Usefiil Tables.
: See the MakawansOy for several insUnccs.
126 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
of the Mauryas was overthrown by Pushpamitra^
who encountered the Greeks on the Indus during the
reign of Menander. By the advice of a Brahman^
whom he had chosen for his family priest, Pushpa-
mitra persecuted the Buddhists throughout India.*
At Pataliputra on the Ganges^ and at Sakala in the
Panjab^ the monks were massacred, and their mon-
asteries were overturned. But Buddhism was too
strongly rooted in the soil to be thrown down by the
passing whirlwind of a single king's persecution;
and in little more than a century later we know that
it grew more flourishing than before, under the
fostering care of the holy Ndgdrjuna and Milindu,
R&ja of Sakala.
2. During this period the Greek sovereigns of
Bactria extended their dominions to the south of
the Indian Caucasus; and as they were gradually
dispossed of their Turanian territories by the Scy-
thian Toch&ri, they took from the weaker Indians
the whole of the Kabul valley and western districts
of the Panj^b. Menander even is said to have pushed
his conquests as far as the Isamus or Isan, a small
stream which flows between the Jumna and Ganges.
The Buddhist faith of Menander's subjects is proved
by the contention of eight different cities for por-
tions of his relics, over which Tombs (or Topes) were
erected.f This story is similar to that which has
been already related regarding Buddha's remains,
* Burnouf, p. 431.
t BATBRy Hifltoria Regni GrsBoorum Bactriani, p^ 77.
RISE AND FALL OF THB IND(HS€!YTHIAN8. 127
which were divided amongst the claimants of eight
different cities. It may also serve to illustrate the
extent of Menander's rule^ when we remember the
injunction of Buddha that his own remains were to
be treated exactly in the same manner as those of a
Chakravartti Raja. Menander therefore must have
been a Chakravartti^ or supreme monarch ; whose
power was sufficient to render himself entirely inde*
pendent of all his neighbours. In another work* I
have shown from the monogrammatic names of cities^
in which his coins were minted^ that Menander's rule
extended over the whole of the Kabul valley, the
Panjab and Sindh, including the capital city of Min-
nagfara on the Lower Indus. His reign lasted from
about 165 to 180 B. c.
3. Menander was succeeded in his northern do-
minions by the Greek Princes Strato and Hippo-
stratus ; and in Sindh by the Scythian Mauas.
This chief expelled the Greeks from the Panjdb, and
confined their power to the modem districts of K^bnl
and Jelalabad. About 126 B. c. Hermaeus^ the last
Greek Prince of India, became a mere puppet in the
hands of the Scythian Kadphises (or Kadaphes) of
the Kharan tribe.
4. Mauas was succeeded in the Panjab and in
Sindh bv the Scvthian Azas. who extended his do-
minions beyond Jelalabad, while the Kabulian king-
dom of the Scythian Kadphizes, was subverted by tFi«
Inhed in iLt X^mimaiK Ckr^ieU of Vjtuym
1S8 THB BHILSA TOPES.
Parthian Princes Yonones^ Spalygis^ and Spalirisas ;
during* the rei^ and perhaps with the assistance of
the Arsacidan king*^ Mithridates the Great. But it
was wrested from them hy the Scythian Azilisas^ the
successor of Azas ; and ahout 80 b. c, the whole of
Khorasan^ Afghanistan^ Sindh^ and the Panj&b^ were
united under the dominion of some nameless king
of the Sakas^ or Sacee Scythians.*
6. A few years later the Sakas were dispossessed
of their conquests in Afghanistan and the Western
Panjab by the Yucki or TocMri Scythians^ who,
with their leader Kadphises, of the Hteurmi tribe,
were at once converted to Buddhism. The posses-
sions of the Sakas on the Lower Indus were seized
by the Ujain Prince, Vikramaditya, who after his
conquest assumed the title of SAMriy or foe-of-the-
Sakas. By these losses the Sakas were confined to
the south-western parts of Khorasan; which, after
them, was called Sakusthan (or Sacastene), a name
which still exists in the modern Sistan.
0. The Hieumi Prince, Kadphises, was followed
by Kanishka of the Khoran:\ tribe, who is celebrated
• All these detaila of the Greek princes of Kabul and the
Panjab have been derived principally from coins. They will be
treated at fiill length in my forthcoming work of " Alexander's
Successors in the East."
t The name of Khorasan is most probably due to the occupa-
tion of the country by the Khonm tril>e: Xhonmin or Klwrastdn
would be the country of the Khor tribe, as Sacasscne or Sdlastdn
was that of the Siiki'is.
RISE AND FALL OF THE IN DO-SCYTHIANS. 129
B8 one of the most eminent patrons of Buddhism.
His coins^ which are now discovered in very g^reat
numbers over the whole of Afghanistan and the
Panjab^ attest the wide spread of his dominions ; and
their common occurrence in Kajputdna and the North
Western Provinces of India perhaps shows the extent
of his conquests. He subdued the valley of Kashmir,
and there founded a town named after himself which
is still called K^mpur or KSnikpur. * For the
honour of his religion he erected numerous Topes,
of which the most magnificent is still standing* in the
Khaibur Pass beyond Pesh&war.f Another of his
Topes at Manikyala was opened by General Court j
and its deposits form one of the most interesting dis-
coveries that have 3'et been made in the archaeology
of India. At ten feet above the ground level,
General Court obtained a stone box <5overed with a
flat slab, which on its under sui*face bore an inscrip-
tion of nine lines in the Ariano-Pali character.^
The published copy is very corrupt ; but through the
kindness of Professor Lassen I possess a more
correct transcript, from which I have been able to
read with certainty the name of Maharaja Kanishka
of the Chishang tribe. The second line contains a
figured date which I have not yet been able to read,
but which looks like either 530 or 120« Inside the
* Raja Taranginiy i. 168.
t Hwan Thsangy in the Appendix to the Fo-hwe-ld,
\ See the account of this discovery in Prinsep's Journal, yoI. iiL
p. 658.
K
180 THE BHILSA TOPES.
stone box were found three C34indrical caskets of
copper, silver, and gold, each containing* a certain
number of coins. The copper casket held eight
copper coins ; the silver casket held seven silver
coins; and the gold casket held four gold coins.
On the lid of the stone box also there were four
copper coins. The gold coins and all the copper
ones, excepting three, belong to Kanerki or Ka-
nishka himself; two of the copper coins are of his
predecessor Kadphises Hieiimiy and the third is of
Kadphizes or Kadaphes Khoran. The seven silver
cohis all belong to the last years of the Roman
Republic, from B. c. 73 to 33, * and they serve to
establish the period of Kanishka's reign in the
latter end of the first century before the Christian
era.
7. At this time the Eastern Panjab was governed
by Milindu, lioja of S^ikala or Sangala, one of the
most learned disputants in India. He had chal-
lenged the Buddhist Arhats of Sakala to argue with
him, and had silenced them all. f The discomfited
monks retired to JRahkhita-talo or Rakshita-Tdl in
the Hemawanta region ; where after a lapse of twelve
years they were joined by the youthful Nagasena or
Nagarjuna, whom they persuaded to undertake the
difficult task of coping with Kaja Milindu in argu-
* Journal des Savans, Fevrier, 1836, p. 74. The battle of
Actium was fought in B.C. 31.
t Turnour^s Pali Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, v. 533 -, also
Colonel Low. Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, xvii. G16.
RISE AND FALL OF THE IND0-6CYTHIANS. 181
ment. The cballeng*e was accepted by N^g'&dena,
and the whole body of monks returned to SA^ala
which once more ^^ glittered with the yellow robes'*
of the Buddhist fraternities. The disputation^ which
was held in the king^s palace in the presence of ten
selected SthaviraSy ended in the immediate conversion
of Milindu to Buddhism, and in his ultimate ordination
as a monk.
8. The teaching" of Nagaijuna extended through
the reigiis of Milindu of S4kala, and of Kanishka of
Kashmir.* By his influence five hundred Kashmir-
ian Arhans were deputed to Tibet for the propaga-
tion of Buddhism, and to the enthusiasm created by
his example must be attributed the contemporary ex-
tension of the Buddhist religion to the island of
Java at the beginning of the Christian era, when
twenty thousand families arrived from India .f The
conversion of the Javanese to the faith of SItkya is
attested by the numerous Buddhist remains, which
still exist on the island.
9. About twenty years later, when the sophist
ApoUonius visited India, the dominion of the Par-
thian Bardanes extended to the banks of the Indus.^
* Gsoma^ Tibetan Grammar, p. 182, states that N&g&rjuna was
bom in B.C. 93. The Raja Tarangini places him 500 years after
the death of Buddha, and makes him a contemporary of the Indo-
Scythian Kanishka.
t Klaproth, in Prinsep's Useful Tables, places this event betweea
the years 24 — 57, a.d. RaflBes, Java ii. 69, places it in a.d. 10.
The difference is only a few years.
J Philoetratus, ii, 18. Tacitus, Ann. xi. 10.
182 THE BHILSA TOPES.
A petty chief named Phraortes reigned at Taxila ;
and a more powerful but nameless sovereign pos-
sessed all the country between the Hyphasis and the
Ganges. The whole story of this sophist's travels is
so full of fables that it is difficult to know what to
believe and what to reject ; but from the agreement
of several passages, it may be inferred that both of
the Indian kings were Buddhists. The Gangetic prince
abstained from animal food, * and his Sages (that is
wise men, or Battddhas) let their hair grow long,
wore white mitres on their heads, and had no clothing
save short tunics. This is an exact description of
the Bodhisatway or upper class of Buddhist monks,
who throughout the Sanchi bas-reliefs are repre-
sented seated in abstract meditation with long hair,
covered by a low conical cap or mitre, and with no
clothing save the kilt or sanghdti.
10. For the next four centuries the history of India
is ahnost a blank ; and for this dark period we must
be guided by the feeble glimmer of a few slight
notices preserved by the Chinese. From them we
learn that the Yuchi or Scythian Tochari retained
their power in Northern India until the beginning
of the third century of our era.f They abstained from
wine and from animal food, and practised the law of
Buddha. The prevalence of Buddhism at this period
is also attested by several classical authors, of whom
• Philostratus, iii. 15-26.
t Until A. D. S23. Bee Chinese account of India, in Prinsep'a
Journal, vi. 63.
RISE AND FALL OF THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. 133
Klemens of Alexandria is the most precise. He
flourished from 180 to 230 a.d., when the power of
the Yuchi was already on the decline. The Brahmans
are said to have been worshippers of Herakles and
Pan ; while the Sc/uvoc (Srdmanas or Monks) and the
Sc/uvac (Srdmands or Nuns) were distinguished by the
worship of certain pyramids which they believed to
contain the bones of some God.* This is a most
accurate description of the Buddhist fraternities, with
their adoration for Topes or Chaityas, which con-
tained relics of Buddha, or of some of his more
eminent disciples and followers.
11. About a century later (a. d. 270-303), the
learned Porphyrins divided the Gymnosophists (or
half-naked philosophers of India) into two classes, the
Brachmanes and Samaruei : the former being a family
or tribe, the latter a mixture of all classes.f The
Samatuei or Sramanas shaved their heads, wore
nothing but a stole or tunic, abandoned their families
and property, and lived together in colleges outside
the city walls. Their time was spent in holy conver-
sation, and at the sound of a bell they assembled for
prayers ; for the monks no longer begged their daily
bread, but each received his dish of rice from the
* SejSoi/ffi Tiya wvpafjiiia v^riy ovrta Tiros Geo v.
t £'( krvs yap warpos Koi /itas fATjrpos Travres Zidyovai ; that \Sy
the Brahmans — but of the Sramanas, he says, Sa/iai^aioc li ovk iM
Tov yirovs ahr&yf AW cic wavTos rov tUv *lvC*iv iSyovs, ata
c^a/icv, avyiikiyfjiiyoi.
184 THE BHII^A TOPES.
king. Colonel Sykes* has already remarked the
close agreement of this description with the account
of the Chinese pilgrim Fa Hian^ who travelled
through India just one century after the death
of Porphyrins. But the details given by Por-
phyrins become the more valuable, when we know
that his own religion and philosophical principles
were almost the same as those of the Indian Budd-
hists. He believed in one Supreme Being ; and held
that " Reason *^ or Intellect {Buddha) was superior
to " Nature '^ (Dharma) ; for by reason we are uplifted
towards the Deity, while we are only degraded by
our natural appetites and material desires. Man's
chief object therefore should be to free himself from
all outward and sensual influences. With this view
Porphyrins rejected animal food, and refrained from
making material offerings to the Supreme Being,
because all material objects are unclean. Like the
Buddhist also Porphyrins recognized four degrees or
classes of virtue, of which the lowest was political
virtue^ or the moral goodness acquired by temperance
and moderation of the passions. The next grade was
purifying virtus^ in which man has entirely conquered
all human affections. In the third grade man is
wholly influenced by Reasorty and more and more
resembles the Deity, until at last he has acquired
such perfection that he becomes ^^ one with the one
* Notes on Ancient India, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society.
RISE ANH FALL OF THB IND0-SCTTHIAN8. 136
Supreme Being*/** These principles have so much
in common with the doctrines of Buddhism^ that we
can only account for the coincidence by supposing
that Porph3rrius must have possessed the most ample
and correct details of the religious beliefs and philo-
sophical speculations which then prevailed in India.
We need therefore no longer wonder at the ac-
curacy with which he has described the daily dis-
cipline and outward observances of the Buddhist
monks. The learned Pagan was in fact a European
Buddhist.
12. The travels of Palladius and of the Thebaean
Scholastikos only preceded the pilgrimage of Fa Hian
by a few years. The former, it is true, did not reach
India ; but he could have obtained much information
regarding the Indians from the merchants of Egypt
and of Persia ; and he gives at some length the
account of Scholastikos, who was detained for six
years as a prisoner in the pepper districts of Malabar.
The result of his information is given in some imagi-
nary conversations between Alexander the Great and
the Indian Sage Dandamis; in which the Indian
declares that ^^ God, the great king, causes injury to
no man ; but gives light, peace, and life, a human
body and soul ; and that God was his master and
only Lord.'' This sage Dandimis was therefore a
monotheistic Buddhist, as indeed might be inferred
from his name which is evidently a compound of
• C. P. Mason: Article Porphyrius, in Dr. Smith's New
Biographical Dictionary.
136 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Dharma in the Pali form of Dhama ; perhaps Dka^
madhdniy the ^^ receptacle of Dharma.''
13. The prevalence of Buddhism about this period
is inrther proved by several passages in the Brah-*
manical Dramas and in the Institutes of Manu. The
uncertain date of these compositions, however, some*
what lessens their value as precise authorities. The
Mrickhakati, which is the oldest Hindu Drama now
extant, exhibits ^^ not only absolute toleration, but a
kind of public recognition" * of the Bauddha faith^ by
the appointment of a Buddhist ascetic as chief of all
the Vihars of Ujain. That virtuous city could not
^ tolerate even the death of an animal^ This play
is of later date than the Hindu code, for the Judge
in the 9th act quotes Manu f ; and as Manu himself
mentions nuns, or ^^ female anchorites of an heretical
religion,":): it is certain that the Buddhist faith was
still honoured and flourishinof when these works were
composed. There is internal evidence that the code
of Manu is posterior to the Bamayana and the Ma-
h&bharata in the mention of " heroic poems," § which
should be read at the celebration of obsequial rites in
honour of ancestors; and in the allusions to image-
worship, || which is not mentioned either in the Ra-
• Wilson's Hindu Theatre, vol. i. p. viiL
t The Mnchkokatiy or ** Tov-cart^" acu viii. Wilson's Hindu
Theativ, i. 140.
: Ha\icht<»n"5 Law> of Manu, viii. 363.
^ Hauprhton's Laws of Manu, iii. 23^.
I Wibou. Preikce to Vishnu Puvan, p. xui.
BISE AND FALL OF THE IMDO-BCTTHIANS. 137
m&yana or Mah&bMrata. Bentley assigned the R6-
m&yana to the fourth century of our era^ and the
Mahabharata to the eighth century or even later.
But the latter date is certainly too low; for the
Great War is mentioned in a copper plate inscription
of a date not later than the first half* of the sixth
century, along with the names of Vyasa, Pardsara,
and Yudhishtara. Bentley's method of compression
18 in fact too much like the Prokrustean bed of Da-
mastes, into which the large were squeezed, and the
small were stretched until they fitted. The composi-
tion of the Mahabharata cannot therefore be dated
latef^ than the beginning of the fifth century, and it
should no doubt be placed even earlier ; perhaps about
A. D. 200 to 300. The code of Manu is a mere com-
pilation, filled with the most contradictory injunc-
tions ; but in its present state it is certainly later than
the great epics, and may be dated about A. d. 400.
* This valuable insciiption is the property of Captain Ellis
The date is thus stated : Inkhitam satnvatsara satadrvaye chatur-
dasa — '^ written in the year two hundred and fourteen." As the
characters are similar to those of the Gupta inscriptions^ the date
is most probably of the Gupta era, or 319 4- 214 = 533, a. d. If
of the Sdka era, the date will be 78 + 214 = 292, a. d. ; but the
characters are not so old as those of the early Gupta inscriptions of
A. J}. 400.
k
188 THE BHILSA TOPES*
CHAPTER XIL
THE GUPTA DYNASTY.— DECLINE AND FALL OP
BUDDHISM.
1. At the period of Fa Hian's pilgrimage, the Gupta
dynasty occupied the throne of Mag-adha. Their
dominions extended from Nepal to the Western
Ghats,* and from the Indus to the mouths of the
Ganges. The family was established by Maharaja
Gupta, in 319 a. d., which became the first year
of the Gupta era. This epoch is not mentioned in
the Allahabad inscription of Samudra Gupta ; but it
is used in the Sanchi and Udayagiri inscriptions of
Chandra Gupta ; in the Kuhaon Pillar inscription of
Skanda Gupta; and in the Eran Pillar inscription
of Budha Gupta. It is besides especially mentioned
by Abu Rihan,')" who, in his account of Indian eras,
identifies the Gupta-kIl, or Gupta era, with the
Ballaba-kIl, or era of Balabhiy which commenced
• The Western Ghats are called Sainhddri ; and the inscription
on the Allahabad pillar records Samudra Gupta's influence over
that country.
t M. Reinaud : Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits relatifs a
I'lndo; pp. 138-143.
THE GUPTA DYNASTT. 180
in A. D. 819. These eras are mentioned no less than
three times by Abu Rihdn; and each time he has
identified them as starting from the same date. But
it appears to me that the most important of these
passages must either be corrupt or obscure^ for the
translation given by M. Reinaud makes the epoch of
the Guptas commence from the date of their exter-
mination ! If this is a correct translation there can
be little doubt that the text of Abu Rihan must be
erroneous; for we know positively that the Guptas
were reigning during the fifth and sixth centuries
of our era. But I will venture to suggest a different
translation of this important passage^ by which the
error is got rid of without any alteration of the
text : —
byl \j\p\ UjJ JJ U ^^ICi Jl^ c>;/ Uli
" With regard to the Oupta Kdl (or era of the Guptas), the
name was that of a wicked and powerful family; whoBe epoch
became extinct rvith themselves; and truly Ballaba was after them }
for the beginning of their era is the the same as (that of) the
the last ; (namely) 241 of the SIka-kIl."
2. The underlined passage in the original text is
thus translated by M. Reinaud :* ^^ Et T^re qui porte
leur nom est Ffepoque de leur extermination j'' but
* Fragments, p. 143.
140 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
the literal translation appears to be^ ^^ and then
became extinct along with their epoch/' which agrees
with the version that I have given above. The
statement made in M. Reinaud's version is so extra-
ordinary that^ even without any direct proofs of its
inaccuracy^ I would have set it aside as erroneous.
The era of the SeleukideB began with the foundation
of the Syrian empire by Seleukos ; the Christian era
is dated from the establishment of Christianity; and
the era of the Guptas without doubt commenced with
the settlement of their own dynasty. For the Guptas^
as I have mentioned before^ date their inscriptions in
an era of their own ; which, though not so named by
them^ was actually a Ghiptor-kdly and must^ therefore^
have been called such by the people.
3. The direct evidence of the period when the
Guptas flourished is derived from the Chinese. In
A. D. 428^ the king of Kupila was named Ytiegai, or
^^ moon-beloved/' which is a synonyme of Chandra
Chiptaj or '^ moon-cherished.'' In A. D. 602, the
king of India was named Kev^to^ that is Chitto, the
P&li form of the Sanskrit Ghipta. Lastly, Hwan-
Thsdng* names five Princes of Magadha who
flourished previous to the conquest of the country
by Siladitya, in the following order: —
Lo-kia-lo-a-yi-to,
or
Lagraditya.
Fo-tho-kiu-to,
or
Budha Oupta.
Tha-ka-ta-kiu-to,
or
Takta Oupta,
Pho-lo-a-yi-to,
or
Baluditya*
Fa-che-lo,
or
Vajra.
* Fo-kwe-ki, Appendix.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY.
141
4. Now Siladitya died between 642 and 648 (say
in 645)^ and as he reig'ned sixty years^ his accession
must have taken place in A. D. 585 ; and his conquest
of Mag^adha may be dated about A. d. 600. The
chronologfy of the Guptas as derived from all sources
will then stand thus : — *
Names.
I. Gupta
II. Ghatot Eacha • • • •
III. Gbanbra Gupta 1st
rV. Samudra Gupta . .
V. Chandra Gupta 2wd
VI. KumAra Gupta • • . .
VII. Skanda Gupta
VIII
• IX. BuDHA Gupta,.
X. Takta Gupta . .
XI. Nara Gupta . .
XII. Vajra ,
...
Titlxs.
Pardkrama
Vihratndditt/a • • • •
Mdhendra
Kramaditya • • • •
Laffrdditya f •...
Baladitya
Conquest of Siladitya,
GvrTA.
Era..
AJ>.
0
819
21
340
41
860
61
380
81
400
111
430
121
440
133
462
161
480
191
510
221
640
251
570
281
600
5. The stars placed against the names in this
* The dates obtained from various sources are : For Chandra
Gupta Vikramaditya^ 82 (Udayagiri inscription), and OS (Sanchi
inscription), equivalent to a.d. 401 and 412, from Jain authorities
A.D. 409; and from Chinese authorities a.d. 428 — for Skanda
Gupta — ^his death in 133, or a.b. 452, as stated on the Euhaon
piUar ; for Budha Gupta 165, or a.d. 484, as given in the Eran
pillar inscription.
t Or Lokaditja.
148 THE BHIU3A TOPES.
table denote that coins have been discovered of each
of those princes ; and it is from coins alone that I
have ascertained that Baladitya was named Nara
Oupta. The chronological table has been framed
upon the following* data.
1st The power of the Indo-Scythians did not
beg^n to decline until the time of the later Hans in
China^ whose djmasty was only established in A. D.
222. During the latter half of the third century
their power was on the decline^ and may be supposed
to have been finally overthrown by Oupta in a. D.
819. There are great numbers of gold coins of Indo-
Scythian type with corrupt Greek and Indian legends
which can only be attributed to this dynasty.
2nd. A short inscription of Chandra Oupta^ at
Udayagiri, is dated in the year 82 ; and a second of
the same prince, at Sanchi, is dated in the year 93.
These dates of the Gupta era are equivalent to A. D.
401 and 412, which agree with the Chinese date
of A. D. 428* for Yue-gaL But Chandra Gupta on
his coins takes the title of Vikramaditya, and in the
Agiii Purana,t it is said that Vikrama^ the son of
Gadharupa, should ascend the throne of Malawa
seven hundred and fifty-three years after the expia-
tion of Chinakya. This event I have already placed
in B.C. 325, from which, deducting 753 years, we
• This is the date piren in the Chinese account of India, ia
Prinsep's Journal, vi. 665; but Des Guipies, i. 45, s;iv5 a. p.
408,
t PHn9ep*3 Journal, iv. 68S.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 148
obtain a. d. 428 for the date of Yikrama of Malwa.
Colonel Tod also quotes a Jain inscription of Chandra
Gupta^ dated either in A. D. 870 or 409,* in which
he is styled Avantir-ndthy or '^ lord of Ujain/' which
was the capital of Malwa. Here then we have a
Yikrama and a Chandra Gupta both kings of Malwa
at the same time : two statements which can only be
reconciled by supposing^ them to be the same person
under different names or titles. This supposition is
confirmed by the coins of Chandra Gupta, on the
reverses of which we find that he took the titles of
Yikrama and Yikramaditya. A cave inscription at
Udayagiri of the Sam vat year 1093, or A. D. 1036,
couples the name of Chandra Gupta with the king*
dom of Yikramaditya (Vikramaditya SSjt/am). In
the Raja Tarangini also it is mentioned that Matri-
gnpta was placed on the throne of Kashmir by Yikra-
maditya, King" of Ujain. According* to my corrected
chronology of the Raja Tarangini, this happened in
A. D. 480. The Satininjaya Mahatmyaf also places
the third Yikramaditya in Samvat 466, or A. d. 409.
From this accumulation of evidence it seems to me
certain that a Chandra Gupta, with the title of
Yikramaditya, was the sovereign of Malwa in the
early part of the fifth century of our era.
* See Transactions Roy. As. Soc.^ pp. 140-211, where Colonel
Tod, by some inadvertence, gives both 427 and 466 Samvat as the
date of this inscription.
t Wilford : Researches As. Soc Bengal, ix. 156 ; and Wilson :
Researches As. Soc. Bengal, xv. 39, note.
144 THE BHILSA TOPES.
8rd. The date of Skanda Gupta's tfeath, which is
found upon the Kuhaon Pillar, is the year 183.*
No era is stated ; but it must of course be that era
which was used by the ^^ royal race of Guptas/' of
which he is said to have been born, and which could
only have been the Oupta-hMj or Gupta era. His
death, therefore, occured in 819+133=452 A. D., as
given in my table.
4th. The date of Budha Gupta has been deter-
mined by the inscription at Eran,t which records the
erection of a pillar in the year 165, or A. D. 484.
An inspection of the table will show how well this
date ag'rees with the period which must be assigned
to Budha Gupta on the authority of Hwan Thsang' ;
according to whom Fo-tho-kiu-to, or Budha Chptay
was the fourth prince prior to Siladitya's conquest
of Magadha in A. D. 600. The coins of Budha Gupta
may be seen in Plate II., figs. 55, 57, of Mr.
Thomas's essay on the Sah kings of Surastra. I can
confirm the reading of the legend which he g-ives
with some hesitation as Budha Gupta. I procured
five of these silver coins from a traveller at Benares,
of which I have given awa}'^ four ; but I still possess
sealing-wax impressions of them all, from which
I have been able to recognize the engraved specimens.
5th. The coins of Nara Gupta Baladitya are
scarce. Of two specimens in gold that have been
in my own possession, I still have impressions ; but
• Prinsep's Journal, vii. 37.
'^imrnal, vii. 634.
THE GUFTA DYNA8TX* 14fi
the type may "be seen in Fig. 23^ Plate xviii. of
Wilson's ^' AriaBa Antiqua.'' On the obverse, under
the Raja's arm, is written N&ra^ and on the reverse,
Baladitya. The small silver coin Fig. 19, Plate
XV. of the same work, most probably also belongs to
Nara. I read the legend : —
Paramadki Raja Sri Nara-Gupta Baladitya.
6. As the correct determination of the epoch of the
Gupta dynasty is of the first importance to the
religious as well as to the political history of ancient
India, it becomes necessary to examine the chi'onology
which Mr. E. Thomas, with much critical skill and
ingenuity, has proposed for the 8&h kings of Gujrat
and the Gupta princes of Magadha.* We agree
as to the facts, but differ in our deductions. The
facts are these : —
1st. The beautiful silver coins of the Sah kings
are all dated in the fourth century of some unknown
era.
2nd. The silver coins of Kum^ra Gupta and of
Skanda Gupta are evident and undoubted copies of
those of the Sah kings, and therefore these two
princes must have reigned at a later date than the
last of the Sah kings.
7. In making his deductions from these facts, Mr.
• See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xii., '* On the
Dynasty of the Sah Kings of Sur&shtra ; " hy Edward Thomas,
esq., Bengal Civil Service ; a most valuable contribution to the
ancient history of India.
L
140 TH£ BHI1.SA TOPES.
Thomas has based all his calculations on M. Rei-
naud's translation of the passage in Abu Rih^n^ which
gives the year 319 A.D., for the beginning* of the
Gupta era^ and also for the Jinal extinction of the
Chipta dynasty. In adopting this version of Abu
Rihan's statement^ Mr. Thomas is obliged to search
for some other epochs as the starting points from
which to count the dates of the Surashtra and Oupta
coins. The earlier era which he uses for this pur-
pose is that of Sri Harsha,* which was entirely un-
known until the publication of M. Reinaud's extracts
from Abu Rihan. This era dates from B. c. 457^
and the epoch of the Sah kings of Surashtra is thus
fixed between 157 and 67 b. c.f
8. Between the Sah kings and the Guptas^ Mr.
Thomas interposes the Indo- Scythians, whose con-
quest he places in 20 B. c, and he proposes to count
the date of Chandra Gupta^s inscription at SanchiJ
from 78 a. d., which is the well-known commence-
ment of the Saka era. This will place the reign of
Chandra Gupta in 78 -i- 93 = 171 A. d., and the reign
of Buddha Gupta in 78 -i- 105 = 243 A. D., after
whom there is time for the reigns of a few more
princes before the asserted extinction of the family
in 319 A. D.
9. My reasons for assigning the Guptas to a
hiter period have been given already ; and I will
• See Mr. ThomiWs Essay, p. 43.
t See Mr. Thomas's Essay, p. 45.
I See Mr. Thomas's Essay, p. 6.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 147
now state as briefly as possible all my objections to
Mr. Thomas's chronology.
1st. According* to the Chinese historians^ the power
of the Indo-Scythians remained in full force until 222
A. D. ; after which it beg'an to decline. This state-
ment is supported by Ptolemy the geographer, who
between A. D. 140-160, assigns the whole valley of
the Indus, inchtding Sirastreney or Surashtra, to the
Indo-Scythians.
2nd. Samudra Oupta, according to the Allahabad
and Bhitari inscriptions, was the fourth prince of the
Gupta dynasty, and if we allow twenty years to each
reign, Samudra will date from 60 to 80 of the Gupta
era, or from 138 to 158 a. d. But in the Allahabad
pillar inscription, Samudra mentions the SMh&n^hdk
(that is, one of the Sassanian king^ of Persia) as his
contemporary, whose dynasty did not attain the
throne until a. b. 223 ; and as in his account of the
tributary and conquered provinces he omits Magadha,
Surashtra, and Uj[jayani, it has been inferred by
James Prinsep, * and is admitted by Mr. Thomas
himself, that these provinces must have formed his
own proper dominion. But as Sirastrene belonged
to the Indo-Scythians at the very date that must be
assigned to Samudra by Mr. Thomas's chronology,
we must either reject his scheme altogether, or con-
clude, that both the Chhiese historian and the Alex-
andrian geographer were in error.
• Journal vi. 975.
148 THE BHILSA TOPES.
3rd. The independence of the native princes of
Gujrat between 157 and 67 b. c. is completely at
variance with the Greek accounts of Menander's con-
quest of Sariotistos or Surashtray between X60 and
130 B. c, which is further authenticated by the long*-
protracted currency of his coins at Barygaza or
Baroch.
4th. The alphabetical characters of the Surashtran
coins ^ are so widely different from those of the
Pillar and Rock inscriptions^ and at the same time
are so much similar to those of the Guptas^ that it is
impossible not to conclude that there must have been
a long* interval between Asoka and the independent
Sah kings^ and an almost immediate succession of the
Skh kings by the Guptas. But Mr. Thomas's pro-
posed chronology exactly reverses this conclusion^ by
making the interval between Asoka's death and the
earliest date of the Surashtra coins not more than
sixty-five years^ while the interval between the last of
the Sah kings and the rise of the Guptas is one
hundred and thirty-five )'ears, or more than double
the other.
* Another evidence in favour of the later date of the Sah kings
of Gujrat is furnished by the gateway inscriptions at Sdnchi.
These date in the early part of the first century of our era (see No.
190) : and though they show the nearest approach to the forms
of the Sah alphabet, yet the latter is certainly posterior to the
Sanchi inscriptions. This result agrees with the period which I
have assigned to them, from a.d. 020 (the beginning of the
Tndo-Scvthian decline) to a.d. 3>^, the acce^<ion of Samudra
Gupta.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 149
5th. The author of the Periplus of the Erythraean
sea^ who lived between 117 and 180 A. D.^ states that
aficient drachmas of Apollodotus and of Menander
were then current at Barygaza.* This prolonged
currency of the Greek drachmas points directly to the
period of the Indo- Scythian rule; for though we
have some hundreds of their gold coins^ and many
thousands of their copper coins^ yet only one solitary
specimen of their silver coinage has yet been dis-
covered. The Indo-Grecian silver probably con-
tinued current until after 222 A. D., when the Indo-
Scythian power began to decline. From this period,
about 250 A. D., I would date the independence
of the Sah kings, and the issue of their silver
coinage, which was a direct copy in weight, and
partly in type, from the Philopater drachmas of
Apollodotus.
9.* We have thus a continued series of silver cur-
rency in Gujrat for upwards of six hundred years,
from Menander's conquest, in B. c. 150-140^ to Budha
Gupta's death, in about 510 A. D. From this period
thick silver pieces of the same type and of the same
value, but one half more in weight, were issued by the
Balabhi kings down to the Mahomedan conquest.
In the more precious metal the coinage of the Indo
Scythians was immediately succeeded by the golden
dinars of the Guptas, whose earliest pieces are almost
• Hudson, Geogr. Min., i. 87 — " Vilit, teste Suida, Hadriani,
Marci et Antonini temporibus;" that is, between 117 and 180
A.D., or about 160 a.d.
150 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
exact copies* of the well-known Ardokro coins of
Kanishka and his successors.^
10. The importance of establishing the correet era
of the Guptas becomes apparent when we learn that
Chandra Gupta was most probably one of the last
paramount sovereig^ns of India who professed the
Buddhist faith. The inscriptions of his reign, which
still exist at Sanchi and at Udayagiri, confirm the
account of the contemporary traveller Fa-Hian ; that
Buddhism^ though honoured and flourishing'^ was cer-
tainly on the decline^ and that temples of the Brah-
mans were rising on all sides. The earliest inscrip-
tion of Chandra Gupta is dated in 82 of the Gupta
era, or a. d. 401. It consists of two lines carved on
a rock tablet at the foot of the Udayagiri hill, which
was intended for a longer inscription. There is room
for five more lines ; and, as no event is commemorated,
it is evident that the record is incomplete. The tablet
is placed to the right of the entrance of a cave-
temple apparently dedicated to Surya, whose image
is represented on each side of the doorway. Immedi-
ately to the left of the cave there is a large alto-
relievo of the Varaha or Boar Avatdry ten feet and a
half in height. The inscription is partially injured by
the peeling of the rock on the right hand ; but the
• See Prinsep, in Journal iv. 629, and Plates XXXVIII. and
XXXIX., in which the imitation is clearly developed ; but I was
the first to point out to James Prinsep the seated Ardokro on the
Indo-Scythian coins, which figure afterwards became the most
common revcr.-e of the earh* Gupta coins.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 161
date is perfect, and the only part that is completely
lost is the name of the Raja who excavated the cave.
A fac-simile of the inscription will be found in Plate
XXI., No. 200. The following* is a transcript in
Roman characters : —
Siddham samvatsare 82 Sravana-mdsa stikUkadasya
parama-bhattdraka MahdrdjadhicuAVDRA'QUPTA pddAnaddta4tya
Mahdrdja chaq alio a potra^a, Mahdr&ja Visnyu-DASA pitfrasya
Sanalidnxkofya Mahd (rdja *
* •
" Finished in the year 82, on the 11th of the briglit half
of the month of Srdvana ; [the cave] of him, bowing^ to the feet of
the paramount, homage-receiving, Supreme Maharaja Chandra-
Gupta, the grandson of Maharaja Chaoaliqa, the son of
Maharaja Vishnu-Dasa, Maharaja (name obliterated) of Sana-
kdnika"
11. Sanakdnika is included by Samudra Gupta
amongst his tributary provinces,* but unfortunately
the name of its Raja is not given. The position of
Sanakdnika is, however, now placed beyond all doubt i
as it must have included Udayagiri, Bhilsa, and
Sanchi. It is even possible that Sanakdnika may
have some connection with the names of Sanchi —
Kanakhera.
18. The Vaishnava faith of this petty royal family
• Allahabad Pillar inscription, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 973.
The name of Chagaliga or Chaglig recalls those of Kutlugh, Togh-
lak, and others of undoubted Tartar origin, so strongly, that one
can scarcely help assigning this petty family to the Indo-Scythian
stock.
152 THE BHILSA TOPES.
is shown by the name of Vishnu Dds, the " slave of
Vishnu ;'' and by the Vaishnava subjects of all the
rock sculptures at Udayag-iri. The Boar Incarnation
of Vishnu has already been mentioned. On the top
of the hill there is a colossal figure of Vishnu himself^
twelve feet in len^h, reposing on the folds of the
serpent Sesha or Anantaj the emblem of eternity.
The worship of Vishnu, which then prevailed at
Udayagiri, has been supplanted by that of Siva ; and
the votaries of the lingam have occupied the cave-
temples of Vishnu. In the principal temple, now
dedicated to Mahadeo, there is a native inscription on
a pillar dated in the Samvat year 1093, or A. D. 1036,
in which the votary records his " adoration at the feet
of Vishnu.''*
13. The second inscription of Chandra Gupta is
carved on one of the railings of the colonnade of the
great Tope at Sanchi. It was translated and pub-
lished by James Prinsep in 1837 ;t ^^' ^^ date was
not properly ascertained. Since then, Mr. Thomas
has satisfactorily shown that the Samvat date is 93 ;
but he has failed to see that the day of the month is
likewise represented in figures. I have given a fac-
simile of this date in Plate XXI., No. 197. It reads
S. 93, BhAdrapada 14 = "the year 93, the 14th
(of the month) Bhadrapada.'' This inscription records
a grant of money by the paramount sovereign Chandra
Gupta, through his local agent, to the Sramanas of
the Mahd'ViMra. or Great Monastery at Sanchi.
• Vishnu-pAdo-nityam. f Journal, vi. 455, 456.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 163
Prinsep's translation gives the general sense of the
text; but^ in documents of this kind^ it is always
desirable to have as literal a version as possible. The
opening lines especially have been much abridged;
and, as they are thoroughly Buddhistical in their lan-
guage, I will venture to give my own translation of
them.
Ku (la Dhamma) $i Mahdmhdre iUa-samAdhi Prajnydguna
hhavitendray&ya paramapunya kri (ta sram&ntara) garbhya
gatdya sramana-piinggavvd^atahdydryya sanghdya. * * *
'' To the followers of Dharma in the Great Monastery^ who^ by
the practice of morality^ and by deep meditation on the attributes
of wisdom {Prajnd)j have subdued their passions^ and become dis-
tinguished for virtue ; to the Sr&manas of the venerable fraternity^
pre-eminent in private religious observances ( Avasatha)/' &c.
14. Prajnd means ^^ wisdom, understanding/* or
more literally, ^^ foreknowledge/* The author of the
Ashta Sahasrika thus addresses Prajna : —
^^Thou mighty object of my worship! Thou
Prajna I art the sum of all good qualities ) and
Buddha is the Chim of the world. The wise make
no distinction between thee and Buddha. He who
devoutly serves thee serves the TathAgata also.***
The author of the Pujd'kand thus addresses
Prajna : — " I make salutation to Prajnd^Deviy who
is the Prajnd Pdramitd (Transcendental Wisdom),
the Prajnd-rupa (multiform), the Nir-rupa (formless),
and the universal mother.**
' • Hodgson, p. 123.
154 THE BHILSA TOPES.
The author of the S&dhana-mala offers his ^^ salu-
tation to Prajna-Devi, from whom, in the form of
desire, the production of the world was excellently
obtained, who is beautiful as the fiiU moon, the
mother of Adi Buddha/** And ag-ain, ^^ Salutation
to Prajn& Paramita, the infinite, who, when all was
void, was revealed by her own will."t
16. Prajnd or Prqjnd Devi is deified Nature, or
Diva Naturay and the same as Dharma. In the
Sanchi inscription her supremacy is acknowledged
by Chandra Gupta's belief in the attainment of
purity and the subjection of the passions by medita-
tion on the attributes of Prajnd. The great king
was therefore not an orthodox Buddhist, but a
heterodox materialist, who held Dharma or material
nature as the first person of the Triad.
16. If James Prinsep's restoration of the text be
correct, and I believe that it is so, Chandra Gupta
was a most munificent patron as well as a faithful
follower of Buddhism. His gift to the Sanchi Tope
for its regular illumination, and for the perpetual
service of Srdmanas or ascetics, was no less a sum
than twenty-five thousand dinars, or 25,000Z., equal
to two lakhs and a half of rupees.
17. But the religious belief of Chandra Gupta
does not rest solely on the authority of this inscrip-
tion ; for, according to the sacred books of the Jains,
the last Tirtliankara Mahavira is said to have ex-
• Hodgson, p. 12i).
t Ho(l«j;son, p. 126.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 155
pounded his twelve dreams to Chandra Gupta^ the
lord of Avanti or Ujain,*
18. The same story is related in the Buddha
vilasa,t but the dreams are said to have been fourteen^
and to have been expounded to Chandra Gupta^ the
monarch of Ujain, by Bhadra Bahu Muni. From
this it may be inferred that the Prince was certainly
not a worshipper of the Brahmanical Pantheon ; and
as we have seen that he was not an orthodox Budd-
hist^ we may conclude that his heterodoxy was not
very dissimilar from Jainumi^ which is generally ac-
knowledged to have been a sectarian offspring of
Buddhism.
19. But, if my chronology of the Guptas be
correct, we have the most clear proof of the Bud-
dhist belief of Chandra Gupta in Fa Hian's travels.
The Chinese pilgrim left his native land in a. d. 399,
and returned to it again in a. D. 415. His visit to
Pa-'Han-^fUj or Pataliputra^J the capital of the king-
dom of Mo-kie-thi, or Magadha, therefore took place
in the early part of Chandra Gupta's reign. He de-
scribes the city as very large ;§ the people as rich and
fond of discussion ; but just in all their dealings. They
celebrated Sakya's birthday annually by a procession
• Transactions Royal Asiatic Society, i. 211 — Colonel Tod.
t At p. 418 of the same volume, Major Delamaine states the
same thing, on the authority of the Buddha Vildsa, a Digambara
Jain work.
X Fu is only the Chinese translation of the Sanskrit putra, a
son.
§ Fu-krve-ki, c. xxvii.
1$6 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
of four-wheeled cars^ with little chapels at the four
corners^ each containing a seated Buddha, with
Bodhisatwas standing by him. This festival still
survives in the Rath J&ttr&y or annual procession of
Jagann&thy which the crafty Brahmans have adopted
into their own creed, because it was too popular to
be suppressed,*
20. At the time of Fa Hian's visit Buddhism
was the prevailing religion of the Panjfi,b, and of
Northern India from Mathura to the mouth of the
Ganges. Between the Panjab and Mathura, that is
in Brahmavartta Proper, the law of Buddha was not
held in honour.f But this was the original seat and
stronghold of the Brahmans and their religion ; and
its exception by Fa Hian is one amongst the many
proofs of the pilgrim^s accuracy. Everywhere else
Buddhism was honoured and flourishing; the kings
were firmly attached to the law, and showed their
reverence for the ascetics by taking off their tiaras
before them. But at Shdchi and at Sheweiy in Oudh,
the heretical Brahmans had attempted to destroy a
sacred nettle and some holy Topes. The very at-
tempt shows the increasing power of the Brahmans,
and their confident hope of ultimate success.
21. In the Bhitari Pillar inscription, no mention
is made of the religious belief of the first Chandra
• See note 9 to chapter xxvii. of Mr. Laidlay's translation of
the pilgrimage of Fa Hian ; and the concluding* chapter of this
volume.
t Fo'hwc-h'ij c. XV.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 157
Gupta^ but his son Samudra would appear to have
been a strict observer of the Vedas, as he is repre-
sented offering' vast sacrifices to the ancient elemental
Deities, Indra, Varuna, and Yama.* In his own
inscription on the Allahabad Pillar he is also com*
pared to Dhanada, Varuna, Indra, and Antaka^f
that is, to the Gods of the four elements, earth, water,
fire, and air. His son, the second Chandra Gupta,
and his grandson Kumdra Gupta, are called wor-
shippers of the Supreme Bhagavat,;}; whom Dr.
Mill identifies with Krishna. But as the Vishnu
Purana, which was most probably written in the
tenth century,^ makes no mention of the worship of
Krishna, although it gives a long account of his
history^ the Bhagavat who was worshipped by
Chandra and Kumdra, must be either Vishnu or
Buddha. In his remarks on this inscription, how-
ever. Dr. Mill drops Krishna || altogether, and makes
Vishnu the object of Chandra's and Kumara's'wor-
ship. But as Bhagavat is one of the commonest of
the many titles of Buddha, the balance of evidence
still remains very much in favour of Chandra Gupta's
attachment to Buddhism. It is even possible that
Chandra Gupta may have professed Buddhism in the
* Prinflep's Journal^ vi. 5.
t Prinsep's Journal^ vi. 980.
X Prinsep's Journal^ vi. 5 — parama Bhagavata.
S Prinsep's Journal, i. 441— Professor H. H. Wilson says middle
of the tenth century.
II Prinsep's Journal, vi. 7.
168 THE BHILSA TOPES.
early part of his reign,* and Vaishnavism in the
latter part ; for the difference between the two is
more nominal than real. Indeed the mention of
Vishnu himself would no more invalidate the Bud-
dhism of Chandra Gupta than the Tantric pictures
of Mahadeva and K&li can disprove the present
Buddhism of the Tibetans and N6palese. The
exoteric or outward worship of Chaityas, and of
statues of Buddha, no doubt remained unchanged;
but the esoteric or philosophical speculations of the
learned were continually changing; and the com-
paratively pure theism and practical morality of
Buddha were first encumbered with the mild quietism
of the Yaishnavas, and at last deformed by the wild
extravagances of the Tantrists.
22. Skanda Gupta, the grandson of Chandra Gupta,
ascended the throne of Magadha about a. d. 440. He
inherited the vast dominions of his family, including
the whole of Northern India, from Gujrat to the
mouth of the Ganges ; and though his reign was dis-
turbed by the rebellion of a minister, yet he left his
kingdom undivided to his successor. Of his religious
faith there is no doubt; for, in the Bhitari Pillar
inscription,! he is stated to have possessed ^^ a clear
insight into the wisdom of the Tantras.^^ The mys-
teries of the Tantrikas were secret and incommunic-
able. They taught formulas of incantation and
• His gift to the Sanchi Chaitya is dated Anno GuptcB 93, or
A. D. 412 ; and we know that he was reig-ning- so late as a. d. 41?8.
t Prinsep's Journal, vi. C.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 169
in}'stic charms for the attainment of superhuman
power. They degraded the material worship of the
reproductive powers of Nature by a sensual and
obscene interpretation, in which Siva and Durga, or
their emblems the lingam and yoniy played a conspicu-
ous part. One of their orders, the KdpdlikaSy or
" men-of-skulls/' has been well represented in the
Prabodha Chandrodaya, * a native metaphysical
drama. The speakers are a Buddhist monk, a
Brahman mendicant, and the K§.palika.
Buddhist : " This man professes the rule of a
Kdpdlika. I will ask him what it is.*' (Going up to
him.) " Ho I you with the bone and skull necklace,
what are your notions of happiness and salvation ? ''
Kdpdhha : " Wretch of a Buddhist I Well, hear
what is our religion : —
" With flesh of men^ with brain and fat well smeared^
We make our grim burnt offering; break our last
Prom cups of holy Brahman's skull ; and ever,
With gurgling drops of blood, that plenteous stream,
' From hard throats quickly cut, by us is worshipped
With human offerings meet, our Qod, dread Bhairava."
Brahman mendicant (stopping his ears): "Bud-
dhist, Buddhist, what think you of this ? Oh ! horrible
discipline I ^*
Buddhist : " Sacred Arhata ! some awful sinner
has surely deceived that man.''
Kdpdlika (in a rage) : " Aha ! sinner that thou art
• Prinsep's Journal, vi. 14 — translated by Dr. Mill.
100 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
—vilest of heretics, with thy shaven crown^ drest like
the lowest outcasts — uncombed one 1 away with
thee I''
28. The extravag^ance of this class of T&ntrikas is
further displayed by the Kapalika's boast : —
^' I call at will the best of Gods, great ffari.
And Hara's self^ and Brahma : I restrain
With my sole voice the course of stars that wander
In heaven's bright vault; the earth with all its load
Of mountains^ fields^ and cities^ I at will
Reduce once more to water ; and, behold !
/ drink it up ! '*
24. From this specimen of the Tdntrika faith^ it
may be inferred that the cabalistic charms and mystic
incantations^ added to the free use of spirituous
liqu4)rSy induced an excited state of mind in the
votaries that was highly favourable to a full belief in
the attainment of superhuman power. No wonder
that the Buddhist considered such extravasfance as
the effect of delusion.
26, But the Tantrika doctrines continued to spread
in spite of their wildness ; and they at length became
so popular that they were even carried into Nepal and
Tibet, and permanently engrafted on the Buddhism of
those countries. Their success was, however, as much
due to force as to persuasion, for zealots are always
persecutors. To Skanda Gupta, therefore, I would
attribute the persecution of the Buddhists mentioned
hv Hwan Thsangf.* Writino- in the first half of the
• Fo'hfvC'kt^ c. X3tiv. note IC.
THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 101
seventh century, the Chinese pilgrim saj^s: — "Not
long ago the king, She-shang^kiay who persecuted and
sought to abolish the Law of Buddha, tried also to
destroy the stone which bore the holy impressions of
his feet/' As She^shang-'kia is not included by
Hwan Thsang amongst the five kings who reigned
over Magadha previous to Siladitya's conquest, he
must be looked for amongst the predecessors of Budha
Gupta. Of these, the only one whose name at all
resembles Sheshang-kia is Skanda ; and as his Tan-
trika zeal would naturally have led him to persecute
the Buddhists, there is every probability in favour of
the proposed identification. It is also not unlikely
that the rebellion of Skanda Gupta's minister may
have been caused by his persecution of Buddhism.
But the followers of S&kya recovered their influence ;
and the holy stone, which She-shang-kia had thrown
into the Ganges, was restored to its original position,
where it was seen by Hw4n Thsang about A. D. 642.
26. The interval between the death of Skanda
Gupta and the date of Budha Gupta's pillar at Eraii
is only thirty-two years;* and as Hwan Thsang*
places Lo'kia-lO'a-yi-'to (perhaps Lokaditya) as the
immediate predecessor of Budha Gupta, a reign of
about twenty-five years might be assigned to him to
connect the series of the earlier Guptas found in the
Pillar inscriptions with the later series recorded by
the Chinese pilgrim. In the Seoni copperplate grants
there is mention of Deva Gupta, a paramount sove-
• From 133 to 165, Anno Gnptse.
31
162 THE BHILSA TOP£S.
reign* whose authority was acknowledged by the
petty Rajas of the Narbada. He must therefore have
been one of the Mag'adha dynasty ; and he might
either be placed between the two series of Guptas, or
be identified with the first of Hwan Thsang's princes.
As Lo-kia-lo-a-yi-to is evidently some title, such as
Lokdditya, *^ Sun- of-the- world/' similar to those
which we know were assumed by other members of
this dynasty, it seems quite probable that Deva Gupta
and Lo-kia-lo-a-yi-to were one and the same person.
87. The name of Budha Chipta^ " cherished by
Budha/' refers so distinctly to his own faith that there
can be no hesitation in classing him amongst the
royal followers of S^kya. His pillar inscription is
dated in the Gupta year 165, or a. d. 484 ; and I
suppose that he may have reigned from about 480 to
610 A. D. During this period, in A. D. 602, the
Chinese record f an embassy sent by the ^^King of
India," named Keu-to (that is, Gutto or Ghipta\ to
the Emperor of China with presents of crystal vases,
perfumes, precious talismans, and other articles. The
"kingdom of India'' is afterwards described to be the
country watered by the Ganges and its affluents ; that
is, Magadha as it existed under the Guptas, which
included Magadha proper, and all the tributary pro-
vinces between the Himalayan and Vindhyan moun-
tains. This vast empire was possessed by four Gupta
• Prinsep's Journal, v. 730, " Maharajadhiraja ; " that is, the King*
of King^.
t Chinese account of India, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 65.
THE GUPTA DYNASTT, 163
princes^ the predecessors of Budha Gupta ; and there
is sufficient evidence to prove that his sway was
equally extensive. He is mentioned by Hwan
Thsang* amongst the kings of Magadha; he is
called^ in the Eran pillar inscription^ king of the
^^ beautiful country situated between the Kdliiidi and
theNarmaday^'^ or Jumna and Narbada ; and his silver
coins are of the Gvjrat type of the S4hs of Surashtra,
which was used by his predecessors, Kumdra and
Skanda. Mr. Thomas doubts the accuracy of James
Prinsep^s reading of Kdlindi ; but I can vouch for its
correctness, as I have examined the inscription care-
fully, and am now writing with a fac-simile before
me. What Mr. Thomas calls the very legible r
over the concluding compound letter is only the
long vowel i. The name is perfectly distinct on the
pillar.
28. According to Hwan Thsang, Budha Gupta
was succeeded by Thorkorta-kivr'tOy or Takta Ghipta;
but his dominions must have been confined to
Magadha proper, as we lenrn from the inscription on
the colossal VarAha AvatAvy at Eran, that the para-
mount sovereign Toramdna possessed all the country
about Bhup&l and southern Bundelkhand not many
years after the elevation of Budha Gupta's pillar;
for the pillar was erected by Vaidala Vishnu, at the
expense of his cousin Dhanya Vishnu, while the colos-
sal Boar was set up by Dhanya Vishnu himself. The
death of Budha Gupta, and the accession of Toramfina,
* Fo-hrve-hi, Appendice. f Prinsep's Journal, vi. 634.
104 TH£ BHIL8A TOPES.
therefore both took place during the life-time of
Dhanya Vishnu. But there must have been an in-
terval of some years between the two events, as
Dhanya's elder brother, Mdtri Vishnu, who is not
even mentioned in the pillar inscription, had since
assumed the title of Maharaja, and was then dead.
Dhan3'a himself then became reg-ent, apparently to
the 3'oung- prince, Toram^na ; for, in another inscrip-
tion from the Fort of Gwalior, I find Toramdna
described as the son of M^tri D4sa, and the grandson
of M&trikula, who is probably the same as Matri
Vishnu. As the celebrated hill of Uda3'agiri is men-
tioned in the Gwalior inscription, there can be little
doubt of the identity of the two Toram^nas, and of the
consequent extension of the principality of Eran to
the banks of the Jumna. The reign of Toramana*
probably extended from A. D. 520 to 650, contempo-
rary with Takta Gupta of Mag-adha.
29. From this time until the conquests of Siladit3'a,
King" of Malwa, in the earl3^ part of the seventh cen-
tur3^, nothing- certain is known of the histor3' of India.
Takta Gupta was succeeded by Nara Gupta Buladitya,
and he was succeeded b3' Vajra, who was reigiiing
when Siladitya conquered Magadha. According- to
Hwan Thsang*, this warlike prince '^ fought battles
such as had never been seen before," and all the
northern provinces submitted to him. Hwan Thsang-
• Mr. Prinsep read this king's name as Tarapani ; but I liave
examined the inscription myself, and can state ])ositively thtit the
m Toramdtia.
BECUNE AND FALL OF BUDDHISM. 165
visited his court in a. d, 642 ; and from him* we learn
that the king* sent an embassy with a present of books
to the Chinese Emperor. This present proves that
Siladitya was a follower of Buddha, for none but
Baudtiha works would have been acceptable to the
Buddhist Emperor of China.
30. At the time of Hwan Thsang^^s visit, Buddhism
was rapidly declining*, many of the monasteries were
in ruins, and temples of the heretical Brahmans were
rising* on all sides. At Benares there were one hun-
dred heretical temples, and ten thousand heretics who
worshipped Iswara,t while the Bauddhas had only
thirty monasteries, and some three thousand monks
and their disciples. Beyond the city, however, at the
great temple in the Deer Park, there were about
fifteen hundred monks and disciples ; but altogether
in this once holy place, where Buddha preached the
law, there were twice as many heretics as Buddhists.
In Kalinga,:}; also, the faithful were few, and the
heretics very numerous. But, notwithstanding* this
spread of heretical opinions, the rulers of the land
were still attached to Buddhism. The King of Chi-
chi-to, JajAvati (that is, modern Bundelkhand), was a
firm believer in the three precious ones,§ Buddha,
Dharma, and Sangha. The great Sildditya of Malwa
and Maffadha was a Buddhist, and these two coun-
• Fo'kive-ki, Appendice.
t Fo-ktve-kif c. xxxiv. note.
I Fo'ktve-ftif Appendice, p. 389.
§ Fo-hve-hiy Appendice, p. 303.
166 THE BHILSA TOPES.
tries were still the most eminent in India for the study
of Buddhism.^
81. From the fifth to the seventh century, the de-
cline of Buddhism was gradual and gentle ; hut the
farther progress of decay was then stayed for a time,
and the expiring religion, like a d^'ing lamp, still
hurst forth with occasional brightness, and its sudden
flashes of light threw a transient brilliance over the
wide-spreading gloom. In the seventh century Bud-
dhism was propagttted over the whole of Tibet ; the
magnificent stupa of Sdmdth, upwards of two hun-
dred feet in height, was erected near Benares ; and a
colossal copperimage of Buddha was set up, and several
chaityas and vih4rs built by the great Lalit^itya
in Kashmir.f But, from the eighth century, the fall
of Buddhism was rapid and violent. New dynasties
arose who knew not S&kya ; and the Tuiirs of Delhi,
the Bahtors of Kanoj, and the Chandels of Mahoba,
succeeded to the vast empire of Siladitya. The rise
of all these families has been traced to the eisfhth
century; and both coins and inscriptions remain to
attest their Brahmanical belief. But Buddhism con-
tinued to linger in Benares, in Malwa, and in Gujrat j
and was not finally extinguished until the eleventh or
the twelfth centurj-, when the last votaries of Buddha
were expelled from the continent of India. Numbers
of images, concealed by the departing monks, are
found buried near Sdmdthj and heaps of ashes still
• Fo'hfvi'kiy AppeDdice, p. 392.
t Raja TaraDgiui, iv. si. 188-l?lt>.
DECLINE AND FALL OF BUDDHISM. 167
lie scattered amidst the ruins to show that the monas-
teries were destroyed by fire.*
33. The fall of Buddhism was a natural con-
sequence of closing* all roads to salvation^ save the
difficult path which led from one grade to another
of the monastic orders. No layman could hope to
be saved; and even the most zealous votary must
have felt that the standard of excellence was too
lofty to be reached. Absolute faith, perfect virtue,
and supreme knowledge, were indispensable; and,
without these, no man could attain Buddhahood,
and final freedom from transmig;ration. Continued
celibacy, abstinence, and privation, were expected
from all who had taken the vows ; and a long* course
of prayer, penance, and devout abstraction, were re-
quisite before the votary could g'ain the rank of
Arhata or Bodhisatwa. But as this was the only
path to salvation, people of all ranks flocked to the
monasteries — men crossed by fortune or disappointed
in ambition, wives neg'lected by their husbands, and
widows by their children, the sated debauchee, and
the zealous enthusiast, all took the vows of celibacy,
abstinence, and poverty. In the early ages of
Buddhism the votaries supported themselves by daily
* I wrote this passage from my own knowledge, as I made many
excavations around Sarndth in 1835-36. Major Kittoe has since
(1851) most fully confirmed my opinion by his more extended ex-
cavations in the same neighbourhood. He writes to me : '' All
has been sacked and burned— priests, temples, idols, all together ;
for in some places^ bones, iron, wood, and stone, are found in huge
masses, and this has happened more than once.'*
168 THJB BHILSA TOPES.
begg^ing*; but the pious generosity of individuals
had gradually alienated the finest lands in the
country for the support of the monasteries; and
the mass of the people looked with envy upon the
possessions of an idle multitude of monks. The rich
domains of the monasteries attracted the notice of
kingi9^ and the desire of possession was soon followed
by its accomplishment. The people looked on un-
moved^ and would not defend what they had long
ceased to respect ; and the colossal figure of
Buddhism^ which had once bestridden the whole
continent of India^ vanished suddenly like a rainbow
at sunset.
BUILDING AND DEDICATION OF TOPES. 169
CHAPTER XIII.
BUILDING AND DEDICATION OF TOPES
1. The following' description of the building* and
dedication of a Tope is taken from the Mah&wanso ;
and chiefly from the account of Dutthag'dmini's
erection and consecration of the Mdha-thupo^ or
" Great Tope'* in Ceylon. A short notice of this
kind is necessary for the better understanding of the
minute details of the opening of the Bhilsa Topes^
and for the easier comprehension of various scenes
pictured in the Sanchi bas-reliefs.
8. When any weajithy or powerful person under-
took to build a Tope, he first raised a pillar on the
spot inscribed with a record of his intentions ; which
pillar was afterwards removed when the building of
the Tope was begun. The Raja Devdnampriya, who
began to reign in Ceylon in the year 240 B.C.,
wished to erect a Tope on a spot consecrated by the
teachings of Buddha ; but being warned by the holy
Mahendra that this great work was reserved for
Dutthagdmini, he was content to raise a stone
pillar,* with an inscription recording his wish.
* Mahawanso, p. ^7.
170 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Dutthag&mini^ who reigned over Ceylon between the
years 161 and 187 B. c, removed this pillar before
laying* the foundations of the Mahdthupo.*
3. It would seem that the Topes were usually
built by forced labour,! for Dutthag'dmini evidently
made an exception in the case of the Mahathupo^
for which he did not think it rig'ht to exact com-
pulsory or unpaid labour.
4. The foundations were formed of round stones
(perhaps boulders), which were trodden down by
elephants. Above these were placed courses of fine
clay, bricks, cement, kuruwinda stones, iron plates,
divine incense (broug'ht by the Srdmanerasy from the
Hemawanta), phalUia stones (steatite), common stone,
plates of brass (imbedded in Kapittho gum which had
been moistened with the milk of small red cocoa-nuts),
and plates of silver (cemented with vermilion mixed
in oil of 8esamum).J I have preserved this extrava-
gant account simply because I think it probable that
most of these particulars may be partially true.
The plates of silver and brass, and even of iron, were
possibly only small discs ; and the course of phalika
stone only a single slab ; each deposited in the centre
of the building.
6. The laying of the foundation stone was attended
with as much solemnity as now takes place at the
same ceremony in England. " Revered ones!" said
the Maharaja, '^ To-morrow, I will lay the festival-
• Mahuwanto, p. 169. f Mahamanso, pp. 1C5 and 175.
t Mahawatuo, p. 169.
BUILDING AND DEDICATION OF TOPES. 171
brick of the Great Chaityaj let all the fraternities
assemble there :'' and further^ he proclaimed^ ^^ Let
all my people attend with offerings for Buddha^ and
with garlands.'' The road leading* from the city
to the site of the Tope was decorated ; and on the
appointed morning*^ the moon being full^ the king^
attended by his ministers^ and accompanied by
thousands of troops^ with dancing and singing
women^ and bands of musicians^ proceeded to the
site of the Mahdthupo.* On reaching the place he
made an offering of one thousand and eight suits
of clothing; which were deposited in the middle^
and at the four sides^ of the intended site.
6. The ceremony was attended by numbers of
Bhikshus from the principal monastic establishments
in India ; from Rajagriha and Yaisali ; from Benares^
Sravasti^ and Xosambi; from Ujain^ and from the
wilderness of Yindhya; from Kashmir^ and from
Alasadda (or Alexandria)^ the capital of Yona (or
Greek country of Kabul).t The king, encircled by
the multitude of Bhikshus, entered the holy space^
and, bowing with reverence to them, presented an
offering of garlands. Then walking thrice round
the site, he stationed himself in the centre, and with
a pair of highly polished silver compasses pointed
with gold, described a circle for the lower course of
bricks. He next placed in the centre eight gold and
eight silver vases, and encircled them with eight
• MahawoMOy p. 170. f Maharvan^o, p. 172.
,172 THE BHILSA TOPES.
gold and eight silver bricks.* Around each brick
he deposited one hundred and eight pieces of cloth,
and around the whole one hundred and eight new
earthen vases. Then taking up the eastern brick
the king deposited it again in a fragrant cement
formed of the jessamine flowers which had been
offered on the holy spot. In the same manner seven
ministers of state deposited the other seven bricks.
Then the king, bowing down to the assembled
Bhikshus, again made offerings on the four sides of
the site ; and repairing to the north-east point,
bowed with reverence to the great Stliavira Priya-
DARSI, who at once began to chant the jat/a mangalay
^^ or hymn of joy/' which was uttered by Sakya at
the moment of his attaining Buddhahood.t
7. The bricklayers were assembled by beat of
dinim ; and the Rajah inquired from the architect,
" In what form dost thou propose to construct the
chaitya?" The architect, taking some water in the
pahn of his hand, dashed it into a golden vessel full
of water, and pointing to a hemispherical bubble of air
A\'hich stood for a moment on the surface, he said, " I
will build it in this form ."J
8. The relic-chamber was formed of six clouded
slabs of stone (megkawanna). One was placed flat,
four were arranged like the sides of a box, and the
sixth (which was the lid) was placed to the eastward. §
• Mahawansoy p. 173.
t See chap. iv. 7, of thi5 volume for Buddha's hymn.
: MahawamOy p. 175. ^ Mnharcaiiso^ p. 170.
BUILDING AND DEDICATION OF TOPES. 173
In the middle of this chamber was deposited a
golden bodhi-tTeey and round it were placed golden
images of Buddha. Various acts in the life of Buddha
were depicted on the sides of the chamber^ which was
illuminated with rows of lamps fed with scented oil.
9. On the evening of the day of full moon the
king Dutthagamini, in a chariot drawn by four white
horses^ carried the golden relic-casket on his head^
surmounted by the canopy of dominion^ towards the
Tope. The procession was headed by the state
elephant Kanduloy fully caparisoned ; and the chariot
was surrounded by men and women bearing vases^
baskets of flowers^ torches^ and flags. Elephants^
horses^ and chariots^ followed in the procession ;
and the crash of all kinds of vocal and instrumental
music was so loud that it seemed as if the earth was
being rent asunder.*
10. On reaching the Tope the pious monarch re-
ceived the relics from the chief sthavira, and deposited
them in a golden casket. Then placing the casket
on a throne he made his ofierings to the relics ; and
bowing reverentially down, stood with uplifted hands
joined in adoration. He now dedicated his canopy
of dominion (that is, the royal chatta) to the relics,
and exclaimed with joj', ^^ Thrice over do I dedicate
my kingdom to the redeemer of the world, the divine
teacher, the bearer of the triple canopy, the canopy
of the heavenly host, the canopy of mortals, and the
canopy of eternal emancipation/'
* Maharvanso, p. 186.
174 THE BHILSA TOP£S.
11. Then placing* the relic-casket on his head^ the
monarch presented more offeringB, and^ encircled by
the Bhikshus^ thrice perambulated the Tope; and
mounting* the eastern side he descended into the relic-
chamber. On all sides stood the arhatas with uplifted
hands joined in adoration, while the king* deposited
the relic-casket on the golden altar. He next made
an offering* of all the royal ornaments on his person,
and for seven days invested the relics with the
sovereignty of Lanka.* The ministers and all the
people in attendance likewise made offerings of all
the ornaments on their persons. Hymns were
chanted throughout the night by the Bhikshus ; the
lid of the relic-chamber was closed by two sr&ma-
neras ; and the enshrinement of the relic was com-
pleted.
12. After this ^^ thousands of relics'' were deposited
by the people above the relic-chamber,t and the dome
was closed, and crowned by a square capital. J At
this time, when only the chatta (or canopy) and the
plastering remained to be done, the Raja fell sick,
and enjoined his younger brother Tisso to finish the
Tope. As the Raja was at the point of death Tisso
quickly covered the whole Tope with white cloth sewn
together, and raised a cloth umbrella with a bambu
* Or Ceylon. Maharvanso, p. 190.
i Maharvanso, p. 192 — **Sahassa dhatunan,'' thousands of
relics.
I See the relic-casket in the shape of a cr^'stal Tope found in No.
2 Tope, at Bhojpur, Plate XXVI. See also the restoration of the
great S4nchi Tope, Plate VIII.
BUILDING AND DEDICATION OF TOPES. 175
handle on the summit; and then announced to the
king that the Tope was finished. The dying* monarch
was carried to the holy spot^ and laid upon a carpet
opposite the southern entrance, where, after gazing
with delight on the Tope, he breathed his last. The
pinnacle and the plastering of the dome, and the
enclosing parapet wall, were all completed by his
brother Saddhdtisso who succeeded him on the throne
of Ceylon.
13. About one hundred and twenty years after-
wards, between 10 and 9 B. c, the 'Ra^a BhdtikdbJiayo
festooned the great Tope with garlands of jessamine
flowers from top to bottom, and fixed flowers in the
intervals by their stalks. He next covered the
Chaitya with a paste of red lead, one finger thick,
and studded the paste with flowers. He then buried
the whole chait3'a, from the steps at its enclosure to
the top of its pinnacle, in a heap of flowers : and
lastly he white-whashed it with oyster-shell lime, and
studded it over with a net- work of pdrvdla stones, and
fixed golden flowers, of the size of chariot-wheels, in
the interstices. He likewise added two cornices,* or
copings, to the basement of the building.
14. Between the year 21 and 80 a. d., the Raja
Amandagdmini erected another chatta^ on the pin-
nacle of the Great Tope, and added copings to the
base and crown of the dome. Images of the four
^ Mahawanoy p. 211-215.
t Mahatvanso, p. 221 — Chattadhichattan, or " Chatta-above-
chatta." See the Sanchi Chaitya No. 1.
176 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Buddhas were presented to the Great Tope by Raja
Wasahho who reigned from 66 to 110 A. D. And
lastly, Raja Sirinago, between the years 184 and
200 A. D., gilded * the chatta of the Mahdthupo, and
inserted gems in the centre of each of the ^^ four
emblems of the sun/^f
15. This account agrees so closely with the present
state of the great Sanchi chaitya that it might be
taken as an actual description of that building. The
hemispherical form, the square crown, the chatta
above chatta, are all tlie same, and there are also the
same statues of the four Buddhas, and the same
" emblems of the sun'* over the four gateways.
16. In the Mahdthupo^ the relic-chamber was
placed low down in the building, for the king had to
^^ descend*' into it to deposit the casket. But in the
ThupAramOy which was built by Devanampriya about
240 B. c, the chamber was excavated knee deep on
the summit of the dome for the reception of the relics. J
This agrees with the position of the chamber in the
great Tope at Sonari.
17. Lastly, the ground was consecrated by tlie
Bhikshus with the performance of uposatho and other
rites, after the boundary had been marked out b}' the
king in procession with a golden plough drawn by
two state elephants. § This ceremony was performed
* Mahawansoj p. 226.
t Mnhan^ansOy p. 229 — chattunan snriyanony " four suns."
t Mahwanso, p. 104.
§ Mahawan$Oy p. 98.
BUILDING AND DEDICATION OF TOPES. 177
with the same display which has already been de-
scribed in the procession of. the relic-casket.
18. But this account describes only the older kind
of Tope^ which was a simple hemisphere^ such as the
great Chaityas at Sanchi and at Satdhara^ and which
probably date as high as the middle of the sixth cen-
tury before our era. The next in point of antiquity
are the Topes around Bhilsa, which contain the relics
of Asoka's missionaries, and of the venerable Mogali-
putra, who conducted the proceedings of the Third
Synod. In these, which were built in the end of the
third century before Christ, the dome is raised a few
feet above the basement by a c)'lindrical plinth. The
third class of Topes are those represented in the
Sanchi bas-reliefs, which date between 19 and 37 A. D.
In these the hemisphere is placed on a plinth of equal
height, so that the centre of the dome is the centre of
the whole building. Six representations of this kind
of Tope occur amongst the Sdnchi bas-reliefs, of which
one is on the southern gate of No. 2 Tope, and
another on the southern gate of No. 3 Tope.*
19. The crystal Chaitya discovered in No. 2 Tope,
at Bhojpur, is also of the same shape; and I am
therefore inclined to attribute the erection of that
Tope to the beginning of the Christian era. The
Topes in AfFglmnistan are mostly of this shape. In
the latest Topes, of which Sarnath, near Benares, is a
magnificent specimen, the plinth is equal in height to
the diameter of the hemisphere. Two specimens of
* For two of these Topes see Plate III., figs. 1 and 2.
N
178 THE BHILSA TOPES.
thus kind are given in Plate III., from the small dedi-
catory To[*e5 now lying in the enclosure of the Great
Sanchi Chaitva.
20. From these remarks it is evident that the ajre
of almost every Tope may be obtained approximately
from its shape; the most ancient being a simple
hemisphere^ and the latest a tall round tower sur-
mounteil bv a dome.
sAnchi topes, 179
CHAPTER XIV.
sanchi topes.
1. The small villag'e of Sanchi is situated on the low
ridge of a sandstone hill^ on the left bank of the
Betwa^ about five miles and a half to the south-west
of Bhilsa^ and twenty miles to the north-east of
Bhupal. The hill is flat-topped and isolated^ with a
steep cliff to the eastward ; and to the westward an
easy slope covered with jungul at the foot, and near
the top broken into steps by horizontal ledges of
rock.
2. The general direction of the hill is from north to
south, and its whole summit is covered with ruins.
But the principal buildings that now remain occupy
only the middle part of the level top, and a narrow
belt leading down the hill to the westward. The
summit itself has a gentle slope in the same direction
with the dip of the strata ; and the level of the court
of the great Tope is some twelve or fifteen feet below
that of the mined vihar and temple on the eastern
edge of the precipice. The hill, which is about three
hundred feet in height, is formed of a light red sand-
stone, hard and compact in texture, but subject to
180 THE BHILSA TOPES.
split. This stone has been used for all the Topes and
other buildings where mere hardness and durability
were required ; but for the colonnades and sculptured
gateways a fine-grained white sandstone was brought
from the Udayagiri hill, three miles and a half to the
northward.
3. The group of Topes at Sanchi is represented in
Plate IV. The Topes are numbered from 1 to 11,
and the other objects are described in the plan. Of
these the most remarkable is a large stone bowl, now
lying on a small mound between the two principal
Topes. The interior dimensions of the bowl are —
diameter, 4^ feet ; depth, 2^ feet. The thickness at
top is 6 inches, at bottom 18 inches. The size of this
bowl agrees so closely with that of the golden vessel,*
in which Asoka despatched the ^^ cutting^' of the
great Bo-tree to Ceylon, that it seems highly proba-
ble the S6nchi bowl must once have held a sacred
tree. Indeed I feel inclined to go even farther, for I
suspect that this bowl once held the holy nettle which
Buddha himself had bitten off and planted. But this
depends upon the identification of SAnchi with the
Sh/i'chi of Fa Hian, a point which I will now
examine.
4. On leaving Ki-jao-iy or Kanoj, Fa Hian pro-
ceeded about twenty miles to the opposite bank of the
Ganges; and from thence, he says, ^^ten yojans to
* Mahawanso, pp. Ill, 119. Asoka's vase was nine cubits in
circumference, three cubits in diameter, five cubits in depth, and
eight fing^ers {atthangnla) in thickness.
SiNCHI TOPES. 181
the south-west you come to the ^eat kingdom of
Shorchi ;*^ and ^^ thence, proceeding south to the dis-
tance of eight yojanSy you arrive at the kingxlom of
Kiu^orlOy and the town of She-wei*^ (Ajudhya, or
Audh). There is a difficulty in this part of the route
which (I agree with Mr. Laidlay* in thinking) can
only be explained away on the supposition of a mis-
print in the French edition, or an error in the original
Chinese. Ajudhya is almost due east from Xanoj ;
and the direct distance is much more than eighteen
yojans. Hwan Thsang is silent regarding Shachi,
although he travelled over this part of the country,
and describes it in detail ; besides which we know of
no place of Buddhist celebrity between Eanoj and
Ajudhya. On the other hand, we have the absolute
identity of the names of Shd-chi, and SS,nchi or
Sachi,t and the knowledge that Sanchi was a large
Bauddha establishment, as well as the capital of a
kingdom, at the time of Fa Hian's visit. The south-
westerly direction is correct, but the distance should
be about fifty yojans instead of ten.
5. The name of Sanchi, or Sachi, is most probably
only the spoken form of the Sanskrit Sdnti: for I
find the term Sdnti-sangham (the Sdnti community)
• Fih-krve-kif c. xix. note 2 — Mr. Laidlay's translation. It is im-
possible to conceive that any " great " kingdom, as Fa Hian calls
Shdchi, could have intervened between the kingdoms of Samkaasa
and Kosala, or the present Mainpuri and Oudh.
t See Journal As. Soc. Bengal, vol. xvii. p. 746. The name is
always written Sdtchi by my brother.
182 THE BHILSA TOPES.
used in the inscriptioii on the eoutbem pillar of the
Great Tope.* The Chinese also transcribed sdnti
b^' sA'chi ; for they say that it signifies ^^ silence^
repose.^ t This proves the identic of the names ; but
until the original text of the Fo-kwe-ki has been re-
examined^ nothing* more can be insisted upon than
the probability of the identification.
6. The storv of the nettle is thus told bv Fa Hian.
**0n leading the town of Sha-chi by the Southern
Gate you find to the East of the road^ the place
where Fo bit a branch of nettle and planted it in the
g^und. This branch sprang* up and grew to the
heigfht of seven feet, and afterwards neither increased
nor diminished. The heretical Brahmans, fired with
envy^ cut and tore it to throw it away ; but it always
sprang up again in the same place."
7. The present village of Sanchi is situated on the
low spur connecting the Tope-hill vriih the Kana-
khen^-hilK The village is now verj- small ; but the
iamuMX>us ruins scattered over the hill between Sanchi
and Kanakhen^ prove that there has once been a
lariiv town on this site. At the time of Fa Hian's
visit it was one of the principal places in the king-
i\on\ of Sanakanika. On leaving it by the South
^i\U\ tho roail let! (as it does now) along the foot of
tho hill; and the irreat stone l>owl was therefore to
\\\c K\\>\\\u\\\. i\^ ilosoribod bv Fa Ilian.
%
• vSr PLito \l\. *No. irr. foi tLis iiiscri])tion.
t t\ y\\'U, i\ \vu. uoto ir
SJLNCHI T0P£S. 183
No. 1 Tope. — Sanchi.
8. The gTeat Sanchi Tope is situated on the
western edge of the hill. The ground has once been
carefiiUy levelled, by cutting away the surface rock
on the east, and by building up a retaining wall on
the west. The court (as it now exists) averages one
hundred and fifty yards in length, and is exactly
one hundred yards in breadth. In the midst
stands the Great Chaitya, No. I.,* surrounded by a
massive colonnade. The bald appearance of the
solid dome is reUeved by the lightness and elegance
of the highly picturesque gateways. On all sides
are ruined temples, fallen columns, and broken
sculptures : and even the Tope itself, which had
withstood the destructive rancour of the fiery Saivas
and the bigoted Musalmdns, has been half-ruined by
the blundering excavations of amateur antiquaries*
9. In the north-east, south-east, and south-west cor-
ners of the court there are small ruined Topes, marked
Nos. 5, 6, 7 in the plan, Plate lY . In the south there
is a small temple of middle age, and an old Chaitya
temple with lofty square columns. The semicircular
end of this temple was first traced by my brother,
• " There is a stern round tower of other days,
Firm as a fortress with its fence of stone;
Such as an army's ba£9ed strength delays^
Standing with half its battlements alone.
184 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Captain J. D. Cunningham^* and afterwards more
leisurely by Lieut. Maisey^ who made an excavation
on the supposed site of the Chaitya^ and was re-
warded by the discovery of a small chamber contain-
ing* a broken steatite vase.
10. The great Tope itself is a solid dome of stone
and brick^ 106 feet in diameter, and 42 feet in height^
springing from a plinth of 14 feet, with a projection
of 5^ feet from the base of the building, and a slope
of 8^ feet. The plinth or basement formed a terrace
for the perambulation of worshippers of the enshrined
relic ; for, on the right pillar of the North Gateway
there is a representation of a Tope and of two
i;^ orshippers walking round it,t with garlands in
their hands. The terrace was reached by a double
flight of steps to the south, connected by a landing
ten feet square. J
11. The apex of the dome was flattened into a terrace
34 feet in diameter, surrounded by a stone railing of
that style so peculiar to Bauddha monuments, that I
will venture to call it the " Buddhist Railing/'
And with two thousand years of ivy grown,
The garland of eternity — where wave
The green leaves, over all by Time overthrown,
What was this tower of strength ? Within its cave
What treasure lay so locked, so hid ! A hcrmiCs grave."
By HON : Childc Harold.
* Journal As. Soc. Bengal, xvii. riute XXVIII.
t See Plate XTTI.
: See Plate VIII.
SiNCHI TOPES. 186
Many of the pillars of this colonnade are now lying
at the base of the monument ^ and several portions
of the coping or architrave prove that the enclosure
was a circular one. The inscriptions Nos. 173^ 174^
175^ and 176^ are taken from the fallen pillars of this
colonnade. The pillars are 8 feet 4 inches high^ 9 inches
broad^ and 7^ inches thick. They are of the same
pattern as those of the lower enclosure^ and in fact
of all the enclosures of Buddhist Topes throughout
India.* I counted nearly forty of these pillars^ but
several must be buried beneath the rubbish of the
destructive excavation made by the amateur anti-
quaries in 1822.t As the spaces between the pillars
were^ as nearly as can now be ascertained^ about one
foot^ this enclosure would have required exactly sixty-
one pillars.
12. Within the upper enclosure there was a square
altar or pedestal surrounded by pillars of the same
description^ but much taller^ some of which are still
lying on the top of the dome. In 1819, when Cap-
tain Fell visited Sanchi^J these pillars were all there j
but one of the corner pillars is now lying at the base
of the monument to the north-west. It is proved to
have belonged to a sqiuire enclosure, by its having
faces at right angles to each other with two rows of
mortices for the reception of the ends of the stone
♦ See Plates VII., IX., XXIII., and XXVIII., for specimens
of enclosures.
t Prinsep's Journal, iv. 712.
t Prinsep's Journal, iii. 490.
186 THB BHILSA TOPES.
rails. The projecting cornice of this altar or pedestal
is restored from the numerous representations of
Topes amongst the bas-reliefs of the gateways. The
cupola or umbrella-pinnacle is restored from existing
fragments guided by the designs of Topes just men-
tioned.* One piece is now lying on the top of the
dome^ and another at the foot of the breach. This
cupola was 5 feet 6 inches in diameter^ and 2 feet
high. It is hollowed out underneath ; and above it
has a mortice 8 inches deep for the reception of a staff
of a second cupola^ such as we see represented in the
bas-reliefs. «
18. The total height of the building including the
cupolas must have been upwards of one hundred
feet.
14. The base of the Tope is surrounded by a
massive colonnade, 144 J feet in diameter from west
to east, and 151 J feet in diameter from north to
south. This enclosure is therefore elliptical ; the
greater diameter exceeding the lesser by 7 feet. By
this arrangement a free passage is obtained round the
southern staircases, and a greater breadth at the foot
of the ascent. The breadth of the cloister on the
north-west and north-east sides averages 9 feet
7 inches, the several measurements only differing by
a few inches. From east to south the cloister in-
creases rapidly in width j the breadth at the east
being* onl}^ 9 feet 11 inches, and at the foot of the
staircasf? 18 feet 8 inches. The elliptical form is
St'e two H|)f'(uinnns in Plate III., fi^s. 1 and 2.
• u
SlNCHI TOPES. 187
shown didtinctly in my brother*s plan^^ although he
does not mention it in his description.
15. The pillars of this colonnade are 0 feet 10^
inches in height^ with an average thickness of 1 foot
10^ inches. The front and back of each pillar have
three faces ; a middle one^ 9^ inches in breadth^ and
two side ones^ slightly bevelled^ each 6^ inches broad.
The pillars are let into the ground from 15 to 18
inches. The interval or inter-columniation is 2 feet
]^ inch.
16. The rails are three in number with intervals of
4 inches. Each rail is 2 feet 1^ inch long^ and the
same broad. The section is formed of two inter-
secting circular segments^ with a double versed sine
of 0^ inches^ which forms the thickness of the
rail. The mortices in the pillars are of the same
section as the rails^ and are from 3 to 4 inches in
depth.
17. The architrave or coping is formed of long
solid blocks rounded at top^ each 2 feet 3 inches in
height^ by 2 feet 1 inch in thickness. Each beam
spans two intercolumniations^ and has three mortices
for receiving the tenons of the three pillars. Some
of the beams are connected together by tenons and
mortices^ and others by stone joggles.
18. A view of this remarkable stone-railing is
given in Plate IX., which shows the general dis-
position of the numerous inscriptions. The style is
evidently characteristic and conventional, as it is
• Journal As. Soc. Bengal, xvii. Plate XXVIJI.
188 THE BHILSA TOPES.
found wherever the Bauddha religion prevails.* It
is in fact so peculiar to Buddhism that I have ven-
tured to name it ^^ the Buddhist railing/' This pe-
culiar railing is still standing around the principal
Topes at Sanchi and Andher ; and some pillars and
other fragments are still lying around the great
Topes at Son4ri and Satdhara. The same railing
was placed around the holy Bodhi Trees^f ^^^ ^^^
pillars dedicated to Buddha^ The balconies of the
City 6ates,§ and of the King's Palace,|| were en-
closed by it. It formed the bulwarks of the State
Barge. ^ It was used as an ornament for the capi-
tals of columns^ as on the northern pillar at Sanchi ;**
and generally for every plain band of architectural
moulding. At Sanchi it is found in many places
as an ornament on the horizontal bars which sepa-
rate the bas-reliefs from each other.
10. The Sanchi railing has one entrance at each
of the four cardinal points; as represented in the
plan in Plate IV. Each entrance is covered in
* No less than nine specimens of this kind of railing were
found amongst the Bhilsa Topes^ all of which are described in the
following pages. In Plate IX. fig 3, I have added a specimen
from the great Dipaldinna Mound at Amaravati^ for the descnp-
tion of which see Prinsep's Journal^ vol. vi. Plate X.
t See coins^ in Plates XXXI. and XXXII.
X See Plate XXXI. fig. 1, and Plate XXXH. fig. 11.
§ Bas-relief at S^chi^ Eastern Oatewaj, Plate XV. Bg. 3.
II Bas-relief of Eastern Gateway — Fergusson*s Illustrations.
If Bas-relief of Western Gateway, Left Pillar, Inner Facey No. III.
•• See Plate X.
SlNCHI TOPES. 189
front^ and to the left (as seen from the outside)^ by a
short railing" of the same style. In after times
another short railing* was added to the rig-ht of each^
and the entrance was chang'ed to the front through a
lofty gateway.
20. These four gateways are the most picturesque
and valuable objects at Sanchi, as they are entirely
covered with bas-reliefs representing various domestic
scenes and religious ceremonies. Each gateway is
formed of two square pillars, 2 feet 3 inches thick,
and 13 feet 8 inches in height. The capitals of these
pillars vary. The pillars of the western gate have
each four human dwarfs ; those of the southern gate
have four lions ; and those of the other gateways have
four elephants surmounted by their riders. The
height of the capital is 4 feet 6 inches. The total
height of the gateway is 18 feet 2 inches, and its
breadth is 7 feet 1 inch.
21. The pillars are crowned by an architrave 19
feet 9 inches in length, with an arched rise of 4
inches in the middle, and a projection of 4 feet 5
inches on each side. These projecting ends are
supported by brackets, each formed of the stem and
foliage of a tree, beneath which is a ndchniy or
dancing woman. The style of hair and the peculiar
bead-girdle of these female dancers, is so much like
those of some of the Tibetan women of the present
day, that one is naturally led to trace them to an
Indo-Scythian origin ; especially when we know that
the Indo-Scythian power was paramount in India at
100 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the very time that these gateways were erected.*
A second architrave is placed above the other at a
height of 2 feet 2^ inches^ and is supported by five
uprights^ of which two are simple continuations of
the pillars. This second architrave is 2 feet and
1 inch in height ; and its ends project only 4 feet
2 inches. Five uprights of the same height as this
architrave, support a third architrave only 1 foot
0^ inches^ in height^ with diminished projections of
8 feet 11 inches. The ends of the architraves are
formed into narrow threaded volutes surmounted by
winged lions. The open spaces between the uprights
contain small figures of elephant riders below^ and
of horsemen above ; and on the outside of the pillars
there are small figures of female dancers.
22. The summit is crowned in the middle by a
wheel (half broken) upwards of three feet in diameter,
supported by four elephants. On each side, immedi-
ately above the pillars, there is a peculiar emblem,
which will be described hereafter. Between each of
these emblems and the wheel there is a male attend-
• See Plate XIV. for one of these dancing figures. The features
are quite Tihetan ; and this peculiarity is so strong that it has
struck others besides myself. Thus Captain Eyre writes to me : " A
very remarkable feature in the 8culptiu*es is the peculiai* Tartar-like
physiognomies of the principal figures. How is this to be ac-
counted for? The sculptors must have been familiar with that
peculiar form of the ^ human face divine/ or they would not so
successfully have chiselled it. It seems to me probable, therefore,
that the conquering race must have been of Tartar origin." For
the com|)lete figure, see the Frontispiece of Fergusson's IHustra-
tions.
SANCHI TOFES. 191
ant with a ckaariy or Tibetan cow's tail. The wheel
is the symbol of Buddha ; and the peculiar monograph
on each side is the emblem of Dharma.*
23. The whole of these gateways^ excepting* where
they abut on the railings^ are most elaborately carved.
The faces of the pillars are divided into compart-
ments^ each containing* a scene either religious or
domestic. The faces of the architraves, both front
and rear, represent — (1st) sieg'es ; (8nd) triumphal
processions either entering or leaving cities j (3rd)
adoration of Topes, and of trees ; (4th) processions
escorting relic-caskets ; and (6th) ascetic life in the
woods. A short description of these valuable delinea-
tions of ancient Indian n\^nners and customs will be
given at the end of this account of the Great Sanchi
Tope, along with the translations of all the inscrip-
tions.
24. Within the enclosure, and immediately facing
each entrance, there is a large figure. Each figure
has once rested under a canopy supported in front on
a couple of pillars ; but these have long since been
broken, and the figfures themselves have been very
much injured. The eastern statue is now lying on its
face; but, by digging under it. Lieutenant Maisey
discovered that it was a seated figure, which I believe
to be that of Krakuchanda, the first mortal Buddha.
• See Plate VI I. for a view of the Great Tope, with its peculiar
gateways. The wheel, or emblem of Buddha, will be found in
Plate XXXI. fig. 2; and the other emblem, which is that of
Dharma, in Plate XXXII. fig. 10.
102 THE BHILSA TOPES.
The southern statue is a standings figure^ with a halo
round the head. To the rig^ht and left there are two
attendant figures of half size^ and a small elephant.
This is most probably a statue of Kanaka^ the second
mortal Buddha. The western figure is much muti-
lated^ and the head is entirely gone. It is seated^
and probably represents KIsyapa, the third mortal
Buddha. The northern statue is seated cross-legged,
with both hands in the lap, the palms uppermost.
The head is surrounded by an ornamental nimbus.
A small figure, sceptre in hand, hovers above each
shoulder ; and a male attendant stands on each side,
with his left hand resting in his girdle, and his
right bearing a mace, or chaori. This is no doubt a
statue of SIkya Sinha, the last mortal Buddha,
seated in the very attitude in which he obtained
Buddhahood.
25. These four statues are referred to in one of the
longer railing inscriptions which lias been translated
by James Prinsep.* Amongst other things this in-
scription records a gift of money, the interest of which
was to be expended in daily lamps, for the four
shrines of the four Buddhas. The inscription is very
rudely cut, and fully merits the description which
James Prinsep gave it, of a ^^ network of scratches."
But as the four Buddhas and the four Buddhist
shrines are twice mentioned, there is no doubt of the
correctness of Prinsep's reading. The date of the
* Journal, vi. 459. This inscription is generally called the
Harisw^mini inscription, from the names of the recorder.
SlNGHI TOPES. 198
record is doubtful ;* but it appears to me to be in the
fourth century of the Vikramaditya Samvat. The
fig'ure for 300 is clear, and so is that for 1 ; but the
middle figure, which is the same as the letter /, is
doubtful. We know that it is not 10, or 18, or 90 ;
and this limits the date within fifty years,' between
321 and 371 Samvat, or a. d. 264 and 314. If the
Saka era of 78 A. D. was used, the date will range
between 399 and 441 A. D. I have used the earlier
epochs instead of the Gupta era, because the latter
would bring the date of the inscription down to the
middle of the seventh century, at which period we
know that the alphabets of India were the same as
the modem Tibetan. The form of the characters
shows that this inscription was not later than the time
of the earlier Guptas. The date, therefore, whether
reckoned in Samvat or in Saka, will range between
300 and 400 A. D.
26. A few feet to the east of the southern entrance
there is still standing the lower portion of a magni-
ficent lion pillar. Other portions of the shaft as well
as the capital are lying on the ground to the south.
By a careful measurement of the different pieces, I
found that the height of the shaft must have been
81 feet 11 inches. Captain Fell calls it 32 feet.f
The diameter at the base is 2 feet 10 inches; and
at the neck it was only 2 feet 3 inches ; the total
• See inscription No. 198, Plate XXI. of this volume, for a
fac-simile of this date.
t Prinsep's Journal, iii. Plate XXXI.
O
104 THE BHILSA TOPES.
diminution^ therefore^ is 7 inches^ or nearly one-fifth
of the lower diameter. At 10 feet the diameter in
2 feet 8 inches^ and at 21 feet it was 2 feet 6^ inches.
These measurements show that this pillar had a gentle
swell in the middle of the shaft^ and that the early
Indian architects followed the same practice in this
respect as the Greeks. The whole diminution being
7 inches^ the proportional diminution (if the sides of
the column were straight) would be 2*10 inches at 10
feet, and 4*00 inches at 21 feet. There is thus an
increase in the thickness of the shaft of rather more
than one inch at two-thirds of its height.
27. The capital of the column is 2 feet 10| inches
in height. It is somewhat like a bell in shape, but
with a greater swell near the top, and is ornamented
with narrow festoons. The bell was surmounted by
a conled Uyrus of 4 inches, above which was a plain
ciriHilar Inind of 3^ inches, surmounted by a very
handsi>me circular abacus 6 inches in height. The
alvjunis is oniamented with some very Grecian-looking
foliagt\ and with four pairs of ch4ikH\i4y or holy
l^rahmani ducks- These birds are alwavs seen in
jvurs. and are celebrated amongst the Hindus for
their oonjiu:^^! affeoiion. They are therefore repre-
s<^i)tiv. ii.-ivi;:, >\ith out^tre:oht\i necks, aijii beads
■ ■»- 1 K .. . ^^ ,- \ .- N» \ .*■«■ -i.^- ,.♦,♦». . * • * .1 ♦\,^ . ^ •. • . • ....-—•
SiNCHI TOPES. 105
Its width is 3 feet^ or just three-fourths of its height.
If the dimensions of the capital were obtained from
any multiple of the lower diameter^ it is probable that
the rule was to make the height of capital equal to 1^
diameter of the base. The south pillar is 2 feet 10
inches in diameter, but the northern pillar is only 2
feet 7 inches, and the mean of the two is 2 feet 8^
inches. This would give a capital of 4 feet and f
inch in height, which is within one inch of the mea-
sured height.
29. The capital is crowned by four lions standing
back to back ; each four feet in height. The heads are
all broken ; but the limbs, which are still perfect, are
so boldly sculptured, and the muscles and claws are
so accurately represented, that they might well be
placed in comparison with many specimens of Grecian
art. I attribute these pillars to the period of Asoka's
reign, when Greek princes were ruling in Bactria
and Kabul. We know that the " barbaric pearl and
goW of the Mogul emperors fi'om Akbar to Au-
rangzeb attracted numbers of European jewellers and
goldsmiths to the Indian Court : and we may there-
fore naturally infer that the architectural munificence
of Asoka would have allured many Greek sculptors
and architects from the neighbouring kingdoms of
Bactria and Syria. But there is one reason which
more than the others inclines me to attribute these
lions to a Grecian artist, namely, the correct de-
lineation of the feet, which have four large front
claws, and one small hind claw. Now this lion
106 THE BHILSA TOPES.
capital has been imitated by the sculptor of the
pillars of the South Gateway, which we know was
erected during* the reign of Sri Satakami in the
early half of the first centur}" of the Christian era.
On these pillars the lions are represented \iith Jive
large frant clawSy and some straig'ht channels up and
down are perhaps intended for the muscles. The
marked difference of style shows a considerable
difference of ag'e ; and I attribute the pillars to the
same early period as the railing. The native sculptor
of S4takarni's rei^'-n was no match for the Greek
artist employed by Asoka.
30. To the north of the Tope there is a second
isolated column of similar dimensions to the last. It
stands on a square plinth 0 feet 3 inches in width at
base, 8 feet wide at top, and 3 feet 6 inches in height.
It is broken into three steps, as shown in the sketch in
Plate X. The lower portion of the shaft is still stand-
ing ; and the capital is now lying to the northward,
at a distance of 3i?J feet from the shaft. The other
portions of the shaft are missing ; but the socket in the
lower end of the capital shows that the neck of the
shaft was 2 feet 3^ inches in diameter, or the same as
that of the southern pillar. The base is only 2 feet
7 inches in diameter. As these dimensions are nearlv
the same as those of the other column, and as the
measured distance of the prostrate capital iVom the
base of the shaft is only seven inches more than tiit
height of the remaining shaft. I hue assumeJ that the
two pillars were most probably or rhr sauie hi-::::it.
SANCHl TOPES. 197
31. The bell capital of the northern pillar is termi-
nated by an octag^onal abacus^ 6 inches in heig'ht.
Above this there is a massive pedestal 3 feet square^
and 2 feet 2^ inches in height^ which is ornamented on
all four sides with a representation of the Buddhist
railing. The pillar is crowned by a human figure
of rather more than life size. The arms are both
missing from the shoulders^ and the statue is broken
off at midleg. The lower parts of the legs are
wanting, but the feet are still adhering to the upper
part of the large tenon which was morticed into the
head of the pillar.
32. The figure is dressed in the Indian dhoti
gathered around the loins, and drawn in folds across
the thighs. The end of the dhoti cloth flutters be-
hind the left thigh. The body and the legs are
naked. There is a necklace round the neck, and a
belt or girdle round the waist. The left hand pro-
bably rested on the left hip ; but the position of
the right hand I cannot even guess. The expression
of the face is placid, but cheerful ; the posture of the
figure is easy, though standing with unbent knees,
and altogether there is an air of calm dignity about
the statue that places it amongst the finest specimens
of Indian sculpture. It probably represents Asoka
himself, for there is a figure of Sakya within the
northern entrance.
33. The total height of this pillar was forty-five
feet and a half, and that of the south pillar very
nearly forty feet. They were formed of a light-
108 THE BHILSA TOPES.
coloured compact sandstone and were very highly
polished. This polish* still remains on the shafts^
and on the smoother portions of the statues. The
south pillar has an inscription in the oldest Indian
Pali^ hut it is too much mutilated to he read with
any certainty, excepting in the closing lines.f
34. There is every reason to helieve that these
noble columns would have been standing at this day,
had it not been for the petty avarice of the neigh-
bouring zamindars. The southern pillar has been
broken off at 6^ feet from its base, and the rest of
the shaft is now lying in two pieces on the ground
towards the south. The capital of the northern pillar
is lying to the north of its shaft. Thus both pillars
have fallen outwards from the building. This could
scarcel)' be the effect of an earthquake ; but would
naturally be the case if they had been pulled down
for the purpose of making use of their material.
Now there is a row of holes chiselled across the
middle portion of the southern pillar, which prove
that since its fall the people have attempted to cut it
into lengths for their own use. Each of these pieces
would have formed a sugar-mill, such as has been in
use in India from time immemorial. But it may be
asked, '^ Wh}' did the cutter desist from his labour,
and leave the wished-for stone at the top of the hill?''
• The same high polish is observable on the Allahabad and
Delhi Pillars j and also on the Radhiva, ^lathiva, and Bakra Pillars,
as I am informed by Major Kittoe.
t See No. 177, Plate XIX.
SANCHI TOPES. 191)
The answer is simple and conclusive. During the
operation of cutting, the stone split longitudinally
from top to bottom, and was no longer of any use.
The same cause preserved the upper portion of the
southern pillar. I presume therefore that the shaft
of the northern pillar did not split, and that it was
long ago carried away and formed into sugar-mills.
It is right, however, to add that I made inquiries for
sugar-mills in the neighbourhood without success:
although the ignorance of the people by no means
proves their non-existence.
35. Close to the eastern gateway there is a third
pillar with a shaft 13 feet high, and rather more than
one foot in diameter. Its capital is bell-shaped, like
those of the others ; and it is crowned by a single
seated lion.
36. To the north-east of the Tope also there are
two small broken pillars, of which one bears an in-
complete inscription in characters of the early Gupta
period, about 400 a. d. This inscription is given in
Plate XXI. No. 199. It reads, *^ * * rfi HariswAmi-
Oosha Sinha Baliputra * * " that is, " HariswImi
GosHA the son of Sinhabali"* This Hariswami
probably belonged to the same family as the Haris-
wdmini before mentioned, who was the donor of
lamps to the shrines of the four Buddhas.
37. At the north-west angle of the court, a flight
of steps formerly led down the hill towards No. 2
Tope. Due north there is a ruined flight of steps
♦ This inscription bad escaped the notice of previous visitors.
200 THE BHILSA TOPES.
leading past No. 3 Tope into the road towards the
village of Sanchi. At the head of these steps there
are two colossal figures, probably of porters or gfate-
keepers. On the outside of the western wall, and
about 20 feet below the level of the court, there is a
long, dry tank cut out of the solid rock. Below this
there are the ruins of a large oblong building, pro-
bably a Vihar, or monaster}'. Below this again are
the circular bases of Topes Nos. 9 and 10, and the
stone bowl which has alread}'^ been described. From
this point there is a ruined but well-defined flight of
steps leading to No. 2 Tope.*
* See Plate IV. of this volume for all these ruins.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SANCHl BAS-RELIEFS. 201
CHAPTER XV.
DESCRIPTION OP THE SiNCHI BAS-RELIEFS.
The bas-reliefs are carved upon the front and rear
faces of the architraves, and upon the front and inner
faces of the gateway pillars. The outer faces of the
pillars are ornamented with flowers, garlands, and
other devices, which need not be detailed. I will
begin with the pillar of the eastern gate, and follow
in my description the course of the sun round by the
south, and west towards the north. The bas-reliefs
on the pillars are divided into compartments, which
I have numbered from top to bottom. The lowest
compartments of the inner faces of all the pillars are
occupied by large figures of porters or doorkeepers,
some with spears, some with chaoris, &c.*
EASTERN GATEWAY.
Right Pillak — Front Face.
I. Palace Scene. — Audience Halh — Upper apart-
ment of palace. Two royal personages seated
with several attendants.
• A very correct view of the Eastern Gateway will be found in
Fergusson's Illustrations of Ancient Indian Architecture : Frontis-
piece.
202 THE BHILSA TOPES.
II. Palace Scene. — Women dancing before the king.
Raja seated on a morha, or throne^ in the palace-
hall^ holding* the vtyra^ or thunderbolt^ in his
right hand^ and in his left a gourd. Two attend-
ants behind him hold the chatta and chaoriy
both being insignia of royalty. On his right
is seated either the heir- apparent or the prime
minister, attended by two chaori and chatta
bearers. On the king's left are two NachniSy
or dancing women, who are dancing to the
sound of two s&rangis (or lutes) and two drums.
III. IV. and V. are the same repeated.
The whole of this front of the pillar represents a
six-storied palace. Each story is supported on a
front of four octagonal pillars, with bell-shaped capi-
tals surmounted by recumbent winged horses.
Right Pillar — Inner Face.
I. Adoration of tree. — Royal figures paying their
adorations to a tree.
II. Dream of Maya. — Maya, the mother of Buddha,
represented asleep, and the Chddanta elephant
touching her feet with his trunk. Below her
the Prince Siddhartha is passing through the
city gate of Kapila in a chariot drawn by two
horses. He is preceded by musicians, and at-
tended by elephant riders and horsemen. The
rear of the procession is inside the city. In
front are three figures with joined hands adoring
DESCRIPTION OF THE SiNCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 203
a holy Bo-tree enclosed in a square Buddhist
railing.
This second compartment is one of the most in-
teresting' bas-reliefs at Sanchi. The upper portion
represents the dream of Maya the Queen of Suddho^
danaj Raja of Kapila. She dreamed that she was
touched by a Chddanta elephant^ which the wise
men interpreted as a divine conception. It thus
represents the incarnation of the last mortal Buddha^
Sakya Sinha.
The lower portion represents the last act in the
life of the Prince Siddhartha^ before he took the
vows of asceticism. It is in fact the last of the
^^ four predictive signs.''* On emerging from the
city in his chariot, S&kya saw some healthy, well-
clad persons wearing the peculiar robe of those
dedicated to religion. These are the three ascetics
paying their adoration to the Bo-tree.
EASTERN GATE.
Left Pillar — Front Face.
I. Adoration of Symbol of Dharma. — Temple con-
taining the symbol or monogram of Dharma
on an altar ; over which some fabulous Kinnaras
are waving garlands and making offerings. On
each side of the temple are two royal or lay
* See the account of the four predictive signs in the second
chapter of this work.
204 THE BHILSA TOPES.
personages with hands joined in adoration (see
Plate XXXII. for symbols of Dharma).
II. Boat Scene. — Sdkya^s Nirvdna. — A boat is repre-
sented on the ocean ; containing three persons ;
one rower, one steersman, and one passenger,
all of whom are clad in the costume of the
higher ranks of Buddhist ascetics. In the right
and left upper corners there are trees ; and scat-
tered about in the waters there are lotus flowers,
alligators, ducks, and shells. On the shore
below are represented four figures also in a
religious garb; one with dishevelled hair and
uplifted arms; and the others, who wear caps,
with hands clasped together in attitudes of de-
votion. In the right hand comer below is a tree
with an altar.*
This scene I have already described in my account
of Sak}- a*s death. The passenger is, I think, Sakya
Muni, who is represented, after the attainment of
Nirvdna^ or freedom from transmigration, as being
wafted over the waters which are said to surround
this transitory world. The figures on the shore are
a Bhikshu of the lower grade, bewailing the de-
parture of S^kya with dishevelled hair and uplifted
arms, which, from the accounts given in the Pali
• See Plate XI. of this volume. The manner in which the
planks of the boat are secured together is the same as that which
is now practised. I have reduced Major Durand's sketch to one-
half size. Numerous shells, ducks, and lotus-flowers have been
omitted.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SiNCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 205
annals^ would seem to have been the customary
manner of expressing' grief at that period. The
other figures are Bhikshus who had attained the
higher grade of Arahaty and who comforted them-
selves with the reflection that ^^ all transitory things
are perishable.'' The difference of rank is known by
the bare head of the mourner^ and the capped heads
of the others; a distinction which still prevails in
Tibet, where the lower grades Ge-thsul and Chhoa-fa
invariably go bare-headed^ whilst all the L&mas (or
higher ^ades)^ including the Grand Lama himself,
have their heads covered.
III. Prince in chariot leaving Kapila. — Gate and
walls of city. Chariot with three persons leaving
the city, followed by elephant riders and horse-
men, who are represented inside the city. Be-
yond the walls there are an altar and two royal
or lay personages standings before it with hands
joined in adoration. The three figures in the
chariot are the king", the driver, and the chaori
holder.
This scene probably represents another of the
" four predictive signs;'' and the figures at the altar
may be intended either for the sick or aged persons^
whom S&kya met before he became an ascetic.
EASTERN GATE.
Left Pillar — Inner Face.
I. Kitchen Scene. — To the right is the city gate, and
a man carrying a banghy, or small load, sus-
206 THE BHILSA TOPES.
pended by ropes from both ends of a pole. Be-
yond him are two women^ naked to the waist ;
one stooping* to fill her water jar from a tank or
stream^ and the other with a water jar under her
left arm. On their right is a male personag'e^
also naked to the waist^ his loins and thighs
covered in the folds of a dhoti^ standing with
hands joined in adoration before an altar. On
the left of the compartment there is a very lively
kitchen scene. A woman^ naked to the waist^ is
husking corn in a large wooden mortar, with a
two-handed pestle. A second woman is seated
winnowing the com from the chaff in a flat
shovel-shaped basket. A third woman is stand-
ing at a four-legged table rolling out chapattisj
or unleavened cakes; and a fourth woman is
seated grinding spices or condiments on the «i/,
or ^^flat stone/' with a h&nt or round muUer.
Behind her, seated on the ground, is the Raja,
or master of the household; and in the back-
ground are two houses with dome-shaped roofs.
The lower portion of the compartment is filled
with goats, sheep, and oxen.*
This scene is one of the most curious and interest-
ing of all the Sanchi bas-reliefs. Women onl}- are
employed in all the domestic occupations : in drawing
water, in husking and winnowing the corn, and in
* See Plate XV., fig. 2, of this volume, for the kitchen scene,
which is copied from one of Lieutenant Maisey's beautiful
sketches.
DE8CBIFTI0N OF THE SINCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 207
the cooking* of food. The last fact is noticed by
Quintus Cnrtius^ who^ speaking of the Indian king;
says : ^^ Women prepare his food/'* The mortar and
two-handed pestle are the same as those in use at
the present day in India. The mortar (okhli) is
exactly the same as the Greek lySi?^ and the Roman
pih ; and the pestle (musar) is the same as the
Greek Kovavovy and the Roman pilum. The primi-
tive method of winnowing represented in the above
scene is still used in India ; and it recalls one of the
blessings of the prophet promised to the children of
Israel :t ^^The oxen likewise^ and the young asses
that ear the ground^ shall eat clean provender which
hath been winnowed with the shovel and with thefan,^^
Bishop Lowth reads^ ^^ winnowed with the van and
the sieve!* But shovel is the nearest descriptive word
in English for the present winnowing-basket^ which
does not seem to differ^ even in the slightest^ from the
ancient one represented in the bas-relief.
II. Worship of the Supreme Buddha as Flame. —
Temple with altar inside^ and a small vessel filled
with fire, behind which a five-headed ndga^ or
snake, forms a canopy. Flames issue from two
windows in the roof of the temple. J To the left,
• viii. 9. — Femince epulas parant.
t Isaiah xxx. 24.
I See Plate XXVIIL, vol. xvi.^ Journal of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal, for a sketch of the roof of this temple. The worship of
fire was repudiated by the Buddhists ; and one of the principal
objects of the assembly of the Third Synod was the expulsion of
worshippers of fire fi*om the Vihdrs.
208 THE BHILSA TOPES.
three figures in the dress of arhntaSy with caps
on their heads; their rig^ht hands raised^ and
gourds or water-vessels in their left hands. To
the right, five figures, in the same religious cos-
tume, with both hands joined in adoration. In
the lower corner, to the right, a small hut
roofed with leaves ; before or in which a very
holy arhata is seated on a mat, with only the
sanghdtiy or kilt, about his loins.* His uttaro'
sanghdtiy or cape, is hanging up inside the house.
Apparently he is in deep abstraction, for a cord
is passed round his waist and knees as if to keep
him from losing his position. In front stands
another arhata^ with hands joined in supplica-
tion to the holy ascetic. Behind the last ascetic
there is a fire-vessel, and some instruments,
apparently a spoon, a ladle, and a pair of pincers.
In the foreground is a sheet of w- ater filled with
lotus flowers, wild ducks, and shells. One ascetic
is bathing, a second is filling his water-vessel,
and two others are coming down to the w ater
with jars. The intermediate space is occupied
by an elephant and several buffaloes.
At first sight this scene has ever}' appearance of
genuine fire-worship. But as Buddhism has nothing
in common either with sun-worship or fire-worship^
some other explanation must be sought for the scene
of this bas-relief. According to the modern Bud-
• See Plate XV., fig. 1, of this work, for an Oi^cetic and bis
hut.
DESCRIPTION OF THE sAnCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 309
dbists of Nepal, Vairochana, or " Light," is sup-
posed to occupy the centre of eveiy chaitya dedicated
to Adi Bvddha. Amongst the numerous titles of
Buddha contained in the Tibetan works, are ^^ the
universally radiant sun^" and ^^ the chief lamps of nil
the regions of space."* A common name also for
Buddha was Chakku, or ^^the eye." In all these
titles, ^^ light" is considered as a mere attribute of
the all-seeingf Buddha. " Adi-Buddha was never
seen," said Mr. Hodgson^s old Bauddha friend : ^^ he
is %A<."t Now, as light could not be represented,
the sculptor was obliged to seek some form which
should be typical of it. In the present instance he
has selected flame, and in another instance, as we
shall see in the next bas-relief, he has taken a pair of
eyes. Both are sources of light, and therefore types
of the All-seeing. The Sambhu Purdnay indeed,
distinctly states that Buddha was manifested in the
shape of flame J (Jt/oti-rupya, or " flame-formed").
From these statements it is clear that the fire itself
was not worshipped by the Buddhists, but was looked
upon simply as the visible type of the All-seeing.
This explanation is fully confirmed by the occurrence of
other symbols in temples of the same description, both
at Sanchi and at Gya, and by the total absence of
image-worship. Indeed at this time the Buddhists
would appear to have repudiated image-worship, and
• Prinsep's Journal, i., 383. Wilson's Abstract.
t Hodgson, p. 67.
I Hodgson, p. 86, and p. 103 note.
P
810 THE BHILSA TOPES.
to have paid all their adoration to S3*mbol8 of Buddha
and of Dharma^ and to Topes and trees which had
been dedicated to Buddha.
III. Tope dedicated to the Supreme Buddha. Ascetic
Life in the Woods. — A Tope marked with hori-
zontal layers of masonry^ and decorated with a
pair of eyes, one placed above the other. The
Tope is surrounded b}' a square Buddhist rail-
ing.* Back^ound of various trees, amongst
which the plantain is easily distingtdshable. To
the left, a hermit naked to the waist is bringing
in a pile of faggots on his shoulder ; a second is
carrying a hanghyy or pole, with baskets slung at
the ends by ropes. A third is seated on a mat,
and is apparently feeding a fire kept in a small
vessel. A fourth is seated in the same way, and
is fanniug a fire in a similar vessel. A fifth is
fanning an empt\'-looking vessel, but which may
be supposed to contain some hot embers that
could be fanned into flame. To the right, two
other ascetics are engaged in splitting a log of
wood with large felling axes.
It appears to me that this scene is intended to re-
present the fewness of the wants of ascetic life. Each
hermit is employed in looking after his own wants,
which would seem to be limited to the collection of
a small quantity of firewood. At first siofht I thou^-ht
that this scene represented the buikliiiir of a wooden
• See Plate III.. H^. 7. of tlii? volume.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SANCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 211
Tope ; but the Tope is Jinishedy and the whole of the
figures are ascetics* It is possible that they may be
preparing small huts for their own residence similar
to that shown in the last bas-relief. The neighbour-
hood of the Tope makes this supposition highly proba-
ble^ as it was the usual custom of the Buddhist hermits
to congregate around their Topes. The chatty a in
this scene is evidently dedicated to the Supreme
Buddha^ as I have explained in my account of the
last bas-relief.
EASTERN GATE.
Architraves — Front.
I. Worship of Topes. — Upper. — Numerous figures
paying their adoration to Topes.
II. Procession of Buddha^s Feet. — Middle. — To the
left a city gate into which a procession is enter-
ing. In the centre a sacred tree^ and to the
right a chariot behind which are the holy im-
pressions of Buddha's feet.
III. Worship of Tree. — Lower. — Procession advanc-
ing to the worship of a tree in a small Temple.
Architraves — Rear.
I. Worship of Trees. — Upper. — Numerous figures
paying their adoration to trees.
II. Worship of Trees by Animah. — Middle. —
Various animals, such as Bams^ Buffaloes^ Lions,
21 S THE BHILSA TOPES.
Vultures, and others not identified, tog'ether with
the 'Skgn, Raja, or King* of the Snakes, are all
paying* their adoration to a tree.
III. Worship of Tope by Elephants. — Lower. —
Several Elephants are perambulating a Tope
with garlands.
This scene, I think, represents a tradition pre-
served by Fa Hian relative to the Tope at Lak-mo,
or Ramagrama.* ^^ In this sterile and solitary place
there are no ' men to sweep and to water ; but you
may there see continually herds of elephants ^which
take water in their trunks to water the ground, and
which, collecting all sorts of flowers and perfumes,
perform the service of the tower. There were Tao-
SSE (Rationalists) from various countries who had
come to perform their devotions at this tower. They
met the elephants, and overcome with terror, con-
cealed themselves among the trees, whence they
witnessed the elephants performing the duty accord-
ing to the law. The Tao-sse were greatly affected
to observe how, though there was no one to attend to
the service of the tower, it was nevertheless kept
watered and swept. The Tao-sse thereupon aban-
doned their grand precepts, and returning became Shd'
mi. Of themselves they plucked up the grass and the
trees, levelled the ground, and kept the place neat and
clean. They exerted themselves to convert the king,
and induce him to found an establishment of eccle-
• Fo-krve-ki, c. xxxiii. Laidlav's TranslatioD.
DESCBIPnOH OF THE SANGHI BAS-REUEFS. 218
siastics^ as well as to erect a temple. There is at
present a habitation of ecclesiastics. This happened
not long* ago^ and tradition has transmitted it to the
present time." The expression " not long ago*' must
mean three or four centuries^ otherwise the story
could scarcely be said to have been transmitted by
tradition. At any rate the story illustrated the bas-
relief; and proves that there was a belief prevalent
at that period that elephants had somewhere paid their
devotions to a Tope. See the description of the
lower architrave, Western Gateway, front face.
SOUTH GATEWAY.
Right Pillar — Front Face. %
I. Triple Symbol of Dharma.—A temple supported
on pillars, and containing an altar on which
are placed three symbols or monograms of
Dharma.*
II. Scene in Palace. — King seated with his two
wives. Four other females, two seated (wives of
less rank), and two standing (attendants).
III. Casket Scene in Palace. — The king with his
family and ministers seated in the foreground to
the left. In the centre a relic-casket, with two
attendants holding the chatta and chaori over
it. To the left, a seated female beating a drum,
and a female dancer naked to the waist with
her arms stretched before her in a peculiar
♦ See Plate XXXII., fig. 22.
214 TE£ BHILsA TOPERS.
flUDiker. idll yntt&id in T^it^ In die Inck
jrroriad tvo Esale £^-z7%. &2pi c-oe fesaLe i^ure
rnhh a roQud cap »imPar lo xb^yse vorn bv the
Kftafamin women ot t&« pr^se&t d^kv. To tlie
ligbt mnneroas figures, ail standxzvg'. Two in
the foregrooLd vhli han.^ joined in adontion
apf>ear to be the Baja and his ministcTs. They
are naked to the waist : bat are literally coTcred
with necklaces, armlets, and bracelets.*
!• Warship of Tapes. — Tapper. — Three T<^pes^ the
middle one bearing the inscripticm No. 190, with
the name of Sbi Satakab>~i. On each of the
bosses of this architrave, immediately over the
pillars, are two men riding oxen. The oxen
are regularly caparisoned for riding. The nose-
string is passed through the nostrils, and
twisted together to avoid the eyes; the ends
are then passed outside the horns, where they
are secured from slipping by a head-band. Of
the figures on the right boss, one carries a
lotus, and the other a relic-box. Those of the
left boss both carry trays containing some in-
describable object. Between this boss and the
end volute a led horse is represented passing
tlirough a temple gateway of two architraves.
The horse is attended by two fignres, one carry-
ing a chaariy and the other a vessel exactly
resembling a tea-pot.
II. Worship of Tope.— Middle. — A Tope with in-
* Seo Plate XII. of this volume.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SANGHI BAS-RELIEFS. S16
scriptionin two lines (No. 191). Kinnaras with
garlands. King in a chariot with driver and
chaoriA)e^veTj attended by elephant riders.
III. A siege and Relic Procession. — Lower. — A
part of this interesting scene has been made
known by James Prinsep ; • but the architrave
is broken^ and the portion to the right of the
boss^ which has not been published^ seems to
complete the story, although it forms a different
compartment. The scene in the middle of the
architrave represents a besieged city. The
battlements, the city gate, and the upper stories
of the houses, are filled with defenders, who are
shooting arrows and hurling stones upon the
assailants below. The attack is carried on with
arrows only ; but as several of the besiegers are
covered with long shields, they were no doubt
furnished with swords. One horseman and
several elephant riders appear on the left, with
two standard-bearers.
To the right of the boss, the king appears in
his chariot, attending an elephant, which bears
a relic-box on its head, covered by the honorary
chatta.
The siege represented in this scene was probably
undertaken for the purpose of gaining possession of
some holy relic, which the king is carrying off to the
right. The dresses of the soldiers are remarkable,
* Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi., PI. XXIX.
216 THE BHILSA TOPES.
and the mode of fasteuiug- the quiver to the back is
very peculiur and picturesque. The quiver is fastened
to the rijifht shoulder^ and the fiistenings, which are
apparently leather straps, are passed over both
shoulders, crossed in front, and carried to the back,
where they were probably passed throug-h a ring" in
the end of the quiver, and then carried to the front
and ag'ain crossed, the ends being secured by loops to
the upper straps.* The only apparent clothing: is a
kilt ; but there was no doubt a tight fitting jacket of
some kind to cover t!.e bod v. The whole costume
has a strikinof resemblance to that of the Hio^hlanders
of Scotland.
The swords throughout the Sanchi sculptures are
all short and broad. A specimen, hanging by one of
the porter's sides, is given in Plate XXXIII., fig. 2.
It agrees exactly with the description of Megas-
thenes :t " All wear swonis of ;i vast breadth, thousfh
scarce exceedinfi: three cubits in lencfth. When thev
enirajre in close tioht, thev crrasn these with both their
hands that the blow mav be stroiiirer."
The whole account of Megasthenes, althou*rh three
hun«lre.l years earlier in date than the Sanchi bas-
reliefs, is still partially applicable, and may be quoted
as much to show the chai.ges which had taken place
in that period as ro illustrate the military equipments
-A. . . -. ... 1 ..«...', ,1 \ ..
DESCRIPTIOJN OF Tfl£ sAnGHI BA3-REUEFS. 217
of the sculptures. lu the time of Megasthenes^ ^^ the
infantry usually carried a bow of the same leng'th with
the bearer/' This agrees with the bas-reliefs, which
represent nearly all the foot soldiers as archers ; but
the less ancient bows are much shorter than the
bearers, and do not appear to have been more than
four feet in length. Most of the bows appear to be
straight pieces of bambuj but a few have the double
curve, with a straight hand-piece in the middle, similar
to the modem ornamental bows of buffalo's horn.
*^ Their arrows,'* says Megasthenes, ^^ are little less
than three cubits long, and fly with such force that
neither shield nor breast-plate, nor any armour, is
strong enough to withstand them."* The arrows in
the bas-reliefs appear to be from 8 to 5 feet in length.
^^ Some of them,'' he adds, ^^ use darts instead of
arrows." In one of the bas-reliefs a soldier covered
by a shield is represented holding a dart horizontally
ready to launch it forward. The same dart is placed
in one of the porter's hands at the western gate.
^^ Upon their left arms they wear something resem-
bling peltdBj made of raw hides, rather narrower than
their bodies, but nearly as long." The most usual
shield represented in the bas-reliefs is long and
narrow, and rounded at top. It covers the bearer
from the head to the knee, and must therefore have
been about 3^ feet in length and 1^ in breadth. In
• Arrian's Indica. Q. Curtdus, however (viii. 9.), says " that their
arrows were only two cubits in length, and were discharged with
more exertion than eflFect, as their weight checked their velocity."
S18 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the time of Me^asthenes^ however^ it was fully five
feet in length. ^^ The shields of the cavalry were
smaller than those of the infantry .'' This is the case
throughout the bas-reliefs^ in which the horseman's
shield is always about two feet in length. It is very
peculiar in form^ being shaped like a bell with a very
wide mouthy and much rounded at bottom. The usual
ornament of the shields both for horse and foot
was a double cross^ the St. George and the St.
Andrew; but a cavalry shield on the western gate
bears only a crescent and two stars.*
WESTERN GATEWAY.
Right Pillar— Front Pace.
Trial of the Bow. — A river ; archer on the left bank
shooting at a rock on the right bank, from
which water is gushing forth. A monkey is
leaping across the river to a tree on the left
bank. Two figures seated under a tree; one
with a bare head and clad in a a dhotiy
the other richly dressed. Below, the prince on
horseback, attended by a chatta-heareTy a flute-
player, a bowman, and others in procession.
This story is also mentioned by Fa Hian,t who
places the scene of action beyond the walls of the
city of Kapila. There the Prince Siddliarta ^' drew
* See Plate XXXIII., f^^s. 3, 4, 5, of this work,
-f Fo-hrve-h, c. xxii.
DE8CBIPTI0N OF THE SANCHI BAS-BELIEFS. 219
a bow, and the arrow flying to the south-west struck
the ground at the distance of thirty li (five miles),
and caused a spring of water to gush forth. In
after times the people built wells on this spot to
supply travellers with drinking water/' M. Remu-
sat* has given a long account of this popular story
from the Chinese works; and it is curious to com-
pare this with the original story preserved in the
P61i annals of Ceylon. These annals, which were
carried to Ceylon by Mahendra, the son of Asoka, in
B. c. 240, give the following account : — t " When
Prince Siddharta had reached the age of sixteen, his
father demanded the daughters of the neighbouring
chiefs in marriage for his son; but they all refused,
because the Prince, though handsome, had not been
taught any martial accomplishment, and was, there-
fore, incapable of controlling women. The Prince
inquired ^^ What accomplishment is it necessary
for me to exhibit?*' His father replied, " To string
the bow which requires a thousand persons to bind.'*
^^ Bring the bow,'* said the prince. The bow was
brought to him, and he, while still seated, ^^ twisted
the bowstring round his great toe, and drawing it
with his toe, strung the bow ; and taking the bow in
his left hand, and drawing the string with his right,
let it (the cord) fly. The whole town started, and to
the inquiry, ^^ What noise is this?'* the answer was,
^^ The clouds are rolling with thunder;'* some others
• Fo-Jtwe-ki, c. xxii., note 7.
t Tumour in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 804.
220 THE BHILSA TOPES.
observed, " Ye know nothing about it ; it is not the
rolling" of thunder: it is the ringing of the bow
which requires the strength of a thousand persons,
which the great archer, the prince endowed with a
halo around his person, has rung." The Sakya
princes on hearing of this, from that circumstance
alone, commencing to rejoice, were highly gratified.
The great mortal then inquired ^^ What more
should be done?" They replied, " It is requisite
that an iron target eight inches thick should be
pierced with an arrow." Having pierced it, he said,
" What else?" " It is requisite that a plant of the
Arsand tree four inches thick should be pierced."
Having transfixed that, ^^ What else should be
done?" ^^ Then carts filled with sand and with
straw." The great elect, then transpiercing the straw
cart, drove the arrow one usahhan deep into the
water, and eight usabdni into the earth. They then
said, " It will be requisite to pierce a horse-hair, guided
by the mark afforded by the suspended fruit of the
fvatingdno^^ (which is attached to the hair.) Reply-
ing, " Hang it up at the distance of one yojanan^
he shot his arrow in a direction which was as dark,
under the obscurity of dense clouds, as if it were
night, and pierced the horse-hair, which at the
distance of one yojanariy was indicated only by the
ivafingdnOy which was suspended from it, and it
entered the earth. If fully related, these were not
all that the great mortal exhibited on that day to the
world, in proof of his accomplishments in martial
DESCRIPTION OF TH£ SAnCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 221
deeds. Thereupon the Sakya tribes sent their
daughters superbly decorated. There were forty
thousand dancing* and singing* girls. The princess
(who was afterwards) the mother of Rahulo^ became
the head queen.'^
In this story there is nothing about the gushing
forth of the water, which must therefore be an ad-
dition of after times, between B. c. 240 and A. D.
30, when the S&nchi gateways were erected. The
Chinese account also refers the shooting to the
occasion of Prince Siddharta's marriage: but his
brothers Thiao-tha (or Devadatta) and Nan-tho (or
Nanda) are brought to compete with him in the
trial of archery. " First an iron target was placed at
the distance of 10 li, and so on to seven targets. The
shafts of the most renowned archers went no further
than the first target. Thiao-tha having drawn, shot
beyond it and reached the second. Nan-tho surpassed
this, and pierced through the third. The other archers
being unable to shoot so far, the prince broke all the
bows of those who had shot before him ; not one was
equal to his strength. The king then said to his
attendants, ^ My ancestors possessed a bow, which is
now in the temple of the Gods j go, bring it.' They
went to fetch the bow, which required two men to
carry. No man in that assembly could lift it. When
the prince shot with it, the twang of the string was
heard forty li. The bent bow hurled the shaft so as
to pass through the seven targets. He shot agahi,
and the arrow having passed the targets, pierced tlie
222 THE BHILSA TOPES.
earthy and caused a spring of water to gush forth. At
the third shot he pierced the seven targ'ets^ and
reached the mountains of the iron g'irdle. The
whole assembly wondered at this unheard-of prodigy.
All who had come to partake in the sports were over-
come^ and returned confounded/' The figure shooting
must be Sakya himself: the two personages seated
under the tree are perhaps his two brothers^ Devadatta
and Nanda. The figure on horseback is the Prince
returning in the very manner related in the Chinese
account. ^^The Prince having thus obtained com-
plete victory^ the bells were rung^ the drums beaten,
and amidst vocal and instrumental music, he mounted
his horse, and returned to the Palace."
II. Worship of Tree. — A tree with bunches of
berries (perhaps a Pipal tree)^ with a terrace
round it. To right and left Kinnaras and figures
riding winged lions. In front, twelve royal or
lay personages with uplifted faces and joined
hands raised in adoration to the tree.
III. Worship of Tree. — ^Tufted tree with Kinnaras
as above ; but the tree is a different species, per-
haps a Mango. In front nine figures with
hands simply joined in adoration.
The worship of trees did not escape the notice of
Alexander's followers, for Quintus Curtius* says,
^^ They '' (the Indians) ^^ contemplate as Deities what-
• Q. Curtius, viii. 9.
DESCBIPTION OF THE SANGHI BAS-RELIEFS. 223
ever their ancestors worshipped, particularly trees, to
wound which is a capital crime/'
IV. Lions. — Three Lions.
WESTERN GATE.
Right Pillar — Inner Face.
I. Gateway. — Worship of Tree. — Gateway, with one
architrave, slig-htly arched, and similar to those
of the gateways themselves. Inside the gate-
way a tree before which male and female figures
are paying adoration with uplifted hands. Horse,
Ox, Elephant, and Lion.
II. Worship of Tree surmounted by Chatta. — Tree
covered with garlands, and surmounted by chatta.
Kinnaras with garlands — male figures paying
adoration with uplifted hands.
WESTERN GATE.
Left Pillar — Front Face.
I. Social Scene. — ^Tree in middle. To left a royal
couple seated on a couch, the male raising a cup
to his lips, and the female holding in her hand a
round looking-glass similar in shape to those
found in the Etruscan tombs.f To right a
second couple in social dalliance. In the middle
t See Plate XXXIII., fig. 28, for this looking-glass.
224 THE BHILSA TOPES.
below the tree^ n couple of servants standingr on
a staircase^ the male apparently speaking*^ and
the female holding her right hand over her
month.
The male servant in this scene is evidently making
some allusion to the amorous dalliance of the loving
couples on each side ; and the female is trying to hide
or silence her laughter by closing her mouth with her
hand : but her bursting cheeks too plainly show that
the effort is in vain.
II. Lave Scene — To left a loving couple seated, the
female behind with her arms thrown around the
male figure. To right a second couple seated
face to face. Water below.
WESTERN GATE.
Lept Pillar — Inner Face.
I. Ascetic Life. — Archers. — Hut with roof of
leaves: in front a bearded ascetic (Srdmana)
seated in contemplation^ with a band passed round
his loins and knees. A second leaf-roofed hut
with a female ascetic {Srdmand). Between the
huts a vessel containing fire and a spoon ; and in
the back-ground a monkey. To the left of the
huts are two royal personages^ one with uplifted
hands in adoration, and the other with the right
hand raised, and with a gourd in the left hand.
Beyond them are two male ascetics, and behind^
DESCBIPTION OF ITHE sAnCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 225
one female ascetic. In front of the fig^ures there
are three antelopes, and there is one antelope
before the fire. In the foreground, to the right,
there is a tree, beneath which are two buffaloes
on the edge of a piece of water, to which a boy
dressed in a kilt is approaching-, with a waterpot
on his shoulder. On the boy's right a royal
personage is paying reverence to him with
uplifted hands J and to the left of the scene
are two archers, one standing with a quiver on
his shoulder and a bow in his left hand, the
other also standing, bow in hand, having just
shot an arrow into a long-haired figure, who is
struggling" in the water.
I am unable to offer any explanation of this curious
scene, but it may possibly have reference to some
event in the early life of Sakya.
II. Festival of tlie IVee. — Altar, with tree sur-
mounted by chattay over which Kinnaras are
hovering. To the left two females, one carrying*
a chaorij and the other a water-vessel: to the
right a n&chniy or dancing woman, and two
other females, one playing a flute, and the other
a s&rangiy or lute. In front of the altar a male
figure is seated on the ground, lotus in hand,
canopied by a five-headed nct^ja. To his left are
three females, each holding a cup; and to the
right are two females, each carrying a long di'um.
Each of these females is canopied by a naga.
Q
226 THE BHILSA TOPES.
III. State Barge. — A large vessel floating* in the
midst of the ocean. The prow formed of a
winged gi*iffin ; and the stem of a dolphin's tail^
raised very high out of the water, with a garland
hanging from it. In the middle a stately canopy
supported on pillars, and ornamented both above
and below with the Buddhist railing. Beneath
the canopy there is an empty throne, or state
tnorhay over which one attendant is holding the
state ohatta and another a chaori. A third figure
is steering the boat. The water is filled with
lotus flowers. Five figures are swimming about,
supported either on planks or on inflated skins ;
and a sixth figure is stretching out both arms
towards the steersman, appai*ently for assistance
to get into the boat.
It is difficult to say what this scene represents.
Captain Fell* described it as a shipwreck. ^^The
vessel,'' he says, ^^ is on an open sea in the midst of a
tempest; near it are figures swimming, and en-
deavouring, by seizing piles, &c., to save themselves
fi'om sinking. One on the point of drowning is
making an expiring effort to ascend the side. The
features of all betray their melancholy situation."
But this description is far fi'om accurate, for the
figures in the water have their backs turned to the
vessel, and seem to be floating about quite at their
ease. In fact, the whole scene looks more like a
^ Prinsep's Journal; iii. 401.
DESGBIPTION OF THE bINGHI BAS-RELIEFS. 227
bathing* party than anything* else. I presume, how-
ever, that it has a religious meaning*, and that
it is typical of life j for '^ our terrestrial globe
rests upon the waters like a boat/^ according to
the Buddhists. The empty throne may, perhaps,
denote 8&kya's attainment of Buddhahood, and
his final emancipation from this life. But I do
not see how this explanation wiU suit the swimming
figures. If I could find any authority for it,
I should prefer the following explanation. The
waters represent the ocean of life in which mankind
are for ever struggling, and the empty throne is that
of a Buddha, the Chakravarti^ or Supreme King,
who, by the suppression of all mortal desires, and by
the continued practice of abstract contemplation, has
freed himself from the trammels of this mortal coil.
The figure struggling to get into the boat is, perhaps,
a Bodhisatway or one who has nearly attained
Buddhahood.
WESTERN GATE.
ARCHirRAYES. — Front Faces.
I. Procession escorting a Belie Casket. — Upper. —
Street of a city to the left j houses on each side
filled with spectators, some leaning on their
elbows, and others hanging their arms over the
window-sill. In the street a few horsemen head-
ing a procession. Behind them the city-gate.
2a* THZ 3HIL^i TQPBS.
•fiaceiy omaiie -he x^t^ ir^ iiir persons bearing'
f^rcier muiiits ir ^iijine i*n.niiiiir inisisniineiits of
aifii!e. Thea ifloir j. [tfi iurse. pagan^ a tree,
a ^iiiiar. ^vita jeil-Hiiineii "siiueiiL T^ro n&r^ three
itrnmiiuffs. onu. "Tto aien jiuwiiui: crt/oclies. !Xext
ctjmes rhe kirur JH -m -fLtfoimnr. oarrvina: the
hobr r^iic-.-a^iifr jil Jii? iieoiL ami supporting' il
witii ais ritric imniL T!ieii djlLow tvo peculiarly
Jresged men. oa hurseoui-'k. uerhaps prisoners^
Thev wear a kimi of •.•ao aov onlv known in
Banna war. on the Tipper *-'oiir!$e of the Ba^-i),
and. boots or le^'xhiiT^ The D^^x*es^ioa is closed
by two horsemen yone either the minister or a
member oi the njyal dmiily u and by an elephant
^ith two riders.
This scene L-s be<c ill-i^rrareii bv the aeoC'Unt of a
reKo pn.ves^ion r»ecor«ieii L'-i :li»r Mahawas-S^?.* Dut-
tha^iniiiii, Raiah o: Levj:-^, h^i'.-i::^ preoared a o^oldeu
casket for the eui-hrineoieut of sc-riie nelios broiurht bv
the holy monk Sonuttaro, marched in •• pnjcession " to
the To|)e, with the c-asket •• ou the cro^m of his head ;^
and havinor deposited the nr-Iic^ therein, placed them
on the throne. ^Vfterwards •' the monarch, attended
bv Dtras and men, and bearini:' on his head the
casket containing* the rehcs, making- presentations of
offerinirs thereto, and snrronnded bv the Ihikshus.
marched in procession romid the Tope, and then
• MahatvansOj p. ll\'.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SANCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 229
ascendiug it on the eastern side he descended into the
relic-chamber.'^
II. Warship of Symbol of Buddha. — Middle. — A
wheel on an altar; winged Kinnaras hovering
over it with garlands in their hands. Royal
personages with upUfted hands joined in ado-
ration. Elks and antelopes.
III. Worship of Tree by Elephants. — Lower. — Ado-
ration of Banian-tree by elephants carrying gar-
lands, flowers, chatta^ and chaori. Two elephants
crossing a stream towards a Tope.
The story represented in this scene is the same
as that which has already been described on the
rear face of the lower architrave of the Eastern
Gateway.
WESTERN GATE.
Architrave — Rear Faces.
I. Worship of Topes. — Upper. — Adoration of Topes,
by numerous figiu'es.
II. Triumphal Procession. — Middle. — Procession
entering a city gate. Trophy bearers and mu-
sicians leading foot soldiers with long shields;
one horseman and three elephant riders. Chariot
bearing the Raja and two attendants, followed by
two horsemen and two elephant riders.
III. Temple Worship. — Lower. — Temple. To left
T93 ^irT,M lOVEw
y*Z3:rES3S •S^ATZTAY.
BiziiiiZm*t rx~Trn'r ^n ^9tHk aie. Tr?e mbore^ and
^sscna^e widi bsds jomed in
T
Z'J *
I. IT/naliaf /!►" Tmr. — ^Tcw eock^ed by Boddhist rail-
fn^r, inii wirii la fli^raain? sratewav. sunnoonted
br TTH? irrrfiicriT-Sw jnciLir to those of the srate-
v^ivs o: ibf Siizoii Tow itself.* A second
B^jidiiiis: rtiilizr ^l:*:i is rr:r*r:?tnted round the
<:d-* o: rhrr T::>r, uiiv rr:bablv be intended for
rh^* railiTsiT o: rh-e terrace or upoer surthce of the
plinth. The Tow i> svjraoiinrcU by three chattasy
eiub^mariv* or Buiviha. Three liirures, with
p\r-:i:Kl< in ha::d, are perambulating the Tope
iu>uie the euolo^ure. Outride, one fig^u'e is
oarr\ lUiT J^ relioi^a^ket, and a second bearingf a
v<tauvlanl suruunmteii bv the svnibol or mono-
lirani of Pharma. Kinnaras hover above the
'Vow w ith i:*;irlands. Two riirures bear offerino-s
in shields; two are blowiuii* lonir liorns : one is
* riuN pUt^wu\ uiu^Uod (\iptuiu Fell, who supposed it to be an
ouhaiut* luto (ho 'l\»po ilseJf.
DESCBIPTION OP THE BANCHI BAS-RELIEFS. 231
playing a double flageolet ; and four are beating
long drums and kettle-drums.*
This scene represents the whole ceremony of the
solemn adoration of Topes, as practised on stated oc-
casions. The perambulation of the Tope, and the
open display of the relic-casket, are accompanied with
instrumental music and waving of garlands, which
have all been fully described in the accoimt of the build-
ing and dedication of a Tope, taken from the Maha-
wanso.
II. Adoration of Trees. — Three trees, that to the
left with an altar. Two females and a child
kneeling between the trees. To the front, two
royal personages with hands joined in adoration,
and two females with offerings. In the fore-
groimd two monkeys, one with a cup.
III, Worship of Tree. — To left, tree and altar. The
"King and Queen, with hands joined in adoration,
standing before the tree. Two attendants with
cKatta and chaori. To the right an altar, and
Kinnaras hovering above it with garlands.
NORTHBBN GATE.
Left Pillar — Front Face.
I. Worship of Tree. — ^Tree surmounted by chatta.
Four figures, in royal costume, seated, to the
• See Plate XIII. of this work.
233 THE BHILSA TOPES.
front, with hands joined in adoration ; and four
others, in similar dress, carrpng* garlands. Ten
figTires standing* with hands joined in adoration.
Two figfures with large drums above.
II. JReverence paid to a Boy. — Three temples and
three trees. A boy seated with a plumed head-
dress (or canopied by a three-headed ndga).
Four figures, two ro3'al and two others, with
hands joined in adoration.
This scene, perhaps, represents the story of Bimbi-
sara. King of Magadha, paying reverence to the
Sakya.
III. Simple Adoration. — Three male figures and one
boy with hands joined in adoration.
IV. Procession. — Procession through a gateway.
Two figures on horseback, preceded by musicians.
Battlements of city. Spectators in the upper
apartments of the houses.
This scene, perhaps, represents the return of
Sakya to Kapila at the earnest request of his
father.
V. Domestic Scenes at Fotintain. — Wild rocks, and
water gushing forth into a pool, which is over-
flowing. A female seated on the rock with her
legs in the water. To the left, a loving couple
seated, with their arms thro^ni around each
other; the male with a cup in his hand. To the
right, a royal personage playing the saran{ii^ or
DESCBIPTION OF THE SANCHI BAS-BELIEFS. 233
lute. In the foreground, two elephants in Vater,
The king", seated on the left elephant, is as-
sisting* a female to get up behind. On the
right elephant two females are seated behind the
king.
This bas-relief appears to represent four different
domestic scenes in the life of Sakya. In the first,
he is seen seated in playful dalliance with his wife
Yasodar^. In the second, he is playing the sdrangiy
while she is bathing. In the third, he is assisting her
to moimt an elephant j and, in the fourth, they are
seated together on the elephant.
NORTHERN GATE.
Left Pillar — Inner Face.
I. Cave Temple. — Entrance to a cave temple; nu-
merous figures standing with hands joined in
adoration. The king's face turned towards the
temple.
II. Procession. — Figure in a two-horse chariot
issuing from a city gate, preceded by musicians.
Standard-bearer mounted on an elephant, and
horsemen inside the city. Spectators in the
upper apartments of the gateway and in the
verandahs of the palace.
III. Worship of Tree. — Tree and altar. Four
females, with long plaited hair, seated in adora-
884 THE BHIUSA TOPES.
tion. Seven females standing with joined hands.
One male figure paying adoration.
This scene represents the king and his fiunily pay-
ing their private adorations to one of the
trees.
INSGBIFTIONS. 885
CHAPTER XVL
INSCRIPTIONS.— NO. I. TOPE.— SiNCHI.
Faom North to East — Inside.
Plate XVI.
No. l.'^JS^ekateyapuraia DhamO'Sivaia danam*
" Gift of Dharha Siva of Kekateyapura.^^
This is No. 21 of James Prinsep's Sanchi inscrip-
tions.* He reads Kekateyakasa as a part of the
donor's name.
No. 2. — Han&'hhiehhuniy& ddnam.
^^ Gift of HanA^ the mendicant nun.'\
No. 3. — Vtija-Gukua ddnam.
" Gift of Vajba-Gupta."
This is No. 26 of Prinsep, who reads Vajdgato-
d&namy ^^ Gift of VruagIn j '' because in Pdli dn
becomes dto in the genitive ; but he has omitted the
vowel Uf and the final s in gutasa^ both of which are
very distinct even in his own fac-simile.
* The Nos. of James Prinsep's inscriptions are taken from the
Plates in his Journal — ^vol. vi., Plate XXVII., and vol. vii.,
Plate XXIII. ; the lesser Nos. being in the former Plate, and the
ppreater Nos. in the latter.
286 THE BHILSA TOPES.
No. 4. — Dhamagirxkasa — m&tu-d&nam.
'' Gift of Dharmagirika's mother."
Prinsep, No. 6^ reads Dluimagdlikay but the vowels
are very distinct in the inscription.
No. 6. — Kekateyakofa Jamata Vijitcua ddnam.
" Gift of Janamata Vrijita of KekaUyaka'^
No. G. — KdcUua-hhichhunO'ddnam.
^' Gift of EAnda^ the mendicant monk."
Prinsep^ No. 16^ translates hhichhunOy ^^ poor man j''
but the Bhiksku was a mendicant who had taken
vows of poverty, and who begged his bread.
No. 7. — Deto-hhdg (tntya) Dhamanaka {yd) hhichhuniye
dinam.
" Gift of Deva's sister^ DharhanakA; the men-
dicant nun."
From East to South — Inside.
No. 8. — Vdkaldyc Devit/e Ahi-MUama (tU'ddnam),
^' (Gift of) VAkala-Devi, the mother of Ahi-
Mitra."
Prinsep, No. 40, reads Akilaye De\iye ahi matii
mara ; but the vowel i in Mita is distinct even in his
own fac-simile. The mother^s name is nearly the
same as that of No. 11.
No. 9. — Phagnyatam . , ikaya,
'' Of Phalguna the VpdsxUr
No. 10. — Nngadinam-hhichhunO'ddnam,
" Gift of Naoadina, the mendicant monk."
INSCBIPTIONS. 287
No. 11. — Vjeniya V6kil%y&na d&nam.
" Gift of VakiliyAn of Ujainr
See No. 76 for another gift of this person.
No. 12. — Ujeniya Gopalcuc^ Visa(ka)m(ua'ddnam.
" Gift of GopAla Viswakarma (the architect)
of Ujain."
No. 13. — Ayapcuanakcua — Ihiehhuno-ddnam.
'^ Gift of Arta-FrasanakA; the mendicant
monk."
No. 14. — Nadinagard Achalayct-lhikhuniya ddnam.
*^ Gift of AchalA, the mendicant nun of Nctdina^
garaP
No. 15.^^Nadinagard Kabajasa-hhikhuno ddnam.
^'Gift of KAmboja^ the mendicant monk of
Nadinagara"
Froh South to West Gate — Inside.
No. 16. — SihO'Bakhitasa'pc^avatiya Sano Devaya ddnam*
^^ Gift of Sinha-Rakshita's sister-in-law, Sona-
Deva."
Pajavati is the Sanskrit PrcyAvati^ a brother's
wife. Prinsep, No. 8, reads this inscription quite
differently : —
Siha-rakhiUua'paravaHyasa'rudovdya ddnam.
*' Gift of Sri (or SinAa) Bakhita, the hill man, to Budova? ''
out the lady's name is again mentioned in the next
inscription : —
No. 17. — Sono-Devaya-parijaya Agidoviyadha-ddnam.
" Gift of Sona-Dev&'s servant, Aoni, the washer-
man" (?)
No. 18. — Svlhoffdyasa-bAdffinikaya-dinam.
. « Gift of Subhaqaya's sister."
-v^ ^leaaeH 'ushr* I ;-iiiUi;L -OHai. ioii I bfcre full
~r±: if ^T.Tj-* JbA2.az=^ 2«£ seDOiast
J'L 2IL ^
X:. 2L. — . . . /imt ii—if C^mit ifUsiintM dtmam.
-Gif: af - . . TiLdorza CHJL3oi, the men-
Gjr. r: -Ji-f l>:4^:: Aiztasa. :lr S^2ahti." (See
\-
Sre^hti Eie-ons thr L-J:s:rr c: a rr:ide or g^iild; a
" deacC'ii" in So::lL;-d. Prini-ep. Xo?. 4 and 11,
makes Samamrii a in^iii's iiame : and reads " Gift of
Samanera and of Al^evaka :"' bur the omission of the
conjunction chun which should follow each name (if
this were the true readincr"! shows that Samanera is
\_
only the conmion title of ^TPR^tT-. Srnmajieray an
ascetic.
ISo. CI. — Piitl'haitasa hhichhuno Pn^lat/asa Atcrdsino Jdnanu
*' (.lilt of Pratiban, the mendicant monk, pupil
of IVuidinja:'
INSGBIFTIOKB. 880
No. 25. — Uduharaghariyoia Sd . . . Bakkitoia^dnam.
'' Gift of Sandha RAK8HlTA;0f UdubaroffhariyaJ*
This inscription has puzzled Prinsep from its
rudeness.
No. S6. — Udatiiaye IhiMuni VedinkayA ddnam.
" Gift of UdatikI, the mendicant nun of Vidua.**
FaoH West to North Gatb.— (Inside.)
No. 27. — Tasapdloio-da (nam) hhadanaka,
" Gift of YasopIla, the fortunate?"
No. 28. — MijJuimaragimuiapagirinO'dAnam.
^^ Gift of Sarpagiri, the • . •
No* 29. — PuiOiO'Cha'HaHyasa hhichhunoddnanu
'^Gift of PusA and of Hatiya, the mendicant
monks."
No. 30.— DAooM BakhUaya Madkava-nikdye ddnam,
^' Gift of Dharma BAK8Hrri> of the Mddhava
community."
^^i«i, nikayay means an assembly^ a congrega-
tion.
No. 31. — Dhana-hhikhuno ddnam.
^^ Gift of Dhana, the mendicant monk."
No. 32. — (Ga) ha-patino Budha Ohosa . • .
'^ (Gift of) the householder; Budha Ghosh a."
^0 2^..~^Goi%put€ua Bhadukasa bhichhuno ddnam,
^^ Gift of Goti's son; Bhanduka, the mendicant
monk."
See No. 110 for another son of Goti. See also the
relic bones of S^nchi^ Sonari; and Andher^ for other
sons of the same teacher.
840 THB BHIL8A T0PB8.
" Gift of y WiJ JAGBill A.''
Prinaep^ No. 10^ suggests that the popolation of a
Tillage^ called Vr^agrdmay combined to make this
ofiering; but the name is most probably that of a
man.
No. S6,r^Araia'Ouia$a Sdiddaia$a ikiMuno dimsm.
''Gift of Areata GuptA| a mendiomt monk of
the Sdidrdaka order."
86san is ^^ deyotion/' and arda means ^^ to beg;'^
Sdidrdakoj therefore^ means a religious mendicant^
but as JBhiksku has the same sigmfication^ I have
considered the former as the title of a particular class
or order.
No. SO.— ySoM^i^Mwa SMraffkara$a ddnam.
^ Gift of SuBHAGA; of Koraghara.
(See No. 18 for a gift of Subhaga's sister.)
No. 37. — Aya Eahilasa Sdrhinsyakasa'Mdtu ddnam.
** Gift of Arta RahiUL, the mother of Sarhl'
neyaka.
There is a grammatical mistake in the masculine
termination of the female name^ which should have
been Rahilaya. The son's name may be read
Sapkineyaha.
From East Gate— Outside.
No. 38. — Vaddndye UpadMyd ddnam,
« Gift of VadInA, the UptmHr
INSCBIPTIONS. 241
UpAsik/i means literally a ^^ worshipper/' or rather a
^^ female worshipper/' M. Bumouf* renders this
term by ^^ devotee/' which certainly appears to be
the best equivalent for it. I consider the UpiUaka
and Updsikd as male and female devotees who had
not taken the vows of celibacy and mendicancy pro-
fessed by the Bhikshu and JBhikshuni.
No. 39. — Kdkandye Bhagavatopamona-lathi ; or
K6kenoye BhagatatopamAnc-rathi^
as Prinsep, No. 18, reads it; but he gives no trans-
lation. I can only suggest Bhagavata-upainanoratldy
which may be translated —
'^ Gift of Edkand^ an anxious longer for Bhagavat."
Manor atha is ^^ wish, desire/' and upa means ^^ excess
of anything." Bhagavata is the ^^ Supreme Being/'
and is often applied to Buddha.
No. 40. — Tuhavani 'gahapatinopatithiya - iiasdya - vuamana'
datiyo'ddnam ; or
Gohavand-^ahapati-nopatidhiyaniMaya vesa-maji'
dataya ddnam^
according to Prinsep, No. 6, who thus translates
* Introduction i\ THistoire du Buddhisme Indien, p. 279 — " La
lecture attentive des textes^ ct quelques autorites non moins
respectable i\ mes yeux que celles que je viens de citer, m'ont
decide en faveur du sens de devot ou Jidble,^ See also Wilson's
Hindu Theatre^ i. 123, where the heroine of the Mrichhakati is
called JBuddhopAsika, the *'devoted-to-Buddha."
B
242 THE BH1L8A TOPES.
it : " Gift of the cowherd Agrapati, commonly
called NoPATi, to the highly ornamented (Chaitya) "^
but Agrapati would be written Agapati^ and not
Agtihapati. In fact^ gahapatino is the Pali genitive
of the Sanskrit grihapatiy a ^^ householder/' and tlie
inscription may be read thus : —
" Gift of VisARMANA-DATTi the . . . of Pratisthiya, a
householder of TulavanJ'
taking patithiya for pratisthiya. The next inscrip-
tion^ which is four times repeated^ refers to the same
person^ and proves the correctness of my reading. It
is Prinsep's No. 9.
No. 41.'^THba9an%'gakapat\n<hpatith{yaiaMnam.
" Gift of Pratisthiya, a householder of Tula-
ran"
No. 42. — Namdmakddis/i rakJiitasa ddnanu
" Gift of Isa-Rakshita^ oi Narmamal'ddi " ?
No. 43. — Nadavuno^ha NadmroJiisa-cha ddnam.
" Gift both of Nandabu and of Nadisirohi."
No. 44. — Pot/id Der&ya ddnam,
" Gift of Potha-DevA.''
No. 45. — Kandarigdmii/asa - Set/mio ^ jxijavatii/a Ndiidi/a-
ddnam.
" Gift of Naga, the sister-in-law of the Sreshti of
Ka n da rv/dm ij/a .' '
No. 40. — KaudaHf/dmif/asa - SethiHO - jHtjaratlj/a - Ddsdt/a^
ddnam.
"Gift of Dasa, the sistor-in-law of the SresLti of
Kandariydm it/a,'^
INSCRIPTIONS. 843
No. 47. '^Kandari^dmd^varktua dinam*
'^ Gift of VarhA; oi Kandarigr&ma,^^
Kandarigrdmay ovgrAmiyay must have been a con-
siderable place, or it would not have had a Sreshti.
No. 48. — Mulagtrino d&nam Ukhdkcua,
" Gift of MuLAQiRi; the scribe."
. Prinsep, No. 30, reads lakhakasa^ the ^^ millionaire.'^
But the inscription occurs twice, and is quite distinct.
No. ^9.-^^Ujmiyi . . •
No. 50.-— Takhaddnaia-4fhikkun(hd4nam0
^' Gift of YakshadInA; the mendicant monk."
No. bl.-^Padandjfa-UpaMdkaya-dAnam.
" Gift of PadonI, the devotee."
No. 52.^- . . . raha-Savdnodcua hadaUna-ddnam,
" Gift of Isa-datta, the humble in all things" ?
I have taken savdnoda as a compound of sarway
'^ all'' and anvddhaty humility ; but this rendering is
a mere conjecture.
No. 63. — Nat&gdmikand Upasik&na'ddnam,
" Gift of NavAgamikI, the devotee."
No. 64. — Isi'Mitdyd Vahiloia ddnam.
'' Gift of Isi-MiTBl of VahUa. (Bhilsa ?)"
This inscription is on the coping to the north-east.
No. 66.— ZTj^tya Bohuniya ddnam.
" Gift of RoHUNi of Ujatnr
No. 66. — Ujeniya Dhamagiriruhddnam.
^'Gift of Dharmaqiri of UjainJ*
344 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Prinsep, No. 29, reads DhamagilinOy but the
meaning of the name remains unchanged, the two
liquid letters r and I being constantly used the one
for the other.
No. 57.-— Ujeniya Sonasa ddnam,
^'GiftofSoNAof C5aiw."
No. 58. — VJeniya Tapcuaydna Pusdnajaya ddnam.
"Gift of the tapasyft (ascetic) PutdnajA of
Ujainr
Prinsep, No. 35, reads punsanamjayay and trans-
lates ^^ ITie victory gift of the people performing
austerities at Ujain.^^ But tapast/d is only a title,
like that of JBkikshu or Updsikd ; and it is not easy
to imagine how the gift of a stone-slab could have
anything to do with a victory.
No. 59. — Ujeniya Tapasayana hi Mitasd-ddnam.
" Gift of the ascetic Isi-Mitra of Ujain."
Prinsep, No. 32, reads Isi-rmitasay and translates,
^^ The gift of the body of rishis performing their
austerities at Ujain.''
No. 60. — Ujeniya Mula-dataye ddnam.
" Gift of Mula-dattA of Ujain:'
No. 61. — Ujeniya Balakay a ddnam.
"Gift of BALAKAof Ujain r
No. 62. — Ujeniya Upedofiatasa—pajavataya Maya-daiat/a
ddnam.
'^ Gift of Mayadatta, the si:jter-in-luw of
U pendradatta of Vjalu:'
INSCRIPTIONS. 246
Frinsep^ No. 84^ reads paddvalayuchhayay and
translates^ '^ The gift of Upendradatta of Ujain, for a
perpetual charity to the itinerants/' But it is dif-
ficult to conceive how the gift of a stone to the
Sanchi enclosure could form a charity to anybody.
The correctness of my reading is proved by the two
following inscriptions. Upendradatta's own gift is
recorded in No. 90.
No. 63. — Vjeniya UpedadaUua hhaginiya ffimadataya
ddnam»
" Gifk of HimadattI, the sister of Upendra-
datta of CJfitn."
No. 64. — Ujeniya Upedcuiakua hha^iniya Budhaye'ddnam.
'' Gift of BuddhA^ the sister of Upendradatta of
No. 65. — Ujeniya Kadiye hhichhuniye ddnam,
" Gift of Eadru^ the mendicant nun of UjainJ'^
No. 66. — Ujeniya Chheta-mdtu ddnam.
" Gift of Chhetra's mother of Ujain.^*
Prinsep, No. 31, prefers Kshatra^s mother; but
the meaning is exactly the same.
No. C7.^^UJeniya Tapanyena Siha'dataya ddnanu
" Gift of the Ascetic Sinha-dattA of Ujain'^
This is probably the same inscription as Prinsep's
No. 37. If so the p of Tapasiyena has been omitted.
No. 68. — Ujeniya Saphineyakina Jsakasa ddnam.
" Gift of IsAKA, the Saphineyaki (?)of Ujain.**
«
Prinsep, No. 33, translates ^^ The gift of the
S46 THE BHILSA TOPES.
morality students of Ujain to the rishis/' By reading
lavintyakaj as Frinsep has done^ the translation
would rather be " learned in Vinaya/' which was the
name of the lowest class of Buddhist scriptures.
No. 69. — KitrapJkara I$% Mitaya ddnam,
*' Gift of lai MiTRA of Kuraghara!'
No. 70. — Ujfni^ Vipulaya danam.
*' Gift of ViPULA of Ujain J^
No. 71.— A'lfraj/AiiAi Xanit^a Jdnam. ^
'•' Gift of Nara of Kuraghara*'
No. 7^. — KuiMifhiin Xdtjd Jfitaya ddnam.
" Gift of N ADA MITRA oi KuraghariP
No. 73.— BotlA^ GotAige Dhama Varhanand ddnanu
*< Gift of BoDHi-GoTHi for the advancement of
Dliarma."
JSo. 74. — yKigddiHOM-lkicAAuno ddtiam.
*• Gift of Naoadixa, the mendicant monk."
No. 7%K — /MiiyMViiMAi . riidya.
*»^Giftof) Phalou.va . . .'' (See No. 9.)
No. 70. — /'A'wit-ii Viii'iii'jiind ildnam,
• • •
•• Gift of Vakiliyax of IjainJ'
l^'insep, Mo. t?8, reads Phakilh/amnn^ and trans-
latt\s ** (lift of subscribers of Ujain." See No. 11 for
another of this person's jjfifts.
ISo. 77. — rji'niyxi (toAihua VistiM-cha ddfiam,
** Gift of GoiiiLA and of Viswa of Ujainy
No. 78. — C/iinitit/ii Ihichhunind dumim.
** (tift of (''hi rati, the mendicant nun.''
i*rinst»|>, >io. 14, translates bhihhiini as '' poor
woman."
IN8CBIPTI0NS. 247
No. 7Q,^'Sadkanaia hhiekhuno ddnam.
'' Gift of SadhanA; the mendicant monk."
No. 80. — Aswa-Devaye Bahadata mdtu ddnam,
'^ Gift of Aswa-Dev^ the mother of Bahadatta."
Prinsep, No. 41^ reads " Aswa Devi.''
No. 81. — Utareyekasa 8cU%gutaia ddnam.
" Gift of Satya Gupta of UtareyakaJ^
Prinsep, No. 38, reads Ogireyakasa^ the ^^ Agar--
wala/^ or ^^ son of Agra-/^ but his fac-simile begins
with Uy and not with o.
No. 82. — Araha Guiaya ddnam.
" Gift of the Arhatd, Gupta," or
*^ Gift of ArhatA GuPT^"
Prinsep, No. 13, Arahagatayay of Arahagatd. I
am not sure that the lady had attained the rank of
arhat ; for it is quite possible that araha should form
only part of her name, arhata Gupta, or " cherished
by the arhats f for a Bhikshimi, even of eighty years
of age, was inferior to an upasampaday or newly
ordained monk of twenty years.
No. 83. — A9toa Devaya Samikoia Mdtu ddnam.
" Gift of Aswa DevA, the mother of Samika."
(See No. 80, and No. 119).
No. 84. — Yoiilaya Atevanni Sagha Bakhitaya ddnam.
" Gift of Sangha RakshitA, the pupil of
YasilA."
No. 85. — Sethino^rndtu Kaniya ddnam.
^' Gift of EAif ITA; the mother of the Sreshti."
Prinsep, No. 17, reads mafa, and translates '^ the
248 THE BHIL6A TOPES.
dii's deceased daughter/^ but the word ddnam
shows that the inscription records a '^ gift/' and not
an ^^ obituary notice/'
No. 66.— Yoiildya ddnam.
" Gift of YasilI."
See No. 84 for this lady's name. She is there re-
corded as the teacher of Sangha Kakshita. Prinsep,
No. 27, reads YasiK.
No. 87. — Sethino-ghati'lcamakdrikAnd ddnam; or,
SethinO'pati'kamakalikSnd danam^
of Prinsep, No 26, who translates ^^ Gift of the
serving women of the nobilit3\'' But the second
word is ffhatiy a ghdt^ or landmg'-place j and as
makaririy or makarikay means the ocean, I think that
the translation should be —
« Gift of the Sreshti of the Sea-ghat.''
that is, '^ of the harbour-master.^^
No. 88. — Vasniaye ddnam,
" Gift of VasulA."
IMnsep, Nos. 24 and 2o, reads VasuliyCy but
notices tliat the iiamo^ wliich occurs more than once,
is also written Vasulaycy and states that these dif-
fcrencoft are caused by an attempt to render aa ithout
compound letters the Sanskrit g-enitivc Vcuw/f/ah.
INSCRIPTIONS. 240
No. 80. — Dadatasa Pdtcdfikoia ddnatn,
" Gift of Dandata of Pdw&rikar
The town of P6w& was on the northern bank of the
Ganges between Vaisali and Kusinagara.
No. 00. — UpedadatoM ddnam,
" Gift of Upendradatta." (See Nos. 62, 63,
64.)
No. 01. — Semakaye Dhitaye ddnam,
" Gift of SemakadhritA."
No. 02. — Vdghumanyo Saghadandya Ihichhuniye ddnatn.
" Gift of Sangha-danA, the mendicant Nun, of
Vdyhumanya" ?
No. 03. — Yakkiya bhichhuniye' Vedisa ddnam,
" Gift of Yakshi, the mendicant nun of VidisaJ'
Prinsep, No. 42, translates ^^ Gift of Yakhi, the
priestess and traveller.'^
No. 04. — Kudurasa Sethi Bha (dasa) ddnam.
" Gift of Bhadra, Sreshti of Kundura"
No. 96.^^Kurardye tapanye matu ddnam.
'^ Gift of KurarA, the ascetic's mother."
No. 06. — • . . pidataya Sadina pajava(tt)ya ddnam,
" Gift of . . . pidattd, the sister-in-law of Sadi."
Prinsep, No. 45, reads hidatdye sada dhiadhe
jivAya ddnamy and translates, ^^ A gift for those living*
here (for distribution of food) at midday for ever.'^
But the gift of a pillar or rail of the stone enclosure
can have no connection with the provision of food.
•BO THB BHUAA T0FB8. ^
^ No. 87« — OSbMb Ommm M • • • fcywu^ini . . • mlm
'^ Oift of OsAVDiu^SunA • • ."
No. 98w— /XbmhMuf SiiUata dinam.
'< Gift of SimiiJi of I^Aafvdb' (r Ohteufp^^
No. 90d-^iCr4pM^pMiMi itriAoM dfaaM.
'^ Gift of ElPASZORAKA, ihe arliat"
This may be read in another way as, ^^ QHt of the
arhat of K&pasigrdma (ootton-town) f but the former
eeeme the more simple readings and is also in keep-
ing with the other inscriptions^ each of which records
the gift of a particular individual. This inscription
occurs twice.
'' Gift of Arhata-DIsa, of KMatar^*
No. lOL'^Kirtakar^ya Bkadaka$a dinam*
'' Gift of Bhadraka of K^tahareya:*
This inscription occurs three times.
No. 102. — Apaihakaia d&nam.
'* Gift of Aprasthaka."
No. 10Z*-^Bhoga-varhan<ikaia Ajiti^guioia,
'' (Gift) of Ajita-Gupta^ the increaaer of ea«
joyment."
No. 104.— jR^fd^itvi^ Arahadinata d&nam.
" Gift of Arahadina of Bajahikati:'
No. 105. — Bhcffchtarhana Dhama Bdkhitaya Siva Nadino
nuUu.
*' Gift of Siva-Nandi'b mother, Dharma Rak-
shitI, the inoreaser of eDJojment."
This occurs twice. The use of the names of Siva
INSCRIPTIONS. 261
and Nandi at this early period is very remarkable.
The Bhog^avarhana of this inscription, as well as of
No. 103, may perhaps be the name of a place.
No. lOS.^-'iSaffkaya ddnam.
'* Gift of SanghA."
No. 107. — Navag&makcua Mikaye Ujenihdrd danam.
" Gift of MrikshA^ of Namgdmaka (New-town),
in UjainJ*
No. 108.— ^W Guioia Vdnijasa danam,
" Gift of Sri-Gupta, of Vdnija^'' or
" Gift of Sri-Gupta, the grain merchant."
It is not impossible that Vdnijd may mean only
^^ nephew, or ^^ sister's son ;'' the bhdnjd of Urdu.
No. 109. ^^Suhdhitasa-pajavatiyd Majhimdyd ddnam,
'^ Gift of MadhyamA, the siBter-in-law of Subii-
hita."
No. 110. — iSuhdhitoia Gottputasay RajalipdJcaroia ddnam,
"Gift of SusiHiTA, son of Goti^ the royal
scribe."
This is the most valuable of all the inscriptions on
the Sanchi colonnade j as it belongs to the family of
Goti, whose eldest son Gotiputra was the teacher of
the celebrated Mogaliputra* This inscription there-
fore serves to fix the date of the Sanchi enclosure in
the early part of Asoka's reign.
No. llh^^Taradapaddnd Updnkaya ddnam.
" Gift of TARANDAPADi, the devotee."
No. 112. — Burdya muionagothiyajana Vedisdnyd,
"GiftofBuBA(?) . . . o{ Vidua:'
252 THE BIIILSA TOPES.
No. 113.-^Dhama Rakhltaya bhichhuniye kicki^Mika»a
ddnam.
'^Gift of DnARMA RakshitA^ the mendicant
nun, of Kdtyaprastha"
No. 111. — Dhama Rakhitasa Kdchhupaihata bhiehhuno
ddnam.
'^Gift of Dharma RakshitA, the mendicant
monk, of KdtyaprasthaJ*
No. 115. — iSandhdnata hhichhu ddnam.
" Gift of SandhIna, the mendicant monk."
The possessive termination of bliichhu(no) is
omitted in the original.
No. 116. — Pmaglrino Vagamakoia ddnam.
"Gift of PusAGiRi, of Vangamaka;'^ or
''Gift ofVANGAMAKAofPwi^'rtV
South Gate. — Outside.
No. 117. — Bhichhakasa Padanayasa ddnam.
" Gift of the mendicant Padanaya."
No. 118. — Vaghumato Kachdno-pxtano ddnam.
" Gift of Vaghuman, the father of Katya."
No. 119. — Sdmikasa- Vdnikasa-
No. 120. — -putasa'Cha-Siripalasa
No. 121. — ddnam =
"Three (=) g^'fts of Samika, son of VAnika, and
oFSripala."
This iiiscri})tiou is carved on three railing's of the
colonnade^ and, as the g-ift thus consisted of three
rails, I ])resnine that the tliree liorizontal strokes
whicli follow (lanavi are intended for that number.
See Plate IX. of the Sanchi enclosure, where this
INSCRIPTIONS. 253
curious inscription is shown in the actual position which
it occupies on the three rails. For Samika's mother
see No. 88.
No. 122. — Bhadata Vdjukoia d&nam,
" Gift of BhAdrata VAnjuka."
No. 123. — Visdkhasa hhichhuno ddnam,
" Gift of VaisIkha, the mendicant monk."
PI. XVIII. No. 124. — Sdmanerasa Abeyakata Seihxno ddnam.
" Gift of the ascetic Abeyaka^ the Sreshti."
See No. 23.
No. 125. — Nadi'GuUua ddnam hhichhuno.
*'Gift of Nandi (or Nadi) Gupta, the mendi-
cant monk."
Prinsep, No. 12, reads Nadigata^ a ^^ ferryman/'
No. 126. — Podaka ddnadata Dha (mika) ddnam,
" The religious gift of Podraka DInadatta."
No. 127. — Ardpdndto arahadi (nasa mdtu ddnam).
" Gift of AryapAnA (the mother of) Arhata-
DINA."
See No. 148 for another inscription of the same
lady.
No. 128. — Nyabalamidakajape'ddnam.
(?)
No. 129. — Madhuvana Dhama Gutasa hhichhuno ddnam.
" Gift of Dharma Gupta, the mendicant monk,
of Madhurana" (perhaps Mahola),
No. 130. — Nodosa Kurarago.
" (Gift of Nanda, of ifwrara . . ."
No. 131. — Mahagifino hhichhuno ddnam.
^' Gift of Mauaoiri, the mendicant monk.''
THE BHILSA TOPES.
Xo. 132. — MadAurama ItuJaiaya IkUAtmij^ ddmam.
"Gift of IsiDATTA, the mendicant nim of Ma-
dkutana^
No. 133. — ItUataye IhUtAiniye Kurariye ddnam,
'' Gift of IsiDATTA, the mendicant nan of Kurd'
No. 134. — Dkama Pdlata • . . tkukapadinoMa ddnam.
" Gift of Dharma Pala ..."
No. IQo.-^Upasijkaia Pkaguna9a hkatu Ihichhuno,
" (Gift) of Upasidta, the brother of Phalguna,
the mendicant monk."
No. 136. — Bhoga-varhanato In RakhUaya.
" (Gift) of Isi RakshitI, the increaser of enjoy-
ment."
No. 187. — Bhoga varkand Dunyondne.
" (Gift) of DunyonA, the increaser of enjoyment."
No. 138. — Kurariyasa Vimalasa ddnam.
" Gift of Vimala, o{ Kurariya.*'
No. 139. — Sdmulatasa hhichhuno ddnam,
" Gift of SwAmidatta, the mendicant monk."
No. 140. — Devaf/irino Padenekayikasa.
" (Gift) of Devagiri, of Pandenekayikar (?)
No. 141, — BMchhunosa Aterasa . . •
" Gift of the mendicant's pupil . . ."
No. 142. — Pasakasa hhichJmno ddnam,
" Gift of Pauswaka, the mendicant monk."
No. 143. — C/iUilasU'C/ta D/iama Rakhitasa hhichhuno
dutiam.
"Gift of KsiiUDHA and of Diiatima Rakshita,
tlie mendicant monks."
No. 141. — UJcniye Ayisamaye ddnam,
" Gift of AgnisaumA, of Ujain:'
INSCRIPTIONS. 255
No. 146. — PatiihAnoia bhtchhufUhddnam Ay a . % . na
Atevdiino,
^^Gift of PiutisthIna^ the mendicant monk^
pupil of Arja . . ."
No. 146. — Budha Bakhitcua hhichhuno d&nam Esavatasa.
^'Gift of Budha Rakshita, the mendicant
monk • • ."
No. 147. — Nadinagarikaya Isidindye hhichhuniye,
** Gift of IsidinA, the mendicant nun of Nadina-
garika^^
No. \4S.^^Ar6p&nd Atadatamatu ddnam.
" Gift of AryApAnA, the mother of Asada^
See No. 127 for another inscription of the same
name.
No. 149. — Ujentye-tdpfmyana Ncuaya Mitaya.
" (Gift) of Nasa-Mitra, the (female) ascetic."
No. 160 r^Bharadiycua Sapurisoia Yugapajakctsa ddnam.
'' Gift of Bhardiya (son) of the emancipated
YuoAPRAJNAKA." (Luminary of the age.)
The term sapurisa is the Pali form of the Sanskrit
sapurushay which is a compound of sa, with, and
purushaj the divinity, or of the pronoun sa^ which,
when joined with purusha^ means, ^^ the man,^' or
" that man,'' or simply " the mortal/' The term is
found on nearly all the relic-caskets, and must there-
fore apply to the dead. Accordingly I have every
where rendered it by ^^ emancipated," that is, from
future transmigrations. This gives the meaning at-
tached to the term by the Buddhists 5 but perhaps a
more literal translation would be ^^ absorbed," that is,
P w ■ ^
* m
THB BHIL8A TOKBS.
iato tlie divme eBsenoe* Eadi woard gives the mMiiiiiy
m part only; for the term mgfwru$ka implieB om wIm
Lae attained Buddlialiood by '' absorptkm" into the
dime eeaenoe^ and who is therefore ^ emanripated*^
fromfotore trananugration. 'Perhaps the beat lender-
ing would be ^^the Buddhf^'^^that is^ one who has at-
tained .Buddhahood: but as the sole aim of the
Buddhist was to obtain wiokthoy that is^ ^^ liberation^
or emancipation" from transmigration^ I have pre-
ferred the well-known term ^^emandpated."
No. Ul.^'Aj^kamakata hUckkuno dinaim*
^ Gifk of AjnrijmAViJJk, the mendieiiit mooL''
NOtt 1 BQ, Jnn hahiiti hkiMkwM liAnfiiH
''Gift of JoMHAKA, the memdlcnit monk*'
NOk 168«--J!mala«a-MJdUtMO dAnam*
** Gift of Jbkaka^ the mendicant monk.''
No. 164.— D^ma Bakkiidya Madhuvanikaye ddnam.
^* Gift of Dharha RakshitI; of MadAuvanita.**
No. US.'^Mahamarati mutipagaran<hd&nam.
This inscription appears to be the same as No. 38 ;
but I am unable to offer any translatiou.
No. 160.— yato-PiZaMK^nam Ihasikada,
''QiftofYXscPiLAr
No. 167. — DKanagirino ddnam.
"GiftofDlIANAGIRI."
No. lt>8,^'Puieua'cha Hatiyata hhichhuno d&nam,
" Gift of PusA and of IIatiya, the mendicant
monks."
INSCRIPTIONS. 257
From South Gatb to West Gate.
No. 159. — BcUikdya bhichhuniya madald ehhakatikaye
ddnam.
^^ Gift of BalikI^ the mendicant nun of the tem-
ple of Chhakrdtika"
No. 160. — Dhamastkirlyd hhichhuniye madala ehhikatikaye
ddnam.
" Gift of Dharha Stiiiri, the mendicant nun of
the temple of ChhakrdtihaJ^
No. 161. — AvUinaye Suiatikiniyd madala Chhikatikaye
ddnam,
" Gift of SuTRANTiKiRNi, the novice of the temple
of Chhakrdtika:'
The term Anisina occurs in No. 190 as Avesaniy
which means an '' entrance/' from vis '' to enter.''
Avesana and Avesand may therefore be the titles of
those who had entered into the religious life^ but had
not yet taken the vows. I have consequently, but
not without hesitation, rendered the terms bv ^^ neo-
phyte" and ^^ novice." This inscription occurs
twice. It may also be rendered ^^ Gift of Avisina,
the Sutrdntiki (or reader of the Sutras), in the temple
of Chhrakratika."
No. 162. — Sayha Devcua Verohakatasa Vdniddia ddnam,
" Gift of ViNi Dasa^ the . . . of Sangha
Deva."
No. \6Z,— Bhadikiya^a Sanghilasa ddnam,
" Gift of Bhadikriya, of Sanghila ;" or perhapj,
"Gift of Sanghila, of Bhadikriya.^*
No. 164. — Arahata Palitasa , , ,
" Gift of the Areata Palita . . ."
S
2SS THE BHIL8A TOPES.
No. 166. ^^AroAakoMa Paripanakoia d6nam.
^ Gift of the ArhOoL Paripanaka."
No. 166. — Dkamagirika nUitu ddnam*
^^ Gift of Dharmaoiri's mother."
From Wbst to North. — Outside.
No. 167. — Udi^ Nadinagariya ddnam,
''Gift of Udi, of Nadinagarir
This occurs t^ice on portions of the fallen colon-
nade to N- W.
No. 168.— SodliUtilaja Va . . .
" Gift of Sadhantha . • •"
No. 169. — Isi Ikuiyena ddnam : Gardkaye bhiehhuniye
ddnam.
'' Gift of GarAkI, the mendicant nmi, offered by
Isi Dasi."
No. 170. — Nadinagara Dupasaha hhiehhuniye ddnam.
''Gift of DrupasahA; the mendicant nun of
Nadinagara.^'^
No. 171. — Yakhadoiiya dd(nam).
"GiftofYAKSHA-DASI."
No. 172. — Datakulatadasa ddnam.
" Gift of Datta-Kulavada."
On Small Pillars Fallen from Upper Enclosure.
No. Vm.'^Damakasa sotikasukasukapasa,
'*Gift0fDAMAKA . . ."
No. ITi.'^D/iafna'datasa ddnam.
" Gift of DlIARMA-DATTA."
INSCBIFTIONS. 069
Platoi No. 176.— iiroAcki^ya-MicAAMniyd ddnam.
'^ Gift of Arhata-DAsI; the mendicant nun."
No. 176. — S&midar&ya ddnam,
'' Gift of SwiMIDARi."|
Inscription on South Pillar.
PI. XIX., No. 177. This inscription is carved upon
a fragment of a broken isolated pillar near the south
gateway. As it was a practice amongst the early Bud-
dhists, before building a Tope, to erect a pillar on the
spot, with an inscription recording their intentions, it
seems possible that this broken column might bear a
memorial inscription relating either to the erection of
the Great Sanchi Tope, or to some additions or re-
pairs. The latter is the more probable, as the pillar in
the former case was generally if not always removed.
But the inscription is unfortunately so much ob-
literated that it baffled even the heaven-born sagacity
of James Prinsep. Some few words he read ; but
apparently with hesitation, as he says,* ^^This in-
scription is in too mutilated a state to be restored
entirely, but from the commencement of the third
line, bhakhatibhikhundbhi kltamavase datdy it may be
concluded that some provision was made by ' a
charitable and religiously-disposed person for hungry
priests,' and this is confirmed by the two nearly perfect
lines at the foot, —
* Journal) vii. p. 6G5.
2tfO THE BHIL&Jk TOPES.
'"Izla £srj s j >irtfrr* iaaz cazpccnirai (cool .*) wmter should be
ziTo. :a -irizk : bllt t2i:f exceiLaLC Tcnxse ecdnre for erer.' "
I examined the inscriptioxi in several positions and
in all li^ts : I took impressions on paper and made
a cijpy by hand : but the surface of the stone has
been so much injured that very few of the letters are
readable excepting in the last two lines. There is,
however, a sufficient blank surtace on all four sides to
make it certain that we have the whole of the inscrip-
tion. It is therefore verv much to be regretted that
the greneral indistinctness of the letters should have
rendered this inscription almost illegible. The open-
ing is nearly obliterated ; but, on a comparison of
James Priusep's copy with my own, I think it pro-
bable that the first word was Deviinam ; next comes
a blank ; and then Jlaga, or perhaps Jlagadha^ and
it is possible that the whole line might be read —
Derdnam(pit/a) Magadhe raja.
" Detaxampriva, King of Maghadha."
The second line may be partially restored, thus : —
. (a)hhi(rad€md)nam Cheiiyaf/iri . .
" with salutation to the fraternity of Ciiaityagiri."
At the end of the third line, the word Sangham
^^ community '^ is distinctly legible; and I think
that I can trace the name of Dhamag-iri. The
INSCRIPTIONS. 261
fourth line seems to have been correctly given by
Prinsep : —
hhokhati'hhikhundhhikkamaviieddto,
'' a gift of food to the much-emaciated Bhikshus."
I can make nothing* of the fifth hne and of one-
half of the sixth, but the concluding portion of the
inscription, which is nearly perfect, reads —
Ickhakime Sdn^
'ti'Sangham samage milathitike tit/dti,
" Is it my wish that the S^ti community may always be
united."
The whole inscription, in Roman characters, may,
with some conjectural restorations, be read as
follows : —
1. Devdnam(piya) Magadhe (raja).
2. . . (a)bhi(v6dem6)nam Chetigagiri. . ,
3. . iikhi'eha(Dha)magiri . ikeye sangham.
4. hhokhati hhikhundbhikhamavise ddto.
6. nidu . ^1 $anam . • chhava annd
6. Sasivi(ye) petaviye. Ichhahime Sdn-
7. "ti Sangham samage milathitike tigdti.
The drift of this inscription, at least as I under-
stand it, seems to be the following :—
" DevInampriya^ king of Magadha, offers his salutation to
the community of Chaitgagiri (and perhaps to that of Dharma-
girt also) . . . with a gift of food for the Bhikshui, much-
emaciated * (with their austerities ?) . . . and prays that the
SAnti community may always be united."
• By reading ^|T7T^ Jtshdma, " debilitated " for the Pali
hhama.
2A3 THE BHILdA TOPES.
In my account of the great Sanchi Tope I have
alprady identifieil the present name of Sdnchi with
the Sanskrit Sintiy which I presimie was the name
of the great Tihar on the Chetiyagirij or ^^hill of
Cniiit^*i$r If my reading- of Dhamagiri he correct,
we may identin- the •' hill of religion'' in the long
57'iir which stretches northward as far as Kanakhera.
This hill is still o».^vered with ruins, which no doubt
once formed a part of the vast religious establishment
of Sauchi-kanakhera.
LATER rXSCRIPnOXS FROM THE GATEWAYS.
Ox THB >'^ORTH GATEWAY.
PL XIX.. Xo. irS. — Dhama^jlrtno Ihtkhimo ddnam.
**' Gift of DiiAKMAGiRi, the mendicant monk."
Xo. 179. — Ifi-PiUhasa-c/iii Samanaia'c/ta ddtiam,
** Gift both of Isi-Palita and of SrAmana."
IVinsep, Xo. 10, reads the same.
On the East Gateway.
No. 180. — ArahatVniasa hhlkhuno Pokhareyakasa ddnam,
*'(iift of Ariiatadina, the mendicant monk of
Pokharcf/akay
rriiiscj), No. )l!0^ reads Palihareynkasa doubtfiillv
iM iIm' iijiiikj of the donor, and takes no notice of
AnilniiHiKi,
INSCRIPTIONS. 363
No. ISl.'^Bhadata NAgilasa Savinamjnydlinam ddtiam
thahho.
*' Pillar-gift of Bhadrata NAoila, the learned
in aU things." (?)
Prinsep, No. 47, reads Danda-nagihlasa pavinon
ndtinam d&nathambho ; and translates, ^^ This pillar
is the gift of the illustrious family of Danda Nagi-
RALA.'' But the fac- simile impression of this inscrip-
tion, as well as a hand-copy now before me, agree in
the reading which I have given above.
No. 183. — Kirdrcua Ndgapiyaia Aehhavade Sethisa ddnam
thabho,
''Pillar-gift of NIoaprita, AchhavadA; the
Sreshti (or master) of the weavers."
Prinsep, No. 3, reads Karasa and translates ^^ Gift
of AcHHAVADA Sethi, the beloved of Karasa
NlGA.'' See also No. 192 of the western gate.
Prinsep evidently considered Sethi as the feminine
form of Seth, a "banker.'' I have ventured to
identify the Kirdr of this inscription with the weaver
caste, who bear the same name at the present day ;
but this is a mere conjecture.
No. 188. This inscription is too indistinct to allow
even of a conjectural translation.
On thb South Gateway.
No. 184.*-*BtidAa Palitaya bhikhunaye ddnam,
*^ Gift of BuDHA PalitA^ the mendicant nun."
9'
264 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Prinsep, No. 23, reads Budha Palitasa bhikhuno
ddnam, ^^ the gift of Budha Palit, the poor man.''
No. 185. — Pothakasa bhikhuno ddnam.
*'Gift of PosTHAKA, the mendicant monk."
Prinsep, No. 23, reads Panthaka.
No. 186.— nVwa Ihikhuno ddnam,
" Gift of ViRA, the mendicant monk."
No. 187. — Yakhaye Ihikhuniyd vddiva,
'* Gift of YakshA, the mendicant nun . ."
No. 188. — Hanajaya ddnam,
" Gift of Hanaja."
No. 189. — Vedisa Kehiddntakarehirdpakam mankata.
This inscription is quite perfect : but as it seems to
have formed only a part of a longer inscription, I
cannot even make a guess as to its meaning. The
donor was an inhabitant of Vidisa^ and was perhaps
named Kehidanfa.
No. 190. — Bajnt/e Slri Sdtakanisa
Aresanisa Vdtithi-putasa
Anandasa ddnam,
" Gift of Ananda, son of the neophyte Vasish-
THA, in the reign of Sui SAtakarni."
This vahiable inscription is carved on the bas-relief
of a Tope, in the middle of the upper architrave of
the south gateway. The King, Sri Satakami, was
tlie third* of tlie Andhra dynasty of Magadha j and
* Wilson's Vishnu Purana, p. 472.
INSCRIPTIONS. 266
his reign extended from the year 19 to 37 a. d. The
word, which I have translated neophyte, occurs also
in No. 161 ; hut in this instance it is possible that it
may have another signification. Avesan means
simply '' entrance/^ from vis to enter ; but as there is
a separate inscription on the middle architrave (see
No. 191), and another on one of the pillars of the
gateway (see No. 189), it is clear that the whole
entrance could not have been the gift of Ananda.
A'vesani must therefore have some other meaning
which is not given in the dictionaries. Now as ishdy
a ploughbeam, is derived from fiT, isha^ to go,
isliani may be taken for a beam of any kind 3 and
thus we shall have ava + ishani = aveshaniy or (as
there is but one 8 in Pali) avesani, an entrance-
beam, or gateway architrave. As ava means to
^^ enter,'' this derivation is quite legitimate. But if
this was the real meaning, it seems difficult to say
why the term should have been separated from
danam j for in the pillar gifts the word thabho in-
variably precedes or follows ddnam.
After a careful examination of all the inscriptions
on the gateways of the Sanchi Tope, and a com-
parison of their alphabetical characters with those
of other inscriptions of known dates, such as those of
Asoka, B. c. 250 ; those of the Sah coins of Gujrat,
A. D. 300 J and those of the Guptas, A. d. 400 to 600 ;
both Lieutenant Maisey and myself had concluded
that the Sanchi gateways were erected about the
206 THE BHIUSA TOPES.
begrmninfir of the Christian era. It
satisfaction therefore that I afterwards discovered the
name of Sri Satakami in a conspicuous situation over
the southern ^teway. This successful result of my
long" experience in Indian archaeology has given me
snfBcient confidence to say that the age of any Indian
inscription may be determined approximately by the
forms of its alphabetical characters.
2^0. 191. — AyacAudofa Dhamakathika$a
At^rdsino Bala Mka»addnam,
** Gift of B ALA-MiTRA^ pupil of Arta EshudrAi
tlie reciter of Dharma."
Tins inscription is taken from the bas-relief of a
Tope on the middle architrave of the south gateway.
Priusep, No. 23, reads the "well-tonsured pupil/'
but Antev(Uin, ^5PrraTf%^, means simply a " pupil/'
being derived fi'oui ysp^y anta^ near, and ^f^, va^a^
to "abide" — that is one who lives near another;
as a pupil near a master. Aya-cliuda is the teacher's
name : see inscription !Xo. 193. Prinsep reads
hathaka at the end of the first hue : l)ut mv fac-
simile impression gives kathikasa, the possessive case
of ^rf^PF, kathika, a "narrator, or story-teller/' as
l^rinsrp has translated it.
INSCRIPTIONS. 267
On the West Gate.
No. 102. — Kir dray a Ndgapiyoaa Achhavada Sethi-putata
eha Sanghoia.
"Gift of the son of Naqapriya Achhayada^
the master of the weavers, and of Sanqha."
See No. 182 for the term which I have translated
^^ weavers/' I rather suspect that it must he the
name of a place, Kirdra.
No. 193. — Aya-chudcua Atevdiino Bala Mitasa danam
thahho.
" Pillar-gifk of Bala-Mitra, the pupil of Arya-
ESHUDRA."
Prinsep, No. 22. In this inscription there seems to
me to be no doubt that Aya-chuda or Aryya-kshudra
is the teacher's name.
Nos. 194, 196, 196. These show that the inscrip-
tions were carried on from one line to another. The
word ddnam, ^^g*ift/' is carved at the end of the
upper band of the column, and thahhoy ^^ pillar,''
begins the second line, which is carved on a central
band. Here the sense is complete ; and the swastika^
it ^ sepai'ates this inscription from the following* one ;
which, although it looks legible enough, has quite
baffled all my attempts to read it.
MB THE BHIL8A T0PB8.
It 18 woiihj of remark that upwards of one-third
of the gifts recorded in these inscriptions were made
by the fidr sex; who in all countries have been
noted for their pious donations. The number is yery
remarkable^ when we remember that in India women
could not possess property; but were entirely de-
pendent on theur fathers^ their husbands^ their brothersi
or their sons.
Another pomt which I have noticed is the ex-
tremely rare use of compound letters. Only three
instances occur throughout all these inscriptions ; and
ihey are certainly exceptions to the common practice
of Asoka's age^ which adhered to the simplest Pali
finrms. The compound sw occurs twice in Mwa (see
Nos. 80 and 83)^ but the true Pali form of A9a
occurs in the ink inscription found inside the lid of the
steatite casket from No. 3 Tope at Andher^ see Plate
XXX. The compound sth is found only once in
Dhama stMri (see No. 160); but the regular Pali
form of th occurs twice in patithiya for pratisthiya
(see Nos. 40 and 41)^ and once in mila thiti for mila-
sthiti in the inscription on the southern pillar. The
compound nh occurs once in the name of Jonhaka,
see No. 162.
OPENING OP THE SANCHI TOPE, NO. 1. 269
CHAPTER XVII.
OPENING OF THE SANCHI TOPE, NO. 1.
1. The persons who tried to open the great S&nehi
Tope in 1822 made a large breach on the south-west
side, and carried the excavation to the foundation,
but they failed in reaching' the centre of the building.
The Tope was thus partly ruined without any dis-
covery having" been made to repay its destruction.
Lieutenant Maisey and myself determined to proceed
in a different manner, by sinking* a perpendicular
shaft down the middle of the Tope, so as not to injure
its external appearance. After a number of carefiil
measurements, the centre was determined as nearly
as possible, and a shaft or well, 6 feet in diameter,
was sunk through the solid brickwork to a depth of 48
feet, or 6 feet below the level of the terrace, at the
base of the Tope. But the only discovery which we
made consisted of numbers of spiral shells {Phiuyrbis)^
which had been gathered in the mud with which the
bricks were cemented together. These will be valu-
970 SRB vbxuul TormL
able carioBities to the naturalist^ as they e$rtaimfy date
as high as b. o. 800^ and are probably not less than
two thousand four hundred years old. The fariiiks are
large — 16 by 10 by 3 inches.
8. Erom the non-discovery of any relics or other
olgects^ we are left to guess at the age and destination
of the great Sfinchi Tope^ firom less certain although
very probable sources of information. From these I
have deduced that the Tope itself was in existence not
long after the period of the Second Synod in B. o»
448^ that the massiTe stone railing was erected in the
reign of Asoka^ between 260 and 250 b. c.^ and that
the gateways were added iu the reign of Sri S&ta-
kamii between the years 10 and 37 A. j>.
8. The age of the Tope itself depends on the
identification of WNionagara with Cketyfa; a point
which has been already discussed and settled. Wes*
sanagara is still represented by the ruins of Besnagari
two miles to the north of Bhilsa; and Chetijfogiri
(or Chaitya-hill) is undoubtedly the hill of S&nchi|
on which the great Chaitya now stands. It was here
that Asoka rested^ on his way between Pataliputra
and Ujain. Buddhaghoso calls the place fVeswna*
gara, and Mahanamo calls it Chetiya and Chetiyagiri.
The Tope was therefore in existence in 270 B. c,^
during Asoka's government of Ujain j but as one of
the eighteen heresies which prevailed after the meet-
ing of the Second Synod was named the ^^ Chetiya
Schumy^ it is certain that the Sanchi Chaitya must
date as high as the fourth century before our era^
OPENING OP THE SJLnCHI TOPE, NO. 1. S71
and perhaps even a century earlier, or about b. g.
600.*
4. The date of the colonnade or railing might be
determined approximately to belong to the age of
Asoka, by the alphabetical characters of the inscrip*
tions, which are exactly similar to those of the pillar
edicts. But there is a still more certain proof of the
correctness of this date in the short inscription, No.
110, which records the ^^ gift of Subahita, son of Goti
the royal scribe.^' This Goti was a descendant of
Kodini (Sans. Kohudinya), one of the principal dis«
ciples of Buddha. As he was the teacher of Vachhi
SuvUAYATA, he must have taken the vows himself.
His eldest son, Ootiputray was one of the most famous
Buddhist teachers of his day. We learn this fact
from the relic inscriptions which record the names of
two disciples of Gotiputra. Of these, the most cele-
brated is that of Mogaliputra, who conducted the pro*
ceedings of the Third Synod in b. c. 241. The other
pupil was V&chhiputra.
fi. A third son of Goti, named Kdkanava Pra-
bhdsany was the donor of Suvijayata's relics to the
S^chi Tope, No. 2 j and his own^ relics were found
in the Andher Tope, No. 2. A fourth son, named
£handukay is mentioned in the colonnade inscription,
* I suppose that the interior brick Tope may be as old as 500
B. c, and that the stone casing was added by Asoka. This kind of
addition was not unusual. See Mahatvanso, p. SOS, where Lajji-
tissoi king of Ceylon, encloses the Thuparamo with a case of
stone.
272 THE BHILSA TOPES.
No. 33. Thus three sons of Goti had taken the vows,
whilst a fourth became the King^s Scribe, or Secretary
{Rajo/^Lipdhara). As the eldest of these brothers was
the teacher of Mogaliputra, he was probably some-
what older than his pupil, although not necessarily
so. The younger brother may therefore be looked
upon as the contemporary of Mogaliputra, which
will fix his date from 260 B. c. to 230, during the
most flourishing" period of the Buddhist religion.
6. The age of the gateways has been ascertained
from an inscription carved on a bas-relief representa-
tion of a Tope on the upper architrave of the southern
entrance. This inscription (No. 190) records the
^^ gift of an entrance architrave by Ananda, the son
of Vasishthay in the reign of Sri Satakarni.'' This
Prince was the third of the Andhra kings of Ma-
gadha ; and his reign has been fixed^ by the common
consent of all archaeologists, in the early part of the
first century of our era. According to my chrono-
logy he reig'ned from 19 to 37 a. d.
7. The fact that the gateways are of later date
than the colonnade or railings is confirmed by the
more recent character of the inscriptions, which
approaches that of the Sail coins of Gujrat. For
the sake of comparison, I have collected all these
gateway inscriptions in Plate XIX., beneath the more
ancient record of the Soutliorn Pillar. I3v this
arrangement, a single glance is sufficient to show the
gr?at change which had taken ])lace in the alpha-
betical characters in about two centuries and a half.
OPENING OP THE SAnCHI TOPE, NO. 1. 278
8. But there is still one more conyincing* proof
that the gtiteways are of later date than the railing.
In the plan of the Tope, in Plate VIII., the old railing
on which the more ancient inscriptions are carved, is
shaded lightly, and the additional railing and gate-
way pillars, on which the less ancient inscriptions are
foimd, are made quite black. By this it will be seen
that a half pillar of the more recent railing is made to
abut against the third pillar of the older railing.
Now, as most of the old pillars were mscribed, it
seemed probable that one inscription at least would
be found hidden by the half pillar of the less ancient
railing. And such, indeed, is the fact at the northern
entrance, where a long hidden inscription on the
pillar of the old railing is now revealed by the
separation of the two pillars of different ages.
9. The different dates of the Tope, of its colonnades
and of its gatewaj's, have been satisfactorily settled
within certain limits ; but the destination or object of
the building is more difficult to be ascertained. From
the non-discovery of relics, I infer that this great
chaitya was dedicated to the Supreme Buddha. This
conjecture is strengthened by the existence of statues
of the four mortal Buddhas at the entrances. For
it is the practice of the modern Buddhists of Nepal,
when they dedicate a Chaitya to Adi Buddha, to
place four statues of the DhyAni Buddhas at its base.
Vairochaiui (or light), the first of the Pancha Dhy-
ani Buddhas, is supposed to occupy the centre of the
building. It seems quite possible, however, that this
T
1^74 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Tope contained some relies of Bain a; but if, as I
believe, the relics of the holy teacher were always
kept in some easily accessible place, for the purpose
of being shown to the people on stated festivals, it
seems probable that they would have been carried oflF
by the monks, on the general break-up of the Bud-
dhist monastic establishments throughout India.
NO. 2 TOPE. — sANCfll. 276
CHAPTER XVIII.
NO. 3 TOPE.— SANCHI.
1. In 1819, when Captain Fell visited Sanchi, this
Tope was ^^ in perfect repair, not a stone having
fallen ; '^ * but in 1822 it was half destroyed by the
same amateur antiquaries who ruined the larger Tope.
It stands half way down the slope of the hill, about
400 yards from the great Tope, from which it bears
109J° west. The hill has been carefully levelled, and
the western side built up to form a court 100 feet
square, in the midst of which stands the Tope sur-
rounded by the usual Buddhist railing.
2. Tlie Tope is a solid hemisphere (built of
rough stones, without mortar) 39 feet in diameter,
springing from a cylindrical plinth of the same dia-
meter, and 3^ feet in height. The basement is 0
feet in height, with a projection of 5 feet 4 inches,
which forms a terrace for the perambulation of wor-
shippers. The terrace is reached on the eastern side
by a double flight of steps (now in ruins) 5 feet 2
♦ Prinsep's Journal, iii. 494.
276 THE BHILSA TOPES.
inches wide, which meet at a landing'-place, 7 feet
6 inches square.
3. The hemisphere was flattened at top to form a
terrace } which, when measured in its perfect state by
Captain Fell, was 19 feet in diameter.* This was
most probably enclosed by a coping, or cornice,
similar to that which is represented around the
terrace of No. 1 Tope at ^Vndher. In the centre
stood a square pedestal, surrounded by a square
Buddhist railing of small dimensions* its whole height
being only 4 feet. The firagrment^ of tliis railing,
which I measured, were : — pillars, 3 feet 1^ inch in
height, with a section of 7 J inches by 5 J inches;
rails, 10^ inches long by 8^ inches broad, at intervals
of iff inches. The pedestal was of course originally
smmouuted by a chattay but of this no trace now
remains.
4. The whole L? siuTounded bv a Buddhist raihiitr
7 feet C inches in beiirht, with four entrances to-
wards the four sides of the s<]uare court. The
pillars are 5 feet 11^ inches in hei^rht, with a section
of 15^ inches by Hi inches. The rails are 18
niches broad, with a thickness of oi inches in
the middle. The inter -coluinniation varies from
17 to IS inches : and, :i< in the irreat Tope, seems
to be equal to the dejnh ot rail. The copiiur is
21 inches in heiirht, and 14 iiK-hts thick, and is
connecteil to the jullars i:i th^- >anu- -»vav as in
the large Toih\ Tliis railin^-, likr tliut of the irreat
NO. 2 TOPE. — SANGHI. 277
Tope, is elliptical, the longer diameter from east to
west being 74J feet, and the shorter diameter from
north to south only 69 feet. By this ellipticity of
form, a clear breadth of more than 8 feet is pre-
served all round the base of the building:.*
6. The pillars of the Buddhist railing which have
already been described, are perfectly plain ; but these
are ornamented by medallions containing a variety of
flowers, and numerous animals, both known and
fabulous. The medallions are circular in the middle
of the pillar, and semi-circular at its head and base.
The semi-circular medallions are nearly all filled with
flowers ; but the full medallions have men and women,
horses, bulls, lions and elephants, centaurs, winged
horses, and winged bulls. Many of the flower orna-
ments are pretty, but the figures of men and animals
are generally coarse and clumsy.
6. The piUars of the entrances are'covered with bas-
reliefs, all of the same inferior style of art, save a few
remarkable exceptions at the eastern entrance, one of
which is much superior, even to the best bas-reliefs of
the great Tope. This represents a female standing in
a doorway, with her right hand resting on her hip,
and in her left hand a lotus flower. Her hair is
parted on the right side. She is naked to the waist,
from which a single piece of drapery is drawn over the
left thigh. The graceful proportions and easy atti-
tude of this figure place its sculptor almost in the
same rank with the carver of the beautiful lions of the
* See Plate XX. for a plan and view of this monument.
878 THE BHILSA TOPES.
south pillai'. On another face of the same pillar
there is a two-horse chariot containing two figxires,
and attended by an elephant carrying a standard-
bearer. On a second pillar is represented a wheel, or
s}i[nbol of Buddha, standing on an altar, and orna-
mented with garlands.* Two kneeling figures are
bowing do^-n to the steps of the altar.
7. On one of the pillars of the south entrance there
is a representation of a Tope, enclosed with a Bud-
dhist railing, and surmounted by a square pedestal, and
by the usual chatta. On a second pillar is repre-
sented an isolated column surmounted by three lions
bearing a wheel or symbol of Buddha.
8. On a pillai' of the west entrance there is a bas-
relief of a single column surmounted by three ele-
phants carrying the same wheel emblem of Buddha.
The base is enclosed by a square Buddhist railing;
outside which two figures, a male and a female, are
paying their adorations-t
9. On a pillar of the north entrance, the wheel or
emblem of Buddha is represented resting on the
peculiar monogTam or symbol of Dharma.J On
another pillar is sho^ni an isolated column, sur-
mounted by an elephant, and two lions, carrying*
the wheel emblem of Buddha.
10. The colonnade of this Tope, like that of the
Great Chaitya, bears many inscriptions, of which
• See Plate XXXI., fi^^ 0, of this work.
t See Plate XXXI., fig;. 1, of this volume,
t See Plate XXXII., fig. 1, of this volume.
NO. Q TOPE. — 8AW0HI. 379
none have yet been published. These inscriptions are
chiefly valuable for the light that they throw on the
changes which had gradually taken place in the
language. The most remarkable of these is the
substitution of Bhikhu for Bhichhu. With five
exceptions, the latter is the only spelling used
throughout the numerous inscriptions of Asoka^s age
on the colonnade of the Great Tope at Sdnchi ; while
the former is the only spelling used in all the gate-
way inscriptions of the age of Satakarni.
But on the colonnade of this Tope we have both
spellings; bhikhu being used ten times, and bhichhu
five times. From this fact we may conclude that
the colonnade was certainly erected at some period
between the ages of Asoka and Sri Sdtakarni. This
is borne out by the forms of the alphabetical charac-
ters, which, though generally like those of Asoka's
time, yet present some diflerences which undoubtedly
point to a later date. The principal change is seen
in the manner of attaching the vowel u at the foot of
the kh. In the Asoka inscriptions, this is done by
the intervention of a dot, or point ; but in those of
the present Tope, the dot is replaced by a small
circle.
280 THE BHILSA TOPES.
CHAPTER XIX.
INSCRIPTIONS.— NO. 2 TOPE.— SANCIII.
PI. XXI.; No. 1. — Ndgil&si ddnam Ayasa-atevasino.
" Gift of NAoilAsi, the pupil of Aryya."
No. 2. — Dhama jRdkhitasa sejhasaJra.
"(Gift) of Dharma Rakshita . . ."
No. 3. — Pdchikuldkdyagdmasa ddnam.
"Gift of Aryyaqrama, of the Pdndu race."
The celebrated name of the Paiidus is here met
with; for the first time^ on a genuine ancient monu-
ment. The use of the cerebral d^ and the affix of the
term kuhy " race or tribe/' prove that I am right in
attributing this gift to one of the race of Pandu. See
also No. 8, for another inscription of a Pandu.
No. 4. — Budhilasa-hhogavarJianahaaa ddnam,
" Gift of BuDHiLA, the increase!* of enjoyment."
No. 5. — . . vm-devaya ddnam Mitamajheya Antevd'
shii(ya),
"Gift of (Dhar)ma Deva, the pupil of Mitra
MadiiyA."
No. (). — IfiJasa hhihhuno ddnam.
" Gift of IsiLA, the mendicant monk.'*
INSCMPTIONS.— NO. 2 TOPE.— 8AKCHI. 281
No. 7. — Sagha Mitasa bhikhuno danam.
'^ Gift of Sanoha MitrA; the mendicant monk."
No. i.'^Budha Palitasa Sethino Padttkuliniyate ddnam.
^^ Gift of BuDHA PAlita^ the Sreshti (or master of
a trade*) of the race of Pdndu."
No. 9. — . • yapand . . . luua ddnam.
"Giftof(AR)YYAPANA ..."
No. 10. — Budha Rdkhitcua anamviitakasa ddnam,
« Gift of Rakshita . . ."
No. 11. — Vijhasa bhihhvno ddnam.
" Gift of ViDYA, the mendicant monk."
No. 12. — Yakhilasa bhichhuno ddnam.
" Gift of Yakshila^ the mendicant monk."
No. 13. — Ndgapdyasa Achhava(da)ta Sethisa ddnam.
" Gift of NAoAPAYA Achhayada^ the Sreahti."
See Nos. 182 and 192 of No. 1 Tope, which both ^ve
the name of Ndgapdya (or priyd) Achhavaday but the
persons cannot be the same, as there is a difference in
the dates of the inscriptions of the two Topes of about
two centuries. The two donors must, however, have
been of the same family.
No. 14. — . . sapakiya Soraya ddnam bkikhuniya.
^^ Gift of (KA)sYAPAKi SorA, the mendicant nan."
No. 16. — Valayd Korariye Ihikhunaye ddnam.
** Gift of ValA KorAri (the weaver ? ); a mendicant
nun."
No. 16. — Dhama Sanaya Karariya ddnambhi . . .
''Gift of Dharma Sena^ Kor&ri, the mendicant
nun."
* The meaning of this term has been given before; but it may
oe as well to repeat here^ that Sreshti is the head of a guild; and
is equivalent to the modem Chaodri.
382 THE BHILSA TOPES.
No. 17. — Haga Paiitaya d4nam thdbJut.
'' Pillar-gift of Naoa PalitA."
No. 18, — Pkaguldya hWikumya ddnam.
*^ Gift of PhaqulA^ the mendicant nun."
No. 19. — Balahasa Ayasa Arapa Cfntasa sdsd . (nan)-
dakasa atevanno ddnam.
^^Gift of Balaka ArytA; the pupil of Arapa-
GuPTA; the (delighter) in Scripture."
Balaka may mean simply a boy^ and Balaka Ayasa
will signify only the child Aryya. My copy reads
Arapa ; but I believe the true name to be Araka.
No. 20. — Yarna Rdkhitdya bhikhuniya ddnam.
" Gift of Yama Rakshita^ the mendicant nun."
No. 21. — Mnldya ddnam-thabho Yadaya Ateviuiniya.
" PiUar-gift of MulI, the pupU of YadA."
No. 22. — Sojfha Rdkhitaya viata . • daka Isiddsiya
bhwhhuniya ddnam,
" Gift of Sanqha RakshitA; the . . of IsidAsI;
the mendicant nun."
No. 23. — Yasa Budha Bakhitasa Pokhareyakam ddnam.
^' Gift of Yasa Budha RakshitA, of Pokhare-
yaka"
No. 24. — Vindkdye Vddyuvahanikdye ddnam,
" Gift of the lute-player, VadyuvahanikA."
This inscription is carved on the bas-relief of a
wheel pillar of the western entrance. There has
been an attempt to render some double letter, and
I am not satisfied that I have read the middle part of
the inscription correctly. If we might read m or
^T^ vadhu, instead of vadyuy which seems perfectly
INSCRIPTI0N8.— NO. 3 TOPE. — SANCHI. 383
allowable^ the translation would be simply ^^ Gift of
ViNAKA, the daughter-in-law (son's wife) of Va-
HANIKA.'*
No. 25. — Pedaya bhikhuniya thabho ddnum.
m
'' Pillar-gift of Pexda, the mendicant nun."
No. 26. — IsadahaditiiUasa ddnam.
" Gift of l8ADAKADiTrA (?) . (or Isadakanditi)."
No. 27. — Isddekadiyd ddnam.
" Gift of ISADEKANDI."
No. 28. — (I)saddkadiya Patoluya ddnam.
" Gift of IsADAKANDi, of Pratold."
No. 39. — Biidha Pd(lita)iahodiya ddnam.
" Gift of BuDHA Palita . . ."
This inscription is much mutilated; but I believe
it to be the same as No. 8.
No. 30. — Sagha Mitasa Sonadahasd ddnam.
" Gift of Sangha Mitra, of SonadakaJ*
No. 31. — Budka (Miti)ttedakadiya ddnam.
" Gift of BUDHA MiTRA . . ."
No. 32. — Abha(ti)8d ddnam adha-porikasa.
" Half-gateway gift of Abhrati (the brotherless)."
Adhor-porikasa I have taken for arddha-pauriknsyaj
'' of half an entrance/' which is not an unlikely gift
to have been made to the Tope.
Plate, No. 33. — lasogirino ddnam bhichkuno.
'' Gift of Yasooiri, the mendicant monk."
No. 34. — Arahakasa bhichkuno chanakaya ddnam.
'^ Gift of the holy bhikshu Chanakya."
This inscription will admit of several readings, such
as —
284 THE BHILSA TOPES.
" Gift of Arhaka, the mendicant monk of Cha^
naUr
^' Gift of Arhaka, the mendicant monk, and of
Nakdr
No* 86. — Bahfdasa ddnam.
' " Gift of Bahula."
No. 86. — Oadaya Nadinagarikaya.
" Gift of GandIi of Nadinagarikd'*
No. 87. — Idaffi(riya)ia ddnam*
" Gift of IliDRAOIRIYA."
No. 88. — Aya NandaJuua bhikhuno ddtiam.
^^ Gift of Aryta NandakA; the mendicant monk."
No. 89. — Naga Sakhitasa hhiohhuno Pokhareyakasa
ddnam.
*^ Gift of Naoa Rakshita, the mendicant monk, of
Pokhareyaka.^*
No. 40. — Soffha Itakhitasa bhichhu danam Jmsa.
^^ Gift of Sanqha Rakshita, the mendicant monk."
No. 41. — (Ya)khiJuinuJ{asa Udaharaghariyasa danam.
" Gift of Yakshihanaka, of Udabarayhariyar
No. 42. — • . . Udaharaghariyasa.
" (Gift) of ... of TJddbaragliarxyar
No. 43. — Sediya bhikhuniya thabko ddnam.
" Pillar-gift of Sendi, the mendicant nun."
OPENING OP NO. 2 TOPE. — SANCHI. 285
CHAPTER XX.
OPENING OF NO. 2 TOPE.— SilNCHI.
1. On looking at this Tope, which Captain Fell
had seen perfect in 1819, 1 must confess that I felt a
secret satisfaction that the labours of the bungling
amateurs^ who had half ruined it in 1822, had ended
in nothing. But at the same time I had some mis-
givings, from the large size of the breach, whether
their workmen had not reached the centre. After
several careful measurements, however, both Lieu-
tenant Maisey and myself felt satisfied that the
actual centre had not quite been attained, although
the excavators must have been within a single foot of
it. After a few hours' labour in clearing away the
loose stones from the middle of the breach, we began
carefully to sink a shaft down the centre of the Tope.
In three hours more the removal of a single stone
from the western side of the shaft, disclosed a small
chamber containing a stone box.
2. The chamber was made of six stones, four set
on edge forming the sides, and two laid flat forming
the top and bottom. The chamber was not in the
286 THE BHILSA TOttS.
centre of the buildings but two feet to the westward
of it, the measurement from the south side being* 18^
feet, or exactly half the diameter, while that from the
eastern side was 20^ feet, or 2 feet more than the
semi-diameter. The bottom of the chamber was
exactly 7 feet above the terrace or upper surface
of the basement, and 3^ feet above the centre of the
hemisphere.
3. The relic-box, formed of white sandstone, is 11
inches long, d^ inches broad, and the same in height,
including the lid. It was standing with one of its
long sides to the east, towards the Great Topei On
removing it from the chamber, we found the follow-
ing inscriptions carved in three lines on its eastern
face :—
Sa^fid Vinayakina Aran K&iopa
Ootam UpAdiya Arcm eka VAchM
Suvyayatam Vindyaka.
" Teacher of all branches of Vinaya, the Arhai KIstapa
GrOTRA; Upddiya (or Abbot) ; and the Arkat
VlcHHi SuviJAYATA, teacher of Vinaja."*
4. Upddiya^ in Sanskrit UpddMya^ was the Abbot
or head of a Buddhist monastery, who had accom-
plished Updddna, or the complete restraint of all the
organs of sense, and the consequent suppression of all
earthly desires. Vinaya was the lowest of the three
grades of advancement taught by the Buddhist
religionists; and the fact that Kasyapa-Gotra was
a teacher of Yinaya will account for his mission
* See Plate XX.
OPENING OF NO. 2 fOPE. — SANCHI. 287
to the Hemawanta^ where, as we leam from the
Chinese travellers, the active mountaineers preferred
the practical teachings of the Vinaya to the esoteric
doctrines of the Abhidharma. The spelling* of Aran
for ArJiata is peculiar, as this title is always written
AraJia in the inscriptions of the colonnade of the
Great Tope.
6. On removing" the lid of the stone box, we found
inside four small caskets or boxes of mottled steatite,
of which one is represented of half size in Plate XX.
Each of these caskets contained small portions of
burnt human bone, and each was inscribed with the
names of the holy men whose ashes were enshrined
therein. All these inscriptions will be found in
Plate XX.
No. L— STEATITE BOX.
OuTSiDB Lid.
Sapurisa(sa) Kdsapa Ootasa Sava Hemavatdchariyasa.
^^ (Helics) of the emancipated Eastapa Gotra^ the znissionarj to
the whole HemarvantaJ*
Insibe Lid.
Sapurua(sa) Majhimasa.
" (Relics) of the emancipated Madhtama."
Bottom.
Sapurisasa Hdritiputasa.
" (Relics) of the emancipated HAritiputra."
288 THE BHILSA TOPES.
No. II.— STEATITE BOX.
OuTJBR Circle.
Sapurisoia V&chkdya Suvijayatata Ootantevdrino.
'^ (Belies) of the emancipated VAchhA Suvijayata^ the pupil of
GOTA."
Inner Circle.
Xdhanavorpdhhdsas&liana ddnam,
^' The gift of EIkanaya PrabhAsana.'*
No. III.— STEATITE BOX.
Outside Lid.
Sapuriiosa Maha Van&yam — Sapnrisasa Apagtrata.
^' (Relics) of the emancipated Maha YanAyA; (and) of the eman-
cipated Apaqira."
Inside Lid.
Sapurisasa Kodiniputcua,
" (Relics) of the emancipated Kohudinya-putra.'
No. IV.— STEATITE BOX.
Outside Lid.
Sapurisasa Kosikiputasa.
'^ (Relics) of the emancipated Kausikiputra/'
OPENING OF NO. 2 TOPE.— SANCHI. 280
Insidb Lid.
Sapiirisasa Gotiputasa,
'^(Relics)of the emancipated Gotipcjtra."
Bottom.
Sapurlsasa Mogalipvtasa.
*' (Relics) of the emancipated Maudqalaputra."
6. REMARKS.
No. L Box. — The names of Kasyapa and Ma-
dliyama are recorded in the Mahawanso as two of the
five missionaries who were despatched to the Hema-
wanta coimtry, after the meeting* of the Third Synod
in 241 B. c. A second casket of Kasyapa^s relics
was discovered at Sonari, and from the inscription we
learn that he was the son of Koti. Of Haritiputra
nothing" is known ; but another portion of his relics
was found enshrined alone in No. 3 Tope at Andher.
No. II. Box. — Vacchi-suvijayata must have been
a man of some consequence, for his name is placed on
the outside of the stone box, along \nth that of
Kasyapa. Relics of his son, Vacchiputra, were
found at Andher, along* with those of Kdkanava
Prabhasan and Mogaliputra. He is thus doubly
connected with Kakauava, who was the donor of his
u
300 THE BHILSA TOPES.
relics to the Sanchi Tope. Colonel Low gives a story
from the Pali books of Burma, reg'arding a sea
captain named Kdia-hhasdy who traded to Takkasila
in the reigii of Asoka.* KAhu-hMsd appears to be
only a contracted form of Kdkanava Prabhdsan.
The Captain was a servant of the King of Moniy
whose subjects were famous for magic spells. Asoka,
therefore, employed KdMbMsa to discover some
hidden relics, and to superintend their enshrinement
in a splendid Chaitya, which was duly accomplished
with the recital of one hundred and eight Pali invo-
cations. I presume that KdMbhdsd was a native of
Multan, or Smd, and that he traded to Takkasila for
rock salt. Kdkandva PrdbJidsdn was the son of Goti^
and a descendant of Kodini or KohndinyUy one of
Buddha's eighty disciples. The name is a remark^
able one, and as both parties were contemporaries of
Asoka, it is at least quite possible that they were the
same person.
No. III. Steatite Box. — Of Maha Vanaya and
Apagira I know nothing; but Kodini^putra was
probably a son or descendant of the celebrated Kohu*
dinyHy one of Buddha's eighty disciples.
No. IV. Steatite Box. — I know uothinff of Kosi'^
kiputra y but Gotiputra, as we learn from one of the
Andher inscriptions, was a descendant of Xodini or
Kohudinya, who has just been mentioned. Mogali
or Maudgala putra was the well-known head of the
Buddhist Church, who superintended the proceedings
* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, ZTii. 91> 99.
OPENING OP NO. Q TOPB.— SANCHI. fiOl
of the Third Synod, during the reign of Asoka
in B.C. 241. He died at eighty years of age, in
B. c. 233.
7. The discovery in this Tope consisted of the
relics of no less than ten of the leading men of the
Buddhist Church, during the reign of Asoka. One
of them conducted the proceedings of the Third
Synod, in 241 b, c, and two others were deputed
to the Hemawanta country as missionaries, after the
meeting of the Synod. From this we may con-
clude that the date of the Tope cannot be earlier
than about 220 B. c, by which time the last of
Asoka's contemporaries would have passed away.
The railing is most probably of the same period, for
the use of the term Bkikhu instead of Bhichhu (of
which latter there are only five instances amongst the
numerous inscriptions on the colonnade of the great
Tope), might readily be supposed to have extended in
fifty years to that proportion in which we find it xised
in the inscriptions of No. 2 Tope at Sanchi. The
general forms of the alphabetical characters agree too
closely with those of Asoka^s own age, to permit the
assignment of a later date than 200 B. c, for the
erection of this Tope.
8. The Tope itself would seem at firet to have been
intended only for the relics of Kasyapa Gotra, and of
Vacchi Suvijayata, whose names alone are found on
the outside of the stone box. But I suppose that
during the several years of its erection the Sanchi
community gradually became possessed of the relics
iteS THS BHIL8A tOPB8«
of odier dbtiiigaiahed men who had worked long^
and well hr the eztenaon and gloiy of the Buddhist
religion^ daring the long and prosperona reign of
9. A oompariaon of all theae difierent inacripdona
eatabliahea the intimate connection which existed be-
tween many of the principal leaders of the Buddhist
^uth during the reign of Asola. The fieunily of
£od]ni^ in two generations alone^ would iq^pear to
have furnished no less than six leading members of
the Buddhist priesthood. His son Majhima waa the
missionary sent to the Hemawanta country in 241
B«a ; and his grandson^ Gotiputra, was ao eminent a
member of the Bauddha community as to have merited
the title of dAfidOy or^ ^^ brother^ of the fidth; which
proves that he must hare dedicated some of his own
children to the senice of his reli^on. This family^
also^ would appear to have been equally celebrated as
successful propounders of Buddhism^ for Goti is re-
corded to have been the teacher of Y achhi Smijayata^
and his son Ootiputra^ to have been the teacher of
the famous Mogaliputra^ who was the head of the
Buddhist Church at the Assembly of the Third S}iiod
in B.C. 241. The connection between the different
members of this family and their pupils is sho\iii in
the following table : —
OPENING OF NO 2 TOPE. — SANCHI.
803
KODINI
had three sons,
I
A
I
KODINI-
Relics at
PUTRA,
Sdnchi,
GOTI,
had 4 sons
and 1 pupil.
I
MAJHIMA,
Missionary to the
Hemawanta^
Relics at Sdnchi
and Sonari,
GOn-PUTRA,
IVlissionary to
DdrddbhUara^
Relics at
Sdnchi & Sondri,
had 2 pupils.
KAKANAVA BUANDUKA,
PRABHASAN, a Bhihthu or
Relics at Afidher, Mendicant Monk.
Presented See Sdnchi
Relics of Vdchhi Inscriptions,
to Sdnchi. No. 33.
SUBAIIITA,
the royal
scribe.
See Sdnchi
Inscriptions,
No. 110.
GOTPS pupU was VACIIHI-SUVIJAYATA,
I Relics at Sdnchi,
GOTI-PUTRA had 1 son.
had 2 pupils. I
I I
MOGALI-PUTRA,
Head of the Buddhist
Church in b.c. 241.
Relics at
Sdnchi and Andher.
VACHm-PUTRA,
Relics at Andher.
10. This genealogy, obtained from the inscriptions
of the Bhilsa Topes, shows what we might reasonably
expect to get from the numerous Topes which still
exist in the ancient Kapila and Magadha, the scene
of Sakya Sinha's birth, teaching, and death. A few
more genealogies, similar to the above, would pro-
bably give us a complete succession from the time of
Sakya Sinha down to the age of Asoka, and so esta-
blish the accuracy of the date now assigned to the
great founder of the Buddhist religion. As we have
already discovered relics of his contemporaries, Siiri-
putra and Mogalana, who date from the middle of
804 THE BHtLBA T0PE8.
the 6th century b.c.^ and of Mogaliputra and others
who assisted at the Third S\'nod in B.c. 041, there is
eset\ reasonable expectation that a complete examina-
tion of the still existing monument.s would yield us
the names of many of the ])rincipal leaders of Bud-
dhism during the 4th, dth^ and 0th centuries before
Christ. AVe should thus^ perhaps, obtain one or more
complete genealogical successions during the most
eventful period of Indian lustory.
NO. 3 TOPE. — bAnchi. 206
CHAPTER XXL
NO. 3 TOPE.— SiLNCHI.
1. At first sight this Tope presented a mere mass of
ruins;* but a closer inspection showed the lower
courses of the hemisphere and the terrace of the
basement tolerably perfect^ although hidden amongst
a heap of fallen stones. The diameter of the hemi-
sphere is 40 feet j the breadth of the terrace^ which
was formed of smgle slabs^ and is still qpite perfect on
the western side, is 6 feet, and its height above the
original level of the soil is 7 J feet j but only 6 feet
above the floor of the entrance door-way which is
still standing to the south. The dome was crowned
by a pedestal 4^ feet square, which supported a cJuitta
about 3^ feet in diameter. A square slab, which
once formed part of the pedestal, is now lying to the
south of the Tope, and a fi'agment of the chatta to the
north-east.
2. The Tope was surrounded by a Buddhist railing,
of which the only remains are a few of the curved
• See Plate XXII.
206 THE BHILSA TOPES,
coping" stones, and some fragments of two pillars.
The coping" stones are 9 inches high and 7^ inches
thick. The pillars have the same section ; and we
may therefore conclude that the railing* was some-
what less than five feet in height. The railing of
No. 1 Tope at Sonari, of which the pillars are 9^
inches by 8 inches, is only 4 feet 8 inches in height.
The enclosure most probably had four gateways ;
one to the south is still standing, and I thought
that I could trace the remains of a second on the
east.
3. The pillars of the southern entrance are 14
inches square, with an interval of 6 feet 4 inches.
The clear breadth betv\'een the railing and the base
of the Tope must have been about 12^ feet ; one
side of each of the pillars, to which the railing was
attached, is left plain j and as the arrangement is the
same as that of the entrances of the Great Tope, it
seems certain that the gateways of this Tope must
have been of a later date than the railing-. The bas-
reliefs of the pillars and architraves are so strikinglv
similar in subject and in style to those of the Great
Tope, that there can be little doubt that both are the
work of the same period. There are the same repre-
sentations of Topes and Trees, the same lion pillar
surmounted by a wheel, and the same figures clad in
the same dresses.
4. The Tope stood in the midst of a square en-
closure, and was surrounded by a very thick wall, the
foundations of which still remain on three sides. The
NO. 3 TOPE.— 8ANCHI. 807
enclosure was 90 feet square, and the walls were built
due north and south, and east and west.
5. A shaft was sunk in the centre of this Tope,
and after a few hours' labour we came to a large slab
upwards of 6 feet in lengfth, lying* in a direction from
north to south. On raising* this slab we saw two
larg'e stone boxes each bearing" a short inscription on
its lid. That to the south bore Sdriputasay '^ (relics)
of SAriputra^' ; that to the north bore MaM,
MogaUnasa, '^ (relics) of Maha Mogalana.'' Each
box was a cube of 1^ foot, with a lid 6 inches thick.
The position of the relics was on the same level as the
terrace outside.
6. In Sdriputra's box we found a larg-e steatite
casket, upwards of 6 inches broad and 3 inches in
height, covered by a very thin saucer of black
earthenware 9^ inches in diameter with a depth of
2 inches. The saucer was broken, and the upper
surface had peeled off, but the colour of the inside
was still lustrous. Close to the steatite casket were
two pieces of sandal-wood, one 4^ inches in length,
and the other 2^ inches. The only other thing in
this box was a live spider.
7. The relic-casket is of white steatite. It has
been turned on a lathe ; and its surface is now hard
and polished. In Plate XXII. I have given a
half-size sketch of this antique casket, which con-
tained only one small fragment of bone, scarcely an
inch in length, and seven beads of different kinds.
These are no doubt the '^ seven precious things" which
9M THB BHUAA TQPSS.
mwn QsoaUy deposited with die holiefet lelioB) m widi
Ite dnm of Boddha* It Hito new Jalal&bi^ ThflM
were two dietinot eete of the .seven precuHis things,
the one containing the precsbus metals as.well as
fvedoas stones^ the other precious stones only.
• 8. Aecording to the Chinese the first sories coof^
sisted o&-^
CUiiew. SamoriL
l»8n-fiipIo.. iSWiii8nia......Gol(L .^*
St A4a-pa .r* •••••»• ••JIiQByci ••••j»«KiTor* *
aUea^Ji ».iFaiAsy«ii«..LapitlaililL
6« Mea-pho-lo-lde-larpbo « • • • (A pale Uue itcMie— sin»-
- . . thy»t).(f)
6^ Uo-lo-lda-li • • (Variegated agate).
.......Padmardffa ••'Rvihj.
0. The second series consisted of—
Chinese. Sanscrit
1. Po-lo-so Prab&la Coral.
5. A-chy-ma-kie-pho ...Atmagarbha{^)kjnber.
3. Ma-ni %..%.. ..Mani Pearh
4. Cbin-shu-kia • • • • (A red stone— garnet). (?)
6. Shy-kia-pi-ling-kia • . • • • • (The most excellent of pre-
cious stones).
6. Mo-Io-kia-pho Mardkata .... Emerald.
7. Pa*che-lo Vajra Diamond.
10. The seven precious thing-s found with Sari-
putra's relics differ somewhat from both of these
series j but the correspondence is still very striking^.
* Fo'hvC'hiy c. xiii.
NO. 8 TOPE.— sAnchi. 399
1st, a flat piece of pearl; 2nd, 3rd, two small seed
pearls ; 4th, a garnet bead ; 6th, a star-shaped bead
of lapiS'lazuli ; 6th, a crystal bead ; 7th, an oblong*
bead of pale amethyst. The same custom still pre-
vails amongst the Buddhists of Lad^k, who usually
place with the ashes of a chief, or the dead body of
a Lama, bits of gold, silver, copper, and iron ; pearls,
g-amets, and turquoises ; grains of wheat, barley, and
rice ; specimens of red and white sandal-wood ; and
of the holy Shukpd^ or pencil cedar (Juniperus
excelsa).
11. In the northern stone box we found another
steatite casket, somewhat smaller than that of
S&riputra. It is apparently of a softer substance ;
for the surface when first seen was white and powdery
like chalk ; but this has now nearly disappeared, and
the colour is almost the same as that of S&riputra's
casket. Inside we found only two minute fragfments
of bone, of which the larg-er was rather less than half
an inch in length.
12. On the inner surface of the lid of each casket
there is a single ink letter, half ail inch in height.
In 8&riputra's casket the letter is sdy and in that of
Maha Mogalana's it is ma; these being the initial
letters of their respective names.
18. The relative position of these relics has its
significance : for in their religious ceremonies the
ancient Indians always sat facing the east, which
therefore they named the fi'ont, para; while the
south and north were respectively the " right,"
300 THE B^ILSA TOPES.
dakshinay and the " left/' v/ima. The west was called
aparuy ^^ behind/' Now Sariputra and Maha Mo-
galana were the principal followers of Buddha^ and
were usually styled his right and left hand disciples.
Their ashes thus presened after death the same posi-
tions to the right and left of Buddha which they had
themselves occupied in life.
14. Sariputra was the son of the Brahman Tishya^
and of the beautiful-eved Sari or Sarika, who received
her name from the resemblance of her eves to those
of a Saras or Cyrus bird. Sariputra, or son of S&ri,
is his most common name ; but he is also known by
the patronjTnic of Upatishya. The Tibetans call him
Sha-ri-hi-bu, or Sari's son. Tish}-^ was the most
learned of all the Brahmans at the court of Raja-
griha. Sarika herself was a proficient in the four
Vedas^ and had overcome her brother in disputation.
But her son excelled them both; and was much
celebrated for his wisdom. His talents, which were
attributed to his moral and religious merit in former
births,* were so great, that Sakya himself proclaimed t
that the '^ profoundly wise Sariputra was competent
to spread abroad the wisdom of Buddha;^' and his
fellow-disciple Kachhayano declared that ^^ excepting
the Saviour of the world, there are no others in exist-
tence ^^ hose wisdom is equal to one sixteenth part of
the profundity of Sariputra."
* Csoma de Koros in Asiatic Society's Researches, vol. xx..
p. 52.
t Tumour, Introduction to Maliawanso^ p. xxvii.
NO. 3 TOPE.— SANCfll. 301
15. According to the Japanese chronology, this
wisest of the disciples of Buddha embraced a monastic
life, four years after Sakya's attainment of Buddha-
hood, that is in 584 B. c. He, and his fellow-student
Maudgalyayana, had attended all the philosophical
schools of the day without obtaining" conviction, until
they heard the preaching of Buddha, when they gave
up all and followed him.
16. In a Mongolian work translated from the
Sanskrit, and entitled Uligeriin dalai (the Sea of
Parables), we read,* " When Sabiputra learnt that
Buddha was bent on entering 7iirvdiiay he experienced
profound sorrow, and said to himself, ' It is soon
indeed, and contrary to all expectation, that the
Tathagata hath resolved upon entering nirvana ; who
after him will be the protector and shield of souls and
of beings enveloped in darkness V He then said to
Buddha, ^ It is impossible for me to witness the
nirvana of Buddha.' Thrice he repeated these words,
when Buddha replied, ' If thou believe thy time
come, then do thy will, like all the Khutukhtu (in
Sanskrit, NirmmanMya^ incantations) y who enter the
Nirv&na of tranquillity/ Sariputra, having heard
these words of Buddha, arranged his dress; and,
having a hundred times walked round Buddha, he
repeated a great number of verses in praise of him.
He then embraced the feet of the latter, placed
them thrice upon his head, and joining the palms of
his hands, said, ^ I have been found worthy to ap-
* Fo-hwe-Uf c. zxYiii.; note 7y Laidlay's translation.
302 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
proaeh the g^loriously accomplished Buddha.' He
then worshipped Buddha^ and proceeded with his
servant^ the monk Yantiy to Rajagriha, his native
to\ra. When arrived there, he said to Yonti, ^Go
into the town, into the suhurhs, and to the palace of
the king, and to the houses of the high functionaries,
and of such as give alms, and thus say to them :
^^ The Kutukktu Sariputra hath resolved upon en-
tering w/rrrf/i/i— come and prostrate yourselves before
him/'' The monk Yonti executed the orders of his
master, went to the places indicated, and thus de-
livered his message: ^ The Kutukktu Sariputra
hath arrived here ; if you would visit him, come with-
out delay/ When the king Ajatasatray the dis-
penser of alms, the great dignitaries, the officers of
the army, and the heads of families, heard this an-
nouncement, thev were all tilled with son'ow, and
with heavy hearts said, ' Ah ! what will become of
us when the second head of the law, the leader of so
many beiiiii's, the Kufukhtu Sakiputra shall have
entered nirvana.' Hurriedly they j^roceeded towards
him, bowiniT down and savinii*, * Kufukhtu ! if thou
becomest nirvana who shall be our protector, and
that of so many other beinirs.^' Sariputra then
addressed them the followinir words : " Since all is
i^t^risliable, the end of all is dt-ath. As ve, too,
bflunLf to this world of turmt-iit. ve. too. Avill not
Tf Hiain !• jRl* ; cK-ath will c^ni*^ ;in«l terminate vour
* - «
career. But a> vou all. in c< 'ii>» n-^ ii.v uf nii-riturious
works in a former existence, lia\e had the happiness
NO. 3 TOPE.— sAnchi. 808
of bein^ bom in the world with Buddha^ and that too
in the human form, do you add other accumulative
merits, and accomplish such works as shall save you
from Sansara.' When Sariputra had finished
preaching thus to the bystanders the inexhaustible
law, and had comforted their spirits with salutary
medicaments, they bowed down before the KutukhtUy
and each returned to his home. After midnig-ht,
SIriputra. sat in a perfectly erect position ; gathered
all the faculties of his soul ; directed tliese upon one
point, and entered the first Dhydna. Thence he
entered the second ; thence the third j and from the
third the fourth. From the fourth he passed into the
SanUidhi of the births of boundless celestial space ;
then into the Saniadhi of the birtJis of complete
nihility. From this Samddhi he entered that of
^ neither thinking y nor not thinking f then into that
oi limitation ', and lastly into Mrt?<{/?o.
17. ^^ When Khourmousda, the king of the Gods,
learnt of the Nirv/ina of SIriputra, he came with
several hundreds of thousands in his suite, bearing
flowers, perfumes, and other objects meet for sacrifice.
They diflused themselves through the whole space
of heaven ; their tears fell like rain ) they scattered
their flowers so as to cover the earth, saying, ^ Oh !
he whose wisdom was as the depth of tlie sea, who
had passed through all the gates of knowledge, whose
musical speech flowed sweetly as a running stream,
who was perfect in the fulfihnent of every duty, in
self contemplation, in all wisdom— the sublime chief of
304 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the doctrine^ the excellent Khutukhtu Sariputra —
hath too hastily entered nirvana. Who shall sue-
eeed the gloriously accomplished Buddha and Tatha-
gata to spread abroad the law V All the inhabitants
of the town and neighbourhood, as soon as they were
apprised of the nirvana of SImputra, came, bearing
much oil, perfumes, flowers, and other things appro-
priate for sacrifice. They wept loudly with accents
of woe and sorrow, placing upon the ground the
objects fit for the sacrifices. Khourmousda, the
prince of the Gods, then commanded Vishwamitra to
prepare a car of various precious materials for the
body of Sariputra. WTien the car was finished,
the corpse of Sariputra was placed thereon in a
sitting position, and taken forth to a beautiful plain^
all the while the Xagiis, the Yakshas, the king, the
commanders of the armv, the officers, and the whole
peoj»lt\ utteriiig- cries of sorrow. There they raised a
pile of chamhuta (sandal) wockI. After moisteninor it
Avith oil and butter, they placed upon it the body ol
Sariputra, and ap}>lied tire. Then all bowed dov^Ti,
and each went to his home. When the lire was
ooniplt^tely extiiuruisheil, the j^riest Yonti collected
trom the ashes the ,< ;n><; of his master, and eonveved
them, as well as his }K«t and eocle^iasrie:\l dress, to
liiuiaha. lie ji^aotd thr^e thin-s at the lert of
l>^^iaha, a:;:u»;;:;ein-, a- th- >;;-:. ti:i.v, thr ileath uf
his master. When Ananda Irar:.: ::.i> rS-ni th^ lij.s
ofYomi, ho was nuvh -ri.v, 1, .:. i ..,;,i r.. B; i.il;a,
** ^^dha! the nrst .: . - , ^ -^ .-.T.'.a
NO. 3 TOPE. — SANCHI. 806
nirvdnaj to whom now shall we unhosom ourselves,
and whom shall we regard as our protecting sun?'
Buddha replied, ^ Ananda ! although SAkiputra
hath entered nirvdnay neither the charge of your
duties, nor samddhi^ nor understanding, nor plenary
redemption, nor the prajna of plenary redemption,
nor the nature of occult properties, hath become so ;
moreover, many generations ago Sariputra once be-
came nirvana, because he could not endure to see me
enter upon nirvana/ ''
18. As the funeral pile was formed of chandanay
or sandal, it seems highly probable that the two
pieces of this fragrant wood, which we found along
with SIriputra's relics, must have been taken from
the pile. We know that a Tope was built over the
charcoal with which Buddha's body was burned, and
that the Moriyans of Pipphaliwano celebrated a fes-
tival* in honour of their much-prized acquisition.
From this account there would seem to be nothing
improbable in supposing that fragments of sandal-
wood from the funeral pyre of Sariputra should have
been held in almost equal estimation.
19. MoGALANA, or Maha MogalAna as he was
usually called to distinguish him from others of the
same name, was the son of the Brahman Mudgala.
His proper name was KIlika or Kolii'A, but he
was generally called by his patronymic Maudgal-
yAyana, or MogalAna. Csoma de Korosf calls
• Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1013.
t Asiatic Researches of Bengal, xx. 49.
X
306 THE BHILBA TOPES.
him MoTf galtAna^ that is one of Mongol extraction ;
but his true Sanskrit name is Maui>galt1tana.
20. The relics of these two famous disciples of
Buddha would appear to have been almost as liiidelj
scattered as those of Buddha himself : ibr we found
another portion of their relics enshrined together in
No. 2 Tope at Satdh&ra. We learn also from Fa
Hian that at Mathura* there were Topes both of
Bhe-li-foe (or Siriputra) and of Mou-lian (or Mo-
galana), while we know that the former died at Raja-
griha, where a Tope was erected over his ashes which
was still standing in 400 a. b.
21. It is not possible to fix the date of this Tope,
more nearly than between 650 and 260 B. c. S&ri-
putra died a few years beforef S&k\Vs attainment of
nirvana, in 643 B. c. It is therefore just possible
that the Tope may have been built as early as 550
B. c. ; and if there was any proof that Buddhism had
extended so far at this early period, I should have no
hesitation in ascribing the Tope to the middle of the
sLxth centurv before our era. In the Tibetan Dulra.i
it is recorded that Katyayana^ and five hundred
other monks, were despatched by Siikya to convert
the King of Ujain to Buddhism. This would seem
to show that the religion of Sakva had been estab-
lished as far as Ujain, even during his lifetime ; and
that the omission of Ujain amongst the names of the
• Fo-hwe-ki, c. xvi.
t Fdhhtfe-kiy c. xxTiii.
X Asiatic Beaearchea of Bengal, xx. 89, Csoma de Koros.
NO. 3 TOPE. — SiNCHI. 807
celebrated cities which had witnessed various acts in
the life of Buddha^ is to be accounted for by the fact
that the people of Ujain were converted by Katyd-
yana the disciple of Buddha, and were never visited
by the Great Teacher himself. At the time of the
Second Synod, in B. c. 443, the fraternity of Avanti
(or Ujain) furnished no less than eighty orthodox
Bhikshus to assist the holy Yaso in suppressing the
schisms of the community of Vaisali. As conversion
must have preceded the establishment of fraternities
and monasteries, the propagation of Buddhism
throughout Ujain may be dated with certainty in
500 B. c, and with probability even as high as 650
B. c, during the lifetime of Sakya.
22. On the other hand, it seems to me more likely
that the relics of Sariputra were all deposited in the
Tope at Rajagriha; And that they remained there
undisturbed until the time of Asoka ; who, when he
distributed the relics of Buddha over India, would
most probably have done the same with the relics of
Sariputra and of Maha Mogalana. I have already
stated that the still existing gateway of this Tope is
of the same date as those of the Great Tope, that is,
the early part of the first century of our era. The
railing I attribute to the age of Asoka, at which
period I suppose it probable that this Tope was built,
although it is quite possible that it may date as early
as the middle of the sixth century before our era.
The great Topes at Sanchi and at Satdhara were
built principally of brick : and these I presume to be
308 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the oldest of the Bhilsa Topes^ most of the others^
which are of stone^ were certainly of the age of
Asoka.
OTHER TOPES AT SANCHI.
23. The solid mounds of masonry marked Nos. 4^
6, 6^ and 7 in Plate IV., were all opened without any
results. They were built of large stones set in mud.
In No. 4, the solid rock was reached at 8 J feet ; and
in No. 7, the earth was reached at 13 feet ; Nos. 8
9; and 10, are merely circular foundations.
SONARI TOPES. 800
CHAPTER XXII.
SONARI TOPES.
1. The little village of Sonari is situated on a low
spur of a sandstone hill^ between the Betwa and Bes^li
Bivers^ six miles to the south-west of Sanchi^ and
about twenty-one miles to the north-east of Bhup^.
The name is only the spoken form of Suvamdriy or
the ^^ golden wheel/' which ls a symbol of Buddha as
the Mah^ Chakravartti Raja. The traditions of the
Buddhists say that when the age of man attains four
thousand years, there appears a King of the Golden
Wheel * ^^ who is bom in a royal family^ and obtains
supreme dignity on succeeding his father and being
baptized in the water of the four oceans. For fifteen
days he bathes in perfumed water, and fasts; then
ascends an elevated tower, surrounded by his minis-
ters and courtiers. Suddenly there appears a golden
wheel in the east, shedding a brilliant light, and
advancing to the place where the King is standing.
If the King would proceed towards the East, the
* Fo-kwe-kiy c. xviii.^ note 12.
810 THB BHIL8A TOPES.
wheel tarns in that direction^ and the £ing^ accom-
panied hy his troops^ followB. Before the wheel are
four genii^ who serve as gfuides. Wherever it stops^
there does the King in like manner. The same thing
takes place in the direction of the south^ the west^ and
the north — ^wherever the wheel leads, the King
follows ; and where it halts^ he does the same. In
the four continents he directs the people to follow
the ten right ways^ that is to say^ not to kiU^ not to
steal^ not to commit adultery^ not to lie, not to be
double tongued, not to calmnniafee, not to speak with
elaborate refinement, not to abandon one's-fielf to
lasts, not to entertain anger and hatred, and not to
have immodest looks. He is called the King of tike
Golden Wkeely or the Holy King turning the wheel;
and he possesses the seven precious things, of which
the first is ^the treasure of the Golden Wheel.''*
This wheel has a thousand rays. The monarch who
possesses it is called ^^ the Holy King who causes the
wheel to turn/' because from the moment of his
possessing it, the wheel turns and traverses the
universe, according to the thoughts of the £ing.
Other wheels of silver, copper, and iron, are also
mentioned ; but they are all nearly the same symbols
of Buddha.
2. From this explanation of the name, it seems
probable that Sonari once possessed a golden wheel,
which must have been elevated on a pillar, as shown
in so many of the Sanchi bas-reliefs. A pillar of this
kind is described by Fa Hian, as still standing at
SQNiBI TOPES. 311
Shewei or Sravafiti in Oudh, when he visited the
place in 400 a. d.
^^ There are/' says he, " two pavilions and two
stone pillars; on the pillar to the left, is executed
the figrire of a wheel — on that to the right is placed
the figure of an ox/' There is, however, no trace of
a pillar now at Sonari ; hut the polished cylindrical
shafts of these columns could be so readily converted
into sugar-mills, that their entire disappearance offers
no proof of their non-existence.
3. The Sonari Topes are situated on the top of the
hill, about one mile to the south of the village.* To
the north, east, and south of the Topes, the hill
extends for some distance almost level, but to the
westward it is broken into narrow ravines, which give
rise to clear springs that once furnished the fraternity
of Son&ri with drinking water. The hill is covered
with trees and low thorny jungulj and the place is
now as wild and desolate as it was once cheerful and
flourishing when the hymn of praise was chanted by
several thousand voices.
4. The Great Tope at Sonari is situated in the
midst of a square court, 240 feet each side. In the
south-west comer there is a solid square mass of
masonry, from 12 to 15 feet in height, and 36 feet on
each side. In the north-east comer there is a flight
of steps, 4^ feet wide, leading to the top. The object
of this building and of similar structures at Satdhara
puzzled me very much, until I had seen the ruins at
* See Plate V.
313 THE BHILSA TOPES.
Bhojpur^ amongst which there is a ven' large build-
ing of the same description, but in a more perfect
state. As this was undoubtedly a temple, I presume
that the Sonari structure was only the basement or
terrace of a Buddhist temple.
6. The To|>e itself* is a solid liemisphere, 43 feet
in diameter, of dry stones, without either cement or
mud. This is raised above the terrace on a cvlin-
drical phnth 4 feet in height. The terrace itself is
6^ feet broad by 6J feet in height. The Tope is
nearly perfect, not more than 6 feet of its entire
height having been lost. It was once surmounted by
a square Buddhist railing, of which only a few frag-
ments now remain. The pillars were rather less than
3 feet in height, with a section of 6|^ inches face, by 6
inches side. There were three rails, each 8 inches
deep by 3^ inches thick. The railing was all formed
of white sand-stone, from the Udayagiri hill, while
the Tope itself was built of the claret-coloured sand-
stone of the Sonfiri hill. (See figs. 2 and 8, Plate
XXIII.)
6. The base of the Tope was surrounded by a
Buddhist railing, 4 feet 8 inches in height, of which
nothing now remains but a few broken pillars, and
two or three small fragments of coping. The pillars
were 3 feet 8^ inches in height, with a section of 9^
inches face by 8 inches side. There were three
railings, each 15 inches long, 11 inches broad, and
3^ inches thick. The coping was diiferent from that
♦ See Plate XXIII.
SONARI TOPES. 313
of the Sanchi railings. It was 11^ inches in height,
and the upper half had a projection of 2 inches on the
outer face. The pillars were ornamented on the
outer faces with medallions of ftdl and half lotus
flowers, as shown in the fragment, Plate IX. This
railing was erected in the same manner as those at
Sanchi, by the gifts of many different individuals.
Two of these simple records still remain (see Plate
XXIII, figs. 8 and 9).
Fig. 8. — Aya-pasanahasa Atevas(ino) Dhama Gutasa Havaka^
mdnasa ddnam,
'^ Gift of Dharma Gupta, the new man (t. e.^ the regenerated)
the pupil of Aryya Prasannaka."
Fig. 9. — (A)yapasanakasa Atevasino Sagha Hakhitasa adnam.
" Gift of Sanqha RakshitA; the pupil of Aryya Prasannaka."
7. In No. 13 of the inscriptions from the great
Tope at Sanchi, we have a record of a gift made by
Aryya Prasannaka himself, who is there called a
Bhikshuy or mendicant monk. As the name does not
appear again amongst nearly three hundred inscrip-
tions, it seems highly probable that the Bhikshu of
the one record and the teacher of the others are the
same person. This would fix the date of the Tope in
the latter end of Asoka's reign, coeval with that of
the neighbouring Tope, No. 2, which will presently be
described.
8. A shaft was sunk down the centre of this Tope,
and at a depth of little more than 6 feet a large slab
was reached, which on being raised disclosed the reUc-
chamber strewn with fragments of stone boxes. The
814 THB mauui mm.
fingOMntB were earefbOj collected and aftenrwde pat
togeiheri but no tnMie of bone w of other zelio wu
diwovered. The largest of the relio-bozes u a cylin-
der 4 indiea in heigbt and iq^warda of 8 inchea in
hnadfliy eovered by a domed lid of the same fine aaod-
alone having a rise of mrae than 8 inches. Innda
this vaa a amalkr atone box of the aame deacr^ition;
but only 6| inchea in diameter and 9^ inches in total
height. Inaide this^ again, there was a third atona
box or caaket only 1| inch in diameter, and of a
diflferant shape, being nearly spherical with a pin-
nacled top. Lastly, inside this tiiere waa a small
crystal casket only seven-eiglitha of an inch in diap
meter. TUa little caaket most once have enahrined
some mobrate portion of bone, or perhqis a angle
tooth of the holy Buddha; but, after the most careful
search of the chamber, no trace of any relic was dis-
covered. As the relic-chamber was near the summit
of the Tope, the probability is that the villagers had
opened it long before, and that when the relic-boxes
were broken the minute fragment of bone was dropped
into the chamber, and after the lapse of years had
become mingled with its kindred dust.
NO. 2 TOPE.— sonAbi. 816
CHAPTER XXIII.
NO. 2 TOPE.— SONiRI.
1. The second of the Sonari Topes* is situated north
by west from the Great Tope at a distance of three
hundred and fifteen feet. The bearings 103 deg. W.,
is so very nearly the same as that between Nos. I.
and II. Topes at Sanchi, that I cannot help sus-
pecting that there must have been some peculiar
significance in this particular angle. The Sanchi
angle is 100 deg.^ and the mean between the two is
106 deg. At Sanchi the line is prolonged to the
eastward to a lofty temple. At Sonari also it is
extended in the same direction to No. 3 Tope which
bears 102 E. from the Great Tope.
2. No. 2 Tope is situated in an enclosure 166 feet
square. It is a solid hemisphere of dry stone^ 27^
feet in diameter^ raised on a cylindrical plinth 4^ feet
in height. The terrace is 5 feet 8 inches broad^ and
12 feet in height. This is gained by a double flight
of steps each 20 feet long, which meet at a landing
6J feet long by 6 feet broad. No trace of railings or
• See Plate XXIV.
316 THE BHIL^A TOPES.
pinnacles could be discovered ; but the Tope is other-
wise tolerably perfect^ not more than 5^ feet haTing*
been lost.
3. A shaft was sunk down the centre of the Tope^
which at 7 feet reached the slab forming' the Ud of the
relic-chamber. The chamber itself was 1^ foot in
depth^ and its bottom, where the relics were deposited^
was on the same level as the base of the hemisphere.
4. In the chamber was found a largre steatite rase
profusely but coarsely ornamented with elephants and
horses, and indescribable winged animals of rude
execution. The vase was covered by a plain lid,
secured bv lac. Inside this vase were found five
relic-caskets, each containing* portions of human bone,
with an inscription recordoig the name of the person
whose relics were enshrined therein.
5. No. 1 Eelic-casket is a round flat box of crystal,
2 inches in diameter, and <ix-teuths of an inch in
heitfht. As the ervsial was too hard a substance to
be iiiscribed, the name and title of the holv man were
can ed on a small piece of stone three quarters of
an incli lonir and onlv half an inch broad. The
inscription, which is engTa\ ed on botli sides, is one of
the most interestins* of these discoveries : —
Sapurisam Goti- ^ r -m DadahhUa-
'putajta Sava Ilemavata J { -ra 'Jilydda^^a,
" (Relics) of the emancipated Gotiputra, the brother of religion
amongst the Dardabhisaras of the Hcinan-ivtay
As a foil explanation of this leg-end has been g-i\-en
my account of the different reliirious missions
NO. 3 TOPE. — sonIbi. 317
despatched by Asoka to different countries bordering
upon India^ nothing more need be added in this
place. (See Plate XXIV.)
6. No. 2 Relic-casket is of a dark mottled steatite,
nearly hemispherical in shape, with a flat bottom and
pinnacled top, similar to the smallest of the stone
caskets found in No. 1 Tope. The inscription is
engraved on the outside of the lid.
Sapurisasa Majhimasa Kodini-putasa,
'^ (Relics) of the emancipated MAJHiMA^the son of Kodiniy
Mqjhima is the Sanskrit Madhyaraa; and Kodini is
perhaps the vernacular form of KokudinyUy which is
the name of one of the eighty principal disciples of
Buddha. In No. 2 Tope at S^nchi the relics of a
second, or of the same Majhima were found, but in
the inscription the patronymic is omitted. As the
relics of KAsyapn-gotra were found in both Topes, it
seems probable that the two Majhimas were the same
person, who was placed at the head of the Hemawanta
Mission after the meeting of the Third Synod in b. c.
241. His father Kodini was probably a descendant
of the great Kohvdinya the companion of Buddha.
7. No. 3 Kelic-casket is similar in shape and size
to No. 2, and is of the same dark-coloured and
mottled steatite. The inscription, engraved around
the outside of the lid, is
Sapufritasa Kotiputasa Kdsapa Ootasa Sava Hemavatdcha-
riyasa,
♦' (Relics) of the emancipated son of Koti, KAsyapa-gotra, the
xnissionarj to the whole Sefnarvanta!^
818 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
The relics of K&syapa were also found in No. 2
Tope at S&nchi with the same inscription recording*
his mission to the Semawanta^ but omitting the
patronymic.
8. No. 4 Relic-casket is similar to Nos. 2 and 8.
The inscription engraved on the top of the lid is —
SapurisoM Kotikiputasa.
" (Relics) of the emancipated Kosikiputra."
Another portion of Kosiki^s relics was found in No.
2 Tope at S&nchi.
0. No 6 Relic-casket is of black steatite^ and is
shaped somewhat like a pear. The outside is or-
namented by a succession of triangles, alternately
plain and crossed. The inscription occupies the plain
triangles on the lower half of the casket.
Sapnrisa(sa) A lahacfirasa.
" (Relics) of the emancipated Alabagira."
Alhknppo or Ahhvi was one of the eight cities
which obtained a portion of Buddha's relics^ and
perhaps the name of Alabagira may have been de-
rived from the cit3\ Relics of A])agira were found
in No. 2 Tope at Sanchi ; and I suspect that the two
names are the same ; the letter ^ /, having* been in-
advertently omitted in tlie Sunclii inscription.
10. The erection of tliis Tope^ which contained tlie
relics of no less than four of the Buddliist teachers
whose ashes had already been discovered in No. 2
Tope at Sanchi^ must evidently be referred to the
NO. 2 TOPE. — sonAri. 319
Bame period, towards the end of the third century
before our era, by which time all the eminent mis-
sionaries employed by Asoka for the propag'ation of
his religion must have closed their earthly career.
OTHER TOPEB AT SONARI.
11. The remaining Topes at Son4ri are all of small
dimensions.* The most perfect were Nos. 3, 6, and 8 j
but even these had been opened before, and on the
removal of a little rubbish in No. 3, the broken
chamber was discovered quite empty. Nos* 4, 6,
and 7, were mere circular foundations. No. 3 has a
diameter of 15^ feet, with a present height of 6 feet.
The bottom of the chamber is 3 feet above the ground.
No. 6 is a nearly perfect little Tope. It is 14 feet 4
inches in diameter at base with a height of 0 feet.
The upper diameter is 10 feet 4 inches. The terrace
is 2^ feet in breadth, and 1^ foot in height. Its
whole height could not have been more than 12^ feet.
No. 8 is very much i^uined. It has a diameter of 1S|^
JBet, with a terrace 3 feet broad and 3 feet high.
♦ See Plate V.
8S0 THE BHILSA TOPES.
CHAPTEK XXIV.
TOPES OF SATDHARA.
!• The group of Topes known as the Satdh&ra
Topes are situated on the left hank of the Besali River
just below the junction of the Ghora-pachdr River.*
Sat-dhara means literally the "hundred streams/*
and the place most probably received its name from
the number of streams which meet at this point. The
hill on which the Topes stand here forms a perpen-
dicular clitV, beiieatli which flows the Besali River
throug'h a deep rocky glen. The view up the river
is one of the most beautiful I have seen in India.
Above are the Topes, those mysterious piles which
have battled the g-reat destroyer Time for upwards of
two thousand vears. Beneath are the clear emerald
waters of the Bt^^ali ; on one side darkly shadowed
1)V the overhnno'ino- trees tnid frowninof cliffs: on the
other sid(* sparkling* brig-ht in llie noon-day sun. The
selection of this lovely spot shows that the Buddhist
JJhikshu was not without a lively aj)preciation of the
* See Plates I. und V.
TOPES OF satdhAba. 321
beauties of that nature which he worshipped under
tiie name of Dharma.
2. The Topes are situated about two miles to the
W.S.W. of the small village of Firozpur, and about
three miles from the village of Sonfiri. The largest
of the Topes is now a vast ruinous mound of brick-
work that has once been faced with stone like the
great Tope at Sanchi, which it almost rivals in size.*
The base of the dome is 101 feet in diameter j but its
present height is only 30 feet. The terrace is 9 feet
wide with a height of 12 feet above the ground. The
total height therefore is 42 feet as it now stands ; but
as the hemisphere was an essential part of every
Tope, the height could not have been less than the
radius, or 60^ feet; and was most probably some-
what more. The Tope was crowned by a Buddhist
railing, of which several pillars still remain lying
together upon the terrace. Some pillars of the square
pedestal also remain ; and there can be no doubt that
this Tope was once completed with the chatta pinnacle,
which has already been described in the account of
the Sdnchi Topes.
3. The circular railing which surrounded the top
consisted of pillars 2 feet 4^ inches in height with a
section of 9 inches face, and 7 inches side. There
were only two rails, each 10 inches deep, and 3^
inches thick. The whole was surmounted by an archi-
trave or coping, 10^ inches high and 9 inches thick.
The square railing of the pedestal had pillars of the
• See Plate XXV., fig. 3.
Y
avntf ^»etiiHL ; but as tiiare wesre three rmOa the pOlan
vere 3 irt -> iachifs in heio:iit. Thev were ornamented
wish the qsqslL nwiaHTom of foil and half lotus
tiuw«Sw
-k A pgpCTitinilaf shaft was sunk to a depth of
10 »MU buc wichoos any disi^^TierY. As the great
^nek Toce ;ic Sdnchi haid not vielded anv relics, and
iis w-e ven* pnfsetHi vor time, we gave up the farther
cpenia^ or this Tope. Mr own opinion regarding
uOje^e !ar^ Tope$ is that the relics were always placed
near tht^ top :so ds to be readily accessible for the
pcirocse ot showing them to the people on stated
ibfciv^ilsw Now ;k^ the great Satdhara Tope has cer-
t^iiiily Lc« at least ten fcet of its height, and probably
mere* :t seeowd to me very unlikely that any relics
* ; :'j.: be f:c::vi in it: bur, had time permitted, I
>'v :* : 'r..i'.c ^;irr:cc do^Ti the shaft to the level of the
^* -»
.*v Ar uv.vi :':::> IViv there are three of those re-
::;,.r*v,iVl: s. Ixi I::a^^e5 ot biiikliiig, of which one has
:i>:;u;\ V^v:; d:>vT:lW ia my account of the Great
i' ^ ;.: S. :.:ir:. Fhe rir^t, which is half engaged in
i':;' r.xr:*:u ru ^^:ui or* the court-yaril, is 55 feet long
t*:\ :;; icisc tv^ \^ t >t, and 4S feet broad, witli an average
:u liihr V t" tVv^ia 10 to IS ftvt. The second, wliich is
x'- 1'-\ or.rsidc the western wall of the court-
*
\ s^i, > v"^^^ tVct lou::* from north to south, and nearly
rv> \\: i-A^:ui. I he third is in a more perfect state,
h -;;iuu^ iiu<^ west fivm the secondhand on the very
,J,N ot (he elitV overhanging the river j the wall on
TOPES OF BkTDHkRK. 8S8
this aide being built up to a considerable height. This
building* is about 08 feet long* and 65 feet broad^ with
an average height of 16 feet above the ground. It is
pierced on the eastern side with a doorway leading
into an open passage^ from which a flight of steps^ 4^
feet wide^ ascends towards the north to the top of the
platform. All of these buildings were most probably
temples^ of which nothing but the raised basements
now remain. The people know them by the common
name of Siddh^ka-makdny or ^^ saints' houses.'' As
the term Sieldha, the ^^ perfected/' or ^^ finished," was
a common title of the Bodhisatwas, it is probable
that these places are only the remains of their resi-
dences.
NO. 2 T0PE.-^SATDH1rA.
6. This ruined Tope stands at a distance of 230
feet to the N.N.W. of the great Tope. It is 24 feet
in diameter; but only 8 feet in height, and has a trace
of a small raised terrace.* A shaft was sunk in it to a
depth of 6 feet, when some stones falling in, two small
steatite caskets were seen lying at the bottom. The
stones were loose ; there was no trace of any chamber j
and the caskets were both much discoloured on the
upper siurface. It is evident therefore that the Tope
had been opened before by the villagers ; who, find-
ing nothing but a few calcined bones, had replaced
• See Plate XXV., fig. 2.
824 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the relic-caskets^ and filled up the holes again with
loose stones.
7. These caskets are of a pale mottled steatit^^ each
three niches in diameter, and two inches in height.
They are hiscribed inside the lids, the one wdth Sdrp-
ptifasa " (llelics) of Sakiputra/^ and the other with
Maha-Mogalanasa '' (Relics) of Maha Mogalana."
See Plate XXV., figs. 4, 5. The history of these two
holy men, the right and left hand disciples of Buddha^
has already been given in my account of the opening
of No. 3 Tope at Sanchi. The only real difference
between the alphabetical characters of the S^chi and
Satdhai'a inscriptions, is in the position of the vowel o,
which, in the Sanchi legend, is attached to the top of
the 7/i, whereas in the Satdhara legend it is attached
to the middle of the letter. This variety may have
been only a mere matter of taste with the engraver ;
but as it is also possible that it may be the result of a
difference of date, it is worthy of remark.
NO 7 TOPE.— SATDHARA.
8. This Tope is similar in all respects to that
which has just been described, but somewhat more
perfect.* The diameter of the hemisphere is 24 feet ;
the teiTace is 2 feet broad j and the whole height at
present is 9 feet. A shaft was sunk down to the
centre to a depth of 4 feet, when a large irregular-
shaped slab, 8 inches thick, was reached. On this
* See Plate XXV., fig. 1.
TOPES OF satdhIra. 885
being raised we saw a chamber, 1 foot 8 inches long*
from north to south, by 1 foot 3 inches broad, and 1
foot 6^ inches in depth. The bottom of the chamber
was therefore only 1 foot 3^ inches above the terrace.
In the chamber there were two red earthenware pots,
or covers, shaped hke beehives. See Plate XXV., fig«.
8 and 9. On raising* the larg-er cover, which was 11^
inches in height, we saw a cylindrical red earthen-
ware box, 7^ inches in diameter, closed by a domed
lid. There was no inscription of any kind. The
mouth of this vase is broken in two places ; and I
believe that it was an alms-dish of the holy man
whose relics were here enshrined.
9. On raising" the smaller cover, which was 9|
inches in heig'ht, we found a similar red earthenware
box, containing two small caskets, one of steatite and
the other of red earthenware, and both without
inscriptions. Of these relics, therefore, nothing
more can be said, than that they are probably the
remains of some of the principal teachers of the
Satdhara fraternity.
10. The remaining Topes at Satdhara are now
little more than mere circles of stone, from 12 to 20
feet in diameter. Two of them are hollow in the
centre, and contain trees ; and it is therefore possible
that these circular walls may once have been only the
enclosures around different holy trees. It is remark-
826 THE BHILSA TOPES.
able, however, that at Satdhfira we found one solitory
trace of the real builders of these Topes, in the name
of Buddha BitJuiy or ^^ Buddha^s Topes/' which is the
name still current amongst the people for these
massive and mysterious piles.
T0PE8 AT BHOJPUB. 827
CHAPTER XXV.
TOPES AT BHOJPUR:
1. The Buddhist remains at this place were first
visited by my brother, who g'ave a brief notice of
them under the name of ^^ the Pipaliya-Bijoli Topes/'*
The former name is so common in this part of the
country, that it is the usual practice to add the name
of Bijoli to distinguish it from the other Pipaliyas.
In the same way S&nchi is invariably called Sanchi-
Kdnakhera, to distinguish it from two other places of
the same name. As Bhojpur has long* been a deserted
viUag'e, my brother probably never heard of its name.
The ruined houses of Bhojpur, however, still remain
on the hill between the Topes, and I have adopted
this name in preference to the others, as it may possi-
bly have had some connection with the monastic estab-
lishment in the midst of which it is situated.
2. The Topes of Bhojpurt stand on the southern
end of a low range of hills, 6 miles to the S.S.E. of
Bhilsa, and 7 miles to the E.S.E. of Sunclii. To
* Journal Acdatio Society of Bengal^ xvi. 762.
t See Plates VI. and XXVI.
3&S THZ BHIL5A TOPES.
the S.S-W. stands the celebrated Fort of Raj'^sen^
which odered so gallant a resistance to the treacherous
Shir Shah. On the west the grreat Sanchi Tope, and on
the east the Andher Topes are all distinctly visible.
o* The Topes are situated on the south-east comer
ot' the hill, on four successive staofes, risinof one above
the other, and separated by rocky ledges, which here
and there have been formed into rude steps. The
principal Toj^es stand on the uppermost stage, and
are verv nearlv in a straiirht line from north to south.
On the same stajre, to the east, are the mined houses
of Bhojpur, and to the west are the remains of a
larv;:e square solid building, 96 feet long by 84 feet
brv>ail. The ruins of a second building known by two
names^ either as SUUh^a^makdny the "' Saint's house 5''
or, as yLuixu^D^o-kiz-mandar^ the '' Temple of Ma-
^{ha\:\ lV\a," that is, Krishna, are 113 feet lonof from
cast to ^\ est, u:ui SO feet broad, and upwards of 20
t'eet* lu heiirht. The walls slo}^ considerably, and
iiiv sup{vrved bv >i|uare towers of small projection at
i\w cv^rners. Ihe eutrauee is in the nortli-east corner,
tKuu whieh a tli^ht of steps leads to the top of the
t<Mr;Uv\ whieh is covered with irrass. At the western
t^nd t!ure is a small ruined teuiple,t of which the
• Sx'\/v.:.vu :lv: l.ich 0:1 north imd east sides, and twenty-eight
tVv^t !•.;'/'. v-i tlio ot:uT sivios. The ualls have a slope of one inch
r ^^nv^:^•.>.t S:r Tiirirlos D'Ovlv's lithoirmphed sketches on the
i»o\\ rx»:ui nviu i'alouttu to Ova, there is one of an old temple at
Hudh (;Na or ^^lUMhi CivaX which stands upon a solid terrace, the
mnno us (hi^ at lUiojpur.
TOPES AT BHOJPUIU 829
doorway and a few pillars are still standing. The
enshrined figure of Buddha is squatted in the usual
manner^ with the soles of the feet turned up, the
right hand lying over the knee, and the left placed in
the lap. To the right and left of the head there are
representations of Topes and other ornaments. Be-
low, there is the following inscription in characters of
the seventh or eighth century, similar to that which I
extracted from the Sdm&th Tope near Benares.
Y6 Dharmmd hetu prabhava, hetun tesMn Tathdgato
Hyavadat teshdn cha yo nirodJuiy evam vddi Mahasramdnas.
'^Of all things springing from cause^ that cause hath the
TathIqata explained. The cause of their extinction the great
ascetic hath also declared."
Dharma is personified Nature, or all existing things.
TatTidgata and Maha Srdmana are names of Buddha.
Besides this figure of Buddha, there are some small
broken images, of which one is recognizable as Surya,
or the Sun, with his seven-horsed chariot represented
on the pedestal.
UPPERMOST STAGE OF TOPES.
No. 1 Tope, A. — Bhojpur.
4. There is a considerable breach on the south
side of this Tope y but the hemisphere of dry stones
is otherwise nearly perfect, excepting the upper sur-
face, which is wanting in all the Topes. The dia-
meter of the hemisphere is 66 feet 2 inches, and the
830 THfi BHILSA TOPES.
height of the cylindrical plinth ahove the terrace is 4
feet. The terrace itself is 11|^ feet in breadth and 5
feet in height. The height above the terrace is 34
feet 8 inches.* A shaft was sunk to a depth of 18
feet without any discovery being made ; and as we
were pressed for time, we were reluctantly obliged to
leave the excavation unfinished. I feel confident^
however, that the complete excavation of this Tope
will lead to some important discovery, perhaps tnore
interesting than any that has yet been made. The
Tope is situated in an enclosure 262 feet long by 214
feet broad.
No. S Tope, B. — Bhojpur.
6. This is one of the most perfect of all the Topes
around Bhilsa. The top is^ of course, gone, but
the double flight of steps to the west is still complete,
and the traveller may mount the terrace and peram-
bulate the Tope. It stands just 200 feet to the south
of the great Tope, and is surrounded by an enclosure
1240 feet Ions*, and 210 feet broad. The base of the
hemisphere is 39 feet in diameter, and its present
height, including the cylindrical plinth of 4 feet, is
14;V feet. The terrace is 0 feet broad and 7 feet
high. It is rt^ached by a double flight of steps^ 4^
feet in breadth, which meet at a landing, 7 feet
square, on the outside of the terrace. The whole is
built of dry stones, without any mortar or mud.
• See Plate XXVI.
TOPB0 AT BBOJPtm. 881
6. A shaft was sunk down the middle^ which^ at
the end of two hours^ lahour, had reached the relio
chamber^ at a height of 9| feet above the terrace.
The chamber was a square of 1^ foot, with a depth of
1^ foot. Inside we found a hemispherical cover of red
earthenware, 0 inches in height, and 1 foot 4 inches
in diameter, beneath which was a red earthenware
box, 8 J inches in its greatest diameter, and 6 inches
in height. The lid had been thickly coated with
whitewash, on which the traces of ink letters were yet
visible ; but so much of the whitewash had peeled off
in the lapse of ages, that not even a single letter was
legible. This is the more to be regretted, as the
reUc-casket found inside is the most curious and costly
of all our discoveries. The lid of the box was white-
washed inside, and the white colour is as fresh as if it
had been recently done. On seeing this I could not
help wishing that the inscription had been placed
inside the lid.
7* The relic-casket is a small crystal Tope, with its
terrace^ plinth, hemispherical dome, square pedestal,
and double chatta pinnacle, all complete. It is shown
in half size (in Plate XXYI.) placed inside the
earthenware box in which it was found. The top is
pierced with a small perpendicular shaft, to which
the pinnacle forms a stopper. The bottom of the
shaft is the relic-chamber, in which we found some
minute pieces of bone. In the red earthenware box
there were several small pieces of bone, and a series
of the seven precious things usually placed along with
^ ' >.;-
Am idicB of an oomenA penNni. These omalBtad of
4 iBban, Found IUb of gdd, weigUog altDgsiiier mdj a
fiiv gndni^ 1 bead of garne^ or BadaWifai rdby^ 1
BijMlal Iwad, 2 lieadB of pak graemdi crptaH, and
aoaw ainnte firagments of pearL For anoihef eeriea
«f Aa aafen pneioaB tkingBy see my aooofont of the
ojpmiag of No. 8 Tope at S&ndui in wlueh the pnn
metal is omitted*
No. 8 Top^ &— Bhoifub.
& This WW a nnnoaa-lraking' moondi 14 ftet in
iM^glil^ Imt widi a diglit trace of drcdar fiirm on
one side. The shaft ww sank down the centre to a
depdi of e^tfeeti hot widiontaigr discovery. From
the best measurements that I could make^ the dia»
meter appeared to be about 40 feet^ or one foot more
than that of No. 3 Tope. Now^ the relics of that
Tope were found at a height of more than 16 feet
above the ground^ and as the remains of this Tope
were only 14 feet high^ we concluded that the relics
had long ago been removed along with the upper half
of the Tope. One curious fact which we observed
was that the Tope had been built in four distinct
quadrants of masonry^ meeting at a pointy by which
means the centre of the structure was accurately
preserved.
TOPES AT BHOJPUB. 883
No. 4 Tope, D. — Bhojpur.
9. This Tope stands in an enclosure of 130 feet
square^ and 760 feet due south from No. 2. The base
of the hemisphere is 31 feet 2 inches in diameter. It is
raised on a cylindrical plinth 3 feet in height above
the terrace^ which is itself 3^ feet in breadth, and 4^
feet in height. The present height of the Tope is 16
feet. A shaft was sunk down the centre, which
reached the relic-chamber at a depth of 6^ feet. The
chamber itself was 2 feet 6 inches deep ; the level
of the bottom being 4 feet 4 inches above the terrace.
In the chamber we found a black earthenware box
(see Plate XXVI., fig. 6), containing an earthenware
bowl covered by a lid of the same material, on which
is the word vj) Mun^ " the holy" — a title generally
applied to Buddha himself. Inside the bowl was a
small crystal casket, with a perfectly flat lid. This
casket is remarkable for the thinness of its sides,
which in such a hard material must have been most
difficult of execution. This casket contained nothing
but a little brownish-red powder, which I believe to
be only a portion of the dust which had found its way
into all the relic-chambers in the lapse of ages. I
presume, therefore, that this Tope had been opened by
the villagers.
10. To the east of this Tope, at a distance of 60
feet, there is the circular foundation of another Tope,
18 feet in diameter, with a teiTace 3 feet in breadth,
884 THE BHILSA T0PB8.
and beyond this^ ^S^^^y there is another of the same
dimensions.
SECOND STAGE OF TOPES.
No. 7 ToPB, a. — BnojPUB.
11. This Tope is situated on the eastern edge of
the second stage^ at a distance of 850 feet from the
Great Tope, on the uppermost platform. The dia-
meter of the hemisphere is 32 feet 4 inches, and its
present height is 11 feet above the cylindrical plinth,
which is only 1 foot 8 inches in height. The terrace
is very small for a Tope of this size,* its breadth
being only 1 foot 8 inches, and its height 1^ foot.
The whole height of the Tope is therefore little more
than 14 feet.
12. A shaft was sunk as usual^ do^ii the centre ;
but at a deptli of less than 3 feet the edge of the
relic-chamber was discovered on the south side of the
excavation. On measiu*euient, the centre of the relic-
chamber was fouiul to be 3 feet to the south of the
centre of the Tope. In cases of this kind, I always
sus})ect that a second chamber has formerly existed,
such as we found in Tope ^o. 17, k> at Bhojpur
(See Plate XXX., tig*. o)y and that it was destroyed
when opened by the villag'ers. A presumptive j)roof
of tills supposition was found in the disposition and
contents of the relic-chamber. One of the side stones
* See Pluto XXVII., fiirs. 1 and 2.
TOPES AT BHOJPUB. 889
was displaced^ and its end thrust some three inches
into the chamber. The lid of the red earthenware
box was separated from the bottom^ and each half
contained an earthenware vase^ both without lids^ and
one with a broken neck. The whole chamber was
full of leaves and earthy and small stones^ amongst
which rubbish we found the lids of the two vases.
Now, the relic -chamber, which was 9 feet 8 inches
above the terrace, was only 16 feet square and 8 inches
deep. It could scarcely, therefore, have been in-
tended to hold both of the vases which were found in
it. One of these vases was, no doubt, originally
placed in the red earthenware box y and it is possible
that the other vase may have been placed in the
corner of the chamber ; but it seems to me more pro-
bable that it should have been placed in another
chamber,
13. Both of these earthenware vases are inscribed ;
and as these are the only inscriptions that were found
at Bhojpur their occurrence is remarkable. The red
earthenware box is shown in Plate XXVII., fig. 3, on
a scale of one-eighth of the original size. The larger
vase is given in fig. 4 of the same Plate. It is 4^
inches in height and 6^ inches in breadth — the width
of the neck, which is broken, being 3 inches. The
upper surface is ornamented with a succession of dotted
figures, and on the body of the bowl is the legend
PatitOy " the degraded/' This simple inscription is a
curious and unexpected illustration of the most com-
mon punishment for breaches of discipline in the
836 THE BHILSA TOPES.
ancient Buddhist Church. The punishment of ^^ de-
gradation'' was awarded for indecent conversation^ or
for immoral behaviour, or for causing* dissensions
amongst the fraternity.* The Patito (Sanskrit
Patitya) must therefore have been guilty of one of
these three sins. The ceremony f of degradation
consisted in turning the offender's alms-dish upside
down, in which position it was left until reconciliation
had taken place, when the alms-dish was ag'ain set
upright. In the present case we may suppose that
the offending monk had died during his degradation,
and that his alms-dish had been thus inscribed at
his own request as a mark of his penitence and
humility.
14. The smaller vase is of red earthenware, 4^
inches in height and nearly 5 inches in width. On
the upper surface of the bowl is the legend Upahita--
kasuy ^^ Relics of Upahitaka," which was no doubt
the name of one of the leading monks of the Bhojpur
fraternity.
16. It is scarcely possible to determine the age of
this Tope except conjecturally. The forms of the
alphabetical characters in the two inscriptions show
that its date cannot be much later than the end of the
third century before our era ; while the lowness of the
plinth on which the dome stands shows that it was
most probably erected in the beginning of Asoka's
* Gsoma de Eoros — Analysis of the Dulva; in Asiatic Be-
searches of Bengal^ xz. 82.
t Ditto, ditto, p. 87.
TOPES AT BHOJPUB. 887
reign. The date may therefore be stated approxi*
mately as the latter half of the third century before
the Christian era.
No. 8 Tope, b. — ^Bhojpur.
16. This is the largest Tope on the second stage of
the hill^ the base of the dome being 88^ feet in
diameter. It stands to the south-west of the last
Tope at a distance of 260 feet in the direction of
No. 4 Tope.* The plinth is raised 3 feet above the
terrace, which is 6 feet 4 inches in breadth, and 6^
feet in height, with a slope of 6 inches. As the
height of the mound is now only 19^ feet, or only two-
thirds of the original height of the Tope, it is not to be
wondered at that the shaft which we sank down to the
level of the terrace should have yielded no relics.
No. 9 Tope, c. — Bhojpub.
17. At 160 feet to the S.S.E. of the Tope, there
is another of less size but equally ruinous. The base
of the dome is 29 feet in diameter, and the height of
the cylindrical plinth is 1^ foot. The terrace is 2^ feet
faroad, and 6^ feet in height, with a slight slope out-
wards. The whole height is now only a little more
tlMun 14 feet. The usual shaft was sunk to a depth
of nearly seven feet to the relic-chamber, in which
• Pig. 6, Plate XXVII.
9BB !FHB BHOUSil TQFBB.
WB8 a large box of red earthenware, Inaide tbu WMr
a dafdble steatite vase* of a motded purple eokmr^
contaiBiiig an abundance of human bones amongat
which the followhig are recognizable : —
Puftkiu Of tei^fNNw bone*
Portion of jMrMoI bono. The intemil miftoe otin rofenie the
hnadmg Vnm etil&i nM wi^^ Thaw poiiioni of tho
oIcdII are rerj much iwJidHind, wbich profoi that thoy bolonge^
to an old pereon.
Three imekan, or fiont teeth.
One flMlar, or baek tooth, not fiilly dardoped, and therafiite Ilia
babkmoet^ or wiedom tooflu
Portiana of uha, ifonning the lower end of long arm bene.
PMkmaoffiMif
PMiona €i Jimmr, or thigh bone^ with the Umm Mfmrn atiD
atronglj marked.
Portiona oiphalangei wiguium, or finger bones.
No. 10 Tope, d.— Bho/pur.
18. This ruinous Tope had a diameter of 19 feet^
with a terrace 2 feet 8 inches broad and 3 feet in
height. The whole height was only 7^ feet. On
removing a few stones we found a chamber^ 1 foot
square and 1 foot deep^ filled with leaves and rubbishy
and containing one complete earthenware box, and a
part of a second. In the box there were a few small
pieces of bone mixed with leaves and gravel. This
• See Plate XXVII,, fig. 8, The lid of tlie large box is itself
formed into a small box.
TOPES AT BHOJPUB. 330
Tope had therefore certainly been opened before by
the villagers.
No. 11. ToPB, 6. — Bhojpur.
19. A tree waa growing in the middle of thia
ruined Tope which is only 16|- feet in diameter^ with
a terrace 3^ feet broad^ and 5 feet high. On the
west a double flight of steps S^ feet broad meet at a
landing 6^ feet long by 4f feet broad. The removal
of a few stones showed a chamber 18 inches square^
and 13 inches deep, the bottom being on a level with
the terrace. In the chamber we found a round
earthen jar full of bits of bone, leaves, and rubbish.
Like the last Tope, this had evidently been opened
before.
20. The remaining Topes on the second stage of
the hill may be described in a few words.
No. 12 Tope, f, and No. 13, g, have each a
diameter of 17 feet. No. 14, h, has a diameter of
17|, and No. 16, i, of 18^ feet, the present height
being only 4 feet. No. 16, j, has a diameter of 23^
feet, with a terrace 3 feet broad.
No. 17, k, has a diameter of 19|^ feet, and a height
of 6 feet. On removing a few stones we found two
relic-chambers at a height of 6 feet above the ground.
The chambers stood respectively to the N.E. and
340
S-^. :t *skriL '-.cnt?. uacntra the £reeDoii cf
siS*« !^:rrv^i:nf ii^i -rirn. "^ 3cra. «ofxck. eagc and
5 ::.«!ae* r^'.'uir*. iZii tz/^ :rhffr ociv
*
anii '•>'>.• :f V.nt^ tj-t-hj -^rii l^eavj^ ^sii ribbfish. This
T:w ia*i aLs: '^r^*:: :r:**!:rti jJ the T-Tagw^
>':. It. L 2i^ a 'iianir-rrr ot IC4 fet. azid 5'o.
19. nu •::' 15 :^r : X:. i». a, s a mere eirvalar
f j»iLid*ti:n : y.:-. C'l. o. hi? a •iiaaKta- of 1S|^ feel ;
uii yo. 25. p. of ^ fetrt. -aritli a f^nce rf 1 feot 1
THIRD STAGE OP TOPES,— BHOJPrB.
21. The third sta^e or plattorm of the hill is
rery narrow, and has onlv a few Topes, all of which
are of small size.
No. 23. q. has a diameter of 19 feet, and a terrace
of 1^ foot. A chamber was fonnd in this Tope at a
height of only 3 feet above the gromid. It was l^-
foot long, 1\ foot broad, and 9 inches deep; and it
contained three earthenware jars filled with earth and
leaves.
No. 24, r, ifl 6 feet in diameter, and is the smaDest
at Bhojpur ; No. 25, 8, is 9 feet in diameter, with a
terrace of only 6 inches ; No. 26, t^ is 8 feet in diameter
with a terrace of 14 inches ; No. 27, n, is 7^ feet in
diameter; No. 28, v, is 10 feet ; and No. 29, w, is 7
feet.
TOPES AT BHOJPUB. 841
LOWERMOST STAGE OF TOPES.— BHOJPUB.
22, There are only eight Topes now remaining
on this platform of the hill all lying in a direction
from north to south, and parallel to the other series.
No. 30 Tope, a, is 8^ feet in diameter and 2 feet
high, with a terrace of 1 foot 6 inches j No. 31, j3, is
10^ feet in diameter ; No. 32, y, is 9 feet ; No. 33,
S, is 13 feet j No. 34, €, is 10 feet ; and No 36, 2, is
17|^ feet in diameter. All these Topes are standing
dose together at the northern end of the platform.
At 600 feet to the south are the remains of No. 36
Tope, riy and again at 600 feet to the south of this is
No. 37 Tope, 6, which is now a mere mound of stones
with a diameter of between 30 and 40 feet. A shaft
was sunk down the centre of this Tope to the solid
rock without any discovery.
23. A more careful examination of all the little
heaps of stones lying about these different stages of
the hill would no doubt discover some ten or even
twenty more of these small Topes ; but as they have
all long ago been rifled by the villagers the labour
would be completely thrown away. The old village
of Bhojpur was no doubt entirely built of stones
taken from these little Topes, and from the surround-
ing walls of the great Topes. This will fully account
for the few discoveries of interest amongst so many
Topes ; as not more than five, or perhaps six, of the
largest had escaped the hands of the spoilers.
349 THE BHIUSA TOFBS.
CHAPTER XXVI.
A^DHEK TOPES.
L The linle tillage of Andher is situated at the
&vt of a hill 10^ miles to the south-west of Shilsa^
and .> miles to the west of Bhojpur. The Topes are
jvrvhed on the northern declinty of the hill just two
milt^s fr\>m Andher, and on the ver\' edgfe of the cliff,
alKHir oW fcvt alK>ve the plain. The position is a
\ tT\ tine o:u\ frv>ni w hich the eve wanders over the
uhv^Iv' v^t* i\w Mhilsa district to the north^ till checked
b\ tlu^ Muo hilU l>t»voiul Gyaraspur, a distance of
C\\out\-ti\o luilos. The Great Tope at Sanchi, the
l.ohan::*i rvvk at Hhilsa, and the liolv hill of Udava-
^iri, an* tho most conspiouous ol)jects in the landscape.
Nt^aicr, and ahuost beneath one's feet, are the nu-
uioivus Topes of Jlhojimr.*
NO 1 TOPE.— ANDIIER.
V, This is one of the few Topes which has a
MiuMliist railiu*:' still standing-.)' I^^ preservation
• StM» Phitos I. and V.
t Soo Plato XXVIII., fi<-s. 1 and 2.
▲NDHER TOPES. 343
is no doubt due to the secluded and inaccessible posi-
tion of the Topes, which are not large enough to
attract the eye, although they can be distinctly seen
when pointed out. The base of the dome, which is
35 feet 2 inches in diameter, rests on a cylindrical
plinth only 4 feet in height. The teirace, 6J feet
wide and 6 feet high, has a stone coping, along its
outer edge, 15 inches in height, and 13 inches in
thickness. This is the only instance of terrace-coping
that now exists. From the style of the bas-reliefs of
Topes on the Sanchi gatewa3's, we had expected to
have found some terraces surrounded by Buddhist
railings, but we were disappointed, for not one of the
numerous Topes excepting this has the slightest trace
of a ledge of any kind. The rounded and massive
coping forms an appropriate finish to the massive
basement. On the west there is a double flight of
steps, 4 feet 4 inches in width, which meet at a
landing-place 7 feet 2 inches in length and 5^ feet in
breadth. Several of the steps are perfect, IQ^ inches
broad and 10 inches highj and, as the gateway is
still standing, we have here one of the most complete
existing specimens of the second-rate Tope.
3. The base is enclosed by a Buddhist raihng 7
feet in height, with an entrance on the west formed
in the same manner as those of the Sanchi Topes.
The pillars are 5 feet 8| inches in heiglit, with a
section of 14^ inches face and 10^ inches side. There
are three raiUngs each 18 inches broad, and 6J inches
thick. The coping is the same as that of the terrace.
I Capita] ftmed if
, • fcoh' tree tMiniMHiiitBd hy
L aad a Tofw. Tfam is also uMther scene in
vhvit jafvifnl ^orvs aK seatad in a circle, each on a
small A]uuv couch. This mav perha[» npnsent the
■MWOO^ ot' ODC of the Buddhist S\'nod8. The Tope
k> surrounded by the iwiaios of a walled endosorej
and to the south therv is one of those massiTe fomida-
tk>us vhii*h haiv alreadf- been described. It is nearly
70 fret lou^, and betveeo 30 and 40 feet broad, hut
not more than 0 feet high at present.
4. A fihaft was sunk down to the centre of the
hfuiisphert', where we found a chamber 10 inches
!iquan\ and 18 inches in height on one ade, by 10
inohe.-) on tb^ opposite side. Within was a round
• See Plate XXXII., 6g. 4, of this work.
AHDHKB TOPES. 840
Stone box^ 5| inches in heig^ht^ 6| inches broad at
hoUomy and only 6^ inches at top. The chamber^
which is 3^ inches deep and 4 inches wide^ contained
nothing save a small quantity of black ashes and
something* like calcined nutn^hells. The lid of the box
is 2^ inches in height^ domed^ and slightly hollowed
beneath. See Plate XXVIII., fig. 6. Three feet
beneath this deposit, and on a level with the terrace,
we found a second chamber, somewhat slightly formed,
containing a hemispherical red earthenware vessel 10
inches in diameter turned with the mouth downwards.
Beneath this was a second vessel of red earthenware,
8^ inches in diameter, containing a black earthenware
bowl 7 inches in diameter and 3^ inches in height.
Lastly, inside the bowl there was a black earthenware
vase 6. inches in diameter and 4^ inches in height,
with a small lid of the same material.* This vase
was empty. See Plate XXVIII., fig. 7.
NO. 2 TOPE.— ANDHER.
6. One hundred and twenty feet to the south-east
of the last, there is a second Tope of much smaller
dimensions, but in a much more perfect state than
these buildings are usually met with. The base of
the dome, which is 18 feet 10 inches in diameter, rests
on a cylindrical plinth 4 feet in height above the
terrace, which is 4 feet 4 inches broad and 6 feet
* The glaze of these black vessels is beautifully smooth; and of
a bright metallic lustre.
B k mAad Vf • donbfe %lft aT lien ^
U iMdbBB m vidlk The vhole Ivqilit of db Tope
n it Mv itndi^ k anlj 14 6et 7 indM.*
C A. dMift w anaik down die centra « Ab Toper
teihndepftw 8(ieet| ■!■& ve nmnd hm annilMP
1^ ftot Imnd aaA 1 fiwt deep. The eides of tins
dHHlier vcre not in the nieridi»n w aemil, Imt boev
SI^ deg. and 147^ deg*. £. and W. raqpectivefy.
Inflide we ftumd « Iwrge box of red emdienware^ 9|-
niAeBiiidiuiietaraBd 7^ indHBin lw^]iti|t contahiing
a obmH flit casket of led eutbenwere and a tall
atoatile casket, botk inscribed. Beside the earthen-
van boXy and nuzed with the leaves and mblnsb
whiA half filled the chamboy we foond a laige
steatite rase widi the neck pardy broken, bat luckily'
with the inscripdon complete. This diambw had
eridently been c^ned before by the villagers.
7. The flat earthenware casket is 3 inches in dia-
meter^ and nearly 1| inch in height.;}: The inscriptioa
on the outside of the lid is pardally obliterated, but
by supphing a few letters, the sense is easily com-
pleted.
Sajmrimsa TdckkiprntoM Gotiputa AtevAtmo.
^ (Relics) of the emancipated Vacuhi-pctra (son of VadihiX the
pupil of Gtoti-putra/'
The relics of YicHHi himself were found in No. 2
Tope at Sanchi.
• See Plate XXIX., 6^?. 1 and 2.
t Plate XXIX., His, ^' : ^^^^^ XXIX., fi- 5.
ANDHEB TOPES. 847
8. The tall steatite casket is 3^ inches in diameter
at bottom^ and 2^ inches at top^ with a height of 5§-
inches. It is ornamented on the outside by bands of
moulding*^ between which the whole surface is divided
into triangles^ alternately plain and barred.* The
inscription on the top of the lid is —
Sapurisasa Ooiiputasa Kdkanava Pabhdsanasa KodinyegotauL,
** (Relics) of the emancipated son of Ooti, KIkanava Prabha-
8ANA9 of the race of Kodini (or Kohudinya.)"
In my account of the discoveries made in No.
2 Tope at S&nchi^ I have already stated all that
I can suggest regarding Kakunava PrabJidsan, who
was the donor of Vachhi Suvijayata's relics to the
S^nchi fraternity.
9. The large steatite vasef is made of two pieces,
which were fastened together with lac. Its orna-
ments are similar to those of the great vase found
in No. 2 Tope at Sonari ; but the Andher vase has a
narrow neck and no lid, and was once furnished with
a spout, for which the hole still remains. No trace
of this spout could be found in the relic-chamber, but
I presume that it was similar to those which are
represented in the S&nchi bas-reliefs. See Plate
XXXIII, figs. 20 and 21. On the upper rim of the
neck there is the following inscription : —
Sapuruasa Mogaliputasa Ootiputa Atevdsino.
''(Relics) of the emancipated Mooaliputra, the pupil of Goti-
PUTRA."
10. Every thing that I can collect regarding this
♦ Plat« XXIX., fig. 3. - Tkate XXIX., fig. 8.
SIB TBB BBIUA VOIFBflU
HUratod ipenKmage has almdy been mentioaej*
4j( Ae pi^ of QoUputni, he ww of eonne « eo»»
tenqpoHUfy of GotPe other eon, K&kenn TrnHiiein ;
end ife-k tiwcefore veiy natonl that we ehooU find
their nKee endurined together. Thk Tope ninst of
eouree be of the eame age as No. 2 at Sindn, or
rather a few years kter, as K&kanava Prahh&san
was still alive when the hitter was erected. The date
may therefore be fixed with some certunfy in 800
B. c, when the religions enthnsiasm excited by the
seal and example of Asoka was stiU fervent.
NO. 8 TOPE.-ANDHEB.
11. This litde Tope, which was the last that we
had the pleasure of examining, was likewise one of
the most complete in its preservation, and one of the
most interesting in its contents. It stands to the
north-west of the other two, at a distance of rather
more than 200 feet. The base of the dome is only
15 feet in diameter, and the whole height of the Tope
is just 12 feet.* The base stands on a cylindrical
plinth 3^ feet above the terrace, which is 4 feet in
width and the same in height. On the east there
is a landing place, 6 feet by 4 feet, which is reached
by a double flight of steps, 3 feet 2 inches in wdth.
12. A shaft was sunk as usual down the centre of
the Tope, and the relic-chamber was reached at a
height of 1 foot 8 inches above the terrace. The
♦ See Plate XXX., figs. 1 and 2.
ANDHEB TOPES. 849
chamber was 14 inches long* by 13^ inches broad^
and the same in height. The side stones were placed
so as to overlap at one end^ thus forming' a Sw^tika
or mystic cross of the relic-chamber. See Plate XXX.^
figs. 3 and 4. Inside there was a large box of thin
red earthenware^ 7^ inches high and 7 inches broad^
containing a tall steatite casket^* similar to that of
K&kanava^ which was found in the Tope just
described. This casket^ however^ is quite plain on
the outside, with the exception of the ornamental
bands. It is quite fiill of fragments of burnt
bone. On the outside is carved the following in-
scription : —
Sapurisdsa H&ritijmtcbta.
*' (Relics) of the emancipated Haritiputra (son of H4riti)."
Inside the lid is the following inscription, written
in ink : —
Am Devasa ddnam.
^ Gift of Aswa-Deva."
13. The relics of Hariti-putra were therefore pre-
sented to the Andher fraternity by Aswa Deva. As
another portion of his relics was found in No. 2 Tope
at S&nchi, enshrined in the same casket with those of
Majhima and K^apa Gota, the two missionaries to
the Hemawanta, there can be little doubt that he was
a contemporary of those once celebrated men 3 and
that he was one of the principal Buddhist teachers of
the age of Asoka. The date of the Tope may there-
♦ See Plate XXX., 6g. 6.
8ffO THB bhuba topes.
tan be fixed with some certamtjr in the end of Ae
durd oentory befinre the Gbristian en, wbich wiU
make the iidc writing of the relic-caBkefe about two
oentories and a half older than that of the Pipyri of
Hercolaneiun and PompeiL
SYMBOLS OF BUDDHA^ DHABMA^ AND SANOHA. 861
CHAPTER XXVIL
SYMBOLS OF BUDDHA, DHARMA, AND SANGHA.
1. In my account of the sculptured ornaments of
the different Topes, frequent mention is made of the
symbols of Buddha and Dharmaj which occur either
singly or united amongst the bas-reliefs at Sanchi,
and on many of the most ancient coins of India. The
summits of the S6nchi gateways are crowned with
these symbols. They occur as objects of worship
amongst the bas-reliefs, supported either on pillars or
on altars. They form ornaments for the arms and
standards of the soldiers ; and they are frequently
placed both at the beginning and end of inscriptions.
2. The Triad of the Buddhists, which has already
been explained, consisted of Buddha, Dharma, and
Sangha. Buddha was Spirit, or Divine Intelligence j
Dharma was Matter, or Concrete Nature ; and San^
gha^ the '' union'' of the two, was the universe. This
was the esoteric or metaphysical explanation of the
terms ; but according to the exoteric doctrine, Buddha
was S&kya Sinha, the mortal author of the Buddhist
^Si
- * - - _ _^ *
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irr "5 !•: . ttrr-rr : r-c&inzs'
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SYMBOLS OF BUDDHA^ DHABMA^ AND SANGHA. 858
cus^ is said to be ^^ visible on the hand of one who is
bom to be a universal emperor'^ (Chakravartti).
4. The wheel is the central emblem on the summit
of each of the S&nchi gateways. This would seem to
have been its usual position^ and it was^ no doubt^
significant of the supremacy of Buddha. In the
Mahawanso^ Raja Sirinago of Ceylon is stated to have
inserted gems in the centre of each of the four
emblems of the ^^ Sun'* on the Mah& Stupo^ or Great
Tope.* This, perhaps, points to the absorption of the
ancient sun-worship into Buddhism ; for the wheel
was one of the most common and obvious emblems of
the sun.
5. In Plate XXXI., I have collected together
several illustrations of the wheel-symbol of Buddha
from the S&nchi bas-reliefs, and from coins.
Fig. 1. Bas-relief on a pillar of the western en-
trance of No. 2 Tope at S^nchi. A man and woman
are represented perambulating the pillar. The illus-
tration shows the importance attached to this symbol
by the Buddhists of Asoka's age. The same wheel-
pillar occurs again at the northern entrance.
Fig. 2. Central emblem on the summit of each of
the four S^chi gateways.*!*
* Mahawanso^ p. 220.
t See Plate XXXI.^ fig. 7y for the celebrated wheel and club of
Surya, from UdajagirL This was the god whom the Oreeks of
Alexander's army mistook for Hercules; but one of them has pre-
served the true name in ^poaiiios, or Surya Deva, the ''Sun-
God."
A A
854 THE BHII£A TOFES.
Figs. 3, 4. Reverses of coins found sfc rjun —
qiiadmple emblems of the sun.
Fig. 5. Bas*relief on a pillar of the south gHte of
No. 2 Tope^ and also on a pillar of the soudi gate of
>'o. -i Tope, both at Sanehi.
Fig. 0. Bas-relief on a pillar at the eastern en-
trance of yo. 2 Tope, Sanehi. A figure is kneeling
at its foot.
Figs. 8, 9. On the earliest silver and copper ocnns
found in all parts of India, from Xepal to Ceylon^
and from Kandahar to the Delta of the Ganges.
Fig. 10. Ancient Hindu coin of brass, literally
covered with Buddhist s\'mbols. On the obverse is a
bull 'j to the left, a peculiar symbol, which is found on
other Buddhist coins, and on the necklace of Bud-
dhist symbols on one of the S4nchi gateways. Above
is the quadruple emblem of DJiarma. On the reverse
(in the middle), is a tree surrounded by a Buddhist
railing ; below is a chaityay or, more probably. Mount
Sumeru; to the right, a srvtustikay or mystic cross;
and to the left, the symbol of Sanghay being the
united emblems of Buddha and Dharma. The latter
is placed uppermost, which I presume is intended to
show the superiority of Diuirmay or Concrete Nature,
over Uuddfiay or Si)irit.
Fig. 11. Coins, both of silver and copper, found
chiefly between the Indus and the Jumna. On the
obverse is a deer, with branching horns, and before it a
human figure with the arm raised. Behind the deer an
emblem of the sun. Inscription in old Indian P&Ii.
SYMBOLS OF BUDDHA, DHABMA^ AND SANGHA. 866
Rajnya Xunandasa Amogha-bhatisa Maharqjasa.
''(Coin) of the royal Eunanda, the brother of AKoaHA, the
King."
On the reverse is a chaitya^ or Mount Sumeru^ sur-
rounded by the monogram or symbol of Dharma ; to
the right^ a tree in a Buddhist enclosure^ and to the
lefb^ a swdstika^ and the unknown triangular symbol.
Inscription in Ariano F41i the 6ame as on the obverse.
6. The quadruple symbol of Buddha, which is
found on the Ujain coins, and the quadruple symbol
of Dharma which occurs on coin No. 10, and on one
of the pillars at Andher, most probably have reference
to the other four mortal Buddhas, Krakuchanda, Kor-
nakay KAsyapa^ and Sdkya Muni. The 'four en-
trances at S^nchi, and at the Great Tope in Ceylon,
with their crowning symbols of Buddha, may, I
think, be also referred to the same.
7. Dharma^ or Concrete Nature, was, I believe,
neatly symbolized by a monogram which united the
radical letters of the various elements of matter.
According to the PujA-kandj* '' all things with their
veja-mantras (radicals), came from Swabhdva (the
self-existent), in this order : —
From the vija of the letter
Y,
air.
Prom that of the letter
R,
fire.
From that of the letter
V,
water.
From that of the letter
L,
earth.
From that of the letter
s,
Mount Smneru.
• One of the Sanskrit Buddhist works of Nepal, quoted by
Hodgson, p. 106.
356 THE BHILSA TOFES.
Now it is curious that the old Pali eqniralents of
these letters form, when combined t<^ther^ a mono-
gram of exactly the same shape as the symbol which
I have attributed to Dharma. In Plate XXXII.^ fig*. 3^
I have given this monogram, with the single letters
which compose it placed in a line below. In aU the
monograms, both of the bas*relie& and of the coins^
the symbol is crossed by a horizontal line in the
middle, which I take to represent the lower stroke of
the Pali letter , n, the radical of " void space, or
vacuity/' This, therefore, must be the fifth element^
the dkds of the Hindus, and the aiOiip of the Greeks.
The symbol is thus strictlj' composed of the five
radical letters of the five elements, y, air j r, lire ; ▼,
water ; 1, earth ; and n^ ether ; which when combined
contain the letter 1/ s, for Mount Sumeru, as well as
the letter 6, m, or numaSy or mind.* In Plate XXXII.,
I have given all the difterent specimens of this sjin-
bol that I can collect from various sources.
Fig. 3 is the simple monogram, composed of the
five radical letters of the elements.
Fig. 4 is a quadruple specimen of this s}Tnbol, firom
a bas-relief medallion on one of the pillars at Andher.
The same is found on No. 10 coin of Plate XXXI.
Fig. 8 shows the elemental symbol crowning the
staff of a flag or military ensign.
* A strong proof of the correctness of tliis explanation is found
in the JJJ , nvditika, or mystic cross, which appears to be only a
monogram or literal symbol of the old letters [f , tu^ and ff » ^
or suti, which is the Pali form of the Sanskrit itvoitu
SYMBOLS OF BUDDHA^ DHARMA^ AND SANGHA. 357
Fig. 0 is one of the ornaments from a necklace in
the Sanchi has-reliefs.
¥ig. 10 is the same monogram, but very highly
ornamented. Two of these symbols are placed on
the summits of the Sanchi gateways, one on each side
of the wheel-symbol of Buddha.
Fig. 13 is a copper coin from the ruins of the
ancient city of Ayodhya, or Ajudhya, in Oudh.
The inscription in Old Pali is Vijm/a Mitasaj '' (coin)
of VuAYA MiTRA.^' In the centre is the monooram-
matic sjTnbol. Vijaya Mitra was most probably one
of the ancient kings of Oudh, although his name is
not to be found in the fabulous lists of any of the
Puranas.
Fig. 14 is the reverse of a copper coin, procured
from several old cities around Ujain. In the centre
is the quadruple symbol of Dharma already de-
scribed.
Fig. 16 is from one of the Sanchi bas-reliefs, on a
sword scabbard.
Fig. 16 is from the coins of the Indo-Scythian
Kadphises.
Fig. 17 is from the coins of Kunanda, the brother
of Amogha.
Fig. 18 is from the coins of Sasay of the family of
Gondophares.
Fig. 19 is from the Sdnchi colonnade inscriptions.
Fig. 20 is from the Sanchi colonnade inscriptions.
Fig. 21, from the Sanchi bas-reliefs, shows the
sjTubol placed on an altar.
Vig. 88^ ftbo from the Sfindii baMPefiefli tt tiie
South Gateway^ giyes a triple rapraeentetion ef itA
tjtnlbol of Dhamay whieh is mort probaUy intmided
finr iSbB Buddhisfe triad of Buddkoy Bhmmmi ta&k
8. The third member of the triad ia repreaeptad Is
Plate XXXII.9fig. 1^ from a ba»-relief of No. 8 Tope
at SfinchL In thia the wheel^ or emblem of Buddha^
ia placed above the monogram or aymbd of Dliami%
perhapa to indicate the auperiority of Spfait ovai
Matter. On the obyerBe of coin No. 10^ Plate XXXI;)
the aymbol ia repreaented in the contrary manlierj
with the monogram of Dharma above^ and the whisel
of Buddha below. This^ I presume^ denotea thii
belief of the atriker of the coin in die aqMriority of
Dharma, or elemental Nature^ over Buddha, or
Spirit.
9. Two different spellings have been given for the
name of sangha. Schlegel writes it ^^^ sangga ; and
Professor H, H. Wilson, 'WW sanggha. The latter
appears to be the more correct reading, as the Bhilsa
Tope inscriptions invariably spell it sangha, with
the gh.
10. The triple emblem, represented in fig, 22,
Plate XXXII., is one of the most valuable of the
Sanchi sculptures, as it shows in the clearest and most
unequivocal manner the absolute identity of the holy
Brahmanical JagannAth Avith the ancient Buddhist
Triad. The similarity between the Buddhist pro-
cession of images described by Fa Hian and that o .
SYMBOLS OF BUDBHA^ DHABMA^ AND SANGHA. SffO
the modem Mathydtrd of Jaganndth was first pointed
out by the Bev. Dr. Stevenson,* Colonel Sykes
discovered that both processions took place at the
same time of the year-t Mr. Laidlay, after noticing
both of these facts, adds his opinion that ^^ the modem
procession of Jag*ann&th originated in the Buddhist
practice described by Fa Hian." He founds his
opinion on the fact, that "in the ordinary native
pictures of the avatdras of Vishnu, the ninth, or
Bauddha AvatdrOy is represented by a figure of
Jaganndth, or the liath Jdttrd.^^X To these facts
I can now add that of the absolute identity in farm
of the modem Ja^anndtha and his brother JBalardma,
and sister Subhadrd, with the Buddhist monogram or
symbol of Dharma. This identity is rendered much
more striking and convincing by the occurrence of
the symbol of Dharma in a triple form amongst
the S^nchi bas-reliefs. In Plate XXXII., fig. 23, 1
have given a sketch of Jagannatha and his brother
and sister side by side, with the triple symbol of
Dharma from Bdnchi.^
11. But there are still two points of coincidence
which, in my opinion, tend to complete the proof of
• Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vii., p. 8.
t Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vi., p. 420, n.
t See his translation of the Fo-kwe-ki, pp. 21— 261.
§ Another drawing of Jagannath, and his brother and sister,
may be found in yoI. vi., p. 460, of the Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, In this the identity of figure is even more
striking.
860 THE BHILSA TOPES.
the Buddhist origin of Jagaimatha. These are, ^^ the
suspension of caste during the festival/' and ^^the
belief that the image contains the relics or bones of
Krishna/' The fii'st is one of the fundamental prin-
ciples of the Buddhist faith, that was promulgated
by the great teacher S&kya Muni, and is so utterly
repugnant to the deeply inwoven spirit of caste which
pervades Brahmanism, that we may safely refer it to
a Buddhist origin. The other is also not at all Brah-
manical, while, as we have seen throughout this work,
it is eminently characteristic of Buddhism,
12. When restored to its original monogrammatic
form, the figure of Jaganndth, or the Lord of the Uni-
verse, becomes clear and intelligible, but its present
uncouth shape has taxed even the ingenious menda-
city of a Brahman to account for. According to the
learned, a king named Indradyumna besought the
divine artist Viswakarma to make a figiu^ of Jagan-
n6th to contain the relics of Krishna. The artist
promised on condition that he should not be dis-
turbed. But the king^s impatience interrupted the
work in the midst, and the enraged artist immediately
gave up his labour, and left the figure of Jagann^th
without arms. A trace of the Buddhist origin of
the name may perhaps be found in the fact that
one of the cave temples of EUora is still called
Jagann^th.
18. There is another modem Triad which I believe
to be also of Buddhist origin, namely^ V%th4}ba and
his two wives Bukmird (or Bakhami) and Sutyawima.
SYMBOLS OF BUDDHA^ BHABMA^ ANB SANGHA. 361
Their statues are represented standingf with the arms
a-kimbo. The Hindus generally do not reco^ise
them as orthodox;* but their worshippers have at-
tempted to identify Vithoba and his wives with
Krishna and his wives^ who are also named Sukmini
and Satyavama. Dr. Stevenson was the first to
point out that ^^ the festivals of Vithoba correspond
in a remarkable manner with the seasons of the
Buddhists/' The two principal festivals of Vithoba
occur, ^^ the one just four days before the com-
mencement, and the other just four before the com-
pletion of the Buddhist Wasso, or season of sacred
rest, which continues from the full moon of Asarh to
that of Kdrtik.-^ The fiiU moon of As^h is the
panchO'dasam'Sudiy or 15th of the bright half, or
waxing moon; and the full moon of Kdrtik is the
15th mdi of that month. Four days earlier would be
the 11th of the bright half, or ek&dasi sudi/^
14. I have been thus particular in specifying the
date of Vithoba's festivals, because the latter one at
least appears to me to have some connection with
the melay or ^^ fair,*' which is held at the old ruined
city of Besnagar, near Bhilsa, in the same month of
K^ik. According to one statement this takes place
on Kdrtik mdi 9; but another authority makes
* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ vii. 6. I believe that
the worship of Krishna is only a corrupt mixture of Buddhism and
Christianity^ and was a sort of compromise intended for the sub-
version of both religions in India.
t From the middle of July to the middle of November.
il XaHik kM, 11. The Iraa date* k^ toiMMiJ^
EirtaanM ekidoH, mi the 11th of the farigMlidr
ofKlrtOc) that iiiJiifltibiirdftyB before the fid]
of HuH numtilk Aeeordingf to tradltioii thb h
jHehlUimt I7 Bttja Bukmtiigada, fitvm whom J
BiiiMd the BMkhmdmgada 6hAdaH.1[
Iff. Aooctfdiiig to the BhtgUnMa^ the BuHiiliiai
gada Ekadati wae institated in eommemonilioii of wm
Apmta (or hearenly nymph) haying pricked hm IM
with the thom of a Bhangan plant in BuUmlBw
gada^B garden.
16. Aooording to the Mukmimjfaia ehmlm, Babi
in<U»g^«^ wae the son of Bohitaewa^ and the gnmdaoik
of Hariaehandra. He had a son named BhannalH
gada by hie wife^ whom he neglected for the beatttUhl
Apeara Viimd Mohmiy and his after lifo was em-*
bittered until he made propitiation by the establish-
ment of the festival called the Sukmdngada ehadasi.1^
17. Rukmin or Rukam was the name of a prince
who was slain by Balar&ma^ the brother of Ejrishna.
An existing tradition says that one of the Bajae
of Bhilsa had a white horse^ which^ for security^ wae
stabled on the top of the precipitous rock of Loh&ngi^
* The first date was obtained bj my brother; the latter by
Lietitenant Maisej; as communicated by Captain Ellis. The be-
ginning of the Buddhist Wasso is still celebrated at Bhilsa by
the illumination of the Zi&rat, or shrine of Lohdn^i Plr or the
" Saint of Loh&ngi," on the full moon of Asarh.
t My authority refers to the Matsya Purdna for this account.
X For these two references I am indebted to the kindness of
Captain Ellis.
SYMBOLS OF BITBDHA^ BHABMA^ AND SANGHA. 868
to the eastward of Bhilsa. But the Baja was over-
come by the F&nduS; who carried off the white horse
for the performance of the aswamedhay or horse-
sacrifice. This prince was most probably the Rukam^
or Rukma of the Prem Sdgar^ and the brother of
Rukmani^ who became one of the eight wives of
Krishna. Sukma^ in Sanskrit^ means ^^ iron/' and
therefore RukmAngada is only a synonyme of LoMfi"
gadtty or Lohdngiy the name of the famous Bhilsa
rock.* It is true that Krishna was a Y&dava and not
a P&ndava; but as I have always found that the
latter name is used in a general manner throughout
India to denote any hero of ancient times^ the tradi-
dition of the Pandu conqueror may be applied to
Krishna and his brother Balarama.
18. According to the Prem Sdgur, Rukma was
the son of Bhikmaky the Raja of Vidarbha^ or Berar.
His sister Rukmini is often called Vidarbhaj&^ or
^^ bom in Vidarbha.'* The name of Vi-darbha implied
a country in which the holy Kusa grass is not found ;
and it is generally applied to the modem Berar
Proper. But if I am correct in my identification of
Baja Rukma of Yidarbha with Eukmangada of Bes-
nagar^ there can be no doubt that Vidarbha must^ in
ancient times^ have included the whole of Bhopal and
Bhilsa to the north of the Narbada.
19. In my account of Asoka's reign^ I have already
shown that Besnagar was a large city in 270 b. c.^
and that it was also called Chaityagiri, or the '' hill of
* It is also called LohAchaly or '' Iron-hill."
Mi . TEE BEILBA TOPEB.
jllmtjfm$P because the Tq)e-covered lull wm ai.ita
immediate udghbourhood. According to tndiliQE^
Beanagar was founded by Bukmingaday iat ttf
DwApur-yug* (the third age^ or age of cof^Mi^
one million and three hundred thoueand yearn agii«
It stands at the Trwenij or triple junction of tba
rirers Betwa, Bes (or Besali)^ and Gkmga, of wUoli
the last is believed to flow underground.
80. The less ancient city of Bhiba, or BhadnmU^
is said to have been the capital of Tavanoima CShan*
^vansLf The same story which I l|ave relatedi
above is told about him and the Aswamed]i% <r
white harse with a black ear^ which was carried off by
a Pandu prince. The existence of the Pandua in
this part of the country is proved by the inscriptkma
of No. 2 Tope at Sdnchi^ which certainly dates as
high as 200 B. c. The trough from which the horse
used to drink is still pointed out ; but this is only a
bell capital of a gigantic Buddhist pillar^ of which
nothing more now remains. The capital is 3 feet
high^ and S^ feet broad ; and as the Sdnchi capitals
are only 3 feet^ the Lohangi pillar must have been
nearly 60 feet high. The capital is now standing
upside down^ and has been hollowed out to a depth of
16 inches^ with a diameter of 21 inches^ so as to form
a large bowl.
21. A glance at the map (Plate I.) will show the re-
* Captain Ellis's information says the Satya-rptg'f that is^ the
firsts or golden age.
t Galled Alamgirpur bj the Mahomedans.
SYMBOLS OF BUDDHA^ DHABMA^ AKD SANGHA. 865
lative positions of all the Tope stations with respect to
Besna^ara and Bhilsa. The ancient city of Besna-
gara extended from the junction of the Betwa and
Bes rivers, as far south as the Udayagiri hill, and
the Lohangi rock of Bhilsa, from which point the Che-
tiyagiri (or Tope range of hills), stretching from
Satdhdra and Sonari, by Sanchi Kan^-khera to
Bhojpur and Andher, was only three miles distant.
The presence of these large monastic establishments
must, for a time at least, have brought both wealth
and prosperity to the country j and the remains of
three embankments thrown across the valleys between
S&Qchi and Satdhara, show that the Buddhist monks
were as famous for practical agricultural, as for phi-
losophical learning'.
22. Let the imagination wander back for two
thousand years, and the mind's eye will behold the
Chaityagiri, or Tope range of hills, ^^ glittering with
the yellow robes'' of the monks. Along the road
side, and in sequestered spots, will be seen numerous
trees, beneath which half-naked ascetics sit silent and
still, brooding upon futurity. The classical reader
will recal the Tabasi Magorum (or ascetic Magians),
and the Tahaso gens (or ascetic nation), both of whom
Ptolemy places to the eastward of Ujain, and who
could therefore only be the TapasyaSy or '^ ascetics"
of the Chaityagiri hills.
800 THE BHIL8A TOPES.
Thrice blest the man who with himself can hold
Communion deep; and^ in his spirit, range
To lands far distant, into times of old,
And view successive ages as they change :
Strange countries, and inhabitants as strange—
By Tiber, where the Kesars held their swaj,
Attic Ilissus, Nile, and sacred Gauge ;
Kingdoms and empires long since passed away,
And kings and conquerors, the mighty of their day.
Thus, Fancy-led, the aspiring Soul can spring
Her daring flight beyond the bounds of space,
Axkd soar through heaven on unwearied wing.
Leaving slow Time behind her in the race
To crawl this world's monotonous foot-pace ;
Call up the mighty of another age.
The men most celebrated in their day.
The young and beautiful, the old and sage.
And all who 've famous been in this life's pilgrimage.
Or, with prophetic eye and buoyant hope.
See into dim futurity ; and pierce.
With quick-ey'd Fancy, the mind's telescope.
The lengthening vista of succeeding years.
Before which all Time-past as nought appears,
And Time-to-come, in beautiful array.
Smiling with hope amid her rainbow tears.
Trips gaily on, and points the unknown way.
Bright as the evening sky, and clear as the noonday.
And blest that spiritual happiness which sees
Perfect design in Nature's wanderings —
A beauty in her strangest images.
And in her quaintest forms } diat power which flings
Its own bright joyance round the meanest things^
CONCLUSION. 867
And| like the sun, makes gladness general |
That elasticity of thought which springs
Highest and quickest from die greatest &11;
That buoyancy of mind which rises aboye all.
And blest, oh ! more than blest, those thoughts which spring
From the rich memory of historic lore,
The lonely heart with gladness deluging.
As moonlight floods the heayens ; those thoughts of yore.
Which haply thousands may haye dreamed before,
Yet we no poorer are; our fancies roye
Through distant times, and kingdoms now no more ;
And the bold spirit broods on things aboye.
And human hopes and fears of ancient hate and loye.
Like as an eagle on the wild winds playeth.
Or as a nightingale dwells on her song ;
Like as a riyer in a yale delayetb.
Or as a breeze near rose-fields tarrieth long ;
As young steeds loiter the green meads among ;
As bees and butterflies, from morn till eyen.
Amongst the sweetest flowers their sports prolong ;
The aspiring soul, in thoughts celestial weayen.
Dallies in bygone dreams, the dim foretaste of heayen.
How changed the busy scene of former days.
When twice fiye thousand monks obey'd the call
To general thanksgiying and to praise ;
When the stone cloisters echoed, and the hall
Resounded with the solenm festiyal ;
And gay processions filled each gorgeous gate.
No more do pilgrims round the solid wall
Of yon mysterious pile perambulate :
No more to Budh do kings their kingdoms dedicate.
I ; : I I
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r:%
Symbols of Dharma.
Ja;^a.n.na.th.
PilUuImI Ij Smib.IUnVc* Ln^
370
APPENOIX.
Ftf . 18. — Sliielil. — Vdayagtri.
Pig- \i. — Vajra, or Uiuodnbolt. — UJayofiri.
Fif. 1ft. — Tridml in imrur'n ImukI. — UA^/agirL
Fig. 16.— Trident aarifd by Uw BhatiuAmr, or buffii]o-d
ai Vdayaifiri.
Figa. 17 mnd 18, — fiair bdiI airow. — Viloifoffin.
Fig. 19. — B«II attached to el^ibanl hoaahigs. — SAttcki.
Figs. SO and 21. — V^^spb carried i^ prooession. — SAKetn
betiu'e tliej' are the water- fesseLt {vila-p6tra) tyi wave holy per-
Kintigiw. A reMol of niiiilsr shajw is still used by the Graod
Id DM.
Fig. 33. — Staodard Erum the S&ncki liaa-relie&. Th« staff i*
aumMmated by tli« nymbol of Dharma.
F%. S3. — ^A. ehuttaf or ombralla, nith long liandla. — lyrt-irti.
Fig. M.— A dmmi, or tail of tba TIk (Boi gnominB).—
R(f.S
Kga. 36 md 37. — KaUle-dmrn tod dnm-atU.-
Fig. S8.— Looking-gtaaa.— iSifMilt.
Figa. 30 and 30. — Slorkat, or orcamental seats, or throses, with-
out bucks. — SAnchi.
Anrieiit Arms *c.
SaiiL-hi A 1) 17 ,);) DOayagin A C.«l,
~^riadBdljSBuaaSIFLs3S~~
li
APPENDIX.
DESCRIPTION OF ANCIENT ARMS AND INSTRUMENTS
IN PLATE XXXIII.
Thr figures in tbis Plate have been taken from tbe Sanchi bas-
reliefs^ which date between a. d. 17 and 39 ; and from the sculp-
tures at Udayagiri^ which were executed in a. d. 401.
Fig. I is a dagger from Sanchi. I saw a similar weapon
amongst the broken sculptures at Duri Glifinderi, which has been
in ruins for the last six hundred years.
Pig. 2. — Sword worn by a porter, or doorkeeper. — fSanchi.
Fig. 3. — Infantiy shield. — Sanchi.
Fiff. 4 and 5.— Cavalry shields, — Sanchi,
Fig. 6. — Pike, or javelin. — Sanchi,
Fig. 7. — The Indian Vajra, or thunderbolt ; a symbol of uni-
versal dominion, usually placed in the hand of a king. Very
common at SAnchi, Compare the form of the Vajra of four cen-
turies later, in Fig. 14, from TJdayagiri.
Fig. 8. — Falling axe. — Sanchi,
Fig. 9. — Battle axe. — Sanchi.
Fig. 10.— ^«t/7, or trident. — Sanchi.
Fig. 11. — Anhhus, or elephant goad.
Fig. 12. — Swoi-d. — Udayngiri.
B B
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" By the ' Seven Lamps of Architecture,' we understand Mr. Rnskin to mean the
seven fundamental and cardinal laws, the observance of and obedience to which are
indispensible to the architect, who would deserve the name. The politician, the
moralist, the divine, will find in it ample store of instructive matter, as well as the
artist.** — Examiner.
"From the series of works upon which Mr. Ruskin is engaged, we can scarcely
hope too much for art. The brilliant manner by which the present and other works
of Mr. Ruskin are adorned has placed them at once amonest the books that must
be read. The views broached in this volume constitute the most significant piece
of criticism which has appeared in the English language for vexy many years.** —
North British Review.
"Mr. Ruskin*s mind is of that vigorous and searching nature which can be
satisfied with nothing less than the elucidation of pure principles in art. He
observes and investigates for himself, and expresses himself in a strain of eloquence
whidi rivets the mind by its fulness of meaning, and fascinates the fancy by its
singular appropriateness of language and richness of imagery.*' — Britannia,
"This eloquent and deeply-instructive volume is a book for amateurs to read;
for it will make the thoughtless thoughtful, and open new fields of contemplation
and sources of interest, and suggest wad strengthen important principles to idL** —
Ecclesiologist.
" Mr. Ruskin*s book bears so unmistakeably the marks of keen and accurate
observation, of a true and subtle judgment and refined sense of beauty, joined with
so much earnestness, so noble a sense of the purposes and business of art, and such
a command of rich and glowing language, that it cannot but tell powerfully in
producing a more religious view of the uses of architecture, and a deeper insight
into its artistic principTcs." — Guardian.
"We hail Mr. Ruskin's book: we thank him for his industry; we admire his
earnest elo(iucnce; and on almost all great matters we defer to his judgment. He
has, indeed!, done high honor to the architect's calling." — Mr. Wiohtwick, in
The Architect.
"A lively, poetical, and thoughtful book; rich in refined criticism and glowing
eloquence. Mr. Ruskin's poetry is always to the purpose of his doctrines, and
always the vehicle of acute thought and profound feeling." — Frazer*8 Magazine,
Boob PuilMnl 6y
WORKS OF MR. RUSKIN.
MODERN PADJTEBa
lmr.t^ VJ. I. fyOk Eti6m,VSt. clM.
VoLU. TlunI Editi>»^ l<i>. fid. elt>iJi.
f-^P
■A fti win I aa4 bi|iMWDaBi rerir* «( Ik wob «f linng praMen. A hanfj
' Tk« T^ird Vohune i$ tn pnparation.
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'W« wish that this pa[ii;ihlrl might be largcif nad bv our an-p«trQng, ud
(tadied by our art-ciilic«. There is much to be coLucted from it whicb is ray
impoiteul to remcniber.'' — Guardian,
THE KING OF THE GOLDEN EIVER ;
OB. TlIE BLACK BROTHERS.
With 22 nitutratioiu by EICHASD DOTLE. -^
■2i. M.
" Thi* lillle fniry tole ie by ii murtiT hand. The stury has a channing monJ. and
Ibe writing U so cxcpllcnt, that it wunld be hard to eny whieb it wiU giro mo«t
)>leamLrc to, llie very wise man or the very simiJc thild." — EiwnviiT.
NOTES ON THE CONSTRUCTION of SHEEP-FOLDS.
■■ A imniiililct un ilio dottriue aiid diciiiline of the Clmrch of Clirist." — Britiania,
Smithy Elder, ^- Co.
RECENT TRAVELS.
I.
A fflSTORY OF THE INSXJRRECTION in CHINA.
By Dr. TVAN, and M. CALLEBT.
Third Edttiorij with a Supplementary Account of the most Recent Events,
Edited by JOHN OXEVFOBD.
Poet 8t;o., price 4t8, 6c?. cloth^ with fac-simile of Chinese Map and
Portrait of the Insurgent Chief
" A cnrions book, published at an opportune moment, giving^ a lucid account of
the origin and progress of the civil war now raging in China, bringing it down to
the present day." — Blackwood's Magazine,
** The narrative is animated by traits of Chinese manners, opinions, and ideas, '
and by lively reminiscenses of the country and people.' — Spectator.
" A timely and interesting publication, full of most curious and valuable matter."
" The book can scarcely fail to find a curious and interested public" — Athenaum,
" The volume is instructive and attractive in a very high degree." — Ilhutrated
News,
"The revolution in China is, in all respects, the greatest revolution the world has
yet seen." — Times,
n,
MEMORANDUMS MADE IN IRELAND IN THE
AUTUMN OF 1852.
By JOHH FOBBES, TLB., Author of ''The Phyiioian*s Holiday.*'
In Two Voh.^ Post Svo., with Illustrations, Price 21s, cloth,
''The book is excellent, and, like all the writings of its author, points to a good
purpose. Its tendency is to dispel prejudices against Ireland and the Irish. It
contains sensible conmients upon most topics in Insh affairs. It is honest, thought-
ful, liberal, and kindlv. By readers of idl grades Dr. Forbcs*B volumes will be read
with pleasure for the knowledge they give, and the cheerful way in which they give
it." — Examiner,
** A complete handbook of the sister island. If there be any, who, knowing
nothing of its social and political condition, meditate a tour in Ireumd, the pleasure
and profit to be derived from the journey will bo much enhanced by a careful study
of Dr. Forbes's veiy sensible observations." — New Quarterly Review,
** Dr. Forbes is evidently possessed of a candid mind, and though he has dealt
with polemical matter, he does not write in a sectarian spirit." — Athenceum,
" A very complete description of the present condition of Ireland, written with
the kindliest and fairest of pens." — Economist,
m,
AUCKLAND, NEW ZEALAND,
AND THE COUNTRY ADJACENT.
Post 8ro., tdth View and Colored Map, Price 6s,, cloth.
ffWfa /WBiirf ly
BECENT TftAVELS.
TWO THOCSA3fD HILES EH* THKOUGH
THE ABG^mSi: FBOVI!(C£S :
THE SECOM) BURMESE WAR.
A KABUATIVE OF THE OPEEATIOSS AT KANG
B7 Liest WILLIAM 7. B. LATniE, Ibdnu ArtiOerr.
pMt B(».. irAA Jfa/J<, /tinu. oad r«n. J'tiae lOi. Cti. cJMi.
-Tber-
14 (aHi uuiwUvt B . _ . , _
funUhnl hr ihE Mtl>ar, vbo MsbiaM wfdi U« tAal fcr Rxanb « fin^ in4« of
mttt^tn.'- r;Ut.
" Till wmk btfiira » b ■ imijtsrj oaimiTe, toU in dm tkuTuI tooe of mi dAc^
itIhi ki iffuad i/f bii iirutcHkm, and nuciMu to do jiutkc lo hit tanndm llaii ii
Dcthtou aboat blmtoL It u ilhi»irucd t^ pUiw, tirvf, aod tertia**, and it at-
mlaUn I" rruHm uitnj Ftnaieoiu inifnuioDs ■* lo ibe clwnirt«r of tbe SeeoBd
DtiniirM W*f.'—Littiarg Cattiu.
"'Hiii t'llunw cxliibitt WBT hi iu drtub, u kco V i''' Hib*lUni.aBd is iu
laruvr iu|jrri> h [>ii'kr<l up frum tbe t^oMip Mid cmkUtn of tbe c«Bi[t, Ur. Lkuria
(■nri actual wurfm lif tbe uitiiiiutie' of the ccunnj. and a d«cT^«wa of ilw
trai|ilM ajid (rii«ti ol Gaudanu — aTuietfofB "" " "^
TltAITS OF AMERICAN-INDIAN LIFE.
By a FVB-T&ASER
iin''. Tlio writer \% an artor in tba sceneF he describe;, and llie
iKlVr nil) mill rur-tradcn undergo, and the E.iva)K lite of the wil-
riillj I li'iii lentil d in tlitiic eketclieB." — Morning Adrfriaer.
lit rcaclalJe bookt of the da^, uid worthj- of the best naeplioa.''
Smithy Elder^ ^ Co.
E
WORKS OF MR. THACKERAY.
I.
LECTURES ON THE ENGLISH HUMOURISTS
OF THE 18th CENTURY.
By W. M. THACKEBAT, Esq., Author of " Vanity Fair/'
"Esmond," &c.
SECOND EDITION, REVISED BY THE AUTHOR.
In One Volume^ crown 8ro. Price \0s, 6d. cloth.
" To those who attended the lectures, the hook will be a pleasant reminiscence, to
others an exciting novelty. The style — clear, idiomatic, forcible, familiar, but
nerer slovenly; the seiurching strokes of sarcasm or irony; the occasional flashes of
generous scorn; the touches of pathos, pity, and tenderness; the morality tempered,
but never weakened, by exjierience and sympathy; the felicitous phrases, the striking
anecdotes, the passages of wise, practical reflection; all these lose much less than
we could have expected from the absence of the voice, manner, and look of the
lecturer.** — Spectator,
** All who did not hear these lectures will wish to know what kind of talk they
were, and how these English humourists and men of genius in past times were
described or criticised by a humourist and man of genius in our own. * * *
What fine things the lectures contain! What eloquent and subtle sayings,
what wise and earnest writing! How delightful are their turns of humour; with
what a touching effect, in the graver passages, the genuine feeling of the man comes
out; and how vividly the thoughts axe painted, as it were, in graphic and charac-
teristic words.** — Examiner,
" This is to us by far the most acceptable of Mr. Thackeray's writings. His
graphic style, his philosophical spirit, his analytical powers, his largc-heartedncss,
his shrewdness, and his gentleness, have all room to exhibit themselves. The lives
of these famous writers ore told in a few paragraphs, and illustrated by a selection
of striking anecdotes.'* — Economist.
^ These lectures are rich in all the qualities of the author's genius, and adapted
to awaken and nourish a literary taste thoroughly English.** — British Qfiarterly
Review,
"Full of sound, healthy, manly, vigorous writing; sagacious in observation,
independent and thoughtful ; earnest in sentiment, in style pointed, dear, and
ftraight-forward.** — Westminster Review,
" A valuable addition to our permanent literature: eloquent when the author is
serious; brilliant when he is gay; they are charming reading." — DaUy News,
'* One of the most amusing books that we have read for a long time, and one that
we think will occupy a lasting place in English literature.** — Standard,
A PORTRAIT OF W. M. THACKERAY, Esq.
Engraved hy FBAHCIS HOLL, from a Drawing hy SAXUEL LAUBEKCE.
Engraver*8 Proofs on India Paper, £2 28. Prints, £l la.
Wtrb F^MMisd is
WORKS OF MR. THACKERAY.
ESMOND.
^ W. X. THACKKRAT, AoOar of "Fadooia." "Vaai^ ]
_ .__. _ ~ iftiia « *v ■wti of OaiHaec
Elk* lin ■ I Mtly >ir lb. 'AKkaBT** 0«*«f paoakna. •
1Wek«n h* M^K**! far k. kn> ■ nn^ >i4*m>car lb* «<
(mpruliiib
[*n«i(berM.natnrtoaanwun.liaI lixiMn „_
trnpruliiible {dm, iu ((liriicd gnttjaB^ and manr thrilliniE nliennccs of tlie uignSi
»f Iftc liDnuu hemn. llaTine reacbed lbs lOHlilli! of Lbe tint loliiBie, ' turward '
wHl be the wif h of CTery nader of thu bighlT-wrcmehl wiH-k." — /llJlmmjiL
" He IdIckM of ' Ennund ' it, in tbc mun, mirclT bnmiui inlereft. The Ftorr u
mora lli*n ui^illung t, famBj ttarj. The eSi-ct a at 11 joa tud mddcnlj come
Into that ultl hnw ■* into a chambert and the li^t joa k« thinga bj if tliat of tbe
warm dmrmtii' lire blaiing there. Bj iLal ligbl jaa sec tbe fitoes of tbe painted
old ladim. and lii« yAiy neii <>f ietten. md tbe great lordi^ and the bnTc MJilieTik.
H« biK)k i> M iiitvniting a> an; prcrions booli of Ihc anlhor'i. and more abvduiclr
rtH Iban any hiiturical norel nnce Sroti's early ones," — JJailg AW*
" Wr haTR at once M exjtnw in the wanneM Cemu of praiM our appreciation of
the tklll aiid laMc with which 'Ennond' is written. Tbe .iioty of the norel i« in-
ItenloiM and ti-iv eleganthr conMraclcd, and caincd onward so a* to fcralifr eoDMAnt
tmin*itr until the end. In Kbott, the book thonniithly oi-cnpies oar miada with a
■tmae of xtntnutli on the part of tlie writer, of wliich the maaileelatiui) is alwnya
made |p»cefiill)'.'' — Ezaainer.
"In qaletriehiKU,'Bniiond' mainly rccembles tlio old writen; as it doeaalao in
wHithl of thonsht, nincerity of nurpoM, and poetry of (be heart and brain. It y
wl« and ■wn:t In it« reecartu of thought and feeliiipi and is more hopeful, consoln.
turv, aii>l kindly Ihui ' Vunity FHir.' Thinking and cduraled reader* wit] ditcem
in ft an iinriumw! ailmnce in literary ]«)wcr ovtr Mr. Thackeray's [.revioua writings."
- tyatrr'i Mni/minr.
TllK KICKLEBURYS ON THE RHINI-:.
A n«w Ficturo-Book, drawn and written by Hr. K. A. TITMASSH.
SECOND EDITION.
Will. II Prpfnrc eiititleil " An Ea&ny on Thunilor and Smull Beer."
fif. plain, fis. coloured.
Smithy Elder^ ^ Co.
WORKS OF CURRER BELL.
I.
VILLETTE.
By CTTBBES BELL, Author of '' Jane Eyre," '' Shirley/' Ac.
In Three Volumes, Post 8vo. Price IL lis. 6d.
**Thi8 book would have made Cnrrer Bell famous had she not been already. It
retrieves all the g^nnd she lost in 'Shirlej/ and it will engage a wider cinJe of
readers than * Jane £3nre,' for it has all the best (qualities of that remarkable book.
There is throughout a charm of freshness which is infinitelj delightful: freshness in
observation, fiishness in feeling, freshness in expression. Brain and heart are both
held in suspense bj the fascinating power of the writer.'* — Litenvry Gazette,
''This novel amply sustains the fame of the author of * Jane Eyre' and * Shirley'
as an original and powerful writer. 'Villette' is a most admirably written novel,
everywhere original, everywhere shrewd, and at heart everywhere kindly.** — Ex"
aminer,
** The tale is one of the affections, and remarkable as a picture of manners. A
burning heart glows throughout it, and one brilliantly-distinct character keeps it
alive.** — Athenentm,
** * Villette ' has that clearness and power which are the result of mastery over the
thoughts and feelings to be expressed, over the persons and scenes to be de-
scribed.**— Spectator,
**The whole three volumes are crowded with beauties; with good things, for
which we look to the clear sight, deep feeling, and singular thou^ not extensive
experience of life, which we associate with the name of Currer BeU.** — Daibf Newt,
** The author of * Jane Eyre' and * Shirley ' has again produced a fiction of extra-
ordinary literary power, and of singular fascination; it is one of the most absorbing
of books, one of the most interesting of stories.'* — Globe,
*** Villette' is not only a very able but a very pleasant book.** — Morning
Chronicle,
n.
SHIRLEY: A Tale.
By CTJBBEB BELL.
A new edition. Crown 8vo., 6s. cloth,
'* The peculiar power which was so greatly admired in * Jane Eyre ' is not absent
from this book. It possesses deep interest and anirresistible grasp of reality.
There is a vividness and distinctness of conception in it quite marvellous. The
power of graphic delineation and ex]}rcssion is intense. Tlierc are scenes which,
ror strength and delicacy of emotion, are not transcended in the range of English
fiction.** — Examiner,
*** Shirley' is an admirable book; genuine English in the independence and
uprightness of the tone of thought, in the purity of heart and feeling which pervade
it, in the masculine vigour of its conception of character, and in s^le and diction:
it is a tale of passion and character, and a veritable triumph of pyschology ." —
Morning Chronicle,
** * Shirley ' is very clever. The faculty of graphic dci^niption, strong imagination,
fervid and masculine diction, analytic skill, fUl are visible. Gems of rare thought
and glorious passion shine here and there throughout the volume." — Times,
Works Published by
WORKS OF CURRER BELL.
JANE EYRE: An AuTosioGRArnv.
By CnaBER BELL.
Fourth Sdifion. Croien 8vo., 6j. clolh.
1
'"Jaoo Ejre' is a remnrkablc prodarticm. Freihiie>a aihI criginolitjr, tntA
and |>aHBioii. RingrJar lulicilv lu the description of DMarnl ecenerv, and in iha
■nalyzntion □!' huiiui] thoagbt, eai^e this lale to stud boldlj uat bum ihc masg,
ond'co luiumo iu owii fAaix iii ihe brigbt Geld of rauuuiiii: liienuui«. We could
not biit \k itraclt with tJie mciiicts and ability (rf the work, by the independon
fwuj <i{ a ihoroughly origiuul and unironi pen, bj the niascnlJDe cnrrait of noble
thougUlii, and the undiudiiug dioHCctiun of tliu dark ;el tmlliful chNitcUr.' — Timet.
IV.
WUTHERING HEIGHTS a.vh AGNES GREY.
By ELLI8 and ACTON BELL.
By OUEBEB BELL.
Crown 8vo., Gs. cloth.
"■Wulhoring HstEhts' bean the stamp of
jHusioniitA mind, llie memoir is uae (^ Iht
biography:'— NuiKoa/orniist.
POEMS.
By CirBB.EB, ELLIS, and ACTOH BELL.
Fcap. Svo., is. clolh.
" Bctnarkuble tl8 being the Rnt eSbrts of andoutitcd genins tu liud unnt i>on-
genjai form of expression. Thoy aro not cuimnon verses, but rIiow mnnj of the
vigorons qualities in the prose workK of the suine writen: tbe love of nature vhich
cluLTttcleriHes Currer Beit's ])roec works pcrvudes tbe whole of the preaeiit volnine."
— Vhriilian Seineiabrascer.
NEW WORK BY THE AUTHOR OF "OLIVE," &e,
AVILLION, AND OTUEK TALES.
Three Vols., Poat %vo. Price £1 lis. Grf., Cloth.
'••AviUion' is a beautiful and fanciful Btorj'; and the rCat make apreenblc read-
ing. Tbere is not one of tliem unqiiickcneil b; true feeling, esijuitito la»le, and
a jiure aoil vivid imuginulion," — Kxaminer.
"These Yolumes £jnn allogether ea pleasant and fonrifnl a miicellon; ou ha£
often been given to the public in these latter A&.jK."^Atl'aitraia.
" In a nice knowledge of Ibe refinement* of the lemale heart, and in a hnppy
power of deineline emotion, tbe anthoreBs ie eie«Ued by »wy few etory-tcUen of
Smith, Elder, (^ Co. 11
WORKS OF MR. GWYNNE.
The Lifb and Death of SILAS BARNSTARKE.
By TALBOT GWTVHE, Author of ''The School fbr Fafhen."
One Volume, Crown Sro. Price lOa. 6d.
** In manj ways this book is remarkable. Silas and his relations stand forth so
distinctlj and forcibly, and with so much simplicity, that we are fiir more inclined to
feel of (hem as if they really lircd, than of Uie writers of pretended diaries and auto-
biographies. The manners and ways of speech of the time arc portrayed admirably.**
— Gwxrdian,
** Mi. Gwynne has adopted the nervoos and succinct style of our forefathers, while
narrating the career of a lover of money. The reader will find little to impede his
interest in following the career of this bad man to its bad end." — Athenaeum,
** The gradual growth of the sin of covetousness, its temporaiy disturbance by the
admixture of a softer passion, and the pangs of remorse, are portrayed with high
dramatic effect, resembling in soiue scenes the gigantic majesty of ancient Tragedy."
-^ohn Bull,
**■ A story possessing an interest so tenacious that no one who commences it will
easily leave the perusal unfinished." — Standard,
** A book of high aim, and unquestionable power." — Examiner,
n.
THE SCHOOL FOR DREAMERS.
By T. eWTHHE, Esq., Author of "The Sehod flor Fathen.**
One Volume, Crown %vo. Price 10s. 6d.
'^The master-limner of the follies of mankind, the author of *The School for
Fathers,' has produced another tale to the full as attractire as the former, and
abounding with traits of exquisite humour and sallies of sparkling yrit,^' John BtdL
•**The School for Dreamers' may be credited with life, humour, and vigour.
There is a spirit of enjoyment in Mr. Gwynne's descriptions which indicates a
genial temperament, as well as a shrewd eye." — Athenasum,
** A powerfully and skilfully writtcn-book, intended to show the mischief and
danger of following imagination instead of judgment in the practical business of
life." — Literary Gazette,
**An admirable and caustic satire on 'equality and fraternity' theories." —
Britannia.
m.
THE SCHOOL FOR FATHERS.
AN OLD ENGLISH STORY.
By T. GwnrarE.
Crown 8vo. Price 10«. 6d.
''The pleasantest tale we hare read for many a day. It is a stoir of the Tatler
and Spectator days, and is rery fitly associated with that time of good English
literature, by its manly feeling, direct, unaffected manner of writing, and nicely-
managed, well-turned narrative. The descriptions are excellent; some of the
country painting is as fresh as a landscape by Constable, or an idyl by Alfred
Tennyson." — Examiner,
** * The School for Fathers ' is at once highly amusing and deeply interesting—
MH of that genuine humour which is half pauos — and written with a freshness of
fueling and raciness of style which entitle it to be called a tale in the Vicar of Wake-
fidd KhooL" — Britannia,
"Few are the tales so interesting to read, and so admirable in purpose and style,
as • The School for Fathers.' **^Globe.
H'onb ptMUhtd inf
Kin Kavanagh's Female Biographies- M
WOSreX OF CHRISTIANITY, EXEMPLARY^
FOB PIETT AXD CnARTTY.
Br JVUA KATAMABH.
Pmt 8m., tnti i^rtvfl. JMa 12*. m a^wwrf cML. ^ et^««.
"A MMta MiUe uid dicmBnl IribaM to tb« riniMa of her sex «
law^M lh«n thi* WGvk, whiob Hua Kaian*^ hM nmrrA. like i _
W W naooiy of tbe 'W«ocd a( ChriKwnilj-' To tbk gntcfnl uak tte gittad
Mlbaw bM bmeltt Ulntu of no ndiuof^ nngc. and. niim than aM, ■ qatk of
—""■—■ !«(;. aiidi •dmifrntion for ibc glial •ml bmnuftil. and k bun cMinlT
■kwlad in liw foA >}|e hu «> oUj MEuoqilUbed." — Otawth ii/£mgiai^ <^arttrU
- The womoi poannred hare been kIwicO rrom erciT peHod of the CliiwtuM as;
the mae nngc of femue liuieiajdiy is token br no other roliiine; and mn equd
■kill in the ddiiusaliaii of character* i* TanJr id be finnd. lie antlicir faa« ac«<n>-
pluhed her taik with Inldligence and feeling, and with general fain>e>s utd Ijslli:
•be di^plafi mbtle iwoetxation and broad smtpathj, joining therewith parilT and
pioiu icJilinieDt, iDteDcdaal rvfinrnwat and large-heaitediiess, aad wiiics' with
nniuiial elegance and felidtj." — yonroitfimmuL
"MiiS Kiivanni^h has wLielj cbwteu that noble mrression of cainl]^ women who
in sU ages of Chrittianity are itnilcd bf their devotion la the sick, the wrefcbed,
and the dcstilule." — Gyardian.
"WOMAN IN FRANCE DURING THE 18th
CENTURY.
B7 JVLIA KAVAHAGH.
2 Vol£., pott 8vo., uilh etglil Portraits. I2s. in embotKd cloth.
"Hiss Karanagh hai undertaken a ddicnic task, and f\it has perTonned it on tbe
whole with diBCtction and judgment. Her volnmcs iraj- lie on any dntwing-rtKun
table without urandnl, anil nia^- be read by uU but her youngest comitrywomen
without risk."~Q«or(fr/y Heri'v.
•• Eli'pnntly illuMraled with a uries of line engravings, this work hat claims apmi
the iHJUildlr-uible, in right of iC» guiw: and garniture. But iu le>tt«r|iTcss is «nppriar
tti iIk: 1:1 iieriU Htagilc of iiuoks of tliis elii<& Mi^s Kavanagh |irove« herself adroit
In i-ki'li lilii^, and aulld in judging; character. Which among u£ will be ever tired of
n;urliuj^ ubuul the women of ITraiicc? cs[)eciully when they ore marshalled to
agrci'u Illy and discreetly an in Ihe pagca beforo ns. — AlAeiurtiiii.
" 'riiero is a great deal of clevamess and good taste in this book. The fuhjcrt is
handled with mttch delicacy and tact, and takes a wide rau|;G of exarngJes. Mi«a
Kavanogh's volumes are ta be commended a* a compact view of a period of alwayi
" (miw more than usiinJIy attractive), pICB.-'ingly executed. The book
riginal tone of remark, and always a graceful and becoming ons.' —
Smithy Elder ^ and Co. 13
WORKS OF MR. LEIQH HUNT.
I.
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF LEIGH HUNT;
WITH BEMDOSCENCES OF FRIENDS AND CONTEMFORABIES.
Three VolumeSy post 8w., tcith Portraits, lbs, cloth,
** These volamcs contain a personal recollection of the literature and politics, as
well as some of the most remarkable literary men and politicians of the last fifty
years. The reminiscences are varied by sketches of manners during the same
period, and by critical remarks on various topics. They are also extended by
fx>yish recollection, fauiilv tradition, and contemporary reading; so that we have a
sort of social picture of almost a century, with its fluctuations of public fortune, and
its changes of fashions, manners, and opinions.** — Spectator,
n.
THE TOWN:
ITS MEMORABLE CHARACTERS AND EVENTS.
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