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" You fabric hugr, 
WIiou diut the sulemu aiiHquariau turna. 
And thence in broken iculptiires, cait abntd 
like Sibyl*! leafei, collects the builder*! Dime, 
Kcjoiced.** Dter.— Ifuin« of Kvnif. 

Illnslraieb foit^ e^irtQ-tbrcc plates. 




The AHlhfTu/ Ihit uurk ri'#cnv# /» himtrlf ih^ right of ftuffwrizinf/ n frnniluli"fi '»/ it.'' 

U^ . ^. /^. 

Tiaudon : 
rrinlnl l>y Srr.w\RT nnil Ml'RRlT, 


1. The discoveries made by Lieutenant Maisey and 
myself, amongst the numerous Buddhist monuments 
that still exist around Bliilsa, ui Central India, are 
described — imperfectly, I fear — by myself in the 
present work. To the Indian antiquary and his- 
torian, these discoveries will be, I am willing to think, 
of very high importance ; while to the mere English 
reader they may not be uninteresting, as the massive 
mounds are surrounded by mysterious circles of stone 
pillars, recalhng attention at every turn to the early 
earthworks, or barrows, and the Druidical colonnades 
of Britain. 

In the Buddhistical worship of trees displayed in 
the Sanchi bas-rehefs, others, I hope, will see (as 
well as myself) the counterpart of the Druidical and 
adopted English reverence for the Oak. In the 
horse-shoe temples of Ajanta and Sanchi many will 
recognise the form of the inner colonnade at Stone- 
henge.* More, I suspect, will learn that there are 
Cromlechs in India as well as in Britain ;t that tlie 
Brahmans, Buddhists, and Druids all believed in tlie 
transmigration of the soul ; that the Celtic language 

• Plate II. figs. 1, 2, and 3. t Plate IT. fig-s, 4 and 5. 



was undoubtedly derived from the Sanscrit;* and 
that Buddha (or Wisdom), the Supreme Being wor- 
shipped by the Buddhists, is probably (most probably) 
the same as the great god Buddwdsy considered by the 
Welsh as the dispenser of good. These coincidences 
are too numerous and too striking to be accidental. 
Indeed, the Eastern origin of the Druids was sus- 
pected by the younger Pliny ,t who says, ^^Even to 
this day Britain celebrates the magic rites with so 
many similar ceremonies, that one might suppose 
they had been taken from the Persians." The same 
coincidence is even more distinctly stated by Diony- 
sius Periegesis, who says that the women of the British 
Amnitse celebrated the rites of Dionysos, v. 376 : — 

As the Bistonians on Apsinthus banks 
Shout to the clamorous Eiraphiates, 
Or, as the Indians on dark-rolling Gangpes 
Hold revels to Dionjsos the noisy 
So do the British women shout Evoe ! 

2. I have confined my observations chiefly to 
the religious belief taught by Sakya Muni, the 
last mortal Buddha, who died 648 B.C. There 
was, however, a oiore ancient Buddhism, which pre- 
vailed not only in India, but in all the countries 

* The name of Druid may be taken as an example: Greek^ 
lgv%\ Sanskrit^ -jr, drv ; Welsh, derm ; Erse, dair: a tree, or oak 

t Pliny, Nat Hist. xxx. 1, — " Britannia hodie eam (magiam) 
attonite celebrat tantis ceremoniis, ut eam Persis dedisse videri 

r. :-^'\' ':. vii 

populated by the Arian race. Tlie belief in Kra^ 
hwhanduy Kanaka^ and Ka4njwpay the three mortal 
Buddhas who preceded ^Sdhya Muniy was in India 
contemporaneous wdth the w^orship of the elements 
inculcated in the V6das. The difference between 
Vedantism and primitive Buddhism, was not very 
great; aud the gradual evolution of the worship of 
concrete Nature (called Pradhan by the Brahmans, 
and Dharma or PrajnA by the Buddhists), from the 
more ancient adoration of the simple elements, was 
but the natural consequence of the growth and 
progressive development of the human mind In 
Europe the traces of this older Buddhism are found 
in the CaducevSy or wand of Hermes, which is only 
the symbol of Dharma^ or deified nature, and in 
the Welsh Buddwdsy and the Saxon Woden ;— but 
slig'htly altered forms of Buddha. The fourth day of 
the week, Wednesday, or WoderCs-dayy was named 
Dies Mercurii by the Romans, and is still called 
Bvddhwdr by the Hindus. Maia was the mother 
of the Greek Hermeias or Hermes ; and Maya was 
the mother of the Indian Buddha. The connection 
between Hermes, Buddw6s, Woden, and Buddha is evi- 
dent ; although it may be difficult, and perhaps nearly 
impossible, to make it apparent to the general reader. 
Hermeias and his '' golden wand," yj^vdoppam^y are 
mentioned by Homer ; but Hesiod * is the first who 

• Theog. 988. 


speaks of his mother ^' Maia, the Atlantis who bore 
to Zeus the illustrious Hermes, the herald of the 
immortals/' In the Homeric poems, also, there is no . 
trace of serpents entwining* the wand in the manner 
represented in works of art. Even in the late Home- 
ridian hymn the wand (which was Apollo's sheep- 
staff) is described as ^^ a golden three-leaved innocu- 
ous rod/' The epithet of three-leaved is peculiarly 
applicable to the three-pointed symbol of Dharma, 
so conspicuous an ornament on the Sanchi g'ateways 
of this volume. 

In illustration of the ancient history of India, 
the bas-reliefs and inscriptions of the Bhilsa Topes 
are almost equal in importance to the more splendid 
discoveries made by the enterprising* and energetic 
Layard in the mounds of the Euphrates. In the 
inscriptions found in the Sdnchi and Sonari Topes we 
have the most complete and convincing proof of the 
authenticity of the history of Asoka, as related in 
the Mahdwdnso. In the Pali Annals of Ceylon, it 
is stated, that after the meeting of the Third Buddhist 
Synod, 241 B.C.. K6syapa was despatched to the He- 
maroanta country to convert the people to Buddhism. 
In the Sanchi and Son^ Topes were discovered two 
portions of the relics of Kdsyapa, whom the inscrip- 
tions call the ^^ Missionary to the whole HemawantaJ^ 

The Sfi.nchi bas-reliefs, which date in the early part 
of the first century of our era, are more original in 


design and more varied in subject than any other 
examples of Eastern sculpture which I have seen in 
India. The subjects represented are religious pro- 
cessions, the worship of Topes and trees, and the 
adoration of the peculiar symbols of the Buddhist 
Triad. Besides these there are some spirited sieges 
of fortified cities, several stories from the life of S^ya 
Muni, and some little domestic scenes which I would 
rather attribute to the fancy of the artist than to 
their particular significance in Buddhistical story. 

The plans and sections which accompany this work 
are all drawn from careftil meiasurements on the same 
scale (of 40 feet to an inch), to preserve the relative 
proportions of the different Topes. The top of each 
drawing is the north, by which the relative positions 
of staircases, gateways, and other parts, may be de- 
termined at a glance. The plans of the difierent 
hills on which the several groups of Topes are 
situated, are all taken from my own surveys on the 
same scale of 400 feet to an inch. The eye can 
thus compare the disposition of one group with 
another. Lastly, the drawings of all the principal 
relic-boxes and caskets are one half the origuial size, 
sufficient (I have reason to think) for the correct deli- 
neation of the different shapes and various mouldings. 

I am indebted to the kind liberality of Major H. M. 
Durand, of the Engineers, for the view of the Sdnchi 
Tope, and for the drawings of the Sandhi bas-reliefs, 


containing" the boat scene, or '^ Sakya's departure 
from this world/' the " Religious Festival, with adora- 
tion of a Tope/' and a scene in the royal palace, with 
a relic-casket. 

The Topes were opened by Lieut. Maisey and 
myself in the end of January and beginning of 
February, 1851 j and I attribute the success of our 
discoveries in great part to the vigilance of our per- 
sonal superintendence. I had become aware of the 
importance of this strict watchtulness (after I had 
opened the g-reat Tope, near Benares, in 
1835), by the purchase of five beautiful gold coins 
of Kadphises, which were brought from Affghanistan 
at the very time that Mr. Masson was engaged in 
opening the Topes of the Kabul valley. I now learn 
from Major Kittoe that he has found a broken steatite 
vase amongst the rubbish at the foot of the great 
Sarndth Tope. It is, I fear, more than probable that 
this vase was the relic-casket of the Sarnath Tope, 
which must have been destroyed during my unavoid- 
able absence on engineer duty at Mirzapore. 

As the opening of the Bhilsa Topes has produced 
such valuable results, it is much to be hoped that the 
Court of Directors will, with their usual liberality, 
authorise the emplo3Tnent of a competent officer to 
open the numerous Topes which still exist in North 
and South Bahar, and to draw up a report on all 
the Buddhist remains of Ka])ila and Kusinagara, of 


Vaisali and T^ajagTiha, which were the principal 
scenes of Sakya^s labours. A work of this kind 
would be of more real value for the ancient history 
of India (the territory of the Great Company) than 
the most critical and elaborate edition of the eighteen 

I would also venture to recommend that the two 
fallen g'ateways of the Sanchi Tope should be removed 
to the British Museum, where they would form the 
most striking" objects in a Hall of Indian Antiquities. 
The value of these sculptured gateways will, I feel 
confident, be highly appreciated after the perusal of the 
brief account of them contained in this work ; while 
their removal to England would ensure their preser- 
vation. For a most admirable view of one of these 
gateways I refer the reader to the frontispiece of 
Mr. Fergusson^s beautiful and artistic illustrations 
of ancient Indian architecture. 

Before parting, may I beg to draw the particular 
attention of the reader to my identification of the dif- 
ferent classes of Pramnce and GermanfBy as recorded 
by Kleitarchos and Megasthenes, with the different 
orders of Buddhist Srdmanas. I do so because some 
of our most eminent scholars have doubted the preva- 
lence and extension of the Buddhist religion before 
the beginning of the Christian era. Now the Pramius 
of Kleitarchos, and the Gennance of MegastheneS; are 
l)oth stated to have been the opponents of the Brah- 


mans. Were this the case they can only be the 
SrAmanaSy which was a title common to all the orders 
of the Bauddha community ; even Sakya himself being* 
styled Malm Sranianay or the '' Great Devotee/^ The 
identity of the Oermarue of Megasthenes is placed 
beyond all doubt by his mention that '^ women were 
allowed to join them on taking vows of chastity/'* 
for the Buddhists alone had nuns. 

It will not, I trust, be out of place in a Preface to 
obsen^e that the several orders of PramiuB^ mentioned 
by Kleitarchos, are, — 

1 . Opecvoc, or ^^ mountaineers/* a Greek corruption of 
Arkan (or Atan^ as it is sometimes spelt), which was 
a common title of the BodhisatwaSy or second class of 
the Bauddha community, who usually dwelt on hills. 

2. rw/nvi|Tai, the ^^ naked,** or rather the " half- 
clad,** — a descriptive title of the Bodhisatwas, who, 
during their devotions, wore only the Satigh/itiy or 
kilt. TvfAviKy or rvfkvrrnKy was applied to a light-armed 
soldier, — not to an unarmed one ; and, therefore, also, 
to a lightly-clad person. 

3. IloXiriJcoi, the ^^ townsmen,** I onlj- take to be 
a corrupted transcript of the Sanscrit Pratyekay the 
third class of the Bauddha community, whose duty 
it was to mingle with the people, and frequent the 

• Megastbenes in Slrabo, v. — Zv^^iXoao^ly c'tViou Koi. yvvait^ai 


4. npoff-j^jUfHOi, the ^^ rural,'' which I take to be 
an alteration by some copyist, for the sake of the 
antithesis of " town and countr}'/' with the last. The 
original term used by Kleitarchos was, I see reason 
to believe, npcxn^aipioc, the " listeners,*' a literal trans- 
lation of the Sanscrit Srdivaha, the fourth class of the 
Bauddha community. 

It is my belief that I have identified both the 
Opeivoc and the Yvfivnrai with the Bodhisatwa of the 
Buddhists. For, though there were four classes of 
Buddhists, yet, the superior grade being those who 
had attained the rank of Buddha, they had, of course, 
no representatives on earth. Kleitarchos, therefore, 
who had heard that there were four orders, has created 
one out of the ru/nvirrai. Megasthenes, who resided 
for some years in India, states more correctly that 
there were only three classes of np/mvac j viz., 

1. YXo/3coc, from the Sanscrit alobhiyay ^^ without 
desire ; " that is, the Bodhisatwa, who had suppressed 
all human passions. 

2. larpucoi, the ^^ ph3'sicians,'' which I t^ke to be 
a slight corruption of nparijcoi, for Pratyeka, the third 
class of Buddhists, who, as they mixed much with 
the people, would no doubt have generally acted as 
physicians, as the Christian monks have done in later 

3. EiraiTai, or ^^ beggars,'' equivalent to the Bhik^ 
shuy or mendicant monk of the Buddhists. 


Now Kleitarchos was one of the companions of 
Alexander; and^ as he did not advance into India 
beyond the HyphasiSy or Byfls River, his distinct 
mention of the different classes of the Bauddha com- 
munity seems to me (at least) conclusive, that the 
religion of Sakya had not only become prevalent in 
Gangfetic India, but that it had reached the Punjaub 
at the period of the Macedonian invasion, B.C. 330. 

Let me add that a still earlier mention of the 
Buddhists may, I think, be found in Herodotus, who, 
writing* about B.C. 420, shortly after the assembly of the 
second Synod says, — ^^ There are. other Indians, who, 
differing in manners from those before mentioned, put 
no animal to death, sow no grain, have no fixed habi- 
tations, and live solely upon vegetables.^' The name 
of this class of Indians is not given by Herodotus ; 
but it is preserved by Nicolaus Damascenus, who 
calls them Aritoniiy the same, I believe, as the San- 
skrit Arhanta. Now Arhanta is a title of the 
Bodhisatwa, one of the classes of the Bauddha com- 
munity, which observed aU the peculiarities attributed 
by Herodotus to the Aritonii. They were pro- 
hibited from taking life; they sowed no grain, but 
begged their daily bread ; they had no fixed habita- 
tions, and lived wholly upon vegetables. 

Alexander Cunningham. 

Simla, 1863. 








§1. Limits of Buddhism . .1 

2. Decay of Buddhism 


3. Buddhist Remains 

t i 


4. Ditto 


5. Cave Temples 


6. Vihdrs 

t ^ 


7. Inscriptions on Rocks and Pillars 


8. Topes .... 

. 6 

9. Bhilsa Topes 


10. Ditto 


11. Description of Topes 


1*2. Origin of Topes . 


13. Existing before S&kya*s advent 

. 10 

14. Ditto 

. 11 

15. Various Buddhist Topes . 

. 11 

16. Ditto 

. 12 

17. Dedicatory Topes 

. 12 

18. Memorial Topes 

. 12 

19. Funeral Topes 

. 13 

20. Ditto 

, 13 

21. Ditto 

. 13 

22. Intmiately connected with Buddt 

list reli( 


. 14 





§ 1. Early Indian worship— Elements 

2. Conflicting opinions at Sakya*8 advent 

3. Doctrine of transmigration 

4. The Sw&stikas .... 
6. Their doctrine of eternal annihilation 

6. Swastikas, Brdhmans, and Buddhists, compared 

7. Ditto Ditto 

8. Birth and early life of Sdkya 

9. The four predictive signs 

10. Ditto 

11. Ditto 

12. Ditto 

13. Probability of th^ story of his conversion 

14. Embraces a religious life . 

15. His asceticism .... 

16. Ditto . . - . 

17. Braves the terrors of Maro or death 

18. His teaching .... 

19. Ditto .... 

20. Sakya*s death 

21. Grief of his followers 

22. Burning of his corpse 

23. Division of his relics 

24. They are collected by Ajatasatra 

25. And again distributed by Asoka 





§ 1. Early observations of mankind . 

2. Discrimination of the elements 

3. Early worship of Greece and India 



§ 4. Philosophical systems of ditto 

5. The Pythagoreans 

6. Sukya's faith ; Buddha, Dharma, Sangha 

7. The Samadhikas (Contemplatists) and the Prudh^nikas (Ma- 

terialists) .... 

8. Buddhists deny the Creator*s providence 

9. Doctrine of Nirvritti and Pravritti, or rest and action . 

10. The five Dhydni Buddhas, or personifications of the elements 

11. Similarity of the early Brahmanical and Bauddha schools 

12. The Sankhy a doctrine of the eternity of matter 

13. Buddhist belief of creation of matter 

14. Doctrine of the Sankhy a teacher, Kapila 

15. Doctrine of the Sankhya teacher, Patanjali 

16. The Brahmanical Nireswara similar to the Bauddha Swabhavika 

doctrine of supreme nature .... 

17. Mystic roots of the elements .... 

18. The Brahmanical Seswaras and the Aiswarika Buddhists 

19. All the schools agree that there is a compound of mind and 

matter ....... 

20. The three classes of Sakya*s doctrine: — 1. Vinaya; 2. Sutra 

3. Abhidharma 

21. Called Tripitaka and Triyanika . 

22. Their compilation in b. c. 543 

23. Kachhayana*s Pali grammar 

24. Ditto 

25. Language of the Buddhist books 

26. Ditto 

27. Ditto 

28. Identification of Eachhayana and KutyHyana 

29. Ditto 

30. Ditto 

31. Sakya a social reformer . 

32. Ditto 

33. Buddhism and Mahomedanism 









§1. The Bauddha community .55 

2. First S3mod of five hundred monks ,56 




§3. First Synod of five hundred monks .57 

4. Ditto .57 

5. Rehearsal of Yinaya .... 58 

6. Rehearsal of Dharma .58 

7. Buddha's Hymn of Joy . .59 

8. His last iigunctions .59 

9. Conclusion of the Synod .59 

10. Admission of women .60 

11. Dress of the ascetics .61 

12. Ditto .62 

13. Sarmanes, or Sramanas .63 

14. Hylobii, or Arhats . . .63 

15. latriki, or Pratyekas .64 

16. The four classes of Eleitarchos . .64 

17. Types of the Buddhist classes .66 

18. Difference between Buddhist and Christian ideas of inmiortality 67 

19. The Grand Lama of Tibet a Bodhisatwa, and not a Buddha . 67 

20. Rules for the Bhikshu .68 

21. His dress and equipments .69 



§1. Succession of teachers 

2. Ditto 

3. Chronological list of teachers 

4. Date of Sakya*s death— 543 b. g. 

5. Chandra Gupta's accession 

6. Possible origin of the error in Buddhist chronology 




1. Ten indulgences claimed by the Vaisali fraternity 
3. Aaaembly of Second Synod 




§ 3. Discussion on the indulgences .... 

4. Sentence of dcgnulation confirmed 

5. Similsiritj of proceedings to those of English trial by jury 





) 1. The degraded monks originate the Maha Sanghika heresy 

2. Various sects 

3. Ditto 

4. The Vaibh&shikas 
6, The Sautrantikas 
6. Names of eighteen schisms 
7 Extent of Buddhism in 443 b. c. 





j 1. The Maurya dynasty : accession of Chandra Gupta 

2. Ue expels the Greeks from the Fanjab 

3. Ue conquers India 

4. Falibothra, or P&taliputra 

5. Indian expedition of Seleukos Nikator 

6. Ditto ditto 

7. Accession of Bindus&ra 

8. Embassy of Dionysios 

9. Asoka deputed to Taxila 

10. Appointed Governor of Ujain 

11. Death of Bindusara 




§ 1. Accession and conquests of Asoka 
S. His conyersion to Buddhism 



{8. He erects numerous Vihdrs and Chaityas) 
4. I'romulgatcfl numerous edicts .... 
6. Title of Priyadarsi doubted by Prof, II. II. Wilson . 

6. True meaning of Dharma .... 

7. Ditto ...... 

8. Ditto ...... 

U. Ditto ...... 

10. Buddha^ Dharma, and Sangha, mentioned in the Bhabra 
inscription ...... 

U. Antiquity of the Puli Scriptures vindicated 

12. Ditto Ditto .... 

13. Ditto Ditto .... 

14. Name of Asoka not mentioned in his own inscriptions 

15. Identity of Priyadarsi and Asoka 

16. Chronological difficulties removed 

17. Doubtful name in edicts, perhaps Ariobarzanes 

18. Asoka's knowledge of the Greeks 

19. No mention of the kings of Kabul and Parthia in his edicts 

20. Dates of the Rock edicts .... 

21. Date of the Pillar edicts .... 

22. Sincerity of Asoka's faith .... 



§ 1. Heretics assume the dress of the Buddhists and enter their 
monasteries ..... 

2. Expulsion of the heretics 

3. Rehearsal of Vindya and Dharma 

4. Missions to foreign countries 

5. Relics of the missionaries found in the Bhilsa Topes 

6. Relics of K^pa .... 

7. Ditto, andofMajhima 

8. Relics of Gotiputra .... 

9. Explanation of the term c/aycWa 
10. Gotiputra, the missionary to Dardfibhisara 
U. Other relios ..... 









§ 12. The zeal of Asoka anticipated Christianity in religious missions 123 
13. Kunala, son of Asoka — Asoka*8 death . . .123 


§ 1. Division of Asoka's empire — Fall of the Mauryas 

2. Conquests of Menander in India 

3. The Scythian Mauas expels the Greeks 

4. He is succeeded hy Azas 

5. Rise of the Yuchi or Tochari under Kadphises 

6. Kanishka, a zealous Buddhist 

7. Milindu, Riga of Sakala 

8. N^&rjuna : Buddhism extended into Tibet 

9. Mention of Buddhists by Apollonius of Tyana 

10. By Klemens of Alexandria 

1 1 . By Porphyrins .... 

12. By Palladius and Scholastikos . 

13. In the Hindu dramas 




§ 1. Rise of the Gupta dynasty — Gupta era 

2. Gupta era dates from establishment of dynasty 

3. Gupta kings mentioned by the Chinese 

4. Chronological table of the Guptas 

5. Data for chronology ..... 
6 & 7. Mr. Thomas's chronology .... 

8. He dates the rise of the Guptas from 78 a. d. . 

9. Reasons for adopting a later date 
9.* Silver currency of Gujrat copied from the drachmas of 

Apollodotus ...... 

10. Inscription of Chandra Gupta at Udayagiri 

11 . Sanak^nika, name of the kingdom of Bhilsa 

12. Vaishnaya faith of the princes of Sanak^nika . 






§ 13. Inscription of Chandra Gupta at Sanchi 

14. Hlostrations of the meaning of Frajna . 

15. Frajna is nature deified ..... 

16. Chandra Gupta's gift to Sanchi Tope . 

17. Chandra Gupta, lord of Ujain .... 

18. Ditto not an orthodox Buddhist 

19. Buddhism prevalent in Fataliputra 

20. Ditto paramount in the Fanjah and Northern India 

21. Religious belief of the earlier Guptas . 

22. Tantrika belief of Skanda Gupta 

23. Extravagance of the Tantrists 

24. Their charms and incantations .... 

25. Spread of Tantrika doctrines .... 

26. Lok^tya .... 

27. Budha Gupta ...... 

28. Toramana — inscriptions at Eran and Gwalior . 

29. Conquests of Siladitya ..... 

30. Decline of Buddhism ..... 

31. Fall of Buddhism .... 

32. Causes of the decline and fall of Buddhism 
























§ 1. Account of the building of a Tope from the Mahawanso 

2. Memorial pillar recording the builder's intentions 

3. Topes usually built by forced labour 

4. Foundations 

5. Laying the foundation stone 

6. Ceremonies attending it . 

7. Form of the chaitya 

8. Construction of the relic-chamber 

9. Procession of the relic-casket 

10. Ceremonies on closing the relic-casket 

11. Ceremonies on placing it in the relic-chamber 

12. Completion of the Tope 

13. Cornices or copings added to it 


§ 14. Other addidoofl b; mbaequent king* . 
IS- The i^itic acscription applies to the Great SAnehi Tope 
IS. Different positions of the relic-chamber 
17. Consecration of the groiiml .... 
18,19, Various -.hapesof Topee .... 
20 Their age ascertained approxjiiutel; fhim shape 


SiNCBI TOPS. — NO. 1. 

1. Poiitioi) of Binebi HUl 

2. Description of ditto 

3. Group of Topes at S&nchi 

4. S&Qchi, the Bune aa Sb&-chi of Fa Hian 
9. Name of S&nchi 

5. Story of the holy nettle at Sbb-chi 
7. Village of Sfinchi 

e. Situation of the Great Tope No. 1 
9. Other nimed Topea 

0. Shape of the dome 

1. Upper enclosare 
i. Pimiaele, elialia 

3. Height of the Tope 

t. Colonnade or Bnddhiet railing . 

S. Pillars of colonnade 

3. Itails of ditto 

r. ArchitravCB 

3. Frcvalence of Buddhist ndlings 

), Four gakwaj's 

). Fillnrs of gat ewaj-s— different capitals 

1. Architraves of gateways 

!. Symbols of Buddha and Dharma 

I. Variety of bM-reliefa 

^ Figures of the four Buddhos 

1. llimswainini iiiHcriptioQ 

i. I.ioji pillar, with inscription 

'. Capital of pillar 

I., Height of ditto 


§29. Style of wnlptaie in the lioiiB. 
30. Statae pilar . . 

81. CajHtal of pillar .... 

32. Descriptioii of statue .... 

33. Height of pillar .... 

34. Shafts of pillars eat into pieces for sugar-mills 

35. Eastern pillar ..... 

36. Broken pillar of Hariswimini Gosha . 

37. Flight of steps, and statues at entrance 




Bight PiOar^FratU Faee. 

L Fdaoe Scene — ^Audience Hall ..... 201 
n. Palace Scene— Women dancing before the King . SOS 

Bighi PiOar^Iumer Faee. 

L Adoration of Tree .202 

n. Dream of Maya .202 

Left Paiar-FmU Face. 

L Adoration of Symbol of Dharma .203 

n. Boat Scene— SUqrm*! Nirrima . .204 

m. Prince in Chariot leaving KapOa .... 205 

^ft POkBr^Immr Face. 

L Kitchen Scene ....... 205 

n. Worship of Boddha— as flame .207 

HL Tope dedloited to the SivraM Buddha . 210 


Architmves — Front, 

I. Worship of Topes .211 

n. Procession of Baddha*8 feet .211 

m. Worship of Tree .211 

Architrave — Rear. 

I. Worship of Trees .211 

n. Worship of Trees by Animals .... 211 

m. Worship of Tape by Elephants .212 


Right PiUar-^Frant Face. 

I. Triple Symbol of Dharma .218 

n. Scene in Palace ...... 213 

m. Casket Scene in Palace ..... 213 

Architraves — Front. 

I. WoMhip of Topes .214 

IL Worship of Tope . .214 

HL A Siege, and Relic-procession .... 215 


Right PiUar^Front Face. 

L Trial of the Bow .... .218 

n. Worship of Tree ...... 222 

m. Ditto .222 

rV. Lions ........ 223 

Right Pillar — Inner Face, 

I. Gateway— Worship of Tree ..... 223 
II. Worship of Tree surmounted by Chatta . . 223 


Left POhr-^Front Face. 


I. Social Scene .223 

II. Love Scene ...... 224 

Left PiUar^Iimer Face. 

I. Aacetic Life— Arebers ..... 224 

II. Festival of the Tree ... .225 

IIL State Barge ... .226 

ArekUnmet'^Fnmt Facee. 

L IVocesBbii escorting a Belic-caaket - 227 

II. Wonhip of Symbol of Buddha ... 229 

m. Worship of Tree by Elephants .229 

L Wonliip of TVypes .229 

II TrtumiOial PitweMMm . .229 

ni. IWpk Wonhip 229 


lOL Una :2S1 



Left PWar—Froni Face, 

L Worship of Tree 
n. Beyerence paid to a Boy 

HL Simple Adoration 

rv. Procession 
y . Domestic Scenes at Fountain 



Left PiUar — Inner Face, 

I. CaTe Temple 
n. Procession 
m. Worship of Tree 




Nos. 1 to 176. On colonnade— old 
No. 177. On southern pillar 

Nos. 178 to 196. Later inscriptions from gateways 


. 259 




§ 1. Manner of opening the Tope— Brick Tope 

2. No discovery made 

3. Probable age of the Tope — 500 b.c. 
4,5. Probable date of the colonnade— 250 b.c. 

6. Date of the gateways — 19 to 37 a.d. 

7. Gateway inscriptions in a more recent character 

8. Old inscription hidden by pillar of gateway 

9. Tope probably dedicated to the Supreme Buddha 





NO. 2 TOPE. — sAnCHI. 

§ 1. Position of Tope 

2. Dimensions of dome 

3. Pinnacle . . 

4. Colonnade, or Buddhist railing 

5. Ornaments of pillars 

6. Bas-reliefs of entrance pillars 

7. Bas-reliefs of Tope and wheel pillar 

8. Wheel pillar 

9. SangluL, or the united s3mibol8 of Buddha and Dharma 
10. Probable age, about 220 b. c. 





Noe. 1 to 43. On colonnade. 




§ 1. Present appearance of the Tope 

2. Position of the relic-chamber 

3. Relic-box with inscription 

4. Remarks ou inscription 

5. Inscriptions on the steatite boxes 

6. Remarks on the enshrined relics 

7. Relics of ten Buddhist teachers in 240 d. c. 

8. Tope originally intended for relics of two only 

9. Intimate connection between the principal Buddhist leaders 
10. Value of genealogies derivable fh>m other Topes 




NO. 3 TOPB. — sInCHI. 


§ 1. Present appearance, and fonner size .... 295 

2. Buddhist railing ... 295 
8. Pillars of ditto .296 

4. Square enclosure ...... 296 

5. Relic-chamber with two relic-boxes .... 297 

6. Relic-box of SMputra . .297 

7. Seven precious things in relic-casket . 297 
8, 9. Series of seven precious things according to the Chinese . 298 

10. The seven precious things in this Tope . 298 

11. Relic-casket of MahaMogalluia .... 299 

12. Initial letters of names written in ink . 299 

13. Relative position of relics to right and left . 299 

14. 15. S&riputra*s career ...... 300 

16, 17. S&kja*s account of S&riputra 301 

18. His death and cremation ..... 305 

19. Origin of Mogallma ...... 305 

20. Relics of both found at Satdh&ra .... 306 

21. Date of Tope uncertain — between 550 and 250 b. c. 306 

22. Date of Tope, perhaps 500 b. c. — of railing, 250 b. c. . 307 

23. Other Topes at S&nchi ..... 308 



§ 1. Position of Son&ri — meaning of name 

2. Wheel pillar at Sr&vasti 

3. Situation of Topes 

4. No. 1 Tope— Sondri 

5. Dimensions of Tope 




§6. Surrounded by a Buddhist railing 

7. Probable date, 250—200 b. c. . 

8. Opening of Tope— stone boxes 




NO. 2 TOPE.— SONIri. 

§ 1. Position of No. 2 Tope 

2. Dimensions of Tope 

3. Opening of Tope 

4. Large steatite relic-vase 

5. Flat crystal relic-casket of Chtiputra 

6. Steatite relic-casket of Majkima 

7. Ditto Kdsapa Chta 

8. Ditto Kosiki'putra 

9. Ditto Alabagira 

10. Date of Tope about 220 b. c. 

11. Other Topes at Son&ri 





§1. Position of Satdh&ra .... 
2. Tope, No. 1, of brick .... 
8. Buddhist railing .... 

4. Opening of Tope .... 

5. Massive foundations of Temples 

6. No. 2 Tope ..... 

7. Steatite Relic-caskets of Sariputra and Mogal&na 

8. No. 7 Tope, Satdhara 

9. BeKcs of No. 7 Tope 
10. Other Topes at Satdhdra 






1. Ruins of Bhojpur . . . . , 


. 327 

2. Position of ditto . . . . 

. 327 

3. Situation of Topes .... 

. 328 

4. No. 1 Tope, A .... 

. 329 

6. No. 2 Tope, B . . . 

. 330 

6. Opening of ditto . . . . . 

. 331 

7. Relic-casket, a crystal Tope 

. 331 

8. No. 3 Tope, C . 

. 332 

9. No. 4 Tope, D . . . . , 

. 383 

10. Remains of other Topes, upper stage 

. 333 

11. No. 7 Tope, a ; second stage 

. 334 

12. Opening of ditto .... 

. 334 

13. Relic-jar of Patito, the " d^ppaded" 

. 335 

14. Relic-jar of Upahitaka 

. 336 

15. Probable date, 250—200 a. c. 

. 336 

16. No. 8, Tope, b . . . . . 

. 337 

17. No. 9 „ c 

. 337 

18. No. 10 „ d 

. 338 

19. No. 11 „ 6 

. 339 

20. Other Topes on the second stage 

. 339 

21. Third stage of Topes . . . . , 

. 340 

22. Fourth stage of Topes . . . . 


23. Bhojpur Topes, mostly opened before 

. 341 



1. Position of the Topes . 

. 342 



§2. No. 1 Tope 

. 342 

3. Buddhist railing 

. 843 

4. Opening of No. 1 

* ■ • 4 

. 844 

5. No. 2 Tope 

. 845 

6. Opening of ditto 

. 846 

7. Flat earthenware relic-box 

. 846 

8. Tall steatite relic-casket 

. 847 

0. Large steatite relic- Tase 

. 847 

10. Probable date, 200 b. c. 

. 847 

11. NaSTope 

. 848 

12. Opening of ditto— Relics of 


. 848 

18. Relics presented by Aswa Deya — ^Ink writing 








§ 1. Symbols on Sinchi gateways and cares 

2. Triad of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha 

3. The wheel, a symbol of universal dominion 

4. Crowns the summits of the SILnchi gateways 

5. Various forms of wheel 

6. Quadruple symbol of Buddha 

7. Symbol of Dharma 
a. Symbol of Sangha 
9. Difibrtmt spellings of Sangha 

10. TriiUe symbol of Dharma 

11, 12. S^'mbol of Dharma the same as Jagannith 

13. l^rt>bable Buddhist origin of Vithoba 

14. Fair al Bes&agar 
13. Origin of the fair 

16. Another account 

17. Rukmfa^>da> the same as Lohingada 

15. Bemsgar probably included in Vidarbha 
|$L IVwadatloo of Bcsnagar 























§21. Position of the various groups of Topes . 364 

22. Appearance of the Tope hills in ancient times. . 365 

Description of ancient arms, &c. . . 369 


I. Sketch map of the country around Bhilsa. 
n. Comparison of Druidical and Buddhist monuments. 
in. Various specimens of Topes. 
rV. Group of Topes— Sanchi. 
V. Groups of Topes — Sonari, Satdhdra, and Andher. 
VI. Group of Topes— Bhojpur. 
Vll. View of the great Sanchi Tope, No. 1. 
VLLl. Flan and elevation of ditto. 
IX. Elevation and section of colonnade. 
X. Sdnchi pillars. 
XI. Boat scene — eastern gateway. 
Xn. Relic scene — southern gateway. 
Xni. Tope scene — ^northem gateway. 
XrV. Female dancer— west gate. 
XV. ELitchen scene — leaf-roofed house and gateway 
XVI. Inscriptions from No. 1 Tope. 
XVn. Ditto ditto. 

XVm. Ditto ditto. 

XIX. Ditto ditto. 

XX. Flan and elevation of No. 2 Tope, Sanchi. 
XXI. Inscriptions from No. 2 Tope. 
XXn. Flan and elevation of No. 3 Tope, Sanchi. 
XXm. Ditto ditto No. 1 ditto, Sonari. 

XXrV. Ditto ditto No. 2 ditto, Sonari. 

XXV. Topes of Satdhara. 


XXVI. No8. 1, 2, and 4 Topes at Bbojpur. 
XXyn. Nos. 8, 9, and 10 ditto. 

XXYin. Flan and elevation of No. 1 Tope, Andher. 
XXIX. Ditto ditto No. 2 ditto. 

XXX. Ditto ditto No. 3 ditto. 

XXXI. Symbols of Buddha. 
XXXn. Symbols of Dbarma and Sangha. 
XXXm. Ancient arms and instruments. 





1. The Buddhist religion has long been extinct in 
India^ but it still flourishes in Nepdl and Tibet^ in 
Ava^ Ceylon^ and China^ and amongst the Indo- 
Chinese nations of Anam, Siam^ and Japan. Its 
votaries far outnumber those of all other creeds, 
except the Christian, and they form one-fourth of the 
whole human race.* The valley of the Ganges was 
the cradle of Buddhism ; which, from its rise in the 
sixth century before Christ, gTadually spread over 
the whole of India. It was extended by Asoka 
to Kashmir and Kdbul shortly after Alexander's 
invasion; and it was introduced into China about 

• The Christians number about 270 millions j the Buddhists 
about 222 millions, who are distributed as follows -.—China, 
170 millions; Japan, 25; Anam, 14; Siam, 3; Ava, 8j 
Nepa, 1 J and Ceylon, 1 : total, 222 millions. 

- B 


the beg;uinuig of our era by five hundred KashmiriaD 
missionaries. In a. d. 400^ when Fa Hian visited 
India^ Buddhism was still the dominant religion ; 
but the VaiahnatHU were already riung* into con- 
sequence. In the middle of the seventh century, 
although the pilgrim Hw&n Thsang found numerous 
temples of the Saivat, whose doctrines hod been 
embraced by Skeuda Gupta and the later princes 
of P&taliputra, yet Buddhism was still the pre- 
vailing religion of the people. But the progress of 
religion is like the existence of a tree; which, 
after the first symptoms of decay, can neither be 
strengthened nor renewed. The faith of S^ya was 
evidently on the decline ; and though it still lingered 
about the holy cities of Benares and Gaya for 
two or three ceutiu'ies later, it was no longer the 
honoured religion of kings and princes, protected by 
the strong arm of power, but the persecuted heresy 
of a weaker party, who were forced to hide their 
images under ground, and were ultimately expelled 
firom their monasteries by fire.* 

S. Buddhism hod in fact become an old and 
worn-out creed, whose mendicant monks no longer 
begged their bread, but were supported by lands 

• In 1835 I excavated numerous Buddhist images at Sdrnitb, 
near Benares, all of which had evidently been purposely hidden 
UDdergronnd. I found quantities of ashes also ; and there could 
be no doubt that the buildings had baen destroyed by fire. Major 

Kittoe, who has made further excavations during the present year, 
is of the same opiQion. 


lon^ since appropriated to the monasteries. The 
Sr&manoB and Bhikshus were not like those of 
ancient days^ the learned and the wlse^ whose bodily 
abstinence and contemplative devotion^ combined 
with practical exhortations and holy example^ ex- 
cited the pious wonder of the people. The modem 
Buddhists had relapsed into an indolent and corrupt 
body^ who were content to spend a passive existence 
in the monotonous routine of monastic life. There 
was still the daily chantingp of an appointed number 
of hymns ; still the same observance of forms and 
ceremonies ; there were still the same outward signs 
of religion ; but there was no fervent enthusiasm in 
the lifeless performance of such monotonous routine ; 
and the ardent zeal which once burned in the 
heart of every Buddhist monk for the propagation 
of his religion^ had long since become extinct. 
The only virtue now consisted in abstinence from 
evil^ which was accounted equal to the performance 
of good. Indolent listlessness and passive indiffer- 
ence took the place of devout contemplation and 
pious abstraction ; and thus the corrupt practices 
of modern Buddhists would seem to countenance 
the idea, that the more useless they became in this 
life, the more fitted did they consider themselves 
for the next. 

8. But though the religion of the Buddhists has 
long been extinct, and though the monks' ^^ call to 
refection'* has been silent for ages, yet their monas- 
teries and temples still remain ; their paintings and 


sculptures still exist; their historical writings still 
live, to attest the wonderful sway which a single 
enthusiastic individual may succeed in establishing 
over the minds of a whole people.* The sculptures 
illustrate the history; and in both we may read of 
kings bowing reverentially before Topes and Trees ; 
of princes bearing caskets of relics on their heads, 
to be shrined in the Topes; and of the universal 
reverence paid to the monks. 

4. The Buddhist remains now existing may be 
divided into four distinct classes. 

1st. Cave Temples, containing Topes, Sculp- 
tures, Paintings, and numerous inscriptions. 

2nd. Vih&raSy or Monasteries. 

3rd. Inscriptions on Rocks and Pillars. 

4th. TopeSy or Religious Edifices. 
6. The Cave Temples have been made known by 
the beautiful pictorial illustrations of Fergusson; 
but the curious paintings which adorn the interior 
must be copied, and the numerous inscriptions must 
be deciphered, before the historical value of these 
remarkable monuments of the Buddhists will be 
fully appreciated. Captain Gill, of the Madras 

* The principal paintings are in the Gave Temples at Ajanta 
and Ellora; the sculptures at Sdnchi, on the gateways of the 
Great Tope. The identity of the head-dresses of the paintings 
with those of the sculptures, and more particularly the recent 
forms of the alphabetical characters in the Cave Temples, show 
that the caves cannot date earlier than the beginning of the 
Christian era. My own opinion is, that they are not earlier than 
A.D. 200. 


Army, is now employed at Ajanta in copyings the 
paintings; but the volumes of inscriptions in the 
Caves of Nasik, Junivy Kanari, and Karliy still 
remain to be copied.* 

6. The Vihdrasy or Monasteries, are of two 
kinds: — 1st, Cave VihdraSy of which several mag- 
nificent specimens have been published by Mr. 
Fergusson ; and 2nd, Strttctural VihdraSy of which 
some specimens still remain at Sanchi, but in a 
very ruinous condition. 

7. The Inscriptions on the Pillars at Delhi and 
Allahabady and on the Tirhut Pillars at Mathiya 
and liddhiya have long ago been deciphered and 
translated by the remarkable ingenuity of James 
Prinsep. The Inscriptions on the Rocks at Junagiri 
in Gujrat, and at Dhauli in Kuttack, were also 
interpreted by him. A third version of the rock 
inscriptions (but in the Ariano Pali character), 
which was found at Kapur-digiri, near Peshawur, 
has been cai'efuUy collated with the others by 

• In Bird's learned " Historical Researches on the Origin and 
Principles of the Bauddha and Jaina Religions/' there are several 
plates of inscriptions from the Caves of Kanari^ Karli^ Ajanta^ 
EUora, Nasik, &c. Of some of these, Dr. Bird has offered 
translations ; but as he has an evident leaning towards identify- 
ing Buddhism with the ancient Sun-worship, the translations are 
not so accurate as could be wished. For instance, wherever the 
proper name of Mxtra (a friend) occurs, he has translated it as 
if it was the Persian Mitkra, the sun. His third inscription, 
p. 61, which gives the name of Budha Mitra (the friend of 
Buddha); should have taught him the true value of Mitra. 


Professor Wilson. Many short inscriptions from 
Gaya^ Sanchi^ and Bir&t^ as well as from the Cave 
Temples of Southern India^ have also been published 
at different times ; but^ with the single exception of 
the edicts in the Rock Inscriptions^ which contain 
the names of Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antig^onus, and 
Magmas, the inscriptions in the present volume are 
of greater interest, and of much higher importance, 
than all that have yet been published. 

8. The numerous Topes which still exist in India 
are chiefly confined to a few localities. The Topes of 
K&bul and Jelalabad were opened by Messrs. Honig- 
berger and Masson in 1835, and those between the 
Indus and the Jhelam by Generals Ventura and 
Court in 1883 and 1884. The Topes near Benares 
were opened by myself in 1835, and those at S4nchi 
and other places around Bhilsa, were opened by Lieut. 
Maisey and myself in January and February of the 
present year. The Topes of Tirhut and Bahar still 
remain to be examined. 

9. Of the Bhilsa Topes none have yet been de- 
scribed excepting the largest of the Sanchi group 
near Bhilsa. An accurate plan and section of this 
building, with a short account of the various subjects 
represented in the sculptured bas-reliefs of the gate- 
ways, was published by my brother Captain J. D. 
Cunningham, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal. On his solicitation* and earnest repre- 

• See Vol. xvi., p. 745. Just eighteen days before his deaths 
my brother thus wrote to a friend regarding these discoveries^ 


sentation of the gpreat value of these baa-reliefs^ the 
Court of Directors were induced to employ Lieut. 
Maisey to make drawings of the building*^ and of its 
sculptured gateways. In January last I joined Lieut. 
Maisey at Sanchi^ and I am therefore able to speak 
positively of the value of his drawings, which cannot 
be surpassed for strict fidelity of outline and minute 
accuracy of detail. The bas-reliefs of the great 
Tope at Sanchi will now be illustrated in a manner 
worthy of their value and importance. 

10. In the present work it is my intention to 
describe the Topes j or Buddhist monuments, which 
still exist in the neighbourhood of Bhilsa, in Central 
India. These Topes consist of five distinct groups, 
all situated on low sandstone hills, more or less 
inaccessible. {See Map.) 

1st, Sanchi, 5^ miles to S. W. from Bhilsa. 

2nd, SonAbi, 6 miles to S. W. from Sdnchi. 

8rd, SatdhIra, 6^ miles W. from Sanchi. 

4th, Bhojpub, 7 miles E. S. E. from Sanchi, 
and 6 miles S. S. E. from Bhilsa. 

6th, Andheb, 4 miles E. S. E. from Bhojpur, 
and 9 miles E. S. E. from Bhilsa. 
— ^The extreme distance from west to east, or from 
Satdh&ra to Andher, is 17 miles. 

11 A Tope is properly a religious edifice de- 

which had been early communicated to him. ^' It is no small 
pleasure to me to reflect that my residence in Bhop&l brought 
about the delineation of this monument and that of others, and 
so led the way to many important antiquarian result**." 


dicated emphatically to Buddha; that is^ either to 
the celestial Adi Buddha^ the great First Cause of 
all thiiig^^ or to one of his emanations^ the Mdnu- 
shiy or ^^ Mortal*' Buddhas^ of whom the most cele- 
brated^ and the only historical one^ is Sakya Muni^ 
who died in B. C. 543. In the Topes dedicated 
to the celestial JBvddika, the invisible Being* who 
pervaded all space^ no deposit was made; but the 
Divine Spirit^ who is ^^ Light/' was supposed to 
occupy the interior^ and was typified on the outside 
b^^ a pair of eyes^ placed on each of the four sides 
either of the base, or of the crown of the edifice.* 
Such is the great Chaitya or Tope near Kathmandu, 
in Nepal, dedicated to Sroayambhwiath (the ^^Self 
Existent''), in which the eyes are placed on the 
upper portion of the building. A specimen of the 
regular Chaitya is represented in the 3rd compart- 
ment (inner face) of the left-hand pillar of the 
eastern gate at Sanchi, in which the two eyes are 
placed one above the other. Such also are the 
numerous Chhod-tens in Tibet, which are dedicated 
to the celestial Buddha, in contradistinction to the 

* The legend of Kundla^ the son of Asoka^ proves the antiquity 
of this practice. In a former birth, Kundia is said to have 
plucked the eyes from a Chaitya, for which he was punished by 
the loss of his own in the next birth; and because he then 
presented a pair of golden eyes to a Chaitya, he was afterwards 
bom as the son of Asoka, with eyes beautiful as those of the 
Kun61a bird, — from which circumstance he obtained his name. 
See Hodgson, p. 117 ; and Bumouf Buddhisme Indien, pp. 
400-413. See also Plate III. of this volume. 


Dung-tensy which are built in honour of the mortal 
BvddhaSy and which ought to contain some portion 
of their relics either real or supposed. The first, 
Chhod'tenj means simply an "offering'*' to the Deity; 
the latter, Dung-ten, is emphatically a " bone," or 
relic-receptacle. The same distinction is preserved 
in the Sanskrit terms, Chaitya and Dhatugarbha or 
Dhagoba. The former is properly a religious edifice, 
dedicated to Adi-Buddhaj while the latter is only 
a "relic-shrine,** or repository of ashes. The word 
Chaitya^ however, means any sacred object — as a 
tree, an altar, a temple — as well as any monument 
raised on the site of a funeral pile, as a mound or 
a pillar : Chaitya may therefore, perhaps, be only a 
general term for both kinds of mound ; while Dhd' 
tugarbha or Dh&goba is particularly restricted to the 
" relic** shrine. 

12. The word Tope is derived from Afghanistan, 
where it is used to designate all the solid mounds of 
masonry which were opened by Messrs. Honigberger 
and Masson. The same term also is applied to the 
massive tower of Maniky^la in the Panjab, as well 
as to all the smaller towers in its neighbourhood. 
There can be no doubt therefore that the name of 
Tope is the same as the P^li Thupo^ and the Sans- 
krit Stupay a "mound** or "tumulus," both of which 
terms are of constant use in the Buddhist books. 
Stupa, or Topcy is therefore a name common to each 
kind of tumulus; whether it be the solid temple 
dedicated to the Supreme Being, or the massive 


mound erected over the relics of S6k3'a^ or of one of 
his more eminent followers. 

18. From several passag^es in the Pdli Budd- 
histical annals^ it would appear that Topes were 
in existence prior to Sakya's advent ; and that they 
were objects of much reverence to the people. 
Sdkya himself especially inculcated the maintenance 
of these ancient ChaityM* and the continuance of 
the accustomed offering's and worship. But this was^ 
doubtless^ only a politic accommodation of his own 
doctrines to the existing* belief of the people^ adopted 
for the purpose of ensuring* a more ready assent to 
his own views. Like as Mahomed recognised the 
prophetic missions of Moses and Elias^ and the 
divinity of our Saviour Christ, so did Sakya Muni 
acknowledge the holy Munis Kakut$anda^'\ Kanaka, 
and K&syapa, as his immediate predecessors. They 
were, probably, heroes or saints, who had obtained 
the respect of their fellow-countr3'men during life, 
and their reverence after death. Stvpas had been 
erected over their relics in the neighbourhood of 
Kapila and of Benares, and their worship was too 
firmly established to be attacked with any chance 
of success. J S4kya therefore artfully engrafted them 

^ See his seven imperishable precepts, given to the people of 
Vais&li. The sixth of these is, '' to maintain^ respect, reverence, 
and make offeringB to the Chaityaa; and to keep up the ancient 
offerings without diminution." 

f Or Krakuchanda. 

X Fo'kfve'kif chap. 20, — *' His body remained entire." And 


on his own system as the JBvddkas of a farmer age. 
In like manner^ the farmer^ who cannot check the 
mountain stream^ turns its course into numerous 
rivulets for the irrigpation of his lands. 

14. It appears also that Stupas had been erected 
over Supreme Monarchs prior to Sakya's advent^ for 
Sakya particularly informs his disciple^ Ananda 
that^ over the remains of a Chakravarti Saja, ^^ they 
build the thupo at a spot where ^bur principal roads 
meet.^ It is clear^ therefore^ that the Topcy or 
^^ tumulus/' was the common form of tombs at that 
period. In fact^ the Tope, as its name implies^ is 
nothing* more than a regularly-built cairn or pile of 
stones^ which was undoubtedly the oldest form of 
funereal memento. 

15. In his last injunctions to Ananda^f BhagBwIi 
likewise ^^ dwelt on the merits to be acquired by 
buildings thupd over relics of Tathdgatdj PacJU- 
Buddha^ and Sdwakdy*^ or Buddhas, Pratyekas, and 
Sr&wakas ; and he more particularly pointed out 
that they who prayed at the shrines that would 
be raised to him would be born in heaven. ;{; But, 
althoug'h the original object of a Tope was to cover 
the remains of the great, or to enshrine the relics 
of the holy, yet, in a short time, other Topes, or 

Tumour quotes the same from the Pali Annals, — ^' The joints 
were not separated." — See Prinsep's Journal^ vii. 797. 

• See Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1006. 

t Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1006. 

J Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1005. 


memorial monuments^ were erected on spots ren 
dered famous by the leading* events of Sakya's life. 
These holy places rapidly increased in number^ until 
there was scarcely a large city in India^ from K4bul 
to Orissa, and from Nep&l to Ceylon, which did not 
possess a monument illustrative of some act of the 
Great Teacher. For this end, the doctrine of trans- 
migration was highly accommodating; for although 
the mortal pilgrimage of S^kya was limited to the 
central provinces of the Ganges, yet there was no 
part of India which he might not have visited in 
some former existence; and in this wa}', indeed, he 
is said to have been in Ceylon. 

16. The Topes were, therefore, of three distinct 
kinds : 1st, The Dedicatory y which were consecrated 
to the Supreme Buddha ; 2nd, The strictly Funereal^ 
which contained the ashes of the dead ; and 3rd, the 
Memorial^ which were built upon celebrated spots. 

17. Of the Dedicatory Topes I have already 
spoken; but I may here observe, that, as it is im- 
probable that any deposit would have been placed 
in them, we may plausibly conclude that the largest 
Topes, such as those of Sdnchi^ Satdh&ra, and 
Bhojpur, were consecrated to the Supreme Invisible 

18. Of the Memorial Topes y little is at present 
known. It seems nearly certain, however, that the 
great Maniky&la Tope was of this kind; for the 
inscription extracted from it, which begins with 
Gomatigasay " of the abandoned body,'' undoubtedly 


refers to Sdkya's abandonment of bis body to a 
hungry lion. This Tope, therefore, dates earlier 
than the period of Fa Hian's Indian pilgrimag'e 
in A.B. 400. 

19. The Funereal Topes were of course the most 
numerous, as they were built of all sizes, and of all 
kinds of material, according^ to the rank of the de- 
ceased and the means of his fraternity. At Bhojpur, 
the Topes occupy four distinct stages or platforms 
of the hill. The largest Topes, six in number, occupy 
the uppermost stage, and were, I believe, dedicated 
to Buddha; that is, either to the celestial Buddha, 
Adinathy or to the relics of the mortal Buddha, 
Sakya. This view is borne out by the facts that 
the largest Tope contained no deposit ; and that the 
second and third sized Topes yielded crystal boxes, 
one of which, shaped like a Tope, contained only 
a minute portion of human bone smaller than a pea I 

20. The second-rate Topes, sixteen in number, 
stand on the second stage. According to my view, 
these Topes contain the ashes of those who had 
reached the rank of Bodhisatwa. We discovered 
relics in five of these Topes, but there were no 
inscriptions of any historical value. 

21. The third stage of the hill is occupied by 
seven small Topes, all of which I suppose to have 
been built over the remains of the third grade of 
Pratyeka Buddhas. Of the eight Topes which stand 
on the lowest stage of the hill, one is much larger 
than any of those on the third stage. These Topes 


were^ I believe^ built over the ashes of the lowest 
g^rade of the Bauddha community^ the Srli^waka 

22. The few remarks which I have sugfgpested 
above^ will be sufficient to show the valuable light 
which the Topes are likely to afford in illustration 
of the religion of Buddha. But^ before proceeding 
to the examination of the Topes and their contents^ 
I propose to give a slight historical sketch of the 
progress of that combined system of practical morality 
and philosophical speculation which^ under the name 
of Buddhism^ was the dominant faith of India for 
nearly fifteen centuries. 




1. In the earliest times of which we have any 
authentic record, the Arian race,* both in Persia 
and India, was attached to the worship of the Sun. 
In Persia, the fiery element was looked upon as the 
earthly type of Mithra^ or the heavenly orbj and 
the sacred flame was kept continually burning* by 
the Magian priesthood. But the worship of the 
elements was not unknown to the Persians; for 
Herodotus expressly states that ^^ they sacrificed to 
the Sun and Moon, to the Earth, to Fire and Water, 
and to the Winds.^'f In India, the worship of the 

* I use the tenn Arian in its widest acceptation to signify 
the race of Art/ya, whose emigrations are recorded in the 
Zeudavesta. Starting from Ericene- Veejo, the Aryas gradually 
spread to the south-east, over Artfya-vartta or Aryya-desa, the 
northern plains of India; and to the south-west, over Irak, 
or Persia. The Medes are called Apuoi by Herodotus. 

t Herodotus f i. 131, — Qvovtn Se i/Xiy re Kal veXfiyi^ xal yjf 
Kal TTvpi Kal vhari Kal &yifjionri. So also Diogenes Laertius^ 
quoted by Barker, — " They teach the nature and origin of the 
Gods, whom they think Fire, Earth, and Water." — Barher^s 
Lempriere, in v. Magi. Strabo and others say the same. 


material elements was intimately blended with that 
of the Sun; and Vabuna and Indba (with his 
attendant MIbuts)^ or Water and Air^ shared with 
Agni, or Fire, in the daily reverence of the people. 
The religious rites consisted of sacrifices, and of the 
recitation or chanting* of the ancient hymns of praise 
and thanksgiying*, which are still preserved in the 
Vedas. The officiating priestB were most probably 
Br^hmans; for, although there is no positive au- 
thority for such a belief, yet we know that, at the 
rise of the Buddhist religion, in the 6th century 
before our era, they formed an hereditary priest- 
hood, and were the recognised teachers of the 

2. At this particular period of Indian history, the 
minds of men were perplexed with conflicting systems 
of religious belief, and with various philosophical 
speculations on the origin of the world, and on the 
mystical union of mind and matter, or of soul and 
body. The most popular system was that of the 
JBrdhmans and their followers, who believed in the 
immortality of the soul after transmigration; while 
their opponents, the Swastikas ^ affirmed that its 
existence was finite, and was limited to its con- 
nection with the body. 

3. The doctrine of the transmigration of souls was 
one of the earliest religious beliefs of the ancient 
world. In Egypt its acceptance was universal ; and 

♦ Tumour, in Journal of Asiatic Society, Bengal, vii. pp. 806, 


in India* it was denied only by the atheistical 
Swastikas; for the Br&hmanSy notwithstanding* the 
differences of their metaphysical schools^ agreed in 
believing* that mankind were destined^ by means of 
successive regenerations, to a prolonged existence 
in this world. By the attainment of true know- 
ledge^ through abstract meditation, and more espe- 
cially by the endurance of painful mortifications of 
the flesh, it was held possible to alleviate the misery 
of each successive existence by regeneration in a 
higher and a happier sphere of life. But it was 
not enough that the general tenor of a man's life 
was virtuous, for even a single sin was sufficient 
to draw down the punishment of a lower state of 
existence in the next birth. The sole aim, the one 
motive impulse of man, in each successive existence, 
was to win for himself a still happier state of life 
at each birth, and a still higher stage of perfection 
at each death. It was, therefore, only with the 
greatest difficulty that the most virtuous could wring 
from the reluctant gods his final exemption from 
the trammels of this '^ mortal coiP' by the emnn* 
cipation of soul from body, and by the re-absorption 
of the liberated spirit into the divine essence or God- 
head, which was its original source. 

4. The Swdstikas received their name from their 

* The migration of souls was the fuDdainental belief of all 
dassesy both Buddhist and Brahmanical. The principal difference 
between the two creeds lay in the means for attaining final 
exemption from migration. 



peculiar symbol the Sfvdstika, or mystic cross^ which 
was typical of their belief in Swasti. This term is 
a compound of Su, ^^ well/' and astiy ^^ it is ;^ meaning 
^^ it is well/' or, as Wilson expresses it, ^^ so be it;'' 
and implying* complete resignation under all circum- 
stances. But it was the stupef3'ing* submission of the 
Fatalist, not the meek resigfnation of the Christian, 
which bows to the chastening of the Almighty, and 
acknowledges that ^^ whatever is, is right," because 
it is the will of God. According to the Chinese* 
the Swdstikas were Rationalists, who held that con- 
tentment and peace of mind were the only objects 
worthy of attainment in this life. Whatever ad- 
vanced those ends was to be sought; whatever hin- 
dered them was to be shunned. All impidses and 
desires were to be subdued ; all hopes and fears were 
to be suppressed ; 

^' All thoughts^ all passions, all delights, 
Whateyer stirs this mortal frame/' 

were accounted violators of the peace; and all the 
common cares of life were considered as so many 
different forms and degrees of pain. In the anxious 
quest for quietude, even the memory of the past was 
to be forgotten; and, what was a more rational 

* They are the Tao-sse of the Chinese ; and the founder of 
their doctrine is said to have flourished between 604 and 623 b.c. 
The Sivatti of Sanskrit is the SuH of Pali ; and the mystic cross, 
or Swdstika, is only a monogrammatic symbol formed by the 
combination of the two syllables, tu -j- ti = suti. 


object^ althougfh perhaps not a more attainable one^ 
there was to be no vain solicitude for the future. 

5. The fatalist doctrine of eternal annihilation^ 
and consequent escape from future punishment^ will 
always be popular amongBt people of weak minds 
and strong* passions ; and as these have ever been the 
prevailing characteristics of mankind in the East^ 
the Atheistical principles of the Swastikas were 
received by the bulk of the people with very great 
favour. They assumed the name of TirthakaraSy* 
or ^^ pure- doers;'' but by the Buddhists of Tibet 
they are said to have been indecent in their dress^ 
and grossly Atheistical in their principles. Their 
Tibetan name MustegSy or ^^ Finitimists/' is sigfni- 
ficant of their doctrine of finite existence ; but they 
are more generally known as the PoN, or Pon-po. 
This sect^ which prevailed throughout Tibet until 
the seventh century^ is now confined to the furthest 
parts of the most eastern province of Tibet. The 
name of PoN is evidently only the Sanskrit ^m 
pumya, ^^ pure," — a synonyme of Tirthakwra. 

6. Between the Swastikas^ who promised nothing 
after this life^ and the Brahmans^ who offered an 
almost endless series of mortal existences^ people of 
strong* minds and deep thoughts must have been 
sadly perplexed. Few men of vigorous intellect 
could have believed that their never-sleeping souls 

* See Fo-kne-hij 22, 23| and Gsoma's Tibetan Orammar, 
I^. 181y 102. The old name of Tirthakara, rf^iq^i^y is still 
preserved amongst the Mogals as Ter. 


were subject to decay and dissolution ; and yet how 
few of them^ by the most zealous asceticism^ could 
reasonably expect the final attainment of incorpora- 
tion with the Divinity. For the mass of mankind 
there could have been no hope whatever; for few 
would attempt the attainment of that which was so 
difficult as to be almost impossible. 

7. During the prevalence of such beliefs, the 
success of any more rational 83'stem was certain ; 
and the triumphant career of Sdhya Muniy and the 
rapid propagation of his religion, may be attributed 
as much to the defects of former S3'stems as to the 
practical character of his own precepts, which incul- 
cated morality, charity, abstinence, and the more 
speedy attainment of Buddhahood, with the abolition 
of caste, and of the hereditary priesthood. 

8. SiKYA SiNHA, or SIkya Muni, the great 
mortal teacher of the Buddhi^ religion, was the son 
of MdyAy by Suddhodana, R«ja of Kapila, a petty 
principality near the present Gorakhpur. He was 
born in the year 623 B. c, and was, by his father's 
side, a descendant of Ikshwdkuy of the Suryavansa^ or 
solar race.* His original name was SuddhattOy or 
Siddhartha. He was reared in the palace of his 
father in all the accomplishments of a young prince 
of that period ; and at sixteen years of age he was mar- 
ried to the Princess Yasodard, or SuhhaddakachhdnA. 
From that time until his twenty-ninth year, he was 

• Tumour's Mahawanso, p. 9. See also Tumour's Extracts from 
the Atthakattha, published in Prinsep's Joumal; vol. yii. p. 927. 


wholly wrapped up in the pursuit of human pleasures^ 
when a succession of incidents awakened in him a 
train of deep thought^ which gradually led to a com- 
plete change in his own life^ and which eventually 
affected the religious belief of one-half of the human 

9. Mounted in his chariot, drawn by four white 
steeds, the prince was proceeding as usual to his 
pleasure-garden, when he was startled by the sudden 
appearance of an old, decrepid, toothless, gray-haired 
man, tottering feebly along with a staff. The sight 
roused him to reflection, and he returned to his 
palace full of the sad belief that man, in whatever 
state he may be bom, is still " subject to decay." 

10. Four months later, on a second excursion 
towards the pleasure-garden, he met a poor wretch, 
squalid with disease ; and he returned to his palace 
sadder than before, with the reflection that man is 
subject to disease as well as to decay. 

11. Four months later on a third occasion, he 
met a corpse; and he returned to his palace still 
sadder than the last time, with the reflection that 
man, however high his station, is subject to decay, 
disease, and death. 

12. Four months later, he noticed a healthy, well- 
clad person, wearing the peculiar robe of those de- 

* In the time of Trajan; when the Roman Empire had attained 
its greatest extent. Buddhism was the prevailing belief of China 
and India, which must then have contained more than one-half of 
the population of the globe. 


dicated to religion. This caused another reflection 
on the propriety of that mode of life which could 
produce both cheerfulness of mind and healthiness 
of body ; and the prince determined at once to 
join the religionists. These four incidents are called 
the ^^ four predictive eigns^ which are shown at in- 
tervals to the persons destined to become Buddhas.^ 

13. The whole story of 8dkj/a^s early life, when 
stripped of the superhuman incidents fondly added 
by his followers, seems both natural and true: for 
nothing can be more probable than the religious 
retirement of a young prince, who for twelve years 
had abandoned himself to every variety of pleasure 
until he was cloyed with enjoyment, and the cup of 
desire was brimful to satiety. Even the miraculous 
incidents narrated by devout Buddhists, are not 
more wonderful than those which are recorded and 
believed of the Virgin Mary, and scores of Roman 
Catholic saints, as well as of the Arabian Mo- 

14. SAkya Sinha was twenty-nine years of age when 
he left his wife Yaeodard and her infant son BAhula, 
and quitted his native city of Kapila to assume the 
garb of the ascetics. When near his journey's end, 
on the bank of the Anama river, he cut oft* his long 

* Turnour*9 Bxtraots fift>m the Attkakatikay in Prinsep's Jour- 
nal» vol. viL p. 806. These four predictire signs are generally 
believed to have been witneeeed at intervals of four months. The 
D%g\abkdnaka fratemity, however, assert that Sdkya witnessed all 
the four predictive signs on the same day. 


hair with the tiara still attached to it^* and donned 
the three religious garments^ with the begging* pot^ 
razor^ sewing needle^ waistband^ and bathing clothe 
peculiar to the Bhikshuj or mendicant ascetic. Thus 
clad^ the prince entered the city of Rajagriha 
(fourteen miles from Oaya)^ and begged for alms and 
food^ which having collected^ he retired from the 
city, and seating himself with his face to the East, 
ate without loathing his first mendicant meal of the 
broken scraps of bread which had been thrown into 
his begging pot. 

16. Thence pursuing his alm^- pilgrimage, Sdkya 
acquired from certain priests the knowledge of 
Samdpatti ;1[ but ^^ finding that Samdpatti was not 
the road that led to Buddhahood/' he gave it up, 
and devoted himself to Pradhdn.X For six years 
he dedicated himself to the study of Mahd pradhdn^ 
and subjected himself to the utmost extremes of 
penance and starvation, until he was reduced to a 
^^ perfect skeleton ;" but finding that the mortification 
of the flesh was attended with prostration of the 
mind, he gave up this system also, as not being 
the right road to Buddhahood. Sdkya then resumed 
his begging pilgrimages, and with proper food he 

• The Sdnchi bas-reliefe, and Ajanta frescoes, both represent 
the hair intertwined with the head-dress in a manner now only 
practised by the people of Burmah. 

t Samddhi, ^WfV, silent abstraction, and contemplation of 

the Supreme Being. 

I Pradhdn, HJfm, Nature, or concrete matter. 


reg^ained his bodily strength and mental vigfour ; but 
was abandoned by the five disciples who had fol- 
lowed him for six years.* 

10. After this he passed four weeks under the 
Bodhi tree^ then one week under the Nigrodho tree 
{Fiona Indica), then another week under the Macha^ 
Undo tree {8travadia)y then another week under the 
Rajayatana tree {Buohanania latifolia).'\ For seven 
whole weeks he thus continued absorbed in deep 
meditation until he had obtained Bodhirjnydny'^ and 
was prepared to make known unto mankind the 
wonderful efficacy of Dharmma (both faith and 
works), and the desirableness of Nirvdna. 

17. During his fit of abstract meditation under 
the Bodhi tree^ Sakya was assailed by the terrors 
of death ^ (Maro^ or Death personified) and his 
army of horrors; but, to one whose belief taught 
him that the dissolution of the body was the 
liberation of the soul from its earthly trammels, 
the approach of death was received with calm joy, 
instead of cowardly apprehension. This event, which 
is sup})Osed to have ended Sakya's trials in this 
mortal body, took place in the month of As&rhy or 

• Tumour** Gxtracta in Prinsep*8 Journal, p. 811. 

t 1 huvo pur()09ely retained the mention of these trees, because 
tho Siinchi baa-reliefs, which exhibit the adoration of trees, may 
be Inv^t oxplaintxl by the knowledge that certain trees, under which 
8akva had «iat, were hold .^acreii. 

\ Siipivmo wij^iom. 

'^ X«'*»woAi-*Wuiii» the IVmon of Death. 


June^ 588 B. c. A few days afterwards^ on the 
full moon of Asdrh, or Ist July, 588 B. c, S4kya, 
clad in his ascetic dress, and with his begging pot 
in his hand, proceeded to the Isipatana Vihdra at 
Ben&res. On his approach, he was recognised by 
the five Bhikshus who had formerly deserted him, 
and who were still resolute not to pay him reverence, 
but under the influence of his benign spirit they 
bowed down to him with every mark of adoration. 
Sdkya then explained to them that he had attained 
Buddhahood, and preached to them on the supre- 
macy of DJiarmma. 

18. From this time SAkya travelled over the 
greater part of North-West India, continually in- 
culcating the eflScacy of DJiarmmay and the vast 
reward of Nirvdna (or final emancipation). In 
the first year of his ministry he is said to have 
assembled a synod of no less than twelve hundred 
and fifty sanctified disciples; of whom the chief 
were SAriputra, and MangalyAna^ and the three 

19. The various acts of SAkya, during his long 
ministry of forty-five years, are too numerous to detail, 
and are too much mixed up with the fond exaggera- 
tions of his followers to admit of any satisfactory 
selection from them. But they may be taken gene- 
rally as so many illustrations of the peculiar tenets 
which Sakya inculcated — amongst which are charity, 
abstinence, and the prohibition against taking life of 
any kind. 


SO. The death of this mortal Buddha took place 
at Ku$indra, in January 543 B. c.^ when he was 
eighty years of age. On his death-bed he thus 
addressed his followers : ^^ Bhikshus I should there 
be anything doubtful or incomprehensible regarding 
BuddhOy Dhammo, Sanghoy MaggOj or PatUpoMy^ 
inquire (now)." Three times did Bhagarvd [the Su- 
preme^ 1. e. S&kya] address them in the same words ; 
but they were all silent. Among the five hundred 
Bhikshus present^ there was not one who doubted^ 
or who did not understand. Bhagarvd again spoke : 
^^ Bhikshus ! I now exhort you for the last time : 
transitory things are perishable ; without delay 
qualif}'' yourselves (for Nirvdnay^ These were the 
last words of Tathdgata.1[ 

21. The lower orders of Bhikshus^ and all the 
MaUians of Kusiu^^ lamented aloud with dis- 
hevelled hair and uplifted arms^ saying, ^^ Too soon 
has Bhagawd died I too soon has Svgato died I too 
soon has the Eye (chakku) closed on the world!" 
But those BhihshfiSy who had attained the state of 
Arahaty comforted themselves with the last words 
of the sage^ that all ^^ transitory things are perish- 

* Turnour's Extracts inPiiiiBep's Jour. toI. vii. p. 1007. Buddha^ 
Dharma^ and Sdngha, are the persons of the Buddhist Triad. 

MaggOj the Sanskrit Mirgc^ ifnly " road," " way," was one of 
the lower stages of initiation in the way of Buddhism. Patipadd, 
the Sanskrit Pratipaday was the first or lowest stage of 
t Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's Journal, vol. yii. p. 1008. 


able.'' This very scene is, I believe, represented in 
one of the compartments of the eastern g^ateway at 
86nch%. Three figfures are seated in a boat — one 
rower, one steersman, and one passeng'er — all in 
the dress of the religious class. On the shore are 
four figures, also in religious garb; one with dis- 
hevelled hair and uplifted arms, and the others, 
who wear caps, with hands clasped together in atti- 
tudes of devotion. The passenger is, I think, SSkya 
Muni, who is represented after Nirvdna on his 
passage over the waters which are said to surround 
this transitory world.* The figures on the shore 
are a Bhikshu of the lower g^ade bewailing the 
departure of SAkya with dishevelled hair and uplifted 
arms, which, from the description given above, would 
seem to have been the customary manner of ex- 
pressing grief.f The others are Bhikshns who had 
attained the higher grade of Arahaty and who com- 
forted themselves with the reflection that ^^ all tran- 
sitory things are perishable." The diflerence of rank 
is known by the bare head of the mourner and 
the capped heads of the others — a distinction which 
still prevails in Tibet, where the lower grades of 
Oe^thsul and Chhos-pa invariably go bare-headed; 
whilst all the Ldmas (or higher grades), includ- 

* Hodgson's Literature and Religion of the Buddhists, p. 161. 
^^ The world is surrounded by water/' — '' Le tourbillon d'eau qui 
embrasse les mondes." 

t See Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. pp. 1009, 1011, for 
these instances. See also Piute XI. of this volume. 


ing* the Grand Lama himself^ have their heads 

22. The corpse of the Great Teacher was escorted 
by the Mallians of Kimndra with music^ sing^ng*^ 
and dancings to the east side of the city. It was 
first wrapped in a new cloth, then wound about with 
floss cotton, and again wrapped in numerous other 
cloths. Thus prepared, the corpse was laid in a 
metal oil vessel, covered by another, and placed upon 
a funeral pile of sandal wood. At this moment the 
venerable Maha KdssapOy having arrived from Pdwd^ 
approached the funeral pile. With one shoulder 
bare (the right), and, with clasped hands, having 
performed the padakhindn (perambulation) three 
times; and, after opening the pile at the end, he 
reverentially bowed down at the feet of BhagawA.* 
The five hundred Bhikshus did the same; and the 
pile was lighted. When the body was consumed, the 
metal vessel was escorted back to the town; where, 
with music, song, and dance, and with garlands of 
sweet flowers, the people for seven days showed 
their reverence and devotion to Bhagawffs mortal 

23. After this, the burnt bones were divided into 
eight portions by the Brahman Dono (Drona), and 

• Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 1012. This 
act of K^syapa I believe to have been the origin of the worship of 
Buddha's feet. The reverence shown to the feet is undoubtedly 
old, as the feet are represented on the central architrave of the 
Eastern Gateway at Ssinclii, in a procession. 


distributed amongst those who applied for them^ 
Eig'ht Stupas or Topes were erected over the relics 
at the following places : — * 

1st. At Rajagriha, in Magadha^ by Ajdton 

2nd. At YisIli^ by the Lichawi family. 

3rd. At Kapilavastu, by the Sdkt/as. 

4th. At Allakappo^ by the Balayas. 

5th. At Bijf agrIma^ by the Kausalas. 

6th. At WetthIdipo, by the Br&hmans. 

7th. At PXwi., by the Malliyans. 

8th. At EusimXra^ by the Malliyans. 
The Moriyans of Pipphaliwano having applied 
too late for a share of the relics^ received some 
charcoal from the funeral pile, over which they 
built Stupa the 

9th. At Pipphaliwano ; 

* Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 1013. The 
whole of these places^ including Alldkappo, although it has not 
been identified, were situated in Tirhut and Bahar. — 1. Raja- 
ORIHA was the ancient capital of Ma^adha, or Bahar Proper. 
2. The ruins of VisIli still exist at Sassahr, to the north of 
Patna. 3. Kapilavastu was somewhere between Ayodhya and 
Gorakhpur. 5. RamagrIma was in the neighbourhood of 
Gorakhpur : it was most likely the Selampura of Ptolemy, or 
Sri'Itdmpura, 6. Wetthadipo was most probably Bettiya. 

7. Piwi was to the west of Visdli, on the high road to Kunndra. 

8. Kusinara was about equi-distant between Benares and Visdli, 
or in the position of Kutia on the Little Grandak. 0. Pipphali- 
wano, or the place of the Charcoal Tope, was between Kapilavastu 
and Kusin&ra. The people of Visdli are called P<usake by 


and lastly the Brahman Dono^ over the vessel 
(kumbha) in which he had measured the relics, built 

10th Stupa. 

24. The relics which remained uninjured b}' the 
fire were the four canine teeth, two collar bones, 
and one frontal bone with a hair attached to it, 
which was therefore called the renhisa, or hair relic. 
One of the teeth was ultimately enshrined in Gand- 
hara, the country on the lower K&bul river around 
Peshawur; a second in Kalinga, at Dantapura, or 
" tooth-town ;*' and the others are said to have been 
worshipped by the Devas and Nagas. 

26. But within twenty years after the death of 
86kyaj his relics were all brought together^ excepting 
the portion at Rajagrdma^ by Ajatasatta, King of 
Magadhay through the influence of Maha KAsyapay 
the patriarch or head of the Buddhist religion^ and 
a great Stupa was erected over them to the south- 
east of Rajagriha.* 

26. In the reign of Priyadarsi or Dharmmasoka, 
King of Magadha, about 250 B. c, these relics were 
again distributed over the whole of India. 

* Tumour's Extracts in Prinsep's JoumaI| vol. vii. p. 1014. 
See also the Mahatvaruo, p. 185. In one of the Topes opened 
at JBhajpuTj we found, amongst numerous fragments of bone^ four 
teeth, all in good order. 




1. In the infancy of the world, when Man was 
left to his own unaided reason to solve the mysteries 
of nature, and the destiny of his race, the most casual 
observer must have seen that nothing* of this earth 
is lasting ; that the loftiest tree, the loveliest flower, 
the strongest animal, the hardest rock, are all subject 
to decay ; nay, that man himself is nought but dust, 
and that to dust does he return. Closer observers 
would have been struck with the perpetual recurrence 
of seasons ; the ever-changing yet unchanged moon ; 
the continued production of plants ; and, above all, 
with the never-failing stream of human life. 

2. Such observations would naturally lead to the 
discrimination of the various elements — earth, water, 
fire, and air; to a belief in the eternity of matter, 
and to the doctrine of the transmigration of souls. 
And thus the material elements, or Nature, with her 
supposed inherent power of combination and repro- 
duction, became the Deity of this world. But even 
the most thoughtless man must at times have felt 


conscious that he possessed within himself an unseen 
power which controlled the actions of his hody. 
Hence arose a belief in the existence of Spirit^ 
which was at first made only an inherent power of 
Nature, but was afterwards preferred before her; 
and was eventually raised to the position of the Great 
First Cause and Creator of all things. 

3. Such is the course which the human mind most 
probably went through both in India and in Greece. 
In process of time the more commanding spirits, who 
ruled the passions of their fellow-men by the ascen- 
dancy of genius, and by unbending firmness of will, 
were held to be mortal emanations or avatars of the 
Supreme Being; and, after death, were exalted to 
the rank of demigods. Thus, in both countries, hero- 
worship hnd prevailed from remote antiquity; and 
the tombs of the mighty had become objects of reve- 
rence. In India, the Topes or Tumuli of Kraku- 
chanda. Kanaka, and Knsyapa, existed before the 
preaching of Sakya $ and the ancient elemental deities 
of the Vedas preceded the worship of Dharma, or 
concrete Nature. 

4. The religious systems of India are all deeply 
imbued with metaphysical speculations ; and the close 
agreement between these and the philosophical sys- 
tems of Greece would be an interesting subject to 
the classical scholar. A strict analysis and com- 
parisou of the systems of both countries would most 
pri>bably tend to mutual elucidation. The Indians 
have the advantage in point of time; and I feel 


satisfied that the Greeks borrowed much of their 
philosophy from the East. The most perfect sj^s- 
tem of the Ionics^ as developed by Anaxagoras^* is 
the same as the Sankhya school of India; and 
the famous doctrines of Pythagoras are intensely 
Buddhistical. The transmigration of souls is Egyp- 
tian as well as Indian: but the prohibition against 
eating animal food is altogether Buddhist. Women 
were admitted as members both by S&kya and by 
Pythagoras; and there were grades in the brother- 
hood of Pythagoreans, as in the San'gha, or Com- 
munity of Buddhists. These coincidences between 
the two systems seem too strong to be accidental. 

5. Pythagoras is said to have visited India; and 
there are some curious verbal coincidences which 
really seem to countenance the story. Pythagoras 
married Theano (Sanskrit, JDhydna, ^^ devout con- 
templation^; and by her had a daughter whom he 
named Damo (Sanskrit, JDharmmay ^^ virtue, or prac- 
tical morality''), and who became a most learned 
Pythagorean. He was the first who assumed . the 
title of fcXoao^oc (Sanskrit, Buddha Mitra), the lover 
of wisdom, or Budha. His own name is perhaps 
only a compound of imdac, or Buddha, and ayopevcu, 

* Anaxagoras held that Novf^ Mind or Intellect, was not the 
creator of all things, but only the artist who gave form to pre- 
existent matter. According to him, matter consisted of various 
particles, which were put in motion by the action of Mind ; the 
homogeneous particles were blended together into an infinite 
variety of forms, and the heterogeneous were separated. 



to expound or announce; and the names of two of his 
followers^ il^mon and P3rthias (or Dharmma and 
Buddha); have become celebrated for their disin- 
terested friendship. All these coincidences can 
scarcely be accidental; and though we may not 
be able to trace the actual progress of Buddhism 
from India to Greece^ yet the evidence in favour 
of its transmission is much too strong to be doubted. 

6. The system of faith taught by Sakya Muni 
has been tersely and truly characterized by Mr. 
Hodgson as ^^ monastic asceticism in morals^ and 
philosophical scepticism in religion." This is espe- 
cially the case with the two more ancient philo- 
sophical systems; the Swdbhdvika and Aiswdrikaj 
which he has made known to us from the Sanskrit 
books of Neplil. The former; Mr. Hodgson thinks; 
was that of ^ primitive Buddhism ; but as the 
Srvdbh/ivika was essentially a doctrine of materialism; 
it must have been closely allied to the Nirisnara 
Sdnkhya school of Kapila. In this system* Pradhatiy 
or MaJid-PradhdUy or ^^ supreme nature,'' was held 
to be the Mula-PrakrUi^ or " plastic origin" of all 
thingS; from which Bvdhiy or ^^ intelligence;" was 
produced. Now this is the very system which 
SIkya had rejected; aft^r six years' study at Ra- 
jagriha. The supremacy of Naturef taught by the 
Swdlhdvikds is also utterly at variance with the 

* Golebrooke^ Trans. Roj. As. Soc. 

t Hodgson, pp. 33, 77. The Sw^bhavikas were simple mate- 


solemn address made by SIkya to his disciples from 
Lis death-bed under the Sdl tree at Kusinagara.* 
" Bhikshusl^^ said the dying teacher^ ^^ if any points 
seem doubtful or incomprehensible to you regarding 
BuddhOy DhammOy Sanghoy &c., inquire now/' In 
this address^ which was three times repeated^ Buddha^ 
or ^^ supreme intelligence/' is placed before Bharma, 
or *' material nature^** as the first person of the 
Triad. The system of faith taught by SIkya must^ 
therefore, have been that of the Theistical Triad of 
Buddhay-\ Bharmay and Sangha. This is placed 
beyond all doubt by the edict of Priyadersi, pub- 
lished after the meeting of the drd Buddhistical 
Synod in B. C. 247, at which the orthodox doctrines 
of S4kya were upheld.^ I^ this edict, the names 
of the orthodox Buddhist Triad are distinctly men- 
tioned as Bttddhuy Bhamuiy and Sangha. The ex- 
istence of the Buddhist Triad at that particular 
period, is further proved by the occurrence of such 
names as Budha^Pdlitay Bharma Bakskitay and 
Sangha-Mitray among the colonnade inscriptions of 
No. 2 Tope at Sanchi. 

7- When Sakya Muni began his religious career, 
he first tried the system of the SdmddhikaSy who 
placed the attainment of everlasting bliss in the 
continued practice of Samddhiy or of deep and 

* Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 1007. 

t Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha, are the Sanikrit names ; the 
others are Pdli. 

X See Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. iz. p. 619, where the three 
names of Buddfuiy Dhnrma, and Sangha, are improperly translated 
" Buddhist faith." 


devout abstraction.^ Dissatisfied with this belief, 
he next tried that of the Prddhdnikas, or worshippers 
of ^^ universal nature'' as the sole First Cause of 
all things. This atheistical doctrine he also aban- 
doned; and, in its stead, either invented or adopted 
the theistical Triad of Buddha^ Dkarma^ and Sangha, 
in which Triad Buddha, or ^^ supreme intelligence," 
is the Creator of all things. ^^ In the transcendental 
and philosophical sense, Buddha means Mind; 
Dharmma, Matter ; and Sangha, the concretion 
of the two former in the sensible or phenomenal 
world. In a practical or religious sense, Buddha 
means the mortal author of this religion {Sdkya) ; 
Dhabmma, his law ; and Sangha, the congregation 
of the faithful." f 

8. But though the early Buddhists admitted the 
existence of a Supreme Being, they denied his 
providence, in the full belief that without his aid, 
and solely by their own efforts of TapasX ®°^ 
DhyAuy or Abstinence and Abstraction, they could 
win for themselves the ^^ everlasting bliss" {Moksha) 
of absorption into the Divine Spirit.§ 

* So complete was the power of abstraction held to be^ that the 
author of the Mahawanso (p. 262) gravely relates the foUowiag 
story : — " This Raja (Dhdtusena), at the time he was improving 
the Xdlarvdpi tank^ observed a certain priest absorbed in the 
Satnddhi meditation ; and; not being able to rouse him from that 
abstraction, had him buried under the embankment (of the tank) 
by heaping earth over him." f Hodgson, p. 89. 

t Hodgson, page 85. The Tapas of the Buddhists was 
not penance, or self-inflicted bodily pain, like that of the 
Br^hmans, but a perfect rejection of all outward things (prav- 
riftika). § Hodgson, p. 37. 



0. One belief common to Buddhism is the doctrine 
of Nirvritti and Pravrittiy or Rest and Action.* 
The latter state is that of man^ and the former that 
of the celestial^ self-existent Being^ whether Buddha 
or Dharma. According* to the Aiswarikas^ the 
Supreme Being* Adi Buddha^ or Iswara, thoug^h 
formless as a cypher or mathematical pointy and 
separate from all thing's (in Nirvrittt)^ is infinite in 
form, pervading* all, and one with all (in Pravritti).^ 
His proper and lasting state is that of Nirvritti, 
but for the sake of creation, he spontaneously roused 
himself into activity (Pravritti)^ and by means of 
his five spiritual faculties {Panchqjnffdna)^ and by 
five exertions of mental reflection (Panchadhydna), 
he created the Pancha-Dhyani^BuddKa, or ^^ five 
celestial Buddhas/' together with the ^^ five elements,'' 
the ^^ five senses,'' and the five ^^ objects of sense," 
in the following* order : % 







of Sense. 

Ratna Sambhava. 
Amooha Siddha. 
















• iref% and f?n|f%. 

t Hodgson, pp. 81| 40, 110. These terms were also applied to 
human beings, according as they passed secular or monastic lives. 
Thus Sdkya, while Prince Siddharta, was exercising Pravrittu 
Mdrga; but when he adopted the religious garb, and the 
devotional abstraction of the ascetics, he was then in a state of 
NirvriUi'Mdrga, X Hodgson, pp. 40, 83, 111. 


10. These five celestial Buddbas appear to be simple 
personifications of tbe five elements; and tbeir in- 
herent properties j or, to use Mr. Hodgson's expres- 
sion, ^^ of the active and intellectual powers of nature/' 
Tbe five Bodbisatwas, as well as the five Lokeswarasp 
or inferior celestials, likewise possessed Sahtis. 

11 • I omit tbe long* train of BodhisatnaSy Lokes^ 
warasy and BuddhasAktiSj as I believe that they 
formed no part of original Buddhism, but were 
engrafted afterwards when the religion of S&kya 
had become firmly established, and when its votaries 
took more delight in the indolent en]03anent of meta- 
physical speculations than in the active exertions 
of propagandism. I believe also that, as Buddhism 
gradually obtained an ascendancy over men's minds, 
the whole of the Brdhmanical schools, by an easy 
change of phraseology, accommodated their own 
doctrines so as not to clash with those of the domi- 
nant party. At least it is only by a supposition of 
this kind that I can account for the great similarity 
which exists between the philosophical S3'stems of 
Buddhism and those of the Br&hmanical Sankhyas. 
This similarity, which has already been noticed by 
Colebrooke,* is, indeed, so great as to render it 
difficult to discriminate the doctrines of the one from 
those of the other. The phraseology varies, but the 
ideas are the same ; so that there is a distinction, but 
without a difference. 

* Colebrooke, Trans. Roy. As. Society, vol. i. p. 19 — On the 
Philosophy of the Hindus. 

FAITH OF S^KYA. 39 '' 

12. There is^ however^ one doctrine of the Sdnkh- 
yaSf which neatly and clearly distinguishes them 
from the Buddhists — a l)elief in the eternity of 
matter, as well as in the immortality of the soul. 
The S^nkhyas asserted that nothing can be produced 
which does not already exist; and that effects are 
educts and not products.* This is the old classical 
dogma of ex niUh nil Jit , '' from nothing, nothing 
can come/'t ^^ stately tree sprang from a seed; 
the costly jar was formed from the potter's clay. 
There might be infinities of form and ever-varying 
combinations of substance ; but the materials existed 
before, and the difference consisted only in the shape 
and mixture, and not in the matter. 

18. The orthodox Buddhists, on the contrary, 
believed that every thing was the creation of the 
self-existent Adi Bvddha, who willed it, and it 

14. The Sdnkhya teachers, whose doctrines cor- 
respond with those of the primitive Buddhists, are 
Kapila and Patdnjalu The first held that all things 
owed their origin to MulorPrakriti, or Radical 
Nature, in which Purusha, or Soul, was inherent, 
and from which Budhiy or Intellig*ence (in a female 
and inferior form), was brought forth. His system 

• Colebrooke, Trans. Roy. As. Society, vol. i. p. 38 — On the 
Philosophy of the Hindus. 

t This is the doctrine of Lucretius, de Berum Natura — Nil fieri 
ex nihilo, in nihilum nil posse reverti. '^ From nonentity nothing 
can be produced ; and entity cannot be reduced to nothing.'' 


was called Niriswara Sdnhhyay^ or ^^ atheistical 
S^nkhya/' because he denied the existence of an 
all-ruling Providence. Kc^ila also prohibited sa- 
crifice^ as its practice was attended with the taking 
away of life. 

15. The followers of Patanjali were called Ses* 
fvara 8dnhhyas,1[ or ^^ theistical S&nkhyas/' because 
they recognised a Supreme Being who was the 
ruler of the world^ infinite and eternal. 

16. The Brahmanical Niriswara system agrees 
very nearly with that of the Buddhistical Swahh&va^ 
in which Dharma is made the first person of the 
Triads as MahA-PrtynayX or ^^ supreme nature^'' 
which is Swabhava (or self-existent)^ the sole en- 
tity^ from which all things proceeded in this 
order §: — 

17. From the mystic root of the letter Y air 

}) yy ^ fire 

,, yy V water 

yy yy L carth 

yy ^^ S Mount 


In the Swabhltvaka Triad, Dharma is repre- 

• JVir, without, and Iswara, God — that is, Godless or 

t Sa, with ; Isruara, (Jod. 

J Hodgson^ p. 77. 

§ Hodgson^ p. 109. These are the Sanskrit radicals^ — ya, ra, 
va, la, which signify air, fire, water, and earth. From Mount 
Sumeru proceeded all trees and vegetables, and from the earth 
proceeded the Dhdtwdtmika, or bases of all the metals. 


Bented as a female^ with Bvddlia on the right hand^ 
and Sangha on the left. 

18. The Sesward school of the Br &h mans agrees 
very closely with that of the Aiswdrika Buddhists. 
Both take their names from the reco^ition of a 
Supreme Being {IsTvara)^ whom the Buddhist con- 
siders as the first Intellectual Essence^ the Adi- 
Bvddhaj by whom all things were created. In the 
Aiswarika Triad^ Buddha holds the first place^ and 
Dhamuiy who is represented as a female^ the second 
place on his right hand^ while Sangha occupies the 
lefl hand. 

19. All these schools^ both Br^manical and 
Buddhistical^ whether they deify intellectual spirit 
or material nature^ agree in considering that man 
is the united production of both — a compound of mind 
and matter^ or soul and body. According to the 
Aiswarikas^ the human body^ as well as the ma- 
terial universe^ was compounded of the five elements : 
earthy water, fire, air, and ether.* The soul, which 
animates it, was an emanation from the self-existent 
God. Man was, therefore, emphatically the ^^ Union'' 
(Sangha) of ^^ material essence'' (Dharma) with a 
portion of the " divine intelligence" {Bvddha).1[ 

20. But these metaphysical speculations were im- 
parted only to the initiated, or highest class of 
BhihshvSy who had attained the rank of Arahat, or 
Bodhisatwa. For Sfikya had divided his doctrines 

• Hodgson, p. 112. 
t Hodgson, p. 127. 


into three distinct classes^ adapted to the capabilities 
of his hearers.* 1st, The Vindya, or ^^ religious 
discipline/' addressed to the Srdwaka, or ^^ au- 
ditors/' who were the lowest class of the Bauddha 
community j 2nd, The Sutroj ^^ aphorisms," or Prin- 
ciples of Faith, addressed to the Pratyekas or ^^ dis- 
tinct intelligences,'' who formed the middle class of 
monks; and 8rd, the Abhidharma, or ^^ supreme 
law/* or Transcendental Principles of Faith, im- 
parted only to the Bodhisatwas^ or ^^ true intelli- 
gences," who were the highest class of the Bauddha 

21. These three classes of doctrine are collectively 
called the TH-PitaJia^ or ^^ three repositories j" and 
the Tri Yan%kay'\ or '^ three-means-of-progression;" 
and separately they are generally known as the 
Lowest, the Middle, and the Highest means of 
Advancement. These terms are of common oc- 
currence in the Buddhist writings, and especially 
in the works of the Chinese travellers; from whom 
we learn that the pastoral nations of the Nor- 
thern Hills, accustomed to active habits, were con- 
tent with the Lowest-means-of-Advancement, 
while the more intellectual and contemplative people 
of India generally strove for the attainment of the 
superior degrees of MadhyimonYdniluiy and Mahd' 

* Fa-krve-M, c. 2, note. Csoma de Eoros, —Analysis of the 
Tibetan Works, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vii. p. 145. 

t Ydna means a vehicle of any kind, by which progress or 
advance is obtained. 


Ydnikaj or " Middle and Highest Means-of- 

22. The TrirPitaka were compiled immediately 
after S&kya's death^ in B. c. 643^ by three of his 
chief disciples^ with the assistance of five hundred 
learned monks. The Abhidhaema was the work of 
Xdsyapay the head of the Bauddha fraternity; the 
SirruA of Andnda^ Sakya's favourite disciple; and the 
VinAya of Vpdli* The language in which these 
works was written, has been the subject of much 
dispute; but the account given by the Tibetansf is 
so probable, and at the same time so natural, that it 
ought, as James Prinsep has observed, to set the 
matter at rest. Their account is that the Sutras 
in general, that is, the Yin&ya, as well as the Sutrd 
proper, were first written in the Sindhu language ; 
but that the whole of the Sher-chiny'J^. that is, the 
PrajnA Pdramitdy or " transcendental wisdom," 
and the whole of the Grytidy that is, the Tantras, or 
'' religious mysticism,'' were composed in Sanskrit. 
This appears to be the only conclusion that anyone 
can come to who examines the subject attentively. 
For the Vindya and Sutra^ which were addressed 
to the people at large, as well as to the Srdwakas 
and Pratyekasj must necessarily have been published 
in the vernacular language of the country; while 

* Priiisep's Joumaly vol. i. p. 2; and Transactions As. Soo. 
Bengal; yoI. zx. p. 42. 

t Csoma's Index to the Kahgyvr, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi. 
p. 688. X See Gsoma, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi. p. 503. 


the abstruse and metaphysical philosophy of the 
Ahhidharmay which was addressed solely to the 
learned^ that is^ to the Brdhmans and Bodhisattvas, 
would^ without doubt^ have been enunciated in San- 
skrit^ for the simple reason that its refined elegance 
of ideas^ and delicate shades of meaning*^ could not 
be adequately expressed in any of the vernacular 
languages. The Tantras are of much later date; 
but the same reasoning holds equally ^ood for them ; 
as the esoteric mysticism of their doctrines could only 
have been expressed in Sanskrit. In a few words 
the speculative principles of Buddhism were ex- 
pounded and recorded in Sanskrit^* while the 
practical system of belief ^ deduced from those prin- 
ciples^ was spread abroad and propagated by means 
of the vernacular Prakrit. 

28. In the Rupasiddhiy which is the oldest Pali 
grammar now extant^ and which the author Buddlui^ 
priya compiled f from the ancient work of KachltA" 
yanay a quotation from the latter is given^ appa- 
rently in the original words. According to this 
account^ Kachhayana was one of the principal 
disciples of Sakya, by whom he was selected for the 
important office of compiling the first P&li grammar, 
the rules of which are said to have been propounded 
by TatMgata himself. This statement seems highly 
probable j for the teacher must have soon found the 

* See also Hodgson's opinion on this point. Prinsep's Journal^ 
vol. vi. p. 683. 
t Tumour's Introduction to the Mahawaruo, p. 26. 


difficulty of making* himself clearly understood when 
each petty district had a provincial dialect of its 
own^ unsettled both in its spelling and its pro- 

24. A difficulty of this kind could only be over- 
come by the publication of some established rules of 
speech^ which should fix the wavering pronunciation 
and loose orthography of a common lang'uage. 
This was accomplished by the Pali Grammar of 
KachMyaruiy compiled under Sakya's instructions; 
and the language^ thus firmly established^ was used 
throughout India by the Buddhist teachers^ for the 

'promulgation and extension of the practical doctrines 
of their faith. 

25. In the Buddhist works of Ceylon^ this lan- 
guage is expressly called Mdgadhi^ or the speech 
of Magadha; and as this district was the principal 
scene of Sakya's labours^ as well as the native 
country of himself and of his principal disciples^ the 
selection of MAgadhi for the publication of his doc- 
trines was both natural and obvious. It is true^ 
as Professor H. H. Wilson has remarked,* that 
there are several difierences between the language of 
existing Buddhist inscriptions and the Mdgcuihi of 
P^i Grammars; but these difierences are not such 
as to render them unintelligible to those whom 
Pbiyadarsi addressed in his Pillar edicts in the 
middle of the third century before Christ. The Pro- 

* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ vol. xii. p. 238. 


feasor admits that the P41i was most likely selected 
for his edicts by Priyadarsi^ ^^ that they might be 
intelligible to the people ;" but he is of opinion that 
the language of the inscriptions was rather the 
common tongfue of the inhabitants of Upper India 
than a form of speech peculiar to a class of reli- 
gionists; and he argues that the use of the P&li 
language in the inscription is not a conclusive proof 
of their Buddhistical origin. 

26. The conclusion which I have come to is exactly 
the reverse; for it is a well known fact^ that the 
Brdhmans have never used any language but 
Sanskrit for their religious writings^ and have 
stigmatised the Mdgadhi as the speech of men of 
low tribes.* In their dramas also the heroes and 
the Br&hmans always speak Sanskrit^ while the use 
of Magadhi is confined to the attendants of royalty. 
Professor Wilson has, however, identified the Mdgadhi 
with Prdhrity the use of which, though more honour- 
able, was still confined to the principal female 
characters; but the extensive employment, in the 
dramatic works of the Brahmans, of various dialects, 
all derived from one common stock, seems to me to 
prove that they were the vernacular language of the 
people. In this vernacular language, whatever it 
was, whether the high Prakrit of the Saurasenas^ or 
the low Prakrit of the Mdgadhas^ we know certainly 
that the VinAya and Sutra^ or the practical doctrines 

• Colebrooke, in Trans. As. Soc. Bengal; vol. vii. p. 199. 
Wilson's Hindu Theatre, vol. i. p. hdii. iv. 


of S&kya^ were compiled^ and therefore also pro- 

27. In the opinion of Tumour, the celebrated 
scholar, the Pali is a ^^rich and poetical langfuage, 
which had already attained its present refinement at 
the time of Gotama Buddha's advent'' (b. g. 588). 
According" to Sir William Jones,t it is ^^ little more 
than the language of the Brahmans, melted down 
by a delicate articulation to the softness of Italian.'' 
To me it seems to bear the same relation to Sanskrit 
that Italian does to Latin, and a much nearer 
one than modern English does to Anglo-Saxon. 
The nasal sounds are melted down; the compounds 
are softened to double and even single consonants; 
and the open vowels are more numerous. It is 
the opinion of all European scholars that the Pali 
lan^age is derived almost entirely from the San- 
skrit ; and in this opinion I fully coincide. Messrs. 
Bumouf and Lassen, who jointly formed a P^li 
Grammar, state, as the result of their labours, that 
Pali is almost identical with Sanskrit; J and Pro- 

* Gsoma, in Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi. p. 503. I use the term 
Prdkrit as compreheDding all the written and cultivated dialects 
of Northern India. Prdkrit means " common" or " natural," 
in contradistinction to the *' artificial " or " refined " San- 

t Preface to Sakuntala, 

t Essai sur le Pali ; par E. Bumouf et Chr. Lassen, p. 187,— 
" n en est r^sulte qu'elle etait presque identique ^ Tidiome sacr6 
des Brahmanes." 


fessor Lassen^ at a later date^* when more conversant 
with the Pali books, states authoritatively, that the 
whole of the Prakrit languagfe is derived from the 
Sanskrit. Tumour -f also declares his conviction 
that all researches tend to prove the g'reater antiquity 
of Sanskrit. Professor Wilson J and James Prin- 
sep^ are likewise of the same opinion. This con- 
clusion seems to me self evident ; for there is a 
tendency in all spoken lang'uages to suppress dis- 
similar consonants, and to soften hard ones : as in the 
Latin Camillus for the Tuscan Cadmilus^ and the 
English ^rfftin^ for the Anglo-Saxon J5?(?rfA/t7i^ ; or, 
as in the Pali assa^ ^^ a horse,'* for the Sanskrit amva^ 
and the P61i majhaj " middle,** for the Sanskrit 
madhya. There is also a natural inclination to clear 
away the semi- vowels and weaker consonants ; 'as in 
the English Kingj for the Anglo-Saxon Kyningj or 
as in the Pdli Olakita, '' the seen** (i. e. Buddha), for 
the Sanskrit Avalakita ; and in the Pali JJjeniyay a 
^^man of Ujain,** for the Sanskrit Ujjayaniya. It 
is always therefore easy to determine between any 
written languages, that resemble each other, which 
of the two is the original, and which the borrowed ; 

• Institutiones Linguae Prakriticae ; Chr. Lassen, p. 6, — " Pra- 
kriticam linguam derivatam esse totam a Sanskritica." 

t Tumour — Mahawanso, Introduction, p. xiii. The general 
results of all researches tend to prove the greater antiquity of the 

I Hindu Theatre, vol. i. p. Ixiii. 

§ Prinsep's Jounial, vol. vi. p. 688. 


because letters and syllables are never added^ but, on 
the contrary, are always suppressed or curtailed in 
the process of time. The P&li is, therefore, without 
doubt, derived from the Sanskrit, and must, more- 
over^ have been a spoken language for many cen- 

28. For the publication of his esoteric theories 
regarding the origin of the world, and the creation 
of mankind, S&kya made use of the Sanskrit lan« 
guage only. But the perfect langfuage of our day, 
perhaps, owes much of its refinement to the care 
and sagacity of that Great Reformer; for it seems 
highly probable that KItyAyana, the inspired saint 
and lawgiver who corrected the inaccuracies of 
F&nini's Sanskrit grammar,* is the same as the 
KACHHlYAifOt who compiled the Pdli grammar 
during the life-time of S4kya. Kdty&yana^s anno- 
tations on Pdnini, called VdrtikaSy restrict his vague 
rules^ enlarge his limited ones, and mark numerous 
exceptions to others. "These amended rules of 
Sanskrit grammar were formed into memorial verses 
by BluxHrihariy whose metrical aphorisms, entitled 
Xdrikdy have almost equal authority with the pre- 
cepts of P6nini, and emendations of Kdtt/dt/ana. 
According to popular tradition,^ Bhartrihari was 
the brother of Vikramaditya, the author of the Hindu 

• (Jolebrooke, Trans. As. Soc. Bengal, vii. 199. 
t ITachhdyano is only the P^H fom of the Sanskrit JCdtyd- 
yana; the tya of the latter being invariably changed to chha, 
t Colebrooke, Trans. As. Soc. Bengal, vii. 204. 



Samvat^ which dates from b. c. 57. The ag^e of 
K&ty&yana is unknown ; but as he flourished between 
the date of P&nini^ in about 1100 B. c.^ and that of 
Bhartrihari^ in 67 B. c, there is every probability 
in favour of the opinion that he was one of the 
disciples of Buddha. 

29. But this identification of the two greatest 
grammarians of the Sanskrit and P6U langruages 
rests upon other grounds besides those mentioned 
above. Colebrooke^ Wilson^ and Lassen^ have all 
identified the commentator on P&nini with Vara^- 
rvchiy the author of the ^^ Pr&krit Grammar/' called 
PrakritorpraMsaj or Ghandrika. Of Vararuchi 
nothing* more is known than that his work is the 
oldest Prakrit grammar extant^ and that his body 
of rules includes all that had been laid down by 
earlier grammarians regarding the vemaculaV 

30. This identification is still more striking'ly con- 
firmed by the fact that Kachhdyano is not a name 
but only a patronymic,* which signifies the son of 
KackhOy and was first assumed by the grammarian 
himself. If, therefore, Vararuchi KatyAyana is not 
the same person as Kachhdyano^ he must be posterior 
to him and of the same family. We shall thus have 

• Tumour's Mahawanso, IntroductioD, p. xxvi. where the original 
pamiage of the Itupaiiddhi is given. See also Csoma de Koros, 
in Prinsep*! Journal, vii. p. 144, where the fiwt is confirmed ; as 
i\f TtUtani call the Orammarian JCdtydhi-bu^i^tit is, the son 


two K&tydyanas of the same family living* much 
about the same time^ each of whom compiled a 
P41i or Prakrit g^rammar; a conclusion which is 
much more improbable than that the two were one 
and the same person. 

31. I have been thus particular in stating* all the 
evidences in favour of this supposition^ as the pro- 
bable identity of the two great grammarians seems 
to me to offer an additional reason for considering; 
Sdkya Muni as one of the chief benefactors of his 
country. For I believe that we must not look upon 
Sdkya Muni simply as the founder of a new religious 
system^ but as a great social reformer who dared to 
preach the perfect equality of all mankind^ and the 
consequent abolition of caste, in spite of the menaces 
of the most powerful and arrogant priesthood in the 
world. We must regard him also as a patriot^ 
who^ in spite of tyrannical kings and princes^ had 
the courage to incite his countrymen to resist the 
forcible abduction of their wives and daughters by 
great men.* To him the Indians were indebted for 
a code of pure and practical morality^ which incul- 
cated charity and chastity, performance of good 
works, and abstinence from evil, and general kindness 
to all living things. To him also I believe they 
owe the early refinement and systematic arrange- 
ment of their language in the selection of the learned 

* See the fifth of the ^' Seven Imperishable Precepts^ imparted 
by S&kja to the people of Vais41i." — Tumour in Prinsep's Journal, 
vii. p. 991. 


K&ty&yana as the compiler of the Sanskrit and 
Pali grammars. 

82. As the champion of religious liberty and social 
equality^ Sdkya Muni attacked the Brahmans in 
their weakest and most vulnerable points; in their 
impious assumption of all mediation between man 
and his Maker^ and in their arrogant claims to here- 
ditary priesthood. But his boldness was successful ; 
and before the end of his long* career he had seen 
his principles zealously and successfully promulgated 
by his JBrdhman disciples SIbiputra, MangalyIna, 
Ananda, and KLiSYAPA, as well as by the Vaim/a 
KItyIyana and the Sttdra UpIu. At his death^ 
in B.C. 648^ his doctrines had been firmly estab- 
lished; and the divinity of his mission was fully 
recognized by the eager claims preferred by kings 
and rulers for relics of their divine teacher. His 
ashes were distributed amongst eight cities ; and the 
charcoal from the funeral pile was given to a ninth ; 
but the spread of his influence is more clearly shown 
by the mention of the numerous cities where he lived 
and preached. Amongst these are Champa and 
Bdjagriha on the east^ Srdvasti and Kausambi on 
the west. In the short space of forty-five years,* 

• S^ja began his public career at thirty-five years of age, 
and died at eighty. Mahomed was bom in 660 a. d. : he 
announced his mission in 600 at forty years of age, and died in 
644, when he was seventy-five. In a. d. 640, or in thirty-one 
years from the announcement of his mission, the arms and the 
religion of Mahomed had spread over the ancient empires of Egypt, 
Syria, and Persia. 


this wonderful man succeeded in establishing* his 
own peculiar doctrines over the fairest districts of the 
Gang'es; from the Delta to the neighbourhood of 
Agra and Cawnpore. This success was perhaps as 
much due to the early corrupt state of Brahmanism^ 
as to the greater purity and more practical wisdom 
of his own system. But^ rapid as was the prog;ress 
of Buddhism^ the gfentle but steady swell of its 
current shrinks into nothing* before the sweeping^ 
flood of Mahomedanism, which^ in a few years^ had 
spread over one half of the civilized world, from the 
sands of the Nile to the swampy fens of the Oxus. 

83. The two most successful religious impostures 
which the world has yet seen, are Buddhism and 
Mahomedanism. Each creed owed its origin to the 
enthusiasm of a single individual, and each was 
rapidly propagated by numbers of zealous followers. 
But here the parallel ends ; for the Kordn of Ma- 
homed was addressed wholly to the ^^ passions" of 
mankind, by the promised gratification of human 
desires both in this world and in the next ; while the 
Dharma of Sdkya Muni was addressed wholly to the 
^^ intellect,'^ and sought to wean mankind from the 
pleasures and vanities of this life by pointing to the 
transitoriness of all human enjoyment. Mahomed 
achieved his success by the offer of material or bodily 
pleasures in the next life, while S^kya succeeded by 
the promise of eternal deliverance of the soul from the 
fetters of mortality. The former propagated his re- 
ligion by the merciless edge of the sword j the latter 


by the persuasive voice of the missionary. The san- 
gfuinary career of the Islamite was lig^hted by the 
lurid flames of burning' cities; the peaceful progress 
of the Buddhist was illuminated by the cheerful faces 
of the sick in monastic hospitals^* and by the happy 
smiles of travellers reposing* in Dharmsdlas by the 
road-side. The one was the personification of bodily 
activity and material enjoyment; the other was the 
genius of corporeal abstinence^ and intellectual con- 


* Mahar&anMf p. 240. UpatissOy son of Buddha J)^, builds 
hospitals for cripples, for pregnant women, and for the blind and 
diseased. Dhatusena (p. S56) builds hospitals for cripples and 
sick. Buddha J)ka himself (p. 245) ordained a physician for 
every ten villages on the high road, and built asylums for the 
crippled, deformed, and destitute. 

t There is a curious coincidence also in the manner of death of 
the two teachers. According to the Buddhists, M&ro, the Angel of 
Death, waited upon S^ya to learn tvken it rvould be his pleasure 
to die. The Musulm^ns assert the same of Muhammad. Azrail, 
the Angel of Death, entered the chamber of the sick man to 
aDUounce that ^^ he was enjoined not to interfere with the soul 
of Ood*s prophet, without an entire acquiescence on his part." — 
See Price's Muhammadan History, vol. i. p. 16. 




1. The whole Bauddha community^ or all who had 
taken the vows of asceticism^ were known by the 
g'eneral name of Sangha^ or the ^^congregation." 
The same term^ with the addition of the local name^ 
was used to distinguish any one of the numerous 
Buddhist fraternities ; as Magadhe-Sanghamy the 
fraternity of Mag^adha ; Santi Sanghantj the fra- 
ternity of Sdntiy or Sdnchi.* It was also employed 
to denote the g'eneral assemblies t of monks, which 
were held at stated periods j as well as the Grand 
Assemblies^ which took place only on particular 
occasions. Three of these extraordinary assemblies^ 
called respectively the First, Second, and Third 
Synods, :|; were held at diflferent periods, for the 

* See the Bhabra inscription^ Jour. As. Soc. Bengal^ for the 
first ; the other is used in the S4nchi pillar inscription^ published in 
this volume. 

t MeyaXi^y avroSov is the expression of Megasthenes for the 
annual assembly held at Palibothra. 

I Prathame, Dwitaye, and Tritaye Sangkam, or Sangiti. 


suppression of heresy^ and the solemn affirmation of 

2. The first of these assemblies was convoked after 
the death of Sdkya^ in the middle of the year 543 
B. c.^ by the great Kdayapa^ on hearing the in- 
sidious address of the aged Subhadra* ^^ Revered 
ones ! " said the dotard^ '^ mourn no more ! We 
are happily released from the control of the great 
Srdmana (Buddha): we shall no more be worried 
with ^ this is allowable/ and ^ that is not allowable ;' 
we can now do what we wish^ and can leave undone 
what we do not desire." K&syapa reflected that 
the present was the most fitting time to summon a 
general assembly for the solemn rehearsal of Dharma 
and Vw64/a, according to the injunction of Sakya. 
^^Ananda," said the dying sage, ^^let the Dharma 
and VirUij/ay which I have preached and explained 
to thee, stand in the place of a teacher after my 
death.'' Reflecting on this, and on the first of the 
imperishable precepts, ^^ to hold frequent religious 
meetings," K^yapa addressed the assembled Bhik- 
shus-t ^^ Beloved! let us hold a rehearsal both of 
the Dharma and of the VindyaJ'* '' Lord," replied 
they, ^' do thou select the Sthdviras and Bhikshus.^^ 
Kasyapa therefore selected five hundred holy mendicant 
monks who had mastered the Tripitakay or Three 
Repositories. By them it was decided that the First 
Synod should be held at Rajagriha during the rainy 

nPrinsep's Journal, vii. 512. 
Prinsep'i Journal, vii. 513. 


season^ when the regular pilgrimages of the Buddhist 
monks were suspended. 

3. At the full moon of the month of Asarh (1st 
July^ 543 B. c.)^ the five hundred monks, having 
assembled at Rajagriha^ spent the whole of that 
month in the repairs of their Vihars^ lest the heretics 
should taunt them^* sayings ^^the disciples of Gotama 
kept up their Vthars while their teacher was alive^ 
but they have forsaken them since his death.'' With 
the assistance of Ajdiasatra^ Raja of Magadha^ the 
Yihars were renewed ; and a splendid hall was built 
for the assembly of the First Synod, at the mouth 
of the Sattapanni Cave, on the side of the JVebhdra 
Mountain. Five hundred carpets were spread around 
for the monks; one throne was prepared for the 
abbot on the south side, facing the north, f and 
another throne was erected in the middle, facing 
the east, ^^ fit for the holy Buddha himself.'' Placing 
an ivory fan on this throne, the Raja sent a message 
to the assembly, saying, ^^ Lords, my task is per- 

4. On the fifth of the increasing moon (first week 
of August), the monks, having made their meal, and 
having laid aside theu* refection dishes and extra 

• Turaoup, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 516. 

t Sthavirdsan, the dsan op " seat" of the Sthavira. In the 
Mahawanto, p. 12, the position of this throne is exactly reversed. 
The pnlpit, or JDharmdsan, « throne of Dharma," was placed in 
the middle of the Assembly.— See Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, 
vii. 617. 


robes^ assembled in the hall of the Dhartna St/nod^ 
with their right shoulders bare. They ranged them- 
selves according to their rank, each in his appro- 
priate place ; and the hall ^^ glittered with the yellow 
robes" of the monks. 

6. The Synod was opened with the rehearsal of 
the Vindyay superintended by Up&li, whom Buddha 
himself had pointed out as the most learned of all his 
followers in ^^ religious discipline/' Updli mounted 
the DharmAsaUy and with the ivory fan * in his hand, 
answered all the questions of K&syapa regarding the 
Yin^ya, in which there was nothing to be added or 
omitted. During this examination, the whole of the 
assembled monks chanted the Vindyaj passage by 
passage, beginning with ^^The holy Buddha in 
Werarya dwells.'' This ended, Up^li laid aside the 
ivory fan, and descended from the Dharmdsan ; and, 
with a reverential bow to the senior monks, re- 
sumed his own seat. Thus ended the rehearsal of 

6. For the rehearsal of Dharma^ the assembled 
Bhikshus selected Ananda (the nephew and companion 
of Buddha) t who, with his right shoulder bare, and 
the ivory fan in his hand, took his seat on the pulpit 

• The "jewelled fan," as a symbol of authority, is men- 
tioned in the Mahawamo, p. 189 ; and it is still used by the 
chiefs of religious fraternities in Ceylon, on all state occa- 

t According to some, he was the son of Dotodana, the younger 
brother of Suddhodan, the father of S^y a. 


of reli^on. He was then interrogfated by Kdsyapa 
on Dhamuiy beginning with the first words of SAkyay 
after his attainment to Buddhahood^ under the Bodhi- 
tree at Bodhi-Gaya. These words are called — 

7. Buddha's *^ Hymn of Joy : " • 

'' Through a long course of almost endless beings 
Have I, in sorrow^ sought the (}reat Creator. 
Now thou art found, Great Artificer ! 
Henceforth my soul shall quit this House of Sin, 
And irom its ruins the glad Spirit shall spring, 
Free from the fetters of all mortal births, 
And over all desires victorious." 

8. The examination ended with Buddha's last 
injunction to his disciples^ given under the ^S^ tree 
at Kusindra. 

'' Bhikshus ! I now conjure you — earthly things 
Are transitory — seek eternal rest/' 

9. These rehearsals of VinAya and Dharma lasted 
for seven months^ and were concluded at the begin- 
ning of March^ 642 B. c.^ when it was announced 
that the religion of the ^^ ten-power-gifted Deity '^ 
should endure for five thousand years.f This synod 
was known by different names; as the Prathama^ 
Sanghanhj or First Synod, the P anchor Satika^San-' 

* Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 623. In this hymn 
the Supreme Being is twice called OaMkdraka, the ^^ house- 
builder" — that is, the artificer or creator of the human house, or 

t See Tumour, in Prinsep's Joumal, vi. 527 ; and Maha- 
rvanso, p. 11. The " gifted with ten powers." 


ghamy or Synod of Five Hundred^ and the Sthdviraka 
Sangham, or Saints'-Sjmod^ because all its members 
belonged to the higher grade of monks.* 

10. From this time until the end of the long reign 
of Ajdtasatra^ 519 B. c.^ the creed of Buddha ad- 
vanced slowly, but surely. This success was partly 
due to the politic admission of women, who, even in 
the East, have always possessed much secret, though 
not apparent, influence over mankind. To most of 
them the words of Buddha preached comfort in this 
life, and hope in the next. To the young widow, 
the neglected wife, and the cast-off mistress, the 
Buddhist teachers offered an honourable career as 
nuns. Instead of the daily indignities to which 
they were subjected by grasping relatives, trea- 
cherous husbands, and faithless lords, the most 
miserable of the sex could now share, although still 
in a humble way, with the general respect accorded 
to all who had taken the vows. The JBhikshunis 
were indebted to Ananda's intercession with Sakya 
for their admission into the ranks of the Bauddba 
community; and they showed their gratitude by 
paying their devotions principally to his relics.f 

• See Fo-krve-kiy chap. xxv. note 11 ; and Mahawamo^ chap. v. 
p. 20; and Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 627. See also 
Csoma's Analysis of the Dulva, Titans. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. xx. 
p. 92. 

t See Csoma's Analysis of the Dulva, Res. As. Soc. Bengal, 
vol. XX. p. 90; also Fo-kme-kiy chap. xvi. p. 101. The Pi- 
khieu-ni, or Bhikshunis, at Mathura, paid their devotions chiefly 


11. The dress of the Ascetics was the same both 
for males and females. It consisted of three gar- 
ments^ all of which were yellow ; Ist^ The Sanghdtiy 
or kilt^ fastened round the waist and reaching* to the 
knees ; 2nd^ The UitarorSanghdtij a mantle^ or eape^ 
which was worn over the left shoulder^ and under the 
right^ so as to leave the right shoulder bare; 8rd^ 
The Antarorvdsakay an under vest or shirt for sleep- 
ing* in.* The first and second garments are repre- 
sented in many of the Sdnchi bas-reliefs. They are 

to the SttqHi of A-nan (Ananda)^ because he had besought 
Buddha that he would grant to women the liberty of embracing 
ascetic life. The observances required from the nuns may be 
found in note 23, chap. xvi. of the Fo-kwe-ki. The female ascetic 
even of 100 years of age was bound to respect a monk even in the 
first year of his ordination. 

^ Fo-kwe-ki, chap. ziii. note 14. Gsoma, Res. As. Soc. Bengal, 
p. 70, Analysis of the Dulva, states that these three pieces of 
clothing were of a dark red colour ; but yellow is the colour every- 
where mentioned in the PW annals. These two colours are still 
the outward distinctions of the Buddhists of Tibet ; and therefore 
it is probable that the Buddhist dress may have been dark red in 
Sfikya's time, and yellow during the reigns of Asoka and Milindu. 
According to the Chinese {Fo-kwe-ld^ ziii. 10), the Sanghdii 
consisted of seven pieces; the Uttara - SangJidti, of seven 
pieces ; and the Vdsaka of five pieces : but the number of pieces 
is stated differently in another place (Fo-kwe-M, c. viii. p. 5) as 
nine, seven, and five. The dress also is said to have been of divers 
colours; while in the Buddhist annals it is invariably mentioned 
as yellow. Ladies of wealth in Lad^ have their petticoats formed 
of numerous perpendicular strips of cloth, of different colours, but 
generally red, blue, and yellow. See Plate XI. of this volume for 
these dresses. 


all hatred perpendicularly to represent their forma- 
tion of separate pieces sewn together. In after 
times^ the numher of pieces denoted the particular 
school or sect to which the wearer belong'ed. The 
mantle or cape was scarcely deep enough to hide the 
right hreasts of the nuns — at least it is so repre- 
sented in the has-reliefs ) hut as the same custom of 
haring the right arm and shoulder still prevails 
amongst the females of Middle £an&war^ on the 
Sutlej^ without any exposure of the hreasts^ I pre- 
sume that their representation hy the sculptor at 
S&nchi was only the result of his own clumsiness^ 
as he could not otherwise show the difference of 

12. When engaged in common occupation^ such 
as fetching water, felling wood, and carrying loads,* 
the monks are always represented without their 
mantles or capes. At religious meetings, as we have 
seen at the First Synod, and as they are represented 
throughout the S&nchi bas-reliefs, they wore all their 
robes. But during their contemplative abstraction 
in the woods, the devotees are represented naked to 
the waist, their upper garments being hung up inside 
their leaf-roofed houses. These devotees are, no 
doubt, the rv/nvirrac of Eleitarchos ; for Tv^viic or 
Tv^vitrrtq does not mean a naked man, but only a 

* All these acts are represented in the S&nchi bas-reliefs. The 
first is found on the left pillar of the eastern gateway, second com- 
partment, inner face. The others are shown in the third compart- 
ment of the same pillar. 


Ughtly-clad man; and with this signification it 
was applied to the light-armed soldier of Greece. 
These same devotees are^ most probably^ the rvfAvo^ 
(To^iorai of other Greek writers ; for the Budd- 
hists were positively prohibited from appearing 

18. All members of the Bauddha community^ who 
led an ascetic life^ were called Srdmanay or Srdmor 
nera. They who begged their food from motives 
of humility were dignified with the title of Bkikshu 
and Bhikshuniy or male and female mendicants. The 
Srdmanas are^ beyond all doubt^ the Tapfiavai (or 
Oarmanes) of Megasthenes^ and the Ilpa/ivai (or 
Pramna) of Kleitarchos ;t while the Bhikshus are 
they who went about ^^ begging both in villages and 
in towns." J 

14. Megasthenes divides the Garmanes or Srd^ 
manas into three classes, of which the most honour- 
able were called Hylohiiy 'YXoj3ioi. These are clearly 
the Bodkisatwas or Arhatas, the superior grade of 
monks^ who^ having repressed all human passions^ 

• See Fo-kwe-ki, chap. viii. n. 8 j and chap. xvii. n. 21. 
See also Csoma's Analysis of the Dulva^ Trans. As. Soc. Ben- 
gal; vol. zz. p. 70^ where Sagama presents cotton cloths to the 
monks and nuns^ because she had heard that thej bathed 

t StrabO; xv. The Buddhist belief of the Tapfi&yaij 
'YXoj3ioC| and larpcuoc, of Megasthenes^ is proved by his mention 
of the fact that women were allowed to join some of them. 

Sv/i^iXoso^iy ^iyloic ical yvyaiKac 

I Strabo^ XV. Eiracrowras icai Kara Kutfias Kat iroXccs. 


were named Alobhit/a * or ^^ without desires/' They 
lived in the woods upon leaves and wild fruits. 
Several scenes of ascetic life in the woods are repre- 
sented in the S&nchi bas-reliefs. On the lowermost 
architrave of the northern gateway (inside)^ there is 
a very lively scene of monks and nuns, who are 
occupied in various acts. Elephants and lions appear 
amongst the trees, and the king; on horseback is 
approaching* to pay them a visit. 

16. The second class of Megtisthenes are the 
larpiKOiy latriki, which is a pure Greek word, sig- 
nifying* physicians. But I have little doubt that 
this word is a corrupted transcript of Pratyekay the 
name of the middle class of Buddhists. The Pali 
name is PachhSy which seems fully as far removed 
from the original as the Greek term. The third 
class, or Sr&wakay are represented by the mendicants 
before described. 

16. According to Kleitarchos,t there were four 
classes of Pramnce: the Op^ivoi, or Mountaineers; 
the Fvfivijrai, or Naked; the IloXcrcicoc, or Townsmen ; 
and the Xlpoor^cupcoc, or Sural. All these are pure 
Greek names : but it is not unlikely that Oreinos is 
only a transcript of the Pali AranX (Sanskrit Ar- 

* Sanskrit, 'V^f4j|€|, from a, without, and lobh, desire. Com- 
pare the old latin lubedo, and the name of Queen Lab, of the 
Arabian nights. 

t Strabo, lib. xv. 

X On the stone box, extracted from No. 2 Tope at Siinchi, this 
title is twice written >| |-, Aran; but in the inscriptions generally 


hanta)y which was a title of the BodhisatwaSy or 
first class of monks. As the Arhans^ however^ dwelt 
chiefly in caves cut out of the living rock^ the name 
of ^^ hill-men'' is^ perhaps^ a marked one. OumneteSj 
or ^^ light-clad,** was, as I have already shown, only 
another name for the Arh4m, or hermit, who, during* 
his fits of musing, wore nothing hut the kilt, reaching 
from his waist to his knees. The name given to the 
next class, PoUtikos, seems only a copy, and a very 
near one, of the Sanskrit title Prattfehiy or ^^ single 
understanding.'' But the Greek term may, perhaps, 
be descriptive of the duty of the Pratyeka; who, 
while he sought deliverance for himself, was not to 
be heedless of that of others.* As this duty would 
lead him to mingle with the people, and chiefly with 
those of the towns, the appellation of ^^ townsman" 
seems intended to distinguish the Pratyeka from 
the ^^ hill-monk" or Arhan of the rock-cut caves. 
The name of the last class of Kleitarchos has, I 
think, been slightly changed; and I would prefer 
reading npo(rcx«>»(Movc, the ^^ listeners," instead of 
TLpwfx^fiovQj the " rural ;" as the former is the literal 

it is written either Araha or Arahata. The Sanskrit word is 
^V^, Arhania. In Tumour's Annals (Prinsep's Journal, 
vi. 613), the SthAviraB who held the First Synod are caUed 
ArahawtA. It is possible that the Greek name of Opcirot 
may be derived from the Sanskrit Aranyaka, a desert place, 
because the Bhikshus were directed to dweU in such a place. 
See Fo-kwe-hiy chap. viii. note 5, where the Chinese term A-lan-yo 
is used for Aranyahn. 

• See Fo-Jtme-ki, c. ii. n. 4. 


translation of the Sanskrit Srdwaka, a ^^ hearer^'' 
which was the designation of the lowest class of 
Buddhist monks. These identifications of the different 
classes of Pramtud with those of the Srdmanas are of 
the highest importance to the history of the Buddhist 
religion. For Kleitarchos was one of the companions 
of Alexander ; and his distinct mention of these four 
classes of the Bauddha community proves that the 
religion of SAkya Muni had already been established 
in the Panjab at the period of Alexander's invasion. 
The worship of the Bodhi tree is also mentioned by 
Curtius^ who says: ^^Deos putant^ quidquid colere 
coeperunt ; arbores maxime^ quas violare capital est/' 
— '^ They liold as gods whatever they have been 
accustomed to worship 3 but principally trees , which 
it is death to injure." • 

17. The old Buddhists neatly distinguished the 
different grades of monks by the types of sheep, deer, 
and oxen.f The Sheep, when in flight, never looks 
back, and, like the Sfdwaka, cares only for self-pre- 
servation. The Deer turns to look back on the 
following herd, and, like the Pratt/eka^ is mindful of 
others while he seeketh his own deliverance. The 
Ox, which beareth whatever burden is put upon him, 
is typical of the Bodhisatwa^ who, regardless of him- 
self, careth only for the salvation of others. But the 
last type is less happy than that of the sheep and 
deer; for the Bodhisatway who is supposed to have 

• Curtiu8, viii. 9. t Fo-kwe-ki, c. ii. n. 4. 


earned his own deliverance,* could not possibly have 
any anxiety for himself, — whereas the most patient 
of laden oxen must yearn for his own freedom. 

18. The Bodhisatwa is the highest grade of mortal 
being ; for on his attaining Buddhahood he can no 
more be regenerated. He has then become absorbed 
into the Divine Spirit, and has altogether lost his 
individuality or separate existence. The Christian 
believes in the distinct immortality of each sentient 
being; and that each soul will for ever retain its 
personality in the world to come. But the Buddhist, 
while he admits the immortality of the soul, yet 
believes that its individuality will have an end ; and 
that, after it has been linked to a mortal body for an 
unknown but finite number of existences, it will at 
last be absorbed into the Divine Essence from which 
it sprang; like as waters wafted from the ocean in 
clouds, return to it again in streams ; or as the par- 
ticles of sand, borne away from the mountains to the 
bottom of the sea, are again imbedded together and 
consolidated into rock. 

10. There has been some misapprehension regarding 
the Buddhas and Bodhisatwas; the regeneration of 
the Grand Lama being considered as an exceptional 
case of a Buddha returning amongst mankind.f But 

•Therefore in Tibet called S^''^^^ Byang-chhvb or 
Changchhuby '^ the perfect." 

t Mr. Hodgson, pp. 137, 138, truly calls the " divine Lamas*' of 
Tibet, Arkantas ; but he believes " that a very gross superstition 
has wrested the just notion of the chaiacter to its own use/' 
and so created the *' immortid mortals, or present palpable 
divinities of Tibet." 


the explanation which I received in Lad4k^ which is 
the same as that obtained by Fra Orazio^ in Lhasa^ 
is simple and convincing*. The Grand Lama is only 
a regenerated Bodhisatwa^ who refrains from accept- 
ing Buddhahood^ that he may continue to be born 
agtun and again for the benefit of mankind. For a 
Buddha cannot possibly be regenerated; and hence 
the fiimous epithets of TathIgata, ^^ thus gone/' 
and SuGATA, '^ well gone,^ completely gone^ or gone 
for ever. 

20. The monk who aspired to the rank of Bhikshuy 
or Mendicant^ was obliged to beg his daily food; 
which^ when obtained^ was to be divided into three 
portions-^one for the hungry^ the second for the birds 
and beasts^ and the third for himself; and even this 
portion he was not allowed to eat after noon.-)' He 
was forbidden to ask for gold and silver ; he was to 
prefer old and tattered raiment ; and to eschew orna- 
ments of all kinds. He was to dwell in the wilder- 
ness {&ranydkd)j or amongst the tombs (smdsdnika)y 
where the daily sight of birds of prey, and of funeral 
pyres, would show him the instability of all earthly 
things, and the utter nothingness of the human body, 

* Nouv. Jour. Aaiat. t. xiv. p. 408. '^ II Lama sempre sar^ coIF 
istessa anima del medesimo Ciang-cHvhy oppure in altri corpi." 
Remusat was not aware of this fact when he stated '^ Les Lamas 
du Tibet se consid^rent euz m^mes comme autant de divinit^s 
(Bouddhas) incamees pour le salut des hommes." Journal des 
Savantes, Mai, 1831, p. 263. 

t See the twelve observances, in the Fo-ktve-ki, c. viii. n. 6. 


which endures but for a little time^ and then passeth 
away into the five elements of which it is composed. 

21. The equipments or indispensable necessaries 
of a Bhikshuy or Mendicant, consisted of (1) an 
^^ alms-dish ^ (pdtra), or vessel for collecting the food 
which he begged ; (2) an ewer, or ^^ water-vessel'^ 
{uda pdtra) ; (8) a stick or staff (pinda) ; (4) a razor ; 
(6) a sewing needle ; and (6) a waistband. The alms- 
dish was of common material, such as earthenware 
or iron. According to the Chinese it was a shallow 
vessel,* narrow at top and broader at bottom; but 
the vessel which was shown to me in Lad^ as the exact 
cof J of Shakf/a-Thubba's alms-dish was just the reverse, 
being broad at top and narrow at bottom ; of a para- 
bolic form, and of red earthenware coloured black. 
The shape was exactly the same as that of the large 
steatite vases from the Son&ri and Andher Topes, f 
The colour was most probably black, because Fa 
Hian:{: states that the kingdom of Kie-ohha (that is 
Kha charirpay ^^ Snow-land,'' or Lad^ §) possessed a 
stone bowl of the same colour as the alms-dish of 
Buddha. The thin earthenware bowls which have 
been found in the Topes of Bhojpur and Andher, are 
also black; those of the latter being of a glossy 
metallic lustre. The shapes of these vessels would, of 

* See Fo-kwe-kif c. xii. n. 8. 

t See Plate XXIV. Fig. 3— and Plate XXIX. Fig. 8, of this 

J See Fchhtve-ki, chap. v. 

S Ladok is still called JCha-chan-pa, or '^ Snow-land." 


course^ vary ; but I have little doubt that the Bhojpur 
dishes, Nos. 4, 6, PL XXVII./ and the Andher dish, 
No. 7, PI. XXVIII., are the actual alms-dishes, or 
pdtraSy of the monks whose relics were deposited there. 
And I am the more inclined to this belief because 
the bowls which were inside these dishes seem to 
answer exactly as water vessels or ewers. A monk 
with his staff is represented on the leaden coin (Fig^. 
11, PL XXXII.) which was found in the Ganges at 
Patna, the ancient P&taliputra or Palibothra. 

* See also Plate XXVI. for the black earthenware yessek, 
extracted from No. 4 Tope^ D., Bhojpur. 




1. During the first century afler Sakya's death^ 
the Buddhist religion was perpetuated^ if not extended^ 
by a succession of learned monks. Of these great 
Arkans but little is related^ and even that little is 
contradictory. During this period the great pre- 
ceptors of the Buddhist Faith are so variously named^ 
that it is clear the recorded succession cannot be con- 
tinuous. Even Buddhaghoso gives two different suc- 
cessions* down to the third convocation. 

L II. 

1. UpaLI. 1. SlRIPUTTO. 

2. Dasako. 3. Bhaddaji. 

3. sonako. 3. kostaputto. 

4. SlQQAWO. 4. SiGGAWO. 



7. Dhammiko. 

8. DlSAKO. 
g. SoNAKO. 

10. Rewato. 

• See Tumour's P^li Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 728, 
and vii. 791. 


2. MBhkakmo, the author of the Mahawanso^ gives 
the succession agreeably to the first^ and makes each 
ach&rya the disciple of his predecessor.* In the 
second list the places of the names have been com- 
pletely changed^ for we know that MogaUputra 
should be the last^ as he conducted the proceedings 
of the Third Synod. We know also that Bewato was 
the leader of the Second Synod. The other list is 
called by Buddhaghoso^ the ^^ unbroken succession of 
Sthdviras/* or elders of the faith. It seems likely^ 
therefore^ that it contains the names of aU the 
teachers ; while the first list gives only those of the 
most famous. By a new arrangement of the names 
of the longer list^ the succession becomes complete 
and satisfactory. 

3. But there is still one difficulty to be accounted 
for; in the assertion that all the leaders of the second 
synod had seen Buddha. This assertion^ however^ 
carries its own denial with it ; for both Buddhaghoso 
and MahanAino agree in stating that six of these 
leaders were the disciples of Ananda.^( Now the 
companion of Buddha did not qualify himself as an 
Arahatj or holy teacher, until after the death of his 
patron. None of his disciples could, therefore, have 
seen Buddha. In the following amended list it must 
be remembered that Sdriputra died a few years 
before Buddha himself; and that Updliy the com- 

* MaluiwajisOj pp. 28, 29. 

t Mahawamoy p. 19 j and Tiu'nour's Annals, in Prinsep's Jour- 
nal, vi. 730. 


piler of the Vindtfa^ was one of the disciples of 


B.C. 543. UpIli and KIsyapa. 395. Siooawo. 

533. Bhadraii or Ananda.* 355. Subatta; 

493. DisAKA. 315. Dharmika. 

473. SoNAKA. 275. Moqauputra. 

453. Rbwata. 233. Mooaliputra's 


4. This arranged list has the advantage of placing 
Bewaio at the period of the Second Synod^ instead 
of that of the Third Synod^ which we know was con- 
ducted hy MogaUputra. If we could he positively 
certain of the accuracy of the date given for S&kya^s 
death^ in 643 B.C., the chronology might perhaps he 
arranged in a satisfactory manner. But^ even in 
early times^ there would seem to have heen a dif- 
ference of opinion as to the period of SSkycHs death ; 
for HfoaiirThsangy who travelled in India ahout 632- 
640 A.D.^ says that accounts differf as to the year of 
the Nirv&na of Buddha. ^^ Some make it 1^00 
years ago^ others more than 1^300; others again 
more than 1^500. There are some^ too^ that assure 
us that this event occurred ahout 900 years ago^ and 
that 1,000 years are not yet fulfilled.'^ The same 
uncertainty would seem to have prevailed even at an 
earlier date; for BuddhagTiosOy speaking about the 
succession of teachers from the death of Buddha to 

* Bhadra is a synonyme of Ananda. 
t See Fo'kfvC'kif c. xxiv. n. 4. 


the period of the Third Synod^ says that the religion 
was perpetuated from UpW to Mogaliputra^ ^^ tchat^ 
ever the interval might be/^* This expression clearly 
shows that there was a difference of opinion even in 
his day (a. d. 420) regarding the exact date of the 
death of Buddha. But as Buddhaghoso was a 
Magadha Br^hman^ he must have known the Indian 
date of Sakya's nirv&nay and as this date coincides 
with that of the Burmese and Ceylonese chronicles^ 
I do not well see how it can be set aside. It is a 
curious fact also that the mean of the dates^ obtained 
by HwanrThsang^ agrees within one year of the 
Burmese and Ceylonese dates. Thus the average 
interval which elapsed from S&kya's death to Hwan- 
Thsang's visit^ is 1^180 years^ from which^ deducting 
636^ the mean period of Hwan-Thsang's travels^ we 
obtain b« c. 644 for the death of Buddha. The coin- 
cidence is remarkable. 

5. In this work I have made use of the generally 
received date of B. c. 543^ as it appears to me to be 
suflGiciently well established. In adopting this date, 
I am aware that a correction will be necessary for 
the Buddhistical date of Asoka's succession in the 
218th year after the Nirv&na. But as the exact 
amount of this correction can be obtained from a 
source independent of the Buddhist annals, I think 
that every reliance may be placed upon its accuracy. 
Both Buddhaghoso and Mah&namo agree in making 
the accession of Nanda, King of Magadha, in the 

* Tumour's Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 727. 


118th year after the Nirvdna, or in b. c. 426; and 
they assi^ to hun, and to his successors^ the nine 
Nandas^ a joint period of only forty-four years. Now 
all the Br&hmanical Pur&nas^ in their accounts of 
the kin^ of Magttdha^ agree in stating that the 
Nandas reigned one hundred years. By using this 
amount as the correct one^ we ohtain Anno Buddha 
218^ or B. c. 326^ as the date of Chandra Gupta's 
accession ; thus making him a contemporary of Alex- 
ander the Great and Seleukos Nikator ; a fact which 
has long since heen proved by several passages from 
the Greek historians. The happy identification of 
Chandra Gupta with the Sandrocottos^ or Sandro- 
kuptos* of the Greeks was first made by Sir William 
Jones^ and its accuracy has since been generally 
admitted : for the identification depends fully as 
much upon the similarity of their personal histories 
as upon the positive identity of their names. 

6. It would be difficulty and^ perhaps^ impossible^ 
to ascertain the real origin of this error of sixty- 
six years in the Buddhist annals ; but I may hazard 
a guess that the pious and enthusiastic Buddhists of 
Asoka's age may in the first instance have adopted 
the date of his conversion as that of the true foun- 
dation of the Mauryan Dynasty^ by omitting the 
Brahmanical reigns of his father and grandfather^ 
as well as the first four years of his own reign before 
his acknowledgment of Buddhism. Under this sup- 
position^ his inauguration would have been antedated 

* 2av?poKvirTo$ id the spelling of Athenseiis. 


by sixtyHsiz years^ which is the exact amount of 
difference between the Buddhist and Br&hmanical 
lengths of reigns^ as well as the precise amount of 
correction required to make the Buddhist chronology 
harmonise with that of the Greeks. In after times, 
when Buddhaghoso composed his commentaries on 
the Singhalese Annals, I suppose that the date of 
Asoka's inauguration was assumed to be correct, and 
that the duration of his father's and grandfather's 
reigns, and the first four years of his own reign, 
were deducted from the one hundred years of the 
Nandas. This supposition is rendered more probable 
by the valuable opinion of Mr. Tumour,^ the learned 
translator of the Mahawanso, who points to the 
difference between the Brahmanical and Buddhistical 
authorities, and more particularly to ^^ some confusion 
in the durations assigned to the reigns of the ten 
Nandas," as the most likely causes of error. He was 
unable to account for the error himself; but he did 
^^ not despair of seeing the discrepancy accounted for 
in due course of time." He adopted the same fixed 
points, as I have done ; namely, the Buddhist era of 
Sakya's death, in B. c. 643 ; and the Greek age 
of Sandrocottos, about 335 B. c. ; but he was in- 
clined to believe that the anachronism was the result 
of design and not of accident. 

* See Priiiaep*8 Journal; vi. 725. 




1. Having thus adjusted the chronology^ I can 
proceed with confidence to the historical account of 
the progress of Buddhism. I have already given the 
proceedings of the First Synod^ and some brief 
details of the manner of life and strict observances of 
the different grades of the Bauddha community. But 
these observances^ which the early Buddhists practised 
with enthusiastic zeal^ were found irksome by many 
of their successors. At the end of the first century 
after Soya's death^ a numerous fraternity of monks 
at Vaisdli asserted the lawfulness of the following 
indulgences* : — 

Ist. ^^ The preservation of salt in horn for any 

period is lawful/' instead of the seven days 

allowed by S^ya. 
2nd. ^^ The allowance of two inches in length 

of the shadow of the declining sun^ to partake 

of food/' which Sakya had prohibited after 


* See MahatvaniOf p. 15 ; and Tornour's P6Ii Annals; in Prin- 
sep's Journal; vi. 7228, 729. 


Srd. ^^ In villages it is allowable to partake of 
indulgences'' forbidden in the monasteries. 

4th. ^^ Ceremonies in their own houses may be 
performed by the monks/' instead of in the 
public hall. 

6th. ^^ Obtaining subsequent consent is allow- 
able for the performance of any act j'' whereas, 
consent should always precede it. 

6th. ^^ Conformity to example is allowable/^ 
that is, they might act as their superiors did ; 
whereas no example was admitted as an excuse 
if the act was forbidden. 

7th. ^^ The drinking of wh^ is allowable 
after midday," which whey, as a component part 
of milk, had hitherto been forbidden. 

8th. ^^ The drinking of toddy is allowable 
because it looks like water:'' whereas all fer- 
mented beverages were forbidden. 

0th. ^^ Cloth-eovered seats are allowable.^ 

10th. ^^ Gold and silver may be accepted in 

alms:" whereas the very use of the precious 

metals was prohibited ; and more especially the 

begging for money. 

2. When the tidings of this formidable heresy 

reached the revered Yasa, son of Kakandaka, 

he repaired to Yais&li; and, in the midst of the 

assembled monks, he denounced the asking for 

money as unlawful. On this he was subjected to 

various indignities by the schismatic monks, from 

whose vengeance he escaped with difficulty to 


Kausamhi.* Thence^ * despatching' messengers to 
Patheya and Ujain^ he collected a small body of 
orthodox monks^ who with him waited upon the 
Soreyan teacher BewatOy the most famous in his day 
for depth of knowledge and holiness of character. 
The schismatics tried to influence Bewato with pre* 
sents^ but failing in this^ they petitioned the king*^ 
who was at first inclined to favour them. But the 
king's intentions were changed by a dream^ and he 
proceeded to Vaisdli in person^ where, having heard 
both parties, he decided in favour of the orthodox, and 
directed them to take steps for the due maintenance 
of religion ; after which he departed for his capital. 

3. A stormy discussion then arose between the 
assembled monks, which was only quieted by the 
proclamation of the Uhhdhika rules for preserving* 
order at religious assemblies. Eight of the most 
learned teachers, four from the eastern fraternities 
and four from the western, were selected by Bewato 
to examine into the lawfulness of the indulgences 
now claimed. These monks retired to a quiet spot 
to consider the matter ; and, after much questioning* 
amongst themselves, they decided upon rejecting* the 
heresy. They accordingly returned to the assembly, 
and denounced the ten indulgences as unlawful ; on 
which the penalty of ^^ degi*adation'' was awarded to 
the schismatic monks. t 

* See MaharvansOy p. 16. 

t The sentence of degradation was S^a's punishment for all 
who caused dissensions amongst the Bauddha community. See 


4* This sentence was afterwards confirmed by the 
Second Synod^ which was composed of seven hundred 
monks selected by the learned Betvato. The synod 
was held at the Bldukar^a Vihara at Yais&li^ under 
the protection of Ealasoka^ King of Magadha. The 
proceedings^ which were conducted by question and 
answer in the same manner as at the First Synod^ 
occupied eight months. The Vindya and Dharma 
were again rehearsed; and the suppression of the 
ten indulgences was pronounced. This meeting was 
called the Dwitiye Sangiti or Second Sjrnod^ and the 
Saptoiatikay or Sjrnod of Seven Hundred. * 

ff. The English reader will be struck with the 
resemblance which this synod bears to that of a trial 
by jury^ in which we have the hearing of both 
parties ; the retirement of the jury to consider their 
verdict ; and the last sentence of the judge. 

Csoma's Analyais of the Dulva, Researches As. Soc. Bengal, 
XX. 80. See Plate XXYII. Fig. 4, for a memorial of a degraded 
monk. The inscription is simply patito (Sanskrit patitah), the 
" degraded." 




1. The sentence of degradation which could be 
carried out against an individual^ was powerless 
when pronounced against a multitude. The bod}- 
of schismatic monks who had been degraded 
amounted to ten thousand : they were refractory^ 
and would not submit j and their secession origi- 
nated the Mahdsanghika heresy^ or schism of the 
^^ Great Union."* In the Tibetan books^ the origin 
of this sect is referred to Kdsyapa^t ^^^ ^^ ^^^ 
disciples of Buddha ) but the account of the Maha- 
wanso is too circumstantial^ and the orthodoxy of 
the gi*eat Kasyapa is too well established^ for the 
admission of such an origin. There is indeed an 
heretical Easyapa^ whom the Chinese call Fu-lan- 
na-Kia^he (Purtoa Kfisyapa ?), ^^ who repudiated 
all law — who recognised neither prince nor subject^ 
neither father nor son — and who considered void space 

* MahawansOf o. zz. 

t Gsoma de Eoros, in Prinaep's Journal, vii. 143. It is pro- 
bable that his followers may have been the originators of the 
Mah&'S6nghxka heresy. 



as the Supreme Being."* But, as it would appear 
that this Kdsyapa was a follower of the Br^manical 
S&nkhya philosopher Kapila^ it is scarcely possible 
that he could have been the leader of the Maha^ 
Sanghika Buddhists. 

2. According* to the Tibetans, the earliest systems 
of Buddhism were the Vaibh&sMka and the Sautran- 
tikay both of which were dogmatical.f The followers 
of the former believed in everything written in the 
Scriptures, and would not dispute ; those of the latter 
^^ proved everything on the authority of Scripture, 
and by argument/' 

3. The Vaibhdshikds were divided into four prin- 
cipal classes, which bore the names of four of Sdkya's 
disciples : Mdhula^ Kdsyapa, Kdty&yana, and Updli. 
But it seems scarcely possible that these celebrated 
Buddhist leaders, the companions of Sak3^a, would 
have originated any schisms themselves. The more 
probable conclusion is, that they established schools, 
each instructing his own individual disciples, but all 
teaching one common doctrine. That these schools, 
though all professing the same belief at first, should, 
after the lapse of time, differ from each other, is but 
a natural result common to all human beliefs. In 
this view there seems nothing extraordinary in the 

• Fo-hwe-hi, c. xvii. n. 21. 

+ Csoma, as quoted above. The Vaibh^hikas were named 
from f%, vt, certainty, and HT^, bkdshd, speech ; t. e. the dog- 
matics. The Santrantihas adhered strictly to the Sutras ^ or 
Scriptures, from which they obtained their name. 


principal sects of Buddhism being* named after four 
of Sakya's chief disciples. 

4. The four schools of the Y aibhashikas were— 

1st. Bdhuhy son of S&kya^ a Kshatriya. The 
Bahulakas were divided into four sects. They re- 
cited the Sutras in Sanskrit^ and affirmed the ex- 
istence of all thing's. Their religious garb was 
formed of from nine to twenty-nine narrow strips of 
cloth. Their distinctive mark was a ^^ water-lily- 
jewel" (u^Mlorpadma) and a tree-leaf^ put together 
like a nos^ay.* 

2nd. Kdsyapa^ a Brahman. His folio wers, who 
were divided into six sects^ were called ^^ the great 
community'' (Mahasanghika). They recited the 
Sutras in a corrupt dialect ; their religious garb was 
formed of from three to twenty-three strips of cloth ; 
and they carried a shell as the distinctive mark of 
their school. 

drd. K&tydy&naj a Vaisya. His followers were 
divided into three sects ; and they recited the Sutras 
in the vulgar dialect. Their religious garb was 
formed of frt>m five to twenty-one strips of cloth ; 
and they wore the figure of a wheel as a distinctive 
mark of their school. They were styled ^' the class 
that have a fixed habitation" (query Sthdpitaka). 

4th. Updliy a Sudra. His followers were divided 
into three sects^ and they recited the Sutra in the 
Pisdehika language. Their religious garb was 
formed of from five to twenty-one strips of cloth; 

* See Csoma de Koros in Prinsep^s Journal^ vii. 143. 


and bore a sortsika flower as a mark of their school. 
They were styled ^^ the class honoured by many*' 
(query the Sabbattha schismatics of the Maha- 
wanso '* perhaps from sambhram^ reverence^ respect^ 
and atishay^ much.) 

5. The Sautrantikas were divided into two sects^ 
the names of which are not given. 

6. Altogether^ according^ to the Tibetans^ there 
were eighteen sects of Buddhists ; a number which 
agrees exactly with that of the Mahdwanso. But 
this agreement extends farther than the mere coin* 
cidence of numbers ; for two out of three names are 
the same as those of the M&hawanso. 

The 1st schism of the Mdh&wanso is that which 
followed the silly speech of Subhadra to the as- 
sembled Bhikshus^ shortly after the death of Buddha. 
It was immediately suppressed by Maha-Kasyapa at 
the First Synod} but, as it was listened to by the 
SthaviraSy it is named the Sthavira^ or Thera schism. 

The 2nd schism is that of the Mahasanghika, which 
it was the object of the Second Synod to suppress. 

The 3rd schism was that of the Gokulikay and the 
4th was the Ekabbyoh&rika. 

The Ookulika schismatics gave rise to the (6th) 

• Mahawanso, p. 21. The derivation of the term Sabbattha 
is uncertain; but the most probable etymology of Sabba is the 
Sanskrit Sarwa, " all." The name is of some importance, as it 
was most probably the original appellation of the Samarkand 
River, which the Greeks translated by UoXvrtfiriros " the much- 


Parmatti ; the (0th) BdhuUka; and the (7th) Chetiya 
heresies. The last no douht origmated at the great 
monastic establishment of Chetiyagiriy or Sdnehij near 

From these again proceeded the (8th) Sabbattha 
and the (9th) Dhammaguttika schisms (which arose 
simultaneously) ; and from the Sabbattlia proceeded 
the (10th) Kassapiya schism. Lastly the (11th) 
Sankantika priesthood gave rise to the Sutta schism. 

Six other schisms arose in India during the second 
century after the death of Buddha ; namely the (13th) 
Hem&wanta; the (14th) Bajagiriya; the (16th) Sid- 
dhatiki; the (16th) Eastern and the (17th) Western 
Seliya; and lastly the (18th) Wddariyd schism. 

^^ Thus there were eighteen inveterate schisms '' 
(including the TMra schism^ which was suppressed at 
the First Synod), of which seventeen arose in the 
second century after Buddha, or between B. c. 443 
and 348. I have been thus particular in enumerating 
these different secessions from the Buddhist faith, 
because the very names are of value in pointing out 
the geographical extension of the religion to the 
Hem&wanta^ or Him&layan region, and to Chetiya^ 
or the present district of Bhilsa. 

7. The gradual spread of the Buddhist faith is 
thus clearly and naturally developed. At S6k3'a's 
death in 543 B. c, the influence of his religion was 
confined to the central provinces of the Ganges, fi*om 
the neighbourhood of Cawnpore and Agra to the 
head of the Delta. One hundred years later, at the 


period of the Second Synod^ the Dharma of Buddha 
had been preached throughout Malwa^ from Chetiya 
(or Bhilsa)^ to Afxinti (or Ujain)^ and to the unde- 
fined Patheyaj or ^^Westem*' country. Of the 
farther prog^ress of the Buddhist religion^ nothing is 
certainly known until Alexander's invasion ; at which 
time Br&hnums and Sr&mdnoi would appear to have 
been held in about equal honour by the princes of the 

* This identi6catian of Chetija or Ghetiyagiri with the modern 
Bhilsa is proved by parallel passages in Hah&n6mo and Buddha- 
gfaosO; in which the former gives Chetiya and Ghetiyagiri, whera 
the latter gives Weesanagara, which is no doubt the old ruined 
city of Besnagar, two miles to the northward of Bhilsa. 




1. Chandra Chipta^ the founder of the Mauryan 
dynasty of Magadha^ was the illegitimate son of the 
last Nanda hy the beautiful^ but low caste^ MurAy 
from whom he obtained the name of Maurya. In 
the Mudra Bakshasa^ a Sanskrit drama detailing his 
elevation^ Chandra Gupta is frequently named Vri- 
shala^ a term said to be equivalent to Sudra ; and as 
Nanda himself was the son of a Sudra woman^ there 
can be little doubt that the celebrated Maurya family 
were of Sudra extraction. In the early part of his 
career^ Chandra Gupta led a wandering life in 
the Panjab ;* and was^ most probably^ engaged with 
his fellow-countrymen in opposing Alexander. His 
chief adviser^ the Brahman Chanakya^ was a native of 
Takshasila^ or Taxila^ the capital of the Western 
Panjab; and it was in that country that Chandra 
Gupta first established himself by the complete 
expulsion of the Greek troops left by Alexander. f 

* See Tumour, Introduction to the Mahawan90y p. xlL, quoting 
the Tika or Commentar|r. 

t Justin. XV. 4. — " Auctor libertatis Sandrocottus fiierat." 


2. It would appear that the Greek colonists in the 
Panjab had first been placed under^ Philip^ while the 
civil administration of the country remained in the 
hands of its native princes^ Taxiles and Porus. After 
wards^ on the murder of Philip by the mercenary 
soldiers^ Alexander* directed Eudemos and Taxiles 
to govern the country until he should send another 
deputy. It is probable^ however^ that they continued 
to retain the charge ; for after Alexander's death in 
B. c. 323^ Eudemos contrived to make himself master 
of the countr}*^ by the treacherous assassination of 
king Porus. t Some few years later, in B. c. 317, 
he niarclied to the assistance of Eumenes, with 3,000 
infantry and 5,000 cavalry, and no less than 120 
elephants. With this force he performed good ser- 
vice at the battle of Gabiene. But his continued 
absence gave the Indians an opportunity not to be 
neglected ; and their liberty was fully asserted by 
the expulsion of the Greek troops and the slaughter 
of their chiefs.^ Chandra Gupta was the leader of 
this national movement, which ended in his own 
elevation to the sovereignty of the Panjab. Justin 
attributes his success to the assistance of banditti ; § 
but in this I think he has been misled by a very 
natural mistake ; for the Arattas, who were the 

* Arrian, Anabasis, vi. 27. f Diodorus, xix. 5. 

J Justin. XV. 4. — ** Pi-a^fectos ejus occiderat;'* again, " Molienti 
clt'inde bellum adversus pnefectos Alexandri." 

% Justin. XV. 4. — ** Contractis lotronibus Indos ad novitatem 
regui solicilavil." 


dominant people of the Eastern Panj&b^ are never 
mentioned in the Mah&bh&rata without being called 
robbers.* They were the republican defenders of 
Sangala^ or S&kala^ a fact which points to their 
Sanskrit name of Ardshtray or ^^ kingless/* But 
though their power was then confined to the Eastern 
Panjab^ the people themselves had once spread over 
the whole country.^ They were known by the 
several names of Bdhika, Jdrttika, and Takka ; of 
which the last would appear to have been their true 
appellation ; for their old capital of Taxilay or 
Takka-silay was known to the Greeks of Alexander ; 
and the people themselves still exist in considerable 
numbers in the Panjab hills. The ancient extent of 
their power is proved by the present prevalence of 
their alphabetical characters^ which^ under the name 
of Tdkriy or Tdkniy are now used by all the Hindus 
of Kashmir and the northern mountains^ from Simla 
and Subathu to Kdbul and Bamiyan. On these 
grounds I venture to identify the banditti of Justin 
with the TdkkaSy or original inhabitants of the 
Panjab^ and to assign to them the honour of deliver- 
ing their native land from the thraldom of a foreign 

* Lassen, Pentapot. Indica. — '' Aratti profecto latrones/' and 
^^ Bahici latrones." The Sanskrit name is Arashtra, the ^^ king- 
less/' which is preserved in the Adraist^ of Arrian, who places 
them on the Il4vi. 

t " Ubi fluvii illi quini * * * ibi sedes sunt Arattorum." 
— Lassen. Pentapot Indica^ from the Mah^ibhtoit. 


3. Thie event occurred most probably about 
816 B. c.^ or shortly after the march of Eudemos 
to the assistance of Eumenes. It was followed imme- 
diately by the conquest of Gang^etic India;* and in 
815 B. c.^ the rule of Chandra Gupta was acknow- 
ledged over the whole northern peninsula^ from the 
Indus to the mouths of the Ganges. The authorities 
differ as to the lengfth of Chandra Gupta's reign^ 
which some make thirty-four years^ and others only 
twenty-four.f This difference may^ perhaps^ have 
origfinated in two distinct reckonings of the date ef 
his accession ; the one party counting from the death 
of Nanda Mahapadma^ in b. c. 825 ; and the other 
party from the conquest of India^ in B. 0. 815. Some 
assumption of this kind is clearly necessary to recon- 
cile the different authorities ; unless^ indeed^ we take 
the only alternative of adopting the one and of re- 
jecting the other. 

4. At this period the capital of India was Patali- 
putra or Palibothra, which was situated on the 
OangeSy at the junction of the JErrandboas or Aldos 
Biver.J The former name has already been iden- 
tified with the Sanskrit HiranyaMhuy an epithet 

* Justin. XV. 4. — " Indiam possidebat." 

t The Mahawanso gives thirty-four years, the Dipawanso and 
the Vayu Purana give only twenty-four years. 

X Arrian, Indica, x.^ gives the Erranaboas ; and Strabo, xv., uses 
the following words, — rai rov aXAov iroTafiov, for which I propose 
to read — Kai tov AXaov irorafiov. The change is very slight from 
A to A. The Greek text has rov and not rov. 


which has been applied both to the Oandak and to 
the 8on. But the latter name can only refer to the 
Hi4e-(m of the Chinese travellers^ which was to 
the north of the Ghmges^ and was therefore un- 
doubtedly the Oandak. Indeed^ this river still joins 
the Gktnges immediately opposite to Patna — ^that 
is^ ^^ the city^'' or metropolis^ as its proper name 
(jpatona) implies^ while the junction of the Son is 
some nine or ten miles above Patna. But as there 
is good reason for believing that the Son once joined 
the Ganges at Bllkipur or Bankipur^ immediately 
above Patna^ it is quite possible that the Mrranaboas 
may have been intended for the 8on^ and the 
Aldas for the Gandak. According to Megasthenes^ 
Palibothra was eighty stadia, or nearly nine miles 
in length ; and fifteen stadia, or one mile and two* 
thirds^ in breadth. It was surrounded with a deep 
ditch ; and was enclosed by lofty wooden walls^ 
pierced with loop - holeik for the discharge of 

5. Towards the close of the 4th century before 
our era^ when Alexander's successors were at peace 
with each other^ the great Seleukos^ having con- 
solidated his own dominions^ turned his arms towards 
the East^ with the intention of recovering the Indian 
provinces of Alexander. 

6. But the plains of Northern India were no 
longer divided amongst a set of petty chiefs^ whose 

* Arrian, Indica, x.; and Strabo; xv. ; both quoting Megas- 
thenes. Strabo has ^vXiroy wtpifioXor. 


gtillant but uaeless resistance had scarcely checked 
the g^reat Macedonian's advance. For the Mauryan 
prince^ who now wielded the sceptre of the East^ 
could bring into the field that vast army of six 
hundred thousand men^* whose very numbers had 
before daunted even the stout hearts of the soldiers of 
Alexander. The main object of this expedition was 
therefore impossible. Where a successful advance 
cannot be made^ an honourable retreat becomes a 
decided advantage; and this Seleukos secured for 
himself^ by yielding to Chandra Gupta the doubt- 
ful allegiance of the provinces to the west of the 
Indus for a valuable present of five hundred 
elephants.t These friendly relations were cemented 
at the time by a matrimonial alliance^ and were 
afterwards continued by the embassy of Megasthenes 
to the Indian court at Palibothra. 

7. Chandra Gupta died in 201 B. c.^ and was 
succeeded by his son yindusdra or Bimhisdra ; 
to whose court a second Greek embassy was sent 
either by Seleukos, or by his son Antiochus Soter. 
Nothing is known of the object or results of this 
embassy ; but the ambassador, Daimachosy was con- 
sidered by Strabo to be the most " lying'' of all the 
Greek historians of India.;}; He calls the king 
AllitrochadeSy or AmitrochateSy which Professor 
Lassen supposes to be the Sanskrit Amitraghdtay 

* Plutarch, Life of Alexander, 
t Strabo, xv. ; and Plutarch. 
t Strabo, xv., i/^ei/^oXoyos. 


or ^^ foe-killer.'' The difference between the Greek 
name of Amitrochates and the native one of Bin- 
dusdra^ proves nothing more than that the Hindu 
princes delighted in a variety of names. For^ though 
the Buddhist authorities agree with the Vishnu 
Pur&na in calling this king Bindus4ra, yet each of 
the other Pur&ns gives him a different name. Thus 
he is called JBhadrasdra in the Vdyu^ Vdris&ra in 
the Bh&gavata^ and apparently VriJiadratha in the 
Motsya Pur&na. If we might read Varisdray the 
'^ foe-killing arrow/' instead of Vdrisdray then the 
name of Amitragh&ta, or ^^ arrow to his enemies,'' 
might be considered as synonymous with that of 
the V&yu Purana. 

8. But in spite of the difference of names, there 
can be no doubt of the identity of the persons ; for 
Strabo particularly states that Amitrochates was 
the son of Sandrokottos. A third Greek embassy 
is mentioned by Pliny,* who states that the ambas- 
sador Dionysius was deputed by Ptolemy Phila- 
delphus, and that he remained for some time at the 
Indian court; but as the name of the king is not 
given, and as Ptolemy's long reign extended from 
B. G. 285 to 246, we are left in doubt whether 
Dionysius paid his respects to Bindusara or to his 
son Asoka. 

9. About the middle of his reign (b. c. 280), 
Bindusdra deputed his son Asoka to quell a serious 

• Pliny, Hiat. Nat. vi. 17. — *' Dionysius a Philadelpho missus." 


revolt in the district of Taxila.* The people came 
forth to meet him with offerings^ and to assure him 
that they were not displeased with the kin&r, but 
,ith th/miBi.ter .h. .ppr«»d them; on .Uch 
Asoka made his entry into the town with great 
pomp. He then conquered the kingdom of the 
SwasaSy or KhasaSj who were most probably the 
people of Kashmir.f For the Khasas were the 
early inhabitants of Persia and of Northern India 
before the Arian immigration^ which drove them 
from the plains to the hills^ where they still exist 
in great numbers^ and now form a considerable part 
of the population of that vast chain of mountains 
which stretches from the banks of the Helmand to 
the Brahmaputra. In Manu's Hindu Code they 
are coupled with the DartuUu or Dards; and in 

^ Burnouf, Introd. kV Hist, du Buddhisme Indien, pp. 861, 863. 

t The difference between the Khasas and Kasas, is about the 
same as that between the '^ men of Kent" and the '^ Kentisli 
men." The Kd^miri pandits repudiate all connection with the 
IChasas, and even so might an English Lander deny his an- 
cestor the Lavandier. The difference of spelling only shows the 
influence of Brahmanism, or rather of Hinduism, which changed 
the Khasas of Kha-^he (the Tibetan name for Kashmir) into de- 
scendants from K&syapa. The connection between the names is 
shown by the story which makes Edsyapa and Xhasd the parents 
of the Imps and Goblins. As well might the Oggs and Hogges 
repudiate their real ancestors the swineherds, and claim descent 
from the King of Basan. But even this would be more probable, 
for King Og was an actual historical personage, whereas K6syapa 
Muni (according to the Brahmans) was the father of gods and 


the Mahabharat they are classed with the Oan-^ 
dhdrasy ArattM^ and Sindhu'Sauviras. Professor 
Lassen has doubted the accuracy of Professor H. H. 
Wilson's reading of Xhasa in the Mahabh&rat; 
but this reading is supported^ as M. Bumouf 
observes^ by the above mention of the Swasas or 
Xhasas as neighbours of the Taxilans ; and is fully 
confirmed by a copy of the Mah&bh&rat in the 
possession of a Brahman at Th&nesar. 

10. Shortly afler the reduction of Taxila^ the 
successful Asoka was appointed to the government 
of Ujain^ the capital of Malwa. Asoka set forth 
to assume charge of his government in about 
274 B. c. On his way he tarried some time at 
Chaityagiri or JBaisnagara,* situated at the junction 
of the Besali River with the Betwa^ two miles to 
the northward of Bhilsa. Here he gained the 
affections of Devi, the lovely daughter of the Sreshti 
or " chief man'' of the place. A year afterwards 
she bore him a son named Mdhendray and one 
year later a daughter called Sanghdmitray both 
of whom became celebrated in after times as 

* See Tarnour^s Pali Annals, Prinsep's Journal, vii. 980, where 
Buddhaghoso calls the city Weuanagara, which Mah&n4mo calls 
Chetiya and Chetiyagiri (Mahawanso, p. 76). The story is the 
same in both authors ; and as the ruins of the old city of Baii- 
nagary or Besnagar, two miles to the north of Bhilsa, are situated 
on the high road between P4taliputra and Ujain, there can be no 
doubt of the identification. We^anagara was the city ; Chetiya- 
giri was the hill of the great Chaitya at Sdnchi, about four miles 
to the south of the city. 


the introducers of the Buddhist religion into 

11. Of Asoka's administration of Ujain little is 
known^ save the establishment of a celebrated place 
of punishment^ which was significantly named Hell^* 
because criminals were therein subjected to the same 
tortures in this life^ as have been generally accorded 
to the wicked in the next. During Asoka's govern- 
ment of Ujain^ the people of Taxila again revolted 
against BindwAra^ who deputed his eldest son 
Su^ma to reduce them; but the prince was un- 
successful, f During his absence the king fell 
grievously sick^ and directed his ministers to send 
Prince Asoka to Taxila^ and to recall Prince Susfma 
to court^ that he might establish him on the throne. 
But the ministers^ who were friendly to Asoka^ 
deceived the king by a false report of his illness, 
and at the same time informed the young prince 
that his father was on his death-bed. Asoka in- 
stantly hurried from Ujain to his father's palace at 
Pataliputraj but the sudden appearance of his 
younger son showed the king that he had been 
deceived ; and in the midst of a fit of passion, he 
burst a blood-vessel and died. This event happened 
in the year 263 B. c, when Bindusara had reigned 
twenty-eight years. 

* Fo-kwe-ki, c. 32, for Fa Hian's mention, and p. 393, for 
Ilwan Thsang's account of " Hell." 
t Burnouf, Buddhisme Indien, p. 363. 




1. Immediately on his father's death Asoka seized 
the government, and g-ave orders for the slaughter 
of all his brothers, save Tishya^ who was born 
of the same mother. His eldest brother, Prince 
Susima, who had marched against him from Taxila, 
was cut off by an artifice ; and the Mauryan dynasty 
was thus reduced to the single family of Asoka ; 
who, finding himself safe from the usual jealousies 
and intrigues of relatives, gave up his whole energies 
to the achievement of military glory. In the short 
space of four years he succeeded in reducing the 
whole of Northern India, from the mountains of 
Kashmir to the banks of the Narbadda, and from the 
mouth of the Indus to the Bay of Bengal j* and 

* Ifep6l was probably incladed in the conquests of Asoka; for 
the kings of Tibet trace their origin to the lAchhavis of Vais^li ; 
and KhruUanpo, the first king^ is said to have taken refuge in 
Tibet about S60 b. c. — that is, in the reign of Asoka. See 
Csoma's List of Tibetan Kings in Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 181 ; 
and also Fo-hwe-ki, c. xxiii. n. 6. 



India^ perhaps for the first time^ was brought under 
the control of one vigorous and consolidated go- 

2. During the first three years of his reign^ the 
mind of Asoka was fully occupied with views of 
worldly ambition and personal aggrandizement ; but 
in the fourth year^ when all India was at peace^ his 
restless activity found a more pleasing occupation^ 
and a more lasting emplo3rment^ in the acquisition of 
the Buddhist faith. Like his father Bindusdra, he 
had been brought up as a worshipper of Agni and 
Surya^ of Indra and Yayu ; and^ like him^ he showed 
his respect for the Brahmans by feeding sixty thou- 
sand of them daily.* But Asoka was of a passionate 
and impulsive temperament^ and when he became a 
convert to the Buddhist faith^ he embraced it with all 
the fervid zeal of his ardent nature; and though^ 
like Alexander^ he may once have wept that no more 
worlds were left for him to conquer, he now found 
that he had still himself to subdue. The task, though 
difficult, seemed not impossible; and the royal con- 
vert, who had before been called Chand-Asokay or 
" Asoka the Furious,'' now submitted himself to the 
outward discipline of the Buddhist faith, and at last 
became so distinguished a follower of Dharma, that 
he acquired the more honourable title of DJiarm- 
Asoka^ or " Asoka the Virtuous.'' 

* MahawansOj c. 23 ; but Buddhaghoso has the more moderate 
number of eight thousand. — See Tumour's Pdli Annals in Prin- 
sep's Journal, vi. 731. 


8. The first proof which Asoka g^ave of his con- 
version to Buddhism was the dismissal of the sixty 
thousand Brahmans^ in whose stead an equal number 
of 8r&mana$y or Buddhist ascetics^ were daily fed* 
His next act was the distribution of the relics of 
Sakya to all the chief cities of India. These relics 
had been collected by Aj&tasatra^ at the instance of 
K^yapa, and were deposited together in one larg'e 
Stupa at R&jagriha. But the king* had now deter- 
mined to manifest his zeal for the faith of Buddha^ 
by the erection of eighty-four thousand V%h6/rSy or 
monasteries^ in honour of the eighty-four thousand 
discourses of Buddha.* As this precise number has 
always been deemed a fortunate one both by Brah- 
mans and Buddhists^ it may be looked upon as the 
common expression for any very large number.f 
These Yih&rs are said to have been erected in eighty- 
four thousand different cities. I would reject the 
thousands^ and read simply eighty-four cities and 
eighty-four Yih&rs. The building zeal of Asoka is 
faUy confirmed by the Chinese pilgrim Hwan-Thsang^ 
who travelled through India in the middle of the 7th 
century of our era. At different places on his route, 
fi*om Anderab^ beyond the sources of the Kabul River, 
to Conjeveram, in the south of India, and from Pito- 
shilo, in the delta of the Indus, to Tamluk, at the 
mouth of the Ganges, this pilgrim saw upwards of 

* MakanoMOy p. 26. 

t 86» Sir H. M. BUiott's Supplementary Glossary of Indian 
Terms for a number of proofs. 


fifty lai^ Topes^ besides numerous Yibars^ all of 
which were attributed to Asoka. This account agrees 
with the statements of the Mahawanso^ which ascribe 
to Asoka the building* of splendid Chaityas on all the 
spots rendered memorable by the acts of Buddha.* 
All these buildings were completed within three 

4. This great king* was not, however, content with 
the erection of stately buildings for the service of his 
religion, but, like a true Buddhist, while he sought 
the achievement of his own salvation, he wished for 
the eternal happiness of others. With this view he 
is said to have promulgated eighty-four thousand 
royal edictsf for the extension of Dharma. Numbers 
of these edicts, engraved on massive rocks, and on 
stone pillars, still remain in different parts of India 
to attest the general accuracy of the Buddhist annals. 
The oldest edicts are contained in the rock inscrip- 
tions, which have been found at Dhauli in Kuttack, 
at Gimar in Gujrat, and at Kapurdigiri near Pesha- 
war. As these three places were the most distant 
points in Asoka's dominions, they were no doubt 
specially selected as the fittest positions for the in- 
scription of these important religious ordinances. 

5. In all these edicts the promulgator names him- 
self " Pbiyadarsi, the beloved-of-the-Devas." This 
appellation, which is evidently only a title, has led 

• Mahawamo, p. 34. 

t Burnouf, Buddhisme Indien, p. 403, quoting the Asoka 

RBIGN OF A80KA. 101 

Professor H. H. Wilson to doubt the generally 
accepted identification of Asoka with the Priyadarsi 
who published the edicts.* The learned professor 
rests his scepticism on the following* grounds^ which 
it is necessary to examine in detail^ out of respect for 
one who has rendered such distinguished services in 
every branch of Indian literature. 

1st. ^^ It is doubtful whether the edicts of Priya- 
darsi have any connection with Buddhism^ the mean- 
ing of the inscriptions^ to say the least^ being equi- 
vocal.'' Again, " There is nothing in the injunctions 
promulgated that is decidedly and exclusively charac- 
teristic of Buddhism. ''t 

2nd. The total omission of any allusion to Buddha 
himself by any of his appellations, Sugata, Tathagata^ 
Gautamoy or 8dkya.% 

3rd. The identification (of Asoka with Priyadarsi) 
rests upon a passage in the Dipawanso, ^^ a work of 
rather doubtful character/' which is besides a com- 
position of the fourth century of our era. J 

4th. ^^ It seems very inexplicable, why in none of 
the inscriptions his own appellation Asoka, or 
Dharmasoka, should ever be mentioned.''^ 

5th. Chronological difficulties of which it is not 
easy to dispose. || 

* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ zii. 236. 
t Ibid. p. 288. 
J Ibid. p. 241. 
(, Ibid. p. 24a 
;i Ibid p.. 244, 


6. The first objection appears to me to rest entirely 
upon the translation of a single word^ Dharmay 
which^ as James Prinsep truly observedi is the 
^^ keystone'' of all the edicts. By translating* Dhar- 
may wherever it occurs^ sometimes as ^^ piety,'' or 
" religion," and sometimes as ^^ morality/' or ^^ virtue," 
the whole scope and purport of the edicts of Priya- 
darsi are entirely lost sight of. These ordinances, on 
all the pillars, and on the rocks, both at Gimar and 
at Kapurdigiri, are styled jby the king himself, 
dhamalipiy or ^^ ediets-ou-Dharma." James Prinsep 
translates this word as ^^ religious edict;" and Pro- 
fessor Wilson omits all mention of dharmay and 
simply calls the inscription an ^^ edict ;" but to 
obtain the full force and meaning of the term, it 
should be rendered as I have given it above, ^^ edict 
or ordinance on Dharmay^ that is on the ^^ religious 
law" of Buddha. If the word Dharma had occurred 
but once or twice in these inscriptions, it might have 
been rendered by any one of the ordinary meanings 
given above ; but in the rock inscriptions it occurs no 
less than thirty-seven times; and in combinations 
with other terms which prove it to be who^ and em- 
phatically Buddhistical. Thus, in the 6th Tablet, w^e 
have Dhamma-vadhiyay which Prinsep translates 
" increase of religion," and Professor Wilson, " aug- 
mentation of virtue," but which ought to be rendered 
^^ advancement of Dharma" — that is, the propagation 
of the Religious Law of Buddha. This is still more 
clearly shown in the opening of the 11th Tablet, in 


which Dharma has been translated by both as 
" virtue.''* 

** Devdnangnyo Pitadasi rdja evam 6ha : 
n6sH etdrisam ddnam ydrisam Dhamnu^ddnam 
Dhammasanitavo va Dhammasam vibhago 
va Dhammasam handho va^ 

^^ Thus saith King^ Pbiyadarsi^ the beloved of the 
Devas :— There is no gift like the g^ of Dharma ; 
whether it be knowledge of Dharma^ or inheritance 
of Dharma J or close union with Dharma.*' 

And towards the end of the same Tablet : — 

*^ idam sddhuy idam katavyam sotathd 
kami — lokavasa drddka hoti 
parato va anantam punam 
bhavati tena Dkammaddnena" 

^^ This is well : this should be done : (and for 
him) who doeth thus^ there is happiness in this 
world ; and everlasting holiness hereafter is obtained 
by this gift of Dharma!' 

7. Other passages of similar force and value 
might be quoted at length \ but it will be sufficient 
to mention that the whole of Priyadarsi's edicts 
are dedicated to the attainment of one object^ 
Dharma-^oarddhanay the ^^ advancement of Dharma!' 
For this purpose he directed that " men learned in 
DharmoP should be appointed to ^^ establishments 
of Dharma^' to preach ^^ sermons on Dharma^' to 

* Journal of Ro^al Asiatic Society^ zii. p. 213. 


the ^^ people united in Dharma!^^ These doctors 
of Dharma were also directed to penetrate amongst 
the unbelievers^ to mix with high and low^ rich and 
poor^ hermits and worldly men^ for the purpose 
of instructing them in the perfect observance of 

8. Throughout all these edicts^ both on the pillars 
and on the rocks^ Priyadarsi announces his own 
adherence to Dharma (or the law of Buddha)^ and 
his belief that the love of Dharma {DJiafnmak&nui) 
would continue to increase. He inculcates that 
Dharma consists in the strict observance of moral 
duties^ in the performance of pious acts^ and in the 
entire subjection of the passions ;;{; and he declares 
that Dharma will be advanced by the prohibition 
(ahinsa or avihinsa) against taking life.§ Dharma 
is in fact the only key by which the meaning of 
these inscriptions can be unlocked ; and it« frequent 
and emphatic use, throughout these royal edicts, 
shows that their promulgator was a firm and zealous 
adherent of Dharma, or the law of Buddha. Asoka 
was the same; for which reason the people called 
him Dhamuisoka. 

* Prinsep's Journal, vi. 602. Dhamnui-maMmaU, " learaed 
men, or doctors of Dharma." Dhamma-thabavi, '^ establiah- 
ment3-for-Dharma." Janam-Dhammayutumy " people-joined-by- 
Dharnia.*' Dhamma-sdvdfidniy " lectures-on- Dharma." 

t DhammapaiUnay perfect observance of Dharma; from apadAn 
well-doing:, or complete performance. 

I Prinsep's Journal, vi. 582. 

S Prinsop s Journal, vi. 608. 


9. I may observe here that Mr. Tornour^ the 
translator of the Pali Annals of Ceylon^ appears to 
have felt the full force and meaning of Dharmay 
which he always gives in its P41i form of Dhammo. 
Had he translated it simply as ^^ religion/' the true 
sense of many passages would have been utterly 
lost. But he was living in a Buddhist country^ and 
in daily intercourse with Buddhist monks^ and he 
therefore knew and appreciated the peculiar signi- 
ficance of the term; which stamps the follower of 
Dharma as an undoubted Buddhist^ or observer of 
the " Religious Law'' of Buddha. 

10. Professor Wilson's second objection is the 
omission of any mention of Buddha himself^ by any 
of his well-known appellations. But this is met 
by the frequent and emphatic use of Dharmay the 
name of the second person of the orthodox Buddhist 
Triad. JBhagavdn is also twice mentioned in the 
13th Tablet of the Xapurdigiri inscription ; but this 
title^ although very commonly used by the Buddhists^ 
is only an epithet for the Supreme Beings and might 
therefore have been used by the Brahmans of those 
days as well as by the Buddhists. The common 
Brahmanical term^ however^ is JBhagavat, and I 
believe that the use of Bhagavan is almost peculiar 
to the Buddhists. But though the omission of 
Buddha's own name in these inscriptions cannot^ 
perhaps^ be now explained, yet the Buddhistical faith 
of Priyardarsi is placed be^'ond all doubt by his 
mention of Buddha^ Dharma^ and Sangha^ the three 


members of the orthodox Buddhist Triad^ in the short 
rock inscription found at Bhabra^ near Jaypur.* 

11. Professor Wilson's third objection is the 
asserted identification of Asoka with Priyadarsii 
which rests upon a passage in the Dipawanso^ ^^a 
work of doubtful character and of comparatively 
modem date.'' Regarding* the authenticity of the 
Dipawanso^ I hold an opinion entirely different to 
Professor Wilson's. His doubts of its genuineness 
were^ I presume^ based on the statement of Mahl^ 
ndmo^ which Mr. Tumour has brought prominently 

forward^t ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ Pittakattaya and its attha-- 
kathd (or Commentaries)^ had been orally perpetuated" 
previous to B. c. 88-76. If this statement were 
true^ it is clear that all events recorded previous to 
that date could only be regarded as so many tra- 
ditions. It is quite possible that the monks may 
have made a mystery of their learning to increase 
the reverence of the people, by asserting that all the 
doctrines which they taught had been handed down 
orally; and this assertion might have gradually 
grown into a belief which in Mahdn&mo's time 
nobody disputed. But it is much more likely that 
the assertion is a mere error of the text ; for it is 
most fully contradicted by another statement of Ma- 
hanamo^J which has every appearance of truth to 
recommend it to our implicit belief. According to 

• Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, ix. 618. 
t MakarvansOy o. 33, p. 207. 
1 Mahatvanso, c. 37, p. 261. 

REIGN OF A80KA. 107 

this statement^ the Siugphalese Atthakatha were com^ 
poeed by Mahendra (the son of Asoka)^ who had pre^ 
viowly consulted the discourses of Buddha^ and 
the dissertations and arguments of Sdriputra and 
others. But^ in addition to this counter statement^ 
we have the testimony of Buddhaghoso^* who trans- 
lated the Singhalese Atthakatha into P^^ between 
A. D. 410-^432. He states distinctly^ that for his 
own work he had availed himself of the Atthakatha^ 
which had been in the first instance authenticated by 
the five hundred Arahanta at the First Synod^ and 
subsequently at the succeeding synods; and which 
were afterwards brought to Sihala (or Ceylon) by the 
holy Mahendra, and ^^ translated into the Sihala 
language for the benefit of the people.'' 

12. This account is older by some seventy 3'ears 
than that of Mahan^o^ the author of the Maha- 
wanso ; and as Buddhaghoso was a Magadha Brah- 
man^ he must have known that the Buddhist scrip- 
tures had been compiled by the disciples of Buddha^ 
immediately after the meeting of the First Synod. 
A P&li version of the Atthakathay or Commentaries^ 
is mentioned as having been studied by Tis90 Mo- 
galiputra, while he was a Samanera^ in the early 
part of the third century before our era.f 

13. There is^ besides^ the most convincing internal 
evidence in the Mahawanso of the correctness of the 

* Tumour's P&Ii Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 610. 
t Buddhaghoso, quoted by Tumour in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 

108 TH£ BfilLSA TOPES. 

above statement of Buddhaghoso^ in the fact^ that 
no mention whatever la made of Indian affairs after 
the advent of Mahendra. This proves^ in my 
opinion^ that all the knowledge of Indian history 
which the Singhalese possessed had been derived 
from Mahendra : a conclusion which is supported by 
the direct testimony of Buddhagoso. 

14. The fourth objection, urged by Professor 
Wilson against the identity of Asoka and Priya- 
darsi, is the non-occurrence of the name of Asoka 
or Dharmasoka in any of the inscriptions. The 
same objection might be offered to the identity of 
Prince Salim and Jah&ngir, and of Prince Kurram 
and Shah-Jeh^n. In fact, it is a common practice 
in the East for a prince to assume a new name upon 
his accession to the throne ; and such we know was 
the custom in Asoka's own family. His grandfather 
had three names, — 1st, a birth name, which is not 
given, but which was perhaps Vrishala ; 2nd, a local 
name, PalibrotheSy or lord of P&taliputra ; and 3rd, 
a royal name, Chandra Gupta^ which he assumed 
on his accession to the throne.* Asoka's brother, 
named Vitdsoka, was also called Tishya ; his son 
Kundla had a second name, DharmorVarddhana y\ 
and his daughter, Sanghamitrdj was also named 
Sumitra.X At that period it was therefore the 
common custom, for a prince at least, to have two 

* Megasthenes in Strabo; xv. 
t Burnoufs Buddhisme Indien. 
I Jdahawanso, p. 121. 


names; and if Asoka^ as the Dipawanso explicitly 
states, bore also the title of Priyadarsi^ it is evident 
that the inscriptions which gtive him this title would 
omit all mention of his original name of Asoka. In 
the edicts promulgated by himself^ he is mentioned 
by the name which he had assumed; but in the 
annals written by others he is called by that name 
which he had always bome^ and by which he was 
best known to the people. An almost similar case 
is that of the Boman Emperor Elagabalus^ or 
Bassianus^ who assumed the name of Antoninus^ 
by 'which he is always mentioned on coins and 
inscriptions; while the historians and annalists in- 
variably call him Elagabalus. 

IS. But the statement of the Dipawanso is most 
happily confirmed by the Bhabra edict^ from which 
we learn that Priyadarsi, the worshipper of Buddha, 
Dharma, and Sangha, was the Baja of Magadha 
at the period of the Third Synod.* Now we know, 
from the Buddhist annals, that this synod took place 
in the reign of Asoka Maurya, the Buddhist King* 
of Magadha. The statement is further confirmed by 
a fact mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hian ; 

• Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, ix. 618. The opening words are 
" Piyadan-^dja Magadha-^angham dbUvdde-mdnam eha" or 
« Raja Priyadarsi, saluting the Synod of Magadha, declareth.'* 
This most valuable document should be translated critically ; for 
the version already published renders the above passage as foUows : 
— " Piadasa Raja, unto the mvUitude assembled in Magadha 
saluting him, speaks (thus). 


who^ writing in a.d. 400^ attributes the erection of 
a lion-pillar at Samkissa to Asoka.* ^^ The king 
(Ayu or Asoka) felt sensible of a great increase of 
his faith and veneration. He caused therefore a 

chapel to be built Behind the chapel 

was erected a pillar^ 80 cubits high 

Thereon was placed a lion The interior 

and the exterior were polished and resplendent as 
CTystal.'' Now^ it is remarkable that the pillars 
which bear Priyadarsi's inscriptions have all polished 
shafts^ about SO cubits in height^ of which some are 
still surmounted by Lions. The chain of evidence is 
therefore complete ; and there can no longer be any 
doubt of the identity of Asoka Maurya with the 
Priyadarsi of the inscriptions. 

16. The minor difficulties of chronology^ which 
form Professor Wilson's last objection^ are easily 
disposed of; for they seem to me to have arisen 
solely from the erroneous assumption that Priyadarsi 
must have been a contemporary of Antiochus the 
Great. In the Girnar and Kapurdigiri rock in- 
scriptions^ King Priyadarsi mentions the names of 
five Greek princes who were contemporary with 
himself. Of these, four have been read with cer- 
tainty — Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, and Magas ; 
and the fifth has been conjectured to be Alexander. 
James Prinsep, who first read these names, assigned 
them to the following princes : — 

• Fo-kwe-ki, c. xiii. 


Aktiochus II. Tkeas of Stria. b. c. 282^ 247. 

ProLBMT II. Philadelphui of Egypt. b. o. 285^ 246. 

Antioonus. Oanatoi of Macbdon. b. a 276^ 243. 

Maoas. Ctrbnb. b. c. 258. 

and with these identifications the learned of Europe 
have generally agreed. 

17. The fifth name has been read by Mr. Norris as 
Alexander; and if this reading is correct^ we may 
identify this prince with Alexander II. of Epeiros^ 
who reigned from B.C. 272-254. But the two 
copies of this name^ published by Mr. Norris^ from 
fac similes by Masson and Court^ appear to me to 
read AlibhMunariy'^ which may be intended for 
Ariobarzanes III., King of Pontus, who reigned 
from B. c. 266-240. But in either case the date of 
Priyadarsi's inscription will be about B.C. 260-258, 
shortly preceding the death of Magas. 

18. As the last-fitting pieces of a child's puzzle- 
map test the accuracy of the previous arrangements, 
so do these identifications prove the correctness of 
Sir William Jones's happy conjecture of the identity 
of Chandra Gupta and Sandrakottos. The^o^^^ are 
undeniable. Asoka^ or Priyadarsi^ the Indian King of 
Magadha, was the contemporary of five Greek princes, 
all of whom began to reign a little before the middle 
of the third century B. c. The nature of the rela- 
tions which Asoka established with these princes, has 
been lost by the abrasion of th^ rock-inscription ; but 

* See Plate of Inscription in Jounial Roj. As. Soc. xii. 


we may conjecture that the chief point was the pro- 
pagation of the Buddhist religion^ and the toleration 
of Buddhist missionaries. To some it may seem 
difficult to understand how any relations should exist 
between the Indian Asoka and the Greek princes of 
Europe and Africa ; but to me it appears natural and 
obvious. Asoka's kingdom on the west was bounded 
by that of Antiochus; his father, Bindusara, had 
received missions from Antiochus, Soter, and Ptolemy 
Philadelphus ; and as Asoka was forty-five years of 
age when he was inaugurated, in B. c. 269, he might 
have conversed with both of the Greek ambassadors, 
Daimaclws and Dionysios. He had been governor 
of Ujain for many 3^ears in the lifetime of his father, 
during which the Egyptian fleet had anchored an- 
nually at Barj^gaza, while the merchants proceeded 
to the viceroy's court at Ozene, with choice specimens 
of their valuables — wines, gold and silver plate, and 
female slaves. Asoka had known the Greeks before 
he became king ; he had seen their ambassadors and 
their merchants; and he knew that his grandfather 
had given five hundred elephants to Seleukos Nika- 
tor in exchange for a barren and mountainous territory, 
and a Grecian wife. 

19. But there is another fatal objection to Pro- 
fessor Wilson's identification of Antiochus the Great 
with the Antiochus of Priyadarsi's inscriptions, in the 
omission of any of the Greek princes of Kabul and of 
the native princes of Parthia j for we know that 
Artabauu8 I. and Euthydemus were the contempo- 


raries of the Syrian prince, who, after an unsuccessful 
attempt to reduce them, was obliged to recognize 
them both as independent king's. 

20. The ordinances of Asoka, or Priyadarsi, 
were issued at different periods of his reign. Those 
of the 10th and 12th years are found on the rocks 
of Kapurdigiri, Gimar, and Dhauli ; while the 
pillar-edicts are all dated in the* 27th year of his 
.^eigfn. Much has been written about the confused 
dates of the different pillar-edicts, in spite of the 
clear and decisive lang'uage of the ordinances them- 
selves; which shows that they were all published 
in the 27th year. It is true that the Eastern tablet 
refers to an edict of the 12th year, but this, as 
Priyadarsi states, had been abrogatedy and the 
Eastern tablet, which mentions the abolished or- 
dinance, is itself doited in the 27th year.* The words 
of the inscription referring* to the edict of the 12th 
year are dhamma-lipi likhapitay ^^ an ordinance on 
Dharma was published f whereas each of the edicts 
of the 27th year is described as iyam dhamma-lipij 
'^ this ordinance on DharmaJ^ The rock-inscription 
at Bhabra, near Jaypur, is of uncertain date ; but, as 
it mentions the Third Synod, it must be posterior to 
241 B. c. 

21. The pillar inscriptions, therefore, contain tU« 
latest edicts published by Asoka, as they data nUm 
years posterior to the assembly of the Third Hyiw4# 
The precepts inculcated in them are, however, geu^riMf 

* Prinsep's Journal, vi. 596, 697. 



the same as those of the 12th year j but a greater ten- 
derness is expressed for animal life^ and a more com- 
prehensive view is taken of the moral duties of charity 
towards all mankindy and of the sacred duty of a 
king towards his subjects. This difference shows the 
advance made by Asoka in his acquirement of the 
Buddhist faith, which is essentially one of good will 
and toleration towards all men. 

22. But the sincerity of Asoka's belief is further 
proved by the zealous earnestness with which he 
sought to propagate his new faith over all the distant 
provinces of his own empire, as well as in the neigh- 
bouring kingdoms of his allies. His own family had 
been early converted. His wife Asandhimitra was a 
zealous Buddhist ; his brother Tishya took the vows 
of an ascetic ; his son Kunala became celebrated for 
his early misfortunes and after attachment to the 
faith ; while his children Mahendra and Sanghamitra, 
who were initiated at twenty years of age, immor- 
talized themselves by converting the people of Ceylon. 
Their mission formed part of the great scheme for the 
propagation of Buddhism, which was arranged 
between Asoka and the principal Arliat Mogali- 
putra at the meeting of the Tliird Synod, in B. c. 241, 
in the 18th year after Asoka's inauguration. 




1. The Third Synod was composed of one thousand 
holy arhats, selected by Tishya, the son of the 
Brahman Mudgala^ from whom he received the patro« 
nymic of Maudgalaputra (P&li^ MogaUputa)^ by 
which he is generally known.* This Synod was 
assembled^ at the express desire of Asoka^ for the 
purpose of discovering* and expelling the multitude of 

heretics^t ^^^ ^^^ insinuated themselves into the 
monasteries^ by shaving their heads^ and by assuming 
the yellow dress of the Buddhist ascetics. Each sect 
professed its own creed, saying, ^^This is Dharma; 

* The assumption of pataron jmios became quite necessary^ owing 
to a partial fondness for particular names. Thus^ there were four 
other TishyaS; besides the leader of the Third Synod : — Ist^ Tishya^ 
the brother of Asoka; 2nd^ Tishya^ the Arhata, who died of an 
ulcer in his foot; 3rd; Tishya^ the King of Ceylon; 4th; the am- 
bassador of the Ceylonese king. Of these, Asoka's brother alone 
is called Tishya : the others have additional names. 

t Tithaya; that is, the IlrthakaSy or Tirthakaras. See 
Tumour's P&li Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 732. 


this is Vinaya;^^ and the Buddhist Vih&ra were 
defiled by the presence of worshippers of Fire and 
adorers of the Sun.* 

2. The Bhikshus and ascetics of all descriptions 
who attended the Third S}mod^ were assembled in the 
Asokarama Vih4r, at Pataliputra, by the King in 
person^ accompanied by the venerable Arhat Mogtdi- 
putra^ then seventy-two years of age. The Bhikshus 
professing different faiths were separated according 
to their sects ; and to each sect was put the question^ 
"What faith did Buddha profess?" The Su8$ata 
said^ ^^ The Sussata faith ;" and each answered 
according to its own belief. There were eight dif- 
ferent sects^ all of which Asoka readily distinguished 
by his own knowledge of the true doctrines. These 
heretics^ sixty thousand in number^ were then stripped 
of their yellow robes, supplied with white dresses, and 
expelled from the Assembly. f 

3. After the expulsion of the heretics, the Synod 
were occupied for nine months in rehearsing the 
Vinaya and JDharmay in the same manner as had 
been done at the First and Second Synods by the 
Great Kdsyapay and Yasa. From the number of 
Arhats who composed it, this Assembly was called 
the SaJuisrifia Satigitiy or " Synod of one Thousand." 

4. At the conclusion of this Synod in B. c. 241, 
several missions were despatched to foreign countries 

* Tumo\ir, in !Vin50|>> Journnl, vi. 833. 

t Tumour's riili Aiinal;*. in Prinsep*! '^ * * ■"*^- 737. 


for the propagation of the Buddhist religion.* The 
missionaries^ who were selected by Mogaliputra, were 
the principal SthdviraSy or leaders of Buddhism^ men 
who had acquired the rank of arhaty and were re- 
spected for superior sanctity. The following' list gives 
the names of the missionaries^ and of the scenes of 
their labours. 

1st. Majjhantikoy or Madhyantika, was deputed to 
Kasmira and GandhIra^ or Kashmir and Pesh^war^ 
where he is said to have ordained 100,000 persons, of 
whom 80,000 attained superior grades.f He was at 
first opposed by the Naga, King of the Aravdlo or 
Wular lake ; but the Naga was finally converted, to- 
gether with 84,000 of his subjects, and ^^the land 
glittered with the yellow robes'' of the monks. 

2nd. MahIdeva was deputed to Mahisamandala, 
where he converted 80,000 persons. This country 
is not known : it may be Maheswaray on the 

8rd. Rakkhito or Bakshita was deputed to TFo- 
nawdHy which is probably the country on the Bands 
River, or the modern Mew6r and Bundi. 60,000 
persons are said to have attained sanctification, and 
87,000 to have been ordained monks in five hundred 

4th. Yana, DhammarahkhitOj or Yavaka Dhabica 
Rakshita (the Greek, — Preserver of Dharma) 
was deputed to Aparantaka (the weatem coontrr), 
where 70,000 persons were converted. This country 

• Mahawanwy p. 71 . t Mahawamm^ pp. 71, 78- 


is probably the Apanchhaj or Northern Sind of Hwan 

5th. Maha Dhakma Rakshita was deputed to the 
Mah&ratta country, where 97,000 persons were con- 

6th. Maharakshita was deputed to the Yona op 
Yavana country, that is, either to the Greek province 
of Kabul, or to Arachosia ; for the name of the capi- 
tal, Alasadda* or Alexandria, was common to both 
countries. The former, however, seems the more pro- 
bable — 180,000 persons are said to have been con- 
verted, but only 10,000 ordained. 

7th. MqjjhimOy or Madhyamay was deputed to the 
HiMAWANTA, or couutry of the Him&layas; alongf 
with four other Sthdviras, named Kassapo (or Kfis- 
y apa), MulikadevOy Dhandabinasso, Sahasadevo. These 
five StMviras are said to have converted 80 kotis of 
people in the five divisions of the Himala5'^as. Relics 
of Majjhima and of Kassapa were discovered in No. 
2 Tope at Sanchi. 

8th. Song and TJttaro were deputed to Suvarna- 
hhumiy or " golden land/' As this country was on 
the sea-coast, it may be identified either with Ava, 
the Aurea RegiOy or with Siam, the Aurea Cher^ 
sonesus. Six millions of people are said to have 
been converted, of whom 26,000 men became monks, 
and 1,600 women became nuns.^ 

9th. Maha Mahendra the son of Asoka, with four 
other StMviraSy named IttiyOy Uttiyo, Samhalo^ and 

• Mahawaruo, p. 171. f Ifahawanso, p. 74. 


Bhaddasaloy were deputed to LanJuij or Ceylon, 
where they converted the king Devdnampriya-Tishtfa, 
and the whole of his court. 

5. The narrative of these missions is one of the 
most curious and interesting* passages in the ancient 
history of India. It is preserved entire in both the 
sacred books of the Singalese^ the Dipawanso and 
Mahdwanso ; and the mission of Mahendra to Ceylon 
is recorded in the sacred books of the Burmese. 
But the authenticity of the narrative has been most 
fully and satisfactorily established by the discovery 
of the relics of some of these missionaries^ with the 
names of the countries to which they were deputed. 
According to the Mahawanso^ the Sthdvira Kassapo^ 
or KlSYAPA accompanied the holy Majjhima or 
Madhyama to the Himawanta or Himalayan region. 
Thus united in life^ they were not separated after 
death^ and their relics were found enshrined together 
in the same casket in No. 2 Tope at Sanchi. This 
casket bears three inscriptions^ each mentioning a dif- 
ferent name.* The legend on the top of the lid is — 

Sapurisasay KAsapa-gotasa, savahemavatdcharitfasa 

" (Relics) of the emancipated K As a pa-got a, the spiritual teacher 

to the whole HSmawanta" 

On the inside of the lid is this legend : — 

Sapurisa (so) Majhimasa 
*' (Relics) of the emancipated Majhima.'' 

* See Plate XX. for these inscriptions. 


And on the bottom of the casket is this inscription : — 

SapurisoM hIritI-putasa. 
*' (Relics) of the emancipated nlRiTi-puTRA." 

6. In the first inscription KAsapa is distinctly 
styled the acliariya ; that is^ the spiritual teacher or 
missionary to the Hhnawanta. The perfect agree- 
ment between this inscription and the record of the 
Mah&wdnso^ in the names both of the missionary and 
of the scene of his labours^ is too remarkable to be 
the result of any combination of chances. But the 
identity of the two persons is rendered positively 
certain by the discovery of the relics of Mqjhinuiy 
the companion of Kdsapa^ in the same casket^ and 
of the relics of the great Mogaliputra in another 
casket which was found in the same stone box. 

7. In the text of the Mahawanso Majjhimo alone 
is mentioned, but the other names are given in the 
commentary J and Mr. Tumour has therefore in- 
serted them in his translation. It is probable, there- 
fore, that Majhima was the senior monk or head 
of the mission, and that Kdsapa was the most suc- 
cessful missionary. I infer this from the significant 
manner in which he is styled ^^ Missionary to the 
whole Hemuwanta ;^^ a marked distinction, which 
cannot be accidental, as it is repeated on a second 
casket containing his relics which was found in No. 
2 Tope at Sonari.* This inscription is the same 

* See Plate XXIV. Inscription on No. 3 Box. 


as that of the S4nchi casket, but with the important 
addition of the name of the missionary's father. 

Sapwitasa Koti-puta8A| KisAPA-ooTASA, Mvakemavatd- 


** (Relics) of the emancipated son of Xotif EIsapa-oota, the 
spiritual teacher of the whole Hiematvanta** 

From this inscription we learn that Kdsapa was 
ako known by the patronymic of Koti-putea. 

8. But there was another missionary companion 
of Majhima and Kasapa whose labours in the Hema- 
wanta reg^ion are recorded on a crystal casket which 
was found in No. 2 Tope at Son&ri.* The legend 
is — 

Sapurisasa Goti-putasi Hiemavatasa Dadabhisartua ddyidasa. 

'^ (Relics) of the emancipated Goti-putra, the relation 
[of the faith] amongst the Dadabhisaraa of the Hiemawanta** 

JDdrdabMsdra is the hilly country lying on both 
banks of the Indus^ to the west of Kashmir. JDardu 
was on the right bank^ and Abhisdra (the present 
Hazdra) on the left bank of the river. The meaning 
of ddydda (literally son, offspring, relative) is best 
illustrated by the following anecdote from the Ma- 

9. When Asoka had dedicated his son Mahendra 
and his daughter Sanghamitrd to the religion of 

• See Plate XXIV. Inscription on No. 1 Bq%. 
t Mahawanso, p. 36. 


Buddha^ he inquired from the arhats — ^^ Lords ! 
whose acts of pious bounty to the Buddhist religion 
have been the ^eatest?'' The crafty Mog'aliputra 
answered with ready wit, ^^ Ruler of Men I a greater 
benefactor to the faith than thou art can only be 
called a benefactor, but he who dedicates a son or 
daughter to the ministry of our religion, that person 
is more than a ^ benefactor' (ddyako), he is a ^ rela- 
tion (ddydda) of the faith/ *' Goti-putba had there- 
fore earned the title of ddydda^ or ^^ relation of the 
faith" by the ordination of one of his children to the 
Buddhist religion. 

10. It seems strange that Ootiputra, who was so 
famous amongst his contemporaries for the success of 
his missionary labours, should not be mentioned in 
the Mahawanso. But I have a suspicion that both 
himself and the scene of his labours are mentioned in 
the Commentary. Mr. Tumour gives KassapOy Mu- 
likadewOy Dhandhabinasw, and SahassadewOy as the 
name of the four theros or sthdviras who accompanied 
Majjhima to the Hemawanta country. One of these, 
therefore, must be the missionary to Abhisara, unless 
the patronymic Gotiputra has been omitted as super- 
fluous; for I propose to read the barbarous Dhan- 
dhabinasso as Dardabhisdraj and to insert Gotiputra 
as the name of the missionary who was deputed to 
that country. I should be inclined to identify Goti- 
putra either with MulikddewOy or with SahasadewOy 
were it not that the text of the Mahawanso particularly 
mentions Jbtir theros {chatuhi therehi) as the com- 


panions of Majjhimo. It is indeed possible to read 
JDadabhisdra as the missionary's name; but as the 
name of the country^ Hema/oatay is placed between 
Gotiputra and Dardabhisara^ it seems much more 
probable that the latter is intended for the name 
of the well-known country of Dardu and Abhisara. 

11. The name of the other ArhatSy whose relics 
have been found in company with those of Majjhima^ 
Kasapa^ and Gotiputra^ will be found in the account of 
the discoveries made in theTopes at Sanchi and Son^ri.* 

12. The proselytizing* zeal of Asoka is the more 
worthy of record, as it anticipated by nearly three 
centuries one of the most characteristic institutions 
of the early Christian Church. Though his notions 
of a Supreme Being were of a less lofty and of a 
more indistinct nature than those of the Christian, 
yet the Buddhist Prince was imbued with the same 
zealous wish for the propagation of his faith, and 
with the same good will and brotherly love towards all 
mankind. He was especially desirous that all men 
should be brought into the right way; but he was 
content to propagate his own faith by persuasion and 
by argument, and to pray for all those who dif- 
fered from him in religion, with the hope that his 
example might perhaps induce some to labour for 
their own everlasting salvation.f 

18. Like the great Constantino, the Indian King 
was doomed to learn the guilty passion of his Queen 

• See Plates XX. and XXIV. 

t Eastern inscription of Delhi Pillar. 


for the most promising^ of his sons } but, more fortu- 
nate than the Roman Emperor^ Asoka was saved 
from the pain of condemning his own child. The 
Queen^ Tishya JRakshitd^ was enraged by the beau- 
tiful-eyed Kunala^s rejection of her overtures^ and 
meditated revenge. An opportunity soon occurred 
by the deputation of Kunala to Taxila to quell' 
another revolt. Through the Queen^s influence (but 
unknown to the King)^ a royal order^ sealed with the 
King's signet^ was sent to the Taxilans to put out 
those beautiful eyes which had excited the Queen's 
love for Kunala. The people hesitated^ but obeyed ; 
and the unfortunate Kundla^ guided by his faithful 
wife^ Eanchanamiil^^ took his dreary way to the 
King's court at P&taliputra. When Asoka saw his 
beloved son^ his anger was inflamed against the 
Queen, and in spite of Kundla*s entreaties for mercy, 
she was made over to the torturers to be burned to 
death. Such is the legend which the Buddhists 
relate of their king and his favourite son ;* but as 
they add that Kunala was restored to sight on 
account of his piety, we may perhaps conclude that 
the Queen's evil intentions were not fulfilled. Asoka 
died in the year 222 B. c. afler a long and pros- 
perous reign of forty-one years, including the four 
years that elapsed between his accession and his in- 
auguration. As he was forty-five years old when 
he was crowned in B. c. 269, he lived to the good old 
age of foursf^ trs. 

^ bdien, pp. 409-413. 




]. After the death of Asoka^ the wide dominions 
of the Maruyas were divided amongst several of his 
descendants. The whole of Central India^ with the 
royal metropolis of Pataliputra^ fell to his son Sujasas^ 
or^ according* to others^ to Sampadi^ the son of Ku- 
ndla.* Kashmir was seized by Jaloka^ another son 
of Asoka^ who reverted to the Brahmanical faith; 
Kunala established himself in the Panj&b; and a 
fourth son^ whom the Burmese call JRahanmatiy be- 
came king" of Ava-t But though India was thus 
politically dismembered, it was strongly united in the 
bands of one common faith. The large monastic 
establishments instituted by Asoka, possessed all the 
learning and much of the wealth of the land. Their 
influence was everywhere superior to the power of the 
king J and the people deposed and accepted their 
monarchs at the bidding of the monks.J The power 

• Burnouf 8 Buddhisme Indien, p. 430. 

t Prinsep's Usefiil Tables. 

: See the MakawansOy for several insUnccs. 


of the Mauryas was overthrown by Pushpamitra^ 
who encountered the Greeks on the Indus during the 
reign of Menander. By the advice of a Brahman^ 
whom he had chosen for his family priest, Pushpa- 
mitra persecuted the Buddhists throughout India.* 
At Pataliputra on the Ganges^ and at Sakala in the 
Panjab^ the monks were massacred, and their mon- 
asteries were overturned. But Buddhism was too 
strongly rooted in the soil to be thrown down by the 
passing whirlwind of a single king's persecution; 
and in little more than a century later we know that 
it grew more flourishing than before, under the 
fostering care of the holy Ndgdrjuna and Milindu, 
R&ja of Sakala. 

2. During this period the Greek sovereigns of 
Bactria extended their dominions to the south of 
the Indian Caucasus; and as they were gradually 
dispossed of their Turanian territories by the Scy- 
thian Toch&ri, they took from the weaker Indians 
the whole of the Kabul valley and western districts 
of the Panj^b. Menander even is said to have pushed 
his conquests as far as the Isamus or Isan, a small 
stream which flows between the Jumna and Ganges. 
The Buddhist faith of Menander's subjects is proved 
by the contention of eight different cities for por- 
tions of his relics, over which Tombs (or Topes) were 
erected.f This story is similar to that which has 
been already related regarding Buddha's remains, 

* Burnouf, p. 431. 

t BATBRy Hifltoria Regni GrsBoorum Bactriani, p^ 77. 


which were divided amongst the claimants of eight 
different cities. It may also serve to illustrate the 
extent of Menander's rule^ when we remember the 
injunction of Buddha that his own remains were to 
be treated exactly in the same manner as those of a 
Chakravartti Raja. Menander therefore must have 
been a Chakravartti^ or supreme monarch ; whose 
power was sufficient to render himself entirely inde* 
pendent of all his neighbours. In another work* I 
have shown from the monogrammatic names of cities^ 
in which his coins were minted^ that Menander's rule 
extended over the whole of the Kabul valley, the 
Panjab and Sindh, including the capital city of Min- 
nagfara on the Lower Indus. His reign lasted from 
about 165 to 180 B. c. 

3. Menander was succeeded in his northern do- 
minions by the Greek Princes Strato and Hippo- 
stratus ; and in Sindh by the Scythian Mauas. 
This chief expelled the Greeks from the Panjdb, and 
confined their power to the modem districts of K^bnl 
and Jelalabad. About 126 B. c. Hermaeus^ the last 
Greek Prince of India, became a mere puppet in the 
hands of the Scythian Kadphises (or Kadaphes) of 
the Kharan tribe. 

4. Mauas was succeeded in the Panjab and in 
Sindh bv the Scvthian Azas. who extended his do- 
minions beyond Jelalabad, while the Kabulian king- 
dom of the Scythian Kadphizes, was subverted by tFi« 

Inhed in iLt X^mimaiK Ckr^ieU of Vjtuym 


Parthian Princes Yonones^ Spalygis^ and Spalirisas ; 
during* the rei^ and perhaps with the assistance of 
the Arsacidan king*^ Mithridates the Great. But it 
was wrested from them hy the Scythian Azilisas^ the 
successor of Azas ; and ahout 80 b. c, the whole of 
Khorasan^ Afghanistan^ Sindh^ and the Panj&b^ were 
united under the dominion of some nameless king 
of the Sakas^ or Sacee Scythians.* 

6. A few years later the Sakas were dispossessed 
of their conquests in Afghanistan and the Western 
Panjab by the Yucki or TocMri Scythians^ who, 
with their leader Kadphises, of the Hteurmi tribe, 
were at once converted to Buddhism. The posses- 
sions of the Sakas on the Lower Indus were seized 
by the Ujain Prince, Vikramaditya, who after his 
conquest assumed the title of SAMriy or foe-of-the- 
Sakas. By these losses the Sakas were confined to 
the south-western parts of Khorasan; which, after 
them, was called Sakusthan (or Sacastene), a name 
which still exists in the modern Sistan. 

0. The Hieumi Prince, Kadphises, was followed 
by Kanishka of the Khoran:\ tribe, who is celebrated 

• All these detaila of the Greek princes of Kabul and the 
Panjab have been derived principally from coins. They will be 
treated at fiill length in my forthcoming work of " Alexander's 
Successors in the East." 

t The name of Khorasan is most probably due to the occupa- 
tion of the country by the Khonm tril>e: Xhonmin or Klwrastdn 
would be the country of the Khor tribe, as Sacasscne or Sdlastdn 
was that of the Siiki'is. 


B8 one of the most eminent patrons of Buddhism. 
His coins^ which are now discovered in very g^reat 
numbers over the whole of Afghanistan and the 
Panjab^ attest the wide spread of his dominions ; and 
their common occurrence in Kajputdna and the North 
Western Provinces of India perhaps shows the extent 
of his conquests. He subdued the valley of Kashmir, 
and there founded a town named after himself which 
is still called K^mpur or KSnikpur. * For the 
honour of his religion he erected numerous Topes, 
of which the most magnificent is still standing* in the 
Khaibur Pass beyond Pesh&war.f Another of his 
Topes at Manikyala was opened by General Court j 
and its deposits form one of the most interesting dis- 
coveries that have 3'et been made in the archaeology 
of India. At ten feet above the ground level, 
General Court obtained a stone box <5overed with a 
flat slab, which on its under sui*face bore an inscrip- 
tion of nine lines in the Ariano-Pali character.^ 
The published copy is very corrupt ; but through the 
kindness of Professor Lassen I possess a more 
correct transcript, from which I have been able to 
read with certainty the name of Maharaja Kanishka 
of the Chishang tribe. The second line contains a 
figured date which I have not yet been able to read, 
but which looks like either 530 or 120« Inside the 

* Raja Taranginiy i. 168. 

t Hwan Thsangy in the Appendix to the Fo-hwe-ld, 
\ See the account of this discovery in Prinsep's Journal, yoI. iiL 
p. 658. 



stone box were found three C34indrical caskets of 
copper, silver, and gold, each containing* a certain 
number of coins. The copper casket held eight 
copper coins ; the silver casket held seven silver 
coins; and the gold casket held four gold coins. 
On the lid of the stone box also there were four 
copper coins. The gold coins and all the copper 
ones, excepting three, belong to Kanerki or Ka- 
nishka himself; two of the copper coins are of his 
predecessor Kadphises Hieiimiy and the third is of 
Kadphizes or Kadaphes Khoran. The seven silver 
cohis all belong to the last years of the Roman 
Republic, from B. c. 73 to 33, * and they serve to 
establish the period of Kanishka's reign in the 
latter end of the first century before the Christian 

7. At this time the Eastern Panjab was governed 
by Milindu, lioja of S^ikala or Sangala, one of the 
most learned disputants in India. He had chal- 
lenged the Buddhist Arhats of Sakala to argue with 
him, and had silenced them all. f The discomfited 
monks retired to JRahkhita-talo or Rakshita-Tdl in 
the Hemawanta region ; where after a lapse of twelve 
years they were joined by the youthful Nagasena or 
Nagarjuna, whom they persuaded to undertake the 
difficult task of coping with Kaja Milindu in argu- 

* Journal des Savans, Fevrier, 1836, p. 74. The battle of 
Actium was fought in B.C. 31. 

t Turnour^s Pali Annals, in Prinsep's Journal, v. 533 -, also 
Colonel Low. Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, xvii. G16. 


ment. The cballeng*e was accepted by N^g'&dena, 
and the whole body of monks returned to SA^ala 
which once more ^^ glittered with the yellow robes'* 
of the Buddhist fraternities. The disputation^ which 
was held in the king^s palace in the presence of ten 
selected SthaviraSy ended in the immediate conversion 
of Milindu to Buddhism, and in his ultimate ordination 
as a monk. 

8. The teaching" of Nagaijuna extended through 
the reigiis of Milindu of S4kala, and of Kanishka of 
Kashmir.* By his influence five hundred Kashmir- 
ian Arhans were deputed to Tibet for the propaga- 
tion of Buddhism, and to the enthusiasm created by 
his example must be attributed the contemporary ex- 
tension of the Buddhist religion to the island of 
Java at the beginning of the Christian era, when 
twenty thousand families arrived from India .f The 
conversion of the Javanese to the faith of SItkya is 
attested by the numerous Buddhist remains, which 
still exist on the island. 

9. About twenty years later, when the sophist 
ApoUonius visited India, the dominion of the Par- 
thian Bardanes extended to the banks of the Indus.^ 

* Gsoma^ Tibetan Grammar, p. 182, states that N&g&rjuna was 
bom in B.C. 93. The Raja Tarangini places him 500 years after 
the death of Buddha, and makes him a contemporary of the Indo- 
Scythian Kanishka. 

t Klaproth, in Prinsep's Useful Tables, places this event betweea 
the years 24 — 57, a.d. RaflBes, Java ii. 69, places it in a.d. 10. 
The difference is only a few years. 

J Philoetratus, ii, 18. Tacitus, Ann. xi. 10. 


A petty chief named Phraortes reigned at Taxila ; 
and a more powerful but nameless sovereign pos- 
sessed all the country between the Hyphasis and the 
Ganges. The whole story of this sophist's travels is 
so full of fables that it is difficult to know what to 
believe and what to reject ; but from the agreement 
of several passages, it may be inferred that both of 
the Indian kings were Buddhists. The Gangetic prince 
abstained from animal food, * and his Sages (that is 
wise men, or Battddhas) let their hair grow long, 
wore white mitres on their heads, and had no clothing 
save short tunics. This is an exact description of 
the Bodhisatway or upper class of Buddhist monks, 
who throughout the Sanchi bas-reliefs are repre- 
sented seated in abstract meditation with long hair, 
covered by a low conical cap or mitre, and with no 
clothing save the kilt or sanghdti. 

10. For the next four centuries the history of India 
is ahnost a blank ; and for this dark period we must 
be guided by the feeble glimmer of a few slight 
notices preserved by the Chinese. From them we 
learn that the Yuchi or Scythian Tochari retained 
their power in Northern India until the beginning 
of the third century of our era.f They abstained from 
wine and from animal food, and practised the law of 
Buddha. The prevalence of Buddhism at this period 
is also attested by several classical authors, of whom 

• Philostratus, iii. 15-26. 

t Until A. D. S23. Bee Chinese account of India, in Prinsep'a 
Journal, vi. 63. 


Klemens of Alexandria is the most precise. He 
flourished from 180 to 230 a.d., when the power of 
the Yuchi was already on the decline. The Brahmans 
are said to have been worshippers of Herakles and 
Pan ; while the Sc/uvoc (Srdmanas or Monks) and the 
Sc/uvac (Srdmands or Nuns) were distinguished by the 
worship of certain pyramids which they believed to 
contain the bones of some God.* This is a most 
accurate description of the Buddhist fraternities, with 
their adoration for Topes or Chaityas, which con- 
tained relics of Buddha, or of some of his more 
eminent disciples and followers. 

11. About a century later (a. d. 270-303), the 
learned Porphyrins divided the Gymnosophists (or 
half-naked philosophers of India) into two classes, the 
Brachmanes and Samaruei : the former being a family 
or tribe, the latter a mixture of all classes.f The 
Samatuei or Sramanas shaved their heads, wore 
nothing but a stole or tunic, abandoned their families 
and property, and lived together in colleges outside 
the city walls. Their time was spent in holy conver- 
sation, and at the sound of a bell they assembled for 
prayers ; for the monks no longer begged their daily 
bread, but each received his dish of rice from the 

* SejSoi/ffi Tiya wvpafjiiia v^riy ovrta Tiros Geo v. 

t £'( krvs yap warpos Koi /itas fATjrpos Travres Zidyovai ; that \Sy 
the Brahmans — but of the Sramanas, he says, Sa/iai^aioc li ovk iM 
Tov yirovs ahr&yf AW cic wavTos rov tUv *lvC*iv iSyovs, ata 
c^a/icv, avyiikiyfjiiyoi. 


king. Colonel Sykes* has already remarked the 
close agreement of this description with the account 
of the Chinese pilgrim Fa Hian^ who travelled 
through India just one century after the death 
of Porphyrins. But the details given by Por- 
phyrins become the more valuable, when we know 
that his own religion and philosophical principles 
were almost the same as those of the Indian Budd- 
hists. He believed in one Supreme Being ; and held 
that " Reason *^ or Intellect {Buddha) was superior 
to " Nature '^ (Dharma) ; for by reason we are uplifted 
towards the Deity, while we are only degraded by 
our natural appetites and material desires. Man's 
chief object therefore should be to free himself from 
all outward and sensual influences. With this view 
Porphyrins rejected animal food, and refrained from 
making material offerings to the Supreme Being, 
because all material objects are unclean. Like the 
Buddhist also Porphyrins recognized four degrees or 
classes of virtue, of which the lowest was political 
virtue^ or the moral goodness acquired by temperance 
and moderation of the passions. The next grade was 
purifying virtus^ in which man has entirely conquered 
all human affections. In the third grade man is 
wholly influenced by Reasorty and more and more 
resembles the Deity, until at last he has acquired 
such perfection that he becomes ^^ one with the one 

* Notes on Ancient India, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic 


Supreme Being*/** These principles have so much 
in common with the doctrines of Buddhism^ that we 
can only account for the coincidence by supposing 
that Porph3rrius must have possessed the most ample 
and correct details of the religious beliefs and philo- 
sophical speculations which then prevailed in India. 
We need therefore no longer wonder at the ac- 
curacy with which he has described the daily dis- 
cipline and outward observances of the Buddhist 
monks. The learned Pagan was in fact a European 

12. The travels of Palladius and of the Thebaean 
Scholastikos only preceded the pilgrimage of Fa Hian 
by a few years. The former, it is true, did not reach 
India ; but he could have obtained much information 
regarding the Indians from the merchants of Egypt 
and of Persia ; and he gives at some length the 
account of Scholastikos, who was detained for six 
years as a prisoner in the pepper districts of Malabar. 
The result of his information is given in some imagi- 
nary conversations between Alexander the Great and 
the Indian Sage Dandamis; in which the Indian 
declares that ^^ God, the great king, causes injury to 
no man ; but gives light, peace, and life, a human 
body and soul ; and that God was his master and 
only Lord.'' This sage Dandimis was therefore a 
monotheistic Buddhist, as indeed might be inferred 
from his name which is evidently a compound of 

• C. P. Mason: Article Porphyrius, in Dr. Smith's New 
Biographical Dictionary. 


Dharma in the Pali form of Dhama ; perhaps Dka^ 
madhdniy the ^^ receptacle of Dharma.'' 

13. The prevalence of Buddhism about this period 
is inrther proved by several passages in the Brah-* 
manical Dramas and in the Institutes of Manu. The 
uncertain date of these compositions, however, some* 
what lessens their value as precise authorities. The 
Mrickhakati, which is the oldest Hindu Drama now 
extant, exhibits ^^ not only absolute toleration, but a 
kind of public recognition" * of the Bauddha faith^ by 
the appointment of a Buddhist ascetic as chief of all 
the Vihars of Ujain. That virtuous city could not 
^ tolerate even the death of an animal^ This play 
is of later date than the Hindu code, for the Judge 
in the 9th act quotes Manu f ; and as Manu himself 
mentions nuns, or ^^ female anchorites of an heretical 
religion,":): it is certain that the Buddhist faith was 
still honoured and flourishinof when these works were 
composed. There is internal evidence that the code 
of Manu is posterior to the Bamayana and the Ma- 
h&bharata in the mention of " heroic poems," § which 
should be read at the celebration of obsequial rites in 
honour of ancestors; and in the allusions to image- 
worship, || which is not mentioned either in the Ra- 

• Wilson's Hindu Theatre, vol. i. p. viiL 

t The Mnchkokatiy or ** Tov-cart^" acu viii. Wilson's Hindu 
Theativ, i. 140. 

: Ha\icht<»n"5 Law> of Manu, viii. 363. 

^ Hauprhton's Laws of Manu, iii. 23^. 

I Wibou. Preikce to Vishnu Puvan, p. xui. 


m&yana or Mah&bMrata. Bentley assigned the R6- 
m&yana to the fourth century of our era^ and the 
Mahabharata to the eighth century or even later. 
But the latter date is certainly too low; for the 
Great War is mentioned in a copper plate inscription 
of a date not later than the first half* of the sixth 
century, along with the names of Vyasa, Pardsara, 
and Yudhishtara. Bentley's method of compression 
18 in fact too much like the Prokrustean bed of Da- 
mastes, into which the large were squeezed, and the 
small were stretched until they fitted. The composi- 
tion of the Mahabharata cannot therefore be dated 
latef^ than the beginning of the fifth century, and it 
should no doubt be placed even earlier ; perhaps about 
A. D. 200 to 300. The code of Manu is a mere com- 
pilation, filled with the most contradictory injunc- 
tions ; but in its present state it is certainly later than 
the great epics, and may be dated about A. d. 400. 

* This valuable insciiption is the property of Captain Ellis 
The date is thus stated : Inkhitam satnvatsara satadrvaye chatur- 
dasa — '^ written in the year two hundred and fourteen." As the 
characters are similar to those of the Gupta inscriptions^ the date 
is most probably of the Gupta era, or 319 4- 214 = 533, a. d. If 
of the Sdka era, the date will be 78 + 214 = 292, a. d. ; but the 
characters are not so old as those of the early Gupta inscriptions of 
A. J}. 400. 






1. At the period of Fa Hian's pilgrimage, the Gupta 
dynasty occupied the throne of Mag-adha. Their 
dominions extended from Nepal to the Western 
Ghats,* and from the Indus to the mouths of the 
Ganges. The family was established by Maharaja 
Gupta, in 319 a. d., which became the first year 
of the Gupta era. This epoch is not mentioned in 
the Allahabad inscription of Samudra Gupta ; but it 
is used in the Sanchi and Udayagiri inscriptions of 
Chandra Gupta ; in the Kuhaon Pillar inscription of 
Skanda Gupta; and in the Eran Pillar inscription 
of Budha Gupta. It is besides especially mentioned 
by Abu Rihan,')" who, in his account of Indian eras, 
identifies the Gupta-kIl, or Gupta era, with the 
Ballaba-kIl, or era of Balabhiy which commenced 

• The Western Ghats are called Sainhddri ; and the inscription 
on the Allahabad pillar records Samudra Gupta's influence over 
that country. 

t M. Reinaud : Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits relatifs a 
I'lndo; pp. 138-143. 


in A. D. 819. These eras are mentioned no less than 
three times by Abu Rihdn; and each time he has 
identified them as starting from the same date. But 
it appears to me that the most important of these 
passages must either be corrupt or obscure^ for the 
translation given by M. Reinaud makes the epoch of 
the Guptas commence from the date of their exter- 
mination ! If this is a correct translation there can 
be little doubt that the text of Abu Rihan must be 
erroneous; for we know positively that the Guptas 
were reigning during the fifth and sixth centuries 
of our era. But I will venture to suggest a different 
translation of this important passage^ by which the 
error is got rid of without any alteration of the 
text : — 

byl \j\p\ UjJ JJ U ^^ICi Jl^ c>;/ Uli 

" With regard to the Oupta Kdl (or era of the Guptas), the 
name was that of a wicked and powerful family; whoBe epoch 
became extinct rvith themselves; and truly Ballaba was after them } 
for the beginning of their era is the the same as (that of) the 
the last ; (namely) 241 of the SIka-kIl." 

2. The underlined passage in the original text is 
thus translated by M. Reinaud :* ^^ Et T^re qui porte 
leur nom est Ffepoque de leur extermination j'' but 

* Fragments, p. 143. 


the literal translation appears to be^ ^^ and then 
became extinct along with their epoch/' which agrees 
with the version that I have given above. The 
statement made in M. Reinaud's version is so extra- 
ordinary that^ even without any direct proofs of its 
inaccuracy^ I would have set it aside as erroneous. 
The era of the SeleukideB began with the foundation 
of the Syrian empire by Seleukos ; the Christian era 
is dated from the establishment of Christianity; and 
the era of the Guptas without doubt commenced with 
the settlement of their own dynasty. For the Guptas^ 
as I have mentioned before^ date their inscriptions in 
an era of their own ; which, though not so named by 
them^ was actually a Ghiptor-kdly and must^ therefore^ 
have been called such by the people. 

3. The direct evidence of the period when the 
Guptas flourished is derived from the Chinese. In 
A. D. 428^ the king of Kupila was named Ytiegai, or 
^^ moon-beloved/' which is a synonyme of Chandra 
Chiptaj or '^ moon-cherished.'' In A. D. 602, the 
king of India was named Kev^to^ that is Chitto, the 
P&li form of the Sanskrit Ghipta. Lastly, Hwan- 
Thsdng* names five Princes of Magadha who 
flourished previous to the conquest of the country 
by Siladitya, in the following order: — 






Budha Oupta. 



Takta Oupta, 







* Fo-kwe-ki, Appendix. 



4. Now Siladitya died between 642 and 648 (say 
in 645)^ and as he reig'ned sixty years^ his accession 
must have taken place in A. D. 585 ; and his conquest 
of Mag^adha may be dated about A. d. 600. The 
chronologfy of the Guptas as derived from all sources 
will then stand thus : — * 


I. Gupta 

II. Ghatot Eacha • • • • 

III. Gbanbra Gupta 1st 

rV. Samudra Gupta . . 

V. Chandra Gupta 2wd 

VI. KumAra Gupta • • . . 

VII. Skanda Gupta 


• IX. BuDHA Gupta,. 

X. Takta Gupta . . 

XI. Nara Gupta . . 

XII. Vajra , 




Vihratndditt/a • • • • 


Kramaditya • • • • 
Laffrdditya f •... 


Conquest of Siladitya, 




























5. The stars placed against the names in this 

* The dates obtained from various sources are : For Chandra 
Gupta Vikramaditya^ 82 (Udayagiri inscription), and OS (Sanchi 
inscription), equivalent to a.d. 401 and 412, from Jain authorities 
A.D. 409; and from Chinese authorities a.d. 428 — for Skanda 
Gupta — ^his death in 133, or a.b. 452, as stated on the Euhaon 
piUar ; for Budha Gupta 165, or a.d. 484, as given in the Eran 
pillar inscription. 

t Or Lokaditja. 


table denote that coins have been discovered of each 
of those princes ; and it is from coins alone that I 
have ascertained that Baladitya was named Nara 
Oupta. The chronological table has been framed 
upon the following* data. 

1st The power of the Indo-Scythians did not 
beg^n to decline until the time of the later Hans in 
China^ whose djmasty was only established in A. D. 
222. During the latter half of the third century 
their power was on the decline^ and may be supposed 
to have been finally overthrown by Oupta in a. D. 
819. There are great numbers of gold coins of Indo- 
Scythian type with corrupt Greek and Indian legends 
which can only be attributed to this dynasty. 

2nd. A short inscription of Chandra Oupta^ at 
Udayagiri, is dated in the year 82 ; and a second of 
the same prince, at Sanchi, is dated in the year 93. 
These dates of the Gupta era are equivalent to A. D. 
401 and 412, which agree with the Chinese date 
of A. D. 428* for Yue-gaL But Chandra Gupta on 
his coins takes the title of Vikramaditya, and in the 
Agiii Purana,t it is said that Vikrama^ the son of 
Gadharupa, should ascend the throne of Malawa 
seven hundred and fifty-three years after the expia- 
tion of Chinakya. This event I have already placed 
in B.C. 325, from which, deducting 753 years, we 

• This is the date piren in the Chinese account of India, ia 
Prinsep's Journal, vi. 665; but Des Guipies, i. 45, s;iv5 a. p. 

t PHn9ep*3 Journal, iv. 68S. 


obtain a. d. 428 for the date of Yikrama of Malwa. 
Colonel Tod also quotes a Jain inscription of Chandra 
Gupta^ dated either in A. D. 870 or 409,* in which 
he is styled Avantir-ndthy or '^ lord of Ujain/' which 
was the capital of Malwa. Here then we have a 
Yikrama and a Chandra Gupta both kings of Malwa 
at the same time : two statements which can only be 
reconciled by supposing^ them to be the same person 
under different names or titles. This supposition is 
confirmed by the coins of Chandra Gupta, on the 
reverses of which we find that he took the titles of 
Yikrama and Yikramaditya. A cave inscription at 
Udayagiri of the Sam vat year 1093, or A. D. 1036, 
couples the name of Chandra Gupta with the king* 
dom of Yikramaditya (Vikramaditya SSjt/am). In 
the Raja Tarangini also it is mentioned that Matri- 
gnpta was placed on the throne of Kashmir by Yikra- 
maditya, King" of Ujain. According* to my corrected 
chronology of the Raja Tarangini, this happened in 
A. D. 480. The Satininjaya Mahatmyaf also places 
the third Yikramaditya in Samvat 466, or A. d. 409. 
From this accumulation of evidence it seems to me 
certain that a Chandra Gupta, with the title of 
Yikramaditya, was the sovereign of Malwa in the 
early part of the fifth century of our era. 

* See Transactions Roy. As. Soc.^ pp. 140-211, where Colonel 
Tod, by some inadvertence, gives both 427 and 466 Samvat as the 
date of this inscription. 

t Wilford : Researches As. Soc Bengal, ix. 156 ; and Wilson : 
Researches As. Soc. Bengal, xv. 39, note. 


8rd. The date of Skanda Gupta's tfeath, which is 
found upon the Kuhaon Pillar, is the year 183.* 
No era is stated ; but it must of course be that era 
which was used by the ^^ royal race of Guptas/' of 
which he is said to have been born, and which could 
only have been the Oupta-hMj or Gupta era. His 
death, therefore, occured in 819+133=452 A. D., as 
given in my table. 

4th. The date of Budha Gupta has been deter- 
mined by the inscription at Eran,t which records the 
erection of a pillar in the year 165, or A. D. 484. 
An inspection of the table will show how well this 
date ag'rees with the period which must be assigned 
to Budha Gupta on the authority of Hwan Thsang' ; 
according to whom Fo-tho-kiu-to, or Budha Chptay 
was the fourth prince prior to Siladitya's conquest 
of Magadha in A. D. 600. The coins of Budha Gupta 
may be seen in Plate II., figs. 55, 57, of Mr. 
Thomas's essay on the Sah kings of Surastra. I can 
confirm the reading of the legend which he g-ives 
with some hesitation as Budha Gupta. I procured 
five of these silver coins from a traveller at Benares, 
of which I have given awa}'^ four ; but I still possess 
sealing-wax impressions of them all, from which 
I have been able to recognize the engraved specimens. 

5th. The coins of Nara Gupta Baladitya are 
scarce. Of two specimens in gold that have been 
in my own possession, I still have impressions ; but 

• Prinsep's Journal, vii. 37. 
'^imrnal, vii. 634. 


the type may "be seen in Fig. 23^ Plate xviii. of 
Wilson's ^' AriaBa Antiqua.'' On the obverse, under 
the Raja's arm, is written N&ra^ and on the reverse, 
Baladitya. The small silver coin Fig. 19, Plate 
XV. of the same work, most probably also belongs to 
Nara. I read the legend : — 

Paramadki Raja Sri Nara-Gupta Baladitya. 

6. As the correct determination of the epoch of the 
Gupta dynasty is of the first importance to the 
religious as well as to the political history of ancient 
India, it becomes necessary to examine the chi'onology 
which Mr. E. Thomas, with much critical skill and 
ingenuity, has proposed for the 8&h kings of Gujrat 
and the Gupta princes of Magadha.* We agree 
as to the facts, but differ in our deductions. The 
facts are these : — 

1st. The beautiful silver coins of the Sah kings 
are all dated in the fourth century of some unknown 

2nd. The silver coins of Kum^ra Gupta and of 
Skanda Gupta are evident and undoubted copies of 
those of the Sah kings, and therefore these two 
princes must have reigned at a later date than the 
last of the Sah kings. 

7. In making his deductions from these facts, Mr. 

• See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xii., '* On the 

Dynasty of the Sah Kings of Sur&shtra ; " hy Edward Thomas, 

esq., Bengal Civil Service ; a most valuable contribution to the 

ancient history of India. 



Thomas has based all his calculations on M. Rei- 
naud's translation of the passage in Abu Rih^n^ which 
gives the year 319 A.D., for the beginning* of the 
Gupta era^ and also for the Jinal extinction of the 
Chipta dynasty. In adopting this version of Abu 
Rihan's statement^ Mr. Thomas is obliged to search 
for some other epochs as the starting points from 
which to count the dates of the Surashtra and Oupta 
coins. The earlier era which he uses for this pur- 
pose is that of Sri Harsha,* which was entirely un- 
known until the publication of M. Reinaud's extracts 
from Abu Rihan. This era dates from B. c. 457^ 
and the epoch of the Sah kings of Surashtra is thus 
fixed between 157 and 67 b. c.f 

8. Between the Sah kings and the Guptas^ Mr. 
Thomas interposes the Indo- Scythians, whose con- 
quest he places in 20 B. c, and he proposes to count 
the date of Chandra Gupta^s inscription at SanchiJ 
from 78 a. d., which is the well-known commence- 
ment of the Saka era. This will place the reign of 
Chandra Gupta in 78 -i- 93 = 171 A. d., and the reign 
of Buddha Gupta in 78 -i- 105 = 243 A. D., after 
whom there is time for the reigns of a few more 
princes before the asserted extinction of the family 
in 319 A. D. 

9. My reasons for assigning the Guptas to a 
hiter period have been given already ; and I will 

• See Mr. ThomiWs Essay, p. 43. 
t See Mr. Thomas's Essay, p. 45. 
I See Mr. Thomas's Essay, p. 6. 


now state as briefly as possible all my objections to 
Mr. Thomas's chronology. 

1st. According* to the Chinese historians^ the power 
of the Indo-Scythians remained in full force until 222 
A. D. ; after which it beg'an to decline. This state- 
ment is supported by Ptolemy the geographer, who 
between A. D. 140-160, assigns the whole valley of 
the Indus, inchtding Sirastreney or Surashtra, to the 

2nd. Samudra Oupta, according to the Allahabad 
and Bhitari inscriptions, was the fourth prince of the 
Gupta dynasty, and if we allow twenty years to each 
reign, Samudra will date from 60 to 80 of the Gupta 
era, or from 138 to 158 a. d. But in the Allahabad 
pillar inscription, Samudra mentions the SMh&n^hdk 
(that is, one of the Sassanian king^ of Persia) as his 
contemporary, whose dynasty did not attain the 
throne until a. b. 223 ; and as in his account of the 
tributary and conquered provinces he omits Magadha, 
Surashtra, and Uj[jayani, it has been inferred by 
James Prinsep, * and is admitted by Mr. Thomas 
himself, that these provinces must have formed his 
own proper dominion. But as Sirastrene belonged 
to the Indo-Scythians at the very date that must be 
assigned to Samudra by Mr. Thomas's chronology, 
we must either reject his scheme altogether, or con- 
clude, that both the Chhiese historian and the Alex- 
andrian geographer were in error. 

• Journal vi. 975. 


3rd. The independence of the native princes of 
Gujrat between 157 and 67 b. c. is completely at 
variance with the Greek accounts of Menander's con- 
quest of Sariotistos or Surashtray between X60 and 
130 B. c, which is further authenticated by the long*- 
protracted currency of his coins at Barygaza or 

4th. The alphabetical characters of the Surashtran 
coins ^ are so widely different from those of the 
Pillar and Rock inscriptions^ and at the same time 
are so much similar to those of the Guptas^ that it is 
impossible not to conclude that there must have been 
a long* interval between Asoka and the independent 
Sah kings^ and an almost immediate succession of the 
Skh kings by the Guptas. But Mr. Thomas's pro- 
posed chronology exactly reverses this conclusion^ by 
making the interval between Asoka's death and the 
earliest date of the Surashtra coins not more than 
sixty-five years^ while the interval between the last of 
the Sah kings and the rise of the Guptas is one 
hundred and thirty-five )'ears, or more than double 
the other. 

* Another evidence in favour of the later date of the Sah kings 
of Gujrat is furnished by the gateway inscriptions at Sdnchi. 
These date in the early part of the first century of our era (see No. 
190) : and though they show the nearest approach to the forms 
of the Sah alphabet, yet the latter is certainly posterior to the 
Sanchi inscriptions. This result agrees with the period which I 
have assigned to them, from a.d. 020 (the beginning of the 
Tndo-Scvthian decline) to a.d. 3>^, the acce^<ion of Samudra 


5th. The author of the Periplus of the Erythraean 
sea^ who lived between 117 and 180 A. D.^ states that 
aficient drachmas of Apollodotus and of Menander 
were then current at Barygaza.* This prolonged 
currency of the Greek drachmas points directly to the 
period of the Indo- Scythian rule; for though we 
have some hundreds of their gold coins^ and many 
thousands of their copper coins^ yet only one solitary 
specimen of their silver coinage has yet been dis- 
covered. The Indo-Grecian silver probably con- 
tinued current until after 222 A. D., when the Indo- 
Scythian power began to decline. From this period, 
about 250 A. D., I would date the independence 
of the Sah kings, and the issue of their silver 
coinage, which was a direct copy in weight, and 
partly in type, from the Philopater drachmas of 

9.* We have thus a continued series of silver cur- 
rency in Gujrat for upwards of six hundred years, 
from Menander's conquest, in B. c. 150-140^ to Budha 
Gupta's death, in about 510 A. D. From this period 
thick silver pieces of the same type and of the same 
value, but one half more in weight, were issued by the 
Balabhi kings down to the Mahomedan conquest. 
In the more precious metal the coinage of the Indo 
Scythians was immediately succeeded by the golden 
dinars of the Guptas, whose earliest pieces are almost 

• Hudson, Geogr. Min., i. 87 — " Vilit, teste Suida, Hadriani, 
Marci et Antonini temporibus;" that is, between 117 and 180 
A.D., or about 160 a.d. 


exact copies* of the well-known Ardokro coins of 
Kanishka and his successors.^ 

10. The importance of establishing the correet era 
of the Guptas becomes apparent when we learn that 
Chandra Gupta was most probably one of the last 
paramount sovereig^ns of India who professed the 
Buddhist faith. The inscriptions of his reign, which 
still exist at Sanchi and at Udayagiri, confirm the 
account of the contemporary traveller Fa-Hian ; that 
Buddhism^ though honoured and flourishing'^ was cer- 
tainly on the decline^ and that temples of the Brah- 
mans were rising on all sides. The earliest inscrip- 
tion of Chandra Gupta is dated in 82 of the Gupta 
era, or a. d. 401. It consists of two lines carved on 
a rock tablet at the foot of the Udayagiri hill, which 
was intended for a longer inscription. There is room 
for five more lines ; and, as no event is commemorated, 
it is evident that the record is incomplete. The tablet 
is placed to the right of the entrance of a cave- 
temple apparently dedicated to Surya, whose image 
is represented on each side of the doorway. Immedi- 
ately to the left of the cave there is a large alto- 
relievo of the Varaha or Boar Avatdry ten feet and a 
half in height. The inscription is partially injured by 
the peeling of the rock on the right hand ; but the 

• See Prinsep, in Journal iv. 629, and Plates XXXVIII. and 
XXXIX., in which the imitation is clearly developed ; but I was 
the first to point out to James Prinsep the seated Ardokro on the 
Indo-Scythian coins, which figure afterwards became the most 
common revcr.-e of the earh* Gupta coins. 


date is perfect, and the only part that is completely 
lost is the name of the Raja who excavated the cave. 
A fac-simile of the inscription will be found in Plate 
XXI., No. 200. The following* is a transcript in 
Roman characters : — 

Siddham samvatsare 82 Sravana-mdsa stikUkadasya 
parama-bhattdraka MahdrdjadhicuAVDRA'QUPTA pddAnaddta4tya 
Mahdrdja chaq alio a potra^a, Mahdr&ja Visnyu-DASA pitfrasya 
Sanalidnxkofya Mahd (rdja * 

* • 

" Finished in the year 82, on the 11th of the briglit half 
of the month of Srdvana ; [the cave] of him, bowing^ to the feet of 
the paramount, homage-receiving, Supreme Maharaja Chandra- 
Gupta, the grandson of Maharaja Chaoaliqa, the son of 
Maharaja Vishnu-Dasa, Maharaja (name obliterated) of Sana- 

11. Sanakdnika is included by Samudra Gupta 
amongst his tributary provinces,* but unfortunately 
the name of its Raja is not given. The position of 
Sanakdnika is, however, now placed beyond all doubt i 
as it must have included Udayagiri, Bhilsa, and 
Sanchi. It is even possible that Sanakdnika may 
have some connection with the names of Sanchi — 

18. The Vaishnava faith of this petty royal family 

• Allahabad Pillar inscription, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 973. 
The name of Chagaliga or Chaglig recalls those of Kutlugh, Togh- 
lak, and others of undoubted Tartar origin, so strongly, that one 
can scarcely help assigning this petty family to the Indo-Scythian 


is shown by the name of Vishnu Dds, the " slave of 
Vishnu ;'' and by the Vaishnava subjects of all the 
rock sculptures at Udayag-iri. The Boar Incarnation 
of Vishnu has already been mentioned. On the top 
of the hill there is a colossal figure of Vishnu himself^ 
twelve feet in len^h, reposing on the folds of the 
serpent Sesha or Anantaj the emblem of eternity. 
The worship of Vishnu, which then prevailed at 
Udayagiri, has been supplanted by that of Siva ; and 
the votaries of the lingam have occupied the cave- 
temples of Vishnu. In the principal temple, now 
dedicated to Mahadeo, there is a native inscription on 
a pillar dated in the Samvat year 1093, or A. D. 1036, 
in which the votary records his " adoration at the feet 
of Vishnu.''* 

13. The second inscription of Chandra Gupta is 
carved on one of the railings of the colonnade of the 
great Tope at Sanchi. It was translated and pub- 
lished by James Prinsep in 1837 ;t ^^' ^^ date was 
not properly ascertained. Since then, Mr. Thomas 
has satisfactorily shown that the Samvat date is 93 ; 
but he has failed to see that the day of the month is 
likewise represented in figures. I have given a fac- 
simile of this date in Plate XXI., No. 197. It reads 
S. 93, BhAdrapada 14 = "the year 93, the 14th 
(of the month) Bhadrapada.'' This inscription records 
a grant of money by the paramount sovereign Chandra 
Gupta, through his local agent, to the Sramanas of 
the Mahd'ViMra. or Great Monastery at Sanchi. 

• Vishnu-pAdo-nityam. f Journal, vi. 455, 456. 


Prinsep's translation gives the general sense of the 
text; but^ in documents of this kind^ it is always 
desirable to have as literal a version as possible. The 
opening lines especially have been much abridged; 
and, as they are thoroughly Buddhistical in their lan- 
guage, I will venture to give my own translation of 

Ku (la Dhamma) $i Mahdmhdre iUa-samAdhi Prajnydguna 
hhavitendray&ya paramapunya kri (ta sram&ntara) garbhya 
gatdya sramana-piinggavvd^atahdydryya sanghdya. * * * 

'' To the followers of Dharma in the Great Monastery^ who^ by 
the practice of morality^ and by deep meditation on the attributes 
of wisdom {Prajnd)j have subdued their passions^ and become dis- 
tinguished for virtue ; to the Sr&manas of the venerable fraternity^ 
pre-eminent in private religious observances ( Avasatha)/' &c. 

14. Prajnd means ^^ wisdom, understanding/* or 
more literally, ^^ foreknowledge/* The author of the 
Ashta Sahasrika thus addresses Prajna : — 

^^Thou mighty object of my worship! Thou 
Prajna I art the sum of all good qualities ) and 
Buddha is the Chim of the world. The wise make 
no distinction between thee and Buddha. He who 
devoutly serves thee serves the TathAgata also.*** 

The author of the Pujd'kand thus addresses 
Prajna : — " I make salutation to Prajnd^Deviy who 
is the Prajnd Pdramitd (Transcendental Wisdom), 
the Prajnd-rupa (multiform), the Nir-rupa (formless), 
and the universal mother.** 

' • Hodgson, p. 123. 


The author of the S&dhana-mala offers his ^^ salu- 
tation to Prajna-Devi, from whom, in the form of 
desire, the production of the world was excellently 
obtained, who is beautiful as the fiiU moon, the 
mother of Adi Buddha/** And ag-ain, ^^ Salutation 
to Prajn& Paramita, the infinite, who, when all was 
void, was revealed by her own will."t 

16. Prajnd or Prqjnd Devi is deified Nature, or 
Diva Naturay and the same as Dharma. In the 
Sanchi inscription her supremacy is acknowledged 
by Chandra Gupta's belief in the attainment of 
purity and the subjection of the passions by medita- 
tion on the attributes of Prajnd. The great king 
was therefore not an orthodox Buddhist, but a 
heterodox materialist, who held Dharma or material 
nature as the first person of the Triad. 

16. If James Prinsep's restoration of the text be 
correct, and I believe that it is so, Chandra Gupta 
was a most munificent patron as well as a faithful 
follower of Buddhism. His gift to the Sanchi Tope 
for its regular illumination, and for the perpetual 
service of Srdmanas or ascetics, was no less a sum 
than twenty-five thousand dinars, or 25,000Z., equal 
to two lakhs and a half of rupees. 

17. But the religious belief of Chandra Gupta 
does not rest solely on the authority of this inscrip- 
tion ; for, according to the sacred books of the Jains, 
the last Tirtliankara Mahavira is said to have ex- 

• Hodgson, p. 12i). 
t Ho(l«j;son, p. 126. 


pounded his twelve dreams to Chandra Gupta^ the 
lord of Avanti or Ujain,* 

18. The same story is related in the Buddha 
vilasa,t but the dreams are said to have been fourteen^ 
and to have been expounded to Chandra Gupta^ the 
monarch of Ujain, by Bhadra Bahu Muni. From 
this it may be inferred that the Prince was certainly 
not a worshipper of the Brahmanical Pantheon ; and 
as we have seen that he was not an orthodox Budd- 
hist^ we may conclude that his heterodoxy was not 
very dissimilar from Jainumi^ which is generally ac- 
knowledged to have been a sectarian offspring of 

19. But, if my chronology of the Guptas be 
correct, we have the most clear proof of the Bud- 
dhist belief of Chandra Gupta in Fa Hian's travels. 
The Chinese pilgrim left his native land in a. d. 399, 
and returned to it again in a. D. 415. His visit to 
Pa-'Han-^fUj or Pataliputra^J the capital of the king- 
dom of Mo-kie-thi, or Magadha, therefore took place 
in the early part of Chandra Gupta's reign. He de- 
scribes the city as very large ;§ the people as rich and 
fond of discussion ; but just in all their dealings. They 
celebrated Sakya's birthday annually by a procession 

• Transactions Royal Asiatic Society, i. 211 — Colonel Tod. 

t At p. 418 of the same volume, Major Delamaine states the 
same thing, on the authority of the Buddha Vildsa, a Digambara 
Jain work. 

X Fu is only the Chinese translation of the Sanskrit putra, a 

§ Fu-krve-ki, c. xxvii. 


of four-wheeled cars^ with little chapels at the four 
corners^ each containing a seated Buddha, with 
Bodhisatwas standing by him. This festival still 
survives in the Rath J&ttr&y or annual procession of 
Jagann&thy which the crafty Brahmans have adopted 
into their own creed, because it was too popular to 
be suppressed,* 

20. At the time of Fa Hian's visit Buddhism 
was the prevailing religion of the Panjfi,b, and of 
Northern India from Mathura to the mouth of the 
Ganges. Between the Panjab and Mathura, that is 
in Brahmavartta Proper, the law of Buddha was not 
held in honour.f But this was the original seat and 
stronghold of the Brahmans and their religion ; and 
its exception by Fa Hian is one amongst the many 
proofs of the pilgrim^s accuracy. Everywhere else 
Buddhism was honoured and flourishing; the kings 
were firmly attached to the law, and showed their 
reverence for the ascetics by taking off their tiaras 
before them. But at Shdchi and at Sheweiy in Oudh, 
the heretical Brahmans had attempted to destroy a 
sacred nettle and some holy Topes. The very at- 
tempt shows the increasing power of the Brahmans, 
and their confident hope of ultimate success. 

21. In the Bhitari Pillar inscription, no mention 
is made of the religious belief of the first Chandra 

• See note 9 to chapter xxvii. of Mr. Laidlay's translation of 
the pilgrimage of Fa Hian ; and the concluding* chapter of this 

t Fo'hwc-h'ij c. XV. 


Gupta^ but his son Samudra would appear to have 
been a strict observer of the Vedas, as he is repre- 
sented offering' vast sacrifices to the ancient elemental 
Deities, Indra, Varuna, and Yama.* In his own 
inscription on the Allahabad Pillar he is also com* 
pared to Dhanada, Varuna, Indra, and Antaka^f 
that is, to the Gods of the four elements, earth, water, 
fire, and air. His son, the second Chandra Gupta, 
and his grandson Kumdra Gupta, are called wor- 
shippers of the Supreme Bhagavat,;}; whom Dr. 
Mill identifies with Krishna. But as the Vishnu 
Purana, which was most probably written in the 
tenth century,^ makes no mention of the worship of 
Krishna, although it gives a long account of his 
history^ the Bhagavat who was worshipped by 
Chandra and Kumdra, must be either Vishnu or 
Buddha. In his remarks on this inscription, how- 
ever. Dr. Mill drops Krishna || altogether, and makes 
Vishnu the object of Chandra's and Kumara's'wor- 
ship. But as Bhagavat is one of the commonest of 
the many titles of Buddha, the balance of evidence 
still remains very much in favour of Chandra Gupta's 
attachment to Buddhism. It is even possible that 
Chandra Gupta may have professed Buddhism in the 

* Prinflep's Journal^ vi. 5. 
t Prinsep's Journal^ vi. 980. 
X Prinsep's Journal^ vi. 5 — parama Bhagavata. 
S Prinsep's Journal, i. 441— Professor H. H. Wilson says middle 
of the tenth century. 
II Prinsep's Journal, vi. 7. 


early part of his reign,* and Vaishnavism in the 
latter part ; for the difference between the two is 
more nominal than real. Indeed the mention of 
Vishnu himself would no more invalidate the Bud- 
dhism of Chandra Gupta than the Tantric pictures 
of Mahadeva and K&li can disprove the present 
Buddhism of the Tibetans and N6palese. The 
exoteric or outward worship of Chaityas, and of 
statues of Buddha, no doubt remained unchanged; 
but the esoteric or philosophical speculations of the 
learned were continually changing; and the com- 
paratively pure theism and practical morality of 
Buddha were first encumbered with the mild quietism 
of the Yaishnavas, and at last deformed by the wild 
extravagances of the Tantrists. 

22. Skanda Gupta, the grandson of Chandra Gupta, 
ascended the throne of Magadha about a. d. 440. He 
inherited the vast dominions of his family, including 
the whole of Northern India, from Gujrat to the 
mouth of the Ganges ; and though his reign was dis- 
turbed by the rebellion of a minister, yet he left his 
kingdom undivided to his successor. Of his religious 
faith there is no doubt; for, in the Bhitari Pillar 
inscription,! he is stated to have possessed ^^ a clear 
insight into the wisdom of the Tantras.^^ The mys- 
teries of the Tantrikas were secret and incommunic- 
able. They taught formulas of incantation and 

• His gift to the Sanchi Chaitya is dated Anno GuptcB 93, or 
A. D. 412 ; and we know that he was reig-ning- so late as a. d. 41?8. 
t Prinsep's Journal, vi. C. 


in}'stic charms for the attainment of superhuman 
power. They degraded the material worship of the 
reproductive powers of Nature by a sensual and 
obscene interpretation, in which Siva and Durga, or 
their emblems the lingam and yoniy played a conspicu- 
ous part. One of their orders, the KdpdlikaSy or 
" men-of-skulls/' has been well represented in the 
Prabodha Chandrodaya, * a native metaphysical 
drama. The speakers are a Buddhist monk, a 
Brahman mendicant, and the K§.palika. 

Buddhist : " This man professes the rule of a 
Kdpdlika. I will ask him what it is.*' (Going up to 
him.) " Ho I you with the bone and skull necklace, 
what are your notions of happiness and salvation ? '' 

Kdpdhha : " Wretch of a Buddhist I Well, hear 
what is our religion : — 

" With flesh of men^ with brain and fat well smeared^ 
We make our grim burnt offering; break our last 
Prom cups of holy Brahman's skull ; and ever, 
With gurgling drops of blood, that plenteous stream, 

' From hard throats quickly cut, by us is worshipped 
With human offerings meet, our Qod, dread Bhairava." 

Brahman mendicant (stopping his ears): "Bud- 
dhist, Buddhist, what think you of this ? Oh ! horrible 
discipline I ^* 

Buddhist : " Sacred Arhata ! some awful sinner 
has surely deceived that man.'' 

Kdpdlika (in a rage) : " Aha ! sinner that thou art 

• Prinsep's Journal, vi. 14 — translated by Dr. Mill. 


—vilest of heretics, with thy shaven crown^ drest like 
the lowest outcasts — uncombed one 1 away with 
thee I'' 

28. The extravag^ance of this class of T&ntrikas is 
further displayed by the Kapalika's boast : — 

^' I call at will the best of Gods, great ffari. 
And Hara's self^ and Brahma : I restrain 
With my sole voice the course of stars that wander 
In heaven's bright vault; the earth with all its load 
Of mountains^ fields^ and cities^ I at will 
Reduce once more to water ; and, behold ! 
/ drink it up ! '* 

24. From this specimen of the Tdntrika faith^ it 
may be inferred that the cabalistic charms and mystic 
incantations^ added to the free use of spirituous 
liqu4)rSy induced an excited state of mind in the 
votaries that was highly favourable to a full belief in 
the attainment of superhuman power. No wonder 
that the Buddhist considered such extravasfance as 
the effect of delusion. 

26, But the Tantrika doctrines continued to spread 
in spite of their wildness ; and they at length became 
so popular that they were even carried into Nepal and 
Tibet, and permanently engrafted on the Buddhism of 
those countries. Their success was, however, as much 
due to force as to persuasion, for zealots are always 
persecutors. To Skanda Gupta, therefore, I would 
attribute the persecution of the Buddhists mentioned 
hv Hwan Thsangf.* Writino- in the first half of the 

• Fo'hfvC'kt^ c. X3tiv. note IC. 


seventh century, the Chinese pilgrim saj^s: — "Not 
long ago the king, She-shang^kiay who persecuted and 
sought to abolish the Law of Buddha, tried also to 
destroy the stone which bore the holy impressions of 
his feet/' As She^shang-'kia is not included by 
Hwan Thsang amongst the five kings who reigned 
over Magadha previous to Siladitya's conquest, he 
must be looked for amongst the predecessors of Budha 
Gupta. Of these, the only one whose name at all 
resembles Sheshang-kia is Skanda ; and as his Tan- 
trika zeal would naturally have led him to persecute 
the Buddhists, there is every probability in favour of 
the proposed identification. It is also not unlikely 
that the rebellion of Skanda Gupta's minister may 
have been caused by his persecution of Buddhism. 
But the followers of S&kya recovered their influence ; 
and the holy stone, which She-shang-kia had thrown 
into the Ganges, was restored to its original position, 
where it was seen by Hw4n Thsang about A. D. 642. 
26. The interval between the death of Skanda 
Gupta and the date of Budha Gupta's pillar at Eraii 
is only thirty-two years;* and as Hwan Thsang* 
places Lo'kia-lO'a-yi-'to (perhaps Lokaditya) as the 
immediate predecessor of Budha Gupta, a reign of 
about twenty-five years might be assigned to him to 
connect the series of the earlier Guptas found in the 
Pillar inscriptions with the later series recorded by 
the Chinese pilgrim. In the Seoni copperplate grants 
there is mention of Deva Gupta, a paramount sove- 

• From 133 to 165, Anno Gnptse. 



reign* whose authority was acknowledged by the 
petty Rajas of the Narbada. He must therefore have 
been one of the Mag'adha dynasty ; and he might 
either be placed between the two series of Guptas, or 
be identified with the first of Hwan Thsang's princes. 
As Lo-kia-lo-a-yi-to is evidently some title, such as 
Lokdditya, *^ Sun- of-the- world/' similar to those 
which we know were assumed by other members of 
this dynasty, it seems quite probable that Deva Gupta 
and Lo-kia-lo-a-yi-to were one and the same person. 

87. The name of Budha Chipta^ " cherished by 
Budha/' refers so distinctly to his own faith that there 
can be no hesitation in classing him amongst the 
royal followers of S^kya. His pillar inscription is 
dated in the Gupta year 165, or a. d. 484 ; and I 
suppose that he may have reigned from about 480 to 
610 A. D. During this period, in A. D. 602, the 
Chinese record f an embassy sent by the ^^King of 
India," named Keu-to (that is, Gutto or Ghipta\ to 
the Emperor of China with presents of crystal vases, 
perfumes, precious talismans, and other articles. The 
"kingdom of India'' is afterwards described to be the 
country watered by the Ganges and its affluents ; that 
is, Magadha as it existed under the Guptas, which 
included Magadha proper, and all the tributary pro- 
vinces between the Himalayan and Vindhyan moun- 
tains. This vast empire was possessed by four Gupta 

• Prinsep's Journal, v. 730, " Maharajadhiraja ; " that is, the King* 
of King^. 

t Chinese account of India, in Prinsep's Journal, vi. 65. 


princes^ the predecessors of Budha Gupta ; and there 
is sufficient evidence to prove that his sway was 
equally extensive. He is mentioned by Hwan 
Thsang* amongst the kings of Magadha; he is 
called^ in the Eran pillar inscription^ king of the 
^^ beautiful country situated between the Kdliiidi and 
theNarmaday^'^ or Jumna and Narbada ; and his silver 
coins are of the Gvjrat type of the S4hs of Surashtra, 
which was used by his predecessors, Kumdra and 
Skanda. Mr. Thomas doubts the accuracy of James 
Prinsep^s reading of Kdlindi ; but I can vouch for its 
correctness, as I have examined the inscription care- 
fully, and am now writing with a fac-simile before 
me. What Mr. Thomas calls the very legible r 
over the concluding compound letter is only the 
long vowel i. The name is perfectly distinct on the 

28. According to Hwan Thsang, Budha Gupta 
was succeeded by Thorkorta-kivr'tOy or Takta Ghipta; 
but his dominions must have been confined to 
Magadha proper, as we lenrn from the inscription on 
the colossal VarAha AvatAvy at Eran, that the para- 
mount sovereign Toramdna possessed all the country 
about Bhup&l and southern Bundelkhand not many 
years after the elevation of Budha Gupta's pillar; 
for the pillar was erected by Vaidala Vishnu, at the 
expense of his cousin Dhanya Vishnu, while the colos- 
sal Boar was set up by Dhanya Vishnu himself. The 
death of Budha Gupta, and the accession of Toramfina, 

* Fo-hrve-hi, Appendice. f Prinsep's Journal, vi. 634. 


therefore both took place during the life-time of 
Dhanya Vishnu. But there must have been an in- 
terval of some years between the two events, as 
Dhanya's elder brother, Mdtri Vishnu, who is not 
even mentioned in the pillar inscription, had since 
assumed the title of Maharaja, and was then dead. 
Dhan3'a himself then became reg-ent, apparently to 
the 3'oung- prince, Toram^na ; for, in another inscrip- 
tion from the Fort of Gwalior, I find Toramdna 
described as the son of M^tri D4sa, and the grandson 
of M&trikula, who is probably the same as Matri 
Vishnu. As the celebrated hill of Uda3'agiri is men- 
tioned in the Gwalior inscription, there can be little 
doubt of the identity of the two Toram^nas, and of the 
consequent extension of the principality of Eran to 
the banks of the Jumna. The reign of Toramana* 
probably extended from A. D. 520 to 650, contempo- 
rary with Takta Gupta of Mag-adha. 

29. From this time until the conquests of Siladit3'a, 
King" of Malwa, in the earl3^ part of the seventh cen- 
tur3^, nothing- certain is known of the histor3' of India. 
Takta Gupta was succeeded by Nara Gupta Buladitya, 
and he was succeeded b3' Vajra, who was reigiiing 
when Siladitya conquered Magadha. According- to 
Hwan Thsang*, this warlike prince '^ fought battles 
such as had never been seen before," and all the 
northern provinces submitted to him. Hwan Thsang- 

• Mr. Prinsep read this king's name as Tarapani ; but I liave 
examined the inscription myself, and can state ])ositively thtit the 
m Toramdtia. 


visited his court in a. d, 642 ; and from him* we learn 
that the king* sent an embassy with a present of books 
to the Chinese Emperor. This present proves that 
Siladitya was a follower of Buddha, for none but 
Baudtiha works would have been acceptable to the 
Buddhist Emperor of China. 

30. At the time of Hwan Thsang^^s visit, Buddhism 
was rapidly declining*, many of the monasteries were 
in ruins, and temples of the heretical Brahmans were 
rising* on all sides. At Benares there were one hun- 
dred heretical temples, and ten thousand heretics who 
worshipped Iswara,t while the Bauddhas had only 
thirty monasteries, and some three thousand monks 
and their disciples. Beyond the city, however, at the 
great temple in the Deer Park, there were about 
fifteen hundred monks and disciples ; but altogether 
in this once holy place, where Buddha preached the 
law, there were twice as many heretics as Buddhists. 
In Kalinga,:}; also, the faithful were few, and the 
heretics very numerous. But, notwithstanding* this 
spread of heretical opinions, the rulers of the land 
were still attached to Buddhism. The King of Chi- 
chi-to, JajAvati (that is, modern Bundelkhand), was a 
firm believer in the three precious ones,§ Buddha, 
Dharma, and Sangha. The great Sildditya of Malwa 
and Maffadha was a Buddhist, and these two coun- 

• Fo'kive-ki, Appendice. 
t Fo-ktve-kif c. xxxiv. note. 
I Fo'ktve-ftif Appendice, p. 389. 
§ Fo-hve-hiy Appendice, p. 303. 


tries were still the most eminent in India for the study 
of Buddhism.^ 

81. From the fifth to the seventh century, the de- 
cline of Buddhism was gradual and gentle ; hut the 
farther progress of decay was then stayed for a time, 
and the expiring religion, like a d^'ing lamp, still 
hurst forth with occasional brightness, and its sudden 
flashes of light threw a transient brilliance over the 
wide-spreading gloom. In the seventh century Bud- 
dhism was propagttted over the whole of Tibet ; the 
magnificent stupa of Sdmdth, upwards of two hun- 
dred feet in height, was erected near Benares ; and a 
colossal copperimage of Buddha was set up, and several 
chaityas and vih4rs built by the great Lalit^itya 
in Kashmir.f But, from the eighth century, the fall 
of Buddhism was rapid and violent. New dynasties 
arose who knew not S&kya ; and the Tuiirs of Delhi, 
the Bahtors of Kanoj, and the Chandels of Mahoba, 
succeeded to the vast empire of Siladitya. The rise 
of all these families has been traced to the eisfhth 
century; and both coins and inscriptions remain to 
attest their Brahmanical belief. But Buddhism con- 
tinued to linger in Benares, in Malwa, and in Gujrat j 
and was not finally extinguished until the eleventh or 
the twelfth centurj-, when the last votaries of Buddha 
were expelled from the continent of India. Numbers 
of images, concealed by the departing monks, are 
found buried near Sdmdthj and heaps of ashes still 

• Fo'hfvi'kiy AppeDdice, p. 392. 
t Raja TaraDgiui, iv. si. 188-l?lt>. 


lie scattered amidst the ruins to show that the monas- 
teries were destroyed by fire.* 

33. The fall of Buddhism was a natural con- 
sequence of closing* all roads to salvation^ save the 
difficult path which led from one grade to another 
of the monastic orders. No layman could hope to 
be saved; and even the most zealous votary must 
have felt that the standard of excellence was too 
lofty to be reached. Absolute faith, perfect virtue, 
and supreme knowledge, were indispensable; and, 
without these, no man could attain Buddhahood, 
and final freedom from transmig;ration. Continued 
celibacy, abstinence, and privation, were expected 
from all who had taken the vows ; and a long* course 
of prayer, penance, and devout abstraction, were re- 
quisite before the votary could g'ain the rank of 
Arhata or Bodhisatwa. But as this was the only 
path to salvation, people of all ranks flocked to the 
monasteries — men crossed by fortune or disappointed 
in ambition, wives neg'lected by their husbands, and 
widows by their children, the sated debauchee, and 
the zealous enthusiast, all took the vows of celibacy, 
abstinence, and poverty. In the early ages of 
Buddhism the votaries supported themselves by daily 

* I wrote this passage from my own knowledge, as I made many 
excavations around Sarndth in 1835-36. Major Kittoe has since 
(1851) most fully confirmed my opinion by his more extended ex- 
cavations in the same neighbourhood. He writes to me : '' All 
has been sacked and burned— priests, temples, idols, all together ; 
for in some places^ bones, iron, wood, and stone, are found in huge 
masses, and this has happened more than once.'* 


begg^ing*; but the pious generosity of individuals 
had gradually alienated the finest lands in the 
country for the support of the monasteries; and 
the mass of the people looked with envy upon the 
possessions of an idle multitude of monks. The rich 
domains of the monasteries attracted the notice of 
kingi9^ and the desire of possession was soon followed 
by its accomplishment. The people looked on un- 
moved^ and would not defend what they had long 
ceased to respect ; and the colossal figure of 
Buddhism^ which had once bestridden the whole 
continent of India^ vanished suddenly like a rainbow 
at sunset. 




1. The following' description of the building* and 
dedication of a Tope is taken from the Mah&wanso ; 
and chiefly from the account of Dutthag'dmini's 
erection and consecration of the Mdha-thupo^ or 
" Great Tope'* in Ceylon. A short notice of this 
kind is necessary for the better understanding of the 
minute details of the opening of the Bhilsa Topes^ 
and for the easier comprehension of various scenes 
pictured in the Sanchi bas-reliefs. 

8. When any weajithy or powerful person under- 
took to build a Tope, he first raised a pillar on the 
spot inscribed with a record of his intentions ; which 
pillar was afterwards removed when the building of 
the Tope was begun. The Raja Devdnampriya, who 
began to reign in Ceylon in the year 240 B.C., 
wished to erect a Tope on a spot consecrated by the 
teachings of Buddha ; but being warned by the holy 
Mahendra that this great work was reserved for 
Dutthagdmini, he was content to raise a stone 
pillar,* with an inscription recording his wish. 

* Mahawanso, p. ^7. 


Dutthag&mini^ who reigned over Ceylon between the 
years 161 and 187 B. c, removed this pillar before 
laying* the foundations of the Mahdthupo.* 

3. It would seem that the Topes were usually 
built by forced labour,! for Dutthag'dmini evidently 
made an exception in the case of the Mahathupo^ 
for which he did not think it rig'ht to exact com- 
pulsory or unpaid labour. 

4. The foundations were formed of round stones 
(perhaps boulders), which were trodden down by 
elephants. Above these were placed courses of fine 
clay, bricks, cement, kuruwinda stones, iron plates, 
divine incense (broug'ht by the Srdmanerasy from the 
Hemawanta), phalUia stones (steatite), common stone, 
plates of brass (imbedded in Kapittho gum which had 
been moistened with the milk of small red cocoa-nuts), 
and plates of silver (cemented with vermilion mixed 
in oil of 8esamum).J I have preserved this extrava- 
gant account simply because I think it probable that 
most of these particulars may be partially true. 
The plates of silver and brass, and even of iron, were 
possibly only small discs ; and the course of phalika 
stone only a single slab ; each deposited in the centre 
of the building. 

6. The laying of the foundation stone was attended 
with as much solemnity as now takes place at the 
same ceremony in England. " Revered ones!" said 
the Maharaja, '^ To-morrow, I will lay the festival- 

• Mahuwanto, p. 169. f Mahamanso, pp. 1C5 and 175. 

t Mahawatuo, p. 169. 


brick of the Great Chaityaj let all the fraternities 
assemble there :'' and further^ he proclaimed^ ^^ Let 
all my people attend with offerings for Buddha^ and 
with garlands.'' The road leading* from the city 
to the site of the Tope was decorated ; and on the 
appointed morning*^ the moon being full^ the king^ 
attended by his ministers^ and accompanied by 
thousands of troops^ with dancing and singing 
women^ and bands of musicians^ proceeded to the 
site of the Mahdthupo.* On reaching the place he 
made an offering of one thousand and eight suits 
of clothing; which were deposited in the middle^ 
and at the four sides^ of the intended site. 

6. The ceremony was attended by numbers of 
Bhikshus from the principal monastic establishments 
in India ; from Rajagriha and Yaisali ; from Benares^ 
Sravasti^ and Xosambi; from Ujain^ and from the 
wilderness of Yindhya; from Kashmir^ and from 
Alasadda (or Alexandria)^ the capital of Yona (or 
Greek country of Kabul).t The king, encircled by 
the multitude of Bhikshus, entered the holy space^ 
and, bowing with reverence to them, presented an 
offering of garlands. Then walking thrice round 
the site, he stationed himself in the centre, and with 
a pair of highly polished silver compasses pointed 
with gold, described a circle for the lower course of 
bricks. He next placed in the centre eight gold and 
eight silver vases, and encircled them with eight 

• MahawoMOy p. 170. f Maharvan^o, p. 172. 


gold and eight silver bricks.* Around each brick 
he deposited one hundred and eight pieces of cloth, 
and around the whole one hundred and eight new 
earthen vases. Then taking up the eastern brick 
the king deposited it again in a fragrant cement 
formed of the jessamine flowers which had been 
offered on the holy spot. In the same manner seven 
ministers of state deposited the other seven bricks. 
Then the king, bowing down to the assembled 
Bhikshus, again made offerings on the four sides of 
the site ; and repairing to the north-east point, 
bowed with reverence to the great Stliavira Priya- 
DARSI, who at once began to chant the jat/a mangalay 
^^ or hymn of joy/' which was uttered by Sakya at 
the moment of his attaining Buddhahood.t 

7. The bricklayers were assembled by beat of 
dinim ; and the Rajah inquired from the architect, 
" In what form dost thou propose to construct the 
chaitya?" The architect, taking some water in the 
pahn of his hand, dashed it into a golden vessel full 
of water, and pointing to a hemispherical bubble of air 
A\'hich stood for a moment on the surface, he said, " I 
will build it in this form ."J 

8. The relic-chamber was formed of six clouded 
slabs of stone (megkawanna). One was placed flat, 
four were arranged like the sides of a box, and the 
sixth (which was the lid) was placed to the eastward. § 

• Mahawansoy p. 173. 

t See chap. iv. 7, of thi5 volume for Buddha's hymn. 

: MahawamOy p. 175. ^ Mnharcaiiso^ p. 170. 


In the middle of this chamber was deposited a 
golden bodhi-tTeey and round it were placed golden 
images of Buddha. Various acts in the life of Buddha 
were depicted on the sides of the chamber^ which was 
illuminated with rows of lamps fed with scented oil. 

9. On the evening of the day of full moon the 
king Dutthagamini, in a chariot drawn by four white 
horses^ carried the golden relic-casket on his head^ 
surmounted by the canopy of dominion^ towards the 
Tope. The procession was headed by the state 
elephant Kanduloy fully caparisoned ; and the chariot 
was surrounded by men and women bearing vases^ 
baskets of flowers^ torches^ and flags. Elephants^ 
horses^ and chariots^ followed in the procession ; 
and the crash of all kinds of vocal and instrumental 
music was so loud that it seemed as if the earth was 
being rent asunder.* 

10. On reaching the Tope the pious monarch re- 
ceived the relics from the chief sthavira, and deposited 
them in a golden casket. Then placing the casket 
on a throne he made his ofierings to the relics ; and 
bowing reverentially down, stood with uplifted hands 
joined in adoration. He now dedicated his canopy 
of dominion (that is, the royal chatta) to the relics, 
and exclaimed with joj', ^^ Thrice over do I dedicate 
my kingdom to the redeemer of the world, the divine 
teacher, the bearer of the triple canopy, the canopy 
of the heavenly host, the canopy of mortals, and the 
canopy of eternal emancipation/' 

* Maharvanso, p. 186. 


11. Then placing* the relic-casket on his head^ the 
monarch presented more offeringB, and^ encircled by 
the Bhikshus^ thrice perambulated the Tope; and 
mounting* the eastern side he descended into the relic- 
chamber. On all sides stood the arhatas with uplifted 
hands joined in adoration, while the king* deposited 
the relic-casket on the golden altar. He next made 
an offering* of all the royal ornaments on his person, 
and for seven days invested the relics with the 
sovereignty of Lanka.* The ministers and all the 
people in attendance likewise made offerings of all 
the ornaments on their persons. Hymns were 
chanted throughout the night by the Bhikshus ; the 
lid of the relic-chamber was closed by two sr&ma- 
neras ; and the enshrinement of the relic was com- 

12. After this ^^ thousands of relics'' were deposited 
by the people above the relic-chamber,t and the dome 
was closed, and crowned by a square capital. J At 
this time, when only the chatta (or canopy) and the 
plastering remained to be done, the Raja fell sick, 
and enjoined his younger brother Tisso to finish the 
Tope. As the Raja was at the point of death Tisso 
quickly covered the whole Tope with white cloth sewn 
together, and raised a cloth umbrella with a bambu 

* Or Ceylon. Maharvanso, p. 190. 

i Maharvanso, p. 192 — **Sahassa dhatunan,'' thousands of 

I See the relic-casket in the shape of a cr^'stal Tope found in No. 
2 Tope, at Bhojpur, Plate XXVI. See also the restoration of the 
great S4nchi Tope, Plate VIII. 


handle on the summit; and then announced to the 
king that the Tope was finished. The dying* monarch 
was carried to the holy spot^ and laid upon a carpet 
opposite the southern entrance, where, after gazing 
with delight on the Tope, he breathed his last. The 
pinnacle and the plastering of the dome, and the 
enclosing parapet wall, were all completed by his 
brother Saddhdtisso who succeeded him on the throne 
of Ceylon. 

13. About one hundred and twenty years after- 
wards, between 10 and 9 B. c, the 'Ra^a BhdtikdbJiayo 
festooned the great Tope with garlands of jessamine 
flowers from top to bottom, and fixed flowers in the 
intervals by their stalks. He next covered the 
Chaitya with a paste of red lead, one finger thick, 
and studded the paste with flowers. He then buried 
the whole chait3'a, from the steps at its enclosure to 
the top of its pinnacle, in a heap of flowers : and 
lastly he white-whashed it with oyster-shell lime, and 
studded it over with a net- work of pdrvdla stones, and 
fixed golden flowers, of the size of chariot-wheels, in 
the interstices. He likewise added two cornices,* or 
copings, to the basement of the building. 

14. Between the year 21 and 80 a. d., the Raja 
Amandagdmini erected another chatta^ on the pin- 
nacle of the Great Tope, and added copings to the 
base and crown of the dome. Images of the four 

^ Mahawanoy p. 211-215. 

t Mahatvanso, p. 221 — Chattadhichattan, or " Chatta-above- 
chatta." See the Sanchi Chaitya No. 1. 


Buddhas were presented to the Great Tope by Raja 
Wasahho who reigned from 66 to 110 A. D. And 
lastly, Raja Sirinago, between the years 184 and 
200 A. D., gilded * the chatta of the Mahdthupo, and 
inserted gems in the centre of each of the ^^ four 
emblems of the sun/^f 

15. This account agrees so closely with the present 
state of the great Sanchi chaitya that it might be 
taken as an actual description of that building. The 
hemispherical form, the square crown, the chatta 
above chatta, are all tlie same, and there are also the 
same statues of the four Buddhas, and the same 
" emblems of the sun'* over the four gateways. 

16. In the Mahdthupo^ the relic-chamber was 
placed low down in the building, for the king had to 
^^ descend*' into it to deposit the casket. But in the 
ThupAramOy which was built by Devanampriya about 
240 B. c, the chamber was excavated knee deep on 
the summit of the dome for the reception of the relics. J 
This agrees with the position of the chamber in the 
great Tope at Sonari. 

17. Lastly, the ground was consecrated by tlie 
Bhikshus with the performance of uposatho and other 
rites, after the boundary had been marked out b}' the 
king in procession with a golden plough drawn by 
two state elephants. § This ceremony was performed 

* Mahawansoj p. 226. 

t Mnhan^ansOy p. 229 — chattunan snriyanony " four suns." 

t Mahwanso, p. 104. 

§ Mahawan$Oy p. 98. 


with the same display which has already been de- 
scribed in the procession of. the relic-casket. 

18. But this account describes only the older kind 
of Tope^ which was a simple hemisphere^ such as the 
great Chaityas at Sanchi and at Satdhara^ and which 
probably date as high as the middle of the sixth cen- 
tury before our era. The next in point of antiquity 
are the Topes around Bhilsa, which contain the relics 
of Asoka's missionaries, and of the venerable Mogali- 
putra, who conducted the proceedings of the Third 
Synod. In these, which were built in the end of the 
third century before Christ, the dome is raised a few 
feet above the basement by a c)'lindrical plinth. The 
third class of Topes are those represented in the 
Sanchi bas-reliefs, which date between 19 and 37 A. D. 
In these the hemisphere is placed on a plinth of equal 
height, so that the centre of the dome is the centre of 
the whole building. Six representations of this kind 
of Tope occur amongst the Sdnchi bas-reliefs, of which 
one is on the southern gate of No. 2 Tope, and 
another on the southern gate of No. 3 Tope.* 

19. The crystal Chaitya discovered in No. 2 Tope, 
at Bhojpur, is also of the same shape; and I am 
therefore inclined to attribute the erection of that 
Tope to the beginning of the Christian era. The 
Topes in AfFglmnistan are mostly of this shape. In 
the latest Topes, of which Sarnath, near Benares, is a 
magnificent specimen, the plinth is equal in height to 
the diameter of the hemisphere. Two specimens of 

* For two of these Topes see Plate III., figs. 1 and 2. 



thus kind are given in Plate III., from the small dedi- 
catory To[*e5 now lying in the enclosure of the Great 
Sanchi Chaitva. 

20. From these remarks it is evident that the ajre 
of almost every Tope may be obtained approximately 
from its shape; the most ancient being a simple 
hemisphere^ and the latest a tall round tower sur- 
mounteil bv a dome. 

sAnchi topes, 179 


sanchi topes. 

1. The small villag'e of Sanchi is situated on the low 
ridge of a sandstone hill^ on the left bank of the 
Betwa^ about five miles and a half to the south-west 
of Bhilsa^ and twenty miles to the north-east of 
Bhupal. The hill is flat-topped and isolated^ with a 
steep cliff to the eastward ; and to the westward an 
easy slope covered with jungul at the foot, and near 
the top broken into steps by horizontal ledges of 

2. The general direction of the hill is from north to 
south, and its whole summit is covered with ruins. 
But the principal buildings that now remain occupy 
only the middle part of the level top, and a narrow 
belt leading down the hill to the westward. The 
summit itself has a gentle slope in the same direction 
with the dip of the strata ; and the level of the court 
of the great Tope is some twelve or fifteen feet below 
that of the mined vihar and temple on the eastern 
edge of the precipice. The hill, which is about three 
hundred feet in height, is formed of a light red sand- 
stone, hard and compact in texture, but subject to 


split. This stone has been used for all the Topes and 
other buildings where mere hardness and durability 
were required ; but for the colonnades and sculptured 
gateways a fine-grained white sandstone was brought 
from the Udayagiri hill, three miles and a half to the 

3. The group of Topes at Sanchi is represented in 
Plate IV. The Topes are numbered from 1 to 11, 
and the other objects are described in the plan. Of 
these the most remarkable is a large stone bowl, now 
lying on a small mound between the two principal 
Topes. The interior dimensions of the bowl are — 
diameter, 4^ feet ; depth, 2^ feet. The thickness at 
top is 6 inches, at bottom 18 inches. The size of this 
bowl agrees so closely with that of the golden vessel,* 
in which Asoka despatched the ^^ cutting^' of the 
great Bo-tree to Ceylon, that it seems highly proba- 
ble the S6nchi bowl must once have held a sacred 
tree. Indeed I feel inclined to go even farther, for I 
suspect that this bowl once held the holy nettle which 
Buddha himself had bitten off and planted. But this 
depends upon the identification of SAnchi with the 
Sh/i'chi of Fa Hian, a point which I will now 

4. On leaving Ki-jao-iy or Kanoj, Fa Hian pro- 
ceeded about twenty miles to the opposite bank of the 
Ganges; and from thence, he says, ^^ten yojans to 

* Mahawanso, pp. Ill, 119. Asoka's vase was nine cubits in 
circumference, three cubits in diameter, five cubits in depth, and 
eight fing^ers {atthangnla) in thickness. 


the south-west you come to the ^eat kingdom of 
Shorchi ;*^ and ^^ thence, proceeding south to the dis- 
tance of eight yojanSy you arrive at the kingxlom of 
Kiu^orlOy and the town of She-wei*^ (Ajudhya, or 
Audh). There is a difficulty in this part of the route 
which (I agree with Mr. Laidlay* in thinking) can 
only be explained away on the supposition of a mis- 
print in the French edition, or an error in the original 
Chinese. Ajudhya is almost due east from Xanoj ; 
and the direct distance is much more than eighteen 
yojans. Hwan Thsang is silent regarding Shachi, 
although he travelled over this part of the country, 
and describes it in detail ; besides which we know of 
no place of Buddhist celebrity between Eanoj and 
Ajudhya. On the other hand, we have the absolute 
identity of the names of Shd-chi, and SS,nchi or 
Sachi,t and the knowledge that Sanchi was a large 
Bauddha establishment, as well as the capital of a 
kingdom, at the time of Fa Hian's visit. The south- 
westerly direction is correct, but the distance should 
be about fifty yojans instead of ten. 

5. The name of Sanchi, or Sachi, is most probably 
only the spoken form of the Sanskrit Sdnti: for I 
find the term Sdnti-sangham (the Sdnti community) 

• Fih-krve-kif c. xix. note 2 — Mr. Laidlay's translation. It is im- 
possible to conceive that any " great " kingdom, as Fa Hian calls 
Shdchi, could have intervened between the kingdoms of Samkaasa 
and Kosala, or the present Mainpuri and Oudh. 

t See Journal As. Soc. Bengal, vol. xvii. p. 746. The name is 
always written Sdtchi by my brother. 


used in the inscriptioii on the eoutbem pillar of the 
Great Tope.* The Chinese also transcribed sdnti 
b^' sA'chi ; for they say that it signifies ^^ silence^ 
repose.^ t This proves the identic of the names ; but 
until the original text of the Fo-kwe-ki has been re- 
examined^ nothing* more can be insisted upon than 
the probability of the identification. 

6. The storv of the nettle is thus told bv Fa Hian. 
**0n leading the town of Sha-chi by the Southern 
Gate you find to the East of the road^ the place 
where Fo bit a branch of nettle and planted it in the 
g^und. This branch sprang* up and grew to the 
heigfht of seven feet, and afterwards neither increased 
nor diminished. The heretical Brahmans, fired with 
envy^ cut and tore it to throw it away ; but it always 
sprang up again in the same place." 

7. The present village of Sanchi is situated on the 
low spur connecting the Tope-hill vriih the Kana- 
khen^-hilK The village is now verj- small ; but the 
iamuMX>us ruins scattered over the hill between Sanchi 
and Kanakhen^ prove that there has once been a 
lariiv town on this site. At the time of Fa Hian's 
visit it was one of the principal places in the king- 
i\on\ of Sanakanika. On leaving it by the South 
^i\U\ tho roail let! (as it does now) along the foot of 
tho hill; and the irreat stone l>owl was therefore to 

\\\c K\\>\\\u\\\. i\^ ilosoribod bv Fa Ilian. 


• vSr PLito \l\. *No. irr. foi tLis iiiscri])tion. 
t t\ y\\'U, i\ \vu. uoto ir 


No. 1 Tope. — Sanchi. 

8. The gTeat Sanchi Tope is situated on the 
western edge of the hill. The ground has once been 
carefiiUy levelled, by cutting away the surface rock 
on the east, and by building up a retaining wall on 
the west. The court (as it now exists) averages one 
hundred and fifty yards in length, and is exactly 
one hundred yards in breadth. In the midst 
stands the Great Chaitya, No. I.,* surrounded by a 
massive colonnade. The bald appearance of the 
solid dome is reUeved by the lightness and elegance 
of the highly picturesque gateways. On all sides 
are ruined temples, fallen columns, and broken 
sculptures : and even the Tope itself, which had 
withstood the destructive rancour of the fiery Saivas 
and the bigoted Musalmdns, has been half-ruined by 
the blundering excavations of amateur antiquaries* 

9. In the north-east, south-east, and south-west cor- 
ners of the court there are small ruined Topes, marked 
Nos. 5, 6, 7 in the plan, Plate lY . In the south there 
is a small temple of middle age, and an old Chaitya 
temple with lofty square columns. The semicircular 
end of this temple was first traced by my brother, 

• " There is a stern round tower of other days, 
Firm as a fortress with its fence of stone; 
Such as an army's ba£9ed strength delays^ 
Standing with half its battlements alone. 


Captain J. D. Cunningham^* and afterwards more 
leisurely by Lieut. Maisey^ who made an excavation 
on the supposed site of the Chaitya^ and was re- 
warded by the discovery of a small chamber contain- 
ing* a broken steatite vase. 

10. The great Tope itself is a solid dome of stone 
and brick^ 106 feet in diameter, and 42 feet in height^ 
springing from a plinth of 14 feet, with a projection 
of 5^ feet from the base of the building, and a slope 
of 8^ feet. The plinth or basement formed a terrace 
for the perambulation of worshippers of the enshrined 
relic ; for, on the right pillar of the North Gateway 
there is a representation of a Tope and of two 
i;^ orshippers walking round it,t with garlands in 
their hands. The terrace was reached by a double 
flight of steps to the south, connected by a landing 
ten feet square. J 

11. The apex of the dome was flattened into a terrace 
34 feet in diameter, surrounded by a stone railing of 
that style so peculiar to Bauddha monuments, that I 
will venture to call it the " Buddhist Railing/' 

And with two thousand years of ivy grown, 
The garland of eternity — where wave 
The green leaves, over all by Time overthrown, 
What was this tower of strength ? Within its cave 
What treasure lay so locked, so hid ! A hcrmiCs grave." 

By HON : Childc Harold. 

* Journal As. Soc. Bengal, xvii. riute XXVIII. 
t See Plate XTTI. 
: See Plate VIII. 


Many of the pillars of this colonnade are now lying 
at the base of the monument ^ and several portions 
of the coping or architrave prove that the enclosure 
was a circular one. The inscriptions Nos. 173^ 174^ 
175^ and 176^ are taken from the fallen pillars of this 
colonnade. The pillars are 8 feet 4 inches high^ 9 inches 
broad^ and 7^ inches thick. They are of the same 
pattern as those of the lower enclosure^ and in fact 
of all the enclosures of Buddhist Topes throughout 
India.* I counted nearly forty of these pillars^ but 
several must be buried beneath the rubbish of the 
destructive excavation made by the amateur anti- 
quaries in 1822.t As the spaces between the pillars 
were^ as nearly as can now be ascertained^ about one 
foot^ this enclosure would have required exactly sixty- 
one pillars. 

12. Within the upper enclosure there was a square 
altar or pedestal surrounded by pillars of the same 
description^ but much taller^ some of which are still 
lying on the top of the dome. In 1819, when Cap- 
tain Fell visited Sanchi^J these pillars were all there j 
but one of the corner pillars is now lying at the base 
of the monument to the north-west. It is proved to 
have belonged to a sqiuire enclosure, by its having 
faces at right angles to each other with two rows of 
mortices for the reception of the ends of the stone 

♦ See Plates VII., IX., XXIII., and XXVIII., for specimens 
of enclosures. 

t Prinsep's Journal, iv. 712. 
t Prinsep's Journal, iii. 490. 


rails. The projecting cornice of this altar or pedestal 
is restored from the numerous representations of 
Topes amongst the bas-reliefs of the gateways. The 
cupola or umbrella-pinnacle is restored from existing 
fragments guided by the designs of Topes just men- 
tioned.* One piece is now lying on the top of the 
dome^ and another at the foot of the breach. This 
cupola was 5 feet 6 inches in diameter^ and 2 feet 
high. It is hollowed out underneath ; and above it 
has a mortice 8 inches deep for the reception of a staff 
of a second cupola^ such as we see represented in the 
bas-reliefs. « 

18. The total height of the building including the 
cupolas must have been upwards of one hundred 

14. The base of the Tope is surrounded by a 
massive colonnade, 144 J feet in diameter from west 
to east, and 151 J feet in diameter from north to 
south. This enclosure is therefore elliptical ; the 
greater diameter exceeding the lesser by 7 feet. By 
this arrangement a free passage is obtained round the 
southern staircases, and a greater breadth at the foot 
of the ascent. The breadth of the cloister on the 
north-west and north-east sides averages 9 feet 
7 inches, the several measurements only differing by 
a few inches. From east to south the cloister in- 
creases rapidly in width j the breadth at the east 
being* onl}^ 9 feet 11 inches, and at the foot of the 
staircasf? 18 feet 8 inches. The elliptical form is 

St'e two H|)f'(uinnns in Plate III., fi^s. 1 and 2. 

• u 


shown didtinctly in my brother*s plan^^ although he 
does not mention it in his description. 

15. The pillars of this colonnade are feet 10^ 
inches in height^ with an average thickness of 1 foot 
10^ inches. The front and back of each pillar have 
three faces ; a middle one^ 9^ inches in breadth^ and 
two side ones^ slightly bevelled^ each 6^ inches broad. 
The pillars are let into the ground from 15 to 18 
inches. The interval or inter-columniation is 2 feet 
]^ inch. 

16. The rails are three in number with intervals of 
4 inches. Each rail is 2 feet 1^ inch long^ and the 
same broad. The section is formed of two inter- 
secting circular segments^ with a double versed sine 
of 0^ inches^ which forms the thickness of the 
rail. The mortices in the pillars are of the same 
section as the rails^ and are from 3 to 4 inches in 

17. The architrave or coping is formed of long 
solid blocks rounded at top^ each 2 feet 3 inches in 
height^ by 2 feet 1 inch in thickness. Each beam 
spans two intercolumniations^ and has three mortices 
for receiving the tenons of the three pillars. Some 
of the beams are connected together by tenons and 
mortices^ and others by stone joggles. 

18. A view of this remarkable stone-railing is 
given in Plate IX., which shows the general dis- 
position of the numerous inscriptions. The style is 
evidently characteristic and conventional, as it is 

• Journal As. Soc. Bengal, xvii. Plate XXVIJI. 


found wherever the Bauddha religion prevails.* It 
is in fact so peculiar to Buddhism that I have ven- 
tured to name it ^^ the Buddhist railing/' This pe- 
culiar railing is still standing around the principal 
Topes at Sanchi and Andher ; and some pillars and 
other fragments are still lying around the great 
Topes at Son4ri and Satdhara. The same railing 
was placed around the holy Bodhi Trees^f ^^^ ^^^ 
pillars dedicated to Buddha^ The balconies of the 
City 6ates,§ and of the King's Palace,|| were en- 
closed by it. It formed the bulwarks of the State 
Barge. ^ It was used as an ornament for the capi- 
tals of columns^ as on the northern pillar at Sanchi ;** 
and generally for every plain band of architectural 
moulding. At Sanchi it is found in many places 
as an ornament on the horizontal bars which sepa- 
rate the bas-reliefs from each other. 

10. The Sanchi railing has one entrance at each 
of the four cardinal points; as represented in the 
plan in Plate IV. Each entrance is covered in 

* No less than nine specimens of this kind of railing were 
found amongst the Bhilsa Topes^ all of which are described in the 
following pages. In Plate IX. fig 3, I have added a specimen 
from the great Dipaldinna Mound at Amaravati^ for the descnp- 
tion of which see Prinsep's Journal^ vol. vi. Plate X. 

t See coins^ in Plates XXXI. and XXXII. 

X See Plate XXXI. fig. 1, and Plate XXXH. fig. 11. 

§ Bas-relief at S^chi^ Eastern Oatewaj, Plate XV. Bg. 3. 

II Bas-relief of Eastern Gateway — Fergusson*s Illustrations. 

If Bas-relief of Western Gateway, Left Pillar, Inner Facey No. III. 

•• See Plate X. 


front^ and to the left (as seen from the outside)^ by a 
short railing" of the same style. In after times 
another short railing* was added to the rig-ht of each^ 
and the entrance was chang'ed to the front through a 
lofty gateway. 

20. These four gateways are the most picturesque 
and valuable objects at Sanchi, as they are entirely 
covered with bas-reliefs representing various domestic 
scenes and religious ceremonies. Each gateway is 
formed of two square pillars, 2 feet 3 inches thick, 
and 13 feet 8 inches in height. The capitals of these 
pillars vary. The pillars of the western gate have 
each four human dwarfs ; those of the southern gate 
have four lions ; and those of the other gateways have 
four elephants surmounted by their riders. The 
height of the capital is 4 feet 6 inches. The total 
height of the gateway is 18 feet 2 inches, and its 
breadth is 7 feet 1 inch. 

21. The pillars are crowned by an architrave 19 
feet 9 inches in length, with an arched rise of 4 
inches in the middle, and a projection of 4 feet 5 
inches on each side. These projecting ends are 
supported by brackets, each formed of the stem and 
foliage of a tree, beneath which is a ndchniy or 
dancing woman. The style of hair and the peculiar 
bead-girdle of these female dancers, is so much like 
those of some of the Tibetan women of the present 
day, that one is naturally led to trace them to an 
Indo-Scythian origin ; especially when we know that 
the Indo-Scythian power was paramount in India at 


the very time that these gateways were erected.* 
A second architrave is placed above the other at a 
height of 2 feet 2^ inches^ and is supported by five 
uprights^ of which two are simple continuations of 
the pillars. This second architrave is 2 feet and 

1 inch in height ; and its ends project only 4 feet 

2 inches. Five uprights of the same height as this 
architrave, support a third architrave only 1 foot 
0^ inches^ in height^ with diminished projections of 
8 feet 11 inches. The ends of the architraves are 
formed into narrow threaded volutes surmounted by 
winged lions. The open spaces between the uprights 
contain small figures of elephant riders below^ and 
of horsemen above ; and on the outside of the pillars 
there are small figures of female dancers. 

22. The summit is crowned in the middle by a 
wheel (half broken) upwards of three feet in diameter, 
supported by four elephants. On each side, immedi- 
ately above the pillars, there is a peculiar emblem, 
which will be described hereafter. Between each of 
these emblems and the wheel there is a male attend- 

• See Plate XIV. for one of these dancing figures. The features 
are quite Tihetan ; and this peculiarity is so strong that it has 
struck others besides myself. Thus Captain Eyre writes to me : " A 
very remarkable feature in the 8culptiu*es is the peculiai* Tartar-like 
physiognomies of the principal figures. How is this to be ac- 
counted for? The sculptors must have been familiar with that 
peculiar form of the ^ human face divine/ or they would not so 
successfully have chiselled it. It seems to me probable, therefore, 
that the conquering race must have been of Tartar origin." For 
the com|)lete figure, see the Frontispiece of Fergusson's IHustra- 


ant with a ckaariy or Tibetan cow's tail. The wheel 
is the symbol of Buddha ; and the peculiar monograph 
on each side is the emblem of Dharma.* 

23. The whole of these gateways^ excepting* where 
they abut on the railings^ are most elaborately carved. 

The faces of the pillars are divided into compart- 
ments^ each containing* a scene either religious or 
domestic. The faces of the architraves, both front 
and rear, represent — (1st) sieg'es ; (8nd) triumphal 
processions either entering or leaving cities j (3rd) 
adoration of Topes, and of trees ; (4th) processions 
escorting relic-caskets ; and (6th) ascetic life in the 
woods. A short description of these valuable delinea- 
tions of ancient Indian n\^nners and customs will be 
given at the end of this account of the Great Sanchi 
Tope, along with the translations of all the inscrip- 

24. Within the enclosure, and immediately facing 
each entrance, there is a large figure. Each figure 
has once rested under a canopy supported in front on 
a couple of pillars ; but these have long since been 
broken, and the figfures themselves have been very 
much injured. The eastern statue is now lying on its 
face; but, by digging under it. Lieutenant Maisey 
discovered that it was a seated figure, which I believe 
to be that of Krakuchanda, the first mortal Buddha. 

• See Plate VI I. for a view of the Great Tope, with its peculiar 
gateways. The wheel, or emblem of Buddha, will be found in 
Plate XXXI. fig. 2; and the other emblem, which is that of 
Dharma, in Plate XXXII. fig. 10. 


The southern statue is a standings figure^ with a halo 
round the head. To the rig^ht and left there are two 
attendant figures of half size^ and a small elephant. 
This is most probably a statue of Kanaka^ the second 
mortal Buddha. The western figure is much muti- 
lated^ and the head is entirely gone. It is seated^ 
and probably represents KIsyapa, the third mortal 
Buddha. The northern statue is seated cross-legged, 
with both hands in the lap, the palms uppermost. 
The head is surrounded by an ornamental nimbus. 
A small figure, sceptre in hand, hovers above each 
shoulder ; and a male attendant stands on each side, 
with his left hand resting in his girdle, and his 
right bearing a mace, or chaori. This is no doubt a 
statue of SIkya Sinha, the last mortal Buddha, 
seated in the very attitude in which he obtained 

25. These four statues are referred to in one of the 
longer railing inscriptions which lias been translated 
by James Prinsep.* Amongst other things this in- 
scription records a gift of money, the interest of which 
was to be expended in daily lamps, for the four 
shrines of the four Buddhas. The inscription is very 
rudely cut, and fully merits the description which 
James Prinsep gave it, of a ^^ network of scratches." 
But as the four Buddhas and the four Buddhist 
shrines are twice mentioned, there is no doubt of the 
correctness of Prinsep's reading. The date of the 

* Journal, vi. 459. This inscription is generally called the 
Harisw^mini inscription, from the names of the recorder. 


record is doubtful ;* but it appears to me to be in the 
fourth century of the Vikramaditya Samvat. The 
fig'ure for 300 is clear, and so is that for 1 ; but the 
middle figure, which is the same as the letter /, is 
doubtful. We know that it is not 10, or 18, or 90 ; 
and this limits the date within fifty years,' between 
321 and 371 Samvat, or a. d. 264 and 314. If the 
Saka era of 78 A. D. was used, the date will range 
between 399 and 441 A. D. I have used the earlier 
epochs instead of the Gupta era, because the latter 
would bring the date of the inscription down to the 
middle of the seventh century, at which period we 
know that the alphabets of India were the same as 
the modem Tibetan. The form of the characters 
shows that this inscription was not later than the time 
of the earlier Guptas. The date, therefore, whether 
reckoned in Samvat or in Saka, will range between 
300 and 400 A. D. 

26. A few feet to the east of the southern entrance 
there is still standing the lower portion of a magni- 
ficent lion pillar. Other portions of the shaft as well 
as the capital are lying on the ground to the south. 
By a careful measurement of the different pieces, I 
found that the height of the shaft must have been 
81 feet 11 inches. Captain Fell calls it 32 feet.f 
The diameter at the base is 2 feet 10 inches; and 
at the neck it was only 2 feet 3 inches ; the total 

• See inscription No. 198, Plate XXI. of this volume, for a 
fac-simile of this date. 

t Prinsep's Journal, iii. Plate XXXI. 



diminution^ therefore^ is 7 inches^ or nearly one-fifth 
of the lower diameter. At 10 feet the diameter in 
2 feet 8 inches^ and at 21 feet it was 2 feet 6^ inches. 
These measurements show that this pillar had a gentle 
swell in the middle of the shaft^ and that the early 
Indian architects followed the same practice in this 
respect as the Greeks. The whole diminution being 
7 inches^ the proportional diminution (if the sides of 
the column were straight) would be 2*10 inches at 10 
feet, and 4*00 inches at 21 feet. There is thus an 
increase in the thickness of the shaft of rather more 
than one inch at two-thirds of its height. 

27. The capital of the column is 2 feet 10| inches 
in height. It is somewhat like a bell in shape, but 
with a greater swell near the top, and is ornamented 
with narrow festoons. The bell was surmounted by 
a conled Uyrus of 4 inches, above which was a plain 
ciriHilar Inind of 3^ inches, surmounted by a very 
handsi>me circular abacus 6 inches in height. The 
alvjunis is oniamented with some very Grecian-looking 
foliagt\ and with four pairs of ch4ikH\i4y or holy 
l^rahmani ducks- These birds are alwavs seen in 
jvurs. and are celebrated amongst the Hindus for 
their oonjiu:^^! affeoiion. They are therefore repre- 
s<^i)tiv. ii.-ivi;:, >\ith out^tre:oht\i necks, aijii beads 

■ ■»- 1 K .. . ^^ ,- \ .- N» \ .*■«■ -i.^- ,.♦,♦». . * • * .1 ♦\,^ . ^ •. • . • ....-—• 


Its width is 3 feet^ or just three-fourths of its height. 
If the dimensions of the capital were obtained from 
any multiple of the lower diameter^ it is probable that 
the rule was to make the height of capital equal to 1^ 
diameter of the base. The south pillar is 2 feet 10 
inches in diameter, but the northern pillar is only 2 
feet 7 inches, and the mean of the two is 2 feet 8^ 
inches. This would give a capital of 4 feet and f 
inch in height, which is within one inch of the mea- 
sured height. 

29. The capital is crowned by four lions standing 
back to back ; each four feet in height. The heads are 
all broken ; but the limbs, which are still perfect, are 
so boldly sculptured, and the muscles and claws are 
so accurately represented, that they might well be 
placed in comparison with many specimens of Grecian 
art. I attribute these pillars to the period of Asoka's 
reign, when Greek princes were ruling in Bactria 
and Kabul. We know that the " barbaric pearl and 
goW of the Mogul emperors fi'om Akbar to Au- 
rangzeb attracted numbers of European jewellers and 
goldsmiths to the Indian Court : and we may there- 
fore naturally infer that the architectural munificence 
of Asoka would have allured many Greek sculptors 
and architects from the neighbouring kingdoms of 
Bactria and Syria. But there is one reason which 
more than the others inclines me to attribute these 
lions to a Grecian artist, namely, the correct de- 
lineation of the feet, which have four large front 
claws, and one small hind claw. Now this lion 


capital has been imitated by the sculptor of the 
pillars of the South Gateway, which we know was 
erected during* the reign of Sri Satakami in the 
early half of the first centur}" of the Christian era. 
On these pillars the lions are represented \iith Jive 
large frant clawSy and some straig'ht channels up and 
down are perhaps intended for the muscles. The 
marked difference of style shows a considerable 
difference of ag'e ; and I attribute the pillars to the 
same early period as the railing. The native sculptor 
of S4takarni's rei^'-n was no match for the Greek 
artist employed by Asoka. 

30. To the north of the Tope there is a second 
isolated column of similar dimensions to the last. It 
stands on a square plinth feet 3 inches in width at 
base, 8 feet wide at top, and 3 feet 6 inches in height. 
It is broken into three steps, as shown in the sketch in 
Plate X. The lower portion of the shaft is still stand- 
ing ; and the capital is now lying to the northward, 
at a distance of 3i?J feet from the shaft. The other 
portions of the shaft are missing ; but the socket in the 
lower end of the capital shows that the neck of the 
shaft was 2 feet 3^ inches in diameter, or the same as 
that of the southern pillar. The base is only 2 feet 
7 inches in diameter. As these dimensions are nearlv 
the same as those of the other column, and as the 
measured distance of the prostrate capital iVom the 
base of the shaft is only seven inches more than tiit 
height of the remaining shaft. I hue assumeJ that the 
two pillars were most probably or rhr sauie hi-::::it. 


31. The bell capital of the northern pillar is termi- 
nated by an octag^onal abacus^ 6 inches in heig'ht. 
Above this there is a massive pedestal 3 feet square^ 
and 2 feet 2^ inches in height^ which is ornamented on 
all four sides with a representation of the Buddhist 
railing. The pillar is crowned by a human figure 
of rather more than life size. The arms are both 
missing from the shoulders^ and the statue is broken 
off at midleg. The lower parts of the legs are 
wanting, but the feet are still adhering to the upper 
part of the large tenon which was morticed into the 
head of the pillar. 

32. The figure is dressed in the Indian dhoti 
gathered around the loins, and drawn in folds across 
the thighs. The end of the dhoti cloth flutters be- 
hind the left thigh. The body and the legs are 
naked. There is a necklace round the neck, and a 
belt or girdle round the waist. The left hand pro- 
bably rested on the left hip ; but the position of 
the right hand I cannot even guess. The expression 
of the face is placid, but cheerful ; the posture of the 
figure is easy, though standing with unbent knees, 
and altogether there is an air of calm dignity about 
the statue that places it amongst the finest specimens 
of Indian sculpture. It probably represents Asoka 
himself, for there is a figure of Sakya within the 
northern entrance. 

33. The total height of this pillar was forty-five 
feet and a half, and that of the south pillar very 
nearly forty feet. They were formed of a light- 


coloured compact sandstone and were very highly 
polished. This polish* still remains on the shafts^ 
and on the smoother portions of the statues. The 
south pillar has an inscription in the oldest Indian 
Pali^ hut it is too much mutilated to he read with 
any certainty, excepting in the closing lines.f 

34. There is every reason to helieve that these 
noble columns would have been standing at this day, 
had it not been for the petty avarice of the neigh- 
bouring zamindars. The southern pillar has been 
broken off at 6^ feet from its base, and the rest of 
the shaft is now lying in two pieces on the ground 
towards the south. The capital of the northern pillar 
is lying to the north of its shaft. Thus both pillars 
have fallen outwards from the building. This could 
scarcel)' be the effect of an earthquake ; but would 
naturally be the case if they had been pulled down 
for the purpose of making use of their material. 
Now there is a row of holes chiselled across the 
middle portion of the southern pillar, which prove 
that since its fall the people have attempted to cut it 
into lengths for their own use. Each of these pieces 
would have formed a sugar-mill, such as has been in 
use in India from time immemorial. But it may be 
asked, '^ Wh}' did the cutter desist from his labour, 
and leave the wished-for stone at the top of the hill?'' 

• The same high polish is observable on the Allahabad and 
Delhi Pillars j and also on the Radhiva, ^lathiva, and Bakra Pillars, 
as I am informed by Major Kittoe. 

t See No. 177, Plate XIX. 


The answer is simple and conclusive. During the 
operation of cutting, the stone split longitudinally 
from top to bottom, and was no longer of any use. 
The same cause preserved the upper portion of the 
southern pillar. I presume therefore that the shaft 
of the northern pillar did not split, and that it was 
long ago carried away and formed into sugar-mills. 
It is right, however, to add that I made inquiries for 
sugar-mills in the neighbourhood without success: 
although the ignorance of the people by no means 
proves their non-existence. 

35. Close to the eastern gateway there is a third 
pillar with a shaft 13 feet high, and rather more than 
one foot in diameter. Its capital is bell-shaped, like 
those of the others ; and it is crowned by a single 
seated lion. 

36. To the north-east of the Tope also there are 
two small broken pillars, of which one bears an in- 
complete inscription in characters of the early Gupta 
period, about 400 a. d. This inscription is given in 
Plate XXI. No. 199. It reads, *^ * * rfi HariswAmi- 
Oosha Sinha Baliputra * * " that is, " HariswImi 
GosHA the son of Sinhabali"* This Hariswami 
probably belonged to the same family as the Haris- 
wdmini before mentioned, who was the donor of 
lamps to the shrines of the four Buddhas. 

37. At the north-west angle of the court, a flight 
of steps formerly led down the hill towards No. 2 
Tope. Due north there is a ruined flight of steps 

♦ This inscription bad escaped the notice of previous visitors. 


leading past No. 3 Tope into the road towards the 
village of Sanchi. At the head of these steps there 
are two colossal figures, probably of porters or gfate- 
keepers. On the outside of the western wall, and 
about 20 feet below the level of the court, there is a 
long, dry tank cut out of the solid rock. Below this 
there are the ruins of a large oblong building, pro- 
bably a Vihar, or monaster}'. Below this again are 
the circular bases of Topes Nos. 9 and 10, and the 
stone bowl which has alread}'^ been described. From 
this point there is a ruined but well-defined flight of 
steps leading to No. 2 Tope.* 

* See Plate IV. of this volume for all these ruins. 




The bas-reliefs are carved upon the front and rear 
faces of the architraves, and upon the front and inner 
faces of the gateway pillars. The outer faces of the 
pillars are ornamented with flowers, garlands, and 
other devices, which need not be detailed. I will 
begin with the pillar of the eastern gate, and follow 
in my description the course of the sun round by the 
south, and west towards the north. The bas-reliefs 
on the pillars are divided into compartments, which 
I have numbered from top to bottom. The lowest 
compartments of the inner faces of all the pillars are 
occupied by large figures of porters or doorkeepers, 
some with spears, some with chaoris, &c.* 

Right Pillak — Front Face. 

I. Palace Scene. — Audience Halh — Upper apart- 
ment of palace. Two royal personages seated 
with several attendants. 

• A very correct view of the Eastern Gateway will be found in 
Fergusson's Illustrations of Ancient Indian Architecture : Frontis- 


II. Palace Scene. — Women dancing before the king. 
Raja seated on a morha, or throne^ in the palace- 
hall^ holding* the vtyra^ or thunderbolt^ in his 
right hand^ and in his left a gourd. Two attend- 
ants behind him hold the chatta and chaoriy 
both being insignia of royalty. On his right 
is seated either the heir- apparent or the prime 
minister, attended by two chaori and chatta 
bearers. On the king's left are two NachniSy 
or dancing women, who are dancing to the 
sound of two s&rangis (or lutes) and two drums. 

III. IV. and V. are the same repeated. 

The whole of this front of the pillar represents a 
six-storied palace. Each story is supported on a 
front of four octagonal pillars, with bell-shaped capi- 
tals surmounted by recumbent winged horses. 

Right Pillar — Inner Face. 

I. Adoration of tree. — Royal figures paying their 

adorations to a tree. 

II. Dream of Maya. — Maya, the mother of Buddha, 
represented asleep, and the Chddanta elephant 
touching her feet with his trunk. Below her 
the Prince Siddhartha is passing through the 
city gate of Kapila in a chariot drawn by two 
horses. He is preceded by musicians, and at- 
tended by elephant riders and horsemen. The 
rear of the procession is inside the city. In 
front are three figures with joined hands adoring 


a holy Bo-tree enclosed in a square Buddhist 

This second compartment is one of the most in- 
teresting' bas-reliefs at Sanchi. The upper portion 
represents the dream of Maya the Queen of Suddho^ 
danaj Raja of Kapila. She dreamed that she was 
touched by a Chddanta elephant^ which the wise 
men interpreted as a divine conception. It thus 
represents the incarnation of the last mortal Buddha^ 
Sakya Sinha. 

The lower portion represents the last act in the 
life of the Prince Siddhartha^ before he took the 
vows of asceticism. It is in fact the last of the 
^^ four predictive signs.''* On emerging from the 
city in his chariot, S&kya saw some healthy, well- 
clad persons wearing the peculiar robe of those 
dedicated to religion. These are the three ascetics 
paying their adoration to the Bo-tree. 

Left Pillar — Front Face. 

I. Adoration of Symbol of Dharma. — Temple con- 
taining the symbol or monogram of Dharma 
on an altar ; over which some fabulous Kinnaras 
are waving garlands and making offerings. On 
each side of the temple are two royal or lay 

* See the account of the four predictive signs in the second 
chapter of this work. 


personages with hands joined in adoration (see 
Plate XXXII. for symbols of Dharma). 
II. Boat Scene. — Sdkya^s Nirvdna. — A boat is repre- 
sented on the ocean ; containing three persons ; 
one rower, one steersman, and one passenger, 
all of whom are clad in the costume of the 
higher ranks of Buddhist ascetics. In the right 
and left upper corners there are trees ; and scat- 
tered about in the waters there are lotus flowers, 
alligators, ducks, and shells. On the shore 
below are represented four figures also in a 
religious garb; one with dishevelled hair and 
uplifted arms; and the others, who wear caps, 
with hands clasped together in attitudes of de- 
votion. In the right hand comer below is a tree 
with an altar.* 

This scene I have already described in my account 
of Sak}- a*s death. The passenger is, I think, Sakya 
Muni, who is represented, after the attainment of 
Nirvdna^ or freedom from transmigration, as being 
wafted over the waters which are said to surround 
this transitory world. The figures on the shore are 
a Bhikshu of the lower grade, bewailing the de- 
parture of S^kya with dishevelled hair and uplifted 
arms, which, from the accounts given in the Pali 

• See Plate XI. of this volume. The manner in which the 
planks of the boat are secured together is the same as that which 
is now practised. I have reduced Major Durand's sketch to one- 
half size. Numerous shells, ducks, and lotus-flowers have been 


annals^ would seem to have been the customary 
manner of expressing' grief at that period. The 
other figures are Bhikshus who had attained the 
higher grade of Arahaty and who comforted them- 
selves with the reflection that ^^ all transitory things 
are perishable.'' The difference of rank is known by 
the bare head of the mourner^ and the capped heads 
of the others; a distinction which still prevails in 
Tibet, where the lower grades Ge-thsul and Chhoa-fa 
invariably go bare-headed^ whilst all the L&mas (or 
higher ^ades)^ including the Grand Lama himself, 
have their heads covered. 

III. Prince in chariot leaving Kapila. — Gate and 
walls of city. Chariot with three persons leaving 
the city, followed by elephant riders and horse- 
men, who are represented inside the city. Be- 
yond the walls there are an altar and two royal 
or lay personages standings before it with hands 
joined in adoration. The three figures in the 
chariot are the king", the driver, and the chaori 

This scene probably represents another of the 
" four predictive signs;'' and the figures at the altar 
may be intended either for the sick or aged persons^ 
whom S&kya met before he became an ascetic. 

Left Pillar — Inner Face. 

I. Kitchen Scene. — To the right is the city gate, and 
a man carrying a banghy, or small load, sus- 


pended by ropes from both ends of a pole. Be- 
yond him are two women^ naked to the waist ; 
one stooping* to fill her water jar from a tank or 
stream^ and the other with a water jar under her 
left arm. On their right is a male personag'e^ 
also naked to the waist^ his loins and thighs 
covered in the folds of a dhoti^ standing with 
hands joined in adoration before an altar. On 
the left of the compartment there is a very lively 
kitchen scene. A woman^ naked to the waist^ is 
husking corn in a large wooden mortar, with a 
two-handed pestle. A second woman is seated 
winnowing the com from the chaff in a flat 
shovel-shaped basket. A third woman is stand- 
ing at a four-legged table rolling out chapattisj 
or unleavened cakes; and a fourth woman is 
seated grinding spices or condiments on the «i/, 
or ^^flat stone/' with a h&nt or round muUer. 
Behind her, seated on the ground, is the Raja, 
or master of the household; and in the back- 
ground are two houses with dome-shaped roofs. 
The lower portion of the compartment is filled 
with goats, sheep, and oxen.* 
This scene is one of the most curious and interest- 
ing of all the Sanchi bas-reliefs. Women onl}- are 
employed in all the domestic occupations : in drawing 
water, in husking and winnowing the corn, and in 

* See Plate XV., fig. 2, of this volume, for the kitchen scene, 
which is copied from one of Lieutenant Maisey's beautiful 


the cooking* of food. The last fact is noticed by 
Quintus Cnrtius^ who^ speaking of the Indian king; 
says : ^^ Women prepare his food/'* The mortar and 
two-handed pestle are the same as those in use at 
the present day in India. The mortar (okhli) is 
exactly the same as the Greek lySi?^ and the Roman 
pih ; and the pestle (musar) is the same as the 
Greek Kovavovy and the Roman pilum. The primi- 
tive method of winnowing represented in the above 
scene is still used in India ; and it recalls one of the 
blessings of the prophet promised to the children of 
Israel :t ^^The oxen likewise^ and the young asses 
that ear the ground^ shall eat clean provender which 
hath been winnowed with the shovel and with thefan,^^ 
Bishop Lowth reads^ ^^ winnowed with the van and 
the sieve!* But shovel is the nearest descriptive word 
in English for the present winnowing-basket^ which 
does not seem to differ^ even in the slightest^ from the 
ancient one represented in the bas-relief. 
II. Worship of the Supreme Buddha as Flame. — 
Temple with altar inside^ and a small vessel filled 
with fire, behind which a five-headed ndga^ or 
snake, forms a canopy. Flames issue from two 
windows in the roof of the temple. J To the left, 

• viii. 9. — Femince epulas parant. 

t Isaiah xxx. 24. 

I See Plate XXVIIL, vol. xvi.^ Journal of the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal, for a sketch of the roof of this temple. The worship of 
fire was repudiated by the Buddhists ; and one of the principal 
objects of the assembly of the Third Synod was the expulsion of 
worshippers of fire fi*om the Vihdrs. 


three figures in the dress of arhntaSy with caps 
on their heads; their rig^ht hands raised^ and 
gourds or water-vessels in their left hands. To 
the right, five figures, in the same religious cos- 
tume, with both hands joined in adoration. In 
the lower corner, to the right, a small hut 
roofed with leaves ; before or in which a very 
holy arhata is seated on a mat, with only the 
sanghdtiy or kilt, about his loins.* His uttaro' 
sanghdtiy or cape, is hanging up inside the house. 
Apparently he is in deep abstraction, for a cord 
is passed round his waist and knees as if to keep 
him from losing his position. In front stands 
another arhata^ with hands joined in supplica- 
tion to the holy ascetic. Behind the last ascetic 
there is a fire-vessel, and some instruments, 
apparently a spoon, a ladle, and a pair of pincers. 
In the foreground is a sheet of w- ater filled with 
lotus flowers, wild ducks, and shells. One ascetic 
is bathing, a second is filling his water-vessel, 
and two others are coming down to the w ater 
with jars. The intermediate space is occupied 
by an elephant and several buffaloes. 
At first sight this scene has ever}' appearance of 
genuine fire-worship. But as Buddhism has nothing 
in common either with sun-worship or fire-worship^ 
some other explanation must be sought for the scene 
of this bas-relief. According to the modern Bud- 

• See Plate XV., fig. 1, of this work, for an Oi^cetic and bis 


dbists of Nepal, Vairochana, or " Light," is sup- 
posed to occupy the centre of eveiy chaitya dedicated 
to Adi Bvddha. Amongst the numerous titles of 
Buddha contained in the Tibetan works, are ^^ the 
universally radiant sun^" and ^^ the chief lamps of nil 
the regions of space."* A common name also for 
Buddha was Chakku, or ^^the eye." In all these 
titles, ^^ light" is considered as a mere attribute of 
the all-seeingf Buddha. " Adi-Buddha was never 
seen," said Mr. Hodgson^s old Bauddha friend : ^^ he 
is %A<."t Now, as light could not be represented, 
the sculptor was obliged to seek some form which 
should be typical of it. In the present instance he 
has selected flame, and in another instance, as we 
shall see in the next bas-relief, he has taken a pair of 
eyes. Both are sources of light, and therefore types 
of the All-seeing. The Sambhu Purdnay indeed, 
distinctly states that Buddha was manifested in the 
shape of flame J (Jt/oti-rupya, or " flame-formed"). 
From these statements it is clear that the fire itself 
was not worshipped by the Buddhists, but was looked 
upon simply as the visible type of the All-seeing. 
This explanation is fully confirmed by the occurrence of 
other symbols in temples of the same description, both 
at Sanchi and at Gya, and by the total absence of 
image-worship. Indeed at this time the Buddhists 
would appear to have repudiated image-worship, and 

• Prinsep's Journal, i., 383. Wilson's Abstract. 

t Hodgson, p. 67. 

I Hodgson, p. 86, and p. 103 note. 



to have paid all their adoration to S3*mbol8 of Buddha 
and of Dharma^ and to Topes and trees which had 
been dedicated to Buddha. 

III. Tope dedicated to the Supreme Buddha. Ascetic 
Life in the Woods. — A Tope marked with hori- 
zontal layers of masonry^ and decorated with a 
pair of eyes, one placed above the other. The 
Tope is surrounded b}' a square Buddhist rail- 
ing.* Back^ound of various trees, amongst 
which the plantain is easily distingtdshable. To 
the left, a hermit naked to the waist is bringing 
in a pile of faggots on his shoulder ; a second is 
carrying a hanghyy or pole, with baskets slung at 
the ends by ropes. A third is seated on a mat, 
and is apparently feeding a fire kept in a small 
vessel. A fourth is seated in the same way, and 
is fanniug a fire in a similar vessel. A fifth is 
fanning an empt\'-looking vessel, but which may 
be supposed to contain some hot embers that 
could be fanned into flame. To the right, two 
other ascetics are engaged in splitting a log of 
wood with large felling axes. 

It appears to me that this scene is intended to re- 
present the fewness of the wants of ascetic life. Each 
hermit is employed in looking after his own wants, 
which would seem to be limited to the collection of 
a small quantity of firewood. At first siofht I thou^-ht 
that this scene represented the buikliiiir of a wooden 

• See Plate III.. H^. 7. of tlii? volume. 


Tope ; but the Tope is Jinishedy and the whole of the 
figures are ascetics* It is possible that they may be 
preparing small huts for their own residence similar 
to that shown in the last bas-relief. The neighbour- 
hood of the Tope makes this supposition highly proba- 
ble^ as it was the usual custom of the Buddhist hermits 
to congregate around their Topes. The chatty a in 
this scene is evidently dedicated to the Supreme 
Buddha^ as I have explained in my account of the 
last bas-relief. 

Architraves — Front. 

I. Worship of Topes. — Upper. — Numerous figures 

paying their adoration to Topes. 

II. Procession of Buddha^s Feet. — Middle. — To the 
left a city gate into which a procession is enter- 
ing. In the centre a sacred tree^ and to the 
right a chariot behind which are the holy im- 
pressions of Buddha's feet. 

III. Worship of Tree. — Lower. — Procession advanc- 
ing to the worship of a tree in a small Temple. 

Architraves — Rear. 

I. Worship of Trees. — Upper. — Numerous figures 

paying their adoration to trees. 

II. Worship of Trees by Animah. — Middle. — 
Various animals, such as Bams^ Buffaloes^ Lions, 


Vultures, and others not identified, tog'ether with 
the 'Skgn, Raja, or King* of the Snakes, are all 
paying* their adoration to a tree. 
III. Worship of Tope by Elephants. — Lower. — 
Several Elephants are perambulating a Tope 
with garlands. 

This scene, I think, represents a tradition pre- 
served by Fa Hian relative to the Tope at Lak-mo, 
or Ramagrama.* ^^ In this sterile and solitary place 
there are no ' men to sweep and to water ; but you 
may there see continually herds of elephants ^which 
take water in their trunks to water the ground, and 
which, collecting all sorts of flowers and perfumes, 
perform the service of the tower. There were Tao- 
SSE (Rationalists) from various countries who had 
come to perform their devotions at this tower. They 
met the elephants, and overcome with terror, con- 
cealed themselves among the trees, whence they 
witnessed the elephants performing the duty accord- 
ing to the law. The Tao-sse were greatly affected 
to observe how, though there was no one to attend to 
the service of the tower, it was nevertheless kept 
watered and swept. The Tao-sse thereupon aban- 
doned their grand precepts, and returning became Shd' 
mi. Of themselves they plucked up the grass and the 
trees, levelled the ground, and kept the place neat and 
clean. They exerted themselves to convert the king, 
and induce him to found an establishment of eccle- 

• Fo-krve-ki, c. xxxiii. Laidlav's TranslatioD. 


siastics^ as well as to erect a temple. There is at 
present a habitation of ecclesiastics. This happened 
not long* ago^ and tradition has transmitted it to the 
present time." The expression " not long ago*' must 
mean three or four centuries^ otherwise the story 
could scarcely be said to have been transmitted by 
tradition. At any rate the story illustrated the bas- 
relief; and proves that there was a belief prevalent 
at that period that elephants had somewhere paid their 
devotions to a Tope. See the description of the 
lower architrave, Western Gateway, front face. 

Right Pillar — Front Face. % 

I. Triple Symbol of Dharma.—A temple supported 

on pillars, and containing an altar on which 
are placed three symbols or monograms of 

II. Scene in Palace. — King seated with his two 
wives. Four other females, two seated (wives of 
less rank), and two standing (attendants). 

III. Casket Scene in Palace. — The king with his 
family and ministers seated in the foreground to 
the left. In the centre a relic-casket, with two 
attendants holding the chatta and chaori over 
it. To the left, a seated female beating a drum, 
and a female dancer naked to the waist with 
her arms stretched before her in a peculiar 

♦ See Plate XXXII., fig. 22. 


flUDiker. idll yntt&id in T^it^ In die Inck 
jrroriad tvo Esale £^-z7%. &2pi c-oe fesaLe i^ure 
rnhh a roQud cap »imPar lo xb^yse vorn bv the 
Kftafamin women ot t&« pr^se&t d^kv. To tlie 
ligbt mnneroas figures, ail standxzvg'. Two in 
the foregrooLd vhli han.^ joined in adontion 
apf>ear to be the Baja and his ministcTs. They 
are naked to the waist : bat are literally coTcred 
with necklaces, armlets, and bracelets.* 

!• Warship of Tapes. — Tapper. — Three T<^pes^ the 
middle one bearing the inscripticm No. 190, with 
the name of Sbi Satakab>~i. On each of the 
bosses of this architrave, immediately over the 
pillars, are two men riding oxen. The oxen 
are regularly caparisoned for riding. The nose- 
string is passed through the nostrils, and 
twisted together to avoid the eyes; the ends 
are then passed outside the horns, where they 
are secured from slipping by a head-band. Of 
the figures on the right boss, one carries a 
lotus, and the other a relic-box. Those of the 
left boss both carry trays containing some in- 
describable object. Between this boss and the 
end volute a led horse is represented passing 
tlirough a temple gateway of two architraves. 
The horse is attended by two fignres, one carry- 
ing a chaariy and the other a vessel exactly 
resembling a tea-pot. 

II. Worship of Tope.— Middle. — A Tope with in- 

* Seo Plate XII. of this volume. 


scriptionin two lines (No. 191). Kinnaras with 
garlands. King in a chariot with driver and 
chaoriA)e^veTj attended by elephant riders. 
III. A siege and Relic Procession. — Lower. — A 
part of this interesting scene has been made 
known by James Prinsep ; • but the architrave 
is broken^ and the portion to the right of the 
boss^ which has not been published^ seems to 
complete the story, although it forms a different 
compartment. The scene in the middle of the 
architrave represents a besieged city. The 
battlements, the city gate, and the upper stories 
of the houses, are filled with defenders, who are 
shooting arrows and hurling stones upon the 
assailants below. The attack is carried on with 
arrows only ; but as several of the besiegers are 
covered with long shields, they were no doubt 
furnished with swords. One horseman and 
several elephant riders appear on the left, with 
two standard-bearers. 

To the right of the boss, the king appears in 
his chariot, attending an elephant, which bears 
a relic-box on its head, covered by the honorary 

The siege represented in this scene was probably 
undertaken for the purpose of gaining possession of 
some holy relic, which the king is carrying off to the 
right. The dresses of the soldiers are remarkable, 

* Prinsep's Journal, vol. vi., PI. XXIX. 


and the mode of fasteuiug- the quiver to the back is 
very peculiur and picturesque. The quiver is fastened 
to the rijifht shoulder^ and the fiistenings, which are 
apparently leather straps, are passed over both 
shoulders, crossed in front, and carried to the back, 
where they were probably passed throug-h a ring" in 
the end of the quiver, and then carried to the front 
and ag'ain crossed, the ends being secured by loops to 
the upper straps.* The only apparent clothing: is a 
kilt ; but there was no doubt a tight fitting jacket of 
some kind to cover t!.e bod v. The whole costume 
has a strikinof resemblance to that of the Hio^hlanders 
of Scotland. 

The swords throughout the Sanchi sculptures are 
all short and broad. A specimen, hanging by one of 
the porter's sides, is given in Plate XXXIII., fig. 2. 
It agrees exactly with the description of Megas- 
thenes :t " All wear swonis of ;i vast breadth, thousfh 
scarce exceedinfi: three cubits in lencfth. When thev 
enirajre in close tioht, thev crrasn these with both their 
hands that the blow mav be stroiiirer." 

The whole account of Megasthenes, althou*rh three 
hun«lre.l years earlier in date than the Sanchi bas- 
reliefs, is still partially applicable, and may be quoted 
as much to show the chai.ges which had taken place 
in that period as ro illustrate the military equipments 

-A. . . -. ... 1 ..«...', ,1 \ .. 


of the sculptures. lu the time of Megasthenes^ ^^ the 
infantry usually carried a bow of the same leng'th with 
the bearer/' This agrees with the bas-reliefs, which 
represent nearly all the foot soldiers as archers ; but 
the less ancient bows are much shorter than the 
bearers, and do not appear to have been more than 
four feet in length. Most of the bows appear to be 
straight pieces of bambuj but a few have the double 
curve, with a straight hand-piece in the middle, similar 
to the modem ornamental bows of buffalo's horn. 
*^ Their arrows,'* says Megasthenes, ^^ are little less 
than three cubits long, and fly with such force that 
neither shield nor breast-plate, nor any armour, is 
strong enough to withstand them."* The arrows in 
the bas-reliefs appear to be from 8 to 5 feet in length. 
^^ Some of them,'' he adds, ^^ use darts instead of 
arrows." In one of the bas-reliefs a soldier covered 
by a shield is represented holding a dart horizontally 
ready to launch it forward. The same dart is placed 
in one of the porter's hands at the western gate. 
^^ Upon their left arms they wear something resem- 
bling peltdBj made of raw hides, rather narrower than 
their bodies, but nearly as long." The most usual 
shield represented in the bas-reliefs is long and 
narrow, and rounded at top. It covers the bearer 
from the head to the knee, and must therefore have 
been about 3^ feet in length and 1^ in breadth. In 

• Arrian's Indica. Q. Curtdus, however (viii. 9.), says " that their 
arrows were only two cubits in length, and were discharged with 
more exertion than eflFect, as their weight checked their velocity." 


the time of Me^asthenes^ however^ it was fully five 
feet in length. ^^ The shields of the cavalry were 
smaller than those of the infantry .'' This is the case 
throughout the bas-reliefs^ in which the horseman's 
shield is always about two feet in length. It is very 
peculiar in form^ being shaped like a bell with a very 
wide mouthy and much rounded at bottom. The usual 
ornament of the shields both for horse and foot 
was a double cross^ the St. George and the St. 
Andrew; but a cavalry shield on the western gate 
bears only a crescent and two stars.* 

Right Pillar— Front Pace. 

Trial of the Bow. — A river ; archer on the left bank 
shooting at a rock on the right bank, from 
which water is gushing forth. A monkey is 
leaping across the river to a tree on the left 
bank. Two figures seated under a tree; one 
with a bare head and clad in a a dhotiy 
the other richly dressed. Below, the prince on 
horseback, attended by a chatta-heareTy a flute- 
player, a bowman, and others in procession. 

This story is also mentioned by Fa Hian,t who 
places the scene of action beyond the walls of the 
city of Kapila. There the Prince Siddliarta ^' drew 

* See Plate XXXIII., f^^s. 3, 4, 5, of this work, 
-f Fo-hrve-h, c. xxii. 


a bow, and the arrow flying to the south-west struck 
the ground at the distance of thirty li (five miles), 
and caused a spring of water to gush forth. In 
after times the people built wells on this spot to 
supply travellers with drinking water/' M. Remu- 
sat* has given a long account of this popular story 
from the Chinese works; and it is curious to com- 
pare this with the original story preserved in the 
P61i annals of Ceylon. These annals, which were 
carried to Ceylon by Mahendra, the son of Asoka, in 
B. c. 240, give the following account : — t " When 
Prince Siddharta had reached the age of sixteen, his 
father demanded the daughters of the neighbouring 
chiefs in marriage for his son; but they all refused, 
because the Prince, though handsome, had not been 
taught any martial accomplishment, and was, there- 
fore, incapable of controlling women. The Prince 
inquired ^^ What accomplishment is it necessary 
for me to exhibit?*' His father replied, " To string 
the bow which requires a thousand persons to bind.'* 
^^ Bring the bow,'* said the prince. The bow was 
brought to him, and he, while still seated, ^^ twisted 
the bowstring round his great toe, and drawing it 
with his toe, strung the bow ; and taking the bow in 
his left hand, and drawing the string with his right, 
let it (the cord) fly. The whole town started, and to 
the inquiry, ^^ What noise is this?'* the answer was, 
^^ The clouds are rolling with thunder;'* some others 

• Fo-Jtwe-ki, c. xxii., note 7. 

t Tumour in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 804. 


observed, " Ye know nothing about it ; it is not the 
rolling" of thunder: it is the ringing of the bow 
which requires the strength of a thousand persons, 
which the great archer, the prince endowed with a 
halo around his person, has rung." The Sakya 
princes on hearing of this, from that circumstance 
alone, commencing to rejoice, were highly gratified. 

The great mortal then inquired ^^ What more 
should be done?" They replied, " It is requisite 
that an iron target eight inches thick should be 
pierced with an arrow." Having pierced it, he said, 
" What else?" " It is requisite that a plant of the 
Arsand tree four inches thick should be pierced." 
Having transfixed that, ^^ What else should be 
done?" ^^ Then carts filled with sand and with 
straw." The great elect, then transpiercing the straw 
cart, drove the arrow one usahhan deep into the 
water, and eight usabdni into the earth. They then 
said, " It will be requisite to pierce a horse-hair, guided 
by the mark afforded by the suspended fruit of the 
fvatingdno^^ (which is attached to the hair.) Reply- 
ing, " Hang it up at the distance of one yojanan^ 
he shot his arrow in a direction which was as dark, 
under the obscurity of dense clouds, as if it were 
night, and pierced the horse-hair, which at the 
distance of one yojanariy was indicated only by the 
ivafingdnOy which was suspended from it, and it 
entered the earth. If fully related, these were not 
all that the great mortal exhibited on that day to the 
world, in proof of his accomplishments in martial 


deeds. Thereupon the Sakya tribes sent their 
daughters superbly decorated. There were forty 
thousand dancing* and singing* girls. The princess 
(who was afterwards) the mother of Rahulo^ became 
the head queen.'^ 

In this story there is nothing about the gushing 
forth of the water, which must therefore be an ad- 
dition of after times, between B. c. 240 and A. D. 
30, when the S&nchi gateways were erected. The 
Chinese account also refers the shooting to the 
occasion of Prince Siddharta's marriage: but his 
brothers Thiao-tha (or Devadatta) and Nan-tho (or 
Nanda) are brought to compete with him in the 
trial of archery. " First an iron target was placed at 
the distance of 10 li, and so on to seven targets. The 
shafts of the most renowned archers went no further 
than the first target. Thiao-tha having drawn, shot 
beyond it and reached the second. Nan-tho surpassed 
this, and pierced through the third. The other archers 
being unable to shoot so far, the prince broke all the 
bows of those who had shot before him ; not one was 
equal to his strength. The king then said to his 
attendants, ^ My ancestors possessed a bow, which is 
now in the temple of the Gods j go, bring it.' They 
went to fetch the bow, which required two men to 
carry. No man in that assembly could lift it. When 
the prince shot with it, the twang of the string was 
heard forty li. The bent bow hurled the shaft so as 
to pass through the seven targets. He shot agahi, 
and the arrow having passed the targets, pierced tlie 


earthy and caused a spring of water to gush forth. At 
the third shot he pierced the seven targ'ets^ and 
reached the mountains of the iron g'irdle. The 
whole assembly wondered at this unheard-of prodigy. 
All who had come to partake in the sports were over- 
come^ and returned confounded/' The figure shooting 
must be Sakya himself: the two personages seated 
under the tree are perhaps his two brothers^ Devadatta 
and Nanda. The figure on horseback is the Prince 
returning in the very manner related in the Chinese 
account. ^^The Prince having thus obtained com- 
plete victory^ the bells were rung^ the drums beaten, 
and amidst vocal and instrumental music, he mounted 
his horse, and returned to the Palace." 

II. Worship of Tree. — A tree with bunches of 
berries (perhaps a Pipal tree)^ with a terrace 
round it. To right and left Kinnaras and figures 
riding winged lions. In front, twelve royal or 
lay personages with uplifted faces and joined 
hands raised in adoration to the tree. 

III. Worship of Tree. — ^Tufted tree with Kinnaras 
as above ; but the tree is a different species, per- 
haps a Mango. In front nine figures with 
hands simply joined in adoration. 

The worship of trees did not escape the notice of 
Alexander's followers, for Quintus Curtius* says, 
^^ They '' (the Indians) ^^ contemplate as Deities what- 

• Q. Curtius, viii. 9. 


ever their ancestors worshipped, particularly trees, to 
wound which is a capital crime/' 

IV. Lions. — Three Lions. 

Right Pillar — Inner Face. 

I. Gateway. — Worship of Tree. — Gateway, with one 

architrave, slig-htly arched, and similar to those 
of the gateways themselves. Inside the gate- 
way a tree before which male and female figures 
are paying adoration with uplifted hands. Horse, 
Ox, Elephant, and Lion. 

II. Worship of Tree surmounted by Chatta. — Tree 
covered with garlands, and surmounted by chatta. 
Kinnaras with garlands — male figures paying 
adoration with uplifted hands. 

Left Pillar — Front Face. 

I. Social Scene. — ^Tree in middle. To left a royal 
couple seated on a couch, the male raising a cup 
to his lips, and the female holding in her hand a 
round looking-glass similar in shape to those 
found in the Etruscan tombs.f To right a 
second couple in social dalliance. In the middle 

t See Plate XXXIII., fig. 28, for this looking-glass. 


below the tree^ n couple of servants standingr on 
a staircase^ the male apparently speaking*^ and 
the female holding her right hand over her 

The male servant in this scene is evidently making 
some allusion to the amorous dalliance of the loving 
couples on each side ; and the female is trying to hide 
or silence her laughter by closing her mouth with her 
hand : but her bursting cheeks too plainly show that 
the effort is in vain. 

II. Lave Scene — To left a loving couple seated, the 
female behind with her arms thrown around the 
male figure. To right a second couple seated 
face to face. Water below. 

Lept Pillar — Inner Face. 

I. Ascetic Life. — Archers. — Hut with roof of 
leaves: in front a bearded ascetic (Srdmana) 
seated in contemplation^ with a band passed round 
his loins and knees. A second leaf-roofed hut 
with a female ascetic {Srdmand). Between the 
huts a vessel containing fire and a spoon ; and in 
the back-ground a monkey. To the left of the 
huts are two royal personages^ one with uplifted 
hands in adoration, and the other with the right 
hand raised, and with a gourd in the left hand. 
Beyond them are two male ascetics, and behind^ 


one female ascetic. In front of the fig^ures there 
are three antelopes, and there is one antelope 
before the fire. In the foreground, to the right, 
there is a tree, beneath which are two buffaloes 
on the edge of a piece of water, to which a boy 
dressed in a kilt is approaching-, with a waterpot 
on his shoulder. On the boy's right a royal 
personage is paying reverence to him with 
uplifted hands J and to the left of the scene 
are two archers, one standing with a quiver on 
his shoulder and a bow in his left hand, the 
other also standing, bow in hand, having just 
shot an arrow into a long-haired figure, who is 
struggling" in the water. 

I am unable to offer any explanation of this curious 
scene, but it may possibly have reference to some 
event in the early life of Sakya. 

II. Festival of tlie IVee. — Altar, with tree sur- 
mounted by chattay over which Kinnaras are 
hovering. To the left two females, one carrying* 
a chaorij and the other a water-vessel: to the 
right a n&chniy or dancing woman, and two 
other females, one playing a flute, and the other 
a s&rangiy or lute. In front of the altar a male 
figure is seated on the ground, lotus in hand, 
canopied by a five-headed nct^ja. To his left are 
three females, each holding a cup; and to the 
right are two females, each carrying a long di'um. 
Each of these females is canopied by a naga. 



III. State Barge. — A large vessel floating* in the 
midst of the ocean. The prow formed of a 
winged gi*iffin ; and the stem of a dolphin's tail^ 
raised very high out of the water, with a garland 
hanging from it. In the middle a stately canopy 
supported on pillars, and ornamented both above 
and below with the Buddhist railing. Beneath 
the canopy there is an empty throne, or state 
tnorhay over which one attendant is holding the 
state ohatta and another a chaori. A third figure 
is steering the boat. The water is filled with 
lotus flowers. Five figures are swimming about, 
supported either on planks or on inflated skins ; 
and a sixth figure is stretching out both arms 
towards the steersman, appai*ently for assistance 
to get into the boat. 

It is difficult to say what this scene represents. 
Captain Fell* described it as a shipwreck. ^^The 
vessel,'' he says, ^^ is on an open sea in the midst of a 
tempest; near it are figures swimming, and en- 
deavouring, by seizing piles, &c., to save themselves 
fi'om sinking. One on the point of drowning is 
making an expiring effort to ascend the side. The 
features of all betray their melancholy situation." 
But this description is far fi'om accurate, for the 
figures in the water have their backs turned to the 
vessel, and seem to be floating about quite at their 
ease. In fact, the whole scene looks more like a 

^ Prinsep's Journal; iii. 401. 


bathing* party than anything* else. I presume, how- 
ever, that it has a religious meaning*, and that 
it is typical of life j for '^ our terrestrial globe 
rests upon the waters like a boat/^ according to 
the Buddhists. The empty throne may, perhaps, 
denote 8&kya's attainment of Buddhahood, and 
his final emancipation from this life. But I do 
not see how this explanation wiU suit the swimming 
figures. If I could find any authority for it, 
I should prefer the following explanation. The 
waters represent the ocean of life in which mankind 
are for ever struggling, and the empty throne is that 
of a Buddha, the Chakravarti^ or Supreme King, 
who, by the suppression of all mortal desires, and by 
the continued practice of abstract contemplation, has 
freed himself from the trammels of this mortal coil. 
The figure struggling to get into the boat is, perhaps, 
a Bodhisatway or one who has nearly attained 


ARCHirRAYES. — Front Faces. 

I. Procession escorting a Belie Casket. — Upper. — 
Street of a city to the left j houses on each side 
filled with spectators, some leaning on their 
elbows, and others hanging their arms over the 
window-sill. In the street a few horsemen head- 
ing a procession. Behind them the city-gate. 

2a* THZ 3HIL^i TQPBS. 

•fiaceiy omaiie -he x^t^ ir^ iiir persons bearing' 
f^rcier muiiits ir ^iijine i*n.niiiiir inisisniineiits of 
aifii!e. Thea ifloir j. [tfi iurse. pagan^ a tree, 
a ^iiiiar. ^vita jeil-Hiiineii "siiueiiL T^ro n&r^ three 
itrnmiiuffs. onu. "Tto aien jiuwiiui: crt/oclies. !Xext 
ctjmes rhe kirur JH -m -fLtfoimnr. oarrvina: the 
hobr r^iic-.-a^iifr jil Jii? iieoiL ami supporting' il 
witii ais ritric imniL T!ieii djlLow tvo peculiarly 
Jresged men. oa hurseoui-'k. uerhaps prisoners^ 
Thev wear a kimi of •.•ao aov onlv known in 
Banna war. on the Tipper *-'oiir!$e of the Ba^-i), 
and. boots or le^'xhiiT^ The D^^x*es^ioa is closed 
by two horsemen yone either the minister or a 
member oi the njyal dmiily u and by an elephant 
^ith two riders. 

This scene L-s be<c ill-i^rrareii bv the aeoC'Unt of a 
reKo pn.ves^ion r»ecor«ieii L'-i :li»r Mahawas-S^?.* Dut- 
tha^iniiiii, Raiah o: Levj:-^, h^i'.-i::^ preoared a o^oldeu 
casket for the eui-hrineoieut of sc-riie nelios broiurht bv 
the holy monk Sonuttaro, marched in •• pnjcession " to 
the To|)e, with the c-asket •• ou the cro^m of his head ;^ 
and havinor deposited the nr-Iic^ therein, placed them 
on the throne. ^Vfterwards •' the monarch, attended 
bv Dtras and men, and bearini:' on his head the 
casket containing* the rehcs, making- presentations of 
offerinirs thereto, and snrronnded bv the Ihikshus. 
marched in procession romid the Tope, and then 

• MahatvansOj p. ll\'. 


ascendiug it on the eastern side he descended into the 

II. Warship of Symbol of Buddha. — Middle. — A 
wheel on an altar; winged Kinnaras hovering 
over it with garlands in their hands. Royal 
personages with upUfted hands joined in ado- 
ration. Elks and antelopes. 

III. Worship of Tree by Elephants. — Lower. — Ado- 
ration of Banian-tree by elephants carrying gar- 
lands, flowers, chatta^ and chaori. Two elephants 
crossing a stream towards a Tope. 

The story represented in this scene is the same 
as that which has already been described on the 
rear face of the lower architrave of the Eastern 


Architrave — Rear Faces. 

I. Worship of Topes. — Upper. — Adoration of Topes, 

by numerous figiu'es. 

II. Triumphal Procession. — Middle. — Procession 
entering a city gate. Trophy bearers and mu- 
sicians leading foot soldiers with long shields; 
one horseman and three elephant riders. Chariot 
bearing the Raja and two attendants, followed by 
two horsemen and two elephant riders. 

III. Temple Worship. — Lower. — Temple. To left 

T93 ^irT,M lOVEw 

y*Z3:rES3S •S^ATZTAY. 

BiziiiiZm*t rx~Trn'r ^n ^9tHk aie. Tr?e mbore^ and 

^sscna^e widi bsds jomed in 


Z'J * 

I. IT/naliaf /!►" Tmr. — ^Tcw eock^ed by Boddhist rail- 
fn^r, inii wirii la fli^raain? sratewav. sunnoonted 
br TTH? irrrfiicriT-Sw jnciLir to those of the srate- 

v^ivs o: ibf Siizoii Tow itself.* A second 

B^jidiiiis: rtiilizr ^l:*:i is rr:r*r:?tnted round the 

<:d-* o: rhrr T::>r, uiiv rr:bablv be intended for 

rh^* railiTsiT o: rh-e terrace or upoer surthce of the 

plinth. The Tow i> svjraoiinrcU by three chattasy 

eiub^mariv* or Buiviha. Three liirures, with 

p\r-:i:Kl< in ha::d, are perambulating the Tope 

iu>uie the euolo^ure. Outride, one fig^u'e is 

oarr\ lUiT J^ relioi^a^ket, and a second bearingf a 

v<tauvlanl suruunmteii bv the svnibol or mono- 

lirani of Pharma. Kinnaras hover above the 

'Vow w ith i:*;irlands. Two riirures bear offerino-s 

in shields; two are blowiuii* lonir liorns : one is 

* riuN pUt^wu\ uiu^Uod (\iptuiu Fell, who supposed it to be an 
ouhaiut* luto (ho 'l\»po ilseJf. 


playing a double flageolet ; and four are beating 
long drums and kettle-drums.* 

This scene represents the whole ceremony of the 
solemn adoration of Topes, as practised on stated oc- 
casions. The perambulation of the Tope, and the 
open display of the relic-casket, are accompanied with 
instrumental music and waving of garlands, which 
have all been fully described in the accoimt of the build- 
ing and dedication of a Tope, taken from the Maha- 

II. Adoration of Trees. — Three trees, that to the 
left with an altar. Two females and a child 
kneeling between the trees. To the front, two 
royal personages with hands joined in adoration, 
and two females with offerings. In the fore- 
groimd two monkeys, one with a cup. 

III, Worship of Tree. — To left, tree and altar. The 
"King and Queen, with hands joined in adoration, 
standing before the tree. Two attendants with 
cKatta and chaori. To the right an altar, and 
Kinnaras hovering above it with garlands. 

Left Pillar — Front Face. 

I. Worship of Tree. — ^Tree surmounted by chatta. 
Four figures, in royal costume, seated, to the 

• See Plate XIII. of this work. 


front, with hands joined in adoration ; and four 
others, in similar dress, carrpng* garlands. Ten 
figTires standing* with hands joined in adoration. 
Two figfures with large drums above. 

II. JReverence paid to a Boy. — Three temples and 
three trees. A boy seated with a plumed head- 
dress (or canopied by a three-headed ndga). 
Four figures, two ro3'al and two others, with 
hands joined in adoration. 

This scene, perhaps, represents the story of Bimbi- 
sara. King of Magadha, paying reverence to the 

III. Simple Adoration. — Three male figures and one 
boy with hands joined in adoration. 

IV. Procession. — Procession through a gateway. 
Two figures on horseback, preceded by musicians. 
Battlements of city. Spectators in the upper 
apartments of the houses. 

This scene, perhaps, represents the return of 
Sakya to Kapila at the earnest request of his 

V. Domestic Scenes at Fotintain. — Wild rocks, and 

water gushing forth into a pool, which is over- 
flowing. A female seated on the rock with her 
legs in the water. To the left, a loving couple 
seated, with their arms thro^ni around each 
other; the male with a cup in his hand. To the 
right, a royal personage playing the saran{ii^ or 


lute. In the foreground, two elephants in Vater, 
The king", seated on the left elephant, is as- 
sisting* a female to get up behind. On the 
right elephant two females are seated behind the 

This bas-relief appears to represent four different 
domestic scenes in the life of Sakya. In the first, 
he is seen seated in playful dalliance with his wife 
Yasodar^. In the second, he is playing the sdrangiy 
while she is bathing. In the third, he is assisting her 
to moimt an elephant j and, in the fourth, they are 
seated together on the elephant. 

Left Pillar — Inner Face. 

I. Cave Temple. — Entrance to a cave temple; nu- 

merous figures standing with hands joined in 
adoration. The king's face turned towards the 

II. Procession. — Figure in a two-horse chariot 
issuing from a city gate, preceded by musicians. 
Standard-bearer mounted on an elephant, and 
horsemen inside the city. Spectators in the 
upper apartments of the gateway and in the 
verandahs of the palace. 

III. Worship of Tree. — Tree and altar. Four 
females, with long plaited hair, seated in adora- 


tion. Seven females standing with joined hands. 
One male figure paying adoration. 

This scene represents the king and his fiunily pay- 
ing their private adorations to one of the 




Faom North to East — Inside. 

Plate XVI. 

No. l.'^JS^ekateyapuraia DhamO'Sivaia danam* 

" Gift of Dharha Siva of Kekateyapura.^^ 

This is No. 21 of James Prinsep's Sanchi inscrip- 
tions.* He reads Kekateyakasa as a part of the 
donor's name. 

No. 2. — Han&'hhiehhuniy& ddnam. 

^^ Gift of HanA^ the mendicant nun.'\ 

No. 3. — Vtija-Gukua ddnam. 

" Gift of Vajba-Gupta." 

This is No. 26 of Prinsep, who reads Vajdgato- 
d&namy ^^ Gift of VruagIn j '' because in Pdli dn 
becomes dto in the genitive ; but he has omitted the 
vowel Uf and the final s in gutasa^ both of which are 
very distinct even in his own fac-simile. 

* The Nos. of James Prinsep's inscriptions are taken from the 
Plates in his Journal — ^vol. vi., Plate XXVII., and vol. vii., 
Plate XXIII. ; the lesser Nos. being in the former Plate, and the 
ppreater Nos. in the latter. 


No. 4. — Dhamagirxkasa — m&tu-d&nam. 

'' Gift of Dharmagirika's mother." 

Prinsep, No. 6^ reads Dluimagdlikay but the vowels 
are very distinct in the inscription. 

No. 6. — Kekateyakofa Jamata Vijitcua ddnam. 

" Gift of Janamata Vrijita of KekaUyaka'^ 

No. G. — KdcUua-hhichhunO'ddnam. 

^' Gift of EAnda^ the mendicant monk." 

Prinsep^ No. 16^ translates hhichhunOy ^^ poor man j'' 
but the Bhiksku was a mendicant who had taken 
vows of poverty, and who begged his bread. 

No. 7. — Deto-hhdg (tntya) Dhamanaka {yd) hhichhuniye 
" Gift of Deva's sister^ DharhanakA; the men- 
dicant nun." 

From East to South — Inside. 

No. 8. — Vdkaldyc Devit/e Ahi-MUama (tU'ddnam), 

^' (Gift of) VAkala-Devi, the mother of Ahi- 

Prinsep, No. 40, reads Akilaye De\iye ahi matii 
mara ; but the vowel i in Mita is distinct even in his 
own fac-simile. The mother^s name is nearly the 
same as that of No. 11. 

No. 9. — Phagnyatam . , ikaya, 

'' Of Phalguna the VpdsxUr 

No. 10. — Nngadinam-hhichhunO'ddnam, 

" Gift of Naoadina, the mendicant monk." 


No. 11. — Vjeniya V6kil%y&na d&nam. 

" Gift of VakiliyAn of Ujainr 

See No. 76 for another gift of this person. 

No. 12. — Ujeniya Gopalcuc^ Visa(ka)m(ua'ddnam. 

" Gift of GopAla Viswakarma (the architect) 
of Ujain." 

No. 13. — Ayapcuanakcua — Ihiehhuno-ddnam. 

'^ Gift of Arta-FrasanakA; the mendicant 

No. 14. — Nadinagard Achalayct-lhikhuniya ddnam. 

*^ Gift of AchalA, the mendicant nun of Nctdina^ 

No. 15.^^Nadinagard Kabajasa-hhikhuno ddnam. 

^'Gift of KAmboja^ the mendicant monk of 

Froh South to West Gate — Inside. 

No. 16. — SihO'Bakhitasa'pc^avatiya Sano Devaya ddnam* 
^^ Gift of Sinha-Rakshita's sister-in-law, Sona- 

Pajavati is the Sanskrit PrcyAvati^ a brother's 
wife. Prinsep, No. 8, reads this inscription quite 
differently : — 

Siha-rakhiUua'paravaHyasa'rudovdya ddnam. 

*' Gift of Sri (or SinAa) Bakhita, the hill man, to Budova? '' 

out the lady's name is again mentioned in the next 
inscription : — 

No. 17. — Sono-Devaya-parijaya Agidoviyadha-ddnam. 

" Gift of Sona-Dev&'s servant, Aoni, the washer- 
man" (?) 

No. 18. — Svlhoffdyasa-bAdffinikaya-dinam. 
. « Gift of Subhaqaya's sister." 

-v^ ^leaaeH 'ushr* I ;-iiiUi;L -OHai. ioii I bfcre full 

~r±: if ^T.Tj-*^ 2«£ seDOiast 

J'L 2IL ^ 

X:. 2L. — . . . /imt ii—if C^mit ifUsiintM dtmam. 
-Gif: af - . . TiLdorza CHJL3oi, the men- 

Gjr. r: -Ji-f l>:4^:: Aiztasa. :lr S^2ahti." (See 


Sre^hti Eie-ons thr L-J:s:rr c: a rr:ide or g^iild; a 
" deacC'ii" in So::lL;-d. Prini-ep. Xo?. 4 and 11, 
makes Samamrii a in^iii's iiame : and reads " Gift of 
Samanera and of Al^evaka :"' bur the omission of the 
conjunction chun which should follow each name (if 

this were the true readincr"! shows that Samanera is 


only the conmion title of ^TPR^tT-. Srnmajieray an 

ISo. CI. — Piitl'haitasa hhichhuno Pn^lat/asa Atcrdsino Jdnanu 
*' (.lilt of Pratiban, the mendicant monk, pupil 
of IVuidinja:' 


No. 25. — Uduharaghariyoia Sd . . . Bakkitoia^dnam. 
'' Gift of Sandha RAK8HlTA;0f UdubaroffhariyaJ* 

This inscription has puzzled Prinsep from its 

No. S6. — Udatiiaye IhiMuni VedinkayA ddnam. 

" Gift of UdatikI, the mendicant nun of Vidua.** 

FaoH West to North Gatb.— (Inside.) 

No. 27. — Tasapdloio-da (nam) hhadanaka, 

" Gift of YasopIla, the fortunate?" 

No. 28. — MijJuimaragimuiapagirinO'dAnam. 
^^ Gift of Sarpagiri, the • . • 

No* 29. — PuiOiO'Cha'HaHyasa hhichhunoddnanu 

'^Gift of PusA and of Hatiya, the mendicant 

No. 30.— DAooM BakhUaya Madkava-nikdye ddnam, 

^' Gift of Dharma BAK8Hrri> of the Mddhava 

^^i«i, nikayay means an assembly^ a congrega- 

No. 31. — Dhana-hhikhuno ddnam. 

^^ Gift of Dhana, the mendicant monk." 

No. 32. — (Ga) ha-patino Budha Ohosa . • . 

'^ (Gift of) the householder; Budha Ghosh a." 

^0 2^..~^Goi%put€ua Bhadukasa bhichhuno ddnam, 

^^ Gift of Goti's son; Bhanduka, the mendicant 

See No. 110 for another son of Goti. See also the 
relic bones of S^nchi^ Sonari; and Andher^ for other 
sons of the same teacher. 

840 THB BHIL8A T0PB8. 

" Gift of y WiJ JAGBill A.'' 

Prinaep^ No. 10^ suggests that the popolation of a 
Tillage^ called Vr^agrdmay combined to make this 
ofiering; but the name is most probably that of a 

No. S6,r^Araia'Ouia$a Sdiddaia$a ikiMuno dimsm. 

''Gift of Areata GuptA| a mendiomt monk of 
the Sdidrdaka order." 

86san is ^^ deyotion/' and arda means ^^ to beg;'^ 
Sdidrdakoj therefore^ means a religious mendicant^ 
but as JBhiksku has the same sigmfication^ I have 
considered the former as the title of a particular class 
or order. 

No. SO.— ySoM^i^Mwa SMraffkara$a ddnam. 

^ Gift of SuBHAGA; of Koraghara. 

(See No. 18 for a gift of Subhaga's sister.) 

No. 37. — Aya Eahilasa Sdrhinsyakasa'Mdtu ddnam. 

** Gift of Arta RahiUL, the mother of Sarhl' 

There is a grammatical mistake in the masculine 
termination of the female name^ which should have 
been Rahilaya. The son's name may be read 

From East Gate— Outside. 

No. 38. — Vaddndye UpadMyd ddnam, 

« Gift of VadInA, the UptmHr 


UpAsik/i means literally a ^^ worshipper/' or rather a 
^^ female worshipper/' M. Bumouf* renders this 
term by ^^ devotee/' which certainly appears to be 
the best equivalent for it. I consider the UpiUaka 
and Updsikd as male and female devotees who had 
not taken the vows of celibacy and mendicancy pro- 
fessed by the Bhikshu and JBhikshuni. 

No. 39. — Kdkandye Bhagavatopamona-lathi ; or 
K6kenoye BhagatatopamAnc-rathi^ 

as Prinsep, No. 18, reads it; but he gives no trans- 
lation. I can only suggest Bhagavata-upainanoratldy 
which may be translated — 

'^ Gift of Edkand^ an anxious longer for Bhagavat." 

Manor atha is ^^ wish, desire/' and upa means ^^ excess 
of anything." Bhagavata is the ^^ Supreme Being/' 
and is often applied to Buddha. 

No. 40. — Tuhavani 'gahapatinopatithiya - iiasdya - vuamana' 

datiyo'ddnam ; or 
Gohavand-^ahapati-nopatidhiyaniMaya vesa-maji' 
dataya ddnam^ 

according to Prinsep, No. 6, who thus translates 

* Introduction i\ THistoire du Buddhisme Indien, p. 279 — " La 
lecture attentive des textes^ ct quelques autorites non moins 
respectable i\ mes yeux que celles que je viens de citer, m'ont 
decide en faveur du sens de devot ou Jidble,^ See also Wilson's 
Hindu Theatre^ i. 123, where the heroine of the Mrichhakati is 
called JBuddhopAsika, the *'devoted-to-Buddha." 



it : " Gift of the cowherd Agrapati, commonly 
called NoPATi, to the highly ornamented (Chaitya) "^ 
but Agrapati would be written Agapati^ and not 
Agtihapati. In fact^ gahapatino is the Pali genitive 
of the Sanskrit grihapatiy a ^^ householder/' and tlie 
inscription may be read thus : — 

" Gift of VisARMANA-DATTi the . . . of Pratisthiya, a 
householder of TulavanJ' 

taking patithiya for pratisthiya. The next inscrip- 
tion^ which is four times repeated^ refers to the same 
person^ and proves the correctness of my reading. It 
is Prinsep's No. 9. 

No. 41.'^THba9an%'gakapat\n<hpatith{yaiaMnam. 

" Gift of Pratisthiya, a householder of Tula- 

No. 42. — Namdmakddis/i rakJiitasa ddnanu 

" Gift of Isa-Rakshita^ oi Narmamal'ddi " ? 

No. 43. — Nadavuno^ha NadmroJiisa-cha ddnam. 

" Gift both of Nandabu and of Nadisirohi." 

No. 44. — Pot/id Der&ya ddnam, 

" Gift of Potha-DevA.'' 

No. 45. — Kandarigdmii/asa - Set/mio ^ jxijavatii/a Ndiidi/a- 

" Gift of Naga, the sister-in-law of the Sreshti of 
Ka n da rv/dm ij/a .' ' 

No. 40. — KaudaHf/dmif/asa - SethiHO - jHtjaratlj/a - Ddsdt/a^ 


"Gift of Dasa, the sistor-in-law of the SresLti of 
Kandariydm it/a,'^ 


No. 47. '^Kandari^dmd^varktua dinam* 

'^ Gift of VarhA; oi Kandarigr&ma,^^ 

Kandarigrdmay ovgrAmiyay must have been a con- 
siderable place, or it would not have had a Sreshti. 

No. 48. — Mulagtrino d&nam Ukhdkcua, 

" Gift of MuLAQiRi; the scribe." 

. Prinsep, No. 30, reads lakhakasa^ the ^^ millionaire.'^ 
But the inscription occurs twice, and is quite distinct. 

No. ^9.-^^Ujmiyi . . • 

No. 50.-— Takhaddnaia-4fhikkun(hd4nam0 

^' Gift of YakshadInA; the mendicant monk." 

No. bl.-^Padandjfa-UpaMdkaya-dAnam. 
" Gift of PadonI, the devotee." 

No. 52.^- . . . raha-Savdnodcua hadaUna-ddnam, 

" Gift of Isa-datta, the humble in all things" ? 

I have taken savdnoda as a compound of sarway 
'^ all'' and anvddhaty humility ; but this rendering is 
a mere conjecture. 

No. 63. — Nat&gdmikand Upasik&na'ddnam, 

" Gift of NavAgamikI, the devotee." 

No. 64. — Isi'Mitdyd Vahiloia ddnam. 

'' Gift of Isi-MiTBl of VahUa. (Bhilsa ?)" 

This inscription is on the coping to the north-east. 

No. 66.— ZTj^tya Bohuniya ddnam. 

" Gift of RoHUNi of Ujatnr 

No. 66. — Ujeniya Dhamagiriruhddnam. 

^'Gift of Dharmaqiri of UjainJ* 


Prinsep, No. 29, reads DhamagilinOy but the 
meaning of the name remains unchanged, the two 
liquid letters r and I being constantly used the one 
for the other. 

No. 57.-— Ujeniya Sonasa ddnam, 

^'GiftofSoNAof C5aiw." 

No. 58. — VJeniya Tapcuaydna Pusdnajaya ddnam. 

"Gift of the tapasyft (ascetic) PutdnajA of 

Prinsep, No. 35, reads punsanamjayay and trans- 
lates ^^ ITie victory gift of the people performing 
austerities at Ujain.^^ But tapast/d is only a title, 
like that of JBkikshu or Updsikd ; and it is not easy 
to imagine how the gift of a stone-slab could have 
anything to do with a victory. 

No. 59. — Ujeniya Tapasayana hi Mitasd-ddnam. 
" Gift of the ascetic Isi-Mitra of Ujain." 

Prinsep, No. 32, reads Isi-rmitasay and translates, 
^^ The gift of the body of rishis performing their 
austerities at Ujain.'' 

No. 60. — Ujeniya Mula-dataye ddnam. 

" Gift of Mula-dattA of Ujain:' 
No. 61. — Ujeniya Balakay a ddnam. 

"Gift of BALAKAof Ujain r 

No. 62. — Ujeniya Upedofiatasa—pajavataya Maya-daiat/a 


'^ Gift of Mayadatta, the si:jter-in-luw of 
U pendradatta of Vjalu:' 


Frinsep^ No. 84^ reads paddvalayuchhayay and 
translates^ '^ The gift of Upendradatta of Ujain, for a 
perpetual charity to the itinerants/' But it is dif- 
ficult to conceive how the gift of a stone to the 
Sanchi enclosure could form a charity to anybody. 
The correctness of my reading is proved by the two 
following inscriptions. Upendradatta's own gift is 
recorded in No. 90. 

No. 63. — Vjeniya UpedadaUua hhaginiya ffimadataya 

" Gifk of HimadattI, the sister of Upendra- 
datta of CJfitn." 

No. 64. — Ujeniya Upedcuiakua hha^iniya Budhaye'ddnam. 
'' Gift of BuddhA^ the sister of Upendradatta of 

No. 65. — Ujeniya Kadiye hhichhuniye ddnam, 

" Gift of Eadru^ the mendicant nun of UjainJ'^ 

No. 66. — Ujeniya Chheta-mdtu ddnam. 

" Gift of Chhetra's mother of Ujain.^* 

Prinsep, No. 31, prefers Kshatra^s mother; but 
the meaning is exactly the same. 

No. C7.^^UJeniya Tapanyena Siha'dataya ddnanu 

" Gift of the Ascetic Sinha-dattA of Ujain'^ 

This is probably the same inscription as Prinsep's 
No. 37. If so the p of Tapasiyena has been omitted. 

No. 68. — Ujeniya Saphineyakina Jsakasa ddnam. 

" Gift of IsAKA, the Saphineyaki (?)of Ujain.** 


Prinsep, No. 33, translates ^^ The gift of the 


morality students of Ujain to the rishis/' By reading 
lavintyakaj as Frinsep has done^ the translation 
would rather be " learned in Vinaya/' which was the 
name of the lowest class of Buddhist scriptures. 

No. 69. — KitrapJkara I$% Mitaya ddnam, 

*' Gift of lai MiTRA of Kuraghara!' 

No. 70. — Ujfni^ Vipulaya danam. 

*' Gift of ViPULA of Ujain J^ 

No. 71.— A'lfraj/AiiAi Xanit^a Jdnam. ^ 

'•' Gift of Nara of Kuraghara*' 

No. 7^. — KuiMifhiin Xdtjd Jfitaya ddnam. 

" Gift of N ADA MITRA oi KuraghariP 

No. 73.— BotlA^ GotAige Dhama Varhanand ddnanu 

*< Gift of BoDHi-GoTHi for the advancement of 

JSo. 74. — yKigddiHOM-lkicAAuno ddtiam. 

*• Gift of Naoadixa, the mendicant monk." 

No. 7%K — /MiiyMViiMAi . riidya. 

*»^Giftof) . . .'' (See No. 9.) 

No. 70. — /'A'wit-ii Viii'iii'jiind ildnam, 

• • • 

•• Gift of Vakiliyax of IjainJ' 

l^'insep, Mo. t?8, reads Phakilh/amnn^ and trans- 
latt\s ** (lift of subscribers of Ujain." See No. 11 for 
another of this person's jjfifts. 

ISo. 77. — rji'niyxi (toAihua VistiM-cha ddfiam, 

** Gift of GoiiiLA and of Viswa of Ujainy 

No. 78. — C/iinitit/ii Ihichhunind dumim. 

** (tift of (''hi rati, the mendicant nun.'' 

i*rinst»|>, >io. 14, translates bhihhiini as '' poor 


No. 7Q,^'Sadkanaia hhiekhuno ddnam. 

'' Gift of SadhanA; the mendicant monk." 

No. 80. — Aswa-Devaye Bahadata mdtu ddnam, 

'^ Gift of Aswa-Dev^ the mother of Bahadatta." 

Prinsep, No. 41^ reads " Aswa Devi.'' 

No. 81. — Utareyekasa 8cU%gutaia ddnam. 

" Gift of Satya Gupta of UtareyakaJ^ 

Prinsep, No. 38, reads Ogireyakasa^ the ^^ Agar-- 
wala/^ or ^^ son of Agra-/^ but his fac-simile begins 
with Uy and not with o. 

No. 82. — Araha Guiaya ddnam. 

" Gift of the Arhatd, Gupta," or 
*^ Gift of ArhatA GuPT^" 

Prinsep, No. 13, Arahagatayay of Arahagatd. I 
am not sure that the lady had attained the rank of 
arhat ; for it is quite possible that araha should form 
only part of her name, arhata Gupta, or " cherished 
by the arhats f for a Bhikshimi, even of eighty years 
of age, was inferior to an upasampaday or newly 
ordained monk of twenty years. 

No. 83. — A9toa Devaya Samikoia Mdtu ddnam. 

" Gift of Aswa DevA, the mother of Samika." 

(See No. 80, and No. 119). 

No. 84. — Yoiilaya Atevanni Sagha Bakhitaya ddnam. 

" Gift of Sangha RakshitA, the pupil of 
No. 85. — Sethino^rndtu Kaniya ddnam. 

^' Gift of EAif ITA; the mother of the Sreshti." 

Prinsep, No. 17, reads mafa, and translates '^ the 


dii's deceased daughter/^ but the word ddnam 
shows that the inscription records a '^ gift/' and not 
an ^^ obituary notice/' 

No. 66.— Yoiildya ddnam. 

" Gift of YasilI." 

See No. 84 for this lady's name. She is there re- 
corded as the teacher of Sangha Kakshita. Prinsep, 
No. 27, reads YasiK. 

No. 87. — Sethino-ghati'lcamakdrikAnd ddnam; or, 
SethinO'pati'kamakalikSnd danam^ 

of Prinsep, No 26, who translates ^^ Gift of the 
serving women of the nobilit3\'' But the second 
word is ffhatiy a ghdt^ or landmg'-place j and as 
makaririy or makarikay means the ocean, I think that 
the translation should be — 

« Gift of the Sreshti of the Sea-ghat.'' 

that is, '^ of the harbour-master.^^ 

No. 88. — Vasniaye ddnam, 
" Gift of VasulA." 

IMnsep, Nos. 24 and 2o, reads VasuliyCy but 
notices tliat the iiamo^ wliich occurs more than once, 
is also written Vasulaycy and states that these dif- 
fcrencoft are caused by an attempt to render aa ithout 
compound letters the Sanskrit g-enitivc Vcuw/f/ah. 


No. 80. — Dadatasa Pdtcdfikoia ddnatn, 

" Gift of Dandata of Pdw&rikar 

The town of P6w& was on the northern bank of the 
Ganges between Vaisali and Kusinagara. 

No. 00. — UpedadatoM ddnam, 

" Gift of Upendradatta." (See Nos. 62, 63, 

No. 01. — Semakaye Dhitaye ddnam, 
" Gift of SemakadhritA." 

No. 02. — Vdghumanyo Saghadandya Ihichhuniye ddnatn. 

" Gift of Sangha-danA, the mendicant Nun, of 
Vdyhumanya" ? 

No. 03. — Yakkiya bhichhuniye' Vedisa ddnam, 

" Gift of Yakshi, the mendicant nun of VidisaJ' 

Prinsep, No. 42, translates ^^ Gift of Yakhi, the 
priestess and traveller.'^ 

No. 04. — Kudurasa Sethi Bha (dasa) ddnam. 

" Gift of Bhadra, Sreshti of Kundura" 

No. 96.^^Kurardye tapanye matu ddnam. 

'^ Gift of KurarA, the ascetic's mother." 

No. 06. — • . . pidataya Sadina pajava(tt)ya ddnam, 

" Gift of . . . pidattd, the sister-in-law of Sadi." 

Prinsep, No. 45, reads hidatdye sada dhiadhe 

jivAya ddnamy and translates, ^^ A gift for those living* 

here (for distribution of food) at midday for ever.'^ 

But the gift of a pillar or rail of the stone enclosure 

can have no connection with the provision of food. 


^ No. 87« — OSbMb Ommm M • • • fcyw u ^ ini . . • mlm 

'^ Oift of OsAVDiu^SunA • • ." 

No. 98w— /XbmhMuf SiiUata dinam. 

'< Gift of SimiiJi of I^Aafvdb' (r Ohteufp^^ 

No. 90d-^iCr4pM^pMiMi itriAoM dfaaM. 

'^ Gift of ElPASZORAKA, ihe arliat" 

This may be read in another way as, ^^ QHt of the 
arhat of K&pasigrdma (ootton-town) f but the former 
eeeme the more simple readings and is also in keep- 
ing with the other inscriptions^ each of which records 
the gift of a particular individual. This inscription 
occurs twice. 

'' Gift of Arhata-DIsa, of KMatar^* 

No. lOL'^Kirtakar^ya Bkadaka$a dinam* 

'' Gift of Bhadraka of K^tahareya:* 

This inscription occurs three times. 

No. 102. — Apaihakaia d&nam. 

'* Gift of Aprasthaka." 

No. 10Z*-^Bhoga-varhan<ikaia Ajiti^guioia, 

'' (Gift) of Ajita-Gupta^ the increaaer of ea« 
No. 104.— jR^fd^itvi^ Arahadinata d&nam. 

" Gift of Arahadina of Bajahikati:' 

No. 105. — Bhcffchtarhana Dhama Bdkhitaya Siva Nadino 

*' Gift of Siva-Nandi'b mother, Dharma Rak- 
shitI, the inoreaser of eDJojment." 

This occurs twice. The use of the names of Siva 


and Nandi at this early period is very remarkable. 
The Bhog^avarhana of this inscription, as well as of 
No. 103, may perhaps be the name of a place. 

No. lOS.^-'iSaffkaya ddnam. 
'* Gift of SanghA." 

No. 107. — Navag&makcua Mikaye Ujenihdrd danam. 

" Gift of MrikshA^ of Namgdmaka (New-town), 
in UjainJ* 

No. 108.— ^W Guioia Vdnijasa danam, 

" Gift of Sri-Gupta, of Vdnija^'' or 

" Gift of Sri-Gupta, the grain merchant." 

It is not impossible that Vdnijd may mean only 
^^ nephew, or ^^ sister's son ;'' the bhdnjd of Urdu. 

No. 109. ^^Suhdhitasa-pajavatiyd Majhimdyd ddnam, 

'^ Gift of MadhyamA, the siBter-in-law of Subii- 

No. 110. — iSuhdhitoia Gottputasay RajalipdJcaroia ddnam, 
"Gift of SusiHiTA, son of Goti^ the royal 

This is the most valuable of all the inscriptions on 
the Sanchi colonnade j as it belongs to the family of 
Goti, whose eldest son Gotiputra was the teacher of 
the celebrated Mogaliputra* This inscription there- 
fore serves to fix the date of the Sanchi enclosure in 
the early part of Asoka's reign. 

No. llh^^Taradapaddnd Updnkaya ddnam. 

" Gift of TARANDAPADi, the devotee." 

No. 112. — Burdya muionagothiyajana Vedisdnyd, 
"GiftofBuBA(?) . . . o{ Vidua:' 


No. 113.-^Dhama Rakhltaya bhichhuniye kicki^Mika»a 

'^Gift of DnARMA RakshitA^ the mendicant 
nun, of Kdtyaprastha" 

No. 111. — Dhama Rakhitasa Kdchhupaihata bhiehhuno 

'^Gift of Dharma RakshitA, the mendicant 
monk, of KdtyaprasthaJ* 

No. 115. — iSandhdnata hhichhu ddnam. 

" Gift of SandhIna, the mendicant monk." 

The possessive termination of bliichhu(no) is 
omitted in the original. 

No. 116. — Pmaglrino Vagamakoia ddnam. 

"Gift of PusAGiRi, of Vangamaka;'^ or 

''Gift ofVANGAMAKAofPwi^'rtV 

South Gate. — Outside. 

No. 117. — Bhichhakasa Padanayasa ddnam. 

" Gift of the mendicant Padanaya." 

No. 118. — Vaghumato Kachdno-pxtano ddnam. 

" Gift of Vaghuman, the father of Katya." 

No. 119. — Sdmikasa- Vdnikasa- 

No. 120. — -putasa'Cha-Siripalasa 

No. 121. — ddnam = 

"Three (=) g^'fts of Samika, son of VAnika, and 

This iiiscri})tiou is carved on three railing's of the 
colonnade^ and, as the g-ift thus consisted of three 
rails, I ])resnine that the tliree liorizontal strokes 
whicli follow (lanavi are intended for that number. 
See Plate IX. of the Sanchi enclosure, where this 


curious inscription is shown in the actual position which 
it occupies on the three rails. For Samika's mother 
see No. 88. 

No. 122. — Bhadata Vdjukoia d&nam, 

" Gift of BhAdrata VAnjuka." 

No. 123. — Visdkhasa hhichhuno ddnam, 

" Gift of VaisIkha, the mendicant monk." 

PI. XVIII. No. 124. — Sdmanerasa Abeyakata Seihxno ddnam. 

" Gift of the ascetic Abeyaka^ the Sreshti." 

See No. 23. 

No. 125. — Nadi'GuUua ddnam hhichhuno. 

*'Gift of Nandi (or Nadi) Gupta, the mendi- 
cant monk." 

Prinsep, No. 12, reads Nadigata^ a ^^ ferryman/' 

No. 126. — Podaka ddnadata Dha (mika) ddnam, 

" The religious gift of Podraka DInadatta." 

No. 127. — Ardpdndto arahadi (nasa mdtu ddnam). 

" Gift of AryapAnA (the mother of) Arhata- 


See No. 148 for another inscription of the same 

No. 128. — Nyabalamidakajape'ddnam. 


No. 129. — Madhuvana Dhama Gutasa hhichhuno ddnam. 

" Gift of Dharma Gupta, the mendicant monk, 
of Madhurana" (perhaps Mahola), 
No. 130. — Nodosa Kurarago. 

" (Gift of Nanda, of ifwrara . . ." 

No. 131. — Mahagifino hhichhuno ddnam. 

^' Gift of Mauaoiri, the mendicant monk.'' 


Xo. 132. — MadAurama ItuJaiaya IkUAtmij^ ddmam. 

"Gift of IsiDATTA, the mendicant nim of Ma- 

No. 133. — ItUataye IhUtAiniye Kurariye ddnam, 

'' Gift of IsiDATTA, the mendicant nan of Kurd' 

No. 134. — Dkama Pdlata • . . tkukapadinoMa ddnam. 
" Gift of Dharma Pala ..." 

No. IQo.-^Upasijkaia Pkaguna9a hkatu Ihichhuno, 

" (Gift) of Upasidta, the brother of Phalguna, 
the mendicant monk." 

No. 136. — Bhoga-varhanato In RakhUaya. 

" (Gift) of Isi RakshitI, the increaser of enjoy- 

No. 187. — Bhoga varkand Dunyondne. 

" (Gift) of DunyonA, the increaser of enjoyment." 

No. 138. — Kurariyasa Vimalasa ddnam. 
" Gift of Vimala, o{ Kurariya.*' 

No. 139. — Sdmulatasa hhichhuno ddnam, 

" Gift of SwAmidatta, the mendicant monk." 

No. 140. — Devaf/irino Padenekayikasa. 

" (Gift) of Devagiri, of Pandenekayikar (?) 

No. 141, — BMchhunosa Aterasa . . • 

" Gift of the mendicant's pupil . . ." 

No. 142. — Pasakasa hhichJmno ddnam, 

" Gift of Pauswaka, the mendicant monk." 

No. 143. — C/iUilasU'C/ta D/iama Rakhitasa hhichhuno 

"Gift of KsiiUDHA and of Diiatima Rakshita, 
tlie mendicant monks." 

No. 141. — UJcniye Ayisamaye ddnam, 

" Gift of AgnisaumA, of Ujain:' 


No. 146. — PatiihAnoia bhtchhufUhddnam Ay a . % . na 

^^Gift of PiutisthIna^ the mendicant monk^ 
pupil of Arja . . ." 

No. 146. — Budha Bakhitcua hhichhuno d&nam Esavatasa. 
^'Gift of Budha Rakshita, the mendicant 
monk • • ." 

No. 147. — Nadinagarikaya Isidindye hhichhuniye, 

** Gift of IsidinA, the mendicant nun of Nadina- 

No. \4S.^^Ar6p&nd Atadatamatu ddnam. 

" Gift of AryApAnA, the mother of Asada^ 

See No. 127 for another inscription of the same 

No. 149. — Ujentye-tdpfmyana Ncuaya Mitaya. 

" (Gift) of Nasa-Mitra, the (female) ascetic." 
No. 160 r^Bharadiycua Sapurisoia Yugapajakctsa ddnam. 

'' Gift of Bhardiya (son) of the emancipated 
YuoAPRAJNAKA." (Luminary of the age.) 

The term sapurisa is the Pali form of the Sanskrit 
sapurushay which is a compound of sa, with, and 
purushaj the divinity, or of the pronoun sa^ which, 
when joined with purusha^ means, ^^ the man,^' or 
" that man,'' or simply " the mortal/' The term is 
found on nearly all the relic-caskets, and must there- 
fore apply to the dead. Accordingly I have every 
where rendered it by ^^ emancipated," that is, from 
future transmigrations. This gives the meaning at- 
tached to the term by the Buddhists 5 but perhaps a 
more literal translation would be ^^ absorbed," that is, 

P w ■ ^ 

* m 


iato tlie divme eBsenoe* Eadi woard gives the mMiiiiiy 
m part only; for the term mgfwru$ka implieB om wIm 
Lae attained Buddlialiood by '' absorptkm" into the 
dime eeaenoe^ and who is therefore ^ emanripated*^ 
fromfotore trananugration. 'Perhaps the beat lender- 
ing would be ^^the Buddhf^'^^that is^ one who has at- 
tained .Buddhahood: but as the sole aim of the 
Buddhist was to obtain wiokthoy that is^ ^^ liberation^ 
or emancipation" from transmigration^ I have pre- 
ferred the well-known term ^^emandpated." 

No. Ul.^'Aj^kamakata hUckkuno dinaim* 

^ Gifk of AjnrijmAViJJk, the mendieiiit mooL'' 

NOtt 1 BQ, Jnn hahiiti hkiMkwM liAnfiiH 

''Gift of JoMHAKA, the memdlcnit monk*' 

NOk 168«--J!mala«a-MJdUtMO dAnam* 

** Gift of Jbkaka^ the mendicant monk.'' 

No. 164.— D^ma Bakkiidya Madhuvanikaye ddnam. 

^* Gift of Dharha RakshitI; of MadAuvanita.** 

No. US.'^Mahamarati mutipagaran<hd&nam. 

This inscription appears to be the same as No. 38 ; 
but I am unable to offer any translatiou. 

No. 160.— yato-PiZaMK^nam Ihasikada, 

No. 167. — DKanagirino ddnam. 


No. lt>8,^'Puieua'cha Hatiyata hhichhuno d&nam, 

" Gift of PusA and of IIatiya, the mendicant 


From South Gatb to West Gate. 

No. 159. — BcUikdya bhichhuniya madald ehhakatikaye 

^^ Gift of BalikI^ the mendicant nun of the tem- 
ple of Chhakrdtika" 
No. 160. — Dhamastkirlyd hhichhuniye madala ehhikatikaye 

" Gift of Dharha Stiiiri, the mendicant nun of 
the temple of ChhakrdtihaJ^ 
No. 161. — AvUinaye Suiatikiniyd madala Chhikatikaye 

" Gift of SuTRANTiKiRNi, the novice of the temple 
of Chhakrdtika:' 

The term Anisina occurs in No. 190 as Avesaniy 
which means an '' entrance/' from vis '' to enter.'' 
Avesana and Avesand may therefore be the titles of 
those who had entered into the religious life^ but had 
not yet taken the vows. I have consequently, but 
not without hesitation, rendered the terms bv ^^ neo- 
phyte" and ^^ novice." This inscription occurs 
twice. It may also be rendered ^^ Gift of Avisina, 
the Sutrdntiki (or reader of the Sutras), in the temple 
of Chhrakratika." 

No. 162. — Sayha Devcua Verohakatasa Vdniddia ddnam, 

" Gift of ViNi Dasa^ the . . . of Sangha 
No. \6Z,— Bhadikiya^a Sanghilasa ddnam, 

" Gift of Bhadikriya, of Sanghila ;" or perhapj, 
"Gift of Sanghila, of Bhadikriya.^* 
No. 164. — Arahata Palitasa , , , 

" Gift of the Areata Palita . . ." 



No. 166. ^^AroAakoMa Paripanakoia d6nam. 

^ Gift of the ArhOoL Paripanaka." 
No. 166. — Dkamagirika nUitu ddnam* 

^^ Gift of Dharmaoiri's mother." 

From Wbst to North. — Outside. 

No. 167. — Udi^ Nadinagariya ddnam, 
''Gift of Udi, of Nadinagarir 

This occurs t^ice on portions of the fallen colon- 
nade to N- W. 

No. 168.— SodliUtilaja Va . . . 

" Gift of Sadhantha . • •" 
No. 169. — Isi Ikuiyena ddnam : Gardkaye bhiehhuniye 

'' Gift of GarAkI, the mendicant nmi, offered by 
Isi Dasi." 

No. 170. — Nadinagara Dupasaha hhiehhuniye ddnam. 

''Gift of DrupasahA; the mendicant nun of 

No. 171. — Yakhadoiiya dd(nam). 


No. 172. — Datakulatadasa ddnam. 

" Gift of Datta-Kulavada." 

On Small Pillars Fallen from Upper Enclosure. 
No. Vm.'^Damakasa sotikasukasukapasa, 

'*Gift0fDAMAKA . . ." 
No. ITi.'^D/iafna'datasa ddnam. 

" Gift of DlIARMA-DATTA." 


Platoi No. 176.— iiroAcki^ya-MicAAMniyd ddnam. 

'^ Gift of Arhata-DAsI; the mendicant nun." 

No. 176. — S&midar&ya ddnam, 

'' Gift of SwiMIDARi."| 

Inscription on South Pillar. 

PI. XIX., No. 177. This inscription is carved upon 
a fragment of a broken isolated pillar near the south 
gateway. As it was a practice amongst the early Bud- 
dhists, before building a Tope, to erect a pillar on the 
spot, with an inscription recording their intentions, it 
seems possible that this broken column might bear a 
memorial inscription relating either to the erection of 
the Great Sanchi Tope, or to some additions or re- 
pairs. The latter is the more probable, as the pillar in 
the former case was generally if not always removed. 

But the inscription is unfortunately so much ob- 
literated that it baffled even the heaven-born sagacity 
of James Prinsep. Some few words he read ; but 
apparently with hesitation, as he says,* ^^This in- 
scription is in too mutilated a state to be restored 
entirely, but from the commencement of the third 
line, bhakhatibhikhundbhi kltamavase datdy it may be 
concluded that some provision was made by ' a 
charitable and religiously-disposed person for hungry 
priests,' and this is confirmed by the two nearly perfect 
lines at the foot, — 

* Journal) vii. p. 6G5. 


'"Izla £srj s j >irtfrr* iaaz cazpccnirai (cool .*) wmter should be 
ziTo. :a -irizk : bllt t2i:f exceiLaLC Tcnxse ecdnre for erer.' " 

I examined the inscriptioxi in several positions and 
in all li^ts : I took impressions on paper and made 
a cijpy by hand : but the surface of the stone has 
been so much injured that very few of the letters are 
readable excepting in the last two lines. There is, 
however, a sufficient blank surtace on all four sides to 
make it certain that we have the whole of the inscrip- 
tion. It is therefore verv much to be regretted that 
the greneral indistinctness of the letters should have 
rendered this inscription almost illegible. The open- 
ing is nearly obliterated ; but, on a comparison of 
James Priusep's copy with my own, I think it pro- 
bable that the first word was Deviinam ; next comes 
a blank ; and then Jlaga, or perhaps Jlagadha^ and 
it is possible that the whole line might be read — 

Derdnam(pit/a) Magadhe raja. 

" Detaxampriva, King of Maghadha." 

The second line may be partially restored, thus : — 

. (a)hhi(rad€md)nam Cheiiyaf/iri . . 

" with salutation to the fraternity of Ciiaityagiri." 

At the end of the third line, the word Sangham 
^^ community '^ is distinctly legible; and I think 
that I can trace the name of Dhamag-iri. The 


fourth line seems to have been correctly given by 
Prinsep : — 

'' a gift of food to the much-emaciated Bhikshus." 

I can make nothing* of the fifth hne and of one- 
half of the sixth, but the concluding portion of the 
inscription, which is nearly perfect, reads — 

Ickhakime Sdn^ 

'ti'Sangham samage milathitike tit/dti, 
" Is it my wish that the S^ti community may always be 

The whole inscription, in Roman characters, may, 
with some conjectural restorations, be read as 
follows : — 

1. Devdnam(piya) Magadhe (raja). 

2. . . (a)bhi(v6dem6)nam Chetigagiri. . , 

3. . iikhi'eha(Dha)magiri . ikeye sangham. 

4. hhokhati hhikhundbhikhamavise ddto. 

6. nidu . ^1 $anam . • chhava annd 

6. Sasivi(ye) petaviye. Ichhahime Sdn- 

7. "ti Sangham samage milathitike tigdti. 

The drift of this inscription, at least as I under- 
stand it, seems to be the following :— 

" DevInampriya^ king of Magadha, offers his salutation to 
the community of Chaitgagiri (and perhaps to that of Dharma- 
girt also) . . . with a gift of food for the Bhikshui, much- 
emaciated * (with their austerities ?) . . . and prays that the 
SAnti community may always be united." 

• By reading ^|T7T^ Jtshdma, " debilitated " for the Pali 


In my account of the great Sanchi Tope I have 

alprady identifieil the present name of Sdnchi with 
the Sanskrit Sintiy which I presimie was the name 
of the great Tihar on the Chetiyagirij or ^^hill of 
Cniiit^*i$r If my reading- of Dhamagiri he correct, 
we may identin- the •' hill of religion'' in the long 
57'iir which stretches northward as far as Kanakhera. 
This hill is still o».^vered with ruins, which no doubt 
once formed a part of the vast religious establishment 
of Sauchi-kanakhera. 



PL XIX.. Xo. irS. — Dhama^jlrtno Ihtkhimo ddnam. 

**' Gift of DiiAKMAGiRi, the mendicant monk." 

Xo. 179. — Ifi-PiUhasa-c/iii Samanaia'c/ta ddtiam, 

** Gift both of Isi-Palita and of SrAmana." 

IVinsep, Xo. 10, reads the same. 

On the East Gateway. 

No. 180. — ArahatVniasa hhlkhuno Pokhareyakasa ddnam, 

*'(iift of Ariiatadina, the mendicant monk of 

rriiiscj), No. )l!0^ reads Palihareynkasa doubtfiillv 
iM iIm' iijiiikj of the donor, and takes no notice of 


No. ISl.'^Bhadata NAgilasa Savinamjnydlinam ddtiam 

*' Pillar-gift of Bhadrata NAoila, the learned 
in aU things." (?) 

Prinsep, No. 47, reads Danda-nagihlasa pavinon 
ndtinam d&nathambho ; and translates, ^^ This pillar 
is the gift of the illustrious family of Danda Nagi- 
RALA.'' But the fac- simile impression of this inscrip- 
tion, as well as a hand-copy now before me, agree in 
the reading which I have given above. 

No. 183. — Kirdrcua Ndgapiyaia Aehhavade Sethisa ddnam 

''Pillar-gift of NIoaprita, AchhavadA; the 
Sreshti (or master) of the weavers." 

Prinsep, No. 3, reads Karasa and translates ^^ Gift 
of AcHHAVADA Sethi, the beloved of Karasa 
NlGA.'' See also No. 192 of the western gate. 
Prinsep evidently considered Sethi as the feminine 
form of Seth, a "banker.'' I have ventured to 
identify the Kirdr of this inscription with the weaver 
caste, who bear the same name at the present day ; 
but this is a mere conjecture. 

No. 188. This inscription is too indistinct to allow 
even of a conjectural translation. 

On thb South Gateway. 

No. 184.*-*BtidAa Palitaya bhikhunaye ddnam, 

*^ Gift of BuDHA PalitA^ the mendicant nun." 



Prinsep, No. 23, reads Budha Palitasa bhikhuno 
ddnam, ^^ the gift of Budha Palit, the poor man.'' 

No. 185. — Pothakasa bhikhuno ddnam. 

*'Gift of PosTHAKA, the mendicant monk." 

Prinsep, No. 23, reads Panthaka. 

No. 186.— nVwa Ihikhuno ddnam, 

" Gift of ViRA, the mendicant monk." 

No. 187. — Yakhaye Ihikhuniyd vddiva, 

'* Gift of YakshA, the mendicant nun . ." 

No. 188. — Hanajaya ddnam, 
" Gift of Hanaja." 

No. 189. — Vedisa Kehiddntakarehirdpakam mankata. 

This inscription is quite perfect : but as it seems to 
have formed only a part of a longer inscription, I 
cannot even make a guess as to its meaning. The 
donor was an inhabitant of Vidisa^ and was perhaps 
named Kehidanfa. 

No. 190. — Bajnt/e Slri Sdtakanisa 
Aresanisa Vdtithi-putasa 
Anandasa ddnam, 

" Gift of Ananda, son of the neophyte Vasish- 
THA, in the reign of Sui SAtakarni." 

This vahiable inscription is carved on the bas-relief 
of a Tope, in the middle of the upper architrave of 
the south gateway. The King, Sri Satakami, was 
tlie third* of tlie Andhra dynasty of Magadha j and 

* Wilson's Vishnu Purana, p. 472. 


his reign extended from the year 19 to 37 a. d. The 
word, which I have translated neophyte, occurs also 
in No. 161 ; hut in this instance it is possible that it 
may have another signification. Avesan means 
simply '' entrance/^ from vis to enter ; but as there is 
a separate inscription on the middle architrave (see 
No. 191), and another on one of the pillars of the 
gateway (see No. 189), it is clear that the whole 
entrance could not have been the gift of Ananda. 
A'vesani must therefore have some other meaning 
which is not given in the dictionaries. Now as ishdy 
a ploughbeam, is derived from fiT, isha^ to go, 
isliani may be taken for a beam of any kind 3 and 
thus we shall have ava + ishani = aveshaniy or (as 
there is but one 8 in Pali) avesani, an entrance- 
beam, or gateway architrave. As ava means to 
^^ enter,'' this derivation is quite legitimate. But if 
this was the real meaning, it seems difficult to say 
why the term should have been separated from 
danam j for in the pillar gifts the word thabho in- 
variably precedes or follows ddnam. 

After a careful examination of all the inscriptions 
on the gateways of the Sanchi Tope, and a com- 
parison of their alphabetical characters with those 
of other inscriptions of known dates, such as those of 
Asoka, B. c. 250 ; those of the Sah coins of Gujrat, 
A. D. 300 J and those of the Guptas, A. d. 400 to 600 ; 
both Lieutenant Maisey and myself had concluded 
that the Sanchi gateways were erected about the 


begrmninfir of the Christian era. It 

satisfaction therefore that I afterwards discovered the 
name of Sri Satakami in a conspicuous situation over 
the southern ^teway. This successful result of my 
long" experience in Indian archaeology has given me 
snfBcient confidence to say that the age of any Indian 
inscription may be determined approximately by the 
forms of its alphabetical characters. 

2^0. 191. — AyacAudofa Dhamakathika$a 
At^rdsino Bala Mka»addnam, 
** Gift of B ALA-MiTRA^ pupil of Arta EshudrAi 
tlie reciter of Dharma." 

Tins inscription is taken from the bas-relief of a 
Tope on the middle architrave of the south gateway. 
Priusep, No. 23, reads the "well-tonsured pupil/' 
but Antev(Uin, ^5PrraTf%^, means simply a " pupil/' 

being derived fi'oui ysp^y anta^ near, and ^f^, va^a^ 
to "abide" — that is one who lives near another; 
as a pupil near a master. Aya-cliuda is the teacher's 
name : see inscription !Xo. 193. Prinsep reads 
hathaka at the end of the first hue : l)ut mv fac- 
simile impression gives kathikasa, the possessive case 
of ^rf^PF, kathika, a "narrator, or story-teller/' as 
l^rinsrp has translated it. 


On the West Gate. 

No. 102. — Kir dray a Ndgapiyoaa Achhavada Sethi-putata 

eha Sanghoia. 
"Gift of the son of Naqapriya Achhayada^ 
the master of the weavers, and of Sanqha." 

See No. 182 for the term which I have translated 
^^ weavers/' I rather suspect that it must he the 
name of a place, Kirdra. 

No. 193. — Aya-chudcua Atevdiino Bala Mitasa danam 

" Pillar-gifk of Bala-Mitra, the pupil of Arya- 


Prinsep, No. 22. In this inscription there seems to 
me to be no doubt that Aya-chuda or Aryya-kshudra 
is the teacher's name. 

Nos. 194, 196, 196. These show that the inscrip- 
tions were carried on from one line to another. The 
word ddnam, ^^g*ift/' is carved at the end of the 
upper band of the column, and thahhoy ^^ pillar,'' 
begins the second line, which is carved on a central 
band. Here the sense is complete ; and the swastika^ 
it ^ sepai'ates this inscription from the following* one ; 
which, although it looks legible enough, has quite 
baffled all my attempts to read it. 


It 18 woiihj of remark that upwards of one-third 
of the gifts recorded in these inscriptions were made 
by the fidr sex; who in all countries have been 
noted for their pious donations. The number is yery 
remarkable^ when we remember that in India women 
could not possess property; but were entirely de- 
pendent on theur fathers^ their husbands^ their brothersi 
or their sons. 

Another pomt which I have noticed is the ex- 
tremely rare use of compound letters. Only three 
instances occur throughout all these inscriptions ; and 
ihey are certainly exceptions to the common practice 
of Asoka's age^ which adhered to the simplest Pali 
finrms. The compound sw occurs twice in Mwa (see 
Nos. 80 and 83)^ but the true Pali form of A9a 
occurs in the ink inscription found inside the lid of the 
steatite casket from No. 3 Tope at Andher^ see Plate 
XXX. The compound sth is found only once in 
Dhama stMri (see No. 160); but the regular Pali 
form of th occurs twice in patithiya for pratisthiya 
(see Nos. 40 and 41)^ and once in mila thiti for mila- 
sthiti in the inscription on the southern pillar. The 
compound nh occurs once in the name of Jonhaka, 
see No. 162. 




1. The persons who tried to open the great S&nehi 
Tope in 1822 made a large breach on the south-west 
side, and carried the excavation to the foundation, 
but they failed in reaching' the centre of the building. 
The Tope was thus partly ruined without any dis- 
covery having" been made to repay its destruction. 
Lieutenant Maisey and myself determined to proceed 
in a different manner, by sinking* a perpendicular 
shaft down the middle of the Tope, so as not to injure 
its external appearance. After a number of carefiil 
measurements, the centre was determined as nearly 
as possible, and a shaft or well, 6 feet in diameter, 
was sunk through the solid brickwork to a depth of 48 
feet, or 6 feet below the level of the terrace, at the 
base of the Tope. But the only discovery which we 
made consisted of numbers of spiral shells {Phiuyrbis)^ 
which had been gathered in the mud with which the 
bricks were cemented together. These will be valu- 

970 SRB vbxuul TormL 

able carioBities to the naturalist^ as they e$rtaimfy date 
as high as b. o. 800^ and are probably not less than 
two thousand four hundred years old. The fariiiks are 
large — 16 by 10 by 3 inches. 

8. Erom the non-discovery of any relics or other 
olgects^ we are left to guess at the age and destination 
of the great Sfinchi Tope^ firom less certain although 
very probable sources of information. From these I 
have deduced that the Tope itself was in existence not 
long after the period of the Second Synod in B. o» 
448^ that the massiTe stone railing was erected in the 
reign of Asoka^ between 260 and 250 b. c.^ and that 
the gateways were added iu the reign of Sri S&ta- 
kamii between the years 10 and 37 A. j>. 

8. The age of the Tope itself depends on the 
identification of WNionagara with Cketyfa; a point 
which has been already discussed and settled. Wes* 
sanagara is still represented by the ruins of Besnagari 
two miles to the north of Bhilsa; and Chetijfogiri 
(or Chaitya-hill) is undoubtedly the hill of S&nchi| 
on which the great Chaitya now stands. It was here 
that Asoka rested^ on his way between Pataliputra 
and Ujain. Buddhaghoso calls the place fVeswna* 
gara, and Mahanamo calls it Chetiya and Chetiyagiri. 
The Tope was therefore in existence in 270 B. c,^ 
during Asoka's government of Ujain j but as one of 
the eighteen heresies which prevailed after the meet- 
ing of the Second Synod was named the ^^ Chetiya 
Schumy^ it is certain that the Sanchi Chaitya must 
date as high as the fourth century before our era^ 


and perhaps even a century earlier, or about b. g. 

4. The date of the colonnade or railing might be 
determined approximately to belong to the age of 
Asoka, by the alphabetical characters of the inscrip* 
tions, which are exactly similar to those of the pillar 
edicts. But there is a still more certain proof of the 
correctness of this date in the short inscription, No. 
110, which records the ^^ gift of Subahita, son of Goti 
the royal scribe.^' This Goti was a descendant of 
Kodini (Sans. Kohudinya), one of the principal dis« 
ciples of Buddha. As he was the teacher of Vachhi 
SuvUAYATA, he must have taken the vows himself. 
His eldest son, Ootiputray was one of the most famous 
Buddhist teachers of his day. We learn this fact 
from the relic inscriptions which record the names of 
two disciples of Gotiputra. Of these, the most cele- 
brated is that of Mogaliputra, who conducted the pro* 
ceedings of the Third Synod in b. c. 241. The other 
pupil was V&chhiputra. 

fi. A third son of Goti, named Kdkanava Pra- 
bhdsany was the donor of Suvijayata's relics to the 
S^chi Tope, No. 2 j and his own^ relics were found 
in the Andher Tope, No. 2. A fourth son, named 
£handukay is mentioned in the colonnade inscription, 

* I suppose that the interior brick Tope may be as old as 500 
B. c, and that the stone casing was added by Asoka. This kind of 
addition was not unusual. See Mahatvanso, p. SOS, where Lajji- 
tissoi king of Ceylon, encloses the Thuparamo with a case of 


No. 33. Thus three sons of Goti had taken the vows, 
whilst a fourth became the King^s Scribe, or Secretary 
{Rajo/^Lipdhara). As the eldest of these brothers was 
the teacher of Mogaliputra, he was probably some- 
what older than his pupil, although not necessarily 
so. The younger brother may therefore be looked 
upon as the contemporary of Mogaliputra, which 
will fix his date from 260 B. c. to 230, during the 
most flourishing" period of the Buddhist religion. 

6. The age of the gateways has been ascertained 
from an inscription carved on a bas-relief representa- 
tion of a Tope on the upper architrave of the southern 
entrance. This inscription (No. 190) records the 
^^ gift of an entrance architrave by Ananda, the son 
of Vasishthay in the reign of Sri Satakarni.'' This 
Prince was the third of the Andhra kings of Ma- 
gadha ; and his reign has been fixed^ by the common 
consent of all archaeologists, in the early part of the 
first century of our era. According to my chrono- 
logy he reig'ned from 19 to 37 a. d. 

7. The fact that the gateways are of later date 
than the colonnade or railings is confirmed by the 
more recent character of the inscriptions, which 
approaches that of the Sail coins of Gujrat. For 
the sake of comparison, I have collected all these 
gateway inscriptions in Plate XIX., beneath the more 
ancient record of the Soutliorn Pillar. I3v this 
arrangement, a single glance is sufficient to show the 
gr?at change which had taken ])lace in the alpha- 
betical characters in about two centuries and a half. 


8. But there is still one more conyincing* proof 
that the gtiteways are of later date than the railing. 
In the plan of the Tope, in Plate VIII., the old railing 
on which the more ancient inscriptions are carved, is 
shaded lightly, and the additional railing and gate- 
way pillars, on which the less ancient inscriptions are 
foimd, are made quite black. By this it will be seen 
that a half pillar of the more recent railing is made to 
abut against the third pillar of the older railing. 
Now, as most of the old pillars were mscribed, it 
seemed probable that one inscription at least would 
be found hidden by the half pillar of the less ancient 
railing. And such, indeed, is the fact at the northern 
entrance, where a long hidden inscription on the 
pillar of the old railing is now revealed by the 
separation of the two pillars of different ages. 

9. The different dates of the Tope, of its colonnades 
and of its gatewaj's, have been satisfactorily settled 
within certain limits ; but the destination or object of 
the building is more difficult to be ascertained. From 
the non-discovery of relics, I infer that this great 
chaitya was dedicated to the Supreme Buddha. This 
conjecture is strengthened by the existence of statues 
of the four mortal Buddhas at the entrances. For 
it is the practice of the modern Buddhists of Nepal, 
when they dedicate a Chaitya to Adi Buddha, to 
place four statues of the DhyAni Buddhas at its base. 
Vairochaiui (or light), the first of the Pancha Dhy- 
ani Buddhas, is supposed to occupy the centre of the 
building. It seems quite possible, however, that this 



Tope contained some relies of Bain a; but if, as I 
believe, the relics of the holy teacher were always 
kept in some easily accessible place, for the purpose 
of being shown to the people on stated festivals, it 
seems probable that they would have been carried oflF 
by the monks, on the general break-up of the Bud- 
dhist monastic establishments throughout India. 

NO. 2 TOPE. — sANCfll. 276 



1. In 1819, when Captain Fell visited Sanchi, this 
Tope was ^^ in perfect repair, not a stone having 
fallen ; '^ * but in 1822 it was half destroyed by the 
same amateur antiquaries who ruined the larger Tope. 
It stands half way down the slope of the hill, about 
400 yards from the great Tope, from which it bears 
109J° west. The hill has been carefully levelled, and 
the western side built up to form a court 100 feet 
square, in the midst of which stands the Tope sur- 
rounded by the usual Buddhist railing. 

2. Tlie Tope is a solid hemisphere (built of 
rough stones, without mortar) 39 feet in diameter, 
springing from a cylindrical plinth of the same dia- 
meter, and 3^ feet in height. The basement is 
feet in height, with a projection of 5 feet 4 inches, 
which forms a terrace for the perambulation of wor- 
shippers. The terrace is reached on the eastern side 
by a double flight of steps (now in ruins) 5 feet 2 

♦ Prinsep's Journal, iii. 494. 


inches wide, which meet at a landing'-place, 7 feet 

6 inches square. 

3. The hemisphere was flattened at top to form a 
terrace } which, when measured in its perfect state by 
Captain Fell, was 19 feet in diameter.* This was 
most probably enclosed by a coping, or cornice, 
similar to that which is represented around the 
terrace of No. 1 Tope at ^Vndher. In the centre 
stood a square pedestal, surrounded by a square 
Buddhist railing of small dimensions* its whole height 
being only 4 feet. The firagrment^ of tliis railing, 
which I measured, were : — pillars, 3 feet 1^ inch in 
height, with a section of 7 J inches by 5 J inches; 
rails, 10^ inches long by 8^ inches broad, at intervals 
of iff inches. The pedestal was of course originally 
smmouuted by a chattay but of this no trace now 

4. The whole L? siuTounded bv a Buddhist raihiitr 

7 feet C inches in beiirht, with four entrances to- 
wards the four sides of the s<]uare court. The 
pillars are 5 feet 11^ inches in hei^rht, with a section 
of 15^ inches by Hi inches. The rails are 18 
niches broad, with a thickness of oi inches in 
the middle. The inter -coluinniation varies from 
17 to IS inches : and, :i< in the irreat Tope, seems 
to be equal to the dejnh ot rail. The copiiur is 
21 inches in heiirht, and 14 iiK-hts thick, and is 
connecteil to the jullars i:i th^- >anu- -»vav as in 
the large Toih\ Tliis railin^-, likr tliut of the irreat 

NO. 2 TOPE. — SANGHI. 277 

Tope, is elliptical, the longer diameter from east to 
west being 74J feet, and the shorter diameter from 
north to south only 69 feet. By this ellipticity of 
form, a clear breadth of more than 8 feet is pre- 
served all round the base of the building:.* 

6. The pillars of the Buddhist railing which have 
already been described, are perfectly plain ; but these 
are ornamented by medallions containing a variety of 
flowers, and numerous animals, both known and 
fabulous. The medallions are circular in the middle 
of the pillar, and semi-circular at its head and base. 
The semi-circular medallions are nearly all filled with 
flowers ; but the full medallions have men and women, 
horses, bulls, lions and elephants, centaurs, winged 
horses, and winged bulls. Many of the flower orna- 
ments are pretty, but the figures of men and animals 
are generally coarse and clumsy. 

6. The piUars of the entrances are'covered with bas- 
reliefs, all of the same inferior style of art, save a few 
remarkable exceptions at the eastern entrance, one of 
which is much superior, even to the best bas-reliefs of 
the great Tope. This represents a female standing in 
a doorway, with her right hand resting on her hip, 
and in her left hand a lotus flower. Her hair is 
parted on the right side. She is naked to the waist, 
from which a single piece of drapery is drawn over the 
left thigh. The graceful proportions and easy atti- 
tude of this figure place its sculptor almost in the 
same rank with the carver of the beautiful lions of the 

* See Plate XX. for a plan and view of this monument. 


south pillai'. On another face of the same pillar 
there is a two-horse chariot containing two figxires, 
and attended by an elephant carrying a standard- 
bearer. On a second pillar is represented a wheel, or 
s}i[nbol of Buddha, standing on an altar, and orna- 
mented with garlands.* Two kneeling figures are 
bowing do^-n to the steps of the altar. 

7. On one of the pillars of the south entrance there 
is a representation of a Tope, enclosed with a Bud- 
dhist railing, and surmounted by a square pedestal, and 
by the usual chatta. On a second pillar is repre- 
sented an isolated column surmounted by three lions 
bearing a wheel or symbol of Buddha. 

8. On a pillai' of the west entrance there is a bas- 
relief of a single column surmounted by three ele- 
phants carrying the same wheel emblem of Buddha. 
The base is enclosed by a square Buddhist railing; 
outside which two figures, a male and a female, are 
paying their adorations-t 

9. On a pillar of the north entrance, the wheel or 
emblem of Buddha is represented resting on the 
peculiar monogTam or symbol of Dharma.J On 
another pillar is sho^ni an isolated column, sur- 
mounted by an elephant, and two lions, carrying* 
the wheel emblem of Buddha. 

10. The colonnade of this Tope, like that of the 
Great Chaitya, bears many inscriptions, of which 

• See Plate XXXI., fi^^ 0, of this work. 
t See Plate XXXI., fig;. 1, of this volume, 
t See Plate XXXII., fig. 1, of this volume. 

NO. Q TOPE. — 8AW0HI. 379 

none have yet been published. These inscriptions are 
chiefly valuable for the light that they throw on the 
changes which had gradually taken place in the 
language. The most remarkable of these is the 
substitution of Bhikhu for Bhichhu. With five 
exceptions, the latter is the only spelling used 
throughout the numerous inscriptions of Asoka^s age 
on the colonnade of the Great Tope at Sdnchi ; while 
the former is the only spelling used in all the gate- 
way inscriptions of the age of Satakarni. 

But on the colonnade of this Tope we have both 
spellings; bhikhu being used ten times, and bhichhu 
five times. From this fact we may conclude that 
the colonnade was certainly erected at some period 
between the ages of Asoka and Sri Sdtakarni. This 
is borne out by the forms of the alphabetical charac- 
ters, which, though generally like those of Asoka's 
time, yet present some diflerences which undoubtedly 
point to a later date. The principal change is seen 
in the manner of attaching the vowel u at the foot of 
the kh. In the Asoka inscriptions, this is done by 
the intervention of a dot, or point ; but in those of 
the present Tope, the dot is replaced by a small 




PI. XXI.; No. 1. — Ndgil&si ddnam Ayasa-atevasino. 

" Gift of NAoilAsi, the pupil of Aryya." 

No. 2. — Dhama jRdkhitasa sejhasaJra. 

"(Gift) of Dharma Rakshita . . ." 

No. 3. — Pdchikuldkdyagdmasa ddnam. 

"Gift of Aryyaqrama, of the Pdndu race." 

The celebrated name of the Paiidus is here met 
with; for the first time^ on a genuine ancient monu- 
ment. The use of the cerebral d^ and the affix of the 
term kuhy " race or tribe/' prove that I am right in 
attributing this gift to one of the race of Pandu. See 
also No. 8, for another inscription of a Pandu. 

No. 4. — Budhilasa-hhogavarJianahaaa ddnam, 

" Gift of BuDHiLA, the increase!* of enjoyment." 

No. 5. — . . vm-devaya ddnam Mitamajheya Antevd' 
"Gift of (Dhar)ma Deva, the pupil of Mitra 

No. (). — IfiJasa hhihhuno ddnam. 

" Gift of IsiLA, the mendicant monk.'* 


No. 7. — Sagha Mitasa bhikhuno danam. 

'^ Gift of Sanoha MitrA; the mendicant monk." 

No. i.'^Budha Palitasa Sethino Padttkuliniyate ddnam. 
^^ Gift of BuDHA PAlita^ the Sreshti (or master of 
a trade*) of the race of Pdndu." 

No. 9. — . • yapand . . . luua ddnam. 

"Giftof(AR)YYAPANA ..." 

No. 10. — Budha Rdkhitcua anamviitakasa ddnam, 
« Gift of Rakshita . . ." 

No. 11. — Vijhasa bhihhvno ddnam. 

" Gift of ViDYA, the mendicant monk." 

No. 12. — Yakhilasa bhichhuno ddnam. 

" Gift of Yakshila^ the mendicant monk." 

No. 13. — Ndgapdyasa Achhava(da)ta Sethisa ddnam. 
" Gift of NAoAPAYA Achhayada^ the Sreahti." 

See Nos. 182 and 192 of No. 1 Tope, which both ^ve 
the name of Ndgapdya (or priyd) Achhavaday but the 
persons cannot be the same, as there is a difference in 
the dates of the inscriptions of the two Topes of about 
two centuries. The two donors must, however, have 
been of the same family. 

No. 14. — . . sapakiya Soraya ddnam bkikhuniya. 

^^ Gift of (KA)sYAPAKi SorA, the mendicant nan." 

No. 16. — Valayd Korariye Ihikhunaye ddnam. 

** Gift of ValA KorAri (the weaver ? ); a mendicant 
No. 16. — Dhama Sanaya Karariya ddnambhi . . . 

''Gift of Dharma Sena^ Kor&ri, the mendicant 


* The meaning of this term has been given before; but it may 
oe as well to repeat here^ that Sreshti is the head of a guild; and 
is equivalent to the modem Chaodri. 


No. 17. — Haga Paiitaya d4nam thdbJut. 
'' Pillar-gift of Naoa PalitA." 

No. 18, — Pkaguldya hWikumya ddnam. 

*^ Gift of PhaqulA^ the mendicant nun." 

No. 19. — Balahasa Ayasa Arapa Cfntasa sdsd . (nan)- 
dakasa atevanno ddnam. 
^^Gift of Balaka ArytA; the pupil of Arapa- 
GuPTA; the (delighter) in Scripture." 

Balaka may mean simply a boy^ and Balaka Ayasa 
will signify only the child Aryya. My copy reads 
Arapa ; but I believe the true name to be Araka. 

No. 20. — Yarna Rdkhitdya bhikhuniya ddnam. 

" Gift of Yama Rakshita^ the mendicant nun." 

No. 21. — Mnldya ddnam-thabho Yadaya Ateviuiniya. 
" PiUar-gift of MulI, the pupU of YadA." 

No. 22. — Sojfha Rdkhitaya viata . • daka Isiddsiya 
bhwhhuniya ddnam, 
" Gift of Sanqha RakshitA; the . . of IsidAsI; 
the mendicant nun." 

No. 23. — Yasa Budha Bakhitasa Pokhareyakam ddnam. 
^' Gift of Yasa Budha RakshitA, of Pokhare- 

No. 24. — Vindkdye Vddyuvahanikdye ddnam, 

" Gift of the lute-player, VadyuvahanikA." 

This inscription is carved on the bas-relief of a 
wheel pillar of the western entrance. There has 
been an attempt to render some double letter, and 
I am not satisfied that I have read the middle part of 
the inscription correctly. If we might read m or 

^T^ vadhu, instead of vadyuy which seems perfectly 


allowable^ the translation would be simply ^^ Gift of 
ViNAKA, the daughter-in-law (son's wife) of Va- 


No. 25. — Pedaya bhikhuniya thabho ddnum. 


'' Pillar-gift of Pexda, the mendicant nun." 

No. 26. — IsadahaditiiUasa ddnam. 

" Gift of l8ADAKADiTrA (?) . (or Isadakanditi)." 

No. 27. — Isddekadiyd ddnam. 

" Gift of ISADEKANDI." 

No. 28. — (I)saddkadiya Patoluya ddnam. 
" Gift of IsADAKANDi, of Pratold." 

No. 39. — Biidha Pd(lita)iahodiya ddnam. 
" Gift of BuDHA Palita . . ." 

This inscription is much mutilated; but I believe 
it to be the same as No. 8. 

No. 30. — Sagha Mitasa Sonadahasd ddnam. 

" Gift of Sangha Mitra, of SonadakaJ* 

No. 31. — Budka (Miti)ttedakadiya ddnam. 

" Gift of BUDHA MiTRA . . ." 

No. 32. — Abha(ti)8d ddnam adha-porikasa. 

" Half-gateway gift of Abhrati (the brotherless)." 

Adhor-porikasa I have taken for arddha-pauriknsyaj 
'' of half an entrance/' which is not an unlikely gift 
to have been made to the Tope. 

Plate, No. 33. — lasogirino ddnam bhichkuno. 

'' Gift of Yasooiri, the mendicant monk." 

No. 34. — Arahakasa bhichkuno chanakaya ddnam. 
'^ Gift of the holy bhikshu Chanakya." 

This inscription will admit of several readings, such 
as — 


" Gift of Arhaka, the mendicant monk of Cha^ 

^' Gift of Arhaka, the mendicant monk, and of 
No* 86. — Bahfdasa ddnam. 
' " Gift of Bahula." 

No. 86. — Oadaya Nadinagarikaya. 

" Gift of GandIi of Nadinagarikd'* 
No. 87. — Idaffi(riya)ia ddnam* 

" Gift of IliDRAOIRIYA." 

No. 88. — Aya NandaJuua bhikhuno ddtiam. 

^^ Gift of Aryta NandakA; the mendicant monk." 

No. 89. — Naga Sakhitasa hhiohhuno Pokhareyakasa 
*^ Gift of Naoa Rakshita, the mendicant monk, of 

No. 40. — Soffha Itakhitasa bhichhu danam Jmsa. 

^^ Gift of Sanqha Rakshita, the mendicant monk." 

No. 41. — (Ya)khiJuinuJ{asa Udaharaghariyasa danam. 
" Gift of Yakshihanaka, of Udabarayhariyar 

No. 42. — • . . Udaharaghariyasa. 

" (Gift) of ... of TJddbaragliarxyar 

No. 43. — Sediya bhikhuniya thabko ddnam. 

" Pillar-gift of Sendi, the mendicant nun." 




1. On looking at this Tope, which Captain Fell 
had seen perfect in 1819, 1 must confess that I felt a 
secret satisfaction that the labours of the bungling 
amateurs^ who had half ruined it in 1822, had ended 
in nothing. But at the same time I had some mis- 
givings, from the large size of the breach, whether 
their workmen had not reached the centre. After 
several careful measurements, however, both Lieu- 
tenant Maisey and myself felt satisfied that the 
actual centre had not quite been attained, although 
the excavators must have been within a single foot of 
it. After a few hours' labour in clearing away the 
loose stones from the middle of the breach, we began 
carefully to sink a shaft down the centre of the Tope. 
In three hours more the removal of a single stone 
from the western side of the shaft, disclosed a small 
chamber containing a stone box. 

2. The chamber was made of six stones, four set 
on edge forming the sides, and two laid flat forming 
the top and bottom. The chamber was not in the 


centre of the buildings but two feet to the westward 
of it, the measurement from the south side being* 18^ 
feet, or exactly half the diameter, while that from the 
eastern side was 20^ feet, or 2 feet more than the 
semi-diameter. The bottom of the chamber was 
exactly 7 feet above the terrace or upper surface 
of the basement, and 3^ feet above the centre of the 

3. The relic-box, formed of white sandstone, is 11 
inches long, d^ inches broad, and the same in height, 
including the lid. It was standing with one of its 
long sides to the east, towards the Great Topei On 
removing it from the chamber, we found the follow- 
ing inscriptions carved in three lines on its eastern 
face :— 

Sa^fid Vinayakina Aran K&iopa 
Ootam UpAdiya Arcm eka VAchM 
Suvyayatam Vindyaka. 

" Teacher of all branches of Vinaya, the Arhai KIstapa 
GrOTRA; Upddiya (or Abbot) ; and the Arkat 
VlcHHi SuviJAYATA, teacher of Vinaja."* 

4. Upddiya^ in Sanskrit UpddMya^ was the Abbot 
or head of a Buddhist monastery, who had accom- 
plished Updddna, or the complete restraint of all the 
organs of sense, and the consequent suppression of all 
earthly desires. Vinaya was the lowest of the three 
grades of advancement taught by the Buddhist 
religionists; and the fact that Kasyapa-Gotra was 
a teacher of Yinaya will account for his mission 

* See Plate XX. 


to the Hemawanta^ where, as we leam from the 
Chinese travellers, the active mountaineers preferred 
the practical teachings of the Vinaya to the esoteric 
doctrines of the Abhidharma. The spelling* of Aran 
for ArJiata is peculiar, as this title is always written 
AraJia in the inscriptions of the colonnade of the 
Great Tope. 

6. On removing" the lid of the stone box, we found 
inside four small caskets or boxes of mottled steatite, 
of which one is represented of half size in Plate XX. 
Each of these caskets contained small portions of 
burnt human bone, and each was inscribed with the 
names of the holy men whose ashes were enshrined 
therein. All these inscriptions will be found in 
Plate XX. 


OuTSiDB Lid. 

Sapurisa(sa) Kdsapa Ootasa Sava Hemavatdchariyasa. 
^^ (Helics) of the emancipated Eastapa Gotra^ the znissionarj to 

the whole HemarvantaJ* 

Insibe Lid. 

Sapurua(sa) Majhimasa. 
" (Relics) of the emancipated Madhtama." 


Sapurisasa Hdritiputasa. 
" (Relics) of the emancipated HAritiputra." 


OuTJBR Circle. 

Sapurisoia V&chkdya Suvijayatata Ootantevdrino. 
'^ (Belies) of the emancipated VAchhA Suvijayata^ the pupil of 


Inner Circle. 

Xdhanavorpdhhdsas&liana ddnam, 
^' The gift of EIkanaya PrabhAsana.'* 


Outside Lid. 

Sapuriiosa Maha Van&yam — Sapnrisasa Apagtrata. 
^' (Relics) of the emancipated Maha YanAyA; (and) of the eman- 
cipated Apaqira." 

Inside Lid. 

Sapurisasa Kodiniputcua, 
" (Relics) of the emancipated Kohudinya-putra.' 

Outside Lid. 

Sapurisasa Kosikiputasa. 
'^ (Relics) of the emancipated Kausikiputra/' 


Insidb Lid. 

Sapiirisasa Gotiputasa, 
'^(Relics)of the emancipated Gotipcjtra." 


Sapurlsasa Mogalipvtasa. 
*' (Relics) of the emancipated Maudqalaputra." 


No. L Box. — The names of Kasyapa and Ma- 
dliyama are recorded in the Mahawanso as two of the 
five missionaries who were despatched to the Hema- 
wanta coimtry, after the meeting* of the Third Synod 
in 241 B. c. A second casket of Kasyapa^s relics 
was discovered at Sonari, and from the inscription we 
learn that he was the son of Koti. Of Haritiputra 
nothing" is known ; but another portion of his relics 
was found enshrined alone in No. 3 Tope at Andher. 

No. II. Box. — Vacchi-suvijayata must have been 
a man of some consequence, for his name is placed on 
the outside of the stone box, along \nth that of 
Kasyapa. Relics of his son, Vacchiputra, were 
found at Andher, along* with those of Kdkanava 
Prabhasan and Mogaliputra. He is thus doubly 
connected with Kakauava, who was the donor of his 



relics to the Sanchi Tope. Colonel Low gives a story 
from the Pali books of Burma, reg'arding a sea 
captain named Kdia-hhasdy who traded to Takkasila 
in the reigii of Asoka.* KAhu-hMsd appears to be 
only a contracted form of Kdkanava Prabhdsan. 
The Captain was a servant of the King of Moniy 
whose subjects were famous for magic spells. Asoka, 
therefore, employed KdMbMsa to discover some 
hidden relics, and to superintend their enshrinement 
in a splendid Chaitya, which was duly accomplished 
with the recital of one hundred and eight Pali invo- 
cations. I presume that KdMbhdsd was a native of 
Multan, or Smd, and that he traded to Takkasila for 
rock salt. Kdkandva PrdbJidsdn was the son of Goti^ 
and a descendant of Kodini or KohndinyUy one of 
Buddha's eighty disciples. The name is a remark^ 
able one, and as both parties were contemporaries of 
Asoka, it is at least quite possible that they were the 
same person. 

No. III. Steatite Box. — Of Maha Vanaya and 
Apagira I know nothing; but Kodini^putra was 
probably a son or descendant of the celebrated Kohu* 
dinyHy one of Buddha's eighty disciples. 

No. IV. Steatite Box. — I know uothinff of Kosi'^ 
kiputra y but Gotiputra, as we learn from one of the 
Andher inscriptions, was a descendant of Xodini or 
Kohudinya, who has just been mentioned. Mogali 
or Maudgala putra was the well-known head of the 
Buddhist Church, who superintended the proceedings 
* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, ZTii. 91> 99. 


of the Third Synod, during the reign of Asoka 
in B.C. 241. He died at eighty years of age, in 
B. c. 233. 

7. The discovery in this Tope consisted of the 
relics of no less than ten of the leading men of the 
Buddhist Church, during the reign of Asoka. One 
of them conducted the proceedings of the Third 
Synod, in 241 b, c, and two others were deputed 
to the Hemawanta country as missionaries, after the 
meeting of the Synod. From this we may con- 
clude that the date of the Tope cannot be earlier 
than about 220 B. c, by which time the last of 
Asoka's contemporaries would have passed away. 
The railing is most probably of the same period, for 
the use of the term Bkikhu instead of Bhichhu (of 
which latter there are only five instances amongst the 
numerous inscriptions on the colonnade of the great 
Tope), might readily be supposed to have extended in 
fifty years to that proportion in which we find it xised 
in the inscriptions of No. 2 Tope at Sanchi. The 
general forms of the alphabetical characters agree too 
closely with those of Asoka^s own age, to permit the 
assignment of a later date than 200 B. c, for the 
erection of this Tope. 

8. The Tope itself would seem at firet to have been 
intended only for the relics of Kasyapa Gotra, and of 
Vacchi Suvijayata, whose names alone are found on 
the outside of the stone box. But I suppose that 
during the several years of its erection the Sanchi 
community gradually became possessed of the relics 


of odier dbtiiigaiahed men who had worked long^ 
and well hr the eztenaon and gloiy of the Buddhist 
religion^ daring the long and prosperona reign of 

9. A oompariaon of all theae difierent inacripdona 
eatabliahea the intimate connection which existed be- 
tween many of the principal leaders of the Buddhist 
^uth during the reign of Asola. The fieunily of 
£od]ni^ in two generations alone^ would iq^pear to 
have furnished no less than six leading members of 
the Buddhist priesthood. His son Majhima waa the 
missionary sent to the Hemawanta country in 241 
B«a ; and his grandson^ Gotiputra, was ao eminent a 
member of the Bauddha community as to have merited 
the title of dAfidOy or^ ^^ brother^ of the fidth; which 
proves that he must hare dedicated some of his own 
children to the senice of his reli^on. This family^ 
also^ would appear to have been equally celebrated as 
successful propounders of Buddhism^ for Goti is re- 
corded to have been the teacher of Y achhi Smijayata^ 
and his son Ootiputra^ to have been the teacher of 
the famous Mogaliputra^ who was the head of the 
Buddhist Church at the Assembly of the Third S}iiod 
in B.C. 241. The connection between the different 
members of this family and their pupils is sho\iii in 
the following table : — 




had three sons, 




Relics at 



had 4 sons 

and 1 pupil. 


Missionary to the 

Relics at Sdnchi 
and Sonari, 


IVlissionary to 

Relics at 

Sdnchi & Sondri, 

had 2 pupils. 


PRABHASAN, a Bhihthu or 
Relics at Afidher, Mendicant Monk. 

Presented See Sdnchi 

Relics of Vdchhi Inscriptions, 

to Sdnchi. No. 33. 


the royal 


See Sdnchi 


No. 110. 

I Relics at Sdnchi, 

GOTI-PUTRA had 1 son. 

had 2 pupils. I 

I I 

Head of the Buddhist 
Church in b.c. 241. 

Relics at 
Sdnchi and Andher. 

Relics at Andher. 

10. This genealogy, obtained from the inscriptions 
of the Bhilsa Topes, shows what we might reasonably 
expect to get from the numerous Topes which still 
exist in the ancient Kapila and Magadha, the scene 
of Sakya Sinha's birth, teaching, and death. A few 
more genealogies, similar to the above, would pro- 
bably give us a complete succession from the time of 
Sakya Sinha down to the age of Asoka, and so esta- 
blish the accuracy of the date now assigned to the 
great founder of the Buddhist religion. As we have 
already discovered relics of his contemporaries, Siiri- 
putra and Mogalana, who date from the middle of 

804 THE BHtLBA T0PE8. 

the 6th century b.c.^ and of Mogaliputra and others 
who assisted at the Third S\'nod in B.c. 041, there is 
eset\ reasonable expectation that a complete examina- 
tion of the still existing monument.s would yield us 
the names of many of the ])rincipal leaders of Bud- 
dhism during the 4th, dth^ and 0th centuries before 
Christ. AVe should thus^ perhaps, obtain one or more 
complete genealogical successions during the most 
eventful period of Indian lustory. 

NO. 3 TOPE. — bAnchi. 206 



1. At first sight this Tope presented a mere mass of 
ruins;* but a closer inspection showed the lower 
courses of the hemisphere and the terrace of the 
basement tolerably perfect^ although hidden amongst 
a heap of fallen stones. The diameter of the hemi- 
sphere is 40 feet j the breadth of the terrace^ which 
was formed of smgle slabs^ and is still qpite perfect on 
the western side, is 6 feet, and its height above the 
original level of the soil is 7 J feet j but only 6 feet 
above the floor of the entrance door-way which is 
still standing to the south. The dome was crowned 
by a pedestal 4^ feet square, which supported a cJuitta 
about 3^ feet in diameter. A square slab, which 
once formed part of the pedestal, is now lying to the 
south of the Tope, and a fi'agment of the chatta to the 

2. The Tope was surrounded by a Buddhist railing, 
of which the only remains are a few of the curved 

• See Plate XXII. 


coping" stones, and some fragments of two pillars. 
The coping" stones are 9 inches high and 7^ inches 
thick. The pillars have the same section ; and we 
may therefore conclude that the railing* was some- 
what less than five feet in height. The railing of 
No. 1 Tope at Sonari, of which the pillars are 9^ 
inches by 8 inches, is only 4 feet 8 inches in height. 
The enclosure most probably had four gateways ; 
one to the south is still standing, and I thought 
that I could trace the remains of a second on the 

3. The pillars of the southern entrance are 14 
inches square, with an interval of 6 feet 4 inches. 
The clear breadth betv\'een the railing and the base 
of the Tope must have been about 12^ feet ; one 
side of each of the pillars, to which the railing was 
attached, is left plain j and as the arrangement is the 
same as that of the entrances of the Great Tope, it 
seems certain that the gateways of this Tope must 
have been of a later date than the railing-. The bas- 
reliefs of the pillars and architraves are so strikinglv 
similar in subject and in style to those of the Great 
Tope, that there can be little doubt that both are the 
work of the same period. There are the same repre- 
sentations of Topes and Trees, the same lion pillar 
surmounted by a wheel, and the same figures clad in 
the same dresses. 

4. The Tope stood in the midst of a square en- 
closure, and was surrounded by a very thick wall, the 
foundations of which still remain on three sides. The 

NO. 3 TOPE.— 8ANCHI. 807 

enclosure was 90 feet square, and the walls were built 
due north and south, and east and west. 

5. A shaft was sunk in the centre of this Tope, 
and after a few hours' labour we came to a large slab 
upwards of 6 feet in lengfth, lying* in a direction from 
north to south. On raising* this slab we saw two 
larg'e stone boxes each bearing" a short inscription on 
its lid. That to the south bore Sdriputasay '^ (relics) 
of SAriputra^' ; that to the north bore MaM, 
MogaUnasa, '^ (relics) of Maha Mogalana.'' Each 
box was a cube of 1^ foot, with a lid 6 inches thick. 
The position of the relics was on the same level as the 
terrace outside. 

6. In Sdriputra's box we found a larg-e steatite 
casket, upwards of 6 inches broad and 3 inches in 
height, covered by a very thin saucer of black 
earthenware 9^ inches in diameter with a depth of 
2 inches. The saucer was broken, and the upper 
surface had peeled off, but the colour of the inside 
was still lustrous. Close to the steatite casket were 
two pieces of sandal-wood, one 4^ inches in length, 
and the other 2^ inches. The only other thing in 
this box was a live spider. 

7. The relic-casket is of white steatite. It has 
been turned on a lathe ; and its surface is now hard 
and polished. In Plate XXII. I have given a 
half-size sketch of this antique casket, which con- 
tained only one small fragment of bone, scarcely an 
inch in length, and seven beads of different kinds. 
These are no doubt the '^ seven precious things" which 


mwn QsoaUy deposited with die holiefet lelioB) m widi 
Ite dnm of Boddha* It Hito new Jalal&bi^ ThflM 
were two dietinot eete of the .seven precuHis things, 
the one containing the precsbus metals as.well as 
fvedoas stones^ the other precious stones only. 
• 8. Aecording to the Chinese the first sories coof^ 
sisted o&-^ 

CUiiew. SamoriL 

l»8n-fiipIo.. iSWiii8nia......Gol(L .^* 

St A4a-pa .r* •••••»• ••JIiQByci ••••j»«KiTor* * 
aUea^Ji ».iFaiAsy«ii«..LapitlaililL 

6« Mea-pho-lo-lde-larpbo « • • • (A pale Uue itcMie— sin»- 

- . . thy»t).(f) 

6^ Uo-lo-lda-li • • (Variegated agate). 

.......Padmardffa ••'Rvihj. 

0. The second series consisted of— 

Chinese. Sanscrit 

1. Po-lo-so Prab&la Coral. 

5. A-chy-ma-kie-pho ...Atmagarbha{^)kjnber. 

3. Ma-ni %..%.. ..Mani Pearh 

4. Cbin-shu-kia • • • • (A red stone— garnet). (?) 

6. Shy-kia-pi-ling-kia • . • • • • (The most excellent of pre- 

cious stones). 

6. Mo-Io-kia-pho Mardkata .... Emerald. 

7. Pa*che-lo Vajra Diamond. 

10. The seven precious thing-s found with Sari- 
putra's relics differ somewhat from both of these 
series j but the correspondence is still very striking^. 

* Fo'hvC'hiy c. xiii. 

NO. 8 TOPE.— sAnchi. 399 

1st, a flat piece of pearl; 2nd, 3rd, two small seed 
pearls ; 4th, a garnet bead ; 6th, a star-shaped bead 
of lapiS'lazuli ; 6th, a crystal bead ; 7th, an oblong* 
bead of pale amethyst. The same custom still pre- 
vails amongst the Buddhists of Lad^k, who usually 
place with the ashes of a chief, or the dead body of 
a Lama, bits of gold, silver, copper, and iron ; pearls, 
g-amets, and turquoises ; grains of wheat, barley, and 
rice ; specimens of red and white sandal-wood ; and 
of the holy Shukpd^ or pencil cedar (Juniperus 

11. In the northern stone box we found another 
steatite casket, somewhat smaller than that of 
S&riputra. It is apparently of a softer substance ; 
for the surface when first seen was white and powdery 
like chalk ; but this has now nearly disappeared, and 
the colour is almost the same as that of S&riputra's 
casket. Inside we found only two minute fragfments 
of bone, of which the larg-er was rather less than half 
an inch in length. 

12. On the inner surface of the lid of each casket 
there is a single ink letter, half ail inch in height. 
In 8&riputra's casket the letter is sdy and in that of 
Maha Mogalana's it is ma; these being the initial 
letters of their respective names. 

18. The relative position of these relics has its 
significance : for in their religious ceremonies the 
ancient Indians always sat facing the east, which 
therefore they named the fi'ont, para; while the 
south and north were respectively the " right," 


dakshinay and the " left/' v/ima. The west was called 
aparuy ^^ behind/' Now Sariputra and Maha Mo- 
galana were the principal followers of Buddha^ and 
were usually styled his right and left hand disciples. 
Their ashes thus presened after death the same posi- 
tions to the right and left of Buddha which they had 
themselves occupied in life. 

14. Sariputra was the son of the Brahman Tishya^ 
and of the beautiful-eved Sari or Sarika, who received 
her name from the resemblance of her eves to those 
of a Saras or Cyrus bird. Sariputra, or son of S&ri, 
is his most common name ; but he is also known by 
the patronjTnic of Upatishya. The Tibetans call him 
Sha-ri-hi-bu, or Sari's son. Tish}-^ was the most 
learned of all the Brahmans at the court of Raja- 
griha. Sarika herself was a proficient in the four 
Vedas^ and had overcome her brother in disputation. 
But her son excelled them both; and was much 
celebrated for his wisdom. His talents, which were 
attributed to his moral and religious merit in former 
births,* were so great, that Sakya himself proclaimed t 
that the '^ profoundly wise Sariputra was competent 
to spread abroad the wisdom of Buddha;^' and his 
fellow-disciple Kachhayano declared that ^^ excepting 
the Saviour of the world, there are no others in exist- 
tence ^^ hose wisdom is equal to one sixteenth part of 
the profundity of Sariputra." 

* Csoma de Koros in Asiatic Society's Researches, vol. xx.. 
p. 52. 

t Tumour, Introduction to Maliawanso^ p. xxvii. 

NO. 3 TOPE.— SANCfll. 301 

15. According to the Japanese chronology, this 
wisest of the disciples of Buddha embraced a monastic 
life, four years after Sakya's attainment of Buddha- 
hood, that is in 584 B. c. He, and his fellow-student 
Maudgalyayana, had attended all the philosophical 
schools of the day without obtaining" conviction, until 
they heard the preaching of Buddha, when they gave 
up all and followed him. 

16. In a Mongolian work translated from the 
Sanskrit, and entitled Uligeriin dalai (the Sea of 
Parables), we read,* " When Sabiputra learnt that 
Buddha was bent on entering 7iirvdiiay he experienced 
profound sorrow, and said to himself, ' It is soon 
indeed, and contrary to all expectation, that the 
Tathagata hath resolved upon entering nirvana ; who 
after him will be the protector and shield of souls and 
of beings enveloped in darkness V He then said to 
Buddha, ^ It is impossible for me to witness the 
nirvana of Buddha.' Thrice he repeated these words, 
when Buddha replied, ' If thou believe thy time 
come, then do thy will, like all the Khutukhtu (in 
Sanskrit, NirmmanMya^ incantations) y who enter the 
Nirv&na of tranquillity/ Sariputra, having heard 
these words of Buddha, arranged his dress; and, 
having a hundred times walked round Buddha, he 
repeated a great number of verses in praise of him. 
He then embraced the feet of the latter, placed 
them thrice upon his head, and joining the palms of 
his hands, said, ^ I have been found worthy to ap- 

* Fo-hwe-Uf c. zxYiii.; note 7y Laidlay's translation. 


proaeh the g^loriously accomplished Buddha.' He 
then worshipped Buddha^ and proceeded with his 
servant^ the monk Yantiy to Rajagriha, his native 
to\ra. When arrived there, he said to Yonti, ^Go 
into the town, into the suhurhs, and to the palace of 
the king, and to the houses of the high functionaries, 
and of such as give alms, and thus say to them : 
^^ The Kutukktu Sariputra hath resolved upon en- 
tering w/rrrf/i/i— come and prostrate yourselves before 
him/'' The monk Yonti executed the orders of his 
master, went to the places indicated, and thus de- 
livered his message: ^ The Kutukktu Sariputra 
hath arrived here ; if you would visit him, come with- 
out delay/ When the king Ajatasatray the dis- 
penser of alms, the great dignitaries, the officers of 
the army, and the heads of families, heard this an- 
nouncement, thev were all tilled with son'ow, and 
with heavy hearts said, ' Ah ! what will become of 
us when the second head of the law, the leader of so 
many beiiiii's, the Kufukhtu Sakiputra shall have 
entered nirvana.' Hurriedly they j^roceeded towards 
him, bowiniT down and savinii*, * Kufukhtu ! if thou 
becomest nirvana who shall be our protector, and 
that of so many other beinirs.^' Sariputra then 
addressed them the followinir words : " Since all is 
i^t^risliable, the end of all is dt-ath. As ve, too, 
bflunLf to this world of turmt-iit. ve. too. Avill not 
Tf Hiain !• jRl* ; cK-ath will c^ni*^ ;in«l terminate vour 

* - « 

career. But a> vou all. in c< 'ii>» n-^ ii.v uf nii-riturious 
works in a former existence, lia\e had the happiness 

NO. 3 TOPE.— sAnchi. 808 

of bein^ bom in the world with Buddha^ and that too 
in the human form, do you add other accumulative 
merits, and accomplish such works as shall save you 
from Sansara.' When Sariputra had finished 
preaching thus to the bystanders the inexhaustible 
law, and had comforted their spirits with salutary 
medicaments, they bowed down before the KutukhtUy 
and each returned to his home. After midnig-ht, 
SIriputra. sat in a perfectly erect position ; gathered 
all the faculties of his soul ; directed tliese upon one 
point, and entered the first Dhydna. Thence he 
entered the second ; thence the third j and from the 
third the fourth. From the fourth he passed into the 
SanUidhi of the births of boundless celestial space ; 
then into the Saniadhi of the birtJis of complete 
nihility. From this Samddhi he entered that of 
^ neither thinking y nor not thinking f then into that 
oi limitation ', and lastly into Mrt?<{/?o. 

17. ^^ When Khourmousda, the king of the Gods, 
learnt of the Nirv/ina of SIriputra, he came with 
several hundreds of thousands in his suite, bearing 
flowers, perfumes, and other objects meet for sacrifice. 
They diflused themselves through the whole space 
of heaven ; their tears fell like rain ) they scattered 
their flowers so as to cover the earth, saying, ^ Oh ! 
he whose wisdom was as the depth of tlie sea, who 
had passed through all the gates of knowledge, whose 
musical speech flowed sweetly as a running stream, 
who was perfect in the fulfihnent of every duty, in 
self contemplation, in all wisdom— the sublime chief of 


the doctrine^ the excellent Khutukhtu Sariputra — 
hath too hastily entered nirvana. Who shall sue- 
eeed the gloriously accomplished Buddha and Tatha- 
gata to spread abroad the law V All the inhabitants 
of the town and neighbourhood, as soon as they were 
apprised of the nirvana of SImputra, came, bearing 
much oil, perfumes, flowers, and other things appro- 
priate for sacrifice. They wept loudly with accents 
of woe and sorrow, placing upon the ground the 
objects fit for the sacrifices. Khourmousda, the 
prince of the Gods, then commanded Vishwamitra to 
prepare a car of various precious materials for the 
body of Sariputra. WTien the car was finished, 
the corpse of Sariputra was placed thereon in a 
sitting position, and taken forth to a beautiful plain^ 
all the while the Xagiis, the Yakshas, the king, the 
commanders of the armv, the officers, and the whole 
peoj»lt\ utteriiig- cries of sorrow. There they raised a 
pile of chamhuta (sandal) wockI. After moisteninor it 
Avith oil and butter, they placed upon it the body ol 
Sariputra, and ap}>lied tire. Then all bowed dov^Ti, 
and each went to his home. When the lire was 
ooniplt^tely extiiuruisheil, the j^riest Yonti collected 
trom the ashes the ,< ;n><; of his master, and eonveved 
them, as well as his }K«t and eocle^iasrie:\l dress, to 
liiuiaha. lie ji^aotd thr^e thin-s at the lert of 
l>^^iaha, a:;:u»;;:;ein-, a- th- >;;-:. ti:i.v, thr ileath uf 
his master. When Ananda Irar:.: ::.i> rS-ni th^ lij.s 
ofYomi, ho was nuvh -ri.v, 1, .:. i ..,;,i r.. B;;a, 
** ^^dha! the nrst .: . - , ^ -^ .-.T.'.a 

NO. 3 TOPE. — SANCHI. 806 

nirvdnaj to whom now shall we unhosom ourselves, 
and whom shall we regard as our protecting sun?' 
Buddha replied, ^ Ananda ! although SAkiputra 
hath entered nirvdnay neither the charge of your 
duties, nor samddhi^ nor understanding, nor plenary 
redemption, nor the prajna of plenary redemption, 
nor the nature of occult properties, hath become so ; 
moreover, many generations ago Sariputra once be- 
came nirvana, because he could not endure to see me 
enter upon nirvana/ '' 

18. As the funeral pile was formed of chandanay 
or sandal, it seems highly probable that the two 
pieces of this fragrant wood, which we found along 
with SIriputra's relics, must have been taken from 
the pile. We know that a Tope was built over the 
charcoal with which Buddha's body was burned, and 
that the Moriyans of Pipphaliwano celebrated a fes- 
tival* in honour of their much-prized acquisition. 
From this account there would seem to be nothing 
improbable in supposing that fragments of sandal- 
wood from the funeral pyre of Sariputra should have 
been held in almost equal estimation. 

19. MoGALANA, or Maha MogalAna as he was 
usually called to distinguish him from others of the 
same name, was the son of the Brahman Mudgala. 
His proper name was KIlika or Kolii'A, but he 
was generally called by his patronymic Maudgal- 
yAyana, or MogalAna. Csoma de Korosf calls 

• Tumour, in Prinsep's Journal, vii. 1013. 
t Asiatic Researches of Bengal, xx. 49. 



him MoTf galtAna^ that is one of Mongol extraction ; 
but his true Sanskrit name is Maui>galt1tana. 

20. The relics of these two famous disciples of 
Buddha would appear to have been almost as liiidelj 
scattered as those of Buddha himself : ibr we found 
another portion of their relics enshrined together in 
No. 2 Tope at Satdh&ra. We learn also from Fa 
Hian that at Mathura* there were Topes both of 
Bhe-li-foe (or Siriputra) and of Mou-lian (or Mo- 
galana), while we know that the former died at Raja- 
griha, where a Tope was erected over his ashes which 
was still standing in 400 a. b. 

21. It is not possible to fix the date of this Tope, 
more nearly than between 650 and 260 B. c. S&ri- 
putra died a few years beforef S&k\Vs attainment of 
nirvana, in 643 B. c. It is therefore just possible 
that the Tope may have been built as early as 550 
B. c. ; and if there was any proof that Buddhism had 
extended so far at this early period, I should have no 
hesitation in ascribing the Tope to the middle of the 
sLxth centurv before our era. In the Tibetan Dulra.i 
it is recorded that Katyayana^ and five hundred 
other monks, were despatched by Siikya to convert 
the King of Ujain to Buddhism. This would seem 
to show that the religion of Sakva had been estab- 
lished as far as Ujain, even during his lifetime ; and 
that the omission of Ujain amongst the names of the 

• Fo-hwe-ki, c. xvi. 

t Fdhhtfe-kiy c. xxTiii. 

X Asiatic Beaearchea of Bengal, xx. 89, Csoma de Koros. 

NO. 3 TOPE. — SiNCHI. 807 

celebrated cities which had witnessed various acts in 
the life of Buddha^ is to be accounted for by the fact 
that the people of Ujain were converted by Katyd- 
yana the disciple of Buddha, and were never visited 
by the Great Teacher himself. At the time of the 
Second Synod, in B. c. 443, the fraternity of Avanti 
(or Ujain) furnished no less than eighty orthodox 
Bhikshus to assist the holy Yaso in suppressing the 
schisms of the community of Vaisali. As conversion 
must have preceded the establishment of fraternities 
and monasteries, the propagation of Buddhism 
throughout Ujain may be dated with certainty in 
500 B. c, and with probability even as high as 650 
B. c, during the lifetime of Sakya. 

22. On the other hand, it seems to me more likely 
that the relics of Sariputra were all deposited in the 
Tope at Rajagriha; And that they remained there 
undisturbed until the time of Asoka ; who, when he 
distributed the relics of Buddha over India, would 
most probably have done the same with the relics of 
Sariputra and of Maha Mogalana. I have already 
stated that the still existing gateway of this Tope is 
of the same date as those of the Great Tope, that is, 
the early part of the first century of our era. The 
railing I attribute to the age of Asoka, at which 
period I suppose it probable that this Tope was built, 
although it is quite possible that it may date as early 
as the middle of the sixth century before our era. 
The great Topes at Sanchi and at Satdhara were 
built principally of brick : and these I presume to be 


the oldest of the Bhilsa Topes^ most of the others^ 
which are of stone^ were certainly of the age of 


23. The solid mounds of masonry marked Nos. 4^ 
6, 6^ and 7 in Plate IV., were all opened without any 
results. They were built of large stones set in mud. 
In No. 4, the solid rock was reached at 8 J feet ; and 
in No. 7, the earth was reached at 13 feet ; Nos. 8 
9; and 10, are merely circular foundations. 




1. The little village of Sonari is situated on a low 
spur of a sandstone hill^ between the Betwa and Bes^li 
Bivers^ six miles to the south-west of Sanchi^ and 
about twenty-one miles to the north-east of Bhup^. 
The name is only the spoken form of Suvamdriy or 
the ^^ golden wheel/' which ls a symbol of Buddha as 
the Mah^ Chakravartti Raja. The traditions of the 
Buddhists say that when the age of man attains four 
thousand years, there appears a King of the Golden 
Wheel * ^^ who is bom in a royal family^ and obtains 
supreme dignity on succeeding his father and being 
baptized in the water of the four oceans. For fifteen 
days he bathes in perfumed water, and fasts; then 
ascends an elevated tower, surrounded by his minis- 
ters and courtiers. Suddenly there appears a golden 
wheel in the east, shedding a brilliant light, and 
advancing to the place where the King is standing. 
If the King would proceed towards the East, the 

* Fo-kwe-kiy c. xviii.^ note 12. 


wheel tarns in that direction^ and the £ing^ accom- 
panied hy his troops^ followB. Before the wheel are 
four genii^ who serve as gfuides. Wherever it stops^ 
there does the King in like manner. The same thing 
takes place in the direction of the south^ the west^ and 
the north — ^wherever the wheel leads, the King 
follows ; and where it halts^ he does the same. In 
the four continents he directs the people to follow 
the ten right ways^ that is to say^ not to kiU^ not to 
steal^ not to commit adultery^ not to lie, not to be 
double tongued, not to calmnniafee, not to speak with 
elaborate refinement, not to abandon one's-fielf to 
lasts, not to entertain anger and hatred, and not to 
have immodest looks. He is called the King of tike 
Golden Wkeely or the Holy King turning the wheel; 
and he possesses the seven precious things, of which 
the first is ^the treasure of the Golden Wheel.''* 
This wheel has a thousand rays. The monarch who 
possesses it is called ^^ the Holy King who causes the 
wheel to turn/' because from the moment of his 
possessing it, the wheel turns and traverses the 
universe, according to the thoughts of the £ing. 
Other wheels of silver, copper, and iron, are also 
mentioned ; but they are all nearly the same symbols 
of Buddha. 

2. From this explanation of the name, it seems 
probable that Sonari once possessed a golden wheel, 
which must have been elevated on a pillar, as shown 
in so many of the Sanchi bas-reliefs. A pillar of this 
kind is described by Fa Hian, as still standing at 


Shewei or Sravafiti in Oudh, when he visited the 
place in 400 a. d. 

^^ There are/' says he, " two pavilions and two 
stone pillars; on the pillar to the left, is executed 
the figrire of a wheel — on that to the right is placed 
the figure of an ox/' There is, however, no trace of 
a pillar now at Sonari ; hut the polished cylindrical 
shafts of these columns could be so readily converted 
into sugar-mills, that their entire disappearance offers 
no proof of their non-existence. 

3. The Sonari Topes are situated on the top of the 
hill, about one mile to the south of the village.* To 
the north, east, and south of the Topes, the hill 
extends for some distance almost level, but to the 
westward it is broken into narrow ravines, which give 
rise to clear springs that once furnished the fraternity 
of Son&ri with drinking water. The hill is covered 
with trees and low thorny jungulj and the place is 
now as wild and desolate as it was once cheerful and 
flourishing when the hymn of praise was chanted by 
several thousand voices. 

4. The Great Tope at Sonari is situated in the 
midst of a square court, 240 feet each side. In the 
south-west comer there is a solid square mass of 
masonry, from 12 to 15 feet in height, and 36 feet on 
each side. In the north-east comer there is a flight 
of steps, 4^ feet wide, leading to the top. The object 
of this building and of similar structures at Satdhara 
puzzled me very much, until I had seen the ruins at 

* See Plate V. 


Bhojpur^ amongst which there is a ven' large build- 
ing of the same description, but in a more perfect 
state. As this was undoubtedly a temple, I presume 
that the Sonari structure was only the basement or 
terrace of a Buddhist temple. 

6. The To|>e itself* is a solid liemisphere, 43 feet 
in diameter, of dry stones, without either cement or 
mud. This is raised above the terrace on a cvlin- 
drical phnth 4 feet in height. The terrace itself is 
6^ feet broad by 6J feet in height. The Tope is 
nearly perfect, not more than 6 feet of its entire 
height having been lost. It was once surmounted by 
a square Buddhist railing, of which only a few frag- 
ments now remain. The pillars were rather less than 
3 feet in height, with a section of 6|^ inches face, by 6 
inches side. There were three rails, each 8 inches 
deep by 3^ inches thick. The railing was all formed 
of white sand-stone, from the Udayagiri hill, while 
the Tope itself was built of the claret-coloured sand- 
stone of the Sonfiri hill. (See figs. 2 and 8, Plate 

6. The base of the Tope was surrounded by a 
Buddhist railing, 4 feet 8 inches in height, of which 
nothing now remains but a few broken pillars, and 
two or three small fragments of coping. The pillars 
were 3 feet 8^ inches in height, with a section of 9^ 
inches face by 8 inches side. There were three 
railings, each 15 inches long, 11 inches broad, and 
3^ inches thick. The coping was diiferent from that 

♦ See Plate XXIII. 


of the Sanchi railings. It was 11^ inches in height, 
and the upper half had a projection of 2 inches on the 
outer face. The pillars were ornamented on the 
outer faces with medallions of ftdl and half lotus 
flowers, as shown in the fragment, Plate IX. This 
railing was erected in the same manner as those at 
Sanchi, by the gifts of many different individuals. 
Two of these simple records still remain (see Plate 
XXIII, figs. 8 and 9). 

Fig. 8. — Aya-pasanahasa Atevas(ino) Dhama Gutasa Havaka^ 

mdnasa ddnam, 
'^ Gift of Dharma Gupta, the new man (t. e.^ the regenerated) 

the pupil of Aryya Prasannaka." 
Fig. 9. — (A)yapasanakasa Atevasino Sagha Hakhitasa adnam. 
" Gift of Sanqha RakshitA; the pupil of Aryya Prasannaka." 

7. In No. 13 of the inscriptions from the great 
Tope at Sanchi, we have a record of a gift made by 
Aryya Prasannaka himself, who is there called a 
Bhikshuy or mendicant monk. As the name does not 
appear again amongst nearly three hundred inscrip- 
tions, it seems highly probable that the Bhikshu of 
the one record and the teacher of the others are the 
same person. This would fix the date of the Tope in 
the latter end of Asoka's reign, coeval with that of 
the neighbouring Tope, No. 2, which will presently be 

8. A shaft was sunk down the centre of this Tope, 
and at a depth of little more than 6 feet a large slab 
was reached, which on being raised disclosed the reUc- 
chamber strewn with fragments of stone boxes. The 

814 THB mauui mm. 

fingOMntB were earefbOj collected and aftenrwde pat 
togeiheri but no tnMie of bone w of other zelio wu 
diwovered. The largest of the relio-bozes u a cylin- 
der 4 indiea in heigbt and iq^warda of 8 inchea in 
hnadfliy eovered by a domed lid of the same fine aaod- 
alone having a rise of mrae than 8 inches. Innda 
this vaa a amalkr atone box of the aame deacr^ition; 
but only 6| inchea in diameter and 9^ inches in total 
height. Inaide this^ again, there was a third atona 
box or caaket only 1| inch in diameter, and of a 
diflferant shape, being nearly spherical with a pin- 
nacled top. Lastly, inside this tiiere waa a small 
crystal casket only seven-eiglitha of an inch in diap 
meter. TUa little caaket most once have enahrined 
some mobrate portion of bone, or perhqis a angle 
tooth of the holy Buddha; but, after the most careful 
search of the chamber, no trace of any relic was dis- 
covered. As the relic-chamber was near the summit 
of the Tope, the probability is that the villagers had 
opened it long before, and that when the relic-boxes 
were broken the minute fragment of bone was dropped 
into the chamber, and after the lapse of years had 
become mingled with its kindred dust. 

NO. 2 TOPE.— sonAbi. 816 



1. The second of the Sonari Topes* is situated north 
by west from the Great Tope at a distance of three 
hundred and fifteen feet. The bearings 103 deg. W., 
is so very nearly the same as that between Nos. I. 
and II. Topes at Sanchi, that I cannot help sus- 
pecting that there must have been some peculiar 
significance in this particular angle. The Sanchi 
angle is 100 deg.^ and the mean between the two is 
106 deg. At Sanchi the line is prolonged to the 
eastward to a lofty temple. At Sonari also it is 
extended in the same direction to No. 3 Tope which 
bears 102 E. from the Great Tope. 

2. No. 2 Tope is situated in an enclosure 166 feet 
square. It is a solid hemisphere of dry stone^ 27^ 
feet in diameter^ raised on a cylindrical plinth 4^ feet 
in height. The terrace is 5 feet 8 inches broad^ and 
12 feet in height. This is gained by a double flight 
of steps each 20 feet long, which meet at a landing 
6J feet long by 6 feet broad. No trace of railings or 

• See Plate XXIV. 


pinnacles could be discovered ; but the Tope is other- 
wise tolerably perfect^ not more than 5^ feet haTing* 
been lost. 

3. A shaft was sunk down the centre of the Tope^ 
which at 7 feet reached the slab forming' the Ud of the 
relic-chamber. The chamber itself was 1^ foot in 
depth^ and its bottom, where the relics were deposited^ 
was on the same level as the base of the hemisphere. 

4. In the chamber was found a largre steatite rase 
profusely but coarsely ornamented with elephants and 
horses, and indescribable winged animals of rude 
execution. The vase was covered by a plain lid, 
secured bv lac. Inside this vase were found five 
relic-caskets, each containing* portions of human bone, 
with an inscription recordoig the name of the person 
whose relics were enshrined therein. 

5. No. 1 Eelic-casket is a round flat box of crystal, 
2 inches in diameter, and <ix-teuths of an inch in 
heitfht. As the ervsial was too hard a substance to 
be iiiscribed, the name and title of the holv man were 
can ed on a small piece of stone three quarters of 
an incli lonir and onlv half an inch broad. The 
inscription, which is engTa\ ed on botli sides, is one of 
the most interestins* of these discoveries : — 

Sapurisam Goti- ^ r -m DadahhUa- 

'putajta Sava Ilemavata J { -ra 'Jilydda^^a, 

" (Relics) of the emancipated Gotiputra, the brother of religion 
amongst the Dardabhisaras of the Hcinan-ivtay 

As a foil explanation of this leg-end has been g-i\-en 
my account of the different reliirious missions 

NO. 3 TOPE. — sonIbi. 317 

despatched by Asoka to different countries bordering 
upon India^ nothing more need be added in this 
place. (See Plate XXIV.) 

6. No. 2 Relic-casket is of a dark mottled steatite, 
nearly hemispherical in shape, with a flat bottom and 
pinnacled top, similar to the smallest of the stone 
caskets found in No. 1 Tope. The inscription is 
engraved on the outside of the lid. 

Sapurisasa Majhimasa Kodini-putasa, 
'^ (Relics) of the emancipated MAJHiMA^the son of Kodiniy 

Mqjhima is the Sanskrit Madhyaraa; and Kodini is 
perhaps the vernacular form of KokudinyUy which is 
the name of one of the eighty principal disciples of 
Buddha. In No. 2 Tope at S^nchi the relics of a 
second, or of the same Majhima were found, but in 
the inscription the patronymic is omitted. As the 
relics of KAsyapn-gotra were found in both Topes, it 
seems probable that the two Majhimas were the same 
person, who was placed at the head of the Hemawanta 
Mission after the meeting of the Third Synod in b. c. 
241. His father Kodini was probably a descendant 
of the great Kohvdinya the companion of Buddha. 

7. No. 3 Kelic-casket is similar in shape and size 
to No. 2, and is of the same dark-coloured and 
mottled steatite. The inscription, engraved around 
the outside of the lid, is 

Sapufritasa Kotiputasa Kdsapa Ootasa Sava Hemavatdcha- 

♦' (Relics) of the emancipated son of Koti, KAsyapa-gotra, the 

xnissionarj to the whole Sefnarvanta!^ 


The relics of K&syapa were also found in No. 2 
Tope at S&nchi with the same inscription recording* 
his mission to the Semawanta^ but omitting the 

8. No. 4 Relic-casket is similar to Nos. 2 and 8. 
The inscription engraved on the top of the lid is — 

SapurisoM Kotikiputasa. 
" (Relics) of the emancipated Kosikiputra." 

Another portion of Kosiki^s relics was found in No. 
2 Tope at S&nchi. 

0. No 6 Relic-casket is of black steatite^ and is 
shaped somewhat like a pear. The outside is or- 
namented by a succession of triangles, alternately 
plain and crossed. The inscription occupies the plain 
triangles on the lower half of the casket. 

Sapnrisa(sa) A lahacfirasa. 
" (Relics) of the emancipated Alabagira." 

Alhknppo or Ahhvi was one of the eight cities 
which obtained a portion of Buddha's relics^ and 
perhaps the name of Alabagira may have been de- 
rived from the cit3\ Relics of A])agira were found 
in No. 2 Tope at Sanchi ; and I suspect that the two 
names are the same ; the letter ^ /, having* been in- 
advertently omitted in tlie Sunclii inscription. 

10. The erection of tliis Tope^ which contained tlie 
relics of no less than four of the Buddliist teachers 
whose ashes had already been discovered in No. 2 
Tope at Sanchi^ must evidently be referred to the 

NO. 2 TOPE. — sonAri. 319 

Bame period, towards the end of the third century 
before our era, by which time all the eminent mis- 
sionaries employed by Asoka for the propag'ation of 
his religion must have closed their earthly career. 


11. The remaining Topes at Son4ri are all of small 
dimensions.* The most perfect were Nos. 3, 6, and 8 j 
but even these had been opened before, and on the 
removal of a little rubbish in No. 3, the broken 
chamber was discovered quite empty. Nos* 4, 6, 
and 7, were mere circular foundations. No. 3 has a 
diameter of 15^ feet, with a present height of 6 feet. 
The bottom of the chamber is 3 feet above the ground. 
No. 6 is a nearly perfect little Tope. It is 14 feet 4 
inches in diameter at base with a height of feet. 
The upper diameter is 10 feet 4 inches. The terrace 
is 2^ feet in breadth, and 1^ foot in height. Its 
whole height could not have been more than 12^ feet. 
No. 8 is very much i^uined. It has a diameter of 1S|^ 
JBet, with a terrace 3 feet broad and 3 feet high. 

♦ See Plate V. 




!• The group of Topes known as the Satdh&ra 
Topes are situated on the left hank of the Besali River 
just below the junction of the Ghora-pachdr River.* 
Sat-dhara means literally the "hundred streams/* 
and the place most probably received its name from 
the number of streams which meet at this point. The 
hill on which the Topes stand here forms a perpen- 
dicular clitV, beiieatli which flows the Besali River 
throug'h a deep rocky glen. The view up the river 
is one of the most beautiful I have seen in India. 
Above are the Topes, those mysterious piles which 
have battled the g-reat destroyer Time for upwards of 
two thousand vears. Beneath are the clear emerald 
waters of the Bt^^ali ; on one side darkly shadowed 
1)V the overhnno'ino- trees tnid frowninof cliffs: on the 
other sid(* sparkling* brig-ht in llie noon-day sun. The 
selection of this lovely spot shows that the Buddhist 
JJhikshu was not without a lively aj)preciation of the 

* See Plates I. und V. 

TOPES OF satdhAba. 321 

beauties of that nature which he worshipped under 
tiie name of Dharma. 

2. The Topes are situated about two miles to the 
W.S.W. of the small village of Firozpur, and about 
three miles from the village of Sonfiri. The largest 
of the Topes is now a vast ruinous mound of brick- 
work that has once been faced with stone like the 
great Tope at Sanchi, which it almost rivals in size.* 
The base of the dome is 101 feet in diameter j but its 
present height is only 30 feet. The terrace is 9 feet 
wide with a height of 12 feet above the ground. The 
total height therefore is 42 feet as it now stands ; but 
as the hemisphere was an essential part of every 
Tope, the height could not have been less than the 
radius, or 60^ feet; and was most probably some- 
what more. The Tope was crowned by a Buddhist 
railing, of which several pillars still remain lying 
together upon the terrace. Some pillars of the square 
pedestal also remain ; and there can be no doubt that 
this Tope was once completed with the chatta pinnacle, 
which has already been described in the account of 
the Sdnchi Topes. 

3. The circular railing which surrounded the top 
consisted of pillars 2 feet 4^ inches in height with a 
section of 9 inches face, and 7 inches side. There 
were only two rails, each 10 inches deep, and 3^ 
inches thick. The whole was surmounted by an archi- 
trave or coping, 10^ inches high and 9 inches thick. 
The square railing of the pedestal had pillars of the 

• See Plate XXV., fig. 3. 


avntf ^»etiiHL ; but as tiiare wesre three rmOa the pOlan 
vere 3 irt -> iachifs in heio:iit. Thev were ornamented 
wish the qsqslL nwiaHTom of foil and half lotus 

-k A pgpCTitinilaf shaft was sunk to a depth of 
10 »MU buc wichoos any disi^^TierY. As the great 
^nek Toce ;ic Sdnchi haid not vielded anv relics, and 
iis w-e ven* pnfsetHi vor time, we gave up the farther 
cpenia^ or this Tope. Mr own opinion regarding 
uOje^e !ar^ Tope$ is that the relics were always placed 
near tht^ top :so ds to be readily accessible for the 
pcirocse ot showing them to the people on stated 
ibfciv^ilsw Now ;k^ the great Satdhara Tope has cer- 
t^iiiily Lc« at least ten fcet of its height, and probably 
mere* :t seeowd to me very unlikely that any relics 
* ; :'j.: be f:c::vi in it: bur, had time permitted, I 
>'v :* : 'r..i'.c ^;irr:cc do^Ti the shaft to the level of the 
^* -» 

.*v Ar :':::> IViv there are three of those re- 
::;,.r*v,iVl: s. Ixi I::a^^e5 ot biiikliiig, of which one has 
:i>:;u;\ V^v:; d:>vT:lW ia my account of the Great 
i' ^ ;.: S. :.:ir:. Fhe rir^t, which is half engaged in 
i':;' r.xr:*:u ru ^^:ui or* the court-yaril, is 55 feet long 
t*:\ :;; icisc tv^ \^ t >t, and 4S feet broad, witli an average 
:u liihr V t" tVv^ia 10 to IS ftvt. The second, wliich is 
x'- 1'-\ or.rsidc the western wall of the court- 


\ s^i, > v"^^^ tVct lou::* from north to south, and nearly 
rv> \\: i-A^:ui. I he third is in a more perfect state, 
h -;;iuu^ iiu<^ west fivm the secondhand on the very 
,J,N ot (he elitV overhanging the river j the wall on 


this aide being built up to a considerable height. This 
building* is about 08 feet long* and 65 feet broad^ with 
an average height of 16 feet above the ground. It is 
pierced on the eastern side with a doorway leading 
into an open passage^ from which a flight of steps^ 4^ 
feet wide^ ascends towards the north to the top of the 
platform. All of these buildings were most probably 
temples^ of which nothing but the raised basements 
now remain. The people know them by the common 
name of Siddh^ka-makdny or ^^ saints' houses.'' As 
the term Sieldha, the ^^ perfected/' or ^^ finished," was 
a common title of the Bodhisatwas, it is probable 
that these places are only the remains of their resi- 

NO. 2 T0PE.-^SATDH1rA. 

6. This ruined Tope stands at a distance of 230 
feet to the N.N.W. of the great Tope. It is 24 feet 
in diameter; but only 8 feet in height, and has a trace 
of a small raised terrace.* A shaft was sunk in it to a 
depth of 6 feet, when some stones falling in, two small 
steatite caskets were seen lying at the bottom. The 
stones were loose ; there was no trace of any chamber j 
and the caskets were both much discoloured on the 
upper siurface. It is evident therefore that the Tope 
had been opened before by the villagers ; who, find- 
ing nothing but a few calcined bones, had replaced 

• See Plate XXV., fig. 2. 


the relic-caskets^ and filled up the holes again with 
loose stones. 

7. These caskets are of a pale mottled steatit^^ each 
three niches in diameter, and two inches in height. 
They are hiscribed inside the lids, the one wdth Sdrp- 
ptifasa " (llelics) of Sakiputra/^ and the other with 
Maha-Mogalanasa '' (Relics) of Maha Mogalana." 
See Plate XXV., figs. 4, 5. The history of these two 
holy men, the right and left hand disciples of Buddha^ 
has already been given in my account of the opening 
of No. 3 Tope at Sanchi. The only real difference 
between the alphabetical characters of the S^chi and 
Satdhai'a inscriptions, is in the position of the vowel o, 
which, in the Sanchi legend, is attached to the top of 
the 7/i, whereas in the Satdhara legend it is attached 
to the middle of the letter. This variety may have 
been only a mere matter of taste with the engraver ; 
but as it is also possible that it may be the result of a 
difference of date, it is worthy of remark. 


8. This Tope is similar in all respects to that 
which has just been described, but somewhat more 
perfect.* The diameter of the hemisphere is 24 feet ; 
the teiTace is 2 feet broad j and the whole height at 
present is 9 feet. A shaft was sunk down to the 
centre to a depth of 4 feet, when a large irregular- 
shaped slab, 8 inches thick, was reached. On this 

* See Plate XXV., fig. 1. 

TOPES OF satdhIra. 885 

being raised we saw a chamber, 1 foot 8 inches long* 
from north to south, by 1 foot 3 inches broad, and 1 
foot 6^ inches in depth. The bottom of the chamber 
was therefore only 1 foot 3^ inches above the terrace. 
In the chamber there were two red earthenware pots, 
or covers, shaped hke beehives. See Plate XXV., fig«. 
8 and 9. On raising* the larg-er cover, which was 11^ 
inches in height, we saw a cylindrical red earthen- 
ware box, 7^ inches in diameter, closed by a domed 
lid. There was no inscription of any kind. The 
mouth of this vase is broken in two places ; and I 
believe that it was an alms-dish of the holy man 
whose relics were here enshrined. 

9. On raising" the smaller cover, which was 9| 
inches in heig'ht, we found a similar red earthenware 
box, containing two small caskets, one of steatite and 
the other of red earthenware, and both without 
inscriptions. Of these relics, therefore, nothing 
more can be said, than that they are probably the 
remains of some of the principal teachers of the 
Satdhara fraternity. 

10. The remaining Topes at Satdhara are now 
little more than mere circles of stone, from 12 to 20 
feet in diameter. Two of them are hollow in the 
centre, and contain trees ; and it is therefore possible 
that these circular walls may once have been only the 
enclosures around different holy trees. It is remark- 


able, however, that at Satdhfira we found one solitory 
trace of the real builders of these Topes, in the name 
of Buddha BitJuiy or ^^ Buddha^s Topes/' which is the 
name still current amongst the people for these 
massive and mysterious piles. 




1. The Buddhist remains at this place were first 
visited by my brother, who g'ave a brief notice of 
them under the name of ^^ the Pipaliya-Bijoli Topes/'* 
The former name is so common in this part of the 
country, that it is the usual practice to add the name 
of Bijoli to distinguish it from the other Pipaliyas. 
In the same way S&nchi is invariably called Sanchi- 
Kdnakhera, to distinguish it from two other places of 
the same name. As Bhojpur has long* been a deserted 
viUag'e, my brother probably never heard of its name. 
The ruined houses of Bhojpur, however, still remain 
on the hill between the Topes, and I have adopted 
this name in preference to the others, as it may possi- 
bly have had some connection with the monastic estab- 
lishment in the midst of which it is situated. 

2. The Topes of Bhojpurt stand on the southern 
end of a low range of hills, 6 miles to the S.S.E. of 
Bhilsa, and 7 miles to the E.S.E. of Sunclii. To 

* Journal Acdatio Society of Bengal^ xvi. 762. 
t See Plates VI. and XXVI. 


the S.S-W. stands the celebrated Fort of Raj'^sen^ 
which odered so gallant a resistance to the treacherous 
Shir Shah. On the west the grreat Sanchi Tope, and on 
the east the Andher Topes are all distinctly visible. 

o* The Topes are situated on the south-east comer 
ot' the hill, on four successive staofes, risinof one above 
the other, and separated by rocky ledges, which here 
and there have been formed into rude steps. The 
principal Toj^es stand on the uppermost stage, and 
are verv nearlv in a straiirht line from north to south. 
On the same stajre, to the east, are the mined houses 
of Bhojpur, and to the west are the remains of a 
larv;:e square solid building, 96 feet long by 84 feet 
brv>ail. The ruins of a second building known by two 
names^ either as SUUh^a^makdny the "' Saint's house 5'' 
or, as yLuixu^D^o-kiz-mandar^ the '' Temple of Ma- 
^{ha\:\ lV\a," that is, Krishna, are 113 feet lonof from 
cast to ^\ est, u:ui SO feet broad, and upwards of 20 
t'eet* lu heiirht. The walls slo}^ considerably, and 
iiiv sup{vrved bv >i|uare towers of small projection at 
i\w cv^rners. Ihe eutrauee is in the nortli-east corner, 
tKuu whieh a tli^ht of steps leads to the top of the 
t<Mr;Uv\ whieh is covered with irrass. At the western 
t^nd t!ure is a small ruined teuiple,t of which the 

• Sx'\/ :lv: l.ich 0:1 north imd east sides, and twenty-eight 
tVv^t !•.;'/'. v-i tlio ot:uT sivios. The ualls have a slope of one inch 

r ^^nv^:^•.>.t S:r Tiirirlos D'Ovlv's lithoirmphed sketches on the 
i»o\\ rx»:ui nviu i'alouttu to Ova, there is one of an old temple at 
Hudh (;Na or ^^lUMhi CivaX which stands upon a solid terrace, the 
mnno us (hi^ at lUiojpur. 


doorway and a few pillars are still standing. The 
enshrined figure of Buddha is squatted in the usual 
manner^ with the soles of the feet turned up, the 
right hand lying over the knee, and the left placed in 
the lap. To the right and left of the head there are 
representations of Topes and other ornaments. Be- 
low, there is the following inscription in characters of 
the seventh or eighth century, similar to that which I 
extracted from the Sdm&th Tope near Benares. 

Y6 Dharmmd hetu prabhava, hetun tesMn Tathdgato 
Hyavadat teshdn cha yo nirodJuiy evam vddi Mahasramdnas. 
'^Of all things springing from cause^ that cause hath the 

TathIqata explained. The cause of their extinction the great 

ascetic hath also declared." 

Dharma is personified Nature, or all existing things. 
TatTidgata and Maha Srdmana are names of Buddha. 
Besides this figure of Buddha, there are some small 
broken images, of which one is recognizable as Surya, 
or the Sun, with his seven-horsed chariot represented 
on the pedestal. 

No. 1 Tope, A. — Bhojpur. 

4. There is a considerable breach on the south 
side of this Tope y but the hemisphere of dry stones 
is otherwise nearly perfect, excepting the upper sur- 
face, which is wanting in all the Topes. The dia- 
meter of the hemisphere is 66 feet 2 inches, and the 


height of the cylindrical plinth ahove the terrace is 4 
feet. The terrace itself is 11|^ feet in breadth and 5 
feet in height. The height above the terrace is 34 
feet 8 inches.* A shaft was sunk to a depth of 18 
feet without any discovery being made ; and as we 
were pressed for time, we were reluctantly obliged to 
leave the excavation unfinished. I feel confident^ 
however, that the complete excavation of this Tope 
will lead to some important discovery, perhaps tnore 
interesting than any that has yet been made. The 
Tope is situated in an enclosure 262 feet long by 214 
feet broad. 

No. S Tope, B. — Bhojpur. 

6. This is one of the most perfect of all the Topes 

around Bhilsa. The top is^ of course, gone, but 
the double flight of steps to the west is still complete, 
and the traveller may mount the terrace and peram- 
bulate the Tope. It stands just 200 feet to the south 
of the great Tope, and is surrounded by an enclosure 
1240 feet Ions*, and 210 feet broad. The base of the 
hemisphere is 39 feet in diameter, and its present 
height, including the cylindrical plinth of 4 feet, is 
14;V feet. The terrace is feet broad and 7 feet 
high. It is rt^ached by a double flight of steps^ 4^ 
feet in breadth, which meet at a landing, 7 feet 
square, on the outside of the terrace. The whole is 
built of dry stones, without any mortar or mud. 

• See Plate XXVI. 

TOPB0 AT BBOJPtm. 881 

6. A shaft was sunk down the middle^ which^ at 
the end of two hours^ lahour, had reached the relio 
chamber^ at a height of 9| feet above the terrace. 
The chamber was a square of 1^ foot, with a depth of 
1^ foot. Inside we found a hemispherical cover of red 
earthenware, inches in height, and 1 foot 4 inches 
in diameter, beneath which was a red earthenware 
box, 8 J inches in its greatest diameter, and 6 inches 
in height. The lid had been thickly coated with 
whitewash, on which the traces of ink letters were yet 
visible ; but so much of the whitewash had peeled off 
in the lapse of ages, that not even a single letter was 
legible. This is the more to be regretted, as the 
reUc-casket found inside is the most curious and costly 
of all our discoveries. The lid of the box was white- 
washed inside, and the white colour is as fresh as if it 
had been recently done. On seeing this I could not 
help wishing that the inscription had been placed 
inside the lid. 

7* The relic-casket is a small crystal Tope, with its 
terrace^ plinth, hemispherical dome, square pedestal, 
and double chatta pinnacle, all complete. It is shown 
in half size (in Plate XXYI.) placed inside the 
earthenware box in which it was found. The top is 
pierced with a small perpendicular shaft, to which 
the pinnacle forms a stopper. The bottom of the 
shaft is the relic-chamber, in which we found some 
minute pieces of bone. In the red earthenware box 
there were several small pieces of bone, and a series 
of the seven precious things usually placed along with 

^ ' >.;- 

Am idicB of an oomenA penNni. These omalBtad of 
4 iBban, Found IUb of gdd, weigUog altDgsiiier mdj a 
fiiv gndni^ 1 bead of garne^ or BadaWifai rdby^ 1 
BijMlal Iwad, 2 lieadB of pak graemdi crptaH, and 
aoaw ainnte firagments of pearL For anoihef eeriea 
«f Aa aafen pneioaB tkingBy see my aooofont of the 
ojpmiag of No. 8 Tope at S&ndui in wlueh the pnn 
metal is omitted* 

No. 8 Top^ &— Bhoifub. 

& This WW a nnnoaa-lraking' moondi 14 ftet in 
iM^glil^ Imt widi a diglit trace of drcdar fiirm on 
one side. The shaft ww sank down the centre to a 
depdi of e^tfeeti hot widiontaigr discovery. From 
the best measurements that I could make^ the dia» 
meter appeared to be about 40 feet^ or one foot more 
than that of No. 3 Tope. Now^ the relics of that 
Tope were found at a height of more than 16 feet 
above the ground^ and as the remains of this Tope 
were only 14 feet high^ we concluded that the relics 
had long ago been removed along with the upper half 
of the Tope. One curious fact which we observed 
was that the Tope had been built in four distinct 
quadrants of masonry^ meeting at a pointy by which 
means the centre of the structure was accurately 


No. 4 Tope, D. — Bhojpur. 

9. This Tope stands in an enclosure of 130 feet 
square^ and 760 feet due south from No. 2. The base 
of the hemisphere is 31 feet 2 inches in diameter. It is 
raised on a cylindrical plinth 3 feet in height above 
the terrace^ which is itself 3^ feet in breadth, and 4^ 
feet in height. The present height of the Tope is 16 
feet. A shaft was sunk down the centre, which 
reached the relic-chamber at a depth of 6^ feet. The 
chamber itself was 2 feet 6 inches deep ; the level 
of the bottom being 4 feet 4 inches above the terrace. 
In the chamber we found a black earthenware box 
(see Plate XXVI., fig. 6), containing an earthenware 
bowl covered by a lid of the same material, on which 

is the word vj) Mun^ " the holy" — a title generally 

applied to Buddha himself. Inside the bowl was a 
small crystal casket, with a perfectly flat lid. This 
casket is remarkable for the thinness of its sides, 
which in such a hard material must have been most 
difficult of execution. This casket contained nothing 
but a little brownish-red powder, which I believe to 
be only a portion of the dust which had found its way 
into all the relic-chambers in the lapse of ages. I 
presume, therefore, that this Tope had been opened by 
the villagers. 

10. To the east of this Tope, at a distance of 60 
feet, there is the circular foundation of another Tope, 
18 feet in diameter, with a teiTace 3 feet in breadth, 


and beyond this^ ^S^^^y there is another of the same 


No. 7 ToPB, a. — BnojPUB. 

11. This Tope is situated on the eastern edge of 
the second stage^ at a distance of 850 feet from the 
Great Tope, on the uppermost platform. The dia- 
meter of the hemisphere is 32 feet 4 inches, and its 
present height is 11 feet above the cylindrical plinth, 
which is only 1 foot 8 inches in height. The terrace 
is very small for a Tope of this size,* its breadth 
being only 1 foot 8 inches, and its height 1^ foot. 
The whole height of the Tope is therefore little more 
than 14 feet. 

12. A shaft was sunk as usual^ do^ii the centre ; 
but at a deptli of less than 3 feet the edge of the 
relic-chamber was discovered on the south side of the 
excavation. On measiu*euient, the centre of the relic- 
chamber was fouiul to be 3 feet to the south of the 
centre of the Tope. In cases of this kind, I always 
sus})ect that a second chamber has formerly existed, 
such as we found in Tope ^o. 17, k> at Bhojpur 
(See Plate XXX., tig*. o)y and that it was destroyed 
when opened by the villag'ers. A presumptive j)roof 
of tills supposition was found in the disposition and 
contents of the relic-chamber. One of the side stones 

* See Pluto XXVII., fiirs. 1 and 2. 


was displaced^ and its end thrust some three inches 
into the chamber. The lid of the red earthenware 
box was separated from the bottom^ and each half 
contained an earthenware vase^ both without lids^ and 
one with a broken neck. The whole chamber was 
full of leaves and earthy and small stones^ amongst 
which rubbish we found the lids of the two vases. 
Now, the relic -chamber, which was 9 feet 8 inches 
above the terrace, was only 16 feet square and 8 inches 
deep. It could scarcely, therefore, have been in- 
tended to hold both of the vases which were found in 
it. One of these vases was, no doubt, originally 
placed in the red earthenware box y and it is possible 
that the other vase may have been placed in the 
corner of the chamber ; but it seems to me more pro- 
bable that it should have been placed in another 

13. Both of these earthenware vases are inscribed ; 
and as these are the only inscriptions that were found 
at Bhojpur their occurrence is remarkable. The red 
earthenware box is shown in Plate XXVII., fig. 3, on 
a scale of one-eighth of the original size. The larger 
vase is given in fig. 4 of the same Plate. It is 4^ 
inches in height and 6^ inches in breadth — the width 
of the neck, which is broken, being 3 inches. The 
upper surface is ornamented with a succession of dotted 
figures, and on the body of the bowl is the legend 
PatitOy " the degraded/' This simple inscription is a 
curious and unexpected illustration of the most com- 
mon punishment for breaches of discipline in the 


ancient Buddhist Church. The punishment of ^^ de- 
gradation'' was awarded for indecent conversation^ or 
for immoral behaviour, or for causing* dissensions 
amongst the fraternity.* The Patito (Sanskrit 
Patitya) must therefore have been guilty of one of 
these three sins. The ceremony f of degradation 
consisted in turning the offender's alms-dish upside 
down, in which position it was left until reconciliation 
had taken place, when the alms-dish was ag'ain set 
upright. In the present case we may suppose that 
the offending monk had died during his degradation, 
and that his alms-dish had been thus inscribed at 
his own request as a mark of his penitence and 

14. The smaller vase is of red earthenware, 4^ 
inches in height and nearly 5 inches in width. On 
the upper surface of the bowl is the legend Upahita-- 
kasuy ^^ Relics of Upahitaka," which was no doubt 
the name of one of the leading monks of the Bhojpur 

16. It is scarcely possible to determine the age of 
this Tope except conjecturally. The forms of the 
alphabetical characters in the two inscriptions show 
that its date cannot be much later than the end of the 
third century before our era ; while the lowness of the 
plinth on which the dome stands shows that it was 
most probably erected in the beginning of Asoka's 

* Gsoma de Eoros — Analysis of the Dulva; in Asiatic Be- 
searches of Bengal^ xz. 82. 
t Ditto, ditto, p. 87. 


reign. The date may therefore be stated approxi* 
mately as the latter half of the third century before 
the Christian era. 

No. 8 Tope, b. — ^Bhojpur. 

16. This is the largest Tope on the second stage of 
the hill^ the base of the dome being 88^ feet in 
diameter. It stands to the south-west of the last 
Tope at a distance of 260 feet in the direction of 
No. 4 Tope.* The plinth is raised 3 feet above the 
terrace, which is 6 feet 4 inches in breadth, and 6^ 
feet in height, with a slope of 6 inches. As the 
height of the mound is now only 19^ feet, or only two- 
thirds of the original height of the Tope, it is not to be 
wondered at that the shaft which we sank down to the 
level of the terrace should have yielded no relics. 

No. 9 Tope, c. — Bhojpub. 

17. At 160 feet to the S.S.E. of the Tope, there 
is another of less size but equally ruinous. The base 
of the dome is 29 feet in diameter, and the height of 
the cylindrical plinth is 1^ foot. The terrace is 2^ feet 
faroad, and 6^ feet in height, with a slight slope out- 
wards. The whole height is now only a little more 
tlMun 14 feet. The usual shaft was sunk to a depth 
of nearly seven feet to the relic-chamber, in which 

• Pig. 6, Plate XXVII. 


WB8 a large box of red earthenware, Inaide tbu WMr 
a dafdble steatite vase* of a motded purple eokmr^ 
contaiBiiig an abundance of human bones amongat 
which the followhig are recognizable : — 

Puftkiu Of tei^fNNw bone* 

Portion of jMrMoI bono. The intemil miftoe otin rofenie the 

hnadmg Vnm etil&i nM wi^^ Thaw poiiioni of tho 

oIcdII are rerj much iwJidHind, wbich profoi that thoy bolonge^ 

to an old pereon. 
Three imekan, or fiont teeth. 
One flMlar, or baek tooth, not fiilly dardoped, and therafiite Ilia 

babkmoet^ or wiedom tooflu 
Portiana of uha, ifonning the lower end of long arm bene. 
PMiona €i Jimmr, or thigh bone^ with the Umm Mfmrn atiD 

atronglj marked. 
Portiona oiphalangei wiguium, or finger bones. 

No. 10 Tope, d.— Bho/pur. 

18. This ruinous Tope had a diameter of 19 feet^ 
with a terrace 2 feet 8 inches broad and 3 feet in 
height. The whole height was only 7^ feet. On 
removing a few stones we found a chamber^ 1 foot 
square and 1 foot deep^ filled with leaves and rubbishy 
and containing one complete earthenware box, and a 
part of a second. In the box there were a few small 
pieces of bone mixed with leaves and gravel. This 

• See Plate XXVII,, fig. 8, The lid of tlie large box is itself 
formed into a small box. 


Tope had therefore certainly been opened before by 
the villagers. 

No. 11. ToPB, 6. — Bhojpur. 

19. A tree waa growing in the middle of thia 
ruined Tope which is only 16|- feet in diameter^ with 
a terrace 3^ feet broad^ and 5 feet high. On the 
west a double flight of steps S^ feet broad meet at a 
landing 6^ feet long by 4f feet broad. The removal 
of a few stones showed a chamber 18 inches square^ 
and 13 inches deep, the bottom being on a level with 
the terrace. In the chamber we found a round 
earthen jar full of bits of bone, leaves, and rubbish. 
Like the last Tope, this had evidently been opened 

20. The remaining Topes on the second stage of 
the hill may be described in a few words. 

No. 12 Tope, f, and No. 13, g, have each a 
diameter of 17 feet. No. 14, h, has a diameter of 
17|, and No. 16, i, of 18^ feet, the present height 
being only 4 feet. No. 16, j, has a diameter of 23^ 
feet, with a terrace 3 feet broad. 

No. 17, k, has a diameter of 19|^ feet, and a height 
of 6 feet. On removing a few stones we found two 
relic-chambers at a height of 6 feet above the ground. 
The chambers stood respectively to the N.E. and 


S-^. :t *skriL '-.cnt?. uacntra the £reeDoii cf 
siS*« !^:rrv^i:nf ii^i -rirn. "^ 3cra. «ofxck. eagc and 

5 ::.«!ae* r^'.'uir*. iZii tz/^ :rhffr ociv 


anii '•>'>.• :f V.nt^ tj-t-hj -^rii l^eavj^ ^sii ribbfish. This 
T:w ia*i aLs: '^r^*:: :r:**!:rti jJ the T-Tagw^ 

>':. It. L 2i^ a 'iianir-rrr ot IC4 fet. azid 5'o. 
19. nu •::' 15 :^r : X:. i». a, s a mere eirvalar 
f j»iLid*ti:n : y.:-. C'l. o. hi? a •iiaaKta- of 1S|^ feel ; 
uii yo. 25. p. of ^ fetrt. -aritli a f^nce rf 1 feot 1 


21. The third sta^e or plattorm of the hill is 
rery narrow, and has onlv a few Topes, all of which 
are of small size. 

No. 23. q. has a diameter of 19 feet, and a terrace 
of 1^ foot. A chamber was fonnd in this Tope at a 
height of only 3 feet above the gromid. It was l^- 
foot long, 1\ foot broad, and 9 inches deep; and it 
contained three earthenware jars filled with earth and 

No. 24, r, ifl 6 feet in diameter, and is the smaDest 
at Bhojpur ; No. 25, 8, is 9 feet in diameter, with a 
terrace of only 6 inches ; No. 26, t^ is 8 feet in diameter 
with a terrace of 14 inches ; No. 27, n, is 7^ feet in 
diameter; No. 28, v, is 10 feet ; and No. 29, w, is 7 



22, There are only eight Topes now remaining 
on this platform of the hill all lying in a direction 
from north to south, and parallel to the other series. 

No. 30 Tope, a, is 8^ feet in diameter and 2 feet 
high, with a terrace of 1 foot 6 inches j No. 31, j3, is 
10^ feet in diameter ; No. 32, y, is 9 feet ; No. 33, 
S, is 13 feet j No. 34, €, is 10 feet ; and No 36, 2, is 
17|^ feet in diameter. All these Topes are standing 
dose together at the northern end of the platform. 
At 600 feet to the south are the remains of No. 36 
Tope, riy and again at 600 feet to the south of this is 
No. 37 Tope, 6, which is now a mere mound of stones 
with a diameter of between 30 and 40 feet. A shaft 
was sunk down the centre of this Tope to the solid 
rock without any discovery. 

23. A more careful examination of all the little 
heaps of stones lying about these different stages of 
the hill would no doubt discover some ten or even 
twenty more of these small Topes ; but as they have 
all long ago been rifled by the villagers the labour 
would be completely thrown away. The old village 
of Bhojpur was no doubt entirely built of stones 
taken from these little Topes, and from the surround- 
ing walls of the great Topes. This will fully account 
for the few discoveries of interest amongst so many 
Topes ; as not more than five, or perhaps six, of the 
largest had escaped the hands of the spoilers. 




L The linle tillage of Andher is situated at the 
&vt of a hill 10^ miles to the south-west of Shilsa^ 
and .> miles to the west of Bhojpur. The Topes are 
jvrvhed on the northern declinty of the hill just two 
milt^s fr\>m Andher, and on the ver\' edgfe of the cliff, 
alKHir oW fcvt alK>ve the plain. The position is a 
\ tT\ tine o:u\ frv>ni w hich the eve wanders over the 
uhv^Iv' v^t* i\w Mhilsa district to the north^ till checked 
b\ tlu^ Muo hilU l>t»voiul Gyaraspur, a distance of 
C\\out\-ti\o luilos. The Great Tope at Sanchi, the 
l.ohan::*i rvvk at Hhilsa, and the liolv hill of Udava- 
^iri, an* tho most conspiouous ol)jects in the landscape. 
Nt^aicr, and ahuost beneath one's feet, are the nu- 
uioivus Topes of Jlhojimr.* 


V, This is one of the few Topes which has a 
MiuMliist railiu*:' still standing-.)' I^^ preservation 

• StM» Phitos I. and V. 

t Soo Plato XXVIII., fi<-s. 1 and 2. 


is no doubt due to the secluded and inaccessible posi- 
tion of the Topes, which are not large enough to 
attract the eye, although they can be distinctly seen 
when pointed out. The base of the dome, which is 
35 feet 2 inches in diameter, rests on a cylindrical 
plinth only 4 feet in height. The teirace, 6J feet 
wide and 6 feet high, has a stone coping, along its 
outer edge, 15 inches in height, and 13 inches in 
thickness. This is the only instance of terrace-coping 
that now exists. From the style of the bas-reliefs of 
Topes on the Sanchi gatewa3's, we had expected to 
have found some terraces surrounded by Buddhist 
railings, but we were disappointed, for not one of the 
numerous Topes excepting this has the slightest trace 
of a ledge of any kind. The rounded and massive 
coping forms an appropriate finish to the massive 
basement. On the west there is a double flight of 
steps, 4 feet 4 inches in width, which meet at a 
landing-place 7 feet 2 inches in length and 5^ feet in 
breadth. Several of the steps are perfect, IQ^ inches 
broad and 10 inches highj and, as the gateway is 
still standing, we have here one of the most complete 
existing specimens of the second-rate Tope. 

3. The base is enclosed by a Buddhist raihng 7 
feet in height, with an entrance on the west formed 
in the same manner as those of the Sanchi Topes. 
The pillars are 5 feet 8| inches in heiglit, with a 
section of 14^ inches face and 10^ inches side. There 
are three raiUngs each 18 inches broad, and 6J inches 
thick. The coping is the same as that of the terrace. 

I Capita] ftmed if 
, • fcoh' tree tMiniMHiiitBd hy 
L aad a Tofw. Tfam is also uMther scene in 
vhvit jafvifnl ^orvs aK seatad in a circle, each on a 
small A]uuv couch. This mav perha[» npnsent the 
■MWOO^ ot' ODC of the Buddhist S\'nod8. The Tope 
k> surrounded by the iwiaios of a walled endosorej 
and to the south therv is one of those massiTe fomida- 
tk>us vhii*h haiv alreadf- been described. It is nearly 
70 fret lou^, and betveeo 30 and 40 feet broad, hut 
not more than feet high at present. 

4. A fihaft was sunk down to the centre of the 

hfuiisphert', where we found a chamber 10 inches 

!iquan\ and 18 inches in height on one ade, by 10 

inohe.-) on tb^ opposite side. Within was a round 

• See Plate XXXII., 6g. 4, of this work. 


Stone box^ 5| inches in heig^ht^ 6| inches broad at 
hoUomy and only 6^ inches at top. The chamber^ 
which is 3^ inches deep and 4 inches wide^ contained 
nothing save a small quantity of black ashes and 
something* like calcined nutn^hells. The lid of the box 
is 2^ inches in height^ domed^ and slightly hollowed 
beneath. See Plate XXVIII., fig. 6. Three feet 
beneath this deposit, and on a level with the terrace, 
we found a second chamber, somewhat slightly formed, 
containing a hemispherical red earthenware vessel 10 
inches in diameter turned with the mouth downwards. 
Beneath this was a second vessel of red earthenware, 
8^ inches in diameter, containing a black earthenware 
bowl 7 inches in diameter and 3^ inches in height. 
Lastly, inside the bowl there was a black earthenware 
vase 6. inches in diameter and 4^ inches in height, 
with a small lid of the same material.* This vase 
was empty. See Plate XXVIII., fig. 7. 


6. One hundred and twenty feet to the south-east 
of the last, there is a second Tope of much smaller 
dimensions, but in a much more perfect state than 
these buildings are usually met with. The base of 
the dome, which is 18 feet 10 inches in diameter, rests 
on a cylindrical plinth 4 feet in height above the 
terrace, which is 4 feet 4 inches broad and 6 feet 

* The glaze of these black vessels is beautifully smooth; and of 
a bright metallic lustre. 

B k mAad Vf • donbfe %lft aT lien ^ 

U iMdbBB m vidlk The vhole Ivqilit of db Tope 
n it Mv itndi^ k anlj 14 6et 7 indM.* 

C A. dMift w anaik down die centra « Ab Toper 
teihndepftw 8(ieet| ■!■& ve nmnd hm annilMP 
1^ ftot Imnd aaA 1 fiwt deep. The eides of tins 
dHHlier vcre not in the nieridi » n w aemil, Imt boev 
SI^ deg. and 147^ deg*. £. and W. raqpectivefy. 
Inflide we ftumd « Iwrge box of red emdienw are ^ 9|- 
niAeBiiidiuiietaraBd 7^ indHBin lw^]iti|t contahiin g 
a obmH flit casket of led eutbenwere and a tall 
atoatile casket, botk inscribed. Beside the earthen- 
van boXy and nuzed with the leaves and mblnsb 
whiA half filled the chamboy we foond a laige 
steatite rase widi the neck pardy broken, bat luckily' 
with the inscripdon complete. This diambw had 
eridently been c^ned before by the villagers. 

7. The flat earthenware casket is 3 inches in dia- 
meter^ and nearly 1| inch in height.;}: The inscriptioa 
on the outside of the lid is pardally obliterated, but 
by supphing a few letters, the sense is easily com- 

Sajmrimsa TdckkiprntoM Gotiputa AtevAtmo. 
^ (Relics) of the emancipated Vacuhi-pctra (son of VadihiX the 

pupil of Gtoti-putra/' 

The relics of YicHHi himself were found in No. 2 
Tope at Sanchi. 

• See Plate XXIX., 6^?. 1 and 2. 

t Plate XXIX., His, ^' : ^^^^^ XXIX., fi- 5. 


8. The tall steatite casket is 3^ inches in diameter 
at bottom^ and 2^ inches at top^ with a height of 5§- 
inches. It is ornamented on the outside by bands of 
moulding*^ between which the whole surface is divided 
into triangles^ alternately plain and barred.* The 
inscription on the top of the lid is — 

Sapurisasa Ooiiputasa Kdkanava Pabhdsanasa KodinyegotauL, 

** (Relics) of the emancipated son of Ooti, KIkanava Prabha- 

8ANA9 of the race of Kodini (or Kohudinya.)" 

In my account of the discoveries made in No. 
2 Tope at S&nchi^ I have already stated all that 
I can suggest regarding Kakunava PrabJidsan, who 
was the donor of Vachhi Suvijayata's relics to the 
S^nchi fraternity. 

9. The large steatite vasef is made of two pieces, 
which were fastened together with lac. Its orna- 
ments are similar to those of the great vase found 
in No. 2 Tope at Sonari ; but the Andher vase has a 
narrow neck and no lid, and was once furnished with 
a spout, for which the hole still remains. No trace 
of this spout could be found in the relic-chamber, but 
I presume that it was similar to those which are 
represented in the S&nchi bas-reliefs. See Plate 
XXXIII, figs. 20 and 21. On the upper rim of the 
neck there is the following inscription : — 

Sapuruasa Mogaliputasa Ootiputa Atevdsino. 
''(Relics) of the emancipated Mooaliputra, the pupil of Goti- 


10. Every thing that I can collect regarding this 
♦ Plat« XXIX., fig. 3. - Tkate XXIX., fig. 8. 


HUratod ipenKmage has almdy been m e n tioaej* 
4j( Ae pi^ of Q oUputni , he ww of eonne « eo»» 
ten q poH U fy of GotPe other eon, K&kenn TrnHiiein ; 
end ife-k tiwc efore veiy natonl that we ehooU find 
their nKee endurined together. Thk Tope ninst of 
eouree be of the eame age as No. 2 at Sindn, or 
rather a few years kter, as K&kanava Prahh&san 
was still alive when the hitter was erected. The date 
may therefore be fixed with some certunfy in 800 
B. c, when the religions enthnsiasm excited by the 
seal and example of Asoka was stiU fervent. 


11. This litde Tope, which was the last that we 
had the pleasure of examining, was likewise one of 
the most complete in its preservation, and one of the 
most interesting in its contents. It stands to the 
north-west of the other two, at a distance of rather 
more than 200 feet. The base of the dome is only 
15 feet in diameter, and the whole height of the Tope 
is just 12 feet.* The base stands on a cylindrical 
plinth 3^ feet above the terrace, which is 4 feet in 
width and the same in height. On the east there 
is a landing place, 6 feet by 4 feet, which is reached 
by a double flight of steps, 3 feet 2 inches in wdth. 

12. A shaft was sunk as usual down the centre of 
the Tope, and the relic-chamber was reached at a 
height of 1 foot 8 inches above the terrace. The 

♦ See Plate XXX., figs. 1 and 2. 


chamber was 14 inches long* by 13^ inches broad^ 
and the same in height. The side stones were placed 
so as to overlap at one end^ thus forming' a Sw^tika 
or mystic cross of the relic-chamber. See Plate XXX.^ 
figs. 3 and 4. Inside there was a large box of thin 
red earthenware^ 7^ inches high and 7 inches broad^ 
containing a tall steatite casket^* similar to that of 
K&kanava^ which was found in the Tope just 
described. This casket^ however^ is quite plain on 
the outside, with the exception of the ornamental 
bands. It is quite fiill of fragments of burnt 
bone. On the outside is carved the following in- 
scription : — 

Sapurisdsa H&ritijmtcbta. 
*' (Relics) of the emancipated Haritiputra (son of H4riti)." 

Inside the lid is the following inscription, written 
in ink : — 

Am Devasa ddnam. 
^ Gift of Aswa-Deva." 

13. The relics of Hariti-putra were therefore pre- 
sented to the Andher fraternity by Aswa Deva. As 
another portion of his relics was found in No. 2 Tope 
at S&nchi, enshrined in the same casket with those of 
Majhima and K^apa Gota, the two missionaries to 
the Hemawanta, there can be little doubt that he was 
a contemporary of those once celebrated men 3 and 
that he was one of the principal Buddhist teachers of 
the age of Asoka. The date of the Tope may there- 

♦ See Plate XXX., 6g. 6. 

8ffO THB bhuba topes. 

tan be fixed with some certamtjr in the end of Ae 
durd oentory befinre the Gbristian en, wbich wiU 
make the iidc writing of the relic-caBkefe about two 
oentories and a half older than that of the Pipyri of 
Hercolaneiun and PompeiL 




1. In my account of the sculptured ornaments of 
the different Topes, frequent mention is made of the 
symbols of Buddha and Dharmaj which occur either 
singly or united amongst the bas-reliefs at Sanchi, 
and on many of the most ancient coins of India. The 
summits of the S6nchi gateways are crowned with 
these symbols. They occur as objects of worship 
amongst the bas-reliefs, supported either on pillars or 
on altars. They form ornaments for the arms and 
standards of the soldiers ; and they are frequently 
placed both at the beginning and end of inscriptions. 

2. The Triad of the Buddhists, which has already 
been explained, consisted of Buddha, Dharma, and 
Sangha. Buddha was Spirit, or Divine Intelligence j 
Dharma was Matter, or Concrete Nature ; and San^ 
gha^ the '' union'' of the two, was the universe. This 
was the esoteric or metaphysical explanation of the 
terms ; but according to the exoteric doctrine, Buddha 
was S&kya Sinha, the mortal author of the Buddhist 


- * - - _ _^ * 

TT '-.'.•_- -L 



TL? IjtjI 

rr Jk M r*i 

••^ '"■",•" ~ V 'O } • ► _■■ 

. • _ • 

» ■ » < 

' V - -- ^- 

I_l-I. *• 2aS IZjz —1 — •;" ^•I'Zr*'^ 

♦ ^ 

^ w^*, ^ 

irr "5 !•: . ttrr-rr : r-c&inzs' 


1 ^^•M •" 
4* •'^•^•^ ■ 

.. '. ^>-.: .I.-: : 

^ •• M ■ 


'. .— *• li? 

- ^ I -••- 

>:.:.:.: ::-.\r„-_„ 

i'- '• 

\ •• 

% >I^U * »Il5- 

' ^" "• " ^ ' 

Tj^ TU., I 

:-!'«' r-i.- : 

« . 

5 q: i ^ 

^ • ^_ . •_ • ai.! ^ ?•. •■ i? i_C .«-.'' — 

: c 


cus^ is said to be ^^ visible on the hand of one who is 
bom to be a universal emperor'^ (Chakravartti). 

4. The wheel is the central emblem on the summit 
of each of the S&nchi gateways. This would seem to 
have been its usual position^ and it was^ no doubt^ 
significant of the supremacy of Buddha. In the 
Mahawanso^ Raja Sirinago of Ceylon is stated to have 
inserted gems in the centre of each of the four 
emblems of the ^^ Sun'* on the Mah& Stupo^ or Great 
Tope.* This, perhaps, points to the absorption of the 
ancient sun-worship into Buddhism ; for the wheel 
was one of the most common and obvious emblems of 
the sun. 

5. In Plate XXXI., I have collected together 
several illustrations of the wheel-symbol of Buddha 
from the S&nchi bas-reliefs, and from coins. 

Fig. 1. Bas-relief on a pillar of the western en- 
trance of No. 2 Tope at S^nchi. A man and woman 
are represented perambulating the pillar. The illus- 
tration shows the importance attached to this symbol 
by the Buddhists of Asoka's age. The same wheel- 
pillar occurs again at the northern entrance. 

Fig. 2. Central emblem on the summit of each of 
the four S^chi gateways.*!* 

* Mahawanso^ p. 220. 

t See Plate XXXI.^ fig. 7y for the celebrated wheel and club of 
Surya, from UdajagirL This was the god whom the Oreeks of 
Alexander's army mistook for Hercules; but one of them has pre- 
served the true name in ^poaiiios, or Surya Deva, the ''Sun- 

A A 


Figs. 3, 4. Reverses of coins found sfc rjun — 
qiiadmple emblems of the sun. 

Fig. 5. Bas*relief on a pillar of the south gHte of 
No. 2 Tope^ and also on a pillar of the soudi gate of 
>'o. -i Tope, both at Sanehi. 

Fig. 0. Bas-relief on a pillar at the eastern en- 
trance of yo. 2 Tope, Sanehi. A figure is kneeling 
at its foot. 

Figs. 8, 9. On the earliest silver and copper ocnns 
found in all parts of India, from Xepal to Ceylon^ 
and from Kandahar to the Delta of the Ganges. 

Fig. 10. Ancient Hindu coin of brass, literally 
covered with Buddhist s\'mbols. On the obverse is a 
bull 'j to the left, a peculiar symbol, which is found on 
other Buddhist coins, and on the necklace of Bud- 
dhist symbols on one of the S4nchi gateways. Above 
is the quadruple emblem of DJiarma. On the reverse 
(in the middle), is a tree surrounded by a Buddhist 
railing ; below is a chaityay or, more probably. Mount 
Sumeru; to the right, a srvtustikay or mystic cross; 
and to the left, the symbol of Sanghay being the 
united emblems of Buddha and Dharma. The latter 
is placed uppermost, which I presume is intended to 
show the superiority of Diuirmay or Concrete Nature, 
over Uuddfiay or Si)irit. 

Fig. 11. Coins, both of silver and copper, found 
chiefly between the Indus and the Jumna. On the 
obverse is a deer, with branching horns, and before it a 
human figure with the arm raised. Behind the deer an 
emblem of the sun. Inscription in old Indian P&Ii. 


Rajnya Xunandasa Amogha-bhatisa Maharqjasa. 
''(Coin) of the royal Eunanda, the brother of AKoaHA, the 


On the reverse is a chaitya^ or Mount Sumeru^ sur- 
rounded by the monogram or symbol of Dharma ; to 
the right^ a tree in a Buddhist enclosure^ and to the 
lefb^ a swdstika^ and the unknown triangular symbol. 
Inscription in Ariano F41i the 6ame as on the obverse. 

6. The quadruple symbol of Buddha, which is 
found on the Ujain coins, and the quadruple symbol 
of Dharma which occurs on coin No. 10, and on one 
of the pillars at Andher, most probably have reference 
to the other four mortal Buddhas, Krakuchanda, Kor- 
nakay KAsyapa^ and Sdkya Muni. The 'four en- 
trances at S^nchi, and at the Great Tope in Ceylon, 
with their crowning symbols of Buddha, may, I 
think, be also referred to the same. 

7. Dharma^ or Concrete Nature, was, I believe, 
neatly symbolized by a monogram which united the 
radical letters of the various elements of matter. 
According to the PujA-kandj* '' all things with their 
veja-mantras (radicals), came from Swabhdva (the 
self-existent), in this order : — 

From the vija of the letter 



Prom that of the letter 



From that of the letter 



From that of the letter 



From that of the letter 


Mount Smneru. 

• One of the Sanskrit Buddhist works of Nepal, quoted by 
Hodgson, p. 106. 


Now it is curious that the old Pali eqniralents of 
these letters form, when combined t<^ther^ a mono- 
gram of exactly the same shape as the symbol which 
I have attributed to Dharma. In Plate XXXII.^ fig*. 3^ 
I have given this monogram, with the single letters 
which compose it placed in a line below. In aU the 
monograms, both of the bas*relie& and of the coins^ 
the symbol is crossed by a horizontal line in the 
middle, which I take to represent the lower stroke of 
the Pali letter , n, the radical of " void space, or 
vacuity/' This, therefore, must be the fifth element^ 
the dkds of the Hindus, and the aiOiip of the Greeks. 
The symbol is thus strictlj' composed of the five 
radical letters of the five elements, y, air j r, lire ; ▼, 
water ; 1, earth ; and n^ ether ; which when combined 
contain the letter 1/ s, for Mount Sumeru, as well as 
the letter 6, m, or numaSy or mind.* In Plate XXXII., 
I have given all the difterent specimens of this sjin- 
bol that I can collect from various sources. 

Fig. 3 is the simple monogram, composed of the 
five radical letters of the elements. 

Fig. 4 is a quadruple specimen of this s}Tnbol, firom 
a bas-relief medallion on one of the pillars at Andher. 
The same is found on No. 10 coin of Plate XXXI. 

Fig. 8 shows the elemental symbol crowning the 
staff of a flag or military ensign. 

* A strong proof of the correctness of tliis explanation is found 
in the JJJ , nvditika, or mystic cross, which appears to be only a 
monogram or literal symbol of the old letters [f , tu^ and ff » ^ 
or suti, which is the Pali form of the Sanskrit itvoitu 


Fig. is one of the ornaments from a necklace in 
the Sanchi has-reliefs. 

¥ig. 10 is the same monogram, but very highly 
ornamented. Two of these symbols are placed on 
the summits of the Sanchi gateways, one on each side 
of the wheel-symbol of Buddha. 

Fig. 13 is a copper coin from the ruins of the 
ancient city of Ayodhya, or Ajudhya, in Oudh. 
The inscription in Old Pali is Vijm/a Mitasaj '' (coin) 
of VuAYA MiTRA.^' In the centre is the monooram- 
matic sjTnbol. Vijaya Mitra was most probably one 
of the ancient kings of Oudh, although his name is 
not to be found in the fabulous lists of any of the 

Fig. 14 is the reverse of a copper coin, procured 
from several old cities around Ujain. In the centre 
is the quadruple symbol of Dharma already de- 

Fig. 16 is from one of the Sanchi bas-reliefs, on a 
sword scabbard. 

Fig. 16 is from the coins of the Indo-Scythian 

Fig. 17 is from the coins of Kunanda, the brother 
of Amogha. 

Fig. 18 is from the coins of Sasay of the family of 

Fig. 19 is from the Sdnchi colonnade inscriptions. 

Fig. 20 is from the Sanchi colonnade inscriptions. 

Fig. 21, from the Sanchi bas-reliefs, shows the 
sjTubol placed on an altar. 

Vig. 88^ ftbo from the Sfindii baMPefiefli tt tiie 
South Gateway^ giyes a triple rapraeentetion ef itA 
tjtnlbol of Dhamay whieh is mort probaUy intmided 
finr iSbB Buddhisfe triad of Buddkoy Bhmmmi ta&k 

8. The third member of the triad ia r ep r e a ep tad Is 
Plate XXXII.9fig. 1^ from a ba»-relief of No. 8 Tope 
at SfinchL In thia the wheel^ or emblem of Buddha^ 
ia placed above the monogram or aymbd of Dliami% 
perhapa to indicate the auperiority of Spfait ovai 
Matter. On the obyerBe of coin No. 10^ Plate XXXI;) 
the aymbol ia repreaented in the contrary manlierj 
with the monogram of Dharma above^ and the whisel 
of Buddha below. This^ I presume^ denotea thii 
belief of the atriker of the coin in die aqMriority of 
Dharma, or elemental Nature^ over Buddha, or 

9. Two different spellings have been given for the 

name of sangha. Schlegel writes it ^^^ sangga ; and 
Professor H, H. Wilson, 'WW sanggha. The latter 
appears to be the more correct reading, as the Bhilsa 
Tope inscriptions invariably spell it sangha, with 
the gh. 

10. The triple emblem, represented in fig, 22, 
Plate XXXII., is one of the most valuable of the 
Sanchi sculptures, as it shows in the clearest and most 
unequivocal manner the absolute identity of the holy 
Brahmanical JagannAth Avith the ancient Buddhist 
Triad. The similarity between the Buddhist pro- 
cession of images described by Fa Hian and that o . 


the modem Mathydtrd of Jaganndth was first pointed 
out by the Bev. Dr. Stevenson,* Colonel Sykes 
discovered that both processions took place at the 
same time of the year-t Mr. Laidlay, after noticing 
both of these facts, adds his opinion that ^^ the modem 
procession of Jag*ann&th originated in the Buddhist 
practice described by Fa Hian." He founds his 
opinion on the fact, that "in the ordinary native 
pictures of the avatdras of Vishnu, the ninth, or 
Bauddha AvatdrOy is represented by a figure of 
Jaganndth, or the liath Jdttrd.^^X To these facts 
I can now add that of the absolute identity in farm 
of the modem Ja^anndtha and his brother JBalardma, 
and sister Subhadrd, with the Buddhist monogram or 
symbol of Dharma. This identity is rendered much 
more striking and convincing by the occurrence of 
the symbol of Dharma in a triple form amongst 
the S^nchi bas-reliefs. In Plate XXXII., fig. 23, 1 
have given a sketch of Jagannatha and his brother 
and sister side by side, with the triple symbol of 
Dharma from Bdnchi.^ 

11. But there are still two points of coincidence 
which, in my opinion, tend to complete the proof of 

• Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vii., p. 8. 

t Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vi., p. 420, n. 

t See his translation of the Fo-kwe-ki, pp. 21— 261. 

§ Another drawing of Jagannath, and his brother and sister, 
may be found in yoI. vi., p. 460, of the Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, In this the identity of figure is even more 


the Buddhist origin of Jagaimatha. These are, ^^ the 
suspension of caste during the festival/' and ^^the 
belief that the image contains the relics or bones of 
Krishna/' The fii'st is one of the fundamental prin- 
ciples of the Buddhist faith, that was promulgated 
by the great teacher S&kya Muni, and is so utterly 
repugnant to the deeply inwoven spirit of caste which 
pervades Brahmanism, that we may safely refer it to 
a Buddhist origin. The other is also not at all Brah- 
manical, while, as we have seen throughout this work, 
it is eminently characteristic of Buddhism, 

12. When restored to its original monogrammatic 
form, the figure of Jaganndth, or the Lord of the Uni- 
verse, becomes clear and intelligible, but its present 
uncouth shape has taxed even the ingenious menda- 
city of a Brahman to account for. According to the 
learned, a king named Indradyumna besought the 
divine artist Viswakarma to make a figiu^ of Jagan- 
n6th to contain the relics of Krishna. The artist 
promised on condition that he should not be dis- 
turbed. But the king^s impatience interrupted the 
work in the midst, and the enraged artist immediately 
gave up his labour, and left the figure of Jagann^th 
without arms. A trace of the Buddhist origin of 
the name may perhaps be found in the fact that 
one of the cave temples of EUora is still called 

18. There is another modem Triad which I believe 
to be also of Buddhist origin, namely^ V%th4}ba and 
his two wives Bukmird (or Bakhami) and Sutyawima. 


Their statues are represented standingf with the arms 
a-kimbo. The Hindus generally do not reco^ise 
them as orthodox;* but their worshippers have at- 
tempted to identify Vithoba and his wives with 
Krishna and his wives^ who are also named Sukmini 
and Satyavama. Dr. Stevenson was the first to 
point out that ^^ the festivals of Vithoba correspond 
in a remarkable manner with the seasons of the 
Buddhists/' The two principal festivals of Vithoba 
occur, ^^ the one just four days before the com- 
mencement, and the other just four before the com- 
pletion of the Buddhist Wasso, or season of sacred 
rest, which continues from the full moon of Asarh to 
that of Kdrtik.-^ The fiiU moon of As^h is the 
panchO'dasam'Sudiy or 15th of the bright half, or 
waxing moon; and the full moon of Kdrtik is the 
15th mdi of that month. Four days earlier would be 
the 11th of the bright half, or ek&dasi sudi/^ 

14. I have been thus particular in specifying the 
date of Vithoba's festivals, because the latter one at 
least appears to me to have some connection with 
the melay or ^^ fair,*' which is held at the old ruined 
city of Besnagar, near Bhilsa, in the same month of 
K^ik. According to one statement this takes place 
on Kdrtik mdi 9; but another authority makes 

* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ vii. 6. I believe that 
the worship of Krishna is only a corrupt mixture of Buddhism and 
Christianity^ and was a sort of compromise intended for the sub- 
version of both religions in India. 

t From the middle of July to the middle of November. 

il XaHik kM, 11. The Iraa date* k^ toiMMiJ^ 
EirtaanM ekidoH, mi the 11th of the farigMlidr 
ofKlrtOc) that iiiJiifltibiirdftyB before the fid] 
of HuH numtilk Aeeordingf to tradltioii thb h 
jHehlUimt I7 Bttja Bukmtiigada, fitvm whom J 
BiiiMd the B M khmdm gada 6hAdaH.1[ 

Iff. Aooctfdiiig to the BhtgUnMa^ the BuHiiliiai 
gada Ekadati wae institated in eommemonilioii of wm 
Apmta (or hearenly nymph) haying pricked hm IM 
with the thom of a Bhangan plant in BuUmlBw 
gada^B garden. 

16. Aooording to the Mukmimjfaia ehmlm, Babi 
in<U»g^«^ wae the son of Bohitaewa^ and the gnmdaoik 
of Hariaehandra. He had a son named BhannalH 
gada by hie wife^ whom he neglected for the beatttUhl 
Apeara Viimd Mohmiy and his after lifo was em-* 
bittered until he made propitiation by the establish- 
ment of the festival called the Sukmdngada ehadasi.1^ 

17. Rukmin or Rukam was the name of a prince 
who was slain by Balar&ma^ the brother of Ejrishna. 
An existing tradition says that one of the Bajae 
of Bhilsa had a white horse^ which^ for security^ wae 
stabled on the top of the precipitous rock of Loh&ngi^ 

* The first date was obtained bj my brother; the latter by 
Lietitenant Maisej; as communicated by Captain Ellis. The be- 
ginning of the Buddhist Wasso is still celebrated at Bhilsa by 
the illumination of the Zi&rat, or shrine of Lohdn^i Plr or the 
" Saint of Loh&ngi," on the full moon of Asarh. 

t My authority refers to the Matsya Purdna for this account. 

X For these two references I am indebted to the kindness of 
Captain Ellis. 


to the eastward of Bhilsa. But the Baja was over- 
come by the F&nduS; who carried off the white horse 
for the performance of the aswamedhay or horse- 
sacrifice. This prince was most probably the Rukam^ 
or Rukma of the Prem Sdgar^ and the brother of 
Rukmani^ who became one of the eight wives of 
Krishna. Sukma^ in Sanskrit^ means ^^ iron/' and 
therefore RukmAngada is only a synonyme of LoMfi" 
gadtty or Lohdngiy the name of the famous Bhilsa 
rock.* It is true that Krishna was a Y&dava and not 
a P&ndava; but as I have always found that the 
latter name is used in a general manner throughout 
India to denote any hero of ancient times^ the tradi- 
dition of the Pandu conqueror may be applied to 
Krishna and his brother Balarama. 

18. According to the Prem Sdgur, Rukma was 
the son of Bhikmaky the Raja of Vidarbha^ or Berar. 
His sister Rukmini is often called Vidarbhaj&^ or 
^^ bom in Vidarbha.'* The name of Vi-darbha implied 
a country in which the holy Kusa grass is not found ; 
and it is generally applied to the modem Berar 
Proper. But if I am correct in my identification of 
Baja Rukma of Yidarbha with Eukmangada of Bes- 
nagar^ there can be no doubt that Vidarbha must^ in 
ancient times^ have included the whole of Bhopal and 
Bhilsa to the north of the Narbada. 

19. In my account of Asoka's reign^ I have already 
shown that Besnagar was a large city in 270 b. c.^ 
and that it was also called Chaityagiri, or the '' hill of 

* It is also called LohAchaly or '' Iron-hill." 


jllmtjfm$P because the Tq)e-covered lull wm ai.ita 
immediate udghbourhood. According to tndiliQE^ 
Beanagar was founded by Bukmingaday iat ttf 
DwApur-yug* (the third age^ or age of cof^Mi^ 
one million and three hundred thoueand yearn agii« 
It stands at the Trwenij or triple junction of tba 
rirers Betwa, Bes (or Besali)^ and Gkmga, of wUoli 
the last is believed to flow underground. 

80. The less ancient city of Bhiba, or BhadnmU^ 
is said to have been the capital of Tavanoima CShan* 
^vansLf The same story which I l|ave relatedi 
above is told about him and the Aswamed]i% <r 

white harse with a black ear^ which was carried off by 
a Pandu prince. The existence of the Pandua in 
this part of the country is proved by the inscriptkma 
of No. 2 Tope at Sdnchi^ which certainly dates as 
high as 200 B. c. The trough from which the horse 
used to drink is still pointed out ; but this is only a 
bell capital of a gigantic Buddhist pillar^ of which 
nothing more now remains. The capital is 3 feet 
high^ and S^ feet broad ; and as the Sdnchi capitals 
are only 3 feet^ the Lohangi pillar must have been 
nearly 60 feet high. The capital is now standing 
upside down^ and has been hollowed out to a depth of 
16 inches^ with a diameter of 21 inches^ so as to form 
a large bowl. 
21. A glance at the map (Plate I.) will show the re- 

* Captain Ellis's information says the Satya-rptg'f that is^ the 
firsts or golden age. 

t Galled Alamgirpur bj the Mahomedans. 


lative positions of all the Tope stations with respect to 
Besna^ara and Bhilsa. The ancient city of Besna- 
gara extended from the junction of the Betwa and 
Bes rivers, as far south as the Udayagiri hill, and 
the Lohangi rock of Bhilsa, from which point the Che- 
tiyagiri (or Tope range of hills), stretching from 
Satdhdra and Sonari, by Sanchi Kan^-khera to 
Bhojpur and Andher, was only three miles distant. 
The presence of these large monastic establishments 
must, for a time at least, have brought both wealth 
and prosperity to the country j and the remains of 
three embankments thrown across the valleys between 
S&Qchi and Satdhara, show that the Buddhist monks 
were as famous for practical agricultural, as for phi- 
losophical learning'. 

22. Let the imagination wander back for two 
thousand years, and the mind's eye will behold the 
Chaityagiri, or Tope range of hills, ^^ glittering with 
the yellow robes'' of the monks. Along the road 
side, and in sequestered spots, will be seen numerous 
trees, beneath which half-naked ascetics sit silent and 
still, brooding upon futurity. The classical reader 
will recal the Tabasi Magorum (or ascetic Magians), 
and the Tahaso gens (or ascetic nation), both of whom 
Ptolemy places to the eastward of Ujain, and who 
could therefore only be the TapasyaSy or '^ ascetics" 
of the Chaityagiri hills. 


Thrice blest the man who with himself can hold 
Communion deep; and^ in his spirit, range 

To lands far distant, into times of old, 
And view successive ages as they change : 
Strange countries, and inhabitants as strange— 

By Tiber, where the Kesars held their swaj, 
Attic Ilissus, Nile, and sacred Gauge ; 

Kingdoms and empires long since passed away, 
And kings and conquerors, the mighty of their day. 

Thus, Fancy-led, the aspiring Soul can spring 
Her daring flight beyond the bounds of space, 

Axkd soar through heaven on unwearied wing. 
Leaving slow Time behind her in the race 
To crawl this world's monotonous foot-pace ; 

Call up the mighty of another age. 
The men most celebrated in their day. 

The young and beautiful, the old and sage. 
And all who 've famous been in this life's pilgrimage. 

Or, with prophetic eye and buoyant hope. 

See into dim futurity ; and pierce. 
With quick-ey'd Fancy, the mind's telescope. 

The lengthening vista of succeeding years. 

Before which all Time-past as nought appears, 
And Time-to-come, in beautiful array. 

Smiling with hope amid her rainbow tears. 
Trips gaily on, and points the unknown way. 
Bright as the evening sky, and clear as the noonday. 

And blest that spiritual happiness which sees 
Perfect design in Nature's wanderings — 

A beauty in her strangest images. 
And in her quaintest forms } diat power which flings 
Its own bright joyance round the meanest things^ 


And| like the sun, makes gladness general | 
That elasticity of thought which springs 
Highest and quickest from die greatest &11; 
That buoyancy of mind which rises aboye all. 

And blest, oh ! more than blest, those thoughts which spring 

From the rich memory of historic lore, 
The lonely heart with gladness deluging. 

As moonlight floods the heayens ; those thoughts of yore. 

Which haply thousands may haye dreamed before, 
Yet we no poorer are; our fancies roye 

Through distant times, and kingdoms now no more ; 
And the bold spirit broods on things aboye. 
And human hopes and fears of ancient hate and loye. 

Like as an eagle on the wild winds playeth. 

Or as a nightingale dwells on her song ; 
Like as a riyer in a yale delayetb. 

Or as a breeze near rose-fields tarrieth long ; 

As young steeds loiter the green meads among ; 
As bees and butterflies, from morn till eyen. 

Amongst the sweetest flowers their sports prolong ; 
The aspiring soul, in thoughts celestial weayen. 
Dallies in bygone dreams, the dim foretaste of heayen. 

How changed the busy scene of former days. 

When twice fiye thousand monks obey'd the call 
To general thanksgiying and to praise ; 

When the stone cloisters echoed, and the hall 

Resounded with the solenm festiyal ; 
And gay processions filled each gorgeous gate. 

No more do pilgrims round the solid wall 
Of yon mysterious pile perambulate : 
No more to Budh do kings their kingdoms dedicate. 

I ; : I I 

1 \ Bi ^..i :i ' I 

.lud Uudilhisi %l(iiiiunail». 

• .' 'N-> 'j ', 

8 I _i ■ J ■ 

111: F,,< ;i f f 
\ \ I ■ ■ I / / 

% \ «>' ^ 




Gump .il' Topes 





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ltd ta^ SmA. Elder ACq. l<a 


r, SANCHI I"/ Ttft 



IhxJcai. Paiar. 

AfltARA VA 71 





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/.m-rr ^ti-iior, SANCHI V I l^f 




Avim. P(Uer at SO/fAffl. 

fWltldlfti ^ Snit6i.£td<r j^Cd londnu 

Plate X. 





T iO 


J I I L-j- 

f 7 


J L 



Zo F«ti 

PoHttilMd'faySinjc&.Elda: &. Co-Iandoti 


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f. ' 

-t .! 

H«i,uhni 1) Siutli, EUte A ij". Liaka. 

? /• 


Jipi Saru , fnin Mtt/I 

Pemale Dancer. 

Itrrtar JenuiU 
Presait dof. 

lobhJud.'bf Siiuth£UK&C°Liiidn '. 




bacdpdsxxs. N?L Tope SANCHI. 


19. 0tfn'A(Urf*4>l:?l• 
23. (C8li^>e"n>b+(0juo*i?J: 
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28. bCr8l/^bL(00Alt?X 

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36. (UHA(b ; TIUI^?X 
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41. ^D6JiAU•U>^luXo'^L^?X 42. Xtf'b-F^^IO'AjbpX 

4B. •p^/Ay'jiiOjiicyiueA/^jiXAa;?^ 

48. i^iJA*r'i?x\)^+^ 49. Ltix 

ay a/n?X,Urf'qipX si. b'SXvbLO^-F+O/JX 

52 l+^<fi?^:-^^A{j^X ii3.X6A»*+XLU((i-fl?X 

56. L"8ivbTl^ij/?X 

61. L-eiU/O-J-fJ^fi^ 


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PaUislicd ly Smith Eiacr 3lCc londan. 


Symbols of Dharma. 


PilUuImI Ij Smib.IUnVc* Ln^ 



Ftf . 18. — Sliielil. — Vdayagtri. 

Pig- \i. — Vajra, or Uiuodnbolt. — UJayofiri. 

Fif. 1ft. — Tridml in imrur'n ImukI. — UA^/agirL 

Fig. 16.— Trident aarifd by Uw BhatiuAmr, or buffii]o-d 
ai Vdayaifiri. 

Figa. 17 mnd 18, — fiair bdiI airow. — Viloifoffin. 

Fig. 19. — B«II attached to el^ibanl hoaahigs. — SAttcki. 

Figs. SO and 21. — V^^spb carried i^ prooession. — SAKetn 
betiu'e tliej' are the water- fesseLt {vila-p6tra) tyi wave holy per- 
Kintigiw. A reMol of niiiilsr shajw is still used by the Graod 

Id DM. 

Fig. 33. — Staodard Erum the S&ncki liaa-relie&. Th« staff i* 
aumMmated by tli« nymbol of Dharma. 

F%. S3. — ^A. ehuttaf or ombralla, nith long liandla. — lyrt-irti. 
Fig. M.— A dmmi, or tail of tba TIk (Boi gnominB).— 


Kga. 36 md 37. — KaUle-dmrn tod dnm-atU.- 
Fig. S8.— Looking-gtaaa.— iSifMilt. 

Figa. 30 and 30. — Slorkat, or orcamental seats, or throses, with- 
out bucks. — SAnchi. 

Anrieiit Arms *c. 

SaiiL-hi A 1) 17 ,);) DOayagin A C.«l, 






Thr figures in tbis Plate have been taken from tbe Sanchi bas- 
reliefs^ which date between a. d. 17 and 39 ; and from the sculp- 
tures at Udayagiri^ which were executed in a. d. 401. 

Fig. I is a dagger from Sanchi. I saw a similar weapon 
amongst the broken sculptures at Duri Glifinderi, which has been 
in ruins for the last six hundred years. 

Pig. 2. — Sword worn by a porter, or doorkeeper. — fSanchi. 

Fig. 3. — Infantiy shield. — Sanchi. 

Fiff. 4 and 5.— Cavalry shields, — Sanchi, 

Fig. 6. — Pike, or javelin. — Sanchi, 

Fig. 7. — The Indian Vajra, or thunderbolt ; a symbol of uni- 
versal dominion, usually placed in the hand of a king. Very 
common at SAnchi, Compare the form of the Vajra of four cen- 
turies later, in Fig. 14, from TJdayagiri. 

Fig. 8. — Falling axe. — Sanchi, 

Fig. 9. — Battle axe. — Sanchi. 

Fig. 10.— ^«t/7, or trident. — Sanchi. 

Fig. 11. — Anhhus, or elephant goad. 

Fig. 12. — Swoi-d. — Udayngiri. 

B B 




By JOHN BUSKIN, £sq., Author of "Hodern Painten," 

"Seren Lamps of Arohiteotnre,' ice., 

Nme rnmpUu in Thru Volur»As, Imperial ftoo., viih 53 rioter ottd 

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which the world aa^l to be and will )hs ihankAU. U is in the hi];lio»t degntu 
oIoigQent, Ktmte, Mimnkting to thuuy;ht. uiil fertile in fm^Eo^on. It chowv s 
(mwcr ot pncCiul criliciam which, when flxed on b definite objrct, nMhing abtiiH 
vt Evil can withWiuid; ftni a pow<«r of apjiriHTiiitioii vrhich bat resiared tnaMirm of 
buiutjr to mkiiUnil. It will, wc ura roovincu), elsvnie lute knd intdlcct, nite the 
tnn« lir tnuml fcelinfc, kindle betii'volciice tcword* men, and iurroaie the \ort and 
fwr of Qod." — Timci. 

"ThG 'Stones of Venice' in the firodnction of an oaincfit, n-ligiam. progrcwtc, 
and infunncd mind. The nnthor of thi« tst^ on oirhiterlnrt^ hu nRulnuvd into 
it a poedc ftppreheniion, the (hiit of awe of God, and delight in tiararoi a knov- 
lodgo, bv«, and imt utiniBle of an; a holding fast to fact and nipudiatiiin of bear- 
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antcm wo know not triieretoflnd paralleled." — !ifetator. 

" One of the most impirtiini works on ipiiihi'tirs ever pDWi^heil in thia coudiit ; 
and which not only eiiuals in [irtjfiindity auv tiiigk' work pat fonh in modem tioics 
upon nrl, but snipashe' iq iniportanci- any thet ho^ hcrplofurc been wriiten n[pon the 
rabjeeti ioaninuoh axtlit wriWr is gifU-d with (he tare Inct to make profonnd tnsOa 
plain to common unden^un dings." — Drabi Ntvi, 

•• Nu one who hai vii^ited Venice can road this book withoat having a licher glow 

thrown orer his reinerabtancea of that dty; and for tlio»e who liave not, Mr. Knakio 

with a finnne«i of oniline and riTJdnesa of colooring that will bring it 

I inagituuion with the force of reality. His detoiptionB are ihe perfection 

of ward-)>ainting, and there is this additional chami in them, that the intellect and 

heart are sure to be grotilied by [irofbund thonghtg and nubia Eentiniciitj.'' LiUrarj 


" This work ehowa that Mr. Rnsltin's powers of eompoeilion and critioi>in w^n 

never in greater force. His eloquence is as rich, his ciitliosiasni m heartv, liis ktid- 

ilhy for all that is high and nohle in art as keen as ever. Tlie bmik, like' all 

I writCB, is maul; and lugh-mindcdi and, as usual, keep* the attention alive to the 

ln»t."— Guarrf ion, 

" The whole work is eloquent and tlioughtOil, and cieative of thought in othen. 
Hr. Ituskin iuTcaU hu dixsertation with deep interest, and handles every fraf>ment 
with a brood grasp. This book is a nolilo innovation npon the old dead talk of 
an'liitects and omiileurs in aichitectnre."— fjomiiKr. 

"No one who has studied art in Venice will go through this book withoot nch 
pleasure as lielongs to a revival of some of his wannest admirations, and the rcfresh- 
moiit of his inofC delicious associations. This work is full of fine things, and of 
true things." — AUieaaani. 

" The rc|'"li«i"ii «li"li Mr. Tln.-kiii h«s cnni^.i U hi- f„niRT K.rts will probably 
: I. "■ -rl.' ■>( I ^■■|.. ■ This wor'k,a.<7,e 

■>l ' ■■.,..! u-[l to become the 

I's dcUglit i" ll'iJ"» "utlL Ibii L. tii= diic tliruu^ih tlit universe; holding fast 
by thM, he can ncrer get far wrong. His pursnil of truth is as adutirahle for its 
i)i;htedn(!SB at it is for its honesty." — Eclectie BtBirw. 

Smithy Elder^ 6f Co. 



Now in course of Publication, in Parts of Folio Imperial sizSy each con- 
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" By the ' Seven Lamps of Architecture,' we understand Mr. Rnskin to mean the 
seven fundamental and cardinal laws, the observance of and obedience to which are 
indispensible to the architect, who would deserve the name. The politician, the 
moralist, the divine, will find in it ample store of instructive matter, as well as the 
artist.** — Examiner. 

"From the series of works upon which Mr. Ruskin is engaged, we can scarcely 
hope too much for art. The brilliant manner by which the present and other works 
of Mr. Ruskin are adorned has placed them at once amonest the books that must 
be read. The views broached in this volume constitute the most significant piece 
of criticism which has appeared in the English language for vexy many years.** — 
North British Review. 

"Mr. Ruskin*s mind is of that vigorous and searching nature which can be 
satisfied with nothing less than the elucidation of pure principles in art. He 
observes and investigates for himself, and expresses himself in a strain of eloquence 
whidi rivets the mind by its fulness of meaning, and fascinates the fancy by its 
singular appropriateness of language and richness of imagery.*' — Britannia, 

"This eloquent and deeply-instructive volume is a book for amateurs to read; 
for it will make the thoughtless thoughtful, and open new fields of contemplation 
and sources of interest, and suggest wad strengthen important principles to idL** — 

" Mr. Ruskin*s book bears so unmistakeably the marks of keen and accurate 
observation, of a true and subtle judgment and refined sense of beauty, joined with 
so much earnestness, so noble a sense of the purposes and business of art, and such 
a command of rich and glowing language, that it cannot but tell powerfully in 
producing a more religious view of the uses of architecture, and a deeper insight 
into its artistic principTcs." — Guardian. 

"We hail Mr. Ruskin's book: we thank him for his industry; we admire his 
earnest elo(iucnce; and on almost all great matters we defer to his judgment. He 
has, indeed!, done high honor to the architect's calling." — Mr. Wiohtwick, in 
The Architect. 

"A lively, poetical, and thoughtful book; rich in refined criticism and glowing 
eloquence. Mr. Ruskin's poetry is always to the purpose of his doctrines, and 
always the vehicle of acute thought and profound feeling." — Frazer*8 Magazine, 

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lmr.t^ VJ. I. fyOk Eti6m,VSt. clM. 

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14 (aHi uuiwUvt B . _ . , _ 

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(■nri actual wurfm lif tbe uitiiiiutie' of the ccunnj. and a d«cT^«wa of ilw 
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iin''. Tlio writer \% an artor in tba sceneF he describe;, and llie 
iKlVr nil) mill rur-tradcn undergo, and the E.iva)K lite of the wil- 
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generous scorn; the touches of pathos, pity, and tenderness; the morality tempered, 
but never weakened, by exjierience and sympathy; the felicitous phrases, the striking 
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** All who did not hear these lectures will wish to know what kind of talk they 
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trnpruliiible {dm, iu ((liriicd gnttjaB^ and manr thrilliniE nliennccs of tlie uignSi 
»f Iftc liDnuu hemn. llaTine reacbed lbs lOHlilli! of Lbe tint loliiBie, ' turward ' 
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warm dmrmtii' lire blaiing there. Bj iLal ligbl jaa sec tbe fitoes of tbe painted 
old ladim. and lii« yAiy neii <>f ietten. md tbe great lordi^ and the bnTc MJilieTik. 
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"In qaletriehiKU,'Bniiond' mainly rccembles tlio old writen; as it doeaalao in 
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wl« and ■wn:t In it« reecartu of thought and feeliiipi and is more hopeful, consoln. 
turv, aii>l kindly Ihui ' Vunity FHir.' Thinking and cduraled reader* wit] ditcem 
in ft an iinriumw! ailmnce in literary ]«)wcr ovtr Mr. Thackeray's [.revioua writings." 
- tyatrr'i Mni/minr. 

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By CTTBBES BELL, Author of '' Jane Eyre," '' Shirley/' Ac. 
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*** Shirley' is an admirable book; genuine English in the independence and 
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The Lifb and Death of SILAS BARNSTARKE. 

By TALBOT GWTVHE, Author of ''The School fbr Fafhen." 

One Volume, Crown Sro. Price lOa. 6d. 

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** * The School for Fathers ' is at once highly amusing and deeply interesting— 
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"Few are the tales so interesting to read, and so admirable in purpose and style, 
as • The School for Fathers.' **^Globe. 

H'onb ptMUhtd inf 

Kin Kavanagh's Female Biographies- M 

Pmt 8m., tnti i^rtvfl. JMa 12*. m a^wwrf cML. ^ et^««. 

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law^M lh«n thi* WGvk, whiob Hua Kaian*^ hM nmrrA. like i _ 

W W naooiy of tbe 'W«ocd a( ChriKwnilj-' To tbk gntcfnl uak tte gittad 
Ml baw bM bmeltt Ulntu of no ndiuof^ nngc. and. niim than aM, ■ qatk of 
—""■—■ !«(;. aiidi •dmifrntion for ibc glial •ml bmnuftil. and k bun cMinlT 
■kwlad in liw foA >}|e hu «> oUj MEuoqilUbed." — Otawth ii/£mgiai^ <^arttrU 

- The womoi poannred hare been kIwicO rrom erciT peHod of the CliiwtuM as; 
the mae nngc of femue liuieiajdiy is token br no other roliiine; and mn equd 
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pluhed her taik with Inldligence and feeling, and with general fain>e>s utd Ijslli: 
•be di^plafi mbtle iwoetxation and broad smtpathj, joining therewith parilT and 
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" (miw more than usiinJIy attractive), pICB.-'ingly executed. The book 

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THE NOVITIATE; or, The Jksltt ix TaATOSo: 



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