1
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LIBRA-RY ]
Theo
logical Seminary.
PRINCETON, N. J.
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Division ..li^..'^.. ..[..
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Section. ...n...(.jO..(c>...
Book
No, X.«..w.
THE BIBLE EDUCATOE.
THE
BIBLE EDUCATOE.
Edited by the
REV. E. H. PLUMPTRE, M.A.,
TICAB OP BICKLET, PBEBENDABT OP ST. PAUL'S, AND PROFESSOR OF EXEGESIS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, KINQ'f
COLLEQE, LONDON.
Vol. II.
CaSSELL, PeTTER & GrALPIN:
London, Paris l^- New York.
LIST OF CONTEIBUTOES TO THIS VOLUME.
Eev. A. S. AGLEN, M.A., Inctimbent of St. Ninian's,
Alyth.
Eev. W. BENHAM, B.D., Vicar of Margate.
GEOEGE C. M. EIEDWOOD, M.D. Edin., India
Mnsenm.
W. CAEEUTHEES, F.E.S., Keeper of the Botanical
Department, British Mnseum.
F. E. CONDEE, C.E.
Eev. SAMUEL COX, Nottingham.
Eev. G. DEANE, B.A., D.Sc, F.G.S., Professor of
Old Testament Exegesis and Natural Science in
Spring Hill College, Birmingham.
Eev. Canon ELLIOTT, M.A., Vicar of Winkfield,
Berks.
Eev. CHEISTLAN D. GINSBUEG, LL.D.
Eev. J. B. HEAED, M.A., Cains College, Cambridge.
Eev. WILLIAM HOUGHTON, M.A., F.L.S., Eeotor
of Preston, Salop.
Eev. STANLEY LEATHES, M.A., Vicar of St.
Philip's, Eegent Street, and Professor of
Hebrew, King's College, London.
Eev. WILLIAM LEE, D.D., Eoxburgh.
Eev. G. F. MACLEAE, D.D., Head Master of King's
College School.
Eev. W. MTLLIGAN, D.D., Professor of Divinity
and Biblical Criticism in the University of
Aberdeen.
Eev. W. F. MOULTON, M.A., Professor of Classics,
. Wesleyan College, Eichmond.
Eev. H. W. PHILLOTT, M.A., Eeotor of Staunton-
on-Wye, and Prselector of Hereford Cathedral.
Eev. E. H. PLUMPTEE, M.A., Vicar of Bickley,
and Professor of Exegesis of the New Testament,
King's College, London.
Eev. GEOEGE EAWLINSON, M.A., Camden Pro-
fessor of Ancient History in the University of
Oxford, and Canon of Canterbury
Eev. T. TEIGNMOUTH SHOEE, M.A., Incumbent
of Berkeley Chapel, Mayfair.
Very Eev. E. PAYNE SMITH, D.D., Dean of
Canterbury.
Eev. H. DONALD M. SPENCE, M.A., Eeotor of
St. Mary de Cryi)t, Gloucester, and Examining
Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Gloucester and
Bristol.
JOHN STAINES, M.A., Mus. D. Oxon, Organist of
St. Paul's Cathedral.
Eev. EDMUND VENABLES, M.A., Canon Eesi-
dentiary, and Precentor of Lincoln Cathedral.
Major WILSON, E.E.
Ven. HENEY WOOLCOMBE, M.A., Archdeacon of
Barnstaple, and Canon of Exeter.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE, THE.
WOd Cattle .24
Sheep 45
Goats, Wild Goats 98
Chamois . 106
Hart and Hind 134
Antelopes 135, 167
Elephant 1C8, 198
Coney 201
EiKDS 244
The Vulture 247
The Bearded Vulture 294
Falconidse 294
Nocturnal Birds of Prey .... 314, 360
Sparrow 362
Swallow 362
Hoopoe 303
Cuckoo 363
ARK OF THE COVENANT, THE . . .144
BETWEEN THE BOOKS.
Introduction ....... 203
The Jews under the Persian Monarchs . . 203
The Jews under the Kings of Egypt . . . 205
The Jews under the Kings of Syria . . 233, 234
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
The Psychology of Scripture Progressive . . 10
The Psychology of the Old Testament . . 126
The Psychology of the New Testament . 162, 191
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, THE.
Judges, The Book jf 13
Isaiah ......... 32
BOOKS OP THE OLD TESTAMENT {continwid).
Joel 52, 65, 92, 108, 140, 156
Jeremiah 74, 96
Ezekiel 195
Zephaniah .... 223, 251, 287, 3J6, 354
Samuel, The Books of 316
Daniel 369
COINCIDENCES OP SCEIPTtrRE, THE.
The Herodian Family .... 29, 82, 145
Christ, and St. Peter and St. John at the Sanhe-
drim 250
The Local Colouring of St. Paul's Epistles . 271, 376
CONTEASTS OF SCEIPTUEE.
The Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke . . 257
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
The Catholic Epistles : —
St. John {continued) .... 81, 116, 333
The First Epistle to the Thessalouians . . 297
The Gospels : —
St. Matthew . . 22, 38, 63, 131, 209, 285, 382
easteen geogeaphy of the bible.
Babylon 55, 87, 177
Palestine 211
Nineveh 280, 330
ethnology of the bible, the.
Palestine (2) : Origin of Israel . . 206, 236, 303
HISTOEY OF the ENGLISH BIBLE, THE 19, 122,
260, 300, 306
viii CONTENTS.
PAGE
FACE
IDOLS OP MOAB, THK 138
PEEFUMES OF
THE BIBLE, THE {continued).
Saffron
152
ULUSTEATIONS FEOM EASTEEN MAKNEES
AND CUSTOMS.
Spikenard .
Stacte
152
153
Early Attendance at tlie Sanctuary . . 119, 263
PLANTS OF THE BIBLE, THE.
ELLUSTEATIONS OF HOLT SCRIPTUEE FEOM
Order VIII.
Eesedaces 40
COINS, MEDALS, AND INSCEIPTIONS . 85, 155,
IX.
Cistinesa
41
190,217
X.
ViolaceEB
42
MEASUEES, WEIGHTS, AND COINS OF THE
XI.
PolygalacesB .
42
BIBLE.
, XII.
CaryophylleEB .
106
Linear Measnres 278
, xin.
FraukeniaccEe
107
Hebrew Measures of Area 380
, XIV.
, XV.
Paronychiaceas
Molluginese .
107
107
MTNEEALS OF THE BIBLE, THE.
, XVI.
TamariscineEB
173
Precious Stones 347
, XVII.
Elatineaa
326
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE, THE.
, XVIIL
, XIX.
Hyperioinea3 .
Malvaceae
326
326
Wind Instruments ... 6, 70, 183, 229
XX.
Tiliaceee
327
Instruments of Percussion 310
, XXI.
Linear .
327
OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW, THE.
POETET OP THE BIBLE, THE.
Sacred Seasons {contimi.ed) . 42, 112, 170, 179, 273
Outlines of the History of Biblical Poetry . 58, 77,
322, 365
159, 219
PEEFUMES OP THE BIBLE, THE.
Structure of the Verse .... 269, 339
Galbanum 151
SCEIPTUEE BIOGEAPHIES.
Myrrh 151
Joshua
1, 17, 149, 165, 187
Onyclia 152
Sa
muel
.
. 226, 242
THE
BIBLE EDUCATOR.
SCEIPTUEE BIOGEAPHIES.
JOSHUA.
BT THE EEV. EDMUND VENABLES, M.A., CANON KESIDENTIARY AND PKECENTOK OF LINCOLN.
THE character of Joshua, Moses' minister and
sHCcessor, the leader of Israel in their conquest
of Canaan, is, confessedly, one of the ^andest
and most spotless in the whole Bible. The
greatness of the man is indeed to some extent over-
shadowed by the greatness of the events through
which he moved : we know him more as a conqueror
than as a man. But so far as we do know him, he is
almost absolutely faultless. He is one of the verj' few
jiorsonages of holy writ of whom no evil is recorded.
Free from all desire of self-aggrandisement or lust of
gain, no taint of selfishness mars the simple nobility of
Joshua's character. In whatever circumstances we find
him placed, liis one desire is to know what the will of
God is, and his one resolve to do it, at all costs. Of
him, as of his true heart-brother Caleb, the unerring
verdict of the Word of Truth is, " He wholly followed the
Lord " (Numb, xxxii. 12). Who, then, was more worthy
to be the first bearer of that " Name wliich is above
cvei-y name," which in fulness of time was to be the
hiunan designation of Him who was " holy, harmless,
midefiled, and separate from sinners," Jesus, the
Captain of His people's salvation in their conflict for
the heavenly Canaan ?
It is as a wan-ior that Joshua is first presented to us,
and this is the character he chiefly maintains throughont
the Scripture record. His gifts and virtues are those
of the warrior. Dauntless courage, indomitable per-
severance, cheerful confidence in the face of difficulties
(Numb. xiv. 7 — 9 ; Exod. xvii. lO), promptitude of action
(Josh. iii. 1; x. 9; xi. 7), high honour {x\. 25 ; ix. 26),
unselfish disregard of his own interests (xix. 49, 50),
unswerving rectitude (vii. 25 ; ix. 23 ; xviii. 10), care
for the interests of those committed to liim — all built
upon and based in faith in the Living God. Joshua,
faultless and dauntless, without fear and without re-
proach, is a tyiie of the liigh-minded, God-fearing
soldier : the forerunner of the Napiers, Lawrences, and
Havelocks of our own days.
But it is not only as a soldier that Joshua's eminence
is displayed. He was one who had learnt how to com-
mand by having first learnt how to obey. We see in
the earlier part of his histoiy faithful sei-vice to his
master; zeal for his honour (Numb. xi. 28); a simple,
VOL. II.
sti-aightforward discharge of duty ; moral courage
strengtliening him to stand fii-m wlien others faltered,
and to declare unwelcome truths in the face of peril
to life (Numb. xiv. 6 — 10) — qualities which sealed his
fitness for the difficult post of the leadership of stiff-
necked Israel, even before he had been designated
as Moses' successor by the voice of the Most High.
And when his duties as a general and a soldier wore
over, and he had been called to enter on the less
exciting task of settling the tribes in their new home,
and allotting to each his portion of the conquered terri-
tory, his statesmanlike qualities became equally con-
spicuous. We see him diligently and lalioriously dis-
triljutiug the land among its new occupants, and, while
with complete unselfishness he defers his o\fTi claim to
a share of the fruits of victory until all other claims
had been satisfied, exliibiting the most scrupulous equity
in his assignment of their portions to the several tribes.
We watch him appeasing jealousies, calming rising
feuds, checking arrogance, moderating overweening pre-
tensions (.losh. x™. 14 — 18), and, with the magnanimity
of real greatness and the calmness of conscious strength,
executing in all its details the difficult task devolved
upon him. And wlien the work of his life is done, and
in extreme old age he gathers together the tribes, those
whose fathers he had so often led to -victory, to receive
his parting commission, how full of dignity is the reti-
cence he observes with regard to liimseH and his own
exploits (Josh, xxiiii., xxiv.). Natural as it would have
been to have reminded them of what they owed to him as
the leader and captain who had put them in possession
of the goodly land which they were enjoying, pardonable
as we should consider such a reference to liis military
prowess, all he had done is omitted, and the wliole of the
brilliant past is gathered up in one sentence. In which
the entire glory is attributed to God : " Jehovah, your
God, is he that hath fought for you ; "' and the human
agent does not apjjcar .-it all. Let his people, for whom
he had laboured and fought, only be tnie to tlieir
covenant with their God, and Joshua would be content
to be forgotten.
The life of Jo.shua naturally divides itself into four
sections. (1.) His youth and early manhood in Egypt,
of which wo have no record in Scripture, (2.) The forty ,
25 ^
THE BIBLE EDUOATOS.
years interveniag between the Exodus and the death of
Moses, in which he appears as Moses' attendant, and
entrusted by liini with important commissions, ciril and
military. (3.) The period between the crossing of Jordan
and the complete subjugation of Canaan, in which
period Joshua comes before us as the Divinely appointed
captain and governor of Israel, including [a) the con-
quest and (6) the settlement of the laud. (4) His calm
and honom-ed old age, passed at Timnath-serah, of wliich
ao events are recorded, except his closiug address of
warning and counsel to the assembled tribes and theii-
elders.
I.— LIFE IN EGYPT.
According to a Hebrew tradition, in which there is
nothiug improbable, Joshua was bom B.C. 1537, and
was, therefore, forty-six years old at the time of the
exodus. According to this chronology, his bu-th must
have taken place about the time of Moses' flight into
the land of Midian. His father, named Nun, was a
member of the gi'cat tribe of Eplu'aim. Wo may feel
sure that the father of the future leader of God's people
was not one of those who " defiled themselves with the
idols of Egypt " (Ezek. xx. 8), but at a time when God
seemed to have forgotten his people, and to have given
them over into the hands of their oppressors, main-
t-ained his faith in the promises made to his fathers, and
trained up his son to expect their fulfilment in God's
appointed time. The name given by Nun to his sou
seems to embody his trust that deliverance would come,
and almost to indicate a hope that his offspring might
be its destined instrument. The name Hoshea, or
Oshea, the same borne by the last king of Israel and
the fii'st minor prophet, signifies deliverance, or salva-
tion. To this name the sacred syllable expressive of
the self-existent One, the Jah, the " I am that I am,"
was prefixed by Moses (Numb. xiii. 8, 16) : " And Moses
called Oshea, the sou of Nun, Jchoshua," i.e., Jehovah's
salvation, or Jehovah is salvation, thus iutimating tliat
Israel's deliverance was to come from Jehovah, by the
hand of him who bore the designation. But this deliver-
ance was not to come yet. Many a weaiy year it had to
be waited for. If not a slave liimseK, yet sm-rounded by
those who wore tasting all the miseries of slavery in its
harshest foi-m, the young Joshua would have grown up
through boyhood and youth to manhood, witnessing the
bondage of his down-trodden race growing harder and
more crashing. The " sorriee with rigom- in mortar and
brick," the ton of the brick-kiln, and of the field beneath
the scorching Egyirtian sun, the burdens, the bastinado
of the taskmaster, must all have been matters of daily
familiarity with hun, if not of personal Experience.
The "groaning" of his bretlu-en "by reason of the
bondage " must have been an accustomed sound from his
earliest childhood, if his own voice had not swelled it.
As a man of forty, Joshua would have had his faith
in the God of his fathers revived, and his hopes of de-
liverance awakened, by the intervention of Moses in
behalf of his enslaved countiymen. He must have ^vit-
ncssed the assertion of the outraged majesty of God
in the plagues of Egypt, and have been prepared, by
their gi'owiug intensity, for the final and glorious
triumph over the obstinate and besotted Pharaoh.
Though the Scriptural record is silent, we cannot
doubt that one who so immediately after the exodus
was selected by Moses to lead the Israelites against
Amalek, must have taken a prominent part in that
mighty transaction, and have been employed by Moses
as one of his chief suljordinates iu carrying out the
arrangements of that vast migration, tho real signifi-
cance and immense difficulty of which we are apt to
overlook, from the calmness and even flow of the
Scrii^tural narrative. He must have stood by his
great master's side on the shores of tho Red Sea on
that memorable night when " the Lord fought for
Israel, and they held their peace ;" he must have
seen the waters divide before the outstretched rod;
have helped to marshal the hosts as they crossed the
ch-ied bed of the Bed Sea; and have swelled the song
of triumph which rose from the emancipated nation
when they beheld " the Egyptians dead on the sea-
shore," and at last felt themselves free. If the work
for which Joslraa was destined was one calling for
dauntless courage and unshaken faith iu God, in the
face of apparently insurmountable obstacles, ho could
not have had a better preparation for it than amid
the marvels of the Exodus.
II. — LIFE IN THE WILDEKNESS.
With the exodus from Egypt begins our personal
acqxiaintance with Joshua, as by anticipation we may
be allowed for clearness to call him. With that direct-
ness so characteristic of the sacred writings, and so
indicative of truth, he is at once introduced by name.
A few days only had elapsed since the passage of the
Red Sea, and the mighty host had reached its fu-st great
halting place, Rephidim, "the places of rest" (Exod.
xvii. 1). Here, their tliirst being abundantly supplied by
tho water miraculously called forth by Moses at God's
command from the rock, the wearied multitude reposed
for a few days to collect strength for their onward mai'ch
to Sinai (ver. 6). But their repose was of short duration.
The spectacle of the enormous herds of cattle and flocks
of sheep which accompanied them had already awakened
the cupidity of the native tribes of the desert, to whom
then, as now. cattle-lifters by pi-ofession, the temptation
was irresistible. Besides, when the precarious pasturage
of those parched valleys had beeu " licked up " by the
flocks of the invaders, what would be loft for theii"
own cattle ? The attack was made by the Amalckites ;
those bitter, implacable enemies of Israel, now appear-
ing for the first time on the sacred page. As the host
slowly wound its way beneath the granite precipices of
the desert of Sinai, "faint and weary" with their toil-
some march, they made a treacherous assault — dashing
down, perhaps, from an ambush in a side ravine — on the
feeble rear, the loose, disorganised fringe of the main
body, " tho hindmost of thee, even all that were feeble
behind thee " (Deut. xxv. 18). The success of this
dastardly surprise was such as to encourage a second
and more decided attack on the host, after they had en-
JOSHUA.
camped in Kephidiiii : " Theu camo Anialek, and fought
with Israel in Rei^hitlim" (Exod. x-idi. 8). Accord-
ing to Josephus, the king of Amalek had summoned
all the forces of the distant tribes, from Petra to the
Mediterranean, to crush the unwelcome intruders. The
emergency was a grave one. It was the first battle
fought by a nation of slaves, unaccustomed to the use
of arms, and entire strangers to the tactics and ma-
nceuvres on which mihtary success so greatly depends.
Under such circumstances, nearly everything would
depend on the skill and prowess of the commanding-
officer. And this post of ilifficulty and danger is as-
signed to the hitherto unmentioned warrior of Ephraim,
Joshua the son of Nim. Confident not only in his
corn-age and martial prowess, but also in his good judg-
ment and j)0W3r of discrimiuatiou, Moses bids him
select the troops to face the enemy. " And Moses said
unto Joshua, Choose us out men, and go out and fight
with Amalek " (ver. 9). Few scenes are more familiar to
us than that which followed, when, on the next morning,
the inexperienced commander led forth his imtried
troops to battle ; while Mosos, with his wonder-working
rod, plants himseK ou the top of the hill, in the double
character of a general directing the movements of the
army, and of a mediator interceding with " the Lord of
hosts," " the God of battles," for the success of their
arms. The circumstances are too well knoivu to all our
readers to need repetition. Our mind at once recalls
the image of the aged lawgiver standing aloft on the
cliff's edge, stretching out " the rod of God "■ — that
emblem of the cross, the sole pledge and instrument
of the si^iritual victories of Christ's true Israel — con-
spicuously visible to all the host as a token of the
power and presence of God ; and beside him, staying
up his hands as they fail from weariness, his brother
Aaron, and Hur. And we are equally familiar \vith the
issue, as described by our Christian poet : —
" When Moses stood ivitll arms spread wide.
Success was found on Israel's side ;
But when through weariness they failed,
That moment Amalek prevailed."
The battle was evidently protracted and trying. Be-
ginning in the morning, it lasted to " the going down
of the sun" (ver. 12). The struggle was fierce and
obstinate, marked with vicissitudes of success and dis-
comfiture. Amalek, "that first of the nations" (Numb.
xxiv. 20), was no enemy to be vanquished in a skirmish.
But in the end victory was gained : " Joshua discomfited
Amalek and his people witli tho edge of the sword "
(Exod. xvii. 13). The memory of so signal an event
was not to be allowed to die out. An altar was built by
Moses, probably on the spot on the siunmit of the hill
where he had stood, inscribed with the words, " Jehovah-
nissi," " the Lord is my banner " (ver. 1.51 He was also
expressly commanded by God to ■write an account of this
battle in tlie book ho was instructed to draw up, as a
record of God's dealings with his people, and " rehearse
it in tho ears of Joshua," together with tho command,
to be transmitted through him to after ages, for the
complete extermination of the Amalekites. " Because
the Loi'd hath sworn that the Lord will have war with
Amalek from generation to generation " (ver. 16). Thus
early was the intimation given that Joshua was to be the
successor of Moses, and carry on tho work that ho had
begun.
The Pentateuch records no more of Joshua's deeds
as a warrior. For a long period he only appears in the
luimble, imostentatious character of " Moses' minister,"
the constant attendant on the leader of his peoijle.
Tliis is the first example of that connection between
a prophet or teacher, and a yoimger companion, often,
as in this case, destined to succeed him, of which
the relation of Elisha to Elijah (1 Kings xix. 19),
of Bariich to Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 4, &c.), of John
Mark to Paul and Barnabas (Acts xiii. 5), and sub-
sequently, according to ecclesiastical tradition, of the
same evangeUst to Peter (cf. 1 Peter v. 13), are
familiar instances. The occasion on which this relation
of Joshua to Moses is first definitely stated in Scripture
is one of the greatest solenmity (Exod. xxiv. 13). It
was when the Ten Commandments had just been given
from Moimt Sinai, amid accompaniments of such awful
majesty, and the lawgiver was proceeding to obey the
Divine call that summoned him again to meet the Most
High on the smnmit of tho mountain, and receive from
his hands the tables of the law, that we first find
Joshua in attendance ou Moses. " And the Lord said
to Moses, Come up to me into the moimt, and l)e there :
and I "will give thee tables of stone. . . . And Moses
rose up, and his minister Joshua : and Moses went up
into the mount of God " (Exod. xxiv. 12, 13). Though
not expressly stated, it is evident that he accompanied
his master to the summit of the mountain. Moses'
command to the elders, who had partaken with him of
the covenant feast, and beheld witli him the manifesta-
tion of tho most high God (vs. 9 — 11), when he parts
from them on the liiUsido, is, " Tarry ye here for us,
until we come again unto you." We cannot suppose that
ho entered with Moses " into the thick darkness where
God was." Joshua woidd remain, dming the forty days
he was in the mount, outside the immediate Presence,
ready, when God " had made an end of communing
with him," to accompany Moses once more to the camp.
Tho circumstances of that descent, the startUng con-
trast between the holy stUlness of the mountain of God
and tho shouts of idolatrous revoliy which assail then-
ears as Moses and his minister draw near tlie host, are
familiar to us. To the soldier's oar, quick to receive
tho sound of tho battle-field, the clamom- is full of
alarm " He said unto Moses, There is a noise of war
in the'camp " (Exod. xxxii. 17). " Had the Amalekites
taken advantage of the absence of tho leader of the
host, and the -captain of the army, to make another
attempt on Israel? If so, it was time they should bo
there." The keener and more chastened car- of Moses
discerns the true nature of the wild uproar. As he had
bi.en already apprised on tho momit, "the people ho had
brought out of Egyi)t had corrupted themselves," had
" made a molten calf," had " worshipped it and sacrificed
thereunto." The din was not that of combatants, but
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of revellers. " It is not the Toiee of them that shout
for mastery, neither is it the voice of them that cry for
being overcome ; bnt the noise of them that sing do I
hear" (Exod. xxxii. 18). Wo well remember the holy
indignation with which the lawgiver dashed to the
gronud and broke in fragments the tables of the law
when he lieheld the people so lately taken into covenant
with God as " a holy nation." " His peculiar treasm-e
above all people" (Exod. xix. 5, 6), circling with licen-
tious dance and song, " njiked to then- shame " (xxxii. 2.5 ),
the calf of gold ; and the signal punishment — iu which
the wan-ior Joshua may well have taken part — with
which their crime was visited, when the sword of the
tribe of Levi laid 3,000 of the guilty ones dead on
the ground. Another mark of the Divine displeasure
follows, in connection with which we see Joshua once
more acting as Moses' attendant. The tabernacle or
tent already set up witliin the precincts of the camp, as
the meeting-place between Jehovah and the representa-
tives of the nation, was removed from the polluted
neighbourhood, .and placed at a distance. " Moses took
the tabernacle " (it ^viU be remembered that the " taber-
nacle," properly so called, had not yet been constructed),
'• and pitched it without the camp, afar oif from the
camp" (Exod. xxxiii. 7). Thus the nation was made to
feel that they had forfeited the Di^-ine presence, which
was only restored to them on the intercession of their
mediator. To this tent, Moses, attended by Joshua, goes
forth, all eyes eagerly watching him, " every man at his
tent door " (ver. 8), in aAvful suspense as to the issue ;
■and within it, when it has once more been hallowed by
the descent of the cloudy pillar, Joshua is left to guard
the consecrated spot, when Moses retunied after his
intercourse with God. " And the Lord spake imto
Moses face to face, as a man speaketh imto his friend.
sAtid he turned again into the camp : but his sei-vant
Joshua, the son of Nun, a young man, departed not out
of the tabernacle " (ver. 11).
The zeal of the servant for his master's honour re-
ceived a striking exemplification m an iucident occurring
shortly after the host had quitted the wilderness of Sinai,
narrated in Numb. xi. At a place known af tei-wards
by the ill-omened name of Kibroth-hattaavah, "the
graves of lust," " because there they buried the people
that lu,eted," the mutinous conduct of the people, weary
of the insipidity of the manna which formed their daily
food, and recalling with keen relish the juicy and high-
flavoured \'iands of plentiful Egypt, " the fish, and the
cucumbers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions,
and the garlic, which we did cat freely," had driven
Moses to passionate remonstrances, and complaints of
the intolerable burden God had laid on him in the
leadership of such a rebellious, stiff-necked nation (vs.
10 — 15). To relieve the overweighted ruler, the Didne
sanction was given to the appointment of a permanent
council of seventy elders. To qualify them for the exe-
cution of their office, the gift of Divine illumination was
promised them : " I will take of the spirit that is upon
thee, and will put it upon them " (ver. 17). This gift was
followed by outward signs. " And it came to pass, that,
when the spirit rested upon them, they prophesied."
It happened that, for some unstated reason, two who
had been enrolled in this body — Eldad and Medad, by
name — had failed to accompany their brethren to the
door of the tabernacle, where their office had been
solemnly recognised, and the spiritual gift imparted.
But, as subsequently, when Cornelius and his companions
received spiritual gifts without laymg on of hands, and
even before baptism, to show that God is not restricted
to the use of the means He has been pleased to ordain,
but "divideth to every man severally as He wUl,"
the gift granted to the others was exercised by them.
" The spirit rested upon them, . . . and they pro-
phesied in the camp " (ver. 26). Surprise was at once
awakened. Men are over slow to believe that God can
be larger in his dealings than their own naiTow minds.
" There ran a young man. and told Moses, Eldad and
Medad do prophesy in the camp." The indignation of
the loyal-heiirted Joshua immediately blazes foi-th. This
imauthorised " liberty of prophesying " seemed to him
an infringement on his master's juidsdiction. All due
subordin.ation was at an end if this independent action
were permitted. " My lord Moses," he cries, " forbid
them." '• En™st thou for my sake ?" is the mild rebuke
of Moses, not unconscious. perhai)s, of the personal pique
veiling itself under a regard for his master's honour.
" Art thou displeased to behold the gifts hitherto peculiar
to thy master dispersed so widely ? Not such is my
temper. I rejoice to witness others sh.aring in my
powers." " Woidd God that all the Lord's i)eople were
prophets, and that the Lord would put his spirit upon
them " (vs. 28, 29).
A few stations from Kibroth-hattaavah brought the
children of Israel to Kadesh-bamea, on the borders of
the Promised Land. A wise precaution, suggested by
the people themselves (Deut. i. 22), and avquiesced in
by Moses, dictated the sending forth spies to search out
the land, and bring back a report of it, and its inh.abi-
tants. Of these, one was selected from each of the
twelve tribes ; " every one a ruler " in his tribe, the
"head" of a family. Joshua was the representative
of the tribe of Ephraim (Numb. xiii. 2, 8, 16). The
report presented by the spies on their return to the
camp was of a twofold character. As regarded the land
itself, nothing coidd be more satisfactoi-y. Its fertility
even exceeded the report of it. The sample they
brought — a huge cluster of gi'apes, as much as two men
could can-y, with figs and pomegranates, the fruits of
the land— confirmed their words. But the picture had
another and less cheering side. "Nevertheless the
people be strong that dwell in the land ; and the cities
are waUed, and very great : moreover, we saw the children
of Anak there " (ver. 28), the di-eaded descendants of the
traditionary giants, whose very name inspired terror.
The report filled the people with dismay. A nation only
just emancipated from a degrading slavery, which had
crushed out aU moral courage and patriotic feeling, and
physically enfeebled them, they shrank from the pros-
pect of having to contend with such formidable adver-
saries. " If the goodly land were to be gained without a
JOSHUA.
struggle, or after just so much resistance as would
euhauce tlio pleasure of possession, they would be glad
enough to go up and possess it. But to have to fight
for it, inch by inch, against such tremendous odds ; to
stand up against giants ; to meet in battle tribes ac-
customed to war from their youth ; to scale the walls
of fortified cities ;— for this they had no mind." Not-
withstanding all the proofs of the Divine protection
they received, they were utterly destitute of any real
faith in God. " Back to Egj-pt," is their cry. " Moses,
the deceiver, is to be deposed ; another captain to be
chosen in his room ; and they will return to the land of
their bondage. If they had to labour hard there, they
had at lea.st an abundance of rich and varied food, and
were in no danger of losing their lives in battle."
The attempt of Caleb to calm the people's fears and in-
spire com'age, fails utterly. The disaffection increases,
and swells into a \aolent insurrection. Again the
noble-hearted Caleb, and Joshua, who is now associated
with him by name, throw themselves into the breach.
Regardless of theii- own personal danger, for " all the
congregation bade stone them with stones " (Numb.
xiv. 10), they boldly assert the truth, and use all their
efforts to rouse the panic-stricken crowd from their
despondency. " The land, which we passed through
to seai'ch it, is an exceeding good land. K the Lord
dehght in us, then he will bring us into this land, and
give it us. . . . Only rebel not ye against the Lord,
neither fear ye the people of the land; for they are
bread for us : their defence is departed from them, and
the Lord is with us : fear them not " (vs. 7 — 9). In-
censed beyond endm'ance by this attempt to thwart
their rash resolve, the people are proceeding to open
violence, when a Di^nne intei-positiou saves Joshua iuid
Caleb from death. " The glory of the Lord appeared
in the tabernacle of the congregation before all the
children of Israel " (ver. 10). Immediately the Divine
sentence is pronounced agaiust the rebellious nation.
only spared once more from utter extermination by the
intercession of Moses. They are condemned to atone for
their rebellion, by a forty yeai's' wandering in the desert,
until all who had " thought scorn of that pleasant land,"
and refused to give " credence unto his word " (Ps. cvi.
24), " from twenty years old and upward " (Numb. xiv.
29), should have died. Two, and two only, are exempted
from the general doom, "Caleb, the son of Jej>huuneh, and
Joshua, the son of Nun ; for they have wholly foUowed
the Lord " (Numb, sxxii. 12). A more sudden sentence
carries off their ten companions, whose want of faith in
God's protection and help had been the original cause
of the rebellion. "Those men that did biing up the
evil report upon the land, died by the plague before the
Lord ; but Joshua and Caleb lived still " (Numb. xiv.
37, 38) ; monuments of the Lord's just severity, and of
his discriminating goodness.
Absolute silence envelops Joshua during the fox-ty
years of wandering in the desert. He does not I'e-
appear till the close of that period when, on Moses
entreating that after he should have been gathered to
his people, God would not leave the congregation
without a ruler and a guide, he is, by God's command,
solemnly set apart, by lajnng on of Moses' hands, as
his successor. " The Lord said unto Mosos, Take thee
Joshua, the son of Nun, a man in whom is the spirit,
and lay thine hand upon him; and set him before
Eleazar the priest, and before all the congregation ; aiul
give him a charge in their sight " (Numb, xxvii. 18,
19). But though thus recognised as Moses' successor,
divinely commissioned to bring the children of Israel
into the Promised Land, he was not to be Moses'
equal. It was only " some" of his "houom- " that he
Wiis to put upon hun (ver. 20). There was one point
in which his inferiority was very strongly marked-
Moses enjoyed unrestricted personal intercourse with
God, " face to face." This iirivilege was denied to
Joshua. Eleazar, the high priest, was to be his medium
of commimication with God. Joshua was to bring his
matters to the priest, and he was to inquire of God
for him, through the ordinary means of obtaining the
knowledge of God's will. " He shall stand before
Eleazar the priest, who shall ask counsel for him after
the judgment of Uriin before the Lord" (ver. 21).
Even unrestrained independence of action was not
allowed him. " At his (Eleazar's) word shall they go
out, and at his word they shall come hi, both lie, and
all the childi-en of Israel with him." In all other
respects Joshua was to be what Moses had been to the
children of Israel : " accoi-ding as they had hearkened
unto Moses in all things, so were they to hearken unto
him, and to fear him as they feared Moses all the
days of his life " (Josh.^ i. 17 ; iv. 14). Moses next
delivers his charge to his successor — warning him,
with an emphasis which shows how much there was in
the prospect to damit the spirit of the boldest, to " be
strong, and of a good courage ;" " Fear not, neither be
dismayed;" and encouraging him with the repeated
assurance that " the Lord would bo with him," that " he
would not fail or forsake him " (Deut. i. 38 ; iii. 22 ; xxxi.
7, 8). And then, in order that a visible Dirine recog-
nition might not be wanting, Joshua and Moses are told
to present themselves at the door of the tabernacle of the
congi-egation, " and the Lord said imto Moses, Behold,
thy days approach that thou must die : call Joshua, and
present yourselves in the tabernacle of the congregation,
that I may give him a charge " (Deut. xxxi. 14). There,
in the sight of the assembled tliousands of Isriu^l, the
Lord appears in the well-known sign, the pUlar of cloud
standing over the door of the sacred tent, and J(]slma is
solemnly inaugurated into his office (Dent. xxxi. 14. 15).
He unites with Moses in rehearsing his parting song—
those swanlike utterances of warnuig and encouragement
which close his ministi-y— in the ears of tlie people, and
teaching it to them that it might \)o "a witness for God
against them " of the benefits they had received from him,
and their own duties and responsibilities (Deut. xxxi. 19;
xxxii. 44). This is the last act of a forty years' service.
Moses ascends to the top of Pisgah to behold the land lie
is forbidden to cuter, and to die. But lie ascends without,
Iiuman oompanionship. Joshua is h-ft below to I'ontiuue
his master's work, and to continue it aluue.
THE BIBLE EDTJCATOR.
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
ET JOHN STAINER, M.A., MUS. D., MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFOED ; ORGANIST OF ST. PAUL'S CATHEDP.AL.
WIND INSTEUMENTS.
CHALIL OB HALIL (THE PIPE).
^^^^^HE iiniversal usage of musical instru-
ments of tliis class renders it difficult to
reduce an account of them to reasonable
limits. It will he well to state at once
that in all prohahility the word pipe — the i.v\6s of
the Greeks, the tibia of the Romans — included two
important divisions of modern instruments : namely,
reed instruments, such as the ohoe or clarinet ; or simple
flue pipes, such as the flute. That this must have been
the case is evident from the fact, that while there is
clarinet is, that the former has a double tongue which
vibrates, the latter a single tongue.
The derivations of some of the ancient names of flutes
are very interesting : chalil or haliil, from a root signi-
fying "pierced" or "bored;" tibia (Lat.), from the fact
that it was often made of a shin-bone ; • atdos (au\os), from
the root Siu, avc, "to blow," exactly cori'esi)onding to our
flute, from the Lat. flo, " to blow," as also flageolet, from
flatus ; calamus (k6.Auij.os), clialumeau, from the material,
just as the Ai-abian flute is called nay, "a, reed," of
which the Arabs have as many as ten varieties ; there
■-^^s^;^.^^
Fig. 46.
rig. 47.
Fig. 48.
unquestionable o\adenco that many ancient instruments
had reeds, no special name is set apai't for tliem
as opposed to open tubes mthout reeds. The very
existence of the word yAasaaoKaiiitov (tongue-box) shows
that the player was accustomed to carry his tongues
or reeds separately from his instrument, just as our
modern oboists and clarinettists do. It must also bo
borne in mind that both oboe and cki-lnet are children
of one parent, and did not become distinct classes until
the early part of the last century, the parent name being
chalmiieau, from the Latin calamus, Greek KiXafnos, a
cane or rood. But wlien clialumeau is translated " a
reed-pipe," it must not be forgotten that the term is
applied to the material of which the pipe is made
(a cane), and not, as we always apply the term now, to
a pipe containing a reed or tongue. Hence it will be
seen that we are no nearer the discovery of distinctive
names for these two classes of instruments, even when
then- parent stock is found. It may be worth men-
tioning that the real difference between an oboe and a
was also a small Phoenician flute called gingra {ylyypa),
which is probably connected with Sanskrit gri, "to
sound." To which of these two classes did chalil
belong ? Probably to the former. There is evidence
from many sources that the Hebrews had oboes (see
Lightfoot. who speaks, in his Temple Service, of oboes
being used once in each month), and there seems to be
no good reason for beHe^'ing that they had a distinctive
term for them. Jalin thinks it prob.ible that they were
j very similar to the znmr of the Arabs, of which there
are three kinds, not differing essentially from each
other, but only in size and pitch, the largest being
called an.mr-al-kebyr ; the middle sized, as being most
commonly used, zamr; and the smallest zamr-el-soghayr.
Fig. 46 .shows two of these.
It is probably known to the reader that large and
small oboes have .always existed, .and are in use at the
present day. Two sorts are used in the score of Bach's
Passion Music (according to St. M.atthew), called re-
spectively oboe d'amor (the love-oboe,) and oboe di caccia
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
(liimtmg-oboe) ; the part of tho former, the smaller of
the two, cau be, and always is, played on the commou
oboe ; that of tlie latter on the tenor oboe or tenoroou,
commonly, but very improperly, termed corno-inglese,
or the English horn. This last instrument does not
terminate iu a direct bell ov pavilion, like those shown
in Fig. 46, but has an upward turn, a form which,
curiously enough, is found depicted on monuments two
thousand years old.
Of the pipes without reeds, like oiu' flutes, there
always have been two kinds : one played by blowing in
one end, hence held straight in front of the performer ;
the other played by blowing in a hole in the side, hence
held sideways. The former was called the fiute a bee,
that is, the flute with a beak; the latter, flaiito traverso,
that is, the oblique flute, or flute played crossways.
Fig. 47 is an illustration of a flaie a bee in possession
of tho author, wliich was ^brought from Egypt by
a musical frioud. It was in the possession of a
Mahometan pilgrim, who vowed that he valued it more
than auytliiug he owned, but who was very willing to
part vnth it at the sight of a small siun of money. It
is of cane, and is rudely ornamented with simple
patterns. It seems closely aUied to tlie souffarah of
the Arabs. The next illustration (Fig. 48) shows an
ancient Egyptian flauto traverso or piffera di canna
(reed-flute), as it is described, in the museum at
Florence.
These instruments seem, judging from the specimens
found in Egyptian sculpture or frescoes, to have been
of various lengths, sometimes far exceeding tho size of
the flute commonly used in our orchestras. This goes to
prove that this nation was wise enough to make use of a
family of flutes, just as we use a family of viols. And
there are many musicians who think that we lose much
by thus excluding flutes of deep sonority. Witliin the
last few years an attempt has been made to revive these
instnmieuts, a concert lla^^ng been given in London at
which a quartett was played by four flutes, treble, alto,
tenor, and bass.
Tig. 49.
Fig: 49 represents an Egyptian playing on one of
these oblique flutes. The attitude will not strike a
modem flautist as being either comfortable or con-
venient, but there is no accounting for the convention-
alities of art. One thing the ancients lacked which
has been of inestimable benefit to us, the use of keys,
ihat is, a simple system of leverage by which holes in
the instrument, quite out of reach of the length of the
ordinary human five fingers, can bo brouglit completely
imder control, and can bo closed or opened without
any great disturbance of the position of the hand. Tho
thumb, which could not possibly close a hole at the top
of the instrument in former times, is now able to do
so. Thus both the compass of tho instrument and the
ease with which it can lie manipulated have been largely
increased. It must not be supposed that such improve-
ments have been rapidly created. They are of om- oivn
time, invented by Gordon, perfected by the ingenious
Bochm. It is strange that tliis oblique flute should
have been of comijaratively late revival iu Europe. All
who have seen copies of the music of the last century
must have observed how jjarticular ^Titers were to call
it tho German flute, as if forsooth it had not been one
of tho chief elements of sweet music many thousand
years previously ! So often does it happen that mau-
Fig. 50.
kind strives unwittingly after a supposed novelty, un-
aware that the same steps have been trod before, the
same results a long time ago achieved.
Two ancient Greek flutes, found in a tomb, are pre-
sei-ved in the British Museum. Tlieir great age renders
the wood from wliich they were made extremely frail,
and any rough visage would probably reduce them to
dust. (Fig. 50.) It is remarkable that flutes of the
exact shape of these are not to be found on any known
monument. Is it possible that artists were tempted
to mould, if not an ideal form of instrument, one not
of tho commonest kind ?
But bo this as it may, the cmwed form of such in-
struments was very common in tlie Middle Ages. Tlie
cornetto curvo of the Italians seems to have been used
in all European countries under different names. Two
very beautiful instruments of this kind and shape were
discovered in the cathedral of Christ Cliurch, Oxford,
when the mnuiment-room was being removed for the
purposes of restoration. They were probably in use in
the sixteenth or beginning of the seventeenth century.
Like most cornetti cvrvi, they are made of wood,
covered with black leather, but so admirable is the
workmanship that a casual glanco would lead any one to
believe them to be of black wood. They have the usual
number of holes, six above and one below, and are
elegantly mounted in silver, on which is engraved tho
arms of the college. Tliey doubtless were the chief
support of the treble part, at funerals or any ceremonies
where it was necessary to have a musical procession.
In Germany (says Engol) they were still employed in
tho beginning of the eighteenth century (under the
name zinhen). when the town b.ands played chorales, on
cortaiu occasions, from the tower of their parish church.
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
They were played witli reeds, probably of the oboe or
double kiud. So, too, were these ancient Greek flutes
(Pig. 50) reed iustruments, but Fctis is of opinion that
they had single tongues, hko our clarinet, only he is
ineUued to think that the tongue was of metal, not of
wood, because iu a certain account given of a trial of
musical skill, one player was luiable to compete because
the reed of his instrument was lent. But it is probably
assuming too much to say that such an accident could not
have happened to a wooden tongue, and that, therefore,
brass was the material of which it was made. One
tiling, however, is certain, and that is, that in the earliest
forms of calamus, the reed woidd naturally be of cane,
because it would be simply formed by an incision in the
surface of the cane itself, similar to that made by boys
in a piece of straw, when constructing that toy instru-
ment dignified by pastoral poets by the name of
" oaten pipe." It is remarkable that the fiauto fraverso,
or oblique flute, as shown in the Egyptian di-awing
night when a holy solemnity is kept ; and gladness of
heart, as when one goeth with a pipe (chalil) to come
into the mountain of the Lord, to the mighty One of
Israel " (I.sa. xxx. 29). The joy of the people when the
cry "God savo king Solomon!" promised a peaceful
and prosperous reign, was shown by their music ; " the
people piped with pipes, and rejoiced with great joy,
so that the earth rent with the sound of them " (1 Kings
i. 40). The chalil is not so often mentioned in con-
nection with the outpouring of prophetic gifts as in-
struments of the harp class ; but yet when Samuel was
describing to Saul how he shoidd meet a company of
prophets ou his way to Gilgal, he described them as
" coming down from the high place with a psaltery
(nebel), with a tabret (toph), and a pijje (chalil), and a
harp (kinnor) before them " (1 Sam. x. 5). But these in-
struments were elsewhere to be met with than at the
solemn processions of holy men, for the prophet Isaiah,
in denouncing the drunkards who " rise up early in the
I'JS. 61.
,,;;.™w>,,.,»w^i«;v,\V«!.»N.-"";saViW.;»*V."""'
Fig. 52
(Kg. 49), is not to be found on any Assyrian or Chaldean
monuments. If then the Jews used it, they must have
adopted it from Egypt, which is also acknowledged
to be the source from whence the Greeks obtained it.
The chalil seems to have been used by the Jews on
very similar occasions to those at which our ancient
oboes played an important part, most oft«n during
seasons of pleasure, but sometimes also at funerals.
Two pipes at least had to be played at the death of a
wife. The pipers, it wiU be remembered, were bidden
to "give place" by our Lord, when he said, "The maid
is not dead, but sleepeth " (Matt. ix. 24). One common
use of the chalil was as an amusement and recreation
when walking or travelling. The sohtaiy shepherd
woidd cheerily pipe as ho traced out his long hUl-side
walks, and the ijath of the caravan could be traced
by the shrill echoes ever aud anon tossed from side to
side as, at each new turn in its many windings, f rownuig
rocks beat back the piercing sounds. Especially such
was the case wheu thousands of persons were making
those periodical jouriieys to Jerusalem, so rigidly pre-
scribed by the law : " To shall have a song, as iu the
morning to follow strong di-ink," describes then- wine
feasts as being enlivened by the sounds of the nebel,
Hnnor, toph, and chalil (Isa. v. 12). The prophet
Jeremiiih, iu showing the utter desolation and destruc-
tion of Moab, is inspu'ed to say, " I will cause to cease
in Moab, saith the Lord, him that ofEereth in the high
places, and him that burneth incense to his gods.
Therefore mine heart shall sound for Moab like pipes,
aud mine heart shall sound like pipes for the men of
Kir-heres. . . . Tliere shall be lamentation generally
upon all the house-tops of Moab, and in the streets
thereof : for I have broken Moab like a vessel wherein
is no pleasure, saith the Lord." Could any words
describe more touchingly than these the degi-adation and
loss of moral life which should overtake Moab H that it
shoidd be wept over as one dead, piped over as a
corpse !
There is no dii'cct evidence as to whether the Hebrews
used the double flute. It is quite cert^iin they must
have been aware of its existence, because it was kno^vn
to Phcenicians, Assyrians, Egyptians, and Chaldees
before it found its way into Greece. So common is it
MUS-IO OF THE BIBLE.
9
iu Romau aud Greek sculpture and pottery, that all are
iamiliar with its form. The word nechiloth is under-
Btood by JiJm aud Saalchiitz to meau the double-flute,
but, on the other hand, many others consider iiechiloth
to be the collective term for wind instruments. Some
consider that nekeb, which is derived from a root sigui-
easily have given rise to the comparison implied between
the two names.
Such double-pipes are actually in use among the
present inhabitants of Egypt. Two specimens, in the
possession of the writer, are shown in Figs. 51 and 52.
That iu the latter illustratiou has tlu-ee loose pieces.
Fig. 53.
,-- <-\ -^=v
Fis. 54.
Fig. 55.
Fig. 56.
fjing " to perforate," stands for tiie double-flute ; but as
this word is rendered fistula by Gesenius, it is not im-
probable that it may be a syrinx. The two tubes
forming the double-flute were called oddly enough male
and female, but more commonly right aud left (dextra
and sinistra). The former appeUatiou. no doubt, refers
to the fact that one tube produces a deep note, which
served as a drone or bourdon, while on the other was
played the tune. The difference in the pitch might
which may be added at pleasure to the " drone " tube of
the instrument for the purpose of adjustiug it to the
key of the tune to be played. That iu the former has two
similarly constructed pipes, so that a simple melody
may be performed iu two parts, much in the same way
as on the double-flageolet, which at one time was some-
what popidar iu England, but is now rarely seen or heard.
Both these examples are of the simplest construction.
The material of which they are made (mcluding the
10
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
mouth-pieces and tongues) is of river reed, cut uito
leno-ths, wliicli have to be inserted into each other before
use. To prevent accidental loss, the separate parts are
connected by common waxed cord. These instruments
are called argJwol, and have distinguishing titles,
according to tho length of the drone-tube.
In rig. 53 tho iuequality in tho length of tho two
pipes is very apparent. Fig. .54 shows that they were
sometimes used in Egyptian processions of a solemn
character. In Eig. 5.5 is shown the c(qnstnim, which
Greeks and Romans wore to give sujiport to muscles
of tho cheeks and face whilst blowing. In modern
orchestras we are perfectly content with tho quantity
of tone produced from our tube-instruments without
the assistance of these head-bandages.
An Assyrian is shown playing upon the double-flute
in Fig. 56. It is much to bo regretted that no details
as to the construction of these instriunents can be
gleaned from the ancient bas-reliefs. No attempt
seems to have been made to mai'k even the position of
the holes.
Tho use of the double- flute by nations with whom
the Jews had constant intercourse having been shown,
nothinqr more can be said. The reader must form his
own opinion as to the probabUity of its being rightly
enrolled amongst Hebrew musical instruments. The
quaUty of tone produced by the reed-pipes was, probably,
very coarse and shrill. Particular pains have been
taken by modern instrument-makers to produce delicate-
sounding oboes, clarinets, &c. And with regard to the
open pipes, or flutes, of the ancients, it should be borne
in mind that it must have been most difficult to produce
a series of sounds, either similar in timbre, or perfectly
true in pitch, without the aid of keys. Up to the last
century certain holes in tho then existing flutes had to
be only partially covered in order to produce certain
notes in, tune. We must learn from this, not to place
much confidence in conclusions drawn from actual ex-
periments on old pipes. Suppose, for instance, it were
attempted to discover the series of scale-soimds of such
an instrument by jilacing it in the hands of a modern
performer, it would be impossible to say whether any
noticeable variations from known forms ought to be
atti'ibuted to the intentional design of tho instrument
itself, or to our loss of those traditions which influenced
its use. But we may have to say something about the
musical scales of the ancients when speaking further on
of the vocal music of the Hebrews.
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
ET THE EEV. J. B. HEARD, M.A., CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBEIDGE.
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF SCRIPTURE PROGRESSIVE.
^j|^^«gHE law of progress rims through RevoLition
as well as through Natui-e. It is always up-
ward, from the germ to tho bud, from the
blossom to tho fruit. We are not to look
for the same teachings of psychology in the Old Testa-
ment as in the New. Tho New Testament, as Augus-
tine very well says, lies hid in the Old — the Old is un-
folded in the New. The germ is in the one, and the f uli
fruit in the other. Revelation, moreover, is not only pro-
gressive as a whole ; it is also harmonious in its parts.
There is a proportion or analogy of tho faith. Truths
are disclosed gradually as the need of them occurs, and
ono truth waits upon another. The relation between
difierent truths is so intimate that it would be useless
to disclose one wlulo the other is held back. As the
work of tho Father prepared the way for that of the
Son, and that of the Son again for the work of the
Spurit, so equally there is the same succession of truths
concerning man and his nature. As in tlieology wo
apeak of tho subordination of tho Persons of the Blessed
Trinity, so in connection witli anthropology there is
somethmg liko a corresponding subordination of truths.
Man's relation to God as his creature is the first truth—
his redemption is the second— and his full adoption and
restitution in tho Dirine image tho third. It would only
make us proud and high-minded to know of our adoption
imtil we have first received tho redemption, or again to
know of redemption untU wo have felt our fall and
ruin. This order must always be attended to : " How-
beit that was not first that was pneumatical. but that
which was psychical ; and afterward that which is pneu-
matical " (1 Cor. XV. 46). As the first Adam was eartlily,
and the second Adam heavenly ; so of the order in
human nature : we first bear tho image of the earthly,
and afterwards the image of the heavenly.
This being the order of revelation from the lower to
the higher, we are to expect this contrast between the
psychology of tho Old Testament and that of the New.
Creation, redemption, regeneration are tho three great
truths of anthropology corresponding to tho three theo-
logical truths of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
Theology and anthropology advance step by step in
Scripture and side by side. It would be contrary to the
analogy of the faith to find an intimation of the spiri-
tual faculty in man in anticipation of the work of that
Blessed Person of the Trinity whoso special ofiice it is
to discover man to himself as well as to reveal to him
the deep things of God. Our Lord himself glances at
this thought in tho words, " I have yet many things to
say unto you, but ye cannot bear them now. Howbeit
when Ho. tho Spirit of truth, is come. He will guide j'ou
into all tho truth." Full truth {-Kaaav ttjv a.\iiB(iav). the
whole truth with regard to ourselves or with regard to
God, is to bo communicated by the Holy Ghost. If wo
reflect on tho relation of the human to the Divine
Pneuma, we shall see from the nature of the case that
the knowledge of the one waits on that of the other.
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
11
What is inspiration without the sense of One to inspire
and breathe into us thoughts deeper and more divine
than any we coukl come by of ourselves ? So it is that
the spiritual in man waits for the f uU dispensation of the
Spirit, and it is vain to seek for it before its time in the
order of revelation.
There is, moreover, a certain correspondence between
the manifestation of the pneumatical element in man
in the Old Testament and iho action of tho Divine
Spirit. In both cases it was occasional, not continuous.
He is not as yet the abiding Comforter, such as is pro-
mised to be with the people of Christ, to compensate
them for liis bodily absence and to fill them with a
sense of his spiritual presence. The Spirit in the Old
Testament comes like angels' visits, few and far between.
The Spirit of the Lord descends and acts mightily on a
Samson, on a Saul, on an Elijah. While they are imdor
this spiritual afflatus their strength is as that of ten
men ; they run with horses, as Elijah, to the entering in
of the gate of Jezreel, and are not weary ; they are found
among the prophets, as Saul ; and under the sudden im-
pulse of a new and divine hfe, they manifest powers not
only beyond but out of the range of their natural capa-
cities. The most striking instance of this action of the
Divine Spirit not only elevating tho human si^irit. but
actually guiiling it and carrying it whither it would not,
is the case of Balaam. Balaam not only utters words
boyoud liis consciousness, as all tho holy men of old did ;
but this unholy man, probably as a pimishment for his
taking tlie wages of iniquity, is made to utter words
against his will — he is made to bless those whom ho was
bribed to curse, and to curse those whom he wanted to
bless. The miracle of the dumb ass speaking with
man's voice is here a sign of what the Divine Spirit can
do when the humao spirit, like an untuned pipe,- was
about to give an imcertaiu sound. Tho dumb ass re-
buked the madness of the prophet. There was tho
deepest irony in this sign from heaven. The unmelodious
bray of the ass was replaced by the utterance of articu-
late sounds, or an impression equivalent to it, produced
on the prophet's mind, teaching him. as a Last warning
on his way to oppose God's wUl. that the human pneuma
is only the pipe of the DiWne Pneuma, and that so
mighty and powerful is that wind of God that it can
breathe through the most reluctant instruments. It can
make the wi-ath of men to praise Him. and then tho re-
mainder of that wrath He will restrain. Balaam's case
is a solemn lesson as to the dependence of man for
inspiration from on high. This inspiration, it is true,
does not change character. Ho that is holy will ho
holy still, and lie that is filthy wiU bo filthy still. As a
general rule, it is only holy men who are the subjects of
heavenly inspiration, as it is the deliberately wicked in
the other extreme who become devU-inspired (Sai/iomiiSris)
(James iv. 15). But Balaam's is an apparent exception,
intended, perhaps, to impress us the more as an exception.
The warning was needed, perhaps, when prophecy was
in its infancy, and men were tempted to seek inspiration
from other sources than the pure fountain of truth.
By one striking example men were taught that the
human spirit was dependent on the Divine Spirit. As
with the lower so with tho higher lifo in man — " Thou
takestaway their breath, and they die, and thou renewost
tho face of the earth." It was a true conception of the
old heathen world that all inspiration was from God.
The god of day was also the god of prophecy, of
medicine.
*' I am the eye by which the universe
Beholds itself and knows itself divine.
All harmony of instrument or verse,
All prophecy, all medicine, are mine :
All light of art or nature to my song,
Victory and praise by their own right belong."
There is a Pantheistic turn in these lines of Shelley,
foreign to the simplicity of the ancient world. Still
there is a substantial truth in tho thought th.at the God
of natural life is also tho God of intellectual and spiri-
tual lifo as well. In Him, from first to last, we live and
move and have our being.
It is instructive to trace tho connection between the
pneumatical in man and the action of the Divine Pneuma.
Man is everywhere dependent for inspiration from on
high. Even Bezaleel and Aholiab only excel in what
wo should call the mechanical arts by some suggestion
from the fountain of wisdom. Mere cleverness, that
Intellectual idol of our age, would be foreign to the sim-
plicity of the Hebrew mind. Wliether wo are really
gainers for having dropped those theological concep-
tions of the source of genius as something impersonal
and inspired, wo should be slow to decide. Certain it
is that in the reaction from tho lUiiminism, or worship
of tlie dry intellect in fashion last century, men have
returned to something like tho old world theory of the
dependence of tho human on the Di'vine Spu-it. Not to
speak of supematui'alists and mystics like Lavater and
Jung Stilling, we find Goethe, whose mind, to use a cant
phrase, we should describe as of the Hellenist, not the
Hebraic cast of intellect, taking a view of genius which
is on the borders of the religious theory. He tells
us in his autoliiography that while his mind was wan-
dering about in seai-ch of a religious system, and thus
passing over intermediate areas between various regions
of theological belief, he met with a certain class of
phenomena which seemed to belong to none of them, and
which he used therefore to call demonic influence. It
was not divine, for it seemed tmintellectual; nor human,
for it was no result of understanding ; nor diabolic,
for it was of beneficent tendency ; nor angelic, for you
could often notice in it a certain mischiovousness. It
resembled chance inasmuch as it demonstrated nothing,
but was like Providence inasmuch as it showed symp-
toms of continuity. Everything which fetters human
agency seemed to yield before it, and it seemed to dispose
arbitrarily of the necessary elements of existence.
This magnetic influence, which Goethe is at a loss
to account for, and which ho is not content to define
.simply as genius, throws light on one of the profoundest
questions in life — ^nz., the relation of the human to the
Divine will, and our continual dependenco on God, the
siiggestio continna of Malebr.anche. God may not be
in all our thoughts consciously, and yet noverthelesa
12
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
every deep and true thought is a thought of God : the
formative impulse comes from Him ; it is shaped by
ourselves, and as it passes into consciousness we so far
forget ourselves as to forget that all things are of God ;
we take the shaping of the thought which is the human
element for its original suggestion which is divine. The
dialectical faculty, the mere understanding, thus de-
presses the pure reason or intuition. We set up to Ite
thinkers, give ourselves au:s as " original," talk of genius
as self -inspired, or use a phrase like this of Goethe's
about a demonic influence which is neither human,
divine, nor diabolic, but a strange medley of all three.
Thus when we become wise in our own conceits it is the
same as the poet says of the hardening effect of \-ice :—
" Ob misery on't. The wise gods seal our eyes
In our own filtli, drop our clear judgments, make us
Adore our errors, laugh at us as we strut
To our confusion.''
It is something in favour of our ago that our wiser
minds have caught a glimmer of the great truth that all
genius is inspiration. We are not prepared to admit in
the same unqualified way the converse, that aU inspira-
tion IS genius. The Hebrew and the Hellenic minds
are not varieties of the same stock, as if human culture
took the religious direction in one race, the artistic in
another, in each case by a native impulse of its own.
The Hebrews were by no means heaven-bom rehgionists,
as the Hellenists were heaven-born artists. So far from
this, they were stiff-necked and rebellious, ever starting
back into idolatry; Mosaism and monotheism were ideas
iu advance of, not merely abreast of, the Hebrew mind.
The intuitional school have thus caught a glimpse of a
great truth, but distorted it. The true -v-iew of the case
is that all things are of God, and that God has not left
himself without a witness in the heathen world, educating
the human race, or rather prepariag them under peda-
gogues for the true educator, which is Christ. K the
Jaw given at the dispensation of angels was only a peda-
gogue (Gal. iii. 24), much more that '" Moses Atticising,"
as Plato is called by Clement of Alexandria.
Thus all genius is a kind of inspiration, but it is a dis-
tortion of the truth to assert the converse, that all inspi-
ration is only a mode of genius. To hold the balance on
this question evenly between naturalism which con-
founds the two, and supematuralism which too sharj>ly
distinguishes them, is not easy. Nearly aU our errors
in theology spring from not being able to trace the
dividing line where nature passes into grace and the
natural merges into the supernatural. These errors of
theology have their root in a defective psychology. Su:
W. Hamilton's dictum, that no question emerges in theo-
logy which has not previously emerged in philosophy, is
undeniable. Perhaps we should add this qualification,
that these defective views in philosophy (or to define
our meaning more exactly, in p.sychology) enter into and
confuse our theology. Tlie popular psychology, which
is dichotomist, has no place iu it for the religious in-
stinct or the pueuma. This defective draft of human
nature leaves a whole class of emotions and experiences
which we call spiritual unaccounted for. There are
those three convictions concerning sin, righteousness, and
judgijient to come which it is the proper office of the
Holy Spirit to convince the world of (John xvi. 8). But
the world only judges by sense-experience, and cannot
receive Him because it knoweth Hiin not, neither seetli
Him. It should be the duty then of theology to recon-
siruct psychology on a Christian, i.e. a spiritual basis,
and thus to lead the woi-ld on from its ovni spiritual
intuitions and the light of an awakened conscience to
the deeper teaching of the Holy Spirit, thus comparing
spiritual things with spiritual. This the Church, on
account of its meagre and defective p.sychology founded
on a dichotomy of man which omits the spiritual ele-
ment altogether, to a great extent has failed to do.
Through the prevalence of Augustinianism in the West,
with its harsh line of separation between nature and
grace, and with its Tertidlian-like rejection of aU rela-
tion between God and the heathen world, and its quid
philosojjMis ac Christianus cry, we have lost the link of
connection between nature and grace in the spiritual
faculties of man. The conscience of St. Paul's Epistles
is the link between the two, the bridge across which the
philosophy of Greece was to pass over to the rehgiou of
Palestine. The Alexandrian school, as we may expect
from their position midway between the two, saw this ■
connection, and held to it till theology lost itself in
subtleties and word-quibbles such as the monophysite
and monothelite controversies. In better times the cate-
chetical school of Alexandria, led by a Clement and an
Origen, might have built up a true theology on the foun-
dations of a true psychology. But the Platonic was too
strong for the Pauline element. Losing themselves in
confusions between the Impersonal and Personal Logos,
the A070S o-irep/nariicbs and Trpo(pof,tKbs, they opened the door
to the ApoUinarian error (it is hard to describe it as a
heresy), that the Divine Pneuma in Christ replaced the
human, thus mutilating the conception of his entire
himianity as perfect man, body, soul, and spirit. The
denial of his humanity as it was called, and which has
been thought parallel to the Arian denial of his true and
proper divinity, led to a reaction. The true trichotomy
of man into body, sold, and spirit fell into disfavour
particularly in the West, where, under Augustine'-s in-
fluence, it was so completely lost sight of that we find
a Western creed (the creed very erroneously named after
Athanasius) actually founding an argument for the co-
existence of two natures in one person in Christ on
the dichotomy of the reasonable soid and human flesh.
" Nam sicut anima rationalis et caro unus est homo ; ita
Deus et homo unus est Christus." The phrase is almost
identical with an expression of Augiistiue, from whose
writings it was probably taken verbaOy : " Sicut enim
unus est homo anima rationalis et caro, sic unus est
Christus Deuset homo." (For as the reasonable soul and
flesh is one man, so God and man is one Christ.) (Aug.
in Job. Evang. xiv., Tract lxx\-iii.). Hilary of Aries, to
whom this creed is attributed by Waterland. has the
same argument : " Sicut per naturam constitutam nobis
a Deo originis nostrie prineipe corporis atque animse
homo nascitur : ita Jesus Christus per virtutem suam
JUDGES.
13
carnis atque animDe homo ac Deus esset liabens in se et
totnm verumque quod homo est et totum verumque
quod Deus est." (As by the nature giveu us by God,
who is the author of our being, man is formed both of
body and mind ; so Jesus Christ, iu virtue of his being
constituted both in body and mind man as well as God,
having in himself as well that which makes him entirely
and truly man, and also and entirely and truly God.)
Now, however orthodox this theology, it is founded
on a psychology which Athanasius would have been the
first to repudiate. The true conception of the conti-ast
between psyche and pneuma was lost in the West from
the times of Augustine almost down to the present day,
and the loss has been one which has reacted on theology
in all its branches. For want of a true psychology
several theological truths are obscured or rendered
almost meaningless. What, for instance, is the meaning
of original sin unless we can point out tliat part in
man's nature where the defect lies ? It is not iu the
sensitive or natural part of his nature that the vitimn
originis lies, unless we hold a Mauicheau theory of
God being the author of evil. The defect is privative,
not positive. It is the defect of the pneimia which
accounts for that otherwise strange and repulsive doc-
trine that man is born in sin. So, again, regeneration
is another cardinal truth of the Christian scheme; but
what do we mean by it ? Neither body nor mind can be
regenerate unless a man shoidd, as Nicrd'nius asked,
enter a second time into his mother's womb a id be born.
To be born of the Spirit must mean that the dormant
pneuma l)ecomes quickened by the DiWue Pnouma.
Like produces like : "that whicli is born of the flesh is
flesh, and that which is born of the Spirit is spii-it."
So, again, the relation of spirit to sotd tlirows hght
on the intermediate state which otherwise would be
inconceivable. Again, the resuiTection of the body
is intelligible on no other ground than this, that the
animating principle of the body, which is now psychical,
will then be pneumatical. These are some of the many
theological truths on which a Christian psychology may
be expected to tlirow light. Wliat wo contend for
here is that the revelation of Scripture is progressive
on this as on other subjects. Light is let in on the
nature of man iu proportion as deeper discoveries are
made of the character of God. Thus the theology and
the p.sychology of the word of God are perfectly pro-
portioned and harmonious. The fault lies in ourselves
tliat we do not see them iu their true perspective. If
we put ourselves at the right point of view, we shall see
that in Scripture an " increasing purpose runs." From
the simplest account of God as the great El or Creator,
who has made man a living soul by breatliing into the
dust the breath of life, we rise by regular stages of ad-
vance to the Jehovist doctrine of a Covenant God, the
Redeemer from sin. The law and the prophets in their
turn lead on to that full revelation of grace and trutli
I by Jesus Christ bj' whicli man is brought back into
' fellowship with God in and through the communion
i of the Holy Ghost. Tlius God the Creator, the
Redeemer, and the Sanctifier are the three theological
stages corresponding to which are the psychological facta
of body, soul, and spirit. Wlien man is thus sanctified
wholly and entirely (5A.oT€\e?y kol 6\6kKt]poi, 1 Thess.
V. 23), body, soul, and sijirit. then tlie revelation is
I complete : God is glorified in us, and we are made
' perfect m Him.
THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
THE BOOK OF JUDGES.
BY THE REV. STANLEY LEATHES, M.A., PROFESSOR OF HEBREW IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.
Joshua.
^ HE Book of Judges takes up the thread of
Israelitish history from the point at which
the Book of Joshua drops it, carrying on
the narrative of events after the death of
In doing this, however, there is reason to
believe that, by way of general introduction, it briefly
reviews the condition of the people for a short time
before ; and it is not improbalile that the \-isit of tlie
angel to Bocliim (ii. 1) had taken place during the life-
time of the conqueror. This appears to bo suggested
by what is said (ii. 61, " And when Joshua liad let the
people go." The book is named from the judges of
Israel whose actions it records ; and in Hebrew the desig-
nation of these rulers, Shofeiim, is the name also of the
book. The first chapter depicts the actual condition of
the people at the time when the history opens, and is
quite consistent with those statements in Joshua which
represent the whole land as being in possession of the
Israelites, and j-et large portions of it as unsubdued.
Tlie second chapter describes what was the persistent
condition of the people during the whole period of the
history of the judges. The third chapter commences
with an enumeration of the unsubdued races ; and at
ver. 8 the detailed history, properly speaking, begins.
After this introductory portion the book naturally
divides itself into two parts — the first extending to the
end of chap, xvi., and the second consisting of the last
five chapters. This second part has the character of
an appendix to the i-est ; and instead of carrying on tlio
history, appears rather to relate episodes which must
have occurred in tlie earlier period of it. The space of
time covered by Judges is that which elapsed between
tlie death of Joshua and the death of Samson ; lower
than this the history does not carry us. The book is
connected on the one side with Joshua and the events
immediately succeeding the occupation of Canaan and
the exodus, and on the other with the First Book of
Samuel, which opens with a state of things similar to
that which is still in existence when Judges ends. The
author's point of yieyf is very clearly indicated in chap.
14
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
ii. 11 — 23. This is wortliy of study, not only as showrug
us what he did not propose to do, but also what he
aimed at doing and professed to do. For example, he
did not propose to give a connected history of the
nation for a definite period, or a picture of society, or
a clear and fuU notion of the mode of government, or the
like. All these subjects would have been deeply iute-
restkig to the j)hilosopher, the sfcitesmau, the historian ;
but they are almost entirely disregarded ; and, on the
contrary, the -writer has undertaken to record the
history of his nation from a point of view in which he
claimed to bo conversant with the Divine purposes and
the Divine judgment passed upon the conduct of the
people. All that he relates is to illustrate this. And
so the appendix records a gross instanpe of idolatry, and
gives the narrative of a brutal crime, perhaps arising
out of the prevalence of such idolatiy, together \vith the
distinctive punishment that overtook the nation in con-
sequence. It is the more important to notice this,
because of its bearing upon what the Bible itself claims
to be — namely, an account of national and human alf au's
as they present themselves to the Divine mind. If
there is reaUy no relation between the view thus given
and that actually assumed in the Diidne judgment, it is
impossible to acquit the writer of a pernicious and mis-
guiding tendency. If, on the other hand, he had any
authority for the view he took, then his narrative is
worthy of the utmost deference. The difference of
style between the two portions of Judges is probably as
great, if not greater, than that wliich exists between
any other portions of single books ; the ordinary and
familiar use of the consecutive and being substituted
by the use of the past tense and the subject abruptly
without and, (see, e.g., xviii. 17, 22; six. 11, 22; xx.
43, &£.']. This is more CTOlent in the Hebrew than it is
in the English, though it is quite perceptible even there.
The chronological indications also vary — e.g., in chap.
x^.-ii. 6 ; xviii. 1 ; xix. 1 ; xxi. 2-5, we ha.ve a frequently
reciu'ring formula, which never occurs once in the
former part, though wo might have had, " In the days
of the judges," &o., as at Ruth i. I.
Regarded natm-ally as a chapter only in the national
history, the Book of Judges rcpresouts the efforts made
by the people in the development of what afterwards
became the monarchy. Moses and Joshua had been
kings ui everything but the name ; Abimelech endea-
voured, but with only partial success, to convert the
judgeship of his father Gideon iuto an hereditary
monarchy, and the book which carries on the histoiy of
the judges shows us how the kingdom of Saul found its
root iu the supremo judicial power of Samuel. Tlie
period of the judges was naturally a transition period
in which the real kingly power of Moses and Joshua
was moulding and developing itself into the hereditary
monarchy of David and Jeroboam. In tracing, liow-
ever, this process of development, it is very difficult to
eliminate altogether any agency which is not something
more than merely human or natural. In a succession
of twelve or fourteen deliverers who continually rose
up at a period of great national depression and calamity
to rescue the nation and retrieve its fortunes, the
people may certainly be pardoned for seeing the finger
of God rather than the operation of chance or the
unassisted agency of man. It is in defiance of the whole
spiiit of the Book of Judges if we do not acknowledge
this, but still it may be well and instructive to note the
human features and characteristics of which the deUver-
ance was from time to time marked. For instance, the
first judge was Othniel, the nephew of Caleb, the im-
mediate companion of Joshua, and besides hun the only
Israelite who had survived the exodus and the wander-
ings. He was raised up in his capacity of dehverer in
answer to prayer, and was prepared for his office of
judge by the Si^u-it of the Lord comiug upon him. It
is remarkable also that Israel's fu-st enemies after the
occupation of Canaan arose in the same quarter as those
who overthrew the monarchy — viz., iu the land of the
north-east, in the country washed by the Tigris and
Ein)hrates. Othniel, moreover, was of the tribe of
Judah, and thus his exploits served to keep in memory
the blessing of Jacob upon Judah, as well as to illus-
trate the Di^Tno injimction which had before beea
given, " Judah shall go up first."
The next enemy that arose was Moab, and from that
yoke Ehud the Beujamite saved his nation by slaying
Eglon, the king of Moab. After him we hear of Sham-
gar, the son of Anath, who delivered Israel from the
Philistiues. The extent to which the unsubdued
aboriginal inhabitants had been suffered to increase is
shown very clearly in the next oppression of Israel. A
powerful foe arose in the extreme north in the person
of Jabin, who is called king of Canaan, and was master
of 900 chariots of iron. For twenty years he mightily
oppressed the children of Israel, imtO he was subdued
by Barak, and skiin by the treachery of Jael, the ivife
of Heber the Kenite. The other judges mentioned by
name are Gideon; Abimelech, the son of his concubine,
who attempted to make liimseK king by slaying all his
brethren with the exception of Jotham who escaped;
Tola, a man of Issachar ; Jair, a Gileadite ; Jephthah,
Ibzan, Elou, Abdon, and Samson. Of these it is only
Ehud, Deborah, Gideon, Abimelech, Jephthah, and
Samson whoso doings are related at all in full.
The time thus covered according to the history is
as follows : —
Tears.
o
In tbp time of Cbuslian-rishatliaim . . *
„ Othniel 40
„ Eplon 18
Ehiul 80
,, Jabiu . . , . . ,20
,, Deborah 40
—206
Then we have under Midian, Anialek, and the
children of the east . .... 7
Under Gideon 40
,, Abimelech ...... 3
Tola 23
Jair 22
— 95
Again, there was a servitude under the Philistines
and Ammonites , . , . . .18
Frotii which the nation was delivered hy Jephthah,
who judged Israel 6
JUDGES.
15
Then there were — Years.
Under Ibzau ....... 7
„ Elon 10
„ Abdon 8
Under the Philistines a servitude for . . .40
And iinally the judgeship of Samson, which
lasted 20
—109
Making the complete total of
4,10
which, together with the forty years of Eli, brings the
entire period of the judges to "about the space of 450
years, till Samuel the prophet," assigned to it by St.
Paul at Autioeh (Acts xiii. 20).
There is iu Judg. xi. 26 an independent mark of the
general correctness of a large portion of this period, for
we are told that from the occujiation of Heshbon till the
time of Jephthah was 300 years, and the numbers given
in the Book of Judges, from the invasion of Chushan-
rishathaim till that of the Ammonites, make 301 years,
so that the natural inference is that they are substantially
accurate. It is to be observed, however, that we do not
know the interval between the death of Joshua and the
first invasion of the land by Chushan-rishathaim, nor
the time that Shamgar was judge (clearly for some
time, chap. v. 6), nor the period that elapsed between
the death of Samson and the high-priesthood of Eli.
The time at which the earlier pox-tion of the book was
written is partly fixed by i. 21, which says " the Jebusites
dwell with the children of Benjamin in Jerusalem unto
this day." Now we know from 2 Sam. v. 6 — 9, that it
was the expulsion of these Jebusites from the citadel of
Jerusalem which made Zion the city of David, and con-
sequently the statement in Judges must have been
written before the eighth year of David when this took
place, for at that time the state of things described as con-
tinuing "unto this day " ceased. If the writer had lived
under David, it is fair to assume that he woidd have
related the capture of Jerusalem. He must have written
before David's reign, and under, if not before, the time
of Saul. The omission also of the histoiT- of Eli pro-
bably shows either that the writer lived in his time, or
else considered it so well known as to need no record
from him. But as tho history of Eli embraced a j)oriod
of foiiy years, and was followed by tho era of Samuel,
the latter alternative appears improbaljle. Tho internal
evidence, therefore, of tho book itself gives us no more
than an indication of tho time after wliich the book
could not liave been written. There is an expression
used in Judg. viii. 14 which shows that a young man
accidentally taken by Gideon on his march home, was
able to write down the names of tho elders of Succoth.
This is a clear proof, at that early date, of tho preva-
lence of a fair amount of education among the people,
and it is surely not too much to assume, iu the presence
of such evidence, that in the time of the author of
the Book of Judges there were sufficient contemporary
memoranda of the cMef public events ready at hand to
make use of. As to the time wlien tho appendix (x\Ti. —
xxi.) was written, nothing is known or very clearly dis-
coverable. A king may be presumed to have been
reigning in Israel from tho recurrence of the phrase
already referred to, but not iu Israel as distinct from
Judah. Supposing the two portions of the book were
written by one and the same author, this would leavo
us free to conjecture the reign of Saul as a possible
time for its composition. We have seen that it could
not be later. The difference in stylo between the former
and latter portions of the book may be easily explained
on the supposition that contemporary documents of some
kind existed and were freely used by the I'esponsible
compiler, whoever ho was. The tone of regret which
tho words "at that time there was no king in Israel,"
seem to express at the contrast of what had been with
what was the condition of the people is, perhaps, hardly
consistent with the idea which would otherwise readily
occur to us, that Samuel, who had strenuously opposed
the desire for a king, was the compiler of the book.
And yet during that period there is no one else to whom
we can with more appearance of reason assign it.
It appears from xviii. 31 that when the second part
was wi-itten the house of God was no longer in Shiloh.
It was David who brought the ark to Jerusalem. Some
have supposed that the omission of the name of the
LeiHtc in chap. xix. is in consequence of the lapse of
time. This, however, is improbable. We have a some-
what uncertain guide to tho time at which the events
related in the second part happened from two circum-
stances : in Judg. xviii. 30 it is stated that Jonathan tho
son of Gershom, the son of Manasseh, was the fii-st priest
of the graven imago sot up by the tribo of Dau. Now
Gershom was the son of Moses, and in Hebrew the two
names, Moses and Manasseh, when read without the
vowels, are tho same but for tho insertion of an n.
Moreover, the word Manasseh is a various reading, tho
original word undoubtedly being Moses. There was,
however, a strong prejudice against tho idea that the
gi-andson of the great lawgiver should have been tho
man to commence an idolatrous schism, and so tho
alternative name was suggested ; but so great was tho
reverence for tho traditional text that a note was
added to tho effect that tho n was to be suspended,
and so to this day it appears iu the best Hebrew
Bibles printed in accordance with this du-ection " above
the line : " thus, nf ?p Now, if tho settiug up of
the graven image by tho tribe of Dan occirrred in
the second generation after Moses, it is plain this
nan-ative refers not to a time corresponding to its
position in the Book of Judges, but to a period con-
temporaneous with tho very earhest events recorded
iu that book; and this, indeed, is probably the case.
Again, the second episode recorded in chaps, xix. — xxi.
appears, from xx. 28, to have occurred iu the time of
Phiuehas, the son of Eleazar, which is also iu tho second
generation after Moses and Aaron. Tho natural infer-
ence, therefore, is that both these events recorded iu
the second jwrtion of the book are to be referred in
point of tune to the earlier chapters of the first portion.
They show us veiy plainly that after the death of Moses
and Joshua there was a great relapse in the moral life
of the nation. Tho flow of the spiritual tide had risen
to its height, and it was now retu-iug. The Book of
16
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Judges is itself a record of the strivings of God's Spirit
to redeem and re-establish the nation. This was only
effected by partial and spasmodic efforts recun-Lag
through a period of many centuries till the rise of
"Samuel the prophet." But it is impossible to watch
those efforts, and not see that they were effected on a
plan and with a definite purpose. Wo cannot even,
by divesting them of all their supernatural accidents,
reduce them to the dimensions of the merely ordinai-y
and common-place ; and there are certain features in
tho narrative of them which are hardly less significant.
For example, the judges are termed " saviours," and the
Lord is said to have " raised them up " (ii. 16, 18 ; iii.
9, 15 ; vii. 7 ; &c.). Four times we have the mysterious
manifestation of a Divine angel, who reproves the people
or raises up the deliverer — e.g., ii. 1 — 5 ; vi. 7, &c. ; x.
10 — 16 ; xiii. 3 — 23. And in like manner the Divine
Spirit is four times said to have come upon his chosen
agents (iii. 10 ; vi. 34 ; xi. 29 ; xiii. 24, 25). It has
been observed, moreover, that these periods of revival
diminished in intensity, tho deliverance of Othniel and
Ehud being more effectual in its duration than that of
Gideon, and that of Gideon more so than Jephthah's,
and Jephthah's more than Samson's, the last being
altogether of a lower and less .spiritual type, and effec-
tual in the death rather than the life of its agent. On
any interjiretation the history of the Book of Judges
shows us the manifold grace of God condescending to
employ manifold and diverse agencies to accomplish tho
.salvation and regeneration of his people, and ever with
the same recurring combination of success and failure :
success as far as regards the deliverance achieved, but
failure as regai'ds the meradieable tendency of the people
to relapse and fall away.
Another indication of the date of the composition of
the book requires to be noticed. lu xviii. 30 Jonathan
and his sons are stated to have been " priests to the tribe
of Dan until tho day of the captivity of the land." At
first .sight this looks like a reference to the captivity of
Shahnaneser, or Esarhaddon, if not of Nebuchadnezzar,
in which case, of course, a very late period of compo-
sition might be assigned to Judges. But it is, to say
the least, extremely douljtful wliether this is the most
natural meaning of the phrase. For instance, the very
next verse gives another note of time which, how-
ever, can hardly be other than synchronous with the
former one, and this is " all the time the house of God
was in Shiloh." In Jer. xxvi. 6 Shiloh is used as a
proverbial example of desolation, and from the way in
which the captm'e of the ark is spoken of (1 Sam. iv.
22; vii. 2) it is most likely that tho captivity of the
land, which involved the capture of the ark and the
desolation of the tabernacle at Shiloh, is the capti-vdty
here intended. (Comp. also Ps. Ixxviii. 60, &c., and
1 Chrou. xvi. 34, 35.) Indeed, it is hardly jiossible to
imagine that a centre of idolatrous worship such as this
in the tribe of Dan should have been permitted, though
at tlic northern confines of the country, all the time of
David and Solomon, not to s.ay of Hezekiah, and the
other reforming kings. Wo conclude, thurefors, that
there is no proof in this expression of a later origin
than the proximate one already assigned to the Book of
Judges. The Speaker's Commentary, however, takes a
different view both of this matter and of the date of
the book.
That the writer, whoever he was, had access to
original docimients of some kind is proved by his in-
sertion of the song of Deborah : and the faitlif ulness
^vith which he made use of his materials is shown by
the phrase x. 4 ; xii. 14, which is original in the song of
Deborah (v. 10.) Several of the statements in Judges
also are confirmed in other books {e.g., Judg. iv. 2, vi.
14, X. 1, in 1 Sam. xii. 9—12 ; Judg. ix. 53 in 2 Sam.
xi. 21). Tho Psalms not only allude to Judges (cf.
Ps. Ixxxiii. 11 and Judg. vii. 25), but copy from it entire
portions, as Ps. kviii. 8, 9, and Ps. xcvii. 5, which are
borrowed from Judg. v. 4, 5. Philo and Josephus
knew the book and made use of it, and the New Testa-
ment alludes to it in several passages (cf., e.g.. Matt. ii.
13 — 23 with Judg. xiii. 5; xvi. 17 : so also Acts xiii. 20 ;
Heb. xi. 32). This recognition is otir warrant for its
position in the canon. The intonial proofs of its veracity
are also numerous. After the death of Joshua, the
Hebrew nation had, by their repeated victories, gained
courage, and the natural consequence of their position
was security. Instead of exterminating their enemies,
as they had been commanded, they put them under
tribute, and turned their thoughts to agriculture and
tho cultivation of the land. The natural result of this
was the development of an unwarlike disposition, and
efforts on the part of their enemies to throw off the
yoke of conquest. In iii. 27 it is the hardy inhabi-
tants of Mount Ephraim only who rise to the caU of
Ehud, and many abode quietly with their herds when
Barak ("the Hghtning-flash ") called to arms against
Sisera (v. 14, 15, 17, 23). Gideon could use, or was
allowed to use, only 300 out of 32,000. No writer at
that early age could have taken off the characteristic
features of tho people in this way so strictly according
to fact, and therefore we conclude the book is, as it
professes to be, a veritable history.
Certain passages in Judges are almost identical with
others in Joshua — e.g., the grant to Caleb (Judg. i. 10
—15, 20, 21) is repeated from Josh. xv. 14—19, 13, 63.
So Judg. i. 27, 29 corresponds to Josh. xvii. 12, xvi. 10 ;
Judg. ii. 7 — 9 to Josh. xxiv. 29 — 31. The conquest of
Laish, related in Judg. xviii., is referred to in Josh,
xix. 47, where, however, it is eaDed Leshem. The
more differences of these passages, perhaps, show that
they are independent records, or that they are borrowed
iudepeudently from the same record. It is vain to specu-
late ujion the actual case, and equally vain to dogmatise
upon it as men have done. It is, however, to be observed
that as the liistory of Judges claims to have occurred
after tho time of Joshua, so tho composition of the work
presupposes that of Joshua (cf ., e.g., Judg. ii. 20, 21 with
Josh, xxiii. 16, 13 ; Judg. v. 17 with Josh. xiii. 29 — 31,
xix. 20, 31 ; Judg. v. 20 with Josh. x. 11, &c. It is not pos-
sible to conceive that the Book of Judges being written,
tho Book of Joshua was compiled subsequently, to supply
JOSHUA.
17
the gap iu the history. But even more evident is it
that the entire history of the Pentateuch must have
existed in substance as we now have it at the time when
Judges was written, not to say at the time when the
events recorded iu Judges occm-red. For example, the
history and existence of the Pentateuch is involved iu
the first two chapters of Judges. Whether we regard
these as a preface to the rest of the book, and written
subsequently to it or not, matters not. It is inconceiv-
able that the writer of these chapters shoidd not have
had the history of the Pentateuch, aud probably that of
the Book of Joshua, bcfo:;e him. (Cf. Numb. xiv. 2-i ;
Deut. i. 36 ; Josh. xiv. 9 — 14, for tlie antecedents of
Caleb, vriih Judg. i. 20. Cf. Deut. vii. 2; xii. 3, with
Judg. ii. 3. Cf. Deut. vii. 16—26 ; Exod. xxiii. 33.)
The whole of the second chapter of Judges implies the
written law, and Judg. iii. 4 exjjlicitly refers to it. With
Judg. V. 4, 3 cf . Deut. xxxiii. 2 ; xxxii. 1, 3. The whole of
Deborah's song is on the model of Gen. xlix. and Deut.
xxxiii., and, if so recognised, is a proof of the existence
of, aud acquaintance with, those highly poetical compo-
sitions iu her time if the song is acknowledged as hers,
or as coutomporaueous with her. Jndg. vi. 8 is a brief
summary of the history of Exodus aud that of Joshua.
Judg. xi. 13 refers expressly to events recorded m Numb.
xxi. 2-i, 25, 26; Judg. xi. 17 to Numb. xx. 17; Judg. xi. 19
to Numb. xxi. 21, and Deut. ii. 26. The whole of this
message of Jephthah is thick with references to the
Pentateuchal history, aud if it is genuine, as there is no
reason to doubt, it implies a knowledge of the facts in
the king of Ammon also. But Judg. xi. 35 refers to the
legal enactments of Numb. xxx. 2, and Judg. xiii. 5
implies the habitual practice of, and therefore a long
acquaintance with, the law of the Nazarite in Numb. vi. 2.
It seems very difficult to set aside the bond fide inde-
pendent evidence that is involved here. Unless we
reject the natural incidents of the story of Samson, we
have proof that the enactments of the Pentateuch were
in force then, were consequently iu existence then, and
were then of sufficient antiquity to claim observance, in
virtue of their association with the name of Moses, and
the authority they derived from him, which would liave
attached to no one else. It is needful to observe that,
contrary to the view here taken, wldch is corroborated by
St. Paul's sermon at Antioch, the history of the Judges,
in the opinion of some critics, comprises a much shorter
period of little more than 150 years. In this case it is
understood that the various periods of rest and servitude
which are specified were not consecutive but contemi)o-
raneous, that they concerned different portions of the
same countiy at the same time, aud that different judges
were ruliug iu different parts aud districts at the same
time. The wliole question of Biblical chronology is one
of the most involved, aud it would be out of place to
enter into it here. The expression of St. Paul probably
represented the then traditional view, and the several
difficulties arising- from genealogies and other dates
given in Scripture, the long period of time involved, and
the like, were, doubtless, not less obvious to him and
his instructors than they are to ourselves now.
SCRIPTURE BIOGRAPHIES.
JOSHUA (coniinued).
EY THE KEV. EDMUND VENABLES, SI.A., CANON BESIDENTIAKT AND PKECENTOK OF LINCOLN.
III. — CONQTTEST AND SETTLEMENT OF CANAAN.
)EVER, to quote an eloqneBt writer of our
own time, who has done more than any
living man — almost more than any mau
of any age — to make Scrii)ture history a
living, breathing reality' — "never, in the
history of the chosen people, could there have been such
a blank as that when they became conscious that ' Moses,
the servant of the Lord, was dead.' He who had been
their leader, their lawgiver, their oracle, as far back as
their memory could reach, was taken from them at the
very moment when they seemed most to need him. It
was to fill up this blank that Joshua was called." " The
lawgiver had done his part ; the warrior succeeded to
the admmistration of aifairs, and to the directing inter-
course with God."- He steps forward with cheerful
courage as the mau of hope— the man of action. AU
lurking diffidence is immediately dispelled by the assu-
rance of God : " As I was with Moses, so I wiU be with
thee : I will not fail thee, nor forsake thee." He at
^ Stanley, Lectures on the Jeieish Church, vol. i., p. 225.
* Dean Milman, Eistortj of the Jews, bk. v,
26 — VOL. II.
once assumes t!ie command, and issues his orders, an \
his position is recognised without hesitation. "All
that thou commandest us we will do, and whithersoever
thou sendest us, will we go " (.losh. i. 16).
Tlie host of Israel was still on the eastern side of
Jordan. Tlie first step in the fulfihnont of Joshua's
commission was to carry the people over that river:
" Arise," is God's first word to him, " go over this
Jordan, thou, and all this people, unto the laud which I
do give to them " (Josh. i. 21. The command does not
seem to have been accompanied with any intimation of
the manner in which the river, then at its full, was to
bo crossed. But Joshua had long since learnt that
whatever God enjoins he renders possible to those who
in simple faith seek to obey. If Ho bade Israel go over
the river, the way to do so would be opened when they
set themselves to do his bidding.
But there was something to be done before Joshua
took Israel over the river. The crossing of Jordan,
though in one sense an end, in another sense was only
a beginning. It was the end of their forty years' wan-
dei'ing in the wilderness, but it was the beginning of
18
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the conflict whicli was to put them in possession of
Canaan ; and this conflict was likely to be a severe one.
The Lord had promised to fight for them ; but they
would none the less have to fight. The fulfilment of
God's promise was coudition.al on their own jierform-
ances. Jericho, the key of Western Palestine, would
opiDOse the first obstacle to the onward march of Israel.
Future success or failure would mainly depend on the
result of their operations there. As a wise, far-sighted
general, therefore, does Joshua, as a first step, send two
spies to reconnoitre the strength of this city. They,
like the lion-faced Gadites in David's days (1 Chron.
xii. 8, 15), swam the swollen river, at the fords, and
entered, not unobserved, the doomed city. Concealed,
at the peril of her life, by the faithfid harlot, they
returned to the camp with tidings full of encoiu'age-
ment. "So the two men returned, and passed over,
and came to Joshua the son of Nun, and told him aU
things that befell them: and they said unto Joshua,
Truly the Lord hath delivered iuto our hands all the
land ; for even aU the inhabitants of the country do
faint because of us" (Josh. ii. 23, 24).
A demoralised enemy is a more than half-conquered
enemy. The report of the spies decided Joshua to delay
no longer, but to profit at once by the existing panic :
and ho issued his orders for the immediate crossing of
the river. The enormous host, amounting to more
than two millions — 601,730 was the nimi'ber of adult
males retm-ncd at the census in the plains of Moab
(Kumb. xxvi. 51) — descends from Shittini, the acacia
groves which line the upper terraces of the vaUey on
either side of the river, to the bank of the surging
stream (iii. 1). Arrived there, a delay of three days
intervenes — an interval none too long for the com-
pletion of the necessary preparations, now that they
were about to quit the comparative security of the
wildcrnei^s, and enter on a hostile territory.
Wo can well picture to ourselves the wonder, not
unmixed with dismay, with which the Israelites must
have looked across the flooded river, filling the whole
of the lower trough, and overflowing tho dense jimgle
of tamarisks and willows wliich clothes the inferior
terrace — " tho sweUilig of Jordan " of tho prophet
Jeremiah ( Jer. xii. 5 ; xlLx. 19 ; 1. 44) — to the green
terraces fringing the yellow desert plains beyond, and
have asked how the passage was to be effected-
" Sweet fields beyonfl tlio swelling flood
Stand dressed in living grreen j
So to the Jews old Canaan stood.
While Jordau rolled between."
At the end of these three days of suspense Joshua sent
officers through the host to communicate his instruc-
tioiLS. Tho passage was to be distinctly miraculous.
" To-morrow the Lord wUl do wonders among you "
(iii. 5). The visible agency was to be that of " the ark
of the covenant;" — that was to lead tho van. The
removal of the ark w.as to bo the signal for tho breaking
np of the encampment. Wlien they saw that token of
Jeliovah's presence, borne aloft on the shoulders of tho
Levites, quit its place of greatest security in tho centre
of the camp and advance towards the river, they were
to " remove from their pLace, and go after it" (iii. 3).
An order of deep significance was to be first obeyed :
" Sanctify yourselves, for to-morrow the Lord will do
wonders among you." Tho entrance of God's peculiar
peoiJe into the Land of Promise must be prepared for
by ceremonial purification. All outward pollution must
bo put away. How forcibly does this recall warnings
relating to that " better eoimtry, even a heavenly one,"
of which the earthly Canaan was but the type. How
does tho external purity enjoined by Joshua, before
the chUdi-en of Israel could be permitted to enter
their earthly inheritance, remind us that " without
holiness no man shall see the Lord ;" and that into the
heavenly city " there shall in no wise enter anytMng-
that defileth" (Heb. xii. 14; Rev. xxi. 27).
The circumstances of the passage are too solemn, too
instructive, to be hurried over. In all, Joshua, the
type of Jesus, "the Captain of oui- salvation," appears
as the leader and commander of the people. His is the
directing mind^his the authoritative voice.
The ark of the covenant — that symbol of the presence
of Jehovah with his covenant people, that type of Jesus,
the propitiation of a " better covenant " ' — preceded the
host, borne on the shoulders of the Legates. The
people remained behind, high up on the banks, nearly a
mile in tho rear, following with eager eyes the sacred
coffer, as its bearers descended into the ravine and ap-
proached the rushing waters of the Jordan. Suddenly,
as the feet of the Lovites " were dipped in the brim
of the water," the whole river-bed was laid dry. " The
waters which came down from above," held back in their
rapid descent from the Lake of Galilee, and piled up
by the almighty hand of God, "stood and rose up upon a
heap." The waters that were going down to the J )ead
Sea " failed and were cut off " from the source that
supplied them, lea^-ing bare the whole channel, above
and below, as far as the eye could reach. Down the
green teiraces, across the oozy channel, among the huge
stones that strewed its bed— some of which, at Joshua's
command, were afterwards erected into a monumental
cairn at Gilgal ; others forming a similar memorial on
the spot where the priests' feet first touched the water .
— the mighty host pass in safety, yet not without a
natural fear. " The people h.asted and passed over,"
(iv. 10), each, as he was nearest to tho stream, hurrjnng
doivn the sloping banks, and rtishing across to tho other
side, lest he should be surprised by tho returning waters.
Tlien, when tho whole multitude had passed over, tho
ark, which had hitherto stood motionless on the eastenx
bank, on the Levites' shoulders, descends into the bed
and mounts the other side of the ravine. As soon
as it has reached a i^lace of perfect security, and " tho
soles of the priests' feet were lifted up imto the dry
land " — the miracle ceasing the instant the necessity
for it ce.ased — the imprisoned waters set free from
the restraining Hand, "returned unto their place,
^ The word t\ao-T,/pu)v, siffaifyingr " the mercy-seat," and so
translated in Heb. is. 5, is rendered " propitiation" when referring:
to the sacrifice of Jesus (Rom. iii. 25).
THE HISTORY OP THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
19
and flowed over all his banks, as ihoj did before "
(chap. iv. 18).
The importance of this miracle can liardly be over-
estimated. The people were now about to cuter ou a
fresh stage of their national existence, and that under
a new leader. On the issue of the next few days or
weeks would depend whether they should become the
masters of that goodly land, "flowing with milk and
honey," which had been the earliest dream of their
childhood, or be crushed by its warlike inhabitants ;
either reduced to slavery, or utterly destroyed, so that
they should " be no more a people, and the name of
Israel should be no more in remembrance." " Would
the Lord be with them indeed ? Woidd he fight
for them as of old ? Would ho work wonders for
thorn by the hand of Joshua, as ho had done by the
hand of Moses?" The assm-anco of the continued
pi-esence and protection of Jehovah, afforded by the
drying up of Jordan, was exactly what was needed to
encourage their fainting hearts, and secure for Joshua,
accredited by so mighty a sign, the loyal allegiance of
the people. This is the light in which this miracle is
set before us in the words of God to Joshua. " This day
will I begin to magnify thee in the sight of all Israel,
that they may know that, as I was with Moses, so I will
be with thee " (iii. 7) ; and the result tallied with it.
" On that day the Lord magnified Joshua in the sight of
all Israel ; and they feared him, as they feared Moses,
all the days of his life " (iv. 14). Another purpose to
be answered by this exercise of the Divine power in
behalf of Israel, was to deepen the feeling of discourage-
ment already, as we have seen, existing in the minds of
the Canaauites, and thus prepare for then' easier and
complete overthrow. Tliat this was the effect of this
miracle is plainly stated by the sacred liistorian. "And
it came to pass, when all the kings of the Amoritos,
which were on the side of Jordan westward, and aU tho
kings of tho Canaauites, which were by the sea, heard
that the Lord had dried up the waters of Jordan from
before tho children of Israel, until we were passed over,
that their hearts melted, neither was there spirit in
them any more, because of the children of Israel."
That was no idle or gratuitous display of power, which
afforded to the Canaauites, to Israel, and to Joshua
himself, such unmistakable evidence that " the living
God, the Lord of all the earth," — no dead idol, or mere
local deity — was among them, " and that he would not
fail nor forsake them " (iii. 10, 11 ; i. 5).
The first two acts of Joshua ou his entrance as the
leader of Israel ou the Land of Promise wei-e of deep
significance ; they intimate a distinct recognition of the
new position of tho people. Hitherto, since their rebel-
lion at Kadesh-barnea, they had been under a ban. By
their hnpious resolve to return to Egypt rather than
face the dangers of Canaan, they had rejected God, and
thorefoFo God had, temporarily, rejected them. As a
token that they were no longer regarded by him as his
covenant people, the symbol of the covenant, the rite of
circumcision, was suspended ; while, as an indication of
displeasure at their determination to go back to tho land
of slavery, the ordinance of the passover, the memorial
of their deliverance from that heavy bondage, was dis-
continued. But tho years of rejection were now at an
end, and the ban was removed. Entered on tho Laud of
Promise, God once more regarded them as his own cove-
nant people, and therefore the sign of the covenant was
renewed. At tho frontier fortress of Gilgal, entrenched
by Joshua on the rising ground overlooking Jericho,
about five miles from the banks of Jordan, Israel "cast
off the slough of their wandering fife," and " roUed away
the reproach of Egypt " (v. 9), by submitting once more,
at the Divine command, to the distinguishing ordinance
of circumcision. Knives of flint,' reserved in other
countries for this and other religious rites, were used
for the ceremony by which Joshua, " tho type of Him
who alone gives the new circumcision " — the circum-
cision of the heart " made without hands " (Col. ii. 11),
readmitted Abraham's descendants to the covenant mado
with their great ancestor. Thi-ee days after this national
reconciliation of Israel, on tho 1-lth of Nisan (v. 10), the
jiassover was celebrated. Never since its first institu-
tion had its import been more powerfidly sho^vn. They
were delivered from Egypt in order that they might
hold possession of Canaan ; and now at last Canaan was
reached. Tho memorial of what Jehovah had done for
their fathers would quicken their faith, and fill them
with confidence as to the issue of the conflict that lay
before them. For though reached, Canaan was not
conquered ; from the fortified camp at Gilgal, tho
walls and towers of Jericho, "great and fenced up to
heaven," would bo a stem but salutary reminder of tho
nature of the struggle on which they were about to
enter, and of the need of a strength not their own to
secure a successful issue.
^ Chap. V, 2, margin.
THE HISTOEY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
BT THE KEV. W. F. MOULTON, JI.A., PROFESSOK OF CLASSICS, WESLETAN COLLEGE, KICHMOND.
TTNDALE, " tho faithful 1 other liberal arts, as especially in the knowledge of the
ILLIAM
minister and constant martyr of Christ,
was bom about the borders of Wales, and
brought up from a child in the University
of Oxford, where he, by long continn.ance, grow up and
increased as well in the knowledge of tongues and
Scriptures, whereunto his mind was singularly addicted.
Insomuch that he, lying then at Magdalen Hall, read
privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalen
College somo parcel of divinity, instructing them in
the kuowledgo and truth of the Scriptures. Whose
2C
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
mannors also and conversation, being correspondent to
the same, were sncli that all they whicli knew him
reputed and esteemed him to be a man of most \li'tuou3
disposition and of life unspotted. Thus he, in the
University of Oxford, increasing more and more in
learning and proceeding in degrees of the schools, sjiy-
ing his time, removed from tlience to the University of
Cambridge, where after he had likewise made his abode
that in which Luther was born ; the place was cither
North Nibley or (more probaljly) Slymbridge," near
Berkeley, in Gloucestershire. As little known are the
details of his university career. We can hardly sup-
pose that he would proceed ta Oxford earlier than
1503. At that time, and for two years later, Colet was
stUl delivering lectures on the Epistles of St. Paul;
and we cannot doubt that Tyndale was one of the
WILLIAM TYNDALE.
S certain spare, being now further ripened in the know-
ledge of God's word, leaving that university also ho
resorted to one Master Welch, a knight of Gloucester-
shire."
Such is the brief account which John Foxe gives' of
a period comprising more than two-thii-ds of Tjaidale's
life. Unhappily we can add very little to fill up the
outline here given. Even the lime and place of Tyn-
dale's birth are not known with certainty. The most
probable date appears to be 1484, the year following
' Acts and Monuments, vol. v., p. lit.
many eager listeners to these fresh and ^^\■id exposi-
tions. The reasons which induced T)Ti<lale to leave
Oxford for Cambridge we can only conjecture. On
the one hand, he may veiy probably have been attracted
by the teaching of Erasmus ; on the other, he may
have seen the necessity of avoiding a threatened storm.
Colet huuself was suspected of lieresy ; and liis disciple,
who occupied himself in reading " to students and
fellows some parcel of divinity," would naturally be
looked upon with distmst. The account of Tyndale's
- See the biography of Tyndale by the Rev. K. Demaus, pp. 5, 6.
THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
21
residence in the family of Sir John Walsh, of Little
Sodbury (a villago in South Gloucestershire), we take
from the first edition of Foxe's Acts and Monuments,
since the narrative as there given' bears marks of
being immediately derived from one of Tyudalo's
friends.
" Master Tyndale being in service witli one Master
Welch, a knight who married a daughter of Sir
Robert Points, a knight dwelling in Gloucestershire,
the said Tyndale being schoolmaster to the said Master
Welch's children, and being in good favour with his
master, sat most commonly at liis own table, which
kept a good ordinary, having resort to him many times
divers great beneficed men, as abbots, deans, arch-
deacons, and other divers doctors and learned ' men.
Amongst whom commonly was talk of leai'uiug, as
well of Luther and Erasmus Roterodamns, as of
opinions in the Scripture. The said Master Tyndale,
being learned, and which had been a student of divinity
in Cambridge, and had therein taken degree of school,
did many times therein show his mind and learning,
wherein as those men and Tyndale did vary in opinions
and judgments, then Master Tyndale would show them
on the book the places, by open and manifest Scripture.
The which continued for a certain season divers and
sundry times, until in the continuance thereof these
great beneficed doctors waxed weaiy, and bare a secret
grudge in their hearts against Master Tyndale. . . .
Then did he translate into English a book called, as I
remember. Enchiridion Miliiis Ghristiani? The which
being translated he delivered to his master and lady.
And after they had read that book, those great prelates
were no more so often called to the house, nor when
they came had the cheer nor countenance as they were
wont to have, the which they did well perceive, and
that it was by the means and incensing of Master Tyn-
dale, and at the last came no more there. After that,
when there was a sitting of the bishop's commissary
or chancellor, and warning was given to the priests to
appear. Master Tyndale was also warned to bo there.
And whether he had knowledge ))y their threatening,
or that he did suspect that thoy would lay to his charge,
it is not now perfectly in my mind ; but thus he told
me, that lie doubted their examinations, so that he in
his going thitherwards prayed in his mind heartily to
God to strengthen him to stand fast in the truth of His
word; so he being there before them, the)' laid sore
to his charge, saying ho was a heretic in sophistry, a
heretic in logic, a heretic in his divinity, and so con-
tinueth. But they said tmto him, ' You bear yourself
boldly of the gentlemen here in tliis country, but you
shall bo otherwise talked with.' Then Master Tyndale
answered them : ' I am content that you bring me where
you will into any country within England, giving me ten
pounds' a year to live with, so you bind me to nothing
1 Reprinted by Arber in the Preface to liis Fac-simile of the
Grenville Fmfjmmt, pp. 8—10. Mr. Demaus (p. 44) is convinced
that Foxfe'a informant was Richard Webb, afterwards a servunt of
Latimer.
2 "Written by Erasmus in 1501.
3 Eiiual to £120 or £130 at the present day.
but to teach children and preach.' Then had they
notliing more to say to him, and thus he departed and
went homo to Ids master again.
■' There dwelt not far ott' an old doctor tliat had been
arch-ch:mcellor to a bishop, the which was of old
familiar acquaintance with Master TjTidiile, who also
favoured him well, to whom Master Tyndale went
and opened his mind upon divers questions of the
Scriptures, for he durst boldly open to him his
mind. That ancient doctor said, ' Do you not know
that the Pope is the very antichrist which the Scrip-
ture speaketh of ? but beware what ye say, for if you
shall be perceived to be of that opinion it will cost you
yom- life;' and said, ' I have been an officer of his, but.
I have given it up, and defy him and all his woi'ks.'
And soon after Master TjTidalo happened to be iu the
company of a learned man, and in communing and
disjiuting with Mm drove him to that issue that tho
learned man said, ' We were better bo without God's
law than the Pope's.' Master Tyndale hearing that
answered him, ' I defy the Pope and all his laws;' and
said, ' K God spare my life, ere many years I will
cause a boy that driveth the plough shall know more of
the Scripture than thou doest.' "
It is very interesting to mark the dawn of Tynclalo's
great purpose of translating the Scriptures into the
language of the people. The words last quoted may
have been suggested by a striking passage in the "Ex-
hortation " prefixed by Erasmus to his edition of the-
Greek Testament.'' " I would," says the great scholar
of tho Reformation age, "that all private women should
read tho Gospel and Paul's Epistles. And I wish that
they were translated into all languages, tluit they may
be read and known, not only by the Scotch and Irish,
but also by the Tm-ks and Saracens. Let it be that
many would smile, yet some would receive it. I would
that the husbandman at the plough should sing some-
thing from hence, that the weaver at his loom should
sing something from hence, that the trcveller might
beguile the weariness of his journey by narrations of
this kind." But even before ho listened to Erasmus
this subject had been in Tyndale's thoughts. It is
remarkable that almost the only reminiscence of his
childhood is connected with tlie Labour of his life. In
his work on the Ohedieiwe of a Christian Man,' m
the course of an argument that with special propriety
may the Bible be translated into English, because the
Greek and Hebrew tongues agree so much more with
English than with Latin, he says: " Yea, and except
my memory fad me, and that I have forgotten what I
read when I was a child, thou shalt find in the English
chronicle how that king Adelstone (Athelstane) caused
tho Holy Scripture to bo translated into the tongue
that then was in England, and how the prelates ex
horted him thereto."
It soon became evident to Tyndale that his work
could not be accomplished at Sodbury. " When I was
■t mstoricnl AccOMiit (in the English Hexaplaf, pp. ■13, 44.
5 Tyndale's Doctrinal Treatises (Parker Society), p, 149. Bee
also Demaus, p. 11.
22
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
so turmoiled," he says,' " in the country where I was,
that I coxilcl no longer there dwell, I this wise thought
in myself: This I suffer because the jiriests of the
country be unlearned. ... As I this thought, the
Bishop of London = came to my remembrance, whom
Erasmus . . . praiseth exceedingly for his gi-eat
learning. Then thought I, if I might come to this man's
service I were happy. And so I gat me to London,
and through the acquaintance of my master came to
Sir Harry Gilford, the king's grace's controller, and
brought him an oration of Isocrates which I had trans-
lated out of Greek into English, and desired him to
speak unto my lord of London for me, which he also
did, as he shewed me, and willed me to write an epistle to
my lord, and to go to him myself, which I also did. . .
1 In the Preface to the Book o£ Genesis (1531). Sea Arber
Facsimile, pp. 16, 17.
- Tunstal, who succeeded to the see of London iu 1523.
Whereupon my lord answered mo, his house was fuU,
he had more than he could well find; and advised me
to seek iu London, where he said I could not lack a
service. And so hi London I abode almost one year,
. . . and understood at the last, not only that there
was no room iu my lord of London's palace to translate
the New Testament, but also that there was no place to
do it in all England."
It was probably in 1523 that Tyndale came to
London. Duriug the year of anxious waitiug he
found a home in the house of Humphry Monmouth,
a cloth merchant of Loudon, who proved himself
now aud in after years Tyndale's zealous and loving
friend. Wlieu at last compelled to renoimce the hope
of trau.slating the New Testament iu England, Tyndale
did not hesitate to give up his country La favour of
his work; but in May, 152i', left England, never
I to return.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
ST. MATTHEW.— THE MESSIANIC PEOPHECIES OF THE EAELY CHAPTERS.
BT THE r.EV. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A., ViCAE OF WINKPIELD, BEEKS.
" Then was fulfilled that which was spoken by Jeremy the prophet,
saying. In Bama was there a voice heard, lamentation, aud weeping,
and great mourning, Eaohel weeping for her children, aud would
not be comforted, because they are not."— Matt. ii. 17, 18.
G^^|jf]TggHIS quotation from Jer. xxxi. 15 agrees
more closely with the Hebrew than with
the version of the LXX. According to
the reading now generally received, the
wo^ds of the Evangelist may bo thus compared with
those of the prophet : —
'* A voice was heard in Eama,
wailing, and much lamentation
(weeping of bitterness), Eachel
bewaihng her children, aud would
not be comforted, because they
are not."— Matt. ii. 13.
" A voice was heard in Rama,
wailing, bitter weeping (ht. weep-
ing of bitterness) ; Eachel weep-
ing over her children, refused (or
refusing) to bo comforted for her
children, for they are not." — Jer.
TV-gi 15.
The primary reference of these words, as originally
spoken by the prophet, will scarcely admit of doubt.'
Previously to the removal of a number of Jewish cap-
tives, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, into Baby-
lon, they were assembled, as it should appear from Jer.
xl. 1, in chains, at Ramali. If this Ramah be the
same as that mentioned in Ezra ii. 26 and Neh. vii. 30,
many of its inhabitants, in accordance with the language
of Jer. xxxi. 17, " came again to their border," i.e., re-
turned to Judah together with Zerubbabel. It is
possible (as Mr. Grove, iu his article on " Ramah,"' in
Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, has suggested) that
some may have perished at Ramah, by the hands of
their captors, as we know that some wore put to death
1 In addition to the fact that the chief deportations of the ten
tribes were already past, the position of Ramah within the tribe
of Benjamin, and the prospect of a return to their own land (ver.
17), seem to determine the primary reference of the prophecy to
the captivity of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin.
at Riblah (Jer. lii. 27), and that it was in this way that
Ramah became the scene of the wailing described iu
Jer. xxxi. 15. There does not, however, appear to be
any proof of such a massacre as that which Mr. Grove
suggests, nor do the words of the prophet, when
understood as referring to the Babylonian captives,
necessarily require such a supposition : for though the
Hebrew word rendered " they are not," or, as it is
literally rendered, " he is not " (i.e., not one of them),
commonly denotes the death of the person to whom it
relates (as e.g., in Gen. xxxvii. 30 ; xlii. 13, 32, 30 [of
Josej>h] ; Job vii. 8, 21 ; Ps. xxxvii. 30), it does not,
of necessity, imply a state of non-existence, but may
imply only the absence or change of place of the person
with regard to whom it is used, as e.g., in Gen. v. 24,
where it is used of the translation of Enoch ; in Gen.
xlii. 36, in reference to Simeon; and, yet more deci-
sively, in 1 Kings xx. 40, where it simply denotes
escape out of custody."
Hence, in the primary reference of the words, the
prophecy may reasonably be supposed to have received
its fulfilment in the event to which allusion has already
been made, as it is related in Jer. si. 1. viz., the deporta-
tion of a portion of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin
into the land of Babylon.
There were several places bearing, either in the
same, or in a slightly modified form, the name of
Ramah, a word which (like Aram) points to an elevated
position.' This name is said to have been found
2 The Chaldee paraphrast explains the word "because they have
gone into captivity."
3 This signification of the word suggests another explanation of the
passage which has approved itself to some commentators — viz., that
" Eamah" here points not to any one particular place, but to one
1 of those *'high places" which seem to have been chosen by the
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
23
attached to the spot close to that in which Rachel is
supposed to have been buried (Gen. sxxv. 18, 19) ; but
the place moro commonly known by tliat name was
about five miles to the north of Jerusalem, within the
limits of the tribe of Benjamin. In either case, the
distance from Rachel's sepulchi'e was not great; and
the prophet, by tho use of a striking and highly poetical
figure, represents tho mother of Benjamin, whose eager
desire of offspring is distiuctly recorded in Gen. xsx.
I, and whose death, at the birth of "the son of her
sorrow," is so pathetically described in Gen. xxxv. 18, as
personifying tho land, or as representing its bereaved
mothers, when the Chaldeans burned the houses of the
people, and Nebuzar-adan, the captain of the guard,
carried away captive a number of tho inhabitants of
Jerusalem and of Judah (i.e., of tho two tribes of Judah
and Benjamin) into tho land of Babylon (Jer. xxxix. 8,
9 ; xl. 1).
It was thus that the primary fulfilment of the pro-
phecy took place in the days of the prophet who had
delivered it ; and a striking testimony was given by
Nebuzar-adah himself, who was the executioner of the
Divine vengeance, to the truth of the inspired predic-
tions respecting tho doom of the rebellious people,
when in " looking well " to Jeremiah, as Nebuchad-
nezzar had commanded him, and giving him permission
to go or stay in the land, as the proi^het might him-
self desire, he added, "The Lord thy God hath pro-
nounced this evil upon this place. Now the Lord hath
brought it, and done accordiag as ho hath said " (Jer.
3d. 2, 3).
Much has been said about the sense in which it is
afl5rmed by St. Matthew, "that that which was spoken
by Jeremy the prophet" vr&s fulfilled in the slaughter of
the babes of Bethlehem and the "coasts thereof," i.e.,
the surrounding country. A different formula is hero
used by the EvangeHst from that which occurs in vs. 15
and 23, and it has been argued, and perhaps not unrea-
sonably, that all that tho words necessarily imply is that
tho language of the prophet might well be applied, by
way of accommodation, to tho event related in the pre-
ceding verse. This explanation, however, will scarcely
be deemed satisfactory to those who are accustomed to
have regard, not so much to the design of tho human
writer, or to his perception of tho moaning of his own
words, as to tho mind of the inspiring Spirit. Nor is
it unrea-souablo to suppose that just as the prophecy
quoted in ver. 1.5 looked back to the exodus of the typical
Israel, and foi-ward to tho return from Egypt of the
true Israel, so tho words of Jeremiah may have had
their primary and, so to speak, typical fulfilment in the
IsraeliteB for special " weeping and supplications " (see Jer. iii. 21 ;
Tii. 29 ; in both of which places, however, a different word is used
for " high places"). This signification is supportedby the Chaldee
paraphrast, in the Latin version, thus : " Vox in excelso mundi
audita est, domus Israel flentis et gementis, post Jeremiam Pro-
phetam, postquam misit eum Nebuzar-adan princeps occidentium a
Kama." (A voice was heard, on a high place of the world, of the
house of Israel weeping and groaning after Jeremiah the Prophet,
after that Nebuzar-adan, the chief of the executioners, dismissed
liim from Eamah.)
deportation into Babylon, and their ultimate fulfilment
in tho ovont recorded by St. Matthew.
In some respects the latter of these two events seems
moro fully to satisfy tho terms of the prophecy than
the former. The mourning for the slaughter of the
babes at Bethlehem may bo well conceived to have
been more bitter than that for tho deportation into
Babylon, inasmuch as the one was inflictod by an
avowed enemy, whilst the other was inflicted by Israel's
nominal king ; iuasmuch as in the one there was " hope
that tho children should come again to their own
border," whilst in tho other they were utterly destroyed ;
and iuasmuch, lastly, as tho flight into Egypt must
have remained unknown to many, and those who had
hailed with joy tho bl.'th of the promised Deliverer may
well have " refused to bo comforted," in the belief that
"He was not."
This personification in the person of Rachel of those
who were "looking for the consolation of Israel,"
derives additional force and beauty from tho fact that in
Ruth iv. 11 Rachel and Leah are represented as the
common mothers of tho people of God ; and although
Rachel was the mother of two only of tho sons of
Jacob, she, as well as Leah, is described as " biuldiug
the house of Israel."
Again, although the word used by the prophet, which
is translated " they were not," does not invariably imply
the death of the person to whom it is applied, it more
frequently bears that signification than any other.
Once moro, it must not bo forgotten that tho whole
of the context in which tho prophecy is found is, in the
strictest and fullest sense of the words, a prophecy of
the latter days, a jjrojjhecy including ui its wide embrace
the entire compass of tho Christian dispensation, be-
ginning (if wo may assume tho Messianic reference of
ver. 22) with tho mu-aculous conception of our Lord,
and ending with that glorious consummation which is
described in the Epistle to tho Hebrews, with express
reference to tho same chapter of the prophecies of
Jeremiah as that from which St. Matthew quotes the
words imder consideration, when " they shall not teach
every man his neighbour, and every man his brother,
saying, Know the Lord : for all shall know mo, from
the least to the greatest. For I itxU be mercifid to
their unrighteousness, and their sins and their iniquities
will I remember no moro " (Hob. viii. 11, 12, cit«d from
Jer. xxxi. 34).
On these then, as well on other grounds which might
be urged, it seems reasonable to infer that the prophetic
personification of Rachel, mourning over hor lost or
slain children, had a direct reference, in the mind of the
inspiring Spirit, to the slaughter, in the days of Horod, of
the babes of Bethlehem, and of the adjoining confines
of Judah and of Benjamin ; and that in the lamentation
of the bereaved mothers of those districts the words of
Jeremiah received a yet fuller aceompfishmont than in
the mourning at the deportation into Babylon : " A
voice was heard in Ram.ah, lamentation, and bitter
weeping ; Rahel weeping for her children refused to be
comforted for her chUdreu, because they were not."
21-
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE BEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., F. L.S., RECTOR OF PKESTON, SALOP.
WILD CATTLE.
[EAVING the domestic cattle, we come to
the wild cattle of Palestine that appear
to have roamed among the forests and
hills of the country in Biblical times.
In the English yersion we meet with two passages
(Deut. xiv. 5, and Isa. li. 20) where the Hebrew words
lope (Oryx leucoryx) of North Africa, Syria, &e. ; that
the horus seen in profile appear as one, and hence the
mistake of regarding it as a one-homed animal ; others
have no hesitation in referring the unicorn to the one-
horned rhinoceros {R. unicornis) of Asia. This is the
opinion generally entertained at this day. Now all
attempts to discover a one-horned animal that shall
OETX LEUCORTX.
ieo or to are represented by " wild ox " and " wild bull "
respectively ; but it is probable that the animal denoted
by the original word is rather some species of antelope
tlian a bovine animal ; this question we shall consider
at another time. There is another Hebrew word of
frequent occurrence in the Bible — viz., reem, reeim, or
reim, which our translators always translate " unicorn,"
but which there can lie no doubt means " wild buU,"
as we shewed ten years ago ; see the Annals and Maga-
zine of Natural History, Nov., 1862, in a paper on the
"Unicorn of the Ancients; " the Quarterly Review, on
the " Natural History of the Bible." No. 227, &c. We
here reproduce our remarks from the first mentioned : —
" And first of aU there is the unicorn of the Bible.
Pages upon pages have been written on this subject.
Some have said the animal must have been the ante-
represent the unicorn of our English Bible are beyond
the mark entirely, and for this simple reason : the
so-called unicorn is no unicorn at all; tho Hebrew
word (reem) denotes a two-homed animal beyond the
shadow of doubt. The ' unicorn ' of our English
Bible owes its origin to the Septuagint and Vulgate
versions.' In Deut. xxxiii. 17, which contains a por-
tion of Joseph's blessing, it is said, ' His horns are
like tJie horns of a reem.' Our translators, seeing
the contradiction involved in the expression, 'horns
of the Mjiicorn,' have rendered the Hebrew singular
noun as if it were a plural form in the text, though
they give the correct translation in the margin. Tho
1 MovoKeptat in all the passages but one, where the Septuagiat
has uipoi. The Vulgate has wiicornis, aud sometimes rhinoceros.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
25
two horns of the reem are ' the ten thousands of
Jliphraim and the thousands of Manasseh,' and repre-
sent the two tribes which sprang from one (viz., Joseph),
just as two horns spring from one head. Tlie unicorn
of the Bible, therefore, may be tlismissed at once, as
being a very unhappy translation of the Hebrew two-
horned reem, the animal denoted being, there cannot
be much doubt, some species of ' wild ox,' as appears
Palestine and Syria in Biblical times, as is clear frsm
the numerous allusions to them in Holy Writ ; and it is
interesting to note, as an additional pioof, that the late
Dr. Rotii discovered bones of the lion in gravel near the
Jordan. It is therefore quite probable that future in-
vestigations in Palestine may result in the discovery of
the bones of Bos primigenius, or Bison priscus, or some
other formidable ox. All readers will remember the
BISON B0NASSU3.
pretty evident from a comparison of the different pas-
sages where the word occurs in Holy Scripture. The
reem was two-horned ; it is almost always mentioned
with bovine animals ; it is said to push with its horns ;
it must have been frequently seen roaming on the hiUs
of Palestine, or in the woods of the Jordan valley, as
is evident from the numerous allusions to it. It is true
there is no wild ox at present known to exist in Pales-
tine ; but this is no reason why, in early times, some
mighty species, allied perhaps to the urns which Caesar
saw in the Hercynian forest, should not have existed in
that country. Lions were certainly not uncommon in
beautiful description of the reem in the Book of Job.
Now let us compare with it the accoimt Caesar gives of
the fierce urus which in his time frequented the great
Hercynian forest ; ' These uri are scarcely less than
elephants in size, but in their nature, colour, and forms
are bulls. Great is tlieir strength and great their sjiccd
nor do they spare man or beast when they owce have
caught sight of him. The hunters ai-e most careful to
kill those which they take in pitfalls, wliUe the young
men exercise themselves by this sort of hunting, and
grow hardened by the toil ; those of them who kill
most receive great praise when they exhibit in publio
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR,
the homs as tropaies of their success. These uri, how-
ever, even when they are young, cannot be habituated
to man and made tractable. The size and shape of
their horns are very different from those of our
oxen."
The indomitable nature ascribed to these wild iiri
exactly agrees with the description of the reem as
given in chap, xxxix. of the Book of Job ; and the ap-
parently imphed contrast whieli is made between the
domestic ox and the wild urus finds an analogue in
the above extract from Caesar. The same remark may
he made with respect to the great size and strength
of the Scriptural reeni when contrasted with the do-
mestic oxen of Palestine, the ancient inhabitants of
which land would naturally draw the same comparison
between their domestic cattle and the mighty reem, as
Caesar's legions did between then- cattle (-Bos longifrons)
and the great Hercynian wild bidls (Bos primigenius),
whose bones are now occasionally found, together with
those of the elephant, hyaena, &c., in the Tertiary
deposits of tliis country.
Mention of the reeni is made iu the following pas-
sages :—
"God brought them out of Ejypt; lie hatb, as it were, the
strength of a ream " (Numb, sxiii. 23 ; xxiv. 8).
" His glory is like the firstling of his hullock^
And his horns are like the horns of a rccm;
With them shall he push the people together
To the ends of the earth j
And they (the two horns) are the ten thousanas of Ephraim,
And they are the thousands of Mauasseh " (Deut. sxiiii. 17).
We liave already explained this passage ; which, in-
deed, written in full, explains itself : we only now call
attention to the parallelism : —
i"; -an iniii) liin
T:"1P D.V^ ^'2^^)^'
Bel:6r sh6r6 hiiddf lo,
Vekarnei r'em limiiaiv.
The multitudes of the tribe of Ephraim are represented
by the one horn, and tlie multitudes of the tribe of
Manasseh by the other horn, of a bullock or wUd bull.
The Hebrew word occurs three times in the Psalms : —
" Save me from the hon's mouth, for thou hast heard me from
the horns of the recms*' (ssii. 21).
"He maketh them to skip like a calf:
Lebanon and Sii-ion like a young recni "
(rrix. 6), where the paralleMsm is again to bo noted.
*' My horn shalt thou esalt like the horn of a reem "
(xcii. 10). The animal is also mentioned iu Isaiah
(xxxiv. 6, 7), where the parallelism of the whole passage
is very striking : —
" The sword of Jehovah is filled with blood ;
It is made fat with fatuess ;
With the blood of Iambs and poats,
With the fat of the kidneys of rams ;
Jehovah hatli a sacrifice iu Bozr.ih,
And a great slaughter in the land of Edom ;
And the reems shall come doivu ivith them.
The o.rea and the strong} hulls."
Under the imago of a great sacrifice of cattle to
Jehovah, the prophet describes a terrible destruction
that is to take place among Israel's enemies, especially
the Edomites. The lambs and goats and rams, it is
very probable, denote the people, while the reems, oxen,
and strong bulls represent the chiefs and princes.
A f idler description of the reem is given in the Book
of Job :—
** Will the reem be willing to serve thee,
Or will he abide by thy crib ?
Canst thou bind the veem by his baud iu his furrow ?
Or will he harrow the valleys after thee ?
Wilt thou trust him, because his strength is great ?
Or wilt thou leave thy labour to him ?
Wilt thou believe him, tliat he will bring home thy seed,
And gather it into thy barn ?"
(xxxix. 9 — 12.) AU this exactly suits some fierce un-
tamable urus or wild buU, but is inax>plicable to the
buffalo, a common beast of burden in many countries ;
besides, we have shown above that the btiffalo was
certainly not known in Palestine in Biblical times, being
comparatively a recent introduction from India.
It may bo remembered that we stated our belief,
some years ago, in the probability of future investiga-
tions resulting in the discovery of the remains of some
species of wild Bos or Bison. Our remarks appeared
in the Quarterly Revieiv (ccxxvii., p. 53), as weU as
in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History.
Shortly aftei'wards Dr. Tristram ^dsited Palestine, and
discovered in bone breccia in the Lebanon five teeth,
which were submitted to examination by a high
authority iu such matters, Mr. W. Boyd Dawkins, who
said that four of the teeth belonged to some ox which
cannot be distinguished from the aurochs (Bos primi-
genius), and the other tooth probably to a bison. Dr.
Tiistram, commenting on our prediction expressed in
the Quarterly, says : " We may now congratulate him
on the speedy verification of his anticipation, and on
the further elucidation of an obscure Scriptural refer-
ence " (The Land of Israel, p. 1'2).
The sagacity of Mr. Layard some years ago led liim
to think, from the occurrence of wild bulls on the
Assyrian monuments, that the Hebrew reem was one of
these animals. " I was at one time inclined to think,"
he writes, " that the bull of the sculptures might repre-
sent the unicorn, or raim. so often alluded to in the
Scriptures, as an animal renowned for its strength
and ferocity, and typical of power and might " (Niiieveh
and its Remains, vol. ii.. p. 429). Prom all that has
been said above, it would seem almost certain that the
Hebrew reenb denotes some fierce wild bidl, once not
uncommon in Palestine, though long since extinct in
that country.
We are now going to furnish the reader with
what we regard conclusive e\-idonce to prove that the
Hebrew name reem not only signifies a wild buU, but
that wild bulls actually did exist in Palestine aljout 800
years before Christ. The cuneiform inscriptions shall
supply tliis e^'idenee.
Figures of wild bulls of great size and strength
occur iu the old monuments of Nimrud; the accom-
panying woodcut (page 27), taken from a marble slab
iu the British Museum, represents an AssyriiUi monarch,
Assur-natsir-pal (" Asshur protects his son "), himtiug
wild bulls, about B.C. 884. The ideogi-am for a wild
AJSnUALS OF THE BIBLE.
27
bull, i^^jA (forming the syllabk am), is of frequent
occui'rence on the sculptures. Assyrian scholars read
the sign phonetically as rhn or rimu ; and that this is
correct appears from the fact that sometimes the animal
is expressed by syllables, thus, ri-i-mu or ri-mu. They
interpret the word to mean " a wild ox."
The following are passages where the rimti, or wild
buE, is spoken of: —
1. " Mat-su kima alpi am (rtmi), a-dis" {i.e, "his
country like oxen [wild bulls] I trod down ") (Non-is,
Assyrian Diet., i., p. 21). The word alpi is the ordinary
Assyrian word for "cattle." It is clearly the Hebrew
eleph (pi. aldphim); its being followed by the ideogram
given above helps to determine the meaning of rimu.
2. ''As-ru ru-su-qu, i-na niri ya ri-ma-nis at-ta-hiz"
(p. 55) ("A difficult place on my feet like a wild bull
the Hittites and at the foot of Lebanon he killed ").
Thus it appears nothing- is wanting to show that the
meaning of the Hebrew word reem is a wild boll, and
that these animals existed in Palestine in historical
times about 800 years before Christ.
Wo ask the reader to pay attention to the form and
size of the horns in the woodcuts of the domestic cattle
of the Assyrians, and to compare them with the horns
of the wUd bidl or reem. These last are much stronger
and larger than those of the domestic animals. We
might expect some reference to these large and power-
ful horns in the Assyrian monuments ; and this, too,
we absolutely find. The reem is not unfrequeutly
expressed on the monuments as am'si, i.e. " the horned
reem;" 'si being used ideographically for Jearnu, "a
horn," the Hebrew keren.
Ml ' I r-— r ^n,^^
-a.
r?a
'\\t\ V--
•n
ilii '"' 'i'Vlfuf,
ud^^^^
_UilJliL_..^l _, J
ASSUR-KATSIE-PAl, KING OF ASSYRIA, HUNTING WILD BULLS, (ASSYBIAN.>
T encountered"). The word ri-ma-nis is an adverb
formed from the old plural of rimu in aii(it), like tulanis,
"in heaps.'"
3. IV. hiichal rimi dan-nu-fe su-iu-ru-te na -pis-ta
su-iiu ii-sak-ti (" Pour wild bulls, full-grown and fine,
their lives I cut ofp ") (p. 81).
The monuments also show that these rimi were
hunted in Palestine. On the Broken Obelisk, pro-
bably of Assur-natsir-pal, these words occur : —
" Rimi sa pa-an Cha-at-te va in nir Lib-na-a-
ni i-duh" ("WUd bulls which oj^posite the land of
In the annals of Tiglath-pileser I. the following
words occur: "X. am-' si bu-cha-U . . . In a-duk"
(i.e., " ten full-grown horned wOd bulls I kiUed " (see
Norris, Assyr. Diet., i., p. 81). Again, on the Broken
Obelisk of Assur-natsu--pal : " Ani-'si ina iz-bam.
(mitpanu) ra-san-Ut" (i.e, "horned wild bulls with
his bow he brought down") (Norris, i., p. 311). Thus
these wild cattle or mi are spoken of, being especially
characterised by the strength and size of their horns.
Since much of the above was written we have received
a letter from Mr. A. H. Sayee, to whom we are much
indebted for kind help in Assyrian and Accadian words,
and who thus writes to us on this matter : — " It seems
to me that you are right in thiukmg that the evidence
is complete, that reem means a wild bidl, and that we
have historical evidence of its former existence in
Palestine."
Both the urns and the bison had a vride geo-
graphical range. They were to bo found from the
Rhine to China, in Thrace, and Asia Minor ; while they
or allied species are still found in Siberia and the
28
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
forests both of Northern and Southern Persia ; while
tho gigantic Oaur (Bibos fjanr) (of which animal we
possess a magnificent jjair of horns), and several con-
goners, are spread over aU the mountain wildernesses of
India, and the Sheriffi-al-Wady ; and a further colossal
species roams, with other wild bulls, in the valleys of
Atlas (Hamilton Smith, in Kitto's Cyclop. Bib. Lit).
Gigantic oxen belonging to the genera Bison and
Bos once roamed at large in our own country, but we
have no historical record of their existence. Skulls and
horn-coros, and a few bones, chiefly metatarsal and
metacarpal, whicli have been found in some places in
-England and Scotland, sliow the existence of a large
taurine race which was probably entii'ely destroyed by
the old inhabitants before the invasion of Britain by
Jnhus Csesar. Wlien the Roman armies penetrated the
forests of Belgium and Germany, they found two large
species of wild cattle, the Urus and the Bison. Of the
urus, which was distinguished by the great length of
the liorns, we have already spoken; the bison was dis-
tiuguislied by its shaggy coat. "Germany," says
Pliny (Nat. Hist. viii. 15), "though it has not very
many animals, has some fine kinds of wild oxen, bisons
with long manes, and uri of remarkable strength and
speed" (Jiibatos bisontes, excellentiqiie vi et velocitate
uros). Seneca briefly and characteristically describes
these two species : —
" Tibi cJant variEe pectora tigrea.
Tibi villosi terga bisontes
Latisqne feri coruibus uri " (Hipp. vi. 3).
Tlio lu-us, which Professor Owen identifies ^vith the
Bos priniigenius, whose remains liave been found in the
allu\'ial beds of rivers and the newer Tertiaiy deposits
of tliis country, in marlpits in Scotland, in drift sand
overlying the Loudon clay, iu a tumulus of the Wilt-'
shire downs, &c., has long become extinct, though it
seems to have existed at later periods of the Roman
Empire, and to liavo been occasionally, together with
the bison, captured and exhibited alive in the shows of
the amphitheatre. The genus Bos differs from the genus
Bison in these particulars : — " The forehead of the ox
(bos) is flat, and even slightly concave ; that of the
auroclis (bison) is convex, though somewhat less so
than the buffalo ; it is quadrate in the ox ; its lieight,
taking the base between the orbits, being equal to its
breadth ; in the aurochs, measured at the same place,
the breadth greatly exceeds the height, in the propor-
tion of 3 to 2. The horns are attached in the ox to
the extremity of the highest salient line of the head,
that which separates the forehead from the occiput;
in the aurochs this lino is two inches behind the root of
tlio liorns. The plane of the occiput forms an acute
angle with the forelioad in tlio ox ; the angle is obtuse
in tho aurochs. FmaUy, that plane of the occiput is
quadrangular in the ox, but semicircular in the aurochs "'
(Menagerie da Mas. (VHist. Nat., quoted from Owen).
" Tho ribs never exceed in number thirteen pairs in any
species of Bos pi-oper ; the European Bison or aurochs
has fourteen, and the American Bison fifteen pairs of
ribs" (British Fossil Mammals and Birds, pp. 492, 493).
From the recent character of the osseous subst-ances
of the skulls obtained from marlpits in Scotland, Pro-
fessor Owen concludes that the Bos primiijeniiis main-
tained its ground longest in Scotland. There may be
found here aud there in history marks of the occui'rence
of the uri in Germany subsequent to the time of Ccesar,
Seneca, and Phny. It is related of Charlemagne that
he used to hunt bisons and uri when in the humour.
" Cum ecce quietis et otii impatientissimns Carolus ad
venatum bisoutium vel urorum in nemus ire, et Persa-
rum nuntios secum parat educere " (Sangall, lib. ii. Be
Carolo M., c ii., quoted from Du Gauge's Gloas., a. v.
" Urus ") Professor Owen writes, " It is remarkable
that tho two kinds of gi-eat wild oxen recorded in the
Niebelunrjen Lied of the twelfth century as ha\'ing
been slain with other beasts of chase in the great hunt
of the Forest of Worms, are mentioned imder the same
names which they received from the Romans : —
' Dar nacli scbluch er scbiere einen Wlsent und einen Elch,
Starcher l/rc vier, und einen griiumen Scbelch.'
(* After this be straightway slew a Bison and an Elk,
Of tbo strong Un four, and a single fierce Scbelch. 'J
TliG image of the great urus in the full vigour of
life is powerfully depicted in a later poem, destined
perhaps to be as immortal as the Niehelungen : —
* Mightiest of all the beasts of chase
That roam in woody Caledon,
Crashing the forest in bis race,
The mountain bull comes thundering on.'
But the following stanza shows that Scott drew his
picture from the Chillingham wild cattle : —
* Fierce, on the hunter's quiver'd band,
He rolls his eyes of swarthy glow ;
Spurns with black hoof and horn the sand.
And tosses high his mane of snow '
(Scott, Ballai of Cadyow Castle)."
We do not think Sir Walter Scott was thinking of
the Chillingham wild cattle ; he doubtless had in view
a passage from the Scotia; Descriptio of Lesley (p. 13),
where a huge fierce wild bull is mentioned, very white
in colour, with a mane like a Hon.
The Bison has continued down to this day ; it is .still
to be found in the forests of Litluiania, Moldavia, and
the Caucasus. It lias never Ijeen domesticated, but
herds are protected, to the number of about 800, in
the forest of Bialowieza, under the direction of the
Emperor of Russia. There is a very fine stuffed
specimen of this aurochs in the British Museum, which
was presented some years ago by the Emperor of
Russia. Cffisar aud Pliny say that the large horns of
the urus were anxiojisly sought after for making into
cups to be used at splendid entertainments, or for
ornaments, the tips being bound with silver. The
ancient monarchs of Assyria also prized the horns of
wild cattle for ornaments ; such sentences as tho fol-
lowing occur on the monuments : " Silver, gold, lead,
copper, iron, horns of wild oxen (ka am-si) without
number I received them." " Their skins, their horns
(hai sunu), with wild oxen alive to my city Assur, I
carried " (Norris, Ass^jr. Diet, ii., p. 502). The figures
THE COINCIDElSrCES OF SCRIPTURE.
29
of the wild bulls whicli occur on the As.;yriau mouu-
ments exhibit strong animals ■svith loug powerful horns,
and would indicate that they belonged to the genus
Bos, and not to the genus Bison.
Note.— The European Bison— the Bos Bison of Liunseus, the
Bhoii Bonassus of Gray, the Bison priscit^ of Oweu, the Urochs,
Auer-ochs, Wald-ochse, &c., of Germau writers— is no doubt iden-
tical Kith the fossil Aurochs, these being the ancestors of tha
animals now living in the forests cf Lithuania.
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTURE.
THE HEEODIAN FAMILY.
BY THE EDITOK.
St does not come within the scope of this
paper to give a complete account of the
rise and fall of this dynasty, and of the
influence which it exercised for good or
evil — mostly, it must be confessed, for evil — on the
fortunes and character of Judaism. That account will
come in its natural place, as part of the series of papers
to which we have given the title of " Between the
Books," and which will include the period that in-
tervenes from the retm-n of the Jews from Babylon
to the destruction of Jerusalem. There are, however,
many points of interest to the general student of the
Gospels in which the narrative of Josephus or other
Jewish writers presents coincidences that at once illus-
trate and confirm the records of the New Testament.
They show that where those records come into contact
with the history of the outside world, as forming the
stage on which the Divine drama was being played out
to its great issues, they breathe the very spirit of the
time to which they purport to belong, and are accurate
with an unconstrained accuracy which was not likely to
be met with in documents that were the mythical after-
growth of a later age. So far, then, the coincidences
which will bo noticed here will have something, at
least, of an evidential value. In not a few instances,
it is believed, they will serve to throw a fresh light
on passages the full significance of which is, for want
of adequate knowledge, but half perceived by many
readers. It will bo convenient to arrange the coinci-
dences more or less chronologically.
I. HEEOD THE GREAT.
(1.) " Then said the Jews, Forty and six years was
this temple in building, and wilt thou rear it up in
three days P" (John ii. 20.) " And as some spake of the
temple, how it was adorned with goodly stones and
gifts" (Luke xxi. .5). "As He went out of the temple,
one of his disciples saith unto Him, Master, see what
manner of stones and what buildings are here " (Mark
xiii. 1).
It was part of the policy of Herod, after ho had ob-
tained the title and power of king of Judea through
the murder of John Hyreanus, the last representative of
the priestly Maccabaean dynasty, and the favour of the
Emperor Augustus, to win the good-will of his subjects
and the praise of other nations by works of a dazzling
magnificence. Among these, which included a temple
dedicated to Augustus at Paneas, near the sources of
the Jordan, a theatre for gladiatorial games and chariot
races at Caesarea, a temple of Apollo at Rhodes, public
buildings at Kicopolis and at Antioch, and (strange
combination!) the revival, in something of their old
splendour, of the Olympic games, that which fixed
itself most on the minds of the inhabitants of Palestine
was the reconstruction of the Temple (B.C. 20). Ten
thousand workmen were pressed into the service, a thou-
sand priestly garments provided for the more solemn
celebration of sacrifices and daily psalmody, the priests
themselves trained to be overlookers of the works. The
foundations were relaid on those of the older Temple in
large white stones ; the Temple was surrounded ivith
cloisters ; a golden vine covered the gateway with its
branches and its clusters. The inauguration of the sanc-
tuary took place a year and a half after the work had been
begun, but the cloisters were not finished for eight years
(Joseph., Ant. xv. II). The bounty of the king, however,
did not end here. During the remainder of his life,
from time to time, he adorned it -with costly gifts, in-
cluding, in one memorable instance, a golden eagle, dedi-
cated, we may well believe, in honour of the master of
the Roman legions, which roused the zeal of the Jews,
as bringing with it the pollution of the holy place by
the worship of a graven image (Joseph., Ant. xvii. 6).
His example was doubtless followed by the wealthier
priests and citizens, by pilgrims who came from distant
countries ; and from the date when the restoration was
begun, B.C. 20, to that when our Lord began his ministry,
A.D. 26 (a period of exactly forty-six years),' the work
probably never entirely ceased. The multitude at Jeru-
salem were strictly withru the letter when they described
the building as having gone on for that period. It was
upon the "goodly stones and gifts " thus brought together
that the Galilean disciples gazed with admiration.
(2). It was probably to the reign of this Herod that
we have to ascribe the growth of the party or sect known
as the Herodians. It is remarkable that the only men-
tion of them by tliat name in the New Testament occurs
in the Gospels of St. Matthew (xxii. 16) and St. Mark
(iii. 6 ; xii. 1.3), and that they are not mentioned at all
by Josephus or any other writer. The name was in its
form, like Mariani, Pompeiani, and, we may add, Cliris-
tiani (the followers of Marius, Pompeius, Christus),
essentially Latin in its form, and implied that it was
' Our Lord was *' about thirty years of age " at the time of his
baptism (Luke iii. 23). The actual date of the Nativity must
be placed, however (the Christian era having been inaccurately
reckoned when it first came to be emplo.ved), at B.C. 4, and tha
commencement of his ministry coincides, therefore, uot with A.D.
30, but with A.D. 26.
30
TKE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
given after Roman influences liad begun to tell upon the
nation. The Herodians are obviously something more
than a political piirty, something less than a religious
sect. They differ from the Pharisees on the question
whether it was lawful to pay tribute to Ceesar, as Herod
and his sons had compelled their subjects to do (Matt.
xxii. 16, 17). They coalesce with them, sometimes, as
in the instance just referred to, under the guise of a
simulated opposition, sometimes in open union against
the Teacher in whom they saw a common enemy. The
origin of the party as such is not very definitely marked.
A movement which for a time threatened to break up
the unity of the Pharisee party may, however, with some
probability, bo regarded as its starting-point. The great
Rabbi Hillel had at one time as his colleague a certain
Menahem, identical probably with Manaen the Essone,
of whom more hereafter. The former continued stedfast
to the milder, wider forms of Pharisee tratlition, such
as that of which Gamaliel was afterwards the repre-
sentative, and watched with jealousy and disfavour the
Hellenising, heathenising poUcy of the son of the Idu-
mean Antipater. The latter, attracted by the hopes of
advancement and the rising power of Herod, seceded
from his party, and was followed by not less than eighty
of his adherents among the Scribes. They adopted, as
the outward badge of their new position, the luxurious
habits and the gorgeous dress, glittering with gold em-
broidery, in which the Herodian dynasty delighted
(comp. Acts xii. 21). Such a body would obviously be
regarded by the zealous Pharisees much in the same way
as those among the high Anglican party who took the
oath of allegiance to William and Mary were regarded
by the Non-jurors, and yet would still retain points of
contact with them, leading sometimes to actual co-opera-
tion. The fact just mentioned throws anew light upon
the words spoken by our Lord to the disciples of
John the Baptist, " What went ye out into the wilder-
ness to see? A reed shaken with the wind?" The
preacher of repentance was not like those Scribes of
shifty and supple nature, who veered about as the wind
of court favour blew from this or that point of the com-
pass. " But what went ye out for to see ? A man clothed
in soft raiment? Behold, they that are gorgeously
apparelled, and live delicately, are in king's houses"
(Matt. xi. 7, 8 ; Luke vii. 24, 25). The Baptist was not
like those renegade teachers who had sunk into the
liveried parasites of a court. Both descriptions fit in
with admirable precision to the character of the Hero-
dians, to the followers of Menahem, and they do not fit
in to any other party or set of teachers who could bo
contrasted with the Baptist. And the probability of
their being thus referred is strengthened, we may .add,
by the fact, which we learn from a comparison of Luke
vi. 11 with Mark iii. 6, that the coalition between the
Herodians (whom St. Luke does not mention) and the
Pharisees had all but immediately preceded the words of
indignant scorn which St. Mark does not record. The
coincidence in this case is one of that most interesting
kind, ia which a fact mentioned altogether incidentally
by one writer supplies the key to the right under-
standing of words recorded by another. May we not
believe that the studied mockery with which, when our
Lord was brought before the Totrarch, he and his men
of war " arrayed him in a gorgeous robe," was an act of
vindictive maUce, seeking to revenge the scorn which
the supporters of Herod had felt so keenly ? We know
from Matt. xxii. 16 that the Herodians were at Jerusa-
lem at the time, and we should naturally look for them
among the prominent persons at their prince's court.
(3.) The name of Menahem just mentioned connects
itself with another set of facts in the histoiy of Herod
the Great. In the chililhood of that king an Essene
■ who bore that name, and whose austerity of life had
won for him the reputation of a prophet, had gi-eeted
him, as by a divine impulse, as the fiiture king of the
Jews, had warned hiin against his besetting vices, and
predicted the punishment that would fall upon him if
ho yielded to them. When the prophecy was half ful-
fiUod. and Herod had gained the kingly title, he sent for
the Essene prophet, and inquired how long he was to
retaia possession of his power. The -eager question was
not definitely answered, but as he held out a hope of
twenty or thirty years at least, Herod dismissed him with,
honour, and continued to favour the Essenes. Josephus,
who records tlie story {Aiitiq. xv. 11, § 5), had at one time
attached himself to the Essene communities, and his in-
formation probably rested on what he had heard as ono
of the traditions of the sect. It is obviously all but
impossible to avoid connecting this narrative with the
facts that there was a foster-brother of Herod the
tetrarch, who bore the name of Manaen or Menahem
(Acts xiii. 1), and that one of the same name was the
loader of the seceding scribes who formed the nucleus
of the Herodian party described in the last section.
In some way or other, we may believe, Herod sought to
show honour to the prophet by bringing up his son or
grandson as a child of the palace, among his own sons.
The influence which such an association may have had
on the totrarch's character, and the other coincidences
which connect themselves with it, will be noticed
more fully below.' It is remarkable that at a later
date, when Archelaus was summoned to Rome, and
had a strange mysterious vision that perplexed him,
ho too consulted a diviner of the sect of the Essenes,
who was held in respect as an interjireter of dreams
{Antiq. xvii. 11).
(4.) Moro striking still, as illustrating what we are
told in Matt. ii. of the suspicious temper and relentless
cruelty of the king, is the picture drawn by Josephus of
the old ago of Herod. Ono by one, all whom he sus-
pected among his own children had fallen %-ictims to hia
jealousy. But two years before the birth of Christ the
sons of Mariamno, his best loved wife, Alexander and
Aristobulus, were strangled at Sebasto in Samaria. A
little later, in the wretchedness of an old age which re-
minds us in its utter misery of that of Tiberius, his
body devoured by ulcerous sores, his soul tormented by
its remorse, after a haK-accomplished attempt at suicide,
' Compare also tho writer's Biblical Studios, Essay on Manaeo.
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTURE.
31
he gave orders that Autipater, another son, should also
bo put to death. Even the Emperor, who had long
supported him, was weary of the ceaseless complaints
brought by the tyrant against his o^vu chililren, and said,
in the bitterness of his scorn, that it was better to be a
swine of Herod's than a son. What was more likely
than that all the suspicions of such a man should be
roused by the tidings that men had como fi-om the East
asking, "Where is he that is born king of the Jews ?"' that,
with the usual craft of his nature, he should dissemble
his jealousy, and feign a desii-e to do homage to the
king whom his people were expecting P Wo must not
forget too that in the interval between the Nativity and
the arrival of the Magi there had occurred the presenta-
tion in the Temple, and that it must already have been
whispered in secret among those who " looked for re-
demption iu Israel " that from the house and lineage of
David, and the stir and throng of the first census of
Quirinus (Cyrenius), One had been bom who should be
" a light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of his
people Israel."'
(5.) The imperial bon mot just mentioned connects
itself with another fact in the Gospel history. The
history of the Gadareno demoniacs shows that, at least
in Galilee, it was not uncommon, though iu ilagraut
violation of the Mosaic law, for large herds of swine to
be kept, in order, we may believe, to supply the wants of
the Roman soldiers into whose diet swine's iJesh, iu some
form or other, entered so largely. How long that traffic
had existed, or whether there was any demand for the
forbidden flesh among the older inhabitants — remnants
of the old Canaanite races and the like — of Galilee, wo
cannot say. But the saying now before us shows that
Herod at all events had sanctioned and extended it, and
though not eating swine's flesh himself (his defiance of
the religious scruples of his people docs not seem to
have gone as far as that), to have sanctioned what he
might make a source of profit, and to have compelled
or persuaded his subjects to become herdsmen of the
unclean beast. After the death of Archelaus, Jerusalem,
with only occasional visits from the Procurator, became
moro intensely Jewish ; Galilee, under Antipas, more
thoroughly Romanised. The eastern shores of the Sea
of Galilee were so in a pre-eminent degree, and it is
in tliat region that we meet with a form of the peasant's
life which in Judea would have been looked on with
abhorrence, and which was taken, as iu the parable of
the Prodigal Son, as the type of extremest degradation.
II. ARCHELAUS.
(1.) The position of Archelaus in the narrative of the
Gospels is entirely a subordinate one. He is mentioned
but once. When Joseph,' after hearing in Egypt of the
death of Herod, rose and took the young child and his
mother, and came into the land of Israel, ho " hoard that
Archelaus did reign in JudKa in the room of his father
Herod, and was afraid to go thither" (Matt. ii. 22).
' The chronology of the events connected with the Nativity is
not without difficulty. Wieseler, the most thorough and accu-
rate of harmonists, places the an-ival of the Magi immediately
after the presentation in the Temple
Two things are noticeable in this statement, (a) The
fact of Archelaus being the successor of his father
seems to have come upon Joseph as something unex-
pected ; so, indeed, it might well do. The right of suc-
cession in an Eastern monarchy like that which Herod
had founded was somewhat unsettled, and, like that of
tho Roman imjierium, was practically made to depend
on the testamentary disposition of the present owner.
It was characteristic of the i-apidly changing jealousies
and suspicions of the later years of Herod's reign that no
less than three such mils were made one after another ;
the first aijpointiug Antipater, who was aftei-wards
executed ; tho second Herod Antipas, afterwards the
Tetrarch ; and lastly, one made just before his death, de-
signating Archelaus. It may well have been, therefore,
that one who had left Judaea before Herod's death would
bo more sui-prised to find that prince ^vielding the
sceptre. (6) The narrative imx^hes that Joseph thought
there would be greater safety imdcr Herod Antipas
iu Galilee than there was under Archelaus iu Judaea.
This also would be in perfect accordance with the
facts of the case. The evil nature of Antipas had not
as yet fully shown itself. That of Archelaus rivalled,
withiu a few months of his accession, the cruelty of
his father. The Passover camo, and the streets of the
city were crowded with pilgrims. An enthusiastic
wish to do honour to the memory of two leaders,
Judas and Matthias, who had died what was looked
upon as a martyi'"s death against the heathenising en-
croachments of Herod, took possession of the mul-
titudes, and wrought them to a feverish excitement
Archelaus gi-ew alarmed, sent in his horsemen to dis-
perse them, and on meeting with resistance attacked
them and slew not less than three thousand men. The
remembrance of this massacre must have been fresh in
the minds of men when Joseph found himself on his
way back from Egypt, and may well have led him to
seek a refuge in the sheltered home at Nazareth rather
than in David's city, in which, as belonging to the
house and liueage of D.avid, he probably possessed
some patrimony. It may have helped to determine his
course of action that while Archelaus was at that time
actually governing in Jerusalem, Antipas had taken his
departure for Rome iu the hope of obtaining, through
the Emperor's favour, the confirmation of his father's
second will which had assigned him the kingdom
(Joseph., Aniiq. xvii. 2, §§ 6, 8, 9).
(2). It is a remarkable feature in the parable of
the Pounds, as recorded by St. liuko (xix. 13), that it
begins with tho statement, " A certain nobleman went
into a far country to receive for himself a kingdom, and
to return," that after what we may call tho substance of
the parable, which it has iu common with St. Matthew's
parable of the Talents, it adds what that does not give
us, the incident that his citizens hated him, and sent
a message after him, saying, " We will not have this
man to reign over us ;" that on his return in power he
takes vengeance on his subjects, " Those mine enemies,
which would not that I should reign over them, bring
hither, and slay them before mo." In any other period
32
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of Eastern rule, in any other state of society, such a
picture, a nobleman gaining a kingdom as the result of
a distant journey, would have been wanting in dramatic
truthfulness. It was precisely the kind of imaginary
history which the actual events of the reign of Arche-
laus were likely to suggest. Immediately after the
massacre above referred to, Autipas started for Rome
to urge his claim to the throne ; Archelaus followed him,
and scenes of accusation and recrimination followed. The
Emperor reserved his decision, and during the interval
a delegation of fifty envoys representing eight thousand
citizens arrived, poui-ing out their complaints against
Ai'chelaus and his father, and above all imploring that
they might be delivered for the future from all kingly
rule, especially from that of one so cruel and barbarous
as Archelaus. The Emperor, true to the balancing
policy of Roman rulers, took a midtUe course, gave
Archelaus the actual government of Judaea with the
title of ethnarch, and the promise of the higher name
if he merited it by his allegiance to the Empire, and
appointed Antipas to the tetrarchy of Galilee. Arche-
laus returned to Palestine, revenged himself on the
" enemies who would not that he should reign over
them," and ruled with greater cruelty than ever. A
second complaint addressed to the Emperor soon
followed ; Archelaus was summoned to Rome to defend
himseK, condemned, deposed, and banished to Vienne
in Gaul (Joseph., Antiq. xvii. 9, § 11).
(3). One more fact in the life of this king is not
without its interest as bearing on the Gospel history.
He too married his brother's wife (Glaphyra, the
widow of Alexander, by whom he had three children),
in direct defiance of the law, which, while it prescribed
that marriage where there was no issue, forbade it in all
other cases. It shocked the feelings of the better and
more devout Jews. The youth of the Baptist must have
been impressed with the horror which that unLawfid
union had caused in the minds of Pharisees and priests.
There is, however, no record of any protest having been
made agaiust it. The old indignation must have been
rekindled when a like crime, aggravated by the fact
that in this instance the husband was stiU living, was
pei-petrated by Antipas in the marriage of his brother
Philip's wife. The witness which the preacher of repen-
tance bore against the sin was the utterance of a very
widely spread feeling against this breaking down of even
one of the baniers which the Jews, with all their faults,
looked on with reverence as safeguards of the purity of
home. It may be worth wMle noting, for some readers,
that the Philip who was thus wronged was not the
tetrarch, but another son of Herod, who lived on liis
own property near Jerusalem, and that Herodias, who
thus passed from one brother to another, was herself
the daughter of Aristobulus, and therefore niece to
both her husbands, so that the marriage was doubly
unlawful (Joseph., Antiq. xvii. 11 ; xviii. 5).
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ISAIAH.
BY THE VEKY EET. E. PAYNE SMITH, D.D., DEAN OF CANTERBnEY.
jHE prophet Isaiah is by general consent the
greatest of all Hebrew writers, and the
foremost of the long list of seers who
form so reniarkiible an element in the
history of the Jewish race. And yet we know hut little
of his personal history. His wiitings are Iiis great
memorial, and these so fully describe the person and
offices of the Messiah, that from the time of St. Jerome
downward he has been known as the Evangelical
Prophet. We cannot, however, understand his position
without a cursory glance, first, at the state of prophecy
in his days : and secondly, at that of Hebrew literature.
At first, then, the prophets were the great orators of
the Jews. Standing apart alike from the government
and the priesthood, they were an irregular power, freely
criticising and interfering both ^vith cluu-ch and state,
originating and controlling the chief popular move-
ments, and intervening in all the great crises of affairs
with wonderful energy and success, but depending for
their influence mainly upon the effect of their words.
Tai the time of Samuel we hear but little of them, and
we may be right in gathering from the circiunstauces
connected with the ^isit of Saul to Samuel, to inquire
about hia lost asses (1 Sam. ix.), that as a class the seers
did not then stand very high in popular estimation or
possess political power. Samuel's own position was
very different. He was Eli's successor in the priest-
hood, and it was p.art of the duties of the high priest to
consult God b}' Urim and Thummim. Moreover, his
personal qualities had led to his being acknowledged,
from the day of the battle of Ebenezer (1 Sam. vii.
13 — 15), as the judge, or temporal ruler, of Israel. The
addition to such a man of high prophetic power both
largely influenced the people in their choice of him as
their ruler, and ensured him their obedience. But
among the measures taken by him for the restoration
of Israel from the decay into which it had fallen, one,
fraught with great results, was the introduction of the
rudiments of education. Till his days probably none but
priests of the noblest class could read or write ; but in
the fields round his own house at Ramah he gathered a
few young men of promise, whom he trained for em-
ployment in church and state. Soon similar schools
sprang up in several of the larger tovms, at Bethel
for instance, and Jericho, and Gilg.al ; and as these were
presided over by prophets, we find then- pupils both
bearing the same name and growing into a numerous
class, whose learning stood in such high esteem, that as
ISAIAH.
33
cai-ly as David's time they Lad become the historians
and chroniclers of the court. Unlike the priesthood,
the propliofie olBoo was open to aU ; it d32iended neither
upon birth nor station ; oven education and training in
the proplielic schools was no certain stepping-stone to
it. No d.iubt there were vast numbers of man who
were prophets simply by education. Four hundred
s-acli were found in Samaria, even after Jezebel's perse-
cution, and prophesied in tlio name of Jehovah jjefore
Ahab and Jehoshaphat (1 Kings xxii. 6). Even these
belonged to no special caste, but were recruited from all
ranks alike ; but above these, from time to time, there
stood forth men instinct with Divine power — few in
number, but vast in might and tlignity ; men who spake
for God, and who were felt to be invested with sui^er-
human awf ulness.
It was in the northern kingdom that prophecy first
rose to this colossal grandeur. The Mosaic institutions
had fallen there into decay. Jeroboam had engrafted
upon them the worship of the sim, as s^inbolised by
the Egyi)tian bull Apis; Ahab and Jezebel tried to
•crush them, and set up instead the worship also of the
sun, as represented by the Sidouiau Baal. Were the
powers of the state to be permitted thus to overthrow
Jehovah's worship ? No ! God always grants his
people a choice. The acceptance or rejection of his
•worship must bo done by them, not for them ; and the
prophets were his appeal to tlie national conscience.
Elijah and Elisha stepped forth, therefore, in propor-
tions as vast as the evil with which they had to struggle.
But in vain. They delayed Israel's fall ; wrought a
reformation among large masses of the people ; saved
multitudes of souls; but idolatry gradually prevailed,
end Israel was carried away into a captivity which to
this day has been followed by no restoration.
In Judcea the prophets never attained to so grand an
elevation as in Israel. They always wi-ought within
a narrower circle, and more as a literary tliau as a
popular power. In the books of Chronicles we find the
names of a largo number who compiled histories of the
kings who reigned at Jerusalem; and while writing
does not appear to have been an art much iiractised
in Israel — though we find it mentioned in the days of
Ahab — it is reasonably certain that from the time of
David there was a large literary class at Jerusalem.
The historians mentioned in Chronicles were the suc-
cessors of Dan and Gad, who kept the records of
David's court. In the palmy .days of the learned and
versatile Solomon, the number of writers must have
largely increased. Of this educated class, the priests
and prophets formed the chief proportion ; and the
many Psalms written in these two reigns, and the per-
fection of style attained to in them, prove that the
standard of literary excellence, even at this early period,
was a very high one.
But after the days of Solomon literature for a while
decayed. The rupture of the two kingdoms, the loss of
national power and glory, tho disastrous invasion of
Shishak, and tho tyrannical nature of Rehoboam's
government, all conspired to lower the national tone,
27 VOL. II.
and turn its abOity into inferior channels. Still wo
find Shemaiah and Iddo writing books (2 Ghron. xii. 16),
but it was not till the time (jf Hczekiah that learning
again attained to something like its ancient .proportions,
or indeed surpassed them.
During this intermediate time there was nothinn- to
call forth great energy on tho part of the prophets.
The kings were in general good, if often feeble, men.
The nation was slowly ripening for its high purpose,
and the revolt of the ten tribes had removed the two
dangers of a despotic court at home, and a military
policy abroad. First under Jchosliaphat, and then under
Uzziah and Jotham, Judaja enjoyed great prosperity;
and though the sixteen years' reign of the foolish Aliaz
brought with it a bitter reverse of fortune, yet it was
not enough to undo the effects of the able govemment
of the kings who had preceded Mm ; and in Kezekiah's
reign Jewish literature reached its Augustan at'e.
It was a reign of very chequered events in political
matters. The dark cloud long gathering on the Tigris
burst with tremendous force upon the mountains of
Judaea. The great AssjTian warrior Sennacherib, tho
pictorial record of whoso numberless conquests has
been so strangely diseutomlu'd for us within the last
few years, that we are as familiar with his features as
with those of Napoleon or Wellington, laid his heavy-
hand upon Hezekiah's dominions ; but after many a
severe struggle, there were still tranquil years in store
for Judsa and hor king. And of this period many
literary monuments remain. Many psalms, less vigorous
and forcible, but more calmly beautiful, were ivritten,
inscribed to Asaph and others of the minstrels of the
Temple. A supplementary collection of the psalms of
David was made, of which Ps. Ixxii. 20 is a record.
Search was made for proverbs by Solomon (Prov. xxv.
1) ; Micah and other prophets flourished; but alwve all
Isaiah wrote liis matchless poetry.
Apparently he held a high rank in the city, for
Hezekiah, when sending a deputation to him, chose
his highest officers and the elders of the priests (2 Kmgs
xix. 2). Many of the Rabbins assert that he was of
royal lineage, and brother of King Araaziah ; but of
this there is no proof. Still more unfounded is the idea
of Clement of Alexandria, that he was son of the
prophet Amos ; for his father's name is in the Hebrew
quite diSi.'rent, though the same in Greek and English.
Really wo know nothing of his parentage, but lus
dwelling, we find, was not in tho city of Ziou, or in
the Temple buddings, but in the lower town ; for such
in the Hebrew is tho me.nning of the words translated
in our version, " Afore Isaiah was gone out into the
middle court " (2 Kings xx. 4). It is exceedingly pro-
bable that he was the head and chief of tho prophetic
order, holding in Jerusalem tho same rank which Elisha
had held in the prophetic schools in Israel. To such
a position his great talents as well as his high gift
of prophecy would justly entitle him. And those gifts
seem to have developed themselves at an early ago ; for
ho was appointed to write tho annals of the great King
Uzziah wlion scarcely more than a boy (2 Clu-on. xxvi.
34
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
22). For as liis life was pro-ouged cei'tamly till towards
the close of the reign of King Hezekiah, whose death is
separated from that of Uzziah by a iieriod of no less
than sixty years, at the utmost ho could have been but a
young man when appointed to this task, and yet already
in the year in which King TJzziah died ho had been
called to the offico of prophet by a vision of sui-passing
magnificence.
The Rabbins have indeed a tradition that ho survived
Hezokiah, and having provoked the anger of Manasseh
by his opposition to his idolatries, was by his order
enclosed in a hollow tree and sawn asunder. To this
martyrdom of Isaiah the words in Heb. xi. 37 are often
supposed to refer ; but really there is no authority for
this legend, and it is scarcely probable that Isaiah could
have lived to so great an age. There is no difficulty,
howover, in supposing that Isaiah had but just arrived
at manhood when he was appointed a prophet; for
equally the call came to Jeremiah when still but a youth,
or as less correctly rendered in our version, " a child "
( Jer. i. 6). But no more glorious vision is recorded in
the Bible than that by which ho was inaugurated to his
office. He saw in the Temple the Deity sitting enthroned
among the seraiihim, and adored with thrice repeated
cries of " Holy is Jehovah of hosts ! " Shrinking with
natiu'al timidity from so heavy a responsibility, he is
nevertheless solemnly dedicated to Jehovah's service by
his lips being touched with a live coal from the altar,
while withal he is warned that his mission would be
apparently in vain. In the very acme of Uzziah's pros-
perity the prophetic vision saw Judah wasted without
inhabitant, the houses empty, the land desolate. Yet she
could not perish. The Jew then as now bore a charmed
existence. In Isaiah's days tho great piu'pose for
which God had formed the nation was still altogether
unaccomplished : even now there is part of the work
as yet not done (Rom. xi. 15). And so the call
of Isaiah ended in tho repetition of the old promise.
The ty[)e of fallen Isi-ael is the oak in winter, stripped
of the luxmuance of its summer foliage, but not dead.
Its substance is yet in it, and in duo time it shall revive
(Isa. vi. 13).
So wonderful a picture of life in death, representing
EG truly the intense vitality of the Jews under so long
a series of national reverses, was a strange vision to
greet the eye of the child-soor, called so yoimg and with
such high gifts to his office ; aud it was the moro re-
markable, as Isaiah was born and educated at a time of
great and long-continued national XJrosxJerity. But ho
lived to see tho beginning of those troubles which,
coming from Nineveh aud Babylon and Rome, have
literally fulfilled the vision's boding words.
For a long time, as was natui'ally to be expected, tho
youthful prophet does not seem to have taken much part
in national affairs. His earliest prophecy is that cou-
tained in cliaps. ii., iii., iv., thougii we must not suppose
that his writings give us the record of the whole activity
of his life. Even of this, his first prophecy, the date is
uncertain ; but he describes the country as enjoying tho
utmost prosperity (ii. 7), while the long list of articles
of feminino adornment enumerated in chap. iii. shows
how great was the luxury then prevalent, while the
things themselves are as difficult to understand as would
be a similar list of the toilet requisites of a West-end
lady of the present day. But such luxury is just the
theme which a youthful poet would lash with his satire,
only Isaiah's indignation rises to nobler proportions
than that of Juvenal, or of even those famous sermons
of St. Chrysostom, launched against the foibles of the
women of his days.
A far more interesting question is tho relation o£
Isaiah to the prophet Micah ; for the prediction begins
with three verses quoted vci'batun from Micah iv. 1 — 3,
not omitting tho " and " at tho beginning (rendered in
Micah, in our version, "but"). Now in Jer. xx\'i. 18,
wo read that Micah uttered this prophecy in tho days of
Hezokiah, and that it made a very great impression upon
both king and people. Thus there is no little difficulty
in harmonising the matter ; for we are distinctly told in
Jeremiah that the prophecy is Micah's, and not Isaiah's.
Next, the manner of quotation drives us to the same
conclusion ; while, nevertheless, the general date of
these three chapters cannot well be later than the days
of Jotham. My own o^jinion is that they were pre-
fixed to this prophecy at the time when Isaiah wroto
chap, i., and placed it as a sort of preface to a collection
of his works, published probably about 710 B.C., and
containing chaps, i. — xxxv., with an historical appendix
consisting of four chapters more. The quotation hangs
loosely upon Isaiah's prophecy, whUo it is the very
centre and core of Micah's, as subsequently it gives
the key-note to some of Isaiah's own writings, as, for
instance, to chap. xxv. Nothing was more natural
than that Isaiah, when editing, as we should say, a
collection of his prophecies in Hczekiah's days, should
prefix to them words ^vith which all Jerusalem was then
ringing, and should thus both himself solemnly reaffirm
the appalling vision of Micah, and also add weight to
his own warniugs by quotiug words so famous and so
fear-inspiriug.
Commentators constantly forget that the date of a
prophecy as contained in the Scriptures is not merely
that of the time at which the events referred to in it
happened, but also that of the period when the author
finally published it in a ^viitteu form. Most prophecies
were, I imagine, published immediately in some form or
other ; but when the author made a collection of such
as had a lasting and permanent significancy, he would
probably both omit what had served its purpose, and
add, under the guidance of the Spirit, whatever would
increase their usefulness. Such an addition seems to
be this quotation from Micah prefixed to an older pi'o-
phecy of Isaiah, at the time when the first chapter was
written.
lu that chapter wo have first a general title to tho
works of Isaiah, in which they are called his A''isiou,
with direct reference, doubtless, to the marvellous sight
by which he was inaugurated to lus office (chap. vi.).
We have, further, tho date given of Isaiah's labours,
extending through the rcigus of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz,
ISAIAH.
35
and Hezekiah. The last name fixes generally the date
when the volume was put forth in its written form ; it
must have been at some time in Hezokiah's reign, and
probably was about the middle of it, when Isaiah would
be about sixty-five years of ago.-
Its whole matter is prefatory, a sermon rather than
a prediction, sharply rebuking princes and people for
their sins, warning them that no amount of attendance
upon Temple services, so magnificently restored by
Hezokiah, would avail without personal repentance and
holiness. But what decidedly fixes the date is the
account of the Assyrian iuvasious. The whole country
desolate, the fenced cities all captiu'ed, bauds of
marauders roving without check far and wide over the
land, Zion alone uncouquered, but even it shorn of its
glory, and comi^ared to a booth of boughs put up for the
temporary lodging of the keepers of a melon garden.
But all this is past : a remnaut is left ; the Temple once
again resounds with the tramp of worshippers ; sacri-
fices of fed beasts tell of the restoration of agricultm-e.
There has been time to recover from the worst effects
of the invasions of Sennachei-ib. Now as the historical
appendix ends with the account of the embassy from
Merodach-baladan, itself a proof of the falliug power
of Niueveh, and of Hezekiah's growing prosperity, and
as this restoration of national weal is not obscurely
indicated ia chap, i., it is not without grounds that we
consider that this portion of Isaiah's works was collected
by the prophet himself, arranged in order, and published
about three or four years after the destruction of the
Assyrian host. Isaiah may well have given new force
to his former predictions by putting at their head the
startling words with which Micah had alarmed all Jeru-
salem ; and retm-uing power and prosperity may have
made the warning more than ever necessary.
It was probably their similarity in subject to the
preface in chap^ i. that made Isaiah place the pro-
phecy contained in chaps, ii., iii., iv., and that of the
unfruitful vineyard (chap, v.), before the account of his
inauguration to his office. Thus far all is general. It
is the usual lesson of the preachei-— iind the prophets
were Israel's preachers — Repent : for man is corrupt ;
but God merciful. But the vision of the Almighty on
his throne ushers in one of the most remarkable of all
Isaiah's predictions — that contaiued in chaps, vii., viii.,
and ix. 1 — 7 ; and the importance of this prophecy was
apparently the reason why Isaiah placed in front of it
his own solemn call.
Ahaz had probably been upon the throne of Judisa
for two or three years when a powerful confederacy
was formed against him by Pekah, king of Samaria,
and Rezin, king of Damascus. And the league was at
first only too successful. In one day there fell in battle
120,000 valiant warriors of Judah, and 200,000 women
and children wore taken prisoners (2 Chron. xsviii. 6, 8).
No wonder that, as the confederate kings marched upon
Jerusalem with the avowed intention of utterly destroying
it, " the heart of the people was moved as the trees of
the wood are moved with the wind." With some show,
nevertheless, of courage, the young king took measiu-es
for the coming siege, and while visiting the works on the
nortli-easteru side of the city, by which Jerusalem was
supplied with water, and whore, too, an assaidt would
probably be made upon the walls, the prophet went forth
to meet him.
His son was specially ordered to go with him, and we
may notice how the names of the prophet's family
contain the substance of his predictions. His own
name means the " salvation of Jah," or Jehovah :
Shear-jashub is " a remnant shall return." Chastise-
ment there is to be, and national ruin, and dispersion,
and captivity ; but never a total destruction. The other
son has a name of less .significance, portending only the
speedy fall and spoiling' of Samaria. Accompanied
then by his elder son, Isaiah meets the idolatrous king,
assures him of deliverance, and offers him a sign in
proof thereof. But Ahaz had cast off his aUegiauce to
Jehovah, and with a certain show of consistency wdl
accept no sign from a Deity whom he no longer serves.
But Judah is still Jehovah's people, and he grants
them the sign rejected by the royal house. And hero
we must notice that the word " sign " is oui" word
" miracle." In St. John's Gospel the word rendered
" mu'acle " in our version is constantly in the Greek
"sign:" and thus what Isaiah offered was a miracle,
that is, a sign of God's pi'eseuce, not in the ordinary
workings of nature, but in some special and super-
natm-al way. Ahaz wUl have no mn-acle : Isaiah gives
him the miracle of the ^-ii-gin's child, the Immanuel. A
mere ordinary event is not in Biblical language a sign.
Tet tliis sign has an ordinary side to it. As far as
Ahaz and unbelievers generally were concerned, there
was nothing more than a plain promise, though couched
in an obscure form, that within about two years all
danger from the confederacy would have passed away.
Who or what was the alniah, or vu-gin ; who or what
the chUd ; and why the name " God with us : " with
all this Ahaz had nothing to do. It was one of the
dark sayings which Hebrew seers loved so well. But
that the two kings woidd in two years bo swept away,
of that the promise was clear.
There was the clear threatening, too, of long and
desolating invasions. By the eating- of cui'ds and honey
is signified the cessation of all the ordinary processes of
agricidture. There is no corn, no vintage, no olives,
but such produce only as grows of itself. On the
sloping hiU-sides, where there were wont to be vino-
yards with a thousand vines, each worth a piece of
silver, the scanty popuLition will come with bows and
arrows to shoot the game which has fouud there an
undisturbed covei-t, or to pasture the heifer, or two or
three sheep, which are all they have managed to save
from the invading foe (vii. 21 — 24).
In the main this incture is ideal. The kind was not
so wasted in the days of Ahaz, nor even when iu the
tune of Hezekiah the hea^aer hand of Sennacherib lay
upon the country. We must cany on oiu- minds to tho
days when the Jews had gone into captivity at Babylon.
Then agriculture did thus utterly cease, and the land
enjoyed a sabbath-faUow for seventy yearSf
36
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
But the moaning is probably quite general. For
Ahaz there is the special prediction that -within two
years the confederacy of Pekah and Bezin shall be
utterly broken up. There is then a picture of deep
and entire ruin ; of the land bare as if shorn by a hired
razor ; of invading armies passing over it like a flood
reaching to the very neck ; of the inhabitants " hardly
bestead and hungry," and in desperation cursing alike
their king on earth and God in heaven ; of troulilo and
gloom, and " driven to darkness " of desolation. All tliis
completely transcends the state of things in the time of
Ahaz; nor when that king had refused to ask for a sign
can we imagine the prophet doing more for him than
granting the assurance that the danger which so bowed
the heart of him and his people would pass away. Most
certainly, then, da these considerations point to the
conclusion that the promise of the ahnalis Child, of
the Son on whose shoulder is the key of government,
and whose aivful names are Wonderful, Counsellor, the
Mighty God, the Father of Eternity, the Prince of
Peace, cannot bo tied down to the times of Ahaz ; it
rises to too grand proportions, is surrounded by repre-
sentations of things with which Ahaz had nought to
do, is a jewel set altogether in too ideal a framework,
for any just-thinking commentator not to see in it the
portraiture of Judah's ideal king, the Messiah, and of
the light of the Gospel sliiuing forth ujjon man dwelling
in the land of the shadow of death, and walking amid
the deep darkness of sin.
After a very interesting prophecy addressed to
Samaria (is. 8 — x. 4), remarkable for being arranged
in regular strophes, we next have a magnificent poem
belonging to the time of Hezekiah (x. 5 — xii. 6). After
a description of the pi-ide of Assyria, there is a wonder-
fully vivid description of the march of Sennacherib on
Jerusalem ; but just as he has reached tlio mountains
that gird her round, and shakes liis hand against her in
haughty exultation as if sure of victory, God smites him
down. Like a cedar of Lebanon cut down mightily
he falls, and the prophet without pause or break, so
miserably caused in our version by the division into
chapters, contrasts with him a feeble sucker that shall
grow out of another hewn-down ti'ee. Tes, Judah is
to fall too ; but not by Sennacherib. Hezekiah 's royal
house is to fade away ; but from the stem of Jesse, not
from Hezekiah 's descendants, but going back to the
time when his ancestry were simple farmers at Be(h-
lehem, there is to spring forth one in whom not David's
kingdom, but an era of universal peace and happiness,
is to revive. Again wo say that Isaiah's words cannot
bo tied do^vn to the temporal fortunes of Juda3a. For
Hezekiah there was nothing more than the assurance
that Sennacherib would not capture Jerusalem. The
very march is ideal, for Isaiah tells us that Sennacherib
did not approacli the city (I93. xxxvii. 33), and appa-
rently it was at Pelusiura, far enough from Jerusalem,
that the Assyrian army was destroyed. There then
follows, though in dim outline, a picture of Judah's
dispersion, of the fall of her kings, to bo followed by an
empire of peace, under a righteous king, on whom rests
the Spirit of Jehovah, and who is Israel's Messiah,
Christ our Lord.
And now to the end of the twenty -fourth chapter we
have a series of burdens, or rather sentences, decrees
of God, against Babylon, in which, in chap, xiv., the pro-
phet surpasses even himself in the magnificence of his
jioetry; against Moab,V[ia,Ao doubly interesting by the
discovery of the Moabite stone ; against the whole Nile-
land, and specially Egypt ; against the Arabian penin-
sula, called " the desert of the sea ; " a gainst Jerusalem,
called "the valley of vision;" and against Tyre. In
the next four chapters (chaps, xxiv. — xsvii.l, we havo a
general picture of Messiah's kingdom, of the gathering
back of the dispersed of Judah to worship in the holy
mount, and of the resurrection of the dead. Then
foUow looes (chaps, xxviii. — xxxiii.) : woe on Samaria ;
woo on Ariel, that is, Jerusalem ; woe on those who
looked to Egypt for deliverance ; woe on those who
trusted not in God ; woe on the Assyrian spoilers.
Then upon these follow the judgment of the heathen;
and finally the establishment of Christ's kingdom and
the happiness of Gospel times (chaps, xxxiv., xxxv.).
In this, which forms the conclusion of the earlier col-
lection of Isaiah's prophecies, as previously in chap,
xxxii., in the midst of the woes addressed to apostate
Judah, we have the same phenomenon as has been twico
before mentioned. Isaiah, borne aloft by the spirit of
prophecy, breaks away entirely from the present; ho
leaves Hezekiah and his fortunes far behind, and mounts
into an ideal region. But that region, ideal then, was
the representation of Christ's kingdom. And that
kingdom is in part ideal stiU. The prophet's vision
describes what Christ really is, and what his kingdom
ought to be. But his Church has only in part answered
to Isaiah's glowing picture : too often only in small
part. " We havo this treasure in earthen vessels," and
church history shows us more of the vessels than of
the treasure that is within.
Attached to the book of prophecies, and probably
published at the same time, is the history of the invasion
of JudiEa by Sennacherib, the account of Hezcki.ih's
sickness, a hymn of thanksgiving composed by that
monarch himself, and, finally, the visit of Merodach-
baladan's ambassadors, and the reproof that followed
of Hezekiah's pride, with the terrible denunciation that
liis seed should servo as eunuchs in the court of Baby-
lon, a prediction painfully fulfilled in Daniel and others.
Excepting Hezekiah's hymn, the rest is contaiued iu the
Book of Kings, Isaiah having been restored in Heze-
kiah's time to the office of chronicler, of which he had
been depi-ived by Ahaz.
And now we come to Isaiah's final prophecy, pub-
lished by him some years afterwards, probably towards
the end of the lives of both Hezekiah and himself. In
it, leaving the temporal fortunes of Judah far behind,
he soars onward and upward to Chi'ist and his kingdom.
The criticism of these twenty-seven chapters has been the
crux and opprobrium of modern schohirship. It started
with the fuUest belief in the unity of this wonderful
work, a unity evident to the judgment of every attentive
ISAIAH.
37
reader ; but with equal confidence asserted that it was
wi-itteu by some second Isaiah at the close of the Baby-
lonian captivity, when the growing power of Cyrus justi-
fied the use of his name in chap, xlv., as the probable
conqueror of Babylon. But a close comparison between
the words and plu-ases used in the fii'st thirty-nine and
the last twenty-seven chapters showed a very extra-
ordinary amount of resemblance. The language of tlio
two portions is even ia minute particulars the same ; so,
too, are the ideas. If this second part described Judtca
as desolate, such was the most common picture m the
first : if it represented Zion as a wilderness, and God's
holy and beautiful house as burned with fire (chaj). Ixiv.
10, 11), though within a few versos it speaks of city and
Temple as if still standing (Ixvi. 6), as just before it had
described the watchman standing upon the walls of
Jerusalem, so had the prophet sfcirted with a quotation
from Micah, part of which was tliat Jerusalem was to
become heaps of ruins, and the Temple site a desolate
mountain-top. But in fact all is ideal, and the desola-
tion of the city and the burning of the Temple refer
rather to the times of the Romans, when the lineal
Israel was removed that the spiritual Israel might take
. its place, than to the capture of the city by Nebuchad-
nezzar.
In fact, in reading it through as modem critics have
done to discover by internal evidence proofs of the
period when it was wi-itten, only two certain facts
ajjpear — the first, the mention of Cyrus ; the second
that the prophecy was written in Judaea ; and that the
people at the time when it was written were given to
Molocli worship. This second fact is proved by chap.
Ivii. 5, C. The Jews are there represented as sacrificing
their children to Moloch in dried-up water-courses, the
beds of what in the rainy season were rushing streams;
for such is the meaning of the word tliere rendered
" valleys." Now there were no such valleys in Bal)y-
lonia, and no stones worn smooth by torrents, such
as are common in Palestine ; for the whole region is
alluvial, and watered by canals from the Euphrates.
Nor is there the slightest proof, but the contrary, that
the horrible fanaticism which drove the people to sacri-
fice their offspring to Moloch in the days of Hezekiah
and his successors, ever existed among the exiles at
Babylon.
Criticism has therefore changed its front, and instead
of two portions of Isaiah, one a collection of the most
remarkable predictions of his younger days, the other
the calm outpouring of his later years, written at a time
when ho had retired from active life, and was bowed
down beneath the load of nearly eighty winters, it now
dismembers all Isaiah, and distributes his mangled
limbs among a host of prophets laiown and unknown,
extending from Isaiah down to Maccjibajaa times.
Manasseh did but saw him asunder, and this was iho
sole feat attempted by modem critics at first. Haviiio;'
found this simple process impossible, they now hack
him into small pieces.
Into this criticism we decline to follow them ; for
it involves a detailed consideration of almost every
chapter ; nor is there any agreement among the oritics
themselves, who, for reasons so shadowy often that it
is scarcely possible to underst^ind tliom, ascribe the
same prophecy to men very miliko one another, and
who lived at very different times. One tiling, however,
we may notice, that they restore much of those last
twenty-seven chapters to Isaiah, or to a prophet who
did not live later than Manasseh's days.'
Let me say, in conclusion, a few words upon the
contents of these marvellous clmpters themselves. They
begin with Jehovah's controversy mth idols. Now
this was the great question in Hezekiah's days. The
nation was making its choice whether it would serve a
spiritual, unseen Deity, Jehovah, or the idols which ap-
pealed to their senses, and whose worship were irai)ure
orgies, which threw the cloak of religion over licentious
pleasures. Vigorously Isaiah contrasts the powerless-
ncss of idols, made, perhaps, out of the remnant of a
log, of which the rest had been burnt as firewood, and
which had to be carried on men's shoulders because
they could not walk, and to bo nailed in their place ft>^
fear they should fall; vigorously he contrasts these with
the God who measures the waters in the hollow of his
hand, and metes out heaven with the span, and compre-
hends the dust of the earth in a measure.
But Isaiah is not content with this. Ho appeals not
only to God's works in Nature, but also to his fore-
knowledge (xli. 22, 23), and thus the specific prophecy
of the fall of Babylon by the hand of Cyi'us forms an
integral part of the pi-oof. If this appeal was made
after the fact, the whole prophecy is a sham, and
the claim that Jehovah fnistrates the pretensions of
diviners and of the wise men of the earth, while He con-
firms the words of his own messengers (xliv. 26) is
manifestly dislionest, and to be rejected with scorn.
We find, however, from this time frequent allusions
to Isaiah's arguments. Jeremi;vh, the least original of
all the prophets, reproduces tliem in chap. x. They are
reproduced also in Ps. cxv., where also, in vcr. 17, there
is an unmistakable allusion to Hezekiah's prayer, sug-
gesting to us that the writer had both that prayer and
the second part of Isaiah before him. And, in short,
they were the strong armoury whence arguments against
idokitry were di-awn; and at Babylon they prevailed.
There was henceforth no controversy among the Jews
between Jehovah and idols : the nation utterly rejected
tliem, and chose instead Pharisaism as its sin.
The twenty-seven chapters are divided into three
portions of nine chapters each by a refrain occurring at
the ends of chaps, xlviii. and Ivii. In the second part
Isaiah leaves behind the controversy with idols and all
allusion to Babylon, and whereas before ho had spoken
of Israel as being Jehovah's servant, ho now describes
the person and offices and sufferings of Christ, to whom
1 For a more full discussion of this question, .see my Bnmpton
Lectures, Pro)t}iccy a Preparation for ChrUt. ed. sec, p. 2Dt; and
Professor Stnnley Leathes' It'itiiesic of the OUl Testament to Christ,
p. 25-4. Also iny Messianic Inlcrjwelation, of tin: Projihec:es of Jsainh,
p. 90; for the Almah, ib. 301 ; and on the iiioiition of Cjriis by
name, ib, 101.
38
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
tlio title really belongs. For the name " servant of i
Jeliovali," in Oriental phrase, means the vicegerent or i
representative of Jehovah on earth, and hence is but ;
rarely bestowed. It was the title of Moses (Dent. !
xxxiv. 6), becanso lie represented God to the Israelites ; I
it was the title of the Israelites (Isa. xliv. I), because
they represented God to the heathen nations round;
it is especially Christ's title (Isa. lii. 13), because he
represents God to all mankind (John i. 18 ; xiv. 9).
Starting, then, with I'eferences to Israel, to their
coming capti\'ity and deliverance, to the great ques-
tion then debated among them, whether they should
servo God or idols, the prophet goes on to descriljo their
duties as the depositaries of God's true doctrine ; and
then, warming with his subject, ho dwells upon Christ's
work for man, and the founding of his Church. With
many a lesson for the long-waiting time before Christ
came, vfith fuUer warnings and riclier hopes for us,
there is still in it a glorious -vision not yet fulfilled,
when the religion of the Gospel shall fill all hearts with
love, when the voice of weeping shall no longer be
heard on earth, nor the voice of crying, but aU be
gentleness, and happiness, and peace; because Christ
has seen of the travail of his soul and been satisfied.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE GOSPELS :-ST. MATTHEW.
BT THE EEV. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A., VICAR 01? WINKPIELD, BEEKS.
** Then cometh Jesus from Galilee to Jord.an unto John, to be
taptized of him. But John forbad him, saying, I have need to be
baptized of thee, and comest tliou to me ? And Jesus ansv;eriug
said uuto him, Suffer it to be so now : for thus it hecooieth us to
fulfil all i-ighteousuesa. Then he suffered him."— Matt. iii. 13 — 15.
^^3 r^^^s HE difficulties connected with the baptism
fl I's)'' ? "-^ John, and more particularly with our
dM^ Lord's baptism at his hands, are not
sBc?^ inconsiderable, either in their nature or
in their number.
Amongst these the following naturally suggest them-
selves : — Was tlie rite of baptism commonly observed
in the reception of Jewish proselytes .'' or was it some-
thing hitherto imknown ? In what sense are we to
imderstaud the distinction drawn by John the Baptist
between his own baptism and that of Christ ? and in
what resiJccts, if any, does the sacrament of baptism,
as afterwards instituted by Christ, correspond wit]i or
differ from the baptism of John? How are we to
reconcile John's unwUHugness to baptise our Lord, on
account of liis own unworthiuess, and of the dignity of
Christ, with his repeated assertion in John i. 31, 33,
with reference to this very time and event, that he did
not know Him ? In what sense are we to interpret the
words, "us," "now," and "righteousness," in our Lord's
reply ? And lastly, what was the nature and design of
the miraculous attestation to Christ which immediately
followed upon his baptism ?
Now, it is obvious, as well from the special design of
the ministry of the Baptist, as from the naiTatives of
the Evangelists, that the baptism of John immediately
preceded the beginning of the public ministry of Christ :
and inasmuch as our Lord was " about tliirty ye.irs of
age" (Luke iii. 23) at the time of his baptism, we may
reasonably conclude, independently of other chrono-
logical indications, that the baptism of John, who was
six months older than our Lord, began at the time at
which he had attained the age prescribed in Numb. iv.
3, 23, 47, for the Levites to enter upon " the service of
the ministry." Much has been advanced on both sides
of the controversT respecting the initiation of proselytes
into the Jewish Church ))y means of bai^tism. Those
who are acquainted with the extreme difficulty of acquir-
ing reliable information from Jewish sources respecting
any rites or observances practised amongst them pre-
viously to the formation of the Christian Church, will
best appreciate the degree of value to be assigned to
later testimony on this su])ject. Such testimony, how-
ever, is so abimdant, and so explicit, not only in the
wiitings of Maimonides, and other earlier and later
rabbins, but also in the Jerusalem and Babylonian
Talmud, that it seems unreasonable to suppose that it
was altogether an invention of a later period. This
presumption is confirmed by the consentient (as we
believe) Jewish opinion that Israel was sanctified to the
Lord by means of circumcision, baptism,' and sacrifice ;
and that as the same rites were requisite in the admis-
sion of proselytes, so long as the Temple stood, and wUI
bo necessary again, when the Temple shall be rebuilt,
so, during the intermission of sacrifice, baptism, as well
as circumcision, is the proper method of initiation into
Judaism.
It must not be overlooked, however, that the same
Jewish authorities which prescribe the necessity of
baptism as a rite of initiation for proselytes deny the
necessity of its obsen-ance in the case of the children of
those who have been fully initiated; holding that, in
like manner as the original lustration of the entire
nation superseded the necessity of its rejjetition in the
case of the descendants of the Israehtes themselves, so
the baptism of the parents or ancestors, iu the case of
the admission of proselytes to Judaism, rendered un-
necessary the i-enewal of the same rite in the case of
their children. Whilst, then, the observance of the ordi-
' The washing cf the clothes enjoined upon the Israelites pre-
viously to the promulijation of the law from Mount Sinai (£xod.
sis. 11) is interpreted here, as elsewhere, as esteudinjr to the
lusti'ation of the entire person. The whole nation, moreover, had
already been " baptised unto Moses in the cloud and in the sea"
(1 Cor. X. B).
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAUvTED.
39
nance of baptism, in the reception of proselytes amongst
the Jews, might servo to account for the absence of all
expression of surprise at its adojitiou by Jolm tho
Baptist in the case of proselytes from tho heathen, it
will scarcely suffice, of itself, to account for the general
concourse to the Jordan of " Jerusalem and all Judea,"
including " many of the Scribes and Pharisees" them-
selves. If, then, we would seek for any other explanation
of tho fact beyond the general expectation which un-
doubtedly prevailed at this period of tho advent of
some great prophet, and the pro\'idential preparation
of men's minds for his reception, we must seek it, as
it appears to us, in those numerous pro2)hecies of tlio
Old Testament Scriptures which describe the blessings
of the new covenant under the figure of sprinkling,
or washing with pure water (Isa. xliv. 3 ; Ezek. xxx'S'i.
25 ; Zech. xiii. 1), and in the fact of which we have un-
questionable evidence, both as regards tho doctrine and
practice, of the existence of "divers wasliLugs" (or b.ap-
tisms, Heb. vi. 2; ix. 10) amongst the Jews, rather
than in any formal adoption by the Baptist of their
traditional rites and ceremonies.
With regard to the next point which suggests itself
for discussion, it is obvious th.it it is an easier matter
to assert in general terms — what few will be disposed
to deny — the inferiority of the baptism of John to the
sacrament of Christian baptism, as administered upon,
-and subsequently to the day of Pentecost, than it is to
lay down in precise terms the nature and extent of tlie
difference between the two.
That the primary distinction to which the Baptist
refers when he contrasts his own baptism " with water "
with Christ's baptism " with fire and the Holy Ghost,"
is not a distinction between two kinds of water baptism,
seems to follow from the following facts : (1) that our
Lord did not baptise in his own person (John iv. 2) ;
and (2) that the prophecy received its litei-al and un-
questionable accomplishment, as foretold by our Lord
himself (Acts i. 5), in the miraculous descent of tho
Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. This inference
appears to be supported by the fact, that whilst, on the
one hand, we read in Acts xix. 3 of the administration
of Christian baptism at Ephesus to some who had already
received the baptism of Jolm, we read of no general
command to the same effect ; nor is there any reason to
suppose that, in the ease of the apostles themselves,
the baptism with water, received at the hands of John,
was repeated, after the reception of tho higher baptism
" with the Holy Ghost."
It was whilst the Baptist was discharging his ap-
pointed office as Christ's forerimner, an office the design
of which was the manifestation of the Messiah (John
i. 31), that He, whose hour for that manifestation
had now come, presented himself at the banks of tho
Jordan, to be baptised of John. " But John forbad
him,' saying, I have need to be baptised of thee, and
comest thou to me?" These words, at first sight, un-
^ The word employerl, dt€Ka<\v€i', js a very stronjj oue, deuotini?,
probably, as Deaa Alford suggests, a preventing by gesture,
hand, or voica.
doubtedly appear to be inconsistent with the twice-
repeated assertion of tlie Baptist (John i. 31,33), "And
I knew him not." The diiiiculty, when ■i'iewed only in
reference to the relationsliip of our Lord to tho Baptist,
might be overcome, as has been suggested, by the con-
sideration of the remoteness of the -wilderness of Judeea
from Nazareth. It is obvious, however, that this con-
sideration does not meet the real clifficulty, wliich con-
sists in reconeUiug the knowledge of our Lord's person
involved in the words, " And John forbad him," with
the express and repeated assertion, " And I knew him
not."
It would be possible, indeed, to explain the apparent
inconsistency by the supposition that the revelatioli of
the Messiah was made to John, not before, but at the
veiy time of His baptism. And, to a certain extent,
this appears to be the true interpretation, inasmuch
as whilst the reluctance of the Baptist to impart to
One from whom he needed rather to receive, implies a
certain amount of knowledge of the person and claims
of Christ, on the other hand, it was the visible descent
of the Spu'it upon our Lord (John i. 33) which was the
pledge and assurance given to him that Jesus was " tho
Son of God," and which imparted to liim a fuller know-
ledge than any wliich he had heretofore possessed of
the real natiu-e of tho person and work of Christ. Nor
is it hard to adduce both from the Gospel of St. John,
and also from tlie Apocalypse, abundant evidence that
the words "I knewhun not" are fairly capable of being
thus interpreted. Thus, e.g., in John vii. 2S, our Lord
told the Jews that they "both knew Him," and that
" they knew whence He was ;" whereas in -STii. 19, He
assures them plainly that they " neither knew Him nor
his Father." Again, whereas in chap. vii. 27 the Jews
declare, "We know this man whence he is," we find
them in chap. ix. 29 declaring, as expressly, " As for
this fellow, we know not from whence he is." And, in
like manner, we find St. John (Rev. xix. 12) testifj-ing
concerning the name which lie had seen written (pro-
bably upon the brow of the Son of God), that " no man
knew (it) but He himself ;" where (as in Exod. xi. 3) it
seems absolutely essential to understand the knowledge
to which reference is made, as involving something
beyond the seeing with the eye, or the hearing with the
ear. If this intei-pretation of the words " I knew him
not " be accepted, the narratives of St. Matthew and of
St. John appear to be in entire accordance. Whether '
personally known or unknown to tho Baptist heretofore,
it was not until the begiuniug of our Lord's public
ministry that the true natm-e and dignity of His person
was revealed to him. When first our Lord approached
the Jordan there was a recognition by the Baptist of
His majesty, like that which, thirty years previously, had
accompanied the salutation of the Virgin (Luke i. 44) —
something which convinced St. John of liis own im-
worthiness, and which led him to shrink from baptising
with water Oue who liad come to baptise with the Holy
Ghost ; but it was not until after the baptism in tho
Jordan that the crowning .attestation was given of the
Messiahship, and that the Biiptist was not only led
40
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
to acknowledge Jesus of Nazareth as tho Son of the
living God, but also to point his disciples to Him as
" the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of tho
world " (John i. 29).'
The fii'st official woi'ds of Christ, " Suffer it to bo so
now, for thus it becomoth us to fulfil all righteousness,"
are words the full import of which a volume could not
explain, aud wliich eternity a loue cau uufold. Its full
temporal meaniug must bo given to the adverb " now,"
as denoting that John's acknowledgment of inferiority
was well grounded, aud that Christ's superiority would
afterwards be displayed.
Nor must the plural pronoun " us " be overlooked ;
inasmuch as it is the key to the whole of our Lord's
coming both " by water and blood," not only " in the
likeness of sinful flesh," but as One who condescended
to be " made sin for us."
And inasmuch as the baptism of John was indeed
" from heaven," aud nut " of men," therefore it behoved j
Him who came to bring in an everlasting righteousness i
for men, and to fulfil all righteousness in His own i
person, in order " that we might be made the righteous-
ness of God in Him," to submit himself to the baptism
of water, who was about to baptise us with the baptism
of the Spirit — not that He might obtain cleansing from
1 The exact correspondence of the history, as thus understood,
with the Jewish tradition, as expounded in the " Dialogue of
Justin Martyr witli Trypho," is too remarkable to be overlooked.
"Christ" (says Trypho) " is unknown, nor does he as yet know
hioiself . . . until Elias comius shall have anointed him, and
made him manifest to all" (c. vili.).
it, but that Ho might impart cleansing to us. " Ipse
Dominus noster Jesus Christus non tarn mundatus
est in lavacro, quam lavaoro suo universas atj^uas mun-
darit." -
The time .appointed by the Father for the manifes-
tation of the Son had now come, and He who was ever
well pleased in his beloved Son {evoonricra.), proclaimed
that good pleasure iu a voice from heaven, which voice
was heard by the Baptist, and of which he bare record to
his disciples.
In a visible form the Holy Spirit then descended
upon Jesus of Nazareth ; the dove, as the emblem of
purity (aud, like the lamb, having a sacrificial import),
being the outward form selected to denote tho anointing
of the Redeemer for his appointed work.
It was thus that the resemblance between the appoint-
ment and consecration of the typical and of the true
Israel was sustained ; and as the one was " baptised
unto Moses " in the Rod Sea, sanctified in the wUder-
uess of Sinai, aud, in the person of their representatives,
the priests (after they had, as a nation, renounced the
priestly chax-acter), anointed for their high office, so the
Other was baptised iu the Jordan, visibly " anointed
with the Holy Ghost and with power;" and finally,
" not by water only, but by water and blood," con-
secrated to His eternal priesthood, for the discharge of
which He entered in once, " by his own blood," into tho
true holy of holies, " having obtained eternal redemp-
tion for us."
S. Uieron. advcrsus Lwci/frianoe, torn, iii., fol. 62. 1516.
THE PLANTS OF THE BIBLE.
BY W. OAKRUTHSKS, F.R.S., KEEPER OF THE BOTANICAL DEPARTMENT, BRITISH MOSEUM.
ORDERS VIII. — XI. — RESEDACE«, CISTINE^S:, VIOLACE^, AND POLTGALACE^.
HE Mignonette famUy consists of a small
and unimportant group of plants, con-
fined to the Old World, and chiefly to
the Mediterranean region, though two
species are indigenous to Britain — vi-A., Reseda htteola,
Linn., .and B. lutea, Luin. The fii-st is the dyer's
weed, which was at one time extensively cultivated
as a dye stuff, supplying, according to the different
mordaunt employed, a gTcen, yellow, or blue colour.
Both species are without odom*. and in this respect
they are in striking contrast to B. odorata, Linn., the
remarkable fragrance of which has given it a fore-
most place in our gardens for more than a century.
This plant is cultivated everj^vhere in Palestine as
with us ; and, though met vfith as an outcast from
gardens, has not been observed in a mid state. It
is said to be a native of Egypt. Eour other species
occur in Palestine, one of which, B. lutca, Linn.,
is a British species, and another, B. alba, Linn., is
naturalised in maritime localities in England. Several
other species of this family, belonging to the sub-
tropical flora of the soutli. creep up from Arabia and
Egypt to tlio desert borders of Palestine, and ono
with a berry fruit {Ochradetms haccaius, Del.) is foimd
as far nortli as Jericho, as well as in the localities- ■
around the Dead Sea.
The plants of the Rock-rose family are most .abun-
dant in the countries arouud tlie Mediterranean ; a few
species cccm* iu North Am'-rica. They are smaU
shrubs, witli simple leaves, and largo briglitly-coloured
flowers, wliich open only once, and then perish. They
consequently never last longer than a day. expanding
under the influence of the bright srm in the morning,
and perishing with tho sotting sun of the evening.
They do not open in dull we.athei-, when there is no
sunshine. Tlie largest gi'iius iu the family receives its
name, Hcliaiitliomum (sitn-jlovjer), from this obvious
characteristic. Tlieir large pink or yellow flowers make
many of the species favourites in our gardens ; but as
they are southern plants, they are not quite hardy, and
require protection in the winter. The iudigeuous flora
of Britain contains four speeio=. all belonging to tho
THE PLANTS OF THE BIBLE.
41
genus Helianthomum. Three of these aro rare and local
plimts, but the fourth adorns our dry pastures with its
bright yellow flowers all through the summer months.
Ten species aro mot with in Palestine ; tho large and
beautiful flowers of several of them supply a more
striking feature to the landscape than their humbler
representatives at home. The largo pink flowers of
Cistus villosus, Liuu.. are said to give a glow to Moimt
Carmel in April whicli is not inferior to that produced
by the heather on tho moimtains of Scotland. And tho
yellow flowers of C. salvimf alius, Linn., are often
massed together in
the landscape. Tho
leaves and branches
of these two plants
produce a fragrant
resinous gum, which
was formerly iu
great repute for its
supposed medieiual
qualities. It was
employed as a
stimulant, then it
was licld to bo a
valuable expecto-
rant, and now it is
collected almost en-
tirely for its use by
the Tm'ks as a con-
stituent of some of
theu- perfumes.
This gimi is a black
homogeneous and
tenacious substance,
yielding to the
pressure of the
fingers. It is called
Gum Ladaniuu ;
sometimes incor-
rectly written Lab-
danum.
Although the
Rock-roses aro not
referred to in tho
Bible, it is gencr.ally
believed that this
odoriferous product
is the substance referred to under the name -ih {lot),
rendered "myrrh" in our Authorised Version. The
word occurs only twice in the Old Testament, and both
times in tho Book of Genesis. In the one passage we
are told that tho Ishmaelite merchants, to whom Joseph
was sold by his brethren, were on their way from
Gilead, " with their camels bearing spicory and balm
and myrrh, going to carry it down to Egypt " (chap,
xxxvii. 25). Tho other uso of tho word occurs in
the narrative where, under tho pressure of a terrible
famine, Jacob permitted his sons to return to Egyjjt for
com, and to take Benjamin with them ; and in order to
secure the favour of the Egyptian ruler, he sent with
Cistus vd.'ktsjLs, Linn., anJ C. salvi(2folius, Linn. H:i]f the natural size,
which yield the myrrh referred to in Gen. xsxvii. 2j.
them, as " a present, a little balm, and a little honey,
spices, and myrrh, nuts, and almonds " (chap, xliii. 11).
The substances mentioned in these passages were evi-
dently products of Palestine, and the plants producing
them must be sought for among those which constitute
tho indigenous flora of that country. There have been,
as in regard to most other Bible plants, no lack of
suggestions as to the plant intended. The resemblance
in sound between the Hebrew word and the name of
the lotus lily has led some authors to suppose that it
is meant. But no explanation has been offered wliy
such a plant should
have been included
among these pre-
sents. Besides, the
lotus was well
known in Egyjit,
while it is not at
present found in
Palestine, and there
is no reason for be-
lieving that it ever
grew there. Chest-
nuts and pistachio-
nuts, as well as
different kinds of
spices, have also
been suggested, but
modern writers
generally agree in
identifying it with
the resinous gum of
the cistus. Tho
Greek words,
AoSoi'oi', for the gum,
and A^Sos, for tho
plant, aro derived
from the Arabic
ladun, and tliis has
{ho same root as tho
Hebrew lot. Ac-
cording to Hero-
dotus, this gum was
originally obtained
from Arabia, and
was first got by the-
shepherds from the
beards of the goats, whish browsed on tho cistus. Rakes
with leathern thongs, made in imitation of the goat's
beard, were then used for collecting it. The coUoctors
shortly after sunrise beat the bushes until the thongs
were coated with tho gum. The morning was selected,
because the gum was then free from the dust and sand
ivitli which the winds were likely in tho course of tho
day to coat it. Tho largo amount of sand and other
impurities mixed with it has considerably influenced
its disuse, and the name has been transferred to tho
tincture of opium, which has similar but more powerful
medical properties than the gum of the cistus.
Few plants are greater favourites in the garden or
The plants
42
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the field tlian the Violets. Our native flora contains
eiflit species, the best known of which is the sweet
violet, that in early spring scents the hedge-banks of
the east of England, and finds a corner in almost every
garden. This species extends through Europe to Asia
Minor, but has not yet been seen nearer to Palestiuo
than Aleppo. Four species are, however, included in
the indigenous vegetation of the Holy Land, but they
■belong to that iiorthem flora wHch finds its southern
limits in the mountain regions of the country. They
are small plants, and are only met ^vith on the Lebanon
and anti-Lebanon ranges, and there high up among the
cedars.
The Milkworts belong also to the same northern type
of floi-a as the Violets. They are i-epresented in Britain
by three small plants, one of wliich {Polygala vulgaris,
Linn.) oi-naments our heaths and grassy banks through-
out the length and breadth of the land, with its blue,
white, or pink blossoms. In Palestine there are two
similar species, which occur in Lebanon, coming farther
down the mountain-sides than the 'violets, and almost
reaching the shore at Sidon.
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
I. SACKED SEASONS {continued).
BT THE KEV. WILLIAM MILLIQAN, D.D., PKOFESSOK OF DIVINITT AND BIBLICAL CRITICISM IN THE UNFVEESITT OP
ABERDEEN.
'HE second of the three annual Jewish
feasts was that of Pentecost, known
also by the name of the " Feast of Har-
vest " (Exod. xxiii. 16), and the " Feast
of Weeks" (Exod. xxxiv. 22). It received the name
of the " Feast of Weeks," and in later times of "Pen-
tecost" (the fiftieth day), from the manner in which the
period of its obser\-ance was fixed; while the name
" Feast of Harvest " was assigned to it from the rela-
tion in which it stood to the then completed gi-aiu-
iarvest of the year. Seven fuU weeks were reckoned
from the presenting of the first sheaf of barley upon
the second day of the Feast of Unleavened Bread ; and
the day following, the fiftieth day, was the Feast of
Pentecost. The day was one of "holy convocation" —
in this respect resembling the first and last days of the
Feasts of Unleavened Bread and Tabernacles ; and the
distinguishing feature of its ser\'ices was the presenting
to the Almighty of two loaves of fine flour baked with
leaven. These loaves wore not laid upon the altar, but
■were waved before the Lord in token of dedication to
his service, and were then given to the priests to eat.
Like the first sheaf of barley, they were a national, and
not an individual or a family offering. They might
probably be taken for the purpose from one family one
year, and from another family the next. But, whatever
might be the arrangement upon this point, it is of im-
portance to observe that two loaves only were offered,
and that, not for the family out of which they were
brought, but for all the families of Israel considered as
one wliole. With ■ tliese loaves were associated as a
part of the same festal offering seven lambs without
blemish of the first year, one young bullock, and two
rams for a burnt-offering, with their appropriate meat
and drink offerings, one kid of the goats for a sin-
offering, and two lambs of the first year for a sacrifice
of peace-offerings (Lev. xxiii. 17 — 19). Other offerings
also were presented, upon wliich it is unnecessary to
dwell. As in the case of the other gi-eat feasts, the
Feast of Pentecost was attended by innumerable crowds.
" An immense multitude," says the Jewish historian,
speaking of it on one occasion, " ran together out of
Galilee and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea that was
beyond Jordan." ' The mention of the multitudes
assembled at the Pentecost, spoken of in the second
chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, is familiar to all.
Finally, it may bo noted as an important point of dis-
tinction between this feast and the two other great
festival seasons of the Jewish year, that it lasted only
for a single day.
In inquu'ing into the meaning of the Feast of Pen-
tecost, the first thing to be observed regarding it is
its independent character. That it was not, as often
imagined, merely tlie closing service of the Easter feast
delayed for fifty days, in order to embrace the con-
clusion of a harvest whose opening had been already cele-
brated, is ob^-ious from the simple cu-cumstance that it
is described as one of the tln-ee feasts at which all the
males of Israel were annually to appear. It is thus
ranked as parallel to the two others, and not as subor-
dinate to one of them. Further, the last day of the
Feast of Unleavened Bread had been a day of " holy
convocation." With it, the~ef ore, that festival had been
closed in, and the " holy convocation " of Pentecost
points immistakably to another and a separate feast.
The services of the day, too, were characterised by such
marked peculiarities that it is unpossible to regard them
as a simple continuation of services previously begun.
While, however, thus independent, we have next to
ask as to the relation which Pentecost actually occupied
to the earlier festival of the year. If such relation
existed, it is ob\"ious that the point of connection is to be
found in the presenting of the first sheaf of barley, for
it was from tlie day upon which this was done that the
fifty days to Pentecost were reckoned. Was it, then,
the feast of the closing, as the second day of Unleavened
' Bread was that of the opening, harvest F And were the
two loaves now waved before the Lord to be regarded
I 1 Josephus, Jewish Wars, ii. 3, § 1.
SACRED SEASONS.
43
as the first-fniits of the later, as the barley sheaf had
been the first-fruits of the earlier grain ? To these
questions we must answer, No. For in that case no
reason can be imagined why the offering of the time
should have Ijoen loaves. The harmonious symbolism
of tlie Old Testament would have required that it
should have taken the shape of two sheaves or omers of
■wheat. Nor is this all ; for, just as the week of Un-
leavened Bread was the fii-st-f ruits of all the weeks of
the year, so the first sheaf of the crop then offered was the
first-fruits of the whole crop, and not merely of a part
of it. It is true that by the time Pentecost arrived all
the gi'ain had rijiened and been gathered in, while, fifty
days before, only the barley was rijie. But the first
sheaf of barley was not on that account the first-fruits
of tlie bai'ley alone. It was a part of the whole, and,
as such, an acknowledgment when presented in God's
house that the whole was his. There was no room,
therefore, for a fresh offering of fii-st-fruits of the grain.
The same conclusion is forced upon us when we re-
member that the offering at Pentecost is itself called
an offering of first-fruits, " the first-fruits of thy
labours wliich thou hast sown in the field " (Exod. xxiii.
16), and that the day was known as the " day of the
first-fruits" (Numb, xxviii. 26). Now, according to the
ideas embodied in the Mosaic economy, an offering of
first-fruits was not so much a thanksgiving for past
mercies, as a dedication to God of all the blessings of
which the first-fruits were a part. The waving of the
two loaves, therefore, before the Lord must have had a
■prospective rather than a retrospective reference. It
must have been a dedication to God, not of the harvest
in itself, but of the fruits of harvest regarded under
some other point of view. The in-esistible proof, how-
ever, that the Feast of Pentecost, strictly considered,
had relation to something altogether different from the
harvest alone is to be found in the provision tliat the
offering of that day was to be one of leavened loaves ;
that is, it was to be an offering of the fi-uits of the
ground, not in the shape in which they had just been
gathered in, but in the shape which they assumed
•when prepared as food for man. Hence also the
injunction that these loaves should be " brought out
of their habitations" (Lev. xxiii. 17). The barley sheaf
had been taken from the field where it gi-ew, because
it represented the grain. The loaves were taken from
the houses where they had been baked for family use,
because they represented the means of family support.
Here, then, lay the main point of distinction between
the second day of Unleavened Bread and Pentecost.
In the one we have the dedication of harvest con-
sidered simply as harvest ; in the other we have the
dedication of harvest as actually applied to the pur-
pose for which it was intended — the sustenance of the
people. We have reached, therefore, a higher stage
than that at which we previously stood. The Feast
of Pentecost is an advance upon that second day of
the first festival of the year, by a reference to which
the time of its occurrence has been determined. It
takes note of the fruits of the ground in a still nearer
relation to man than when they existed only as grain.
It is concerned with them as the expression of a still
higlier degree of that protection and care and favour
which Israel enjoys at the hands of God.
The other special features of the feast bear out and
con-espond ivith this account of it. It will be re-
membered that ou the day of first-fruits immediately
f oUowiug the Passover, the quantity of barley presented
was an omer (Exod. xvi. 36), and that this quantity was
waved as a single sheaf or measm'o. Now, however,
the quantity was doubled. Instead of the single sheaf,
we have two loaves, and the express provision that these
loaves shall be baked of two omers instead of one (Lev.
xxiii. 17). In the symbolism of the Hebrews, however,
a higher gradation was always expressed by doubling,'
and the greater imiiortance and solemnity of the latter
offering were thus brought into -s-iew. Further, with
the barley-sheaf there had been connected as a bumt-
offering only the oft'ering of a single lamb, together
with its meat and drink-offerings. With the two loaves
of Pentecost was connected the much larger number
of offerings of which mention has been ah-eady made.
This increase alone would mark out the latter solemnity
as the higher ; but the point of increase most especially
worthy of our notice is, that, while only a burnt- off eiTng
accompanied the sheaf of barley, a peace-offering also
accompanied the loaves. We know, however, that the '
peace-oft'erings were the highest in the ritual of sacrifice,
that they were expressive of the closest possible relation
between the offerer and God, that they sjinbolised the
offerer's participation in all the blessings of a Divine
communion. If, therefore, the burnt-oft'ering of the
earlier festival set forth Israel's dedication to Him who
had redeemed it, the peace-offering of the later set forth
the blessed fruits of the dedication made. Here was
something more than the fact that the people had offered
themselves. The offering had been accepted, and a
spiritual intercourse had been established between God
and them.
With what has now been said it may seem diSicult to
reconcile the fact that the Feast of Pentecost lasted
only one day, whOe that of Unleavened Bread lasted
seven days. But the gi-ound of this is to be sought in
the consideration that Pentecost commemorated no great
era in Israel's religious fife. Efforts have indeed been
made to connect it with the ratification of the covenant
at Sinai, and the later Jews certainly adopted this idea.
There is, however, no trace in Scripture of any such
connection. And, in truth, the Feast of Pentecost
was not the following up and advancing of the whole
Easter feast; it was the following up and advancing
only of its second day. The ideas of Unleavened Bread
as a whole stretched forward not to Pentecost only, but
over aU the year thus begun ; and expressing as they
did a religious revolution in Israel, the new spirit of the
covenant life, they were fitly embodied in the sacred
number of seven days, and did not uocd to be repeated
until a new year began. It is only mth the second day
1 Kurz, SacHJicvll Wonhip of the Old Testament. Clai-k's Traiis-
IttUon, p. 378.
44
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of Unleavened Bread that Pentecost must be brought
into comparison, and in tliat comparison the festival is
obviously a heightened one.
j What, then, are the ti-uths of the New Testament
dispensation, or of the Christian life in which the Feast
of Pentecost is fulfilled ? In answering this question
our main guide must be the narrative in the second
chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, where we learn
that on the day of Pentecost there took place that great
outpouring of the Spirit for which the apostles had been
instructed to wait iu Jerusalem. It was not, we may
well believe, without a special purpose that that day in
particular had been fixed on. Nor can we doubt that
the reason of the choice must have lain in ideas
connected with the time itself, and not in the mere fact
that there would then be gathered together in the holy
city " devout men out of every nation under heaven "
(Acts ii. 5). Such a correspondence was already to
be found in the two great events, the crucifixion and
resurrection of our Lord. On the very day whose
opening evening had seen the Paschal lambs slain, and
the Jews engaged in celebrating their Paschal supper,
Jesus, the spotless Lamb of God, had died upon the
cross of Calvary, the purchaser of a still more glorious
redemption thau that which lived in the grateful recol-
lections of Israel. On the very day when the first sheaf
of harvest was presented in the Temple, He who was
" the first-fruits of them that sleep," " the first-begotten
of the dead," had burst the bonds of death, and come
forth from the grave, not alone, but as the first sheaf of
a ripened harvest, embracing all the members of His
body. Should the selection of Pentecost for the next
act of the triumphal drama have been without a special
meaning ? Must there not have been something iu that
festival which rendered it a time peculiarly appropriate
for the Lord again to work ? Such questions, we imagine,
can only be answered iu the affirmative. A connection
between the events there must have been, whether
enough has been revealed to enable us to discover it or
not. Keeping, however, by the two points already g.ained,
first, that the offering of the first-fruits of the Di\'ine
bounty, appropriated and used for food, is the special
Pentecostal idea to which the Mosaic ritual refers us ;
secondly, that on the day of Pentecost the Spirit was
poured out upon the Chiu-ch, the Christian fulfilment of
Pentecost seems to rise to view.
It is in the gift of the Spirit that it is to bo found ;
but not so much iu the mere giving on the part of God,
as in the reception, the appropriation of the gift by those
on whom it is bestowed ; aud first of all, by tlie Lord Jesus
Christ our Sa\'iour himself. For not only did God bestow
upon Him the Spirit " \vithout measure,"' but the Spirit
was recjeived by Him with all the openness of a filial
lieart that offered no hindrance to its Father's dealing
with it. It was appropriated by Him in all its fulness,
every power of the mind aud faculty of the sold and
affection of the heart being presented liy Him as an open
channel to the Father, through which the streams of
Divine grace might be poured in all their quickening aud
life-giving influences. The highest and noblest gift of
the Divine love, that in which not the New Testament
only, but the Old, sees the realisation of the most
precious blessings of Messianic times, was ever in the
soul of Jesus, inspirmg his words, regukting his actions,
filling liim with holy joy amidst the dark jiroblems that
met Htm in his errand of mercy to mankind (John iii.
3-1; Luke iv. 14; Matt. xi. 25. Comp. Luke x. 21). His
was a constant Pentecost, the Spirit not merely offered,
but accepted, and presented again by Him to the God
fi'om whom it came, so that He coidd say, " I do always
the things that please him;" "I and my Father are one."
Again, however, we cauuot rest here. What belongs
to the Head belongs also to the members. The sap that
rises in the stem circidates through every twig and leaf
and blossom and grape of the vine. Clu'istians, there-
fore, have also their Pentecost, when their eyes are
opeued to their position, and they are endeavouring to
realise it as they ought. They have it in the same
manner as their Lord. It is not the offer of the Spirit
only that constitutes the privilege which they enjoy;
nor is it in magnifying this fact, or in praising God for
it, that they walk worthy of the festival privileges of
Israel now fulfilled to them. It is in the appropriation
of the Spirit that they do so, in the taking of the
Spirit into their hearts in such a way that it becomes
the ruling principle, the leavening power, the regulating
influence of their new and better life. " For by ono
offering he hath perfected for ever them that are sanc-
tified. Whereof the Holy Ghost also is a witness to us :
for after that he had said before, This is tlie covenant that
I will make with them after those days, saith the Lord>
I will jjut my laws into their hearts, and in their minds
will I vrrite them " (Hcb. x. 14 — 16) : and again, " For-
asmuch as ye are manifestly declared to be the epistle
of Christ ministered by us, written not with ink, but
with the Spirit of the living God ; not in tables of stone,
but in fleshy tables of the heart " (2 Cor. iii. 3). And
once more, even iu Old Testament prophecy, this part
of the dispensation of the SiJirit had been plainly set
forth : " And I will give them one heart, and I will
put a new spirit within you ; and I will take the stony
heart out of their flesh, and will give fhcm an heart of
flesh : that they may walk iu my statutes, and keep
mine ordinances, and do them : and they shall be my
people, and I will be their God" (Ezck. xi. 19, 20).
Here then, we imagine, is the "fulfilment" in the
Christian system of the idea of Pentecost to be found,
not iu the fulness of the Di\'ino bounty only, but in the
conscious reception and application to its proper pur-
pose of that bounty on the part of man. The harvest
is indeed now complete. The gifts of God, summed up
in the gift of the Spirit, ai-o now bestowed. But fhcy
are not only bestowed by him, they are also appro-
priated by his people. They have been taken home by
believers to their hearts and houses, and they aro
made the strength and nourishment of their whole cha-
racter and daily life. All their future course is to bo
run in the power thus conveyed to them. As they aro
redeemed by grace, they five through gi-ace. A Divine
communion between them and the Father of their spirits
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
45
is not only rendered possible, but is actually consum-
mated. " Tlioir f eUowslup is with the Father, and with
Ills Son Jesus Christ ;" and just as bread digested
and assimilated is the staff of the natural life, so the
Spirit of God received, assimilated, introduced into
every faculty of the miud and affection of the heart,
is the stafE of that higher life which they lead in Jesus.
Redeemed by the blood of the Lamb, they have dedi-
cated themselves and their possessions to the Almighty
as their first stop, and in the first week of their spiri-
tual year. That was their spiritual Passover, together
with their spiritual feast of Unleavened Bread. Tlioir
next step is their spiritual Pentecost, when, as members
of Christ's body, they ai-e made fuU partakers of his
Spirit, and are sent forth to theu- Christian work and
race, endued with " power from on high."
On one point further it seems desirable to say a
single word before we close. It has boon alre-idy
stated that Pentecost in Israel was a national festival.
It had reference to all the families of the people.
All were liable to its duties ; aU yiere interested in
its privileges. It was associated with no favoured
order, with no chosen few. Ai-e the events of the
Christian Pentecost to be regarded as giving the key
to the fulfilment of Israel's Pentecost in the Christian
Church ? — then surely, reading the antitype in the type,
we are led to the conclusion that the gift of the
Spirit tlaat day bestowed belongs not to apostles only,
but equally to the whole Church of God. It appears,
indeed, almost upon the face of the narrative, that it
was so, for it is hardly possible to think that the " all "
of Acts ii. 1 can refer to the apostles alone. It must
refer to the company of " disciples " spoken of in
Acts i. 15, of whom it is .said that " the number of the
names together were about an hundred and twenty."
If so, then the tongues of fire sat upon " each," not
only of the twelve, but of the whole company, and the
words of ver. 4 apply to every member of the latter,
as well as of the former : " And they were all filled
with the Holy Ghost, and began to speak with other
tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance." No two
lines of duty or privilege come before us here, one
belonging especially to apostles, the other to members
of the Church. One line alone appears, that pertain-
ing to Christ's body as a whole, in the ideal con-
ception of which, as there is neither Jew nor Greek,
neither male nor female, so also there is neither
.apostle, nor bishop, nor minister, nor elder; all are
one in Christ Jesus. The same consecration belongs to
the humblest believer in Jesus that belongs to the mo.st
exalted dignitary in his church. To none can more bo
given than that he be " filled with the Holy Ghost."
There are differences of function, there are distinctions
of order, but the gi-ace of Pentecost does not make
these. It finds them existing in the nature of things,
requii'ed by the necessities of the case, and it hallows
them ; the gi-aee itself is the same to all. The Christian
Pentecost knows of but one gift of the Spirit, although
the gift may fill many different agencies ; and although
the members are many, the body is one.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE EEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., KECTOK OF PRESTON, SALOP.
SHEEP.
^HE following Hebrew words occur as the
names of this useful animal:— r^v';);,
a collective noun to express "a flock of
sheep or goats ; " seh, " a single sheep or
" a ram," so called from its strength,
according to some authorities (others connect the word
witli a root having the sense of twldiiig or rolling, in
allusion to the twisted horns of the ram) ; rdch'l, " a
ewo ;" hebes or hibsali, " a lamb," " yearling sheep,"
or "one from the first to the third year;" tukh, '"a
young lamb " [compare 1 Sam. vii. 9, teleh chdh'ib, "a
sucking lamb ;" in Arabic the word means .any young
animal, especially " a yoimg gazelle ;" tala, in Ethiopic,
means "a kid" — the Syriac taleetha, " a young girl;"
hence our Lord's words to the daughter of Jairus,
TalUha cumi, "Young girl, arise!" (Mark v. 41)]
Another word, kar {kdrim pi.) occurs several times ; it
appears to denote " a sheep fattened in the pastures."
We give the following principal Biblical allusions to
these well-known domestic animals which from the
e,ai-liest periods of ci\'ilisation have contributed so
abundantly to the wants of mankind. Next in value
and importance to cattle came sheep in the estimation
of the ancient Hebrews ; the ram, being the type of
strength and boldness, was held in especial honour in
the sacrifices. " It was presented as a holocaust or a
thank-offering by the whole people (Lev. ix. 4, 18 ; wi.
5 ; Numb, xxviii. 11 — 14) or its chiefs (Numb. vi. 14,
17 ; vii. 15, 21, 27, &c.) ; by the high priest or an ordi-
nary priest (Lev. viii. 18, 22 ; ix. 2 ; xvi. 3), and by the
God-devoted Nazarite (Numb. vi. 14), but never by a
common Hebrew ; and as it was primitively employed
for a medium of exchange and barter it was the ordinary
.aiumal for the trespass-offering instituted to expiate
eolation of the rights of property (Lev. v. 15, 18 ;
xix. 21 ; Numb. v. 8). Tlio lamb (kehes), the usual
animal food of Eastern tribes, was regularly employed
for the daily piMic holocausts (Exod. xxix. 38 — 12;
Numb, xxviii. 3 — 8), presented on festivals in increased
numbers, and accompanied by bullocks and rams
(Numb, xxviii. 11, 19, 27) ; and very often for private
burnt and thank-offerings, for sin, trespass, and purifi-
cation offerings (Lev. i. 10 ; iii. 7 ; iv. 32 ; v. 6 ; xii.
6 — 8; xiv. 10; Numb. vi. 12, 14). The gradation in
the choice of the victims is plainly manifest from the
46
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
precepts as to sin-oSeiungs : the high priest of the
whole commimity required a bullock ; a chief of the
people a male kid of the goats ; aud a common Israelite
a female kid of the goats or a female lamb " (Kalisch's
Commentary on Leviticus, part i., pp. 83, 84). A very
youQg lamb was not allowed to be sacrificed until it was
eight days old ; the same prohibitioa applied to cattle
and goats (see Lev. xxii. 27) ; neither was it lawful to
kill cow and calf or ewe aud lamb together in one day
(ver. 28).
Sheep and lambs were used as food by the ancient
Hebrews, but not as with us in Western Em-ope, where
mutton or lamb is daily eaten by hundreds of thousands
of consumers. Sheep as food were usually .slaughtered
only on great occasions and special festivities, and the
Jews did not indulge in flesh meat at their ordinary
meals, but, as Dr. Tristram tells us, like the Orientals
at the present day, they always welcomed a friend or a
stranger as guest with the kid or the lamb. There are
not many allusions to sheep as used for food ; but com-
pare 1 Sam. XXV. 18 ; 1 Kings i. 19 ; iv. 23 ; Ps. xliv.
11 ; 2 Sam. xii. 4 ; Amos vi. 4.
The milk was considered perhaps the most usefid
produce of the sheep, and was daUy consumed. In its
fresh state it was called chdldb, in a sour or coagulated
one it was called chemdh. In Deut. xxxii. 14, we i-ead
of chemath bdkdr vachaleb tson, i.e., " curdled milk of
cattle, and fresh milk of sheep." St. Paul asks, " Who
f eedoth a flock, aud eateth not of the milk of the flock .'' "
(1 Cor. ix. 7.) " Ewes' milk," Dr. Tristram teUs us,
" is held in higher esteem than that of cows in the East,
and is considered peculiarly rich for leben, or soui-ed
curds. For butter goats' milk is pi-eferred, but ordi-
narily the sheep and goats are milked indiscriminately,
the lambs and kids being penned up from them in the
night that their owners may get the first share of the
milk. We found it considered highly tlishonourable
among the Bedouins to sell milk. A draught from the
flock was spontaneously offered to the passing stranger,
but payment was j)romptly refused by men who just
before had been begging from us, aud who would take
the first opportunity of robbing us " {Nat. Hist. Bib.,
p. 136).
The wool of the sheep is another most important
product of the animal, and was much prized by the
Hebrews. " Woollen garments " are mentioned in Lev.
xiii. 47 ; see also Deut. xxii. 11, whore it is ordered that
no garment made of wool and linen should be worn.
Job appeals to liis kindness in having constantly clothed
the poor in distress : " If I have seen any perish for
want of clothing, or any poor without covering ; if his
ioins have not blessed me, and if he were not warmed
with the fleece of my sheep ; then let mine arm fall,"
&c. (Job xxxi. 19, 20, 22). lu the Proverbs we read,
" Be thou diligent to know the state of thy flocks,
and look well to thy herds The sheep
[A. v., 'lambs,' chebdsini,'] are for thy clothing" (xxvii.
23, 26). The wtuous woman '■ seeketh wool and
flax, and worketh willingly with her hands " (xxxi. 13).
Mosha, king of Moab (whoso record of his own exploits
was a few years ago discovei-ed in that land), was
a great slieep-master, and had been in the habit of
paying a large tribute of sheep and " rams with the
wool" (eylim tsdmer) to some of the kings of Israel
(2 Kings iii. 4). The mention of the wool with the
animals shows the importance of that commodity.
Damascus was noted for the excoUenee of its white
wool, and supplied Tyre therewith. " Damascus was
thy merchant in the multitude of the wares of thy
making . . . aud in white wool " (Ezek. xxvii. 18).
" At present the quality of the Syrian wools varies as
widely as do those of the merino aud of the black-faced
Highland breeds. There is a very fine soft wool grown,
in the Belka and in Moab, and the fleeces of some of
the short-wooled Lebanon sheep are choice, while the
middle districts of Palestine produce a long-woolod but
rather coarse fleece." The art of dyeing wool and
other materials was understood by the Hebrews. The
Tyi'ians were celebrated throughout the world for their
purple and scarlet dyes. " Rams' skins dyed red "
wore used as one of the coverings for the tabernacle
(Exod. XXV. 5).
There ai-e several references in the Bible to sheep-
shearing. Dr. Tristram well remarks : " What the
harvest was to an agricultui-al, that the sheep-shearmg
was to a pastoral people : celebrated by a festival
corresponding to our harvest home, marked often by
the same reveh-y and merry-making." It was when
Laban was occupied with liis sheep-shearing that Jacob
took the opportunity of going off with his wives, cattle,
and provisions. Judah, after the death of his wife,
" was comforted, and went up unto his sheep-shearers
to Timnath, he and his friend Hirah the Adullamite "
(Gen. xxxviii. 12). The stoiy of Nabal the chuid is told
in 1 Sam. xxv., how he had three thousand sheep in
Carmel, gathered thither from the southern wilderness
for the shearing ; and how when David and his men,
wlw had been a wall to them both by night and day
when encamped in the wilderness, applied to share in
the festivities, Nabal replied, " Shall I then take my
bread and my water, and my flesh that I have killed for
my shearers, and give it imto men whom I know not
whence they be ?" (1 Sam. xxv. 11.) And Nabal " held
a feast in his house like the feast of a king, and Nabal's
heart was merry within him, for ho was very drunken "
(ver. 36). Amnon was killed by the order of his
brother Absalom at a feast held after sheep-shearing,
when his heart was " men-y with wine " (2 Sam. xiii. 28).
In Joshua (vi.4) we read of " rams' horns " being used
as trumpets. There seems good reason for believiug
that the Hebrew words shvpheruth hayyobelim do not
denote " trumpets of rams' homs," but " trumpets of
prolonged soimdings ;" in ver. 5 we have, as synony-
mous, Iceren hayyobel, " horn of long soundings." The
etymology of 'Jjv is uncertain ; the Talmud refers it
to an Arabic word; Eiirst, of modern authorities,
agrees with this view; but Gesenius and others, with
greater probability, think that ''?i' (yobil) coincides
with ^Tf (yubal), " jubilee," and that it is the trumpet
with which originally the year of jubilee and subse-
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
47
quently other festivals or natioual convocations were
proclaimed. The author of the Commentary on
Joshua in the Speaker's Bible, while adopting this ex-
planation, observes that " the horn of the ram is solid,
and not at aU suitable for being used as a cornet."
But surely the ram is one of the hollow-horned rumi-
nants. Rams' horns were probably used for carrying
the anointing oil. " Then Samuel took the hom of oU,
and anointed him [David] iu the midst of his brethren "
(1 Sam. xvi. 13) ; see also 1 Kings i. 39 — " Zadok the
priest took an hom of oU out of the tabernacle, and
anointed Solomon." Such horns were no doubt used
for vai'ious other pm'poses, amongst others as a kind of
lady's toUet-bottle, for holding heuua paint, &c., for the
eyebrows and eyelashes. This seems to bo imphed in
the name of Job's tliird daughter, Keren-hwppuch, i.e.,
" horn for jiaint." Jarchi expressly says that this name
was given her " from the name of the horn in which
they put paint and soap," stibium et sniegina (Jarchi,
Comment, in Hiobum, xlii. 14, ed. Breithaupt). Rams'
horns, Dr. Tristram tells us, are still iu constant use
as flasks amongst Ai-abs, especially for gunpowder.
Unta,nned sheep-skins are worn by the shepherds of
Palestine, both in the south country of Judea and in
the Lebanon ; some such a rude covering, perhaps, was
used by Elijah and John the Baptist, and the perse-
cuted saints of old, who " wandered about in sheep-
skins and goat-skins " (Heb. xi. 37).
Immense numbers of sheep were reared in Palestine
in Biblical times, as is the case to this day in some
portions of the countiy. The patriarchs were very rich
in cattle and sheep ; Job possessed 7,000 before and
14,000 after his troubles. The Reubenites conquered
the Hagarites, and took from them 250,000 sheep (see
1 Chron. V. 21). Mesha, king of Moab, a coimtry emi-
nently adapted for sheep pasturing, possessed 100,000
sheep of the pasture Ckdrim) and 100,000 " rams with the
wool " (see 2 Kings iii. 4). Dr. Tristram sat under the
tent of a Beni Sakk'r sheikh, who pastured his sheep
in the ancient plains of Moab, and boasted of counting
30,000 m his flocks.
In the time of Asa the people gathered themselves
together at Jerusalem to a great sacrifice, at which
7,000 sheep were offered at ouo time (2 Chron. xv. 11).
" Hczekiah king of Judah did give to the congregation
a thousand bullocks and seven thousand sheep, and the
princes gave to the congregation a thousand bullocks
and ten thousand sheep " (2 Chron. xxx. 24). Solomon's
consumption of sheep for the royal household is said to
have been one himdred daily, besides numbers of other
animals (1 Kings iv. 23) ; whUo at the feast of the
dedication of the Temple sheep and oxen were sacrificed
" that could not be told nor numbered for midtitude "
(1 Kings viii. 5). Especial mention is made of the
sheep of Bozrah, in the land of Edom, and Bashan and
GUead; and largo parts of these districts are at the
present time "at the proper seasons alive ■svith coimtless
flocks " (Dr. Thomson. The Land and the Booh. p. 205).
Dr. Tristram speaks of the immense number of sheep
his party saw on the east of Jordan. " No coimtry,"
he says, " could be conceived more adapted by natm-e
for flocks than the rich plateaux where the feeders of
the Jabbok rise in the ancient Ammou. Tlie land is
almost treeless, and well watered everywhere. Never
did I see such a display of pastoral wealth as met our
eyes in the neighbourhood of desolate Rabbah. It was
the early spring, when the grass was shooting forth in
its first freshness. The sheep of the great tribes of the
Adwan and Beni Sakk'r had gathered hero from far
and near, and mile after mde we rode through flocks
countless as the sand, while winding up the gently-
sloping valley, at the head of wliich stand the magnifi-
cent but lovely ruins of the great city. To the open
spaces among the temples the sheep and goats were
driven at night, and thou- bleating was almost deafen-
mg" {Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 135).
We read in Ezekiel that sheep and goats were im-
ported into Tyre from Arabia. " Arabia, and aU the
princes of Kedar, they occupied [traded] with thee in
sheep of the pastures (kdrim), rams and he-goats"
(xx^-ii. 21). The projihet Isaiah mentions sheep of
Arabia, which in some parts abomided in sheep and
cattle : " All the flocks of Kedar shall bo gathered
together imto thee, the rams of Nebaioth shall minister
unto thee " (Ix. 7). In 2 Chron. xvii. 11, we read
that the Arabians brought Jehoshaijhat presents of
flocks of sheep, " seven thousand and seven hundred
rams, and seven thousand and seven himdred he-goats."
Kedar and Nebaioth are mentioned as two sons of
Ishmael, that settled in Arabia (Gen. xxv. 13) ; in Isaiah
they will represent two nomad pastoral tribes. The
word hSdar means "having a black skin;" compare
with this etymology Cant. i. 5 — " I am black, but
comely, O ye daughters of Jerusalem, as the tents of
Kedar," alluding to the dark goat or camel-skin tents
of the Ai-abians, like those of the modem Bedawee.
Hence benei kedar, " children of Kedar," denote a
nomad tribe which, like tliat of Nebaioth, dwelt in
Northern Arabia, and possessed abundant flocks. The
Assyrian monuments also testify to the enormous
numbers of sheep possessed by the Arabians. In the
account of Assur-bani-pal's expedition against Arabia, to
punish Vaiteh the king, who had rebelled against the
Assyrian monarch, express mention is made of the
numbers of sheep and other cattle which were captured.
" Nisi, imiri, gammali, va tseni, chubus sunu ina la
mini achbuta" (" men, asses, camels, and sheei^, their
plunder without number I carried off") (Smith's Assur-
bani-pal, p. 270). The flocks were protected from wild
beasts — wolves being the especial enemies — by shepherd-
dogs at night ; but these dogs of Syria are not like tho
intelligent colleys of our country; they are "usually
kept iu some numbers, not less than six together ; they
lie outside the fold, and raise their defiant bark when-
ever the jackal's howl is heard. Notwithstanding their
use, they are hardly treated, kicked, and half-starved ;
yet their fidehty is unswervmg " (Nat. Hist. Bih., p. 141).
From a passage iu Job, as well as from the general way
in which the dog is spoken of in Scripture, it would
appear the poor animal was always treated with con-
43
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
tempt : " But now the7 that are younger than I have
me in derision, -vrhoso fathers I would have disdained to
have set with tho dogs of my flock " (Job xxx. 1).
Shepherds in Palestine and other parts of the East
do not drive their sheep, but always lead them, without
the aid of a dog ; they also gave names to their sheep,
just as in this country we do to our cattle. This illus-
trates our Lord's parable of the good shepherd: "He
that cntereth not by tho door into the sheepfold, but
climboth up some other way, the same is a thief and a
robber ; but ho that entereth in by tho door is the shep-
herd of the sheep. To him the porter openeth, and the
sheep hoar his voice ; and he calleth Ms own sheep by
rounded him ; then to climb the rocks — the goats pursued
him ; aud finally, all the flock formed in a circle, gam-
bolling around him" {Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 140).
To tho same effect Dr. Thomson writes : " I never ride
over these hills, clothed with flocks, without meditating
upon this delightful theme of the good shepherd. Our
Saviour says that the good shepherd when ho putteth
forth his own sheep gocth before them, and they follow.
This is true to the letter. They are so tame and so trained
that they folloio their keeper with the utmost docility.
He leads them forth from the fold, or from their houses
in the villages, just where he pleases. As there are many
flocks in such a x^lace as this, each one takes a different
I U <
r'
'"^ '
//C
f?™
&
A W-^o
■^ 'ft
'''i* Ws*i-
DOMESTIC GOATS AND BKOAD-TAILED SHEEP. (iSSTEIAN.)
name, and Icadeth them out. And when he putteth
forth his own shcop, he goeth before them, and tho
sheep follow him: for they know his voice. Aud a
stranger will they not follow, but will floe from liim ;
for they know not the voice of strangers " (John x. 1 — 5).
The old r.-ims are often decorated with Ijclls, and share
the shepherd's confidence in a special degree. " On tho
hill-side he searches out the choicest morsels of herbage,
and calls Uie sheei> to partake of them.' They have
tho attachment of a dog to their master. Wo once
observed a shepherd phxying with his flock. He pre-
tended to run away — ^the sheep ran after him aud sur-
1 We may add that tlie attachment of the Eastern shepherd to
his flock is exhibited in the Hebrew word for shepherd, viz.,
roc/i, or ru't, from the root ni'tili, "to look with pleasure on,"
"to delight iu," especially "to feed;" hence in Ps. xxiii, 1,
Ycliiimh lo'i lo triisrir ("Jehovah is my shepherd [feeder], I shall
not puffer want"). Conipari also tho Greek iroi/ivi-, from io.>,
"grass," aud Laliu pnslor, from jiasco, " I feed."
path, aud it is his business to find pasture for them.
It is necessary, therefore, that they should bo taught to
follow, and not to stray away into the uuf eueed fields of
corn which lie so temptingly on cither side. Any one
that thus wanders is sure to get into trouble. The
shepherd calls sharply from time to time, to remind
them of his presence. They know his voice and follow
on ; but if a stranger calls they stop short, lift up their
heads hi alarm, aud if it is repeated they turn and flee,
because tliey know not tho voice of a stranger. This is
not the fiinclful costume of a parable, it is sunple fact.
I have made the experiment repeatedly. Tho shepherd
goes before, not merely to point out the way, but to see
that it is practicable aud safe. Ho is aruu-d iu order to
defend his charge, and in this ho is very courageous.
Many adventures with wild beasts occur
They not unfrcqucntly attack tho flock in the very
presence of the shepherd, and ho must be ready to do
THE ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
49
battle at a moment's warning And wlien
tho tliiof and tho robber come (and come they do), the
faithful shepherd has often to put his lifo in his hand
to defend his flock. I have known more tlian one case
in which ho had literally to lay it down in the contest.
A poor faitliful follow, last spring, between Tiberias
and Tabor, instead of fleeing, actually fought three
Bedawin robbers until he was hacked to pieces with their
khaujars, and died among the sheep he was defending "
{The Land and the Book, 202, 203). All this very
beautifully and very strikingly illustrates tho Biblical
allusions : '" Thou leddost thy people like a flock by tho
baud of Moses and Aaron." " Give ear, O Shepherd of
Israel, thou that leadest Joseph like a flock " (.Ps. Ixxvii.
names to their sheep. In an idyl of Theocritus, which
Virgil in his third Eclogue has partly imitated, a goat-
herd and a shepherd are singing for a wager, reclining
on the grass where their flocks are grazing ; some of tho
sheep approach too near io tho young olive-trees, and
are addi'cssed by name by the shepherds.
COMATAS.
*' From the wild olive, bleatera ! Feed at will
"Where grow the tamarisks, ou the sloping hill.
Lacon.
Off from that oak, Cycffitha and Conarus !
Feed eastward — yonder where you see Phalaros."
(Chapman's Greek Pastoral Poetry, 47, 48.)
Of the manner of tending sheep 'm Palestine, and of
THE MOUFFLON (CapTovis Muiir.wn).
20, and Ixxx. 1). '■ I am the good Shepherd, and know
my sheep, and am known of mine " (John x. 14). " The
thief Cometh not, but for to steal, and to kUl, and to
destroy" (ver. 10). "I am the good Shepherd: tho
good Shepherd giveth his lifo for the sheep " (ver. 11).
Not only in Palestine was it the custom to give names
to the slieep, it was also usual in Greece. " Passing Ijy
a flock of sheep, I asked the shepherd to caU one of his
sheep. He did so, and it instantly left its pasturage
and companions, and ran up to the hand of tho shepherd
with signs of pleasure and with a prompt obedience
which I had never before observed in any other animal.
The shepherd told me that many of his sheep are still
wild, tliat fliey had not yet learned their names, but
that by teaching thoy would all learn them. The others
which knew their names he called tame " (Hartley's
Researches in Greece and the Levant).
Tho ancient Greeks, as well as tho modern, gave
28 — VOL. It
an Eastern shepherd's life. Dr. Tristram gives us a
graphic account. " The sheep districts consist of wide
ojien wolds or downs, reft here and there by deep
I ravines, in whose sides lurk many a wild beast, tho
I enemy of the flocks. During the day the slieep roam
i at will over a wide extent of common pasture, only kept
I from encroaching on tho territory of another tribe. In
the evening they are gathered into folds. These folds
are in most parts of the coimtry the natural caves or
old dwellings of tho Horites, adapted for tho purpose,
with a low wall buUt outside them, as may bo seen in
Mount Quarantania, near Jericho, in tho glens near
the Lake of Galilee, and in the hill country of Jud;ili.
Elsewhere a simple boimdary wall, with an entrance, is
built in tho open ground. Owing to the multitudo of
jackals and wolves, the shepherds are obliged to keep
watch over their flocks by night. Thus tho sliepherds
of Bethlehem were ' abiding in tho field, keeping watch
50
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
over their flock by night ' when the angel of the Lord
came and announced to them the ' good tidings of great
joy to all people ' (Luke ii. 8, &e.)- The same practice
contiaues to this day. Even on the highest ridges of
Lebanon, far above human habitations, are found little
depressions where the shepherds had contrived sleeping
places for themselves, inside of which rushes were col-
lected for bedding. These simple beds were arranged
in a circle, and sticks and roots were collected in the
centre for a fire ; .a few pots or pans stood by them, and
the sheep-skins and old rugs were left in their places
under the guardianship of three or four faithful watch-
dogs, whose vigilance was sufficient protection whUo
their masters wandered during the day with their flocks.
We often met the shepherds nules away from their
stations. It is their ordinary summer habit to live thus
in the open air, as they do in the soutli throughout the
year. In the open district east of Jordan there ai-e no
caves, and so the children of Reuben said to Moses,
' "We will build slieepfolds here for our cattle ' (Numb.
xxxii. 16). To these sheepfolds Reuben still continued
devoted, and forgot the troubles of his brethren. 'Why
abodest thou among the sheepfolds, to hear the bleatings
of the flocks ? For the divisions [in the divisions,
i.e., family tlinsions, tribes] of Reuben there were gi'eat
searchiugs of heart ' ' ( Judg. v. 16). But in the hill
country of Judah the folds were in caves. Thus Saul,
when in search for David, ' came to the sheepcotes by
the way where was a cave' (1 Sam. xsiv. 3). In such
folds Da\-id had passed his youth. ' I took thee from
the sheepcote, from following the sheep, to be rider
over my people, over Israel ' (2 Sam. vii. 8 ; Ps. Ixxviii.
701. And as the traveller passes over the Philistian
plains, and sees the ruined cities, with rxido hovels and
slieepfolds built of their fragments, who can forget the
denunciation of the prophet : ' The sea-coast shall be
dwellings and cottages for shepherds, and folds for
flocks ?'' (Zeph. ii. 6)." (Nat. Hist. Bib., pp. 138, 139.)
In our own country sheep do net as a general rule
require water to drink, the succident natiu-e of their
food being sufficient to prevent thirst; still in droughty
seasons, when the herbage is scorched from great and
prolonged heat, sheep will di'ink with avidity. But
what is the exception in England is the rule in the East,
where watering the flocks is a necessary and common
operation. When Jacob met his cousin Rachel for the
first time in his eventful history it was at the well-side.
1 There is a sarcastic irony in Deborah's rebuke of Eeuben which
it is uot very easy to express. *' In the divisions, or, amon^r the
brooks" {as some translate tlie Hebrew word) *' o£ Keuben, there
were deep deliberatious, solemn thoughts as to helping their
brethren. "Why then did Reuben abide anion;;: the sheepfolds,
lazily listcninpc to shepherds piping on their reeds, instead of
eugagin-^ in brave fight and clamour of war ? Oh ! yes, there
must have been great deliberations indeed." There can bo no
doubt that the Hebrew words s/tcri/ioth aMrhn refer to s/ieplu-rds
VihisiVmg on their jn'jifs, and not to the bleatings of the sheep.
Shdrali means " to whistle on a pipe," " to hiss and make a shrill
noise." The word, like our English "hiss," is probably onomato-
poetic, and would be :u the highest degree inappropriate to cs]>ress
the bleatings of sheep. So interpret Gesenius, Eoscnmilller, and
Turst; the latter adding that 111? {t-'Ur), "a flock," here = 111* li*\^
{ish ddey), man of the Hock, i.e., " shepherd." So too lieil and
Belitzsch, '* the pipings of the flocks."
Jacob looked, " and behold a well in the field, and, lo,
there were three flocks of sheep lying by it ; for out of
that well they watered the flocks : and a great stone was
upon the well's mouth. And thither were all the flocks
gathered : and they rolled the stone from the well's
mouth, and watered the sheep, and put the stone again
upon the well's mouth in his place " (Gen. xxix. 2, 3).
When Moses fled from Egypt into Midian, he sat down
by a well there. " Now the priest of Midian had seven
daughters : and they came and di-ew watei', and filled
the troughs to water then- father's flock. And the
sheplierds came and drove them away : but Moses stood
up and helped them, and watered their flock. And
when tliey came to Reuel their father, he said. How
is it that ye are come so soon to-day ? " (Exod. ii. 16
— 19.) The operation must have taken some time,
for the water was drawn out by means of rope and
bucket, and poured into the troughs or reservoirs, which
were generally of stone, that were round the margin of
the Eastern wells. Hence there was time for a little
chattering and gossiping, and not imfrequently a little
love-making; indeed, the well seems to have been a
recognised place where to seek a wife. Thus Abraham's
servant went to Mesopotamia, to the city of Nalior, to
find a wife for Isaac amongst the daughters of the
land who came out of the city to draw water from tho
well. The steward sat down, and the camels, thirsty
from their long jouraey, rested ; a maiden approaches,
nnVeUed, very beautiful, with the bloom of innocence on
her countenance, altogether enchanting; her name is
Rebekah, or Eihlcah, that is, "the girl who ensnares
men l)y her beauty," from the Arabic word ribkali, " a
rope having a noose." She draws water for her own
camels, and then the active obliging gu'l di"aws water
for the camels of Abraham's steward. The result is
well known ; Rel)ekah became Isaac's wife, " and ho
loved her, and Isaac was comforted after his mother's
death." It was at the weU-side where Jacob, as we
have already seen, first met Rachel, who afterwards
became his wife.
The old scenes are repeated to this day, as Dr.
Tristram tells us : — " And .still the ' places of di-awing"
water,' when tho land is free from the ' noise of archers,'
are the spots where the youth and girls of Bedouin life
congregate ; and at the wells alone is Oriental courtship
carried on to this day. The Syi-ian girl, especially if a
Druse or Christian, unlike the secluded diiughterof tho
towns, is frequently entnisted, like Rachel or Zipporah,
with the care of her father's flock. The well — the most
precious of possessions — is carefully closed with a heavy
slab until aU whose flocks are entitled to share its water
have gathered. The time is noon. The first comers
gather, and report the gossip of the tribe. The story of
Gen. xxix. is, in its most minute details, a transcript of
the Ai-ab life of to-day. ' It is yet high day, neither is
it time that the cattle shoidd be gathered together [i.e„
to be folded for the night] : water ye the sheep, and go
and feed them. And they said. We cannot until all tho
flocks be gathered together, and tiU they roU the stone
from the well's mouth ; then we water the sheep ' (vs.
THE ANIMALS OF TKE BIBLE.
51
7, 8). Then follow the arrival of Rachel, the ekim of
relationship, and the brotherly kiss, with the homo
found in Laban's house. Though Mohammedanism has
sadly degraded woman, and restricted her freedom, yet
the daughters of the desert can still choose indu-ectly
for themselves among their comrades at the well ; and
they are always eager to offer the stranger, though no
Mohammcd:xn, a draught of milk" {Nat. Hist. Bib.,
pp. 142, 143).
There appear to be two breeds of sheep in Palestine,
each of them merely a variety of the common sheep
of this country, Ovis aries ; one wliich occurs in the
northern hills is said to be "not unlike tho merino,
with short., fine wool, well shaped, short and flue legs."
This would seem to be a variety of the Ovis Hispanicus
of LinnffiuS; Sheep are subject to almost endless varia-
tions. Dr. Gardiner, in his jommey from Pernambuco
to Crato, passed through a flock of several hundred
sheep. " Tho excessive heat of the climate liad vprought
a remarkable change in their appearance, their skin
being totally destitute of wool, and replaced by a short
hah- not unUke that of a cow" {Trav., p. 163). Again,
in the form and even in the nimiber of the hoims, as
well as in the texture of their clothing, sheej) offer
many varieties. Sheep may have four horns, or even
eight in nimiber; they may have a pair, or none at
all. The ordinai-y sheep of Palestine, which is tho
sheep of the southern parts of the country, and which
probably was the sheep of the land in Biblical times, is
the fat-tailed sheep of the East, the Ovis laticaudata
of Erxleben, the Ovis laticanda platyceros s. Arabica of
Linnffius, the Ovis orientalis of LudoK, who iu his
History of Ethiopia (Bk. i., cap. x., pi. 14), has figured
this sheep drawing his long fat tail iu a cart (" caudam
adiposam XL. et ampHus libramm in plosteUo trahens ").
In the same plate Ludolf figures another sheep, with a
tail not so long, but excessively broad and fat. There
are several forms of this fat-tailed variety known to
naturalists, but we need not take any notice of them.
This variety was known both to Aristotle and Hero-
dotus ; tho former speaks of Syrian sheep with tails a
cubit long ; and Herodotus meutions a similar kind
found in Arabia. The story of sheep drawing their
large tails behind them, in a little carriage, first men-
tioned by Herodotus (iii. 113), repeated by Leo Africa-
nus iu tho fifteenth century, and again by Ludolf in
the seventeenth, has sometimes been ridiculed as a mere
traveller's tale. "When this story is applied to the
sheep near Aleppo," Dr. Russell .says, " it may certainly
be ascribed to exaggeration ; for thougli increase of size
might expose the tail to be injiu-ed by tho thistles or
bushes, and render the expedient of the board neces-
sary, where wheels could be of little sendee, no increase
of bulk could well bi-ing it to trail on the groimd. But
the necessity of carriages for the tails of the African
sheep, mentioned by Herodotus, Ludolphus, and other
writers, is real. Tho tail of that anim.al when fat
actually trails, not being tucked up like that of tho
Syrian sheep. I have seen some at Aleppo brought
from Egypt, and kept as curiosities, which agreed
exactly with tho figure given by Ludolplius " {History
of Aleppo, ii., p. 149).
At present these enormous tails, a mere mass of
fat, are used for grease, lamps, and for cooking. Dr.
Tristram does not speak highly of their flavour. The
Arabs fry them in slices, and consider them delicacies,
but he compares the flavom- to that of fried tallow.
He adds : " The enormous development of the tail
apxiears to abstract both flesh and fat from the rest of
the body. Though the carcase does not weigh more
than fifty or sixty pounds, the tail will average ten
pounds, and I have kno^vn it fourteen pounds."
The fat tail of the Ovis laticaudata was part of
' tho sacrifice of the peace-offering made by fire unto
Jehovah " (Lev. iii. 9) ; " the fat thereof, and the whole
fat tail, it shall he take off hard by the backbone . .
. . and the priest shall bum it upon the altar." The
ordinary Hebrew word for an aninial's fail is IJJ {zdndb) ;
but in those passages which refer to tho fat tail of the
Syrian sheep another word, n'bN [ahjdh), is used from
the root dldli, " to ))e round " or " thick," " to have a
fat tail." The ordinary colour of the sheep is white,
" white as wool " (Isa. i. 18) ; " Jehovah giveth snow like
wool " (Ps. cxlvii. 16) ; "-the hair of his head like wool "
(Dan. vii. 9 ; Rev. i. 14) ; but black and white, spotted,
and black or dark brown sometimes occurred, as com-
monly now, amongst (Iifferent breeds of sheep.
Sheep have been domesticated from a very remote
period, and it is impossible to say from what original
animal the numerous breeds have proceeded. They
existed in tho Stone jieriod, for M. Riitimeyer found
then- remains in the Swiss hake-dwellings, of small size,
fine legs, short and goat-like horns, resembling in some
particulars northern and mountain varieties of the
present day, as those of the Shetlands, Orkneys, Welsh
Mils, and parts of the Alps. In one place M. Riiti-
meyer found traces of a sheep with largo horns. There
is a wild sheep, called Aovdnd or Kcbsch, occun-ing in
North Africa, and also in Sinai, Ethiopia, and Abyssinia,
whose figm-e occurs on the Egyptian monuments. " The
sheep was sacred in Upper Egypt, particularly in the
vicinity of Thebes and Elephantine. The Lycopolites,
however, sacrificed and ate this animal, ' because the
wolf did so, whom they revered as a god ; ' and the
same was done by the people of the Mcndesian nome ;
though Strabo would seem to couflno the sacrifice of
sheep to the nome of Nitriotis. In tho Thebaid it
was considered not merely as an emblem, but I'anked
among the most sacred of all animals. It was dedi-
cated to Neph, one of tho greatest deities of tho
Thebaid, who was represented with the head of a ram,
. . . and the inhaldtants of th.at district deemed it
unlawful to eat its flesh or to sacrifice it on their altars.
According to Herodotus, they sacrificed a ram once a
year at Thebes, on the festival of Jupiter, the only
occasion on which it was permitted to kill this sacred
animal ; and after having clad tho statue of the god in
the skin, the people made a solemn lamentation, striking
themselves as they walked around the temple. They
afterwards buried the body in a sacred coffin. Tho
52
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
saorod boats or arks of Neph were oruamonted with the
head of a ram, aud brouzo figures of this animal were
made by tlie Thebaus, to be worn as amulets, or kept
as guardians of the house, to which tlioy probably paid
thoir adorations in private, invoking them as inter-
cessors for the aid of tlie deity they represented ''
{Ancient Egyptians, v., p. 191). Numerous mummies
of sheep are found at Thebes, where largo flocks wore
kept ; for though tliey wore neither eaten nor sacrificed,
their wool was of the highest importance to the people.
Diodorus ascribes the high honour in which the sheep
was held to the benefits which mankind derive from it.
The woodcut (p. 49) represents the moufilou {Caprovis
Musimon), the Capra Ammon of Linnaeus, the wild
sheep of Sardinia, Corsica, aud Crete, where it is now
only found. It is said to have been formerly common in
Spain and the Greek mountains, and to have extended
across Circassia to Persia ; aud probably at one time
was found in the Lebanon. Tlie moufflon appears to
differ only in size and in the smallness of the horns of
the female from the great argali (Caprovis Argali) of
Siberia and the snowy barriers of liigh Asia, an animal
which attains the stature of a fallow deer. Some have
supposed that the innumerable breeds of our domestic
sheep have been derived from the moufflon or argali,
but this is very doubtful.
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JOEL.
BT THE KEV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
the names.
INTEODrrCTION.
'ANY of the Hebrew prophets are rather
voices to us than men — voices crying in
the past, and saying, "Repent." Of
the men themselves we know nothing but
At times we can fix neitlier their date nor
place. They live, and tell upon the world, simply in
virtue of the words they wore moved to speak. Possi-
bly their words take an added power from the dark-
ness from which they sound forth, voices in the dark
being commonly impressive, and easily stirring us to
■wonder and awe. And as wo stand peering into the
gloom of antiquity, and hear voice after voice take up a
strain of mingled warning and promise, each confirming
aud expounding the one Divine message which all pro-
claim, we may be the more moved by them because we
can see no form, because the very darkness itself seems
to have become vocal. Indeed, it is characteristic of
Revelation throughout that it is, to a wonderful extent,
independent of person aud time and place. Even of
our Lord himself, although wo have four memoirs of
him, we cannot be sure in what year he was born, or
even in what season of the year ; nay, the very day of
his death is still in dispute. Eternal truths do not
depend on scene and date for their value or for their
effect. That God is angry with the wicked ; that He
forgives and restores tlie penitent ; that He blesses the
righteous and exalts the humble ; that He is over seek-
ing to win the sinful to contrition aud the disobedient
to the wisdom of the just; that his judgments are
forms of mercy, aud are designed to bring in a golden
age of righteousness and peace ; — these are spiritual
facts which are true in all ages and in all lands ; and
these are the sum and substance of the prophetic
message : this is the single tlieuie which the prophetic
choir pursue through endless variations, and enrich with
harmonies ever now. And this music may touch us
all the more profoundly because we stand, as it were,
outside the antique temple in which they worship, and
cannot soo the men who sing.
Of Joel, for example, we know absolutely nothing but
what may bo gathered from his prophecy ; and that teUs
us neither when nor where ho flourished, save by hints
and implications which are still %'ariously read. That
ho lived iu Judah, probably in Jerusalem, wo may infer
from the facts that ho never mentions the northern
kingdom of Israel, and that he shows himself familiar
with the Temple, the priests, the ordinances of worship :
he moves tlirough the sacred city and the temple of the
Lord as one who is at homo iu them, as one who is
native and to the manner born. On this point the
commentators are pretty well agreed ; but no sooner
do we ask, " When did Joel five and prophesy ? "' than
we receive the most diverse and contradictory replies.
He has been moved along the chronological lines of at
least two centuries, and fixed now here, now there, at
almost every point. For myself, I prefer, on the whole,
the theory whieli holds him to have been the earliest of
the prophets whoso writings have come down to us.
There are hints in his poem, or prophecy, which indicate,
I think, that it must have been written in the ninth
century before Christ (circa 870 — 860), more than a
hundred years before Isaiah " saw the Lord sitting
on his throne, high and lifted up," and some fifty
years after EUjah was carried " by a whirlwind into
heaven."
Tradition has always assigned Joel an early date,
although his place in the Old Testament canon might
seem to indicate a different conclusion. That place,
however, was determined, not by any doubt of his
having lived before Isaiah aud Jeremiah, Ezekiel,
Daniel, and Hosea, but simply by the fact that his scrip-
ture is shorter than theirs. The arrangement of the
prophetical books is not chronological, but an arrange-
ment of convenience. First come tho major or longer
prophets ; then the minor or shorter prophets ; and
JOEL.
53
even these minor prophets do not succeed each other
strictly according to their dates : indeed, it is not easy
to discover on what principle they are aiTanged.
In reading the Old Testament we need constantly
to bear in mind that the order in which the books are
found is no index to the order in which they were
written. Job, one of the most ancient scriptures,
comes after Esther, one of the latest scriptures ; and
Joel, one of the most ancient prophets, comes after
Daniel, one of the latest.
With some confidence we may place Joil first on the
list of written prophecies ; but if we try to define its
date more exactly, we shall have to trust to the uncer-
tain guidance of very slight, though pregnant hints. The
only enemies of the chosen race meutioued by the prophet
Joel are the Phceuicians, the Philistines, the Edomites,
the Egyptians : he does not once mention the Assyrian,
or even the Aramajau invasions. Now had ho lived sub-
sequently to these invasions, the probability is that, like
the prophets who came after him, he woidd have re-
ferred to them and to the judgments they executed in
the land. It seems incredible, for instance, that we
should have had no allusion to it, had he lived after that
fatal Aramaean war which, in the later years of his
reign, cost King Joash not only the treasures of the
Temple and his palace, but his very life, and in which
many fair cities were captiu-ed, and " a very great host,"
and " all the pi-inces of the people," were destroyed.
Had so great a catastrophe recently occurred, Joel
would surely have used it to point the warning, to illus-
trate the judgment lie was sent to denounce. But if
from his silence respecting the Aramaean invasion we
may infer that he lived before it, that wiU kind him at
least as far back as the early years of Joash, king of
Judah, some 870 years before Christ. Tliis inference is
confirmed by his style, which belongs to the earlier period
of the prophetic activity. A singular and significant
cliange passed on the style of the Hebrew prophets in the
eighth and seventh centuries before Christ. As their
spirit grew more catholic, and they set themselves to
appeal aud persuade rather than to judge, the ancient
strictness, terseness, and vigour of their style relaxed :
if it grew more picturesque and elaborate, it also grew
more diffuse.
Joel's style is that of the earlier age. So marked,
indeed, is " the antique vigour and imperativeness of
his language," that pm-ely on this ground, Ewald, whose
fine critical instinct deserves a respect which his dog-
matism often averts, places him without a doubt first in
the rank of the earlier prophets, and makes him the
contemporary of Joash.
The inference is still further confirmed by the pro-
vailing tone aud spirit of his prophecy, in which he
differs greatly from " the goodly fellowship " to which
he belongs. He does not once refer to the idolatrous
rites and customs which they perpetually rebuke.
Though the Hebrews are a siufid nation, and by their
guilt have provoked Divine judgment, yet, in the pages
of Joel, Jehovah is still recognised as their God and
King ; the simple but stately worship of the Temple is
maintained, priests and people keep the feasts and ob-
sei-ve the ordinances to do them. Now, curiously
enough, this exceptional state of general conformity to
the law and ritual of Moses obtained in the years which
preceded the Aramaean invasion, the earlier years of
Joash's reign, aud in hardly any other period to which
Joel has been assigned. So that the absence of allusion
to foreign wars and invasions, the antique severity of his
style, aud the rehgious condition reflected from his pages,
combine to indicate the earlier half of King Joash's
reign as the period of Joel's projjhetic activity. Yet it
would not be wise to lay too much stress on any one of
these arguments, or on all combined. Joel may have
been one of the earlier prophets, as his style indicates,
and yet not have been cotemporaiy with Joash. The
Aramaeans, at least in their assault on Judah, may, as
Ewald suggests, have appeared simply as auxiliaries of
the Philistines ; aud Joel does mention the Philistines.
Aud many of the religions conditions of the time are
not reflected in Joel's pages. The reform initiated by
Joash, though general, was by no means profound. Of
a weak impidsive character, taking his tone from the
advisers who had his ear, Joash " did that which was
right in the sight of the Lord all the days wherein
Jehoiada instructed him ; " but no sooner was the
high priest gone, than he fell into the hands of evil
counsellors, and " served groves and idols." Of so little
weight in the state, that even the priests neglected his
ordinance to repair the house of the Lord, till Jehoiada
endorsed it (2 Kings xii.), the reformation ho set on foot
was but superficial, and broke down the moment the
good priest who had made a covenant "between all tho
people and between the king, that they should be the
Lord^s," was taken to his rest. Such a condition as this
outward conformity, undermined by inward indifference
to the ser-idce of Jehovah, was, one should have thought,
the very condition to provoke pungent rebuke from
a prophet of the Lord. And it is by no means easy
to say why, if Joel laboured during the first threo-
and-twenty years of Joash's reign, we do not find tho
religious conditions of the time more clearly reflected
in his words.
We must not dogmatise, then. AH we can say is, that
in all probability the son of Pethuel lived in Jerusalem
during the reign of Joash ; that ho aided Jehoiada, the
high priest, in urging the citizens to repair the Temple
and to recur to the service of Jehovah ; aud that his
prophecy is the oldest in our hands, and was written in
that comparatively calm and pure interval in which
Jerusalem was free from the bloody rites aud licen-
tious orgies of the Baalim worship.
That the prophet was an accomplished and gifted
man is proved by his work. His style is pure, severe,
animated, finished, full of happy rhythms and easy
graceful turns. " He has no abrupt transitions, is every-
where connected, and finishes whatever he takes up.
In description he is graphic and perspicuous, in arrange-
ment lucid; in imagery original, copious and varied."
Even in this early poem we find some instances of the
tender refrains and recurring " burdens " which cha-
5i
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
racteriso mucii of the later Hebrew poetry.' lu short,
there are marks Ijotli of the scholar and of the artist
in his stj'lc, which distinguish him very clearly from
Amos the shepherd aud Haggai the exile. It is ahnost
beyoud a doubt that he was a practised author, of whose
many poems and discourses only one has come down to
us. EwalJ does not hesitate to say of him that " he
was in early times the highest model " of literary com-
position iu the prophetic fellowship ; so that his suc-
cessors all followed his elevated precedent.
The prophecy itself is, beyond all others, independent
of local circumstances ; it is singularly free from his-
torical, iiolitical, geographical allusions, and interprets
itself. It dirides itself easily and naturally into two
IJarts. In the first part (chap. i. 2 — ii. 17), wo have
Joel's description of a terrible judgment which fell on
ihe land — viz., a plague of locusts, accompanied by years
of di'ought. In this judgment the prophet sees the
dawn or harbinger of the great day of doom, and sum-
mons men to repent that the judgment may be averted.
In the second part (chap. ii. 18 to chap. iii. 21), we
have the promise that if, or Iiiecause, men repent, the
Lord wiU have mercy on them, deliver them from judg-
ment .ind through judgment, and bring in an era of
universal righteousness and peace. For the most part,
this simple series of thoughts is presented in forms so
simplfe and general that the prophecy might hai-e been
uttered in any ago and of any Oriental race. AU that
localises it in time and space are the few allusions to
the Temple, to the covenant, to the special enemies of
tho Helirow people. And, so far as I know, there is
only one disputed cpiestion in the whole book, though it
must be admitted that this question is a sufficiently im-
portant one. AU the commentators are agreed that the
earlier half of tho prophecy contains the most graphic
and " fearsome " description of a plague of locusts ever
penned. So terrible is the description that till quite
recently it was held to be too terrible for a mere plague
of locusts ; it was maintained that the image of a locijst-
plague was used to set forth an invasion by some mighty
host of armed men. Nay, so ingenious were the com-
mentators, that iu the four kinds of locust mentioned
by Joel — " the gnawer, the multiplier, the licker, and
the dovoiu'or '' — ^they saw four successive invasions by
the Assyrians, or even four successive periods in the
history of the people of God — tho Babylonian, the Mace-
donian, the Roman, and the Antichristian. But now
that travellers and naturalists have made us better
acquaiutcd with the phenomena which attoud a flight of
locusts and tho horrible ruin they leave behind them,
it is generally admitted that Joel's description is no
whit exaggerated; that we need not invent or supply
armies and invasions to accoimt for the terror aud misery
which his language breathes. "VSTiere tho locust swarms
descend, all vegetation instantly vanishes ; they spare
neither bark nor root, much less le.af and flower. They
darken the air, so that the sun, and even men at a little
1 Examples of the tis2 of sncli refrains will bo found iu chap.
i. 10 ami chap. iii. 15, aud iu vs. 2d aud 27 of chap, ii
distance, become invisible. They advance iu a close
military array, which yields to no o))staolo of stream or
fire. As they advance a pecidiar roaring noise is heard,
like that of a torrent or a waterfall. No sooner do they
settle to eat, than, as Volney puts it, the gratmg sound
of their mandibles reminds one of "the foraging of an
invisible army." Indeed, no army of men could well
work a devastation so complete as that wrought by an
interminable flight of locusts, such as visits the lands of
the far East, and even Algeria, to this day. And as
the locusts are an adequate explanation of even the
strongest phrases of Joel, we need seek no other.
Indeed, we shall do well to remember that the prophets
of Israel and Judah were patriots aud statesmen to
whom uothiug that afl:ected the national welfare was
alien or indifferent. If any great dearth were to
afflict England, if any of our food-crops were suddenly
to fail, how many speeches would our public men make
upon it, how many pamphlets woidd they publish on
its origin, on its probable, recurrence, and on the best
methods of meeting it aud guarding against it. The
Hebrew projjhets were the jiublic men, the oi-ators and
councillors, " the tribunes " of the Hebrew people. When
any calamity befell, when any danger threatened, it
was their part to point out its cause, to bid men repent
and renoimce the sins which had provoked it, to assure
them that God was merciful even when He judged, and
sent his judgments only to bring them to a better mind,
to a purer and happier life. Nor were tho prophets
only patriots, statesmen, poets. They had a far liigher
inspiration than that of character and genius. Their
hearts were moved, their eyes opened, their tongues set
on fii-e by the Divine Spirit ; so that they could see the
set and flow of present events more clearly than their
fellows, and the issues in which they would result in the
future. Holding in their heart of hearts the great
moral prineijjles of the Divine law, holding them as
ruling personal convictions, belieilng that the lives and
fortunes of men were really controlled and shaped by
these principles, they were immoved by the temporaiy
success of triumphant wickedness, or tho passing mis-
fortunes of the righteous and the good. They saw and-
foresaw that, in the end. tho latent miseries of wicked-
ness must break out like a consuming fire; that the
peace and joy latent in all good actions and customs
must, at last, bring forth their pleasant fruit. Basing
themselves on those convictions, the veils of human
life grow luminous to them ; they could see men as they
wore, and as they would be — tho men themselves, and
not tho " vain shows " in which they walked. Faithful
students of tho past, they could project themselves into
the future ; and as they stood peering into tho years to
be, what they needed to see was shown them by the
Inhabitant of Eternity, to whom all the years of time
are present. Taught by Him, they taught aud warned
then- brethren, often speaking woi'ds that wore wiser,
than they knew, often "searching what, and what
manner of time the Spirit that was in them did
signify."
Two mistakes, as it seems to me, are current about
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
55
the Hebrew prophets, against wliicli we need to be on
our guard. The one is, that they were for ever pre-
dicting wliat form and fashion the futui'e would take ;
ihe other is, that they never preilicted the things that
were to come to pass : and for us, probably, the former
of those mistakes is the more dangerous of the two.
The truth the prophets spake was emphatically what
St. Peter calls '' the present truth," the truth which
the men of their time most needed to hear. Perhaps
wo most truly conceive them when we tliink of them as
religious statesmen — men who, vmder the inspiration of
the Almighty, honestly and reverently applied the broad
moral i^rinciples of the Law to all the public questions
of then' day, and passionately besought the people to
carry a religious spirit into all their actions, public and
domestic. This was their common work, their main
work, as wo may see for ourselves, as I hope wo shall
seo. But we ought also to see that these holy men
were at times raised above themselves ; that, in the
stillness of profound meditation, or in the ecstacy of a
faith that grew to vision, their spirits took a forward or
an upward flight ; that, carried by the Spirit of God to
some pinnacle of the Eternal Temple, they beheld from
it all the kingdoms of the world, all the years of time,
seeing them dimly perhaps, not able to utter in gross
human words the half of what tlity saw; but stiU
having a true vision of the future, and speaking words
concerning it which after centmies fulfilled and will
yet fulfil.
In this double character, as mainly a teacher of
righteousness to his own generation, but also as a
seer, catching at times glimpses of a larger and more
heavenly kingdom than that of Judali, and of a happier
and more gracious time than the world has ever yet
seen, Joel comes before us, and speaks to us across a
gulf of nearly three thousand years.
EASTEEN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE EEV. H. W. PHILLOTT, 3I.A., KECTOR Or STAUNTON- ON-WTE, AND PKJILECTOK OF HEKEFOKD CATHEDEAL.
BABYLON.
A.VING pointed out the sites, so far as
they can at present be ascertained, ©f the
Hll t? plftPPs in the land ef Shinar in which
l^B^ the kingdom of Nimrod is said to have
liad its beginning, Erech, Accad, and Calueh, together
with Ur and EUasar, we proceed now to investigate the
site and indicate the remains of the city of Babylon,
ihe greatest of them all. We may remark in the outset
that, with the exception of ISTineveh, no ancient city that
we know of has ever approached Babylon in size, and
very few places have done so iu what we may call Bilj-
lical importance ; but that it has met with a destruction
even more complete than that of Nineveh, partly from a
cause which will appear in the course of our survey.
After speaking of the beginning of Nimrod's king-
•dom, the Scripture naiTative proceeds to mention the
city and tower whose building was interrupted by Divine
visitation, and to which the name Babel ("confusion")
was given, in consequence of the confusion, or rather
the dispersion of languages, which took place at the
same time (Gen. xi. 9). From this time, with three
exceptions, we have no mention of Babylon until the
time of the captivity of the ten tribes of Israel. These
exceptions, which in themselves contain the elements of
a good deal of history indicated though not described
at length, are (1) the invasion of Canaan by the king of
Shinar (Gen. xiv. 1) ; (2) the mention of the " Babylonish
garment," about 1580 B.C. (Josh. vii. 21 ; see Vol. I.,
p. 263) ; (3) the subjection of Israel to Chushan-risha-
thaim, king of Mesopotamia, but not necessarily of Baby-
lon, about 1558 B.C. (Judg. iii. 8). At the time of that
eaptii'ity Babylon was subject to Assyi-ia, for wo read
that the king of Assyria, probably Esarhaddon, brought
peojilo from Babylon and other places in the neighbour-
hood to settle in Samaria (2 Kings xvii. 24). From this
time, for about 170 years, 700—530 B.C., Babylon occu-
pies a large share in the history of Scripture, both
narrative and prophetical, and not only is the greatness
of its power durisg the time of its prosperity described,
as well as the rapidity and severity of its downfall, but
we may add that both of these features are taken as the
groundwork of figurative description applied to other
objects so late as the Book of Revelation in the first
century A.D. (See 2 Kings xx. — xxv. ; 2 Clu-on. xxxvi. ;
Isa. xiii., xiv. ; Jer. 1., li. ; Rev. xiv. 8 ; xviii. 2, 10, 21.)
"Wliat then do we know about Babylon, and what
information do the existing featm'es and monuments of
the counti-y f m-nish us concerning its former greatness ?
From what we have already seen concerning Chaldsean
cities it is clear that at an early period some veiy impor-
tant architectural worts were bcgim, if not completed,
in Babylonia: have we any remains of them? Now
if, speaking in a general sense,' it bo true that there is
no place of which we know whereabouts it stood more
certainly than Babylon, there is, perhaps, none whose
ruin has more completely effaced the definite form and
character of its plan and structure. The prophecies of
Isaiah and Jeremiah have been verified to the letter,
and thus the task of identification, though in a general
view most easy, is in details full of difficulty. To
begin then with the gi-eat ruin, which by many travellers
has for many years been regarded as the most probable
representative, if not the ruin of tho tower itself, of
Babel. There is, perhaps, no ancient building of which
oiu- childish imiiginafion has formed a more dcfiuite
idea. We all remember the picture in tho old Bible
dictionaries so familiar from childhood, of the fcipering
but ti-uncat«d tower, pierced with numberless openings
and girdled with ascending causeways ; and in all times
the marvellous nature of its history has no doubt led
people eagerly to appropriate its name to more than ono
56
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
existing ruin within the Babylonian region. One, how-
ever, among them has usually been selected as possessing
most exteraal claim to attention. Our description of it
is gathered from various authors, whom, for convenience'
sake, we quote freely without special distinction. In
our sketch map in Vol. I., page 96, the town of Hillah
will be seen marked, a town of some 10,000 inhabitants,
about 216 miles from Korna, built on both sides of the
river Euphrates, and having its two portions connected
by a crazy bridge of boats. The river is there about
200 yards wide and fifteen feet deep, a noble stream
through one-third of its height. The mound is of an
oblong form, 762 yards in circumference, and rising at
the western end to the height of 198 feet, which with tho
height of the tower makes a total of 235 feet. " The
diy nitrous earth of the parched plain," wo are now
quoting Mr. Layard, " driven before the furious soutli
wind, has thro^vn over the huge mass a thin covering of
sou in which no herb or green thing cajj find nourish-
ment or take root. Thus, unlike the grass-clothed
mounds of the more fertile districts of Assyria, the
Birs Nimroud is ever a bare and yellow heap. Neither
^ IftElL
THE liESOPOTAMIAN PLAIN, V7ITH DISTANT VIEW OP EIBS NIMrOUD.
with a gentle current, well fitted for steam !i.avigation.
Such was the river which flowed through Babylon, for
it is in the neighbourhood of Hillah that the traces of
Babylon are to bo found in greater or less abundance
and magnitude. About six miles south-west of Hillah
on tho west side of the river, and on the edge of the
great marsh formed by the overflowing waste of the
Hindiyeh canal already described, is a gigantic mound
or mass of ruin, visible many miles off on the treeless
plain like a conical mountain. The mound at its eastern
end is cloven by a deep furrow, but at the west it rises
into a sort of tower of brickwork thirty-seven feet high
and twenty-eight broad, diminishing in thickness to the
top, which is broken and rent l)y a fissure extending
the original form nor object of the edifice, of \vhich it is
the ruin, have hitherto been determined. . . . It is
pierced by square holes, apparently made to admit air
through tho compact structure." The tower on the
top is built of fine burnt bricks laid so firmly in mortar
that it is almost impossible to extract oue of them
whole. The other parts of the mound are occupied by
immense fragments of brickwork lying like blocks of
granite on tho summit, fused into \'itrified masses as
if from the action of fire. The buildiug is supposed,
when entire, to have been erected in stages ; it bears
the name, as we have seen of Bies Nimeoud— a ijhraso
which is explained to mean "the palace or prison of
Nimrod,"' for the word Birs has no definite meaning in
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
57
Arabic — and for many years it was regarded as the ruin
of the true Tower of Babel. A short distance from it
ou the east side is another mound, of inferior dimen-
sions, said in popular tradition to be the place at which,
as already mentioned, Abraham was cast into the fire
by Nimrod (see Vol. I., page 75).
grove of palm-trees twelve miles distant, overshadowing
the supposed tomb of the prophet Ezekiel, to which the
Jews of Baghdad, Hillah, and other towns of Chaldisa
still annually make pilgrimage, as they did in the days
of Rabbi Benjamin. It was said to have been erected
by Jechoniah, king of Judah, and the 35,000 Jews who
BIRS NIMKOUD.
The Birs Nimroud is described by the Jewish traveller,
Benjamin of Tudcla, in the twelfth century, as the tower
built by " the dispersed generation." The heavenly fire
which struck the tower split it to its very founda-
tions. From the summit, he says, there is a prospect
of twenty miles. Among the objects thus visible,
which consist chiefly of Arab huts just raised above the
surrounding marshes, a scene of intense desolation, is a
went along with him, when Evil-merodach released him:
from his prison. The noble Mohammedans also resort
thither to pray, because they hold the prophet Ezekiel
in great veneration, and they call this Dar Meliclia,
" the affreeable abode ;" the sepulchre is also visited by
all devout Arabs. Within b.alf a mile of the synagogue
are the sepulchres of Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah.
Even in times of war p.cither Jew nor Mohammedan
58
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
ventures to despoil and profane the sepulelire of Ezekiel.
Yv''e have given tliis accoiiut to show the beliuf prevalent
in Rabbi Benjamin's day, which has lasted in full force
even to our own. The reader may form his own
opinion as to tho degree of credence to be attached to it,
but the tomb seems in any ca.se to be a feature in the
Babylonian landscape, and in the history of the country,
too striking and too closely conuectmg tho pi'esent with
the past to be omitted in our description.
To return to the Birs Nimroud. " Its appearance,"
says Sir B. Porter, " is sublime even in its ruins." Its
recesses are inhabited by lions ; three were quietly
basking on its heights when he approached it, and
scarcely intimidated by tlie cries of the Arabs, gradually
and slowly descended into ilie plain. Thus the wo;:ds
of the prophet have been iulfilled : " Wild beasts of the
desert shall lie there ; owls shall fill their houses,
ostriches shall dwell there, and satyrs shall dance there-
Jackals shall howl in their i^aLices, and wild hounds in
theu' pleasant places." But although this mass of ruin
may veiy possibly stand on the same ground as tho
original Tower of Confusion, there can be no doubt that
in its present form it belongs to the age of the great
building monarch Nebuchadnezzar, for every brick that
has yet been examined is inscribed with his name. It
is now generally thought to stand ou the site of the
town called Borsippa, to which Berosus tells us that
Nabonnedus, king of Babylon, or rather the survivor
of the two kings reigning at the time of the siege of
that city by Cyrus, retu-ed after its capture. We are
also informed that when Alexander the Great was
warned by the Chaldsean soothsayers of the danger
which they said awaited liim when he entered Babylon,
he took up his residence at Borsippa. The name Bor-
sijjpa is a Greek adaptation of a Chaldrean name Borsip,
which, according to the Talmud, was the name of a place
near the tower. The building itseU appears to have
been a temple dedicated to the heavenly bodies. It wag
erected in eight stages, of which each one of the first
seven was approjjriated, and coloured accordingly, to a
planet; and the eighth, at the top, was a dweUing for
the priests. Cuneiform inscriptions upon the cylinders,
found according to custom built into the corners of each
stage, record that Nebuchadnezzar repaired, or rather
rebuilt the edifice, which had fallen into decay after its
original erection by Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria.
THE POETEY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE KEV. A. S. AGLEIf, M.A., INCDMEEMT OP
ninian's, ALTTH, N.B.
OUTLINES OF THE EISTOET OF BIBLICAL POETEY.
§ 1. — PBIMITIVB TIMES.
'he oldest literary compositions which have
come down to us are poetical. This might
have been expected from the nature of
tilings. For tho earliest eiiorts to give
expression to thought and feeling naturally take some
form of verse, which flows spontaneously from the
attempt to make language coiTespond to the emotion of
the moment. In the same manner every impulse of the
mind lias a certain tone of voice, and a certain gesture
of the body adapted to it, so that the sister arts of
music, d.ancing, and song are in early stages intimately
connected. The rhythm of verse, the time of music,
and the movement of the dauce, were born together
and from the same affections of the mind.
The preservation of ancient fragments of song, where
every other record of primitive life has perished, indi-
cates another reason for the early appearance of poetry.
Verse not only lends itself with charming effect to the
expressions of passionate thought, but gives it perma-
nence as well. It is easily retained in the memory,
and, by the fixed form imposed by its rules, it defies
tho corruptions of accident or design, as well as those
of time.' A ballad or popidar song wiU often preserve
1 So fiiitllfiil a preserver of truth is metre, that wliat is liable to
be chauged, augmeuted, or violated almost daily in prose, may
coutiuue for ages in verse, without variatiou, without even a
change iu tho obaolete phraseology. (Michaehs, Note in Lowtb,
Lect, iv.)
the correct features of an event which tradition has
distorted or allowed altogether to pass into oblivion.
From a sense of its usefidness as a vehicle of jiublicity
and preservation, the ancients employed verse for all
the most important purxioses of religion and politics.
The Grecian oracles were delivered iu hexameter verse.
" Tho laws themselves were metrical, and adaptt.'d to
certain musical notes ; such were the laws of Charondas,
which were sung to the banquets of the Athenians;
such were those whicli were delivered by the Cretans .
to the ingenuous youth to learn by rote, with accom-
paniments of musical melody, iu order that, by the en-
chantment of harmony, the sentiments might bo more
forcibly impressed upon their memories."- Tlie early
history of many other nations oif crs instances of a like
kind. Some scholars have traced among tho enact-
ments of the Mosaic code specimens of metrical laws.
But we do not need this e\'idence to the fact of the
antiquity of poetic composition amid the Semitic tribes,
for tho Book of Genesis cont.ains fragments of song
wliich have sumved from a time, compared with which
even tho Exodus seems recent. Tlie present seems the
proper place for speakmg of these .ancient relics, for
while they can hardly be said to belong to Hebrew
poetry, being only a rude .and imperfect prelude to it,
they yet exhibit in so remarkable a manner the germ
- Lowtb, Lect. iv.
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
59
of tho pecidiar features of its versification that tliey
cannot be passed altogether by.
The earliest of these, probably the most ancient
poetical composition extant, a solitary specimen of
antediluvian poetry, is the address of Lamech to his
Tvives, contained in the fourth chapter of Genesis. It
came do\vu, perhaps, as, a popidar song, preserved by its
form amid the traditions of the patriarchal times, and
Tras at length inserted in the written history. Short as
the fragment is, it contains expressions of great obscu-
rity, and has never been quite satisfactorily explained.
The version given hero is taken from Smith's Dictionary
of the Bible, Art. " Lamech :" —
" Ad.ih and Zillah ! hear my voice,
Ye wives of Lauiech, give ear unto my speecb ;
For D man had I slain for smiting me,
And a youth for wounding me :
Surely sevenfold shall Cain he avenged.
But Lamech seventy and seven."
There are two main lines of interpretation, according
as the words of Lamech are understood to relate an
{ictual fact, or only to utter a threat of vengeance if
injury should be offered him. In the former case the
explanations differ cousidei-ably. Some sujipose Lamech
to be a murderer driven to make this confession of
his guilt to ease his conscience ; others, that the .appeal
is that of a man who has innocently shed blood, and
therefore deserves a still greater protection tlian was
promised Cain. There is a tradition that Cain himself
was the victim. Lamech, it is said, was blind, and was
led about by his son Tubal-caiu. who, seeing in a thicket
what he supposed to be a wild beast, directed his father
to shoot an arrow, which killed Cain. In alarm and in-
dignation Lamech killed his own son, and hence his
wives refused to associate with him. Ho therefore ex-
cuses himself to them as having acted without a vengeful
or murderous ptirposo. The tradition must have been
formed on the voi'ses, and in ignorance of tlie prmciple
of then- construction. The student should notice that
the composition consists of thi-ee pairs of short lines,
each line constituting a sentence in itself, and the second
ropeatiug the first \nih some addition or alteration, or
resembling it in form and sound. This construction has
received from Bishop Lowth the name of paralleUsm,
and wlU be shown to belong essentially, in some of its
forms, to the genius of Hebrew poetry. Attention to
it in the present case shows us that only one death is
mentioned. The line, " And a youth for wounding me,"
repeats the statement of tlie fii'st member of the distich,
"Eor a man had I slain for smiting mo," inth tho
additional information that tho man was voung.'
But the other mode of interpretation seems on the
whole preferable. It is due to Herder,- who connects
the song with the invention of metals by Tubal-eain. just
as we have already seen it may be connected with tho
invention of musical instruments by Jubal. According
to this suggestion the words of Lamech form a threat,
and have a future sense, and the whole composition is
* Ydcd, primarily, " a newly-bom child" (see Vol. I., page 29).
- GcUt iJUr EhraisdiCH Pocsio.
a song of exultation at the possession of a new weapon,
and the power which it confers. Thus .an ai-t which
was afterwards to bo conseci-ated to such high and lioly
uses had for its earliest associations vengeance and
war, and the first song of the Bible was " the song of
the sword." But we shaU find a martial strain running
through nearly all Hebrew poetry, and we may not im-
properly compare with Lamech's primitive song tho
words of Israel's greatest lyric poet (Ps. xviii. 34) :
" He teacheth mine hands to fight.
And mine arms shall break even a bow of steel."
Some importance attaches to this ancient fragment of
poetry from the bearing it has on the literary relations
of Israel with Egy[)t. Vfhen the essential element of
Hebrew versification is found in a piece of such un-
doubted pre-Mosaic origin, it can scarcely be maintained
that the art of poetic composition was unknown to
tho Semitic race before the Egyptian period. Even i£
2Kirallelism can be shown to be common to Hebrew
poetry and that of Egypt, Lamech's song throws back
the period at which it passed from the one race to tho
other to a time long anterior to Moses.
One other very early fragment is extant, which, though
it f. alls rather ''into the rhythmical and alliterative form
into which the more solemn utterances of antiquity
commonly fell " than into poetry, should be mentioned
here because it is the first instance of that patriarchal
prediction which in the blessings of Jacob and Moses
rose to such a sublime height. " And Noah awoke
from his wine, and knew what his younger sou had done
unto him : and he said —
• Cursed be Canaan,
A slave of slaves shall be be to bis brethren.*
And he said —
'Blessed be Jehovah, God of Shem,
And let Canaan be their slave !
May God enlarge Japhet,
And let him dwell in the tents of Shem,
And Idt Canaan be their slave !' " (Gen. is. 25—27.)
The benedictions of Isaac (Gen. xxvii. 27 — 30) are
far more x'oetical examples of the same kind of com-
position. The parallelism is distinctly marked, and
there breathes throvigh the lines that keen, glad sense
of tho beauty and freshness of Nature which is one of
the most dehghtful features of the poetry of this race,
carrying us otit with them to drink " the dew of heaven,"
and rejoice in the " fatness of the earth " and the " smell
of the field which God hath blessed."
The patriarchal benedictions may, perhaps, owe the
form in which they have been preserved to later hands.
But the substance of them, the thought and feeling,
belong to the age of the fathers themselves. It was an
age pei-vaded with a poetic spirit,-* as the traditions ui
which this primitive history is embodied amply testify.
"We learn, too, that occasions of family rejoicing were
celebrated with music and song, for Laban complains
that Jacob had stolen away, instead of being sent
from his house " with mu'th and with songs, and with
3 Speaking of these times. Herder says, " The whole relation is
now au idyll, now a kind of heroic saying." {Gciit dtr Ebr,
Poisie.)
60
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
tabret and -with hai-p " (G«n. xxii. 27). That we have
no specimens of this domestic minstrelsy slioukl make
us prize more highly those precious fragments which
have preserved some, at least, of the features of the
poetry of those distant times.
The history of Hebrew poetry proper falls con-
veniently into three well-marked periods, occupying
altogether about ten centuries. The first of tliese
periods extends from Moses to David, including both
those great names. Taking the common chronology,
vre may reckon this period at 450 years from the middle
of the fifteenth century to B.C. 1000, about the time of
the completion of the Temple of Solomon. The second
period extends from Solomon to the death of Hezekiah
(B.C. 697), covering about 300 years, and ending with
the fall of the northern kingdom, and close of the
eighth century. From tliis date, 250 years carry us
over the decline of Judah, the overthrow of Jerusalem,
the exile and restoration, down to B.C. -159, when Ezra
was collecting the Jewish Scriptures, and beginning the
formation of the canon.' A glance away from Hebrew
history to the fortunes of other nations shows that
in 4S0 B.C.. when .lEschylus, who had already several
times gained the prize for tragedy at Athens, was in
the zenith of his fame. Euripides was born ; that Pindar
was celebrating the deeds of victors in the sacred
g,ames of Greece, in odes which remain unrivalled, till
they are compared with the lyric triumphs of Deborah
and Da-sad; while Rome was only just beginning to
feel her strength in battle with the rival cities of
Latium and Etruria, and had to wait two long centuries
for the dawn of her literature.
§ 2. — THE MOSAIC AGE.
The birth of Israel as a nation, and of the national
lyric song, dates from Moses. We trace his influence
throughout the whole history and literature of the
people which he formed, especially in the hymns which
they sang to Jehovah in times of victory and national
rejoicing. Herder finds three signs of tliis influence :
one in the great events of which, as lawgiver and leader,
Moses was the spirit ; another, in the impulse which he
gave to prophecy ; and the third in his own poetry and
song. The first of these will meet us at every step in
our studies ; but it will be brought into more prominent
notice when we iaquire into the chief sources from
which Hebrew poetry drew its inspiration. Prophetic
poetry will also claim a treatment by itself. The actual
poetic remains of the Mosaic age and the half century
following the Exodus may be briefly considered here.
First both in order a.id importance is the triumphal
ode, called the Song of Moses and Miriam, which cele-
brates the overthrow of Pharaoh and his host in the
Red Sea (Exod. xv. 1 — 21). It is the earliest specimen
of purely lyrical poetry which we possess, and is. both
in form and spirit, worthy to rank with the highest
1 This reckoning takes no ncconnt of the psnlms which were
(possibly) composed during the Maccahean period, nor of the
apocryphal writings and the es.auiples of lyrical poetry in the New
Testament.
efforts which human geu;us has made in this direction.
It is the oldest Hebrew hymn, and re-echoes throi^gh
all hymns of the following ages, and also through the
PiSalter." Ewald thinks it formed a Paschal hymn,
which during hundreds of years must have been sung
at the yearly festival, and thus became the pattern
for all later songs of rejoicing. The arrangement
in stro2]hes or stanzas which completed the artistic
development of this kind of composition, and which we
see alreiidy approximating its perfection in Deborah's
song, is indeed almost wanting in the Mosaic poetiy.
But in aU other respects this ode may be studied with
advantage, as combining the chief excellences of tho
lyi'ical poetry of the Bible. " Every part of it breathes
the spirit of nature and passion ; joy, admiration, and
love, united with piety and devotion, burst forth spon-
taneously in their native colours."^ The images are in
the truest sense sublime, and flash upon us with a
sudden a; d ^^vid reality which only Hebrew poetry
can produce. We see the right hand of Jehovah
stretched out, the blast of the breath of his nostrils
sounds in our ears, and we feel it sweeping by to heap
up tho waters, and congeal them in the depths of tho
sea. With the same di'amatic power are delineated the
pride and pomp of the pursuing enemy, and their sudden
overthrow, and the consternation of the surrounding
tribes, as in a moment Egyjjt's power is swept away,
and Israel stands safe, triumphant, and exulting on tho
shore. These circumstances are all expressed in.
language suitable to the emotions produced, abrupt,
fervid, concise, animated, dramatic, with the frequent
repetition of the same impassioned burst of thanks-
giving which forms the chorus of the song —
" I will sing unto Jehovah, for he hath triumphed gloriously;
The horse and his i-ider hath he thrown into the sea."
The Authorised Version has so well kept the spirit ef
tho ode, and exhibits the parallelism so distinctly, that
it will be enough to refer the reader to Exod. xv. It
cannot be better dismissed than with tho following
.admirable remarks from Professor Perowne's Essay on
the Lyi-ic Poetry of the Hebrews : — " It is the grandest
ode to liberty that was ever sung; and it is this,
because its homage is rendered, not to some ideal spirit
of liberty, deified by a people in tho moment of that
passionate and frantic joy which follows the success-
ful assertion of their independence, but because it is
a thanksgiving to Him who is tho one only Giver
of victory and freedom. Both in form and spirit
it possesses the same characteristics which stamp all
later Hebrew poetry. Although \vithout any regular
strophical division, it has the chorus, 'Sing ye to
Jehovah,' &c. ; it was sung evidently in antiphonal
measure, chorus answering to chorus, and voice to voise ;
it was sung accompanied by dancing, and to the mtisic
of the maidens playing upon the timbrels. Such is its
form. In its spirit, it is like all the national songs of
- Of. especially ver. 2 with Ps. cxviii. 14, and the whole ode with
the historical portions of Ps. Ixsvii. and I.tsviii. ; cf. also the
hymn of Hahakkiilc (chap. ii.).
3 Lowth, Led., )j7.
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
61
the people, a hymn simg to the glory of Jehovah. No
word celebrates the prowes;-; of the armies of Israel or of
their leadoi-s : ' Thy right hand, O Jehovah, is become
glorious iu power : thy right hand, O Jehovah, hath
dashed in pieces the enemy.' Thus it commemorates
that wonderful victory, and thus it became the pattern
after which all later odes of victory were written."'
There are two words used in Exod. sv., which are
both translated " song." One of them is shir (fem.
shirah), the most common term of the kind, and em-
bracing all forms of lyrical poetry; the other, zimrah,
which under its other form of inizmor forms the title
of many psalms. At the licad of some psalms the two
words occur together, and arc apparently interchangeable,
since sometimes one appears first in the combination,
sometimes the other (see Ps. xxx., Ixvii., xlviii., Ixvi., &c.).
The Authorised Version usually employs " song " for slur,
" psalm" for mizmor. The LXX. employ ij>5^ for shir, the
Vulgate canticum, keeping " psalm " for mizmor. All
forms of lyric song, religious and warlike, national songs
of rejoicing, and hymns expressing individual feelings,
whether of sorrow and repentance, or thanksgiring and
joy, are embraced under these terms.- But there are
other names used, which have regard either to the subject
of the poem or to the nature of the musical accompani-
ment. These will be noticed in connection with the
Psalter. One of them, Tehillah, or " praise," which is
a title given to tlie whole book of Psalms, is more
especially applicable to festival odes which embody a
nation's sense of gratitude to God their Redeemer, such
as the songs of Moses and Deborah. Perhaps the best
English term to express them is the word " ode " adopted
from the Greek, for while it originally included any
lyrical piece adapted to music, it has by long use appro-
priated a style of its own. In modem poetry the ode
is distinguished from a song by a more complicated and
apparently irregular construction,^ as well as by its
loftier conceptions, and more intense and passionate
emotions. " The form of the ode is by no means con-
fined to any certain rule for the exact and accurate dis-
tribution of the parts. It is lively and unconstrained ;
when the subject is sublime it is impetuous, bold, and
sometimes might almost deserve the epithet licentious,
as to symmetry and method."* There is usually an
exordium, or proem, which strikes the key-note of the
whole, and sometimes forms the chorus or refrain. The
after arrangement depends on the subject of the poem
and the nature of the passions delineated, and the highest
art of the poet is displayed in keeping this motive steadily
in view through imagery and illustration, which cannot
be too gi-and, copious, and varied. The language of tlie
ode is abrupt, concise, and energetic, and the metres and
cadences often change with the varying thoughts and
emotions. If it is added that the ode is a form of
1 Perowne, Psalnis, vol. i., Introduction.
" Shir is used even for such a composition as the parable in Isa. v.
•^ This is not uuiversiil. Some of tlie finest English odes, as
Milton's Kijvin on the Naiiv'd'j, Shelley'.s Skylarlc, "Wordsworth's
Ode to Duty, consist of regular stanzas. Horace's Odes were also
regular.
* Lowth, Lect,
composition in which the poet conceives of all Nature
as animated, and instead of speaking about tilings and
persons, calls them iuto his presence and addresses
them, wo shall see the fitness of the name to designate
those magnificent hymns in which the Hebrews pour
out, as at the very throne of God, their gladness and
sorrow, their feelings of gratitude, hope, and praise.
The best English odes are all too long for quotation.
Tli?y are, however, well kno'wn, and should be read for
the purpose of comparison with the odes of tlie Bible.
Dryden's Alexander's Feast, CoUins's OJe to Liberty,
Gray's Bard, Coleridge's Ode to the Departing Year,
Wordsworth's great ode on Immortality, would supply
ample material for this comparison. But nothing will
be found in t'ae best examples, ancient or modem, to
surpass the Song of Deborah, at whose great design,
combining dignity, fire, and pathos, and making it, with
its well-ordered and beautiful execution, a pattern of
triumphal song, we may well wonder, remembering
the epoch which produced it, 800 years before Pindar.
Although it is anticipating the history, it is inserted
hero, that it may follow the Song of Moses.
the song of deboeah.''
Prelude.
" For the leading of the leaders in Israel,
For the free self-offering of the people.
Praise Jehovah !
Hear, O kings ; give ear, O princes;
I to Jehovah, even I will sing.
Will sound the harp to Jehovah, the God of Israel.
The Exodus.
"0 Jehovah, when thou weutest out of Seir,
When thou marchedst out of the field of Edom,
The earth trembled, the skies also dropped.
The clouds also dropped water.
The mountains melted from before the face of Jehovah,
Sinai itself from before the face of Jehovah, the God of Israel.
The Dismay.
" In the daj-s of Shamgar, the son of Anath,
In the days of Jael, ceased the roads ;
And they that walked on highways, walked on crooked reads.
There ceased to be heads in Israel, ceased to be.
Till I, Deborah, arose ;
Till I arose, a mother in Israel.
The Change.
" They chose gods that were new.
Then there was war in the gates ;
Shield was there none, or spear.
In forty thousand of Israel.
My heart is towards the lawgivers of Israel,
"Who offered themselves willingly for the people.
Praise Jehovah !
Te that ride on white dappled she-asses.
Ye that sit on rich carpets,
Ye that ride iu the way.
Meditate the song !
From amidst the shouting of the dividers of spoils.
Between the water-troughs,
There let them rehearse the righteous acts of Jehovah,
The righteous acts of his headship iu Israel ;
Then went down to the gates the people of Jehovah.
Awnke, awake, Deborah !
Awake, awake, utter a song !
Arise, Barak ! and lead captive thy captives.
Thou son of Abiuoam.
s This translation and arrangement is taken from Stanley's
Lectures on Jeu'ish History, vol. ii., p. 332, v.here see note.
62
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
The Gathering.
** Then came down a remnant of the nobles of the people.
Jehovah came down to me among the heroes.
Out of Ephraim came those whose root is in Amalefc,
After thee, O Benjamin, in thy people ;
Out of Machir came down lawgivers.
And out of Zebnlun they that handle the staff of those
that number the host ;
And the princes of Issachar with Deborah, and Issachar as
Barak,
Into the valley he was sent on his feet.
The Recreants.
" By the streams of Eeuhen great are the divisions of heart.
"Why sittest thou between the sheepfolds.
To hear the piping of the flocks ?
At the streams of Reuben great are the searchings of heart.
Gilead beyond the Jordan dwells.
And Dan why sojourns he in ships ?
Asber sits at the shore of the sea.
And on his harbours dwells.
The Battle and the Flight.
" Zebnlun is a people throwing away its soul to death.
And Naphtali on the high places of the field.
There came kings and fought ;
Then fought kings of Canaan ;
At Taanach, on the waters of Megiddo;
Gain of silver took they not ;
From heaven they fought,
The stars from their courses
Fought with Sisera.
The torrent of Kishon swept them away.
The anoient torrent, the torrent Kishon.
Trample down, O my soul, their strength.
Then stamped the hoofs of the horses,
From the plungings and pluugings of the mighty ones.
The Flight.
" Curse ye Meroz, said the messenger of Jehova h ;
Curse ye with a curse the inhabitants thereof ;
Because they came not to the help of Jehovah,
To the help of Jehovah with the heroes.
The Destroyer.
" Blessed above women be Jael,
The wife of Heber the Kenite,
Above women in the tent, blessed !
Water he asked, milk she gave ;
In a dish of the nobles she offered him curds.
Her hand she stretched out to the tent-pin.
And her right hand to the hammer of the w orkmen ;
And hammered Sisera, and smote his head.
And beat and struck through his temples.
Between her feet he bowed, he fell, he lay.
Between her feet he bowed, he fell ;
Where he bowed there he fell down slaughtered.
The Mother.
** Through the window stretched forth and lamented
The mother of Sisera through the lattice :
* Wherefore delays his car to come ?
Wherefore tarry the wheels of his chariots ?'
The wise ones of her princesses answer her.
Tea, she repeats their answer to herself :
* Surely they are finding, are dividing the prey,
One damsel, two damsels for the head of each hero.
Prey of divers colours for Sisera,
Prey of divers colours, of embroidery,
One of divers colours, two of embroidery for the neck (of
the prey).'^
The Triumph.
" So perish all thy enemies, O Jehovah ;
But they that love thee are as the sun when he goes forth like
a giant."
These wonderful songs, preserced from saich an early
I SlicIIal, " prey," is the reading of the Eeceived Test, for which
Ew.ald proposes to substitute sJiojal (the queen). Otherwise the
connection of the word "prey" must be supplied. (Stanley's
note.)
period, are evidence of the high state of culture attained
by Israel even at the time of the Exodus. Hebrew
scholars say the language of them has the rigidity and
hardness to be expected in compositions so ancient,
that they are iu many points of expression and artistic
esceUcnco surpassed by later models.- As war-songs,
however, they remain imequalled. and sliow how won-
derful an inspiration the leaders of the nation caught
from faith iu an .Mmighty King, ever ready to take
command of his hosts, and lead them to -s^ctory.
Some fragments contained iu the Book of Numbers
let us see the more imperfect forms in which the same
spirit manifested itself. We can trace some of the
stages through which the high culture was reached.
Two of these (Exod. xvii. 16 ; xxxii. 18), the one a frag-
ment of a war-song, the other a spontaneous burst of
lyric indignation, are from Moses himself. The others
(Numb. xxi. 14, 15 ; 27 — 30) derive additional interest
from the happy chance that the compiler of the history
has named the sources of his information. The fii-st of
them is cited from a book called the " Book of the
Wars of Jehovah." which, it has been conjectured, was
a collection of ballads and war-songs, composed on dif-
ferent occasions by the watch-fires of the camp, and
commemorating for the most part, though not perhaps
exclusively, the victories of the IsraeKtes over their
enemies.^ Its title confii'ins the impression of the deep
religious feeling of the Hebrews in the conduct of their
wars, wliich is given by the whole history. The second
fragment is derived from another source. It refers to
certain people who spoke "in proverbs" {hamoshelan).
But the word, as will be seen hereafter, has a fiu- more
extended meaning than our word "proverb." It is
applied to many kinds of poetry, and may perliaps not
improperly be translated " IjaUad- singers." It is doubt -
ful if the verses in question are an original Hebrew
composition. Some interpreters consider them to be
a translation of an old Amorito ballad. If, however, it
has a Hebrew origin, the song affords the first instance
of that mocking or taunting .speech (melitsah)* which
some of the prophets use with such tremendous effect.
Ewald thinks this is even implied in the reference to
" they that speak in proverbs," sLuco such people may'
easily become satirists.* A strong vein of satire cer-
tainly runs through much of the Book of Proverbs.*'
According to this interpretation the victors sing in a
mocking tone —
" Come home to Heshhon !
Let the city of Sion he built up and restored !"
"Rebuild if you can the city we have destroyed."
A second voice then takes up the strain. " Tet surely
this is the same city of Heshbon out of which onco
bm-st forth the devouring flame of battle against Moab,"
&c. At the conclusion the general result of the victory-
is announced : —
= Ewald, Dklttcr dcs A. B.
3 Smith's DicS.oiiorj; o/ tho BMc, art. " Numbers."'
•1 Micah ii. 4; Hali. ii. 6; I.-ia. siv. 4; Pa. xhv. 14.
5 Histoni of Isrnd, vol. i. 200.
'' Prov. i. 23, 27 J xxvi., &c.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAHSTED.
63
" We liave burned them — Hesbbon bas perished uuto Dibon ;
' And laid tbem waste even uuto Nophab,
With fire unto Medeba."
Tlio otlier relic contained in this precious 21st chapter
of Niunbors is of a totally different kind. It is the
"Song of the Well" (vs. 17, 18), first sung at the
digging of it, and afterwards used, no doubt, to beguile
the labours of the maidens who came to draw watei'.
The little carol is bright, fresh, and sparkling as the
water of the well itself, and has a peculiar charm from
the insight it gives us into the happy relations of the
leaders of the young community with the people. This
confidence in the sympathy and help of their rulers
gave promise of the grand futm-e of Israel, and the
lively little verse in which the feeling is enshrined is a
perfect type of the true "people's song" {volksUed) : —
" Spring up, O well ! sing to it :
Well which the princes dug.
Which the nobles of the people bored
With sceptre of office, with their staves."
One other phase of the early poetic spirit of the
Hebrews survives from the desert wanderings. It
contains the germ of the future magnificent Temple
poetry. Ali'eady the art which David was afterwards
to bring to such elaborate perfection, and consecrate to
the service of the sanctuary, was called in to adorn the
primitive worship of the tabernacle. When the ark set
forwai'd in the morning, Moses said —
" Eise up, Jehovah, and let thine enemies be scattered."!
And in the evening when it rested, he said —
" Return, O Jehovah, unto the ten thousand thousands of
Israel."
The priestly blessing (Numb. vi. 24 — 26), also falls
into the form of verse. It is a triplet, and. according
to Jewish belief, was pronounced witli a corresponding-
triple division of the fingers of the upraised hand."
It was chanted with the hand lifted above the head ;
1 Cf. Ps. Ixviii. 1, 2 ; CMxii. 8.
2 Stanley, Lectures on Jcxnish Clmrch, ii. 419. The ancient
melody of the chant is supposed to be preserved in Spanish and
Portugese synagogues. {Ibid.)
or, if the high priest performed the ceremony, above
the shoulders, and the word " Jehovah," which in
later days was elsewhere altered to "Adonai," in this
solemn act was retained unchanged, as if in a sacred
charm : —
" Jehovah bless thee and keep thee ;
Jehovah make bis face to shine upon thee, and be gracious
uuto thee ;
Jehovah lift up his countenance upon thee, and give, thee
peace."
From these originals the national and religious poetry
of the Hebrews was developed. But there are stiU be-
longing to the time of tlie Exodus two great compo-
sitions wliich can only be mentioned here (Ps. xc. and
Deut. sxxii.). Both are ascribed to Moses, and even
those scholars who refer them to a later date confess
that in their spirit, and the truth with which they re-
flect the circumstances of the desert wanderings, they
are truly Mosaic. These complete the principal types
of the psahn form — the hymnic, the elegiac, and tho
prophetico-didactic.
The stormy period which followed the first occupation
of Canaan was favourable only to one species of poetry,
which we have already seen developed to a truly grand
height in the song of Deborah. Tlie Book of Jasher,
or " the upright," which was i^rob.ably a collection of
poems celebrating the deeds of heroes, from which
Joshua's address to the sun and moon is quoted, may
have contained odes and "wai'-songs of equal power.
One only has been preserved from it — a poem of rare
beauty and pathos — the elegy or lament of David over
Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. i. 19 — 27).
Samuel, however, must have given an impulse to the
more peaceful and religious side of lyi-ic poetry in tho
schools which lie estalilished for tr,iining- young men in
tho prophetic office, where song and music formed a
great part of the course of instruction (1 Sam. x. 5).
The results of this are seen in David, with whom begins
the great era of 2'sahnody, by which name wo desig-
nate that kind of lyric song which now put forth its
utmost strength and .attained to a truly Divine height of
splendour and power.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE GOSPELS:— ST. MATTHEW: THE SEEMON ON THE MOUNT.
BY KEV. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A., VICAE OF WINKPIELD, EEKKS.
^HERE is enough of general agreement
in the circumstances under which the
Sermon on the Mount, as recorded by St.
Matthew, and the discourse contained in
St. Luke vi. 20 — 19, were delivered, to warrant the con-
clusion that the occasion was one and the same, and
that the origin of the differences obseiTablo in the two
accounts must be sought in the objects respectively
proposed by tho two Evangelists.
Our Lord, having descended from that higher part
of the hill-coimtry (ri opo9) whither He had retired for
meditation and prayer before the selection of the twelve,
by whom He was then accompanied (St. Luke vi. 17),
took up his jiosition on some level spot in that district
(eV! ToTTov TreSiuov),^ where tho multitude whieli had
thronged iiround Him, not only " from all Judaea and
Jerusalem." but also "from the sea-coast of Tyre and
Sidon," could more conveniently listen to His words.
' It de-^erves notice, as pointed out by Bishop Wordsworth, that
the Septuapint version of Isa. siii. 2 contains an csact description
of the spot selected by our Lord for the Sermon on the Mount,
combining, as it does, the descriptions given of it by the two
Evangelists, en opouc Tredtvov,
64
THE BIBLE EDCJCATOR.
St. Matthew, in conformity with the general design
and character of his gospel, dwells with particular
prominence upon those portions of the discoui'se which
vindicate the precepts of the Leritical law from the
false and pernicious glosses of its appointed interpreters ;
whUst St. Luke, in conformity with the general scope
of his gospel, omits those parts of the discourse which
correct the current misconceptions of the meaning of
the Jewish law, and records only those portions which
enforce the distinctive principles and precepts of the
law of Christ.
The difficulties which exist in St. Matthew's account
of this discourse are of two kinds. The one class of
difficulties consists in allusions to Jewish customs, and
in the adoption of forms of sijeoch current amongst the
Jews, which were familiar to those whom our Lord
addressed, but which, without explanation, ai-e almost un-
intelligible amongst ourselves. The second class con-
sists in the nature and extent of the contrast drawn by
our Lord between the Jewish and the Christian law ; and
more p?.rticularly in determining how far the maxims
and traditions then prevalent among the Jews are to be
regarded in the light of just expositions of the Mosaic
law, or in that of false glosses, and of unauthorised
additions. Wo propose to deal, in the first instance,
vnih the former of these difficulties.
The first passage which seems to call for explanation
is found in v. 21, 22, and it is as follows : — " Te Iiave
he.ird [or, " Te heard," ' HKotjaare] that it was said by
[or rather, as the marginal readiug is, to] them of old
time. Thou slialt not kill ; and whosoever shall kill shall
be in danger of the judgment ; but I say imto you. That
whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause
shall bo in danger of the judgment ; and whosoever shall
say to his brother, Raca, shall be in danger of the
council : but whosoever shall say. Thou fool, shall be in
danger of lieU fire."
It is possible, as has been suggested, that our Lord
refers, in these words, to the recently delivered discourse
of some Jewish rabbi, in which case the words follow-
ing the sixth commandment might bo regarded as the
addition of the speaker. Inasmuch, however, as these
words are nothing more than a summaiy of Jewish
law respecting the murderer; and further, inasmuch
as in vs. 27, 33, and 38 a similar reference is made
cither to the precise words of the law or their near
equivalents, it seems more reasonable to suppose that
our Lord here refers directly to the Mosaic law itself
tban to any recent rabbinical exposition of its require-
ments.
Our Lord then proceeds, not by way of disparage-
- mcnt of the Jewish law, but by an exposition of its
latent and spiritual meaning, to enforce the higher code
of the Gospel, as reaching not only to the outward acts,
but also to tlie intents of tlie heart, and to the utter-
ance of the lips.
In language more intelligible to tliose to wliom it
was immediately atldressed than it is to us, our Lord
describes the guilt and the coudo;nnation incurred by
tlioso wlio cherish in their hearts tlio emotions of sinful
anger. There is, indeed, an anger, i.e., a holy indigna-
tion against sin, wliich om- Lord himself experienced
(St. Mark iii. 5), and which His apostle St. Paul repre-
sents as capable of being indulged without gmlt (Ei>h.
iv. 26). But the anger which is here forbidden is the
anger of unruly passion, stirred by animosity, and
prompting to revenge. He who thus sins against his
"brother" (for it is at this early period in our Lord's
ministry that the true " fraternity " of the Gospel began
to be incidcated) is represented by our Lord as ren-
dei-ing himself obnoxious to the same jurisdiction to
which, in accordance with Jewish law, murderers wore
amenable.
The second case adduced by our Lord is the applica-
tion to a " brother " of the word Baca. This word is de-
rived from one which means " empty." It is of common
occurrence amongst the Talmudists. Its meaning was
explained to St. Augustine, by a Jew of whom he made
inquiry, as " merely expressing the emotion of an angry
mind." It is explained by Buxtorf as equivalent to the
German der BiJsewicht — i.e., yilluiu.
The expression employed by our Lord in describing
the third exhibition of anger is of more doubtful signi-
fication. It may be a Greek word, in which case it
is correctly rendered, " Thou fool ; " or it may be the
Hebrew word used by Moses and Aaron at Kadesh,
" Hear now, ye rebels," when they incurred the penalty
of exclusion from the Laud of Promise (Numb. xx. 10).
The obvious import of the verse is that a gr.adation
is denoted both of sin and of punishment, which will
appear more cleai-ly from a brief consideration of the
meaning of the words " judgment," " council," and
" Gehenna," or " heU fire."
The first of these three words seems designed to
denote those ordinaiy courts of justice established in
every town or village which had not less than 120
representative men, and which consisted of 23 members
appointed by the great Sanhedrim. Against the decision
of these inferior courts there seems to have been no
right of appeal ; and it appears to have been only when
a division of opinion existed on the part of the judges,
or when, in the opinion of those judges, the magnitude
of the case so required, that it was relegated to the
higher court, which we shall now describe.'
The " council," or amiiptov — i.e., the great Sanhe-
drim, or supreme court of justice — consisted of seventy
members, chosen from three classes of the people —
viz., the priests, the elders, and the scribes, or lawyers.
In accordance with the requirement of Dent. xvii. 8, it
was held in Jerusalem, and, in all probability, in some
place nearly adjoining the Temple. This assembly pos-
sessed and exercised both legislative and admmistrative
1 The words of the Jewa recorded iu St. John iviii. 31, " It is not
lawful for us to put nuy man to death," ore in exuct accordance
with the statement of the Jerusalem Talmud (Saiilictirin, 1, be-
einnirs;: \-n. 21. thnt "forty years before the destruction of the
Temple, the power of iunictius capital punishment was taken away
from Israel ; " but it is the opinion of Dr. Ginsbursj (iu the article
"Sanhedrim" in Kitto's Diciionarii) that the moaning of both
these statements is that the sentence of the Sanhedrim required the
couiirmation of the Roaiau procurator.
JOEL.
65
functions, and by it tlie highest and most momeutous
questions respecting the interpretation and the execu-
tion of the law were determined.
The third degree of punishment to which our Lord
refers is described as the "Gehenna of fire." The
word Gehenna is the Greek form of tlio two Hebrew
words njTP: (Ge-liinnom), i.e., the valley of Hinnom.
Li this valley, which lay to the south-east of the city
of Jerusalem, the idolatrous Jews used to burn their
children, in honour of the god Molech. The pious
king Josiah polluted the vaUoy,' and it became a place
for the Ijuruing of offal, and for the corpses of cri-
miuals. Isaiah speaks of this valley under its name
of " Tophot," as ■• ordained of old." " The pile thereof,"
he writes, " is fii-e and much wood ; the breath of the
Lord, like a stream of brimstone, doth kindle it."-
And in reference, as it would seem, to the same valley,
he writes thus in chap. Ixvi. 24 : " And they shall go
forth, and look upon the carcases of the men that have
transgressed against me : for their worm shall not die,
neither shall their fire be quenched." It was not, then,
without cause that the Jews used the name of this
"vaUey to denote the place of future torment.
It can scarcely admit of doubt that our Lord in
these verses describes, in language adapted, in accord-
2 Kings xxiii. 10.
2 laa.
i. 33.
ance with Oriental usage, to the capacities and modes
of thought of His hearers, the criminal nature, and the
fatal results of the indulgence of feelings of hatred
and revenge. The simple consideration that our Lord
himself uses the word rendered " fools " in His twice-
repeated address to the scribes and Pharisees, "Ye
fools (A'topol) and blind," of which He condemns the
use when spoken under emotions of hatred and re-
venge, furnishes a sufficient clue to the general di'ift
of His meaning. That meaning is to be extracted by
a due consideration of the spirit, rather than of the
lettei', of His words. There may be, iudeod, and there
probably is, a designed gradation to bo traced, alike in
the guilt which He describes and in the punishment
which He threatens. But the fact to which allusion
has just been made, that our Lord himself employs,
in reference to the Scribes and Pharisees, the very
word which He here represents as exposing liim who
uses it to the highest degree of punishment, is, of itself,
a conclusive proof that in the interpretation of these,
as of all other words which jjroceeded from His lips,
we must ever bear in mind the fundamental canon of
interpretation furnished by Himself when He said,
" The words that I speak unto you, they are spirit, and
they are life" (John vi. 63), a canon of interpretation
which is thus exi^lained and enforced by St. Paul, " The
letter killeth, but the spirit giveth hfo " (2 Cor. iii. 6).
THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JOEL (contiiiueil).
BY THE KEV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
PntST PART.
THE JUDGMENT (CHAP. I. 2 — II. 17).
?HE prophecy opens with a lamentation
over the land laid waste and bare by suc-
cessive swarms of locusts — a lamentation
in which Joel describes this terrible cala-
mity in the most graphic terms, urging the nation to
lay it to heart, and finally breaks into a pathetic prayer
for deliverance (chap. i. 2 — 20), so that the openi»g
verses of this inspired poem take an elegiac form. In
studying the elegy we commence at the second, verse,
since that which stands as the first verso in our Autho-
rised Version is, obviously, the general title prefixed to
the whole prophecy.
We need not linger over this title, save to make a
single remark on the meaning of the proper names.
Joel, or Yoel, is compounded of the two sacred names
most commonly used in the Old Testament — of a con-
tracted form of Jehovah, such as Jah, and of El : it
moans either " Jehovah is God," or " whose God is
Jehovah." Joel is " the son of Pethuel," but who
Pethuel was we do not know ; his name, which means
"the openheartedness or sincerity of God," may be
added simply in accordance with the Oriental usage
which demands that a man should be described as the
29 — VOL. II.
son of So-and-so, or to mark off the prophet from
cotemporaries who bore the same name.
Verses 2 — i contain an animated introduction to the
theme of the elegy. The prophet calls on the old
men taught by long experience, accustomed to take
note of what seems contrary to the usual course of
nature ; nay, he calls on all the inhabitants of Judah,
whatever the district they occupy, and whatever the
calamities they have witnessed, to say whether, in tlieir
own days or the days of their fathers, there had ever
befallen a calamity so terriUe as tliat which had re-
cently swept over the land. The motive of his appeal
is, that he may suggest to tkem his conviction that a
calamity so imheard of, so unparaUeled, must be a
visitation of God, a judgment from offended Heaven ;
for then, as now, men were wont to find God in the
exceptional rather than in the ordinary events of life
— in the marvel or mh-aclo rather than in the law.
He commands them to tell their sons of this terrible
plague, to recount the story of it through three gene-
rations ; not as supposing that there is any need for
the command, for the memory of so unparalleled a
disaster was sure to live in the mouths of men as
long as that ; but in order to impress on his readers a
sense of the vastness and terror of a disaster which
66
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
woTild darken tlio national memory for so long a
period.
The four names by wliich (in ver. 4) the prophet
designates the locusts which had wrought so fearful a
devastation in the land, have been variously interpreted ;
but there is now no doubt that they denote various
species of grylli, various kinds of locusts, although our
Authorised Version renders three of them by " pahner-
worm, cankerworm, and caterpillar." It has been
proposed to render them by " young locTist, old locust,
fledged locust, flying locust," and indeed in many other
ways. On the whole, it seems better to fall back on the
etymology of the four names, gdzdm, 'arheh, yeleq, and
chdzil. Now gdzam is from a verb that means to " cut
or bite off ;" 'arhch is from a verb which means " to be
or to become many ;" yeleq is from a verb which means
"to lick "or "to lick off;" and chdzil is from a verb
which means " to eat up," " to consume," " to devovir."
To preserve the etymological meanings of these names,
we must render ver. 4 —
" what was left by the gnawer the multiplier ate ;
And what was left by the multiplier the licker ate ;
And what was left by the licker the devourer ate j"
for thus wo get as nearly as possible English equiva-
lents for the Hebrew names of the locust. There is
no reason to suppose that Joel used them in any
exact scientific sense, as distinguishing one species from
another, or in any exact historical sense, as moaning
that the order in which he names them was the chrono-
logical order in which they darkened over the land. All
he means is, I suppose, to affirm that successive swarms
of the locust brood fell on the land, and that among
them they consiuned every green thing. Some critics
will have it that four is the sign of universahty ; and
that the prophet mentions four swarms and no more,
to indicate tliat the judgment swept in all directions
over the whole coimtry. The thought is not so absurd
or far-fetched as at first it might seem to be ; since^
throughout the Bible, beyond all question numbers are
used in a symbolical or mystical sense.
And now, having annoimeed his theme, instead of
narrating the several kinds of ruin -wrought by the
locusts, tlie prophet, like a true poet, throws verve,
fire, dramatic force into his description by a series of
appeals, each of which is a little picture in itself, to
the various classes of Judah — to the lovers of tlie
wine-cup, to the vine-dressers and husbandmen, to the
priests and ministers of the altar, and to the personified
nation.
The series commences with an appeal to the bons
vivants, to the lovers of good wine (vs. 5 — 7).
Even the wine-bibbers, wrapped in careless self-in-
dulgence, arc to wake up to a recognition of the hand
of God. The last, if left to themselves, to discern and
trouble themselves about national calamities, they are
the first to whom the prophet addresses himself. Tliey
are to " weep and wail,'' for indeed the judgment has
come homo to them ; it has touched what they most
love. They are " drinkers of wine ; " and the term
here used for " wine " includes the intoxicating drinks
that were expressed from barley and honey, from figs
and dates, as well as the juice of the grape : and " the
new wine," the juice of the grape or other fruit, which
when first pressed out is remarkable for its sweetness
and strength, has been " cut off from their mouth." It
has boon cut off by an invading " nation," " strong and
iunumcrable," with teeth like " lions' teeth." Each of
these epithets is admirably chosen.
The locusts are strong, for nothing can stop them.
They are innumerable, succeeding each other in " infi-
nite swarms " flying " millions thick," and have been
known to cover an area of "two thousand EiUes."
And their teeth are like the teeth of a lion, not simply
because of the terrible devastation they effect, but also
because "the denticulated jaw of the locust re.sembles,
to the naturalist's eye, the type of the lion." These
are the hostile and warlike nation which have " come
up over my land," "kid waste my vine, and broken
down my fig-tree."
In King Solomon's time, we are told, "every man
sat under liis vine and imder his fig-tree, none daring
to make him afraid "' — a plirase which impKes how com-
mon these two trees were, how much the people prized
them. It was natural, therefore, that Joel, some two
centuries after Solomon, shoidd select these as in some
sense the trees of Judaea, and lament their destruction.
The vino is marked as the chief of the two in a way
many readers wUl omit to note. Observe, then, that
having said of the locust nation,
" It hath laid waste my vine,
And broken down my fig-tree,"
the prophet does not continue, " it hath utterly peeled
them, their branches have grown white ;" but,
" It hath utterly peeled Tier and cast it away.
So that her branches have grown white."
So to speak, he drops the fig-tree out of his verse, and
retains only the vine, as the more characteristic and
precious of the two. And though the fig, which is in-
tligenous to Palestine and gi'ows there in great luxuri-
ance, yields a food of the sweetness and value of which
we, who eat only the dried fig, can have no conception ;
yet the ^ono is both a nobler and more valuable tree.
JFi-om time immemorial it has flourished in Palestine,
often attaining a marvellous size and fruitfulness. It
has been known to tlirow a stom, nearly five feet in
circumference, to a height of thii-ty feet, and to spread
branches over a circle of ninety or a lumdred feet. Its
clusters often weigh ten or twelve pounds, and its single
gi-apes are at times as large as our damsons. To have
these noble trees destroyed was nothing short of a
public calamity to a nation whose common di-iuk was
wine. And with a poet's quick eye for grai^hic touches,
Joel describes tlio locusts as peeling the \'ine, by gnaw-
ing off its bark, so that the branches grow white— smelj
a very picturesque verse. It is as accurate as it is
picturesque ; for, tough as is the fibre of the vine-bark,
the locusts eat clean through it, and thus injure tlie tree
for more than a single yoair, sometimes destroying its
very life.
JOEL.
67
This is oiu" first tiny picture, then. A company of
wine-bibbers, witli the wiue-cup dashed from their lips,
weeping' and wailing as they look out on the drooping
vines, with their whitening trunks and leafless branches.
The second appeal is to the impersonated nation
(vs. 8 — 10). Judiea, Judoea desolata, is to lament like
"a virgin girded with sackcloth'' over " the husband,"
the lord, the beloved " of her youth," whom that " chiu'l
Death " has rapt from her side. She is to lament ■with
the utter passion, abandonment, despau- of a young girl
who sees her life bhghted, and the desire of her eyes
taken away at a sti-oke, who clothes her tender limbs
in rough sackcloth, and casts lierself weeping on the
ground. And for what is Judaea to abandon herself to
this passion of woe ? Because the Temple mourns ;
because " the priests, the ministers of Jehovah, mourn ; "
because "offering and Hbation have perished from the
hoiise of the Lord," now that the locusts have eaten up
the vine, the olivo, the wheat, and there is no longer
meal, oil, wine, incense for the altar of Jehovah, and
the service of his House ; because the land mourns as
well as the Temple — Nature sympathising in the woe
of man ; because " the field,'' the open uniuclosod
country, " is laid waste," and " the ground," the rich red
soil fenced for culture, "lameutoth" over "the corn"
that has perished from its bosom, and over "the new
wine " dried up in the very veins of the vine, and over
"the oil" that has " sickened" or "languished" in the
nngathered olive. A ravaged land and an abandoned
Temple — for Grod was supposed to have left the Temple
when his altar-table was not duly furnished forth; a
land smitten with judgments by the God who had
forsaken his sanctuai-y — it was for this that Judsea
was to lament hko a virgin over the bridegroom of her
youth.
This, then, is om- second picture. The daughter of
Zion, clothed in sackcloth, weeping in passionate aban-
donment, as a virgin for the " lord " of her youth, as a
bride awakening to widowhood, over a land despoiled, a
temple forsaken by God and man — by God, because he
is incensed against the nation ; by man, bec<ause he has
BO longer any offering or libation to bring before the
Lord.
The third appeal is to the husbandmen and vine-
dressers (vs. 11, 12). Joel bids the husbandmen " turn
pale " with disappointed hope " over the wheat and over
the barley " destroyed before their eyes, and the vino-
dressers to " wail" or "howl" over the sickening vine
and the choice frint-troes, such as the fig, the pome-
granate, the date-palm, and the apple-tree, which often
grew in their vineyards, and from whose fruit they
distilled " strong drmk." Of the vine and fig I have
already spoken : a word or two must be added on each
of the trees newly mentioned. The pomegranate, or
rimmon, is one of the noblest trees indigenous to Syria.
It grows to the height of twenty feet, lias a straight
stem, spreading branches, lancet-shaped leaves; the
fohage is dark-green ; the flowers, which are large and
beautiful, are of a deep crimson hue ; the fruit is of the
size of an orange, of a red hue when ripe, and yields a
cooling and deUcious juice. The daie-palm, or tdmdr,
is renuirkable for its upright growth and crown of
splendid leaves ; it sometimes reaches the height of a
hundi-od feet ; the dates, which grow in clusters under
the long lai'ge leaves, are a valuable food, and yield a
liquor which, when fermented, tastes something like
champagne. Both Tacitus and Pliny select the pabn as
the characteristic tree of Palestine. It is evec. used as
the symbol of Judsea on the coin of Vespasian. And
this pre-eminence of the palm is marked by Joel ; for
he prefixes an intensive particle before the word tdmdr
(ver. 12), " gam-tam.kv," the force of which I have tried
to retain by rendering the verse : —
" The vine is dried up,
And the fig-tree sickeueth ;
The pomegranate, the palm-tree even, and the apple-tree, —
All the trees of the field are withered ;
For joy is withered from the children of men."
The familiar ajjple-tree needs no description ; but it is
worth whde, perhajis, to notice the force of the graphic
Hebrew name for it, tappuach. This noun is from a
verb which means " to breathe," and Gesenius conjec-
tui-es the tree to have been thus named because of its
fragrant breath or scent. Nor must we omit to note
the fine touch in which Joel once more asserts the sym-
pathy of Nature with man : —
" All the trees of the field are withered.
Fur joy is withered from the children of men ;"
as though it were impossible for the natural world to
rejoice in beauty and frmtfulness while the hearts of
men were oppressed with sadness. That one life beats
thi'oughout the imiverse, revealing itself in subtle and
manifold mterchanges of sympathy ; that, therefore.
Nature feels with her foster-chUd, man. rejoicing when
he rejoices, weeping when he weejis — this is a dominant
conception with Joel, as indeed it is with the poets of
aU ages.
Our thii'd little picture, then, presents us with a
group of husbandmen and \'ine-dressers, pale, and sick
at heart with wasted toils and defeated hope, as they
glance round on fields from which the harvest has
perished, and on vineyards and orchards in wliich idne
and fig-tree, the luscious pomegranate, the stately pabn.
the fragrant apple-tree, wither and die — Natm-e sicken-
ing as they sicken, and weeping because they weep.
The fom-th appeal is to the priests of the Temple
(vs. 13, 14). They are to gird themselves with sackcloth
night and day ; to wail and lament night and day ; to
cry imto the Lord niglit and day ; and not only they,
but the elders — nay, all the people. And to this end,
the priests are to "sanctify a fast" — that is, to hallow,
or set apart certain days for fasting ; to " proclaim a
restraint" — that is, a period during which, restrained
from manual toil, all the inhabitants of the land were to
repair to the Temple, and devote themselves to humilia-
tion, confession, aud prayer. No formal and customary
supplication will suffice ; they are to break from the
routine of life and worship, and " to cry " with im-
passioned fervour, with tearful and importunate repeti-
tions on Him who alone was able to succour them.
68
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
So that oui- last pictiu'e carries us from field and
TOeyard to the precincts of the sanctuary. A train
of priests clothed in sackcloth, worn ■with vigils, stands
between the porch and the altar, weeping and making
supplication to God ; an orderly multitude, led by their
elders, gathers round thorn, and chants, with one voice
and one heart, a passionate supplication for mercy and
the succours of heavenly grace.
With many pieturesquo touches Joel has set before
us the terrible effects of the Divine judgment in city
and field, in Temple and vineyard. He now hints at the
omen latent in the plague of locusts, proceeds to add
now touches to his description, and passes into an im-
passioned prayer for relief (vs. 15 — 20).
He cries, " Alas ! " or " Alack ! " " for the day !" Oh,
ill-omened and most miserable time ! It is most
miserable, not simply because of the evils it has brought,
but also, and stiU more, because of the e\'ils it predicts.
There is a portent in it, a portent of woe. To the fore-
casting spirit of the prophet it is the harbinger of " the
day of Jehovah." What was this "day" that the mere
prospect of it should fill the hearts of men with ruth
and fear? Let Isaiah reply (Isa. ii. 12 — 17) : —
"Jehovah of Hosts hath a day over all that is proud and lofty,
And over all that esalteth itself, and it shall be brought low ;
As upon all the cedars of Lebanon, the lofty and exalted.
So upon all the oaks of Bashan ;
As upon all the mouutaius, the lofty ones.
So upon all the hills, the exalted ones ;
As upon every high tower.
So upon every fortified wall ;
As upon all the ships of Tarshish,
So upon all that is fair to see :
And the lofty look^ of the people shall be bowed down,
Aud the pride of their great ones humbled,
And Jehovah, He alone, shall be exalted in that day."
As the inspired Hebrew seers studied the vicissitudes
of human life, as they saw the good suffer while the
evil revelled in prosperity and mirth, the humble
trodden under foot and the proud exalted, they early
came to the conclusion, which after ages only con-
firmed, that there would be, that there must be, a day
of tho Lord, to which all the days of time were con-
ducting men — a day on which all wrongs would be
righted, and every deed done in the body receive its
due recompense of reward. This day they called yom
Yehovah, " the day of the Lord." It was to bo a day
of judgment over all that was evil and ungodly; a day
in which the Almighty Ruler of the world would bring
down whatever had exalted itself against Him. Every
intermediate calamity was, in some sense, both a part,
and a portent, of that great day. The whole history
of man was a Divine judgment, though often veiled
and unsearchable to human eyes; and this constant,
though often secret, judgment was to culminate and
to become manifest in the end, when, whatever had
been carried by the ever-flowing stream of time into
eternity unassorted and unjudged, was to bo judged
aud adjusted to its duo place once for all, and all
things were to round to their final go.al. This was
" tho day of Jehovah," for which even Joel, the earliest
of tho prophets, looked; the day which drew nearer
and nearer with every successive act of judgment
executed among men ; the day of which every calamity
spoke as it fell; tho day of which some faint imagel
might be seen even in that plague of locusts under
which the land now mourned. " Alas, for to-day ! "
he cries, " Alas, for to-day ! for even this day of
lamentation and woo shows that tho final doom di'aws
nigh — the day that will come like a destruction from
the Almighty, that will smite evil and all who cling to
it ivith an eternal death."
It was this great and final day of the Lord, ever
present to the prophetic eye, which threw deep and
ominous shadows on every intervening day of judg-
ment. That the land should be inarched by drought
and consumed by locusts was in itself a terrible cala-
mity; but this calamity clothed itself in new terroi's
when it was regarded as a portent of the last judg-
ment. And it vvas in this portentous light that Joel
regarded it, and would have the people regai'd it.
They would miss " the sweet uses " of this adversity,
unless they permitted it to quicken within them a
profound sense of the moral government of God — the
government which is to reach its climax at that final
session in which every man will receive according to
his deeds, whether they be good or whether they be
bad. And at least one feature of that great day was
clearly jirefigured in the present judgment. The day
of Jehovah would como " like a destruction from the
Almighty ; " a destruction on all that was evU, nay, a
destruction of much that in itself was good, in order that
evil might be punished and extirpated; for was not the
fair teeming earth to bo swept with fire ? were not the
gracious heavens to be folded like a scroll, and the ser-
viceable elements to be consumed as in a furnace, that
tho ^vickedness of the wicked might be brought to an
end ? Tluit aspect of the last day, if no other, was
illustrated by what was now passing before their eyes ;
for even now the fair face of Nature was blackened and
deformed as by fire ; the innocent creatures, the flocks
and herds, roamed disconsolate over wasted pastures,
or stood beivilderod by water-courses that were dried
up. Food was cut off ; joy aud gladness were banished
from the House of God. And all for what ? AU for-
" the guilt " of man ; all that men might repent their
guilt, and return to Him from whom their hearts had
gone astray (vs. 15 — 20).
By this easy aud natural transition, the prophet —
after having robed the present calamity in new teirors
by making it a portent of judgments still more sweeping
— falls back on tho calamity which was now rentling
all hearts, aud adds now pathetic touches to his descrip-
tion. At first we might think that in vs. 16 — 20 he
was simply desctibiug tho effects of that plague of
locusts which ho has ab-eady descriljed ; for theij cut off
food, they consumed pasture and field, and, in the leaf-
loss blackened stems of orchard and vineyard, they loft
beliiud thorn a trail as of fire. But there is one touch,
in ver. 20, which shows that to the plague of locusts
there had been added a plague of drought, aud that
both were now in tho prophet's mind. " The water-
JOEL.
69
courses," so abundant in tliat land of lulls, so welcome
and indispensable in that fendd climate, "were dried
up ; " and this cotdd not be the work of the locusts ; it
could only be the efEect of that di'ought which so often
brings dearth to Eastern lands, and which, in all lands,
is commonly accompanied by blight and insect pests.
Between them, the drought and the locusts had
converted a land like the Garden of Eden into a
barren desert. " Is not the food cut oil before our
eyes — joy and gladness from the house of our God ? "
cries Joel. The lomist had anticipated the reaper,
as Jerome epigi-ammaticaUy puts it; and with the
harvest the offerings for the Temple had perished —
the sheaves, the meal, the fruit, the oil, the wine, the
fragrant spices that were laid on the table of the Lord.
On these offerings the priests and Levites, with their
families, subsisted. When these ceased, joy and glad-
ness would cease from the chambers of the Temple,
in which they dwelt. Nay, more, the holidays of the
people were spent in the Temple and its courts. Their
harvest-home, for example, was the feast of Pentecost.
Of tlieir sacrifices and offerings only a part was con-
simied on the altar ; the flesh of their sacrificed lambs
and bullocks, the meal, the wine, the fruit they pre-
sented before the Lord, furnished forth a table at
which they ate and drank and were merry. All their
great annual services and feasts were merry-makings —
holidays as woU as holy days ; and, now, all these had
ceased perforce. Pinched by famine, they could no
longer know the " joy and gladness " of their national
festivals — a joy all the deeper because it was " the j<iy
of the Lord," a gladness all the more pure and sweet
because it was gladness in the house of their God.
This is the first new stroke of pathos which the poet
adds to his previous description ; but mark how he
multiplies stroke on stroke. As though it were not
enough to lose all mirth in the passing day, the heart of
the peo2ile is torn ^vith apprehension for the future.
The very gi\ain in tlie earth has "rotted under the
clods," so that there is no prospect of a crop in tlie
coming year to compensate for the loss of this year's
hai-vest. Smitten by the burning rays of the sun,
denied the vivifying touch of dew or ram, the germ has
withered in the seed. The husbandmen, hopeless of
any reward for their toils, fold their hands in indolent
despair; they suffer their garners to moulder away,
their " barns " to fall. Wliy should they repair bam
and storehouse, when " the com is withered," even the
seed corn ?
From the homestead, with its mouldering bams and
garners, the poet passes into the parched and bliickened
fields. Not only do guilty men suffer, but also tlie
innocent dependants on their care.
" How the cattle groan !" he cries, as if the bleating
of the slieep and the lowmg of the oxen rent his very
heart. With that fine and tender hmnanity charac-
teristic of the Hebrew prophets and bards, he suffers
with the suffering beasts of the field, and attributes
human emotions to them. The herds of oxen are " be-
wildered," because the plains, they have often cropped
yield no pasture for them. The flocks of sheep, in their
vague wanderings and pitiful iterations, seem to him to
be " mourning the guilt "' of men. His heart is torn
with a passion of sympathy wluch compels him, for the
first time, to address himself directly to God.
" To thee, 0 Jehovah, do I cry»"
for these innocent sufferers, whose pastm'cs the fire of
drought has turned black ; nay, even they themselves,
"the very beasts of the field, cry unto thee," lifting up
their heads in dnmb yet eloquent appeal, and groaning
out their misery before Thee.
Let us here recall the fact, that it is the Spii-it of God
who speaks by the mouth of the prophet ; for it is to
be feared that we do not make enough of the humanity
of God, of His intense delight in trees and flowers, in
herds and flocks, of His himiane care for them, of His
tender sympathy with them. The psalms and prophecies
are full of this Divine humanity— no prophecy fuller,
perhajjs, than that of Joel ; and in no passage of Joel's
is that tender intense humanity more beautifidly and
pathetically exi)ressed than in the verses (18 — 20) we
have just considered.
The one imperative and supreme question for the in-
habitants of a land so cruelly afflicted is, " What can
we do ? How may these plagues be averted ?" And
to this question we are now, in chapter ii., to hear
a reply. Joel, who had abeady addressed himself to
the nation and to its various classes, was at last stung,
by his intolerable sympathy with the dumb, innocent
victims of man's guilt, to appeal directly to Jehovah.
And now Jehovah i-espouds to that appeal.
Beyond a doubt, it is God who is represented as
speaking from the 12th verse of this chapter onward,
and probably we are to take Him as the speaker from
the first verse. But, whether Jehovah in person or
Jehovah tlu'ough the prophet be the speaker, the lesson
is the same, viz. , that the onfe hope of cure for the iUs
which afilict the State lies m repentance, humiliation,
and amendment. A solemn assembly is to be con-
vened, in which the people are to humble themselves
under the mighty hand of God, and to entreat the
succom-s of Divine mercy. The formal summons to
this assembly is given in ver. 1, and repeated with em-
phasis in vs. 12 — 17. And between tliese two com-
mands, as a reason for obedience to them, we have stUl
another graphic description of the greater plague of
the time, that of the locusts and of its terrible results
(cliap. ii. 2—11).
The priests are to blow their silver trumpets from
Zion, to soimd a note of alarm on the holy moimtain,
the hiU consecrated by the Temple ; and as the clear
imperative tones ring through the narrow streets of
the city, " all the inhabitants of the land " are to
'•tremble," i.e., as the Hebrew verb implies, they are
to start up from the sullen indifference, the hopeless
apathy of despair: they are to recognise the spiritual
omens that are abroad, to read in the troubles of tho
time portents of the approacliiug " day of Jehovah," to
know that it was near ; nay, as aU judgments are part
70
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of that divmo Day of Judgment, to kuow that it has
already begun. It is —
•* A day of darkness and gloom,
A day of clouds, and of cloudy night."
This phrase we often meet again in later Scriptures.
Indeed, it became " a standing form " with the prophets,
and was used in most of their descriptions of the Day
of Judgment. And, therefore, it is weU to note that
it was suggested to Joel by the natiu-al phenomena
which filled his thoughts as he wi-oto. It had its
origin in the darkness wluch obscured the land, as the
fliglits of locusts moved over it, intercepting the light
of the sun ; and it was commended by its native pro-
priety to the prophets who came after him. For the
phrase, brief as it is, contains four words, almost
synonymous, expressive of darkness, and thus gives a
very strong expression to the obscurity wliich encom-
passes all Divine judgments to moi'tal eyes. We know
that even now we are being tried and judged; that, as
St. Paul phrases it,' wo are " ah-eady made manifest
unto God." Wo know that .all the great calamities and
all the great blessiugs which befall men are, iu some
sort. Divine judgments. Wo believe that "we must
all be made manifest before the judgment-seat of
Christ;''- that a day is coming in which "wo shall
each receive the things done in the body, according to
that ho did, whether good or bad." But whether we
consider the judgment through which we pass now, or
the judgment we must meet when we leave the body,
it is alike ivi'apjjed in a mystery we cannot penetrate.
We may hold fast to the rule that, in the end, good
will come to tlie good, and evil to the eril ; but how
that rule is worked out and axjpliod, either iu time or
in eternity, this is beyond our reach. To us, as to
Joel, the judgment of God is a profound mystery, the
Day of the Lord is " a day of darkness and obscurity,
a day of clouds and of cloudy night."
>2Cor.v. 11.
2 Ibid. V. 10.
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
ET JOHN STAINEB, II.A., MUS. D., MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXPOED ; ORGANIST OP ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL.
WIND ENSTEUMENTS {cmtinued).
MACHOL, OB MAHHOL.
,HIS word is found in several passages
of Holy Scriptiu-e associated with the
tqph or timbrel. In the Authorised
Version it is almost always rendered
by " dances " or "dancing: " — "And Miriam the pro-
phetess, the sister of Aaron, took a timbrel in her
hand; and all the women went out after her with
timbrels and with dances "' (Exod. xv. 20) ; and again,
" Jephthah came to Mizpeh unto his house, and, behold,
his daugliter came out to meet him with timbrels
and with dances." In thus rendering machol, our
translators have simply followed the Septuagint, in
which the corresponding expression is in Tufi-ravois icai
xopoh ; the same too iu the Vulgate, " cum tympauis ot
choris." The German, like our own version, foUowstho
Septuiigint — " mit Pauken uud Beigen," that is, with
" drums and chain-dauees,'' dances ivith linked hands.
Although in modern German orchestral scores pauken
signifies " kettledrums," it must not be supposed that
more is here meant than a common timbrel. That
dances took place on these and many other occasions in
which timbrels were used there can be no doubt. But
may not machol signify a small flute ? If so, the ex-
pression with toph and machol would exactly correspond
to om- old English pipe and tahor, to the sounds of
which instruments many a rustic dance was merrily
footed. They are stdl the conunon accompaniment of
village festivities in many parts of Em-ope. In some of
thePyrenean districts may be seen gathered on the grceu,
roimd which their homesteads are clustered, the gaily
attired villagers dancmg to the sounds of a pipe wliich
the seated musician plays with his left hand, while with
his right hand he beats a sort of tambour, consisting of
six strings stretched across a resonance-box, which rests
on his knees.
The arguments in favour of the theory that machol
is a flute, are founded on the fact that many authors,
amongst them Pfeifer, consider the word itscM to be
derived from the same root as chalil, signifying, as
before mentioned, "bored through;" and also, that in
the Syi'iac version the word is translated by rephaah,
which is the name of a flute still to be found in Syi-ia.
On the other hand, some authors have traced chalil to
a root hhalal, " to dance ; " and, of course, if this be a
correct derivation, machol would more naturally signify
a dance than a flute. Saalchiitz is of opinion that it
implies a combination of music, poetry, and dancing,
and is not the name of any special musical instrument.
Much can be said in favour of this view. We have
words in our own language which have a very simiUr
meaning : for instance, roundelay, which may be taken
as a song, a danco, or a piece of poetry. But there
seems to be but little necessity for forcing such a mixed
meaning from the word machol. To say that on a
joyous occasion men or women went forth with " pipe
and tabret," is enough to imply that they danced ; and
therefore, if our translators would have more properly
rendered machol by a "pipe," they have none the less
conveyed the real sense of the context by rendering it
" dancing." But by assimiing the former of these in-
terpretations much force is given to that beautiful
passage iu the Book of Lamentations (v. 15) : " The
joy of our heart is ceased ; our pipe is turned into
mourning;" as if the prophet had said, "The meriy pipe
which once did lead the dance, has now given place to
MUSIC OP THE BIBLE.
71
that whose plaintive notes recall our saddest griefs."
As the Psalmist in his joy uses just the converse of this
expression, in Ps. xxx. 11, " Thou hast turned for me
my mourning iuto dancing (machol) : thou hast put off
my sackcloth, and girded mo with gladness," so does
the prophet himself, joying over the restoration of
Israel (,Jer. xxxi. 4 and 13). The only other passage
in which the Psalmist uses the word is in Ps. cl. 4,
" Praise him with the timbrel and dance." It was the
noise of the pipe and tabrot which Moses heard as he
descended the holy mount to find the people, whom
Jehovah had but just highly honoiu-od by the gi\Ting of
the Law, dancing round a golden calf. We may, then,
for two reasons, believe the machol to have been a flute
used specially for dancing, first, because it is higlily
probable that an instrument was used in conjunction
with the tabret ; and next, because such a supposition
does not exclude the idea of dancing, and in no case
seems to do violence to the text.
MAHALATH, OK MACHALATH.
A word allied both to chalil and machol occurs in
the title of two Psalms (liii. and Ixxxviii.), the former
being inscribed to the " chief musician upon Mahalath,"
the latter to the " chief musician upon Mahalath
Leannoth." Each of these is called also a " MaschU,"
a. title generally thought to designate a poem of a
moral or typical import. " Sing ye a maschil with
the understanding," sings the Psalmist in Ps. xlvii. 7.
Many learned writers trace mahalath to the same
root as chalil (" perforated," " bored "). If a musical
direction then, this word clearly points out the class of
instruments which is to accompany the singers of the
psahn — namely, chalil. The addition leannoth, from
the fact that it means " to answer," most probably is
a special order for an antiphonal treatment. Some
authors have, in the case of these two psalms, as
with regard to many others, considered these and other
titular words as the names of special tunes. Gesenius
considers mahalath to mean a " lute." If this be so, it
would stUl be a musical direction, but would refer to
stringed instead of wind instruments.
HTIGGAB, OITGAB OK UGAB.
Having spoken of the pipe, and of the possibility
that the Hebrews knew of the double jiipe, we natu-
rally come to those instruments which place a number
of pipes under the control of the performer. And
first it shoidd bo remarked that there is an essential
difference between the flute a bee, or flute ivith a
beak, and the flauto traverse, which it was unnecessary
to point out when these instruments were previously
mentioned. It is this. In the former class, the per-
former has only to blow into the end, and the soimd is
produced by the air being led by the form of the in-
terior against the sharp edge termed the upper lip. In
the_/JftM<o tra.verso (now the common flute), the player
has himself, by adjusting the form of his lips, to force
the air against the edge of one of the holes, which he
thus temporarily makes iuto an upper lip. By com-
paring a penny whistle with a common bandsman's-fife,
this difference of their construction will be voiy ap-
parent. In the former, a piece of wood placed in the
mouth-piece guides the column of air to the opening,
where it is compelled to pass the under lip (the lower
edge of the opening), so as to strike against the
upper lip ; but in the latter nothing of the sort is
provided, the player making his mouth the under lip,
and, as Ix^foro said, the side of the hole the upper lip.
It is plain, therefore, that two classes of "manifold-
l^ipes " can exist, the one corresponding to a collec-
tion of flauti traversi, the other to a collection of
flutes d hec.
Now, if we take any piece of a tube open at both
ends, and blow against the sliarp edge imtil a musical
sound is produced, we are acting exactly on the same
principles as does the player ou the flauto traverso.
And if now we place our hand so as to close the other
end of the tube, the pitch wiU immediately fall to an.
octave lower than it was before, for physical reasons
which need not be entered into here. In both cases,
whether the tube is open or closed, we are blowing and
producing the sound on the same principles.
A collection of tubes of different sizes stopped at
one end, and blown into at the other as above described,
forms the musical instrument known as Pan's-pipes, in
the Greek syrinx (irOpiyl,), Lat. fistula. Whereas a col-
lection of flutes a hec of different sizes placed in a
series of holes in a box, tlu-ough which the air can be
mechanically forced, constitutes what has for centuries
been distinctively called the organ. This difference
between these two instruments — namely, that the syrinx
is blown on the same principle as the flauto traverso,
while the organ-pipes are made to speak, by their being
constructed like flutes a bee — is of the more importance,
because it is a commonly received notion that the syrinx
is the parent of the organ. Unquestionalily, as regards
antiquity, the former instrument must bo aUowod to
have priority, but this does not necessarily prove any
connection between the two.
From what has been said, it will be easily imagined
that a Pan's-pipe blown by mechanical means would
really be a very scientific instrument ; but on the other
hand, when flutes a bee were once commonly used, it
would not require any special ingenuity or invention to
suggest that several should bo placed in a row over a
box, and be blown ono after another from the same
supply of wind. Of course, as each organ-pipe was
only required to give ono sound, there would be no
necessity for finger-holes being made in it. Again, it
must have been very easily discovered that pipes con-
taining reeds c ould bo as easily made to speak over a
wind-box as flue-pipes. The universahty of the Pan's-
pipe is as remarkable as its antiquity. To find a nation
where it is not in use is to find a remarkable exception.
In an ancient Peni'vian tomb a syrinx was discovered
and procured by General Paroissen. A plaster cast of
this interesting relic was lent for esliibition at South
Kensington Museum in 1872, by Professor Oakeley of
Eduiburgh, by whose kind permission tho engraving
(Fig. 57) is given.
72
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
The description of the original, as given in the cata-
logue, is as follows : — " It is made of a greenish stone,
which is a species of talc. Four of its tubes have
small lateral finger-holes, which, when closed, lower the
pitch a semitone." The Inca Peruvians caUed the
eyi'inx Imayra-puhura. The British Museum possesses
one of these, consisting of fourteen pipes. The
example shown in Fig. 58 has
heen selected in order to show
how httle even .savage nations
have departed from the earUest
known classical form of the in-
strument. It represents the
syrinx from the island of Tanna.
New Hebrides. All must be so
familiar with the many repre-
sentations of Pan playing his
river-reed pipes, that it is quite
unnecessary to give an ilhistra-
tion of one of them. It should
be said, however, that the com-
monest number of reeds used
among the ancients was seven,
Him with the minnim and ugab." Its mention here
in antithesis to a coUectivo name for stringed instru-
ments surely points to the fact of its being a more im-
portant instrument than a few river reeds fixed together
with wax ! Let us not forget that we have but one
and the same name for the single row of about fifty
pipes, placed, perhaps, in a little room, and the mighty
instrument of 5,000 pipes, occu-
pying as much space as an
ordinary dwelling - house, and.
requiring the daily attention of
a quahfied workman to keep its
marvellous- complications pro-
perly adjusted. Each is an
organ. May it not have been
the case that the ugab, which
in Gen. iv. 21 is mentioned as
the simply - constructed toind-
instrument, in contrast to the
simple sfraijrcd-instrument, the
hinnor, was a greatly inferior
instrument to that which in Ps.
cl. (before quoted) is thought
Fig. 58.
«=>
Fig. 60.
hut eight or nine or even more are occasionally found.
Was the ugab a syrinx or an organ ? As the former
seems to have been the more ancient of the two, and as
ugah is mcluded in the very first allusion to musical
instnmients in the Bible, it would seem reasonable to
say at once that it was a syrinx, especially as this
instnmieut was, and is to this day, commonly met with
in various parts of Asia. Yet it would indeed bo
strange i£ such im instrument were selected for use
in Divine worship; and that the ugab was so used is
proved beyond a doubt by its mention in Ps. cl., " Praise
Fig. 61.
I worthy of mention by the side of a term for the whole
string-power of Divine worship ?
Even if it be msisted that the first-mentioned ugah
' was nothing more than a syrinx, are we, therefore,
^ forbidden to believe that the mere name might have
I been retained while the instrument itself was gradually
undergoing such alterations and improvements as to
render it in time a veritable organ ? That men's minds
have from the earliest time striven to find out iu what
I way many pipes could be brought under the control of
! a single player, there are indubitable x>roofs. Acassagein
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
73
the Talmud, describing an instnunent called a magrepha,
which was Siiid to be used in the Temple, is exceedingly
interesting. This oi^an, for it is entitled to the name,
had a wind-chest containing ten holes, each communi-
cating with ten pipes; it therefore was capable of
Let us now trace the various stages through which the
organ has passed, while developing from what wo should
now consider a toy, to that noble instrument wliich
makes our beautiful cathedrals and churches ring again
with sweet sounds, and whose duty it is to guide and
Tig. 62.
producing 100 sounds. These were brought under the
control of the player by means of a clavier, or key-
board. Its tones were said to be audible at a very
great distance.
Supposing that the whole of this account is apocryphal,
it still shows that in the second centuiy such an instru-
ment was not only considered possible, but believed,
rightly or wrongly, to have actually existed at some
previous period.
support the combined voices of many hundreds, or it
may be, thousands of hearty hymn-singers.
Assuming that a series of wood or metjil jhdes a bee
had been constructed so as to give in succession the
notes of a scale, and also that the wind-chest was
pierced -with liolcs to receive them, the first thing re-
quired by the player would be a contrivance for allow-
ing him to make any one he wished speak separately.
As might bo supposed, the simplest method of doing
74
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
this is to place little slips of wood in such a positioa that
they can cither be pushed under the foot of the pipe, and
so stop the current of air from passing into it, or be
palled out so as to admit the air.
Fig. 59 exhibits this most simple piece of mechanism,
and very possibly shows what the ugah might have been
at some period of its existence. A pipe at the side of
the wind-chest points out the fact that the commonest
bellows of tho period was thought capable of supplying
the required current of air. The whole construction is
in a more advanced state in the instrument depicted in
Fig. (jO. Not only are its pipes more numerous, but
it has bellows specially adapted to its requirements.
While one bellows is being replenished, the other is
stiU able to support the sounds, so there is no awkward
pause while the instrument is taking breath.
In the next illustration (Fig. 61), which is from a
MS. Psalter of Eadwine, in the library of Trinity
CoUego, Cambridge, tho organ has begun to assume a
more dignified form. There is an attempt at an orna-
mental case, and judging from the number of blowers
required, the music must have beenrapid, or the sounds
powerful.
As soon as these instruments became large and not
easily movable, tho terms positive and portative oi-gan
came into existence ; the former being an instrument
which, owing to its size, had to remain stationary ;
the latter one that could be carried about. In the six-
teenth century, these portable organs were called regals,
the exact derivation of which is somewhat uncertain.
They formed a very important element in ecclesiastical
processions, as their cases were frequently elegantly
decorated. Fig. 62 is an illustration of a German
organ positive of the sixteenth century, tho shutters of
which are also elaborately painted. This instniment
has iron handles, by which it can be moved, but it is
too large to have been of tho portative class. The
bellows, which are behind it, and so not seen in tho
figure, are very similar both in position and shape to
those seen in Fig. 60.
Some further remarks on ancient organs must bo
reserved for our next chapter.
THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JEEE MIAH.
BY THE VBBT KEY. K. PAYNE SMITH, D.D., DEAN OF OANTEKBURY.
;HB character of Jeremiah is in many
respects the exact opposite of that of
Isaiah. Possessed of no great literary
power, writing in a timid, hesitating style,
yet often with a plaintive sweetness ; borrowing con-
stantly the thoughts and even the very words of others,
as if glad to have their authority in his support ; melan-
choly in temperament, brooding constantly on the diffi-
culties in his path, till ho even cursed the hour of his
birth, he yet in his moral qualities rises to the veiy
highest elevation, and is not unworthy of the place he
held in tho estimation of tho Jews, who regarded him
as tho chief of all the prophets.
There is even in his call to his office this same mix-
ture of strength and weakness. There is no glorious
vision as in Isaiah's case : notliing of that awful and
superhuman grandeur which characterises Ezekiel's
summons to the prophetic dignity. The images are
tame and simple ; but there is a strength of purpose
indicated by tliem and a decisiveness in action, which
were tlie real secret of Jeremiah's strength. In ago
but a lad, probably jnst arrived at raanliood — for forty
years of active labour were before him, and finally,
as is too probable, a martyr's death — called tlius in tho
early beauty of youth, he sees first a branch of an
almond-tree (cliap. i. 11), and next a pot boiling upon a
fire of thorns, and just ready to overturn from the un-
equal consumption of tho blazing fuel. But the words
that accompany these ordinary images are of startling
strength. Jeremiah is set over kingdoms and nations
as God's deputy on earth, with authority to " root out.
and to pidl down, and to destroy, and to throw down,
and to Iniild, and to plant " (chap. i. 10) : and because in
tho execution of these awful powers he would have to
confront the whole land, with its king, its princes and
people, God promises to make him fii-m and defiant as
a defenced city, and an iron pOIar, and brazen walls.
Young in years, shy in character, despondent in -temper,
God yet gives him a commission of wider and fuller
authority than any ever conferred before, except it be
that of Moses. But even to Moses the commission
was to build up and form the Jewish nation : Jeremiah's
is one chiefly of condemnation and destruction. Four
verbs of ruin come fu-st in his instructions, and then
two only of restoration. For such a commission no-
thing less seems necessary than the energy and self-
devotion of a Paul ; but Jeremiah proved not unworthy
of it. No man ever felt diificidtios more : no man ever
faced them with braver resolution, or more unflinchingly
did his duty.
We have in tho 15th chapter a deeply interesting
picture of Jeremiah's mental state. He tells us thero
that when first appointed prophet, he received his com-
mission with joy : " Thy words were found, and I did eat
them ; and thy word was unto me tho joy and rejoicing
of mine heart: for thy name is called upon me, 0 Jeho-
vah, God of hosts." There was nothing in his commis-
sion to warn him that all his efforts would apparently
be in vain, as had been the case with tho more sauguino
Isaiah. For Jeremiah there was a struggle, hard and
fierce, Init ^vith the promise that his enemies should not
prevail. And so he entered with fii'm hopo on his
JEREMIAH.
75
duties, and readily gave wp, as was a prophet's duty, the
ordinary pleasures of life. " I sat uot in the assembly
of the meriy-makers, nor rejoiced ; I sat alone because
of thy hand : for thou hast filled mo with indignation."
A righteous zeal for God had taken full possession of
him, and Ids one thought was to vindicate Jehovah's
honour agaiust tho sinful generation among whom he
had been placed. This state of feeling may have lasted
more or less duiing the eighteen years of his prophetic
career under Josiah; and then followed the severer
struggle and sharper contest under the tyrant Jehoiakim,
and with it disappointment. He laboured, and none
heeded him. In spite of all his efforts tilings grew
worse and worse: opposition he could have endured,
but there Was something far harder to boar — derision
and contempt ; and bitterly he accuses God of betray-
ing him. '• Why is my pain perpetual, and my wound
incurable, which rofuseth to be healed ? wilt thou bo
altosrether as a Uar unto me, and as waters that
fail ? " Tho Divine word seemed to him as the mirage of
the desert, over promising cool refreshment, ever en-
couraging to new exertions, ever at last making only
tenfold more cruel the agonies of thirst.
Wicked as was such accusation of God, it yet brought
no condemnation. It was the struggle of a strong but
melancholy nature, trying to cast oif the Divine yoke,
and yet doing so with entire and real trust and devotion
to God. There was nothing of disobedience in it : in
spite of others, and what was far harder, in spite of
himself, Jeremiah was determined to do his duty. And
so his loving Master sought rather to abate the agony
of his feelings, and calm down the tempest of his soul,
by again promising liim that he should have strength
to bear all that was laid upon him : " I will make thee
unto this people a fenced brazen waU : and they shall
fight against thee, but they sliall not prevail against
thee " (chap. xv. 20).
And so again when Pashur, the deputy high-priest,
scourged the prophet, and put him into the stocks, tho
same tempest of excited feelings overpowers him. The
burden of his cry again is, that God has deceived him
(chap. XX. 7). There has been no fruit of his labours. Ho
speaks, but only to bo mocked and derided. All around
him he saw nothing but contempt joined to fierce anger
at the poUtical course he was taking. The word con-
stantly in his mouth — his motto as it were — was Magor-
missabib, " fear on every side." And again God comforts
him ; but tliough ho pi-aises Jehovah for his deliverance,
nevertheless tho chapter ends with bitter execrations
on the day wherein ho was bonx (taken from Job iii.).
He wishes that he had been slain at his birth, or that
his mother had been his grave. " Wherefore," he asks
indignantly, "came I forth out of the womb to see
labour and sorrow, that my days should be consumed
with shame?"
Now what was there to justify these excited feelings?
Or, as no doubt thoy were sinful, what was there to call
them forth and explain their intensity p
Pkiuly Jeremiah was placed in a position of extra-
ordinary difficulty. His office was to condemn in the
most emphatic manner the whole public policy of his
country. When Isaiah had to oppose Ahaz, it was the .
king's personal conduct which called forth reproof,
while as regarded the struggle against tho two con-
federate kings, Isaiah was entii-ely on his side, and could
promise him deliverance. But no sooner was good King
Josiah dead, than Jeremiah's real work began. Till
that time he had been but preparing for his office ; but
no sooner was Jehoiakim on the thi'one, than he had to
denounce, and struggle against, and seek in every way
to render void the whole policy of the king and of tho
largo mass of the nobles and people. The personal
character of the king he does not spare. He represents
him as a tyrant and oppressor ; as one who, indifferent
to the misery of the jieople, in the midst of the general
rmn, had the heart to build for himself magnificent
palaces by forced labour ; with earnest indignation ho
contrasts the equity and justice of his father's reign
with his iniquity. " Thine eyes and thine heart are
not but for thy covetousnoss, and for to shed innocent
blood, and for oppression, and for violence, to do it."
And therefore he predicts the utter failure and extinc-
tion of his seed, and that he should die a dishonourable
death, and his body be cast into a ditch without burial
in the fields about Jerusalem (chap. xxii. 13 — 19). It
was no slight matter thus to speak of a monarch who
was as fierce and despotic as he was bad, and one of
whose first acts had been to send men to Egypt to
arrest there the prophet Urijah, and bring him to Jeru-
salem, and put him to death (chap. xxvi. 20 — 23).
But it was not the fear of death which preyed so
heavily on Jeremiah's mind ; it was the general indig-
nation felt against him by the great mass of the people.
A small party among the princes, headed by Aliikam,
the son of Shaphan, approved of his conduct, but all
the rest condemned it bitterly. It was unpatriotic,
mean, degrading to his country. Prophets before had
even urged the people to resistance. They had said,
" Trust in Jehovah, and he will deliver you from your
enemies." But Jeremiah wanted king and people to
remain quiet under the Babylonian yoke ; while they
were entirely for rebellion, and looked to an alliance
with Egypt as the panacea for all their troubles.
Now let us look for a moment at the political state of
things when Jeremiah gave this advice. Babylon and
Egypt were the two gi-eat world-powers at that time, and
Judffia, situated midway between them, oscillated back-
wards and forwards, inclining now to the one, and then
to tho other, as occasion served. In Josiah's time the
struggle was undecided, and Pharaoh-necho was on his
march agaiust Babylon, when Josiah met him as a true
vassal of the Chaldees, and in the unequal encounter
was defeated and slain. Upon this Necho turned
aside from his march, and having removed Jehoahaz,
who had been put upon the throne by the party who
held Jeremiah's ^iews, substituted for him Jehoiakim,
anotlier son of Josiah, but one opposed to his father's
policy ; and weakened probably by the losses sustained
in the battle of Megiddo, withdrew to Egyi)t and aban-
doned for the present tho war with Babylon.
76
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
It was in the fourtli year of the new king's reign
that Baruch wrote, at Jeremiah's mouth, the famous roll
(chap, xxxvi.), in wliich the prophet showed how consis-
tently the word of Jehovah had declared, even from the
days of Josiah, that the king of Babylon would destroy
the land, and make man and beast— the cattle, that is,
used in agriculture — to cease from it. Egypt could
not help ; if they repented of their sins, Jehovah could
and would still save them; but they must remain in
true allegiance to Babylon till the storm was overpast.
Already thus early Jeremiah's life was in danger. " I
am shut up," he says, "and cannot go into the house of
Jehovah ; " but the roll was to be read iu the audience
of all the people coming to the Temple upon the fasting
day. The fame of it reached Jehoiakim's ears, and the
roll was brought before him; but when only a small
part of it had been read, he cut it in angry contempt
into pieces, and burnt it in the fire. And the roll would
have cost the prophet and his scribe Baruch theu- lives,
had they not hastily gone into a place of hiding before
it was taken into the king's presence.
In what way Jeremiah regarded Nebuchadnezzar,
we learn in chap. xxv. He was Jehovah's servant, his
viee-gerent (s<!0 page 38), to execute a commission of
punishment upon many n-ations for their sins. This
commission to Babylon was to last for a fixed and
definite time, and then Babylon was also to have its
meed of chastisement. Whether or not Judah would
be included iu this commission depended upon the
people themselves ; by repentance they might avert the
danger, though the prophet too well saw that they
would not. But as 'Egypt certainly was to be punished,
and as Nebuchadnezzar was executing Jehovah's will, it
was in the prophet's view rebellion against God to
resist him, and political madness to make alliance with
doomed Egypt.
Not that the prophet loved Babylon, or was imcon-
scious of the wickedness of the sanguinary wars of
conquest which it waged. To him as iso Habakkuk it
was a city buUt with blood (Hab. ii. 12). Wliat he
wished was that Judah shoiild see that Nebuchadnezzar
was an instrument in God's hand to execute pimish-
mont, and so should yield to Jehovah's will. As for
Babylon, he concludes his enunciation of the nations to
bo punished with her name. There is a wine-cup of
fury placed in the prophet's hand, and one after another
he names the long roll of nations who must drink of it ;
and then come the words, " The king of Sheshach shall
drink after them" (chap. xxv. 26).
Now we have here a doubly interesting phenomenon.
First of all, it is the oldest specimen of writing in
cipher. If the Hebrew alphabet be written out in
order, and then under it you place the letters in reverse
way, Sheshach becomes Babel, that is, Babylon. No
doubt the word soon became known to Jeremiah's
friends; for wo find it again iu chap. li. 41, iu a letter
donouncing final pimishment on Babylon, sent to the
exiles there by the hand of Seraiah, brother of the
faithful Baruch, who had to accompany Zedekiah iu a
journey to Babylon, in the fourth year of his reign.
when he was required to do homage to Nebuchadnezzar,
and Seraiah had charge of his accommodation by night
(curiously rendered in oiir version, " Seraiah was a
quiet prince "). This letter was then to be fastened
to a stone, and cast into the Euphrates, that it might
not, as a treasonable document, endanger any of the
exiles, should it be found upon them. Nevertheless,
what we possess is apparently a copy given to Baruch
by Seraiah, after Jeremiah's death.
The cipher used by Jeremiah is called atbash, a
name formed from the two first letters of the Hebrew
alphabet, and the two Last placed in reverse order.
Another instance of it occurs in chap. li. 1, where the
strange expression occurs, " those that inhabit the heart
of my standers up." Read, however, by this cipher,
the words mean " those that inliabit Chaldaa." And
this brings us to the second pouit. How strange was
the position of Jeremiah ! Regarded by his own
countrymen as a traitor, because he steadily resisted all
attempts at an alliance with Egypt, and bade them
submit tamely, and basely as they deemed it, to the
Chaldaeans ; and yet really regarding th,ese Chaldaeans
as the enemies of his country, and prophesying their
downfall ; and so left without friends, and obliged to
use a cipher, in order to conceal from those with whom
he had to work the meaning of his own words !
In the fourth year of Jehoiakim, the year famous for
Jeremiah's roU, the fearful drama of Divine chastise-
ment began to nnroU itself. Though temporarily de-
layed by the battle of Megiddo, yet the struggle be-
tween the two great powers was inevitable, and Egypt
marched to its doom, seeking probably the encounter
because it saw how rapidly the power of Babylon was
growing under the enterprising hand of the youthful
Nebuchadnezzar, and anxious that the contest should
not take place within its own dominions. The Eu-
phrates was the limit of the two realms, and at its
famous ford of Oircesium, or Carchemish, Pharaoh-necho
crossed it, but on the other bank met with a severe
defeat. For the moment Nebuchadnezzar was in no
position to follow up his victory ; for the news reached
him of the death of Nabopolassar his father, and he
hun-ied home across the desert, with a few light armed
troojis, to secure the vacant throne. And thus Jud^a
had a breathing time, and Jehoiakim was compelled per-
force to adopt for the present the policy of Jeremiah.
But this brought no alleviation to the prophet. On
the contraiy, the king was so determined upon his
death, that he had to be in continual hiding, or in
exile, so that we find no record of any further activity
on his part during tlie rest of Jehoiakim's reign. Ap-
parently he fled to Babylon, and to this period we may
therefore assign the prophecy of the linen girdle hixlden
by the Euphrates (chap. xiii.). Certainly we find him
afterwards kindly treated by the Babylonians, who re-
garded him, no doubt, as one who had suffered for
their cause, and by many of whom apparently he was
personally known.
But though compelled by the defeat of the Egyp-
tians at Carchemish to become a vassal to Babylon, yet
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
77
Jehoiakim seems to have spent liis time in continual
plots, and finally reboDed; hoping, perhaps, as Nebu-
chadnezzar was engaged in distant wars, to attain to
indepondonee. But the Chaldean king, besides troops
of his own soldieiy, sent against him bauds of Sjriiins,
and Moabites, and Ammonites, who were now all of
them, on the result of the battle of Cireesium, incoii)o-
rated into his cmpu'o (2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2, 7). To add
to liis distress, tlie land was desolated by the teiTi))le
dearth descrilied in Jer. xiv. ; and at length, in the
eleventh year of his reign, a regular army advanced upon
Jerusalem. But before it reached the city, whether
by a conspiracy or sudden violeuco, Jehoiakim, by the
usual fate of tyi-iints, feU ; and so hated was he, that his
body was refused burial, and cast out upon the open
ground around the city, to be a prey to dogs and birds.
His death seems to have rendered all resistance to
the Ghalda3ans impossible, and Nebuchadnezzar, having
joined the army, took possession of the city three
mouths and ten days after Jehoiakim's death. His son,
the young king Jecouiah, a^jparently but eight years
old (2 Chron. xxxvi. 9), though elsewhere, by a less pro-
bable reading, described as aged eighteen (2 Kings xxiv.
8), was carried captive to Babylon with the queen-
mother Nehushta, aud a large number of the princes
and chief people of the land. The foolish prophecies
of Hanauiah, described in Jer. xxviii., indicate too pro-
bably the existence of plots among the exiles for his
restoration, aud so account for the barbarous treatment
he met with from his conqueror. For thirty-seven years
he was kept in prison in actual dui'ance, and had to
wear prison garments. Well may he be called Jeconiah-
assir, " Jeconiah tlie prisoner," in 1 Chron. iii. 17. Son
he had none, and Salathiel, his representative, was de-
scended from David, not thi-ough the line of Solomon
aud th« kings, but through Nathan. After this weary
captivity Evil-merodach set him free, treated him as a
friend, and made him eat at his table. ' But after two
years Evil-merodach was murdered by his brother-in-
law, Neriglissar, and probably Jeconiah perished with
his benefactor. The tales iu the Apoci-ypha of his
living as a wealthy noble at Babylon with his wife
Susannah (Sus. i. 4 ; Baruch i. 3) are mere legends un-
worthy of serious account.
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE REV. A. S. AGLEN, M.A., INCUMBENT OF ST. NINIAN'S, ALYTH, N.B.
OUTLINES OP THE HISTORY OF BIBLICAL POETET (coniinued).
§ 3. — DAVID.
! r is with David that the great era of
lyric poetry begins. Its germ, as we have
scon, may be discovered in the records
of the patriarchal times. In the Mosaic
and succeediug age it was growing wildly and luxu-
riantly, displaying sometimes a \-igorous fidness aud
creative power of thought, and giving, in one direction,
grand and noble utterance to the deep religious feelings
of the community. But it showed itself still only in
occasional and fitful bursts of splendour. It flashed
out in the great battle odes of Moses and Deborah,
but its right place had not yet been found in the
national worship and in the civil life. It was but a
wild flower, till David planted it, a kingly blossom, on
Mount Zion, and cultivated it with ailectionate care.'
There, under one who was at once the greatest king
and the greatest poet of Israel, poetry itself Ijecame
truly great, continuing still to cherish with amazing
power the virtues of valour and patriotism, but lending
itself also to the encouragement of every sentiment of
religion and morality on which individual and national
Tiappiuess depends.
David himself supplied the chief element of this
greatness. In his Psalms he has stamped himself
indelibly on the thought and feeling of the world.
But like every groat poet he owed .something to the
times in which he lived, aud it is in studying David's
relation to his age that we come to appreciate the
' See Herder, Octsf der S. B., ii.
healtiy influence of Samuel's great work, and to under-
stand how his efforts prepared the way for the appear-
ance on the throne of Israel of one endowed with that
great originality and spiritual power which we see re-
flected in the Psahns. The song of Deborah is a
glorious witness to the martial spirit of the Hebrews.
But it allows us to see also how easily the aspirations
of the nation might have turned altogether to the glory
of conquest and empire, and how much some gentler
influence was needed to coimteract the wild spirit of
revenge wliich was fostered in those times of bloodshed
and disorder. The schools of the prophets afforded
scope for the exercise of this gentleness. In them
Samuel laboured unweariedly, up to the close of his
life, as a teacher of youth, taming the wild spirit by
the peaceful arts of the muses.- The poetry of David
shows the result of these efforts, not only in the milder
tones which temper the warlike feelings breathmg
through them, but in the attempt, made now for the
first time, to express in song all the sweeter and
gentler emotions of the licart. and to penetrate to the
sources of all moral strength. In the success with
wliich the " strange musical world of the East — with its
gongs and horns, and pipes, and harps " ^^was called
into the service of religion by David, and tempered and
chastened till it became a fitting instrument to carry
to the ear of God, not only exultant praise for aid in
battle, but the sighs of helpless sorrow, and the vows
2 Ewald, History of Isnul, vol. iii.
•^ Stanley, Lectures on Jewish EUt<fry, vol, ii.
78
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR
of penitence, we have an apt illustration of the moral
and iutelleetual refinement effected for Israel by the
successive efforts of Samuel and the son of Jesse.
Similar testimony is borne by the hymn of Hannah,
which, though it must, in its present form, belong mi-
doubtcdly to a later date, yet justifies its reference
to the mother of Samuel, by the expression it gives
of the tendencies towards a nobler and ^jurer religious
feeling which it was his glory and privilege to develop,
imtU they could produce iu David's hands the perfect
Psahn of Israel.'
But his own pre-eminence is so supreme that we
readily identify David with all the greatness of his
time, and refer to his original genius all the grand
results obtained in empire and in song. His position
was imderstood by posterity to bo that of the foimder
of the Jewish monarchy. " In this sense liis name is
repeated in every possible form. ' The city of David,'
' the seed of David,' ' the house of David,' ' the key
of Da\id,' 'the oath sworn imto David,' are expres-
sions which pervade the whole history and poetry of the
Old Testament, and much of the figurative language
of the New."" In the same way he was regarded as
the founder of Jewish jjoetry. The whole Psalter was
ascribed to him, an opinion which has prevailed down
to Christian times. To " chant to the soimd of the viol,
and invent to themselves instruments of music like
David," was one of the occupations of the court iu the
time of the prophet Amos (Amos vi. 5). Known as " the
man who was raised up on high," and " the anointed
of the God of Jacob," he was also remembered with
equal affection and constancy as " the sweet psalmist of
Israel " (2 Sam. xxiii. 1 ; Ut., " pleasant of songs ").
This individual influence was various as his many-
sided character, and as the vicissitudes of his strongly
chequered career. David's poetry is the mirror of his
life. We see in it that wonderful versatility which is
so forcibly described in thp " °"ig to David " written
by the half-crazed poet, Christopher Smart, on the walls
of his mad-house. We see him
" Great, valiant, pious, ^ood, and clean,
Sublime, contemplative, serene.
Strong, constant, pleasant, wise."
Shepherd, courtier, outlaw, king, poet, musician, warrior,
saint, " priest, champion, sage, and boy," David was all
these — he is all these in his Psalms. The harp, which
from his boyhood, when he kept his father's sheep on
the hills of Bethlehem, was his inseparable companion,
was tuned to every kind of song. Tliere is a tradition
that it hung always above his bed, and that at mid-
night the north wind swept music from its strings.'
The lofty spirit of song which possessed lihn, did
indeed, with sweet and magic power, give expression
to every innermost feeling, lajing bare the deepest
and most secret recesses of his mind and heart.
This is peculiarly true of his religious feehngs. The
1 Cf. with 1 Sam. ii. 1—4, 8, &o.; Ps. ix. 14; Ixxxvi. 8; xoiv. 4;
XJUvii. 15 ; cxiii. 7, 8, &c.
• Stanley, as above.
3 Smith's HicliojKHi/ </f the Bibh, art. " Harp."
foimdation of his character was laid in a firm and
imshaken trust in God. His faith was simple and
pm-e, his piety real. His wayward passionate nature
led him into great sia. But he could return to God
all the more loyally, and with the siucercst repentance,
after his fall. The notices of him in the historical
books leave us in no doubt as to the strength of his
faith and the reality of his repentance. But the
Psalms show us into the recesses of his heart while
tlie struggle was going on. We see the depth of his
humiliation, the completeness of the peace to which he
was restored. The 32ud and the 51st Psalms are
the records of his confessions, his prayers, his vows, his
thanksgiving for the mercy of God. When they were
composed they were entu'ely new to literature. Other
Hebrew poets afterwards produced hymns of a like
kind But David's Psalms have ever remained, and
tvill remain, of all recorded human words, dearest to the
penitent and renewed soul, because they best express
the feelings which it longs to pour out in utterance at
the feet of God.
But these devotional hymns, imlike so many of the
modern attempts to imitate them, bear the stamp of
true poetry. They are not composed of sighs and
groans strung together iu unmolodious verse. Even
that variety of psahn which dates entirely from this
period, and in which we catch the prevalence of mourn-
ful sentiment, displays the grace and charm which
flows from genuine poetic genius. How powerful and
vivid are the touches with which Ps. xxxii. opens : —
" Blessed is the man to whom Jehovah doth not reckon iniquity.
And in whose spirit there is no guile.
For while I kept silence, my bones waxed old
Through my roaring all the day long.
For day and night thy hand was heavy upon me ;
My moisture was turned into the drought of summer."
What a sense of security and contented rest in the
Divine protection is conveyed by the threefold metaphor
of the same Psalm : —
"For this cause let every godly man pray to thee
In a time when thou mayest be found ;
(So) surely when the great waters overflow,
They shall not reach him.
Thou art my hiding place ;
Thou wilt preserve me from trouble ;
Thou wilt compass me about with songs of deliverance.**
In these " songs of deliverance " wo are not only
brought into contact with a profoimd and original
mind, but we see also, through the experience of an
individual heart, how the ancient national religion was
advancing iato purer and nobler forms. There had
always been in Israel faith ia an invisible Power who
would redeem him from danger, and give him victory
in war. In David we see this faith deepened and
purified. Ho took the brightest and most spiritual
views of the creation and government of the world.
We feel, as we read his poetry, that the ancient fear of
God is passing, for the first time, into love of God.*
The deep tenderness which had its root in the centre
of his being, irradiates his religion. The love which
* Stanley, as above.
THE POETRY OP THE BIBLE.
79
made liim the most dutiful son, the fondest husband,
the truest friend, the most tender father — the tenderness
of personal aft'eetiou which penetrated his public life,
and made him " love his people witli a pathetic com-
passion, beyond even that of Moses " — was not ex.
chided from his thought of the Divine gi'eatuess and
power, but drew him close to God, with a truly child-
like confidence, even when he was conscious of error
and transgression. No words could express more
beautifuUy the feeling about him with which David's
poetry inspires us, than the sentence of the Book of
Ecclesiasticus : " With his whole heart he simg songs,
and loved Him that made liim " (Ecclus. xlvii. 8).
Recall some of those grand metaphors of the protecting
and restoring love of the Most High, which have now
passed into poetical commonplaces, but were in David's
mouth fresli and real with the memory of moving
escapes and mk-aculous deliverances. One single verse
of the grand hymn of praise, the 18th Psalm, is a
brief but vivid record of the changing vicissitudes of
his life ; —
" I will love thee, O Lord, my strength.
The Lord is my stronghold, and my fortress, and my deUverer.
My God is my rock in whom I find refuge ;
My buckler, and the horn of my salvation, my high tower."
In that one verse is the wildei'uess with its chffis and
caves, and Said huntuig the fugitive to death ; there is
Keilah and its strong walls ; the waiTior band with
their shields and spears, who had so often shared theu-
leader's dangers and triumphs ; the high towers which
he had scaled, or whicli his victorious hands had built ;
and. through all, the sense of complete trust in One who
had in past troubles provided these places of refuge, and
in whose love was amjjle room for confidence under
every trial to which soul or body could bo exposed.
But there is one short poem of exquisite sweetness,
which is vivid with the memory of the serene and
quiet days of the old shepherd life, and of some deadly
peril just escaped, but from which the psalmist emerges
with a trust so calm, a peace so profound, that not even
the shadow of death can disturb it. " It is the most
complete picture of happiness that over was or can be
drawn. It represents that state of mind for which all
alike sigh, and the want of which makes life a failui-e
to most. It represents that heaven which is every-
where if we could but enter it, and yet almost nowhere
because so few of us can." It is the 23rd Psabn,
which was referred by Michaelis, and with great pro-
bability, to the time, in the flight from Absalom, when
David and his party were refreshed at Mahanaim by
the kindness of Barzillai.
" Jehovah is my Shepherd, I shall not want.
In pastures of tender grass he maketh me to lie down ;
Beside waters of quietness he leadeth me ;
Ho restoreth my soul ;
He leadeth me in right paths,
For his name's sake.
Tea, though I walk through tlie valley of the shadow of death,
I will fear no evil, for thou art with me,
Thy rod and tliy staff they comfort me.
Thou prejiitrL'St a table before me in the presence of my
eneaiies ;
Thou anointest my head with oil,
My cup runneth over.
Surely goodness and mercy shall follow me all the days of my
hfe,
And I will dwell in the house of Jehovah for length of days."
Seldom has poetry ia so short a compass struck so
truly those two opposite chords of feeling which Nature,
iu her dift'ercut mood.s, has power to awaken, the sense
of gladness and content in her beauty and fulness, and
that undefined horror — a shudder as at the " shadow
of death " — which her more gloomy and terrible aspects
can create. Never certainly was the one great spu'itual
fact imderlying them both, and of which each, to innocent
trustful hearts, is a symbol, expressed, as it is expressed
by Israel's greatest poet, in this short, sweet song. He
feels both the strength and the tenderness of God ; he
would follow the Shepherd as fearlessly in darkness as
ill simshiuc; he discerns the "Hand that giddes," and
the Pro\'idenco which sustains, as much within the
rocky sides of the dark and dismal valley, as in the
green pastm-es and beside the still waters. The con-
trast only deepens our conception of the trust, and
.adds force to the triumphant joy with which the psalm
concludes.
It is difficult to seize on any charactei'istics of David's
poetry, by wliich to distinguish it from that of other
Hebrew poets. There is no certainty as to the number
of psalms which his hand contributed to the Psalter.
The iuscriptious allot seventy-three to him.' Ewald's
criticism allows him only fifteen. It is not therefor©
strange that wliUe some regard David's peculiar manner
to be plaintive, soft, and xiathotic, others think his
poetry distinguished by vehemence and sublimity of
passion. If we start only from those examples pre-
served in the Second Book of Samuel (2 Sam. i. 17 — 27 ;
xxii., xxiii. 1 — 7, and the fragment in iii. 33, 34), one of
which appears with some variations, as Ps. x^dii., we
find even iu tliis small compass of song almost every
clement which makes the charm and the greatness of
lyric poetry. There is the sudden rush of feeling, "as if
ho were speaking after long repression ;" there are the
transitions so rapid and iustantaneous that they make
us feel we are listeniug to spontaneous song ; there is
imagery drawn from every variety of experience, and
ranging through evei^ degree of grandeur and sublimity,
or of simplicity and plainness; and all presented as
rising naturally out of the poet's experience, so vivid are
the touches, and so true and profound is the feeling for
nature. There is also, even if we confine ourselves to
these poems, enough to show us the most strikmg points
in his many-sided character. Of his kst psalm alone
(2 Sam. xxiii.) it has been truly said " it is a true picture
of the chequered life of David, and of the chequered
fortunes of the ruler among men."
I.
" If a man ruleth over men justly, ruling in the fear of God,
It is as when a morning is bright and the sun riseth,
A morning and no clouds ;
After sunshine, after rain the tender grass springeth from the
earth.
1 The LXS. assign eleven others beside those so assigned in the
Hebrew titles.
80
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
** For is not my house so with God that He made with me an
everlasting covenant,
Ordered in all things and sure?
For all my salvation and all my desire-
Tea, should he not make it to grow ?
III.
"But wicked men are all of them as abominable thorns,
That cannot be grasped with the hand :
And whoso cometh near them is fenced with iron and the staff
of spears ;
And they are forthwith utterly burnt with fire."'
It -would be rash, therefore, to try to fix definitely on
the distinguishing features of David's poetry. " His
harp was full-stringed, and every angel of joy and
sorrow swept over the chords as he passed. For the
hearts of a hundred men strove and struggled together
within the narrow continent of his single heart." The
variety, even if we take the fewest assigned to him. of
the psalms belonging to David, shows a mind riclily
endowed. " The royal singer excels in the hymn, the
poem, the elegy, the didactic ode. The diction too is
varied, both difficult and easy, soft, diffuse, tender."
There are many scholars who ascribe to him a tendency
to sweetness and pathos, rather than to grandeur and
power. Yet the description of the storm in Ps. xxix.
(one of the few allowed by Ewald to be Davidic
psalms) shows a sympathy with Nature in her wildest
mood. It is certain that no other psalmist can com-
pare with David in general merit or range of inspi-
ration. The following summary of the excellence of
David's poetry is by one well qualified to judge the
merits of lyric song, the poet Campbell ; — " His traits
of inspiration are lovely and touching, rather than
daring and astonishing. His voice, as a worshipper,
has a penetrating accent of human sensibility, varying
from plaintive melancholy to luxuriant gladness, and
■even rising to ecstatic rapture. In grief his heart is
melted like wax, and deep answers to deep, while the
waters of affliction pass over him ; or his soul is led to
the green pastures by the quiet waters, or his religious
confidence pours forth the metaphor of a warrior in
rich and exulting succession. Some of the sacred
writers may excite the imagination more powerfully
than David, but none of them appeal more interestingly
to the heart. Nor is it in tragic so much as in joyous
expression, that I conceive the power of his genius to
consist. Its most inspired aspect appears to present
itself when he looks abroad upon the universe with the
eye of a poet, and with the breast of a glad and grateful
worshipper. When he looks up to the starry firma-
ment, his soul assimilates to the splendour and serenity
which he contemplates."-
There is a prominent feature of David's song which
demands a passing notice. It has been remarked how
truthf idly his character is reflected in his poetry. That
character, like that of all truly great men, combined
the opposite qualities, strength and tenderness. " He
was strong with all the strength of man, and tender
with all the tenderness of woman." He could hate as
- 2 Sam. xxiii. 4—7. Psalms ChvonoUgkaUy Arranged, by Four
Friends.
2 Quoted by Davidaon, in bis Ir^roiwtim (o ths Old Teslanumt.
well as love, and when stung with a sense of meanness,
wrong, or injustice, he could flash out into strong words
and strong deeds. " For evil men and evil things he
found no abhorrence too deep, scarcely any impre-
cations too strong." His poems reflect this twofold
character. Luther called them a garden in which the
fairest and sweetest flowers bloom, but over which can
blow the most tempestuous winds. One psalm shows
this contrast in a sticking way. It is the 63rd. It
exhibits in the opening verses the same depth of feeling,
the same tenderness of natural affection which breathes
through the elegy on Jonathan. Here it is chastened
and elevated by the attitude of prayer in which the
jjoet pours out his sOul to God. The close of the
psalm shows the other side. " It is almost startling
in the abruptness of its contrast, yet strikingly true and
natural. It breathes the sternness, almost the fierceness
of the ancient warrior." The poem which begins in a
strain of lofty musing, ends with a cry for vengeance
on his treacherous enemies.^
Even within the compass of those psalms which can
safely be ascribed to David, there are enough to show
what efforts lyric poetry was making to strike out new
paths, and occupy new fields of feeling and thought.
Many efforts have been made to divide the Psalms ac-
cording to their character and contents, Init the clianges
of feeling and expression in individual iioems are too
rapid to allow of an easy division. The inscriptions
show an attempt to distinguish the various kinds of
song. Besides the shir and mizmor, there are these
among other names. Michiam, translated by the LXX.
TTTiKoypafla, i.e., "an inscription on a tablet;" by the
Vulgate, tituli inscriptio. It has latterly been derived
from a root meaning " gold," but there seems no parti-
cular reason, from the character of the tliree poems so
inscribed, to call them golden songs (Ps. xvi., hn., Ix.).
Maschil occurs in the titles of eleven psalms, and in
the text of Ps. xlv. The LXX. translate it o-uj-fVeois
or 6is cxuvtaiv, the Vidgate intellectus, or ad intellectum,
from which some modern scholars, as Gesenius, explain
it to mean " didactic poem." Ewald prefers to interpret
it " a skilful and highly- finished ode."
ShiggaloH (Ps. vii.) is also variously explained.
Ewald takes it for a name signifying " an irregular or
dithyrambic ode." The dithyramb was a name given
by the Greeks to a lyric measure of a wild euthusiastic
kind. But there is nothing in the 7th Psahn to
distinguish it in this direction from many others.
Shiggaion is therefore most probably one of those
musical directions which ai'e prefixed to so many of the
Psabns, and about which very little certain is known.
These titles do not give any effective help to a
division of the contents of the Psalter according to
subject and style. Nor is the chronological an'ange-
ment. of wliich traces can be discerned in the five books,
satisfactory or complete. It will be shown how this
division probably arose in treating in the next paper of
the history of lyric poetry after David.
^ Perowne, Psalms, Introduction. Mr. Perowne's trauslatioa
has been followed in the above quotations from the Psalms.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
81
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE CATHOLIC EPISTLES :— ST. JOHN II. 18 (conHmi.ed).
BY THE EEV. H. D. M. SPENCE, M.A., KECTOB OP ST. MAKY DE CRYPT, QLOUCKSTEE, AND ESAMININQ CHAPLAIN
TO THE LOKD BISHOP OF GLOUCESTER AND BRISTOL.
EXCUESSS "a" on ST. MATT. XXIY. — THE BASIS OP
ST. John's teaching respecting the " last
TIME."'
5HE 24th chapter of St. Matthow appears
to be a general prophetic picture of suf-
fering and danger incident to the " last
time " — a period, we have shown in our
last paper, reaching from the days of Messiah to
the day of the final judgment of the world. In the
course of the prophecy our Lord makes plain and un-
mistakable allusions to that great and solemn judgment
day, the consummation of all things, notably in vs.
14, 29, 30, 31, 36.
In the foreground, however, of the groat general
picture is delineated, with a few sharp, rough touches,
some terrible calamity which is powerfully to affect
the course of the world's history, and in a degree
seems a foreshadowing of the great judgment. This
lesser judgment, from the Messiah's own memorable
words, was e\-idently near at hand ; nor could those
that listened to him have failed to perceive that some,
at least, of those present would certainly live to behold
it, and to share in it. Not quite forty years after
the words were spoken came the fall of Jerusalem and
the final destiTiction of the Temple. This first judg-
ment swept away all the old Jewish landmarks, and laft
an open field for the development of Gentile, universal
Christianity. While the chosen race existed as a dis-
tinct and powerful nationahty, while the Holy City and
Temple stood, Christianity could never have been taken
out of its original Jewish setting — could never have
liecome the religion of the world. This catastrophe
clo.°ed the first act of the world's drama of the " last
time." In the great prophetic picture of our Lord it
is the only one of the lesser judgments specially painted
by him.
But we may look on the violent break-up of the
Roman Empire under the assaults of the Teuton tribes
— a long period of untold bitter sufferings — as the close
of the second act. All this weary, terrible misery, how-
ever, cleared away the old pagan landmarks, customs,
and life, and allowed tho spirit of Christianity to re-
model, in a great measure, public thought and public
opinion.
Tho groat Reformation of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries closed the third period in the history of the
" last time," and prepared tho way for free generous
thought and action, tearing down, boldly, fearlessly.
all those parasitic growths which had been suffered
to come up and twine about the walls and towers, and
1 See Vol. I., paje 383.
30 — VOL. H.
which threatened tho safety of the very foundations of
the city of God on oarth.
Whether the termination of the temporal power of
the Bishops of Rome and the rise of the great Pro-
testant Teuton Empire bo the close of the fourth act
and the opening scene of the fifth act of the great
world drama, is a question another generation will have
to answer.
EXCXJESUS "B," ON " L'ANTECHEIST " OP M. EENAN.
The fourth part of M. Renau's work, Histoire des
Origines du Christianisme, tells the story of the
Cliristian Church from M. Renan's own peculiar point
of view, from the time of St. Paul's arrival at Rome,
A.D. 61, to the close of the Jewish revolt, A.D. 73.
The central figure of this eventful period, round whom
other personages are grouped with more or less dis-
tinctness, is the gloomy and eccentric figure of the
Emperor Nero, in whom the French writer sees the
Antichrist of St. John — the " beast " (t!) Bripiov) who
occupies so prominent a place in the Revelation. M.
Renan places the writing of the Revelation A.D. 69.
He lays great stress on that only half-espressed, but still
wide-spread expectation of Nero's return ; that partial
di.sbelief in the tyrant's death which existed in many
parts of the Roman Empire for a long period af t«r the
emperor's self-murder at the hands of his freedman,
Epaphroditus ; '^ and pictures, with a strange, fantastic
power pecidiarly his own, the vmter of the Revelation
looking back with awful horror on the scenes of blood
and cruelty which he had himself witnessed during the
persecution of the Christians at Rome by Nero, A.D. 64,
and from which he had hardly escaped. He repre-
sents St. John contemplating Nero, his life and work ;
the centre of that wicked, selfish, luxurious Roman
world ; the cruel persecutor, the hcentious, degraded
prince, whom, in common with many others at that tim?,
he imagined not dead, but in hiding temporarUy among
the Parthians, or elsewhere, and about to re-appear
again, with greater power, with more unbridled licence
than before. In this monster, in this deadly enemy
to the Christian sect, in this curse of the world, St. John
(according to M. Renan) saw " the Beast," tho enemy of
Christ, the Antichrist, who, after being let loose for
another season of crime and bloodshed, was eventually
to be cast into the Lake of Fire for ever and ever.
M. Renan, in support of his hypothesis, gives an
elaborate explanation of the Apocalyptic symbolism,
■ Eenan, concerning the expected return of Nero, quotes Tacit.,
Hist. i. 2; ii. 8; Suet., Nero, 57; Dion. Chrys., Orat. xsi. 10, &o.
See pnge 319 and note {" TAntechrist ").
82
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
with a confession in one place, perhaps, of some con-
fusion (see his note on page 4'14). " The head wounded
to death, whose deadly wound was healed " (Rev. siii.
3, 12), he considers a plain reference to the current
notion (fu'uily held, as he assumes, by the wi-iter of the
vision) of the dothi-onemont and only attempted suicide
of the Emperor Nero, and of the tyi-aat's wonderful
preserration from death. The famous number 666
points, in his opinion, to the same conclusion —
that '■ the Beast," the Antichrist of the early Church,
was Nero.'
1 M.. Benan, in a note to pp. 415, 416, explains how the numerical
values of the Hebrew characters which represent the Greek form
of Nero Caesar, when added together, give the mystic number of
the " Beast," 666 (Rev. siii. IS), Ntpwi- KaTiap, "lOp 7113. Thus :—
( 3= 50) + (t = 200) + (i = 6J + (j = 50) + (p = lUOJ + (D = 60)
+ O = 200) = 666. {L'Antechrist, pp. 415, 416.)
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCEIPTUEE.
THE HEEODIAN FAMILY {contimied).
BY THE EDITOB.
III. HEEOD ANTIPAS.
^WE fact (1.) previously referred to that
Mauaen, probably an Essene by descent
and ti'aining, had been brought up as
tho foster-brother of Herod the totrareh,
presents not a few points of contact with the Gospel
narrative, (a) It helps to explain the inconsistencies
of his character. He comes before us alike in the
Gospels and in Josej)hus, as ambitious, licentious, un-
scrupulous. And yet he is obviously, at the commence-
ment of our Lord's ministry, one whose conscience has
not yet been seared. When he is reproved by the
Baptist in sharp unsparing words, his first impulse is
not one of scorn or anger, but of reverential attention :
"Ho feared John, knowing that he was a just man and
an holy, and observed him ; and ho did many things, and
heard him gladly" (Mark \i. '20). This respect for one
who presented a pattern of holiness, which he admired
as from a distance, is just what would be natural in
one whose youth had been passed in close contact with
one of this sect who was true to the principles and prac-
tices of an Essene, and whose life would therefore bo
framed after the same model of Nazarite and Rechabito
austerity as that of the Baptist.
(6) The fact that the name of Manaen appears among
the prophets and teachers at Antioch is, as I have
pointed out elsewhere,' suggestive of the fact that in
him there was one in whom the seed of the Divine
word fell on the soil of an honest and good heart, and
brought forth fruit abundantly. If we assume, as is
probable, that he continued to bo on terms of greater
or less intimacy with the prmce with whom he had
been so closely connected dui-iug his youth, we may
think of liis influence as having, for a time at least,
counteracted that of the ambitious and vindictive
Herodias. When the weaker mind of the tetrarch was
led on to the irrevocable act which marked him as the
murderer, even then the unwUling murderer, of the
forerunner of Chi'ist, the Essene must have made his
choice, and joined himself to the company of those
disciples in whose aims and rules of conduct ho found
60 much that was in harmony mth those of the brother-
I Biblical SiudicSf " Manaen," p. 386.
hood with whom he had tiU then been associated.^
There are signs, at any rate, in the Gospel history
that some such influence as that which such a man
was likely to exercise was at work amongst the officers
and attendants of the tetrarch. The nobleman at
Capernaum who sent to our Lord beseeching him to
come down and heal his son (John iv. 46, 47 ) was, as his
name indicates ($a<n\tKiis, an attenilant of the king's),
attached to the court of Herod, and olmously believed
in the supernatm'al, divine power of Christ, even at
that early stage in his ministry. Joanna, the wife of
Chuza, the steward or guardian of Herod's property,
took her place among the devout women who followed
om- Lord, and ministered to Him of their substance.
The presence among the early believers at Rome of
one bearing a name (Herodion), which marked him
out as connected with the dynasty, points in the same
direction (Rom. x\i. 11). The fact that Herod, when
" he heard of the fame of Jesus, said unto Ms servants.
This is John the Baptist, he is risen from the dead,"
gains a fresh iuterest (as Professor Blunt points out in
liis Sci-ijjtural Coincidences) when we connect it with
the notices which show that those servants must have
included some at least who were in heart followers of
the Baptist and disciples of the Christ.
(c) We may add, that the ready acceptance Herod gave
to the strange belief which these words imply, was
- An interesting article on the Talmud, in the July fl873)
number of the Edinhur>jh Review, starts, or rather revives the
hypothesis that the Esseues were in fact Christians, and supports
the conjecture by a considerable number of superficial resemblances
— their purity, abstemiousness, voluntai-y poverty, aversion to the
use of oaths, and the like. What has been mentioned in these
papers shows, I need scarcely say, that the theory is untenable. The
resemblances are only such as are to be found in all communities
which aim at a devout, contemplative, yet industrial life. And
there is the one insuperable difficulty that the Esseues are men-
tioued by Josephus, as in the case of the elder Monaen, as existing^
even in the childhood of Herod the Great, sixty years or so
before the birth of Christ ; that the fuU account of their mode of
life is given by him as belonging to the time of Judas of Galilee j
and that the historian himself joined the sect when he was about
sixteen years of age, and therefore some years before there was a
body of Christian disciples. It is probable enough, of course, that
many of the order followed the example of Mauaen, and that they
formed an important element in the Jewish Christian Church;
but the assumption that the Esseues, as such, were Christians, is
simply an anachronism.
THE COINCrOElSrCES OF SCRIPTURE.
83
precisely what might be expected from one who had been
more or less imdor influences like that of the Essones.
Commentators, assuming that, like most of the wealthy
and powerful, ho belonged to the Sadducees, or at least
held their tenets, have, for the most part, seen in these
words either the irony of a mocking scorn, or else the
reaction of a superstition which he could not shake off,
against the scepticism of a sect wliich denied that
there was any resurrection or spirit. The view which
has been here taken presents, it is believed, a much
more natural explanation. The Essenes taught, as the
Pharisees did, that the soul was immortal, and that
when released from the burden of the flesh, it gained a
new power and blessedness. Though they do not seem
to have held, as the Pharisees did, a distinct doctrine
of transmigration (Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 8),
yet the two beliefs were so closely linked together, that
Ln the mind of the conscience-stricken tetrareh, the one
would naturally suggest the other. ^ The old Essene
belief would fill his mind with vague fears and fore-
bodings. It was in no mood of scoru, but of real per-
plexity, that he accepted the popular solution of the
fact that mighty works were wi-ought by One who
seemed to him to bo doing the same work, with yet
more mighty signs of power, as had been done by the
Baptist.
2. The glimpses whicli wo get in the Gospel history
of the character of Herodias point to her as having a
stronger will for evil than her husband. She is to him
as Jezebel was to Ahab, as Lady Macbeth, in Shake-
speare's teiTible creation, is to the Scottish thane.
What we read of her in other records brings this cha-
racteristic into yet greater prominence. Even in the
marriage, which stamps the name of the tetrareh with
such an eternal infamy, she appears to have been as
much the temptress as the tempted. She agreed to leave
cue uncle-husband for another in the hope of gaining
greater power and a higher title ; stipulated that the
tetrareh, as the condition of the incestuous adultery,
should put away his former wifo, the daughter of
Aretas, an Arabian chief ; and then urged on her new
husband in the path of ambition which she had marked
out for him (Joseph., Antiq. xviii. .51. The career of
crime was marked at every step by now disasters. The
death of John the Baptist, imprisoned as he had been
at Machajrus, shocked the feelings of the groat body
of his subjects, who had acquiesced, though with sup-
pressed indignation, in the man-iage itself, and involved
Herod in a war with the father of the wife whom he
had, without any ostensible cause, so insolently repu-
diated. Traces of that war, which ended in the disas-
trous defeat of Herod's troops, are to be found in two
memorable passages of the Gospel history. (1.) "We
read in St. Luke's account of the Baptist's ministry
that among those who flocked to his preaching, seeking
a aew rule of hfo, were " soldiers," whom he counselled
to " do violence to no man, to accuse no man falsely,
and to bo content with their wages" (Luke iii. 14). The
word so translated, however [aTparfvo/ieyoL), means more
than soldiers by profession. They were men actually
on service, marching (for we know of no other warfare
in which Herod was engaged at the time) against
Aretas, the father of the injured princess. It is a
noteworthy featm-e in the teaching of the Baptist, that
IJreaching to such men at such a time, ho forebore to
speak to them of the gmlt of the master whom they
served, and contented himself with teUing them what
was their plain and simple duty. It was not theu-s to
decide on the causes of the war. Each was simply to
do his duty even to such a master, and to keep his own
hands and heart clear from the sins to which warfare
tempted him. (2.) We find, if I mistake not, an allu-
sion to the same campaign in our Lord's illustration of
spiritual truths, in Luke xiv. 31, 32 : " Wliat king, going
to make war against another king, sitteth not doivn first,
and consulteth whether he be able with ten thousand
to meet him that cometh against him with twenty
thousand ? Or else, whUo the other is yet a great way
off, ho sendeth an ambassage, and desireth conditions of
peace." The words of the Teacher, who adapted his
instructions always to the thoughts and experience of
those wlio heard Him, may well be thought of as point-
ing tlie lesson in this case from the history which was
so recent. Herod Antipas had not calculated his re-
sources, had been ignominiously defeated, and had been
compelled to appeal to Tiberius, and solicit his armed
intervention.
The ambition of Herodias, however, was not yet
satisfied. When her brother Agi-ippa (of whom more
hereafter) had obtained, through the favour of Caligula,
for whom ho had helped to secure the succession to the
empire, the title of king, she was indignant to find her
husband in a position of inferiority. Again the stronger
ynH overpowered the weaker. She urged him to go to
the imperial city, as Agrippa had done, and gain the
emperor's favour. " Let us go to Rome, and spare no
pains or expense either in gold or sUver, since they
cannot be kept for any better use than for the attain-
ment of a kingdom." At fii-st (to quote the words of
Josephus) the tetrareh " opposed her request, out of the
love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble ho
shoidd have at Rome. But the more she saw him
draw back, tho more she pressed him to it, and desired
him to leave no stoue unturned in order to be king."
And at last her importunity prevailed. They started
on their journey to Rome with a magnificent retinue.
But their rival was beforehand with them. Agrippa
sent a messenger with a letter accusing Antipas of
treason, and in particular for ha'S'ing stored up arms for
seventy thousand men. Tho tetrareh, who had, after his
fashion, acted this time on the counsel implied in our
Lord's words, was compelled to admit the fact : and the
emperor, not satisfied with his explanations, deprived
him of his tetrarchy, and banished him to the same
province as that in which Archelaus was diMggiug on
his life of exile. It is the one redeeming feature in
the character of the \ricked woman who was the author
of his fall, that when the emperor offered to pardon
her for the sake of her brother, she refused the in-
dulgence which would have separated her from her
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
husband, and preferred to share his misfortunes as she
had before shared his prosperity (Joseph, tbid.).
3. St. Luke, here as elsewhere, obviously having had
access to information connected with the Herods which
the other Evangelists did not possess, reports two facts
which brought the tetrarch into contact with Pontius
Pilate, the procurator of Judaja. "There were present
at that season some that told him (our Lord) of the
GaUleans, whose blood Pilate had mingled with their
sacrifices" (xiii. 1). The history of Josephus, though it
does not record a massacre of Galileans as such, relates
an incident with which the event mentioned in St. Luke
was probably identical. Pilate, with a Roman's instinct
for material improvements, undertook the construction
of an aqueduct for the water-supply of Jerusalem, and
for this purpose, with the assent or acquiescence of
the priests, made use of the "corban," or consecrated
treasure of the Temple, in which the gifts of pilgrims
of all nations were accumulated. The people, however,
looked on this as an act of sacrilege : it came into col-
lision with the teaching of the Pharisees as to the sin
of applying any dedicated gift (Mark rii. 11 — 13),
and the multitude clamoured vehemently against it.
Thousands were gathered together, and Pilate thought
it necessary to send in a large number of his troops, in
the common dress of the country, and with their arms
concealed, and a large number of the defenceless crowd
were slaughtered (Joseph., Aniiq. x\'iii. 3). It will be
observed that there is no mention of the Galileans here.
On the other hand, from the days of Judas of Galilee
onwards, the people of that province were always the
most excitable on questions which aifected their religion
(of. Antiq. xvii. 10, § 2), and they were not likely to
be passive on such an occasion as this. The assump-
tion that one of the incidents of the uproar was the
slaughter of some of Herod's subjects is at least pro-
bable, and it seems to explain the " enmity " which for
some time before the crucifixion had existed between
the procurator and the tetrarch. What greater com-
pliment could the Roman magistrate pay to the offended
prince than scrupulously to recognise his jurisdiction
in any case where a Galilean wore concerned ? (Luke
xxiii. 6, 7.)
4. Three other coincidences connect themselves, with
more or less probability, with the same series of events.
(1.) The fall of the tower of SUoam (Luke xiii. i) was
manifestly spoken of as a Divine judgment for some
supposed Clime. If, as is probable, it stood near the
pool or conduit of that name, it may have been con-
nected with the structure of the aqueduct just referred
to. Assuming this, wo can easily understand how the
excited feeling of the multitude woidd see in its fall a
proof of the Divine displeasure, and how naturally the
mention of a catastrophe on one side would suggest a
reference to an equal disaster on the other. The words
of the Teacher gain a new force if we think of them as
dealing with two cases, each of which was referred to
by opposite parties, the one iuvoh-iug the death of those
who opposed, the other of those who took part in, the
construction of the tower, and proclaiming that in the
order of God's government these things came alike uj)on
the just and the unjust.
(2.) We have seen reason to connect our Lord's re-
ference to the folly of the king who plunges into a
war for which he is unprepared, with the local histoi-y
of the time. I venture to suggest that the parallel in-
stance may have a like reference. Pilate was obliged
to abandon his enterprise when the resoui'ces on which
he rehed were cut off, and the unfinished portions of
towers and arches must have been the object of a some-
what derisive scorn to all the Jews who gazed on them.
What more likely to become a bye-word and a proverb ?
May we not think of this as the substratum of the
parable : " Which of you, iatending to build a tower,
sitteth not dowu first, and coimteth the cost, whether
he have sufficient to finish it ? Lest haply, after he
hath laid the foundation, and is not able to finish it, all
that behold it begin to mock him, saying, This man began
to buUd, and is not able to finish " (Luke xiv. 28 — 30).
(3.) The incident referred to also affords an explana-
tion (I follow Ewald, the great historian of Israel, in
this conjecture) of the strange popukrity of Barabbas.
It was no common robber, like the two who were led
forth to crucifixion, that thus attracted the enthusiasm
of the people. His very name, looked at as being a
patronymic, like Bartimisus or Barjonah, implies that
he was looked on as the son of one who was re-
garded as a " father in Israel," priest, it may be, or
scribe ; and if we receive the reading of some of the
most ancient MSS., his own name was identical with
that of our Lord. The multitude had to make their
choice between Jesus of Nazareth and Jesus Barabbas,
between the son of the carpenter and the son of some
man of mark at Jerusalem. And we are not without a
clue to the motives that determined their choice. Their
favourite was a " notable " i.e.. an illustrious prisoner ;
he had been cast into prison " for a certain sedition made
in the city, and for murder" (Luke xxiii. 19). He " lay
bound with them that had made insurrection with him,
who liad committed murder in the insurrection " (Mark
XV. 7). So far as the history of Josephus guides us, there
had been no insurrection at Jerusalem of any moment
since that the story of which has been told above.
The supposition that Barabbas had been a conspicuous
leader in that tumult, that he had tlius made himself
the representative of the excited feelings of the multi-
tude, the Pharisees, and the larger portion of the
priests, affords the most natural explau.ation possible of
the choice made by the midtitude, whether of Jerusalem
or Galilee, when they cried out, " Not this man, but
Barabbas " — not he who bids us render to CiEsar the
things that be CiEsar's, but he who has suffered bravely
in the cause we hold so sacred.
5. Ouo or two points remain to be noticed in con-
nection ivith the tetrarch 's administration. It was his
policy, we have seen, as it had been that of his father, to
court the favour of the emperor, aud no form of flattery
was found more efficacious than that of founding or re-
buUdiug a city in honour of the emperor himself, or of
some member of his family. So a change of nomen-
ILLUSTRATIONS OF HOLY SCRIPTURE PROM COINS, MEDALS, ETC.
85
claturo passed over the country precisely at the period
with which the Gospel history brings us into contact.
What had been the Sea of Gemicsaret became the Sea
of Tiberias, from the city of that name which Antipas
built on its western shore, and of which we still hear
the echo in the modem name of the lake, as Bahr
Tubariyeh. So one of the two Beth-saidas (" House
of Fish," " Fish-town " as we might caU it), that at
the north-eastern extremity of the lake, received in
addition the name of Jidias, in honour of the daughter
of Augustus. Philip, the tetrarch of Ituraa, not to bo
behind his brother, rebuilt the city near the source of
the Jordan, wliich had first been known as Laish ; then,
when conquered by a portion of that tribe, as Dan
(Judg. xviii. 29) ; then, after the legends of Greek my-
thology had overspread the land, as Paneas, from the
grotto dedicated to Pan,' near which Herod the Great
had built a marble temple to Augustus, and gave it the
new name of Ceesarea, to which, in order to distinguish
it from the city built by his father on the coast, he
added the epithet PhUippi.
Seme traces of this Romanising influence on the
customs and speech of the Galilean peasants have
been already pointed out. The denarius, the as, the
quadrans are the common coins by which the people
reckon the wages of a day's labour, and the price of
sparrows in the market. "Centurion" becomes a
familiar word. Even the demoniac sees in the " legion"
the embodiment of resistless force. The napkin that
1 It is right to add tliat this identification is disputed by Bean
Howson and other eminent geographers.
goes round the neck or loins is known as the sudarium.
Yet more strikingly is that influence seen in the nar-
rative of the tetrarch's great crime. It was not the
custom of the Jews to keej) royal birthdays. Festivals.
from their point of view, wore to be in honour of God
only, and they grouped such feasts as that which Herod
held, with the Saturnalia and other heathen abomina-
tions. Herod, however, followed the Roman fashion.
The accession and the birthday of the emperor wore
feast days in the Roman calendar. The feast itself
was therefore an offence against the religious feeling
of the people. The dance of Salome, the daughter of
Herodias, was yet more so. To the Hebrews, dancing
was a solemn as well as a joyful thing, the expression
in rhythmic motion of tho feelings which found utterance
also in melody and song. So David and the priests and
Levitos had danced before the ark ; so Miriam had led
the women of Israel with timbrels and dances ; so, in
a later age, those women had welcomed Said and David
on their return from conquest. Men and women danced
apai't ; and the imion of both in the same dance wotUd
have been an outrage on the Jew's sense of decency.
But it was yet more so, that a princely maiden should
come by herself, and dance with more or less lascivious
pantomime (as girls did at the Capraean banquets of
Tiberius) before the gaze of revellers flushed with wine,
and thus stimulate the voluptuousness which craved for
ever-new excitement. It was perhaps the very novelty
of the stimulus that made the sensual prince willing to
reward this iuventress of a fresh pleasure with even tho
half of his kingdom, or the head of a righteous victim.
ILLUSTEATIONS OF HOLY SCRIPTUEE FROM COINS, MEDALS,
AND INSCRIPTIONS.
ET THE BEV. CANON EAWLINSON, M.A., CAMDEN PBOrESSOB OF ANCIENT HISTOET IN THE UNIVEESITT OF OXFORD.
is the God" (hti ha-Elohim) in ver. 3. The mono-
theism is apparently complete. It is not like that of
Nebuchadnezzar, who combines a special devotion to one
God (who is " his god ") with a worship of many other
powers, equal or not much inferior — who calls Daniel's
God " a God of gods," and holds that " there is none
other god that can deliver after this sort " (Dan. iii. 29).
It is a monotheism in which the One God stands at an
inconceivable distance from all other beings, same of
whom may perhaps bo called " gods," but who are at
the best angelic intoUigenees set by the Supreme Being
over different portions of his creation. Now, tho in-
scriptions of the early Persian monarchs show them
distinctly to have been monotheists, and not only so,
but monotheists of exactly this sort. Tho monarchs
term the Supreme Being Ahura-mazda (Ormazd), " the
much-giving " or " much-knowing Spirit.'"' Tho usual
mode in which they speak of him is the following : —
' See BrockLi\us, Teniidad-Saiic, pp. 3t7 and 385. The verb da
in old Persian had the two meanings of " to know " and " to
give." Compare the Greek iuuj, and iiiw/si (Lat. iltir«J.
I N the last chapter of the Second Book of
Chronicles (ver. 23), we have a part ef
a decree, and in the first chapter of
Ezra (vs. 2 — i), we have the whole of a
decree of Cyrus the Great, king of Persia, which re-
ceives a good deal of illustration from the inscriptions
set up at Behistun, Persepolis, and elsewhere, by some
of this monarch's early successors. The decree is very
remarkable, first, from its monotheistic character ;
secondly, from the fact that it identifies the grea,t god
of tho Persians with Jehovah, the God of the Jews ;
and, thirdly, from its claiming for Cyrus that ho has a
di^dne mission to re-establish the Jews in their country
and to rebuild their Temple at Jerusalem. There are
also particular expressions in it which arc unusu.al, and
which wUl be found to resemble expressions in the early
Persian inscriptions.
I. Tho monotheistic character of the decree appears
in the phrases, " The Lord God of heaven " (or literally,
"Jehovah, the God of heaven"), in ver. 2; and "He
86
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
" A great god is Ahura-mazda. He it is that gave (i.e.,
made) tlus earth, that gave that heaven, that gave man-
Hud, that gave life (?) to mankind, that made . . .
king, both the king of the people and the lawgiver of
the people."' Ahiira-mazda alone they invoke; to
Ahura-mazda alone tliey ascribe their victories and
successes. "WTulo they mention him perpetually in all
their inscriptions, it is only hero and there that they
admit the existence of any other divine being. Occa-
sionally such beings are glanced at. Ormazd is " the
greatest of the gods" {mathista haganam)? He is
coupled sometimes with the deities that protect the
royal honse.^ Ho is united in one instance with the
sun-god, Mithra.'' But, excepting in haJf-a-dozen ]5as-
sages, he reigns supreme and alone, the god to whom
each monarch addresses his prayers, to whom he
attributes his past prosperity, from whom he expects
future favours, whom he invokes alike in prayers and
in imprecations, whom he is never weary of acknow-
ledging. So near an approach to pure monotheism is
very unusual among the nations of antiquity ; and it is
strongly indicative of the accui-acy of the sacred wiiters
that they ascribe such views to exactly the nation
which appears by its own records to have cherished
them.*
II. The identification of Ahura-mazda with Jehovah,
the God of the Jews, is very remarkable. In general
the Persians felt the utmost contempt towards the gods
of alien nations. Then* wars were in a great measure
rchgious wars f it was thou- great object to show that
Ahura-mazda alone was the tnie God, and that he was
infinitely superior to the divinities worshipped by other
races. They usually insidted the religion of each con-
quered nation, and strove to cover it with ridicule.
But the decree of Cyrus, and the other Hebrew records
of the relations between the Jews and the Persians,
distinctly prove that towards the Jews thoir conduct
was whoUy diiforont. In this single instance they
showed respect for an alien religion, approved it, sym-
pathised with it, and went so far as to accept its God
as identical with their own, and to regard Jehovah
as another name for Oi-mazd. Here the inscriptions
do not directly confirm the sacred narrative, since
they contain no mention of Jehovah or of tho Jews ;
but they are in complete harmony with the Biblical
accounts, and so indirectly confirm them. The cha-
racter of tho Persian religion, as represented upon the
momiments, is such that we can readily understand the
nation sympathisrug with tho Jews. If the Persian
conception of Ahura-mazda is not, as it is not, "per-
fectly identical with the notion of Eloliim, or Jehovah,
which we find m +he books of the Old Testament,"? it
1 Seo Sir H. Eawlinsou's Porsia.i Cuneiform InscrMions, vol. i.,
rp. 285, 291, 3in, 33:5, 4o.
2 Ibid., pp. 273, 319, aud 331.
> Ibid., p. 275. Compare p. 321.
•" Ibid., p. 342.
5 Soo further, ou this subject, tho autlior'a Ancient STonoroIiies,
VDl. iii., pp. 96—98.
« Ibid., vol. iv., pp. 339, 390, 452, &c.
7 This is the positiou maintained by Dr. Martin Hnug {Bssaus
on (he Sacrci Languaije, IFritinss, aiiij lietijion ci the Parsees, p.
is, at any rate, so near to it that, when the two peoples
came to understand each other's views, the resemUance
coidd not but have been recognised, and a sympathy
could not but have arisen. Thus the Scriptural nar-
rative of what actually happened is the natural out-
come of the quasi-identity of religious belief which the
inscriptions, compared with tho Jewish Scriptures,
indicate.
in. The determination of Cyrus to rebuild the
Temple at Jerusalem, and especially his declaration that
" Jehovah, the God of heaven, had cliarged him to buUd
the house " (Ezra i. 2), have been thought surprising,
owing to the statement of Herodotus and others that
" the Persians had no images of tho gods, no temples
nor altars, and considered the use of them a sign of
f ony."** It is, indeed, admitted that the later Persians
had temples ;' but their use is supposed to be an
innovation, the produce of corrupt times, and a de-
parture from the purer practice of antiquity. Hero
the inscriptions come in, and completely remove the
supposed dilficulty by showing us that tho Greeks wero
mistaken on tho point, and that the Persians of tho
purest times worshipped Ormazd in temples, and re-
garded them as rightful, if not necessary, buildiugs.
Darius Hystasjiis, tho restorer of pure Zoroastrianism,
tells us that when he had dethroned Gomates, tho
Magian, it was his first care to " rebuild the temples,"
which that usurper had destroyed,'" and which, con-
sequently, must have existed under Cambyses, and
almost certainly had existed under Cyrus. With regard
to tho special mission of Cyrus to rebuild the Jewish
temple, we cannot explain it from the inscriptions ; but
it would seem to bo not improbable that, on his capture
of Babylon, his attention was called to the prophecy of
Isaiah (xliv. 28 — "That saith of Cyrus, He is my
shepherd, and shall perform all my pleasure : even
saying to Jerusalem, Thou shalt be built ; and to tho
temple. Thy foundations shaU be laid"), and that he
accepted this prophecy as a Divine command, which it
was his duty to obey.
IV. The expression, "the God of heaven," which
occurs both in 2 Clu'on. xxxvi. 23 and in Ezra i. 2, is
one almost absent from the earlier Scriptures, and, with
one exception," may perhaps be said to bo first brought
before us by the edict of Cyrus. It should, therefore,
be a Persian phrase. Now, thougli tho inscriptions do
not absolutely contain it, they throw light on it. They
show us that the formula usitata with respect to
Ormazd — occurring in the inscriptions of almost evoiy
king — put prominently fonvard the idea that ho was
257), It has been combated by Professor Pusey {Xfaiiiel the
Proplu't. pp. 530—532).
9 Herod, i. 131. Compare Strab. xv. p. 733.
^ Creuzer, Symbol., vol. i., p. 651 ; Bahr ad Herod, i. 131.
Compare Polyb. v. 10, § 8 ; x. 27, § 12, &o.
'^ Behist. Inscrip., col. i., par. 14, § 5. See Spiegel's comment
on the word amdana in his KeiUnscliriflen, p. 83 ; and note that
In the Babylonian transcript of the inscription tho expression
used is hiti sa ihii, "the houses of the goda" (Journal of Asiatic
Socieiy, vol. xiv., p. Ixxvi.).
11 The one clear exception is Jonah i. 9. Daniel also uses the
phrase lii. 18, 19, 37, 44) ; but it is not certain that this chapter
was written before the decree of Cyrus.
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OP THE BIBLE.
87
the " maker of heaven." The formula has been already
^ven (see page 86).
It is usual for a Persian monarch to commence a
doeiimont ■mth. an acknowledgment that he derives his
royal authority from Ormazd. The opening clause of
the edict of Cyrus, " The Lord God of heaven hath
given mo all the kingdoms of tho earth," rims parallel
with such an initial sentence as tho following, " The
great god Ormazd, who is tho chief of the gods, ho
established Darius as kmg ; lie granted him tho empire ;
by the gi'aco of Ormazd is Darius king."' It may be
1 See Sir H. Eawlinsou's Cunflt/orm, Itiscriptioiis, vol. i., p. 273.
objected that in this formula, and others similar to
it, no such ^aolent exaggeration is used as that of
the edict, " The Lord God hath given me all the
Tcingdoms of the earth." Darius, however, and Xerxes
continually speak of themselves as " supporters of this
great world,"- and both Artaxerxes Mnomon and
Artaxerxes Ochus call themselves expressly "kings
of this earth." ^ Thus the exaggeration, which is quite
in tho Oriental style, is one not unknown to Persian
monarehs.
- Ibid., pp. 287, 292, 320, 324, &e.
^ Ibid., p. 3-i2j Loftus, ClialdiEa and Susiajifi, p. 372,
EASTERN GEOGEAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
BT THE REV. H. W. PHILLOTT, M.A., BECTOK OP STAT7NT0N-0N-WTE, AND PE^LECTOK OF HEEErOED CATHEDEAL,
BABYLON (continued).
?UT it is on the eastern side of the river,
a short distance above Hillah, that tho
principal remains of tho great city are
apparent. Most travellers who havo do-
scribed the ruins have ajiproachod them from Baghdad,
on the Tigris, which place lies between fifty and sixty
miles to tho north-east of the city wliich it may be
said to havo succeeded, if not in maguitudo, yet in
comparative importance. Tho space between the rivers
is naturally a level plain, intersected by numerous
canals, most of them now dry, but attesting by their
remains tho skill and industry of past generations
and tho neglect of those who havo como after. It is
strewn, also, in evei-y direction with moimds and heaps
of chifted soU, covering tho walls and foundations of
ruined buildings.
Near tho vUlage of Mahowill, about ten miles north
of HUlah, a canal is crossed which still conveys water
to distant gardens, and on its southern bank is a line
of earthen ramparts believed to be the most northern
remains of Babylon. Five mUes further to the south,
rising squarely above the plain, about 950 yards
from tho Euphrates, which here winds its course for
some mUes between fringes of palm-trees, is a huge
mound, in form and size resembling a natural hill
rather than tho work of men's hands; but on nearer
approach its table-like though imeven top and perpen-
dicular sides, rising abruptly from the jilain, reveal its
artificial construction. This is the Miijelihe, i.e., " the
overturned," or, as the Arabs call it, Babil. for the
former of these terms is applied to more than one of
the ruined heaps of Babylon. It is the most imposing
of the thi-eo great masses of ruin which lie in succession
from north to south, between Mahowill and HiUah, and
is marked A upon plan No. 1 fpago 90). The Mujelibe
is about 200 yards long on the north side, about 218 on
tho south, 182 on the east, and 136 on the west. It is
about 141 feet in height, and is composed of sun-dried
bricks inscribed with Nebuchadnezzar's name; it has
tho appearance of a platform on wlaeh other buildings
once stood, and from it the best view of the other ruins
is obtained. Tho interior is full of holes and ravines,
the haunt of wild animals, the '"satyrs" and " dragons"
of wliich prophecy had said that after its destruction
the houses and "pleasant palaces" of Babylon should
1)6 full (Isa. xiii. 21, 22; Jer. 1. 39). Many coffins also
have been foimd there, and many remains of glass and
earthenware vessels, but none of very ancient date.
The angles of the structure, as was observed by Pietro
deUa VaUe, point nearly to the principal quarters of the
compass. The bricks are firmly cemented together, and
tho reeds laid between the coiu'ses so strong and fresh
as to offer a firm resistance to force when used to
detach them. Though Babil stands pre-eminent above
the plain, on all sides shapeless heaps of rubbish bestrew
its surface, and masses of marble, fragments of pottery
and glass are miugled with that peculiar nitrous and
blanched soU, which, bred from the remains of ancient
habitations, checks or destroys vegetation, and renders
the site of Babylon a naked and hideous waste. Besides
the jackals and other " doleful creatures " mentioned
above, owls, sometimes in flocks of one hundred in
number, are seen to start from the low shrubs and
scanty thickets among the ruins.
Southward of Babil, for nearly three miles, extends
an almost iminterruptcd line of mounds, the juins of
vast edifices, enclosed by earthen ramparts, the remains
of a line of walls which stretched inwards, as seen in the
l)lan (page 90), to a distance of about two mUes from the
bed of tho Euphrates, and there nearly converging from
the apex of a sort of triangle of which the river itself is
tho base. That base may bo estimated at about 2 miles
200 yards in length, while the perpendicular, so to call
it, of the triangle is about 2 mUes 600 yards long.
About half a mile to the south of Babil, close to
the river, is the second mass of ruin called by the
Arabs El-Kasr, "the palace," marked b on tho jilan.
Tills also is sometimes called Mujelibe : it consists
of a square of about 700 yards each way, and its
structure is much more elaborate than that of any of
the other buildings. Tlie bricks are of tho finest kind.
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
THE MUJELIBE.
baked, not in the Bnn but in the firo, each bearing on
its lower ride an inscription of the name Nebuchad-
nezzar. The principal part of the mound consists of
loose bricks, tiles, and fragments of stone, but nearly
in the centre is a solid mass of masonry, still entire,
and retaining traces of architectural ornament. Piers,
buttresses, and pilasters may bo traced, but the work i
of destru«tion is too complete to decide whether they
belonged to the interior or the exterior of a palace.
This wonderful piece of masonry is so perfect and fresh
in colour, that, notwithstanding its great antiquity, and
the rude treatment it has received, it seems but the
work of yesterday. Many of the bricks are coloured in
red, yellow, blue, white, and black hues, and covered
with a thick enamel or glaze, on which the traces of
figures and ornaments are clearly visible, a cu-eumstance
which agrees with the statements of ancient writers,
that the walls of ancient Babylon were painted with
figures of men and animals. Amid the ruins is the
sculptured figure of a lion standing over a man, roughly
executed in black basalt, nine feet long and six in
height. The mound on which the Kasr stands is full
of holes, which, as elsewhere in this land of ruins, are
haunted by jackals. A single tree, of the tamarisk
kind, stands on the northern edge, dying, if not now
dead, which, tradition says, was saved at the destruc-
tion of the city from the famous hanging gardens by
divine interposition, in order that Ali, the fourth caliph,
might tie his horse to it after the destruction of his
enemies in the great battle of Hillah. Some shoots
from this tree have been planted in the garden of the
British Resident at Baghdad, and also in the British
cemetery there. From the ruins Mr. Layard was able
to excavate a fragment of limestone on which were
portions of two figures, of a character resembling that
of the Assyrian so familiar to us in the monuments of
Nineveh.
About half a mile south of the Kasr is the third of
the three great masses of ruin (marked c in the plan,
page 90). which goes by the name of the TeU-Amram,
or Hill of Amriim, so called from the name of a Moham-
medan saint whose tomb stands upon it. It is of a
triangular form, about 100 feet high, and Larger than
the Kasr, but, except the modern tomb just mentioned,
has no distinct building upon it. It is a shapeless mass
of bricks, mortar, and cement, broken into deep ravines
and long winding furrows. Within it were discovered
by Mr. Layard some interesting remains relating to the
Jewish Captivity, bearing inscriptions in the Chaldee
langu.age which were evidently intended to be charms
against evil spirits, and whose use recalls to our mind
some of the machinery of the Book of Tobit. They
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
THE KASE.
arc noiv in the British Mnsenm, but the description of
thom (loos not belong to our present subject.
The three masses of ruin which we have described
are the principal ones of the Babylonian remains which
appear to represent definite structures witliin the city,
but besides there are some very remarkable ridges or
mounds, of which mention has already been made, and
which may wcU be supposed to have formed part of its
original defences, exterior and interior. Besides the
lines which seem to represent external walls are two
parallel ridges running north and south, of which the
one nearest to the river is broken by an opening. They
have been thought to be the walls of a great reservoir
of water, perhaps the one which Semiramis is said to
have made. Outside the triangular space of which we
have spoken another line runs in a somewhat curved
shape, about two and a half miles in length. There are
also detached mounds, most of them, though not all, on
the eastern side of the river, which belong to the general
mass of ruins, but which it is not necessary to describe
separately.
Such are the existing remains, concerning which little
or no doubt can be entertained that they belonged to
the city of Babylon. Tliey represent to us a city of
great size and importance, and if we had no records of
Babylon except those wliich Holy Scripture has left
us, both in history and prophecy, we might be content,
after due allowance made for the processes of destruc-
tion and of natural decay, to believe that they represent
to us all that those records comprehend. But when we
compare them with the accounts of the city given by
other writers, a dif&culty arises which it is not easy
to resolve. Let us see in what it consists. We possess
four accounts which, in some sense at least, may be
called contemporary, though they have not aU come
down to us in their original form ; and besides them,
a few words from Aristotle, which, though they tell us
little, derive importance from his great authority and
our knowledge of the sources of his information.
1. The first is the Greek historian Herodotus, who
is generally thought to have himself visited Babylon,
though the writer of this article is inclined to have con-
siderable doubt upon this point. If so. ho probably
saw the city about eighty years after its capture by
Cyrus, i.e., about B.C. 460, and he describes it and its
situation minutely. It was, he says, in the form of a
square, each of whose sides was 120 stadia,' or rather
more than 131 miles in length, and whose circumference
consequently amounted to 480 stadia, or nearly 56 miles.
A ditch full of water ran all round, and within the ditch
1 A stadium was 606 feet 9 iuches.
90
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
an outer wall 200 royal cubits' high aud 50 cubits
wide, made of bricks dug out of the ditch and baked in
kilns. Bitumen, which came from Is, now Hit, on the
Eu]5hrates, was used for mortar, aud at certain intervals
the courses of bricks were bonded together with reeds.
On each of the edges of the summit of the walls there
was a line of single-roomed houses, and in the space
between them there was room for a four-horse chariot
to tiu-n. The river was crossed by a bridge, and lined
on each side by quays, aud the city was laid out in
streets crossing each other at right angles, which were
closed at the river- side by gates. Within the outer
wall was another, not so wide as the first one, and in
each of the two portions of the city there was a forti-
fied space, in one of which spaces was a royal palace,
and in the other a temple to Belus, which existed in the
2. Next comes Ctesias, a Greek physician of Cnidus,
who was attached to the court of the Persian king,
Artaxerxes Mnemon, and was with him in the battle
of Cunaxa, B.C. 401 ; Cimaxa was about forty miles
north of Babylon, and there can be little doubt that
Ctesias knew the city itself well. Unfortunately, how-
ever, our knowledge of his work is derived only from
statements founded upon it which are given by Diodorus
the Sicilian, who wrote in the first century A.D. On
his authority Diodorus toUs us that Semiramis, having
collected 2,000,000 men for her work, built a city 360
stadia in circumference, and that its walls were 50
fathoms (300 feet) in height. Diodorus, however, adds
that in his opinion this height was incredible, and that
some later writers gave it as 50 cubits, and broad
enough at the top to allow two chariots to pass each
NO. 1.' — PLAN OF KDINS OF BABYLON.
Eefkkences to Plan.— a. MujeliW. B. Kasr. C. Tel-Amram.
time of Herodotus, square in form and two stadia in
circumference. It was biult in eight stages, and was
ascended from without. The buildiags of Babylon were
due to two queens, Semiramis (about 7-47 B.C.) and
Nitoeris (about 580 B.C.). He tells us further that the
Babylonian country was intersected by canals, and that
one connecting the Euphrates with the Tigris was
navigable for ships. He mentions the wonderfid fer-
tility of the soil, the reed boats covered with skins used
to convoy goods to Babylon, and tells us how the city
was taken by stratagem during a festival, and that
owing to its great size the people at one end know not
that the other was in possession of the enemy. This
point is noticed by Aristotle, who says that for throe
days the inhabitants of one part of the city wore not
aware of the capture of the other parts. (Herod, i.
178—195 ; Arist., Pol. iii. 3, 5. Jer. 1. 24 ; li. 31.)
I The lengtli of the cubit will be discussed elsewhere.
other. Between the outer walls and the houses there
was a space of 200 feet. She also built a bridge, and
quays, and two palaces, one on each side of the river,
and excavated a lake to receive the waters of inunda-
tions, whoso flood-gates remained tUl the time of the
Persian dominion. She also built a temple to Bolus,
which had since fallen down. Near the citadel were
the hanging gardens, not the work of Semiramis, but
of later date. (Died. ii. 7.)
3. Our next authority is Berosus, whoso statements
we know only through the medium of Josephus. He
attributes a great part of the fortification of Babylon
to Nebuchadnezzar, who employed for that purpose
the spoils of Egyjjt and Palestine. He constructed
the famous gardens for the pleasure of his wife, who was
a Median princess. Berosus says also that the river
defences were biult by Nabonnedus, the thml sovereign
from Nebuchadnezzar, and that in his time Cyrus took
Babylon. Nabonnedus retired to Borsippa, but sur-
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
91
rendered to Cyrus, and was removed by him to Oar-
mania. (Beros., p. 66 ; Joseph., Ant. x. 11, § 1.)
4. Lastly, we liave Xenophon the Athenian, who
served in the army of the younger Cyrus, and who,
like Ctesias, was present at the battle of Ounaxa. So
far as we know, he never saw Babylon, but in his
work, the Expedition of Cyrus, he describes many of the
f eatiircs of the country ; among others the great canal
which stm exists, and is called Nahr malcha, or royal
broad, buUt of bricks, near which was a stone pyramid,
and also to a city called Mespila, 18 mUes iu circum-
ference, having walls 160 feet high and 50 feet wide.
(Xen., Anab. i. 7 ; iii. 4, 10 ; Cyrop. vii. 5, 32 ; viii.
6, 22.)
Besides those writers, who may bo presumed to have
pos.sessed direct, or at least contemporaneous informa-
tion on the subject, we have later accounts based more
or loss on their statements. Of these Quintus Cm-tius,
120 stadia (Berosus).
120 stadia.
NO. 2. — PLAN SHOWING THE EXTENT OP BABYLON ACCORDING TO HEEODOTUS AND CTESIAS.
river, probably the " river of Chebar " of the prophet
Ezekiol. In another work, entitled the Education of
Cyrus, ho describes the capture of Babylon diuing a
festival, and tells us that the impious king, whose
name he does not give, was killed iu the affray. He
also says that after the capture it was Cyrus' custom to
reside seven months of every year at Babylon. We
may add here that in his Expedition he mentions that
the Greek army, during their march of retreat after the
battle of Cunaxa, came to a deserted city on the Tigris
called Larissa, which had walls 100 feet high and 25
a Roman writer of the first ccntm-y A.D., says that
Babylon was founded by Belus, whose palace is still
shown; that the city wall was of baked brick, 100
cubits high and 32 feet vride, so that two chariots could
pass each other. The city was 365 stadia in circum-
ference, but the buildings were not close to tho walls,
but an acre dist-jut from them ; nor was the area f uU of
buildings, but that only about 80 stadia wore inhabited,
and the rest cultivated for food during a siege. He
also mentions the citadel and the hanging gardens.
(Curt. V. 1, 26.)
92
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
ANCIENT BABYLON.
Strabo, also of the first century A.D., says that
Nineveh was much larger than Babylon ; that Babylon
had a circuit of 385 stadia, with walls 32 feet thick,
wide enough for two chariots to pass each other. He
mentions the temple of Belus which Xerxes overthrew,
but which Alexander intended to rebuild. After his
death the city went to decay, chiefly through the neglect
of the Macedonians, who built Seleucia on the Tigris,
which is now, he says, larger than Babylon. (Strabo,
xvi. 7G4.)
Pliny, at the end of the first century A.D., speaks
of Babylon as 60 mUes in circumference, having walls
200 feet high and 50 feet wide, each foot being three
fingers longer than the Roman foot. He says the
temple of Belus still exists. (Plin., E. N., vi. 26.)
Lastly AiTian, iu the second century A.T)., who had
access to the works of writers cotemporary with Alex-
ander, speaks of the temple of Belus which Xerxes had
thrown down, as built of baked brick cemented with
bitumen. (Arr., Exp. Alex., vii.)
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JOEL (continued).
BY THE KET. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
FIRST PART (concluded).
jROM judgment in general, the poet passes
to the special judgment of the time,
and enters on a second description of the
locust swarms. He calls them " a great
people and a strong;" just as in chap. i. 6 he had
previously called them " a nation Strong and innu-
merable ;" and he compwas their advent to "the dawn
spread upon the mountaius." At fii-st, we are tempted
to pronounce that a singularly unhappy comparison,
since again and again he tells us that the locusts ob-
scure the whole heaven, insomuch that " the sun turns
dark, and the stars refuse to shine." How. then, can
they resemble the bright dawn of day? Does the
prophet simply mean that they spread over the land
as swiftly as the dawn sweeps down the mountain
slopes ? No, he means much more than that ; and _
the comparison, which looks so inexact, is really a very
JOEL.
93
close and happy one. For the sun's rays reflected
from the wings and wing-cases of the locusts produce
a yellow glimmering lustre which may fairly be com-
pared to the "unearthly" light of dawn. So marked
and characteristic a feature is this lustre that travellers
have dwelt upon it with much emphasis. Thus, for
example, Francis Alvarez, in his Journey through
Abyssinia, writes : " The day before the an-ival of the
locusts we could infer that they were coming, from a
yeUow reflection in the sky, proceeding from their yellow
wings. As soon as this light appeared, no one had the
slightest doubt that an enormous swarm of locusts was
approaching." More than once he saw this "dawn"
upon the Abyssinian moimtaius, this " light " heralding
the locusts' approach. So that Joel's comparison is fully
vindicated. The locusts, with this yellow iU-omened
lustre preceding them, do come like the dawn which
sweeps down the mountains, announcing the advent
of day.
But are we to take the closing phrases of this verse
as literally true ?
" There hath not been its lite from all eternity,
Nor shall be after it for eoer and ever,"
"We are accustomed, as we meet with such words in
the prophetic or other books of Scripture, to construe
them with a litei-al precision, as if the inspiration of the
book in which they are found would be imperilled by
any modification of their meaning. We may, however,
perhaps be permitted to remember that Joel was a
poet, and tliat, like most poets, when strongly moved,
he used strong words — words that conveyed his thought
indeed, but which we must not take as literally as
though he were a logician arg^uing the problems of an
exact science. It will bo weU, too. I venture to submit,
if, from this poetic use of the terms " eternity" and " for
ever and ever," we learn a lesson of caution in inter-
preting them wherever they occur in the poetical books
of the Bible, and refuse to push them toO far or too
hard. All Joel means by them here is, evidently, that
the plague was unparalleled in his experience ; that he
had never seen or heard, and never expected to see or
hear, of locust swarms so numerous and so destructive.
So numerous and destructive were they, that the
goodly land, " flowing with milk and honey," the land
of pasture and wood, fau' and prolific as the Garden of
Eden, was turned into " a desolate wilderness ;" swarm
followed swarm, so that " even that which " seemed to
have " escaped them, did not escape ;" wliat the gnawer
left, the multiplier ate — what the multiplier left, the
licker ate — what the licker left, the devourer ate ; the
land blackened as they passed, as though a devouring-
flame had swept over it (ver. 3).
As the poet strives to depict them, all warlike images
rise before his mind. And, first, he seizes on a point
of physical resemblance. Theodoret and Jerome long
since pointed out the resomblanco of a locust's head to
that of the horse. The resemblance is very close, .as wo
see the moment we look at the head of the grasshopjier,
our English locust. To this day the Germans call
these insects heupferde (hay-horses), and the Italians
cavaletti (little horses). Joel says (ver. 4), " Their
aspect is as the aspect of horses, and they rush like
chargers."'
The noise of their wings and legs when they leap
resembles tluit of the ancient war-chariots bountliug
over tlie rough hill-roads ; it is like the crackling of
the flame as it sweeps over a field in stubble ; it is like
the clashing of arms with which, in antique times,
military hosts used to fire themselves for battle (ver. 5).
They inspire a terror as universal, as ahject, as that felt
before a conquering aJid invading army; " before them
the nations tremble ; all faces go pale " (ver. 6). That
holds good to this day ; it is with a paralysiag agony -of
despair that an Oriental people awaits their approach.
At this point, indeed, tho comparison of tho locusts
to an invading host grows marvellously graphic and
minute. "They charge like heroes" assailing a forti-
fied city, with a courage that nothing can daunt. In
unbroken military array "they scale the wall," "each
going forward in his own line." Like David's army,
"they know how to keep rank." They do not diverge
to the right hand or tho left, and therefore they do
not " thrust each other," or impede each other in the
advance. " The locusts have no king," says Agur, " yet
they go forth in orderly bands." And Jerome, who
spent many yeai-s in Palestine, says, " When the swarms
of locusts come and fill the whole atmosphere between
earih and sky, they fly in such order . . . that they
preserve an exact shape, just like the squares drawn on
a tesselated pave7nent, not diverging on either side by,
so to speak, so much as a finger's breadth." They close
up as their comrades fall, not breaking rank, whatever
havoc tho weapons may make among them (vs. 7, 8).
And having surmounted the exterior fortifications,
" they rush through tho city, run up the wall, climb up
the houses, creep through the windows," storming and
sacking the place (ver. 9). Of course, there is a military
image in these verses ; nevertheless, they are true to
nature. In plain prose Theodoret says pretty imich
what Joel says in poetic verse; "Tou may see the
locusts, like a hostile army, ascending the walls, and
advancing along the streets, not suffering any difficulty
to disperse them, but steadily moving forward, as if
according to some concerted plan : ... by creeping
along the walls [they] pass thi-ough the windows into
the houses themselves." All this he affirms that he
himself h.ad frequently seen.
The 10th verse looks difficult ; for one does not see
how " the earth should quake aud the heavens tremble"
before the locusts, except in the imagination of the
appalled sufferers ; although
" Sun and moon turn dark,
And the stars refuse to shine,"
might be only a poetical description of the obscuiity
caused by swarms of locusts filling the whole atmo-
sphere. But the difficulty disappears if we connect it.
1 The Hebrew word pirdsMm means " steeds," riding horses in
general ; but here Joel probably had chargers, or cavalry horses,
in his mind.
S4r
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
as we sliould, with ver. 11. For there we have indica-
tions that Jehovah, riding on a storm, comes to lead
his "great army;" and under the storm the heavens
may well tremble and the earth quake. The Ai-abs
say that the tiny cross-lines on the wings of the locust
form letters, and comi^ose the legend, " We are the anny
of the livinp' God !" "Lord of the Locusts," is one of
the Divine names in the Mohammedan literature. And,
in the same spu-it, Joel calls the locusts the " army "
and the " camp " of God ; and affirms that —
" Jehovah thundereth before his army,"
uttering his commands in thunder, because " his camp
is very large," because he intends this day of judgment
to be so " great " and " terrible " as that none " can
abide it " unmoved.
It is with this vivid and tragic conception in his mind
— Jehovah riding on a tempest, beneath which the
eternal heavens tremble and the solid earth quakes, and
utteiing his commands to an innumerable and irresistible
host which delights to do his will — that the prophet falls
back on that summons to repentance and supplication
which we have already heard (chap. ii. 1, and chap. i. 14).
Now ho blends and expands the two previous calls,
teaching the guilty aiilicted nation more exactly what it
is the Lord their God requires of them ; and to give
his smumong gi'eater weight, he speaks in the name of
Jehovah himself (vs. 12 — 17). The real- meaning of
judgment is mercy. The locusts have come, inflicting
60 much misery, suggesting portents of such ten-or, only
that men may turn unto the Lord with all their hearts,
sincerely repenting them of the sins because of which
the judgment has come. This penitence is to be shown
in fasting, in tears, in mouraing, in amendment. Lest
they should content themselves "with the outward signs
and trappings of woe, the words —
" Eend your hearts, and not your garments,"
remind them that God requires the inward grace of
spiritual contrition — reqmi-es " that within which passeth
show." To induce this spiritual and godly sorrow, to
suggest its power with God, the prophet recalls the most
solemn proclamation of the Divine nature and mercy
ever made to their fathers. On Moimt Sinai the Lord
God had descended in cloud and storm, through a
trembling heaven to a quaking earth, that he might pass
before Moses, proclaiming his name, " Jehovah, Jehovah
El, mei'ci/M.J and gracious, long-svffering, and abundant
in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thousands,
forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, but who
will by no means always leave unpunished." '■ It is an
echo of that voice from Sinai which sounds in ver. 13 : —
** For he is gracious and merciful,
Slow to an^er, and of great kindness.
And repenteth him of the evil."
If they return to Him with genuine contrition, may they
not hope that He, whose very name suggests a long-
suffering grace and mercy, wiU show his great kindness
and forgive their sin. If Ho repents of the evils they
have compelled Him to inflict, may not they well repent
1 Exod. Kxsiv. 6, 7.
of the evils by which they have compelled Him to judge
and punish .►" Eor himself the prophet has little doubt —
no doubt, I suspect, though he will not be too eonfldeut,
lest they shoidd grow careless. " Who knowcth ?" he
asks, and the que.stion is equivalent to " perad venture."
" Who knoweth ? He may return and repent, and leave
behind him a blessing," even on tliis visit of judgment;
and such a blessing, such ample stores of corn and
wine and oU, that once more there will be " offering and
libation," joy and gladness, solemn services and meiTy
feasts, in the house of the Lord.
Once more, therefore, he demands that a time be sanc-
tified (set apart) for a public fast, that " a restraint "
from labour bo proclaimed, that the whole congregation
assemble in the Temple. Before, he had been content to
say (chap. i. 14), " Gather the elders — all the inhabitants
of the land." .^/b^o, he is more precise, more full. None
are to be exempted. The "children," the very "suck-
lings," ai'o to come, as well as the men and the " elders."
Even "the bride " and the "bridegroom," in the first
rapture of love, are to cease from then- delights, to
array themselves in moiu-ning, to fast and weep, to rend
their hearts over the sins and miseries of the time ; and
when all without distinction are gathered in the court of
the Lord's House, the ministers and representatives of
the people are to " stand between the porch and the
altar " — i.e., immediately in front of the holy place in
which Jehovah was enshrined, and with tears of peni-
tence are to pour forth the national sorrow, and to utter
the supplication of the people. For this solemn occasion
the prophet adds a new form to the Hebrew litiu-gy,
prescribing the very words the priests were to utter in
the presence and on behalf of the congregation : —
** Spare thy people, O Jehovah,
And deliver not thy heritage to reproach.
That the nations should scoif at them.
"Wherefore should men say among the nations,
"Where is their God ? "
There are those to whom even the Lord's Prayer is
wanting in sphitual fervour and evangelical sentiment ;
and to these, probably, Joel's prayer "will not seem a
very spu-itual outpouring of contrition and desu-e. But-
Ho who reads our hearts in our woi-ds, and rather than
oiu- words, surely pledged himself to listen to the prayer
which He himself inspired. And, after all, this one cry,
" Spare thy people, 0 Lord," coming from the broken
heart of a people con"riueod of sin by judgment, may
mean much. " Spare us, not because of our sorrow,
nor because we have deserved mercy, but because, despite
our sins, we are thy people ; because the nations know
that Thou hast chosen us for thyself ; because if they
should see our bairen fields and wasted pastm-es, our
ravaged "vineyards and sickening orchards, our moulder-
uig garners and falling- barns, they will scoff at Thee as
well as at us, deeming Tliee to be as one of the gods
whose eyes see not, and whose ears hear not, in whose
hand is no succour, in whose heart no grace. For thy
name's sake, spare us, O Lord, even us unworthy ! "
That I take to be the gist of the prayer with which
the fii-st part of this inspired poem comes to a close.
JEREMIAH.
95
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JEREMIAH (continued}.
BY THE VERY KBV. E. PAYNE SMITH, D.D., DEAN OF CANTEREDBY.
) PON Jehoiakim's death Jeremiah returned
to Jerusalem, and renewed his patriotic
attempts at saving his countiy. Nebu-
chadnezzar had placed upon the throne
another son of Josiah, and changed his name from
Mattaniah to Zedekiah. He was half-brothor to Jehoi-
akim, hut fuU brother to tho Jehoahaz who had been
made khig upon Josiah's death, and thus probably
belonged to the Chaldaean party. But as he was but
tweuty-ono years old when the crown was placed upon
his head, ho coidd have been but sUghtly iufluonced by
personal remembrances of his father. He was an
amiable and weU-meaniug man, but weak and irresolute,
and so all his time vacillated between Jeremiah, who
urged hiui to be true to Nebuchadnezzar, and the
restless princes who were eager for an alliance with
Egypt, and a combiued attempt at throwing off the
Chaldiean yoke. Early in Zedekiah's reign we find
ambassadors at Jerusalem from Edom, Moab, Ammon,
Zidon, and Tyre (chap, xxvii. 3), met probably for ihe
purpose of forming a general confederacy against
Babylon, nor did there want prophets who m-ged this
upon king and people as a rehgious duty (chap, xxviii.),
and whom Jeremiah stoutly resisted. Wo can, how-
ever, easily imagine that to a nation used to the idea
that they were Jehovah's chosen people, and that he
woidd interfere miraculously in their behalf, the words
of these false prophets were more pleasing than the
truthful denunciation of their conduct by one who
really had the Divine command to speak in Jehovah's
name. But the death of Hananiah, in accordance with
Jeremiah's prediction, for tho pi-esent confirmed the
feeble king in his obedience to the right, though pro-
bably it had but slight effect on the zealots who formed
the mass of the people ; but apparently in his eighth
year the zealots prevailed, and Zedekiah entered into a
treaty of alHanco with Egypt. To punish this act of
overt i-ebeUion, the Chaldaean army moved upon Judaea,
and rapidly made themselves masters of the whole
country. And now the prophet records an act which
shows the almost incredible baseness of the Jewish
nobility. When all the towns except Lachish and
Azekah, two fortresses in the country on the west of the
city, had been captured, Jeremiah urged upon the king
the wickedness of tho people in keeping their brethren
in slavery. His words for the time prevailed ; a solemn
covenant was made with Jehovah,- and a crowd of
Hebrews, male and female, were set free. But soon
afterwards the news arrived that an Egyptian army was
moving onwards to the rescue of Jerusalem. Tho
threatened siege for the time was raised, and the one
use which these wretched princes and wealthy men
made of tho respite gi-anted them was to force all these
unhappy persons, whom lately they had set free, to
return to slavery. When one reads in Lamentations
(iv. 5), " They that did feed delicately are desolate in the
streets : they that were brought up in scarlet embrace
dunghills," hoping to find there some garbage with
which to maintain life, one's pity is checked by the
thought of the baseness with which they had treated
the jjoor wretches whom poverty had compelled to
become their slaves.
Armies in those days moved but slowly, and probably
many months were occupied by the Ohaldajans in their
march upon the plain of Philistia, where Josephus tells
us they utterly defeated the Egyptian host. Surely,
however, if slowly, they moved again ui>on Jerusalem ;
on tho tenth day of the tenth month of Zedekiah's
ninth year — about the middle of July — its walls were
again invested, and for sixteen months tho unhappy
people had to endure tho horrors of a blockade. During
this time the position of Jeremiah was wretched in tho
extreme. His counsel was to discontinue all resistance,
which ho asserted would bo in vain ; to accept what-
ever terms Nebuchadnezzar offered, and which even to
the last would have saved tho city from destruction :
and all this tho princes regarded as rank treason (chap.
xxxviii, 4), and therefore throw the prophet into prison,
and even tried to put him to a miserable death, from
which he was rescued only by the intervention of a
negi-o eunuch of the king (chap, xxxviii. 7 — 13).
At length the catastrophe came. On tho ninth day
of the fourth month tho Chaldasans effected a breach
in the strong walls of the city. The moon, nine days
old, had simk, as Josephus tells us, behind the western
hUls, when the besiegers, silently entering the sleeping
city in the darkness, seized the Temple and posted them-
selves there on the high vantage-ground. And quickly
the alarm spread far and wide, and Zedekiah, with the
poor remains of his army, fled through the op2>osite
gate towards Jericho, hoping to find safety on the other
side of tho Jordan. But deserters brought tidings of
his ihght to the Chaldceans, and though he had several
hours' start, they overtook him before he had reached
the town, though not twenty miles from Jerusalem, and
carried him to Nebuchadnezzar at Biblah, a place in the
Lebanon thirty-five miles beyond Baalbec, and about
ten days' march from Jerusalem; and there, with a
refinement of cruelty, Nebuchadaszzar fu-st slew his
sons before his face, and then put out the eyes of the
imhappy father, loaded him with fetters of brass, and
sent him prisoner to Babylon (chap, xxxix. (i, 7).
During these miserable eleven years of Zedekiah's
reign, the prophet had consistently declared that not
the" kmg and the nobles and people of Jerusalem were
God's true Israel, but the exiles carried captive to
Babylon with Jcconiah. In chap. xxiv. he compares
these to a basket of very good figs, like those first ripe,
96
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
while Zedekiah and his people wore but the refuse,
" very naughty figs, which could not be eaten, they were
80 bad." I need not say how irritating such a method
of treatment would be to both king and nobles ; but at
Babylon it had a different effect. Jeremiah, though
not without opposition (chap. sxix. 20 — 32), became the
great authority there. He wrote the exiles also a letter
(chap, xxix.), directing them to settle quietly at Babylon,
and build houses, and plant gardens, and take wives,
and in all things prepare for a lengthened sojourn of
seventy years. They were even " to seek the peace of
Babylon," and settle down as loyal and industrious
citizens. And then God would grant them a return to
their land ; in them the fortunes of Israel would revive ;
for they were Jehovah's people, the possessors of-the
promise, and not Zedekiah and his court, and the
dwellers at Jerusalem, for whom Jeremiah predicts
nothing but evil and misery, and again contemptuously
calls them " vile figs, too bad to be eaten " (chap.
xxix. 17).
As time roUed on, and the destruction of Jerusalem
confirmed the truth of the prophet's words, his predic-
tion of a restoration after seventy years became the
great solace of the oxilos. They read with pleasure
how God had chosen them as the depositories of the
promise, even whdo Jerusalem was still standing ; they
saw that that promise was not bound up so much with
places and things as with true and believing hearts.
And gradually a change passed over them. No doubt
among the exiles wore many men whose characters had
been formed by Jeremiah, and who wrought heartily
for the same ends. The children of the men who had
stood by Josiah in his reforms wore those who were
dominant at Babylon. And thore they prevailed.
Instead of the old longing for idolatry, a passionate
devotion to the one true spiritual God became in-
wrought deeply into their hearts. And Jeremiah they
felt to bo, as in truth he was, the deliverer of their
nation. The man who in life had been branded as a
traitor and falsehearted, became the object of their
fervent love. Legend even surrounded him with a halo
of romance. When Jerusalem was burnt, he had hid,
they said, tabernacle and ark in a cave (2 Mace. ii. 1 — 8).
He was not dead, but resting somewhere iu a trance,
and at the appointed time would waken up, to restore
temple and kingdom to their old magnificence. Even
in their dreams they saw him as a "man with gray
hairs, and exceeding glorious, who was of a wonderful
and excellent majesty," and who gave uuto Judas
Maccabeus a sword of gold, by which he wrought his
victories (2 Mace. xv. 13 — 16).
Far difPerent in real life were the actual fortunes
of the prophet. To the last it was his lot to speak
the words of truth, only to be disbelieved. When
the Chaldasans had destroyed the city, and carried
the miserable remnants of the people into captivity,
Nebucliadnezzar appointed Gedaliah governor over the
depopulated land. Ho was son of Jeremiah's old pro-
tector Ahikam, and belonged to a family famous for its
fidelity to Jehovah, and consistent in its opposition to
the Egyptian pohcy of those who, even from the days of
Isaiah (Isa. xxx. 1 — 3), had looked for national safety,
not in abiding firmly by the principles of the theocracy,
but in political aUiances. Recognised at Ramah by
Nebuzar-adan among the captives, he had been freed
from his chains, and the choice given him either to
dwell in honour at Babylon, or to remain with Gedaliah.
Nobly he chose the latter, tliat he might stiU labour for
his country's good.
Gradually the people gathered round Gedaliah, and
a sense of security now began to return. Many of the
captains, too, and men of war gave in then' allegiance
to him; but danger was at hand. Islimael, a member
of the royal family, who had taken refuge at the court
of Baalis, king of tho Ammonites, was bent upon his
murder. He grudged, probably, to see one not of the
seed royal sot as governor over the land, and with the
king's daughters given into his charge. As one, too,
who had always opposed tho Egyptian alliance, and
advised submission to tho Chaldees, ho counted him as
a traitor ; and, intlifferent to tlie ruin he was bringing
upon the land, set out with ten men to slay him. In
vain had Gedaliah been warned. Johanan, one of his
captains, cognisant of Ishmael's intentions, had pro-
posed to put him quietly out of the way, but Gedaliah
was too honourable to consent to such a purpose. And
even when this base conspirator came to him at Mizpeh,
ho took no precautions for his safety, and Ishmael foully
murdered him, and all tho men of war with him, and
carried the residue away with him as captives, and
among them probably Jeremiah himself.
When the evil news got abroad, tho captains pursued
after Ishmael and recovered the prisoners, but the
murderer himself escaped. And now they were in
great fear. A nation so cruel as the Chaldees would,
they thought, ruthlessly avenge the murder of tho
governor whom they had appointed over the land.
And so at a hospice or caravanserai for travellers
(chap. xli. 17) erected near Bethlehem by Chimham,
sou of tho aged BarzUlai, who so hospitably entertained
David, they took counsel as to their future course.
Should they seek a refuge in Egyi)t, or should they
remain iu Judsea ?
Solemnly they asked Jeremiah's counsel, and after
ten days, spent probably in prayer, the word of Jehovah
came to him. They were not to go down to Egypt ; if
they did, the sword and famine and pestilence would
follow them thither. It would bo Nebuchadnezzar's
next conquest, and they would only be mixing them-
selves up in new miseries ; whereas if they abode in tho
land, they would have peace and prosperity. Gedaliah's
murder would not bo nsited upon them ; and they
would be doing good service in maintaining some sort
of order and show of government among tho scanty
remnant of the people who still survived. The one
chance for Judaea was their remaining in it: wliafc
made it so miserable a waste till the exiles returned
from Babylon was this general flight into Egypt.
But Johanan and tho captains did as men usually do.
They asked for advice with a great show of deference ;
JEREMIAH.
07
if tlio advioe had agreed with their own wishes, they
would have received it graciously. It was the reverse,
and they rejected it, saying that it was not really the
word of Jehovah, but the evil suggestion of Baruch,
who had made Jeremiah his tool.
And so they went down into Egypt, in spite of
Jeremiah's warnings ; and there we have one last record
of his eventful life. At Tahpanhes, the Daphnse of
Herodotus, a town on the eastern border of Egypt,
great numbers of Jews were settled, having been
kindly received by Pharaoh-hophra, their aUy. But
chastisement had taught them nothing. Unlike the
exiles at Babylon, they were rank idolaters. As of
old at Jerusalem (chap. vii. 18), so now, they burnt
incense to the queen of heaven, the moon-goddess,
answering to the Roman Diana, and ascribed to her
whatever prosperity they enjoyed. In vain Jeremiah
rebuked them for their sin. In vain he took stones,
and in the sight of the men of Judah hid them in the
clay of the brick-kiln close by the palace of Pharaoh-
hophra, at Tahpanhes, and predicted that upon them
Nebuchadnezzar would set up his throne as the con-
queror of Egypt, and hold solemn inquest there,
delivering such as were for death to death, and such
as were for captivity to captivity. Small mercy would
there be then for fugitive Jews, whom the king would
count as implacable enemies, whose resistance nothing
could tame.
And now Jeremiah's histoi-y suddenly ceases. What
was his end we know not, but an old tradition, recorded
by Tortullian and Jerome, avers that the exiles at
Tahpanhes finally stoned him in a sudden outburst
of fury at his constant rebukes. V/o can quite under-
.stand that the Jews would carefully conceal a fact so
discreditable to them, especially when so shortly after-
wards Jeremiah became the chief of the prophets in
their eyes. Still there is no actual evidence for it ; but
nothing is more probable than that he did end his
troubled days about this time liy a violent death, with-
out ever enjoying a period of repose : and certainly his
whole life was one worthy of the martyr's crown.
What makes such an end probable is the utter con-
fusion in which Jeremiah's works have come down to
us. Unlike those of Isaiah, so arranged as that first
there come general subjects, then the great prophecies
called out by the invasions of Pekah and Sennacherib,
then " burdens," then " woes," and so on ; unlike those
of Ezekiel, which follow one another in strict chrono-
logical order, Jeremiah's works are mixed up in hopeless
disarray, and with the headings sometimes manifestly
wrong, as where, for instance, in cliap. xx^ni. the first
year of Jehoiakim is put for the first year of Zedokiah.
And yet the title (chap. i. 1 — i) shows that some sort
of arrangement had once been attempted, as far at least
as regards the eai'ly prophecies ; and then when verse 3
was inserted — for the title is one that plainly has been
altered and added to — no doubt it was intended to pub-
lish a collection of all that the prophet had spoken, down
to the capture of the city. Of the first collection dis-
tinct ti-aces may be recognised, but none of the second.
31 — VOL. II.
Probably the design was never carried out ; for though
several prophecies were written in tho early part of the
siege, yet, as time wore on, Jeremiah was in no position
to attend to literary matters. When simply in prison,
Baruch may have received many instructions at his
mouth, but things grew from bad to worse, and at last
he was in constant danger of death. And when Jeru-
salem fell, wo find him at Ramah, included in a gang
of captives cliained to one another to prevent the pos-
sibility of escape. Under such circumstances it is im-
possible to suppose that ho could have had any personal
baggage with him. But being at length recognised
and set free, doubtless he returned to Jerusalem, which
was but five miles distant, and made search for all
such property and documents as in the pillage of the
city had been spared. Or it is even possible that
Baruch, his scribe, who accompanied him into Egypt
(chap, xliii. 6), may have been tho means of sa^dng these
precious memorials.
While under Gedaliah's protection, Jeremiah may
have made preparations for publishing his prophecies,
and for this purpose have written the narrative of tho
events which oc<;urred in Zedekiah's later years (chaps.
xxx™. — xxxix.), and also liave altered tho title to suit
his present purpose. But then came the murder of
Gedaliah, and the forced march into Egypt, and the
struggle with the Jews at Talipanhes, and soon after-
wards his death. Then possiljly Baruch, his faitliful
companion, gathered all his writings together, but ap-
parently did not venture to alter the order in which
ho found them. Possibly he never exactly published
them, but copies of the documents in his possession
were made as occasion required, and no arrangement
attempted, and so tho order is an accidental one.
Curiously enough, but confirmatory of this view, we
find placed last of all (chap, li.) the letter sent by tho
hands of Baruch's ovra. brother Seraiah to the exiles at
Babylon in the fourth year of Zedekiah, and of which
he probably obtained the copy from Seraiah himself.
At the end of it some later hand has added the note,
'• Thus far are the words of Jeremiah." It is an in-
stance of the pervcrseness of commentators that many,
nevertheless, ascribe chap. Hi. to the prophet, though it
brings down the history to a time when Jeremiah would
have been nearly a hundred years of age. Probably
this chapter was added as an historical appendix by
Ezra and the men of tho Great Synagogue, who care-
fully, however, warned the reader that tho words were
no longer Jeremiah's words.
It is remarkable that the Septuagint translation was
evidently nuido from a text different from that in our
Bibles, both in many details, and after chap. xxv. in
substituting a completely dissimilar arrangement. And
this, again, is in accordance with what has gone before.
Had Jeremiah himself arranged and published his own
prophecies, no person would have dared to interfere with
it. But even our text, though probably put forth by
Baruch, shows no signs of any attempt at a systematic
arrangement on his part. As the prophet's scribe, tho
manuscripts were in his keeping, and as Jeremiah's
98
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
reputation grew, copies of them would be made and
multiplied for the exiles at Babylon, and so what at
first was merely accidental became their fixed order.
In Egypt his fame also grew, though more slowly, and
copies were doubtless made of such of his prophecies
as were found there, wliUe the rest were brought piece-
meal, perhaps, from Babylon and elsewhere, and so, at
length, an Egyptian edition grew into shape, and,
naturally, tlio translators of the Septuagint, working
at AJexandi'ia, made their version from the text current
among themselves. This twofold edition has a most
important bearing upon Biblical criticism, and gives
us fii'm standing-ground for the defence, not merely
of the genuineness of the wi-itiugs of Jeremiah, but of
the whole collection of prophetical books.
A few words must be added about Barueh. The
office of servant to a prophet was a high one, and often,
as in the case of Elisha, led to his being invested with
prophetic powers. To such an elevation Barueh pro-
bably looked forward, especially as he was a man of high
birth and dignity, his grandfather, Maaseiah, having
been governor of the city in Josiah's time (2 Ohrou.
xxxiv. 8), and his brother, Seraiah, King Zcdekiah's
chamberlain. But disappointment was to be his lot,
and Jeremiah, in a prophecy (chap, xlv.) addressed to
him in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, warned liim of it,
bidding him not to " seek liigh tilings for himself," but
comforting him under this tiial, and giving him the
promise of personal safety in the coming storm. It is
curious that many Oriental legends represent Barueh as
80 vexed at this disappointment that he apostatised, they
say, from the faith, and, under the name of Zoi-oaster,
introduced the Magian religion. How little truth there
is in these stories we gather from the Bible narrative,
which tolls us that he was with Jeremiah in Egypt,
faithful and devoted as ever, nineteen or twenty years
after the date of the prophecy addressed to him.
But that he had hoped to be invested with prophetical
powers, and was greatly distressed when he f oimd that
such was not to be the case, is the most probable ex-
planation of the expression, " Seekest thou high things
for thyself ? " in chap. xlv. 5.
It remains only to say that Jeremiah was by birth a
priest, and that many suppose that his father, Hilkiah,
was the good high priest of that name in Josiah's days.
His home was at Anathoth, a priestly city in the tribe of
Benjamin, where, too, he had lauded property. In the
early years of liis office he dwelt there, but the people
fully shared the general indignation at his seeming want
of patriotism, and tried to mm'der liim (chap. xi. 21). He
then moved to Jerusalem, and when, years afterwards,
he was shut up in prison, he bought his uncle's estate
at Anathoth, just as the Romans bought and sold the
land on which Hannibal's camp was pitched, in token
that " houses and lands and vineyards should be pos-
sessed again in the land " (chap, xxxii. 15).
On cahuly reviewing the life of Jeremiah, we cannot
wonder that many of the Fathers saw in him a type of
Christ. His bodily and mental agonies; his entire
subjection to the wiU of God, though the prophet had
to overpower the revoltings of his human will ; his
lamentations over the coming troubles of his country,
the general opposition to his teaching, and the union of
priest and people in seeking his death, all form an
interesting parallel ; and the idea was naturally sug-
gested by his describmg himself as "a lamb or an ox
that is brought to the slaughter" (chap. xi. 19). No
doubt he was emphatically " a man of sorrows." But
the comparison must not be pressed too far. Still,
this we may say, that of all the prophets, none rises to
a higher or more spiritual elevation than Jeremiah, and
none is more worthy of such a comparison; and yet
even more true would it be to say thjit he is an exem-
plification of the Gospel principle that " God's grace is
sufficient " for a man, because God's " strength is made
perfect in weakness " (2 Cor. xii. 9).
AJTIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
ET THE BEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., F. L.S., KECTOR OF PRESTON, SALOP.
GOATS, WILD GOATS.
'EXT in importance and value to oxen and
sheep come goats, in the estimation of the
ancient Hebrews. Numerous are the allu-
sions in the Bible to the domestic animal,
whQo references to tho wild goat, as inh.abiting the
rocks and the high hills of P.alestine, occasionally occur.
As several Hebrew words for the goat, expressing
either sex or age, are found in the Bible, it will be well
to notice briefly these names at once. They are as
follow: — ez, 'attnd, tsdphir, siVir, tayish, and gedi.
Ez (w) occurs several times, and generally, if not
.-ilw.ays, me'ans " a she-goat ; " the name is distinguished
from gedi (na), "a kid." being applied to an animal
from one to three years old ; compare Gen. xv. 9, " Take
me a she-goat (ez) of three years old ;" and Numb. xv.
27, "a she-goat {ez) of the first year." The word is pro-
Ijably derived from cizaz, " to become strong," denoting
an animal that has already acquired some strength, in
contradistinction to a yoimg kid not long born or " cast
out " (gdddh) of the body. In Exod. xxxv. 26, 'izzini
(lit., "goats") is used for goats'-hair, of which coverings
for cushions or bolsters wore made ; see 1 Sam. xix.
13 — 16, in which passage occurs a very cm-ious ren-
dering by the Septuagint. In om* version, which is
correctly ti-ansl.ated, we read (vor. 13), "And Michal
took an image, .and laid it in the bed, and put a pillow
of goats' hair for his bolster (Heb. 7neraasluitdiv ; lit.,
' at his head '), and covered it with a cloth," where in
the LXX. we read, "And Melchol took images and laid
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
99
them on tbe bed, and she put the liver of a goat by his
head, and covered them with clothes." Josephus {Antiq.
vi. 11, § 41, who also reads " liver," tells us of its uso on
this occasion. When Saul, Michal's father, sent mes-
sengers to seize David, his wife " showed them the bed
covered, and made them believe, by the leaping of the
liver, which caused the bed-clothes to move also, tliat
David breathed hke one that was asthmatic " (!) — iho
Hebrew word 7ve6iV (i"33), "a covering," or "pillow,"
being read as 153 (kdbkl), "the liver."
'AttAd (iin») denotes a "he-goat," from a root mean-
ing "to make ready," "prepare," from the idea of a
he-goat taking the lead of the flock ready for action.
" Remove out of the midst of Babylon, and go forth
out of the laud of the Chaldeans, and bo as the ho-
goats before the flocks " (Jer. 1. 8). The word occurs
in a figurative sense in Zech. x. 3. as princes leadiug
the people—" Mine anger was kindled aguinst tlie
shepherds, and I punished the he-goats ;" and in Isa.
siv. 9, " It stirreth up the dead for thee, even all tho
chief ones (lit., ' he-goats') of the earth."
Ts{'q}hir (">'?s), " a he-goat," is a word of uncertain
origin ; it appears to be a late Hebrew or Chaldaic form
of tho word sd'ir, " a rough one " or " he-goat " (a term
of constant occurrence in Leviticus), though tsdphir
occurs with sd'ir in Dan. vni. 21 : "And the goat, the
rough one, is the king of Javau " (A. V., " Grecia ").
Sd'ir (TS'ii?) literally means "rough" or "hairy," and
is tlio word which Jacob applied to his brother Esau :
" Behold, my brother is an hairy man " {isli sd'ir) ; hence
the term was used of " a goat," especially of " a he-
goat;" precisely similar is the Latin hircus, "a he-
goat," from kirtus or hirsutus, '' hairy. The word sd'ir
occurs frequently in the books of Numbers and Leviticus
as the goat of the sin-oileriug. " Take yo a kid of tho
goats f or a siu-oii'eruig " (Lev. ix. 3, 1.5 ; x. 16 ; see also
Numb. XT. 24, 27 ; xxix. 11, &c.). The Hebrew name
occurs in Isaiah to denote some kind of mythological
creatures, goat-like in form, supposed to inhabit deso-
late places in company with liUth. tho night fau-y, that
was supposed to lay wait for children. Lilifh will be
considered mulcr the article " Owl." Tlie prophet,
speaking of Babylon says, " It shall never bo inhabited,
neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to generation.
. . . But wild beasts of the desert shall lie there ;
and then- houses shall be full of doleful creatures ; and
owls shall dwell there, and satyi-s (se'irrm) shall dance
there " (Isa. xiii. 21). " As Rich heard in Bagdad, the
ruins [of Babylon] aro stiU regarded as a rendezvous
for ghosts: Sit'iV when contrasted with ''attful signifies
the full-grown shaggy buck-goat; but here (Isa. xiii.
21) se'irim is applied to demons in the shape of goats,
as in chap, xxxiv. 14. According to the Scriptures,
the desert is the abode of unclean spirits, and such
unclean spirits as the popular belief or mythology
pictured to itself were se'irim. Virgil, like Isaiah, calls
them saltantes satyros. It is remarkable that Wolf.
the traveller or missionary to Bokhara, saw pilgrims
of the sect of TeziiUs (or de\-il- worshippers) upon the
ruins of Babylon, who performed strange and horrid
rites by moonlight, and danced extraordinary dances
with singular gestures and sounds. On seeing these
ghost-like, howling, moonhglit pilgrims he very naturally
recalled to mind tho daucing se'irim of pi-ophecy"
(Dclitzsch's Isaiah). A similar pictm'O of desolation
is di'awn by the same prophet concerning Edom.
" Thorns shall come up in her palaces, nettles and
brambles in the fortresses thereof : and it shall bo an
habitation of dragons (jackals), and a coui-t for owls.
The wild beasts of the desert shall also meet with the
wild beasts of the island, and the .satyr shall cry to his
fellow, lilith also shall rest there, and find for herself
a place of rest " (xxxiv. 13, 14). That the word desig-
nates some demon of goat-like form, and is rightly
translated " satyrs " in om- version, is evident from the
fact that the Israelites had been in tho habit of wor-
shipping such demons. " And they shall no more offer
their sacrifices imto de^als " (se'irim) (Lev. xvii. 7).
" They provoked him to jealousy with strange gods,
with abominations provoked they him to anger. They
sacrificed unto destroying demons [A. V., ' devils,'
shedhn], that were not God; to gods whom they knew
not, to new gods that came newly up, whom your fathers
feared not" (Deut. xxxii. 16, 17). " They served their
idols, which were a snare unto them ; yea, they sacrificed
their sons and their daughters uuto devils " (shedim)
(seePs. evi. 37). It seems very probable that the shedim
in these two last passages denote tho se'irim of Levi-
ticus in the passage quoted. That some malignant
demon is intended by shedim appears from Ps. xci.
6, where pestilence is spoken of as " causing destruc-
tion " {shiid = shddad, " to be violent," " to destroy ") ;
but in 2 Chron. xi. 15, tho seirim are again definitely
spoken of as idols. Jeroboam " ordained him priests for
the high places, and for the de\'ils (se'irim, ' goat idols '),
and for the calves which he had made." From this it
would appear that the king of the revolting tribes set
up images of the goat as wefl as of the calf. The super-
stition of worshipping a goat, a sort of Pan with a,
goat's head and feet, was probably a relic of Egyjjtian
idolatiy. Those who maintain tliat tho Book of Levi-
ticus does not date earlier than the PersLau period, are
of opinion that in this goat-worship we have a combi-
nation of both Persian aud Egyptian ideas. " There
can bo no doubt," says Kaliseh, " that after their return
from Babylon, the Jews of Palestine maintained an
active intereoiu-se with the Eastern Empire aud with
Egypt, and were familiar vrith the institutions of both ;
thus notions borrowed from the Persian creed were com-
bined with Egyptian conceptions. Of this amalgamation
we li.ave a remarkable instauee in the Book of Job, which
was wi-itten about the same period, and which on the
one hand introduces the Persian Sat.au and councU of
angels, and on tho other descrilies the hippopotamus
and the crocodile in a manner as they can ouly bo de-
scribed by one who personally observed them in their
native Egypt. Therefore, while we believe that tho
' he-goats ' of our text, like Azazel, who periodically
received a sbi-laden goat, are chiefly meant for Persian
demons or satyrs, wildly daucing and yelling in deserts
lOO
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
and on ruins, they also include the goats which were
held sacred among the Egyptians, and which were by
the Hebrews understood as pagan symbols " (Comment,
on Levit. xvii.). Some writers have thojight that the
se'irim of Isaiah siguify some kind of monkpy, Macactis
.or Cynoccphalus. Dr. Tristram lias figured the Cyno-
cephalus mormon, the raaudriU, an animal found only in
Guinea, West Africa, as the C. hamadryas of Arabia and
Abyssinia. According to the old versions and nearly
all the commentators, the se'irim denote demons of
•desert places, half men, haK goats ; and our Authorised
Version of " satyrs " must retain its place. Not so, how-
•cvor, with the 'azazel (see margin) of Lev. xvi. 8, 10,
26, wrongly i-cndercd by "scaps-goat" in our version.
sent away into the wilderness, and which in the Hebrew
language is named Azazel, was none other than this,"
i.e., " the destroying angel, the Aovil " (see Origon, Con-
tra Cels., vi. cap. 43). This view is generally adopted
by modern scholars. The author of the notes iu the
SjJeahcrs Commentary makes the following remarks,
which are well worthy of our attention ; — " Taking then
Azazel as the evil one, the important question remains,
in what capacity was the goat dismissed to him ? Was
he sent as a sacrifice to bribe or mollify him ? (Spencer,
Gesenius, Rosenmiiller, &c.) Against this it is justly
argued that the two goats formed together one sin-
offering, and, as such, had been presented to Jehovah :
and also tliat anything like the worship and sacrifice of
yj^-'
. ■-[-,SMfeSigi^@<i#^fe3^'g
HUNTINO WILD QOATS. (ASSTEIAN.)
The Hebrew word 'ayAz'sl ("'i-'^';?) occurs only in the pas-
sages in Leviticus referred to above. " Aarou shall cast
lots upon the two goats {al-shenei hasserim-); one lot for
Jehovah, and one lot for Azazel " (ver. 8). " But the goat
{hassd'ir) on which Azazel's lot fell shjvU be presented
alive before Jehovah, to make an atonement for it, and
to send it to Azazel into the wUdernoss " {leshallach
otho la azazel hammidhdrdh, ver. 10). " And he that
takes away the goat for Azazel shall wash his clothes and
bathe liis body" (ver. 26). There cannot be the slightest
doubt that Azazel is a personal being — an evil demon
in direct opposition with Jehoyah, the God of goodness.
Some of the Rabbins identified Azazel with Sammael,
the angel of death, chief of devils ; and early Christian
writers, as Origen, considered Azazel to bo the devil.
-" Moreover, the goat which in the Book of Leviticus is
an evil spirit was forbidden by the whole spirit of flio
Law. Or is the strange notion to bo entertained that
the goat was sent out with his symbolical burden of sin
as if to vex the devil, to deride and to triumph over him
in his own dominion ? (Witsius, Hengstenberg, Kurtz.)
May not the matter be rather put in tliis way ? . . .
It is evident that the goat sent away cmdd not stand in
the same relation to Azazel as the other did to Jehovah.
Ha\-ing been presented to Jehovah before the lots wore
cast, each goat stood in a sacrificial relation to Him.
The casting of lots was an appeal to the decision of
Jehovah (cf . Josh. \-ii. 16, 17 ; xiv. 2 ; Prov. xvi. 33 ;
Acts i. 26. &c.) ; it was therefore His act to choose one
of the goats for His ser^dco in the way of ordin.ary
sacrifice, the other for His service in carrying off the
sins to Azazel. The idea to bo set before the Israelites
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
101
was the absolute annihilation by the atoning sacrifice of
sin as a separation between Jehovah and liis people ;
the complete setting free of their consciences. This was
expressed in later times by the Psalmist : ' As far as
the east is from the west, so far hatli lie removed our
transgressions from us' (ciii. 12); and by the prophet,
' Ho will subdue our iniquities ; and thou wilt cast all
their sins into the depths of the sea' (Micah vii. 19).
By this expressive outward sign the sins were sent back
to the author of sin itself, ' the entirely separate one,'
who was banished from the realm of grace." There is
considerable force in these remarks ; we wiU only add
that evil demons were generally supposed to dwell in
desolate regions, in company with howling jackals and
screeching owls ; hence Jesus went into the wilderness
to be tempted of the devil, and "was with the \vild
beasts" (Mark i. 13); that the "waste howling wilder-
ness" woidd be supposed to be the proper place to
baui.sh all offences which marred the beauty of holiness.
As to the etymology of Azazel, various conjectures
have been made. It has been derived from dzal, " to
remove," and is supposed to be a kind of reduplicated
form, implying great remoteness, the demon who dwel-
leth afar off in the wUderness. The root occurs in
Arabic, but not in Hebrew. Freytag, in liis Lexicon,
merely explains 'azazel by " antiquum nomeu diaboli."
In the apocryphal Book of Enoch, Azazel is enu-
merated as one of the cliiefs of the two hundred
angels, the sons of heaven, who became enamoured
with the beautiful daughters of men (see Gen. vi. 1,
"the sons of God and the daughters of men"), and
descended upon the top of Mount Armon, and co-
habiting with the women became the parents of giants
(Gen. vi. 4), three hundred cubits high, which devoured
aU that men produced, when, other food failing, they
began to devour men. Azazel, however, seems to have
been of some use, for ho taught men to make swords,
knives, shields, breastplates, and how to be able to see
behind them (mirrors), workmanship of bracelets and
ornaments, the use of paint, <fcc. &«. According to the
story in the Book of Enoch, Azazel was bound hand and
foot by Raphael, at the command of the Lord, and cast
into the desert, which is Dudael, there to remain tiU the
great day of judgment, when he was to be cast into the
firo (see Laurence's Boole of Enoch the Prophet, chaps,
vii. and x., pp. G, 7).
Tayish (®'n), probably from idsh, "to push with the
horns," " to butt," occurs only in Gen. xxx. .35 ; xxxii.
14 ; Prov. xxx. 31 ; 2 Chron. x™. 11, where it denotes
" a he-goat." In Proverbs the tayish is mentioned as
one of the four thmgs wliich " are comely in going," in
allusion probably to the stately march of the leader of
the flock, whicli was always associated in the minds of
the Hebrews with the notion of dignity. Compare the
expression in Isa. xiv. 9, " all the chief ones (margin,
'great goats ') of the earth." Gedi ( n? ) is used for
a young " kid," and is often joined to 'izzim, " kid of
the goats;" it gave the name to Eu-gedi, a town on tlie
western shore of the Dead Sea, signifying " the fountain
of the kid." Tayish appears in the modem Arabic
tays, the ordinary name for the he-goat. " The stately
march of the he-goat before the herd, and his haughty
bearing, as well as the dauntless stare with which ho
scrutuiises a stranger, are well kno^vn by all familiar
with the East ; and the he-goat is still commonly ap-
plied by the Araljs as a similo for dignity of manner
and bearing " (Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 88).
Goats were used as offerings in the sacrifices ; their
milk was, and is still, an important item of food : " Thou
shalt have goats' milk enough for thy food, for tho
food of thy household, and for the maintenance of thy
maidens " (Prov. xxvii. 27). The milk is used both in
a fresh and curdled state, and is made into butter and
cheese. Goats' hair was employed as a woven material
for tho curtains of the tabernacle (Exod. xxvi. 7 ; xxxvi.
14), and, as we havo seen, for a covering for a bolster,
or, as some tliink, for a countcriiano. Their flesh,
especially that of tho kid, was highly prized as food.
" Go now to tho flock,'' Rebekali said to Jacob, " and
fetch mo from thence two good kids of the goats,
and I wiU make tliem savoury meat for thy father, such
as ho loveth " (Gen. xxvii. 9). " Gideon went in and
made ready a kid," on tho occasion of an angel's visit
( Judg. vi. 19) ; and Mauoali said to tho angel that ap-
peared to him, " I pray thee, let us detain thee until wo
shall have made ready a kid for thee " (xiii. 15). A kid
is still common food in Palestine. " Whenever," says
Dr. Tristram, "in tlie wilder parts of Palestine, the
traveller halts at an Arab camp, or pays his visit to a
village sheikh, he is pressed to stay until tho kid can bo
killed and made ready ; and he has an opportunity of
seeing in front of tho tent the kid caught and prepared
for the cooking, which is carried on by the women out
of sight in the inner compartment. Unless he is pressed
by a necessity which the host cannot refuse to accept
as a reasonable excuse, ho must wait, if he regards his
reputation for good manners, until tho feast is prepared.
The f rcshly-kiUed kid is extremely tender and good, as
is all meat if cooked as soon as .slaughtered, and the
most fastidious palate cannot detect the difference
between kid and lamb." The older goats, wo are told,
do not fui-nish as good meat, though eaten for mutton
in most parts of Palestine. Lambs are not so often
killed for food as kids; they are kept for the sake of tho
wool, whUo calves were considered too expensive a luxury
except on some festive occasion. Hence we see the full
force of tho complaint which the prodigal's elder brother
made to his father ; " Thou never gavost me (oven) a Jcid,
th.at 1 might make merry with my friends : but as soon as
this thy son was come .... thou hast killed for him
the fatted calf" (Luke xv. 29, 30). Tho ancient Jews
kept large quantities of goats as well as sheep, and the
present inhabitants of Palestine still rear a great niunber
in some districts. " Goats are only adapted for hilly
countries or pastures where there is much brushwood ;
and in such districts thoy supersede in Palestine tho
horned cattle of tho plains. For tho downs and short
herbage of Arabia they are not so well adapted as
sheep ; but on reaching tho southern wilderness, where
many dwarf shrubs vary the herbage, goats are to be
102
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
seen in large flocks. To tlie tliii-sty plateaux of Ai-abia
they are imsuited, and are not mentioned among the
possessions of Job. In the rich maritime plains the
herbage is too succulent for their taste. The hilly dis-
trict which extends from Hebron, up the centre of
Western Palestine to the Lebanon, is of all others that
most adapted for goats ; and in this country they have
been largely reared from the earliest times. The
sheep and goats are here always seen together under
the same shepherd and in company, yet they uerer
trespass on the domain of each other. The sheep as
they traverse the hill- side graze closely the tender
herbage and the grass whicli carpets the soil ; the goats
generally fUing in long lines a little above them, skip
from rock to rock, and browse the tender twigs and tho
foliage of tho thymes and dwarf shrubs. . . . Yet
though tlie goats thus mingle mth tho sheep there is no
disposition on either side for more intimate acquaintance ;
when folded together at night they may always bo seen
gathered in distinct groups, and so round the wells they
appear instinctively to classify themselves apart, as they
wait for the troughs to be filled " [Nat. Hist. Bib., p.
88). The goat of Syria is a well-marked variety of the
common Hircus wgagrus, with long thick pendent ears,
often a foot long. The prophet Amos (iii. 12) speaks of a
shepherd " taking out of the mouth of the lion two legs, or
a piece of an ear." It has been supposed by some — by
Harmer, in his interesting Observations, nearly 100
years ago, for instance — that Amos is here speaking of
this long-eared goat. Tho Syrian goat (Capra Main-
brica, Linn.) is larger than the common goat, and has
long black hair, thick recurved horns ; biit there is
another variety, which is seen only in the north of
Palestine, tho mohair goat (Capra Angorensis, Linn.),
which has long sUky hair. Tlie vai'ieties of the breeds
of goats are perhaps as numerous as those of sheep, and
may be almost infinitely multiplied by selection in
crossing.
The skin of the goat supplies material out of which,
in the East, bottles, or vessels for carrying water, mUk,
or other fluid, are made. These skins were similarly
employed by the ancient Hebrews, who had various
names for these .skin bottles, such as 6b (3iN), from a
root meaning " to be hollow ; " bakbiik (P«P3), so called
from tho sounds it makes when being emptied, an
onomatopoetic word, like our English bubble, accord-
ing to Geseuius, from bdkak, " to pour out ;" but Fiirst
derives it from a root, buk, to which lie gives the sense
of "being hollow;" chemeth (npn), probably from root
meaning " to enclose ;" nod (im), from the idea of
being "hollow." There is another word, nebel (%7).
sometimes used for skin-bottles, which is also apjilied
to any vessels made of earthenware ; see Isa. xxx. 14 :
" He shall break it as tho breaking of a potter's pitcher
that is broken in pieces."
These goat-skin or sheep-skin bottles vriU help us to
understand such Biljfical expressions as the following :
" I am become like a bottle in tho smoke " [kenud
bekitor), "yet do I not forget thy commandments;"
i.e., " I am become like a shrivelled old wine-skin.
black and dirty;" a very apt figure to denote the
Psalmist's affliction. It is often said that it was the
custom of the ancient Jews to hang up in the smoke
their goat-skins for keeping wine (see Geseuius and
Fiirst, s. V. ^^<3 nud) ; but they would hardly have done
this purposely, for the skins would not thereby be im-
proved. Probably the old wine-skin refers to one that had
been carelessly left about, and had become wrinkled and
black from smoke and dirt. RosenmiiUer (Pa. cxix. 83)
refers to the custom among the Greeks and Romans of
hanging wine-skins fuU of new wine in the smoke, in
order to mature the wine, but there is no proof that the
Hebrews did so. Mr. Perowne says, " In this case the
figure would denote the mellowing and ripening of the
character by afiliction," which seems a strained notion.
Moreover, Rosenmiiller ends his note with these words :
" Cum tali igitur utro plane exsiccate vates Hebrseus
sose comparans hoc (licit : etiamsi maximis conficiar
miseriis, tamen non desinent mihi curae esse prajcepta
tua." (Tlie Hebrew poet, then, comparing himself with
such a dried-up wine-skin, says, " Even if I am worn
out by the greatest troubles, stiU thy commandments
shall never cease to bo my care.") Rosenmiiller, there-
fore, it appears, supposed that the Hebrews mellowed
their wine in the smoke, and sometimes left the empty
bottles tliere. The blackness which the skin-bottle
woidd contract from tho smoke and dust is an apt
illustration of the yloominess of tho Ps;ilmist's mind.
Blackness is an emblem of sorrow, trouble, and despair ;
whiteness, of joy and prosperity. Hence we can under-
stand the verse in the 68tli Psalm —
" When the Almighty scatters kings.
It is the same as when there is suow in (dark) Zalmon."
When Jehovah scatters our kingly enemies, the bright-
ness of prosperity ilhuuines the darkened land, just
as blaci Zalmon becomes wliito when covered with
snow.
Wo read in Joshua (ix. 4) how that the Gibeonitea
" went and made as if they had been ambassadors, and
took old sacks upon their asses, and wino-bottlos, old,
and rent, and bound up;" these last, of course, would
be tho same goat-skins of which we have been speaking ;
and Dr. Tristram tells us that they are "frequently
patched and mended with skin and pitch." The expres-
sion of our Lord about " now wine bursting old bottles "
is thus readily iuteUigiblo, for the fermentation of the
new wine would burst old skins. There is ono more
passage where the goat-skin bottle is mentioned, which
requires a few words of comment. The Psalmist (Ps.
Ivi. 8) complains to Jehovah, " Thou knowest my rest-
less wanderings: put thou my tears into thy bottle."
Some have supposed that reference is here made to
lachrymatories, like the small glass or earthen plmils,
with a long neck, found iu the sepulchres of tho ancient
Romans. These vessels were supposed to have con-
tained tears shed by the survi^ang friends of the de-
ceased, and to have been placed in the sepulchres as
memorials of affection. This idea was first held by
Chifflet, a French physician who lived in the early part
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
103
of the seventeenth centmy, and adopted by several
antiquai'ies. At last it was combated by Schoepflin, a
German professor at Strasbiirg, who died there in 1771.
Ho maintained that these vessels were not intended for
tears, but for perfiunes and balms, destined t« moisten
the funeral pile or the ashes of the dead. It must be
confessed that Chifflet's idea was pure conjecture, there
being' no trace of such a custom in ancient records or on
monuments. The word lachnjmatorium does not exist
at all in classical Latin, or in medieval Latin, with
such a signification. The Roman urna into which the
biu-nt ashes of the deceased were placed sometimes had
a small holo at the top, which by some has been sup-
posed to be for the admittance of tear-drops, but there
is no proof that it was so used. The expression,
therefore, made use of by the Psalmist, " Put thou my
tears into thy bottle," simply means, " Be miudfid of
my calamities ; coUect all the tears I have shed ; treasure
them, as it were, in thy bottle."
Dr. Tristram witnessed the manufacture of these
goat-skin bottles, which, he says, is very simple. " The
animal is skinned from the neck, by simply cutting off
the head and legs, and then drawing the skin back,
without making any slit in the belly. The apertures for
the legs and tail are at once sewn and tied very tightly
up, and the skin in this state, with the hair on, is steeped
in tannin, and filled with a decoction of bark for a few
weeks. There are large tanneries in different towns,
where the process is carried on on an extensive scale,
especially at Hebron, where bottle-making, both of glass
and leather, is the staple of the place. The skins are
there partially tanned, then sewn up at the neck and
filled with water, the sutures being carefully pitched.
They are then exposed to the sim on the groimd for
several days, covered with a strong decoction of tannin
and water pumped into them from time to time to keep
them on the stretch till sufficiently saturated " {Nat.
Hist. Bib., p. 92).
We have before us, as wo write, a representation of a
fishing scone, taken from one of the slabs in the Assyi-ian
department of the British Museum. Here are to be seen
two men riding cross-legged on these inflated prepared
skins, in the form of the animal itself, without head,
tail, and a portion of the legs, exactly answering to
Dr. Tristram's description of the mode of stripping the
goat of its skin as seen by him in Palestine. The men
are riding those inflated skins quite at ease, and drawing
fishing lines with fish that have just liooked themselves.
We hope to give this interesting illustration when we
come to treat of " Fish and Fishing."
According to tlie Levitical law it was deemed an
offence " to seethe a kid ia his mother's milk." Three
times is this command given, iu Bxod. xxiii. 19;
xxxiv. 26 ; and in Dout. xiv. 21. Various explanations
have been given as to the reason for tho prohibition.
The Jewish doctors considered it as one of those recon-
dite "statutes" or " mysteries," which, like the law of
the red heifer (Numb. xix. 2) and of Azazel's goat,
shoiUd not be submitted to human investigation ; it will
be revealed and explained by God himself when the
Messiah comes. The precept occurs in connection with
tho produce of the land, in the two passages in Exodus,
" The first of tho first-f i-uits of thy laud thou shalt
bring into the house of the Lord thy God. Thou shalt
not seethe a kid in his mother's mUk;" but in Deu-
teronomy the precept stands in no such connection ;
there it simply forms a part of a series of commands on
lawful and unla\vful food. " Ye shall not eat of any-
thing that dieth of itself : thou shalt give it unto the
stranger that is in thy gates, that ho may eat it ; or
thou mayest sell it unto an alien .- for thou art an holy
people unto the Lord thy God. Thou shalt not seethe a
kid in his mother's milk." Does the precept relate to
diet sunply or to humane feelings ? or, as in the case of
tho prohibition to eat swine's flesh, was it designed to
wean the Israelites from any heathen superstitions ?
This Lxst-named opinion has met with some support,
being held by Abarbanel, Bochart, John Gregory,
Grotius, Knobol, &c. Indeed, it is partly sanctioned
by the Samaritan text, which in Exod. xxiii. 19 has the
following gloss : " For whosoever doeth this is as ono
who sacrifices an abomination [or y\>B, ' a reptUo '], and
this is an insult to tho God of Jacob "' (see Dr. David-
son's Hebrew Text Revised, p. 17). A similar addition
is found in some copies of the Septuagint : — " For ho
who does tliis acts as if he sacrificed a lizard, which
is a poUutiou to the God of Jacob." There is evidence
for tho existence of a certain heathen custom of boiling
a young kid in its mother's milk, and sprinkling the
broth over fields, fruit-trees, and gardens, as a charm
to secure plentiful crops in the ensuing year. This
operation, which was done after harvest, is spoken of
by Abarbanel and by Cudworth (Ore the Trite Notion
of the Lord's Siqyper, p. 36). The latter quotes fi-om
an anonymous manuscript work of a Karaite Jew, who
mentions this magical practice (see Kalisch's Gomm. on
Levit., part ii., p. 29, note). " Can it be sm-prising,
then," asks Dr. Kalisch, " that the Hebrew \vi-iter, who
taught that fruitfulnoss and sterility are in the hands
of God alone, and that he sends the one and the other
according to his decrees and the deserts of men, should
have looked with severe disapproval upon a heathen
usage that attributed reality and effect to vain super-
stitions ? " This is all quite true, and a very probable
explanation of the prohibition ; but we entirely agree
with Kalisch, when he says, the " aspect of the ques-
tion is totally altered if wo consider the context in
which tho precept is introduced for the third time in
Deuteronomy. . . . Hero it is obviously treated as
a law of diet." We believe that the precept originated
from humane feelings, and that characteristic seutunent
amongst the Jews as to the peculiar fitness and pro-
priety of tilings : thus they did not like the idea of, and
forbade by a positive enactment, the killing of a cow
and its calf, of a ewe and a lamb, the samo day ; they
might take birds' nests, but not the old bu-d \nih the
young. " If a bu-d's nest chance to be before thee
in the way in any tree, or on tho ground, whether
they be young ones, or eggs, and the chim sitting upon
the young, or upon the eggs, thou shalt not take the
104
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
dam with the young : but thou shalt in any wise let the
dam go, and take the young to thee ; tliat it may be well
with thee, and that thou mayest prolong thy days"
(Dout. xxii. 6, 7). They might not plough with an ox
and an ass yoked together : such thiugs savoured of
cruelty, of opposition to the unity and harmony of
nature, " as a perversion of the eternal order of things,
and as a culpable contempt of 'the relation that God
ordained to exist between the mother and her yoimg."
That tliis sentiment w;us firmly grounded in the Jewish
mind is evident, not only from the various enactments
relating to kind treatment of animals, but from the
especial words of Philo on this very subject (see PhUo,
De Humanitate, cap. xviii.).
by the Arabs, who say proverbially of a beautiful
woman, " She is more lovely than an ibex." It is the
Capra Ibex (Baedon) of Forskal, Capra Nuhiana of
F. Cuvier, the Capra Sinaitica of Ehrenborg.
The ibex is common in Arabia Peti-sea. The Rev.
F. W. Holland writes : " They are frequently shot by
the Bedouins, who charge about 6s. for a full-grown
one, and from Is. 6d. to 2s. for a live young one ; but
they are very difficult to rear. I had three, but thoy
all died, and one of the monks told me that the year
before he had twenty, but had lost them all. The
Beden, being very shy and wary, keeping to the moun-
tiiins, and also from their colour very difficult to be
seen, are not often detected by travellers, and have
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WILD GOATS AND YOUNG. (ASSYKIAN.)
We have only space to give a short account of the
wild goats mentioned in three places in the Bible.
Saul and three thousand men " went to seek David and
liis men upon the rocks of the wild goats " {tsurei
hayye'clim) (see 1 Sam. xxiv. 2) ; " Knowest thou
where the wild goats bring forth ? " (Job xxxix. 1) ;
" The high hills are a refuge for the wild goats, and the
rocks for the conies {hyrax)" (Ps. civ. 18). It will be
noticed that the animal in question is always associated
with rocks and hills. Tlio Hebrew word (yd'el, plural
ye'elim) is derived from a root meaning "to climb,"
"to ascend," and fitly describes tlie ibex, or wild
goat, which is found in the Peninsula of Sinai and
in Palestine. This animal, which is a relative of the
Swiss ibex or stoinbock, is now called the Beden, or
Jaela ; the former being the specific Arabic name, the
latter the Hebrew, though the latter word is also used
therefore been supposed to be much more scarce thau
tliey really are. The kids, before they are able to
accompany the old ones, are concealed by the mother
under some rock, and apparently are only visited at
night. I once caught a little one which ran out from
under a rock as I was climbing a mountain. The poor
little creature had evidently heard me coming, and ran
out thinking I was its mother. The Arab who was with
me was very anxious to wait near it tiU evening to shoot
the old one, and ho said there must be another kid close
by, as two were always dropped at a birth, but we faUed
to find a second. Their warning cry is a shrill kind of
whistle."
According to Dr. Tristram, the Beden is not so rare
in Palestine as has been supposed. " In the neigh-
bourhood of Engedi, while encamped by the Dead Sea
shore, wo obtained several fine specimens, and very
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
ASSYRIAN DEITT HOLDING A GOAT AND AN EAK OF COKN. (nOBTH-WESTEEN PALACE OF NIMEOUD.)
interesting it was to find tliis graceful creature by the
veiy fountain to which it gave name (Engedi, i.e.,
' fountain of the kid '), and in the spot where it roamed
of old, while Darid wandered to escape the persecutions
of Saul When clambering on the heights
above Engedi I often, by the help of my glass, saw the
ibes at a distance, and once, when near Marsaba, only a
few miles from Jerusalem, started one at a distance of
106
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
400 yards. At the south end of the Dead Sea they were
common, and I have picked up a hom both near Jericho
on the hills, and also on the hills of Moab on the eastern
side. At Jericho, too, I obtained a young one, which I
hoped to rear, but which died after I had had it for ten
days, owing, I believe, to the milk with which it was fed
being sour. Further north and west we did not find it,
thouo-h I have reason to believe that a few linger on
the mountains between Samaria and the Jordan, and
perhaps also on some of the spurs of Lebanon. "Wo
found its teeth in the breccia of bone caverns in the
Lebanon, proving its former abundance there. The
wild goat has one, or more generally two, yoimg at a
birth, and the horns of the female are much smaller
than those of the male, which in fine specimens are
three feet long, with large round lings or ridges on tho
front face. The flesh of tho Beden is excellent venison,
far superior to the dry meat of the gazelle, and is pro-
bably the venison which Esau went to hunt for his
father in tho wilderness of Judffia.' The horus of the
ibex are in much request at Jerusalem for knife-handles
and other manufactures " [Nat. Hist. Bib., pp. 96, 97).
Another Hebrew word, aTchu, occurs in Deut. xiv. 5, as
one of the animals allowed for food ; it is rendered
"wild goat" in our version, but what this name denotes
is i)ure conjecture.
Figures of the ibex are common on the Assyrian
monuments, where they are represented as being hunted
and shot with bows and arrows, and sometimes in the
hands of some Assyrian deity.
In the inscription of the broken obeUsk, which gives
an account of the wild animals hunted (killed or cap-
1 This is extremely uncertain ; the Hebrew word tsayid or
tseydah denotes "what is taken in hunting," "game of any kind,"
'* food." We suspect the gazelle would have been more easily
killed than the ibes, which is one of the most wary of all animals.
tured afive) by Assur-natsir-pal, mention is made of
armi, turdchi, ndli, and yaeli. What the three first-
named animals denote is matter of conjecture, but the
Assyrian word ya-e-li closely resembles the Hebrew,
and very probably denotes " ibexes " (see Rawlinson's
West Asia Inscriptions, vol. i., pi. 28, line 20 ; and
Norris's Assyrian Dictionary, vol. ii., p. 453).
CHAMOIS.
The rendering of the Hebrew zenier occurs only in
the list of animals allowed for food (Deut. xiv. 5). The
Septuagint and the Vulgate give " camel-leopard " as the
animal intended. It certainly is not tho camel-leopard,
an animal of South and Central Africa, for though
representations of the giraffe occur in the Egyptian
monuments, as tribute from Ethiopia, it is not possible
that it shoidd have been named as lawful food for
the Israelites, whether in Palestine or the Sinaitic
peninsula.
Tlie word is derived from a root meaning " to spring,"
" to jump," and this is the only clue, which, as it
would apply to wUd goats, sheep, deer, or antelopes, is
obviously too vague even to form a conjecture from.
It is probably not the chamois, which does not now
occur in Palestine ; it may have occurred at one time,
though there is no o^-idence of its former existence in
that country. Tlie chamois is said to be found in all
the high mountain chains of Western Asia. Zemer has
been supposed by some to denote the aoudad or kebsch
(Ammotragus tragelaplms, Gray) of North Africa and
Arabia Petrsea. This goat- like animal is really a wild
sheeiJ, very active, an inhabitant of high and inacces-
sible places, with strong horns of groat size curving
backwards. Its figure occurs on the Egyptian monu-
ments, and it is quite j)ossiblo the animal itself was
known to the ancient Jews ; but it is impossible to do
more than form conjectures.
THE PLANTS OF THE BIBLE.
OEDEES XII.— XIV. CAETOPHTLLEa:, FEANKENIACE^, PAEONYCHIACE^, AND MOLLUGINE.S;.
ET W. CAEKUTHEES, F.E.S., KEEPEE OF THE BOTANICAL DEPAETMENT, BRITISH MUSEUM.
j\HE plants of the four orders here grouped
together, while they exhibit mauy im-
portant points of difference, are yet re-
lated to each other by so many essential
characters, that they naturally arrange themselves in
one great family. Tlio position of the stamens, and the
presence or absence of the corolla, which genei-aUy supply
valuable characters for classification, are of importance
hero only in relation to the minor groups in which the
plants are arranged.
Tho Pink family {CaryophyllecB) consist of rather
more than a thousand species of, for tho most part,
inconspicuous annual or perennial herbs, found in tho
temperate and frigid regions of the world, chiefly in tho
northern hemisphere. Dianthus caryophyllus (Linn.)
is the source of the innumerable varieties of cloves and
carnations found in our gardens. Many species of
Dianthus and Silcne have handsome flowers, and the
abundant star-like blossoms of some stitch- worts whiten
our hedge-banks in early summer; but the majority of
the plants of the order are small, and have incon-
spicuous flowers.
The British flora contains nearly sixty species, some
being the most common weeds in cultivated grounds and
waste places, and by the waysides, such as the chick-
weeds, catch-flies, spurrys, and stitch-worts. Boissier
records eighty-five species from Palestine, the principal
portion of which are found only on the high mountains
of the north; a few are desert weeds which occur in
the Dead Sea region, and the remainder are mot with
THE PLANTS OF THE BIBLE.
107
in stouy places and cultivated fields over Palestiuo.
Among these common plants are many that are familiar
to us in Britain, such as tho common chickweed {Stel-
laria media, Linn.), mouse-ear {Cerastium glomeratmn,
ThuU.), and soapwort {Saponaria officinalis, Linn.).
The translators of the Authorised Version have
introduced into the text the name of a plant belonging
to the Pink faraOy — the cockle — as their interpretation
of the Hebrew new? (hacshah) in Job xxxi. 40 : " Lot
thistles grow instead of wheat, and cockle instead of
barley." Various attempts have been made to connect
this word with a special plant. The Seventy in their
translation rendered it by Baros, the " bramble bush ;"
the Vulgate, Syriac, and some other early versions have
translated it vaguely as " thorn." Celsius considers it to
be the aconite, while the hemlock and the nightshade
have each been advocated by others. Lady Callcott sees
no reason for giving up the authorised translation, and
consequently considers that our pink-flowered cockle, a
veiy troublesome weed to English farmers, or one of its
varieties, is the plant intended. Our British plant is
indeed found within the Palestine area, but only as
an advanced member of the northern flora, and it is not
met with further south than the mountain ranges of
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, and consequently not m
the eorn-fields of the country.
The Hebrew word is durived from a root meaning
" fetid " or " bad," and this has induced Tristram to
recognise in it a plant not only useless or hurtful, but
one that is also offensive to the smell. He accordingly
suggests that a diseased condition of the barley itself
may bo meant, in which tho starch of the grain is re-
Jilaced by a minute black dust, consis* ig of the ■. yoros
of a fungus {Tilletia caries, Tul.), that have n. very
offensive odour, like that of decayed fish. The stinking
Arums which are not infrequent in Palestine might also,
he thinks, suit the derivation of the word.
It seems, however, more probable that " noisome
weeds," the marginal reading in our English Bible, is as
precise an interpretation as can be given to this woi-d.
And this is confirmed by the use of what is generally
considered to be the plural form cil\>j3 (heuMin) in
Isa. V. 2 and 4, where it is translated " wild graj r:; '
"My well-beloved hath a vineyard in a very fruitful
hiU: and he fenced it, and gathered out the stones
thereof, and planted it with tho choicest vine, and
built a tower in the midst of it, and also made a wine-
press therein : and ho looked that it should bring forth
grapes, and it brought forth loild qrapes."
Hasselqx;ist believed that the prophet here referred
to the hoary nightshade (Solanum sanctum, Linn.),
which he found to be a common plant in Egypt, Pales-
tine, and the East. It may be said to resemble the
vine in haiing a shrubby stem, and received the Arabian
name of Aneb-el-dil, or " wolf's grapes," no doubt from
its bunches of tempting luscious-looking, but really
poisonous berries that are not unlike in general appear-
ance a cluster of grapes. He found this pernicious
plant springing up as a noxious weed in the vineyards,
and saw in it a singular fitness for the figure in the
prophet's parable. Jerome rendered it labruscoe, the
small dark-red grapes of the wild ■tine (not the Vitis
labrusca, Linn., which is a North American plant),
which are very sour and useless. In this he was
followed by the translators of our Authorised Version,
by Rosenmiillor and others.
It wiU be observed, however, that tho narrative of the
parable requires not the fruit of an intruding pernicious
or worthless plant, but the obnoxious fruit borne by a
carefully selected and precious vino. The vineyard is
planted with the vine of Sorek, a famous variety, and
it is well cared for by the husbandman. To its lord,
however, it yields not the fruit which the quality of
the plant led him to expect, but worthless and obnoxious
grapes. So the lord threatens to throw do^vn the walls,
and only when thus unprotected do the briers and thorns
spring up where only precious vines were found before.
With this agi'ees also the exposition ot the parable
as given in a succeeding verso : " The vineyard of the
Lord of hosts is the house of Israel, and tho men of
Judah his pleasant plant : and he looked for judgment,
but behold oppression ; for righteousness, but behold
a cry."
It accords then better with the context, in both
passages where the word is used, to consider it as an
adjective, with its substantive understood : in the one
passage tho singular feminine expresses a worthless
weed in opposition to tho nutritious barley; in the
rther, the plural mascidine expresses the obnoxious
grapes instead of the grapes of Sorek.
The Sea-heath family (Franheniacece) contains some
thirty species of small plants chiefly found on the coasts
< f temperate or warm countries. They probably belong
to a single genus. In our British flora tho family is
represented by one species, a small plant spreading close
on the groimd, with wiry stems, numerous tutted leaves
and inconspicuous rose-coloured flowers, found chiefly
in the salt marshes on tho south-eastern coast of England.
Two species of similar-looking plants are toimd in
Palestine, on the shores of the Levant.
The Whitlow-worts (Paronychiacew) ai'o a larger
family, consisting of somewhat over one hundred species
of humble tufted plants with small leaves and miimte
flowers, occurring generally in sandy places. Six species
are f(nmd in Britain, and about the same number in the
sandy fields of Palestine. Tho tamUy is more numer-
ously represented m the Sinai region, and in tho deserts
to the south of the Holy Land.
Tlio Caqjet-weeds (Molluginece) aro a similar group
of small inconspicuous weeds found in tho warmer
regions of the world, -svithout a representative in Britain,
and having but one species in Palestine — a glaucous i
plant, with small white flowers, found in the northern
parts of tho country.
108
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JOEL (continued).
BY THE KEV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
\
SECOND PART.
CHAP. II. 18-III. 21.
OT in vain did Joel plead with the alarmed
and conscience-stricken people of Jeru-
Sv^\ Icf salem and Judaea. They listened to liis
5 S^<^ voice ; they accepted correction ; they put
thoir trust in Jehovah ; they drew near to their God.
At the prophet's command they turned unto tJie Lord j
with fastiug, and with mourning, and with weeping, j
A fast was sanctified, a restraint proclaimed ; all the
inhabitants of the land, from the elder to the suckling,
were assembled in the Temple ; bride and bridegroom I
exchanged their festive garments for sackcloth, their
joy for mourning ; and the priests, standing between
the porch and the altar, wept out the prayer,
" Spare tby people, O Jehovali ;'*
and, as the prophet had foretold, the Lord hearkened
and heard, and repented Him of the evil, and returned
and left beloind Him a blessing. Jealous for their fair
repute among the nations (chap. ii. 18), " He had
compassion on liis people," and answered their prayer ;
promising that they should no more be a " reproach
among the nations," who were so ready to " scoff at "
them ; that men should not a.sk in derision, " Where
is their God ? " since the land should once more bo
covered with a waving wealth of corn, and He would
send them bread and wino and oil tOl they were satis-
fied therewith. In short, the answer of vor. 19 is a
simple and exact response to the prayer of ver. 17.
And in the succeeding verses of the chapter this
promise of good is defined and expanded. The Di\'iuo
Voice lingers on the details of the coming benediction,
as though in his mercy God were patiently seeking to
comfort the weary and despondent heai-ts of his people,
to meet and remove every suggestion of despair, to
recover them to the strength of hope. First of all. He
promises to deliver them from that pest of locusts, that
great army before which aU faces had gone pale. But
the promise is couched in terms which have given rise
to much controversy (ver. 20).
*' I send the northerner far away from you,
And drive him into the land of drought and desert.
His van toward the Eastern Sea,
And his rear toward the Western Sea ;
An^ his stench shall rise up.
And his ill savour ascend."
Who is this "northerner?" The locusts, as Jerome
and all the commentators tell us, commonly came from
the south, not from the north of Judea ; whereas the
Assyrian was frequently designated " the Northerner,"
or •' him of tlie north," by the Hebrew prophets. Must
not Joel have been thinking of the Assyrian army when
hu wrote this verse, and not of a flight of locusts ? It
is uat safe to dogmatise on the question ; but on the
whole, the probabilities are, I think, that it was the
locusts he had in liis mind, not the Assyrians.
There are at least four reasons for this conclusion.
(1.) AU other indications of time point, as we have seen,
to the reign of Joash as the data of Joel's prophetic
activity, and the Assyrians did sot begin their career
of conquest tUl after Joash had been long gathered to
his fathers. To permit those other indications, some of
which are tolerably plain, to bo overruled by a single
hint, and this hint so obscure as that suggested by the
verse before us, would be to violate one of the simplest
and most reasonable canons of interpretation. (2.) The
entire prophecy seems to be a description of the con-
sequences, physical and moral, of a plague of locusts un-
paralleled in the history of man : it dues not contain a
solitary clear aUusion to an invasion by the Assyrians
or by any other hostile race. (3.) Even to this verse
the Assyrian hypothesis is a lamentably iusuificient key.
It explains only the first line, and makes mere nonsense
of the lines that follow. Eor when was the main body
of an Assyrian army driven — i.e. blown — into the
Arabian desert, its van into the Dead Sea, and its rear
into the Mediterranean, and left to rot till its stench
went up and its Ul savour ascended to poison the air ?
And (4.) the fact that, as Jerome says, " the swarms of
locusts are more generally brought by the south winds
than the north," implies that they did sometimes come
from the north. And, indeed, more recent travellers
assure us that in Palestine " locusts come and go with
all winds," and that swarms of them are often found in
the Syrian desert on the north of Galilee. On all these
grounds we .shall do well, I think, to conclude that " the
northerner " is hero a prophetic designation of locust
swarms that fell on Judaja from the northern deserts,
and that the comparative infroqueney of such an event
lent a new accent of terror to the tones in which men
spoke of it, and led them to recognise it more clearly
as a judgment from Heaven.
That which came from the north is to be driven away
by the north wind, or rather, by a wind which veers
through all the northern jjoints of the compass — north,
north-west, and north-cast ; so tkat while the main body
of locusts are blown into the southern deserts of Arabia
to perish in the arid burning wastes, their van is to be
blown into the Salt or Dead Sea on the east, and then-
rear into the blue waters of the Mediterranean on the
west. Commenting on this verse, St. Jerome says,
" Even in our own time wo have seen the land of Juda;a
covered by swarms of locusts, which, so soon as the whid
rose, were precipitated into" the Dead Sea and the
Mediterranean. " And when tho shores of both were
filled with heaps of dead locusts, which the waters had
thrown up, their corruption and stench became so
noxious, that even the atmosphere was polluted, and
JOEL.
109
both men and beasts suffered from the consequent pesti-
lence."
In the last line of this verse, Joel assigns as a reason
for the doom on the locust flight, " He doeth great
things." It is worth while to mark this phrase, and to
compare it with the closing line of the next verse (ver.
21), " for Jehovah doeth great things," since we thus
get a capital instance of the necessity of reading pro-
phecy as poetry, and of mixing a little imagination with
common sense as wo read it. A very prosaic person, if
he deigned to notice tlie identity of phrase in these two
lines, could not fail to be puzzled by it. He would say,
" The locusts have done great things, and therefore they
are doomed to destruction; Jehovah has done great
things, and therefore the Jews are to trust and praise
Him! Can a fountain send out of the same jet sweet
water and bitter ? How can it be both wrong and right
to do gi-eat things ? How can it both provoke doom
and deserve praise ? " But if, remembering that Joel
was a poet, wo put a little imagination at his service —
and so much wo are bound to do for every poet — wo
shall easUy understand that, to the poet's eye, the
eagerness with which the locusts pounced on every green
thing would seem like a cruel exultation in the ruin they
wrough^, as if they were boasting themselves in their
might ; and that mth a somewhat rueful irony he
would say of tliem, " They do great things ! A miglity
achievement this of theirs ! " We shall easily under-
stand that when, with a sudden revulsion of mood, ho
turned to contemplate the Divine deliverance, and saw
the land rejoicing in its recovered beauty and fruitful-
ness, he would use the very same words to express his
pride in the power and mercy of God, and say, " Jehovah
in very deed doeth great things ! Ho breathes on the
locTists, and they are gone ! He smiles on the wasted
blackened land ; and, lo ! the pastures are green with
springing verdure, the fields yellow with corn, the hill-
sides purple with loaded vines."
" Jehovah was jealous for his land," we are told (ver.
18), " and had compassion on his ixople ; " and now He
addresses words of encouragement to the land, and to
the beasts that roamed over it, and to the men who
tilled it. The whole land had "lamented" under its
wasted fields and withered harvest and sickening
orchards, under crumbling garners and barns falling
to decay (chap. i. 10 — 12, 17) ; and now, to the mourning
land, there comes tho message —
*' Fear not, 0 lanl, rejoice and be glad."
The cattle liad " groaned," the herds of oxen had been
" bewildered," because they could find no pastures, and
because the water-courses were dried up ; the flocks of
sheep had " mourned tho guilt " whicli had provoked a
judgment 80 terrible (chap. i. 12) ; and to them there
now comes the message —
"Fear not, yo leastsof the field.
For the pastures of the wildemesa grow greeu.
For the tree beareth its fruit,
Fig-treo and vine do yield their Ftren^th."
AU the inhabitants of the hnd had trembled ; tho hus-
bandmen had " blenched," the vine-dressers " wailed,"
the ministers of tho altar kid " wejit " (chap. i. 11 —
13) ; and to them now comes the message — ■
" And ye, yo sons of Zion, rejoice and be glad in Jehovah your
God."
The blessing is to be as wide as the judgment had been,
tho joy as the sorrow : as land and beasts and men had
lamented and cried unto tho Lord, so land and beasts
and men wore to be glad and to rejoice in Him (chap.
ii. 21—23).
Tho Divine blessing was to assume two forms. There
was to be a down-pour of rain ; there was also to be an
outpouring of the Spirit : happier times were coming,
so also was a character more pure, and lofty, and spiritual
in its tone (vs. 23 — 32). " Drought never yet brouglit
dearth to England ;" but under the fervid sun of tho
East, dearth is almost always a consequence of drought.
If the early rain — that is, the autumn rain, the rain of
sowing-time — is withheld, or the latter rain — that is, the
spring rain, which fills the ears before harvest — tho com
is commonly burned up from the roots, the pastures
turn brovra, man and beast are exposed to famine ; and
only too frequently tho famine is made moro deadly Ijy
pestUenco. Tho plague of locusts had been accompanied
by a plague of drought, and between them they had re-
duced the land, goodly and fertile as " the garden of
Eden," to a desolate wilderness. The only hope of re-
covery lay in copious and abundant rain. And in the
East the effects of rain are as rapid and marvellous as
tho effects of drought. In a few days the streaming
showers transform the face of the land as by enchant-
ment ; tho bare parched earth clothes itself in robes of
living green ; the trees rustle with foliage ; the lovely
wild flowers clothe tho grass with beauty and fill the
air with fragrance ; and tho despondent husbandmen
and vine-dressera glow with renewed activity and hope.
Such a transformation was now to pass over tho land
which tho drought had parched and tho locusts stripped.
Bain is promised, with an iteration which would be
most grateful to an Oriental ear.
" Te Bona of Zion, rejoice and be glad in year God,
For He giveth you the early rain when it is due,'
And causeth copious rains to come down on you,
Early and latter rain — this, first of all."
> By a little violence done to the Hebrew, the phrase rendered
" Ho giveth you the eavly rain irlien it is due," may be rendered,
" He giveth you the teacher of righteousness" Some of the com-
mentators prefer the latter rendering, although they differ widely
in their interpretations of it. Abarbanel explains " the teacher of
righteousness" thus : *' He is the King Messiah, who should teach
them the way in which they should walk, and the works that they
should do." Others understand Joel to be *' tho teacher ;" others
find in this title " the ideal teacher, or the collective body of mes-
sengers from God." Delitzsch even includes all these explanations
in his interpretation of the term. But not to insist on the diffi-
culties of such a construction of the Hebrew, it seems to me that
two reasons are f.atal to this rcuderiug. (1) The word morch,
which does at times mean " teacher," is used twice in the verse ;
and on tho second occasion, as all scholars are agreed, it means
" rain." Unless there were very strong reasons to the contrary, it
would not be wise, if it were lawful, to read the same word in the same
sentence and construction in two widely different senses. And (2)
there is surely a strong reason for taking it in the sense of *' rain."
Tho whole tone of the passage implies that Joel is about to set forth
one blessing /irst (mark the force of " this, first of all," in ver. 23, as
compared with " afterward," in ver, 28) ; and that afterward he is
about to describe a second blessing— viz., the outpouriug of the
Spirit and the consequent exaltation of the national cliaracter. To
110
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
So seasonable and so abundant are the rains to be that
the laud is to take fertility again, "the bams" are to
"grow full of grain, " tlia vats " are to " run over with
new wine and with oil ;" " the years which the locust
hath eaten " — a fine and boldly picturesque figure for
the produce of tlio years — are to be " made good," and
every trace of the groat ruin wrought by the great
" camp " of God is to disappear (vs. 23 — 25).
This is the first blessing — the blessing of happier out-
ward conditions. But there is a second, and far greater,
blessing to come. The showers of rain are but a pre-
lude to the outpouring of the Spirit, and the recovered
beauty and fertility of the land are but a type of tho
heightened spiritual character, vigour, and f ruitf nlness
of the redeemed people. Tho description of this second
benediction commences in verse 28, but in verses 26, 27
we have an artistic and most graceful transition from
the lower to the higher theme, from the first to the
second blessing. It is just one of these touches whicli
wo should admire in any but an inspired poet. Why
should we not also admire it in a poet inspired from
above ? The first blessing, seasonable and copious rain,
is to bring an abundance of grain, oil, and wine ; and tho
people are to eat their food with gladness and simplicity
of heart, praising and blessing God. It was to induce
this devout and thankful recognition of the Divine
presence that tho judgment had been sent. Dulled by
routine, blinded by uso and wont, the Jews had como
to regard the succession of tho seasons and the bounty
of the year in a hard mechanical way, as though Nature
were a mere engine or machine — a vast mill, grinding
out cortain very convenient supplies, but with no Divine
power in it, no Divine Person to control and regulate it.
Harvests were a matter of course. Tou sowed so much
seed; the rains fell, tho sun shone, "and there you
were." It was all a question of human toil and natural
law. God might indeed have mado men and ordained
laws iiges ago; but He had nothing to do with the re-
sults of these laws as manipulated by human skill and
labour month by month and year by year. It was to
convince them of a Divine Presence immanent in Nature,
to make them pure and strong and happy by drawing
their hearts to Himself, that God interrupted tho usual
sequence of events — first, by disasters over which tlicy
had no control ; hy plagues (literally. " blows "), which
they understood as judgments; and then, by acts of
grace and goodwill, which they understood as signs of
His returning favour. This gracious design, we are now
told, was, or was to be, accomplished. Terrified by dis-
asters over which they had no power, attracted by bless-
ings which they could not secure, which at least seemed to
them to be answers to repentance and supplication, as
they " ate and were satisfied," tho people "praised the
name of Jehovah their God, who had dealt wondrously
with them ; " they felt, they acknowledged, that " He was
in the midst of them," in their fields and in their vine-
read " teacher of righteousness " in ver. 23, therefore, where ivo
inny read " early raiu wheu it is due," appears to bo a sin against
the tone and order of the propliet'a thought, tho gratuitous intro-
duction of an obscurity into a passage which in itself is clear.
yards as well as in tho Temple, and that He, " Jehovah, was
their God and none else," since only He could send them
rain and f ruitf id seasons and fill their hearts \vith gladness.
By this natural and graceful transition, Joel rises
from the temporal to tho spu-itual blessing, from the
showers of rain to the descent of tho Spirit. He had
seen in the plague an emphatic call to repentance ; and
he had taught the people to see and to obey it. In the
restored fertility of the land ho sees a proof that corn
and oil and wine are the immediate gifts of God ; and
ho teaches the people to see this also, and to give God
thanks for his bounty. Redeemed from the chain of
custom, awakened from their dull reliance on use and
wont to a vivid recognition of the Divino presence and
activity, they are in just that condition, in that mood of
the soul, in which they can receive larger spiritual gifts
and bo raised to a higher spiritual level. Joel foresees
and predicts this crisis in the sjjiritual history of the
nation. Ho afiirms that there is to be an effusion of
spiritual energy, an outpouring of spiritual influence,
such as had never been known before, as unparalleled
as the plague wluch preceded it ; and that even this
groat blessing would be a judgment, a test, by which
tho spii-its of men would bo tried — fuU of terror for
those who set themselves against the new tide of in-
fluence, full of life and promiso for those who took it at
tho flood, sailing with it and welcoming it.
But if we would clearly imderstand verses 28 — 32, in
which tho second and greater blessing is foretold, we
must a little consider some of the torms which the pro-
phet employs, and the suggestions they would carry to
the ears of an Hebi-ew audience. For instance, under
the Mosaic dispensation, the leading and most authorita-
tive form of Divine revelation was the prophetic form ;
tho power of seeing and speaking forth the truths of
God as they bore on the facts of human life, whether
in the past, the present, or tho future.
Prom the days of Moses until Joel, the prophet was
the highest spiritual authority, tho man most directly
and obviously inspired of God. If, therefore, there was
to bo a notable and unparallolod outpouring of Divine
energy, Joel woidd natui-ally anticipate that this energy
would como in its highest known form, that is, in the
prophetic form. This prophetic gift or power, again,
had two leading phases or aspects — -idsions and dreams.
" If there is a prophet of Jehovah among you, I make
myself known to him in a vision, I speak to him in a
dream."^ So that we can easily apprehend why, when
foretelling an unexampled effusion of tho Divdno Spirit,
Joel would say —
" Your sons and your daughters will propUcsy,
Your old meu will dream dreams.
Your young men will sea visions,"
Moreover, up to this period the Divino gift had been
limited to a select few, to tho more finely uatured and
eminent men through whom God spake to the nation at
large. But a time was now approaching in which the
Spirit of Jehovah would como down like a copious rain-
fall, sweeping over all barriers, quickening tho vivid
1 Numb. xii. 6.
JOEL.
Ill
energies of life in all classes — in children and old men,
in yonng men and maidens. No slave had as yet re-
ceived the proi^hetic impulse and gift ; but in the new
time that was coming, " even the bondsmen and the
bondswomen," as the prophet marks with natural sur-
prise, are to share in the power of the Holy Ghost.
Nay, the Spirit is not to be confined to one race, it is to
extend to all races ; it is not to bo confined to the pious
and devout, it is to seize upon those who had hitherto
been deemed incapable of spiritual life. The words
'* I will pour out my Spirit on all flesli "
have a history. They point us back oven to the times
before the Flood. Then, when men liad become " evil,
only evil, and that continually," God had said, " My
spii'it shall not rule in the human race {hdaddm), be-
cause it has become /es7i {bdsdr)."^ Now Ho says, " My
Spirit shall be poured out on all flesh" (Jcol bdsdr).
This word "flesh" (bdsdr), as contrasted with "the
Spirit," denotes human nature so sunk in bondage to its
lower elements as to bo incapable of spiritual life. But,
according to Joel, even this impenetrable " flesh " is to
be penetrated by the DiWne Spirit; even the " natural
man " is to be ti-ansformod into a " spiritual man ;"
even the incorrigible are to be recovered to obedience.
When God thus descends in the fulness of his power,
shall there not be wonders in the heavens above and in
the earth beneath? Joel foresees that there will be
wonders like those which of old attended his steps when
He came to redeem Israel from the bondage of Egypt,
and when He gave them the law on Sinai ; on the earth,
" blood and fire, and columns of smoke ;" in the heavens,
a darkened sun, a bloody and portentous moon ; such
wonders, in short, as men have always held to be omens
and heralds of approaching change.
These prodigies, however, will have no terror for
those who " invoke the name of Jehovah," who make
Him their sanctuary, who find in Him the sacred and
august reality of which "Mount Zion"was a type to
the Jew ; and even among those who had not yet taken
sanctuary in Hun " there would bo those whom Jehovah
will call " from their sins to find security and peace in
Him. So largo a promise naturally awakens inquiry.
We ask, "When was it, or wiU it bo fulfilled?" Joel
expected, and I suppose saw, a fulfilment of it in his day.
Peter saw a fulfilment of it on the Day of Pentecost.
We are still straining forward through the ages, and
looking for a distant day of judgment and redemption on
which the promise will be finally and exhaustively ful-
filled. If any ask, " To which of these f uLfilraents does
Joel, or the Spirit which spake by Joel, refer ? " we reply,
" Why should He not refer to all these days, and to
many more?" Every true prophecy m7is< liave many
fulfilments. For what is a prophecy ? It is a Dirine
reading of human facts ; it is a declaration of the results
which the DiWne laws are sure to work out from any
given set of conditions, any sequence of events. Here
is a man, or a race, in certain circumstances, of a certain
moral temper, with this or that sin heavily pressing upon
1 Gen. vi. 3.
them. And the prophet says, " In your circumstances,
with your character, the Divine laws will infallibly pro-
duce such and such results from your repeutance and
amendment." As the Divine laws ai-o eternal and
know no change, whenever the same facts recur in tho
life of a man or of a race, the same results are sure to
follow ; whenever similar facts recur, similar results vrill
follow. And sincG men walk very much in a narrow
round of custom and action, tho facts and conditions of
human life must constantly repeat themselves; and
every prophecy, therefore, must have many fulfilments.
In Joel's time the Hebrew people went uj) to the
Temple to worship, but they had forgotten what their
worship meant : they gave their first-fruits to God, but
not tho harvest ; they saw Him in tho Sanctuary and the
ordinances of the Sanctuary, but not in the fields and in
the laws of Nature. And therefore tho regular order,
tho beneficent order of Nature was broken, or seemed
to them to be broken, by unexpected calamities, by ad-
verse forces before which they were helpless. This in-
terruption of the usual sequence of events they took as
a judgment on their sins, as a caUto repentance. They
did repent, they learned that God was " in tho midst of
them ;" for a time they lived in a constant and thankful
recognition of His presence, His bounty. Their hearts
were cjuickened to a new life ; there was what we call
" a reformation of religion." It is at such periods that
the Spii-it of God descends on men with unaccustomed
power, when, viz., their hearts are quick and tender.
And as a rule, it is the humble and meek to whom, at
such times, there is given " greater insight into the past,
greater foresight of that which is to come," the power
to SCO visions, and dream dreams, and declare the will
of the Lord. To the proud and disobedient snc-h times
are times of testing and judgment; they oppose them-
selves to the new movement of thought, to the better
spirit of the age ; they adjudge themselves unwoi-thy of
the life which has been quickened in the hearts of their
neighbours.
This was the sequence of results which Joel saw and
forcsiiid ; this was how he read the facts of his time, and
the bearing of the Divine laws upon them. Were not
the same conditions repeated in St. Peter's time with
the like results ? Was there not, therefore, good ground
for his finding in tho Pentecostal facts a fulfilment of
Joel's prophecy ? Then, once more, the Jewish people
came up to the Temple to worship, but failed to recog-
nise the God, and the duty to God, to which their wor-
ship bore witness. Wlien " God made manifest in the
flesh" stood before them, they did not recognise Him
as God, neither were thankful. Judgment came upon
them. They were permitted to lay " lawless hands " on
Him who was both their Lord and Christ. They awoke
to tho consciousness of their sin when they saw tho
humble Galileans quickened to now life and power.
They repented and turned unto the Lord. And the
Spirit came upon them. They too saw visions, and
dreamed di-eams, and prophesied in the name of tho
Lord. And this new accession of spiritual life was a
judgment to the men of that imtoward generation —
112
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
trying what manner of spirit tliey were of, revealing
how e\^l was the spirit by which they were animated
who still opposed themselves to the power and grace of
God.
St. Peter might well say, "This is that which is
spoken by the prophet Joel.'" And none the less may
we say it at every new crisis of the religious life, whether
1 Acta ii. 16—21.
in a man, or in a race, or in the world. In all ages the
same sequence recurs — sin, judgment, repentance, anew
spirit, and in this new spirit a new test and criterion to
which men are brought, and by which they are either
approved or condemned. But the genesis and signifi-
cance of this prediction of Joel's will bo still further
developed in a brief excursus which it now becomes de-
sirable and even necessary to make on " What Joel
learned from Moses."
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
I. SACRED SEASONS (continued).
BY THE KEV. WILLIAM HILLIOAN, D.D., PR0FE330E OF DIVINITY AND BIBLICAL CKITICISM IN THE UNIVEBSITY OF
ABEEDEEN.
interesting. " Te shall take you," it is said, " on the
first day the fruit of beautiful trees, branches of palm-
trees, and the boughs of thick trees, and willows of the
brook. Te shall dwoU in booths seven days ; all that
are Israelites bora shall dwell in booths" (Lev. xxiii.
40 — 42). These booths were very different from what is
generally understood to be meant by tabernacles or tents.
They were constructed not with skins or cloths of goats'
hair like the latter, but with branches of trees, and were
of the most temporary and fragile character ; so frail
and open that Jonah, when he made him a booth over
against Nineveh, and sat under it in the shadow, was
yet exceeding glad of the gourd which God prepared,
because it afforded him a shelter that the booth itself
was unable to supply (Jonah iv. 6, 6). Such booths
were, during the Feast of Tabernacles, to be the habita-
tions of Israel. On all the open places of the city — in
the courts, in the streets, in the squares, on the flat roofs
of the houses, in the fore-court, of the Temple itself they
were erected; and there, in that warm and genial clime,
before the autumn rains or the cold of winter had
begim, under leafy boughs and branches of fruit-trees
from which the fruit yet hung, the people took up their
abode.
But it was not only the dwelling in such booths that
marked the feast Ijefore us. Tho sacrifices of the time
also merit our attention. We have already seen what
these were at the earlier festivals of tho year. At the
Feast of Tabernacles they were greatly increased in
number. On each of the fij'st sev( n days there were
offered two rams and fourteen lambs of the first year,
with their appropriate meat and drink offerings for a
burnt-offering, and in addition throughout the seven
days, seventy bullocks in all. The bullocks, indeed,
were not like the r.ims and the lambs, equally distri-
buted over tho several days of tho feast, ten to each
day. The remarkable provision existed, th.at on the first
day there should be offered thirteen, on the second
twelve, on tho third eleven, and so on, diminishing
each day one until the seventh day, when there were
offered only seven. But the number seventy in all, ten
multiplied by tho sacred number seven, was thus made
up. Tliat, in addition to these, peace-offerings wore
5^ra|HE third and kst of tho great Jewish
■h\\l ,fS» ■ -pg|jgj.g ^yjjg ^jjgj. of Tabernacles, or, as it
should rather be called, of booths ; wliile
in various passages of the Old Testa-
ment it receives tho name also of the Feast of In-
gathering at the year's end (Exod. xxxiv. 22 ; xxiii. 16).
It was celebrated in the seventh month, corresponding
with the end of September and beginning of October
in this country, when all the labours of the field for the
year had closed, when the harvest — not of grain only,
but of fruits and oil and wine — had been gathered in.
and when the toils of agriculture in providing for the
next season's crop had not yet begun. Again, as in tho
month Nisan, the first days of Tisri, the seventh month,
were the days of the crescent moon. Again, as at both
the previous festivals of which we have already spoken,
groups of pilgrims gathered to Jerusalem, often, per-
iiaps, t.aking advantage of tho increasing moonlight to
wend their way, by night as well as day, over tho hills
and tlu-ough the valleys of Palestine to the holy city.
And again, when they arrived there at the beginning of
the feast, and had, owing to tho overcrowding of the
city, to pitch their tents without the walls, they could
do so beneath tho briUianco of an Eastern full moon.
For, on the fifteenth day of tho month, the moon would
be at the full, and on that day the festival began.
Seven days (in this respect it corresponded with the
feast of Unleavened Broad) wore allotted to its more
peculiar services (Lev. xxiii. 41). Of these the first
was a day of " holy convocation," when religious meet-
ings were held and no servile work might be done.
But it was a peculiarity of the Feast of Tabernacles
that to the seven days an eighth was added, which was
once more a day of " holy convocation," and which, at
least in later times, came to bo considered " tlio great
day of tho fe.ist " ( Jolm vii. 37). AU, however, that
was peculiarly distinctive of tho festival had ceased tho
day before, and tho eighth day was probably added
simply that, in its holy rest and convocation, it might
form a solemn close to tho whole festival season of the
year, and a point of transition to the more ordinary
period now to begin. The arrangements connected
with the seven days were in a high degree marked and
SACRED SEASONS.
113
ako presented can hardly admit of doubt. No express
mention, indeed, seems to be made of them in the law,
but the words of Deut. xvi. 14, 15, compared with xii.
18, " And thou shalt rejoice in thy feast, thou, and thy
son, and thy daughter, and thy man-servant, and thy
maid-servant, and the Lovito, the stranger, and the
fatherless, and the widow, that are within thy gates.
Seven days shalt thou keep a solemn feast unto the Lord
thy God in the place where he shall choose," must be
understood to have reference to the sacrificial meal which
was connected with them alone. At the same time, if,
as seems almost certain from a comparison of 1 Kings
viii. 2 and 2 Chron. vii. 8 — 10, the dedication of the
Temple took place at the Feast of Tabernacles, peace-
offerings in extraordinary profusion are spoken of in
connection with jthat event (1 Kings viii. 63). It is
somewhat singular that wa find in the law no distinct
provision, such as existed in connection with the second
day of Unleavened Bread and Pentecost, for the offering
of first-fruits at this feast. Yet we may certainly con-
clude that they would bo offered, because we know that
the feast was one of " ingathering at the end of the
year," and that it was, amongst its other characteristics,
a thanksgiving for a completed harvest. The absence
of any specific regulations upon the point must, how-
ever, be regarded as a proof that this aspect of the
feast was subordinate to that under which it either
commemorated Israel's i^ast or shadowed forth its
future.
Such were the provisions of tho Mosaic law with
regard to the Feast of Tabernacles, but various other
ceremonies were added by the Jews of later times, and,
as two of these appear to be recognised Lu the New
Testament, it wiU be well to notice them. They are
clssely associated with that fulfilment of the feast of
which we are more particularly in search. The first
was the ceremony witli the water of Siloam. On each
o-f the seven days of the feast it was the practice to
repair to the Temple at the time of the morning sacri-
fice, when all who could be admitted within its court
marched in procession round the altar of burnt-offering,
carrying garlands of the palm, the myrtle, and the
willow, known by the name of lulahs, in their hands.
Prayers and singing accompanied the act, and whenever
the word Hosannah occurred the people shook their
lulahs. At the same time a pi-iest descended to tho
pool of Siloam in the vicinity of the Temple, drew
water in a golden urn, and entering again by the water-
gate, which seems to have received its name from this
circumstance, brought it amidst incense and the sound
of trumpets into the court. It was there received by
another priest singing with loud voice, in which the
assembled multitude joined, the words of Isa. xii. 3 :
" With joy shall ye draw water out of wells of salva-
tion." The priest last spoken of then bore the water
to the altar, which ho passed round from left to right ;
poured a small portion of it into the wine destined for
the drink-offering ; then mixed the whole together in a
silver basin ; and finally discharged it by a pipe which,
communicating with the altar, carried it down to the
32 — VOL. II.
Kidron. During the whole ceremony the great Hallel, '
Ps. cxiii. — cxviii., was simg. On the seventh day the
ceremony was heightened. It was the culminating
point of the festival. All tho glories of their past, all
the expectations of their future, swelled the breasts of .
Israel at that moment ; and the burst of praise and
prayer went up to heaven in one loud acclaim : " O give
thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, because his mercy
cndm'eth for ever ; " " Save now, I beseech thee, O Lord;
O Lord, I beseech thee, send now prosperity ; " " O
give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, for his
mercy endureth for ever." On the eighth day it seems
most probable, although there is some doubt upon the
point, that this bringing of water from Siloam did not
take place.
The second ceremeny we have alluded to took place
at night. At the close of the first day of the feast,
golden candlesticks of great height, or candelabra with
golden arms, were set up in the court of the women, and
were lighted by four sons of priests. The illumination
was repeated each night of the festival, and it was the
boast of the Jews that a light was thrown over the city
as clear as that of day.
It is vain to inquire whence these arrangements
proceeded, or at what particular time they took their
rise. They had become, like many additions to the
Passover, constituent parts of the festival in the days
of Christ, and they were referred to by him as points
of connection for truths he had come to unfold, if not
as actvially symbolical of his mission. It remains
for us to inquire into the meaning and fulfilment of
them all.
First, as to the commemoration of historical circum-
stances in the life of Israel, it was not so much the trials
of the wilderness that the feast brought to view as the
covenant care of God for his people amidst these trials,
the time when their "shoes" were " iron and brass," and
when their strength was made equal to their day (Deut.
xxxiii. 25). That journeying in the wilderness had not
been a season of affliction only. It had rather been
one of triumph over affliction, when the people were
"persecuted but not forsaken, cast down but not de-
stroyed." God himself was in the midst of them. His
tabernacle was in their camp. The pillar of cloud went
before them by day, and the pLUar of fire by night.
The free air of the desert blew around them. Liberty,
not bondage, was their portion. Their old enemies had
been desti-oyed in the Red Sea ; they had beheld them
sink as " les-d in the mighty waters." There was no
time in all their history when the Almighty showed
more clearly that his favour compassed them as a shield.
The feast, therefore, commemorated not burdens alone,
but bui'dens borne away ; net want, but want replaced
by marvellous supplies ; not sorrow, but sorrow turned ^
into joy. If the iirst of the three annual feasts was a
proclamation on the part of Israel's King, " Te shall
1)0 my people," the last of tho three proclaimed not less
loudly, " I will be your God."
With this the second aspect of the feast before us, as
a thanksgiving festival for a completed harvest, beauti-
114
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
f iiUy harmonised. Wo have ah-eady seen that Unleavened
Bread and Pentecost had such a reference, and with a
similar reference Tabernacles now camo into the festal
scale. The fii-st was a thanksgiving for the corn as
com ; the second for that corn as turned into bread and
applied to the sustenance of life ; the tliird for fruits,
and oil, and wine, the last productions of the year. The
last, yet not only the last but also the most joyful : " oil
to make man's face to shine," " wine that strengtheneth
man's heart," the two growths of the soil which are
always in Scriiitiire the symbols of God's best and
highest gifts, not only supporting but brightening our
existence. Theii- first-fruits must therefore bo also
laid upon the altar. Hence also, in all probability, the
reason why the sacrifices were so greatly multiplied at
the Feast of Tabernacles. The year was crowned with
God's goodness. His paths di'ojiped fatness. All the
promises of his covenant were sealed. A far larger
than ordinary profusion of gifts became the time. In
the same liglit, if our remarks upon the peace-offerings
of this season were correct, we see the groimd upon
which they were presented as they were. At Unleavened
Bread there eeems to have been no peace-offering. At
Pentecost there was, but the two lambs then thus
offered fell wholly to the priests, and there was no
sacrificial meal on the part of the offerer and his friends.
At the Feast of Tabernacles, however, the whole cere-
monial of peace-offerings appears to have been com-
pleted, and Israel rejoiced before the Lord, he and his
son, and his daughter, and Ms maidservant, and the
Levite that was within his gates, and tlie stranger, and
the fatherless, and the widow (Deut. xvi. 13, 1-1). The
gifts of God were not only bestowed by Him and
appropriated by His people ; they were also distri-
buted by them to others.
Still further, there is a third aspect of this feast,
in its prospective rather than its retrospective reference,
which has for it the clear authority of the Word of
God. In two parts of its ceremonial it was tyjiical of
the work of Christ. The first of these is set before us
by St. John when he says, " In the last day, that great
day of the feast, Jesus stood and cried, saying. If any
man thirst, let him come unto me and drink. He that
believe th on me, as the Scripture hath said, out of his
belly shall flow rivers of living water. But this spake
he of the Spirit, which they that believe on him should
receive : for tlie Holy Ghost was not yet given, because
that Jesus was not yet glorified " (John vii. 37 — 39).
It is true that on the eighth day of the feast the pouring
out of the water from Siloam docs not appear to have
taken place, but the moment was thereby rendered only
the more appropriate for the Saviour's words. For
seven days previous the multitude had collected in the
Temple to witness the ceremony, and on the last day
they were gathered once more together, excited by the
high soleumities throngli which they had been passing,
and longing, as their whole ritual taught them to long,
for tho fulness that had been only shadowed fortli.
They wore gathered together, but there was no water
di-awn, no sounding of tho trumpets, no singing of tlie
HaUel. The peculiar services of the time were over.
The festal booths had been taken down. "Where,"
we can imagine the assembled multitude looking each
other anxiously in the face and saying, " where is the
fulness that we have been looking for, where the sub-
stance that these rites have been teaching us to expect ?"
At that instant Jesus stood in tho Temple and cried,
" If any man thirst, let him come imto Me and drink ;
ho that Ijelieveth on Me, as the Scriptm-e hath said,
out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water."
And then tho Evangelist adds in explanation, " This
spake he of tho Spirit, which they that believe on him
should receive." Assuming, as with every commen-
tator on the passage we are entitled to assume, that in
these words of our Lord there is a reference to the
ceremony with the waters of Siloam, we have in them
a distinct allusion to a gift of the Spirit which these
waters typified. The allusion, too, was natural and
intelligible. It is found in the Old Testament when
the prophet says, " I will pour water upon him that
is thu'sty, and floods upon the dry groimd : I will
pour my spirit upon thy seed, and my blessing upon
thine offspring " (Isa. xliv. 3) ; and Lightf oot tells us
that " in the Jerusalem Talmud it is expounded that
they di-aw the Holy Spirit, for a divine breathing is
upon the man through joy" (on John vii. 38). With
this idea then the Saviour connected his invitation and
promise ; and, bidding as it were the assembled Israefites
mark how quickly the waters di-awn for them for seven
days in succession had disappeared, he calls them to
•' come " to him. With him were the true streams of
refreshing, streams of living water, not flowing only
in a trifling riU, but in rivers, the fulness of the Spirit
and of spiritual blessings bestowed along with it. Tet
we are carefully to observe that it is not the appropria-
tion, it is tho diffusion of the Spirit that is here referred
to, " out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water."
A second part of tho ceremonial was also typical ; for
it is almost impossible not to interpret in this manner
the words of Jesus iu John viii. 12, " I am the light of
tho woi'ld : he that f oUoweth me shall not walk in
darkness, but shall have the liglit of life." The words
were spoken when the minds of the people were still
full of the proud and joyful recollections of the si^lendour
of that iUumiuatiou which each night of the feast had
witnessed, and when they were perhaps dwelling mourn-
fully on the thought that it was over. No brillianfc
radiance from tho Temple height shoidd again at that
time send its rays over Jerusalem. Tho moon, too, was
upon tho wane ; and with sunset a darkness which none
of the last eight days had seen would settle upon tho
holy city. But just as Jesus had promised rivers of
living water to those who were looking in vain for
tho waters of Siloam, so now he promises the light
of life to those who wore thinking sadly of the coming
gloom.
Thus, then, we are prepared to mark the fulfilment
of tho Feast of Tabernacles. Like the Feasts of Un-
leavened Bread and Pentecost, it is fulfilled first of all
in Christ himself. His was a life upheld amidst all its
SACRED SEASONS.
115
sufferings by his Heavenly Father's care. Ho dwelt m
God and God in him. Ho conquered the sorrows of
the world, and death, and heU. Ho left nothing that
He had imdedicated to hia Father's glory, and, notwith-
standing his trials. He could so speak of " my peace,"
"my joy," as to show that his path, even in this wilder-
ness, was a path of triumph. With Him, too, was the
residue of the Spirit, and He was, and is, the Light of
life. Nor are the Spirit and the light his only that
He may himself enjoy them. They are his for the good
of man. To bestow the Spirit, to shod light into a dark
world, was the great purpose of his mission, and is now
his reward, " Therefore being by the right' hand of
God exalted, and having received of the Father the
promise of the Holy Ghost, He hath shed forth this,
which ye see and hear ;" and again, " Wherefore He
saith, Wlien he ascended up on high, he led captivity
captive, and gave gifts unto men ; " and once more, " To
as many as received Him, to them gave He power to
become the sons of God " (Acts ii. 33 ; Eph. iv. 8 ;
John i. 12).
But the feasi is fulfilled also in his people, in that
Church which is "his body, the fulness of Him that
filleth all in all." For, whatever be the Church's trials
in the wilderness, she is " more than conqueror through
Him that loved her." As she has dedicated herself
wholly to Him, so He has accepted the dedication, and
has betrothed her to himself in righteousness. He
makes "his grace sufficient" for her, He makes his
" strength perfect in weakness, so that she rather glories
in her infirmities, that tlie power of Christ may rest upon
her. Therefore she takes pleasure in infirmities, in
reproaches, in necessities, in persecutions, in distresses
for Christ's sake; for when she is weak then she is
strong " (2 Cor. xii. 9, 10). " The tabernaclo of the
Lord," too, " is again with her," and the Lord has created
" upon every dwelling-place of Mount Zion, and upon
all her assemblies, a cloud and smoke by day, and the
shiniug of a flauung fii'e by night," so that her path
is made straight before her, and she rejoices even in
sorrow.
Nor is even this all. For, as in her Pentecost she re-
ceives the Spirit, so in her Tabernacles she diffuses it.
The Spirit is given her, not only to quench her own
thirst, to relieve her own wants, but to flow forth from
her to others. The Church is the temple of the Lord,
every believer is a lively stone in it; and from the
temple as a whole, from each lively stone in part, flows
forth that water which, instead of disappearing in a
moment like the water brought from SUoam in the urn,
proves a living and everywhere life-giving river. The
picture will bo still more complete if, as seems not im-
probable, we may connect the Churcli's diffusion of the
Spirit with one of the most stiiking visions of Ezekiel.
" Afterward," says the prophet, " ho brought me again
unto the door of the house ; and, behold, waters issued
out from under the threshold of the house eastward :
for the forefront of the house stood toward the east, and
the waters came down from under from the right side of
the house, at the south side of the altar. Then brought
he me out of the way of the gate northward, and led mo
aboiit tho way without imto the utter gate by the way
tliat looketh eastward ; and, behold, there ran out waters
on the right side. And when the man that had the line
in his hand wont forth eastward, he measured a thousand
cubits, and he brought mo through the waters; the
waters were to the ankles. Again he measured a thou-
sand, and brought me through the waters ; the waters
were to the knees. Again ho measured a thousand,
and brought me through ; the waters were to the loins.
Afterward he measured a thousand, and it was a river
that I could not pass over : for the waters were risen,
waters to swim in, a river that could not be passed over "
(Ezek. xlvii. 1—5). Wliat waters are these thus issuing
from under the threshold of the house eastward, coming
down from the right side of the house at the south side
of the altar H To none can they be with so much pro-
bability referred as to the waters poiu-ed out beside the
altar at the Feast of Tabernacles. If so, not only is
that river of the water of life which flows in the Church
living and life-giv-ing; it is also a constantly increasing
river. It spreads from individual to individual, from
family to family, from one people to another; not losing
itself in the desert, but deepening, wideuuig as it flows,
causing the wilderness to rejoice, and making the valley,
whose salt and brimstone soil was the emblem of the
curse of God, send up ti-eos " whose leaf shall not
fade, neither shall the fruit thereof be consumed, but
the fruit thereof shall be for meat, and the leaf thereof
for medicine" (Ezek. xlvii. 12). How beautiful the
picture of the influences of God's Holy Spirit when, not
only appropriated but sent forth by a living Church
over the world, they everywhere awaken sijiritual life in
its vigour and beauty, supply aU wants, heal all dis-
orders, change barrenness into fruitfulness, and death
itself into life. That is the fidness for which Israel
waited in its Feast of Tabernacles.
Finally, the Church of Christ, hke her Lord, ought
to be, and when faithful is, the Mglit of the world. In
communion and fellowship with Jesus that light which
He has is kiudled in liis people. They " have the lio-lit
of life." They themselves illuminate, themselves are
a source of light to others. Christ in them and they in
Him, there is an abiding iUumiuation upon the Temple
mount, and never again, either by day or night, shall
there be darkness in Christ's New Jerusalem.
116
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE CATHOLIC EPISTLES :-ST. JOHN.
BZ THE EEV. H. D. M. SPENCE, M.A., BECTOR OF ST. MART DE CRYPT, GLOUCESTER, AND EXAMINING CHAPLAIN TO
THE LORD BISHOP OP GLOUCESTER AND BRISTOL.
THE THREEFOLD WITNESS.
TEiT OF ATJTHORISED VERSION
REVISED.
6. Tins is he that came by
water and blood, fiten Jesua
Christ ; not in the water only,
but in the water and in the
blood : and it is the Spirit that
is bearing witness, because the
Spirit is the truth.
7. "For there are three who
are bearing witness,
8. The spirit, and the water,
and the blood : and these three
agree in one. — 1 Jokn v. 6, 7, 8.
TEXT OF AUTHORISED VERSION.
6. This is he that came by
water and blood, even Jesus
Christ ; not by water only, but
by water and blood. And it is
the Spirit that beareth witness,
because the Spirit is truth.
7. For there are three that
bear record {_in heaven, the
Father, the Word, and the Holy
Ghost : and these three are one.
8. And there are three that
bear witness in earth'}, the spirit,
and the water, and the blood :
and these three agree in one.—
1 JoHX V. 6, 7,6.
,BOUT a century and a half ago that
leaiTiod and devout commentator, Bcngel,
rehietant to pivo up what he deemed a
powerful and weighty testimony to a great
-truth, defended with groat ingenuity the famous state-
ment contained iu the 7tli verse of the received text of
the passage wo are about to discuss^the alleged testi-
mony of the heavenly witnesses — " the throe that bear
record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and tbe Holy
Ghost." As a critical scholar, it is clear Bengel felt
that the words must bo expunged, but he surmounted
the difficulty by indulging in tlie hope that as critical
investigation into the text of the New Testament — then,
comparatively speaking, in its infancy — proceeded, fresh
•evidence for the disputed words in question might be
discovered. Since tlio great expositor wrote, a vast
amoimt of materials towards the restoration of tlie true
text of the Greek (New) Testament has been brought to
Mght, and investigated by the patient unwearied labours
of a few groat scholars. But Bongel's hope as regards
this particular verso has been vain.'
As yet the testimony in favour of the passage relating
to the " heavenly witnesses " has been found in no
ancient Greek MS. No Greek father has been fairly
proved to have cited it. It evidently exists in some of
the Latin versions ; but oven hero some of the best and
most trustworthy omit it.
The words in question were, no doubt, originally
written at a very eai-ly date on the margin of some of
the Latin translations of the New Testament, probably
in North Africa, in some great centre, such as Carthage,
and from the fourth century downwiirds forced their
way gradually into the original text of St. John.
The verso iu all ages has been considered by many
theologians as a most weighty and com]>endiou3 state-
ment of the doctrine of the Trinity, and this has, no
' A brief summary of the evidence for and against the integrity
of this passage will be found at the end of this paper.
doubt, favoured its later adoption as an integi'al J>art of
the text of the chapter in which it appears, although, as
we hope to show in our exposition of the whole passage,
the ilisputed words literally destroy the sense, while
they give to the whole argument a colouring of unreality.
Having cleared the way by exijunging words which,
though true in themselves, have no place whatever in the
argument of St. John, we proceed to inquu'e what we
are to understand by the apparently strange statement
that Jesiis Christ came by water and by blood.
Now the very many interpretations which theologians
of difforeut ages have given to the "water" and the
" blood" may bo divided roughly into two schools: —
The first, which looks upon these expressions as
purely symbolical ;
The second, which refers the " water and the blood "
primarily to circumstances in the life of Christ wliich
are still bearing testimony to his " Messiahsliip."
And, first, those expositors who urge the purely sym-
bolical reference, explain water as representing " purity,"
" innocence." So Grotius understood the most pure
life of Jesus as signified (comp. Ezok. xxxvi. 25);
others, such as Clement of Alexandria, tell us that under
the figure of water regeneration and faith are signified.
The " blood " is rightly explained by tho m.ajority of
divines of both schools by a reference to the death of
Christ ; but the symbolical school of expositors even
here understand the blood as simply equivalent to
"expiation" or "redemption." Many see tho enduring
testimony of the water under tho sacrament of baptism,
the testimony of the blood imder the sacrament of tho
Lord's Supper.
But this school of interpretation, which only can see a
symbolical reference in the water and tho blood, never
gives, after all, a satisfactory sense to this great passage
of St. John. Wliile by no means entirely denying
tho symbolical reference, we must primarily refer the
water and the blood, by which Jesus Christ came, to
circumstances recorded to have taken place during our
Lord's life on eai-fh. which circumstances, in some way
or other, as we shall presently see in verses 7 and 8,
must still bo witnessing among us to the truth of the
Messiahship of Jesus. "Without hesitation, then. w6
explain " water " as signifying baptism, which our Lord
not only instituted, and carried out during his earthly
ministiy (John iv. 1, 2), but commanded to be con-
tinned among all nations after the resurrection (Matt.
xxviii. 19). The pr.actice of the Lord has been followed,
and tho command obeyed; for during the eighteen
Christian centuries it has always been, and still is, the
distinguishing mark iu all nations of admission into
the Christian community. The "blood" points un-
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
]17
mistakably to tho death of Ckrist — ^the life-blood
poured out on tho cross : it is the " blood of sprinkling "
(Heb. xii. 21).
The argument tlieu runs ; — This is ho — Jesus the
Messiah — whoso cUstinguishing signs then, as now, were
the water of haptism, and tho blood poured oat on tho
cross ; and here, with all the awful mystic signification
of the latter (the blood) pressing upon him, the apostlo
ts, " not ^vith water only " — for the memory of tho
Baptist, and perhaps of other servants of the Most
High before him, whose distinguishing sign had been
the water of baptism — " not with water only," he repeats,
but with water and blood, thus urging that tho sign
of the Messiahship of Jesus was not only that sacred
purifying water of baptism, Imt his having imdergono
that cross-death when ho poured out his life-blood
for us.
The concluding sentence of tho verse proceeds to teU
us how the Si)u'it (that is, the Holy Ghost) is ever
bearing witness.
Now the Spii-it which bears witness here undoubtedly
is the Holy Ghost. Two questions, however, naturally
present themselves : —
1. To what is tho Spirit bearing witness ?
2. The uatm-e of the witness which proceeds from the
Spirit ?
The first is easy to answer. Witness is being borne
to the fact that he that came by water and by blood is
Jesits tlie Christ, or Messiah (ver. 6), the Son of God
(ver. 9). The second is harder at first sight. What is
the nature of tlio witness emanating from the Spmt ?
This witness is of two kinds — (a) an outward witness ;
(6) an inner witness.
(a) The outward witness consists in those manifesta-
tions of tho Spirit related to us in the sacred wi'itings :
for example, the descent of the Spirit on the Day
of Pentecost, when, after the Spirit had descended on
the disciples in the form of cloven tongues of fire, they
on whom the gift liad been bestowed bore their witness
in various languages to the crucified Saviour (see Acts
ii. 4) ; and the descent of tho Spirit on Cornelius and
his companions (Acts x. 44, 4.5 ; xi. 15, 16). Compare
also, as an instance of an outward historical manifesta-
tion of the Spirit, St. Matt. iii. 16, where tho Holy
Spunt was visibly present at the Lord's baptism in
Jordan.
(6) An inner witness. Here the Spirit guides men
into all truth, leads them to Christ, creates in them a
longing for, and then gives them the power to lead a
holy life, teaclimg them that the holy life can only be
found in Christ, by those who walk in light, as He is in
the light. It is in this work, carried on in the heart of
every faithful seeker after Christ, that the Spirit is
bearing its perpetual, its daily witness ; and St. John
adds as tho reason why tho Spirit is ever bearing this
mighty outer and inner witness, " because the Spirit is
the truth : " " the truth,'' since, as Estius well says,
" the Spirit is God, who can neither deceive or be de-
ceived" (quum sit Deus adeoque nee faUi possit nee
faUere).
So far "the water" and "the blood" have come
before us as the distinguishing characteristics in St.
John's mind of the Messiahship of Jesus, and "the
Spu'it " has been specified as tho ivituess to this great
truth. Now, as ijerpetually witnessing to the Messiah-
ship of Jesus in verso 7, " the water " and " the blood "
are associated in their testimony with the Holy Spirit,
and the three are set forth as the united witness of God
concerning his Son Jesus (see ver. 10).
The argument, then, of verses 7 and 8 is as follows :
Not only is the Spirit (the Holy Ghost) bearing its
everlasting witness, for (on) three are bearing their
testimony — viz., that Spu-it of which wo have already
spoken of above as "ivitnessing, and that blood and water
of which we liave written as elements in that conception
of tho Messiah which is placed before us in these
Epistles. That blood and water, wo declare, are ever
witnessing to the same eternal truth.
The Spu'it naturally occupies the first place in this
triad of witnesses. Without it neither the water nor
tho blood could in any real sense be understood as
witnesses. Wo have discussed above the manner of
the Spirit's Avitness, and have still to speak very
shortly of tho witness of the other two — the water
and tlie blood. The water of holy baptism is the
outward tyjio of the sinner being born again, becoming
tlie heir of eternal life and the inheritor of Christ's
kingdom. Water is the witness to every Christiaa
man and Vfoman that Jesus Christ is the king of the
realm of grace — the kingly, triumphing Messiah of the
prophecies of the Old Testament. By tho blood tho
believer daily washes away his sins, daily purges out
the stains and defilements he ever and again contracts
in liis life's journey. Tho blood is his witness, telling
liim that Jesus is Christ, tho Lamb of God and his
Redeemer.
And in the two sacraments, baptism and tho Lord's
Supper, wliich the Lord ordained, and in which all true
believers love to share, John the divine saw then, as
we see now, the perpetual witnesses among men to the
Sonship and Messiahship of Jesus ; while the Holy
Spirit, sanctifying the waters of baptism to the mystical
washing away of sin — sanctifying, too, the eucharistic
elements in tho heart of tho faitliful recipient — com-
pletes the triad of witnesses, whoso witness, varied
though it be, unites in the establishment of the OBff
eternal truth — Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God.
Tho considerations wliich belong to tho omission of
tho famous passage relating to tho " three heavenly
witnesses " in verse 7 may be roughly divided into —
a. Exegesis. ^
6. Verbal peculiarities,
c. Textual criticism.
a. Exegesis. — Where, now, in tho groat argument
discussed above is there room for the testimony of tho
heavenly witnesses ? In tho revised text printed at the-
head of this paper, tho argument, as wo have shown,
flows on clear and uniuterrapted.
First, " the water and tlio blood " are set forward as
distinguishing characteristics of tho Messiahship and
118
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Sonship of Jesus, and the Spirit is set before us as
testifying to the truth of -that Messialiship. Secondly,
we are tokl "the Spirit" is not the only witness, for
" the water and the blood." too, associated in the same
glorious testimony with "the Spirit," are ever bearing
to men on earth their weighty witness.
Now, to insert the words of verse 7 which appear in
the received text would interrupt this chain of statement
and argument, and would introduce a new and here
totally irrelevant element — viz., the testimony of the
Trinity in heaven to the Messialiship of Jesus ; and the
new element thus introduced, besides, would iuten-upt
the two steps of tho argument.' Bengel (compare
Alford's note) and certain MSS. of the Vulgate, to
avoid this break, place verso 8 before verse 7.
6. Verbal Peculiarities. — St. John in his writings
never combines the exjiressions " the Eathcr " and " the
Word," should he have occasion to use the title Logos,
"Word," in relation to Christ; we find it combined
with 6 Qe'os, " God,' as in the Gospel of St. John i. 1 and
following verses, " In the beginning was tlie Word, and
the Word was with God ; '" and Rev. xix. 13, " His
name is called the Word of God."
Again, " the Holy Ghost" (Spirit), rh ayiov Xlvivfia., is
not an expression found in the Epistle. Wo find
here "the Spirit" simply ^vithout the predicate " Holy,"
as, for instance, chap. iii. 24, iv. 13, and here in verses
6 and 8.
Lastly, the very difficult and complicated question
suggests itself. Is the Spirit (-KVivixa) bearing witness on
earth with the water and the blood (vs. 6 — 8) identical
with the Holy Ghost or Spirit (rh ayiov nyevfia) of verse
7 bearing witness in heaven with the Father and the
Son?
c. Textual Criticism. — The omitted words of verse 7
are not met with in any of the extant uncial Greek
MSS. Of the versions, neither the Syriac (the Peshito
or Philoxenian), or the Thebaic, Memphitic, Ethiopic,
or Arabic contain the disputed clause. No Greek
father has been proved to have cited it in any form
whatever.
It rests alone on certain Latin authorities. It is
found in most (but not in tho best) MSS. of the
Vulgate, and in one MS. of the old Latin, containing
extracts from the New Testament. Tliis MS. is of the
sixth or seventh century, and is a " Speculum " ascribed
to St. Augustine, and is in the monasteiy of Santa
Croce at Rome. Attention was called to it by Dr.
Wiseman in his famous " Two Letters " defending 1 John
V. 7. The African fathers, Vigilius of Thapsus and
Fulgontius of Ruspte, quote the disputed words as a
genuine portion of St. John's first Epistle. It was also
used in a confession of faith drawn up by Eugenius,
Bishop of Carthage, at tho end of the fifth century.
But, what is of greater importance than any of these,
there is little doubt that Cyprian, before the middle of
' In the received test, verso 8 takes up the sequence of thousht
mterrupted by the testimony of the Trinity, and completes th»^
statement begun iu verse 6 of the witness of the Spirit, the water,
and the blood.
the third century, knew of the passage and quoted it
as the genuine words of St. John. From the com-
mencoment of the sixth century the testimony of the
heavenly witnesses was generally received in the Latin
Church.
Erasmus excluded the passage from his first two
editions, but inserted it in his thu'd edition in con-
sequence of a declaration he had made to certain
persons who had objected to his having omitted it
from his early editions. He undertook, if the famous
clause, 1 John v. 7, could be found in aiiy Greek MS.,
he would insert it in his Greek Testament. A curious
MS. of the fifteenth century was brought forward con-
taining tho words. Erasmus has described it as
"Codex Britannicus apud Anglos repertus." There is
now little doubt that the MS. in question is identical
with the Cod. Mimfortianus in tho library of Trinity
College, Dublin. Upon the fifth edition of Erasmus,
which contains the words in dispute, R. Stephens seems
in great measure to have based bis third edition (A.D.
1.550) of tho New Testament.- This third edition of
Stephens is the standard of the received text iu England
(compare Scrivener's Introduction, and Liieke, Diister-
dieck, and Alford's Commentaries on the 1st Epistle
of St. John). The interpolated words were pro-
bably, as suggested above, originally written by some
early writer of the North African Church iu the
m.argin of his MS. containing the 1st Epistle of St.
John opposite the passage which treats of " the Spu-it,
and the water, and the blood." In the three bearing
their perpetual witness, agreeing in one, he saw a
symbol which required no great effort of the imagi-
nation to be construed as a symbol of the ever-blessed
Trinity. That the Latin Church of North Africa
loved to trace such symbolism, and to see these alle-
gorical allusions, we have fair proof in such writings
as Tertullian's treatise against Praxeas and in his tract
De Ptidicitid. From the margin the words gradually
found their way into the text, and evidently began to
be well known iu the thu-d century.
It cannot be denied that some devout reverent minds
may, perhaps, shrink from the deliberate rejection of
this famous text, which has been so often quoted in
support of a great doctrine of Christianity. Surely,
though, such fears are groimdless, for the great
doctrines of our faith rest on foundations too massive
to be shaken by the rejection of any single text, how-
ever weighty and conclusive. The doctrine of the
Trinity set forward in this most ancient but clearly
interpolated passage rests on no sohtary statement of
apostle or prophet or evangelist, but on evidence col-
lected from the whole canon of Scripture — evidence, too,
interpreted M-ith one mind by the Catholic Church in
all lands for well nigh eighteen centuries.
- K. Stephens made also great use of the Ccmplutensiau
Polygrlott of Cardinal Xiraenes, published at Alcala, in Spain,
A.D. 1514 — 1520. The famous verse in this great edition was
actually acknowledged to have been translated from the X^atin,
and not derived from any Greek MS. Stephens also collated,
with more or less care, fifteen IdSS. ; but it has never been shown
with the least probability that he found the disputed verse iu any
Greek uncial MS.
ILLUSTRATIONS TROM EASTERN MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
119
TABLE SHOWING THE MORE IMPOETANT CEITICAL EVIDENCE FOE AND AGAINST THE DISPUTED WOEDS
IN 1 JOHN V. 7.
The words are omitted iu
the undermeutioned uncialMSS.
CENT.
N
Codes Sinaiticus
IV.
B
„ Vaticauus
IV.
G orL
„ Angelicus")
or [
IX.
PassioneiJ
K
„ Mosquensis
IX,
Omitted in 188 cursives which
have been collated, besides some
60 Lectionaries.
(Comp. Scrivener, Introduction,
and Alf., Apparatus Criticus to
Vol IV., Partii.)
The words are pound in no
uncial, and only in a very fuw
cursive MSS. of late date.
They are contained in the
following cursives : —
CENT.
Codes Monfortiauus XVI.
j Vaticanus
*' \ Ottobouiauus XV.
Omitted in all ancient versions
except those mentioned ^&'
They are contained in 1 MS.
of the old Latiti, the Speculum
of St. Ang-. spoken of above, and
in most though not in the best
MSS. of the Vulgate.
FATHERS.
No Greelc Father has everliCL-u
shown to have quoted the dis-
puted text.
Certain Latin fathers
quoted the words.
CENT.
Cyprian
Vigilius of "1
Thapsus J
Eugeuius, Bp. ) _
of Carthage J
Fulgentiua 1
of Ruspse )
have
III.
V. (end of)
( .. )
VI. (
)
It will be seen from this table that the evidence for the
text in question is extremely scanty, and entirely from
the Latin Chui-eh. It is found only in a few cursive
MSS. of lato date, and is quoted only by Latin fathers.
ILLUSTEATIONS FEOM EASTEEN MANNEES AND CUSTOMS.
BY THE KEV. C. D. GINSBUBG, LL.D.
III. — EARLY ATTENDANCE AT THE SANCTUARY BOTH MORNING AND EVENING.
rE have already seen that at the ago of
thirteen the Hebrew youth is inducted as
a member of the congfregation of Israel.
The early attendance, therefore, at a place
of worship, both morning and evening, which consti-
tutes the third of the decade of duties, was considered
of paramoimt importance, inasmuch as thereby he
openly professed Ids faith in tlie God of his fathers,
and acknowledged his responsibility to keep up the
organised religious and social life which was to a great
extent regulated by the synagogue. Now, among all
the Jewish institutions, there is none which fui-nishes
so many interesting illustrations of different passages
of the New Testament as the synagogue. Not only
was the synagogue the scene where Christ first ap-
peared in public as a teacher (Matt. iv. 23; Mark
i. 21 ; Luke iv. 15) ; but he continued frequenting it
and preaching in it, on the Sabbath day (Matt. ix. 35 ;
xiii. 54; Mark vi. 2 ; Luke iv. 44; ri. 6; xiii. 10 ; John
vi. 59; viii. 20), healing the sick (Matt. xii. 9, &c. ; Mark
i. 23 ; iii. 1 ; Luke vi. 6), and rebuking the abuses
practised in it, both at prayer and in the administration
of charity (Matt. vi. 2, 5). Ho refers to the chief seats
coveted by those who seek after distinction (Matt, sxiii.
6 ; Mark xii. 39 ; Luke xi. 43 ; xx. 46), and teUs his
disciples that for his sake they shall bo brought before
and scom-ged in the synagogue (Matt. x. 17 ; xxiii. 34 ;
Mark xiii. 9; Luke xii. 11; xxi. 12). The apostles,
too, delivered many of their discourses and performed
many of their deeds in the synagogues. It was to the
synagogue of Damascus that Said obtained letters from
the high priest at Jerusalem to persecute " the disciples
of the Lord " (Acts ix. 1), and it was in these very
synagogues that St. Paul preached his first sennons
(ibid. ver. 20). Hence, to understand the fuU force of
many of these allusions, we must examine the origin,
structure, and internal arrangement of the synagogue.
Tradition, which is never at a loss to account for any-
thing, solemnly assures us that Shem, the son of Noah,
and the progenitor of that branch of the Noachic family
from whom the Hebrews descended, founded these
houses for contemplation and prayer. It is only when
we bear this tradition in mind that we can understand
why the passage, " God .shaU enlarge Japheth, and he
shall dwell in the tents of Shem " (Gen. ix. 27), has
been paraphrased in the so-called Jerusalem Targum,
" God vriU make beautiful the territory of Japheth, and
his sons shall become proselytes, and abide in the houses
of contemplation of Shem;" and why the words "and
she (Rebekah) went to inquire of the Lord " (Gen. xxv.
22). are translated in the same Targum, " and she went
to the house of contemplation of Shem, the cider, to
pray for mercy from liofore the Lord." It was but
natural that if Shorn, who was simply the remote head
of that branch of the family from wliich the Jews
came, was most obviously for this reason made to build
synagogues, Moses, who gave them the very law, the
symbol of the Divine manifestation, around which the
worshipping Israelites congregated, should pre-eminently
be constituted tho father of synagogues in 'Egypt.
Hence Josephus tolls us that Moses had tho Jews
"assembled together for the hearing of the law and
learning it exactly, and this not once or twice or oftener,
but every week " {Af/ainst Ajtion, ii. 18). We are there-
fore not surprised to find Benjamin of Tudola, whose
pilgriniiigo extended from A.D. 1159 to 1173, assure us
that "in "the outskirts of the city [near tho pyramid.s] is
the very ancient synagogue of our great master Moses.'''
1 Compare The liinerarii o/ Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, vol.
p. 153, ed, Asher, London, ly-tO.
120
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Tins celebrated traveller also tells us that ho saw the
synagogues built by David, Obadiah, Nahum, and Ezra.
Without attaching any more importance to the state-
ment of Benjamin of Tudela that the synagogue, which
stUl existed in the Middle Ages, in the neighbourhood
of Cairo, was the edifice which Moses erected for Divine
worship, than to the solemn assurance that the skeleton
of the enormous fish, and the house exhibited at Jaffa,
are the remains of the veritable whale that swallowed
Jonah, and of the abode of Simon the tanner, still the
fact that the tradition about the founding of places of
worship and instruction by the great lawgiver existed
before the time of Christ, explains the remark of St.
James, " Moses of old time hath in every city them
that preach him, being read in the synagogues every
Sabbath day " (Acts xv. 21).
Whatever may be the obscurity about the precise date
as to when synagogues were first established, there are
undoubted traces that, as far back as the days of Elisha,
the devout Jews were in the habit of assembling in
the abodes of prophets and men of God for instruc-
tion and meditation. This is clearly indicated in the
question which the husband asked the Shunammite, who
wanted a servant and an ass to take her to the man of
God. " Wherefore," inquired her husband, " wilt thou
go to him to-day ? It is neither new moon nor Sabbath "
(2 Kings iv. 23). This unquestionably shows that on
Sabbath days and new moons it was customary for both
men and women to resort to the houses of acknowledged
authorities for religious exercises. The cause of their
assembling at the house of the prophet rather than con-
aresiatinsr amonsr themselves, is to be sought in the fact
that the reading and the exposition of the law consti-
tuted the principal part of the service. A copy of the
law, however, at that time was of the greatest rarity.
The possession of such a codex was a fortune, and could
only be acquired by the very wealthiest of the nation,
and by the monarchs. Hence when Jehoshaphat ordered
the Levites to go through the different cities of Judea,
to instruct the people in the law of God, these teachera
were obliged to take a copy with them (2 Cliron. xvii.
9), whilst Hilkiah could only find one in the Temple
(2 Kings xxii. 8 ; 2 Cliron. xxxiv. 14). As the men of
God who had acquired a national reputation were those
who knew the law by heart, the devout Jews, who on
these occasions wanted to hear the law recited and ex-
plained, had, therefore, to assemble around the reputed
depository of the law. Hence the private house or a
secluded spot in the open air belonging to the possessor
of the law, either actually or orally, was originally the
place of assembly or the synagogue.
It must not, however, be supposed that the Jews,
prior to the Babylonish captivity, assembled tliemselves
every Sabbath or new moon, at a particular place set
apart for religious worsliip. Besides tho obligation to
appear throe times a year in tho sanctuary at Jerusalem,
the Old Testament does not enjoin meeting together in
any other place. It left the matter quite optional. If
the people felt that they ought to meet together in any
locality where the kw could bo recited, rather than
worship God at home at the head of their respective
families, tho Old Testament did not forbid it. The in-
crease of places of meeting, therefore, was gradual, and
kept pace with the increased demand on the part of the
Jews to become more intimately acquainted with the
contents of the law, and to hear words of comfort and
consolation from those who possessed the gift of pro-
jjhecy. Hence it was only in later times, when the
grinding oppression of foreign powers began to be felt
by the Hebrews, that they met more frequently to listen
to the recital of those cheering promises made to their
fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and to learn more-
accurately the precepts of the law, the neglect of which
had brought these sufferings upon them. It is for this
reason that systematic meetings on days of humiliation
and for instruction became prevalent during the exUe,
when the Temple worship was in abeyance (Zoch. vii. 3,
5 ; viii. 19 ; Ezra x. 1 — 9 ; Neh. viii. 1 — 3 ; ix. 1 — 3 ; xiii.
1 — 3 1. These "assemblies of God," as the Old Testa-
ment calls them, or " houses of assembly," as they are
called in post-Biblical Hebrew, in the course of time
became both very popular and numerous. Heuce the
Psalmist, who mourns over the rejection of his people
by God, and the general devastation of the country by
tho onemy, at the time of the Maceabeans, enumerates,,
amongst other dire calamities, that they have burnt " all
tho assemblies of God " (Ps. Ixxiv. 8). The Authorised
Version, therefore, which foUows the Geneva Bible
(1560), has rightly appreciated the import of this phrase
by translating it " the synagogues of God." It is, how-
ever, to be borne in mind that this is the only instance-
in which " synagogue " occurs in King James's version
of the Old Testiiment, and, indeed, the only passage in
which it could be justified in the technicjil sense of
the word. Tho earliest date which we possess of the
building of such a house of prayer is circa 217 — 215 B.C.,
when we are told that the Alexandrkn Jews built on&
at Ptolemais to commemorate their deliverance from
the contemplated massacre of their people decreed by
Ptolemy IV. (PhUopator) (3 Mace. vii. 20).
When synagogues became a permanent institution, and
multiplied wherever the Jews resided, l)efore and at tlie
time of Christ, tho spiritual guides of the nation found it
necessary to enact certain laws to regulate tho eligibility
of a site, the structure of the building, and the internal
arrangements. As it was ordained that wherever ten
Jews resided who were of that age when they became
responsible members of the congregation of Israel, they
were boimd to constitute themselves a worshipping body
or an ecclesia in the technical sense {Berachoth, 21 6);
it stands to reason that their place of assembly or
synagogue was of a very humble character. An upper
chamber in the house of one of tho members where
they assembled .themselves was the legal synagoguff,
just as it is to this day, whenever ten Jews happen
to sojourn in any town, one of them gives up one of
his rooms for tho meeting. It was in such an upper
cliamber in a private house that the eleven disciples, just
one above tlie minimum number legally required to con-
stitute a worshipping congregation, assembled together
ILLUSTRATIONS FROM EASTERN MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
121
INTEBIOB or A MODERN STNAGUUUE.
for prayer (Acts i. 13, 14). Outside the city, however,
it was deemed more desirable to have tlio hoiiso of
prayer by the river-side, because the worshippers could
have the use of the wafer for immersions, and because
they could more easily engage in the Divine service with-
out distraction. Hence in the decree of the Halicamas-
seans the Jews were allowed to " make their proseucha;
[houses of prayer] at the sea-side, according to the
custom of their fathers " ( Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10, § 23).
This explains the remark that St. Paul and his fellow-
labourer, when at Philippi, " went on the Sabbath out of
the city by a river-side, where prayer was wont to be
made ; and we sat down and spoke to the women which
resorted thither " (Acts x\-i. 13) ; or as it ought to be
translated, " where, according to custom, was a place of
prayer." Like the Temple, these houses of prayer or
synagogues were frequently without a roof, which, of
coiu-se, obtained in those countries whore the rain rarely
falls and is confined to certain seasons of the year.
Hence the remark of Epiplianius, " There were anciently
places of prayer without the city, both among the Jews
and the Samaritans. . . . There was a place of prayer
at Sichem, now called Neapolis, without the city, in the
fields, in the form of a theatre, open to the air, and
without covering, built by the Samaritans, who in all
things imitated the Jews " (Contr. Hceres. iii. ; Hercs. 80).
In the towns, however, where the Jews wore both
numerous and wealthy, the synagognes were massive
and imposing edifices, and were built iu accordance with
the canons laid down by the spiritual authorities. They
122
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
were generally erected on an elevated place or on a
summit, since the Temple was so situate, and because,
according to the traditional explanation, Prov. i. 21 says
that Divine wisdom " crieth on high places," and Ezra
ix. 9 declares that God " hath extended mercy unto us in
the sight of the kings of Persia, to give us a re^-iving,
to set up [on high] the house of our God." Takuig
the Mosaic tabernacle and the Solomonic Temple as the
prototype, the door of the synagogue was on the east,
aiid tiie ark containing the scrolls of the law and the
windows were in the western wall, so that on entering
the Israelites might at once face the front. Hence the
people praying in the synagogue, Uko the worshippers
in the tabernacle and in the Temple, stood with their
faces to the west. The position of the ark at the west,
and the turning of the face at prayer in that direction,
we are told, were in opposition to those nations who
worshipped the sun. These had the entrance into their
temples at the west, and turned their faces to the east
where the sun rises.' Hence to tui'n one's face to the
east, and thus to turn one's back to the Temple, became
in the Bible a description of those who forsook the
worship of the true God. Thus Hezekiah, iu describing
the idolatrous worship of the Jews, says that " they
had done e\il iu the eyes of the Lord our God, and have
turned their faces from the habitation of the Lord, and
turned their backs to it " (2 Chron. xxix. 6). Still more
strikingly and explicitly is this practice described by
the prophet Ezekiel (viii. 16), "Behold, .at the door of
the temple of the Lord, between the porch and the
altar, were about five and twenty men, with their backs
toward the temple of the Lord, and their faces toward
the east; and they worshipped the sun toward the
1 Comp. Maimonides, More Nchnclutn, iii. iS.
east." This practice gave rise to the phrases " They
have txirned their back to me and not their face " (Jer.
ii. 27 ; xxxii. 33), " They have cast me behind their back "
(Ezek. xxiii. 3.5), to describe gi^'ing up allegiance to the
God of their fathers.
It is, however, to be remarked that those syna-
gogues only which were buUt in the localities east of
Jerusalem had the entrances in the east wall. The
canon laid down for those who dwell in other parts of
the world is that "all the wor.shippers in Israel are
to have their faces turned to that part of the world
whore Jei-usalem, the Temple and the Holy of Holies
are" {Berachoth, 30 a). Hence those Jews who reside
in Europe place the door in the west, and have the ark
and the windows in the east wall, whither they turn
then- faces during prayer.
The practice of the wor-shippers turning their faces
in all parts of the world to the central sanctuary is of
extreme antiquity. The Psalmist, already, when pray-
ing, " lifted up his hands towards the Holy of Holies "
(Ps. ixviii. 2). In the dedication prayer of the Temple,
Solomon asks God to hear his people in time of calamity
whenever " they spread forth their hands towards the
sanctuary " (1 Kings viii. 38). Daniel prayed with his
face to Jerusalem (Dan. x\. 10). Any one who enters
an orthodox Jewish house in the present day wiU see
a picture with the name Mizrach on it hung on the
eastern wall, to which every member of the family
turns his face when reciting the daily morning and
evening prayer. Mohammed, who has borrowed so
much from the Jews, has also ordained that the faith-
fid should turn their faces to the temple at Mecca
(Koran, Stira ii.), which is called Kibia, that is, f,urning
the face, imitating the very sound of the word used in
Daniel (I'kabel Jemshalayim).
THE HISTOKY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
BT THE REV. W. F. MOULTON, M.A., PROFESSOR OP CLASSICS, WESLEYAN COLLEGE, RICHMOND.
Ii F Tyndale's movements dm-ing the first
year of his Continental life wo have very
scanty information. It appears certain
that he arrived in Hamburg in May, 1524 ;
that he was in the same city in the early spring of
the following year ; and that a few months later he
was superintending the printing of his New Testament
at Cologne. It is very possible that Tyndalo remained
in Hamburg for a year, engaged in tlie preparation of
his translation : the fact that Hamburg did not then
possess a printing press' can hardly be regarded as
conclusive against this view. On the other li.and, we
have contemporaiy evidence that Tyndalo visited Luther
about this time. Sir Thomas More assei-ts that "Tyn-
dalo, as soon as he got him hence, got him to Luther
straight;" that at the time of his translation of the
Now Testament ho was with Luther at Wittcmberg ;
' Demaus, Life of Tyndale, p. 92.
and that the confederacy between him and Luther was a
thing well known. Tyndalo, in reply, simply denies tlie
last charge, that he w.as confederate ivith Luther. It
is needless to C|Uoto other statements to the same effect.
Clear and definite as they appear to be, they may
perhaps be explained away, as suggested by the pre-
vailing tendency to associate all work similar to Luther's
with this Reformer himself. On the whole, however,
it is safer to accept the evidence of contemporaries, and
to assume that either in 1-524 or in 1525 Tyndale spent
I some time at Wittemberg. Another question wliich has
been much discussed is of considerable interest. W.as
any portion of the New Testament published in the
course of this year ? There is some reason to beliovo
that Tyndale gave to the world his translation of the
first two Gospels before the middle of 1525 ; but tho
j evidence adduced is somewhat uncertain, and the verdict
I must be " not proven."
THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
123
We reach firm groimd in the autumn of 1525. Our
information is deriyed from an enemy, who triumphantly
records liis success in embarrassing and partially frus-
tratmg Tj-ndale's work. In 1525, John Dobcnek, better
known as Cochlseus, was living in. exile at Cologne,
engaged in literary labours. Becoming intimate with
the printers of Cologne, he heard them boast at times, in
their cujis, that England would soon become Lutheran.
He heard, moreover, that in Cologne were lurking two
Eno-lishmen, learned and eloquent men, well skilled in
languages ; but aU his efforts to gain a sight of these
strangers were without avail. At last, plying one of
the printers with wine, Cochlseus drew from him the
secret of the Lutheran design on England. The two
Englishmen were apostates' who had learnt the German
language at Wittomberg, and had rendered Luther's
Testament into English. This English Testament they
had brought to Cologne, that it might be multiplied by
the printers into many thousands, and, concealed among
other merchandise, might find a way into England. So
great was their confidence that they had sought to have
6,000 copies printed ; but through the timidity of the
printers only 3,000 were issued from the press. These
copies, in quarto, had already heen priuted as far as tlio
letter K (that is, as far as the tenth sheet, probably a
little beyond the end of St. Matthew's Gospel). The
expense was met by English merchants, who had also
engaged to convey the work secretly into England, and
to diffuse it widely in that country. On receiving this
information, Cochlajus lost no time in revealing the plot
to Hermann Rinck, a nobleman of Cologne, well known
to Henry VIII. and to the Emperor Charles V. Having
convinced himself of the correctness of the account
received, Rinck went to the senate, and obtained an
interdict of the work. On this the two Englishmen,
carrying off the printed sheets, fled hastily from
Cologne, and went up the Rhine to Worms. Their
enemies could do no more than send letters to Henry,
Wolsey, and Fisher, warning them of the danger at
hand."
Worms was a city in every way suitable for Tyndale's
purpose. Cologne was devoted to the Romish faith
Worms was all Lutheran : both cities enjoyed consider-
able intercourse with England. In comparative quiet
Tyndale now pursued and completed his work, carrying
it farther than he had at first designed. The edition
commenced by Quentel, the Cologne printer, was in
quarto : at Worms Tyndale not only completed this
edition, but also brought out an edition in octavo.^ Of
each of these editions, which will be described in detail
hereafter, 3,000 copies were printed. No copy that
we possess contains the title-page, but we know on
1 The second apostate was 'Williain Eoye, who for some tirao
acted as Tyudale*s amnmieusis.
- The letters of CocblEeus in the original Latin, with a transla-
tion by Mr, Anderson, are given by Arher, Facsimile, pp. 18 — 24.
3 See Westcott's Hisforj; of the English Bihle^ pp. 32, 33 ; Arber,
pp. 26, 27, 65, G6. It may now be considered certain that the
Worms printer was P. Schoeffer, son of the great printer of tliat
name, who was in partuerslup with Fust.
Tyndale's own atithority* that the work was issued
without the translator's name.
The Testaments reached England probably in the
spring of 1526. Cochlaeus was not the only one who
gave notice of their coming. Leo, the king's ahnoner
(afterwards Archbishop of York), wrote t« Henry in
December, 1525, that, according to certain information
received by him while passing through France, " an
Englishman, at the solicitation and instance of Luther,
with whom he is, hath translated tho New Testament
into English, and within few days inteudeth to arrive
with the same imprinted in England." There was no
lack of willingness on the part of tho authorities to take
this warning, but we have no record of any public action
until the autumn of 1526. Wo hear then of a meeting
of bishops to deliberate on the measm-es to bo adopted.
Our account is taken from a poem by Roye, Tyndale's
former companion, which contains " A brefo Dialoge
betwene two prestes servauntes, named Watkyn and
Jeffraye^:" —
" Jif. But uowe of Standisshe'' accusaciou
Erefly to malie declaracion,
Thus to the Cardiuall he spake:
* Pleaseth youre honourable Grace,
Here is chaunsed a pitious cace.
And to the Churche a grett lacke.
The Gospell in cure Englisshe tonge.
Of' laye men to be red and songe,
Is nowe bidder come to remayne.
Which many heretykes shall make,
Except youre Grace some waye take
By youre authorite bym to rostrayue.'
Wat, But what sayde the Cardiuall hero at?
Jof. He spake the wordes of Pilat,
Sayinge, ' I fynde no fault therin.'
Howe be it, the bisshops assembled,
Amonge theym he examened,
What was best to determyu ?
Then answered bisshop Cayphas,^
That a grett parte better it was
The Gospell to be condemned ;
Lest their vices manyfolde
Shulde be knowen of yougo and olde,
Their estate to be contenipned.
The Cardiuall then incontinent-'
Agayust the Gospell gave judgement,
Sayiuge to breune he deserved.
Wherto all the bisshoppis cryed,
Answerynge, ' It cannot be deuyed
He is worthy so to be served.'
Jef. They sett nott by the Gospell a flye :
Diddest thou nott heare whatt villany
They did vnto the Gospell ?
Wiii. Why, did they as^aynst liym couspyre?
Jqf. By my trothe they sett bym a fyre
Openly in London cite.
Tr^t. Who caused it so to be done ?
.7('/. In sothe the Bisshoppe of London,
With the Cardinallis authorite:
Which at Paulis crosse eruestly
Denounced it to be heresy
That the Gospell shuld come to lyght ;
'* See his Parable of tfie Wielded Mammon, in his TToW.-s, vol. i.,
p. "7 (Parker Society).
■J Which *' represents at least the popular opinion as to the parts
played by the several actors.'' (Westcott, p. 36.)
■• Standish, Bishop of St. Asaph.
' By.
'^ Tnnstall, Bishop of London.
3 Immediately.
124
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Callynge them heretikes execrable
Whiohe caused the Gospell venerable
To come vnto laye mens syght.
He declared ther-? iu his furiousnes,
That be fownde erroures more and les
Above thre thousaude in the translacion.
Howe be it, when all cam to i)cs,
I dare saye vnable he was
Of one erroure to make probacion."!
The utmost efforts were used to prevent the intro-
duction of the forbidden books into England, and to
discover and destroy the copies which were already iu
circulation. Miuiy copies were bought up for largo
Slims of money, which afforded means for reprints and
new editions : accordingly as many as three editions
were issued by Antwerp printers iu 1526 and the two
following years. The detailed narratives of search and
persecution are fidl of interest, but they lie beyond the
limits of our .space."
lu the midst of tliis turmoil Tyndale quietly pursued
his labours. At first he was not recognised in England
as the author of tho obnoxious translation, which bore
no name on the title-page. The secret, however, coidd
not long be kept. Wolsey, connecting Tyndale with
the satiro published (by Roye) against hhnseK,' used
vigorous efforts to get him into his power. Tyndale
now found it necessary to leave Worms. In 1527,
probably, ho removed to Marburg in Hesse Cassel,
wliere ho spent tho greater part of the four years
following, leaving Marburg for Antwerp early in 1531.
At Marburg his principal doctrmal and controversi;d
works were printed, at the press of Hans Luf t ; as his
Parable of the Wicked Mammon (1528), his Treatise 07i
the Obedience of a Christian Man (1528), the Practice
of Prelates (1530). The work of translation, however,
was not neglected. After the New Testament, Tyndale
devoted himself to tho Old, commencing with the Pen-
tateuch. Eoxe's statement is as follows : " At what
time Tyndale had translated the fifth book of Moses,
called Deuteronomy, minding to print the same iu
Hamburg, he sadcd tliitherward ; where by the way,
upon tho coast of Holland, he suffered shipwreck, by
which he lost all his books, -ivritiugs, and copies, and so
was compelled to begin all again anew, to his hindrance
and doubling of his labours. Thus, having lost by that
ship both money, his copies, and his time, he came in
another ship to Hamburg, where, at his appointment.
Master Coverdale tarried for him, and helped him in tho
translating of the whole five Books of Moses, from
Easter tUl December, in tho house of a worshipful
widow. Mistress Margaret Van Emmerson, A.D. 1529 ;
a great sweating sickness being at the same time in tho
town. So, having dispatched liis business at Hamburg,
he returned afterwards to Antwerp again."^ It is hard
to reconcile evoi-y particular of this narrative with what
we loai-n f rom other sources, and from Poxe himself;
1 Nearly 300 lines of this satire are given by Arber, pp. ^9 — 32.
- One narrative especially we exclude with regret, as too lengthy
for quotation. This is the *' Story of Thomas Garret, and things
done in Oxford, reported by Antony Delaber : " see Fose, vol. v.,
pp. 421 — 127; Arber, pp. 57 — (13.
■* Demaus, p. IGO.
* Foxe, vol. v., p. 130. Compare Demaus, pp, 22D, 230.
but there is little doubt that it is in tho main correct-
The Pentateuch appears to have been published at Mar-
burg in 1530 or 1531 : a second edition was issued in
1534. The Pentateuch was foUcf^ved, in 1531, by tho
Book of Jonah, probably printed at an Antwerp press.
At this period Tyndale was involved in active con-
troversy ^vith Sir T. More, who had violently attacked
his translation of the New Testament and his other
writings. The only part of the controversy with which
we are here concerned is that which relates to Tyndale's
accuracy as a translator: More's strictures will be
noticed presently. The year 1534 is especially memor-
able for tlie publication of Tyndale's revised translation
of the New Testament, " imprinted at Antwerp by
Marten Emperowr." The title runs thus : " The newe
Testament dylygently corrected and compared with the
Greke by WiUyam Tindale, and fynesshed in tho yero
of ouro Lorde God a.m.d. & xxsiill. in the moneth of
Nouember." Besides the New Testament, this volume
contained a translation of " the Epistles taken out of
the Old Testament, which are read in the Church after
the use of Salisbury upon certain days of the year."
These " Epistles " include 78 verses from the Penta-
teuch ; 51 from 1 Kings, Proverbs, and the Song of
Solomon; 147 from tho Prophetical Books (chiefly
from Isaiah) ; and 43 from the Apocryjdia (chiefly from.
Ecclesiasticus).^ The work of revision and translation
occupied Tyndale's attention to the last. Very shortly
before (or perhaps even after) his arrest appeared a
third edition of his New Testament, bearing marks of
assiduous labour. In a recently discovered letter
written during his Imprisonment, Tyndale begs that
he may be allowed the use of his Hebrew books, Bible,
grammar, and dictionary. There is good reason for
believing that he left behind him in manuscript a
translation of the Books of the Old Testament from
Joshua to 2 Chronicles inclusive.
The touching details of Tyndale's treacherous betrayal,
while residing in the house of his warm and true friend
Thomas Poyntz, of Antwerp, cannot be given here.
In May, 1535, he was committed to tho castle of
Vilvorde, near Brussels. Notwithstanding all tho
efforts of his friends in England and In tho Low
Countries to procure for him protection, ho was con-
demned to death. On Friday, October 6th, 1636, he
was strangled at tho stake, and his body burnt to ashes.
His last words were, " Lord ! open the king of England's
eyes."
" And here to end and coucludo this history with a
few notes touching his private behaviour in diet, study,
and especially his charitable zeal and tender relieving of
the poor : First, he was a man very frugal and spare of
body, a great student, and earnest labourer, namely
[especlidly] iu the setting forth of the Scriptures of
God. He reserved or hallowed to himself two days in
the week, which he named his days of pastime, and
those days were Monday the first day in the week and
Saturday the last day in the week. On the Monday he
5 Westcott, p. 48.
THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
125
visited all such poor men and women as were fled out
of England by reason of persecution into Antwerp;
and those, well understanding their good exercises and
qualities, ho did very liberally comfort and relieve ; and
in like manner pro^aded for the sick and diseased
persons. On the Saturday he walked round about the
town in Antwerp, seeking out every corner and hole
whoro he suspected any poor person to dwell (as God
knoweth there are many); and where he found any to be
well occupied, and yet overburdened with children, or
fruitfully, sweetly, and gently from him (much like to
the writing of St. John the Evangelist), that it was a
heavenly comfort and joy to the audience to heai' him
read the Scriptures : and in like wise after dinner he
spent an hour in the aforesaid manner. Ho was a man
without any spot or blemish of rancour or malice, full
of mercy and compassion, so that no man living was
able to reprove him of any kind of sin or crime ; albeit
his righteousness and justification depended not there-
upon before God, but only upon the blood of Christ and
TC tlje woibc of 0(06
is vtiberftobc / the^
re hit m\)ttiplicrfi7
maWtlj t\}i poepU
better, \9bcre hit is
.mot T>i6eTftobe/th»
«at4 Ijit bscrfiftfiil}
Tmakxth tbepocple
cutcft|)el)ouffe/anbratttytb«rccr))^t/atitm05 " ■'
d)epe(iple rcfortc"!) vnito l)im/fo Sretlj) tlpQt 1)4 xoit
anb fatiit a f ^jjppf/anV) all l^j pcof Ic ftobeontlje
'|)»re.2(nbb2 fpatc waiiy tt);ngf t»ll)«nT infimiHtuW/fa*
Vinge: bcl)olbe./tlt)8-fown»ciil fortl) toforcc/ant) a5l)<ifo>
tocb/ foTdfc fell by t\)i roap^ f))be/2 i\)t foxsllf ca/anb bevou?
TebUuppe. 0'cmcfellapoti f>oii)igro«nbetDbereitl)abnott
jiiocl)eeTtl)/anb atronit ffrottgcnppc/tcfatife it Vo noSe^
pl)t C)fertl;):<J"b tobentlje fon was tppe /{jitcaut^ l){et /anb
for late ofrot^nge w;jbi>veb a.v>a'^i,Qi)mt [fill amoiigc tboV^
ms / at)b t^« t^omcs arofc /aTibcl}ciffFebit. parte (ell in
gcobcgrotitibe/atib broQljt foritjscob frutr. foTncaii|)Via''
breb folb/fome f$ftf folb/fom« tl)5>rt)' folbe,tX)l)oro?t)cr f)atl)
cor«5 to b?are/lct pint i)ec.Ye»
ir2(tTbbV'5 bifciplcB cam /ajib fft>b« to \^m t Q?[)x) fpeafcft
tbovt tot^eminpaTO-bles: b?anft»er€bc<.Tifefaibei»titot()«ini
J^it is gcvcn vnto -jou to f no rot tl)e fecratf of tb^ ^^SbOi
Ynt of bcvcn/but to tbcm it is tott gtvim. for t»l)ofomcver
l)aU)/tD bim ft) all bit be^cven : anb be [ball bave abounban-- *''"'
nee: But toijofoever batt) nott: from bim fbalbe td^na.
xoa.^i ^-'e tbat fame tbat bftbatb.Sberforefpeaft 3 to tbem
infimibtub-f ; j'or l^ongbtbev fe/tbcy fonott: anb bearvngc
tbejJbcaTenotmctbcrvtibetftonbe.^nbititbcm^^s fijlfylkb efa.vi.
tbf propbcfy ofcfav/isbicbpropb^fi fo.j'tb : witb voorccarcs
y^fboU bMre/anb f ball not onb erf lobe/ anb toitl) yoaniyt&
j)ef ball fe/anbf ball notp^rceave Jottljis peoples berths
FAC-SIMILE OF ST. MATT, XIII. 1 — 15 IN TTNDALK's FIKST TESTAMENT (OCTAVO EDITION).
else were aged or weak, those also he plentifully relieved.
And thus he spent his two days of pastime, as he called
them. And truly his almose [alms] was very large and
great ; and so it might well bo, for his exhibition that
he had yearly of the English merchants was very much;
and that for the most part ho bestowed upon the poor,
as aforesaid. The rest of the days in the week he gave
him wholly to his book, wherein most diligently he
travailed. When the Sunday came, then went he to
some one merchant's chamber or other, whither came
many other merchants ; and unto them would ho road
some one parcel of Scripture, either out of the Old
Testament or out of the New ; the which proceeded so
his faith upon the same, in which faith constantly he
died, as is said at VUvordo, and now resteth with the
glorious company of Christ's martyrs blessedly in the
Lord, who be blessed in all his saints. Amen.'"'
Some recent writers have endeavoured to place his
character in a very diilerout light. It may bo acknow-
ledged that in controversy Tyndale frequently used
Language which cannot be defended, especially when
(with or without sufficient reason) he suspected an
adversasry to be actuated by corrupt motives ; but those
who best know the eharacter of the times in which ho
1 Fose'a Ii/e of ryndnlc. See Arber, pp. 17, 13.
126
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
lived will judge most leniently of this excess. Certainly
it is not possible to condemn Tyndale on this charge
and absolve his opponents. His fervent zeal for tho
truth may have led liini into extremes, but it was free
from any taint of selfish considerations. " I assui-e
you," he says' (at a time when overtures were made to
him to retiu-n to England), " if it would stand with the
king's most gracious pleasure to grant only a bare text
of the Scripture to be put forth among his people, like
as is put forth among tho subjects of the emperor in
these parts, and of other Christian princes, be it of
the translation of what person soever shall please his
1 Demaus, p. 308,
Majesty, I shall immediately make faithful promise
never to write more, nor abide two days in these parts
after the same ; but immediately to repair into his
realm, and there most humbly submit myself at the
feet of his Royal Majesty, oifering my body to suffer
what pain or torture, yea, what death his Grace will, so
that this be obtained." Of the value of his work we
shall speak hereafter when we examine it in detail.
Whether we look at his work or at his life, it is impos-
sible not to admire and reverence " the worthy vii'tues
and doings of this blessed martyr, who, for his painful
travails and singular zeal to his country, may be called
an apostle of Eugland."-
- Foxe, Acii and Monuments^ vol, v., p. 139.
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOaT.
BT THE KEV. J. B. HEABD, M.A., CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBBIDQE.
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
' E have already remarked on the progress of
doctrine in Scripture, and that its psycho-
logy is always abreast of its theology.
With a clear grasp of these two thoughts
— first, that inspiration is an organic, not a me-
chanical whole, with the principle of gi-owt,h in it ;
and, secondly, that in this growth there is always a
perfect proportion of parts — we shall easily see the con-
trast between the psychology of the Old and the New
Testaments. On this subject we have one decisive text :
" Howbeit that was not &st which was pneumatical
[A. v., spu-itual], but that which was psychical [A. V.,
natural], and afterward that wliich was pneumatical"
(1 Cor. XV. 46). As redemption truths are founded ou
those of creation, so a basis must be laid for the higher
theology of man's becoming partaker of the Divine nature
in the elementary facts of his being part of God's handi-
work— the last and noblest of all his creatures. In tho
same way the higher psychology of the indwelling of the
Divine Pneuma in the human, a mystery corresponding
as it does and growing out of that of the incarnation,
must be preceded by those humbler conceptions of man
as clay, animated by a breath indeed of the DivJne
Spirit, but that only resulting in a nephesli chayah, or
"living soul" (Gen. ii. 7), such as animates all other
creatui-es of God.
Sound views of creationism must thus precede those
spiritualist conceptions of God's relation to man which
we find in the Now Testament. It is a mistake to press
on to the higher till wo have been well grounded in tho
lower forms of truth. This is a mistake of our age.
Much of what is caUod tho higher Pantheism is only
spiritual theology erected ou an insufficient basis of
creationism. As the Elohist precedes the Jehovist dis-
pensation, so the knowledge of God in Nature (to use
the language of the old school) must go before the
knowledge of God in grace. The intuitional school in
philosophy leans to a Pantheistic conception of the rela-
tion of God to the universe. God is in eveiything, antl
I everything Hves only in God. It is almost as much a
mistake to speak of " matter," as to speak of " mind."
Language itself must be reconstructed to accommodate
' itself to this new school of deep thinkers. The old
dualistic conceptions of object and subject, thought and
things, mind and matter, must ch.sappear in one higher
generalisation, call it matter, call it mind. There is but
one substance, and that is God ; light is his nature, the
sun and moon his eyes, and the stars the dust of his
chariot-wheels. We unconsciously thus pass into Orien-
talisms to express a mode of thought which is Oriental,
and which is only naturahsed in the West, as exotics are,
with care and cidture. Tins new school of spiritualism,
as it works out a theology of its own, so its psychology
is equally advanced. The incarnation of our Lord Jesus
Christ, so far from being a unique, and, as we should
say, a supernatural fact, is from their point-of view only
the highest instance of tho continued Indwelling of the
Divine in the human. Instead of the Word being made
flesh, they teach that flesh became the Word. In direct
contradiction to the teaching of St. John, that " no man
liath ascended up to heaven, but He that came down from
heaven, oven the Son of man wliich was in heaven," the
new school approach tho subject from an inverted
order. They begin where they shoidd end, and their
conception of Christ is that of a Man-God, not that of
a God-man. The distinction is not a verbal one, as it
seems at first sight. Scldeiermacher and Rotho, for
instance, seem to lay great stress on the incarnation ;
but tested by the uneniug standard of trutli, the
teaching of John the tlivine, their teaching is seen to
bo humanitarian, however disguised in phrases wliich
conceal the real departure from " the faith once delivered
to the saints." An incarnation which is not unique, and
therefore supernatural, in the strict sense of the word,
is not the doctrine of the New Testament with regard
to the person of our Lord. On this subject we cannot
be too thankful that no phase of opinion can jiossibly
arise wliich has not arisen and been condemned by the
BIBLICAL PYSCHOLOGY.
127
early Church. The Christian consciousness (to use
Neaader's phrase) has worked itself clear of those
turbid couceptions, which, like the glacier water of the
upper Rhone, must flow on for some space before it
recovers its original pmity. The stream is purest either
at the foimtaiu-head or after it has passed thi-ough the
Lake of Geneva, and there deposited its detritus from
the glacier. In the same way \vith Christology : the
cathohc conception of Chi-ist is also the truest, and is
the most primitive. The Gnostic — of which modern
spirituahsm is only a new phase — is like that turbid
interval between the soiuxe of the Rhone in the Alps
and its true starting-point as a river after it leaves the
Lake of Geneva.
The tap-root of Gnosticism in the early Church was
contempt of the Old Testament and a misconception of
its teaching as introductory to the New. The God of the
Old Testament, the Demiurge of Marcion and others, was
degraded, as if by liis contact with matter he had soiled
the original spuutuality of his being. He was a kind of
intermediate between thought and things, and some of
the baseness supposed to inhere in matter was reflected
in him. The remedy for this false spiritualism is a
return to the true Old Testament conception of God and
of his relation to the world. That relation is transcen-
dental, not immanent, as the modern school teach. There
is no disguising the fact that the Deistic account of the
relation of God to the world, and not the Pantheistic, is
that of the Old Testament. Hence the disjjai-aging view
of the Old Testament taken by these modern Gnostics.
We may take it or leave it, but we cannot alter or twist
it into a meaning to suit our preconceptions. If our
philosophy does not square with our theology, and one
of the two must give way, it is both more modest and
reverent to suppose that the error is with us rather
than with a Book wliich bears many infaUible proofs of
being from God. Such being the case, we tm-u to that
Book to learn how it approaches the subject of man, and
we find, as wo might expect, its psychology in admirable
harmony with its theology. It is creationist fii'st, and
spiritualist only afterwards. The Deistic or transcen-
dent conception of God prepares the way for the mys-
tical or immanent. It is the same with its psychology.
In Genesis, and through the Old Testament generally,
it speaks of man from the dichotomist point of view
corresponding to its creationism. Man is body and
soul, vnttx spiritual capacities, however, as yet generally
undeveloped ; as such ho is God's creature, often his ser-
vant ; once or twice, as Abraham, the friend of God ; or
as David, the man after his own heart ; or as Moses, the
one who speaks face to face with God ; or as Isaiah, who
sees a vision of Jehovah ; but ho is nowhere as yet the son
of God. The expression was too august to be lightly
used of any individual man, however favom-ed. Israel
collectively might be a dear son, a pleasant eluld, but
this is only the language of metaphor — a variation of
that other metaphor of marriage between Jehovah and
his redeemed people.
Thus creationism is the key to the theology of the
Old Testament and equally to its psychology. In ac-
cordance with this view, when we turn to the earliest
record of all, we find an Elohist and a Jehovist account of
the creation of man side by side, or in close conjimction.
The Elohist account seems the most dignified of the
two, the one which favours most those later and higher
intimations of man's destiny as a partaker of the Divine
natm'e. It perplexes us at first to find the Jehovist
record, which we might anticipate would be trichotomist,
bearing apparently the other way. Man is clay, and the
breath of God, or the union point of this, is the nepliesh
or " soul " (psyche). Thus the psychical life is the pro-
minent fact in the Jehovist record ; whereas the Elohist,
which is not a covenant but a creationist record, is of the
two the most spiritual. It implies a council in the mind
of the Deity, " let us make," and the result of that eouncU
in the fact that man appears stamped with the Divine
image and likeness. Tliis is fairly pei-jjlexing : to find
spirituahsm where we might have looked only for the
creationist account of man as the last and noblest of
God's works ; and, on the other hand, to find creationism
in that other record where the covenant name of God
impUes his covenant relationship to man.
This is perplexing at first sight, but the difficulty dis-
appears when we look at it more closely. Rightly
regarded, the contrast between these two records melts
away, and we see unity underlying their variety. In
the Elohist record man is spoken of, as in the 8th
Psalm, not so much as he is in himself as in liis official
position to the universe. He is a creature, it is true —
the work of the sixth day, and has that in common with
the higher mammalia, which are the work of the forenoon
as he is of the afternoon of the day which precedes the
Sabbath. But as God is about to enter on his rest he
ajipoints a viceroy and representative on earth. To lend
dignity to that viceroy, he invests him with some of his
own attributes ; he stamps liis image and superscription
on liim. As Joseph was given Pharaoh's chain and
made to ride in Pharaoh's chariot, and thus shown to
Egypt as the next to the king in all the land, his deputy
and mouthpiece, so with man. This is the meaning of
the Elohist record, and explains why it ajiparenviy goes
out of its way to speak of man's dignity rather than of
his dependent nature. Though the last of the mammalia,
he is here made a little lower than the angels, and crowned
with glory and honour, all the works of God being made
subject to him. But when we turn to the Jehovist record,
as its purpose is different, so its way of introducing
the creation of man is also different. The Jeho-vdst
record takes up the ethical side of man as the Elohist
does the external. It has to deal \vith the problem of
death and sin, grace and redemption ; it must give an
account, therefore, of mau in himself, not merely of Ids
official relation to the rest of God's creatui-es. As the
pm'pose differs, so the mode of accounting for man's
beginning must also sUghtly differ. It is only the same
difference without disagreement wliich we see in the
Gospels. The Synoptists (the fii-st three) begin with the
human, John the divine with the pre-existent glory of
Christ. Tliis is why, of the two records, the Jehovist,
which is redemptive, gives the most strictly creational
128
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
account of the origin of the race. Man is dust of the
earth, which prepares us for the sentence that, should
he disobey, "dust to dust" must be his punishment.
This is highly consistent with the covenant account
of God's deaUngs with man. Any other, such as a
pure spiritualist, would be out of place here. Let us
imagine the two narratives displaced, and we shall see
what misconcojjtions would arise. Were the Elohist, or
creationist, account of man capped with the narrative of
the kneading of dust and breath into a " living soul,"
wo might fairly ask. Is this all ? is man only the last
link of a long chain ? In that case could we say that
the Sabbath drew on P On the other hand, suppose the
Elohist account of man in the image and likeness of
God had sUpped out of its place into the Jehovist
record, and how perplexed we shoidd be ; we might
then say with Longfellow, that " ' dust to dust ' was not
spoken of the soul." Thus tho apparent paradox that
the spiritualist side of man appears in the creationist
record, and the creationist in the spiritualist, is liighly
consistent if we look at each from the point of view from
wliich it was written.
Passing over, then, the Elohist record of Gen. i. — not
as unimportant, but as irrelevant to psychology proper —
we turn to the Jehovist record of Gen. ii. Here we find
the true psychology of man, and that from a creationist
point of view. Our key to understand it is the word of
tho Apostle, that the psychical is first, and afterward
that which is "spiritual." Following that order, and
remembering that tho Old Testament keeps to tho
psychical, though it flashes with intimations of a future
spiritual stage, aU is consistent and of a piece. In
no language of metaphor, but in strict and sober truth,
man is said to be of the dust. God took and kneaded
clay. The Hebrew word used implies that the work-
manship is of pre-existent materials. Man's bodily
organism is of matter, which comes from the inorganic
world and returns to it again. Made up in equal pro-
portions of gases and eartlis, his flesh and fibres, bones
and blood, are all, as that of the lower animals, of " the
earth, earthy." Such is the first Adam. His very
name, so called from red earth, with reference, as some
etymologists think, to the redness of the blood, Adam,
from dam, " blood," or, as others, from the ruddiness
of the skin, as the Chinese represent man to be kneaded
of yeUow earth, and the red Indians speak of his being
made of red clay — his very name indicates liim as " dust
of tlie earth." The derivation of Adam, as if from the
Hebrew demuih, " the image or likeness of God," is
plainly fanciful ; the attempt to import into the Jehovist
record the Eloliist account of man as the lord of
creation and the viceroy of Heaven's eternal King is
plainly inconsistent and out of place. The intention
of the second narrative is to describe man as he is in
himself, not in his official relation to the universe in
general. Hence we may pass by the first, and con-
fine ourselves almost exclusively to the second. Tho
Elohist account of man is theological, the Jehovist
psychological. By that wo mean, that if we \nsh to
determine man's place in relation to God and Ms werks,
we may turn to Gen. i. ; if we wish to determine what
man is in himself, and the purposes which God has in
regard to him, we must study Gen. ii. Tho first is the
ideal man, the second the actual. The structure of tho
narrative itself coniirms that vievr. The singidar form
of expression, "we will make man," not " let us make
man," as if the Deity were rousing himself to an effort,
whatever it means — whether a covert reference to the
Trinity, as the fathers and schoolmen hold, or an
address to Nature as Maimonidos thought — " God
directly and sovereignly. Nature mediately and obediently
througli the Divine Word combining in the formation
of man " — in either case wo have man regarded on the
ideal side. It confirms that view to find that tho
creation of woman is implied, not assorted. " Male and
female created he them." If wo had the Elohist record
only to go by, wo should know nothing of the unity of
the human race, of the propagation of mankind from a
single pair, and we should at once be relieved of many
difficulties which science throws in the path of theology,
while at the same time we shoidd lose that grand har-
mony which runs throughout Revelation, and which is
brought out by St. Paul in his doctrine of the first and
second Adam, Rom. v. ; 1 Cor. xv., and elsewhere.
It is clear, then, that the creationist narrative of Gen.
i. is not so much the foundation of Scripture psycho-
logy as the Jehovist or redemptive record of Gen. ii.
Turning to that we find two factors in human nature
meeting in the " living soul," the punchim indifferens
of two lives, one from above, another from beneath.
The Hebrew verb is rightly rendered " became," not
" was." The German wcrden, " to become," exactly
catches the sense of that meeting-point between being
and non-being at which the human soul is placed — " Und
also ward der Mensch eine lebendige Secle." Luther,
who is always vigorous, and who, if he sometimes
misses the exact sense, seldom fails to catch the general
sph-it, throws in also. " Consequently in this order and
manner man became a living sold." Otherivise the
contrast between tho "living soul" in man and in
other animals would be lost. Tho differentia between
him and them is this Di\'ine breath; it is right to
mark, then, by an emphatic word that man became a
living soul only by the breath of God entering his
nostrils in a special way, such as is said of no other
li^dng creature. The expression " dust of the earth,"
suggests its own meaning: man is xoi'"" (1 Cor. xv. 47),
" of the earth, earthy," as homo is derived from hiimus.
And as h^lmas is not so much earth in general as the earth
soil when adapted for cultivation, so Adam is from
adamah, the soil of cultivation in its paradisiacal state
— not the mere earth (aretz), which is a distinct word.
With regard to his body, man is flesh (hasar) ; he has
this in common with the animal world. " AU flesh " is
a common Hebraism for the whole world in its mere
animal side. When used in reference to man there is a
covert reproach in it ; we are reminded by it of our sin
and shame. Flesh and spirit are contrasted as in that
passage : " The Egyptians are men, and not God ; and
their horses flesh, and not spirit " (Isa. xxxi. 3). To depend
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
129
on man, or to put trust in liim, is to depend on an arm of
flesh. Basar, in this ethical connection, is always used
as a term of reproach. It is exactly equivalent to our
contrast between sense and spirit. It is no reproach to a
man to judge by means of sense-perecptions, for these
are the data on which mind must work ; but to leave off
■with these is a reproach. The two adjectives " sensual "
and "sensuous" exactly mark these distinctions. Art
is sensuous ; it raises impressions tlu-ough the senses ;
and according as these impressions are degrading or
elevating, is it sensual or spiritual. So unconsciously
do ethical conceptions glide in and mingle themselves
■with iBsthetieal, that the question has been raised whether
art should have anything to say to morals or not. The
answer is obvious — consciously, no ; but unconsciously,
yes. What we mean is that art is not to teach pro-
fessedly— its end and aim is to delight and refine. But
in that aim there must be hidden a moral purpose of one
kind or tlie other — hidden as Cleopatra's adder in the
basket of fruit ; and it is the duty of the moralist to
question art as it crosses the threshold, and to refuse
admission to it if the serpent be foiind lurking among its
fruits and flowers. In Scripture, where the ethical import
is predominant, the bodily side of man's nature is generally
referred to as the fames peccati, the fuel of the fire of
sin. The tongue in St. James, the eye in St. John, the
feet swift to shed blood of the Psalmist, the hands and
the heart frequently elsewhere are spoken of as the
instruments of sin. The body is thus, to refer to a well-
known Rabbinic fable, the partner with the soul in sin,
and must bo raised up for this reason to receive its
separate punishment. It is foreign to the simplicity of
the Hebrew mind to dwell on the soul as the exclusive
source of good and evil. Luther, in one of his sermons
on Gen. ii., rightly remarks that by " living soul " we are
to understand living body ; and Tertullian, in the same
way, in his treatise De Anima (cap. vii.l, lays stress on
the essential corporeity of the soul. Man in Scripture
psychology is not a soul in a body. Tliis is the school
dichotomy which has entered into our popular theology
and somewhat distorted our conceptions of man's place
and duty here and hereafter. Man in Scripture is a
body or organism which has two poles, sarx and pnemna,
flesh and spirit. According as he inclines to the one
pole or the other is he carnal or spiritual. In his fallen
state, and as the consequence of the fall, he is carnal,
sold under sin. What enhances his misery is that
he knows it. He is a "reed who thinks," as Pascal
puts it ; let us add, a reed who quivers with a sense
of his own misery. The purpose of redemption is to
remove him from the one xiole of sense to the other pole
of sjjirit. That redemption is begun now, but is mcom-
plete until his full adoption, to wit, the redemption of
the body. When the body itself, which is now psycliical
at best, i.e., with the animal and appetitive elements
predominant, shall become pneumatical, i.e., with the
organs of assimOation and reproduction at rest, .and
those of apprehension and action elevated and intensified
(of which the transformation of insects furnishes a
wonderful analogy), then shall be brought to pass the
33— voi,. II.
saying that is written, "Death is swallowed up in
victory."
Thus the psychology of the Old Testament is of a
piece with that of the New, the only difference being
that, as the plan of redemption unfolds itself, the
psychical element becomes more pneumatical, and the
sarx, or flesh, sinks into the background as the part
to be mortified or subdued. Man begins in the flesh,
rises to psychical conceptions, and is only redeemed and
regenerated when the psyche becomes subservient to the
pneuma, as the sarx is to the psyche. Psyche is the
centre point where the conflict goes on. In every man
there is a choice of Hercules, between soul and flesh.
But in the case of the regenerate and redeemed there
is a stUl higher conflict and a yet more decisive choice.
They are called on to subdue the desires of the mind
as well as of the flesh — to yield their wills and affec-
tions up to God as they yield the members of the body
up to the guidance of reason. This higher stage of dis-
cipline lies out of the range of mere "culture." The
morahst as such knows nothing of it, for it lies within
the spiritual world, and this hes outside Ms ken and
cognisance. He can only guess at it, as Goethe in his
conjectures about a demonic influence, which is not
genius or God, but something between the two.
When we speak, then, of the trichotomy of Scripture,
and particularly of the Old Testament, we do not mean
that man is of three natm-es joined in one, much less
tliat, after the analogy of the Trinity, there are three
substances in one person, instead of three Persons in
one substance. The homo imago Trinitatis of Augus-
tine is a misleading metaphor, and, what is worse still,
it " djirkens counsel by words without knowledge." Man
is not body and soul and spirit as the Godhead is
Father and Son and Holy Ghost. Man is strictly only
au organism with two tendencies, and in this sense it
is as correct to speak of the dichotomy as the trichotomy.
These tendencies are flesh and spirit, and hence the
account in Gen. ii. is so accurate when the dust of the
earth and the breath of lives met in the living soul of
man as their imiting point. These tendencies of flesh
and spirit were marked in no other creature in the same
way. In the animal there is the one factor — the dust of
the earth, animated, it is true, by a certain breath of
God, for He is the Life of life, as He is the God of gods
and Light of lights. But the spiritual factor is not
there : in man alone do flesh and spirit join. The i>syche
is the synthesis of which body and spirit are .the thesis
and antithesis respectively. In this point of ^-iew it is
as incorrect to speak of man as made up of three parts,
as to speak of water as made up of oxygen, hydrogen,
and a fluid called water, seeing tluit water is only the
result of the gases uniting in certain definite propor-
tions. Both terms, " dichotomy " and " trichotomy," are
therefore, strictly spealriug, incorrect, although, in order,
to guard ourselves againsttho phrases " body" and "soiil,"
growing out of the old duahsm of miud and matter, we
speak of man as a hving soul with two natures, an animal
and a spiritual. It is in tliis sense only that man is in
the trichotomist phrase made of spirit, soul, and body,
130
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
tliougli it -would be equally correct to speak of Mm as
made up of an animal frame united to a psyche-prietima.
Indeed, as in the earlier stage of infancy body and soul
exist togctlier with a dormant or undeveloped spirit, so,
during the intermediate state, we iind conversely the
psyche-pnetima existing out of the body.
Further, with regard to the psychology of the Old
Testament, we must bear in mind that the language is
popular and accommodated to the unscientific conceptions
then current. In modern language we speak of the
head as the seat of intelligence, and the heart as that of
the feelings and aifections. It is the head tliat thinks,
the heart that bleeds, or weeps, or rej<iices. Tliis arises
from our more accurate notions of physiology. The
three great discoveries of modern anatomy are the circu-
lation of the blood, the function of the brain as the
organ of thought, and of the nervous system as the
special organ of feeling and motion. There is no trace
of any one of these three fixed truths of modem phy-
siology to be found in the Hebrew Scriptures. The truth,
so obvious to us, that the brain, not the heart, is the centre
of sentient and rational life, was not suspected until
the time of the Ptolemies. Pythagoras, it is true, sup-
posed that the pais {nous, or " mind "') was seated in the
brain, but this was only a guess, unsupported by any
anatomical observation. Plato, reasoning in his fanci-
ful way from certain properties of numbers, supposed
that the four elements united in man to f onn a quint-
essence, wliich he called the soul, and which was seated
in the spinal marrow. He considers the spinal maiTow
to be the part first formed, and that the marrow covers
itseK with bones, and these bones with flesli. Aristotle,
however, returned to the old conception that the brain
is a mere excrescence of the spinal marrow, adapted by
its usual coldness and moisture to allay the fii-e at the
heart. This was the reigning opinion until the Alexan-
drian physicians, Erasistratus and Hierophilus, by dis-
secting the bodies of erimiuals given for examination
in the medical schools, overturned the old theory that
the heart was the seat of intelligence, as the bowels or
reins were of the affections and passions. Old Testa-
ment psychology falls in with these prevailing notions.
It was only so late as the Book of Daniel that we find
any intimations of the head as the seat of thought.
Delitzsch rightly remarks that Dan. ii. 28 ; vii. 1, 15,
are the earliest passages in which the head is spoken of
as the seat of visions, the centre to wliich sph-itual,
psychical events are to be referred. In all other places
the heart is spoken of as the seat of understanding, as
the reins and bowels are of emotion. Inattention to
tins distinction has led to many uncritical comments on
Scripture language. For instance, on the expression,
" With the heart man believeth to righteousness.''
preachers and pojiular divines have founded the remark
that we have here the distinction between head-know-
ledge and heart-knowledge pointed out. The only
saving belief was that of the heart, i.e., of the affections,
not of the head merely, i.e., of the diy intellect. If the
Apostle had tliis distinction then on his mind (a good
one in its place, but inapplicable here), ho would have
phrased it differently : " With the feelings man believeth
unto righteousness."
We must bear this in mind, or wo shall fall into mis-
takes continually on meeting with the Scripture phrase
' ' the heart." Wlien we should speak of sluggish intellects,
the Hebrews would have said, " slow of heart." " O fools,
and slow of heart to understand," &c. When wo should
speak of a man taking a thing into his head, they spoke
of "laying it to heart." It is worthy of notice that while
there are hundi-eds of passages in which the heart ia
spoken of as the seat of certain mental acts — of thought
and feeling — we have not been able to find a single in-
stance of the head being regarded in Scriptm'o as more
than the summit of the body in the external sense only.
Eichhorn, as quoted by Delitzsch, rightly remarks on the
distinction between the use of the head and the heai-t
in the Old Testament. "The head is to the external
appeai-ance what the heart is to the internal agency of
the soul, and only on this \'iew is a prominent position
given to it in the Bibhcal point of view." The Scriptiu-e
contrasts the head with the feet, but not with the heart.
From the crown of the head to the sole of the foot the
whole body is diseased, according to Isiiiah, but the
f oimtain of the disease is in the heart, from whence, as
our Lord teaches, proceed evil thoughts. Blessings rest,
it is true, upon the head of the just, but this isTsecause
the blessings come down from above and fall fii'st on
the head. The inference, so obvious to us, that as the
chief senses — sight, hearing, smoU, taste — are all clus-
tered round the brain, and in close communication ivith
it, the brain, and not the heart, must be the chief organ
of thought, does not seem to have occiuTed to the
ancients. Misled by a false analogy between warmth
and intelligence, they assumed that the cold white and
grey matter of the brain could not be the instrument of
thought, and they therefore placed the seat of the soul
and the centre of the nervous system in the heart, at the
fountain-head of the blood. The blood was the life, and
where the blood was warmest there the seat of the soul
must be.
But while Hebrew psychology en-ed in placing the
seat of intelligence in the heart instead of the brain, we
must not sujjpose that they materialised the soul as tha
modern phrenological school do. Tho soul inhabited the
heart as the centre and citadel of the body, but it was
not a mere function of the heart, as thought and feeling
are functions of tho brain among physiologists whoso
views incline to materialism. The inhabitant of the
house was not confoimded with the house itself. It
woidd be more correct to say that they held a doctrine
of correspondence — the soul inhabited the whole body,
and was diffused through eveiy part : one class of
mental states corresponded with one class of physical
organs, another with another. Speakiiig ronglily, wo
shoidd say that the diaphragm was tho di^-iding wall
between the intellect and the emotions. Tho phrase
"bowels of mercies" is too well known to need any
comment. But it is further remarkable that the reins
rather than the heart is the seat of wliat we should call
conscience. God tries the reins, cha.stons the rclus.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAIISTED.
131
sends his arrows of convictiou into the reins. To sum
up, we should say that the Hebrews probably inclined to
the opinion of the old dogmatists, that the whole soul
was in the whole body, and also wholly in each of the
parts. " Aniuia in toto corpore tota et in singidis simul
coi-poris partibus tota." Their ^-iew was proljably not
unlike that of some of the fathers, notably TertuUian,
that soul and body are related as form and essence, and
that even out of the body the soul still rotaiued a filmy,
shadowy form, corresponding to that with wliioh it
■was clothed upon when in the body. In this point of
Tiew the soul was the formative principle of the body
— an opinion which the younger Fichto has revived,
and to which Swedonborg also iucluied. Bacon and
Cudworth too inclined to the view that the soul is a
kind of ethereal body. The lines of Spenser express
the same thought : —
" For of the soul the body form doth take,
For soul is form, and doth the body make."
This doctrine of correspondence may not be the whole
truth on a subject confessedly mysterious and beyond
our grasp at present, but it, at least, does not contradict
any higher ti-uth. It was a good provisional stand-point
for psychology in a revelation of which the resurrec-
tion of the body formed no part-. If it was not the
whole truth, it at least gave no countenance to the two
false and one-sided tendencies to which the human mind
inclines on this subject — materialism and spiritualism.
Like Paul on Mars' Hill, between Stoics and Epicureans,
the Old Testament is equally removed from those who
say that mind is a function of the body, and so perishes
with the body, and from those on the other extreme who
teach that mind is au entity in itself, indi\'isible, and
therefore imperishable. It has not one syllable for or
against the immortality of the soul iu the sense that the
question is argued in tlie PhcEdrus of Plato. The end
of Revelation being practical, not speculative, it left the
mourner at the door of the sepulchre : it did not roU
away the stone, which was very great. On the other
hand, it would not let him quench the lamp of hope, or
allow that death was a perpetual sleep. As in other
respects, so iu regard to psychology, the law made
uotliing perfect. It only set the iuqiurer on the right
track, and there left him to wait for the dayspring from
on high. It is worthy thus of God, who teaches notliiug
hastily, or beyond the measiu'e and analogy of the faith.
Wlien the better covenant was brought in, then the
higher teaching of tho2>»-e'"'if« and the resurrection of
the body was given. But tlie preparation was complete.
A Jew, who knew his own Scriptures and nothing else,
might have much to learn, but happily nothing to un-
learn. If he had not mixed up these conceptions of truth
with the philosophies of the East, or of Greece, he might
pass at once, as the discii)les did, from John to Jesus,
without a struggle or a pang. LTnfortunately, however>
this was seldom the case. What with Oriental and
CabaUstic notions ou the one hand, and Alexandiian and
Platonist fancies on the other, the transition was seldom
so simple. Philosophical theoi-ies of the soul, its con-
nection with matter, and its eternity a parte ante or
post, mixed themselves up ■n-itli the simple narrative of
God's deahngs with man ; the specidative overbore the
practical. But, nevertheless, the Word of God could
not be broken. A higher truth superseded one more
elementary, as we shall presently see, but it did not con-
tradict it — nay, it confirmed it. There was progression
throughout — calm, orderly, and according to a plan:
first the eai'thly Adam, then the heavenly; this is the
theological stage of j)rogross : first the psychical, and
afteiTvards the pneumatical ; this is the psychological
order corresponding to it.
DIFFICTILT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE GOSPELS:— ST. MATTHEW.
BY THE EEV. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A., VICAK OF WINKFIELD, EEKKS.
'• It hath been said, Whosoever shall put away his wife, let him
give her a bill of divorcement: but I say unto you, That whoso-
ever shall put away his wife, saving for the cause of fornication,
causeth her to commit adultery : and whosoever shall marry her
that is divorced oommitteth adultery."— St. Matt. v. 31, 32.
^^HE proper rendering of the first clause
of these verses, according to the best
MSS., is, " But it was said. Whosoever
shall put away his wife," &c. The words
thus rendered must clearly be understood in connection
with something which has gone before, aud are sugges-
tive, as Lightfoot has obsen'ed, of " a silent objection."
In verses 27, 28, our Lord reliearses the letter, and
expounds the meaning of the seventh commandment :
" To liave heard," He says, "that it was said " {i.e., by
the mouth of Moses; for the words " by" or "to them
of old time" are not found in the best MSS.), "Thou
shalt not commit adultery.'' By the Jewish system of
divorce — a system tolerated under their law, by reason
of the hardness of the hearts of the people — the true
import of this command was evaded, and in vii-tue of
that system, as explained by many of their most dis-
tinguished teachers, a door was opened for the indul-
gence of then- unbridled lusts and passions.
Our Lord, contrasting his own teaching, not, as some
would represent, with that of the Mosaic kw, but with
the unauthorised expositions of that law then current
amongst a large section of the Jews, takes occasion to
enforce the nature aud obligations of the primeval law
of marriage, as instituted in Eden, and as renewed in
the Decalogue. He meets the objections which arose
within the miuds of liis hearers, though utterance may
not have been given to them by th^- lip?, by not only
132
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
admitting but affirming the existeuce of difficulties in
the way of salvation, and by asserting, in figurative but
most expressive language (deriving much of its force
from cui-rent forms of Jewish phraseology,' and from
the local allusion to the Valley of Hinnom), the abso-
lute necessity of incurring any risk, of enduiing any
suffering, of submitting to any saci-ifice, rather than by
the indulgence of sensual passions to become liable to
eternal perdition. " It is better for thee," He says to
his hearers (i.e., it is more to your true and enduring
interests), "that one of thy members should perish, and
not that thy whole body shoidd be cast into hell."
Those who are aware of the manner iu which tlie
subject of divorce has been treated in the Talmud will
readily understand how many and how subtle were those
evasions of the seventh commandment whicli would
natm-ally suggest themselves to the minds of tliose wlio
listened to these words ; and it is to these that our Lord
seems to make tacit allusion in the verses now under
consideration : " But it has been said, Whosoever shall
put away his wife, let him give her a writing of divorce-
ment."
It has been inferred from these words, and still
more from those which occur in Matt. xix. 7, " Why
did Moses then command to give a writing of divorce-
ment, and to put her away ? " that the Jews, iu the
days of our Lord, misunderstood or perverted the
nature and the design of the Levitical law, as recorded
in Dent. xxiv. I — i, to which allusion is here made."
These words may be translated as follows: "If a man
shall take a wife and marry her, it shall come to pass
if she find not favour in his eyes because he has found
iu her some uncleanness, then let him write her [or, as
some render the words, ' and he write her '] a bill
of divorcement, and put [it] iu her hand, and send her
away from his house ; and when she is departed out of
his house she may go and be another man's wife ; and
if [or, and she depart from liis house, and go and
become the wife of another ; and] the latter husband hate
her, and write her a bill of divorcement, and put [it] in
her hand, and send her away from his house ; or if the
latter husband who has taken her to him to wife, die ;
[then] her former husband who sent her away shall not
bo able to take her again to be his wife, after that she
has been defiled, for that is abomination before the
Lord."-'
This precept, so far from being designed to cujoiu,
or oven to encourage divorce, was evidently framed with
a direct -^-iew to its restraint. Whatever may be the
meaning of the disputed phrase which is rendered in
> See Lightfoofs Heh. and Tiiliiiud. Exercitaliom upon St. Matthai:,
vol. xi., p. 115. 1823.
2 It must be observed, however, that in Mark x. i the word used
is JirtTpe^ev, not e>tTti.\uTo, i.e., " jvei-mitted," not "commanded."
• There w.as no command given by Moses to divorce the wife. The
command was that the divorce should, in every case, he made in
accordance with a duly prescribed form.
3 If the apodosis begins, as in the A, V., with the words " then let
him write her a bill of divorcemeut," it becomes necessary to trans-
late the words which follow, as in the A.V., " she may go out/' &c.
If, on the contrary, the apodosis begins at verse 4, there is no occa-
sion for such a departure from the uniformity of the translation.
the Authorised Version " some uncleanness," the per-
mission of divorce is restricted to that sLuglo case.
The necessity, moreover, of placing in the hands of the
rejected wife a written instrument^ woidd, for the most
part, involve recourse to the priests or Le^-ites, and
thus involve delay, and check action upon sudden im-
pulse. The absolute prohibition, also, of a return to the
first husband, after the contraction of a second maiTiage,
would, of itself, operate as a powerfid motive against
yielding to the influence of momentaiy passion or pre-
judice. Nor must the ground of that prohibition be
overlooked. It is made to consist in the defilement
contracted by the second marriage ; and it should be
obser\'ed that the verb employed is the same which is
used to denote the pollution or defilement of adultery
and of idolatry (e.g. Ezek. xxxiii. 26; xxxvi. 18).
But notwithstanding the check tlms interposed upon
the multiplication of divorces, they had become of such
common occurrence in the time of our Lord, and they
were given upon such slight and insufficient gi-ounds,
that wo find it maintained by tlie school of HUlol, a
celebrated rabbi who died shortly after the Christian era,
that if the wife cook her husband's food batUy, she was
to bo put away;' whilst Rabbi Akibah taught that "if
any sees a woman handsomer than his wife, he may put
her away; because it is said, " K she find not favour in
his eyes.''^ Another school, however, that of Shammai,
the colleague of Hillol, maintained tliat the only ground
of divorce under the Jewish law was that which our
Lord himself distinctly recognises iu the words under
consideration — viz., that of iucoutiuence.
It may be urged, indeed, in opposition to this view,
that by the law prescribed iu Dent. xxii. 22, the
adulteress was to be punished by death, and conse-
quently that there was no place left for divorce. On
the other hand, it has been thought that pro^-isiou was
thus made for a mitigation of the severity of the law
respecting adultery, so that that crime, though punish-
able with death, if established, need not necessarily be
thus visited, whilst, at the same time, provision was
made for the i-elief of the injui-ed husband by the legal
severance of the nuptial bond.''
Important as the correct determination of the mean-
iug of these words is in their bearing upon tlie question
of the re-marriage of the guilty person, it is one which
probably does not admit of determination with any
absolute amount of certainty.
And now, I'eturniug to the direct consideration of the
words of our Lord, it deserves notice that these words
■1 The copy of a hill of divorce will be found in Lightfoofs Works,
vol. xi., p. 123. 1823.
5 Gittin, c. ix.
6 3ft,s/t7ia, ult. in Gittin, c. ix.
7 It is deserving of observation that although under the
Jewish law the betrothed virgin was regarded as the wife of him
to whom she was betrothed, and the punishment of incontinence
was the same as in the case of a married woman ( Dcut. xxii.
23. 21), it was the intention of Joseph to put away his betrothed
wife privily, and not to jirocced against her criminally. It must
be remembered, however, that the Jews, at the time in question,
were undoubtedly subject to the supremacy of Roman law; and it
is a question of extreme difficulty to determine to what extent that
supremacy interfered with the execution of the Levitical law.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
133
are repeated, -witli some verbal alterations, in the 19th
chapter of this Gospel ; again in Mark x. 11,12; and oueo
more in Luke x-\-i. 18. The variations in tliese several
places are of sulficient importance to make a literal
translation of the four passages desirable, \\Hth a view to
the coiTect apprehension of the law enforced in all.
The following is, it is believed, a correct rendering of
these four passages, according to the reading of the
bestMSS.:—
(1.) "Every man who puttoth away his wife, saving
for the cause of fornication, causes her to become an
adulteress (/noixeu9i>ai'), and whosoever shall marry (one)
put away, commits adultery." (Matt. v. 32.)
(2.) " Whosoever shall put away his wife, saving for
fornication, and shall marry another, committeth
adidtory, [and he who marrieth (one) put away com-
mitteth adultery]."' (Matt. xix. 9.)
(3.) '• Whosoever shall put away his wife and marry
another, committeth adultery against her; and if she
put away her husband and marry another, she com-
mitteth adidtery." (Mark x. 11, 12.)
(4.) " Whosoever putteth away his wife and man-ieth
another, committeth adultery ; and he who marfieth (one)
put away from (her) husband, committeth adultery."
(Luke xvi. 18.)
The following ai-o some of the points which seem to
call for observation in the comparison of these passages :
I. Whereas in two of the passages cited, the one
and only ground of la\vful divorce is mentioned— viz.,
that of iueoutinence — in the two last it is omitted. It
has been inferred from this omission tliat divorce, under
any circumstances, is only permitted, never enjoined.
Wliether this inference be or bo not fairly drawn from
the omission in question, it can scarcely admit of doubt
(1) that the words supplied in the two places of St.
Matthew's Gospel must be understood as implied iu the
parallel places of St. Mark and St. Luke ;- (2) that those
early writers were in error who held that the putting
away of a wife, even in the case of adultery, was
obligatory ; and (3) that those who in early and later
times have maintained that marriage is in all cases
indissoluble, are still further removed from a right
apprehension of the law of Christ resiiecting it.
II. Wliereas it was needless, in the case of the Jews,
to lay down any regulation respecting tlie divorce of
a husliaud by a wife, a necessity arose for prescribing
the duty of the wife as well as of the husband, in the
case of laws pertaining aUke to all nations. Moreover,
in the law prescribed in Mark x. 11, 12, the wife
appears to be jjlaced, in regard to the right of divorce,
upon the same footing as the husband ; and inasmuch as
I Tliis clause is omitted in many MSS.
' It is somcwlmt remarkable that Augustine, in bis interpretation
of this passage, reverses the sound canon which be has elsewhere
laid down — viz., that the shorter and more incomplete passage is
to receive its interpretation from the longer and fuller ; and finds
in the parallel passages of St, Mark and St. Luke a limitation of
the fuller record of our Lord's words, as contained in the Gospel
of St. Matthew. In his " Retractations," however, he confesses
his dissatisfaction with what he had previously written, and records
bis conviction that he had not aiTived at a satisfactory solution of
the difficulty.
the clause of permission of divorce and of re-marriage
which is expressed in Matt. v. 32, and xix. 9, with regard
to the husband, in the case of adultery, must necessarily
be understood in Mark x. 11, and iu Luke xvi. 18,
every sound canon of interpretation seems to demand
that the same permission must be regarded as conceded
to the wife which the passages above cited concede to
the husband.
III. We have reseiwed to the last the discussion of
the important question, whether the prohibition of the
re-marriage of a divorced woman is alisolute and uni-
versal, or whether that prohibition is restricted to the
case of one divorced on insufficient grounds.
In support of the former of these interpretations
appeal is made, and perhaps not altogether without
reason, to the absence of the article in Matt. v. 32,
xix. 9, and Luke xvi. 18, before the word arro\e\vfi.evriv
i.e., "put away," or "divorced;" and it is argued that
the prohibition applies not only to the woman who has
been divorced on insufficient grounds, but also to any
woman who has been put away, wliether lawfully or
unlawfully, from her husband.
It has been argued, further, that the word airoAeXu^teVi)!/
must be understood as ha\'iug primary reference not to
a woman imlawfully separated from her husband, but
to one in whose case the vinculmn matrimonii — i.e., the
marriage bond — has been absolutely broken ; and, inas-
much as this bond can bo broken only by the act of
adultery, that the reference must be primarily to the
case of one who has been separated on this ground
from her husband.
To this latter argument it seems sufficient to reply
that the same word cannot be so interpreted in the
former claiise of the verses in question; and, conse-
quently, tliat as the primary subject of the discourse
is the putting away of a wife on insufficient grounds,
the same word in the latter clause of the verse must, of
necessity, be interpreted as susceptible of that meaning
wliich it undoubtedly bears in the former.
It seems, moreover, but reasonable to suppose that
this is the primary sense in which the word anoKeKv-
IJiivriv ought to be understood iu this place. For, inde-
pendently of the consideration already noticed, that
divorces on insufficient grounds f(3rm the primary subject
of discourse, and consequently that it is but reasonable
to presume tliat such divorces must be regarded as
primarily contemplated throughout it, there are other
grounds for the belief that the re-marriage of a woman
divorced on the ground of adultery is not the cas<j
immediately contemplated by our Lord in these pas-
sages.
In the first place, tlie adulteress, under the Jewish
law. was exposed to the punishment of death by stoning,
as has been already observed; and, conscquenfly, it
appears improbable that her re-marriage sliould bo the
subject of a discourse addressed primarily to the Jews.
Again, in that Gospel in which the law of re-man-iage
is applied generally to other nations — viz., that of St.
Mark, and consequently, in which tlie re-marrii\ge of the
divorced woman would be more likely to be contcm-
134
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
plated — the proliibitory clause in question does not occur.
And, once more, when the ivords under consideration are
viewed prospectively in their reference to the Christian
Church of all ages, it must be remembered that the sin of
adultery would justly expose the offender to exclusion
from the pale of her communion ; and, consequently,
that it is scarcely reasonable to expect directions iu such
a code of laws as is contained ui the Sermon on the
Mount for the guidance and direction of those who
should bring themselves, by ivilful transgi'essiou, into
the condition of " heathen men and publicans."
On these grounds, then, whilst abstaining from the
expression of any opinion on the lawfulness or unlaw-
fulness of the re-marriage of one who has been divorced
on aecomit of adultery, it seems reasonable to conclude
tliat it formed no part of our blessed Lord's design,
in the words imder consideration, to decide this ques-
tion either afiii-matively or negatively.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE BEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., KECTOK OF PKESTON, SALOP.
HAET AND HIND.
[HE follomng are the Scriptural allusions
to deer, for which the Hebrew word is
ayydl, masc. "hart," and ayydldh, fem.
" hind." They were allowed for food.
" As the roebuck and the hart is eaten " (Deut. xii.
22) ; " These are the beasts which ye shall eat, . . .
the hart and the roebuck" (Deut. xiv. 4, 5). Harts
are mentioned amongst the fat oxen, sheep, and other
animals which were daily consumed by those who fed
at King Solomon's royal board (see 1 Kings iv. 23).
In Ps. xlii. 1 we have a picture of a deer panting \
for thirst during a season of drought : " As the hart i
pantcth after the water-brooks, so panteth my soul j
after thee, O God." Though tlie authorship and date i
of this pathetic psalm are uncertain, there can be no I
doubt as to the place where it was written — namely, i
the Trans-Jordanic hUls, which, as Dean Stanley says,
always behold, as they are always beheld from, Western j
Palestine. " As before the eyes of the exile, the '■
' gazelle ' (hart) of the forests of Gdead panted after l
the fresh streams of water wliich there descend to [
the Jordan, so his soul panted after God, from whose
outward presence he was shut out. The river with its
winding rapids, 'deep eaUing to deep,' lay between
him and his home" {Sinai and Palestine, p. 330).
" My beloved is like a roe (gazelle) or a young hart. "
(Cant. ii. 9) ; " Be thou like a roe or a young hart
upon the mountains of Bether" (ver. 17); "Then shaU
the lame man leap as an hart. " (Isa. xxxv. 6) ; " From
the daughter of Ziou all her beauty is departed ; her
princes are become like harts that find no pasture, and
they are gone without strengtli before the pursuer"
(Lam. i. 6). The image of a hart or hind in a season
of drought was often before the minds of the sacred
writers (Jer. xiv. 2—5). Other Bible references to
deer allude chiefly to their actii-ity and sure-footedness.
" Ho maketh my feet like hinds' feet, and setteth me
upon my high places" (2 Sam. xxii. 34; see also Ps.
x\-iii. 33, .".nd Hab. iii. 19). The gentleness and
affectionate tlisposition of the deor is alluded to in
ProY. V. 19, where the hind is compared to a tender
mic : " Let her be as the loving liind and pleasant
roe." The doer tribe, or Cervidce, often conceal their
iawna after birth for a time. This has been noticed
frequently in our own country; both the fallow deer
and the red deer conceal their young, the latter more
carefully than the former. This habit appears to be
referred to in Job xxxix. 1 : " Canst thou mark when
the hinds do calve ? ... or knowest thou the
beaiing time of the binds?" The timidity of the
deer iu a thunder-storm is mentioned in Ps. xxix.,
wliieh contains a magnificent description of a storm,
jioetically called " Jehovah's Voice " {Eiil Yehovali) :
' ' The voice of Jehovah causeth the hinds to bo in
travail pains." All these allusions are simple, and
require no explanation ; but the passage in Genesis
(xlix. 21), "Naphtali is a hind let loose, ho giveth
goodly words," is not so clear, and has been com-
mented ujjon in various ways. The Septuagint, sup-
posing other vowel points, reads, "Naphtali is a
spreading tree which giveth beautiful fruit." This
renderiug has been followed by Bochart, Lowth, De
Wette, Ewald, and others. Some other versions and
paraphrases give, '■ Naphtali is a quick messenger, and
like a hind on the mountains hastens to brLug good
tidings," which the Targums say refer to Naphtali
h.a^ang first declared to Jacob that Joseph was alive.
The literal rendermg of the words gives us —
Or perhaps —
*' NapTitali is a hind let loose.
He utteretb words of beauty."
' Naphtali is a graceful hind,
He iittereth words of beauty."
The word shehwhdh may denote "let loose," "un-
fettered," and refer to a hind swiftly bounding ; but it
may also mean "elegant," "graceful" (outstretched,
tall), and as it corresponds with shaplier. " beauty,"
the parallelism is on tho side of this latter trans-
lation. Let us now see liow the words are applicable
to Naphtali.
The tribe of Naphtali distinguished itself in a
wonderful manner under Barak and Deborah, when
Israel was delivered from the iron yoke of Jabin, king
of Canaan — Naphtali and Zebuhm " jeopjirdisiug their
lives unto the doatli in tho high places of the field."
Deborah and Barak were tho poets of the tribe : " Then
sang Deborah and Barak tho son of Abinoam " that
spirited song of triumpli over Sisora to which the lattor
imrt of the verso refers, " who uttereth words of
ANIMALS or THE BIBLE.
135
beauty." If we interpret the words mjydldh sheluchdh
to uicau " a liind let loose," wo must refer them to the
martial activity and prowess of Naphtali, so euccess-
fuUy displayed at the river Kishon (Judg. iv. 7 ; v. 21),
it being a common simile iu Hebrew poetry to compare
achievements of strength and endurance with the
swiftness of the stag or antelope. Thus of the three
sons of Zeruiah, Asahel was " as liglit of foot as a
wild roe " (2 Sam. ii. 18) ; see also 1 Chrou. xii. 8,
which is even more to the point : the Gadites had
faces "like the faces of lions, and were as swift as
the roes upon the mountains." We prefer, however, for
the reason wo have given, the translation of " graceful
hiud," alluding to the beauty and fertility of the terri-
tory of Naphtali, expressly mentioned in the benedic-
tion of Moses, ■■ Naphtali is satisfied with favour, and
full with the blessing of the Lord " (Deut. xxsiii. 23) ;
while the words " He giveth forth words of beauty"
refer to the poetical genius of the tribe as specially
displayed in Deborah and Barak's triumphal song.
This explanation is adojjted by Maurer, and, amongst
English authorities, by Kalisch, and C. H. Hamilton
Wright in his excellent notes to his Book of Genesis
(p. 128).
The Hebrew word ayydl, " a stag," is evidently con-
nected with ayil, "a ram" (from a root signifying "to
be strong "), of which it appears to be intensive, " the
great ram," as it were ; the Jews classifying largo
animals, whether sheep, deer, or antelojjes, in one group.
The stag gave name to places in Palestine, just as it
did in our o^vu country. The valley of Ajalon (Ayydloii),
or "place of stags," on the frontier of the two king-
doms— the scene of Joshua's celebrated battle with the
five Canaanite kings (Josh. x. 12) — and Aijalon in
the countiy of Zebulun, where Elon was buried (Judg.
xii. 12), received their names from the stag. No
other Biblical allusion, with the exception, perhaps, of
the Aijeleth Shahar ("hind of the morning"), which
occurs only iu tho inscription of Psabn xxii., requires
notice.^
Both the red deer {Cervus elaphus), or rather per-
haps the Cervus barbarus, which is only the southern
representative of tho European stag, and the fallow
deer (Dama vulgaris), were probably common in Pales-
tine, though at the present time the latter is veiy seldom
seen, and the former is quite extinct. Tho fallow deer
was seen by Hasselquist in Mount Tabor in 1751, and
Dr. Tristram was told it was still to be found there as
well as iu the woods between that mountain and the
gorge of the Litany river ; he only met with one single
animal in an open glade about ten miles west of the
Sea of Galilee. Teeth of the Dama vulgaris have been
found in bone breccia iu the Lebanon, where now it
does not exist.
Teeth of the red deer, or some closely allied species,
were also foimd by Dr. Tristram iu bone breccia of
caverns in the Lebanon ; but as they were mixed with
fossil teeth of the reindeer, as was thought, they pro-
1 For this see Vol. I., page 299.
bably belonged to a " period anterior to the advent of
man into the country." Figures of tho stag occur on
the Egyptian monuments, as at Beni Hassan ; but,
according to gir G. Wilkinson, the animal is unknown
in the valley of the NUe, but is still seen in the vicinity
of tho Natron lakes, tliough not a native of the desert
between the river aud tho Red Sea. Dr. Tristram,
however, says that no I'cd deer is now found iu Egy[)t,
but that a race very slightly differing from our own
still lives in Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis, where he had
several times obtained it.
HorapoUo tells us that when the Egyptians wished to
symbolise anything of long duration (iroAi/xpoVior) they
represented a stag, because it shoots its horns every year
(Hieroghj^jh. ii. 21). Inverted stags' heads alternating
with hieroglyphics are depicted in judgment scones ; it
is probable they have something to do with the idea of
eternity: when they would denote a man imprudently
quick in his movements, they portray a stag and a viper,
for the stag flees at tho sight of the viper (Hieroglyph.
ii. 87). The Coptic word for stag is eioul, which
appears to be the same as the Hebrew ayyal. Mr. A. H.
Sayce informs us that the Assyrian word for deer is
dlu, but that ho only knows the word as occurring in
the Syllabaries ; it seems to bo related to the Hebrew
name.
ANTELOPES.
It remains for us to consider the Biblical allusions to
tho AnteloiJes, the last family of the Pecora division of
even- toed Ungulates. Of this group four distinct species
at present occiu' either in Palestine or on the borders
of the land; they are tho Gazelle (Oazella dorcas),
Oryx [Oryx leucoryx), the Addas (Addax nasomacu-
latiis), and the Bubale [Alcephalus biibalis). The fol-
lowing names of animals, all of which, it is probable,
denote antelopes, occur in the Hebrew Bible : — Tsebi,
translated in our version always by " roe " or " roe-
buck ; " tu or led, occurring only twice, and trans-
lated " wild ox " or " wUd bull ; " dishon, translated
"pygarg" in Deut. xiv. 5, where alone it is named
as a clean animal fit for food; and yachmur, ren-
dered "fallow deer" in the only two places in which
it occurs, viz., in Deut. xiv. 5, and 1 Kings iv. 23,
where the animal is mentioned as oue fit for food,
and as part of the pro^^sion supphed to King Solomon's
table.
We will consider these various names in tho order
in which we have enumerated them ; aud first we
notice the tsebi. There is no doubt, we thmk, that the
animal denoted is the beautiful little gazelle (Gazella
dorcas or G. Arabica), and not the capreoUne deer, the
roebuck (which our translators have identified with the
tsebi), an animal which at present at least is strictly
oonfined to Europe. The little antelope is several times
mentioned in the Bible ; it was allowed as food : " The
unclean and the cleau may eat thereof, as of the gazelle
(A. Y., 'roebuck '), and as of tho hart " (Deut. xii. 15,
22 ; XV. 22) ; see also 1 Kings iv. 23, where it is named
as ono of tho animals pro\'ided for Solomon's table —
" Harts and gazelles (A. V., ' roebucks ') aud fallow deer
13d
and fatted fowl." The swiftness of the gazelle is
alluded to in 2 Sam. ii. 18— Asaliel, one of Zeruiah's
eons, was " as light of foot as a gazelle " (A. V., " wild
roe"); and again in 1 Chron. xii. 8.^ So in the
Canticles, " Make haste, my beloved, and* be thou like
to a gazeUe (A. V., ' roe '; or to a young hart upon
the mountains of spices" (viii. 14; ii. 8). Allusion to
its being hunted is made in Isa. xiii. 14 ; Prov. vi. 5.
The loveliness of the gazeUe rendered it a favoui'ite
term of endearment; this appears all through the
Canticles ; indeed, its beauty is implied in its Hebrew
name, which signifies '• beauty," "glory;" thus we have
Mount Zion spoken of as " the mountain of holy beauty"
(Dan. xi. 45). The Jews, like the Arabs, compared
beautiful women to gazelles ; the mother of King Joash
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the desert and the plains, the gazeUe appears at homo
everywhere. It shares the rocks of Engedi with the
wild goats ; it dashes over the wild expanse of the
desert beyond Beer-sheba ; it canters hi siugle file under
the monastery of Marsaba. We found it in the glades
of Carmel, and it often springs from its leafy covert on
the back of Tabor, and screens itself under the thorn-
bushes of Geuuesaret. Among the grey hills of Galilee
it is stLU ' the roe upon the mountains of Bether ; '
and I have seen a little troop of gazelles feeding on
the Mount of Olives, close to Jerusalem itself. While
in the open grounds of the south it is the wildest of
game, and can only bo approached, unless by chance,
at its accustomed di-inking-places, and that before the
dawn of morning, in the glades of Galilee it is very
THE GAZELLE {Goeella dorcas).
was called after a gazelle : her name was Tsibynh
(Authorised Version, " Zibiah ") (2 Kings xii. 1), i.e..
" a female gazelle." See also Acts ix. 35, Tabitha or
Dorcas, i.e., "a gazelle." Arabian poets compare
beautiful women's eyes to the fuU black eyes of the
gazeUo. Thus Byron —
" Her eye's dark charm 'twere vain to tell ;
But gaze on tli.it of the gazelle,
It will assist thy fancy well."
" The gazelle," Dr. Tristram informs us, " is by far the
most abundant of all tho large game in Palestine ;
indeed, it is the only wild animal of the chase which an
ordinary traveller has any chance of seeing. Small
herds of gazelles are to be found in every part of the
country, and in tho south they congregate in herds of
near 100 together. One such herd I met with at the
southern end of the Joliel Usdum, or Salt Mountam,
south of the Dead Sea, where they had congregated to
di'ink of tho only sweet spring witliin several miles,
Ain Beida. Though generally considered an animal of
easily surprised, and trusts to the concealment of its
covert for safety. I have repeatedly startled the gazelle
fi'om a brake only a few yards in front of me ; and
once, when ensconced out of sight in a storax bush,
I watched a pair of gazelles with their kid, which the
dam was suckling. Ever and anon both tho soft-eyed
parents would gambol with it as though fawns them-
selves " {Natural History of the Bible, p. 129). The gazelle
of which Dr. Tristram gives this interesting account is
the Gazella dorcas of OgUby and Gray, the Antilope
dorcas of Pallas. There is another gazelle (probably
only a variety of the former species) which in some
parts of Palestine, as in Gilead and m the forest dis-
tricts especially east and west of Jebel Ajlun, is
extremely abundant. This is the Antilope Arahica of
Hemprich and Ehrenberg, the A. gazella cora of
Hamilton Smith, the A. dorcas var. of Riippel. Dr.
Tristram's party frequently put up small troops of this
animal, which is even more beautiful and elegant than
the common gazelle. The colouring is pretty mxich the
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
137
same in both these gazelles, but the back of the Arabian
animal is a darker fawn colour, and ths dark mark
along the flanks is deeper and blacker. Gazelles are
killed by the Arabs, who lay in wait for them at their
well-known watering places, or in the defiles in the
rocky districts. " A more wholesale mode is practised
in the Haurau by driving a herd into a decoy enclosure
with a pitfall on the other side, where they are easily
taken." Dr. Tristram has witnessed the chase of the
gazelle witli falcon and hound. " The birds are first
swung off at the gazeUe, and make rejjeated swoops,
while the greyhound gauis upon it and seizes it. With
a well-trained bird the poor beast can rarely escape in
this chase, unless ho have a long start of the hunter"
(Nat. Hist. Bib., pp. 129, 131).
We now proceed to consider what antelope is pro-
bably denoted by the Hebrew word to. Mention of tho
to or teo occurs twice only — in Deut. xiv. 5, where it is
enumerated in the list of clean animals, and is trans-
lated " wild ox ; " and in Isa. li. 20, " Thy sons havo
fainted, they lie at the head of aU tho streets, as a to
[' wild bull,' A. v.] in a net : they are full of the fury
of the Lord, the rebuke of thy God." Prom this latter
passage it is seen that the to was some wild animal
which was occasionally caught in a net. We have
already shown that tho wild buU is denoted by tho
Hebrew word reem. Several of the old versions think
that the antelope {Oryx leucoryx) is the to of the
Hebrew Bible ; and though there is nothing to provo
this, it is very probable. We have seen that there are
THE ADDAX {Addax nasomacxdatus)
The flesh is considered inferior to wild goat, dry,
lean, and insipid. Tho Gazella dorcas is found over all
North Africa and upper parts of Arabia ; the Gazella
Arabica, or ariel gazelle, extends eastwards from Syiua
across Persia to India.
The number of antelope.s is very great, Africa con-
taining about five -sixths of the whole ; after Africa tho
Indian district has most species. The iamiiy Antilo^JCCE
is divided by Dr. Gray into two large groups — (1) the
antelapes of the fields, and (2) the antelopes of the
desert, tho latter having a covering of flhick bristles in
the insido nosti-ils, the other di%'isiou being free from
these intro-nasal hairs. These are again subdi^ded
into other groups.
The four antelopes which are now either in Palestine
or in the liorders of the land are, as we have seen, the
Gazella, Oryx, Addax, and Alcephalus, tho first three
belonging to the antelopes of the field, the last to those
of the desert. The first is one of the true antelopes,
tlie second and third belong to the cervine groiip, the
last to the bo^-ine di\-ision of the desert antelopes.
four species of antelopes in Palestine or in the neigh-
bourhood; of these the gazelle represents the tsebi,
\ the bubalo tho yachmur, and possibly the addax the
dislion.
As the oryx was probably not uncommon in Pales-
tine in Biblical times, and as we know it was and is
now common in North Africa, and is frequently repre-
sented on tho Egyptian monuments, there does not
seem to be any other animal that has an equal claiui
to represent the Hebrew word in c^ucstion. The name
appears to be connected with tho verb tdah, having
the signification of tho Arabic word " to outrun," " to
be swift." This antelope was hunted by the ancient
Egyi^tians, by whom it was sometimes tamed, and
was therefore probably often taken alive and unhurt
in a net. The oryx was tlu3 only one chosen as au
emblem by the people of ancient Egypt; but Sir G.
Wilkinson tells us it was not sacred, and that the
same city on v,-hose monuments it was represented in
sacred subjects was in the habit of killing it for
tho table.
138
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
THE IDOLS OF MOAB.
BY F. R. CONDEK, C.E.
HE most frequently-repeated precepts of
tlie written law are tliose wliieh condemn
idolatry. The first two of the Ten Com-
mandments relate to this subject. Five
out of the 248 positive precepts contained in the Pen-
tateuch, and 51 out of the 365 negative precepts, pre-
scribe duties opposed to idolatry. It is true that only
one. out of the 68 tracts of which the Mishna (or oral law)
consists, is expressly devoted to the subject, which thus
occupies nearly a tenth part of the prescriptive teaching
of the five books of Moses. This tract, which" is
named the Aboda Sara, or "foreign worship," applies
the same detailed explanation to the written words of
the great legislator, regarding idolatry, that the re-
maining 67 tracts afford as to other portions of tlie
Law. But the unusual fulness of the books of Leviticus
and Deuteronomy on the subject of idolatry is such
as to leave little room for the oral supplement. So
much was written, once and for all, that but little
supplemental precept was reqiured.
Closely connected with an irrevocable condemnation
of every form of idolatry, that was thus intertwined
with the very heartstrings of the Divine law, was the
special character of the legislation that dealt with the
seven nations or tribes inhabiting Palestine at the time
of the Exodus, and with those people who dwelt on its
borders, allies iu blood to the Israelites, as being the de-
scendants of the father of Abraham, in two cases, and of
Isaac himself in the tliird — namely, the Ammonites, the
Moabites, and the Edomites. Whether the chief danger
of being seduced to join in the worship of these peoijle
lay in the vicinity of their dwelling-places, or in the
BymD|thy of kindred blood, it was warded off by the
most inflexible barriers.
Certain grades of difference were prescribed, with
reference to these different tribes. With regard to the
seven peoples of Canaan,' the command was absolute
to leave not a soul alive. The residence of any idolater
on the soil of the Holy Land was forbidden.^ No
marriages were to be made with idolaters.^ No daughter
of Israel was to be given to an Ammonite or a Moabito
for ever.^ But the descendant of an Idumean,* in the
third generation, was not to be held in abomination.
The blood of tlio Egyptians " was regarded in the same
light as that of the descendants of Edom ; for Israel
had been a sojourner in the land of Egypt. As all
that was not positively forbidden by distinct precept
was held to be permitted, the native of any country,
with the exception of those above named, might, on the
1 Negative precept 49 (Doiit. xx. 16).
2 Negative precept 51 (Exod. xxiii. 33).
3 Negative precept .^2 (Deut. vii. 3).
4 Negative precept 53 (Deut. ssiii. 3).
6 Negative precept ^i (Deut. xxiii. 7, 8).
fi Negative precept 55 (Deut. xxiii. 7).
1 enunciation of idolatry, be admitted, as a proselyte, to
the iiri^dleges of Israel. But against the seductive in-
fluences of the neighbouring idolaters the door was thus
altogether closed, so long as the law of God was obeyed
either by the people or by the great council of the
Sanhedrim. For the law was not a mere idle threat ;
it was a rule of life, to be enforced by the sword, the
stake, the cord, and the stone, for wilful breach ; by
stripes and by the pecuniary mulct of the sin-offeiing
for inadvertent trespass.
It is only within the past few months that this tone
and temper of the Pentateuch have been made clearly
intelligible, by the discoveiy of what the gods of Ammon
and of Moab actually were.
Into a full and minute description of the various idols
which are now in course of almost daily discoveiy in the
soil of Eastern Syria we cannot, for ob\'ious reasons,
fully enter. Prom the time when Israel abode in
Shittim (Numb. xxv. 1), the rites of the sen-ice of
Baal-peor have been of a directly licentious character ;
and the idols before which they were performed are
thus of a type and natui-e which modesty forbids us to
delineate, or more distinctly to describe. For those
who are bound to study this portion of the subject, and
who are aware of the illustrations to be drawn from
Greek gems, Roman medals, Egyptian and Indian
sculptures, and the terra-cotta of Cyjirus, it is enough
to say that, while presenting totally new types, this
group of the idols of Moab is much what might be
anticipated. The other principal aspect of the idola-
trous worship is astrological, and into that it may be
interesting to enter with some degree of detail.
It is pretty generally known, amongst those who take
interest in the Holy Land, that the district east of the
deep valley of the Jordan and the chasm filled by the
Dead Sea has been hitherto an almost inaccessible
country. It is the home of fierce wild tribes, among
whom life is far from safe. But wifhm the last few
years one traveller after another has contrived to pass
the Ghor, or Jordan valley, and to return to tell the tale.
Chief among these must be named Canon Tristram,
whose charming book. The Land of Moab, published in
the spring of the present year, throws a light on this
primitive country by which much is to Ijo learnt. Nor
was Dr. Tristram able to pass without menace, and
something that might have been worse. He was made
a prisoner in his own camp, witliin the walls of Kerae ;
and he was met, on crossing the frontier, by au armed
and hostile force of Aralis, stripped, as is their savage
custom, totally, for fight.
From this wild and dangerous country, in August,
1868, came tidings of the discovery of a block of
basalt, bearing .an inscription in very ancient letters.
This is now commonly known as the Moabite Stone.
The rums of Diban, a gi-eat waste of black basaltic
THE IDOLS OP MOAB.
139
stones (resembling some of the pre-historic ruins in our
own country, such as the Grey Wethers, near Ayebury,
in all but colour), may hereafter yield much to the in-
vestigator. The existence of one stele, or monumental
inscription (a discovery referred to the effect of an
earthquiike), shows that the ancient people had the
habit of iuscriljiug historic accounts, which the nature
of the stone employed, and the character of the climate,
have preserved to our time. But a thorough explora-
tion of Diljau woidd be a costly work. The attention
which was awakened by the discovery of a basalt
monument has led to the discovery of relics of very
much greater importance, from their variety and
number, althougli formed of the humbler material of
teiTa-cotta, or baked clay.
Wariness is, unfortimately, needed with regard to
asserted discoveries of antiqiie objects. The subject
offers a i-eady field for the skill of the forger. In our
own country the flint implements of the drift wei-e
supplied iu any requh-ed number by the uotoi-ious
" Flint Jack." At Thebes there is a regular manufac-
tory of forged Egyptian relics ; at Naples there is a
manufactory of lamps and amulets, said to be discovered
at Pompeii and Herculaneum ; and no traveller, who is
only an ordinary collector, comes home from Palestine
without finding that he has purchased fictitious coins or
forged gems, inscribed with Hebrew or Greek letters,
the industry of Nablous or of Gaza.
In the case of the Moabite idols, while every object
requires to be tested, there is ample proof of the genuine
character of the collection as a whole. The Emperor of
Germany has given a thousand pounds for the fii'st
series, which consisted of 960 pieces, purchased, one at
a time, by Mr. Shapu'a of Jerusalem, from the Arabs.
The chaplain to the Prussian Considate at Jerusalem,
accompanied by Mr. Diiisberg, a German resident in
that city, visited Moab, and they themselves dug up, at
Medoba, pieces of pottery bearing Phcenician lettei-s.
Tlie attention of the Oriental Society of Berlin was
called to the matter. Pastor Weser was elected an
honorary member of the society in recognition of this
service. The Emperor, as we before said, gave £1,000
for the collection as it then stood ; and the highly-
respected names of Hitzig and Rodiger show that men
who rank among the leaders of thought in Germany
are engaged in the study of this new chapter of ancient
history.
The teiTa-cotta, or burnt clay, of which the objects
are formed, differs according to locality. Some is hard,
red, and in good preservation; some is grey and
crumbling, bearing hardly legible letters ; some is red
on the outside, but grey and porous within, showing
that ashes were mixed with the clay, and that they were
only burned to a ceriain depth from the surface ; some
are actually black ; some, wliich appear fresh and sharp
when dug up, begin to exude moisture after a few
hours, and show disposition to decay, unless due care is
taken. Greater variety, as well as greater rudeness,
than characterise the Assyrian terra-cottas in the British
Museum, mark the fossil idolatry of Moab.
Out of Tipwards of 1,100 specimens, collected up to
April, 1S73, no two exactly resemble one another. The
differences, though slight, are often so subtle, that each
object throws light on the other. To give some idea of
so largo a coUectiou, it may be well to divide the terra-
cottas, provisionally, into twelve gi-oups or classes.
First among them is the group which demands the
most learned study, both to verify the authenticity of
each object, and to exhaust the ijiformatiou that may
be derived from it. It consists of vases, jars, and
lamps, -ndth incised or projecting letters. It may be
remarked, in passing, that the inscriptions, whatever
they may be, must necessarily have been made before
the vessel was fired. No false inserijjtion can bo placed
on an old terra-cotta so as to escape detection.
There is, next, a great vai-iety of bu-d-headed figures,
whicli, no doubt, bear some relation to the hawk-headed
and ibis-headed genii to be found in the tombs and
on the papyri of Egyjit.
Calf-headed figures, and calves, with symbolical
mai'ks and planetary s3Tiibols — the number seven being
indicated either by punctures or by giving prominence
to certain features — are connected with the earliest period
of sacred history. Many of thorn are inscribed with
letters of the sacred name of God. Some bear the
Phoenician vowels that coi-respond to the alpha and
omega of the Greeks. There is eveiy reason to suppose
that many of these figures are idolatrous representations
of the God of Israel.
Figures with hoUows below, or in the abdomen, are
connected with sacrificial rites, or with the burning of
incense, and are referred to the idol Moloch.
A fifth gi'oup consists of figures with cup-shaped
protuberances on different parts of the body. These
are thought to be amulets, or idols made for local appli-
cation to the human body, in order to charm away or
cure localised disease.
A large figure, with a taU and homs and broken
goat's legs, resembles the Greek Pan.
Terminal figures abound, somewhat like the Greek
and Roman termiai. Some of these have homs, one of
them as many as nine. They are called teraphim by
the German archa3ologists.
Figures seated on tripods, and usually with ojien
mouths, were probably regarded as oracles.
Female goddesses, of various sizes, are generally in-
sei'ibed.
Male gods, or parts of gods, including heads with
protruding tongues, refer to the worship of Baal-peor.
Lastly are to be mentioned bullce, or balls of
terra-cotta, pierced with seven holes, which wore pro-
bably worn as amulets ; and masks, hands, or liuibs,
which have not been broken from entire figures, but
separately formed and burnt, as distinct objects of
veneration.
To tliis last class of objects we find a distinct re-
ference in the Talmud. In the tract above mentioned,
called Aboda Sard, or De CiiUti Peregrino, it is wi'itten
(cap. iii.. mis. 2), " If any one finds fragments of images,
which the Goim (or idolaters) worship, it is lawful to
140
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
make use of them (for firewood, for examiilo). But if
any one finds the image of a hand or a foot, this is
forbidden ; for such objects are made (for offering or
consecration in idol t«imples)." Both Maimonides and
Bartonora explain this precept by saying that there may
be a doubt as to a broken Umb having been a portion of
an idol, but that the part which was made as a single
object could only have been formed for idolatrous use.
One of these objects, now at Jerusalem, is a rude mask,
in which, in the place of a mouth, are to be foimd seven
round holes, arranged in a curve. Professor Max
Miillor speaks of a PhcenicLan inscription that refers to
the goddess Taanith, or the face of Baal, which is re-
markably illustrated by these masks. Tlio import of
the seven holes is distinctly astrological. The planets,
which wore believed to rule human fortunes, are thus
indicated as being the utterance, or voice, of God. Tlie
first class of objects which wo described are referred to
in the f ollo'sving Mishna : " If any one finds vessels on
which are sculptured the form of the sun, or the moon,
or the dragon, let him cast them into the salt sea."
The limits of this paper will not allow of further
extracts from one of the most curious and instructive
portions of tlio literature of the Hebrew race. But in
the citations, now for the fii'st time illustrated by actual
discovery, may be traced the full appreciation, by the
doctors of the Mishua, of some of those particulars of
the idolatry of Moab which are among the most novel
to our minds.
It is very true that in many Roman Catholic churches
in the south of Europe, and notably in those to which
pilgrimages are now made from great distances (such
as the Cathedral of St. Nicolas at Bari), are to be seen
hands, feet, or other parts of the body, made of wax,
suspended as votive oft'eiings. These generally com-
memorate some cure, made at the supposed inter-
cession of the saint to whom they are offered. But
their material, wax, is one of those which are constantly
brought as offerings. They may bo made of wood, in
some instances, as more durable ; but their fabrication
in terra-cotta is, so far as we are aware, unknown in
modem times. It would seem from this, and from the
words of the Mishna, that the Moab hands and limbs
are not memorials, but objects of worship.
It is to be remarked that, hitherto, the type of the fish-
god, Dagon, which is so curiously illustrated by the Assy-
rian teiTa-cottas in the British Museum, as well as that
of the fish-goddess, Dcrceto, worshipped in the mountain
districts of Syria, .are absent from the Pantheon of these
inland people. Neither have we recognised any symbol
of the deity of thimder, Jupiter Siunmanus, or Thor. On
one shapeless idol are found letters tliat seem to identify
it ■with the name of the moimtain Tabor. It is very
probable that the ancient geography of the district may
be illustrated liy the name of the genii locormli, and
we may soon hope for .some light being thro\vn on the
interesting questions that regard the name of the Phoeni-
cian deity IlUnus or Elyon.
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JOEL (continued).
BY THE REV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAjI.
WHAT JOEL LEAENED
FEOM MOSES.
^HE prophetic poem of Joel consists of two
parts : the first, on tl)e Divine judgment
and the call to repentance ; the second,
on the redemption from judgment, and
the promise of blessing. The Jews had forgotten
God. Ho was not in any of their thoughts. As they
went about their toils of husbandry, they tnisted to
the order and laws of Nature ; they sowed their seed,
looked for rain and sunshine, and reajjed their harvest
without any sense of a Divine presence and their depen-
dence on a Divine boimty. Even when they went up
to tho Temple, they failed to reverence the Presence
which alone hallowed it — to say their prayers, sing their
psalms, oifer their sacrifices with the devout emotions
which alone could give them worth. Their worship was
as hard and mecha:iical, as mere a routine, as their work.
To rouse them from this fatal indifference, God broke
in upon the xisual course of Natm-e and worship. Ho
sent them plagues of locusts and drought under which
their fields withered, tho crops were consumed, sheep
and oxen Lamented, joy dep.arted from tho sons of men.
Ho proclaimed a fast, at which from tho suckling to tho
elder, from the slave to the priest, they were to come
before the Lord, to turn unto Him with all their hearts,
with weeping and with mounnng, to cry unto Him, to
weep and say, " Sparc thy people, O Lord, and deliver
not thine heritage to reproach." The bounty of Nature
destroyed by plagues, tho order of worship broken by a
fast in which hearts had to be rent instead of garments,
they were compelled to remember God and to wait on
his wUI.
The judgment camo in mercy, therefore ; for it camo
to revive that consciousness of the Divine presence and
care and goodness, to give that sacred licauty to life, and
that impressive reality to worship, without which no
niition can be strong and happy and free. And so soon
as the merciful purpose of tho judgment was reached
they were redeemed from judgment ; as they returned
to Him, God returned to them. Tho locusts were
driven into tho desert and the sea ; copious rains reple-
nished the fountains and caused tho water-courses to
overflow; the pastures grew green ; the fields laughed
with corn; fig-tree aud \'ino yielded their strength ; tho
bams grew full of gi-ain, the vats ran over with oil and
wine ; and joy, a pm-e devout joy, returned to the sons
JOEL.
141
of men. Nay, more ; while their hearts were quick and
tender, new and larger sinritual blessiugs were vouch-
safod to them. The downfall of rain was but a prelude
to the outpouring of the Spirit, the recovered fertility
and beauty of tlie land were but a type of the height-
ened vigour and fruitfulnoss of that loftier phase of
spirituiil life to wliich they were to bo raised : with
their liappier conditions there was to come a ha^ipier
character, new energies, purer affections.
But even this blessing, even this extraordinary effusion
of the Divine Spirit, this power to see visions and dream
dreams, became a now test, a new judgment. For when
God descends to earth, even though Ho come to reveal
his grace, wonders and prodigies attend liis steps. His
advent is terrible even to tho good, for, as He draws
near, they grow more j^rof oimdly sensible of their weak-
ness and guilt. It is still more terrible to tho wicked
and impenitent ; for, so often as the Divine energy re-
veals itself iu now and growing forms, there is a day of
doom for them ; even if the evil tliat is in them flee
before that Sacred Presence, it torments them before it
flees and leaves them haK dead ; while, too often, tho
energy of goodness calls forth in them a corresponding
energy of evil, and drives them into a more profoimd
and treasonable rebellion against the saving will of
God. When He comes clothed in light and majesty,
before that intolerable sjileudour ow heaven grows
dark, and the earth trembles beneath " the steps of his
strength." Tlio day of the Lord is always " a great and
a terrible day," even though it be a day of grace and
salvation.
Willi this thought, tliat oven the Divine blessings are
Divine judgments; that the outpouring of tho Holy
Ghost is a supreme test and criterion of human character,
the second cliaptor of Joel closes. It is the main theme
of the third chapter ; and we have now to mark how it
is expanded. But even yet we cannot commence our
examination of the third chapter with advantage. Wo
can understand, indeed, how, when men are moved to
prophesy in tho name of the Lord, much depends on
whether their fellows " receive tho prophet in the name
of a prophet," or reject him because they hate tho
message that rebukes their sins ; and, therefore, we can
understand how times of special benediction must also
be times of special judgment. But Joel gave this
general pi-inciple a peculiar Hebrew fonn, and before
we can follow him in this Hebrew application of it, wo
must approach it in another way, from another point
of view.
Science is teachkig us to see orderly progress, gradual
development, both in the natural world and iu the his-
tory of man, and in this respect at least the Bible is in
fuU accord with modern science. Notliing is more
striking in tlie Old Testament Scriptures, for instance,
than tho unity that pervades them. As we read them
in their historical succession, we find that each foimds
itseH on those which went Ijefore it, and carries their
contents, the principles and truths they enimciate,a little
further onward. There are no cataclysms, no sudden
•breaks and now beginnings, in the Bible ; tho traces of
a gradual and orderly development may be found on
every page. And hero is an illustiatiou and a proof —
Joel founds himself on Moses? Tlie earliest of tho
written prophets simply develops germs of thought
planted by the first and greatest of the prophets, inso-
much that wo cannot comprehend Joel save as we first
study Moses. For both in describing the outpouring
of the Spirit (in chap, ii.), and in foretelling tho judg-
ment which tluit is to be and to involve for Israel and
for all the world (in chap, iii.), Joel obviously passes
beyond the limits of his own age, though he also speaks
of that which took place in his own age. He sees pre-
sent or proximate events indeed, but, in these events^
he also sees outlines and foreshadow ings of far greater
events in the remote future. And if we attribute this
insight and foresight simply to his personal inspiration,
we shall be gravely mistaken, wo shall commit what
science pronoimces " the impardonable sin ;" for wo
shall assume a break in the unity of national life, in the
orderly development of human thought ; wo shall affirm
a wholly imnecessary and irrational miracle, which is
the ono kind of miracle God never works.
Let me not be misunderstood, as though I demurred
to Joel's inspii'ation. He was most truly inspired of
God ; but ho was inspired to interpret and apply, to ex-
pand and develop principles which had long since been
given by God to Moses, tho man of God, and not to dis-
close princililes which had no place in Hebrew thought
before he spoke. It was " no now commandment " which
he brought to the men of his generation, " but an old
commandment " which they had had from the begin-
ning. And again, it teas a new commandment, for the
threatenmgs and promises of the old commandment took
new force and meaning from his Ups, and from the
events which illustrated them afresh and brought them
home to every man's door. And it wUI help us, not
only in our study of Joel, but in studjTng any or all of
tho prophets — it may even give us some glimpses into
a modus 02)erandi of inspiration, if we mark a little in
detail what materials Joel di'aws from the teaching of
Moses, and how ho handles these materials and weaves
them into new forms.
Til his Ch'cimmar of Assent Dr. Newman has im-
pressively reminded us that, fifteen centuries before it
took place, Moses foretold the rejection of the chosen
people. Toward tho close of his career, the " man of
God," pondering the futiu-e of tho race ho loved so
wisely and so well, saw a clear alternative rise before
his mind. Many paths would open before the children
of Abraham, but they all resolved themselves ultimately
into two : the path of obedience and the path of dis-
obedience to the Divine commands — tho ono bathed in
the light of heaven, the other darkening into ever deeper
shadows of death. Which of these two paths would
they choose ? Moses seoms to have foreseen that they
1 Another illustration will be found in the comment on chap,
iii. 13, 17—21] where it will be seen that just as Joel founds
himself on Moses, so St. John founds himself on Joel. If tho
two be combined, they yield a very striking instance of tho unity
of the Holy Soriptures and of " the law of development " which
pervades them.
142
TKE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
would take both ; that, for a tune, they would walk iu
the commaudments of God, or sufficiently near to them,
to seciu'e many blessings; and that, then, they would
graduiilly exchange obedience for disobedience, and come
Tinder a growing curse, till they were rejected and de-
stroyed : but that, oven ia the darkest times, there would
be a faithful " remnant " to whom God would be faithful ;
that, if the tree were cut down, a root would bo left,
from which it would afterward spring up in nobler pro-
portions ; that it would at last grow Luto the greatest of
all trees, sheltering the whole world under its branches,
with healing for aU nations in its leaves. Tliis train of
thought is expressed in two of the noblest passages in
the Pentateuch, of which only the bare outHnes need be
quoted here and a few illustrative phrases.
In Leviticus (chap, xxvi.) Jehovah, speaking by
Moses, assures the chUdi-en of Israel that if they keep
the path of obedience, it shall grow thick with flowers,
lead them tlu-ough fields bounteous with harvest, beside
a stream of living waters. " If ye walk in my statutes,
do my commandments, keep my sabbaths, reverence my
sanctuary, then I will give you raiu Lu due season ; the
laud sliall yield her increase, the trees of the field their
fruit. Tour threshing shall reach to the vintage, and
the vintage to the sowing ; and ye shall eat bread to
tho fidl, and dwell in your land in safety. And I
will give peace iu the land, and ye shall lie down,
and none shall make you afraid. And I will set
my tabernacle among you, . . . and I wiU walk
among yon, and wiU bo your God, and yo shaU be my
people."
" But if ye will not hearken unto me, and wiU not
keep my commandments, ... I will send judg-
ment upon you. Ye shall sow your seed in vain, . .
. be slain before your enemies, . . . flee when
no man xaursueth. I will make your heaven as iron, and
your earth as brass. Tour land shall not yield her in-
crease, nor tlie trees their fruit. I will scatter you
among the heathen, and will draw a sword after you.
. . The soimd of a driven leaf shall chase you.
Te shall perish among the heathen, and the land of your
enemies shall eat you up. ... To shall pine away
in your iniquities." " But if they that are left of you
confess your iuiquity, ... if their uncircumcised
hearts be humbled, and they accept their punishment, I
will i-emember my covenant with Jacob, with Isaac, and
with Abraham ; and I will rememlier the land. I will
not cast theni away when they be m the land of their
enemies, neilhor mil I abhor them, to destroy them
utterly."
This passage covers tho whole train and circle of
thought of which I spoke. It sets forth the blessings
of obedience, the judgments of disobedience, and tho
merciful purpose of these judgments, God's intention to
redeem the pcuitent .and faitliful remnant of his people
by the very calamities poured out on tho nation at large.
And this circle of thought is re-traversed iu the closing
chapters of Deuteronomy, from which, however, oidy a
few verses need be cited ifroui chap. xx\-iii.), in which
tho judgments of the disobedient are set forth iu some
of tho stateliest and most musical phi'asos our language
contains.
"It shall come to pass, that thou wilt not hearken
to the voice of tho Lord thy God, to observe and do all
his commandments and statutes, . . . cm-sed shalt
thou be in city and field, cursed in basket and store^
cm-sed in the fruit of thy body and in tho fruit of thy
land. . . . Thou shalt carry much seed out into the
field, and gather hut little in ; for the locust shall con-
sume ii. Thou shall plant vineyards and dress them,
but thou shalt neither drink of the ivine nor rjather the
grapes. Thou shalt have olive-trees in all thy borders,
bid thou shalt not anoint thyself with oil. Thou shalt
beget sons and daughters, but thou shalt not enjoy
them. All the trees and fruit of thy land shall the
locust consume. Because thou servedst not the Lord
thy God Avith joyfulness, and with gladness of heart, for
all thine abundance, thou shalt servo thine enemies in
hunger, and iu thirst, and iu nakedness, and iu want
of all thiugs. . . . The Lord shall briug upon thee
a nation from far, a nation of fierce coimtenauce, which
shall not respect tho person of the old, nor show favom-
to the young. Ho shall eat tho fi-uit of thy cattle and
the fruit of thy land, until thou be desti-oyed; neither
shall he leave theo corn, or wine, or oil, or the increase
of thy kiue or of thy sheep. . . . And he shall be-
siege all thy gates, and break down all the high fenced
walls in which thou hast put thy trust. . . . And it
shall come to pass, that as the Lord rejoiced over you to
do you good and to multiply you, so the Lord will rejoice
over you to destroy you, and to biing you to nought ;
and yo shall be plucked out of the land. . . . And
tho Lord shall scatter thee among all people, from the
one end of the earth even to the other ; and there thou
shalt serve other gods which neither thou nor thy fathers
have known. And among these nations shalt thou find
no ease, neither shall the sole of thy foot have rest : but
the Lord shall give thee a trembling heart, and failing
eyes, and sorrow of spirit ; and thy life shall hang in
doubt before thee ; and thou shalt fear day and night,
and thou shalt not believe in thy life. In the morning
thou shalt say. Would God it were even ! and at even,
Woidd God it were morning ! for the fear of thine heart
whero%vith thou shalt fear, and for the sight of thine
eyes which thou shalt see."
Now the books of Moses were read in the worship of
tho Temple ; their contents were famifiar to all thought-
ful and devout Jews. The prophets meditated them
day and night. In the history of their race they saw a
perpetual aud gi-omng commentary on the words of
Moses and the principles they revealed. Is it not easy,
when once wo remember these facts and are ourselves
familiar with tho Pentateuch, to see how tho words of
Moses must have given form to the forecasting thoughts
and visions of a prophet such as Joel ? He could see
for himself that so long as tho Hebrews had walked in
God's statutes, done his commandments, kept his sab-
liatlis, reverenced his siinetuary, tho Lord had given
them rain in due season, filled their laud vnt]\ plenty,
established thorn iu security aud peace. He could also
JOEL.
143
see that so often as they forsook Jehovah and kept
not his commandmeuts, they were cursed in city and
field, in basket and in store, in the frait of thou- body
and the f rait of then- land. And when ho looked round
on his own time and the facts of his time, seeking to iu-
tei-pret them, to get at the Divine thought and intention
in them, searching what and what manner of thing they
signitied, he saw the vei-y judgments i\-ith which Moses
had menaced the disobedient. All the trees and fruit
of the land were consumed by locusts. The people had
can-ied much seed out into the field and brought but
little in, for the grain had rotted imder the clods. They
had planted vines and dressed them, but had neither
gathered the grapes nor drunk the wine ; olive-trees
were iu aU their borders, but they did not anoint them-
selves with oil. The field was laid waste, the gi-oimd
lamented, the new wiuo was flried up, the oil languished.
The husbandmen blenched over the wheat and over the
barley, because the harvest of the field had perished ; the
vine-dresser wailed because the vino was dried up, and
the fig-tree sickened, and the pomegranate, the palm,
and the apple-tree withered and blackened beneath the
locusts and the drought. These were the veiy miseries
which Moses liatl pretlicted for the disobedient. How,
then, could Joel, or any student and lover of Moses, fail
to infer that these miseries were the consequence of dis-
obedience ? that they were judgments on the sins of
the people ? and yet Divine judgments, sent iu mercy,
to induce repentance and amendment ?
But Moses, who had threatened the very sei-ies of
ca,lamitio3 which Joel saw around him, had also pre-
dicted even heavier and more enduring calamities. Be-
yond the locusts and the drought he had seen a fierce
nation, swift as an eagle, fljong from afar to besiege all
the gates of tlio laud, to assault the strong walls of de-
fence, to bring on the disobedient children of Israel all
the horrors of war, siege, famine, and captivity. Must
not Joel follow Moses in this also, and predict a conflict
as the residt of which the people of Israel would bo
" scjittered among the nations," and the land divided
among foreign foes, and the cajitive Jews would be so
numerous as that a lad woidd be given for a harlot's kiss
and a girl for a draught of wine (chap. iii. 2, 3) p AU
this does Joel forecast and predict. Nay, still follow-
ing Moses, he also foresees that a faithfid " remnant "
will be left; that " the escaped will be on Mount Zion ;"
that this holy remnant will multiply and wax strong,
until they take their very captors captive, and mete out
to them an exact recompense for the miseries they have
inflicted (chap. iii. 4 — 8). Nay, still more, as he broods
over the facts around him, and the words of Moses, and
the Di^-ine meaning of these facts a.:d words, Joel sees
dimly, as though he were gazing on the vague faint
shadows of events cast on the trembling curtain which
veils the future, that the fate of all nations is hoimd up
with that of the sacred race ; that the judgment of the
Jews is a type and precursor of the judgment of the
world. The vision is dim and brief ; tlie record of it is
hampered with national and local allusions to the slave
trade of Phoenicia and the incursions of the Philistines :
he sees "all nations" gathering for the fhial conflict in
tlie little " valley of Jehoshaphat," which would not hold
even the inhabitants of Jerusalem. But the scope of
his vision constantly swells and rises till it plunges over
all these local limitations ; what ho dimly yet truly
sees, that we truly though obscurely feel as wo read the
closing periods of his jirophecy (chap. iii. 9—21) : that,
at some period undefined and uudefinable, there is to be
a last conflict of good mth evil, the crisis of the world's
history, iu which the "heroes of God" will gain tho
victory ; a Divine " judgment " in which good and evil
are to be separated for ever ; a kingdom and reign of
God, in which the wildei-ness and solitary place arc to
rejoice iu vordm-o, the very mountains are to drop \vine,
and the hills to flow with mUk, and tho water-courses to
run with perpetual streams, and God will make his
tabernacle ivith men, and dwell among them, and be
their God, and they his people. And sui-ely it lends
new force and beauty to the words of Joel, thus to trace
them to their origin m the words of Moses ; to learn
that he was inspired, not to utter truths which had no
connection with the past, but to imply and interpret
truths which had been the possession of Israel for cen-
turies ; to develop and expand germs which the " man
of God" had planted in the national conscience and
heart.
We feel that wo stand ou soKd ground when we
thus base ourselves ou the connections of human history
and thought; we feel that this nutst have been the
Divine order and method, this gradual development
and application of moral principles, for it is the very .
order we find in the natural world and iu the social and
pohtical phases of human life. If prophets, inspired
prophets, were to rise among us now — as perhaps they
do — our first demand of them woidd be that they should
carry out tho principles of tho Gospel to their fair re-
sults, and teach us how to apply them more closely and
more exactly to the want and duties of the time. "Were
they to make a wholly new start, to lay down new pos-
tuhit-es, to assume new moral axioms, and lead us in alto-
gether novel directions, wo shoidd need no other proof
that they were not of Grod. And what we should expect
of our propliets, that wo should also expect, that we may
find, in the Hebrew prophets — in Joel. Planting him-
self on the laws, principles, threatenings, promises of the
great lawgiver of his people, he shows how they Iwar
on the current events of his time — how they must bear
on the events of all time. Kindling his lamp at the
sacred fire which burned on the ancient Mosaic altar,
he threw its full light on the age in which he lived,
and even sent its rays streaming faintly into the dark-
ness of the future, defining little perhaps, yet giving us
hiuts and glimpses which wiU not misl&nd us so long as
we follow them with inciuiring and faithful hearts.
IM
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
THE AEK OF THE COVENANT.
BT THE VEET EEV. E. PATNE SMITH, D.D., DEAN OF CANTEEBUET.
> S it has been supposed that the statement
about the migrations of the ark, in Vol. I.,
page 80 of The Bible Educatoe, was
intended as a full account of its wander-
ings, whereas only those two places. Nob and Giboon,
were mentioned where, as at Shiloh, a tabernacle was
set up and the rites of the national religion i^ractised, it
has been thought advisable to give a somewhat fuller
account of the matter.
At Shiloh, then, in the tribe of Ephraim, the ark was
placed by Joshua, and continued there, surrounded by
all the accessories of Divine worship, till the time of
Eli. Yet even during this period it was not altogether
stationary. Tor in Judg. xx. 18, 26, there is little
doubt that instead of " the house of God," the right
translation is, " The children of Israel arose, and went
up to Bethel, and asked counsel of God." As Bethel
was a sacred spot, and situated only six miles from
Gibeah, the ark (see verso 27) was probably carried
thither, from Shiloh, for the purposes of the war waged
by the tribes on Benjamin.
But Shiloh was jjlainly its usual Lome (I Sam. i. 3)
till the first battle of Ebenezer (1 Sam. iv.), when the
Philistines destroyed it, apparently with such ruthless
cruelty, that the very mention of it in after times
sufficed to make the heai-ts of the people thrill with
horror. (See Jer. vii. 12 ; xxvi. 6 — 9 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 60 —
64.) It was probably this feeling which prevented
ShUoh from being ever chosen again as the national
sanctuary ; and which made even Jeroboam prefer
Bethel, a few miles distant from it, as one of the seats
of his idolatry.
The captured ark, after being can-ied about for some
months among the Phihstines, was restored to Israel, and
after the disasters at Beth-shomesh placed in the house
of Abiuadab at Kirjath-jearim, where it abode for
twenty years (1 Sam. vii. 2). In 2 Sam. vi. 2 we still
find the ark at Baalo of Judah — i.e., at Kirjath-jearim,
in the house of the same Abiuadab on the hill (see the
margin), but an interval of eighty years separates the
two texts. There has been in the meantime the judge-
ship of Samuel and the reign of Saul, besides nine or
ten years of David's own i-eign. It is noteworthy that
though Abinadab must have been long since dead, the
house still boars liis name.
Now it is in this interval that we find the ark at Nob,
not in a private house, but ministered to by the high
priest, and with no less than fourscore and five priests
in attendance upon it (1 Sam. xxi. 1 ; xxii. 18). Nob
itself was a sacerdotal town in the tribe of Benjamin
not far from Jerusalem, and if we look at the dates we
shall see that the twenty years during which the ark abode
at Kirjath-jearim end about five years before Saul was
made king. What can be more plain or more probable
than that Samuel, himself brought up at Shiloh, and
with many an affectionate remembrance of his early
years, removed the ark to Nob, placed there once again
the tabernacle of Moses for its reception, and restored
as much as possible of the old ceremonial observed in
Eli's days ?
But a fate as hard as that of Shiloh also befell Nob.
Doeg the Edomite, at Saul's command, not only mur-
dered the priests, but smote the city with the edge of
the sword, both men and women, cliildren and sucklings,
and made it an utter ruin. From this scene of devasta-
tion pious hands carried back the ark to its old resting-
place, and there apparently it remained even longer than
at first. At length, about ten years after Saul's death,
and when David had now for three years been king
over Israel as well as Judah, ho determined to bring
up the ark into the city which he had conquered from
the Jebusites, and called by his own name. On the
way occurred the breach of Uzzah, and the ark was
deposited for three months in the house of a Levite,
Obed-edom. With more punctual observance [of tho
Levitical law, the king then once again attempted its
removal, and it was brought happily into tho city of
David (2 Sam. vi.).
And now there occurs a remarkable separation
between the ark and the tabernacle, which was not
described with sufficient care in tho previous article.
The ark remained in Zion, but the tabernacle of Moses
and the brazen altar made by Bezaleel were placed at
Gibeon. Gibeon, and not Zion, was the seat of tho
national worship. To it Joab fled for refuge (1 Kings
ii. 28) ; and to it Solomon went in royal state, and offered
in sacrifice a thousand burnt-offerings (1 Kings iii. 4).
But though until the Temple was built Gibeon was
the centre of the Levitical worship, yet there was also
a service of music before the ark. The priest Zadok
and his brethren ministered at Gibeon, and offered there
morning and evening the appointed sacrifices. It was
about six miles from Jerusalem, whereas Nob lay close
to its walls, and many inconveniences must have arisen
from the distance. Yet there the priests were stationed
with Heman and Jeduthun to conduct the psalmody.
But Asaph and his brethren, and Obed-edom with a
numerous staff of porters, were in attendance upon
the ark in Zion (1 Chron. x\-i. 37 — 42), and it was not
tUl the tenth or eleventh year of Solomon that this
strange separation between the ark and tabernacle was
put an end to. Then it was that Solomon gathered all
the nobles of his realm, and with great joy Ijrought
the ark up from tho city of David unto Mount Moriah,
and placed it in the Holy of Holies in the Temple.
From that time not Giboon but Jerusalem was tho
national sanctuary, and the ark, though not quite always
undisturbed, remained in the place prepared for it by
Solomon till Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the Temple,
when probably the ark perished with it.
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTURE.
1-15
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTUEE.
THE HEEODIAN FAMILY (,concluded).
BY THE EDITOR.
HEEOD AGEIPPA I.
^HE name of this prince meets us for the
first time in the history of the New
Testament in Acts xii. 1. His previous
career, however, presents many points of
contact both with it, and with the wider history of the
time. His very name reminds us of the policy which
led his grandfather and liis unclos to court the favour of
ihe Roman emperor. His father, Aristobulua, one of
the sons of Herod's favourite ivife Mariamne, was put
to death in one of the fits of jealous suspicion which
marked the close of tliis tyrant's life, in B.C. G. Tlie
precise date of the bii-th of Agrippa is not ascertained,
but as he was at Rome before the death of Herod the
Great (Joseiih., Atitiq. xrai. 6, § 1), wo may infer that
Le was sent there to be out of the reach of his grand-
father's cruelty, aud must therefore have been born
before the death of the great minister of Augustus,
Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, in B.C. 12 ; and it is reason-
able to assume that the name was bestowed on him as
a compliment to the man who was so high in the
emperor's favour, aud whose support it was so desirable
to secure.
His position at Rome brought him into contact with
some of the more jirominent members of the imperial
family. His mother, Bernice (a name which ho after-
wards bestowed on one of his own daughters. Acts xxv.
13), was on terms of intimate friendship with Antonia,
the wife of Drusus and mother of Germauicus, and the
youth of Agrippa was passed in companionship with
Caius, the son of Germauicus, better known afterwards
as the Emperor CaUgiila. We trace his remembrance
of the family in the name DrusiUa, which he gave to
another of his daughters (Acts xxiv. 24).' His friend-
ship with Caligula exercised a marked influence over
both his fortunes and his character. Without following
those fortunes in their successive stages, the spendthrift
life at Rome, tho heavy debts which made him return
to Judaja to escape his creditors, his marriage with
Kypros his cousin, we come to tho time in which ho
comes into contact with the two members of the family
who appear so prominently in the Gospel history. At
first (this was after the death of Archelaus, and pro-
bably about the time when John the Baptist began liis
ministry) Herodias, who, it will be remembered, was hi,'?
sister, received him kindly, and, under her influence,
the tetrarch made him ruler of Tiberias, aud assigned
him a salary. The good-will was not of long continu-
ance. The tetrarch reproached his brother-in-law >vith
his poverty and dependence, and the latter, resigning
his post, but still embarrassed ivith many difficulties,
made his way to Italy. Tho memory of liis unpaid
-' A son who died young bora tho namo of Brusaa.
34 — VOL. II.
debts weighed against him with the Emperor Tiberius,
but the tact and winning manners which always dis-
tinguished him enabled him to ingratiate himself with
all the imperial family. He was tho guest of Tiberius
at Capreffi, borrowed 300,000 drachma; of Claudius, tho
futm-e emperor, was ajipointcd as a sort of tutor over
the emperor's grandson (Tiberius, the sou of Drusus,
who died yoimg), and continued to be the boon com-
panion of Caligula. Soon, however, all this glitter and
pomp were changed for the confinement of a prison.
As the two friends were ritling in a chariot, Agi'ippa
gave utterance to the wish that tho emperor might soon
die, and that Caius might succeed him. The incautious
words were overheard by the chariot-driver, a freedman
of Agrippa's, and reported by him to others. They came
at last to the ears of Tiberius. The emperor was still
at CapreiB. Agrippa was summoned to defend himself,
and was at once, clothed in puiiile as he was, bound
with ii'on chains, and thrown into prison. During his con-
finement there happened, according to Josephus, whose
sources of information at this stage of his histoiy seem
to have been singularly full, a striking incident which,
from the historian's pomt of view, was connected with the
strange aud startling manner of Agrippa's death. It
chanced that one day, wliilo Agrijjpa and other prisoners
were taking their scanty measure of exercise before the
impeirial palace, he leant, in utter despondency, upon
the trunk of a tree. An owl sat upon its branches.
One of his fellow-prisoners, a German, asked who he
was, and on learning his history, came to him with
words of comfort, told him that the presence of the
bird was an augury of good, that within a short time
he would rise to the highest prosperity, but warned
him that should he ever see the self- same bird again it
would come as a messenger of death, and that within
five days after it his end would come. As Josephus
tells the story of his death, it was in tho midst of the
pomp and pageantry of the scone at Cajsarea that he
saw the bird of evO omen perched over his head, and
as the sudden stroke of agony fell on him, told his
friends that he knew that the hour of his death was not
far off (Joseph., Aniiq. xvdii. 6, aud xix. 8).
For the time, however, the omen was fulfilled for
good. The rigours of imprisonment were mitigated at
the intercession of Antonia. Friends were allowed free
access, and were permitted to bring tho garments aud
food which belonged to the prisoner's rank. After a
few months of expectation, one of those friends, Marsyas,
probably a Jew, rushed into his prison, and cried
out in Hebrew that " the licJn was dead."- Caligula,
- The phrase has a special interest as illustrating St. Paul's
language in 2 Tim. iT. 17, " I was deliYered out of the mouth
of the lion." It not only justifies us in interpreting that language
of St. Paul's trial before Nero, but shows that this way of speaking
146
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
designated by the emperor's will, was received as his
successor, and Agi-ippa soon reaped the fruits of liis
favour, was released from prison, appointed to the
tetrarchy of Iturea that bid been held by Philip, but
with the title of king, and afterwards to Abilene, that
of Lysanias (Luke iii. 1). As a complimentary memo-
rial of what he had undergone on the emperor's account,
he received a chain of gold of the same weight as the
iron one he had worn in his prison.
The jealousy which was excited in the minds of his
sister Herodias and her husband when Agrippa re-
appeared in Palestine with his new title has been
already dwelt on. It ended, as has been seen, in the
downfall of Herod Antipas, and the power of Agrippa
wa.s increased Ijy the addition of the tetrarchy of
Galilee, and the private estates both of the tetrarch
and of Herodias. He seemed to bo in a fair way to
equal his grandfather both in wealth and temporal
power as well as name.
The power gained under Caligida was, however, but
the st-epping-stone to a yet higher position. Agrijspa
remained at Rome after the incidents thus narrated,
and was there when the emperor's mad career was
terminated by the dagger of Chorea. It was his strange
destiny to bo the fu'st to pay fimoral honours to the
body of the dead emperor, and to persuade Clautlius
not to lose the opportunity thus offered him of succeed-
ing to the piirplo. The residt was that the new emperor
treated him with special honour, added Judasa and
Samaria to the territory over which he pre\'iously ruled,
and so, superseding for a time by this restored monarchy
the functions of tlie Roman procurator of Jiidsea,
brought Agi-ijipa for tlie first time into direct cont,ict
with the new society which wo know as the Church of
Christ, but which to Mm, doubtless, presented itself as
the sect of the Nazarenes. In many respects he used the
power thus gained in a just and beneficent spirit, and
sought in i^articnlar (and here we come to tliat which
connects itself with the history of Acts xii.) to con-
ciliate the religious feelings of the people, which had
been so constantly outraged by his grandfather and
Antipas. The golden chain was dedicated as a thank-
offering in the Temple. At the Feast of Pentecost he
appeared among the multitude, bringing Ms own basket
of first-fruit offerings. When the law was read at the
Feast of Tabernacles, and lie heard the words from
Dent. xvii. 15, " One from among thy brethren shalt
thou set Mng over thee ; thou shalt not set a stranger
over thee," he biu-st into tears at the thought of Ms own
Idumcau descent, till the people, whose affection ho
had gained, met Ms gi-ief with the cry, " Trouble not thy-
self, Agi-ippa ; thou also art our brother." A striking
instance of Ms desire to gain over the more devout
of the tyrants who disjjrraoed the purple was already established,
and that there is no need to adopt M. Reuan's somewhat fantastic
hypothesis {L'Antachrist, p. 179), that Nero hecame " the boast" of
the Apocalyijse because he appeared on the arena of the amphi-
theatre in the disguise of a lion. The imagery of the Apocalypse
was indeed ready at hand in the visions of Ezekiel (sit. 1, 9) and
Daniel (vii. 8). The language of Marsyas and St. Paul shows how
easy and natural it was to reproduca it with this apphcation.
among his subjects to Ms side was seen in the fact that
when Caligula, in one of Ms fits of insane vanity, issued
the command that Ms statue should be set up in the
Temple of Jerusalem, and there worshipped, and the
people dared only oppose by a passive martyr-Hke re-
sistance, Agrippa, who had retmrned to Rome and taken
up his abode there, had the courage, when CaUgula
offered to bestow on Mm any gift that ho might choose
to ask, to pray, not for fresh territory or increased
treasm-es,' but that the emperor would recede from Ms
frantic outrage on the religion of his countrymen, and
succeeded in averting the dreaded evil.
With a real or affected zeal, when he returned to
his kingdom, he adopted precisely the same means for
conciliatmg the devotees of Jerusalem as those which
were afterwards practised by St. Paid, and associated
liimsolf with those who had taken on themselves the
vow of Nazarites, and apparently " was at charges with
them that they might shave then- heads " (Acts xxi. 2't).
Josephus, who represents the not over-zealous type of
Pharisee wMch was likely to be soothed with this exter-
nal conformity, speaks of him in terms of the higliest
praise : " Agrippa's temper was mild and equally liljcral
to all men. He was humane to foreigners, and made
them sensible of his liberality. He was in like manner
of a gentle and compassionate temper. He loved to live
continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in the
observance of the laws of his country. He therefore
kept liimself entu-ely pure, nor did any day pass over Ms
head without its appointed sacrifice" (4 (liig. xix. 7, § 3).
Such wa.s the prince who was now brought face to
face with the disciples of Jesus. A German Je^vish
historiiin' has ventured on the strength of these facts to
suggest that the narrative m Acts xii., which ascribes to
liim a systematic policy of persecution, is unintelligible,
and therefore iucreilible. The statement is, I believe,
the very reverse of the truth. Those who sit loose to
religious zeal are quite as likely to adopt a policy of per-
secution, when they \vish to gain the favom* of a perse-
cuting party, as men who are themselves in earnest.
Assuming that the devotion of wMeh Josephus speaks
so Mghly was not altogether fictitious, its character was
precisely that which takes its tone from the atmo-
sphere in which it lives. It was well, we may believe,
for the Christian Clrarch that it had time to strike its
roots into the ground and spread out its branches whUe
Judaja was still imder the government of a Roman
procurator. Wlien Agrippa arrived he must have
found all the religious parties into wMcli Ms subjects
were di^-ided — Pharisees, SadduceoS, Zealots, whatever
remained of the old Herodians — watching the gi-owth of
the new society 'n-ith fear and suspicion. What more
ready way of gaining their favour was there than to
make himself tlio representative of their zeal, and to
crush the innovators ? Coming as he did from Rome,
where, there is reason to believe, the faitli of Christ
had already made such progress that Clauihus but a
few years afterwards was led to banish all the Jews, in
' Jost, Gischkhk des Judenthums, i., p. 121.
THE COINCIDENCES OP SCRIPTURE.
147
order to stop the disturbances which were coutumaUy
occurring between the believing and the non-lielie^Tug
portions of the population of the Jewish quarter,' it is
probable euoiigh, -indeed, that ho came ivith a temper
already adverse to the disciples of Jesus, and disposed
to look on them as dangerous. It was in every way
natural that James, the son of Zebedeo, should be the
first victim, not only as one of the fom- whose names
always stand first in the hst of the Apostles, but from
the antecedents of his personal history. To one who
had lived and rided at Tiberias, the names of the two
" Sons of Thunder " could hardly have boon imkuown,
and James, as in all likelihood the elder of the two,
would attract his first notice rather than the younger
and more contemplative John. That there was no real
humanity in his nature to restrain him from such
action may bo inferred from the fact that ho iutrodussd
into his kingdom the most detestable of all the forms of
the brutal indifference to life wliich characterised the
empire, and sent condemned criminals, to the number
oi fourteen hundred in one batch, to butcher each other,
as gladiators and convicts did at Rome, in the amphi-
theatre which he had buUt at Berytus (Joseph., Antiq.
xix. 7, § 5). The execution of theguai-ds who had been
set to keep watch over Peter, though not more rigorous
than usage might justify, is, at least, a sufficient imli-
cation of severity.
The death of Agrippa, three years after JudtBa had
been added to his dominions, put a stop to the persecu-
tion, and gave the chm-ches of Judisa time to breathe
freely. The circumstances of that death, as told both
by St. Luke and Josephus, were eminently characteristic.
Agrippa, we are told by the former, was on the very
verge of war, and full of hostile purposes, with the
neighboui-ing cities of Tyi-e and Sidon. They, with
their crowded population and but a narrow and un-
productive coast-land, were largely dependent on the
plains of Samaria and Galilee for their daily supplies
of food, as they had been in the days of Solomon, when
in exchange for the timber which the ships of Tyi-e
brought from Lebanon he gave Hu-am " twenty thou-
sand measures of wheat for food for his household, and
twenty measures of oU, year by year " (1 Kings v. 11) ;
and in those of Ezekiel, when the merchant city
traded \vith " Judah and the laud of Israel " for " wheat
of Miuuith, and Pannag, and honey, and oil, and balm "
(Ezek. xxvii. 17). Tlie features which Josephus adds
to the pictm-e are not less striking. Tho legates of
Tyre and Sidon had apparently selected what seemed
a favourable opportimity for their request. Agrippa
was celebrating games in honour of the emperor, ac-
companied with special prayers for his safety. After
the fashion which prevailed at Rome, where Caligula
disidayod hunseU, even when he personated Hercules,
in gold-embroidered dresses, the king appeared before
the people ui a robe of silver (tho royal or imperial
apparel of Acts xii. 21). which glittered in the morning
sun, and made an oration to the people. The servile
' Cjiincidences of Scripture," Vol. I., p. 151.
crowd, accustomed to the extravagant homage paid to
the emperors, and not sharing tho horror of the more
rigorous zealots of Jerusalem at the apotheosis of a
fiving CaHgula, raised the cry, " It is the voice of a god,
and not of a man." They begged him as a god to be
merciful to them, and protect them. And he " gave
not God the glory." The blasphemous praise fell on
pleased and willing eai's. That had been granted to
him which had been refused to Caligula. He accepted
the honour against wliich he had then protested. As
Joseplms tells tho story, he saw the owl, which re-
minded him of the old augury, sitting over his head,
knew that his end was come, had sense enough to
reprove his flatterers, and to prepare for death, con-
gratulating himself, as Augustus had done, that he
had played Ms part in the drama of life well, and
surroimded by the pageantry and pomp of sovereignty.
No sooner, however, had the cm-tain fallen on that
tlrama, than those who seemed to be such admu'iug and
applaudiug spectators gave vent to the hatred and
scorn which lay beneath the sm'f ace, kept high festival
in exultation at his death, hurled the vilest reproaches
on his memory, and insiilted to the utmost of their
power the children whom he had left behind.
HEEOD AGRIPPA II. AND BEENICE.
Of the four cluldren who were thus left fatherless,
three — Agrippa II., Beniice, and DrusiUa — come before
us as brought into contact with the history of the
Apostohc Church. The son, who was only seventeen
at the time of his father's death, had been brought up
in the court of Claudius, and was thex'e at the time.
The emperor thought liim too yoimg to be entrusted
with power, and was probably glad to use the ojipor-
tunity of once more placing Judcea under the direct
control of a Roman procurator. On the death of
Herod, King of Chalcis, a brother of Agrippa I., how-
ever, Claudius assig-ned his territory, with the title of
king, to the young prince, and afterwards added the two
tetrarchies which at the commencement of our Lord's
ministry were under Philip and Lysanias. Over Galilee,
Samaria, and Judasa he exercised no authority, and was
therefore, as compared with his father, httle more than
a titular monarch. It is remarkalde that when he
appears in the Acts it is in company with Beruiee, as
though she shared his power, and though his sister aad
not his wife, was recognised as queen. So she appears
in Josephus {Wars of the Jews, ii. 16, § 3) as with her
brother at Jerusalem, standing by his side, joining
her tears with his, so as to soothe the agitation of
the people, and again as obtaining by her intercession
tho life of a condemned criminal {Life, § 65). There
were not wanting those who surmised that the taint of
the vices of Caliguhi had infected the children of his
friend, and that this ostentatious display implied the
existence of an incestuous passion between the two.
She, like Herodias, had begun by being the wife of an
uncle, the King of Chalcis, just mentioned. After his
death she married, chiefly in order to give the lie to 'he
dark rumours of her guilt, Polemon, a king of Cilicia, who
148
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
for her sake became a proselyte, and submitted to cir-
cumcision. Tlje marriage was not a liappy one, and her
return to her brother increased the suspicions which
were floating in men's minds, so that even Roman
historians and satirists took the guilt as proven. The
fasciuation of her beauty, and probably also of lier
ability, wa.s strong enough to win tlie love of the
Emperor Titus, and the last glimpse of the life of the
Herodian princess is that which displays her as living
with him at Rome in the imperial palace as his mistress.
Ho was for a time spell-bouud by her, as Cassar and
Antony had been by Cleopatra. The amount of public
feeling, however, was as strong against the influence of
the foreign, the " barbarian " mistress then, as it had
been in the earlier case, and Titus, characteristically
placing his public duties above his private affections,
vrithdrew from her society. " Dimisit iuvitus invitam "
is the touching comment of the historian Suetonius.'
Tor one memorable day the young king was brought
into contact with the great Apostle of the Gentiles, and
the circumstances, as recorded by St. Luke, present
many striking coincidences with what we know of the
man, and of his character, from external sources. He
came on a visit of compliment to Eestus, and the history
of Josephus shows us that the two liad already been
on terms of intimacy at Jenisalom. Agi-ippa had
thro^^^l out a banqueting-haU from the old palace of the
Asmonajan kings, from the portico of which lie could
command a view of the courts of the Temple. The
priests and people, knowing something, it may be, of
the character of Agrijipa and his guests, resented this,
as exposing the services of the sanctuary to the gaze of
profane eyes, and ran up a high wall which entirely
blocked out the view. The king, in his turn, backed
by the authority of Festiis, commanded the wall to be
pulled dovm, and woidd have succeeded in demolishing
it, had not the Jews .sent an embassy to Nero, and partly
on the plea that the wall was part of the Temple, partly
through the influence of Poppsea, after her strange
fashion a proselyte to Judaism, obtained an order that
tho wall should be left as it was. It was not strange
that in the interval between the two stages of this
transaction, the two men should be found meeting on
terms of reciprocated courtesies. We may note, finally,
that the " great pomp " of Agrippa was in exact keeping
witli his character.
Tlie tone of St. Paul's address to Agrippa is one of
marked respect throughout. This was, we may beheve,
only part and parcel of the demeanour that characterised
the great Apostle. But there is ob-i-iously a special
stress laid on one aspect of his character. St. Paul
welcomes the opportunity of speaking before him, as
one who is " expert in all customs and questions which
' The late Dean Alforcl, in the article " Bernioe," in Smith's
Diclionori; 0/ the Bible, speaks of her as having been sucoessivclj
the mistress both of Vespasian and of his sou Titus. There is
nothing, however, in the passage of Tacitus to which he refers
(Hist, ii. 81) to lead us to impute to her so shameless a guilt. His
words, which state that she won the father's favour by the liberality
of her gifts ("Seui quoque Vespasiano muniflceutia munerum
grata''), imply, indeed, the very reverse.
are among the Jews." He knows that in the question,
" Believest thou the prophets ?" he can, without risk of
error, assume the answer, " I know that thou believest "
(Acts xxvi. 2, 26). There are not a few intimations in
Josephus that this character was one which Agrippa
especially affected.
At liis mtercession, the Emperor Clauilius conceded
to the Jews the right of keeping the sacred vestments
under their own custody {Antiq. xx. 1, § 2), instead of
that of the Roman procurator. The care of the Temple
was specially committed to liim by the same emperor.
When the Levites, who formed tho choir of the Temple,
were anxious to secure the honour of wearing the same
linen garments as the priests, it was to Agrippa they
applied ; and he accordingly convened a meeting of the
Sanhedrim, urged their claim, and so obtained for them
the concession on which they had set their hearts. He
had displayed just the kind of interest in matters
affecting the religion of his subjects which justified the
language of St. Paul.
The memorable words which, as rendered in our
version, have so often furnished preachers vrith a text,
" Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian " (Acts
xxvi. 28), are now acknowledged by all competent
scholars to have no such meaning. Rightly Lntei-preted,
as meaning " With a little, sc., with but scanty measure
of proof, thou persuadest me to be a Christian," the words
are far more strikingly characteristic. He uses for the
name of tho new sect that which was essentially Latin
in its form, and which had probably by tliis time passed
into common currency at Rome. And he speaks alto-
gether in the tone of sceptical sarcasm which we
might expect to fijid in one who had been the friend of
Nero. It wanted something more than an incredible
story, as he must have deemed it, of visions and revela-
tions of the Lord, such as the experienced governor
looked upon as a sign of madness, to induce him to
cast in his lot with tho strange sect who bore the
new name.
Nothing in the king's after life indicates that the
words of the Apostle made tho sUghtost impression on
him. When the Jewish war broke out, after vainly
endeavouring to dissuade the people from their insane
resistjince, he unreservedly took the side of the Romans,
found an asylum in Rome, corresponded with Josephus,
assisted him in compiling his history of the revolt of
Judaea and the destruction of Jerusalem, and at last
died, A.D. 100, in the early years of tho reign of Trajan.
DBUSILXA.
One more member of the Herodian family reniains to
be noticed, as connected ivith the history of the New
Testament. When Paul stood before Felix, tho pro-
curator who preceded Festus, and " reasoned of right-
eousness, temperance, and judgment to come," the pro-
curator had come, we are told, to Ccesarea, accompanied
by his vdto " Drusilla, who was a Jewess "' (Acts xxiv.
24), and she was with him when ho sent for tho Apostle
and heard him. Here, also, as iu the case of Beniice,
there wf.s a beauty of singular attractiveness, and there
JOSHUA.
149
liad been a strange career of adventures. During her
father's lifetime she had been betrothed to an Eastern
piinee, Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus of Commagone,
on condition of his becoming a proselyie to Judaism.
On the death of the elder Agrippa, that prineo refused
to fulfil the condition, and her brother gave her in
marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, who was willing to
comply with it. Then Felix appeared on the stage,
brother of Pallas, the favoured freedman of the Em-
peror Claudius, already conspicuous as having married
two princesses, and through the agency of a Cyprian
sorcerer named Simon (whom some have identifiiLd with
Simon Magus of Acts viii.), prevailed on her to leave
her husband, and to live with him. It was not strange
that one whose life had been a strange combination of
the cruelty of a tyrant with the subser^deucy of a slave,
should have trembled, as the burning words of the
Apostle fell on his startled oar. They had, however,
no permanent effect. The extortionate greed of gain,
which was his dominant characteristic, asserted itself
immediately in his treatment of the Apostle. He con-
tinued to Hve with her, and a son who bore the family
name of Agrippa perished in the great eruption of
Vesuvius, A.D. 79.
SCEIPTUEB BIOGEAPHIES.
JOSHUA (continued).
BT THE REV. EDMUND VENABLES, M.A., CANON RESIDENTIARY AND PKECENTOK OF LINCOLN.
'he Jordan had now been crossed. The
covenant had been renewed. The feet
of Israel were at last treading the land
promised to their forefathers. The work
for which Joshua had been specially commissioned
was opening before him. And this work was likely to
be long and difficult. Canaan was in the possession of
a powerful and warlike people, prepared to resist to
the uttermost the attempts of the invaders to dislodge
them. Every part of the land bristled -ivith fortresses,
" cities liigh and fenced up to heaven." One of the chief
of these fortresses, the strong and opulent city of
Jericho, now confronted Joshua. Its walls and towers
were seen rising above the palm-tree groves, from
which it took its distinctive name, " the city of palm-
trees" (Dent, xxxiv. 3). The formidable strength of
its fortifications might well awaken anxiety evea in the
mind of so dauntless a loader. How could his nomad
tribe, fresh from desert life, utterly unprovided with
engines of war, and destitut-e of the knowledge and
skill necessary for the storming of a walled town, hope
to take this impregnable fortress P Still, what he
could do, Joshua did, and did at once. If he could
not storm Jericho, ho miglit starve it into submission.
So he beleaguered the city, and commenced a strict
blockade, and " Jericho was straitly shut up because of
the children of Israel : none went out, and none came
in " (Josh. vi. 1).
But this siege must necessarily occupy a long
time, and all seemed to depend on Israel striking a
sudden and decisive blow. Wliile the Israelites were
lingering here, might not the other kings of the
CajQaanitos gather their armies and come down upon
them with irresistible might, and crush the invasion at
the outset P And thou, as ever, just when it is most
needed, came the renewed assurance of the presence
and protection of the Most High. As Joshua was
" by Jericho " (Josh. v. 13 — 15), having left the camp it
should seem alone, and unaccompanied, to recoimoitre
the fortress, and devise means of assault, he was
suddenly conscious of the presence " over against
him " of an armed warrior, " with his sword drawn
in his hand." With characteristic courage he chal-
lenged the formidable stranger, and demanded whether
he came as friend or foe : " Art thou for us, or for
our adversaries?" The unexpected answer, that it
was as " captain of the host of the Lord," ' " the Prince
of angels," that he had come, and the command, the
same given to his great master in Horeb, to " loose his
shoe from off his foot " before ho trod ground conse-
crated by the Di\'ine Presence, revealed the true nature
of this mysterious stranger. Awe-stricken, he fell on
his face and worshipped, and heard from Jehovah
the assurance which would at once dispel his fears,
and remind him that " tho battle was the Lord's,"
not Israel's — that he had " given into his hand Jericho,
its king, and its mighty men of valour" (Josh. vi. 2)»
and received the instructions for the capture of the
city.
In compliance with the Divine command, Joshua mar-
shalled his host, not for assault, but for orderly march.
For six days — careless of the derisive taunts that may
have reached them from tho fighting men on the walls
of Jericho, strong in faith that, however unlikely the
means employed, God would be true to His promise —
did the strange procession circle the doomed city.
First marched the warriors, picked men, probably .as
representatives of each tribe ; then, blowing the cornet*
1 Tliat " the cnptain of the host of the Lord" was aot a
created angel is evident from (1) Joshua receiving from him the
same command, to remove his shoes, given to Moses by Jehovah ;
(2) his being called Jehovah (vi. 2) ; and (3) bis attributing to
himself the delivery of Jericho into Joshua's hand : " Sec, I have
given into thy band Jericho." That we have here a manifestation
of the Divine Word, the Second Person of the Trinity, was the
opinion of the early Jewish Church, and has been held liy many of
the Christian fathers— e.g., Justin M.artyr, Eusebius, and Origeu.
The real import of this passage has been obscured by the unfor-
tunate division of chaps, v., vi. These chapters should liiivo
been run on without a break, the first verse of chap. vi. being
merely parenthetical, and the words, " And the Lord said unto
Joshua, &c." (vi. 2), following in sense " and Joshua did so," at
the end of chap, v.
isa
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of jubilee,' eouie the seveu priests, preceding tlio ark,
that sacred symbol and seat of Jehovah's presence, borne
on the Levites' shoulders, and guarded by " the roar-
ward," an armed detachment wliich closed the long line.
No sound but that of the priestly triimpets broke the
solemn stillness of the array. The host marched in
silence. The circuit completed, as it must have seemed,
without puri^ose and without i-esult, the army returned
to their tents. The ark of God was replaced in its
tabernacle. On the seventh day the mocking gazers
from the wall became cogiiisant of a changed procedure.
To secure time for the gi-eat events which that day was
to witness, the procession began at day-break. The
fii-st cu-cuit was succeeded by a second ; the second by
a third, a fourth, a fifth, a sixth. What was the
meaning of this change ? Was some mighty event at
hand, for which all that preceded was the preparation P
They had not long to wait for the issue. At the com-
pletion of the seventh cu'cuit, the blast of the trumpets,
which had been suspended for an interval, was renewed.
This was the signal for a shout from the entire host.
At once the whole circumference of the walls was laid
prostrate, and, the barrier removed, " the people wont up
into the city, oveiy man straight before him, and they
took the city " (vi. 20). As the fii-st-fruits of the guilty
land, the whole city Avith all that was Ln it was " devoted "
as a sacrifice to the Lord. The whole population was put
to the sword, with every living thing the city contauied,
" both man and woman, young and old, and ox, and
sheep, and ass." Only the faithful harlot, Rahab, with
her household was spared, according to the promise of
the spies. The city itself was burnt ; the houses, with
all their furniture and goods, rich draperies, and costly
garments forming a vast funeral pyi'e for the coi-pscs of
the slain. The indestructible booty, "the silver and
gold, and vessels of brass and iron," was consecrated
to the service of the sanctuary. The voi-y site was
placed under a ban. A curse was jironounced on any
one who should presumptuously dai-e to rebuild the walls
which Jehovah had overthrown (vi. 21 — 26). Notliing
was omitted that could enforce on the Israelites the
truth that they were fighting not for themselves, but
for Him; not for wealth or self -aggrandisement, but
for Jehovah's glory.
The same lesson was taught them by the alarming
reverse that attended Joshua's next military operation.
Among the confused ravines that run iip westwards
from the valley of the Jordan, not very far from
Bethel — its exact position is lost — stood the small town
of Ai, already known to us in Abraham's history.^ On
the report of the reconnoitring pai-ty sent by Joshua,
that a small force would suffice, as the inhabitants were
1 The renderinj in the Englisli Bible " tnimpeta of rams'
horus," is probably incorrect. It is derived from a statement of
Eabbi Akiba that jobel in Arabic means " a ram," whicli Bochart
stigmatises as " a mere Rabbinical fable," no Bucb word, according
ti) tbe best scholars, existing in tbe language. Johel, from which
comes "jubilee," is probably a word formed to express the sound.
- Gen. xii. 8 ; xiii. 3. The identity of the places is obscured
by a capricious variation in the spelling — one of the blots of our
Authorised Version. " Hoi " and " Ai " both represent the same
llebrew word.
" but few," a detachment of somo 3,000 men was
dispatched to take the place. They reached the gate
unmolested. But the men of Ai making a sudden
sortie, a panic fcU on the Israelite forces, who fled
precipitately down the steep descent, without waiting
for actual conflict. " Tliey chased them from before
the gate, . . . and smote them in the going down "
(Josh. vii. 5). The loss was small in amount — only
thirty-six men — but its disheartening effect was most
serious ; " the hearts of the people melted, and became
as water." Even Joshua himself was carried away by
the tide of dismay. Only on this one occasion we find
his courage, usually so imshaken, giving place to deepest
despondency. ThiB was the first time tliat the Israelites
had met the Canaanites in actual warfare, and if, almost
before a blow was struck, they fled before the warriors of
a small town, what would be the issue of the more for-
midable engagements which were before them ? Over-
whelmed ^^^th shame and apprehension, he " rent his
clothes, and fcU to the earth upon hi3 face before the
ark of tlie Lord until the eventide, ho and the elders
of Israel, and put dust ujiou their heads " (Josh. vii.
6). With the same holy boldness that characterised
the appeals of Moses in like distress, he expostulated
■svith God, pleading with Him what He had done for
His people in former times, and the disgrace that would
redotmd to the cause of the li\-ing God if He permitted
His servants to fall before the heathen : " What wilt
Thou do for Thy great name ?" Tlie answer of the
Most High recalls His words to Moses in a like emergency
(Exod. xiv. 15). It was a time for action, not for pas-
sionate appeal. Israel had sinned in the person of one
of its members, and that sin must be searched out, dis-
covered, and put away, before the presence and the help
of Jehovah could be again expected : '■ I wiU not be
with you any more, except ye destroy the accursed from
among you" (^ii. 13). The sin was not theft merely, but
sacrilege. That which was to have been wholly devoted
to the Lord had been appropriated by one of those whom
God had appointed to execute his wiU; "they," the
whole nation being compromised by the guilty deed of
one, " have even taken of the accursed thing, and have
also stolen, and dissembled also, and they have also put
it among their own stuff." The lot was to be resorted
to, to determine the guilty party. Once more, with
that characteristic promptitude we have so often occasion
to remark in huu, Joshua " rose up early in the morn-
ing," and gathered all Israel together " by then- tribes,"
fur the solemn decision. Gradually the circle narrowed.
Fu-st the tribe ; then the family ; then the household ;
then the man was taken ; and " Achan, the son of Zabdi,
the sou of Zerah, of the tribe of Jiidah," was declared
as " the troubler of Israel." In answer to the solemn
adjuration of Joshua, as the father of the nation, to
acknowledge the truth,^ the unhappy man makes frank
3 Joshua's appeal to Achan to " give glory to the Lord " by
confessing the truth, shows the real meaning of the much mis-
understood passage, "give God the praise" (literally, "glory")
(John ix. 21). The object of the Pharisees was not to lead the
blind man to give God, not Jesns, the glory of his cure ; but by
PERFUMES OF THE BIBLE.
151
and fiiU confession of his crime. A rickly embroidered
robe from the jilain of Shinar, two hundred shekels of
silver, and an ingot of gold among the spoils, had
proved an irresistible temptation. He had seen, he had
coveted, he had taken thorn. " Behold, they were hidden
in the earth in the midst of his tent," Messengers
run with all speed, remove the earth at the spot indi-
cated, "and behold, it was hid ui the tent, and the
silver under it," Sentence and its execution follow
immediately, Joshua, with the grim humour of wliicli
the Oriental mind is so fond, playing on the similarity
of the word acluir, " to trouble," and the name Achan,
said, " Why hast thou troubled us ? the Lord shall
trouble thee this day," The whole nation had shared
in the imputation of guilt and its disastrous conse-
quences, and therefore the whole nation, through its
representatives, must now take part iu its expiation,
"Joshua and all Israel took Achan, and stoned him with
stones," To mark more deeply God's detestation of his
crime, and its spreading, clinguig taint, hi.s children,
who may probably have Ijeen the accomplices of his
crime, his cattle, and all that he had, share iu his doom.
The corpses are consumed with fire, together with his
tent, and the accursed things it had once vainly sought
to hide. A great heap of stones, after the manner of
primitive peoples, was raised over the spot, which took
the name of the Valley of Achor,' i.e. " trouble." And
the guilt being thus put away by sacrifice, " the Lord
turned from the fierceness of his anger " (vii. 26).
defaming our Lord's character, " we know that this man is a
sinner," to frighten him into confessing that his was a made-up
tale, and that he had never been blind at all. " Make confession
unto the Lord" (Ezra x. 11) is literally, "Give praise to Jehovah."
Indeed, the Hebrew verb ^''-'^ah, *' to praise," signiiies also, in one
of its moods, " to confess."
1 How deeply the memory of this transaction was imprinted on
the national mind is evidenced by the references iu the Prophets
to " the valley of Achor," as proverbial for a place of trouble.
" I will give her the valley of Achor for a door of hope " {Hos.
ii. 15) ; *' The valley of Achor shall bo a place for herds to lie
down iu " (Isa. Ixv. 10).
The renewal of the attack on Ai was not long .
deferred. But Joshua would seem to have needed an
express command from God, and an assurance of the
success of his enterprise, before he could shake of£
the discouragement of the late calaniifies, and prepare
himself for action. " Fear not," said the Lord to
Joshua, " neither bo thou dismayed ; arise, go up to
Ai : see, I have given into thy hand the king of Ai
and his people, and his city and liis land" (viii. 1).
The plan of the engagement was to be changed. All
the men of war— not, as before, a mere detachment —
were to join iu the expedition. Instead of the whole
booty being burnt, as at Jericho, the soldiers were to
be rewarded with the ordinary spoils of victory. The
former disaster rendered the most c.iroful generalship
necessary. Stratagem was to be employed. A body of
soldiers, dispatched overnight, was placed in ambush
in a ra\'ine to the rear of the city. Early the- f oUovring
morning Joshua followed with his troops to tho neigh-
bourhood of Ai. Arrived there, ho posted the main
body of the army among the hills to the north, and
descended himself by night with, some picked men
to the valley immediately below tho walls. Descried
with the first dawn, they were promptly attacked by
the king of Ai. Their feigned flight promised again an
easy victory. Then Joshua detaching himself from tho
fugitives as they hastened down the valley, climbed a
height from wliich he would be readily ■(•isible to tho
various portions of the divided forces, and at God's
command, gave the appointed signal l)j' stretching out
his spear. The ambush rushed do^^Ti on the city, and
pouring iu through its open gates, set it on fire. The
retreating party turned round and faced the disconcerted
foe ; the main body issued from their place of conceal-
ment, and the whole population of Ai were hemmed in
and cut to pieces. The city was pillaged and burnt.
Its king, who had fallen alive into Joshua's hands, was
" hanged on a tree " — probably crucified — and a huge
cairn piled over his grave (viii. 10 — 29).
THE PEEFUMES OF THE BIBLE.
BY GEOEGE 0. M. BIKDWOOD, M.D. EDIN., INDIA MUSEUM.
^ ALBANUM, in Hebrew cheJhenah (Exod.
xsx. 31). — Galljanum is yielded by at least
two plants of the UmbelliferEe, Ophoidia
galbanifera, Don, of Khorassan, and
Galhanuiii officinale, Don, of Syi-ia. The passage in
Exodus prolmbly refers to the product of the Syrian
species, as Dioscorides says tliat x«^/3at'r; is the ix^Tunnov
growing in Syria, the -nauiKis iv Supia of Theophrastus.
MxEEH, in Hebrew m&i- (Exod. xxx. 23 ; Ps. xlv. 8 ;
Prov. vii. 17 ; Song of Songs i. 13 ; v. 6 ; Esth. ii.
12; Matt. ii. 11 ; Jolin xis. 30 ; Mark xv. 23), and lot
(Gen. xxx-vii. 25 ; xliii. 11). Truo myrrh, i.e., mur, the
Greeks called afiipi/a and li-i^fia (^olic), and Diosco-
rides observes that the Troglodytic was esteemed the
best. Vaughan distinctly states that myrrh is produced
in Arabia, and that in the Soumali countiy, besides tho
true myrrli, a kind which the Arabs call baisahol and
tlio Soumalis liehbalchadc is obtained. The Bombay
inferior myrrh is called baisahol. Ehrenberg dis-
covered it t« be the product of the plant named Balsmn-
odendron mijrrlui by Nees von Esenbeck. Our positive
information on the question has been admirably stated
recently by Hanbui-y, tho greatest li\Tng authority on
tho bibliography and historical identity of drugs, and of
their botany, iu a short paper on the "Botanical Origin
and Country of Myrrh," in the PhannaceuticalJournal
for April 19th, 1873, and reprinted from Ocean High-
ways of the same month. The myrrh, i.e., lot of Gen.
152
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
xxxvii. 25 and xliii. 11, is ladamtm, in Arabic ladan,
the i-esinous exudation of Cistus creticus, C. ladaniferus,
and other species of rock roses, which have been iden-
tified with the " rose of Sharon."
Ontcha, in Hebrew shecheleth (Esod. xxx. 34), and
translated by the LXX. 6yv^, "a nail," is the celebrated
" odoriferous shell" of the ancients, the operculum of a
species of Strombus. I once saw a largo quantity of it
as quoted by Sahna-sius in his Plinianw Exercitationes.
Another Hebrew word, shuliam, is translated "onyx
stone" in Gen. ii. 12 ; Exod. xxviii. 9, 20 ; 1 Chron.
xxix. 2 ; Job xxviii. 16 ; and Ezek. xxviii. 13.
Saffron, in Hebrew harhoni (Song of Songs iv. 14),
the harhum and zafran of the Arabs, Sanscrit Itwa-
Icuma, and Kp6K0i of Homer and the Greeks. A native
of Cashmere, the Hindu-Kush, and the Caucasus, the
Liquidanibar Altingia, Blume.
Bolsomodendron Myrrha, Nees von Esenbeck.
Weighed out of the Custom House scales in Bombay,
and under a native name signifying finger " naUs," but
never in fourteen years could get any of it again. It
was not perceptibly aromatic, and was probably rather
used to bring out in burning the fragrance of other
perfumes than on account of its own odoriferous quality.
Pliny says of Bactrian bdellium that it " is shining and
diy, and covered with numerous white spots, resembling
the finger nails." And a pSeWn om^ is described by
Damoeritus, an obscure medical writer quoted by
Saracenusin his Scholia in Dioscoridis, and by Galen,
saffron crocus has been associated with the earliest
history of man, and ha-s followed his migration every-
where throughout temperate Europe. Crocus, as Lem-
priere tells us, was a beautiful youth, enamoured of a
beautiful njTnph. and turned into this beautiful flower.
Spikenard, in Hebrew nerd (Song of Songs i. 12,
and iv. 13, 14), tho i-apSos of the New Testament (Mark
xiv. 3, and John xii. 3). Spikenard, quasi spica nardi,
is tho root of the Nardostachys Jafamansi, De C,
a valerian wort, and a native of Nepaul and Bootan,
at great elevations. There can be no doubt that tho
PERFUMES OF THE BIBLE.
153
nared or nerd of the Song of Songs, and St. Mark
also, iu writing fdfiSoi/ iricrTiKr/s Tro\vTe\ovs (" uardi spicati
pretiosi," Vulgate), refer to the Jatamansi or Sumbul
root of the Hindoos, which Sir William Jones was
the first to identify with spikenard. Dioscorides un-
equivocally specifies Jatamansi v&pSos 'IvSik)], called
also, as he states, "Gangetic, from the river Ganges."
vipSos 'ivSiKri ; (2) sumbul-itaHoo7i,oi uklete {i.e.,K(\TiK7i);
(3) sumbul-jiballee (ipetv^); and {4) sumbul-farsee (i.e,
2uptaK-fi). The synonyms of stimbul-hindee they give
as narden, Greek; -nardoom, Latin; and jatamansi,
Indian: and, moreover, the <pov of Dioscorides {Vale-
riana Bioscoridis, Sibthorp), they call Bekh-i-sumbid
— i.e., sumbul root. This should early have afforded a
Balsamodendron Elirenhergianum, Berp-.
(See Hanbury'a Paper cited in text ;
He also mentions vdpSos Ke\TiK^, vapBos Spetnij, and vipSos
'SvpiaKri, the last a variety of the Indian. But there
can be no doubt that the ancients used the word nard
for any Indian perfume, as the diar of roses. The
word nard Sir WiUiam Jones proved to be Persian, and
tho Persians, as the carriers of spikenard, must have
communicated the name to Hebrews {iierd), Greeks
(vipSos), and Romans (narduni). Anconna used tho
word sumbul as the synonym of yipSot, and Persian
works describe four kinds — (1) Smnbul-hindee (i.e.,
Nardostach'js Jatamansi, De C.
clue to the identification of jatamansi with spikenard,
but every writer on the subject thought thiit spikenard
must bo gramineous, until Sir William Jones clearly
established it to bo the root of Nardostachys Jatamansi,
De 0. (Asiatic Besearches, vol. iv.), in reply to Dr.
Sir G. Blane"s arguments in favour of Andropogon
Iwarancusa.
Stacte, in Hebrew naldf (Exod. xxx. 34), in Greek
crraKT?) and (rrvpat, generally referred to tho Styrax
officinale, Linn., of the Levant, Greece, Palestine, and
154
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Syria. But, as Hanbm-y has conclusively shown, there
is no storax or stacte found in modern commeroe de-
rived ifom Styrax officinale. All of it now comes from
Liquidamhar orientale, Miller, a native of Cyprus and
Anatolia. Liquidamhar AUingia, Blumo., of Java, pro-
duces the Rasamala of the Javanese {Bose-maUoios of
the Anglo-Indian tariffs, the word being formed just
as jackass-copal is formed from shalmsi — i.e., the tree
copal), the most exquisite and powerful of all balsams,
not excepting benzoin. It is remarkable that Sprengel,
in 1807, writing of the iniah of Aviceuna, states, "Hsec
est arbor rasamala quae st"i'acem liquidam largitur
0 rimis corticis emanantem. May not, then, the
ancients have included rose-mallows under their stacte
or storax? There is also a Balsamiferos liquidamhar,
native of the southern United States of America.
It must throw Some doubt, oven on the most satisfac-
tory identifications of the Bible names of perfumes with
the perfimios known in modem commerce, when it is
found that none of them include such famous Old World
aromata as costus and sandalwood, g<un-benjamin, rose-
mallows, and camphor, cardamoms, cloves, and nutmeg.
The liighest authorities, indeed, say that, excepting
costus, none of these fnigrant substances were known
to the ancient world — that fractional portion, that is,
of the wide world known to the Jews, and Greeks, and
Romans. But the more reasonable conclusion from the
fact that we cannot trace any of them in the descrij)-
tions of Theophrastus, Pliny, and Dioscorides, would be
a confirmed misgiving of our best and soundest identifi-
cations, and to start, in the examination of these autho-
rities, ^vith the assumption that they must have known
them. They knew black pepper familiarly, and is it
conceivable that they did not know cardamoms, a yet
more striking product of the same region ? Of camphor
there really would appear not to bo a trace in Pliny
and Dioscorides, but in favour of their knowledge of
cloves, nutmegs, and sandalwood, many an ambiguous
text might fairly be quoted. Gum-benjamin, I am
satisfied, they included under frankincense, and rose-
mallows under stacte. Costus, very familiar to the pro-
fane writers of the ancient nations of the Mediterranean
basin, I Ixilieve to be the "calamus," " sweet calamus,"
and " sweet cane from a far country " ( Jer. vi. 20) of
the Bible. Saffron, spikenard, and costus would seem
to have been the earliest known aromata, and all are
natives of the same region — the classical Caucasus —
costus having been identified by Falconer, as the root
of Auclclandia costus, Falo. {Aplotaxis auriculata, De C),
a native of Cashmere, at the highest elevations. On
the other hand, sugar is a famous Old World product
which was certainly absolutely unknown to the ancient
Greeks and Romans.
In this connection a very common popular error may
be pointed out — viz., the acceptance of Aiaerican plants
and products, now widely known in the Old World, as
hft^-ing been known to the ancients. Tear after year we
see m the Royal Academy, and other similar exhibitions,
the cactus and aloe, or the castor oO and maize intro-
duced into pictm-es of ancient Old World life, although
these plants were introduced, with potatoes, clulies, and
tobacco, into the Old World only after the discovery of
the New. The works of the Danish botanist, Schow,
which liave, however, been translated into English, may
well have been overlooked by English artists, but they
are T\'ithout excuse not to be fanuhar with Mr. Hermann
Merivale's delightful essay on the Landscape of Ancient
Italy as delineated in tlie Pompeiian Paintings, a good
example of the charm which a true scholar can impart
to the exact correctness of a scientific treatise. Tlie
creation of the world is in ceaseless operation, and the
changes in the flora of countries makes it almost a vain
thing to attempt to id 'utify the plant-names of the
ancients with modern plants, unless by means of the
economic products which they may yield, and then only
with any satisfaction when these are of strongly marked
character. The persistence of the ancient names of
plants and products in the East is, however, very
remarkable. In Bombay, and in the most outlaud
village bazaars of India, we still find —
Scolopendrium as IsTcoolikundrioon.
Dryopteris as Doonditanis'.
Pteris as Surkhus and Bitarus.
Polypodiiun as Bidookinhoon.
Polytrichum as Bulootingen.
Pareseoshun is also, evidently, a corrupted Greek
word. Fiturasulioon (TreTpoafAifoy) has been transferred
from parsley to the fruit of Pangros pahularia, a plant
circumscribed in habitat to Draz. Sometimes in the
case of products having two Latin or Greek names, one
is corrui^ted, and the other translated. When I first
began to study the contents of the druggists' (atarees)
shops, I was much puzzled by a root they called Lai-
huhman — i.e., red Brahmin. But when, after some
months, I accidentally came across Siiffaid-Buhman
(i.e., white Brahmin), it at once i-cmiudod me of Behen
ruhrum and Behen album. Every day the student of an
Eastern bazaar is gratified by such surprises.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF HOLT SCRIPTURE FROM COINS, MEDALS, ETC.
155
ILLUSTEATIONS OF HOLY SCRIPTUEE FEOM COINS, MEDALS,
AND INSCEIPTIONS.
ET THE r.EV. CANON BAWUNSON, M.A., CAMDEN PBOPESSOE OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVEKSITT OP OSFOED.
XVIII.
' E read in the fourth chapter of tlio Book
of Ezra, that in tlie reign of the next
monarch but one after Cyrus, a monarch
who is called Artaxerxes,' and is
represented as the iinmediate predecessor of Darius
(Hystaspes), the Samaritan adversaries of the Jews
addressed a letter to him, calling his attention to the
fact that Jerusalem was being rebuilt by the Jews, and
suggesting that a stop should be put to their proceed-
ings. The monarch addressed responded favourably,
and issued an order that the work should cease — an
order which he never revoked, for " the work ceased
nnto the second year of the reign of Darius, king of
Persia " (Ezra iv. 2-1).
This stoppage of the rebuilding of Jerusalem, and
re- establishment of the Jews as a nation, by one of the
eai'ly Persian kings, is the more remarkable, because,
though similar attempts to check and thwart the
Israelites were made by their adversaries ia the reigns
of all the other early kings, in every other case they
failed, in this case only were they successful. The
Samaritans " hired counsellors against the Jews, to
frustrate their pui-pose, all the days of Cyrus, king of
Persia, even until the reign of Darius " (iv. 5). They
"wrote an accusation against the inhabitants of Judah
and Jerusalem," and sent it to the Court, in the reign
of the successor of Cyrus- (iv. 6). They addressed a
long complaint to Darius himself (chap. v. 6 — 17), and
sought to induce him to discountenance the work, in the
coiu'se of his second year. But, so far as appears from
Ezra, with one monarch only did then- representations
prove effectual. No king forbade the building but the
second monarch after Cyrus. This monarch issued an
edict against the Jews (chap. iv. 17 — 22), and brought
the building of Jerusalem to a stand.
Now, both profane writer.s^ and the inscriptions show
us that the next king but one after Cyi'us held a
peculiar position. He was, as Darius himself tells us,
a Magian, quite unconnected with the Persian royal
family. He personated a deceased son of Cyrus,
named Smerdis, and was allowed to reign on the
supposition that he was really the prince whose name
he assumed. He held the throne no more than seven
^ Ezra iv. 7. Persian Icings seem often to have bad more names
than one. The prince in question is called Smerdis by Herodotus,
Tanyoxarces by Ctesias.
- Called " Ahasuerus " {i.e. Xerxes) in Ezra, hut probably the
eon and successor of Cyrus, commonly known as Cambyses.
3 Herod, iii. 61—78 ; aischyl., Pers. 7*0 ; Ctes., Eve, Pers., § 10.
months, but still ho reigned long enough to effect a
religious revolution in Persia. He put down Zoroas-
triauism, destroyed the Zoroastrian temjiles, and put a
stop to the Zoroastrian worship, substituting Magiaiiism
in its place.'' Now, Magianism was the worship of the
elements ; it disdained temples, and denied a jjersonal
God.^ It is clearly most natural, probable, and readily
inteUigiblo that a monarch of tliis stamp should run
counter to all the real Achffimenian princes on a
religious matter ; that, as a Magian, he should interfere
to check the building of a magnificent temple, and, as
a Pantheist, should disallow the worship of Jehovah.
Had we been told that any other of the early Persian
kings set himseK in opposition to the Jews, reversed
the policy of Cyrus, and forbade the building of the
Temple, we should have found ourselves confronted by
a difficulty. The fact that it is the monarch who holds
the place of the pseudo-Smerdis,^ that takes a peculiar
lino, one opposed to the policy of the Achsemenians
generally, turns the difficulty into an evidence. As the
religious views of this monarch were wholly opposed to
those of both his jiredecessors and successors, he woul d
be almost certain te treat the Jews differently, if they,
as Zoroastrians, sympathised with the people of Israel,
he, as an anti-Zoroastrian, would dislike and suspect
them. It may be added that his letter, being totally
devoid of any religious sentiment, is characteristic, and
contrasts remarkably with the decrees of Cyrus and
Darius (Ezra i. 2 — i; vi. 6 — 12), and with the letter of
Artaxerxes (vii. 12 — 26).
^ The following are the principal statements of Darius with
respect to the pseudo- Smerdis : — "After the death of the real
Smerdis at the hands of his brother, Cambyses," he says, "a
certain Magian, named Gomates, arose. He said falsely to the
State, ' I am Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, the brother of Cambyses.*
Then the whole state became rebellious ; from Cambyses it went
over to him, both Persia and Media, and the other provinces : he
seized the empire. Afterwards Cambyses, willing his own death,
died. Then Gomates the Magian became iing. There was not
a man, Persian or Mede, or member of the royal family, who
dared to dispossess that Gomates, the Magian, of the crown until
I arrived. I prayed to Ormuzd, and Ormuzd brought help to me.
On the tenth day of the month Bagayadish, with my faithful men,
I slew that Gomates the Magian ; in the fort named Sictachotes
in the district of Media, called Nisffia, there it was I sltw him. I
dispossessed him of the empire ; by the grace of Ormuzd I
became king ; Ormuzd granted me the sceptre. Thus I recovered
the empire which had been taken away from my family j I
established it in its place, as it was before ; I made it. The temples
which Gomatea, the Magian, had destroyed, I rebuilt ; the sacred o^'cfs
of the state, both tho religious chanuis and the worship, whereof Gomates
the Magian had deprived the people, I restored to them." {Behist.
In^crip., col. i., pur. 10 — 14).
» Herod, i. 131.
'' As the immediate predecessor of Darius, and the next but one
in succession to Cyrus.
15G
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT,
JOEL (concluded).
BT THE REV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
SECOND PART.
iiHE Jews had .sinued in that, hoth in their
daily life and their religious worship,
they had forgotten Him whose presence
alone gives sweetness to life and sanc-
tity to worship. The dearth and misery inflicted by the
devouring locusts were the Divine judgment and rebuke
of their sin ; they were intended to recall them to the
ser\'ic« and enjoyment of the God they had forgotten.
So soon as they repented of their sin and turned unto
the Lord, the Lord had compassion on his people, drove
the locusts into the sea, and sent them corn, wine, and
oil in such copious abundance that He made good to
thera "the years" which the locusts had eaten. Times
of refreshing came upon them from the presence of the
Lord ; his Spirit was poured out on all flesh ; old and
young, bond and free, dreamed prophetic dreams and
saw prophetic visions.
Even this great benediction, however, was itself a
judgment. This wide and deep re^^val of spii-itual life
was itself a tost by which the hearts of men were tried ;
those who resisted its influence being hardened in their
iniquity. As Joel pondered the blessing which came for
" the fall " as well as for " tho rising " of many, he found
in it a typo of the Divine dealings %vith men in all ages.
He pi'ojected his thoughts iuto tho future. Taught by
Moses, the " master " of the Hebrew prophets, he fore-
saw that ever now judgments would come on the chosen
race, on all races — foresaw even that all these judgments
would culminate in a final act of judgment in which
the destiny of the whole world will be decided.
It is this final strife of good with evU, this ultimate
triumph of good over evU, which now occupies his
thoughts. In depicting it ho avails himself, as was
natural and indeed inevitable, of Hebrew memories, tra-
ditions, prophecies ; for he could only use tho language
that was familiar to him ; he could only hope to bring
" the day of judgment " home to tho men of his genera-
tion as he appealed to words and facts with which they
were familiar. But the very language which most clearly
conveyed his thought to his contemporaries veils it
from us ; for what do we know of the local and politi-
cal allusions which would be most impressive to the
Jews of Jerusalem nearly thirty centuries ago ? If an
English statesman of the present day were to writo a
brief treatise in which ho traced out the probable future
of the English race, ho would inevitably employ the
facts and terms of this age ; and we should understand
him aU the better for his use of political facts, names,
and terms with which we are familiar. But a student
of an alien race, lighting on that treatise three thousand
years hence, when the whole face of the world was
changed, and many of the best known names and facts
of to-day were clean forgotten, would have painfully to
recover the meaning of its historical and political allu-
sions ; and, after all, could not hope to get at more than
tho broad general scope of the treatise. As he to the
English statesman, so we stand to Joel. What made
hini plaiu and clear to the Jews of his time renders him
obscure to us. It is only with extreme difiicidty that we
follow his local and pohtical allusions ; and, when all is
done, wo can only hope to gain the general sense and
scope of his prophetic poem.
Our best clue, as I believe, to his mcauiug in chap,
iii. is tho con\'iction, firmly held, that he is speaking of
the final conflict of good and evil, the final judgment in
which God will give his verdict on tho combatants in
this great conflict of the ages. He may see that judg-
ment "as through a glass, darkly;" he may depict it in
forms and terms borrowed from tho past history of the
Jews ; but I see no room to doubt that it is this final
judgment, this ultimate triumph of tho good over evil,
which he labom-s to set before us. If wo hold this clue
stedfastly. and follow it fearlessly, I believe we shall fijid
tho whole chapter take new clearness and force.
Mark how it opens : " In those days, and at that
tinie" (when the Spirit is poured out on all flesh, when
the earth has been made fruitful ^dth showers, and the
men who inhabit it have been raised to a loftier spiritual
life), "when I turn the captivity of Judah " as of old I
turned the captivity of Job (Job xlii. lO) — when the men
of Judah aro delivered out of all their calamities and
distresses — "I will gather all the tuitions together, and
bring them down into the valley of Jehoshaphat ; and
I will contend with them there, for my people and fov
Israel mine inheritance." Here tho fate of all nations is
obviously bound up with that of Israel, and is to depend
on the relations they have sustained to the people of God.
But hero, too, there occm's one of those disturbing local
allusions which seem to call away our thoughts from the
world-wide couffict of good and evil to a mere incident
in Hebrew story. AU nations are to be gathered before
God, but they are to be gathered in the valley of Jeho-
shaphat. This valley of Jchosaphat is a glen on the
eastern sido of Jerusalem, through which rims the brook
Kedron. It would have been impossible to crowd even
the inhabitants of Jerusalem iuto it ; how then can it be
the arena in which " all nations " are to contend while
Jehovah sits as judge or umpire of the conflict ? With
their usual literalism, the Jews assume that this little
valley or glen will be the scene of tho resurrection and
final judgment; and because they would fain bo on the
spot when the trumpet sounds, it is crowded with their
tombs ; mp-iads of them daro all dangers, and go to aU
costs, that they may lay their bones in it. The Moham-
medans, no loss literal and carnal than the Jews, have
left a massive block jutting out from tho eastern walls
of Jerusalem for the accommodation of their prophet.
JOEL.
157
who, as they insist, is to sit here and to judge the whole
world gathered in the valley beneath liis feet. Thougli
we smile at these literal readings of Joel's words, we may
learn at least this much from thom, that both the sous
of Isaac and tho sons of Ishmael understand the pro-
phet as referring, not to any obscirre event in the past
history of the seed of Abraham, but to that great final
confliet and judgment whieh is to determine tho fate of
all the families of tho earth.
And if we ask how camo tha prophet to select " the
valley of Jehoshaphat " as the scene of the final conflict
and judgment, tho answer is simple and most instruc-
tive. In the days of Joel, valleys were the usual " fields ''
of battle, mountauious and wooded country being unfa-
vourable to tho movements, tactics, and strategetical
combinations of military art. Naturally, therefore, tho
prophet would select some valley as the arena of the
final conflict. But this conflict was also to bo a judg-
ment. Was it possible to select a valley whose very
name should convey the idea of judgment, and of a
Di^-ino judgment ? Tos ; close outside the eastern
wall of Jerusalem lay a valley known as "the valley of
Jehoshaphat." Jehoshaphat means " Jehovah judges."
Here, ready to his hand, was the vei-y symbol tho prophet
required. The scene of the final contiict and the final
judgment would be the valley in which Jehovah judgeth
and ^viU judge. That it was simply for the omen in
the name that Joel selected this valley is, I think, put
beyond doubt by the fact that, iu chap. iii. 14, he twice
calls it simply "the valley of judgment,'" or "tho valley
of doom."
Here, in this symboEc valley, God will " contend ''
with all nations — i.e., Ho will plead his suit against
them, assert liis right to " an inheritance" of which they
have despoiled Him. They have " scattered " his people
" among the nations " with a lavish prodigality. The
Israelite slaves have been so numerous as to be well-
nigh valueless. They have been diced for, gambled for
by their captors. A lad has been given as the price of
a harlot's caress, and a girl for a draught of wine (chap.
iii. 2, 3). Tlae Phoenicians, the great maritime and
slave-trading race of Joel's day; and the Philistines of
the five " coasts " or districts they still held iu Palestine
— Graza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, Ekron, and Gath, who pro-
bably furnished their Phceniciau cousins of Tyre and
Zidon with Hebrew slaves taken in their constant wars :
—those, tho Philistines and tho Phcenicians, Jehovah
scornfully challenges to contend with Him. He de-
mands what " recompense " they can make Him for
the injuries they have inflicted on Him. He charges
them \ni\i having carried away his " silver and gold "
into their palaces, and with hax-ing sold his servants
to " the lonians " (the Asiatic Greeks whose galleys now
began to rival Tyre), iu order that, removed to so
great a distance, " tho sons of Judah and tho sons of
Jerusalem" might give up all hope of return. He
threatens these piratical slave-dealers with the ven-
geance of their captives, whom He will redeem ; and
forewarns them that they, iu their turn, will become the
slaves of thoso they once held in bondage, that their
sous and daughters will be sold to " the Sabeans, to a
people afar off," in Arabia Felix.
On these verses [3 — 8) commentators have expended
great pains. They have laljoured to show how and
when the sons of Judah and Jerusalem were seized as
captives by tlie Philistines and Phoenicians, and sold
by their captors to the lonians, or squandered for an
embrace or a carouse ; how and when the captors were
themselves taken captive, and sold by the Jews to the
distant Sabeans. And, in a somewliat dubious way, it
is quite possible to vindicate every turn of Joel's lan-
guage, to find some historical incident wliich more or less
exactly corresponds to every feature of his iirediction.
But whUe I heartily believe every word of the prophet
to be true, and have no sort of doubt that the miuutest
facts to wliich he adverts were facte, and facts very
familiar to those to whom he spoke, I should hold it to bo
but a waste of time to search curiously into tho records
of antiquity to see if I could not discover some definite
mstance in wliich a Hebrew lad was given for a harlot's
kiss, a Hebrew girl exchanged for a cup of wine, a gang"
of Hebrew slaves sold to the Asiatic Greeks, or a gan^-
of Phceniciau slaves sold by Jews to the Sabeans. Such
\'indicatious of prophecy are unworthy of the poet v^hose
words we read, and still more unworthy of the prophet.
The temper which requires and delights in them is at
the very farthest remove from the genius of Oriental
speech, and, above all, of prophetic speech. We really
must receive the prophet in a spirit somewhat more
akin to his own, if we are to take Ids meaning ; and as
for vindicating him, we may very safely leave him to
vindicate himself, if we can but reach the true meaning
of his words and feel their power.
And surely we shall at least get nearer to that mean-
ing if we ajiproach them thus. Joel is looking forward
to a day on which the Siiirit of God ^vill be poured out
on all flesh — to a day, therefore, which will bo a day of
judgment to aU nations and all men, since, when the
Sjiirit of God comes to thom, they will either resist or
yield to it, and according as they yield or resist will de-
termine their fato. Ho wants to bring this day of tho
Spirit, this day of judgment, this conflict of the spirit
with the flesh, the good with the evil in man, home to
the hearts of Jews — to tho hearts of Jews who lived
eight or nine centuries before Christ. How is he to do
it ? He does it, or attempts it, by using facts with which
they are familiar, but by using them in a way so pro-
found, so fuU of a mystical and spiritual wisdom, that,
dimly at least, they did see tho high meaning he put
into them, and looked onward to tho end of the world,
the last judgment, tho victory of good over evil. More-
over, he is a poet, and therefore ho must cbamatise, must
clothe his thouglits in definite and impressive forms,
must give them a local hahitation and a name. Hence
ho places the great confliet of time in tho vaUey of Jeho-
shaphat, " tho vaUey iu which Jehovah judges." Here is
the scene : who are to bo tho actors in it ? Who shall
represent tho champions of righteousness and truth ?
Naturally tho poet selects for this the best men he knew
—the sons of Judah and Jerusalem. Who shall stand
158
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
for the champions of riiffling violence, of the Tvickedness
that thrives at least for a time, and flaunts its triumphs
in the eyes of dejected virtue ? Naturally, the poet
selects for this part the ivorst men he knew — the Philis-
tines and Phoenicians, engaged in what to a Hebrew was
the "vilest of acts — viz., selling men as slaves into a land
hopelessly removed from their own. How eoidd he
more effectually portray to the men of his time the
great conflict Ijetweeu good and evil than by an-aying it
in these local habits and colours, than by showing them
good Hebrews plimdered by inhuman and impious
Phcenicians ? How could he more vividly impress on
them the exact and awful retributions of Di'vdne justice,
than by depicting these cruel and arrogant Phcenicians
as themselves condemned to the vei-y miseries and de-
gradations they had inflicted on other and bettor men
than themselves ? Taking them thus, we get a mean-
ing worthy of a great poet from Joel's words — worthy
of even an inspired prophet. Nor do I see how we
are to read the opening verses of this chapter otherwise!
if we are to read its closing verses at all ; for in these
closing verses the language grows far too large for any
private or local interpretation. Tlie prophet passion-
ately invokes (vs. 9—13) " all nations " to proclaim a
holy war, a crusade, to come down into the valley of
Jehoshaphat. So urgent, so universal, is tho summons,
that the very weakling is to ciy, " A hero am I ! "
and the coult-ers and pruning-hooks of the husband-
mjui are to be forged into swords and spears, that there
may be arms for as many as are willing to wield them.
But the prophet passionately invokes God also ; He
is to summon his " heroes " to the supreme conflict :
all who love goodness are to come — perhaps the very
angels out of heaven as well as the righteous men who
adorn tho earth.
To this passionate invocation of heaven and earth,
God consents, and responds, saying —
" Let the natioua riae up.
And come iuto the volley of Jehoshaphat,
For there will I sit to judge all the nations round about."
Nay, tiuTiing to his heroes, Jehovah bids them " put
in the sickle " and reap tho harvest. Ho bids them
" tread the winepress " tdl tho wiuo run out, since the
wickedness of man is great, and the day of judgment,
the day of division and separation, has come. The grain
must bo gathered into the garner, and the wine iuto the
vats, while the worthless chaff and grapeskius are to be
consumed with fire. How St. John road this verse of
Joel's (ver. 13) — how therefore we should read it —
may bo seen in Rev. xiv. 14 — 18. To liim tho vision
has grown clearer and fuller than it was to Joel, though
he still retains Joel's figures of tho harvest and tlie
vintage. He sees a white cloud, and one like unto the
Son of man sitting in tho cloud, having on his head a
golden crown, and a .sharp sickle in his hand. To Him
am angel, issuing out of the heavenly temple, cries, "Put
forth thy sickle, and reap ; for the time of the harvest
is come ; for the harvest of the earth is ripe."''- Another
^ Compare with these Joel's words,
harvest is I'l^je.*'
' Pitt 1/6 in the sickle, f(^ tJie
angel comes out of the temple, he also having a sharp
sickle in his hand, and to him comes the command from
the altar, " Put forth thy sharp sickle, and gather the
clusters of the vine of the earth, for her grapes are fully
ripe."'^
Tliis was more than Joel saw, or could see ; yet
even ho beheld a wondrons and terrible spectacle as the
Divine command went forth for reaping, for judgment.
As one who gazes with starting eyeballs on a scene of
well-nigh unendm-able terror, the prophet exclaims^
" Multitudes, multitudes,
In tho valley of Doom !
For the diiy of Jehovah is near
In the v.alley of Doom ! "
The heavens above the countless multitudes, who surge
and contend in the valley of Doom, darken beneath the
■frown of Jehovah ; the hills which enclose tho valley
echo with the thimder of his indignation :
*' Sun and moon turn dark,
And the stars refuse to shine ;
For Jehovah tlumdereth out of Zion,
And uttereth his voice from Jerusalem,
And heaven and earth qnake ! '*
Wo cannot doubt what scene it is that thus shakes the
prophet. It is no wasting calamity, it is no bloody con-
flict, in the annals of a single race. It is the august and
most ten-ible scone in which the great tragedy of Time
is to culmiuate. It is tho final catastrophe in the history
of tho world (vs. 13—16).
The scene which follows it (vs. 17 — 21) lies beyond
the coasts and bounds of time. To the terrors of judg-
ment, to the quaking heaven and earth, there succeeds
tho kingdom that caimot be sLiken, the fruitfid and
pcacefid splendours of tho now heaven and the new
earth, though even these are shadowed forth in tho
historic forms of time. The Lord, who thtinders wrath-
fully against the wicked, is " a refuge for his people " in
that great and terrible day, " a stronghold for the sons
of Israel." And that day, darkened by stonns of fate,
ushers ui an era of concord, abundance, joy. God
dwells mth his people. Zion becomes a holy mountain,
Jerusalem a sanctuary, no more profaned by alien and
imrighteous feet. Tho mountains, often so ban-en,
drop with new wine ; the hills flow with milk ; " all the
watercourses," now so often di-y, run for ever with
piu-e living water. Nay, a fountain springs up in
the house of the Lord, which flows down tho barren
" Valley of Acacias " — the valley trending down from
Jerusalem to the Salt Sea, the valley in which hereto-
fore only the sand-lo\'ing acacia could fhi-ive — causing
it to take fertility again. Egypt and Edom — Egypt, the
open enemy of Israel ; and Edom, the false treacherous
kinsman of Israel — these two, the symbols of all that
exalts itseff against God, are smitten \vith an eternal
barrenness and desolation for the sins they have com-
mitted against the chosen people ; whilo Judah and
Jerusalem, the divine kingdom and the holy city, abide
for ever, God purging from them all taints of evil not
2 Compare with these Joel's words, " Come, tread; for tlie wna*
press is full, [/lo vats run over; for t/te ii'ic/,edjiess is great" (chap.
iii. 13).
THE POETRY OP THE BIBLE.
159
hitherto removed, that Ho may dwell in them through
all generations.
Our best comment on this passage is St. John's ^-isiGU
of the new heaven and the new earth.' As the rapt
apostle gazed into futm-ity, looking for "the end of
the Lord," he saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming
down out of heaven from God. A river of water of _lif e,
clear as crystal, proceeded out of the throne of God, and
"ran forth from the house of Jehovah;" and on either
side of the river gi-ew the tree of life, bearing twelve
manner of fruits, and yielding its fruit eveiy mouth. He
saw the city which had the glory of God, and could never
1 Eev. xsi. 1 — 1 J sxii. 1, 2.
be moved, into which nothing could enter that defiled.
And as he gazed ho heard a gi'eat voice from the throuo
proclaiming, " Behold, the tabernacle of God is with
men, and He will dwell with them, and they shall he
His people, and He sliall he God with them, their
God."
In fine, the closing chapter of Joel's prophecy is a
brief apocalypse, cast in the forms of Hebrew thought
and story indeed, and only dimly bodied out, yet settLug
forth, in language which even the Jews could not and
did not mistake, the terrors of the last judgment, the
issue of the time-long struggle of good with evil, and
the golden age of peace and fruitful service which is
to succeed to the conflicts and storms of time.
THE POETEY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE KEV. A. S. AGLEN, M.A., INCUMBENT OF ST. N I N I A N's, A L Y T H, N.B.
OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF BIBLICAL POETRY {continucd-j.
§ 4. — SOLOMON TO HEZEKIAH.
St has been said of Da\"id's political posi-
tion that he stands at the meeting-point
of two eras. His rcLations as a poet to
w:-; the times preceding and following him
are equally important and interesting.
On the one hand his poetiy crowns the imperfect and
fragmentary efforts of pre^dous ages. In the iuspired
strains of prayer and praise in which he pourad out.his
great heart to God,
" Bearing a tribute to the Almighty's throne,"
the genuiue aim of the true spiiit of Hebrew poetry
found its fullilment. From the very beginning the
Israelite sought iu poetry a worthy utterance for the
religious aspirations of his soul. In David the deepest
religious sense was combined with the highest poetical
faculty. His rich and powerful imagination, his true
and delicate feeling for nature, his sympathy with all
phases of human life, acqiiired in those strange vicissi-
tudes through which he passed from the sheepfolds of
Bethlehem to the splendour of a throne, all brought
under the sway of a genius consecrated to the holiest
service, fitted him to express iu corresponding song all
the loftiest thought of his ago. For tliis the ancient
form of the national poetry — the piu-ely lyric — was, as
yet, sufficient, and in lyric poetry David stands pre-
eminent and imsm-passed. Greater excellence could be
attained in succeeding tunes only in other directions.
But the fact that these new efforts now appear, marks
the beginning of a new epoch. The influence of the
gi-eat Psalmist did not indeed die. We trace it in the
new paths on which poetry enters. It kept the national
song from deserting the old. His spirit breathes
through all the melodies of Israel's later history. It
is David's harp that sounds, though other hands sweep
the strings. But between his time and that immediately
succeeding him there is a striking contrast. "VVe feel
it as we turn from the Book of Psalms to the Book
of Proverbs, or the Song of Songs. We are sensible
that a new period of literary life has begun for Israel.
We see marks of iuteUectual activity asserted in new
directions. The fair tree, which we have watched
growing, like the stem of some tall palm, now breaks
into numerous branches, and displays signs of a rich
matimty. It is the age of culture, and poetry becomes
for the first time an art.
It has already been i-emarked tliat the lyric contaius
within it the germs of all forms of poetry. No age
could have been more favourable for the conscious
release of these elements than that of Solomon. His
name, Shelomoh, " the Peaceful," distinguishes his reign
from the warlike times of David. The friendly relations
on which the nation now entered with foreign countries,
opened up on every side new and wide fields of know-
ledge and stimulated general inquiry. Literary efforts
of every kind were encouraged by the example and
patronage of the magnificent monarch who, to a mind
higldy poetical and profuimdly immersed in all the
wisdom of the time, added the taste and skUl of an
artist. Poets and men of letters would be welcome at the
com-t of such a king. There is evidence that collections
of the older songs of the nation were begun in this reign.
The Book of Jasher, or " the Righteous," from which
the author of the Second Book of Samuel quotes Da\dd's
noble elegy on Saul and Jonathan, was probably a com-
pilation of this date. David's own poetical remaius
were also in great probability collected and cu'cidated
in wilting by the filial piety of Solomon.' But it was
to the creative power of the mind of the monarch him-
self that the chief impulse came which produced the
gi-eat works renuiiumg to us from this period.
AU nations that have attained any eminence in poetry
have employed it for a didactic purpose. The gathered
experience and wisdom of life may be expressed in a
J Ewald, Eistorji, iii. 282.
160
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
pleasing form in verse, wliich is thus made useful, as
well as pleasant to the ear.' The didactic poetry of the
BiUe, from its extent and variety, ranks noxt in im-
portance to the lyric. A large number of the Psalms
fall under it, as well as many parts of the prophetical
books. It claims, therefore, a separate treatment. But
a few words on one distinct form assumed by it are
necessary here to show its place in the history of
Hebrew poetrj'.
Solomon sjiake throe thousand proverbs (1 Kings iv.
32). Of these enough have certainly been preserved in
the book ascriljed to him to show us their true cha-
racter." In Prov. i. 6 we read that it was considered a
part of wisdom " to understand a 2J)'ove7-b, and the inter-
preiation " (margin, " an eloquent speech "), " the words
of the wise and their clarTc sayings." The Hebrew
equivalents for the words in italics are mdshdl, melitsah,
and chidah. Of these, mdshdl has a very extended
nse. It is the title given to the prophetic utterance of
Balaam, and to the eloquent speeches of Job, and is
there translated " parable." Tlio Greek equivalents
irapoi/^ta and irapa^oK)) are both used in the New Testa-
ment for the parables of our Lord. Bishop Lowth
takes vidshdl to be properly expressive of the Hebrew
poetical style, including three forms or modes of
speech — the sententious, the figurative, and the sublime.
The reason of this extended nse lies in the root-
meaning of the word, which is "similitude." First
applied to these short sententious sayings which imply,
if they do not express, a likeness or contrast, and
which are native to the genius of the Hebrew language,
and therefore form the foundation of the poetical style,
it gradually gained the wider use. There are portions
of the Book of Proverbs which demand this larger
meaning. The two passages especially in which wisdom
is described (iii. 13 — 20 ; viii. 22 — 31), rise to a strain
which is poetical in the highest degree. But the greater
part of the Proverbs are of the strictly sententious kind
— short, pointed, pregnant sayings — single or grouped
together without any essential coherence, but such as
to give simple and trutliful expression to the wisdom
of the time.^ The experience of ages condensed into
a sentence, and made imperishable by some striking
figure — such aro the Proverbs. They are not, of course,
to be compared with the Psabns. Their poetry is not
of a passionate or higlJy imaginative kind. But their
style is elevated and pure, and tho rhythmic character
is preserved throughout. They have, therefore, always
been included in the poetical books.
The tendency in Hebrew lyric to develop into the
more artificial dramatic form has been already noticed.
This tendency was encouraged in the period of culture
on which the nation entered under Solomon. If, how-
1 " Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci Lectorem delcc-
tando pariterque monendo." (Hor., Ars Poclica.)
2 The Book of Proverbs ia plaiuly composed of Tarious col-
loctious, two of which are in the text assigned to other authors
than Solomon. The germ of the work appears to be the second
part (x. 1— xxii. 16), which are mostly from the pen of Solomon,
or collected by him.
3 Ewald, Hislorij, iii. is©.
ever, any perfect dramas were produced, they have
perished. Tliose that have been preserved, though
dramatic both in spirit and form, are yet in many par-
ticulars, which we usually expect in this kind of com-
position, deficient. One of these, the Book of Job,
though its date vnH possibly always remain a f niitful
subject of controversy, according to the most eminent
of modern critics, belongs to some jDcriod in the three
centuries between Solomon and Hezekiah. It is a work
which, for tho grandeur of its conception and the
sublimity of its poetry, sm-passes evei-ything else in
literature. It is didactic in its object, but is cast in the
form of a drama furnished both with prologue and
epilogue, and conducted throughout with consimimate
art. The other, the Song of Songs, which must belong
to Solomon's tune, or a period not very far removed
from it, claims by its name {Shtr shirivi), and the ex-
quisite miisic of its verse, to be ranked with lyi-ic
poetry. It tells the stoiy of faithfid shepherd-love, and
has been regarded as a string of beautifid pastoral
idylls. It consists in reahty of a succession of dramatic
scenes, arranged with charming effect around a chorus
and three actors. Ewald calls it " an undeniable Hebrew
opera,"'' and conjectures that many others of tho same
kind may have been produced at this time, but have
perished because they had less direct concern with lofty
interests than other Hebrew literature.
The causes which made the age of Solomon so
favom-ablo to general culture, to higher art, and wider
knowledge, were not without elements of danger to the
sacred song which was Israel's peculiar gift. Tho very
eagerness for inquiry, the thirst for knowledge of all
kinds, the pursuit of wisdom, so commended in the
Book of Proverbs, might, if uncontrolled by strict
moral purjiose and loyalty to the truth of religion,
gradually weaken or corrupt the ancient faith. The
delight in outward ■(•isible forms of beauty which rims
through the Canticles might be divorced from pmity
and become tho more perilous in proportion to its grace
and charm. The poetry inspired by it would not cer-
tainly be pitched in tho tone of the Psalms. Solomon's
Songs, " which were a thousand and five," may perhaps
liave been of this sensuous kind. If any religious jioems
came from his pen and found their way into the Psalter,
they are but few. Tradition only assigns two to liim
(Ps. bcxii. and cxxvii.). The latter of these is far later
than his time. Tho former may with more probability
be assigned to a contemporary poet than to tho monarch
himself. It reflects the condition of the empire imder
Solomon. The geographic range of view, the richness
of tho images drawn from nature, tho general tone of
contented happiness suit tho time when there was
"abimdanco of peace," and "Judah and Israel dwelt
safely, every man under his own vino and under his
own fig-tree" (1 Kings iv. 2.5).
In order to trace, even in outline, the history of psahn
composition, it is necessary to touch on the difficult
■* Histm-ij, iii. 281. It would bo out of place to enter Iiere on
the question of tho meaning of Canticles,
THE POETRY OP THE BIBLE.
161
question of the probable origin and formation of the
Psalter. If we coiild have the one hundred and fifty
hymns of which it is composed arranged in certain
chronological order, the history of Hebrew lyric poetiy
"would be easy. But although there are traces of some
attempts to make such an arrangement in their present
order, the result is by no means satisfactory.
The Psalter has generally been considered to consist of
five books. Book I. contains Ps. i. — xli. ; Book II., Ps.
slii. — Ixxii. ; Book III., Ps. Ixxiii. — Ixxxix. ; Book IV.,
Ps. xc. — cvi. ; Book V., Ps. cvii. — cl. The only ground
for this arrangement is the doxology' with which each of
these divisions is concluded, in accordance probably with
a, custom common in the Temple service, where the call
io praise Jehovah would be used like the Gloria Patri
in the Christian Church. But it is generally agreed-
that there are three distinct collections, Ps. i. — xli.;
Ps. xlii. — lixxix. ; Ps. xc. — cl, which were arranged at
different times, the collectors availing themselves of
previously existing hymn-books or groups of Psalms.
Of these, the Hebrew text assigns seventy-three to
David, twenty- four to David's singers (Asaph, Heman,
Ethan or Jeduthun, and the sons of Korah), two to
Solomon, one to Moses, while fifty are anonymous.
But the superscriptions cannot be relied on. They are
sometimes genuine, and represent the most ancient
tradition. At other times they proceed from conjecture
or are mere inventions. " They are not of any necessary
authority, and their value must be weighed and tested
by the usual critical processes.''^ The few points con-
nected with the growth of the Psalter, which stand out
with tolerable certainty, after all investigations, may be
set down here. Tlie fii-st collection (Ps. i. — xlii.) contains
more Davidian psalms than the others. A collection to
preserve these was made about Solomon's time. The
hymn-book thus formed was employed by later collectors,
who added to it some psalms which are unquestionably
much later than David's time. There is reason to
connect one of these later compilations with Hezekiah.
"We are told in 2 Chron. xxix. 30, that this king, when
lie kept that great Passover which {died all Jerusalem
■with joy, appointed the Le^ntes " to praise Jehovah in
the words of David, and of Asaph tho seer." The
second collection (Ps. xlii. — Ixxxix.) contains psalms
attributed to Asaph and the sons of Korah, who were
David's singers, as well as some to David himself. We
may reasonably conclude that some coUoction of songs
connected with these names was made at this time
either as an addition to Solomon's book or as a separate
compilation. The later collection, as well as the form
in which the earlier ones have come down, and even
1 Tlie use of the different Divine uames lends a characteristic
feature to some of the hooks.
'^ Tlie student will find a good summary of the conclusion of
Ewald and other scholars on the history of the Psalter in the
appendix to the Gohlcii Treasury Psalter^ or student's edition of
The Psalms Chronologically Arranyfd by Four Friends.
3 This criticism must of course be partly linguistic, and we can
do no more than accept the verdict of tho best scholars ; hut
historical arguments can be appreciated by everybody ; a Psalm
mentioning the captivity could not have beea written by David.
^See Ps. siv.)
some of their contents, must be referred to tho period
succeeding the exile.
According to this theory, we should seek between
Ps. xlii. and xc. for the compositions of tho period on
which wo are at present engaged. Tho subjects of somo
of the psalms in that collection fall into harmony with
what we know from tho historical books. Two kings of
Judah, after Solomon, took a deep interest in literature,
Jehoshaphat and Hezekiah, who both made meritorious
eflorts for the promotion and cultivation of learning.
Jehoshaphat appointed public instructors to teach
tliroughout his dominions (2 Chron. xvii. 7) ; " Hezekiah
established a society of learned men whose duty it was
to provide for the coUectiou and preservation of aU
the scattered remains of earlier literature " (Prov. rxT.
1). Many psalms may thus have been preserved. The
circumstances of their reigns were in other respects
favourable for the encouragement of psalmody. " Both
monarchs exerted themselves to restore tho Temple
worship and to provide for the musical celebration
of its services." Both experienced those perUs and
deliverances which call forth hymns of praise and
tliauksgiving. One of them was himself a poet. Tho
plaintive strain composed by Hezekiah on his recovery
from sickness, which has been preserved in tho Book
of the Prophet Isaiah, is almost worthy a place amid
the hymns of David himself (Isa. xxxviii. 9 — 20).
" How far any of the Psalms in our existing collection
can be placed in the time of Jehoshaphat, is doubtful ;
on this point critics aro divided ; but there can bo no
doubt that several are rightly assigned to tho reign of
Hezekiah. Amongst these are a number of beautiful
poems by the Korahite singers." Conjecture fixes on
tho Assyrian captirity for the date of Ps. xlii. (and
xliii.) and Ixxxiv. They are supposed to have been
written by a captive priest or Levite as he .sadly gazed
back from tho ridge of the eastern hills on tlio land of
his birth and affection. "As before the eyes of the
exile the gazelle of tho forests of Gilead panted after
the fresh streams of water which there descend to the
Jordan, so his soul panted after God from whose outward
presence he was shut out. The river with its winding
rapids, ' deep calling to deep,' lay between him and his
home. All that he could now do was to remember the
past as he stood ' in the land of Jordan,' as ho saw the
peaks of ' Hormon,' as ho found himself on the eastern
heights of Mizar, which reminded him of lus banislimont
and his solitude."'' But another group of odos (Ps. xlvi.,
xlvii., xlviii.) may with much more certainty bo referred
to this period. Tlie striking coincidences of thought
and expression with the i)roi5hecies of Isaiah which
belong to the same event, leave little room for doubt of
tho date of these exquisite lyrics, which are among the
noblest productions of tho poetic spirit of the Hebrews.
Tliey are short, but full of art, and ui the refinement
and elegance of their stylo they show an advance on
the older triumphal odes, while neither in fire and
passion nor in grandeur of conception do they fall
'* Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, viii., § G,
35 — VOL. IL
162
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
below them. Tko 4Cth Psalm is given liere from the
Golden Treasury Psalter. The reader ttUI notice the
regular stanzas marked by the grand refrain, wliich
has been inserted after verse 3 according to Ewald's
conjecture.
PS. xLvr.
i. God a refuge in sionn and tempest,
" God is our refuge and strength,
A very present help iu trouble ;
Therefore will we uot fear, though the earth do quake.
Though the mountains totter iu the niiddt of the sea.
Though tho waters thereof rage and swell,
And though the mountains shake at tho tempest of the same.
Jehovah, Lord of Hosts is -with us,
The God of Jacob is our tower of streiigth."
ii. As the stream of Siloam so hath been his presence to the
hcsieged.
" There is a stream the waters whereof make glad the city of God,
The holy places of the tabernacle of the Most Highest j
God is iu the midst of her, she shall uot be moved ;
God will help her, the morning draweth nigh.
The nations raged, the kingdoms were moved,
At the voice of his thunder the earth melteth.
Jehovah, Lord of Hosts, is with us.
The God of Jacob is our tower of strength,'*
iii. His wonders in destroying the Assyrians,
*' Come hither and behold the work of Jehovah,
What wonders He hath wrought upon the earth j
He maketh wars to cease in all the world.
He breaketh the hovr and kuappeth the spear in sunder, and
burneth the chariots iu the fire.
gt still Ibcn, mi knoto tluit :i am (Doij,
3 Irrill Ik faUti arnirnj l^t ^tal^tn, 3 toill be tsalltir in l^c sMih.
Jcliomih, Lord of Hosts, is with its.
The God of Jacob is our tower of strenfjth."
" To the same period of the Assyrian invasion may
bo referred Ps. Ixv. and Ixsvi., and possibly also kxv."'i
There is one featm-o of tho lyric poetry of this period
which prepares the attention for those prophetic voices
wliich, before this period closes, break loud and clear on
the ear. Not only do the psalms belonging to this time
form a noble and trutliful form of expression for the
blended sentiments of religion and patriotism which at
aU times possessed tho hearts of Hebrews, but they begin
now more and more to interpret those prophetic thoughts
1 Perowne, Psalms, vol. i., introduction, from which much of
the above is taken.
which, as the splendour of David and Solomon receded
into the past, took more powerful hold on tho people.
Da-\-id"s poetry gives sign of the prophetic g-ift, but it is
now that we hear in one song after another the loud and
stirring annmmeement tliat God has declared his will to
Israel, denouncing injustice and sin, and promising" life
and salvation to tho upright. Henceforth tho " golden
thread of prophecy " is never lost. Clearer and larger
grows the national hope, and more distinct and powerful
tlio voices of those iu whom it burnt with Divine flame,
and from whom it shone through tho miglity gift of
jirophctic song. Ps. xxxix., Ixii., h-i., Ivii. are noblo
examples. Their authors were prophets, but imknown
to us. Thei-o have survived, however, in the writings
of those who now in the eighth century begin to follow
one another so fast in the prophetical ranks, many hymns
and odes which might under other cu'cumstauces have
found their place iu the Psalter. Such is tlie thanks-
giving hymn in the Book of Jonah. The many points
of resemblance between this hymn and some of the
existing psalms have led some schoLvrs to pronounce it
a more compilation. It is thought to be moulded on
that great Hymn of Praise which David has left us in
Ps. xviii. But its vigorous tone and singularly vivid
touches proclaim it to be an original ode. What could
smijass the beauty and power of this description, in
which we are made to feel the reality of being drowned?
" The waters compassed me about to the soul.
The depth closed me round about.
The weeds were wrapt about my head.
I went down to the bottom of the mountains ;
The earth with her bars was about me for ever.
Yet hast thou brought up my life from the pit, 0 Lord
my God."
The concluding chapter of tho prophet Habakkuk
contains a magnificent psalm which displays almost
every excellence of Hebrew poetry ; and amid the
sublime prophecies of Isaiah are scattered numerous
lyric pieces of wonderful force and beauty. These,
though belonging to the history of lyrical poetry, may
be left till the prophetical books are noticcd.-
For the Ode of Hahakkuk see Vol. I., page 2-45 sq.
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
BY THE KEV. J. E. HEAED, M. A., CAITTS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.
PE have stated beforehand that we must
wait for tho Now Testament dispensation
to find the fuU and true psychology of man,
as spirit, soul, and body, stand out in .all
its distinctness. Earlier revelations never contradict
the later, tliey load up to it and confirm it; but we
must not look for the same explicit statements in the
one as in the other. Vain attempts have been made
by c.abalists and others to extract a kind of trichotomy
out of the ncpliesh, rnach, and neshamah of tho Old
Testament, as if they corresponded to the soul, spirit,
and Divine Spirit of the New Testament respectively.
But this is fanciful ; rtephesh is only tho animating
principle. Tho p^j/c/ie of Ai'istotle, the life which is
common to all, and which is vegetative only in plants,,
is animate in sentient creatures, and in man becomes
rational as well. Buacli is the spirit which is breathed
into every nephesh, and neshamah is siniply the act of
breathing. It is the rnach, the breatli of God (which,
when wo personify under New Testament teaching, wo
descrilie as God the Holy Spirit), that breathes a, breath.
or neshamah, into tho human nephesh, or vital self (for
seele, soul, is only another name for self; see Grimm,
s. v.). This is very far from the trichotomy of the New
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
163
Testament. The Old Testament is, strictly speaking,
neitlier dicliotomist nor trichotomist. Man is tlie
monad, and the monad, as Lango very well remarks,
" resolves itself first of all into a duality of flesh and
spirit, and (lien into a triad of body, sold, and spirit." It
is at the second of tliese three stages that the Old Testa-
ment leaves off. The last word which it teaches on the
subject is that of Eccles. xii., " when the body returns
to the dust, and the spu-it to God that gave it." The
passages which some psychologists adduce as intima-
tions of the trichotomy bt'fore the Holy Spirit was given
are not in point, such as the words of the Magnificat,
" My soul d<ith magnify the Lord, and my sp irit hath
rejoiced in God my Sa\'iour." We have oidy here a
common Hebrew parallelism ; the soul, or nephesh,
and the spirit, or ruach, are identical, or nearly so.
Soul in Hebrew is identical with self, and therefore "my
soul " means only, " Myself and my spirit magnify the
Lord." If this wore all, the dichotomy would be as
Scriptural as the trichotomy, and it is the uncritical way
in which passages like these are produced wliich rather
weakens tliau supports the argument for the trichotomy.
It is a well-known rule in law that it is dangerous to
overload an allegation ; witnesses wlio do not strengthen
the testimony witli some fresh point of evidence rather
weaken it, for they create the suspicion that they may
be primed, and encourage the other side to set up
counter testimony of the same kind, and so weaken
the case.
We must bo on our guard, then, on this subject. The
proof passages of the trichotomy amount to three or four
at most, but they are quite decisive. We shall turn
to them in order, but we must first clear the ground by
remarking on the truth already noticed, that the psycho-
logy of Scripture and its theology reflect and throw light
on each other. Under a carnal dispensation, such as the
Old Testament, the psychical part in man was prominent ;
under a spiritual, such as the New Testament, the pneu-
matical comes into the foreground. Man as related
to the eternal and divine is spu'it ; as related to the
conscience, he is soul ; as related to the earth and other
living creatures in it, he is body. All these three relations
are implied of coiu'so in Old Testament teaching, and to
that extent it is trichotomist and not tlichotomist only.
But, inasmuch as man's relation to God was not fuUy
brought out until God was distinctly revealed as Father,
Son, and Holy Spiint, for this reason the deeper psycho-
logical truths of Scripture were in shadow, in the same
way that its theology was. The revelation of the one
waited for that of the other. The distinct personality
of the Di^•ine Spirit was the condition of our con-
sciousness of the existejico of the spnit as a distinct
facidty in man.
With these preliminaries, which explain and account
fer the comparative silence of tlie Old Testament on
this important subject, wo turn to those texts of the
New Testament which may be regarded as proof pas-
sages of the trichotomy. In Heb. iv. 12 we read that
" the word of God is quick and powerful, and shai-jier than
any two-edged sword, piercing to the dividing asimder
of soul and spirit, as if of hoih joints and marrow."
The apposition is this — that, as a sword passes through
the joints into the marrow, so the word of God pierces the
psyche and enters into the pneuma, which is the very
marrow of om- being. Dean Alford, objecting to the
anti-climax implied in this placing of the literal after the
figurative, goes so far as to understand the expression
" joints and marrow" in a figurative or spii-itual sense,
as if the psyche and pnenma were the joints and marrov;
respectively of tlie hidden man of the heart. This may
be correct ; wo do not think it is of much impoi-tance
either way, the essential element in the thought being
that the word of God is a two-edged sword, that it
pierces so as to penetrate, not as if dividing asunder
sonl from spirit (this is not the force of ^epio-^oO), but the
dividing of both soul- and spirit. The word of God
reaches the psychical nature, and, as we should say, cuts
to the bone. This it docs in all cases ; in the case of
Paul preaching before Felix and Festus, as well as to the
Philippian jailor, or to Lydia, " whoso heart the Lord
opened." But in those cases where it is quick and
powerfid, it goes much deeper than the psychical, it
reaches the marrow itself, it becomes a discemer of the
thoughts and intents of the heart. This is the true
criterion of spultual work. The emotions and the im-
derstandiug belong to the psychical part of man's natm-e.
It is comparatively easy to reach them. The law can
always do that ; we all know what is right, and we all
instinctively feel the beauty of goodness. Thus far oua-
understandings may be convTnced and our emotions
stirred. But real conversion is a deeper as well as a
more lastiug work than this. Felix trembled, yet ho
bade Paul go Ids way. Festus heard him gladly as
long as he sat with Agrippa on the judgment-seat and
listened to a skilled advocate arguing for certain Jewish
customs and peculiarities. But the spirit was not
reached in. either case, as with the Philippian jailor and
Lydia. The difference was this — that there is an
element in man underlying alike tlie emotions and the
understanding. What that element is, this passage by
itself does not teach us, but the hints of Smipture else-
where, as well as oiu* own experience, easily explain.
It is the will or conscience, for the two terms connote
the same idea, '\\nien the will is exercised only on its
own acts, and on the will of God with regard to those
acts, we describe it as conscience. When again the con-
science becomes active, and determines what those acts
shall be, we describe it as the will. Nothing can bo
more misleading than the old controversies about a free
and a constrained will. Luther, in his treatise De
servo arbitrio, goes too far. He holds that the wUl is
enslaved after as much a-s before conversion ; the only
difference being a change of masters. But tliis is to
misunderstaud what freedom means. The wUl is en-
slaved, and inactive when we are the servants of sin.
But it is truly enfranchised when the conscience is
stiiTed and we begin to act out our convictions. Con-
science gives us the knowledge of what is right and
wi-oug, the wUl enables Us to act on that knowledge.
Accepting Keid's distinction between the intellectual
164
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
and active j)ower iu man, we should say that conscience
belongs rather to the intellectual, and the mil to the
active powers. But if will and conscience are not
identical faculties, they are inseparable. Wanting con-
science, or the moral sense, it is inconceivable how the
will could act at all. or what it could exercise itself upon.
Wanting tlie will, the moral sense would be a useless
perception of certain moral qualities in actions, to
which no corresponding motive for action was attached
on our part. The relation of will to conscience is very
well described in the Collect where we pray that " we
may not only perceive and know what we ought to do "
(the conscience), " but also may have grace and power
faithfully to fulfil the same " (the will).
The distinction of psyche and pneuma is thus indi-
cated by the writer of tho Epistle to the Hebrews, as
the work of the presence of tho Divine Word in the soul
or self ; for we use the word " soul " in its etymological
exactness as equivalent to self. The entrance of God's
word gives understanding to tho simple. As soon as
it enters efEectually it pierces through tho psyche, tho
seat of the intellect and emotions ; it penetrates into the
pneuma, the seat of the conscience and will.
Scripture asserts and experience coufii-ms the distinc-
tion between deep and shallow religions impressions.
Tlie parable of the sower, not to multiply instances,
brings out this distinction in a lively way. There are
three classes of jisychical religionists — those on the high-
way, the lowest of all; next, those on the stony ground;
and, lastly, those on the thorny ground, who are the
nearest of all to the truth. But this mark of grace is
wanting in all — the ground of an honest and good heart.
In other words, neither the intellect nor the emotions
is the seat of sa^dng convictions. A man may be in-
telligently persuaded of tho truth of the Gospel, and
sometimes deeply stirred mth the beauty of holiness,
but his moral nature is not yet reached. Tho true,
and the beautiful, and the good are like the three graces :
" Nee diversa tamen qualis decet esse sororum."
But the good is like charity, she is the greatest of tho
three. It is possible to cultivate the true and the
•beautiful without going on fully to love the good. The
stirring of the moral sense is something deep and
peculiar, and is quite distinguishable from our per-
ceptions either of its ti'uth or beauty. We may
describe our sense of moral goodness by illustrations
taken from our sense of the true and tho beautiful, but
it is never the result of the latter. To attempt, as some
moralists have done, to resolve goodness into a vai-iety
•of truth or beauty, a kind of mixed product of the two
■others, is to destroy its essential character. On this
subject we need not repeat the arguments of Bishop
Butler. His Sermons on Human Nature have never
boon replied to. It is impossible not to see mth him that
wo do violence to language, which is always a reflection
of mind, when we do not distinguish between injury and
hurt, between duty and interest, between our desires and
tho governing principle, which, so far from being the
gum total of those desires as the utilitarian thinks it to be,
is often directly o^jposed to them. These arguments for
the reality of conscience, which wo only refer to hero,
confirm our distinction between psyche and p>neuma.
The pneuma is the seat of the conscience, and thus the
word of God, when it enters there, pierces to the dividing
asunder of joints and marrow, i.e. between the intellectual
perceptions and the moral convictions. As the marrow
lies inside the bone, and the joints or muscles outside,
so the pneuma is related to the psyche ; it is the inner-
most of all neai-est the ego, or \vill ; it is indeed the wiU
in essence. Thus the word of God, when it effectually
enters man's nature, becomes a discerner of the thoughts
and intents of the heart. It discovers the man to him-
self, lays bare all the evasions and deceptions of self-love,
follows the heart into all its labyrinths and windings of
self-pleasing and deceit, and ends at last by dragging the
conscience, culprit-like, out of its hiding-place, where,
Mke Adam, it liides itself among the trees of the garden
from tlie voice of the Lord God. Nothing is naked or
hidden from that God with whom we have to do, and
when He sends his sharii two-edged sword of the word
into the soul it cuts deeper than into the mere psychical
or natural life, it enters the pneuma and startles the
conscience out of its slumber vrith a voice which will
not be silenced or smothered.
We collect then from this passage that true pneuma-
tical life can only arise from the action of the word on
the conscience. Wanting either of these two factors of
the spiritual life, the conscience continues dead and evil.
Hence the importance of linking together faith and a
good conscience, as the Apostle Paul shows in more than
one passage (1 Tim. i. 19 ; iii. 9). To put away a good
conscience is to make shipwreck as concerning tho
faith. In the case where tlie conscience is seared or
cauterised, as vrith a hot iron, there the apostacy from tho
faith is final. It may take different shapes in different
ages, but the condition and cause is the same everywhere.
It is the conscience or pneuma which is tlisoased, and
when this case is complete we have then the state of
second death. Then not only is there the death of the
fii-st Adam, but the death in trespasses and sins, which
is the normal condition of man in his present fallen
state. The second death arises from the loss of that
germinal principle of the second Adam, by which
we become partakers of the divine nature, " having
escaped the corruptions which are iu the world through
lust." Scripture abounds vrith warning on this sub-
ject. Certain vices are not only heinous in themselves,
but have also this additional evil, that they deaden
the slumbering pneuma or conscience. If, on tho one
hand, there is a light which lighteth every man that
Cometh into the world, on the other hajnd. that light
which is in us may become darkness. How great
then is that darkness ! It is the state when even the
mind and conscience is defUcd ; the state which is
marked out in the concluding verses of the Epistle to
the Romans, when men led away by passion, not only
did those things, but also had pleasure in them that
did them ; when they put good for evil, and e\il for
good ; put sweet for bitter, and bitter for sweet.
JOSHUA.
K,-
SCEIPTUEE BIOGEAPHIES.
JOSHUA {contimied).
BY THE REV. EDMUND TENABLES, M.A., CANON KESIDENTIAKY AND PEECENTOE OF LINCOLN.
;HE next town the Israelitish host would
have attacked in regular succession was
Gibeon. This city, connected in after
years with deeds of bloodshed' over-
shadowing the magnificent and touching memories of
the opening days of Solomon's reign (1 Kings iii. 4 — 14 ;
2 Chron. i. 3 — 13), was the head of a small confederacy of
HiWtes (Josh. xi. 19). It is described (x. 2) as "a great
city, as one of the royal cities." Panic-strickeu at the
fall of Jericho and Ai, and hopeless of resistance, they
resolved to employ craft, that at least they might save
their hves. So they presented themselves to Joshua,
who had returned to the entrenched camp at Gilgal, and
pretemUng that they were ambassadors dispatched from
a very far country, to which the fame of the military
exploits of the Israelites on the eastern side of Jordan
had penetrated, to make a league mth the invaders, they
exhibited their frayed sacks, and torn wine-skins, and
patched shoes, and moiddy bread, as an evidence of the
truth of their tale. With culpable negligence, of which
it is impossible entirely to acquit Joshua, the leaders
of Israel credited the story at once, and concluded a
league with the new-comers without seeking God's
g^dance. " The men took of their victuals," that
sacred token of friendship in the East, " and asked not
counsel at the mouth of tho Lord " (ix. 14). Three days
after the league had been ratified with the solemnity of
an oath, the mortifying truth was discovered. " They
heard that they wore their neighbours, and that they
dwelt among them " (ix. 16). The people's indignation
at the deception which had been practised on them was
exasperated when on the thu-d day they reached the
Gibeonite cities, and discovered how rich the spoil was
of which the rash credulity of their rulers had dejjrived
them. But, notwithstanding their murmm-ings, the
Lord's oath, though procured by fraiid. must not be
broken. " We have sworn to them by tlie Lord God
of Israel : now, therefore, we may not touch them " (vcr.
19). Tet, to punish their treachery, Josliua condemned
them and tlieir descendants to the service of the taber-
nacle, to be employed in the menial labour of heaving
the wood and drawing the water required for the
sacrifices. Thankful to escape massacre on any tenns,
the Gibeonites submissively accepted the degrading
sentence, and undertook the tributary service imposed
upon them without remonstrance. " Now, behold, we are
in thine hand : as it seemeth good and right mito thee
to do imto us, do. And so did Joshua unto them, and
delivered them out of tho hand of tho children of
Israel, that they slew them not " (is. 23 — 26).
1 The bloody encounter between tba men of David and the
men of Ishboshetli {2 Sam. ii. 12—17) ; tbe murder of Amasa by
Joab (2 Sam. xx. 4—13) ; and the execution of Joab by order of
Solomon (1 Kings ii. 28—31).
The consequences of this league with the Gibeonites
were most momentous. The petty kings or chieftains
of Southern Palestine, the king of Jebus, or Jerusalem,
being then- recognised leader, alarmed at the fall of
Jericho and Ai, whicli liad opened up tho approaches
to their own territory, had already concerted measures
for a joint attack on the invaders, when the gi-avity of
tho crisis was increased by the news of the defection of
the impoi-tant city of Gibeon. Not a moment was to be
lost in pimisliing this perilous treachery. Their forces
were gathered with the utmost dispatch and the siege
opened. But before tho city was enth-ely invested the
Gibeonites found time to send tidings of then- peril to
Joshua, who had again retm-ned to his head-quarters at
Gilgal. The extreme urgency of their situation is ex-
pressed in the message — " Slack not thy hand from thy
servants ; come up to us quickly, and save us, and help
us : for all the kings of tho Amorites that dwell on the
mountains are gathered together against us " (x. 6).
The greatness of the perO — imminent not to Gibeon
alone, but to Israel also — is at once apparent to Joshua.
If Canaan is to bo conquered, Gibeon must be relieved,
and tliat instantly. So ho starts without a moment's
delay, travels all night, and, by a forced march, accom-
plishes in a few hours a distance which had previously
taken three days. In the early morning, before the
besiegers could have heard of his liaving left his camp
by the Jordan, Joshua and liis solthers, strong in the
assurance given by God that " not a man of them
should stand before him " (x. 8), burst on the unsus-
pecting enemy and tliscomfit them utterly. The huge
host — the largest Joshua liad yet encountered — is driven
before him up the rocky ascent to the mountain village
of Beth-horon the Upper. They cross the ridge, and,
in headlong flight, rush down the slippeiy rocks of the
precipitous descent that leads to tho lower village of
the same name — Beth-horon tlie Nether.' There a fierce
tempest, partial as the sudden storms of mountain regions
usually are, for the pursuers were unharmed by it,
accompanied with hail-stones of prodigious size, bursts
on the fugitives, and completes their discomfiture. As
aftenvards against Sisera, " the stars in their courses
fought against them," and, stricken down by the hand
of God, " they wei"e more which died with hailstones
2 Between the two Beth-horons is a steep pass, still very rocky
and rough, though tbe rock has been cut away in many peaces,
and the path formed into steps. The main road from Jerusalem
and the Jordan valley to the sea-coast lay through the pass of
Beth-horon, and accordingly both the Beth-horons were secured by
Solomon with strong fortifications (2 Chron. viii. 5). It was in
this pass that Judas Maccabffius fell suddenly on the Syrians and
routed them. Here, too, the Koman army, under Cestius Gallus,
after being driven from its poflitiou before Gibeon by an impetuous
attack of tbe Jews from Jerus.alem, sustained severe losses in
men and bagg.age from the insurgents. {Espin, Speafccr*s Com-
mentariif in loc.)
133
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
than tliey whom the children of Isi'ael slow with the
sword " (x. 11).
And then, whilo the vanquished Amorites were
rushiac in wild confusion down the mountain pass,
eager to reach their strongholds or to find refuge in
the rocky fastnesses with which the district abounds,'
Joshua, gazing down on them from the summit of the
pass, and apprehensive lest the day should prove too
short for the accomplishment of his work, uttered that
bold apostrophe, that magnificent venture of faith,
quoted from the Book of Jasher,- in which the servant
of the true God called on the heavenly bodies, as
His ministers, to stand still and aid the overthrow of
their idolati-ous worsMppers : " Sun, stand thou still
upon Gibeon ; and thou, Moon, in the valley of Ajalon."
How this prayer was answered — ^by what precise mira-
culous agency the light of the day was extended over that
district to enable Israel to complete the extermination
of their enemies before uiglitfaD, we cannot say, for
God has not thought fit to record it. But that it was
answered is certain.^ Before the prolonged day closed
in, and the shadows of evening fell on " the Valley of
Gazelles,"' God's promise had been fulfiUod to the
letter. Not a man of the enemies had stood before
Joshua; all had been deUvei-ed into his hand. Long
and deservedly did the marvels of that day— a day
which, at one sudden blow, secured the possession of
the Land of Promise to Israel — remain engraven on
the memory of the nation. " There was no day like
that before it or after it, that the Lord hearkened unto
the voice of a man : for the Lord fought for Israel "
(X. 14).
The host was overthrown, but the five chieftains load
escaped and lay concealed in a well-kno-.vn cave,^ over-
shadowed with a grove of trees, at Makkedah. Joshua,
to secure his prey, gave orders that the mouth of the
cave should be blocked by huge stones until the return
of the army from the pursuit of the enemy afforded
opportunity for a public execution. Then the cave was
1 Beth-lioron signifies " house of caves."
- We have one otlior passaj^e quoted from the Boole of Jasher,
namely, the elegy over Saul iind Jonathan, entitled "the Bow"
(2 Sam. i. 18 — 27), Wo should probably not be wrong in iufeiTing
from these two (luotatious that this book wsb a collection of his-
torical odes celebrating the exploits of the chief heroes of the
theocracy. Jasher, connected etymologically with " Jeshurun,"
the poetical designation of Israel, signifies " upright " (cf. Numb,
sxiii. 10, " Let me die the death of the righteous,'' reshdrtm).
3 The only legitimate iuteii»retation of this passage, including
not only the poetical quotation from the Book of Jasher (vs. 12,
13, beginning), but also the prose comment (vs. 13, 14\ in which
the fact is distinctly reasserted, is that, by some miraculous agency,
the daylight was prolonged over the district in a way enabliug
Joshua to finish the overthrow of his enemies. The miracle was
distinctly local, confined to the ueighbourbood of Gibeon and
Ajalon, and we may therefore safely rid ourselves of the notion of
the suspension of the earth's rotation on its axis, which has been
a stumbling-block to the intelligent believer, as well as a fertile
source of objection to the sceptic. An extension of the daylight
by natural causes — increased refraction, or the like— satisfies all
the reasonable requirements of the passage, when we bear in mind
that tiie language is certainly poetical and figurative, and no more
intended to he accepted literally than the analogous expressions
Judg. V. 20 ; Ps. sviii. 9, 15 ; csiv. 4 ; Isa. xiii. 10.
4 "The Valley of Ajalon.." Ajalon = "hinds," or " gazelles."
s " The cave " it is in the Hebrew (Josh. x. 10, 17).
opened, and the five kings were dragged from its re-
cesses. Israel saw these mighty mouarchs, whose
names had inspired such dread, groveUiug in the dust
before the conqueror. The chief warriors were bidden
to approach, and, as a token of complete overthrow,
jilaut their feet on the necks of the prostrate kings.
"As these captive kings lay powerless before them,
trodden beneatli their feet, so would aU their enemies
who should make war upon them be laid prostr.ate by
the Lord."'' They were then put to death, and their
bodies hung, eacli on its own tree, tiU the evening, when
they were taken down and " cast into the cave wherein
they had been hid," the door of which was once more
closed by the same huge stones. The kings' prison-
house became their sepulchre.
With characteristic promptitude Joshua pursued his
success. City after city fell, tribe after tribe was ex-
terminated in rapid succession. Of Makkedah, Libnah,
Lachish, Eglon, Hebron, Debu-, the brief and stem
record is the same : " Ho left none remaining, but
utterly destroyed all that breathed, as the Lord God of
Isi'ael commanded. AU these kings and their land did
Joshua take at one time, because the Lord God fought
for Israel " (x. 40 — 42). Southei-n Palestine was now
conquered, the work immediately before Joshua was
completed, and once more Joshua and all Israel returned
to the camp at Gilgal.
The turn of Northern Palestine was now to come.
"With impolitic indifEerenco the northern chieftains
liad looked on during the subjugation of the south.
They now saw the tide of conquest roll back on them-
selves, and, too late, began to prejpare for then- defence."'
A powerful confederacy was formed, embracing all
the tribes that had not yet fallen before Joshua, of
which Jabin, the king of Hazor,^ was the head. An
enormous army, " even as the sand that is on the sea-
shore in multitude," was mustered and encamped at the
waters of Merom." For the first time in these wars
mention is made of horses and chariots " very many."
The host was formidable, both in irambers and military
preparation. But Joshua is forbidden to fear. Tlieir
defeat should bo immediate and total. At that selfsame
hour on the morrow tlie Lord would have " delivered
them lip all slain before Israel." He should hough
their horses,'" and bum, as an accursed thing, " their
chariots with fii'c " (xi. 6). As before on so many occa-
sions, Joshua's prompt decisiveness secured him the
victory. Almost before the kings could have learnt
that he had left Gilgal, he and Ms soldiers burst upon
6 Keil.on Josh. x. 25.
' Milman, Historn of the Jaws, book v.
"'^ Hazor signifies " enclosed," or " fortified." It is described by
Josephus as overlooking the lake of Merom.
'•* " The waters of Merom " have been usually identified with tho
uppei-most of the three lakes in the higher part of the Jordan
valley, taking its name iVIerom, or " the high lake," from its up-
land situation. It is described as half morass, half tarn, about
seven miles long and six broad at its greatest width, surrounded
by an almost impenetrable jungle of reeds abounding in wild fowl.
(Stanley, Sinai and Palc^iine, p. 390.)
1" Or " hamstring ;" i.e., cut the sinews of tho hack port of the
thighs, which would lame the horses immediately.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
167
fhem. Taken thus by surprise, tlieii- imnionsc iiumbei'S
only increased the confusion of the Cauaauites, which
the horses and chariots would rendeT more inextricable.
The rout was complete. The Canaanites were chased
westward to Zidon and eastward to the valley of
Mizpeh. The conqueror returned to finish the action
hj the captiu-e of Hazor. This city, like Ai and Jericho,
was burnt. The rest of the cities taken in this campaign
■were simply pillaged, and left standing •' each on its ovm
Ml " (xi. 13).
The conciseness of the narrative forbids our pursuing
Joshua's subjugation of Canaan in detail. We aro
told no more than that the war with the kings lasted
" a long time " (xi. 18). Five years, at least — according
to another reckoning, seven years — were employed in
the complete reduction of the land. By tliis time the
seven nations of the Canaanites properly so called had
been entirely vancpiished. Thirty-one kings had fallen
by the sword. Every city, except those of the Gibeonites,
had been sacked and its inhabitants put to death.
Joshua had taken " the whole laud, accordiug to all that
the Lord had said to Moses ; and Joshua gave it for an
inheritance unto Israel according to their divisions by
then- tribes. And the land rested from war " (xi. 23).
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
ET THE BEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., P.L.S., KECTOE Or PRESTON, SALOP.
ANTELOPES (concluded).
iHE Oryx has been referred to by various
■RTiters imder various names; it is the
Antilope leucoryx of Pallas; the Anti-
lope algazella of Biippell ; the milk-white
antelope of Pennant ; the white antelope of Shaw ;
the abu-hard, jachmur and yazmm- of the Arabs (though
they also apply this name to the bubalo). It inhabits
North and West Africa, Nubia, Senaar, and Senegal.
Dr. Tristram tells us that " the oryx is still found on
the confines of the Holy Land, though strictly an in-
habitant of the desert ; " that though he did not obtain
any specimen, ho approached quite near enough to bo
able to identify it by tho shape of its horns. Tlieso
horns, wMcli aro enormously long, are frequently to
be pm-cliased in the bazaars of Damascus. From the
general white colour of its body, this antelope received
the Greek name leiworyx, i.e., " the white oryx." The
animal figured is drawn from a specimen in the British
Museum. The Onjx ijazella, or gcms-boc (the repre-
sentative of tho 0. leucoryx), is found in South Africa ;
it has long straight horns, which, like its relative in
North Africa and Syria, it can use with deadly effect.
Another species of antelopo seems to be mentioned in
the Hebrew Bible under the name of dishon, rendered
" PJa'"''!'? " ™ °^^ version. It occurs only in Deut. xiv.
5, as one of the names of animals allowed as food. The
Septuagiut and Vulgate versions give Tuyapyos and
pygargus as the representative of the Hebrew word,
implying that the animal in question is a deer or ante-
lope, '■ having a white rump." This character belongs
to several antelopes. Nothing can bo gathered from
the Hebrew term dishun beyond the fact that it pro-
bably signifies "a leaper." There seems to be no doubt
that the Addax antelope is identical with tho strepsi-
ceros mentioned by Pliny (N. H. xi. 37), for when this
species was, after many years, at length re-discovered
by Hemprich and Riijipell, it was found to be called
by its Arabic name of akas or adas, tho very name
which Pliny gives as the local one of his strepaiccros.
The Addax nasomaculatus may be the dishun of tho
Hebrew Bible ; at any rate there is no other animal that
has a better claim to represent the word ; and although
at present it is not found in Palestine, it may have
occurred there formerly, for it is now known to inhabit
Egypt and the Sahara, Nubia and Arabia.
There is much less uncertainty as to what antelope is
intended by the Hebrew word yachmur, occurring only
in Deut. xiv. 5, as the name of one of the animals
allowed by the Levitical law for food, and in 1 Kings iv.
23, as forming part of tho provision for Solomon's table.
The Greek and Latin versions hero give fiov^aXos and
hubalus as the representatives of the Hebrew term,
while our English version renders it by " fallow deer."
Now there is no doubt that the Greek word fioifiaKos
or /3ou'/3it\i?, the Latin bubalus, denotes the bovine
antelope, Alcephalus biAalis. Herodotus (iv. 192),
Aristotle (S. A. iii. 6), Diodorus (ii. 51), Oppian {Cyneg.
ii. 300), Polybius (xii. 3, 5), speak of this antelope as
an inhabitant of North and East Africa. In a fragment
of ^schylus the Greek poet mentions " the freshly-
caught bubalis food for a lion ; " while Oppian describes
the bubalo at some length.
Pliny {Nat. Hist viii. 15) says that tho common
people in their ignorance sometimes gave the name of
bubalus to the bison and the urus ; but the animal
properly so called, he adds, is found in Africa, and bears
a resemblance to tho caK and stag ; in other words, the
animal is one of the bovine antelopes. The evidence,
then, that the bubalus of tho Greek and Latin writers
denotes the Alcephalus bubalis of modem zoologists is
complete, but how shall we identify the bubalo with tho
yachmur of the Hebrew Scriptures? Hero again is
very good evidence. Yachmur is one of the Arabic names
for the bubale, which by the Arabs of North Africa is
now generally known by the name of belcker-el-wash,
i.e., wild cattle. Freytag, in his Arabic Lexicon, under
the -word yachmur, has the following: "yoc/(»i»r, ruber;
animal ad genus pertinens cui est apud Arabes nomen
behh&r-el-icash." Yachmur is from a root meaning
" to bo red ; " this antelope varies in colour from red
to pale brown. There is then every reason, we think,
168
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
to conclude that the animal denoted by the Hebrew
word yachmur is the bovine antelope, Alcephalas
hvbalis.
ELEPHANT.
Of the natural order Pkoboscidia, represented only
by the two species of elephant, we have no distinct
mention in the canonical books, if we except 1 Kings
X. 22 and 2 Chron. is. 21, where oiu- translators for
"ivory" in the text read "elephants' teeth" in the
margin. Frequent mention of elephants, however, is
made in the apocryphal books of the Maccabees, where
we read that Lysias, who had been entrusted with the
government of Southern Syi-ia by Antioehus Epiphanes,
employed many of these animals in his wars against
the Jews. At the celebrated siege of Bethsura, on the
Idumean frontier, the royal force under the command
midst of the battle, slaying on the right hand and on
the left, so that they were divided from him on both,
sides. Which done, he crept under the elephant, and
thrust him under, and slow him : whereupon the elephant
fell down upon him, and there he died" (1 Mace. vi. 43 —
46). We also read that Antioehus Epiphanes, the father
of Antioehus Eupator, " entered Egypt with a great
multitude, with chariots, and elephants, and horsemen,
and a great na\'y, and made war against Ptolemeo, king'
of Egypt" (1 Mace. i. 17, 18). Elephants are also men-
tioned in other passages in the books of the Maccabees.
Though the name of the elephant is not found in the text,
of our English version, the Hebrew — or rather Hebraized
form of the SaHskrit — name occurs in 1 Kings x. 22,
and 2 Chron. ix. 21. King Solomon " had at sea a
navy of Tharshish with the navy of Hiram : once in
DEEE-HUNTING : ATTENDANTS WITH NETS ON THE BOKDEKS OF FOKEST. (ASSTEIAN.)
of Lysias, in the temporary reign of Antioehus Eupator,
consisted of " an hundred thousand footmen, and twenty
thousand horsemen, and two and thirty elephants
exercised in battle. These went through Idumca and
pitched against Bethsura (Beth-tsiir, ' house of rock,'),
whicJi they assaulted many days, making engines of
war ; but they of Bethsura came out, and bunied them
with fire, and fought vahantly. Upon this Judas re-
moved from the tower, and pitched in Bathzacharias,
over against the king's camp. Then the king rising
very early marched fiercely with his host towards Bath-
zacharias, where his armies made them ready for battle,
and soimded the trumpets. And to the end thoy might
provoke the elephants to fight, they shewed them the
blood of grapes and mulberries " (1 Mace. vi. 30 — 34).
It was on this occasion that Eleazar, " perccinng
that one of the beasts, armed with royal harness, was
higher thanaU the rest, and supposing that the king was
upon him, put himself in jeopardy, to the end he might
deliver his people, nud get him a perpetual name :
wherefore he ran upon him courageously through the
three years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold,
and silver, ivory {shen-habbim), apes, and peacocks;"
the Hebrew word literally meaning " teeth of ele-
phants," as in the marguial reading. Ivory, the valued
product of the elephant, is frequently mentioned in the-
Bible, and to this we wiU turn our attention. The
Hebrew word, which, excepting in the two passages,
quoted above, is always translated " ivory," is ghcn,
" a tooth." It is, indeed, the name of the twenty-
first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, t', from its tooth-
like form. Tlxo first notice of ivory occurs in the
passages which sjieak of its introduction into Palestine
from Ophir together with apes, gold, and peacocks, and
almug-trces in the time of Solomon. As all these pro-
ducts are Indian, and the Hebrew words almost certainly
Hebraized forms of Sanskrit names, there can be no
doubt that the ivory was imported from some part of
Hindostan or Ceylon. As Solomon was the first Jewish
king to introduce ivory into Judea, so he was the first
to use it. In 2 Chron. ix. 17, wo are told that King
Solomon " made a great throne of ivoiy, and overkid it
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
169
with pure gold." Later on Ahab made for himself " a
house of ivory " (I Kings xxii. 39j ; it must not be sup-
posed that the king's palace was actually made of ivory,
but that ivory panelling and carving adorned the
walls, roofs, and rooms. Such was the palace of
Menelaus, described by Homer.
" View'st thou uumoved, 0 ever honoured most !
Tliese prodigies of art, aud woudrous cost !
Above, bene.ith, around the palace shines
The Buuiless treasure of exhausted mines ;
The spoils of elephants the roofs iulay,
Aud studded amber darts a golden ray."
(Pope's Odijs., iv. 83—88.)
(See also Of?, xix. 564; Virgil, Mu. vi. 896.) "Ivory
palaces " are mentioned in Ps. xlv. 8 : " AU thy
garments smell of myrrh, and aloes, and cassia : out of
country. Diodorus speaks of the balsam aud cassia,
myrrh, balm, sweet calamus aud cinnamon, and other
odoriferous spices in glovring terms, aud especially
mentions the houses of the Miucei, adorned with gold,
silver, ivory, " precious stones, aud other things which
men esteem of great value " (Diodor. Sic, hb. iii.,
cap. 47). It has been already stated that these Miuoei
lived in Spicy Araljia, and that Diodorus makes special
mention of the aromatics of the country; wheu this is
coupled with wliat the same author says about ivory-
adorned houses, we have every reason for believing
that the minni of the 45th Psahn refers to the people of
that name. The words would tlicn be thus rendered : —
" Myrrh, aloes, aud cassia aro all thy garments ;
From the ivory palaces of the lliuui have they made thee glad.'*
THE BUBALi: {Alcej^liolu^ hiihaXis),
the ivory palaces whereby they have made thee glad " —
a Tery obscure passage, for which various explanations
have been proposed. Mr. Perowno reads the passage
thus —
" ' Myrrh, and aloes, and cassia are all thy garnionts ;
Out of ivory palaces hath music made thee glad.' "
(T/ie Psaliiis, vol. i., p. 219.)
This makes very good sense. The difficult word is
minni ('sp), vi'hieh may be taken as an abridged form of
the plural minnim (D'ra), " stringed iustrmnonts." But
minni may be the land of the Minni (see Jer. li. 27), a
portion of Armenia, the Mannai and Mannas of the
Assyrian inscriptions : we would then road, " Prom
palaces adorned with Armenian ivory they make thee
glad." (See Fiirst, Lex., s. v. ;p.) But we do not know
that Armenia was celebrated for its ivory. With far
greater probability may the Minni or Mincei (Mii/aioi) be
referred to the people of K"orthern Arabia, one of the
four great nations mentioned by Strabo as situated
nearly at the extremity of the peninsula. Tliese people,
a division of the Sabseans, dwelt in the frankincense
The 45th Psalm is evidently a man-iage song cele-
liratiug the nuptials of a Jewish mouarch, and describing
the magnificence of an Oriental court.
The luxurious Phoenicians ornamented tho benches of
their ships with ivory. " Of the oaks of Bashan have
they made tliiue oars ; the company of the Ashm-ites
have made thy benches of ivory brought out of the
isles of Chittim " (Ezek. xxvii. 6). Although, as we shall
see just now, the Assyrians carried on a great traffic in
ivory, it is generally agreed by scholars that tho intro-
duction of their name in tho verse just quoted is a
mistake. The latter part of the verse is better trans-
lated thus : — " Thy benches have they made of boxwood
inlaid with ivory, from the isles of Chittim ; " the
literal rendermg of the Hebrew is, " Thy benches have
they made of ivory, daughters of box-trees " (or " cedar-
trees," for there is some doubt as to tho wood denoted).
Such expressions are not \incommou iu Hebrew poetiy;
compare, for iustauce, Ps. xvii. 8, " Keep me as the
pupil, the daughter of the eye," as being tliat which
gives beauty and brightness to the eye ; so Lam. iii. 13,
170
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
" the arrows of the quiver" are " the sons of the quiver,"
bocnuse the quiver cucIosks them ; similarly the ivory is
the daughter of the wood into which it is set. The ex-
pression in the Canticles (vii. 4), " Thy neck is as a tower
of ivory," doubtless refers only to the white colour of
the neck : so whiteness alone is intended in Cant. v. 14.
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
I. SACRED SEAS0X3 (coiUbiued).
BY THE KEV. WILLIAM MILLIGAN, D.D., FKOFESSOB OP DIVINITY AND BIBLICAL CEITICISH IN THE UNIVESSITT Or
ABEKDEEN.
?E have spoken of the three great annual
feasts of Israel individually; but, before
bringing our consideration of them to a
close, wo have still to make one or two
observations upon them as a whole.
1. All were intimately related to one another as parts
of one religious system, and expressive of similar reli-
gious truths. In this respect the Passover lies at the
foundation of them all. It is not a part of the Feast of
Unleavened Bread ; it is an introduction to the whole
sacred year. The propriety of assigning this position
to it is vindicated by the arguments formerly adduced,
and not needing to be repeated. On the Passover the
entu-e year rests. Out of it spring all the sacred ser-
vices to follow. It is as redeemed from its house of
bondage, and called into covenant with God, that Israel
is prepared alike for the duties and the privileges of its
future course.
Wlien wo turn to the feasts themselves, however, it
is obvious in the first place that that of Unleavened
Bread has something in common with that of Taber-
nacles in which Pentecost has no share. Both derive
their leading characteristics from the historical associa-
tions connected with them, and it is by the greatness of
the historical truths which they commemorate that they
are elevated into seven days' festivals. Mere harvest
ideas fail to explain this fact. Wlien it is said by a
recent distinguished commentator on the Old Testament,
that " Passover is the commencement of harvest ; seven
weeks ensue, which by their number are mai'ked as
holy ; then follows the day of conclusion or Pentecost,
which, as the culminating point of harvest, can possibly
only last one day, and not seven days like the two corre-
sponding festivals;"' no sufficient reason is assigned
for the exaltation of the two and the depression of the
one. The conclusion and not the begiuning of harvest
ought rather in this light to have been marked as the
seven days' feast, for it is then that the joy of harvest
is greatest, and that the labours of the year are safe.
Besides this, it is impossible to dissociate harvest thanks-
giving from the Peast of Tab3rnaclos. Wo have seen
that it is expressly designated " the feast of ingathering
at the year's end " (Exod. xxxiv. 22 ; xxiii. 16) ; and if
thanksgiving spread itself over all the seven days during
which the people dwelt ui booths, such an arrangement
receives its best explanation from the fact that the
whole produce of the season had now been gathered m,
1 Kaliscli pa Exod. xxiii. 15—17.
that fruits and oil and wine, as well as corn, had now
been stored. Not Pentecost, therefore, but Tabernacles
is " the conclusion of harvest," and it is in something
else than liarvest-thoughts that we must seek the
ideas which enlarged the latter along with Unleavened
Bread into a seven days' feast, while Pentecost lasted
only for a day. Historical associations, great religious
truths, supply the key. The one feast symbolises the
spirit in which Israel starts upon its way to Zion, the
other the protection and care with which the Almighty
watches over Israel in its pilgrimage. In the one the
nature of the jjcople's covenant-life finds expression ; in
the other, God's covenant love to his elect ones. Nor
is either of these two thoughts to be looked upon as
confined to the moment when it obtains special utter-
ance. The first stretches forward to the second. Tho
second stretches backward to the first. Taken together
the two overshadow the whole year. Israel is reminded
by them alone, without in this respect taking note C-
Pentecost, that it is to be a faithful people under a
faithful God.=
But if in one sense Unleavened Bread and Taber-
nacles thus stand alone, there are other aspects of tho
three feasts under which Pentecost takes its place in
the series, and constitutes the fitting middle term
between the other two.
It was so first in relation to tho harvest, and tliiu
dedication of it which Israel was to make to God. Hero
the Feast of Unleavened Bread embraced a thanks-
giving for the grain as grain ; and the sheaf of barley,
the first ripened corn, expressed tho dedication not of
the barley alone, but of the whole gr.aiu crop to Jehovah.
Tho Feast of Pentecost followed as a thanksgiving for
the grain not only grown and reaped, but gathered
in and appropriated to the use of man ; and tho two
leavened loaves expressed the dedication of tho crop
as turned into food for the following year. Finally,
the Feast of Tabernacles embodied a thanksgiving for
fruits and oil and wine, tho last productions of tho
season ; and its first-fruits expressed tho dedication to
Him from whom they came of the joys rather than the
necessaries of life. In this respect, therefore, all tho
three feasts were united together by a bond of simOarity
and of sympathy.
- lu tliG representiiiiou now tciven is probably to be found tLe
explanation of tbe fact tbat wlien tbo prophet Ezeliiel represents,
under iigures taken from these feasts, the better times in store for
the Ctiiireh of God, he speaks only of the first and last feasts, ajid
omita all mention of Pentecost (slv. 21—25).
SACRED SEASONS.
171
It wp-s so, secondly, in relation to religious ideas
to wMeli they severally referred. Under tliis point
of view tliey all shadowed forth certain great truths
rospectiug the covenant life with God; tho first its
nature, the second its strength, the third its work.
Unleavened Bread was a call to repentance and a de-
mand for lioliuess. Leaven, the symbol of siu, was to
1)8 put away. The " unleavened bread of siucerity and
truth " was alone to be found in the heart, ui the family,
in the nation. Pentecost told of the gift and ax^pro-
priatiou of the Spiilt ; of that Spirit in whose strength
we walk with God. Lastly, Tabernacles spoke of the
diif usion of the Spirit ; that they vdio truly walk \nt\i
God live not for themselves but for others, tliat having
freely received they freely give. Translated iuto New
Testament language, the three feasts thus gave utter-
ance to the three great truths of all religious life :
" Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at haud;" " Be-
hold, the kingdom of God is within you ;" " Go ye into
all the world, and preach tlie Gospel to every creature."
2. While thus ultimately related to one another, it is
farther to be observed that this relation was a relation
of climax. There was progress in the series of feasts.
Each was followed by one expressing something liiglier
and greater than itseK. We see this in then- relation
to the harvest. Each was a harvest thanksgiving, and
was accompanied by the presentation of first-fruits.
But the thanksgiving grew more lively, the dedication
larger, as the year rolled on. The one sheaf of Un-
leavened Bread was followed by the two leavened loaves
of Pentecost and the multiplied offerings accompanyiug
them. These, again, were followed by the stOl more
numerous gifts and sacrifices of Tabernacles. Wliile,
too, the worshipper made Ms constantly increasing
offerings, he at the same time entered iuto a communion
with God growing constantly closer. At the first feast
of the year there was only a bumt-oflcrmg ; at the
second a peace-offering was added, yet without the
meal ; at the third we have seen reason to believe that
the peace-offeruigs were numerous, and that the meal
followed their presentation. But the peace-offering
was higher and more expressive of realised communion
with God than the burnt-offering, and the sacrificial
meal was its culminating jioint. Thus, therefore, as
the year passed away, a deeper sense of God's mercy
found utterance at each successive stage of its progress ;
and in the sense of that mercy the believing Israehte
approached God in an ever more endearing fellowship.
It is almost unnecessary to point otit that in the
typical aspect of these feasts the same idea of progress is
to be noted. Repentance, the appropriation of the Spirit,
the diffusion of the Spirit, present an obvious climax.
No part is indeed entirely distinct from the others, just
as we have seen that the idea of each feast stretched its
influence over the whole year, and not over the week
or the day only during which the feast lasted. Re-
pentance is the work of tlie Spirit, and it belongs to the
latest as well as the earliest stages of the walk with
God. The Spirit is no sooner really appropriated than
it is diffused in some corresponding mcasm-e, and fresh
appropriations of it are necessary to the very close of
life. But still the three ideas are distinct, and the
further we advance in a divine fellowship, the more
does each of them in succession become prominent
within us. " The path of the just is as the shining
light, wliich shiueth more and more unto the perfect
day."
3. A thh-d characteristic of the feasts of Israel as a
whole is to be traced in the joyful emotions by which
they were all pervaded. The name by which they are
most frequently designated in the Old Testament is
derived from a word signifying to revel, or feast, or
dance ; and although there is no reason to believe that
any gaiety by which they were marked was inconsistent
with the sacredness of the time, or with the reverence
due to Him before whom they were held, yet neither
can there be any doubt that all the days devoted to
them were days of cheerfulness and joy. " Thou shalt
rejoice before the Lord thy God," " Thou shalt rejoice
in thy feast," '" Therefore thou shalt surely rejoice,"
are the commandments expressly given in connection
with them (Dent. x-vl. 11 — 15); and fasting was care-
fully avoided by the pious as inconsistent with the
spirit of the time (Judith viii. 6). All the arrangements,
too, connected with them were calculated to promote
joy. They all took place in the summer half of the
year. They were all associated with the abundance and
the joy of harvest. In so far as they commemorated
historical events they brought to view truths of tho
most elevated and inspiring character. Even the cir-
cumstance that the two most important, those of Un-
leavened Bread and Tabernacles, always began when
the moon was at the full, and when, therefore, under
the clear sky of Palestine, the brilliaucy of night would
have even a greater charm than the glare of day, must
have constituted no unimportant element of then- power
to awaken gladness. This characteristic of its festival
seasons was fully realised by Israel. At the great
Passover in Hezekiah's time "the children of Israel
that were present at Jerusalem kept tho feast of Un-
leavened Bread seven days with great gladness; and
the Levites and tlie priests praised the Lord day by
day, singing with loud instruments unto the Lord "
(2 Chron. xxx. 21). It was the same at the Feast of
Tabernacles in Nehemiah's time: "And they found
written in the law which the Lord had commanded by
Moses that the children of Israel shoidd dwell iu booths
in the feast of the seventh month ; and that they shoidd
pu))lish and proclaim in all their cities and iu Jerusalem,
saying. Go forth unto the mount, and fetch olive
branches, and pine branches, and myi-tle branches, and
palm branches, and branches of thick trees to mako
booths as it is written. So the people went forth and
brought them, and made themselves booths, every ono
upon the roof of his house, and in their couits, and m
tho courts of the house of God, and in tho street^ of
the water gate, and in the street of the gate of Ephraim.
And all the congregation of them that were come again
out of the captivity made booths, and sat under the
booths ; for since the days of Jeshua tho son of Nun
11
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
nnto that day had not the children of Israel done so.
And there was very great gladness" (Neh. viii. 14 —
17). The proverbs in common circulation among the
people bear \vituess to the same fact, as when of the
Feast of Tabernacles it used to bo said, " Whosoever
hath not seen the rejoicing that was upon the drawing
of this water hath never seen any rejoicing at all."'
All of them indeed were seasons of the liveliest joy,
and singing, sonnding of trumpets, and feasting were
their ordinary accompaniments. A deep interest attaches
to this characteristic of these festivals. The gloom so
often associated with the thought of Israel's worship
has no real pLace in it. Tliat worship did not culminate
in fastings and penance. The more ton-ible attributes
of the Almighty wore not the only ones with which the
people were familiarised. The world was not veiled in
darkness to the pious eye, nor were the sweets of life
denied to him who would walk with God. That
Judaism pointed onward to better things is true ; and
so far it awoke aspirations, longings, desires, which
it was unable f idly to satisfy. But God was always,
even under it, the Redeemer of His people. His people
were redeemed. Their highest solemnities spoke of
the light and the freedom of redemption. Fasting was
only preparatory to feasting. " The joy of the Lord "
was Israel's " strength."
4. A fourth characteristic of the feasts of which wo
speak was the sanctifying influence shed by them, while
they lasted, upon everything. For their joy was not a
worldly but a sacred joy. It may have often been mis-
directed, just as in the Christian Church itself, but a
short period passed before in Corinth her holiest and
most joyful solemnity was changed by many into a
scene of gluttony and drunkenness (1 Cor. xi. 21). But
in its intention it was certainly religious. The whole
time during which the feast continued was set apart for
God. The putting away of leaven, the ablutions, the
cleansings, the rest from labour, the solemn assemblies,
the greatly increased offerings of each day, all testified
to the fact that throughout the feast God was felt to
bo peculiarly near. The liouse or the booth became a
sacred dwelling, the family a sacred family, the meal a
sacred meal, every vessel even employed in the house-
hold a sacred vessel ; and hence it is that when the
prophet Zeehariah looks onward to the time when the
enemies of Jerusalem shall go up from year to year to
worsliip the King, the Lord of Hosts, and to keep the
Feast of Tabernacles, he immediately adds, " In that day
shall there be upon the bells of the horses Holiness
UNTO THE LoED : yea, every pot in Jerusalem and in
Judah shall be holiness imto tlio Lord of Hosts " (Zecli.
xiv. 20, 21). The importance of such a lesson to a
people, so many of whose ordinances of worship might
seem rather likely to suggest tlio idea of a much more
I limited sacredness, might seem rather likely to confine
than to expand the cu-clo of holy places and persons
and times and things, to a people not yet taught the
exalted lesson of the New Testament, " Whether there-
1 LigbUoot on Jobn vii. 38.
fore ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the
glory of God," it is impossible to over-estimate. Each
of these festival seasons carried the sacredness of tho
Sabbath, to a certain extent at least, into tho days of
the week which it embraced. Each, therefore, formed
a bright spot in the desert, a little patch of green
verdure redeemed from the wilderness of secular days
amidst which it stood, and containing in it the fore-
shadowing of a greener and brighter future.
5. It has to be noticed that all the three great
feasts were national festivals celebrated by Israel as
one whole, and intended especially to impress the jieople
\rith the feeling that, however great tho niunber of
their tribes, these tribes were one. On no point of
His arrangements in connection with them does the
Almighty seem to have bestowed greater care. It was
at tho sanctuary alone that they could be celebrated, at
the great centre of national unity, in Jerusalem, the city
in which all were equally interested, and ■sriiere He who
was equally the God of all had taken up his special abode.
" ThoTi mayest not sacrifice the Passover within any of
thy gates which the Lord thy God giveth thee ; but at
the place which the Lord thy God shall choose to place
his name in, there thou shalt sacrifice the Passover"
(Dent. x^^. 5, 6) ; and tho command is given in similar
terms with reference to Pentecost and Tabernacles
(Deut. xvi. 11 — -15). For the same reason it was that
all tho males of Israel were commanded to appear three
times in a year before the Lord " in the place which He
should choose" i,Deut. xvi. 16). Even the more sub-
ordinate arrangements of the festivals tended to deepen
the same thought. The one sheaf of Easter, the two
loaves of Pentecost, were waved iu the name of the
nation and not of individuals. The harvest acknow-
ledged and dedicated was the harvest of Israel as a
whole, and not that of the individual proprietors of the
soil. Everything contributed to remind the people that
they were one.
That this end was actually attained by them is
evident throughout the whole history of Israel. The
Psalms of tho Pilgrimages already spoken of, and
proceeding from tho very heart of tho people, give
striking ei-idenco of the fact ; and when the gathering
pilgrims, beholding the city that was compact together,
saluted it with the joyfid cry, " Peace be within thy
walls, and prosperity within thy palaces," it was because
they saw in it tho city to which " the tribes " of the
Lord went up, it was " for their brethren and com-
panions' sakes " that they said, " Peace bo within thee "
(Ps. cxxii.). Of all the ordinances of Israel, in short,
none exercised a more powerful effect than the three
great yearly feasts in attaching the different tribes
to one God, one sanctuary, and one national bond of
unity.
6. It remains for us only to observe that the more
general aspects of the feasts of Israel now spoken of
find, like the more particular ones already referred to
in previous papers, their fulfilment in Chri.st and in
His people. The great principle to bo bonie iu mind is
that we arc not to seek this fulfdmeut iu any outward
THE PLAITTS OF THE BIBLE.
173
ortliuances or institutions of tlie Cliristiau Church.
That Church may express her feehngs in sucli seasons
if she choose ; experience teaches us that she has always
done it; human nature, tliat she must always do it.
But her institutions must flow from her own free spirit ;
they must not be looked on as consummations of Jewish
shadows ; and they must bo used only as means for
helping her to preserve that spirit which is higher than
them all. It is in spiritual and abiding realities alone,
first in the life and spirit of Christ, secondly in the life
and spirit of His people, the members of that one body
of which He is head, that the feasts of Israel find
their fulfilment now.
Life in Christ is a life lived under tho power of two
great truths, first, " We are not our own ; " secondly,
'■ All things shall woi'k together for our good." Again,
it is one in which, cleansing ourselves by the help of
Divine grace from all sin, we receive the gift of tho
Spirit, and dispense it to all around us who are faint
and weary. Still further, it is a life of progress,
although of progress not so much in kind as in degree.
The same influences are at work from the beginning,
but each experience of them becomes a ground uiJon
which they who are partakers of the Christian life ask
for more, and, having obtained more, apply it more
fully and more faitlifully, till from them, as from tho
temple of God, there rushes forth that stream of life
which vridens and deejiens as it flows, making tho
solitary places to be glad for it, and tho wOdernoss to
rejoice and blossom. Nor is this all ; for, as the three
annual feasts of Israel were seasons of the liveliest joy,
so is that Christian life in which they are fulfilled to
be marked by a joy that is abiding. Each Christian,
indeed, may not be able always to rejoice. There come
in the experience of the individual times of sorrow as
well as of gladness, when it would be imnatural not to
weep. But the Church of Christ as a whole ought
ever to have on hor wedding garment, ought over to be
celebrating her feast. For her, too, all things are sanc-
tified. The sanctifying influences of the feasts of old
are fulfilled in the hearts of Christians, and " out of tho
heart are the issues of life." To the Christian nothing
is common. Joy and sorrow, earth and sky, solitary
hours and the social table, all are sacred, because in the
deep recesses of his heart he is keeping his festival and
singing its songs. Finally, in the fulfilled Christian
life aU the followers of Christ are one. Redeemed by
one sacrifice, called to the same holiness, enjoying tho
same Divine protection, partakers of the same Spirit
wherewitli to renew themselves and to convert the
world, they ought to be in constant unity with one
another. Not in outward denominations but in Christ
they are one. Their unity is a " unity of tho Spirit in
the bond of peace."
Never until these characteristics of tho old feasts
of Israel are thus fulfilled in Christian men are they
taking into their lives tho influences of the blessed
dispensation under which they live, as the Israelite
took into his the influences of the Passover, foUowed
by the feasts of Unleavened Bread, of Pentecost, and
of Tabernacles. But when they are fidfilled, then we
shall see tho fulfilment of all that brought up the people
of God under tho earlier dispensation three times in
the year to Jerusalem. Then shall tho followers of
Jesus be always in the sacred city and at tlie joyfid
feast. They shall not only bo " the chosen generation,
the royal priesthood, the holy nation, tho peculiar
people," but they shall bo that people in the moment
of their liighest aud most heart-stirring solemnities.
They shall sing a constant hallelujah. Their palms
and myrtles shall bo ever green. They shall reap and
dedicate a constant harvest, where they shall have not
only all that is needed to sustain life, but all that can
elevate and cheer and brighten it, world without end.
THE PLAINTS OF THE BIBLE.
OEDEE XVI. — TAMAEISCINE.S.
ET W. CAEEUTHEES, F.E.S., KEEPER OF THE BOTAUICAL DEPAKTMENT, BRITISH MUSEUM.
fHE Tamarisks are slirubs or trees with
erect slender branches, densely covered
with very small scale-like leaves. They
havo somewhat the appearance of tho
cypress, and are often mistaken by hasty observers
for coniferous plants. Tho numerous small flowers
are borne in catkin-like spikes at or near the tips of the
branches, and cover tho plant, when the flowers are
open, with a mass of white or rose colour, which almost
hides from view the bright green of the foliage. The
plants of the order are exclusively confined to tho tempe-
rate and warm countries of tho northern hemisphere, and
usually grow by the sea-side, but are also mot with on
the margins of rivers and in arid plains. The basin of
tho Mediterranean is their head-quarters.
The indigenous vegetation of England has no repre-
sentative of tho order, but one species {Tamarix gallica,
Linn.) has so ' thoroughly established itself on our
southern shores, that it grows there as if it were wild.
It has, however, in all cases been introduced, iLivin"
been planted as an ornamental shrub or as a hedge.
Four species of Tamarisk occur in Palestine ; two of
them often attain a considerable size as trees. In some
localities they exist in such abundance as to givo a
marked character to tho landscajjo. A small shrub
{Reamnuria Palcestina, Boiss.), belonging to the samo
order, is found on tho borders of the Dead Sea ; it
is very different from the tamarisk in appearance, and
especially in having large solitary flowers.
Tho tamai-isk aud its products were much valued by
174.
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the Arabs ; their great physician, Ai-icenna, in his Sys-
tem of Medicine, reijeatedly dilates upon it, and recom-
mends its different parts, as well as the astringent galls
which are often found on it, as valuable metUcines. The
wood is much esteemed for making vessels, because of
its compactness and durability ; and the charcoal pro-
duced from it is so much prized that in some districts
the Ai-abs have almost if not entirely extirpated the
tree in order to convert its wood into charcoal. The
young leaves are a favom-ite food of camels and sheop.
Although no reference is made in our English Bibles
to the tamariok, it is generally believed that eshel (.ViiN),
which occurs in three passages in Scripture, refers to
this tree. In one x^lace it is rendered " grove." Abraham,
desiring to leave a permanent record of the covenant
which he made with Abimelech, selecting this hardy
evergreen, " planted a grove (a, tamarisk-tree) in Boer-
sheba" (Gen. xxi. 33). In the two other passages, the
translators employ the general term ' ' tree. ' ' Wlion Saul
was seeking the life of Da's'id, whom lie had driven into
exile, he had his warriors and councillors with 1dm under
a tamarisk-tree in a place near his native town, where
he probably administered justice, as Deborah did long
before under a palm-tree in the same district (see Judg.
iv. 5). " Said abode in Gibeah imdor a (tamarisk) tree
in Ramah, having a spear in his hand, and all his
servants were standing about him " (1 Sam. xxii. 6).
Ramah was not far from Gibea!i,but it is probable that,
as in another passage, the word should be here trans-
lated, and not treated as a pi-oj)er name. It woidd thus
read that " Saiil abode in Gibeah under the tamarisk on
the high place,'' ha«ng chosen this suitable position for
his tent. When, after the disastrous, and to Saul fatal,
battle vrith the Philistiues on the plain of Esilraelon,
the men of Jabesh-gilead valiantly carried ofl: the bodies
of Said and his three sons from the walls of Beth-shan,
and burnt them at Gilcad, '' they took the bones and
buried them under a tree at Jabesli ; " or rather " under
the tamarisk," referring to a particular tree stiU stand-
ing and well known at the time when the history was
written (1 Sam. xxxi. 13).
The identification of the Hebrew eshel with the
tamarisk rests chiefly on the resemblance between that
word and the Arabic name {athle or asul] for the
tree. This is confirmed by the consideration that the
tree is suited to the context ia the three passages re-
ferred to. Recent travellers have noticed the abundauco
of the tamarisk at Beer-shcba, where Abraham planted
one, as well as the fitness of the tree to that arid desert
region.
The tamarisk has stiU greater interest to the Bible
student, because of the connection which many maintain
it had with the manna on which God fed the Jews
daring their wanderings in the desert. Six days after
leaving Egj'pt they arrived at the Wilderness of Sin ;
here they murmured against Moses for bringing them
from Egypt to die of hunger m the wilderness. God,
through Moses, promised to rain bread from heaven for
[heir use ; and until they ate of the old corn at GUgal
forty years afterwards, the wilderness around then- camp
was covered each morning, except that of the Sabbath,
with this bread which the Lord gave them.
When the moi-ning sun had dispelled the dew, the
Israelites found a substance on the ground, small as
the hoai-- frost, round like coriander-seed, and white like
bdellium. Its taste was like that of oil newly expressed
from the olive, or of wafers made with honey. It was
gathered in the morning, for when the sun waxed hot
it melted ; an omcr (about three English quarts) was
taken for each individual, but on the morning of the
sixth day two omers were collected, and what remained
over tin the seventh day was good, whUe any that might
have been kept over on the other days of the week bred
worms and putrefiod in the mornmg. It was treated
like com, being ground in mills or pounded in the
mortar, and was boiled, baked in pans, or made into
cakes. When the Israelites first saw it they called it
)iia)( (ja), rendered "manna" in our Authorised Ver.sion.
The difficulties experienced by the translators in dealing
with this word are shown by their giving three different
iutei-prctations of it. These three roadmgs still repre-
sent the different opinions entertained regarding the
nature of the word. The marginal reading, " they
said, It is a jjortion," is that adopted by Buxtorf and
others who derive the word from the verb mdnndJi,
(nsD), meaning "to appoint or prepare." They adduce
in support of this view a passage from the axiocryphal
Wisdom of Solomon, where the author, in speaking
of the manna, says, God did " send tliem fi-om heaven
bread pre^^arcd without their labour." The second
marginal reading, " They said, What is this ? " repre-
sents the oldest and most generally accepted view of the
origin of the name. According to this view, the fu'st
syllable of "m.anna" is supposed to be the word man, the
neuter form of the pronoun what, and the second syllable
is a corruption of li u, the pronomi this, the whole word
being the inquiry, "Wliat is this?" This interpretation
is that of the Septuagint, where the verso is I'cudercd,
"But the children of Israel, seeuig it, said one to
another, Wliat is this ? (t/ (Vti toCto). for they knew not
what it was." The Vulgute has the same rendering,
including in the text the Hebrew words as well as their
meaning. Thus, " They said, Man hu, which means.
What is this ? " Josephus also, in referring to the
manna, gives this as the etymology of the word. This
ancient opinion is that generally accepted, and it ob-
viously gives a natural explanation of the exclamation
of the Jews on seeing for the first time the bread of
heaven. Nevertheless, the third reading, which the
translators of our Authorised Yersiou preferring, placed
in the text, appears from recent discovery to be correct,
although it seems as if a plain contradiction were in-
troduced by making the Israelites give a name to a
substance which was unknown to them. Rashban sug-
gested that the word man was probably of Eg_^i)iiau
origin ; and this suggestion has been establishi.'d '«y
Brugsch discovering the word in a list of articles
contained in a basket of oblations at Appolouopolis.
The other objects are cither vegetables or vegetable
products. The portion referring to the manna has
THE PLANTS OF THE BIBLE.
175
been translated for me by my colleague, Dr. Birch,
the Egyptologist, and is as follows : — " There is white
manna, it is considered a balsam ; amaeheri-tree is its
name ; its colour is like crystal." This short descrip-
tion may refer to carefully- collected specimens of tarfa
manna, as Brugsch suggests, uotwithstantllng it is
called a balsam, for Dr. Birch informs mo that balsam
included sweet-tasting as weU as sweet-smelling sub-
stances. This Egyptian word is obviously identical
with the Hebrew man and the Arabic mann, and whether
the Egyptian manna was the produce of tlie tamarisk
or not, the Israelites recognised in this material cover-
ing the wilderness a resemblance to it, and exclaimed
one to another, Tins is the manna (of Egypt), for they
know not what it was ; but Moses corrected the error
into whicli they fell, telling them that it was not Egyp-
tian mauua, but the bread which the Lord liad given
them, which neither they nor tlieir fathers knew any-
thing of (Deut. viii. 3).
The substance now called mamia is the saccharine
juice of diiferent plants which exudes through the bark
when injured, and is prodxiced generally in greatest
abundance in very warm weather. In some cases
the sweet juice escapes through a natural rupture in
the bark of the plant, iu others its production is induced
by the punctures of an insect, while in others it flows
through incisions made in the bark for the pm-pose of
obtaining it. The manna of the shops is obtained
by the last method from the flowering or manna ash,
a tree belonging to the Meditei-rauean region, and cul-
tivated iu Calabria for the production of this substance.
The common larch, an Oriental oak, an Australian gum-
tree, the camel's thorn, the tamarisk, and some other
plants produce simOar sweet juices which are also called
mannas. Some of these substances consist wliolly of
mucilaginous uncrystallisable sugar, while otliers, like
that of the flowering ash, contain besides a considerable
proportion of a crystallisable sugar called maunite.
From their composition it is obvious that all the mannas
must melt imder heat and dissolve in water. They are
employed either as condiments or as medicines, from
the possession of slight medicinal qualities.
Tho conditions under which " the bread of heaven "'
was foimd and the properties it possessed wore very
diiferent from those of any of tho known mannas.
It was found covering thg sm-faco of tho wilderness
wherever the Israelites went, as soon as the heavy night
dews disappeared, and not on or under tho two mauna-
producing plants of the wilderness, the tamarisk-tree or
the camel's thorn. It was supplied, not in small quan-
tities, but iu inexhaustible profusion. It was foimd
every morning all the year roimd for forty years, except
on the morning of each seventh day, when tlio supply
was completely suspended. It was prepared for use
by processes which could not be applied to saccliarine
substances, being ground iu a mill and afterwards
boiled or baked. It was not used as a condiment, but
formed the food of tlie hosts of Israel aU through the
wilderness. Maunas are preserved without difficidty,
but this substance very speedily decayed, putrefying and
breeding worms if kept more than twenty-fom- hours ;
and yet this property was suspended once every week
in respect of the Sabbath supply. Every day, when
the sun waxed hot, it melted and evaporated, leaving
tlie face of the vrildemess without any indication of its
recent presence ; but mannas do not evaporate.
As long as tho superstition regarding manna pre-
vailed, there was some justification for seeing iu one or
other of them the very material on which the children
of Israel subsisted in tho wilderness. These super-
stitions, which even recently i^assed for science, were
obviously drawn mora from the Bible narrative, from
tradition, or from the imagination of the travellers,
than from observation. Avicenna thus describes it:
" Manna is a dew which falls on stones and vegetables,
has a sweet taste, is either of the consistence of honey
or hardened into grains." Rosenmidler, in his Botany
of the BMe, quotes Pliny's account that at the season
when the Pleiades rise, honey falls from the air about
daybreak, bedewing the leaves of the trees, and covering
the clothes and hair of any one who is out at an e.irly
hour with unctuous matter, and then adds, " This is
substantially confu-med by modem observers. Pabri
mentions, that iu his journey through Arabia Petrtea,
he found the dew quite sweet. Shaw remarks that, as
lie was riding one night in Palestine, his saddle and
bridle were covered with a clammy dew. Porskal was
told by the monks of Tor that manna falls on tlie roof
of tlieir convent. Broitonbach says it falls in the district
of Sinai iu August and September, resembles when
fresh the hoar-frost and dew, and hangs in drops on the
leaves, twigs, and stems. When it is gathered, it runs
together like pitch, but melts over the fire and in the
heat of the sun ; its taste is like that of honey, and
when eaten, it adheres to the teeth " (Engl. Edition,
p. 320).
The progress of scientific discovery, and tke more
careful observations of recent travellers, have established
that these stories are almost entu-ely erroneous. Never-
theless, the notion that tho desert food of tho Israelites
was some accommodation of a vegetable substance
common in the wilderness, has stiU its advocates. But
in attempting in this way to explain by natural means
the heaven-sent supply, these critics introduce gi-eater
difficulties than any suggested in the simple narrative
of the miracle by which the chosen people of God were
preserved in their long journey through the desert.
Apart from tho difficulties suggested by tho considera-
tion of tlie changes required to be wrought in tho nature
and properties of the natural manna, it is simply im-
possible to conceive of tho actual existence of f(ivests of
tamarisk or camel's thorn sufficiently extensive to pro-
vide so immense a supply of manna as 2,150,000 pounds
a day, the quantity required to give an omer to each
Jew, and to provide tliis quantity daily for forty years.
The whole annual produce of the tamarisks of the Sinaitic
peninsula is not more than 600 or 700 pounds even in
the most favourable years; so that tho quantity collected
in one day by the Israelites is more than tho Ar.ibs could
have collected in the 3,300 years that have passed since
176
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
tho Exodus, eren at the
i-ate of tlie most favoui-ablo
annual in-oduction.
Three soiirces have been
suggested by different au-
thors as yielding a natiiral
supply of manna for the
Israelites. 1. A species
of lieheu (iecawora escu-
lenta), found iu Eastern
deserts and mountains,
and which supplies the
nomadic tribes of the
Asiatic steppes in the
neighbourhood of the Cau-
casus with a certain amount
of food, although it is in-
sipid and not very nutri-
tious. Thoy call it manna,
jtnd consider that it comes
to them from Leaven.
These small plants are,
according to Pallas, un-
attached to the ground
throughout their whole
life. Great quantities of
them are sometimes taken
lip by tho wind, and when
they fall, often at a dis-
tance from where tliey
grew,thcy cover tho groimd
with small greyish or
wliitish irregularly-shaped
lumps from the size of a
pea to that of a hazel-nut.
Parrot says tliat theso
*' rains of manna " have
been knowTi to cover the
ground in some districts
in Persia to tho depth of
five or six inelios. They
are occasionally seen in all
the countries around the
Mediterranean from
Algiers to Turkey ; and
as the tripe de roche, a
lichen of northern regions,
has sometimes preserved
for weeks or mouths the
lives of companies of
Arctic explorers led by
Franklin and others, so
this plant has added to
the scanty food-supplies of
tho inhabitants of these
desert regions. 2. The
sweet tasto ascribed to the
" l)rcad from heaven'' has led autliors to refer it to the
manna of either the camel's thorn or the tamarisk. Tho
■camel's thorn is a spiny shrub with clusters of pea-liko
Tamnrix mannifem, Elirenb. Tlie
(Geu. xxii. 33). A branch, w
natur.ll size.
flowers, common iu the
wilderness to the south of
Palestine. The sugary
exudation from its leaves
and Ijranches is called Per-
sian manna. So satisfied
was Don that this was the
plant which produced the
manna of the Israelites,
that ho proposed to alter
tlio technical name of tho
plant from Alharji Mauro-
rum to Manna Hehraica.
3. Tho tamarisk or tarfa
bush of the Arabs is an
evergreen shrub or tree
with slender branches
clothed with minute leaves.
In many places it forms
the chief vegetation of the
desert. Josephus first sug-
gested tliat this plant was
the source of tho mauna.
Ehrenberg has distin-
guished the plant of tho
Sinai peninsula as a dis-
tinct species, and given to
it the name of Tamarix
mannifcra. The tarfa
manna is collected by the
Arabs iu May and June.
They roughly cleanse it
from impurities in collect-
ing it ; it is afterwards
dissolved in hot water,
strained tlirough a coarse
cloth, and boiled down till
it forms atliick syi-up. It
is used as a condiment,
being spread like honey on
bread ; it is sweet with a
slight aromatic flavour.
Wherever tho manna is
referred to iu Scripture,
it is invariably regarded
as a miraculous food sent
directly from God. The
Lord Jesus, when he ac-
cepted the manna as a
t)-po of himself— tho firing
bread which came down
from licaven — corrects tho
error of those who, in seek-
ing a sign from him, insi-
nuated that the bread from
heaven given by Moses, by
which he secured the con-
! fidenco of tlieir fathers, was a greater miracle than the
feeding of the five thousand, and sa3's that it was tho
1 gift of God and not of Hoses. We are led to the same
tamarisk of tbe Sinatic peninsula
itU many clusters of llowcrs, tho
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY 0¥ THE BIBLE.
177
conclusiou by comparing its properties and amount,
and the manner of its occurrence with what is known of
■tho natural mannas, and we must regret all attempts to
identify the " corn of heaven " with any of them. Yet
•we have no doubt tliat this wilderness-food so closely
resembled in general appearance tho Egj-ptian manna as
to justify the name given to it by those who first saw it.
In tho same way emigrants apply names of familiar home
plants to tho strange trees and plants they meet with,
because of some observed resemblance, though they are
widely removed from each other in scientific characters.
The adopting a manna-like appearance for tho miracu-
lous food is in accordance with tho general plan of God's
miracles, as recorded in his Word. For example, the
Lord Jesus did not bring bread from heaven to feed
the hungering niultitndes on tho green slopes of the
Sea of Galilee, but employed the loaves and fishes which
•were the common food of the country, and by miracu-
lously increasing the small supply found iu tho posses-
sion of ouo in the company, made it sufficient for all.
So when His jjeoplo hungered for flesh in tho desert,
God sent them quails, migrating birds which occasion-
ally passed in flocks over tho wildei-ness ; and when they
wanted bread, in full keeping also with the locality, God
gave them "' manna," as if Ho were only multiplying the
natural product of the wilderness.
An omcr of manna was taken by Aaron in accordanco
with Di\-ino instruction, and placed in a golden pot, to
be preserved as an abiding memorial of God's care of
his people. The pot was placed with Aaron's rod
inside the ark, which held the tables of tho law (Heb.
is. 4). It would seem, however, that when Solomon
removed tho ark of the covenant from Zion to the
Temple, the pot of manna had been lost, for it is parti-
cularly specified that then there was nothing \vithiu the
ark but tho two tables of stone (1 Kings viii. 9).
EASTERN GEOGEAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
ST THE EEV. H. W. PHILLOTT, M.A., EEOTOB OP STAUNTON- ON- WTE, ANU PKJELEOTOB OF HEREFOKD CATHEDRAL.
BABYLON (continued).
'HETHER, in considering tho ancient ac-
counts of Babylon, we adopt the larger or
the smaller dimensions given by them to
denote extent, the size of tho city, and tho
inagnitude of its fortifications, in either case they repre-
sent both of them as being enormous : aro they altogether
incredible ? I. As to tho number of men employed in
the building. 1. Diodorus, from Ctesias, has told us
that 2,000,000 persons were collected for the building.
Assuming those figures to be not far from tho truth,
■can wo quote any case of parallel or approximate num-
bers ? 2. Herodotus, in his account of the great Pyramid
of Egypt, says that 100,000 men wero employed on it
and the works connected with it during twenty years.
Diodorus gives tho number so employed at 360,000
(Herod, ii. 124 ; Diod. i. 63). 3. We read in the Book of
Kings that Solomon employed 150,000 men in his great
architectural works besides 3,300 overlookers (1 Kings
v. 14, 16). In statements of numbers derived from
ancient MSS. exact accuracy cannot always be relied on ;
but the evidence furnished indirectly by the figures on
Egyptian and Assyrian monuments, as well as that which
is supplied on a smaller scale by the operations of Eastern
travellers in removing statues and stono slabs, informs
ns of the manner in which mere human labour has been
and is still employed in the East for purposes which
■amongst ourselves are effected by mechanical contrivance
■with very much fewer men. II. As to the size of the
city. Strabo tells us that Babylon was much smaller
than Nineveh. Compared with some other cities, how
do its dimensions stand ? Its area at the rate given by
Herodotus must have been about 170 square miles ; at
the rate of Ctesias, 106i square miles. This difference
may perhaps be reconciled by supposing that the larger
area denoted the space included by the outer wall, and the
36— VOL. II.
smaller that by the inner one ; but in this case there must
have been a distance between the walls, not, as Diodorus
Bays, of two plethra (200 feet), but of fifteen stadia, or
nearly I5 mOe. If we adopt the larger area, we shall
be able to include within the limits of the city the Birs
Nimroud; but {a) it seems more likely that this building
stands on the site of Borsipiia, already mentioned as a
separate place, and (6) the whole area, according to M.
Oppert's calculations, would cover as much ground as
tho entire department of the Seine, a good deal moro
than five times the area of Paris in 1869, more than
one-third more than that of London in 1870, and would
be much more than three times the size of Poking.'
At the smaller rate, Babylon would have been more
than three times the size of Paris in 1869, less by about
one-eighth than London in 1870, and about twice as
largo as Poking.
Are these dimensions incredible ? We may reply that
they are very vast and extraordinary ; but that with the
explanation afforded by Diodorus and Curtius of a space
only very partially inhabited, and throughout the re-
mainder occupied by cultivation, as is tho case in many
Oriental cities, they are not beyond belief. But what
are we to say of the walls ? Taking the measures given
by Herodotus, we have a wall moro than 56 miles long,
200 royal cubits high, and 50 cubits wide, built of bricks
made from earth taken out of tho adjoining ditch-
Hence the solid contents of tho wall and of the ditch
must have been nearly tho same. But what was a royal
cubit ? Herodotus, followed by Pliny, says expressly
that it exceeded the common cubit by three fingers'
breadth. Reckoning the common cubit at 20 inches
and the royal cubit at 22'4 inches, we shall obtain a
' Area of Paris in 1869, 30 square miles ; of London in 1870, 122
square miles ; Peking about 25 miles iu circumference, perhaps about
50 square miles in area.
178
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
masimiim height of 373-3 feet, and a miuimum of 333-3
feet. The width was 50 cubits, i.e. eithei- 83-3 or 93-3
feet. In other -ivords, wo have to imagine a wall 55
miles long, 83 or 93 feet tliick, and throughout its
whole length either 14 feet higher than the top of St.
Paul's Cathedral, or at least only about 27 feet lower
than it. The solid contents of such a wall would bo
not far from 119,000,000 cubic yards, and if all the
material camo out of the ditch, the ditch itself would
contain about 2 !■, 000,000 more cubic yards than the
Suez Canal, which took thirteen years to construct,
and for which almost 96,000,000 yards of soil had
to be excavated. Nor was this enormous wall with
its ditch the only defence of Babylon, for witliin it
Herodotus says there was another wall, not much
inferior in size to the first. It is hardly worth while to
discuss formally the credibility of these statements.
The general accuracy of Herodotus and Lis anxiety for
truth cannot be doubted ; but dimensions so enormous,
and, we may add, so useless in themselves as these, can
hardly be accepted as true. But wo find him to have
been greatly mistaken in another case of measurement,
in wliich he tells us that the stones of the Great Pyramid
of Egypt were none of them less tlian thirty feet long,
-whereas none of them are found to exceed nine feet
in length (Herod, ii. 124; Long, JSgypt. Antiq., ii. 216).
We conclude, therefore, either that ho never saw Babylon
himself, or that, having seen it, he was greatly deceived
in his estimates. We may, however, accept the fifty
cubits of Strabo and the wi-iters spoken of by Diodorus
as more nearly approaching the truth, and thus the wall
of the great city may well liavo been between eighty
and ninety feet in height, and about thirty feet in -width,
i.e. about as wide as an ordinary higli road in England,
and quite enough for two chariots to pass each other on
the summit.
Wlien were these vast stmctures destroyed, and what
has become of them ? Cyrus, after his capture of Baby-
lon, does not appear to have destroyed the walls ; but
some seventeen or eighteen year slater, about 520 B.C.,
the Babylonians, when they revolted against Darius,
son of Hystaspes, are said to have kept him at bay
for twenty months by the strength of their walls,
so that he was only enabled to enter the city by
means of a most elaborate stratagem. This time,
however, the conqueror partially if not entirely de-
stroyed the walls and took away all the gates, and
having impaled 3,000 of the principal inhabitants, gave
up the city to the rest of the Babylonians to inhabit
(Herod, iii. 159 ; Jer. Ii. 581 Later still the temple of
Belus, which Semiramis was said to have built, was
plundered and overthrown by Xci-xes, together with
the other temples of Babylon, after his return from
Greece, 480 b.c. Alexander the Great intended to re-
build this, and in fact took some steps towards doing so,
but his intention was arrested by his death, 323 B.C.
From this time Babylon declined, owing in great measure
to the building of the now city of Seleucia, on the Tigris,
by the Macedonian [sovereign Seloucus Nicator (the
conqueror). In the second century a.d. Pausanias, a
Greek topographical writer, speaks of the temple of
Belus and also of the city walls as remaining, though the
rest of the city was destroyed ; and histly, St. Jerome in
the fourth centm-y says that he was informed by one who
knew the place that the site of Babylon was deserted by
men, and oidy used as a preserve for wild beasts, for
which purpose the walls served as an enclosure. From
this time we hear nothing of Babylon tiU the twelfth
century, when it was visited by Benjamin the Jew of
Tudela, who says that it lies in ruins, but tliat the streets
stiU extend thirty mUes ; that the ruins of the palace of
Nebuchadnezzar are stiU to be seen, but that people are
afraid to venture among- them on accoimt of the ser-
pents and scorpions with which they are infested. In the
seventeenth centui-y Pietro deUa VaUe, after describing
the Birs Nimroud, teUs us that the rest of Babylon was
so destroyed that no i-emains existed sufficiently largo
to indicate the vast size of the original city. Thus it
appears that the city was deserted before the Christian
era, but that the walls lasted longer, though probably in
a dilapidated condition, until their ilisappearance at some
time between the fom-th and the twelfth ceutm-y A.D.
(Herod, ii. 183; Arrian, Expedition, -vu. ; Diod. ii. 9;
Strabo, xvi., p. 738 ; Hieron. in laai. xiii. 20 ; vol. iv.,
p. 159 (175) ; Early Trav., p. 100 ; P. della Valle, i. 382.)
How shall we aeeoimt for tiiis almost total disappear-
ance ? Perhaps the " broad walls," bnilt of a perishable
miiterial, have subsided into the ditch whence the material
was taken ; but the most efficient instrument of destruc-
tion has probably been the constant abstraction of
buildiug materials carried on during many centuries, and
which is stiU going on to a vast extent, so that even in
a few years an alteration in the appearance of the re-
mains becomes visible. The ioyra of Hillah is built
almost entirely of Biibylonian bricks, and they form an
article of constant traffic for men who carry them as far
as Baglidad. By these and other means the destruction
of the great city has been gradually brought about, and
the prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah have been f ul-
filled, that " Babylon, the glory of kingdoms," should be
overthrown like Sodom and Gomorrah, thsit it should
not bo inhabited from generation to generation, that
Arabs aTul shepherds should avoid it as a camping place;
but that wild beasts should make tlieir lairs there, and
thiit the houses should be filled with "doleful creatures,
owls, .satyrs, and dragons." (Niebulir, Voy., ii. 235 ;
Layard. Nin. and Bah., p. 506 ; Hales, Chronology, i. 453 ;
Isa. xiii. 19—22.")
Let us conclude with a few rem.irks on the liistory of
Babylon, especially in connection with the history and
prophecies of Scripture. In early times it appears
to have been frequently, though not always, subject to
Assyria, whose power tlie Biibylonians made efforts from
time to time, with more or less success, to throw off. It
is right to mention that the single native histoi-ian, Bero-
sus, entii-ely rejects the story of Semiramis as a Greek
invention. It seems likely that her n.ome represents
under a Greek form that of a native deity, whose name
and traditional influence are assigned by Greek writers
to a i^ersouage assumed by them to belong to real history
SACRED SEASONS.
179
and to possess a definite date. (H. Rawliusou, Mem.,
pp. 6, 10 ; G. Bawlinson, Herod., i. 025 ; Joseplius,
Cont. Ap., i. 20.)
Dui'iug the reign of Hezekiab, about 712 B.C., Baby-
lon appears to have been independent of Assyria, for
Merodaeh-baladan, its king, sent a message of con-
gratulation to him on )iis recovery from sickness, shortly
after the successfid issue of his revolt from Assyria, and
the destruction by Divine interposition of Sennacherib's
anny (2 Kings xx. 12). But thirty years later, about 680
B.C., it appears again to have come imder Assyi-ian m-
iiuencc, and Mauasseh, Hezekiah's son, was carried cap-
tive to Babylon by the commander of the Assyi-ian army
during the reign, probably, of Esarhaddon, who ruled
over both kingdoms' (2 Kings xvii. 24; 2 Chi-on. xxxiii.
11 ; Ezra iv. 2).
About fifty years later, the conquests of Pharaoh-
ncclio, king of Egypt, had encroached upon the power
of Babylon, with which Josiah was then in alliance, and
who lost his life in resisting the Egyxjtian invasion
(2 Kings xxiii. 29). But after a few years these con-
quests were all recovered, and the power of Babylon
rose to its greatest height in the reigns of Nabopolassar
and his son Nebuchadnezzar. In 625 B.C., the foi-mor
joined the Modes in their attack on Nineveh, which
was fiually destroyed in 606, if not at tho earlier date.
Nebuchadnezzar, who became king in 604, during his
reign of forty-three years greatly extended the power
of Babylon, and was also its greatest buUder, so that in
Ms hour of self-glorification he might say truly of him-
self, " Is not this great Babylon which I have built ? "
(Dan. iv. 30.) But the voice of prophecy had long ago
gone forth to foretell its ultimate downfall, and with
such minuteness of detail in some of its forebodings as
to induce some persons to suppose that they were in
fact later in date than the events of which they spoke.
Beginning with Isaiah, of whose consistent unity no
doubt appears on the face of the volume attributed to
him, and whose age ranges from 760 to 697 B.C., we
find him pointing to a time when Babylon shall not be
inhabited, when even the wandering Arab shall avoid it,
but its site should become an abode for wild beasts
(Isa. xiii.). Ho speaks further on of its gi-eat exaltation
and subsequent downfall (xiv.) ; of tho captivity there of
Judah (xxxix.) ; of the drying up {i.e., turning of the
* See a remarkable illustration of the Scripture narrative in The
Bible Educatok, Vol. I., p. 313.
course) of the Euphrates, in the siege ; of Cyrus as the
captor (xliv., xlv.) ; and of the luxury and corruption
which brought on its destruction (xlvii.). Jeremiah,
tho x^eriod of whose utterances includes the climax of
Babylon's greatness (B.C. 628 — 560j, speaks of the inva-
sion of Judffia by Nebuchadnezzar (xxi.) ; the captivity of
Jehoiaehiu (xxii.) ; the capture of Jerusalem; the seventy
years' captivity, and the subsequent return (xxv., xxix.) ;
the retribution to como upon Babylon, which in two
passages (xxv. 26 ; li. 41) is called by the name Sheshach,
a word which has given much trouble to commentators.
It has been thought to be a sort of anagram for the
word Babylon, by substitution of sh for b, and cli for
I. But a later explanation founded upon iuscriptions
seems to show that the name of the moon as a deity^
was intended, and that thus Babylon is spoken of as a
city under the protection of ShishaM, the moon-god
(Rawlinson, Herod, i. 616). Jeremiah also speaks of
tho combination against Babylon, its overthrow, the
drying up of the river-waters, the infatuation of its
rulers, the Median, i.e. Persian invasion, the vast extent
of the city, its broad walls and lofty defences, and its
complete desolation (1., li.). Tho prophets, especially
Ezekiel, also speak of tlic affairs of Egypt, of Tyre,
and of other countries in connection with Babylon, and
especially with Nebuchadnezzar (Isa. six., xxiii. ; Jer.
XXV., xlvi., xlvii.; Ezck. xxvi., xxvii., xxviii. ; Bishcp
Newton, Prophecies, chap, x.).^
These jjrophecies have been literally fulfilled. Not-
withstanding more than one revolt of the Babylonian
people, and the magnificent schemes of Alexander for
restoring the city to its ancient greatness, the empire
has been dissolved and the city itself destroyed. To
use some of the language of the proiihecies, "her
foimdations are fallen, her walls are thrown down."
Nor is this all that has befallen her : " the sower is cut
off from Babylon, and he that handleth the sickle in
time of harvest," for " the drought is upon the waters"
which refreshed her territory with fertilising irrigation.
She is become a desolation among the nations without
an mhabitaut, and of the numerous travellers who pass
near her site on their way to and from Baghdad- scarcely
any except a few Europeans bent on antiquarian re-
search take any notice of the ruins of Babylon.
2 See Vol. I., p. 362.
3 An important elucidation of the Scripture narrative of the
capture of Babylon may be seen in Vol. I., p. o3G.
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
I.— SACRED SEASONS {contin-Mcl).
REV. WILLIAM MILLIOAN, D.D., rROPESSOK OP DITINITT AND BIBLICAL CRITICISM IN THE UNIVERSITY
OF ABERDEEN.
T was not only by the three great annual fes-
tivals already considered by us that Israel
was reminded of its covenant relation to
Jehovah, kept in a spirit of dependence
and taught, at kast in part, the lesson that its
whole life was His. These truths were also impressed
upon it much more frequently and at much shorter
interv.als, every point in the coui-se of the year which
afforded a natural resting-place being carefully seized
upon and sanctified for tho purpose ; while, at the same
180
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
time, -wliateTer tlie explanation of tlie sacredness of tlio
number seven, those points wliioh were connected with
it received that peculiar consecration always assigned
to the number of the covenant.
Among these the appearance of the new moon could
hardly fail to be regarded as of more than ordinary
importance. Each revolution of the moon supplied a
division of time, which, especially in Eastern lands,
where her brilliancy far exceeds that exhibited by her
in the West, at once attracted the attention of men ;
whUe again, as each occupied almost exactly four weeks,
whose length was already determined by the recurrence
of the seventh day, the periods of these revolutions
became a leading guide in tlie arrangement of the year.
By thom, accordingly, tho Hebrew months were fixed,
and each now moon stood out as a definite point by
which to reckon the progress of time, and mark tho
beginning of a fresh stage in the journey of life. It
was a fitting thing, tlierefore, that the day of the new
moon should be distinguished by religious services pecu-
liar to itself.
The regulations regarding these are to be found in
Numb, xxviii. 9 — 1.5 ; x. 10. From the first of these
passages we learn that, in addition to tlio ordinary daily
offering, there wore to be presented to the Lord " in
the beginning of their months" a bunit-ofPoriug of
two young bullocks, one ram, and seven lambs of the
first year, with the meat and di-ink offerings properly
belonging to thom, and one kid of the goats for a siu-
ofPei'iag ; from the second, that on the same day tho
two sUvor trumpets, to bo afterwards more particularly
spoken of, were to be blown over their burnt-oiiorings,
and over the sacrifices of tlioir peace-offerings, that
'■ they migiit bo to them for a memorial before their
■God." Tho day, however, was not one of " holy con-
vocation," and labour was not foi-bidden. The ser^dces
now referred to wore deemed enough to consecrate it.
At a later time, indeed, tho estimation of the sacredness
of the new moon appears to liavo increased. Saul had
state banquets upon that day ; it was customary then
to consult the prophets in cases of perplexity ; the ob-
servance of it is associated witli the thought of " solemn
feast days " and sabbaths ; and the Apostle Paul speaks
of it as one of those days for the non-observance of
which the early disciples were reproached and per-
secuted (1 Sam. XX. 5 ; 2 Kings iv. 23 ; Ps. Ixxxi. 3 ;
Isa. i. 13 ; Col. ii. 16).
The importance thus attached to the ordinary new
moon was greatly heightened when the moon of the
seventh month, the month Tisri, appeared. Like tho
seventh day and the seventh year, the seventh month
was more tlian ordinarily sacred. The most impressive
religious solemnities of the whole worship of Israel
took place in it, and its beginning was, therefore,
marked in a manner corresponding to these, and to
its own place as tho seventh month in the calendai'.
All " servile work " was prohibited ; the day was one of
'■ holy convocation ; " trumpets were blown, not only
over the offerings, but, it would seem, the whole day
long ; and in addition to the daily and the usual now
moon offering, there were offered a burnt-offering of
one 3'oung bullock, one ram, and seven lamlis of the
fh-st year, without blemish, along with their appropriate
meat and di'ink offerings, and one kid of the goats for a
sin-offei'uig, "to make an atonement for them" (Numb.
xxix. 1 — 6). The day was thus exalted to a higher
character than that attained by the first days of the
common months; and, although there does not seem
to be any express authority for so naming it in the Law,
it came to be generally known as the Feast of Trumpets.
Yet, strictly speaking, it was rather a sacred season
only, and not a feast.
Wo tm-n now to tho meaning of these new moon
ceremonies, and more especially to the particulars con-
nected with them, which are "fulfilled" in New Tes-
tament times. In doing so, it is first of all necessary
to distinguish between the ordinary religious celebration
of the beginning of each month and that of the first day
of the seventh. These were different, not only in degree,
but in kind. The facts akeady mentioned sufficiently
establish tliis — abstinence from laljour, a " holy con-
vocation," and an increase of offerings having a place in
the one thougli not in tho others. As regards this last
particular, however, that of increase, much more has
to be said. It is no mere increase of offerings, no more
prolonged blowing of trumpets that claims our atten-
tion. The former were not exactly doubled ; had they
been so, it might have been enough to think of in-
crease alone. But there was at least one important
exception to tho doubling, for instead of two yoimg
bullocks, the addition consisted of but one (Numb. xxix.
2 ; comp. xxviii. 11) ; and as one young bullock was also
the offeruig of tho great Day of Atonement, falling only
ten days later, whOe " to make an atonement for you "
is expressly mentioned in connection with the ceremo-
nial with which we are dealing, though not in connection
with tho usual one, it seems a legitimate conclusion that
the new moon services of the seventli month looked
forward to the atonement immediately to follow, in a,
way in which those of the common months did not.
The difference in the case of the trumpet-blowing is
even more marked. There was, in the first place, more
tlian a prolongation of the blowing ; there was a change
of note. Two Hebrew verbs are used to mark the
nature of the trumpet-sound — the one denoting an ordi-
nary, tho other a louder, more continuous, and more
startling peal. The difference between them is dis-
tinctly brought out in Numb, x. 7 : " But when the
congregation is to be gathered together, ye shall blow,
but ye shall not sound an alarm." It may be doubted,
indeed, if '' sound an alarm" is a good translation of
the latter of tho two. It is rather a loud ringing
sound, which may even bo joyful, but is not neces-
sarily so, that is referred to. Now the first of those
two verbs is always used where tho ordinary new moon
service is spoken of, while the second is so characteristic
of the seventh new moon, that the day took its name
from the circumstance. It was tlie day, not of "blow-
ing tho trumpets," as in Numb. xxix. 1, liut of " loud
shouting or pealing." In the second place, there seems
SACRED SEASONS.
181
good reason to believe that, so far as the use of trumpets
contributed to this, it was a different instrument by
■whicli the effect was produced. We must bear in mind
that there were two kinds of trumpets used in the
worship of Israel — the long, straight, silver trumpet,
known as the Mmtsotserah, and the trumpet curved
after the manner of a ram's horn, known sometimes as
the Jceren, at other tunes as the slioj^liar. But these
trumpets were not only different in shape ; they appear
to have been adapted and appKed to different pur-
poses. No doubt they are sometimes associated with
one another, as when the ark of God was brought up
to Jerusalem, every musical instrument possessed by
the people being then naturally called into requisition
by them to express their joy ; or, as when siimmoning
aU created things, sea and world, floods and liUls, to
celebrate the praises of Jehovah, the Psalmist is almost
necessarily led to group different musical instruments
together for the same end (1 Chron. xv. 28; Ps.
xcviii. 6). But, notwithstanding this occasional com-
bination, different ideas are generally associated Avith
the two instruments. The first was employed mainly
as a festal instrument, at times of high and holy joy,
at the consecration of a king, when celebrating a tri-
umph over enemies, when praising the mercy and ever-
enduring goodness of the Lord, when gathering Israel
together at the door of the tabernacle of the congi-e-
gation to meet with God (2 Kings xi. 14 ; 2 Chron.
XX. 28 ; V. 12 ; Numb. X. 3). It was the fitting accom-
paniment of the cymbal, the psaltery, and the harp
(2 Chron. v. 13). When it was made use of for other
purposes, such as the setting forth of the diiferent
camps of Israel upon their march, and when it seemed
desirable to employ another than its common note, a
different word, one that belongs more properly to the
shopliar. is added to indicate the change (Numb. x.
5, 6). The last-named instrument, again, the second
of the two, belongs to occasions of a more solemn, a
more arousing, and a more startling kind. It was its
voice that sounded " exceeding loud " at the giving of
the law, even amidst the thunders that re-echoed among
the mountains of Sinai, " so that all the people that
were in the camp trembled ; " it was the trumpet blown
with a " long" blast, and accompanied by the " groat,"
we may well suppose the fierce, shout of the people at
the falling of the walls of Jericho ; it was in a special
manner the trumpet of war, the first mentioned not
seeming to be once used in such a connection throughout
the whole Old Testament, insomuch that it becomes
to the ear of the prophet the very symbol of war's
alarms : " My bowels, my bowels ! I am pained at my
very heart ; my heart maketh a noise in me ; I cannot
hold my peace, because thou hast heard, O my sold,
the sound of the trumpet, the alarm of war;" and,
finally, it is by it that Joel gathers all classes of Israel
together to fast, and weep, and pray that the Lord would
spare his people : " Blow the trumpet in Zion, sanctify
a fast, call a solemn assembly" (Exod. xix. 16, 19; xx.
18 ; Josh. vi. 5 ; Judges, passim ; Jer. iv. 19 ; Joel
ii. 15). It is certainly true that the shopliar was also
the trumpet of the jubilee, that by which the jubilee
year with all its blessings was proclaimed ; but this fact
will find, we trust, its explanation in what lias stiU to
be said of its use at tlie feast more immediately before
us now.
The shopliar, then, would seem to have been the dis-
tinguishing instrument of the seventh new moon, not
to the exclusion of the other, but as the leading trumpet
of the ceremonial. Such, at least, is the distinct tra-
dition of the Mishua,' and the word used both in the
Hebrew Bible and in the translation of the LXX. to
characterise the sounds of the day, lends countenance
to the idea. Putting these circumstances together, we
find a marked difference between the ritual of the
seventh new moon and of the new moons of the other
months of the year, and the change of ritual must have
been designed to mark a change of thought. Wliat
this change was can only be imderstood when we return
to the question with which we started — what was the
meaning of the trumpet ritual as a whole ?
The general significance of the trumpet-blowing at
any religious solemnity is ex]_ilained in Numb. x. 10 :
" Also in the (Lay of yom- gladness, and in your solemn
days, and in the beginnings of your mouths, ye shall
blow with the trumpets over your bm-ut-offerings, and
over the sacrifices of your peace-ofl'erings, that they
may bo to you for a memorial before yoiu- God ; I am
the Lord your God." Different views, however, have
been taken of these words, some supposing them to
mean that the " memorial" s]Doken of was a reminding
God of His people, others a reminding His people of
Him. The use of the word in the Old Testament ap-
pears to be conclusive in favour of the latter view.
Tlius, for example, it is that the Passover is declared
to bo to Israel a sign upon its liand and a memorial
between its eyes, that the Lord's law may be in its
mouth ; that the stones set up by Joshua on the other
side of Jordan are said to be for a memorial unto the
children of Isi-ael for ever ; and that the breastplate with
precious stones worn by the high prie.st, and which
was the symbol that Israel had been chosen and was
accepted in God's sight, is described as ' ■ a memorial
before the Lord continually " (Exod. xiii. 9 ; Josh.
iv. 7 ; Exod. xx-riii. 29). In aU these instances, and
there are many othei-s, the " memorial " spoken of has
relation to man rather than God. It expresses some-
tliing passing from God to Israel, not from Israel to
God. In addition to this it has to be noticed that in
Numb. X. 10 the silver trumpets are spokeu of as if
they were the symbols of God's jiresence, a presence
already assured to Israel : "I am the Lord your God."
It is in this light, therefore, that we must regard the
ritual of trumpet-sounding at the ordinary new moons.
The noise of the silver trumpets was a pledge that God
was near. He had come, as it were, with more than
common closeness into the Temple, into the city, into
Israel's midst, at the opening of this new period of
time. And He had come to awaken only glad and
^ Spcalccr's Conim. on Lev. xxiu. 24,
18!2
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
grateful tliouglits, to sound forth to Israel his son the
joyful message of his love.
But in the seventh month there -was a change ; and
that change consisted in the introduction, by new sacri-
fices, other trumpets, and other notes, of the thought
of the more terrible aspect of the Almighty, and of
the humiliation, reverence, and awe which such an
aspect of Him was fitted to produce in sinful man.
God was stUl coming neai'. The trumpet-sound was
still tlie symbol of liis presence, but it was a presence
which called for fasting rather than feasting, for deep
prostration rather than simple rejoicing hi his love.
Not. indeed, that the former was wholly to banish
the latter, or that the two wore inconsistent with one
another ; but that the fir.st was the only solid basis for
the last, that God must be known in the one before
Ho could be fully known in the other light.
The arrangement now adverted to is surely in a high
degree remarkable. Had the seventh month been less
rich in privilege than the other months of the yeai% it
might have seemed to us quite uatui'al that sterner
thoughts should mark its opening; but the very oppo-
site was the case. It was the seventh, the covenant
month. It was the most favoured month of the whole
year. It brought with it the great Day of Atonement,
the Feast of Tabernacles, and each fiftieth year the
year of JubUee. Tot, while the ordinary new .moon
services were suggestive mainly of pri\aleges alone, it
w.as suggestive of the humbled .spirit by which Israel
was to be marked, of that sacrifice of a broken and a
contrite heart, which was due to a holy and just God,
and was of all other oiferings the most precious in his
sight.
The facts now mentioned, however, do not stand
alone. It is worthy of our notice in connection with
them, that in all those passages of the Old Testament
where the prophets are commanded to announce with
voice " like a trumpet " the coming of Gospel times,
it is as the sliophar, not as the khatsotserah, that they
are to cry : '• And it shall come to pass in that day that
the gi-eat triunpet shall be blown, .and they shall come
which were ready to perish in the land of Assyria, and
the outcasts in the laud of Egypt, and shall worsliip
the Lord in the holy mount at Jerusalem." " Blow the
trumpet in Zion . . . Then shall the Lord be jealous
for his land, and pity Iiis people." " And the Lord God
shall blow the trumpet . . . And the Lord their God
shall save them in that day" (Isa. xxvii. 13; Joel ii.
15, 18 ; Zech. ix. 14, 16, &e.) — always the shophar, the
trumpet of war and judgment.'
Thus then wo tliscover the " fidfilment " of which wo
are in search. Fhrst, in that soimd of the Gospel mes-
sage which tells us that God is near, that His taber-
nacle is in the midst of us, that He has taken up his
abode vfith man. What the silver trumpets announced
to Israel at the opening of each month is proclaimed
1 The other trumpet seems only to he once mentioned in such
a. connection (Hos. v. 8) ; hut there the word " hlow " is not the
word belonging to it, but that e.\pressive of the sharper, louder
note.
to US continually by those who cry that Jeiusalem's
warfare is accomplished, that her iniquity is pardoned ;
that they are commissioned to speak to her words of
comfort from her God. What Israel heard on the first
day of the new moon we hear without interruption in
Him who has made us " the temple of the living God,"
so that the promise is fulfilled : " I will dwell iu them,
aad walk in them ; and I will be their God, and they
shall be my people."
But the " fulfilment " is not in words of comfort only,
or in the thought of God as only present to bestow
privilege, only present in these New Testament times in
mccy and love. We have seen tliat tliere was another
element, the element of war and judgment, producing
reverence and awe, iu the seventh and highest new
moon solemnity in Israel. If there is nothing corre-
sponding to that for us, then a part of Israel's economy
in the type is wanting in the antitype. But there is,
and it is our duty to acknowledge it. Why should
we not do so ? Why should there be such a hesi-
tation in the minds of many to allow that the God
of the New Testament is not less truly, not less
fully, a God of war and judgment than the God of
the Old Testament ? Why should there be stich a
desire to have God proclaimed to ns only as a God
of love, and that not the strong deep love described
by him who says to ns " God is love," but a soft and
sentimental affection, knowing little tliiference between
truth and falsehood, between right and wrong ? Why
should men speak as if the Redeemer had little of
the stem and awful in His words, when no prophet
of old ever cast aside from him with more terrible con-
demnation, with more contemptuous scom, the Pharisee,
the hypocrite, the trader in divine things for earthly
ends ? The Ajjostle did not feel so when, after the
most glowing descriiition to be foimd in the New Tes-
tament of the privileges of the citizens of Zion, he adds,
as if summing ivp the whole : " Wherefore we receiving
a kmgdom that cannot be moved, let us have grace,
whereby we may serve God acceptalily with reverence
and godly fear ; for our God is a consuming fire " (Heb.
xii. 28, 29). The Aj)ostlo of love did not feel so when,
in recording the discourses of Jesus to "the Jews" —
that is, to the stubborn and stiffnecked leaders of the
people — ho records almost nothing but language of the
most unsparing wrath. We have fallen too much away
in these later times from this characteristic of .Jesus
and his words. We have lost sight of the sternness of.
those relations between God and sin, which ai-e not
oidy expressive of truth, but wliich are the very strength
of maidy piety ; and to this it is that we owe so much
of that whimpering accommodation to determined
wrong-doing which has made not a little of our social
action, not a little even of oiu- legislation, an cnconi-age-
ment to vice. We need a restoration of the stricter, of
the judgment element of the Bible. Not that we arc;
to have less clear and unhesitating views of that love oi
God, whose height, and depth, and length, and breadth
pass knowledge. Not that we are to " judge " men who
differ from us in some thiugs, when they are striving
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
183
after, or are already in possession of, that kingdom of
God which is " rig-hteoiisness, and peace, and joy in
the Holy Ghost ; " but that we are to recognise the
eternal nature of the distiuction between good and
evil, between the liglit that comes to the liglit, and the
darkness that shuts it out ; that wo are to look with
as imdimmed eye to the judgment that goes ever
forth against the latter, as to the mercy tliat rejoices
over the former ; and that our hearts are to grasp
"vrith satisfaction and triumph every indication that
there is not only "a reward for the righteous," but
that " verily He is a God that judgetli in the earth."
There will be both more reality and more wholesome-
ness in our piety when we return to tliis. Wo shall
have a better answer even in the heart of the persistent
wrong-doer himself, for lie laughs in secret at the
thought of mercy, which his own conscience tells him
he does not deserve. And we shall have a richer fund
of love to distribute to the weak, the penitent, the
humbled, when we do not waste it upon those wlio
trample it under their feet, and turn again and rend
us. Tliis at least wo ought to hold fast in aU our
dealings with determined sin, whether in ourselves or
others, that it is the abominable thing which God
hateth, and against which the inexoraljlo sentence of
His law is pronounced ; and this we ought to feel, that
the beginning of all privilege lies in self-abasement
and repentance. If wo do not feel tints we may
jierhaps up to a certain point have "fulfilled" in us
the sacred season of the ordinaiy new moons of
Israel; but wo shall not have " fulfilled " in us the far
deeper and nobler thoughts of that seventh new moon
which opened the mouth laden with the most precious
treasures of the year.
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
BY JOHN STAINEE, M.A., MUS. D., MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD ; OKGANIST OP ST. PAUL'S CATHEDEAL.
WDSfD INSTRUMENTS (contUmed).
T7GAB {continued).
5N attempting to form some opinion as to the
degi'ce of excellence reached by builders
of ancient (not mediasval) organs, it is
veiy necessaiy to bear in mind that the
principles on which instruments of this class are con-
structed have not undergone any radical change since
the earliest times. Indeed, one of our huge modern
organs exhibits an ingenious expansion of old ideas,
rather than the invention of new. Let us suppose, for
example, that wo have two rows of pipes (i.e., two
stops), one set of metal, the other of wood, standing in
holes in the top of a box, which is supplied with air
(more or less compressed) from a bellows. Only two
problems present themselves : first, how is the player
to make any particular pipe speak while its neighbours
stand silent ; next, how is the player to have power to
play on whichever of the two sets of pipes he may wish.
When these cjuestions are answered, we shall have dis-
covered the two important principles on wliicli all organs
have been and are constructed. The modern names for
the two pieces of mechanism wliich bring about these
restdts are, respectively, the pallet-action and the slider-
action. In Eig. 59 (page 72), the simplest method of
placing particidar pipes under the player's control was
shown. Slips were pulled in and out from imder the
foot of the pipes. The utter impossibility of obtaining
from such a system a rapid succession of sounds, or the
simidtaueous movement of several slips so as to produce
a chord, will be at once evident. In modern organs
there lies under the foot of the pipe, some little distance
below it, a small flat piece of wood covered with leather,
•which is hinged at ono end and kept in position liy a
spring. This is tho pallet (see annexed diagram. Fig.
63). A stroke on one of the keys pulls down the free
end of the pallet and allows air to rush into the pipe.
When the finger releases the key, the spring immediately
holds the pallet tightly against the orifice.
But to have a jiaUet under every pipe in a largo oi-gan
Fig. 63.
CL a, W O' o^
T V
a. Chest of coniprossed air. h. Piill-dowiis of pallet connected
with tlie keys. c. Pullets which aJinit air into groove ; steadied
hy moviutj between two wires. ''. Grooves running from back to
front under pipes, c Slider with holes corresponding to pipes,
pulled from right to left, so as to admit or prevent admission of
air to pipes ; connected with the stop-handles.
would be an absurdity ; therefore, in arranging two sets
of pipes, tlioso giving the same note (^or likely ta bo
required for simultaneous use) are placed behind ono
another orer the groove into which the pallet admits the
air. If now a key is struck, tlie pipes wliieh give tho
Siime note in both our stops wUl be sounding at once.
Hence the necessity for our slider-action, • which is
184
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
constructed thus. A strip of wood runs continuously
■under each row of pipes, having holes at distances
exactly corresponding to the distances between the feet
of the pipes. If wo push this strip, which is called the
slider, into such a position that its perforations and the
openings leading to the feet of the pipes exactly coincide,
then air can pass into the pipes when the paDet opens.
If, on the contrary, we push this strip of wood so that
none of its perforations coincide with the entrance to
the feet of the pipes, no air can reach the pipe, even if
the pallet bo opened. In the former case we say a stop
is out, in the latter that it is in. Tho diagram (Fig.
63) which is annexed will make all this easily under-
stood.
How simple are these two great constructive prin-
cii>les of the organ ! And yet, when once known to the
ancients, there remained no obstacle to their building
organs of any magnitude ; for the modern organ with
its three or four manuals in tiers, and its pedal-organ,
is nothing more or
less than a collec-
tion of as many
organs all built on
these two princi-
ples ; and, as be-
fore remarked, the
ability and inge-
nuity of modern
organ-builders has
beeu directed more
to tho easiest
means of bringing
these manifold
organs under ouo
performer's con-
trol than to the discovery of a radical alteration in the
mode of their construction.
Who can venture to say that these simple principles
of construction were never mastered by the ancients ?
If the reader will turn back to our mention of the
m.igrepha, ho will find that such contrivances must liave
been known at least as early as the second century ;
and there seems little reason to believe that any sudden
and unexpected discovery led to their adoption. In
the case of all other musical instruments, a gradual but
very perceptible growth iu the ingenuity of their con-
struction is to be ti-aced. Why not so with the ugab ?
The only conclusion to be dra^vu from all this is, that
the ugab must be considered as an instrument of im-
portance and magnitude in direct proportion to the
period of its existence. To some this may seem a very
contemptible conclusion. But it is not so. The use of
the word extends over a vast period, and those writers,
there&re, who describe it as one unvaried, unchanging
instrument are, judging from what the history of music
teaches us, treading on untenable ground.
It is remarkable that the latest improvements in the
construction of tho organ should have been in its bellows.
Ono would have supposed that so important an element
in its existence would havo been perfected early in its
— 1 —
T~r~i — 1 — 1 — 1 — 1 — r~r
J — 1 1 1 1 L
Fig. 64.
use. Such, however, is not the case. It must be
generally known that as the top of a common bellows,
such as a blacksmith's, descends, if left to itself, the
pressure on the air contained inside it increases, because
the weight of the top and sides is resting upon a con-
stantly diminishing quantity and therefore surface of
air. It is also a well-known fact that organ-pipes
change in their pitch to a considerable extent, according
to the pressure of tho air which is passing through them.
The ancients, then, if they had only one such simply-
formed bellows, could have produced no sounds at all
while the top of the bellows was beiug raised by the
blower, as this process took off the pressm-e on tho
inside air ; and even supposing tliat several such bellows
were adapted to one organ in such a manner that whUe
the contents of some were being utilised by the organist
the others wei-e beiug re-filled, even then the pressure
of the air must havo been far from constant, unless the
ingenuity of tho blowers counteracted tho influence of
natural laws. A
glance at Fig. 60
in the pre\'ious
paper will show
this plainly. These
old-fasliioued bel-
lows were called
diagonal. The bel-
lows of modern
organs, called hori-
zontal, practically
consist of the old
kind of bellows
— (now called the
feeders) and a re-
servoir just above
them, which, owing to valves at its under side, cannot
drop while the feeders are being replenished. And
iu order to still further equalise the pressure, the ribs
of our bellows are so arranged that while one set meet
inwardly the others meet outwardly. It seems almost
surprising that horizontal bellows were not made until
the sixteenth century. Some ascribe their introduction
to Lobinger, of Nm-emberg, in 1.570.
The weight of the body was very soon utilised by
blowers for the purpose of inflating theii- bellows, in
preference to the muscles of the arm.
Tho Saxon name for a bellows was hilig or blast-belg ;
and like it is the German, Blasebalg. Hence a bellows-
blower was called a bellows-treader (Balgentreter). Fig.
64, iu which this process is rather amusingly illustrated,
is given by Dr. Rimbault, from Coussemaker's article
in Didron's Annates Archcologiqnes. The awkward
pause which must have taken place when tho weight of
the treaders had emptied tho boUows, and before it was.
re-tilled, can be imagined. Tho diagonal bellows and
their treaders remained in existence quite up to the cud
of last century. Tlio organ in the comparatively modem
cafliedral of St. Paul's, London, was blown after this
fashion. It possessed four such bellows, each mea-
suring 8 feet l)y 4. But other lai-go organs had as
MUSIC OP THE BIBLE.
185
mauy as eight, ten, twelve, and even fourteen. The
bellows-treader used to walk leisurely along, and throw
his weight upon them in rotation. To this (hiy many
of the German organs are blown by the weight of the
blower's body, although tho bellows themselves are of
a modern form of construction. It would be quite
unfair to the reader to leave tho subject of ancient
organs without saying a few words on tho much dis-
cussed water-organ or hydraulic-organ, wliich is care-
fully described by YitruWus PoUio, tho celebrated
into the base of a vessel of any given area, able to exert
on every portion of that are-a equal to itself any weight
equal to that added to itself, we can, perhaps, offer some
such explanation of their mechanism as tho following: —
Suppose two oblong reservoirs of air to bo made with
their tops fixed, but with movable bottoms, and joined
together mth a cross-bar in such a manner that tho
bottom of ono must rise as tho bottom of the other
falls. Suppose also that ordinary valves are placed in
the top of each, so that as the bottom rises the valves
Fig. Go.
architect of the Augustan sera. As explanatory draw-
ings were not fasliionable in those days, it is quite im-
possible to discover what his elaborate and lengthy
description really describes. But there can bo no doubt
that tho lasting popularity of water-organs was owing
to the fact that by some agency of water or other, the
pressure of the air was equalised, and the defects just
noticed as incidental to diagonal bellows remedied.
Considering the natural dread wliich a modern organ-
builder has to the appi'oach of water to his instrument,
altliough ho is content to wort an hydraidic-engine
and fill his bellows at a dist<an<*e. tho reader may well
wonder how and why ancient organ-builders courted
the use of this hostile element. Assuming that tho
builders of the water-organ were aware of that extra-
ordinary property of water wliich, for instance, miikes
it, if enclosed in a small tube passing downwards and
close, and the air can only escape through a passage into
the box on which stand tho pipes; whUo, on the other
hand, as the bottom falls the v.alves drop too, and admit
a fresh supply of air through their opcnmgs. Now, if
enclosed water were to be admitted below the liottoms
of tho reservoirs with a mechanical arrangement which
should not only stop the supply of compressed water
when the bottom of each rcserroir had reached its
highest point, but also let the water escape through a
waste-valve at the same time, it is not difficult to con-
ceive of a very equiil and strong supply of air being
sent to the pipes as tho two reservoirs were filled and
emptied in turn. As long as tho water continued to
bo pumped to the higher level, so long would tho supjily
of air last. There is much in the account of tlie instru-
ment, as given by Vitruvius, which carries out tliis
view, but parts of his description are unquestioaably
186
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
somewliat figurative. In opposition to the explanation
of wafcer-organs here attempted, it may be urged that
had the Romans been aware of the peculiar properties
consequent on the gravity of liquids, they would never
have taken the trouble to buUd, as thoy did, massive
and beautiful aqueducts when a closed pipe or tube
woidd not only have brought the water safely down into
the valley, but iip the other hill-side to the smne level.
Also, that an hydraulic-organ is sometimes spoken of
as playing by itself, and how can this be made con-
sistent with the account here given, unless the organ-
blower used to be considered the real player, while the
man at the pipes was looked upon as a mere nonentity?
And, again, it is occasionally mentioned that these
instruments were worked by hot water, and if the water
were simply used to obtain a force from its special laws
of gravity, why in the world need it first bo boiled?
Another explanation of the structure of a water-orgiin
may bo hazarded. If into a perfectly closed chamber
of air a water-pipe is introduced, the air will, of course,
be compressed in proportion to the quantity of water
forced in. If pipes were placed over such a chamber
with a slider imder each pipe under the control of the
player, the admission of the air from the chamber would
unquestionably cause them to speak, and with two such
chambers a tolerably constant supply of compressed air
coidd be obtained, one providing this while the other
was being emptied of its water.
This digression on the hydraulic organ is not alto-
gether out of place here, as enthusiasts are not wanting
who would make us beheve that this instrument was
among those known and used by the Jews in their
Templo worship. Several authors have attempted to
give pictures of them, and, it is not too much to say,
have seriously taxed their inventive powers in so doing.
Among them may be quoted Kircher, Isaac Vossius,
Perrault (Commentary on Vitruvius), and Publihus
Optantianus. A rude representation of one is also to
be seen on a coin of the time of Nero, preserved in
the Vatican. That here given (Fig. 65) is from Hiiuser's
Kirchen Musih, and is to be found, with much more
valuable information, including the text of Vitru\'ius'
account, in Rimbault's well-known History of the
Oryan. It is pi-obably purely fancifid: the reader is
therefore likely to be, after studying it carefidly, as
wise as he was before.
If we turn to that nation whoso cai-eful preservation
of old traditions in art renders then- present customs
unusually valuablo^tho Chinese — we are struck by a
remarkable fact, namely, that the organ they use is con-
structed on a totally diiferent principle to that wliich
has grown up in Europe. It is blown by being placed
against the mouth of the performer, a truly primitive
method, and one which, if atUxered to, must liaye utterly
prevented any great improvements in the instrument.
The player finds room to pass his hand round into the
back of the instrument, and so reaches the pipes which
he lias to stop, for by stopping the holes the pipes are
made to speak.
Fig. 66 represents a cheng or Chinese organ, and iu
Fig. 67 is showTi the position in which it is held when
in use. The most important difference between the
cheng and our organ is that its sounds are produced
by free reeds. The [method by which sound is pro-
duced in an ordinary reed-stop on the organ is this :
the metal tongue of the reed is rather larger than the
orifice through wliich the air is forced, and is slightly
curved at its extremity. When, therefore, the current
of air is directed to it the tongue is forced down over
the orifice, but its own elasticity causes it to return,
when the air again forces it down, and so on ; the
number of these backward and forward motions being
of course the number of vibrations necessary to produce
the particular sound required. But in the case of the
free reed, the tongue is not so large as the orifice
through which the air is forced; when, therefore, the
current of air is directed against it, it bends and passes
through the opening, but is immediately restored to its
position, as in the ordinary reed, by its own elasticity.
That is to say, the tongue of the common reed beats
against the opening, that of the free reed passes in and
out of it. It is almost increchble that such a simple
source of obtaining sweet sounds should have remained
so long unused iu Europe. It is said that an organ-
buUder, by name Kratzenstein, of St. Petersburg, saw
a cheng, and made some organ-stops on this principle,
about the middle of the last century. Biit the real value
of free reeds does not seem to have been appreciated
until Grenie, of Paris, in 1810, discarded the pipes and
used the reeds alone, thus inventing the haiinonium.
Perhaps few of the many thousands who play upon this
cheap and (now) sweet-toned instrument are aware that
it is a true descendant of a cheng. Accordions and
concertinas form the connecting link between the cheng
and hai-monium, as they combine the portability and
free reeds of the former, with the bellows-system of the
latter. The cheng contains from tliirteen to twenty-one
pipes, and is probably one of the oldest wind insti-uments
now in use. Some liave gone so far as to call it Jubal's
organ, which would be in fact the ugab ; but had it
been in common use among the Jews, it is lUfficult to
believe that all traces of it would bo lost among the
nations wliich were in close contact and inter-communi-
cation with them, especially as it is exceedingly liglit
and casUy carried, and would therefore in all probabUity
have been carried about by them in their wanderings
and captivities. It is improbable, therefore, that the
cheng, ancient aa is its origin, is allied to the Hebrew
ugnh, and the latter was probably at the earliest times a
collection of pipes of the very simplest character, but
gromng into more importance as from time to time
improvements were made in its construction. We have
seen that the Jews were not unwilling to adopt the
improved form of stringed instruments which they
sometimes found in neighbouring nations, and there is
no special reason for supposing that in the case of the
ugab no attempts were made to improve upon the form
invented by Jubal. An organ, in our modem sense of
the name, it hardly could have been, as l;eys are a com-
paratively late invention ; but a collection of pipes it
JOSHUA.
187
certainly was, which could be made to sound at the will
of the player, albeit, perhaps, with clumsy mechauism.
In the Septuagint the word ugab rejoices in thi-ee dis-
tinct renderings— KiGapa [cithara) in Gen. Iv. 21 ; if^aAjuo's
{^salmus) in Job xxi. 12, and xxx. 31 ; and opyapoy (orija-
nmn) in Ps. cl. 4. That learned scholars should have
Tcntui-ed to translate one Hebrew word by three names
of such totally different significations as " guitar,"
"psaltery," "organ," is a sufficient warning as to the
danger of trusting to translations. In our Authorised
Version it is uniformly rendered as "organ" — "Such
as handle the harp and organ " (Gen. iv. 21) ; " Rejoice
at the sound of the organ" (Job xxi. 12); "My harp
[Icinnor) also is turned to mourning, and my organ
{ugab) into the voice of them that weep " (Job xxx. 31) ;
" Praise him with the timbrel and organ " (Ps. cl. 4).
But in the Prayer-book version it is in this last passage
rendered by "pipes:" "Praise him in the strings
{minnim) and pipes (ugab)." The German version of
the Bible translates the word in every case by " pipes "
(Pfeifen).
As organs form, in our days, such an important ele-
ment in the musical part of Christian worship, a few
words on the probable date of their dedication to tliis
sacred function may not be unwelcome. It is generally
said that they were introduced into Church services
by Pope Vitalianns in the seventh century. But on
tlio other hand, mention is found of an organ which
belonged to a church of nuns at Gi'ado, before the year
680. This instrument has even been minutely described
as having been two feet long by six inches deep, and as
possessing thirty pipes, acted upon by fifteen keys or
slides. It is very doubtful if they were famihar to the
Romans, although an epigram of Juhau the Apostate
alludes to them. It seems, however, to bo tolerably
authenticated that one was sent by Constantino in 766
as a present to Pepin, a king of Prance. Improvements
in their construction are attributed to Pope Sylvester,
who died 1003. When we reach the time of Chaucer
their use must have been common, for he thus speaks
in his Nonnes Preestes Tale (Nuns' PrJtst Tale) of a
crowing cock " highto chaunticloro " —
" His vols wa3 merier thau the mery orgon
Ou masse dales that in the cliuTyhes gou."
The very existence of organs was imperilled in tho
troublous times of tho Rebellion, and Pmltans were
no friends to their re-introduction.
Opinions differ as to the derivation of the word ugab.
Buxtoi-f traces it to a root agabh, wiiich sigmties " to
love," and therefore defines it as " instnimentum musi-
cum, quasi amabile dictiun." By another author it is
derived from an Arabic root alcab, "to blow." The only
passages iu Holy Scripture in which tho vgab is men-
tioned are those above quoted.
Maschrohitha or mislirohitha is tho name of a musical
instrument mentioned only in verses 5, 7, 10, and 15 of
the 3rd chapter of Daniel. It has been described by
different writers as a double flute, pan-pipes, and also an
organ ! As an example of tho thoughtless manner in
which illustrations are appended to supposed descrip-
tions of ancient musical instruments, it may be men-
tioned that the figure of a magrepha, as given by
Gaspar Printz (1690) lias been given in a wcU-known
work on Biblical literature as an illustration of a misli-
rokitha. Considering that these instruments had not
only no claim to similarity of construction, but also
were used by two distinct nations at an interval of about
600 years, the appropriateness of the figure of one
(which by the way was in the first instance pm-ely
imaginary) as an illustration of the form of the other is,
to say the least, somewhat remote. The word misliro-
Mtha is traced to a root scharah, "to hiss " (sibilare), and
as a certain amount of liissing necessarily accompanies
tho use of jjan-pipes, the mislirokithahas been generally
thought to be an instrument of that class. It is indeed
rendered in the Greek by (n'pi7| {syrinx). The fact
that the Hebrew translation of mishrclcitha was iigab
does not go to prove that the vgab was a syrinx, as we
have had sufficient doubt thrown on tho trustworthiness
of translators by tho manifold reuderiug of vgab itself.
SCEIPTUEE BIOGRAPHIES.
JOSHtJA {concluded).
BY THE KEY. EDMUND VENABLES, M.A., CANON KESIDENTIAKT AND PEEOENTOK OF LINCOLN.
^tTS "'^^^^'-^ cliiff duties remained to be executed
by Joshua now that he had crushed tho
military strength of the Canaanites and
made Ms power felt through the length
and breadth of the land. Tlie fu-st of these was the
solemn recognition of the law on Mount Ebal and Mount
Gerizim,' in obedience to the last instructions of Moses
1 The narrative of this trai^saction occurs at the close of chap, viii.,
immeiliately after that of the taking of Ai. But when we consider
that the distance between Gilgal and Mount Ebal was full thirty
miles, that the country w.as theniu the hands of the Canaanites, and
that the women and children were present at the ceremony (viii. 3.5),
and would therefore have had twice to make a long and toilsome
march through a mountainous country, liable to attacks from the
(Dent. xx\'ii. 2 — S). An altar of unwi'ought atones was
erected by Joshua on Mount Ebal, and by its side was
reared another huge stone monument, on tho plastered
face of which were Luscrlbed all the legislative portions
of the Pentateuch. These were read by Joshua in the
audience of the assembled tribes ranged on the lower
spurs of the hills, here nearly meeting across the vaUey,
six on Moimt Gerizim to bless, and six on Mount
enemy, it must appear in the highest degree improbable that
Joshua should have selected this time for the roheorsal of the law,
instead of deferring it to a period when it might be performed
with ease and without fear of molestation. We mast hold, there-
fore, that this passage is not in its true contest, and that it
belougB to a later period of the history.
188
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Ebal to curse. The presence of the ark of the
covenant, enshrining the tables of tlio law, borne hj
the Lovites, imparted an additional solemnity to the
ceremony by which, as their loud Amens confirming
the blessings and the curses were rolled back from the
enclosing hUls, the people acknowledged the obligation
of the law, and the righteousness of the punishments
denounced upon the breach of it. A more impressive
ceremony, or one fuller of the truest elements of
grandeur, can hardly be imagined.
A Till then followed the dirision of the conquered
territory among the tribes of Israel — the last trans-
action of a public and official kind the now aged
warrior was called to execute. Much unconquered
land still " remained to bo possessed " (Josh. xiii. 1)_
but Joshua was commanded by God to apportion the
whole, in reliance on His promise to aid the pieoiile to
complete the conquest if they continued faithful and
obedient. The apportionment was mainly by lot ;
though in certain cases unconquered districts were
also assigned to those who had strength and courage
to make them their own. One of those cases was
that of the aged Caleb, who, in still unbroken strength
in his eighty-fifth year, presented himself before his
companion of five-and-forty years before, and with a
soldier's bluntness reminded Joshua of the time when
Moses had sent them to espy out the land : " Thou
knowest the thing that the Lord said unto Moses the
man of God concerning me and thee in Kadesh-bamea"
(Josh. xiv. 6), and claimed the fulfilment of the promise
then made to him, as the reward of his faithfulness,
of " the land whereon liis feet had trodden, to be his
inheritance." The place on which Caleb had set his
heart, when he saw it as a spy, and which liad been
ever present to his mind during nearly half a century,
was the mountainous country round Hebron, including
the city itself, the sacred burial-place of the fathers
of their nation, the stronghold of the much-dreaded
Anakims. It was a prize that would have daunted any
one of less courage or weaker faith. But the difficulties
the winning of it offered were a temptation to Caleb.
" I am this day fourscore and five years old. As yet I
am as strong this day as I was in the day that Moses
sent me : as my strength was then, even so is my
strength now, for war, both to go out, and to come in.
Now therefore give me tliis mountain, whereof the
Lord spake in that day . . . . If so be the Lord
will be with me, then I shall bo able to drive out the
Anakims, as the Lord said" (xiv. 10 — 12). Joshua
knew that his old and tried comrade was no vain
boaster ; what he undertook he was likely to make
good. To no one could the subjugation of that im-
portant and difficult district be more safely entrusted ;
so he allowed his claim, though as probably a foreigner
— perhaps an Iduraean by birth, and only incorporated
as a proselyte with the tribe of Judah — it could not be
urged as a right, and dismissed him witli his benedic-
tion. " And Joshua blessed him, and gave unto Caleb
the son of Jephunneh, Hebron for an inheritance"
(xiv. 13). We like this last-recorded intercourse of
these grand old heroes, and see them part with a raised
estimate of the character of each.
Another like claim, but urged In a very different
spirit, was met by Joshua with an equal appreciation of
its real merits. This was the overweening demand of
the children of Joseph, the members of the tribe of
Ephraim — already manifesting the arrogant self-asser-
tion that characterised their conduct in later times —
and the lialf-tribe of Manasseh, for a double portion of
territory, in consideration of their superior numbers:
" Wliy hast thou given me but one lot and one portion
to inherit, seeing I am a great people ? " The tribe
of Ephraim was Joshua's own ; but no infringement of
the strictest rules of justice must bo expected from him
for the advantage of his kinsmen. One lot and one
only should they have in the general apportionment.
If they wanted more, they must conquer it for them-
selves. They grounded their claim on being " a great
people," having " great power." Well tJien, if they
were so, let them prove it by great deeds. There
was room enough for them in " the wood country ; "
let them get them up there, and clear away the forest,
and drive out the Perizzites and the giants, if Mount
Ephraim were too narrow for them. So they might
obtain a second portion, and not have " one lot only."
" But the mountain shall be thine ; for it is a wood,
and thou slialt cut it down : and the outgoings of it
shall be thine : for thou shalt drive out the Canaanites,
though they have iron chariots, and though they be
strong " (xvii. 14—18).
The latter days of Joshua must have been clouded with
disappointment, as he watched the brilliant hopes with
which the conquest of the Land of Promise commenced
becoming gradually dimmed, and the Lord's people,
forgetful of their high mission, preferring ease and quiet
to the faitlif ul execution of his behests. Tears passed
on, and the Canaanites were not driven out. Only five
of the twelve tribes had obtained their inheritance, and
of these two and a half (Reuben, Gad, and the half-
tribe of Manasseh, Numb, xxxii. 33) had received their
portions before Moses' death to the east of Jordan.
Seven tribes still remained to be settled; and the fault
lay with themselves. " The Lord was not slack con-
cerning his promise," but they were " slack to go to
possess the land the Lord God of their fathers had
given them" (Josh, xviii. 3). Enriched by the spoils
of war, they were in no Lurry to face the difficulty
and danger of expelHng the warlilie Canaanites. They
"could not drive them out" (xv. 63) because they
would not. We can well conceive that this indolent,
self-indulgent spirit was intolerable to the vigorous
mind of Joshua. The remissness of the people was
depriiing him of his glory. He had been commissioned
to do a work, and that work he must see done. All
Israel must be settled in their portions before death
called him away. So, as a first step, a survey of the
still unapporfioned land was instituted, and the returns
being laid before Joshua at the newly-fixed religious
centre of ShUoh, to which the tabernacle had been
recently transferred from GUgal, Joshua and Eleazar
JOSHUA.
189
tlio priest divided tlie territory by lot among the seven
unpi'ovided tribes, " before the Lord, at tlio door of the
tabernacle of the congregation" (xix. 511.
It was not until they had " made an end of diridiug
the country," and all other just claims had been satisfied,
that the unselfish and public-spirited ruler received his
own inheritance. The true nobility of Josliua's character
shines out conspicuoxisly here. He who might have
claimed the first and largest share of the spoils of
victory postpones his right to that of the meanest of his
people. A special portion had Ix-en promised to him
by God, as to Caleb, as a reward for " folloiving the
Lord fully " in the matter of the spies. But lie calmly
•waits till all have received their portions before he
"asks "for his own. And then it is no wide-spread
district, no pro\-ince, that ho recjuires, but just one city.
" They gave him that which he asked, and he buUt the
city and dwelt there:" the name given to the city —
Timnath-serah, " the portion that remains " — recording
the fact that the conqueror's inheritance was the last
assignment made in the whole distribution of his
conquests.
Eight-aud-forty cities — four out of each tribe — having
been assigned totlie Levitcs (chap, xxi.), and the Trans-
Jordanie tribes dispatched to their rich mountainous
pastures of Gilead and Baslian with a solemn charge and
benediction (chap, xxii.), Joshua's public life may be said
to have ended. Ho would seem to have ivithdrawu at
once to his new home, and have taken no part in the
occurrences arising out of the misunderstanding caused
by the erection of the great altar by the returning
soldiers of those tribes. Phinehas — his father Eleazar
having also retired from public busines.s — is the leading
personage in all these transactions, and the name of
Joshua is not mentioned (chap. xxii. 30 — 341.
In the uncertainty of the chronology of this period
we are unable to determine how long Joshua lived in
the peaceful retirement of Timnath-serah. Twice, and
twice only— if the two chapters (Josh, sxiii., xxiv.) do not
describe different parts of the same transaction — does
he emerge from his privacy, in extreme old ago, to
fortify the tribes whom he had so often led in battle
witli his parting words of warning and encouragement.
Obedient to his summons, the heads and representa-
tives of the tribes gathered round their venerable chief,
beneath the old consecrated oak of Abrah.am and Jacob
at Shechem. No place in the whole Land of Promise
could have awakened so many sacred memories. Here
■was the first halting-place of the father of their nation
where he rested after his departure from Haran, at which
he received the first recorded promise of the land, and
tuilt the first altar to tho one true God (Gen. xii. 6, 7).
Here also Jacob made his first settlement on his return
from his sojourn with Laban, and restored his grand-
father's altar on the plot of gi'ound he had purchased
(Gen. xxxiii. 18 — 20). Here also, beneath the ancient
tree, the same patriarch buried tho monuments of secret
idolatry cleaving to his household (xxxv. 4 1. And here,
on their first entrance into the land, they themselves,
between Mount Ebal and Mount Gcrizim, had entered
into covenant with God (Josh. \ui. 30 — 3-3). What placo
could be so suitable for the solemn appeals to faitlifulness
and obedience, the mingled reproofs and encouragements
here addressed by Joshua to the people ? All around
would remind them of what God had done for them and
for their fathers ; how Ho had " given them a land for
which they did not labour, and cities which they built not,
and vineyards and oliveyards which they planted not,"
and enforce the warnings against rebellion and idolatry.
Observing the most complete reticence as to his own
exploits, and their obligations to him as their captain
and ruler, Joshua's one desire is that his people may
show their sense of what they owe to God by " pleasing
Him, and serving Him in sincerity and truth." He feels
that he is "going the vray of all the earth," and like
St. Peter, he " endeavours that after his decease they
may have these things always in remembrance " (2 Peter
i. 15). With an impressive solemnity, like Elijah on
Carmel, he calls upon them to make up their minds
who should be their God: " Choose you this day whom
ye win serve : but as for me and my house, we wiU
serve tho Lord." No hasty, shallow assent to his appeal
would content liim. Ho well knew the awful solemnity
of a promise to God, that it is " better not to vow, than
to vow and not to pay" (Eccles. v. 5). And, therefore,
on hearing their united asseveration that they would
serve Jehovah, " for Ho is our God," Joshua bade them
count well tho cost, and abstain from burdening their
souls with pledges which they would be unable to make
good. The people, with ready enthusiasm, repeated the
declaration, " Nay, but we will serve the Lord." Cheer-
fully accepting the Avitness against themselves that
they had chosen the Lord, they, a third time, renewed
their promise of faitlifulness. And then, at last, did
Joshua ratify tho covenant of Sinai, and having ^vritten
a memorial of this solemn transaction and deposited it
with the book of the law in the ai-k of God, he set up
a pillar under the oak or terebinth grove which marked
tho sacred spot whero Abraham and Jacob had held
intercourse with God, as a witness to all future genera-
tions, " lest they should deny their God." " So Joshua
let the people depart, every man unto his inheritance "
(xxiv. 27, 28). There was no more for Joshua to do. To
the end of his heroic and spotless career he had " fol-
lowed the Lord fully," and ho could now contentedly
" go the way of all the earth." He died as he lived,
" the servant of the Lord." He was a hundred and
ten years old — ten years short of his great master
Moses — when God called his weary servant home.
And they buried him whero ho died, " in the border
of his inheritance in Timnath-serah, which is in Mount
Ephraim." With him, according to the statement pre-
served in tho Septuagint version, were buried the flint
knives used in the ceremony of circumcision at Gilgal
(chap. V. 2), " which were long sought out as relics
by those who came in after years to visit tho tomb
of their mighty deliverer."' His colleague and friend,
Eleazar, who occupied the same position in relation to
' Stanley, Jevjuh Cliuycli, i. 270.
190
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Aaron that he had done to Moses, follo-sred him to the
tomb, and was also buried in Mount Ephraim. " Elcazar
and Joshua together make a type of the union of the
priesthood and government in Christ. The types die
because they are types ; but the Diraie Antitype exists
for evermore, ' Jesus Christ the same yesterday, to-day,
and for ever.' " •
^ Bishop Wordsworth, Commentary on Joshua zxiv. 30.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF HOLY SCEIPTUEE FEOM COINS, MEDALS,
AND INSCKIPTIONS.
BY THE EEV. CANON KAWLINSON, M.A., CAMDEN PKOFESSOB OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE DNIVEKSITY OF OXFORD.
XIX.
^^^^^HE histoi-y of the relations subsistmg be-
tween the Jews and the Persians under
Darius, the sou of Hystaspis, as given
in the 6th and 6th chapters of the Book
of Ezra, receives the same sort of iUnstratiou from
the Persian cuneiform inscrij)tions which has been
ah-oady noted in a previous paper' as furnished by the
same records in respect of the Scriptural accounts of
Cyi-us. The wi-iter of the Book of Ezra, havLug related
the gracious dealings of Cyrus with the Jews in his
first chapter, and their proceedings in consequence
(chaps, ii. and iii.), goes on in his fourth chapter to
give an account of the hindrances wliich interrupted
the execution of Cyrus's pious design, and especially
to note the entu-o suspension of tlie great work which
ho had countenanced — the rebuilding of the Temple at
Jerusalem — dm-ing the reign of a monarch whom he
calls Artaxerxos, but who is reasonably identified with
the pseudo-Smerdis." He closes his fomth chapter
with the words, " Then ceased the work of the house
of God which is at Jerusalem. So it ceased unto the
second year of the reign of Darius the Persian ; " tlius
introducing us to the person of Darius Hystaspis,' and
implying in his fii-st mention of the monarch that he
reversed the policy of his immediate predecessor, and
returned to that of tho great founder of the empire,
Cyrus. Having in this way struck the key-note of his
coming narrative, he proceeds to inform us of the cir-
cumstances under which the work abandoned during
the reigu of the pseudo-Smerdis was resumed under
his successor, and though again opposed, was pushed
on, and finally carried to a prcsperous issue.
His narrative diWdes itself into four portions. First
wo have an account of the actiou taken by tho leading
Jews at Jerusalem, Zerubljaliel the governor, Jeshua
tho high priest, and Haggai and Zechariah the pro-
phets, in the second year of Darius ; how they suddenly
"rose up," tho prophets prophesying and encouraging
their brethren to resume the work,'' the civil governor
and the ecclesiastical ruler taking the lead and beginning
' See Vol, II., p. 85. 2 Ibid., p. 155.
' "Darius the Persian " stands in contrast with "Darius the
Mede," mentioned by Daniel (t. 31 ; ix. 1), and known apparently
to tho writer of Ezra. There had probably been only those two
kings of the name when " Ezra " was written in the reigu of
Artaxerses Longiniauus. " Darius the Mede " had been Cyrus's
viceroy at Babylon. " Darius the rersian," a very difTerent" man,
must be " D.arius the First of Persia," i.e., Darius Hystaspis.
< Comp, Hagg. i. 1, 14 ; ii. 2, &c. ; and Zecli. i. 1 ; iv. 0—10.
to build, the people zealously labouring after their
example, and the walls consequently beginning to make
a show, which attracted the attention of the ueighbom-ing
heathen (chap. v. 1 — 3). Next, we are told how the
Persian governor of tho Syrian pro\-ince, Tatnai, his
minister, Shethar-boznai, and the people of his court,
called here Apharsachites,* becoming aware of what
was going on at Jerusalem, iuquu-ed by what authority
such important steps were being taken ; and learning
that the autliority was a decree made in the fii-st year
of Cyrus, proceeded to address Darius on the subject,
suggesting that the national archives should be searched,
in order that it might be seen whether any such decree
as that pretended by tho Jews had ever been made ;
and, further, asking tliat Darius himself should signify
his own pleasure in the matter {j. 3 — 17). In the third
place tho author teUs us how Darius caused a search to
bo made, not only at Babylon (as Tatnai had sua--
gested), but elsewhere; and how a decree of Cyrus was
found at Achmetha (Ecbatana") in the palace, which
he proceeds to give; after which he passes somewhat
abruptly to the words of the firmaun sent down to
Tatnai by Darius for the direction of his own conduct
and that of his courtiers towards the Jews (vi. 1 — 12).
Finally the author relates how Tatnai and his com-
panions followed precisely tho orders of Darius, and
how tho building of the Temple, being now unliindored,
went rapidly forward, and was at last completed in the
sixth year of Darius, or twenty- one years" after its
first commencement (vi. 13 — 15).
The chief points of this narr.ative on which recent
discoveries tln-ow some light are the following. In the
first place, as it appears from the great inscription of
Bohistun, set up by Darius himself, that in the early
part of his reign he was engaged in a civil war, and
then in troubles caused by various revolts and rebel-
lions, it] becomes intelligible that the Jews, at such a.
time of disturb.ance, should h.avc taken matters into their
own hands, and without waiting for a formal permis-
sion from the Court, should have disregarded the pro-
* Compare the " Apharsathchites " and " Apharsites " of chap,
iv. 9. Ail these forms probably represent the word "Persian."
{See the Spci^lccr'^ Ct^mmenianj.)
" Achmetha (S'non,^) corresponds closely with the native form^
Hagmatan, found in the Behistun inscription, difieriug only by the
omission of the final u, which is dropped also iu Hara (for Haran,
1 Chron. V. 26), audits Greek equivalent, K.i^lpji, Lat. Carila:.
* The first year of Cyrus at Babylon (accordiui: to the Canon of
Ptolemy) was B.C. 53S. The building of the Temple wos com-
menced iu tho year following (Ezra iii. 8), B.C. 537. Darius began
to reign in B.C. 521, and consequently his sisth year was D.c. 516.
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
191
Libitory mandate of the pseudo-Smerdis (Ezra iv. 17 —
22), and falliug back on the original decree of tlw great
Cyrus, should have resumed the biultling of the Temple.
As it became in a little time well known throughout
the empu-e that the new monarch had entirely reversed
the religious policy of his predecessor,' they might fau-ly
anticipate his approval, while the troubles of the time
might prevent them from applying for a positive sanc-
tion. Again, the known opinions of the new monarch
would naturally cause Tatnai and his companions to
adopt a guarded tone in writing to him about tlio Jows.
There is a strong contrast between the letter addressed
to the pseudo-Smerdis by Rehum, and that addressed
by Tatnai to Darius a few years later. Rehum's letter
makes severe charges against the Jews, and does not
once contain the name of God. Tatnai's abstains from
all accusation, and makes frequent mention of the God
of the Jews as "the God of heaven " (v. 12), " the God
of heaven and earth" (ver. 11), or "the great God"
(ver. 8). All this harmonises well with the contrast
which the Behistun inscription di-aws between the
elemental Magism of Darius's predecessor, and his own
firm belief in a real personal God. The same belief
appears with still greater distinctness in his firmaun,
where he requires his officers to help in the restoration
of "the house of God" by the Jews, approves of their
offeriug sacrifices there to "the God of heaven" (vi. 9),
and sets a value upon the prayers which would be offered
in the said house " for the life of the king and of his
sons " (ver. 10).
Thus the general narrative of the part taken by
Darius iu this matter, and the sxieeial favour which he
showed to the Jews, accords perfectly with the con-
temporary inscriptions of Darius himself, which prove
him to have been a zealous Zoroastrian, a firm believer
in the imity and personality of God. and therefore a
natural sympathiser with the Jewish people in respect
of their religion. There arc also one or two minor
points of the narrative which receive illustration from
recent discoveries. (1.) When the question ai-ises as to
the fact, whether Cyrus really had issued a decree autho-
rising the rebuilding of the Temple, search is made in
the " houses of the rolls " at the various capitals, and
when the decree is found, it is said to have been found
' Darius says, " The temples, which Gomates the Magian had
destroyed, I rebuilt ; the religious chants and the worship which
he had caused to cease, I re-established." {Bch. Ins., col. i., par.
U, § 5, 6.)
"in the jxdace that is in the province of the Medes,"
(Ezra vi. 2) ; whereby it appears that record offices in
Persia were attached to royal palaces. Now the ex-
cavations iu Mesopotamia, though they have not as yet
actually confirmed this fact, have revealed one parallel
to it. They have shown that the Assyi-ian kiugs, the
predecessors of the Medo-Persians in the sovereignty of
the East, whom the Persians undoubtedly imitated in
various ways, had record offices attached to their palaces.
It was in the palace of Sarchmapalus at Nineveh that
the great discoveiy was made by Mr. Layard, in 1850,
of such an office — an office where deeds and other docu-
ments, closely packed together, covered the entire floor
to the depth of several feet.^ (2.) The decree of CyTus
was found by Darius at Ecbatana. Wo naturally ask.
Why at Ecbatana, rather than at Babylon, or Susa, or
Persepolis — the more usual seats of the court ? To
this the Behistun inscription suggests a reply by show-
ing us that Darius iu his second and third ye.irs was
engaged in a war with a great Median rebel, and termi-
nated it by occupying his capital, Ecbatana, and fixing
his.5 own residence there for some time.^ It may thus
well be that, when Darius received Tatnai's letter, he
was himself at Ecbatana, and that the record office
there was the readiest and most convenient one to
search. (3.) The punishment threatened by Darius
against those who should disobey his decree — crucifixion
(Ezra vi. 11)— is exactly that which he tells us he was
in the halrit of dealing out to those who resisted his
wiU. The Behistun inscription contains four places
where impalement or crucifixion is mentioned as the
death assigned by Darius to criminals.^ (•!.) Finally,
the decree of Darius ends with a curse : " The God tliat
hath caused his name to dwell there, destroy all kings
and people that shall put to their hand to alter or
destroy this house of God which is at Jerusalem."
Similarly a curse concludes the main inscription at
Behistun,'' and a similar formula is found in other
inscriptions of Darius, the general cast of the curse
being something like the following : — " If thou doeet
not as I bid thee, may Ormazd be thy enemy, and
mayest thou have no offspring; and whatever thou
doest, may Ormazd curse it for thee ! "
- Layard, JfijicveTt and Bahylon, p. 345.
3 Hch. h\s., col. ii., par. 13, § 8.
4 Ibid,, col. ii., par. 13, § 8 ; par.M,§16; col. iii., par. 8, § 2;
par. U, § 10.
'" Ibid., col. iT., par. 17.
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
BT THE KEV. J. B. HEARD, M.A., CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBBIDaE.
PSYCHOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT (continued).
nmfilE next decisive passage on the trichotomy i coming of our Lord Jesus Christ" (1 Tliess. v,
23).
of the New Testament is that in the
earliest of the Apostle Paul's Epistles:
" I pray God your whole spirit, and
and body may be preserved blameless uuto the
The apostle, who had been dwelling in the previous
verses on some of the details of sauctification, such as
proving all things, holding fast th.at which is good, and
abstaining from every species or form of evil, proceeds
192
THE BIBLE EDUCATOK.
to sum up his remarks with the prayer that this saneti-
fieation might become whole and entire (dAoTe\e7s and
i\6ic\ri(iov). These two adjectives are expressive, the one
of tlie whole, and the other of the parts of human nature.
Wholly and entirely, i.e., over all and through each
part of man's natm'e, this sauctiflcation was to extend
and spread. We may here ask — and it is this which sug-
gests the ensuing thought — what are those divisions of
our composite nature into which sanctifying grace is to
enter and permeate ? The Apostle explains that grace is
to enter into his spiiit, which is the holy of holies ; his
soul, which is the holy place ; and even his body, which
corresponds to the outer court of the Temple. The
analogy from the Temple with its throe courts, one
within the other, is a lively and just illustration of the
trichotomy of man. Luther, in his exposition of the
Magnificat, has very weU opened up the analogy and
applied it in its detail. The passage is quoted at length
by Delitzsch, Goschel, and other writers. Luther
also correctly seized the Scriptural distinction between
spirit and flesh, not as favouring the dichotomy, as some
suppose, but rather as suggesting the good and e\-il
direction in which the whole spirit, soul, and body are
tirawn when the Spii'it of God or the spirit of the wicked
one is the source of the inspiration, bringing with it
either " airs from heaven or blasts from hell." Flesh and
sjiirit are thus not so much the direct factors of human
natiu-e, as dichotomists think, but the opposite poles or
tendencies to which the pneuvui or conscience, which is
also one with the self, of the ego inclines, according as
it is inspired from above or from beneath. In the
preface to the Epistle to the Romans, Luther grasped
the right significance of the word " flesh " in Scripture.
" Then set not," he said. " to understand flesh and spirit
here in such a way as that flesh alone should be that
which has to do with impurity, and spirit that which con-
cerns what is internal in the heart ; but St. Paul, as well
as Christ (John iii. 6), calls flesh all that is bom of flesh,
the whole man with body and soul, with reason and with
senses, for the reason is everything in him that is stirring
towards the flesh." Luther, accordingly, quite correctly
imderstood by the spirit the religious or faith-faculty by
which we know God and the things of God, and quotes
in support of this Ps. li. 10 ; Ixxviii. 37. "The soul," ho
says, " is just the same spirit, only conformed to nature.
The sold," he adds, " is the reason, and in this sense is
the light of the house ; but when the spirit does not en-
lighten as with a higher light, tliis light of reason rules,
and therefore it can never bo without error, for it is too
feeble to act in respect of divine things." " The third," he
adds, " is the body, with its members, the agencies which
only bring into use what the soul knows and the spirit
Relieves." " Moses," he goes on to remark, " made a
tabernacle with three distinct compartment.s. The first
was called sanctum smictorum, within which dwelt God,
and there was no light therein ; the second sanctum,
within which stood a candlestick, with seven pipes and
lamps. The third was called atrium, thci court, and it
was under the open house in the light of the sun. In
the same figure a Christian man is depicted. His spirit
is sanctum sanctorum, God's dwelling-place in dim
faith without light. For he believes what he does not
see, nor feel, nor apprehend. His soul is sanctum ;
there are seven lights, that is, all kinds of understand-
ing, discrimination, knowledge and perception of bodily
visible things. His body is atrium, which is manifest
to every man, that it may be seen what he does and how
he lives."
This is the true psychology of Scripture, and Luther
was a scribe instructed in the kingdom of heaven when
he thus rightly divided between the soul and spirit
and the flesh and the spirit. The one indicated a
distinction of faculties, the other indicated only a
distinction of the dh-ection in which these faculties
should work. The flesh is a tendency even of the
spirit, just as the vine may trail on the ground, and
when we look that it should bring forth grapes, behold
they are wild grajjes. In the passage in question
(1 Thess. V. 23) the sanctificatiou is to be complete and
entire. In order to this it must work outwards from
within, and not, as the mere moralist would suggest,
inwards from without. According to Aristotle and the
morahsts, doing good acts loads to good habits, and thus
virtue becomes second nature ; there is a sense in
which this is true. But this is not the divine order.
Sanctification liaviTig its roots not in mere reformation
of the outer man only, but in renewal of the hidden man
of the heart, follows a different order. It begins with
a birth; the kingdom of heaven can only be entered
from the kingdom of nature, by a waking up from the
sleep of unconsciousness similar to that wliich marks the
beginning of the psychical life. To be bom again is no
mere figure of speech, it is the very key of the kingdom
of heaven, and yet it has been more misunderstood than
any other phrase in the New Testament, not excepting
even that of eating the flesh and drinking the blood
of our blessed Lord. Di\'ines, from inattention to the
distinction of psyche and pncmna, have only obscured
the question and overloaded it with a great deal of
irrelevant argument and illustrations not to the point.
The mystery of growth is the key to imlock this and
every other puzzle of the universe. Till we can under-
stand life we can never understand growth ; but this
we know, that it is the unerring mark of Hfe. The
kingdom of heaven is as a grain of mustard-seed, which
is cast in the ground : it is like the birth which is the
fruit of the womb. In these two analogies of Scripture
we have the true account of the matter. AU life must
come from God, who is the author and giver of life.
This being understood, the order of sanctification as
outwards from within is simple and obvious. The spirit
is sanctified (!j\6K\-npov) in the first plac^. The entire
pneuma becomes the /cXijpos, or portion of God. " The
Lord's portion is his people ; Jacob is the lot of his in-
heritance." This is especially the case of the pneuma.
God must enter in and dwell there. He must shekinah
in it, as Ho tabernacled in the most holy place. The
result of this indwelling of God in us, must work
itself out in the psychical life, the seat of our in-
tellect and affections. Nor will it end there, it will
BIBLICAL PSYCHOLOGY.
193
make a kAtipos, or portion for God even of the body. It
may be only the border of his inheritance, a Gralilee of the
Gentiles, an outer court. StiU outward and onward this
impulse of self-dedication will spread, until, "whether
we eat or drhik, or whatever wo do, we shall do all to
the glory of God." Such is the teaching of this passage
iu which, as is the usual manner of Scripture, a deep
psychological truth is brought out, but only by the
way, as it were, and arising out of a practical matter in
hand — viz., the will of God concerning us, oven our
sanctification.
The next decisive passage that we turn to is that in
1 Cor. ii. 12, &c., where the psychical and pneumatical
natures are contrasted in this way, that the one is
capable of di\'ine communicatious, and of entering into
the deep things of God, which the other is not. " What
man knoweth the things of a man, save the spu-it of
man which is in him ? " This identifies the spirit with
the deepest and innermost part of man ; the spirit is the
self or ego, the seat of self-consciousness. The Ajjostle
then goes on to identify it as the seat of God-conscious-
ness : " Even so the things of God knoweth no man,
but the Spirit of God." He follows this thought out in
the ensuing verses. There is a contrast between the
spirit of the world and the spu-it which is of God.
Man's wisdom coiild not teach these things ; it is only
the Holy Ghost who can teach them by enabling us to
compare sph-itual things with spiritual. This leads him
then to contrast two characters — the one psycliical, the
other pneumatical. There is a psychical life, and there
is a pneumatical. The psychical man judges by sense,
and sense-experience. He is of the world, understands
its maxims and principles. His life is a psycliical one,
bounded by the region of time, unable to launch out
into the far-off future or to take into its calculation
considerations broader and deeper than those of the
generality of men. The psychical man, in other words,
knows nothing of the walk and triimiph of faith. He
need not be, probably is not, in the ordinary sense of
the word, an unbeUever, much less a misbeliever. He
is probably orthodox, and willing to render to faith the
things which are faith's, and to reason the things which
are reason's. But in God's sight this psychical man is
one wanting faith in the true sense of the word. He is
not willing to wait, like the patriarchs, for " a city wliich
hath foundations, whose maker and builder is God."
His horizon is bounded by time. He receives liis good
things now. He does not confess himself to bo a
stranger and a pilgrim. The psychical man is not the
mere slave of his passions — quite the contrary. He has
learned to act on Goethe's two favourite maxims, me gwid
■nimis and indulge genio, and the one he sets off against
the other. Thus is he temperate in all things, but it is
after all only to obtain a corruptible crown, not an in-
corruptible. His maxims are admired and understood
by the world, and his posterity praise his sayings.
But with all this there is one fatal defect — he lacks
the one thing wliich distinguishes the pneumatical man
as such. That one thing is faith, that far-reaching, long-
eightod faculty which lives for the hereafter, and which
37 — VOL. II.
wiU not be content with its portion only in this life.
To the psychical man the things of the Spirit of God are
" foolishness, neither can he know them, because they are
spiritually discerned." The spiritual man, on the other
hand, " judges all things, yet ho himself is judged of no
man" — for why ? The less is judged of the greater, the
higher always overlooks the lower. Spii'itual minded-
ness is not so much to be described as felt. The
Apostle in this passage glances at one or two of its
specific qualities, and assumes a deep and radical con-
trast between the psychical and the pneiunatical. But,
after all, it must be felt to be understood. In this sense
it is that "the secret of the Lord is with them that fear
him, and he will show them his covenant." This view of
divine things has always been a derision to men of the
world — " which way went the Spirit of the Lord from me
to speak unto thee ? " is the sneer of the false prophet to
the true. In the same way the mob kicking and jumping
on one of Wesley's preachers, to kick the Holy Ghost
out of him, is another exhibition of the same mockery in
its coarsest and most brutal form. Thus the spiritual
man differs from the natural, as the life beyond from
that which is. It is on this account that spiritual
natures "do groan, being burdened." They feel the dis-
parity between what is and what ought to be, between
their aspu'ations after God and the jjoor performances
they can attain to. The better they become, the worse
they feel themselves to bo. Hence that contrition on
account of indweUing sin, their "groaniugs which
cannot be uttered," and which, when they do find vent
in words, seem so unreal and exaggerated. A critic
like Maeaulay is unable to understand Bunyan's self-
reproaches as to his being the chief of sinners. When
the psychical intellect asks what these enormities could
have been, he finds nothing but the ordinary indulgences
of a Bedford tinker, a little tippling and a little swearing,
and so he sets the whole down as the morbid experience
of a man who had distorted liis mind by brooding too
long on one single class of thoughts, and who had no other
model but the one Book on which to frame his speech.
So surely is spultual experience misunderstood by the
mere critical or logical faculty, that it is weD to be
silent in such company. A man of refinement instinc-
tively shrinks from parading his feelings at all, particu-
larly before those who are sm-e to misunderstand them,
who toU set them down as cant or exaggeration, the
workings of spultual pride or of presumption. To the
psychical inteDect these things are as foolishness ; they
are as music to a deaf man, or a painting to one bom
blind. He lacks the perceptive organ, and for this
reason he had better be sUeut.
Esthetics, or the science of taste, furnish some very
just analogies to our spiritual perception. It is now
admitted on all sides that there is no external test of the
sublime and beautiful — the standard is in ourselves. We
must educate our taste, and as our wsthesis, or fine per-
ception of beauty, grows with cultm-e, so we seem to gain
a new sense — the insight of beauty. It is at once an
intuition, and also the result of many laboui-ed exercises
of judgment and taste. It is instinctive appai'cntly
194
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
and indefinable, and yet it comes to us only at tlie end
of a long tratuing in art. It is precisely the same with
our spiritual' perceptions. A refining process has been
going on for some time. We have " piu'ifled our hearts
in obeying the truth," and at last, as the result of dili-
gence and duty, of patience and prayer, the things of
God stand out, seen iu their own light. It is that " finer
light in light," of which the poet speaks, and which
distinguishes the moral and spiritual from the mere
historical evidences for the truth of Christianity. This is
the meaning of the beatitude, "Blessed are the pure
in heart, for they shall see God:" as a lake at night,
when the ripple of the evening breeze has passed off, is
glinted with stars, and in the still watches of the night
a procession of the heavenly bodies passes over it as over
the speculum of a reflecting telescope.
In the Epistle of St. Jude there is the same contrast
between two characters ; there are those who are sensual
and psychical, having not the Spii-it. The Gorman here
mai'ks a distinction which we faU. to reproduce in the
English. Luther renders it, "Eleischliche, die da keiuen
Geist haben." But the Berlenlnirgh Bible," with Do
Wetto and Scholz, render it still more accurately, '• Sinn-
liche Menschen, die keinen Geist haben ;" men, that is,
who act on psychic principles, only because they lack the
spiritual faculty altogether. There are men whose veiy
conscience is defiled, and who by long indulgence in
known sin have deadened ihe pneuma, that it is as if it had
never existed. Theii- last state is worse than the first.
We gather from this decisive passage in St. Jude, this
truth— not only that the spirit is dead in uurcgenerate
man, but also that it has been deadened by the
hardening which results from habitual sin. The com-
mission of sin does not kill the psychical nature ui the
same way that it does the pneumatical. On the con-
trary, there is a kind of vice which loses all its gi'ossness,
and seems to stimulate the intellectual powers to a
certain extent at least. Fleshly lusts, it is true, war
against the psyche (1 Peter ii. 11), so that the end of
these things is death. We know that they who sow to
the flesh, shall of the flesh reap corruption ; but the fii-st
de.adening effect of these things is felt in the pneuma,
not in the psyche. It is conceivable that a heentious
scoffer should have the psychical nature in its highest
perfection ; it is not conceivable that he should exorcise
the pneuma.
Another passage in St. James confirms this view,
where the wisdom that is from beneath is described as
earthly, psychical and devil-inspired (5aiixoiiMSi)s). Wo
have here a great truth with regard to our growth and
development. In the last stage of all we become the
children of God or children of the devil. The pneuina,
cannot continue for ever, like a house empty, swept, and
garnished. Seme one must enter iu and dwell there,
and if it is not made the home of God some spii-it
ixore wicked than the fii'st wiU enter in and dweU
there, and the last state wiU become worse than the
first.
To sum up, then, our view of the New Testament
psychology, it does not contradict that of the Old — it is
only an advance upon it. The psyche or soul is the
life of man in the rudest sense of the word ; as it has its
seat iu the body, it is often identified with the blood
and the breath. But neither one nor the other, nor both
together, make up the psyche in the true and fidl sense
of the word ; for we are told not to fear those who can.
only kill tho body, but rather to fear Him who can cast
both body and soid into gehenna. The psyche is thus
the formative principle of the body, but it is also the
nucleus of another and liigher life which we call that of
tho pnemna. In this sense we may foUow Justin
Martyr's simile, and speak of the body as the house of tho
soul, while the soul again is the house of the pneuma.
Tliis higher life was but imperfectly known under the
first covenant, and therefore the psychology of the Old
Testament is indistinct in comparison to that of the
New ; but it is an immense advance on the psychology of
Aristotle. The faculty of God- consciousness was un-
known to the Greeks, for the very sufficient reason that
the object on which that faculty should exercise itself
was scarcely, if at all, known. " In Jewry is God known,
his name is great in Israel." Tor this reason it was
only within the covenant that the function of spiritual-
mindedness could bo exercised. As we cannot imagine
Aristotle inditing the 42nd Psalm, so we cannot think
of him as inserting in his treatise On the Soul, a chapter
on the functions and use of the pneuma. Scripture,
which teaches us what it is to be " athirst for God, yea,
even for the living God," alone describes that part
of man's nature from whence this thirst arises. But it
is when we tiu'n to tho New Testament that we find our
knowledge of self supplemented by a revelation of a
Being who is said to be the abiding Comforter, and
to be with us and iu us. As our faith teaches us to
believe iu the Holy Ghost, tho Lord aud Giver of life,
so psychology suggests that there must be a special
organ in man which it is the office of the Holy Spirit to
breathe into and to teach.
EZEKIEL.
195
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
EZEKIEL.
BY THE VERY BEV. E. PAYNE SMITH, D.D., DEAN OP CANTEEEUKY.
ZEKIEL is, among the i^rophets, what
Michael Angelo is among paiaters and
sculptors. Vast and colossal in his ima--
ger}', majestic in his diction, copious in
fancy, he nevertheless often transcends in his ideas
the powers of language, and becomes obscm-o and diffi-
cult to understand. Tliis is well exemplified in the
vision by which he was called to liis office. He was
the son of a priest named Buzi, and had been carried
away captive by Nebuchadnezzar with Jehoiachin, king
of Judah, at the capture of Jerusalem, just after
Jehoiakim's death. Witli other prisoners he was made
to settle upon the river Chebar, an affluent of the
Euphrates ia Babylonia, probably that known as the
royal canal of Nebuchadnezzar, the word simply mean-
ing " the great stream." The object, no doidjt, of
the king in thus transplanting people from Palestine
to Babylonia was to increase the popvilation of his
territories. In Judsea they would be restless and ever
ready for revolt. Compelled to emigrate, and settled
hero and there in small comnnuiities, they would become
faithf id subjects and help to fill up the gaps among the
inhabitants caused by incessant war.
We may suppose the commimity soon moderately
flom-ishing ; for the Jews were good settlers, and the
land excessively fertile. And Ezekiel apparently held
a position of rank among them (viii. 1 ; xiv. 1 ; xx. 1),
besides being probably their priest. They had been five
years in capti^-ity, when in the " thirtieth year" (chap. i.
1) he saw his vision. This date has greatly troubled
commentators. Some have supposed that it was the
thirtieth year of Ezekiel's age, others the tliirtieth
year from the jubilee, but more probably it means the
thirtieth year of the era of Nabopolassar, the father
of Nebuchadnezzar. Most axjpropriately, the prophet
writing in Chaldasa uses a Chaldee epoch, which in the
2ud verse he checks by giving the Jewish date of
Jehoiachin's captivity. As Nabopolassar began to reign
B.C. 62-5, this gives for Ezekiel's \'ision the year B.C.
595, which exactly tallies with the fifth year of the im-
prisonment of the Jewish king.
Walking then by the river Chebar in deep meditation
probably upon the destinies of his country, the " hand of
Jehovah " rested upon Ezekiel, and, closing the avenues
of his mind to the ordinary impression of the senses,
displayed to his tranced sight the most wonderful spec-
tacle ever presented to mortal eyes. From the dark
north a whii'lwind appeared like a vast clovid, formed of
blazing fire, shooting out rays and tongfues of flame on
every side, and enclosing at its centre an a,ppearance as
of amber, or rather dark-blue, like polished steel. Prom
this dark centre there came forth four living beings.
each foui'-sided, and having on each side four ivings,
making for each sixteen in all. Their feet were not
like those of men, set at right angles to the leg, but
came straight down and ended, like those of a calf, in a
fl.at sole. On each side imder their fom- wings they had
human hands, and as thus each side was perfect with its
face, four wings, and four hands, they needed not to
tm-n, but faced every way, and moved ever straight
onwards. Each one apparently liad on the light hand
the faces of a man and of a lion, and on the left those
of an ox and an eagle, signif j-ing tlio union in each one
of inteUigence, courage, strength, and piercing vision,
or spiritual insight. Their wings were so arranged
that two on each side were elevated, enclosing the face
between them, while two covered the body, but they
needed them not for motion. Wherever they wiUed to
go, thither they went ; and such was their brightness
and the rapidity of their movements that they seemed
to go hither and thither like the lightning fLash.
Beneath these li\ang beings were wlieels bright as of
beryl, shaped wheel \vithin wheel, but each wheel of
equal size, placed transversely to one anotlier, so as to
foi-m globes. And the circles or tires of these wheels
were full of eyes, the symbols of intelligence ; and as
each living creature had beneath it one of these globes
of wheels, which moved ever with it as it willed, the
whole represented the rapid intelligence with which
God's miuisters instantaneously do his behests.
For these beings formed the throne of the Deity.
Above then- heads was an expanse of dazzling crystal,
whence came a voice ; and as they moved the prophet
seemed to hear a mighty rusliing of ^vings, like the sound
of many waters, and of rolling thunder, and of the din of
an army ; but when the voice came from the expanse, all
was stiU, and tke living creatures drooped their wings.
For the voice came forth from a throne of sapphire,
circled around with the same deep blue coloiu- as liad
formed the centre of the cloud of whirlwind, while above
it was the rainbow, and in tho midst the Deity seated
in human form, but as " the appearance of fii'e round
about within." And the voice was Ezekiel's commission
to speak in Jehovah's name to Israel's rebellious house.
When we contrast this vision, so intricate, so minute
in its details, so complex, and withal so awfiJ and
mysterious, with the calm sulilimity of the glorious
spectacle which greeted Isaiah's eyes in the Temple, or
with the peaceful simplicity of Jeremiah's imageiy, we un-
derstand something of the reason which made St. Jerome
characterise Ezekiel as "tho ocean and labyrinth of
God's mysteries," and which made the Rabbins forbid
their pupils to read his writings till they were thirty
years of age. Well might his name be called Ezekiel,
that is, " the strength of God."
The book is divided iuto two parts, as Josephus long
ago obsei'ved, in a passage (Antiq. x. 6) which has given
commentators gi'eat trouble from .supposing that what
we have is one book only. But just as in Isaiah we have
seen that there are two distinct coUoctions, besides the
196
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
historical appendix, and the final prophecy concerning
the "servant of Jehovah," so here in chaps, i. — xxiv.,
we have a series of prophecies aU relating to Jerusalem,
each one dated, and all arranged in chronological order,
and ending with the capture of the city. To this is
appended a group of jirophecies relating to seven foreign
nations, the number seven being, no doubt, intentional.
The insertion of these prophecies, breaking up so com-
pletely the strict order observed before, makes it ex-
tremely probable that upon Jerusalem's fall — an event so
striking to all his countrymen, and so exactly fidfilliug
the predictions of the prophets — Ezekiel collected the
scattered prophecies spoken by him at Tel-Abib, " the
mound of wheat-ears," his dwelling-place on the Chebar,
arranged tliem according to their dates, and published
them. It must have been many years afterwards that he
put forth the section containing the prophecies against
other nations, in which chronological order is not always
observed, though the dates are still given. Thus a
prophecy against Bgj"]->t in the twenty- seventh year of
the captirity (xxix. 17) is put between predictions re-
lating to the same country belonging to its tenth and
eleventh, years (xxix. 1; xxx. 20 j. As it was in the
eleventh year of the capti^dty that Jerusalem was taken,
this brings down the date of tliis coOection to a period
sixteen years later, unless tins prophecy were inserted
at the time when the second book was pubhshed. The
only date in the second book is the twenty-fifth year
of the capti\'ity, and thus it seems pretty certain that
it was not pubhshed tOl sixteen or seventeen years after
the first, and between them the prophet placed the
group not belonging to his own people. The prophecies
of this second book are, as a rule, cjiuts distinct in
character from those of the fii'st.
It consists of chapters xxxiii.— xlviii., and contains,
first, a number of prophecies uttered after the fall of
Jerusalem (xxxiii. — xxxix.), chiefly to comfort the people ;
and secondly, a vision of the future glory of Israel de-
picted under a roproseutation of the rebuildiug of the
Temple. This part has often been made the subject of
attack, and the prophet has been accused of gi\'ing way
too much to a sacerdotal bias, and confounding the
future development of liis nation with the restoration of
the njaterialism of animal sacrifices and cumbrous cere-
monies. But really the Temple was the centre of the
affections of all Israelites, and was itself symbolic, and
to some extent its symbolism was imderstood. Evidently
also a prophet in depicting an era of future gloiy could
only use the ideas of his own times. So in the Revela-
tion of St. John, wliich reproduces much of the imagery
of Ezekiel, the abode of the blest is represented as a
walled city, because walls then represented security and
strfength. Commentators, however, tliffer greatly on
the question whether these chapters are to be uudei'stood
literally; or generally as predicting an era of pros-
perity to the Jews; or spiritually of Christ and his
kingdom.
As inflexible as Jeremiah, and tenacious of liis duty,
Ezekiel was more stern and uufliuehing. To Jeremiah
it was often pain and misery to obey God's commands,
and Ms natui-e led him to brood over his own feelings
and look into himself, while Ezekiel threw his whole
heart into the struggle 'with an iron steadf.astuess that
felt pleasure in the struggle itself. One prophecy illus-
trates this very remarkably. He had just predicted the
capture of Jerusalem (chap, xxiv.), and fixed the day
when the king of Babylon shoiUd start to conduct in.
person the siege. And then God took from him his
wife tenderly beloved, " the desire of his eyei?; " and yet,
in the presence of the miseries coming upon his people,
he was content to show no token of grief. He forbore
to cry and made no mourning, and observed none of the
usual signs of sorrow. It was the command of Jehovah,
and he obeyed without a murmur.
His prophecies in the fii-st part are exceedingly inte-
resting, as disclosing somewhat of the feelings of the
captives settled in a sti-ange land, and even more so for
the bold spirit in which they modify the letter of the
Mosaic covenant. It was a grievous blow to the Jews
to be torn away from their homes ; and such an over-
turning of the whole course of life often unhinges men
from what was previously good in them, and makes them
careless or even desperate for the futiu-e. We are all
such creatures of habit, that if our old associations are
destroyed we often seem to lose with them our energy
and self-control. It was no wonder, therefore, that the
jjeople began to hesitate in their allogiauce to Jehovah.
At Babylon there were men of strong nature and .settled
piety to be their guides and leaders, but the little com-
munities of farmers along the Chebar had probably no
master-mind among them except Ezekiel's. Wo find,
therefore, idolatry making way among them (xiv., xx.),
and even a tendency to return to that fierce melancholy
which had led them to make their chdch-en pass through
the fire (xx. 31). Ezekiel's words often met with oppo-
sition (iii. 26, 27 ; xii. 2), whUe, naturally jjerhaps, they
brooded over the dealings of God's pro^ddence with
them and accused him of injustice (xviii. 25). There
were even false prophets among them (xiii. 3), but they
do not seem to have been so numerous or so powerful
as at Jerusalem, and even at Babylon in the days of
Jeremiah ( Jer. xiv. 14 ; xxvii. 9 ; xxviii. 1 ; xxix. 8).
It was the fall of Jerusalem which was the turning-
point of the Jewish mind, and which made Jeremiiih so
influential with them. TiU then they had hesitated, but
it brought home the fuU conviction that God's word as
spoken by the prophets was true. And tliis Ezekiel
dweUs on as earnestly iis Jeremiah, and depicts vrith
great force the long series of sins against Jehovah, cul •
minating in open rebelliou and idolatry, which had
brought upon the city so severe a punishment. He thus
tries to wean them from the past, and induce them to
settle quietly in their new homes ; to fret and plot no
longer for a return to Judaea, but from its history to
gather the lesson that then- one hope and strength and
happiness was in being faithful to their God. And this
instruction he gives them in predictions remarkable for
the diversity of i\w forms which they assume. There
are types and symbolical actions, parables and .allego-
ries, similitudes and riddles, visions and open prophecies,
EZEKIEL.
197
and often we get strange glimpses of wliat went on in
Jerusalem ; as when, in chap. Tiii., lie sees seventy of
the ancients of the house of Israel worshipping, with
censers iu tlieir hands, iu " chambers of imagery," i.e.,
halls in which not one idol only, but many, were repre-
sented, some of which, as, for iustance, the images of
" creeping tMngs," show that the Jews had sunk
almost as low as the Egyptians, to whom all animal
and even vegetable life seemed divine and worthy of
worship. Near them, iu the Temple itself, the women
were weeping for Tammuz, a rite of native worship,
apparently representing the destruction of the fair and
beautifid spring-time by tlie burning heats of summer.
This entirely agrees with the representation in Jeremiah
(vii. 18; xliv. 17 — 19) of the devotion of the women of
Jerusalem to the queen of heaven; for in mythology
Tammuz was represented as beloved by her, and slain
by the jealousy of her lord, the sun.
But even more remai-kablo are the interpretations put
by Ezekiel upon the Mosaic law. We find, for instance,
that the exiles made bitter complaiut of the words of the
second commandment, that God visits upon the children
the sins of the fathers. They had repented, were
idolaters no longer, and yet they had to suffer the con-
sequences of the crimes of then- forefathers. Now it is
the law of God, iu nature and in providence, that the
children are affected for good and evil by the doings of
their parents. Aptitudes gained by the parent are
bestowed upon the cliUd ; sins, and the diseases which
result from them, are constantly matters of inheritance ;
while the fortunes of the parent, his success or failure,
his industry or his unthrift and profligacy, cannot but
aifect the temporal position of his offspring. But
Ezekiel shows with bold hand that this entail is strictly
limited, and does not affect the moral probation of the
individual. Each one in life makes his own choice, and
both in things temporal and things spiritual, repentance
may reverse the past. A pious son may spring from a
profligate father, a prosperous son from one overtaken
by misery. Nay, even iu a man's own life, the future
may be the reverse of what has gone before. A lapse
into sin may destroy the bright promise of former
years (xviii., xxxiii.).
Equally remarkable and even more bold is the state-
ment in chap, xx., tliat the whole of the Mosaic law was
not equally good. When first the Israelites came out of
Egypt, God gave them " statutes and judgments, which
if a man do, he shall even Kve iu them." But when
they rebelled, and despised God's judgments, and pol-
luted his sabbaths, which he had given as a special sign
of his covenant with them, then he " gave them statutes
which were not good, and judgments whereby they
should not live" (xx. 11, 2.5). Such teaching is the
more remarkable as coming from a priest, and one who
was in general so strict himself in the observance of the
Levitical precepts (see iv. 14). St. Paul himself did not
more plainly teach that much of the law was a burden
too heavy for men to bear.
And thus tlien prophecies concerning Jerusalem and
the Babylonian war, together with such instruction as
grew naturally out of the feelings and difficidties of the
exUes in their new and painful position, form the two
great divisions of Ezekiel's fii'st book. In the predictions
which concern foreign nations, one or two things are so
striking as to call for some remark.
The first is the account of the trade of Tyre, in chap,
xxvii., where we have a most interesting picture of the
beauty of Tyre itself, its buildings and ships, its military
strength and naval power, with a long list of the nations
which traded witli her, and the articles brought to her
mart, giving us a surprising representation of the com-
mercial activity of ancient times. And this, in the next
chapter, is followed by a lamentation over the prince of
Tyi-e, iu which ho is described as having been in Eden,
the garden of God, covered there with every kind of
precious stones ; as being the anointed cherub that
guarded the mount of God; as walking between the
stones of fire, and as being perfect in all his ways tUl
imquity was found in him. How are these words to be
explained ? Some take them as hyperbolical, a descrip-
tion in wildly metaphoi'ic language of the glory and
magnificence of tlie Tyi'ian state while in the height of
its prosperity ; others put upon them a more mysterious
meaning, and suppose that before the call of Al)raham,
the progenitor of the Tyi-ian race had been chosen as the
depository of the light of revelation, but had forfeited
his privileges throiigh sin. Certainly of this we find
no single word in the rest of Holy Scripture ; but the
words are very marvellous, and can scarcely mean so
little as that Tyi'e was very rich and rejoiced iu luxurious
liviug. It is after this prophecy, in chap, xxix., that we
have the prediction given in the twenty-seventh year of
the captivity, recording the long service of the Chal-
dean army in the capture of the city, and promising it
Egypt as a reward. So specific a prophecy might well
bo inserted among those relating to Egypt when the
second book was put forth if, as is probable, these
historical predictions were originally published at the
earlier date.
For many years after the fall of Jerusalem Ezekiel
seems to have ceased to prophesy, though active as ever
in guiding and instructing the people. The ruin of
city and temple was to work slowly upon the minds of
the Jews, and gradiuiUy produce that change in them
which made them so completely different a people when,
at the end of the seventy years, they returned to their
land. Still from time to time God's hand rested upon
him, and, some seventeen or eighteen yeai-s afterwards,
he put forth this second book, consisting no longer of
short and varied and often startling visions and para-
bles, but of longer and more general discourses. In
them he speaks at length, and mth much power, upon
the duties of those who watch over and feed the people,
while he comforts the latter under their troubles. Like
Obadiah, ho condemns strongly the unfrieudly conduct of
the Edomites in the day of Jerusalem's fall, and predicts
their ruin ; and this prophecy, no doubt, would bo spoken
when the minds of aU were still smarting with indig-
nation at the cruelty of Edom. who, when his brother
Jacob sought a refuge in his land from Nebuchadnezzar's
198
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
hosts, stood in the way to stay the fugitiyes and give
them up to the piu'suing Chaldees. In chap, xxxvii.,
however, we have something in his old manner. The
hand of the Lord sots him down in a valley filled with
human bones, and these he is commanded to call back
to life. And no sooner have the words gone forth from his
lips than there is a rustling and motion among the bones,
and tliey seek each one its fellow, and flesh and muscle
and skin once again clothe them, and he sees a host of
living men. Now, no doubt, the piimary application of
this prophecy was to the restoration of the Jews to
their laud. Scattered among the nations, their political
existence extinct, powerless and utterly crushed, they
were yet to revive as a nation, and once again live for the
performance of that great task assigned to them by
God. Yet we cannot but feel that the vision suggested
far more than this. The nation was to re^dve, but what
of those who had died in the long years of exile ? Was
there nothing for them ? Had they no share in Israel's
hopes ? Yes, they too would live again, and form a
mighty army of Jehovah. " O my people, I will open
your graves, and cause you to come up out of your
graves, and bring you into the land of Israel." Many
took this even literally. We read in the Talmud of a
Rabbi Jehuda, who claimed to be a lineal descendant of
one raised to life, in accordance with Ezekiel's words.
Others, better instructed in the symbolism of the pro-
phots, must often h.-^vo mused upon those words, especi-
ally as years passed by and there was no literal fulfilment,
and must have sought a spiritual interpretation. So too
of the rest of the chapter, in which the prophet fore-
tells the union of Judah and Ephraim under their king —
David. It excited hopes never to be literally fulfilled.
But both had a better tulfilmeut when Christ brought
life and immortality to light by his Gospel.
And next we have a picture of the gathering together
of the hosts of Gog and Magog to attack God's people.
Into this it would be scarcely proper to enter, for the
interpretation is so difficult and contested, that a volume
would be necessary for its exposition. But after their
destruction God's new kingdom on earth is revealed,
with its temple, and now settlement of the tribes, and
the holy waters issuing in a mighty stream from the
threshold of the house of God. Of much of this we
have an interpretation in the Revelation of St. John, who
had evidently mused deeply upon Ezekiel's mysteries ;
and he too tolls us of a river of water of life, flowing
from the thi'ono of God for the healing of the nations.
And with some such general meaning we must be, for the
present, content ; for while upon moral points, and the
interpreta,tion of the Mosaic law, Ezekiel is the clearest of
teachers, yet in liis mysteries he is too deep and obscure
for them to be easy to be imderstood. It may be that
much is still f utm-e, and that when the purposes of God
as regards Israel are more fuUy developed, we may un-
derstand better than we can do now the prophet's words.
It remains only to add, that there is nothing abso-
lutely improbable in the sta,tement of Isidore and others
of the fathers, that Ezekiel was murdered by an
Israolitish prince, whom he had rebuked for being
guilty of idolatry. When, however, they add that he
was buried " in the land of Maur, in the tomb of Shem
and Arphaxad," the assertion seems more than dubious.
In the Middle Ages his tomb, situated some days'
journey from Bagdad, was a common place of pilgrimage
for the Jews of Media and Parthia.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE F.EV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., F.L.S., EECTOR OP PRESTON, SALOP.
THE ELEPHANT (coiicluded).
iHERE did the Jews obtain then- ivory from,
and was it in aU cases the teeth of the
elephant ? The elephant from South-
western India most probably supplied
Solomon and Hiram, king of Tyi-e, with ivory ; but we
read also that the market of the Tyrians obtained
ivory from the neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf.
" The men of Dedan were thy merchants ; many isles
wore the merchandise of thy hand ; they brought thee
for a present horns of ivory [harnoth sfecn.) and ebony "
(Ezek. xxvii. 15). The Dedanites were probably caravan
traders bringing foreign produce from the head of the
Red Sea. This tribe seems to liave dwelt in the north-
west of Arabia. There also appears to have been
another tribe of the same name, the Cushito Dedanim,
who settled on the shores of the Persian Gulf, and
became travelling merchants across Mesopotamia into
Palestine .-md Phoenicia. The north-western Arabian
merchants would convey goods brought via the Red Sea
from Southern India, Southern and West Arabia,
Ethiopia and tlie eastern shores of Africa ; the Cushite
Dedanites on the Persian Gulf would convey merchan-
dise brought to their shores from Northern India and
Persia. Herodotus tells us (iii. 97) that in his day
the inhabitants of Lower Ethiopia and Nubia made
presents to the king of Persia, every third year, of
twenty elephants' tusks with ebony, gold, &c. Sir G.
Wilkinson, in Rawlinsou's Herodotus, says that ivory
and ebony, with other productions of the country and
of the interior of Africa, had always been brought as a
tribute to the Egy[3tiau mouarchs of the ISth and other
dynasties. The Egypiiar.s made use of the ivory of the
African elephant, though the animal represented on the
sculptures is tlie Asian species. The Ptolemies later
on established a hunting on the confines of Abyssinia
for the chase of the elephant. The art of inlaying
various kinds of wood with ivory, such as boxes, tables,
and other pieces of furniture, was practised by the
Egyi>tians. Thus it appears that the ivory used by the
Hebrews, Assyrians, Phoenicians, Egyptians, and other
ANIMALS OP THE BIBLE.
199
people was supplied to them from India and Africa,
both the Elephas Indicus and the E. Africanus yield-
ing this commodity. At present, not only do the two
existing elephants afford ivory • the fossU mammoth of
Siberia, an extract kind of olepliaut with tusks ten feet
long, supplies ivory to the Russians ; the teeth of the
hippopotamus, wilil boar, and narwhal form ivoiy of
various kinds, that of the first-named animal being of a
superior quality. But the ivory known to the ancients
was probably that of the Asian and African elephants
alone ; we can find no distinct allusion to hippopotamus
ivory. The British Museum contains several Assyrian
and Egyptian works in ivory, as seats of ebony wood
inlaid with ivory, high-backed chairs, spoons of ivory ;
figure of king and lotus flower, heads of cows and
long been supposed to be of foreign origin. We have
seen that ivory was imported into Juda3a in the time of
Solomon from some place in India ; but Africa also
produced ivory, and Ethiopia supplied Egypt with it;
accordingly the hahhim may be referred to some African
word for an " elephant," or to some Indian or Sanskrit
word. According to Pott, there is an old Egyjjtian
term ebu (whicli appears to Ije the same as the Coptic
ebros, '• an elephant ") ; if then we put the Hebrew
article before ebu, and make it a plural form, we get
ha-ebhtm or habblm, " elephants ;" if this be the correct
derivation, the Hebrews must have got the name from
the region of the NUe during their sojourn tliere. But
it must be remembered tliat we do not hear of shen-
hahhim before the time of Solomon. There is a Sanskrit
iV^ ^^ I .-.jj^.^ .J .3'aisiEp(.^s.¥iW>sl'»'.*^ -T ua;6iGBi^Swff'r4--niT'i^- "
-TSSI&tftSfr^UEBrq,
T-\ /.,'
fe.
^^_.i.3Ba3L^£ir' *>!£,<
TBIBUTE-BEAEEKS WITH ELEPHANTS TUSKS, STAVES OF WOOD OK EAKS OF METAE, AND BAGS OF GOLD.
(black OBELISK OF SHALMANESEB II., FKOM PALACE OF NILIRUD.) (ASSYRIAN.)
other animals, part of a chau- inlaid with lapis lazuli
and glass, male and female deities, &c. Some of the
specimens of Egyptian ivory- work Dr. Birch considers
to date back before the Persian invasion, and to be as
old as the 18th dynasty. The most interesting of the
ivory rehcs foimd by Mr. Layard at Nimroud were, he
says, " a carved staff, perhaps a royal sceptre, part of
which has been preserved, although in tlio last stage of
decay, and several entire elephants' tusks, the largest
being two feet five inches long." So closely did the
earth attach itself to the ivory sceptre, that it was only
by a very ingenious process that it was restored. (On
the subject of the early use of ivory amongst the
ancients, see Dr. Bu-ch's " Memoir on tlio Nimroud
Ivories," in Trans, of R. Soc. of Lit., new series.)
Shen-habhim (1 Kings x. 22 ; 2 Chron. ix. 21), " teefli
of elephants," occurs as karnuth shcn, " horns of
teeth," in Ezekiel (xxvii. 15). The latter is Hebrew,
but hahhim is not a recogaised Semitic word, and has I
word ibha used to denote an elephant, and treating this
word in the same way as wo did the Egyptian ebu, we
shall get the Hebraised f orm of ha-ibhim or hahhim, and
this is the more probable explanation.
When, therefore, we consider that the Hebrew words
for apes, peacochs, and almug-txces (also mentioned with
ivory as foreign importations) have not a Semitic but
an Aryan origin, are not Hebrew words, but Hebraised
forms of Sanskrit words, wo can come to no other con-
clusion than that the ivory, apes, peacocks, and almug
wood were Indian products, and imported by Hu-am and
Solomon into Phceuicia and Palestine from the west
parts of India or Ceylon.
Tlie woodcut representing tribute-bearers with large
elephants' tusks is taken from the Black Obelisk in the
Britisli Museum ; the tribute is that of the Shuhites
from the Euphrates, who are depicted on the monument
Ijrhiging lions and a stag, shawls, &c., to the Assyi-ian
king, Shahnaneser II. The cut representing the Indian
200
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
elephant and monkeys, also from the Black Obelisk,
depicts the tribute of the Miizri. or people of Muzr, or
North-western Km-distau. The elephant is clearly the
Indian species, which is evident at a glance from the
smallness of its ears ; these Muzr probably traded with
India, whence they would obtain elephants, monkeys,
and ivory. Many years ago it was thought tliat the
Hebraised name hahbim or habba was the Assyrian word
for the elephant not uncommon on the monuments ; it is
now certain that the term abba or habba is the Accadian
name for "the camel," of which the Assyrian equiva-
lent is the ordinary Semitic gam.mel. Abba in Accadian
means " the sea. " With the determinative prefix of
" animal," it means the " animal from the sea," i.e. " the
Persian Gulf," whence the Accadians procured the
bable. Mr. A. H. Sayce, however, thinks that thfe rhino-
ceros rather than the elephant is intended. The reader
will notice iu the same woodcut men bearing or leading
monkeys. In the same epigraph with the al-ap nahr
'Sa-ci-e the word u-du-mi occurs ; this M. Lenormant.
believes to be the Assyrian word for "apes," as though
i(.fZ?MH. was adam (071$), " a man;" the old inhabitants o£
the Mesopotamian plains being struck with the likeness,
between man and monkey. This, however, is uncertain.
Mr. Norris renders ii-du-mi by " footstools," referring
to the Hebrew word hadum {pir}) (Assyr. Diet, i.,
p. 285.)
Amongst the ancient Egyiitians the elephant, though
it gave name to the island of Elephantine, was not con-
sidered sacred. It only occurs at Elephantine in the
[?f|rg!dSiilliiIiliilliiiiiii|lii!!!!!!'!|£!!!:;il^
■^•^^-.ji-a{W|(*Jll>jtfl(tp.«
4
n
■^it-A/.
'/.
ELEPHANT (ELEPHAS INDICUS) AND MONKEYS (CEBCOPITHECUS), TRIBUTE OE THE MUZRI. BLACK OBELISK (ASSYRIAN).
camel : this is explained under Article " Camel ;" but the
elephant, it is very probable, is mentioned on the Assyrian
monuments. Some years ago Dr. Hincks imagined that
he had discovered the name of the elephant in the third
epigraph of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser H. The
words are al-ap nahr '8aci-c, which clearly means " the
ox of the river 'Sace." It was not an imcommou thing
for the ancients to call any large animal an ox. The
Coptic P-ehe-inou, " the ox of the water," is the hippo-
potamus (the Greek " horse of the water '"). Wlien the
Romans first saw the elephant in the army of Pyrrhus
in Lucania, they gave it the name of Luca &o.s, " the
Lucanian ox." To this Lucretius refers in the lines —
*' Inde boves Lucas turrito corpore tetros,
Angiiimanos, beLi docuenint vulnera Pceui
Sufferre, et magnas Martis tiirbare catervas."
*' Next the Poeni taugbt the Lucan kine with towered body,
horrible to look at, with suake-Iike baud, to endure tlie wounds of
war, and to throw into coufusion the mighty ranks of Mars " {De
Scr. Jfot. V. 1,301).
. Dr. Hincks' supposition, therefore, seems highly pro-
name of the place which in hieroglyjihics is styled " the
Land of the Elephant," eb or cbu, the original appellation
of the island. Nor was it worshipped iu the neighbour-
ing island of Philse, nor was it probably ranked among
the sacred animals of Ethiopia. The Assyrian monu-
ments represent the rhinoceros, which is, however, very
badly tb-awu, and perhaps might have been executed
from memoi-y only; the horn is placed not over the nose,
but over the eye ; it is intended, no doubt, for the Indian
rhinoceros.
An Indian buU and a Large kind of antelope accompany
the rhuioceros ; the bull is ornamented with tassels, and
may have been, as Mr. Layard thinks, a sacred animal.
The antelope may be intended for the Chikara, or goat-
antelope of the Europeans in Deccan, the Tragops
Bennettii of Hodgson (Journal Asiat. Soe. Bengal, 1847,
11). It occurs in Madras, Nepal, and Tarai; it has
lyrate horns, and differs from antelopes generally iu not
being gregarious. The figure on the obelisk, however,
is too thick for any antelope, and is badly drawn.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
201
CONET.
Our English word coney or cony — for it is spelt both
ways — is an old name for the rabbit ; a still older form
is cunig, or conyng, as in Piers Ploughman's Vision —
' The while he caccheth conynges,
He coveiteth noght youre caroj'ue.'
(3S4.)
But conyes is also found in Chaucei- —
" The lytel conyea to her pley gunnen hye.'' {Ass. ofF., 193.)
Wycliffe's version in Lev. xi. 5 has coni. It is the
French coimil, Italian coniglio , Spanish conego, German
Konig, Latin cuniculus ; and as the original home of
the rabbit was in Spain and the Balearic Islands, the
name itseH has a Spanish origin. But though the
word " coney " occurs in our English Bible, it is certain
that no rabbit is denoted by the Hebrew word shAphcin.
because in Phoenician JBic (shaphdn) must have liad the
same meaning, Spain being named by the Phcenieians
from the miiltitude of its rabbits." It may be true that
Spain, or Span or Sapan, which is the older form of the
word, has its origin, as Bochart contended, in the Hebrew
or Phcenieian tsdpan, 'sdpan, or shaphdn. Spain was
known to the ancients as the land of rablnts. and has
been personified, on a medal of Hadrian, as a female
figure with a rabbit at her feet ; and it is quite probable
that when Phceuici.an settlers came to that country they
caDed it, from the abundance of the rabbits there, after
the name of that animal of rahbit-lihe form known to
them by tlie name of sapan in theii' own coimtry ; but
shdphdn cannot mean a rabbit, an animal which never
existed in Palestine or any other adjoining country until
its introduction into Aleppo {ivota Europe at a com-
HYKAX SYKUCUS.
The shd/phdn is mentioned in Lev. xi. 5 ; Deut. xiv.
7. where it is named amongst certain other animals
which the Jewish law forbade as food : " And the
shdphdn, because he cheweth the cud, but divideth
not the hoof, he is unclean unto you." In the 104tli
Psalm, which has been weU called " a bright and living
picture of God's creative power pouring life and glad-
ness through the universe," and which contains so
many beautiful allusions to wild animals, the shdphdn's
habit of dwelling chiefly among the rocks is spoken of :
" The high hills are a refuge for the wild goats, and the
rocks for the shdphdns " (ver. 18). In the Book of Pro-
verbs, amongst the " four things little upon earth, but
exceeding wise," are enumerated the shdphdns as being
" but a feeble folk, yet having their houses in the rocks "
(xxx. 26). The Hebrew word, probably from an unused
root meaning " to hide," is now generally and with very
good reason understood to denote the Hyrax Syriacus of
naturalists. Fiirst, however, is rather inclined to coincide
with Jewish tradition, and undorsfands the rabliit to
be meant. He says, " This interpretation is suitable.
paratively recent date), where tame rabbits are bred for
the sake of the fur. The hyrax is known in Palestine
and Sinai by the name of ivahr, from the Arabic wahar,
" to be hauy," in aUu.sion to the long black hairs which
stand out sparingly from the creature's fur.
The Abyssinians call it ashlcokS (from the Amharic
word ashhuk, "a thorn") for the same reason. In
Southern Arabia it is caDed thofun, " the hider," like the
'H.ehrew shdphdn, this animal being shy, timid and wary,
instinctively retreating into fissures and imder rocks at
any unusual noise or sight. The hyrax is the single
genus constituting the order ff(/racot(fe(.; it is ncitlicr
a rodent, nor, as i-epresonted in Leviticus, a ruminant, its
chief affinities being with the Perissodactyle Ungulates.
In outward form it bears some resembknce to, and is
aliout the same size as a rabbit, but it is classed between
the hippopotamus and the rhinoceros. There are two
incisors in the upper jaw — as have rodents — but in the
hyi-ax they differ considerably in form ; in rodents they
are of the shape of a quadrangular prism ; in f lie animal
we are considering they are pointed and triangulai", like
202
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
those of the hippopotamus ; but the most striking poiut
in the dentition is in the molai-s, which are very similar
in form to those of the rhinoceros. There are also
osteological points which show that the hyrax has its
true affinities with the Perissodactyle Ungulates, though
the genus is so aberrant that zoologists have constituted
it an order by itself, and under t)ie name of Hyracoidea
have assigned it a i)lac6 between the Ungtdata and
Itodeniia.
The hyras, from its habit of constantly working its
teeth and jaws, was supposed by the Hebrews to chew
the cud, and is placed by them amongst the ruminants,
as the ox, sheep, goat, &c. It is incorrect to say that
the Hebrew words do not necessarily imply rumination,
and merely mean re-chew; the very same expression
which is used for " chewing the cud " in tl»e true
ruminants is used for " chewing the cud" in the hyrax :
" And the shd2>hdn, because he cheweth the cud, but
doth not divide the hoof, he is unclean to you " (Lev.
X. 5). The Hebrew words are too distinct to admit
the slightest doubt as to their full signification. The
Hiphil j)'irti<?iple maaleh, from the verb 'dldli, "to
arise, ascend, go up," literally rendered, would stand
thus, " (The hyrax) which maketh the cud to ascend,"
and clearly shows that the Hebrews had a correct and
defijiite idea of the process of rumination, as visible to
them in a true ruminant.
The Septuagint made an unhappy emendation when,
with reference to the hyrax and the hare, it attempted
to redeem the scientific accuracy of the statements
by the addition of ovk, " not," on oiix avdyei ixripvKia-fiop .
That the Hebrews should be deceived in the matter
of certain animals being ruminant or not is natural
enough. Dr. Brehm says, " I saw the rock-badgers
often graze at the foot of clefts, and I found that their
habits are exactly like those of ruminants, for having
bittxin off the grass with their teeth, they move the jaws
like the bisuleates when chewing the cud " (Ilhist. Thier-
leben, ii. 724, quoted from Kalisch). Bruce, Goldsmith,
Cowper, Sir G. Wilkinson, and others have made similar
mistakes with respect to the hare and hyrax. It is
clear tliat the Hebrew words ascribe a normal rumi-
nating ijowor to the hyrax equally ivith real ruminants ;
abnormal rumination may occur in non-ruminants, as in
man and other animals with stomachs that have no
valvular construction of the entry, which, in the horse
for instance, renders regm-gitation physically impossible.
Professor Owen has observed a quasi-rumlnation in
some of the kangaroos, and the power and habit
certainly is possessed by fish, as carp and tench and
other fish whoso tooth are in the throat, and whose food
is for the most part vegetable and coral. Aristotle
mentions a fish he calls the scanis, to wliich he ascribes,
and with truth, a ruminating power.
The hyrax, the Klippdachs or Schieferdachs ("rock-
badger ") of the Germans, does not burrow like the
rabbit, but lives in holes in rocks, to which it retreats
on the slightest disturbance. Some observers have
remarked that an old male is set as a sentry in the
vicinity of their holes, and that he utters a soimd
like a whistle to apprise his companions when danger
threatens ; to this, perhaps, the words of Agui- the son
of Jakeh refer when he mentions the shdphdn as one
of the four things upon earth wliich, though little, are
exceedingly wise. The Rev. P. K. Holland writes to
Dr. Tristram, " Though I several times saw single conies
hi Sinai, I only twice came upon any large numl^er
together. Once when crossing a mountain pass, I was
startled by a shrill scream near me, but could see
nothing. On my return in the evening, I approached
the place cautiously, and saw eight conies out playing
like rabbits. I watched them for some minutes before
they saw me. At length one caught sight of me, and
immediately uttered its sci-eam, and all at once rushed
to their holes. On another occasion I saw twelve out
feeding at a different spot, but on neither occasion did
I see any appointed guard."
The hyrax has been seen in Palestine and Sinai by
many travellers, but in the former country it is not so
common as in the latter. Dr. Tristram, however, found
it in many parts of Palestine : it is extremely common
in the gorge of the Kedron, from Marsaba ea.stward,
and all down the west side of the Dead Sea. He has
given an interesting account of this little creature's
habits to which wo must I'efer the reader (see Nat.
Hist. Bib., p. 77).
In Arabia Petreea these little animals are called
gannim Israel, '■ Israel's sheep." Prosper Alpinus has
these words, " Animal quoddam humile, cimiculo uon
dissimilo quod agnum filioriim Israel nuncupant."
Bruce teUs us the same, and thinks the name was given
from the hyrax frequenting the rocks of Horeb and
Sinai, where the childi-eu of Israel wandered forty
years.
The hyrax has been now called a iHonftoi, now a cavia.
The term Hyrax to express the genus was first esta-
blished by Hermann ; it is the Greek Kpa|, a word used
by Nicander (Alex. 37) to denote some shrew-mouse,
apparently. The South African hyrax (H. Capensis) is
called Dasse by the Dutch settlers, dasse being the
same as the German dachs, "badger." It is not easy
to suggest a good English representative of the hyrax.
" The stony rocks for the hyraces " does not sound well ;
■• reek-badger " is objectionable, as conveying an erro-
neous idea, zoologically. Perhaps it would be as wcU
to retain the English word coney, familiar to all, and
as the word is now obsolete, to re-issue the coin, as it
were, with the stamp of the hyi-ax upon it.
We have now noticed all the Mammalia except the
" gi-eyhound," mentioned only in Prov. xxx. 31 as sne
of the " four things comely in going." It is very im-
probable that the Hebrew words meaning " one girt
about the loins" denote a greyhoimd; we agree with
those who interpret them of a " wrestler."
BETWEEN THE BOOKS.
203
BETWEEN THE BOOKS.
BY THE REV. G'. F. MACLEAK, D.D., HEAD MASTER OF KI;s'G'.S COLLEGE SCHOOL.
INTEODUCTION.
iHE Canon of the Old Testament closes
with the jjrophecies of Malachi. A period,
therefore, of about 'our hundi'ed yeai's
separates the last book of the Old from
the first of the New Testament Scriptures.
This period is one of supreme importance in the
Mstory of the Jewish nation. During it the Jews were
brought under the most varied influeuces. (1) First
they were subject to the dominion of Persia; (2) for
nearly a century and a half they were under Greek
rulers; (3) for a century they enjoyed independence
under their native Asmouaeau princes ; ( 4 ) and for
more tlian half a century, while nominally ruled by
the family of Herod, tliey were in reality subject to the
power of the great Roman Empire.
In the course of this period a remarkable change was
wrought in the condition of the Elect Nation.
(i.) Whereas for many centuries they had been almost
cut oil from contact with the world around, they were
now scattered everywhere, east and west, north and
south, bearing about with them their peculiar customs
and institutions, and diifusiug wherever they went a
knowledge of the Law and tho Prophets.
(ii.) OoiTCsponding to this wide diffusion of the
people, which had so long " dwelt apart," there had
been brought about also a change in their vernacular
tongue, and in their mode of worship. The language
spoken in the days of David and Solomon was gradually
exchanged for the Chaldee or " Syrian tongue," ' while
the worship of the true God, before carried on only in
the Temple at Jerusalem, was now celel)rated, not only
there on the occasion of the great festivals, but in
synagogues, which arose out of the exigencies of the
Capti\'ity, and which were now to be found, not only
in every town, and almost in every ^'illage throughout,
Palestine, but also in every city in Sp'ia, Asia Minor,
Greece, and Italy, whei'o there was a Jewish settle-
ment.
(iii.) Again, the intellectual culture of Greece had
an important influence on Jewish develoj)ment. It
quickened independent thought, and led to the rise of
various sects, " Freedom, ritualism, and asceticism
found a characteristic expression in Sadclucees, Phari-
sees, and Essenes,"^ while politicians, as represented by
Herodians, looked to the family of Herod as a bulwark
against Roman ambition, and iiretended to trace in that
dynasty the f ulfilmeut of .ancient prophecy.
(iv.) Lastly, the idea of tho Messiah, which tho
" People of the Future " had been raised up to foster
and keep alive from generation to generation, had been
affected in no slight degree by the variety of tho in-
fluences under which the Jews had been brought. As
l"Comp. 2 Kings xviii. 26 ; laa. xxxvi. 11 ; Dan. ii. 4.
- Westcott's Gospel of the Resurrection, p. 82. Ed. 2.
before, so now, each period added or connected some-
thing necessary to the completeness of tho conception,
and the sadness of the Ca2jti\dty ended what the
mournful close of Solomon's reign had begim. The
"Son of David" gives place to the " Son of man," and
the idea of the Conqueror and the King is combined
with that of the Lawgiver, the Prophet, and the
Priest.
In the following chapters we shall try to give a sketck
of the history of the Jews during this eventful period,
and to trace the results of the experiences through
which they passed as they have been just summarised.
In this way we shall be able to trace tho connection
between tho Books of the Old and tlio New Testaments,
and to see how not only the Elect Nation itself, but also
Persia, Syria, 'Egypt, Greece, and Rome, aU in their
several degrees prepared for " the fiduess of time,"^ and
made ready for the advent of the long-predicted Re-
deemer in whom " there is neither Jew nor Greek,
there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor
female. "^
CHAPTER I.
THE JEWS UNDEE THE PEESIAN MONAECHS.
The first period of the history of the Jews after the
death of Nehemiah, which took place about B.C. 413, is
ahuost a blank to us. For upwards of 230 years after
the decease of this last of the Jewish governors sent
from the court of Persia, to the accession of Antiochus
Epiphanes, B.C. 175 (a period " as long, to compare it
with modern history, as from the death of Queen Eliza-
beth to the accession of Queen Victoria, nearly from tho
death of Henri IV. of France to the accession of Louis
Napoleon"*), tho record of events is of the scantiest
description.
It appears certain, however, that Judaea itself was
now annexed to the satrapy of Coelesyria, and the
administration of affairs was entrusted to the Jewish
high priest, subject to the control of the Syrian go-
vernor.
As subjects of the Persian monarch, the Jews were
distinguished for their loyalty and good faith. While
Cyprus, Phceuicia, Egyjjt, and other dependencies of
tho Persian crown, were frecjuoutly the scenes of rebel-
lions, which were with much difficidty suppressed, the
Jews remained steadfast in their allegiance to the
" great kiug," and increased rapidly alike in wealth
and population.
One atrocious crime distinguishes the uneventful
annals of the period from the death of Nehemiah
to the era of Alexander the Great. During the life-
time of this Jewish reformer the high priest was
3 Gal. iv. i. ■> Gal. iii. 23.
3 MUman*3 HUtory of the Jews, i. 443.
204
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Eliashib.' He was succeeded by Joiada.' Joiada
had two sons, the one Jonathan ox- Johanan, the other
Jeshua.^ Jeshua stood higli in favour with Bagoses,
the Persian governor, and obtained from him the promise
of the liigli priesthood. Fortified by this assurance, he
ventured to quarrel with his brother, and fell slain by
his hands within the precincts of the sanctuary itself,
circa B.C. 366. This hori'ible occurrence roused the
indignation of Bagoses, and he advanced upon Jeru-
salem and demanded admittance into the Temple.
This the Jews tried to prevent, but the Persian general
declared he was less unclean than the body of the mur-
dered man, and not only polluted the sanctuary by
entering it, but also levied a fine of fifty drachmas on
every lamb offered in sacrifice during the next seven
ycars.^
Like his father, Johanan in his turn had two sons,
Jaddua and Manasseh. Jaddua succeeded to the high
priesthood, B.C. 341, and was distinguished for his
generous maintenance of the Mosaic institutions as they
liad been restored by Ezra and Nehemiah.
Manasseh, on tlie other hand, contracted an alliance
with the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite, one of the
most active opponents of the Jewish reformer.^ This
roused the indignation of the elders at Jerusalem, and
Jaddua declared that Manasseh must either put away
liis wife or resign all claim to the priesthood. This
the brother declined to do, and betook himself to his
father-in-law at Samaria, and commenced to exercise
liis priestly functions at a rival temple which Sanballat
built on Mount Gorizim with the permission of the
Persian court. Thus, according to Josephus,'' Manasseh
became the first priest of tho Samaritans at their
rival sanctuary, to which those Jews also repaired
from time to time who had been expelled for criminal
offences from their own country, or had any cause of
disaffection.''
Meanwhile the tide of war, which had been rolling at
a distance and wasting Asia Minor, at length burst upon
the shores of Palestine and Oa?lesyria. Victorious over
the Persian forces at tho Granicus, B.C. 334, and again at
Issus in tho following year, Alexander the Great took
Sidon, and laid siege to Tyre, B.C. 332. Thenco ho sent
a letter to Jaddua at Jerusalem, demanding the trans-
ference of his allegiance to himself from an empire
which was crumbling to pieces before his armies, and
requesting supplies for his troops. This the high priest
declared was impossible. He had sworn to be loyal to
Darius, and to Darius he would bo loyal so long as he
lived. Though annoyed at this reply, Alexander delayed
to take vengeance for tliis Ijold refusal tOl after the
reduction of Tyi-e, July, B.C. 331, and then set out with
his Macedonian armies for the Holy City.
Moving along the flat strip of the coast of Gaza,
the conqueror laid siege to that stronghold,' and
1 Neh. iii. 1, 20, 21.
2 Joseph., Ant. xi. 7, 1.
5 Neh. ii. 10, 19; liii. 28.
? Jos., ^nt. sri. 8, 7.
8 Arrian, ii. 26, 5 ; Crete's Grace, viii. 366, 367,
2 Neh. xii. 11, 22.
* Jos., Ant. xi. 7, 1.
^ Jos., Ant. xi. 8, 2.
having captured it in October, secured the road to
Egypt. Having now leisure to tui-n his attention to
Jerusalem, he advanced thither apparently by the same
route that Sennacherib had taken on a previous occa-
sion.' Meantime Jaddua and his people were filled with
the utmost alarm. Sacrifices were offered, prayers
were put up, and the Divine aid was sought to appease
the wrath of the invader. At length the high priest is
said to have been warned in a dream how he was to
act. Ho hung the city with garlands, threw open the
gates, and as soon as he was informed of the approach
of the conqueror, went forth, clad in his robes of
hyacinth and gold, and followed by a train of priests
and people arrayed in white, and met him at Sapha, i.e.,
probably Mizpeh, the high ridge to the north of the city.'"
As soon as Alexander beheld the venerable form of
the high piiest, he fell down ijrostrate before him, and
adored the holy name inscribed in golden letters on the
frontal of his tiara. Tho PhcEnicians and Chaldseans
in his retiune were only awaiting the signal to pUlage
the city and put the high priest to tho torture. They
could not, therefore, conceal their astonishment at the
conduct of theh- leader, and Parmenio, addressing him,
inquired why ho, whom all the world worshipped, could
think of kneeling before tho high priest. " It is not
the high priest," replied the conqueror, " whom I wor-
ship, but his God, who has conferred on him the priest-
hood. Li a vision at Dium in Macedonia, I saw him
arrayed precisely as he now stands ; and when I was
debating how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, he
exhorted me to lay aside all delay, and boldly cross over
the sea, for he would conduct my army and give me
victory over the Persians.""
Then he took Jaddua by the right hand, and entering
the city repaired to the Temple, offered sacrifice there,
and conferred high honours upon the whole priestly
body. The scroll containing the prophecies of Daniel
was then brought, and the prediction was road in his
hearing how that a Greek would destroy the Persian
empire. Overjoyed at this, he offered the Jews what-
ever privileges they might select. Tliereupon they
requested that the free enjoyment of their lives and
liberties might be secured to them, as also to their
brethren in Media and Babylonia, and that they might
be exempted from tribute during the Sabbatical years.
These privileges the conqueror willingly conceded.'-
9 Isn. X. 28—32.
"^ Or Scopus, the ^Tob of Isa. s. 32; whence rtt 'Upoa6\vfia
Kat Tnv viii'n. avvi:(3.iivtv u<fiopantKu. (Jos., Ant. xi. 8, 5.)
11 Jos., Ant. xi. 8, 5.
1- " Internal evidence is highly in favour of the story, even in its
picturesque fulness. From policy or conviction, Alexander de-
lighted to represent himself as chosen by destiny for the great
act which ho achieved. The siege of Tyre arose professedly from
a religious motive. The battle of Issus was preceded by the visit
to Gordium ; the invasion of Persia by the pilgrimage to the
temple of Ammon. And if it be impoesible to determine the
exact circumstances of the meeting of Alexander and the Jewish
envoys, the silence of the classical historians, who notoriously dis-
regarded and misrepresented the fortunes of the Jews, cannot be
held to be conclusive agaiust the occurrence of an event which
must have appeared to them trivial or unintelligible." (Smith's
lHctionar\j of the Bible, Art., "Alexander [" Thirlwall's Greece, vi.
p. 206 ; Eaphall's History of the Jons, i. 42—50.)
BETWEEN THE BOOKS.
205
CHAPTER II.
THE JEWS UNDER THE KINGS OP EGYPT.
Eight years after thi.'i visit to the Holy City, Alex-
ander the Great died at Babylon, B.C. 323, and the vast
empire he had won for himself ivas divided amongst
his generals. Palestine, as a province of Syria, passed
into the possession of Laomodou, while Egypt was
assigned to Ptolemy Soter. Before lung Ptolemy con-
quered Cyi'oue, and looked with longing eyes on the
harbours of Phoenicia, and the cedar forests of Libanus
and Antilibanus. Accordingly he invaded the reahns
of Laomedon, and having defeated him in battle, B.C.
321, made himself master for a time of all Syiia and
Phoenicia.
On this occasion the Jews manifested such unwilling-
ness to break their engagements to the Syrian king,
that Ptolemy advanced against Jerusalem, and besieged
it witlia large army. Entering the city under pretence
of offering sacrifico on the Sabbath day, when the in-
habitants refrained on religious grounds from attempt-
ing any defence, he succeeded in capturing it. Instead,
however, of following up his victory by a cruel massacre,
he contented himself with transporting a great number
of the inhabitants to Egypt, where he distributed them
as garrisons in ilifEoront places, and conferred upon
them equal privileges with tho Macedonians them-
The conqueror, however, was not long allowed to
remain in undisturbed possession of his new province.
It was soon disputed with him by Antigouus, one of
the most ambitious of Alexander's generals. Twice the
coveted province fell into the hands of his rival ; twice
Ptolemy managed to regain possesssion of it, and it
was finally adjudged to his share after tho decisive
battle of Ipsus, B.C. 301. But this battle had other
results besides securing to Ptolemy Soter the dominion
of Palestine, Phoenicia, and Ccelesyria. Seleucus I. had
joined the confederacy against Antigonus, and after
the victory was rewarded with a great jmrt of Asia
Minor, as well as the whole of Syi'ia from the Euphrates
to the Mediterranean. He assumed the title of " king
of Syria," and his dominion, in the words of the
prophet Daniel,- became " a gi'cat dominion," the most
extensive and powerful of those which had been formed
out of the empire of Alexander. Seleucus founded his
eastern capital on the banks of the Tigris, and called it
Seleucia after his o\vn name. For his western metro-
pohs he selected a spot on the left bank of the river
Orontes, and hero he founded a city B.C. 300, and
called it Antioch, after the name of his father Antio-
chus. Antioch soon became one of the most flourishing
cities in tho world, and Seleucus, convinced, like tho
Egyirtian monarch, of the loyalty of the Jews, invited
many of them to his new capital and other cities in
Asia Minor, and bestowed upon them many important
privileges.
The foundation of tho Syrian kingdom, with Antioch
' Jos., A.nt. xii, 1.
Dan, xi, 5,
for its western metropolis, placed Juilsea in an unf urtu-
nate position between two great rival monarchies, and
threatened to make it the prize of uitenninable conten-
tions. But the government of the first three Ptolemies,
Soter, Philadelphus, and Euergetes, was mild and
gentle, and while all the rest of the world was ravaged
by war, Palestine enjoyed profoimd peace.
Meauwliile Jaddua had been succeeded in the high
priesthood by his son Onias I,, and he again, B.C. 300,
by Simon the Just, tho last of the men of the " Great
Synagogue," as ho was called by the Jews. He repaired
the sanctuary of the Temple, sm-rounded with brass the
cistern or " sea " of the principal court, fortified the
city walls, and maintained the sacred ritual with unusual
pomp and ceremony. On the death of Simon the Just,
B.C. 291, his brother Eloazar became high priest. He
was succeeded, B.C. 276, not by his own son Onias,
but by his uncle Manasseh, the son of Jaddua. On his
death, B.C. 250, Onias II., tho son of Simon, became
high priest, but inherited none of his father's ^'ii'tues,
being distinguished for nothing but meanness and an
inordinate love of money. Neglecting to pay tho
annual tribute of twenty talents of silver to the Egyjjtian
king, he provoked the anger of the latter, who threatened
to invade Palestine, and divide it amongst his troops.
The Jews were filled with dismay at the too probable
consequences of the throat, and were only relieved from
their apprehensions by tho spirited conduct of Joseph,
the nephew of tho hifjh priest, who repaired to Egypt,
ingratiated himself with tlie court, and was appointed
collector of the revenues from Judaja, Samaria, Coele-
syria, and Phoenici;i. Pumished with a guard of 2,000
soldiers, he extorted payment from tho refractory towns,
liquidated the arrears due from his imcle, and for up-
wards of twenty-two years was universally acknowledged
as collector for the Egyptian kings.
Tho throne of Egyjjt, on the death of Ptolemy Soter,
in B.C. 283, was occupied by Ptolemy PhUadelphus.
Like his predecessor, ne distinguished himself by
uniform kindness to the Jewish nation, conferring
costly presents on the Temple at Jerusalem, and inv-itiug
many of the Jews to settle in his dominions. He
showed himself also a liberal patron of literatui'o and
science, establishing a famous library at Alexandria,
and sparing no pains in procuring books to be deposited
in it. With his reign also is connected the commence-
ment of the Greek version of tho Scriptures called tho
Sepiuagint, from tho tradition that seventy or seventy-
two interpreters from Jerusalem were engaged in tho
translation. This celebrated version was begun about
B.C. 2S6, the Pentateuch being translated first, and tho
other books being subsequently added.
On the death of Philadelphus, B.C. 247, Ptolemy
Euergetes succeeded to the Egyptian throne. Following
in the stops of his father, he extended considerably the
privileges of the Jews ; and tho story just related of
the manner in which Joseph obtained from him tho
farming of tho revenues of Judaia, is a striking illustra-
tion of tho influence wliii'h iudiridual members of the
nation had begun to acquii'C.
206
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
The reign of the Egyptian monarch eame to a sudden
and tragical close. In the year B.C. 222 he was assassi-
nated by his owii son, Ptolemy IV., who was called in
irony Philopater (" the lover of his father "). No sooner
was he seat^xl on the throne than he murdered his mother
Berenice, and liis brother Magas, and then gave himself
np to luxury and dissipation. Before long, however, he
was constrained to rouse himself from his lethargy, and
confront the rising power of Antiochus the Great, who
had seized Phrenicia and the greater part of Ccelesyria,
and wished to add Judaja to his dominions. Ptolemy
confronted his rival at Raphia, between Rhiuocorura and
Gaza, and defeated him with great loss, B.C. 217.
Meanwhile the Jews had remained loyal to the Egyp-
tian monarch, who was induced after his victoiy to pay
a visit to Jerusalem. Attracted by the beauty of the
Temple and the solemnity of the services, he pressed
forward to enter the sanctuary. Simon II., the successor
of Onias, entreated him to desist from his purpose ; but
this only made him more anxious to carry it out, and
amidst the terror of the priests and the wailing of the
populace, he proceeded towards the Holy of Holies.
Here, however, he is said to have been seized with a
sudden and snpernatui-al terror, and fell speechless to
the earth. Annoyed at this repulse, he returned to
Alexandria, and wi-eaked his vengeance on the nume-
rous Jews who had been settled there. Some ho put
to death ; others he sold into slavery, or reduced to tho
lowest class of citizens. Thirteen years afterwards he
fell a victim to his unbridled excesses, and was succeeded
by his son, Ptolemy Epiphanes, B.C. 20-5, then only
five years of ago.
During the closing years of the last reign Antiochus
had been gradually recovering from his disastrous
defeat at Raphia, and had re-esfciblished the supremacy
of tlie Seleucidas among the Parthiaus and Bactrians.
Returning to Western Asia, he found his old rival
dead, and the throne of Egyjjt in the possession of a
child. Thereupon he instantly attacked the Egyptian
dominions, and seized Coelesyi'ia and Judisea. In the
engagements that followed the Jews suffered severely,
and became in tm-n tho prey of both the contending
parties. In B.C. 203 Antiochus succeeded in capturing
Jerusalem. In B.C. 199 it was retaken by Scopas, the
general of tho Egyptian forces. In the following year
Antiochus took the field again, and at the foot of Mount
Panium, near the sources of the Jordan, defeated Scopas
in a decisive engagement, and captured that general him-
self and the remains of liis troops, who had fled for
refuge to Sidon.
Th-ed out with the struggle, and mindful of the in-
dignities offered to their sanctuary by Ptolemy PhUo-
pator, the Jews welcomed the conqueror as their
deliverer, and furnished readily supjjlies for his army.
Antiochus, on his side, treated his now allies with libe-
rahty and kindness. Not only did he assure to them
perfect freedom in the exercise of their religious rites,
but he forbade the intrusion of strangers into thou-
temple, promised to restore it to its ancient splendom-,
and bestowed upon it many splendid gifts. At the
same time, following tho example of Alexander the
Great and of Selcucus, ho gave orders to Zeuxis his
general to remove two thousand Jewish families from
Babylon to Lydia and Phrygia, where they were to have
lands assigned them, to exercise their own laws, and
to be exempt from tribute for upwards of ten years.'
1 Jos., Ant. xii. 3, § 3, 4.
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE.
PALESTINE :— (2) ORIGIN OF ISRAEL.
BT THE REV. WILLIAM LEE, D.D., KOXBTTKGH.
JT was, according to Archbishop Ussher,
about the year 1450 B.C., or, according
to Hales and otJier supporters of tho
Long Chronology, about 1.50 years earlier
than this date, that that great event in the history of
Palestine took place which transferred the possession of
the Holy Land from its primitive inhabitants, of whom
we have already spoken, to another race.
We have now to inquire into tho etlmical history of
the people which at the conquest thiis became pre-
dominant in tho land, a position which they continued
thenceforward to occupy, not without many vicissitudes,
involving calamities which occasionally even threatened
their national existence, down to tho destruction of
Jerusalem by the armies of Vespasian, in the year 70
after Christ.
I. FATHERLAND.
It is in the land of Chaldea, or Babylonia, and more
especially in Chaldea proper, or tho country lying im-
mediately to the north of the Persian GuK, and forming
that portion of the great alluvial plain between the
Tigris and the Euphrates, wliich was afterwards known
as the southern di^-ision of Babylonia, that we must
look for the first beginnings of the Chosen Seed. There
Abraham's family had probably dwelt from the times
of his remote ancestor, Arphaxad [i.e., "the border,"
or, according to Ewald {Hist. i. 282V " the stronghold,
of the Chaldees "]. There Abr.aham himself was born,
and passed the first seventy-five years of his life. In
the same territory was the liu-thplace of Sarah, Abra-
ham's wife and Isaac's mother. Tlie birthplace of
Rebekah, and of Rachel and Leah, was considerably
further north, but belonged to tho same great plain
of which Chaldea pi-oper formed the lower extremity.
Nor was the connection with the fatherland only kept
up by marriage. In Padan-aram Jacob, when he fled
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE.
207
from Esau, sought refuge, for a period of, as it has been
variously computed, from twenty to forty j-ears, amoug
his Chaldeau kindred.
Though of different races, the original homo of Israel
therefore was, if the tradition as to tho origin of the
Phosnicians, preserved by Herodotus, be accurate, not
remote from that of one great branch, at least, of the
nations whom they supplanted, and witli whom they
were for long brought into such intimate relations in
Palestine. Nor need we be surprised at this coiucidonce.
In no part of the world, according to all the information
we possess, was there, in early times, found a more re-
markable intermixture of different peoples than in
Western Asia, and in no part of Western Asia than in
Chaldea. The fact now referred to, which is in a great
measure accounted for by the early history of the
country in question, is itself well worthy of oiu- notice.
In what part of the world the survivors of the
Deluge first established themselves is a question of very
great difficulty. The most general opinion is ua favour
of some of the mountain-ranges of Armenia (Bochart,
Phaleg, 18). Another conclusion, apparently more
consistent with one of "the indications (Gen. xi. 2) of
its geographical position, and supported by concurrent
traditions among the Indians and Persians (see Lenor-
mant, Anc. Hist., i. 21), is that the mountain mass of
Little Bokhara and Western Thibet was the Ararat of
Genesis (viii. 4) and the cradle of the post-diluvian race
of man. However this question may be determined,
it appears that in process of -time Noah's descendants
migrated from their original settlements, and after
" journeyings" (Gen. xi. 2), the history of. which is not
preserved, arrived — ^by the Hebrew chronology about
100 years, by that of the Septuagint about 400 years
after the flood — in the very land from which Abraham
removed to Canaan, and there proceeded to establish
themselves.
That the " land of Shinar " must be identified with
Chaldea, or Southern Babylon, hardly admits of question.
" It was a plain country, where brick had to bo used for
stone, and sfime (mud ?) for mortar (Gen. xi. 3). Among
its cities were Babel (Babylon), Erech or Orech
(Orchoi), Calneh or Calno [probably Niffier (according to
Lenormant, Anc. Hist. i. 80, Ur)], and Arrad, the site of
wfiich is unknown. These notices are quite enough to
fix the situation" {Diet, of Bible, s. v. " Shinar"). Nor
is it much less evident from the sacred history that tho
migration to this territory, of which we read in the first
verses of Gen. xi., consisted, not of a section merely of
tho NoachidEe, as was long ago snggested by Bryant,
who supjioses these versos to refer to the Cushite inva-
sion of Chaldea, under Nimrod, elsewhere (Gen. x. 8)
described (Anc. Mythology, iii. 32), but of " the children
of men " of that day, as a whole ; and that tho confusion
of tongues, and the dispersion, i-clated in the same
chapter, also in connection with Chaldea. had reference
in like manner to the whole race. It is not improbable,
certainly, that migr.atious may have occurred before the
dispersion at Babel, before even the arrival in the x>lains
of Shinar. That such was the case is, indeed, apparently
implied in the reasons assigned by tho builders of the
city and tower of Babel for the course which they
followed (Gen. xi. 4) ; but this conjecture, if proved to
be correct, would not be at variance with the opinion
generally received, namely, that the occupation of
Chaldea, referred to in the passage in question, was the
result of movements, not on the part of one people, but
of the, as yet, undivided race of mankind.
Such an event as that now described could not fail to
leave its traces on the population of this tei-ritoiy, even
after the dispersion. A largo residuum of different races
would necessarily remain in the country in which the
descendants of the whole of the sons of Noah had thus
for a time formed a common home, and which became
their point of departure when, eventually, " they were
scattered abroad upon all the face of tho earth." After
events would tend to perpetuate and still further to com-
pHcate the mixed chai-acter of the population, doubtless
due originally to this cause. Reference is here made
especially to the Cushite invasion of Chaldea, of which
there is evidence, both in tho Bible and in the more
ancient monumental inscriptions.
But it is with the fact rather than its causes that we
are here concerned ; and the fact of the existence of a
strange medley of races m the Tigro-Euphrates basin
in all early times is abundantly ascertained. There is
reason to believe that originally various independent
tribes divided the country among them (Lenormant, Anc.
Hist., i. 347). If, indeed, the native historian Berosus
is to be refied on here, the country had for a time fallen
into a state of utter anarchy, being without ci\Tlisation,
or the forms of law. He describes it (Eusobii, Chron.,
ii., § 3) as "a great resoi-t of various peoples who . . .
lived without rule and order, like the beasts of the field."
The question has been raised (Niebuhr, Ana. Hist., i.
11, sq. ; Bawliuson, Anc. Monarchies, i. 58. sq.) whether
the race which first established a regular government in
Chaldea was Semitic or Hamite. From some exjjressions
in a remarkable fragment of primeval history which has
been introduced by the inspired writer, probably from
some much earlier document, into tho Toldoth Beni
Noah, or " Book of the Generations of Noah " (Gen. x.)
— confessedly " the most important record that we
possess for the affiliation of [nations] " (Joimi. of Asiatic
Soc, XV. 233) — as well as on other grounds, it appears
to be, on the whole, most probable that this distinction
belonged to a branch of the race of Ham, the Cushite
invaders of the country already referred to. There are
at the same time, however, strong reasons (cf. ibid.,
XV. 221, 226) for believing that Semitic peoples, like the
Arphaxadas (Gen. xi. 11) and the descendants of Asshur
(Gen. X. 22), had previously in considerable numbers
occupied the same region. All along, indeed, even under
the Cushite rule, an important Semitic element appears
to have existed in the population. And from the monu-
mental inscriptions it may bo concluded that not only
Semitic and Hamite, but also Turani.an, and possibly
other groups of the Japhetic, races must have been f ormd
in this territory in the earliest times. " Tho fact," says
Lenormant, " of the existence of an ancient Turanian
208
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
civilisation, and the presence of people of tliat race in
Chaldea, is one of the newest and least expected results
of the decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions, and
of the study of the original monuments of the Assyro-
Chaldean world. It is, nevertheless, incontestable"
{Anc. Hist., i. 342).' There is a curious confirmation of
the facts now stated as to the mixture of races in this
country, in the title of " rulers of the four races," or
sometimes " four tongues," which we find given to a
dynasty which reigned in Chaldea about the time of
Abraham himself.^ (Cf. Rawlinson's Herod., i. 262, 266.)
Less is known of the history, religion, customs and
manners, trade and commerce, arts and manufactures,
science and literature, even the country itself, of the
ancient Chaldeans than of those of many other peoples
of antiquity, and much less than will probably be dis-
covered when Southern Babylonia has been more care-
fully explored, and greater progress has been made iu
deciphering the inscriptions already collected. Great
difficulties attend excavations in so inaccessible a region
(Loftus, 239). The cuneiform inscriptions take us
back to a period of, in some eases, 2,000 years B.C.,
and have already yielded valuable results ; but this
form of writing, especially as found in the older docu-
ments, is, as yet, very far from having been thoroughly
mastered. Then, the Greek historians of Babylonia
all belong to a date comparatively too recent to be
of much value as authorities for the history of the
people in the times with which we are hero con-
cerned. As far, however, as our information goes, the
native country of Abraham, though it must have made
great progress in every way since the times described
in a passage already quoted from Berosus, was, even in
Abraham's day, very much less highly civilised than
some other countries with which the migrations of that
patriarch afterwards brought him in contact.
(I.) The aspect of the country — a flat alluvial plain — is
described by all travellers as, at least iu its present un-
cultivated and depopulated condition, singularly monoto-
nous and uninteresting. But with two such rivers as
the Euphrates and the Tigris, Chaldea must always have
been susceptible of being rendered, if not beautifid,
sufficiently fertile to support a large population. It is
uncertain to what period must bo assigned the introduc-
tion of the complicated system of canals and water-
courses, which in the time of the second empire made
the Tigro-Euphrates basin not less fruitful than the
banks of the Egyjitian Nile. The barren sandy wastes
which now almost everywhere meet the eye throughout
' To tliis must be added tlie following statement by Sir H.
Kawlinsou : — " One of the most remarkable results arising from
analysis of tbe Hamite cuneiform alpbabet, is the evidcnco of an
Arian clement in the vocahulary of the very earliest period, thus sbow-
iug that either in that remote age there must have been an Ariau
race dwelling on the Euphrates among the Hamite tribes, or that
(as I myself think more probable) the distinction between Arian,
Semitic, and Turanian tongues bad not been developed when
picture-writing was first used in Chaldea." (Essay on Early
History of Babylonia, Rawlinson's Herod., i. 362, note.)
- See also Essay above cited (p. 36iJ), According to Sir H.
Rawlinson, " tbe four races referred to, and which thus comprised
the early population of Babylonia, were probably Hamite, Turanian,
Arian, and Semitic."
this region, in the neglect of culture that prevails, do
not confirm the accuracy of the tradition in Berosus
(Euseb., Chr., ii. § 2) that in primeval times it yielded
corn without cultivation. But, according to Loftus
(Chaldcea, 14), there is no physical reason why, even at
the present diiy, it might not, with care and labour, be-
come again the land rich in com and wine, the land of
pleasant gardens, and groves of palm-trees, described by
Herodotus (Hist., i. § 193). (2.) No stone is found in
Chaldea, and the invariable use of bricks, cemented by
bitumen or mud (as in the tower of Babel) for building
purposes, was unfavourable to the development of the
art of architecture. The only remains of examples of
tlus art wliich have been explored are remarkable rather
for their massiveuoss than their elegance. But even in
early times ornament was not wholly absent. In some
chambers examined by Mr. Taylor at Abu-shahrein, and
apparently belonging to the Chaldean period, the inner
walls were found coated with fine plaster, and jjainted in
various designs. In one apartment the ornamentation
assumed a form common afterwards in the same country
(Ezek. xxiii. 14, 15), there being " reijreseuted, but very
rudely, the figure of a man holding a bird on his wrist,
with a smaller figure near him " (Rawlinson, Anc. Mon.,
i. 104). At Warka, Mr. Loftus f otmd among the remains
of an edifice, in his opinion, of early origin, part of
a wall thirty feet long, which was entirely composed of
torra-cotta cones, embedded in a cement of mud, and so
coloured and arranged as to form on the outer surface
various ornamental patterns. Similar cones are found
lying loose in the debris of many of the moimds through-
out the country, indicating the prevalence of this style
of architectural embeUishment [Chaldcea, 187). Another
building in the same place aif ords an example of the em-
ployment of the column in early Chaldean architecture.
The form is very rude — semi-circular bricks being made
use of, without cornice, base, or capital (Loftus, 175).
Mr. Loftus (182, sq.) believes that the roofs were gene-
rally ardied. The rooms (Rawlinson, Anc. Mon., i. 106)
were long and narrow, and usually communicated with
each other, or were entered by doors opening directly
into them from 'without. Passages are rarely found
mthiu the walls. (3.) Among the commonest and most
remarkable ancient remains are the burying-places.
These are of various periods, and so extensive that it
has been supposed (Loftus, 199'! Chaldea must in
com'se of time have become the Necropolis of all
Babylon. They consist of piles of earthenware coffins,
covered, probably by the wind, with sand, and form
vast tumuli. Brick vaults are also sometimes found.
The coffins and vaults, besides human remains, contain
engraved cylinders and gems, beads and neck-orna-
ments, date-stones and other remains of food, and
di-inking vessels. Some of them appear to belong to
the earliest periods of Chaldean history (see Loftus, c.
xviii.). (4.) Little evidence is in our possession of an
advanced state of the arts in the time of the first
empire. Hammers, hatchets, knives, sickles, and other
implements — in one case (Loftus, 269) what appears to
have boon the stock-in-trade, part of it in course of
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
209
manufacture, of a coppersmith — are amoug the spoil
of recent explorers. The latter collection, which is now
in the British Museum, includes large caldrons, vases,
small dishes, a large assortment of knives and daggers,
carpenters' tools, a pair of prisoner's fetters, and
several plates resembling horses' shoes. Some of the
articles are skilfully wi-ought. The fictOo remains —
vases, drinking vessels, and lamps — and the gold or
iron ear-rings, and other personal ornaments, which
also form part of the collections of Babylonian anti-
quities supposed to belong to the Chaldean period, are
not without beauty of form (Loftus, 211). In textile
manufactures the Babylonians eventually attained high
excellence. The " Babylonian garment," which Achau
coveted among the spoils of Jericho (Josh. vii. 21),
shows that, at least by the time of the conquest, they had
already acquired some repute in this branch of industry,
and found a market for their productions beyond the
limits of their o^vn country. (5. ) Nothing is kno\vn of
their scieutihc attainments except the fact of their early
proficiency in arithmetic and astronomy. As to the latter
science, we know (cf . Joiirn. As. Soc, xv. 221) that when
Alexander the Great took Babylon (c. 332 B.C.), there
was foimd in that city a catalogue of eclipses, which
had been observed by native astronomers during the
previous 1,903 years. According to Lenormant (Anc.
Hist., i. 360), " in the most ancient times that the monu-
ments permit us to investigate, asti'onomy was more
advanced in Babylon and Chaldea than it even was in
EgJlJt."
It is imnecessary to enter here into any account of
the religion of Chaldea. We have already found that
nature worship, accompanied tjy idolatrous, superstitious,
and licentious rites, prevailed throughout the whole of
Western Asia, from the earliest periods of which we
have any knowledge. The distinctions between the
Chaldaeans and other members of the Syi-o- Ai'abic family
of nations, as to then- special behefs and usages, are more
ciu-ious than important. The reader wUl find an inte-
resting chapter on the subject of the religion of Chaldea
in the fu-st volume of Professor Rawliuson's Ancient
Monarchies. To the general fact, that at the time of the
call of Abraham, idolatry appears to haYehoea universal,
here as elsewhere, and was practised even by the family
of that patriarch, there will bo occasion to retiu-u in
another connection.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE GOSPELS:— ST. MATTHEW.
BT THE KEV. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A.
" Again, ye have heard [or, ye heard] that it hath heeu said by
[or, was said to] them of old time. Thou ehalt not forsweai* thy-
self, but shalt perform unto the Lord thine oaths. But I say unto
you, Swear not at all ; neither by heaven, for it is God's throne ; nor
by the earth ; for it is hia footstool : neither by Jerusalem ; for it
is the city of the great King. Neither shalt thou swear by thy
head, because thou canst not make one hair white or black. But
let your communication [or manner of speech] be, Tea, yea ; Nay,
nay : for whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil [or of the
«vil cue]." — St. Matt. t. 33—37.
5«Ti^SJ.<HE words here quoted by our Lord are not
taken exactly, as in some other parts of
this discourse, from the IVIosaic law. They
contain, however, the substance of the
teaching of that law as set forth in the following
passages : —
(1.) " Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy
God in vain ; for the Lord wiU not hold him guiltless
that taketh his name in vain " (Exod. xx. 7).
It must be observed here that the word rendered " in
vain " is as applicable to the profanation of the name of
Jehovah in the ordinary intercoiu'so of life as it is to
false swearing. The word nib) (shav) is used in the
sense of " false " in Exod. xxiii. and Dent. v. 20 ; and
in the sense of " uselessly " or " to no purpose " in Ps.
cxxvii. 1 ; Jer. ii. 30 ; vi. 29 ; and Mai. iii. 14.
(2.) "And ye shall not swear by my name falsely,
neither shalt thou [or, and] profane the name of thy
God"(Lev. xix. 12).
Here the word rightly rendered " falsely " is a dif-
ferent word from that which is rendered " in vain " in
Exod. XX. 7.
38 — VOL. IL
VICAR OF WINKFIELD, BERKS.
(3.) " If a man vow a vow imto the Lord, or swear an
oath to bind his soul with a bond, ho shall not break
his word ; he shall do according to all that proceedeth
out of his mouth " (Numb. xxx. 2).
(4.) "That which has gone out of thy lips thou shalt
keep and perform " (Deut. xxiii. 23).
In addition to these passages, which clearly imply the
lawfulness of oaths under the ]*Iosaic law, there are
other more direct sanctions for their use on solemn and
necessary occasions, such as that contained in Deut. vi.
13 : " Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and serve biTn ;
and shall swear by his name."'
If further confirmation were needed of the legality
of oaths under the Jewish law, reference might be
made not only to the example of the patriarchs (Gen.
xxi. 24 ; xxxi. 531, of Moses (Josh. xiv. 9), of David
(1 Sam. xsiv. 22), and of Solomon (1 Kings ii. 23);
but over and above these, to the fact that Jehovah is
again and again represented as swearing by Himself,
as, e.g., in Ps. cxxxii. 11 ; Isa. xlv. 23 ; - Jer. xliv. 26 ;
and Amos iv. 2.
Enough has now been alleged to warrant the conclu-
' It is deserving of notice that the Hebrew verb which signifies
"to swear" is not used in the Jvai, i.e., the active voice, but in
the Nqyhal, i.e., the passive voice ; and therefore that this passage
may be literally rendered thus : " and shalt be sworn by [or in]
His name," a rendering which precisely accords with the phrase in
common use amongst ourselves in reference to judicial oaths — viz.,
(o be s^iorn.
- It is not unworthy of observation that the accomplishment of
this oath has reference to Christian times.
210
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
sion that there" is nothmg iuhereutly ov essentially
unlawful in an oath. It does not, however, follow, of
necessity, that that which is in itself lawful at one time
may not ho forbidden by Divine authority at another ;
and it therefore becomes necessary to inquire further
whether an absolute prohibition of oaths as regards
Clu'istians is, or is not, implied in the words under
consideration.
The first reason which suggests itself to the mind, in
opposition to such an inference, is that the whole con-
text leads to the conclusion that our Lord's reference is
not to oaths taken on solemn occasions, and in obedience
to lawf id authority, but to the use of oaths in ordinaxy
conversation {Koyos), and for light and tri'i'ial juir-
Tliis inference, drawn first from the context, wliich
has reference to customs commonly prevailing amongst
the Jews, is confirmed by the unquestionable fact that
the very oaths specially forbidden, and others of a
similar character, both were, and still are, of continual
occurrence with that people. Amongst the oaths in
common use amongst the Jews of old, Buxtorf,' who
gives his authorities, enumerates the f oUowiug : — (1) By
the swearer's own head ; (2) by the Temple ; (3) by the
altar ; (4) by heaven ; (5) by the earth ; (6) by the sun ;
(7) by Moses ; (8) by the law of Moses ; (9) by the hfe
of the Rabbins; whilst with regard to their modern
practice. Dr. Thomson" writes in the following words : —
" This people are fearfully profane. Everybody curses
and swears when in a passion. . . The people now
use the very same sort of oaths that are mentioned
and condemned by om- Lord. They swear by theii-
head, by their lip, by heaven, and by the Temple, or,
what is in its place, the Chm-ch."
The natural and obvious import of our Lord's words,
then, seems to be as follows (and it is worthy of remark
that in some of the best critical editions of the New
Testament wo find only a comma after the words " at
all ") : " But I say unto you. Swear not at aU [i.e., have
recourse in your daily and hourly intercourse with each
other to none of the oaths so current amongst you, of
which the following are examples], neither by heaven,
. . . nor by eartli, . . . neither by Joi'u.salem,
. . . neither shalt thou swear by thy head . . .
but let your communication [i.e., your ordinary conversa-
tion, or mode of affirmation or denial] be. Yea, yea ;
Nay, nay : for whatsoever is more than these cometh of
[i.e., has its origin in] c\n\ [or the evil one]."
It remains to be seeu how far this explanation of our
Lord's words is confirmed by, or is iuconsisteut vrith.
His own example, and the example and teaching of His
inspired apostles.
As regards our Lord's own example, it .should bo
observed that when adjm-ed by the living God to tell
the high priest whether He was the Christ, He neither
objected to the adjuration, nor kept silence, as when
1 Leisicon CliaXdaiciLm, Tahniidicum, et Eahbinlcumt p. 2,315, fol.
B.asileEe, 1640.
2 See The Lar.d and flic Book, pp. 100, 191. 1S64.
chai'ged by the false witnesses with saying that He was
able to destroy the Temple.^
As regards both the example and teaching of the
apostles, the evidence is yet stronger.
For, not only does the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews refer, in terms of implied sanction, to the
prcvadiug custom of oaths for confirmation ■with a view
to " the end of all strife," but we find St. Paul again and
again solemnly appealing to God, and calling Him " for
a record (or witness) upon his sold," when he desired
to give special weight aud solemnity to his assertions
(cf. Rom. ix. 1 ; 2 Cor. i. 18, 23 ; xi. 31 ; xii. 19, &c.).^
"Wliether, then, wo accept the view of Augustine, that
our Lord specifies j)articular oaths, such as oaths by the
head, by the city of Jerusalem,* by heaveu, or by earth,
because the Jerfs thought that the violation of such oaths
was permissible ;° or whether, apart from such special
ground of prohibition applicable to them, we interpret
om- Lord's words as an absolute jaroliibition of all oaths
used on light aud tri\aal occasions, as calcidated to
encourage profanity and to lead to perjmy, it seems
obvious that He coidd not have designed to forbid as
unlawful those oaths which in all ages, as well by
the authority of revelation as by the light of reason,
had been sanctioned — which Holy Scripture represents
Jehovah himself as employing, in condesceusion to the
weakness of man, for the gi-eater confh'mation of his
faith — to which our Lord himself raised no objection
when solemnly adjm'ed by the high priest — aud of which
the New Testament contaius many instances as pro-
ceeding from the hps of one who received the Gospel
which he px'eached, not of or through men, but by
direct revelation from heaven.
It must not, however, be overlooked that, as it is
man's sin which is the origin of the necessity of oaths,
so, in exact proportion as man is restored to the lost
image of his Maker, and created anew in righteousness
and true holiness, in the same proportion wih the neces-
sity of such solemn confirmations of the truth of his
words cease to be ueeiKul, together mth all those other
safeguards agaiust crime, aud provisions for its detec-
■* It must be reineuibered that the custom in the administering
of oaths nmougst the Jews was in accordance with our own in this
respect, that it was the proposer of the oath who repeated the
words, aud not tho person who was sworn.
^ It is not unworthy of observation that 1 Cor. xv. 31, " I pro-
test by your rejoicing," &c., has, as Augustine has noticed, the very
form as well as essence of au oath.
^ There is a different preposition (elr) used in reference to Jeru-
salem from that which is used in the other oaths here specified.
It indicates direction towards a place or person, and it may, there-
fore, refer to the Jewish custom of praying with the face towards
the city of Jerusalem (Dan. vi. 10) ; or it may be au allusion to
the Jewish custom of praying that all blessings may descend and
rest upon Jerusalem.
^ That such was the opinion of the Jews with regard to many
of the oaths which were in most common use amongst thorn,
.appears from Matt, sxiii. Iti — 23, where our Lord exposes the
fallacy of the distinctions drawn by them between swearing by the
Temple, aud by the gold of the Temple ; by the altai*, and by the
gift laid upon it ; by heaven, and by Him who inhabits it. In a
work of high reputation amongst the Jews, quoted by Bengel in his
Gnomon, we find the following passage ; "As heaven and earth
shall pass away, so shall the oath pass away which calls them to
witness.''
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
211
tion and pimishmcnt, which, directly oi- iudirectly,
" come of evil," or " of the evil one."
'• Therefore," says Augustiue, " let him who under-
stands that swearing is to bo reckoned, not among
thiags that are good, but among' things that are neces-
sary, refraiu, as far as he can, from iudidging iu it.
unless by necessity, when ho sees men slow to believe
what it is usefid for them to believe, unless they are
assured by an oath." '
1 Sermon on the Mount E3:iiOundcd, p. 42.
Clark, lS7o.
Edinburgh : T. and :
EASTERN GEOGEAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
PALESTINE.
BY MAJOE WILSON, K.E.
, ALESTINE, or the Holy Land, is the
central portion of a long narrow tract of
cumitry which stretches along the eastern
shore of the Mediterranean, from the Bay
of Issus and mountains of Asia Minor on the north,
to the Red Sea and Desert of Arabia on the south.
Separated from all other countries, and almost isolated,
by the sea on the west and the desert on the east, this
region possesses peeidiar physical characteristics, which
require some explanation before the geography of Pales-
tine itself, and its relation to the history, religion, and
mode of thouglit of the Jewish nation, can be rightly
undei'stood. The most remarkable featm'O is the great
valley which traverses the country from north to south,
and runs nearly parallel to the coast from Antioch to
the Red Sea ; the northern portion of this valley is
watered by the rivers Orontes and Litany, wliicli, risiug
near each other in the vicinity of Baalbec, flow in
opposite du-ectious — the former north to Antioch, where
it turns westward to the sea ; the latter south, till it
forces its way to the Mediterranean roimd the southern
slope of Lebanon. These are followed by the Jordan,
a river wholly without a parallel iu the world, which,
hurrying southward iu rapid descent, loses itself iu the
Dead Sea, the , cry deepest part of the Old World, Ijiug
1,300 feet below the level of the sea. South of the
Dead Sea the valley is known as the Wady el-Arabah,
which reaches to Akabah, and thence the great cleft, if
so it may be called, passes southward beneath the waters
of the Gidf of Akabah and the Red Sea to the pillars
which guard the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.
West of the Gulf of Alvabali, and risiug to a height
of from 6,000 to 8,000 feet above the sea, are the
wild rugged momitaius of Sinai, shrouding, as it were,
with a thick veil the secluded valley hi which, amidst
scenery of the most grand and impressive character,
the Israelites were assembled to witness the delivery of
the Law from Mount Siuai. North of the moimtaius
stretches the dreary desert of Et Tih, the scene, as it is
generally believed, of the forty years' wandering ; still
further north Kes the ]Sregeb,or "south country," through
wliich the spies passed up to view the land ; and then
follow the hills of Judtsa rmining northwards to the
plain of Esdraelou, which separates them from the hills
of Galilee. These latter serve to connect the mountain
system of Palestine with the lofty range of Lebanon,
whicli, after attaining a height of 10,000 feet near the
cedars, falls gradually to the north before rising again
iu the mountains of Asia Minor, and leaves at this point
an open highway for the passage of the nations of the
East from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean.
East of the great valley the country, as far north
as the giant buttress of Mount Hermou, presents no
marked physical features, and is for the most part a
broad jilateau, affording abundant pasturage for the
Bodiiwi flocks of the present day, as it did formerly
for the Hocks and herds which formed the pastoral
wealth of Moab, Reubeu, Gad, and the half tribe of
Mauassoh. With Moimt Hermon tho range of Anti-
Lebanon commences, and this, too, sinks gradually to
tho north almost purposely, as it seems, to admit of tho
open highway alluded to above.
Between the coast and the western range of moun-
tains there is a belt of level country, about twenty miles
broad at its southern extremity near Gaza, but gi-aduaUy
narrowing as we proceed northwards, until at last it
almost disappears, or is broken nj) by the rocky spurs
of the hills, which frequently advance to the water's
edge.
Tins district may be divided into six sections — Upper
Syria, Lebanon, Palestiue, tho Ncgeb or South Country,
the Desert, and the peniusida of Siuai — each of which
will be treated separately. At present, however, our
attention will be confined to the most important section,
Palestine, or the Holy Land.
Name. — The Hebi.sw word which iu our English
version of the Bible is translated " Palestine " in Joel iii.
4, and " Palestina" iu Exod. xv. 14, and Isa. xiv. 29, 31,
is only found elsewhere iu the Psalms, and is there
rendered by " Philistia." In tho Bible the name is used
for the country of the Philistines alone, but it after-
wards came to signify the whole land occupied by the
Jews, aud iu this sense we find it employed by Josephus,
PhUo, aud some of the writers in the Talmud. Tho
countiy is alluded to iu the Bible under several other
names ; it is the " land of Canaan " of the patriarchs
and Joshua; "the land" of Ruth, Jeremiah, aud St.
Lidie ; the " holy land " of Zechariah ; the " glorious
ia;;d '' of Daniel and Amos ; tho " land of Jehovah " of
Hosea, tho "land of promise" of the Epiistle to the
Hebrews ; the " land of Israel " of the Monarchy ; and
tho "land of Juda3a" of tho New Testament. It is
now most commonly known imder its name of Palestine,
or the Holy Land.
212
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OP THE BIBLE.
213
Position. — No one can help being struck by the
peculiar position of Palestine in regai'd to the powerful
nations immediately suiToimding it, as well as by its
remarkable geographical position, almost in the centre
of the ancient world ; and it is hardly too much to say
that in no other country could that striking combination
of moral and physical conditions have been found which
rendered Palestine the most fitting theatre for those
momentous events which have had such a gi'eat and
lasting influence on the history of the world .
Separated fi-om the great nations of the East by the
arid plains which lie beyond the Jordan, and from
Egyj)t by the southern desert, Palestine was from the
very first a country set apart from the rest of the world,
and this isolation was increased by the religion of the
Jews, which forbade their forming any alliance with
the surrounding nations. No great highway led thi-ough
the country ; the hosts of Egypt on their way to Assyria,
those of Assyria, of Babylon, and of Persia on their
way to Egypt, swept by it along tlie low maritime plain
which fringed the coast ; their object was the conquest
of the rival empire, and the liill country of Palestine
hardly possessed sufficient attractions to induce them to
turn aside from the most direct road to the end they
had in view. Napoleon, when he was asked, during
his Syrian campaign, to visit Jerusalem, replied that it
did not lie in the line of his operations, and it was
probably to a similar feeling on the part of the leaders
of the hostile armies that the Jewish nation for so many
years owed its independence ; it was only after the
lapse of centuries that the coimtry became involved in
disaster by neglecting the Divine commands and form-
ing alliances with one or other of the contending powers.
Later, Alexander passed over the country on his way to
Oriental conquest, and when, on his death, the empire
which he had formed fell to pieces, it became the battle-
field of the Seleucidse and the Ptolemies ; later stUl,
nnder Roman dominion, Palestine became one of the
thorouglifares between the East and the West, and it
was during these troubled times that a stream of
"Western ci\'ilisation flowed mto the coimtry, exercising
a powerful influence on the arts, the mode of thought,
and the history of the Jews during the last three
centuries of their existence as a nation. Isoliited as
Palestine was from all other countries, its geographical
position with reference to the three great continents of
Europe, Asia, and Afi-ica, as well as to the Mediten'anean
and Red Seas, was such that, when the fulness of time
came, the knowledge of the Gospel could be spread
to the remotest comers of the earth, and it is not un-
worthy of notice that the principal means by which the
glad tidings were conveyed was that sea which had
once seemed an almost impassable barrier.
The physical character of Palestine is no less re-
markable than its geographical position ; there is no other
country which, within the same nan-ow limits, contains
so many striking contrasts, or exliibits featui-es at once
so varied and comprehensive that, as has been justly
observed, there is no land or nation in the world which
does not find something of itself reflected there. In
the north are the lofty peaks of Lelianou and Mount
Hermon, rarely free from snow, with their cediu-s, their
alpine flora, and their wild thunder-storms, to which
allusion would seem to be made iu the 29th Psalm ; in
the south is the deep depression of the Dead Sea, \vith its
tropical climate, and a flora and fauna similar iu many
respects to those of the lake-regions of Equatorial Africa.
On the west the rich corn-gi'owing plains of Philistia
are in close proximity to the sandy, unprofitable desert
of the south ; in the centre the terraced hflls, with their
Itahau chmato so suitable for the cultivation of the
vine, olive, and fig, pass almost imperceptibly iuto the
barren wUdemess of Juda3a ; and on the east the dowDS
of Moab and Gilead, with their abundant pasturage, are
bordered by the tli-y and thu-sty laud of the gi-eat
eastern desert. Lastly, there is the " great sea " which
is so frequently alluded to in the Psalms, iu familiar
passages which come home with especial force to the
hearts and minds of the people of a great mari-
time nation such as England. From the Phojnician
traders who did their " business in great waters," the
Psalmist would hear of " the works of the Lord and
his wonders in the deep," and how, after one of the
wild westerly gales which visit the coast of Palestine,
the ships in which they sailed would "mount up to
heaven " and " go doivn again to the depths," reeling
" to and fro " and staggering " like a drunken man."
Extent. — Every writer has noticed the luirrow limits
of the Holy Land. From Dan to Beer-shoba is no more
than 140 miles, and from the Mediterranean to Jordan
the average breadth is only 40 miles ; a little territory
about the size of Yorkshire, containing less than 6,000
square mUes.
Physical Features. — Perhaps the most striking fea-
ture in the general aspect of Palestine is its natural
division into four parallel strips of ten'itory — the coast
plain, the hUl country, the Jordan valley, and the eastern
plateau.
The coast-plain extends without a break from the
desert south of Gaza to the long ridge of Mount Carmel
on the north; beyond Carmel lies the plain of Acre,
stretching northwards to the headland of Ras el-
Nakura (Ladder of Tyi'e), which separates it from the
long narrow plain of Phcenicia. The two latter sections
of the coast-plain are not mentioned in the Bible ; the
first contains within its limits the plain of Sharon
reaching from Carmel to Jaffa, and the plains of
Philistia extending southward to the margin of the
desert. The gi-cater portion of the plain is flat, but
north of Jaila there are some low hiUs, through which
at a remote period tunnels were cut to drain the marsh
land lying behind them ; the soil is rich and of mar-
vellous fertihty, producing year after year magnificent
crops, though the ground is tQled iu the rudest manner,
without manure and without irrigation. The broad
expanse of the Philistine plain, covered as it is at
harvest time with a waving mass of golden grain, un-
broken by a single hedge, is one of the most beautiful
sights in Palestine. Under the burning sun of Syria
the stubble becomes so di-y that a single spark might
214
THE BIBLE EDUOATOB.
kindle a flame that would rim before the wind like the
fires which sweep over the American prairies, and strict
precautions are taken by the Bedawi to prevent the oeeur-
renee of such a calamity. We cannot, therefore, wonder
that the Philistines were stirred to fierce wrath when
Samson turned his 300 foxes with their fire-brands
" into the standing corn," " in the time of wheat liar-
vost ; " fanned by the steady land breeze, which at that
season of tlie year blows every morning for tliree or
four hjours, the flames would spread witli fiery speed,
licMng up corn, olives, and vines, until they were checked
by the sea; and in those days, wlien the intercourse
between country and country was so slight, the loss of
their harvest must have been felt almost as a national
calamity by the Pliilistines.
Between the southern plain and tlie hiU country lie
a series of low undulating hUls, whicli are proliably
noticed in the Bible under the term shephelah, a word
translated in our EngUsli version the "low country,"
the "low plain," the "plain," or the " valley ; " at least it
is in tliis district that we find the towns mentioned in
2 Chron. xxviii. 18 as lying in the Shephelah, viz., Beth-
shemesh, Ajalon, Timnah, and Gimzo.
The hill coimtry commences about fifty mUes south
of Jerusalem, and rims northward through tlie land to
the plain of Esdraelon, beyond which it rises again and
Ls connected witli the Lebanon by the hUls of Galilee.
This highland district varies but shghtly in altitude,
and its general appearance as seen frsm the sea is
that of a long wall without any prominent peak to
break the monotony of its outline. Its average height
may be gatliered from the following altitudes : — Hebron,
2,840 feet; Mount of Olives, 2,665 feet; Neby Samwil,
2,900 feet; Mount Ebal, 3,029 feet; Neby Ismail,
1,790 feet; and Jebel Jermuk, 4,000 feet. The liiUs
are broad-backed, and present none of the grander
features of mountain scenery, but oveiy here and there
rounded summits rise above the general level of the
range, and afford striking panoramas of the surrounding
country ; such are the views from Neby Samwil, Moimt
Ebal, Little Hermon, Neby Ismail, near Nazareth, and
the hUl on which Safed stands, each embracing no
inconsiderable portion of the Holy Land. The eifect
of the views is increased by the transparency of the
atmosphere, which diminishes app.arent distances in a
manner unknown in moistor climes, and by the rich
and varying tints that light up the steep slopes of the
Jord.an valley. Through the centre of the hill comitry
runs the main road from Jerusalem, through Samaria,
to Galilee, following nearly the line of the watershed,
and passing close to many of the chief cities of Judah
and Israel; it is the route now usually followed by
travellers, and was probably always one of the most
important thorouglifares in the country. East of this
road the hUls descend abruptly to the Jordan valley ;
west of it, they fall more gradually to the coast-plain.
The wonderful ramifications of the valleys which cut up
the hUl country on cither side of the watershed form
one of the peculi.ar features of P.alestuie topography ;
rising frequently iu small upland plains of great rich-
ness, such as El Mukhna, near Nablus, the valleys
at first fall very rapidly, and then, after a tortuous
course, reach the plain on the one side and the Jordan
valley on the other. The effect of this is to split up
the country into a series of knifo-fike ridges, generally
preserving an east and west direction, and eifectually
preventing any movement over the country from south
to north, except along the central liighway ; the valley
of the Kishon, which spreads out into the broad plain
of Esdraelon, and the valley of Jezreel, are the only
two wliich are more than mere toiTent-beds. The
soil of the hill country, except in the wilderness of
Judaea, south-east of Jerusalem, and some portions of
the eastern slopes of the hUls, is extremely rich, and
where cultivated very productive. On the small iipi-
land plains corn is grown, and on the sides of the hills
•vTue, olive, and fig ; it is true that at present most of
the country lies waste, and except in spring-time, when
the ground is covered with bright flowers, presents a
most dreary and monotonous asjiect, but such was not
the case formerly. Everywhere traces are found of
that " terrace-cultui-e " for which the hiU-sides were so
peculiarly adapted, and which the Jews brought to
such great perfection. Professor Palmer found the
walls of old vineyards far south of Beer-sheba, on the
very verge of the desert, and there is hardly a hill in
Palestine on which ruined walls and the cisterns in
which the scanty rain-fall was husbanded are not f oimd.
It would appear from several indications in the Psalms
that the land was highly cultivated when the Israelites
came into possession, and this is happily expressed by
the author of the Christian Year : —
*' It was a fearful joy, I ween.
To trace the Heathen's toil.
The limpid wells, the orchards green.
Left ready for the spoil.
The household stores uutouch'd, the rosea bright
Wreath'd o'er the cottage walls in garlands of delight."
There is evidence, too, of the existence of large forests
iu certain districts, especially in Galilee, where the
roots fonn one of the principal sources from which
charcoal and firewood are obtained for the Damascus
market.
The Jordan Valley runs nearly parallel to the coast
from the base of Mount Hermon to the Dead Sea, and
contains the one gi'eat river of the country, the Jordan,
a purely inland river, like no other on the face of the
earth, " having no embouchure on the sea, and closing
its course in the very deepest part of the Old World."
After the junction of the throe streams which rise
respectively at Hasbeiya, Tell el-Kady, and Bauias,
the Jordan spreads out into the Lake el-Huleh, and
descends rapidly to the Sea of Galilee, whence it follows
a tortuous course wholly below the level of the Mediter-
ranean to the Dead Sea. On either side of the river
is a strip of plain of varying Avidth, with a rich soil,
formerly irrigated by the numerous springs and by the
streams that descend from the hills, which rise abruptly
on the east and west.
The Eafitcni Plateau has a gener,al altitude of 2.000
feet, and is tolerably uniform iu its character, presenting
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
SKETCH MAP
Showing Belativb Positions
OF Stbia, Palestine, Auabia,
Sinai, Egypt, etc.
216
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
a broad expanse of down or steppe land cut up by the
deep ravines which find their way to the Jordan valley.
In the south the downs are covered with rich pasture,
and in the nortli are still found remnants of the ancient
forests of Bashan. The southern portion of the plateau,
on the borders of the Dead Sea, formed the tei-ritory
of Moab; the centre and northern the kingdoms of
SUion and Og, Gilead and Bashan, which were given at
their o\vu request to the pastoral tribes of Reuben, Gad,
and half tribe of Mauasseh, who saw that it was "a
place " for the " very great multitude of cattle " which
they possessed.
Bivers. — The Jordan has already been mentioned ;
its principal tributaries are the Tarmuk and Zerka
( Jabbok) on the east, and the streams in Wadies Jalud
and Feria on the west. The Sea of Galilee receives two
small streams from Wadies Hammam and Rubadiyeh,
and Wadies Zerka Main, Mojib, and Kerak discharge
their waters into the Dead Sea. The streams running
westward to the coast are the Litany (Leontes), Naman
(Belus), and Kishon north of the ridge of Carmel, and
the Zerka, Aihdar, and Aujeh south of it.
S2iri)if)s. — In Dent. viii. 7 the Promised Land is
described as being " a land of brooks of water, of
foimtains and depths that spring out of valleys and
hills ;" and so it is when contrasted with Egypt, which
derives its supply of water from the annual inundation
of the Nile, though it may not seem so to travellers
from the more favoured countries of Northern Europe.
Several of the springs are of great size : at Banias, Tell
el-Kady, and Ras el-Ain, rivers of pure limpid water
come to the surface full grown ; and those of Jericho,
Jenin, Jalud, and Nablus are of almost equal impor-
tance, bringing life and vegetation wherever their
waters flow. Tliere is, in fact, no lack of springs in
those places where we might naturally expect to find
them ; but the cities and villages of Palestine being
usually built on the summits of the hUls, they depend
for the most part on cisterns for their water-supply,
and rarely have springs within their walls. The springs
are frequently mentioned in the Bible, often under cir-
cumstances of great interest, as those of Jezreel, Jericho,
GUion, and Eu-gedi. There are also several hot springs,
the most important being those of Tiberias, Gadara,
and CalliiThoe.
Climate. — Fi-om its peculiar formation, the country
possesses much variety of climate ; that of the hill
country has been compared with the climate of Italy,
whilst that of the Jordan valley is decidedly tropical.
The rainy season usually commences towards the end of
October and lasts till March, after which the air clears,
and for mouths the bright blue sky is unbroken by a
single cloud. The rainy season is stOl ilivided into the
early and the latter rains, but they are rather a succession
of heavy showers than a continuous rain, and the
annual rainfall is small, the average of seven years,
during which observations have been taken, being only
nineteen and a haK inches. There are occasional falls
of snow at Jerusalem and on the higher hills, but it
seldom lies on the ground more than one or two
days. Palestine is still visited by those sudden storms
which ai-e so frequently alluded to Ln the Bible, as on
the occa,sion of the battle of Beth-boron, and that of
Barak's victory over Jabin, king of Hazor, in the plain
of Esdraelou ; the storm wliich caught the discijiles on
the Lake of Galilee, and that which foDowod the dis-
comfiture of the priests of Baal beneath Mount Carmel,
when Elijah "girded up his loins and ran before Aiab
to the entrance of Jezreel." The writer was once
caiight in one of these storms in the plains of Galilee,
and a short description of it may interest the reader.
Leaving camp one bright cloudless morning with a
party of Arabs, his attention was called by his com-
panions to a small cloud in the west, no larger than a
man's hand, which rising rapidly soon overspread the
heavens and bm-st upon the party. The storm com-
menced with a furious gale, against which it was barely
possible to stand, and this was followed by an almost
insfcmtaneous fall in the temperatiu-e from 75° to
below freezing-point, numbing the fingers, and pro-
ducing all the unpleasant sensations of frost-bite ; then
came a ton-ent of liaU, or rather sharp broken pieces of
ice, which no one could face, and all had to seek such
shelter as they could, roUed up in their cloaks on the
open plain. We had on this occasion full experience of
the Psalmist's words, " He casteth forth his ice like
morsels, and who can stand against his cold ?" and could
realise the effect of those storms which came so oppor-
tunely to the assistance of the Israelites on the occasion
of the two memorable battles mentioned above. With
their backs to the gale the warriors of Joshua and
Barak would be in comparative comfort, whilst their
opponents would be perfectly paralysed, for no soldier
could have notched an arrow or drawn a bow in the
face of such a storm as that which has been noticed
above.
It has often been supposed that the climate of Pales-
tine has changed since the time of our Lord, but this
does not seem to have been materially the ca,se. The
destruction of all the timber has, no doubt, somewhat
modified the climate, and produced a shghtly diminished
rainfall ; but the existence of the conduits, pools, and
cisterns for the water-supply of Jerusalem, and the
numerous aqueducts and cisterns for u-rigation, show
that there must always have been a want of water ; and
the fact that the fruits grown at ijresent are those men-
tioned in the Bible would seem to indicate that the
climate has not undergone any great change.
Such are some of the principal features of the Holy
Land, and it is hoped that what has been said wiU give
the reader an insight into the general character of the
country, and enable him to understand more completely
the detailed descriptions of the several districts and
localities which follow.
ILLUSTRATIONS OP HOLT SCRIPTURE FROM COINS, MEDALS, ETC.
217
ILLUSTEATIONS OF HOLY SCEIPTURE FROM COINS, MEDALS,
AND INSCEIPTIONS.
BY THE BEV. CANON KAWLINSON, M.A., CAMDEN PEOFESSOB OF ANCIENT HISTOET IN THE UNITEESITT OP OXFOED.
^ ERSIAN cuneiform inscriptions later than
the time of Darius Hystaspis are exceed-
ingly rare ; and tlius the later chapters of
Ezra, the Book of Nehemiali, and the Book
of Esther, whicli belong to the reigns of Xerxes,' the
son. and Artaxerxes Longimanus, the grandson of Darius,
do not admit of much illustration from this soui-ce. Still
there are various points connected with Persian manners
and customs, and also some linguistic peculiarities of
not very much below the Persians themselves (i. 19).
Now with all this the inscriptions of Darius are iu com-
plete accordance. Iu the great inscription of Behistun,
Media is coupled with Persia,' and the Medes with the
Persians in exactly the same way as in the Book of
Esther. " When Oambyses had gone to Egypt," says
; Darius, "thou the state became wicked: then the lie
became aboimding iu the land, both in Persia and
in Media, and in the othei provinces."^ And again,
" From Cambyses the state went over to Gomates the
SIGNET CTMNDEE OF DAEIUS THE SON OF HYSTASPIS. ENLAKOED FEOM LAJAED S " OULTE DE MITHEA,
these portions of Holy Scripture, on which the earlier
Achsemenian inscriptions throw a certain amount of light.
Tliese points it is proposed to consider in the present
paper.
1. We find in the Book of Esther a frequent com-
bination of MefUa with Persia (i. 3, 14, 18 ; x. 2), or of
the Medes with the Persians (i. 19), which indicates
that under the early Achaemenian kings the Medes
held a peculiar position. They had been conquered
(we know), and were subject to tlie Persians," but
they were not reduced to the condition of the mass
of the provincials. They evidently stood next to the
Persians, had a share of the royal favour, enjoyed
offices of dignity (i. 14), and were in fact accounted as
' Tliat the Abasuerus of Esther is Xerxes appears to be now
generally admitted. The resemblance in character was always felt.
Recently it has appeared that the name is very close indeed to the
native Persian form, which is Kiiihayarsha.
2 Herod, i. 130.
Mage, both Persia and Media, and the other pro-
vinces."'' And — "After Gomates the Mage had dis-
possessed Cambyses both of Persia and Media, and the
dependent provinces, he did according to his desire ; he
became king."* Again, the royal favour towards the
Medes is shown in the inscriptions by the appoint-
ment of two of them to higli commands imder Darius :
"Then," says Darius, "I sent an army to Babylon; a
man named Intaplu^s, a Mede, him I made their
leader." * And earh«r in his reign — " Then I sent forth
an army of Persians and Medes ; a man named Tacha-
maspates, a Mede, one of my subjects, him I made their
leader,"' No other subject nation shares ■witli the
Modes this dignified position.
2. It is repeatedly stated in the Book of Esther that
proclamations issued to the inhabitants of the different
3 Col. i„ par. 10, § 9, 10. t Ibid., col. i., par. 11, § 7.
5 Ibid., par. 12, § 3. 6 Ibid., col. iii., par. 14, § 3.
? Ibid., col. ii,, par. 14, § 5, 6.
218
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
provinces of the Persian empire were addressed to them
in their several languages — " unto every province accord-
ing to the wilting thereof, and unto every people after
their language " (viii. 9 ; compare i. -i ; iii. 12). The
AchiBmenian inscriptions harmonise with this statement
in respect of the fact that, being more or less of the
nature of proclamations, they are in every instance sot
up in more languages than one. Ordinarily the inscrip-
tions are tri-lingual, Persian, Babylonian, and Scythic ;
sometimes, but rarely, they are no more than bi-lingual.
Persian and Scythic, or Persian and Egyptian.i The
principle is apparent in them, that the Persians dechned
the attempt to force their own language upon the
nations subject to them ;- and this pruiciple is involved
equally in the fact with respect to proclamations ro-
coi-ded in Esther.
3. In Esther, as in Ezra (Ezra vi. 11), crucifixion ap-
pears as an ordinary Persian punishment (Esth. ii. 23 ;
V. 14 ; vii. 9). It has been shown in a former paper that
the Behistun inscription is in entire accordance.-*
4. The employment by the Persian monarchs of a
signet, by wliich they authenticated decrees and other
documents, is strongly marked in Esther, where the
royal signet is mentioned no fewer tlian five times.''
The late researches in Mesopotamia, wliich have brought
to light signets of several earlier monarchs,* have yielded
one such memorial of a Persian king. This is the
signet cylinder of Darius Hystaspis.'' It represents the
monarch as engaged in the chase of the lion amid a
palm-grove, seated in a chariot, driven by an unarmed
charioteer. (See the preceding page.)
On the left side of the pictorial representation is a
lii-lingual inscription (Persian and Scythic) which tells
us thiit the monarch represented is " Darius, the great
king." Wliother the signet of Ahasuerus wliich he
took from Hamau and g.ave to Mordecai (chap. viii. 2)
was a cylinder or a ring is perhaps doubtful ; but, on
the whole, probability is in favour of its ha\nng re-
sembled the signet of Darius.
5. In Ezra vii. 12 we find Artaxerxes Longimanus
styling himself in an edict " long of kings." The
Achaemenian inscriptions exliibit this as the ordinary
title of every Persian monarch after Cyrus.'' In Assyria
its use had been infrequent ;^ in Babylon we have no
evidence that it was assumed at all;' but the Persian
1 The legend of Cyrus at Mur^ab (Pasararadffi) is Persian and
Scytliic. A legend of an Artaserxes (probably Ocbus) on a porphyry
Tase in the treasury of St. Mark at Venice is Persian and Egyptian.
- Two instances occur of inscriptions in four languages, Persian,
Babylonian, Scythic, and Egyptian. (See the author's Ancient.
Monarchit^s, vol. iii., p. 205, note 3, 2nd edition.)
3 See Vol. II., page 191.
■1 Esth. iii. 10, 12; viii. 2, 8, 10.
5 As those of Urukh, Ilgi, and Kurri-Galzu, early Chalda^an
kings, of Sennacherib (Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 160), and
others.
*■ Lajard, Cidte dc Mltlira, pi. ssy., fig. 6.
7 Bell, Ins., col. i., par. 1, § 3 ; Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions,
vol. i., pp. 261, 320, .341, &c.
■■^ The phrase occurs iu the great inscription of Tiglath-pileser I.,
but not, as far as I know, elsewhere in the Assyrian inscrip-
tions.
' Nebuchadnezzar calls himself "the august lord" and "the
supreme lord," but not " kin^ of kings " nor even " supreme king."
monarchs, at any rate from the time of Darius Hys-
taspis, took it as one of their proper titles, and used it
freely iu all their addresses to their subjects.
6. In Ezra vii. 14, Artaxerxes speaks of his " seven
counsellors;" and in Esth. i. 14 we hoar of the " seven
princes of Persia and Media, wliich saw the king's face,
and which sat the first in the kingdom." There is
a passage in the great inscription of Behistun which,
combined with one in Herodotus, thi-ows light upon
these statements, showing us who these '' piiuce-conn-
sellors" were, and how they acquired their superior
dignity. Darius tells us that, when he raised the
standard of revolt against the pseudo-Smerdis, he did
it in conjunction with six others, "Ms well-wishers,"
and that by their aid he accomplished the task which
he had set himself"' — the recovery of the crown from the
Magi, and its re-assignment to the members of his own
family. Herodotus adds to this the statement that the
six " well-wishers " were rewarded for their devotion by
being elevated to the rank of a liigh nobility, and united
closely with the monarch." Tliey were given the right of
admission to the king's presence whenever they pleased,
and thus " saw the king's face " continually. Tliero
is a sliglit difficidty iu resjieet of their number, which
in Herodotus and the Behistun inscription appears to
be six, whereas in Esther and Ezra it is " seven." But
this is sufficiently met by the suggestion of Niebulir,'-
that the seventh pri\dleged family was that of the
Achsemenidae itself — represented by Darius at the time
of the conspiracy, and afterwards i-epresented among
the counsellors by the nearest agnate of the king, as
by Artabanus '■'' (Admatha ?) in the early part of the
reign of Xerxes.
7. The linguistic points on wliich the Persian cunei-
form inscriptions have thrown light are numerous ; but
the greater part would perhaps scarcely be appreciated
by the bulk of our readers. We refer fliose who may
wish for further information about them to the Speakers
Commentary, and especially to the appendices to Ezra
and Esther. In this place we propose to speak only of
certain Persian names or titles which were formerly
more or less doubtful, but which have now, by the dis-
covery of the native originals, been distinctly and posi-
tively identified.
(1.) The name " Ahasuerus " has been identified with
the Greek and Roman " Xerxes," through the Persian
original Khslmyarsha. Ahasuerus (lETrounN) has all the
letters of Khshayarsha in theu' proper order, and only
differs from it by the initial a, without which the
Hebrews could not pronounce the double consonant
khsh, and the vau which replaces the y of the Persian
original.
(2. "I Achmetha was conjectured to be "Ecbatana"
in former times, not that the words were very like, ))ut
^^ Beh, Ins., col. iv., par. 18.
11 Herod, iii. 81.
1- Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i., p. 131 ; E. T.
'■' Herod, vii. 10, 15, 46 — 52. The " Admatha" of the present
text of Esther (urTD^I-rt may not improbably have come from an
original »:3m«. (See Esth. i. 11.)
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
219
that all other knovni Persian cities presented forms
more positively unlike. Now, it is found that the
Persian name of the place was Hagmat/m, and with
tlas word Achmetha (xnnnN) corresponds nearly. The
light aspu'ate n represents the Persian /(, ; the guttural
n, Jih, replaces the Persian g ; the m and t are the
same in both; the Hebrew N7 exactly renders the long
a of the Persians. Nothing is wanting to complete
the accordance of the two words but the final con-
sonant », which is dropped in the Hebrew "Achmetha,"
as it is in "Hara" for Haran (1 Cliron. v. 26). Thus
Achmetha is positively identified vnth Ecbatana ; and
what was formerly a reasonable conjoctiu-e has now
become a matter of certainty.
(3.) Tirshdthd, which our version leaves untranslated
(Ezra ii. 63; Neh. vii. 65, 70; viii. 9; x. 1), is no doubt
the title of an oiEce, and is consequently a word of
which it is not very important to know the exact mean-
ing. Still there is a satisfaction, to the etymologist at
any rate, in learning (as wo may learn from the inscrip-
tions) what the formation of the tei-m was, and what to
one who understood that formation it signified. Now
we find in the inscriptions the verb tars, " to fear,"
frequently ; and this verb would make in its past par-
ticiple tarsdta. If Tirshatha, as is probable, represents
this word, its exact meaning would have been "the
Feared ; " and it may be compared -with the German
gesirenger Het-r and our title of " Reverend."
BT THE REV. A.
THE POETEY OF THE BIBLE.
A GLEN, 31. A., INCUMBENT OF ST. N I N I A N's, A L T T H, N. B.
OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF BIBLICAL POETRY (continued).
§.5. — FROM HEZEKIAH TO THE CAPTIVITY.
"^^ ^HE name of Hezekiah does not, like that
of Solomon, mark the beginning of a
distinct epoch in Hebrew literature. The
whole interval from the latter monarch's
reign to the exOe may be considered as one period, for
the impulse given by him to every form of artistic
.ictivity lasted, -(vithout abatement of its vigour, far
beyond the end of the eighth century. The most
perfect works of literary art produced l^y Israel are, by
many of the best writers, referred to a date later than
Hezekiah, while, of the large group of psalms whose
composition may with certainty be placed in the intei'val
between David and the Captivity, only a veiy few can
vrith approximation to certainty be connected with a
particular event or reign.
There are, however, reasons which make Hezekiah's
time a convenient landmark in the literary as in the
political history. With the reign of his son Manassch
a period of decline in national greatness set in,
which must have extended to the literature. The
wound which had been given to the empire by the
Assyrian conquests was too deep for recovery, and that
dreaded power stOl hirug like a dark cloud over the
fortunes of Judah, threatening to break in ruin. But it
was not only the visible power and glory of the State
which suffered. The spirit of the people was broken
and confused. Ever since the later days of Solomon
secret causes of corruption had been at work. The
-vvritings of the prophets from Joel to Isaiah show how
deep-se<ated was the disease, and how fatal to morality
and religious purity. Under the infamous Manasseh,
paganism, which had been long struggling -with the
worship of Jehovah, seemed to gain the ascendant.
The persecution of the true religion in which, according
to Jewish ti-adition, Isaiah's martp'dom occurred, shows
that the corruption had now reached its greatest height.
Ewald does not hesitate to compare the dark reign of
Manasseh to the worst periods of Greek or Roman
history.'
But it is the great name of Isaiah which chiefly
distinguishes this epoch. Around the gi-eatest of the
prophets all the best iutellectual power of the country
must have gathered. He, more than Hezekiah, must
have been the centre of the great cluster of nameless
poets whose songs make tke time con.spicuous. His
own writings combine every excellence and every variety
of poetic composition. " We camiot in the case of
Isaiah, as in that of other prophets, .specify any par-
ticular peculiarity or any favourite colour as attaching
to his general style. He is not the especially lyrical
prophet, or the especially elegiacal prophet, or the
especially oratorical and hortatory prophet, as we should
describe a Joel, a Hosea, a Micah, with whom there is
a greater prevalence of some particular colour ; but
just as the subject requu-es, he has readily .at command
every several kind of style and every several change
of delineation ; and it is precisely this that, in point
of language, establishes his greatness, as well as in
general forms one of liis most towering points of
excellence." -
But it is not his pre-eminence alone which dis-
tinguishes this prophet from those who succeeded him.
He was the last of the great prophetic order who
was able by the action of his life to influence in any
material degree the course of public events. Jeremiah
and Ezekiel strove in vain to resist the gi-owing evils
of their day. Those who felt the call of God to the
great office of jirophet were com))elled to resort to new
means of giving utterance to truth. The orator was
merged in the poet or his historian, the man of action
in the man of letters, and thus prophecy tended " to
become a mere matter of literary and poetic compo-
1 Ewald, History, vol. iv. 277.
- Ewalfl, Propltcten des A. U., quoted iu Smith's Did. of the
Bible, art. "Isaiah."
320
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
sition." In the history of prophetic poetry, therefore,
Isaiah occupies a place where two distinct eras meet.
But it is not only in prophetic poetry proper that
Isaiah holds a marked place. His influence on the
fortimes of lyric song was perhaps greater than that of
any one after David. It is true that none of the Psalms
which are extant bear his name. Tradition has not
fixed upon him as on Jeremiah, Haggai, and Zechariah,
as a contributor to the Psalter. Tet his poetry becomes
in some cases so pm-ely lyric in tone and style that we
may well consider liim a psalmist. There is not in the
whole range of poetic literature anything which in
grandeur of conception or splendour of language can
sm-pass the magnificent ode over the downfall of tyranny
in chap. xiv. Isaiah was a master too in that elegant
form of verse which Ip'ie poetry was now assuming, in
which the strophes are divided and marked by a chorus
or refrain. But his influence is chiefly felt in the im-
pulse and force given by his wi-itings to the prophetic
hopes which now begin to blossom more vigorously into
song, and usurp more of the function of lyric poetry, in
proportion to the decline of the public activity of the
prophets and the weakening of their sway over the
outward fortunes of the empu-e.
The poets of Israel had always been foremost in
giving utterance to the noblest aspirations of the people.
The prophetic spirit in which David, in spite of the
temptations attending his growing power, had ever
maintained the purity of the theocracy, the supreme
majesty of the rightful Lord of Israel, continued to
breathe through the strains of those who woke his harp
in succeeding times. But the faith gi'adually assumed
a new form. The very glory of David helped to give
it this now direction. As king after king succeeded,
and, with each, the national spirit seemed to weaken
and lose something of its ancient vigour and purity,
the noblest expectation was directed, not so much to
the pei-petuity of the theocracy as to the coming of the
true hiunan King through whom it might be consum-
mated. The community could only regain its lost hold
on true religion, and fulfil its high destinies, when one
born a king should live the perfect Uf e becoming the
leader of the kingdom of God. Isaiah was the fii-st to
grasp this truth and give it a distinct and living form.
" Himself, so to sjjcak, royal in nature, he recognised
for the first time the real character and certain coming
of the true and perfect King." Prom him the newly-
shaped Messianic hope passed not only to the prophets
whose names we know, but also to those unnamed
singers who, amid the general deeUne, brought the
energy of individual minds to the task of keeping alive
the noble thoughts and grand tniths which were the
ancient possession of the nation. Prom this time on-
ward it becomes a characteristic feature of lyi'ic poetry
to paint the future gloiy of Israel under images borrowed
from the reigns of David and Solomon, which, in contrast
with the evils of later reigns, grew to be the symbols
of perfect internal and external pro.sperity (cf. Ps. Ixxii.,
Ixxxix., cxxxii.. &e.). Other prophetic elements also
appear. "A vision of judgment" becomes a common
topic for poetic treatment. The inspired bard sees God
coming down to arraign all the nations of the earth and
pronoimce sentence on the wicked. Spiritual religion
is contrasted ■\vith mere outward and formal service,
and the true worth and meaning of sacrifice gradually
grows clear. Poetry takes its stand, like prophecy, as
the irreconcileable antagonist to hteralism of all kinds,
and even, in the hands of Levites who chant the
praises of the law, continues to exalt tlie inner truths
over the mere words of sacred books and the ceremonial
sanctity of ofiice. Psalm I. combines all these features
in a remarkable degree. Though it does not famish
any evidence for fixing a precise date for its compo-
sition, it may be with greatest probabihty assigned to
the period with which wo are now concerned. The
title, which ascribes it to Asaph, may at least be taken
in proof of its connection with the tribe of Levi
(1 Chron. vi. 38, 39). In its general tone and cha-
racter it is essentially prophetic. It contains a mag-
nificent theophany in which Jehovah appears in
judgment on his people. The language and style are
suitable to the subject. " In elegance and subhmity of
language, in force and dignity, the jjsalm is worthy of
the best days of Hebrew poetry.'"'
" Jehovah, even the most mighty God, hath spoken and called
the world
From the rising up of the sun unto the going down
thereof :
Out of Sion, the perfection of heauty, hath God shined ;
Our God shall come, and shall not keep silence !
There went before Him a consuming fire.
And a mighty tempest was stirred up round about Him.
He calleth to the heaven above.
And to the earth, that He will judge His people :
Gather 7tiy saints iogeiher unto me,
Those tltat have made a covenant with me with sacrifice /
And the heavens declared his judgment,
How that God himself doth judge."
This is the exordium in which the poet describes his
" vision of judgment." God's sentence follows in three
utterances : the first addressed to the Jewish nation ; the
second dii-ected against the wicked ; the thii-d,a message
of mercy and solemn warning to all who are tempted to
forget the great Judge.
i. God's Sentence against the Nation.
" Hear, 0 my people, and I will speak ; I myself will testify
against thee, O Israel ;
I am God, even thy God !
I will not reprove thee because of thy sacrifices,
For thy burnt-olferings are always before me ;
I will take uo bullock out of thiue house,
Nor he-goat out of thy folds !
For all the beasts of the forest are mine.
And so are the cattle ou a thousand hills ;
I know all the fowls upou the mountains,
And the wild beasts of the field are in my sight ;
If I were hungry I would not t^ell thee ;
For the whole world is mine and all that is therein'.
Thinkest thou that I will eat bull's flesh.
And drink the blood of goats ?
Ofler unto God thanksgiving.
And pay thy vows unto the Most Highest,
And call upon Me in the time of trouble.
So will I hear thee, and thou shalt praise me !"
' Perowne, Psaltn L., vol. i.
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
221
ii. Agaitist the Wiclicd.
" But unto the ungodly said God :
Wliy dost thou preach my laws.
And takest my covenant in thy mouth ;
Whereas thou hatest to be reformed.
And hast cast my words behind thee ?
When thou sawest a thief, thou consentedst unto him,
And hast been partaker with the adulterers;
Thou hast let thy mouth speak wickedness,
And with thy tongue thou bast set forth deceit;
Thou sittest and sjieakest against thy brother.
Yea, and slanderest thine own mother's son ;
These things hast thou done, and I held my tongue.
And thou thoughtest that I am even such a one as thyself :
But I will reprove thee, and set before thee the things that
thou hast done."
iii. His Words of Mercy and Solemn Warning.
** Oh, consider this, ye that forget God,
Lest I pluck you away, and there be none to deliver you !
Whoso otfereth me thanks and praise, he hououreth me ;
And to him that ordereth bis conversation aright
Will I show the salvation of God."^
Otlier general features of the composition of this
period assume distinction. The songs are constructed
more elaborately, and ai'ranged with greater ^ew to
aitistic effect. The strophes become more even and
regular. Even tlie letters of the alphabet are called
into poetic service to secure uniform arrangement of
the verses." There is a general desire for new graces
of expression and more elegance of form, and the
rapidity of movement and terseness and vigour of the
ancient song are sometimes sacriiiced to these external
adoraments.
But the "well of inspiration" was still fresh and
pure. In spite of the growing corruption of the ago
and the general decline in national prosperity, indi-
viduals not only preserved their faith in goocbie.ss and
truth, but were able to give it the noblest utterance in
song. The very miseries on which they looked drove
them inwards to search in their own hearts for the
strength and consolation which outward events coidd
not supply. And they were not even dismayed when
they met, in these "sessions of sOent thought," the
perplexing problems which the Book of Job- and many
of the noblest psalms seek iu vain to solve. It is
characteristic of the decline of the Hebrew monarchy
that the wide field of subjects which had engaged
the specuLation of Solomon's time ceased to interest.
Literature revolves more and more round the nature
and liistory of the true religion. But religion had lost
its hold on national life, and the poetry of tho decline
reflects individual feelings rather than those of the
nation. Grand outbursts of ijatriotic song were no
more heard. As we read the long series of national
disasters which followed one another with such startling
rapidity, and are crowded by the chronicler into one
short chapter 1,2 Chron. xxxvi.), we feel that only one
style of poetry could possibly flourish at such a time ;
that Jeremiah, sitting amid the ruins of Jerusalem,
and singing those grandly mournful elegies which have
for ever made his name a word of lamentation and
woe, is the one figure which fully represents the dying
1 See T!io Golden Treasurtj Psalter.
- Ps. is., s., xsv., xxxiv. of the alphabetical psalms belong
probably to a date prior to the Captivity.
spu-it of Jewish song. Many of tho psalms are in
subject and manner Jeremiah's, if they were not wiitten
by his pen; and there are others which, from their
allusions and tone, must bo referred to the Captivity.
Some of these contain the bitterest imprecations against
the heathen oppressors. Others rise to nobler feelings
of trust in the redeeming lovo of God and hope of
speedy deliverance. But all are marked by that re-
morsef id recognition of past follies and sins iu which
lay the best hopes of futiu-e restoration and peace.
§ 6. — THE KETUKN.
In the account given in tho Book of Ezra of the
return of the first band of exiles with Zerubbabel, we
are informed that it comprised sinr/ing men and singing
women. It was a time for joyful song. "Jacob was
rejoicing and Israel was right glad " (Ps. xiv. 7), and
we can well understand not only how tho right hands
resumed their cimuiug and swept tho strings to the
glad notes of the ancient " songs of Zion," but how all
the deep and strong feelings which are the true source
of poetry were stirred into activity and broke out iu
song. The captivity was tm-ned as the rivers of the
south (Ps. cxxvi. 4). Freshness and fertility had re-
vived in the parched and thirsty land. Those who had
sown in tears were reaping in joy. The long time of
trial would now bear fruit. The peoiile had come
back wiser and purer, and the ancient hopes, which had
been well nigh destroyed, sprang up afresh under a
truer and nobler foi-m.
There is one small gi-oup of fifteen psalms which
must in part have been the offspring of the feelings
awakened by the return (Ps. cxx.— cxxxiv.). They bear
the inscription " Songs of Degrees," or " Songs of
going up" (shir hammahaloth). Tliis term has been
variously explained. It probably denotes a collection of
hymns made for the use of pilgrims to the Second
Temple, at the period of the great feasts, and which
turned, as was natural, on the gi-eat pilgrimage, the
return from captivity. Many of the songs must owe
their origin to tho hopes called into being by that
event. AH are pervaded by the same sweet strain of
tender beauty. They are exquisite little poems breathing
of the sanctity and peace of home life in the restored
city and under the shadow of the new Temple.
It was indeed to the new House of Jehovah that all
the mterest of the restored people turned. Dreams of
imperial splenJour were broken and gone for ever, but
the ancient worship might bo revived, if not with all
the old magnificence, yet pure from all the corruptions
of the past. Poetry lent its aid to this noble revival.
Many anthems and hymns were composed for the
Temple services, and were sung with the proper
accompaniments of music and dancmg. "Amongst
these was that long series of psalms which open or
close with the triumphant Hallelujah, a nation's great
thanksgi\-iug, the celebration of a deliverance so won-
derful that it eclipsed even that which before had been
ever regarded as the most signal instance of God's
favour towards them, the deliverance of thou- fathers
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
from the bondage in Egypt. One portion of these
psalms (cxiii. — exviii.), ' the HalUl,'' or, as it was some-
times called, ' the Eg}'ptiau Hallel,' as if wnth the
' purpose of bringing together the two memorable epoclis
of the national history, was sung at the great festivals
in the Second Temple, at the Passover, at Pentecost,
at the Peast of the Tabernacles, and also at the Feast of
Dedication and at the New Moons. This was doubtless
' the hymn ' which our Lord and his apostles are said
to have sung at his last solemn passover before He
suffered"' (Matt. xxvi. 30; Mark xiv. 26).
Another group, the graud choral hymns, which close
the Psalter (cxlv. — el.), are marked by an intense fervour
and glow such as burns only in an united congregation.
This New Temple poeti-y has indeed a character of its
own. The psalms of David, though adapted by liim to
hturgical use, were scarcely hymns in our sense of the
term. They wore lyric poems, expressing indeed
national feelings and truths wliich were shared by tlie
commimity, but springing from individual exijerience,
and glowing with the passion of the poet's ovra heart.
The later Temple song is 'for the most part wanting in
this iudi\ddual feeling. The compositions were evidently
made for public use. Historic allusions are frequent.
The national rather than the indi\'idual past is appealed
to. The watchwords wliich roused the nation to action
in former times are regarded as oracles. Pi-agments of
ancient song are quoted mth affectionate reverence.
(See especially the graud dedicatoi-y ode Ps. Ixviii.)
Of poetry of a national kind little Ijesides these litur-
gical hymns sm-vives from this period. The lyric
impulse had in other du-ections died out. But in the
sanctuary of personal experience, no less than in the
sanctuary of public worship, it retained its grandeur.
Here it is not inferior to the old models either in
earnestness and depth of thought or in beauty of ex-
pression, while Ln other respects it shows the deejj and
lasting effects of the sufferings of the Exile and the
joy of the Return. The chief results of this great
national crisis were an increased and purified religious
zeal and a stricter regard to the Di^e law. But side
by side 'ivith these moral results were other signs of
progi-ess, which are reflected, as in a mirror, by the
poetiy and pi-ophecy of the restoration. In some of the
later psalms, as well as in that magnificent body of
prophetic song which bears in our Bibles the name of
Isaiah and concludes liis work, but which, in spirit if
not in reality, belongs to this period, we discern a deeper
and wider sympathy both with nature and maukind.
Tlie softening mfluence of foreign intercourse, thougli
it was with their oppressors, had enlarged the huuian
interests of the people of Israel. Amid their own
affliction they meditated on God's fatherly love till they
felt it to embrace all afflicted and oppressed ones, and
extend to all His creatures. In their zeal for the
restored religion they pictured the extension of its
blessings "even to the isles beyond the sea." They
1 Perowne, Psalms^ vol. i., Introduction.
saw all nations coming- to the new Jerusalem as to a
religious centre for the whole world (Ps. xcviii., Ixxxvii. ).
But " intercourse -with. God had also become closer and
more personal." The human spu-it sought for union
witli the Divine in new and .untried directions, smd the
great works of God were approached mth a new mean-
ing and irarpose. This is shown in the poetical repre-
sentations of nature. The Hebrew poet begins to look
on the magnificence and beauty of the n-eated world
through the medium of human feeling. He draws
inanimate nature into closer sympathy with himself.
He sees and hears on all sides around him a reflection
and echo of his o\vn emotions. Hitherto he has repre-
sented Jehovah as rejoicing in His works. Now the
world is rejoicing with himself in the goodness and
gre<atness of its author. Prom sea and land, from hill
and wood, one great chorus of gladness and song rises
as the belief grows strong that the eternal and righteous
God is coming to dispense His judgments and estabhsh
righteousness in the earth. (See especiiiUy Ps. xcvi. —
xcviii., with remarks in Psalms Chronologically Ar-
ranged.)
Most of the later psalms are anonymous. The
LXX. and Vulgate prefix inscriiitions to many of the
great liturgical hymns, assigning these compositions to
the prophets Haggai and Zeehariah.- A true tradition
is probably embodied in these inscriptions, which re-
jiresent the tendency, ah-eady developed before the
Captivity, of proxihecy and song to blend. We are
ignorant of the name of the author of the long 119th
Psahn, which, -svith some shorter compositions, reflects
the elaborate study of the written law which was
one of the features of a later age. Here jirophecy
begins to make way for the wisdom and didactic skill
of the scribe, and prepares for the long silence about
to fall, in which neither prophet's voice nor poet's song
will be heard.
When that silence began is, however, imkuown. The
date for the final closing of the Psalter has never been
accurately determined. Some psalms are refen'ed by
many writers to the Maccabsau age. Allusions in Ps.
xliv., Ixxiv., Ixxix. are better explained by reference to
the events of that j^eriod than to those of any other.
The common lament of the time was that of the
psalmist's : —
*' We see not our tokens,
There is not oue prophet more,
Neither is there any .among us that knoweth how long."
(Ps. Iisiv. 10.)
But it is more probable that poetic and prophetic inspi-
ration died away together, to be revived together only
in the glad song which resounded through the Temple
courts when the priest's mouth was uidocked, and he
prophesied the futiu-e of the boy bom to prepare the
way for Him whose coming, not the Jewish nation
only, but aU the world had awaited in silence so long.
- According to the LXX., exsxvii., cxlv., cslviii. ; according to
the Vulgate, cxi., are psalms of Haggai and Zeehariah,
ZEPHANIAH.
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
THE PROPHETS ;— ZEPHANIAH.
BY THE EEV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
INTRODUCTION.
jN all probability, Zephauiah was a prince
as well as a prophet, in virtue of his
descent from Hezokiah, the pious king of
Judah, who, aided and taught by another
I'oyal prophet — Isaiah — wrought a notable reformation
in the faith and morals of the chosen people. In the
title prefLsed to this prophecy his pedigree is traced,
through four descents to a Hezekiah, and there abrujjtly
terminates, as though, the name being well known to
fame, there were no need to carry it fiu'ther. Ordi-
narily, only the name of a prophet's father is given. The
fact that, contrary to custom, Zephauiah's pedigree is
traced up to his great-great-gi'andfather is an indication
that this ancestor, Hezekiah, was a man whose name was
held in memory and honour-. We find no Hezekiali
known to fame in the Hebrew annals, save Hezekiah
the king; and therefore it is probable that the Heze-
kiah from whom Zephaniah was proud to descend was
that devout king who for a time arrested the downward
current of the Hebrew story.
Zephaniah, the descendant of King Hezekiah, prophe-
sied " in the days of Josiah, kiug of Judah," who also
set himself, aided by Jeremiah and other prophets, to
reform the public faith and morals. Thus Zephaniah
serves as a link between Hezekiah and Josiah, the two
most godly and zealous mouarchs of the later ages _of
the Hebrew kingdom.
Between these two godly monarchs there spreads a
di'eary waste of years, in which the men of Judah de-
parted more and more from the Lord their God, and
plunged ever more deeply into the vices and supersti-
tions of the neighbom-iug idolatries. When Josiah, stUl
a chUd, ascended the throne of his fathers, the Hebrew
commonweath was almost incredibly corrupt ; from the
crown of its head to the sole of its foot it was infected
with the most malignant forms of political and spu'itual
disease. The princes and nobles, the heads of tribes
and families, plotted treason and mischief in their
heai-ts. Their turbulent followers '' leaped over their
masters' thresholds" to rob and plunder the defenceless,
to commit crimes of public violence, filling the houses
of then- lords with injustice and deceit. The very
priests abandoned the pure ritual of Jehovah to minister
at the flagrant altars of Baal and Astarte. The great
bulk of the people, openly falliug away from the faith of
their fathers, " worshipped all the host of heaven on the
roofs " of their houses. Nay, even after Josiah had re-
published the Law and re-established the service of
Jehovah, many thousands of them attempted a compro-
mise between God and Baal. " swearing both to Jehovah
and by their Malkam," or idol-king; while other thou-
sands, yielding to the scepticism which ever walks side
by side with credulity, refused to believe iu aught that
the senses eoidd not grasp ; " di-awn together on then-
lees," cradling themselves on their baser passions and
lusts, they accounted of God himseK as One who " did
neither good nor evil," who neither rewarded men for
their virtue, nor scourged them for, and by, "the plea-
sant vices" with which they pollute their lives. In
short, the interior of the Temple, which had been suf-
fered to fall into a ndnous disrepair, was an apt symbol
of the spiritual decay that was eating out the very heart
of the national life and unity and strength.
Zephaniah, of whom we know nothing save his pedi-
gree and liis function, was raised up and inspired of God
to correct these errors ; to rebuke these sins ; to denounce
the judgment of the Lord on all unrighteousness of men ;
to disclose the merclEul intention and purpose of judg-
ment ; to exliort men to seek the Lord, in seeking humi-
lity and righteousness ; to assure them that, if they
retm-ued to the Lord whom they had abandoned and
denied, the Lord would have mercy upon them and re-
deem them from all evil. In this task or mission he
must have been greatly aided by the zeal and sympathy
of the king.
Josiah was but " eight years old when ho began to
reign ;" but " he did that which was right iu the sight
of the Lord," despite the idolatrous customs amid which
he had been brought up, "and walked in the ivays of
David his father, and declined neither to the right hand
nor to the left."' The phrase "he walked iu the ways
of Da^-id his father" is probably a hint that the good
men do lives after them. Josiah had not been bred in
habits of reverence for the only wise and true God;
" the law of the Lord " was an unknown book to him.
But from some wi-itten clrronicle, or from tradition, or
from some kind faithful voice — perhaps that of the
venerable prophetess. Hnldah — ho appears to have
learned the story of David and his " ways ;" to have
been deeply impressed by it ; to have been fii'ed with a
noble emiJation ; to have resolved, while yet a boy, that
the hero and darling of Israel should be his model and
exemplar.
" In the eighth year of his reign," when ho was .six-
teen, his thoiights rose from David, the shepherd and
king, to the God who was David's King and Shepherd ;
■' he began to seek after the God of David his father. '"-
In the twelfth year of his reign — when a yoimg man of
twenty — he proved that in some measure he had found
the God wliom he sought, and had made the laws and
principles by which David ruled his life his o\vu. For
now ho began " to purge Judah and Jerusalem from the
high places and the groves " of the base Phffiuician cult,
to break down the altars of Baal and Astarte, to gi-ind
the carven and molten images to powder. For the next
2 Cbron. Yxsiy. 1, [
- 2 Cliron. :
dv. 3.
224
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
six years of Ms life and reign ho devoted liimself to the
task of cleansing the land from the traces of this foul
idolatry. And then, having destroyed that which was
evil, lie set himself, in the eighteenth year of his reign
— the twenty-sixth of his life — to develop and foster
that which was good.
He issued a public commission for the repair of the
Temple, and the restoration of its splendid and elaborate
ritual. And wliUe the cloisters and courts swarmed
with Levites and artisans, busied in liewmg stones, carry-
ing timber, coUeeting and testing instruments of music,
Hilkiah, the high priest, lit on a treasure which inflamed
the king with new ardom'. In the Holiest of All, that
innermost shi'ino into which even the high priest might
enter but once a year — in this sacred and awf id arcanum
laid up befoi-e the ark of the covenant, Hilkiah found
"the book of the law of Jehovah by the hand of
Moses."' This book — so the most competent scholai'S
affirm — was nothing less than the original copy of
Deuteronomy at least, perhaps of the wliole Pentateuch,
the very skins on which "the hand of Moses" had
written out the Divine Law. " The book of the law by
the hand of Moses " — so strangely lost, so strangely
foimd — was taken to the king, who in all probability
had seen no copy of it before, and produced a profound
impression on his mind. That wliich struck him most
deeply — stnick him to the heart — apfiears to have been
those very curses out of the Book of Deuteronomy
which we had occasion to read in our study of Joel" — -
the curses pronounced by Jehovah on the childreu of
Israel if they should not walk in His statutes, do His
commandments, keep His sabbaths, reverence His sanc-
tuary. That the men of his generation had provoked
these curses, he coidd not doubt. That the ciu'ses were
coming on them, he had grave reason to fear ; for, as
we shall see, the land was at this time menaced by a
ten-ible and portentous calamity. Troubled by fear and
the consciousness of the national guilt, the king cannot
rest. He must know the truth, however threatening,
however ten-ible it may be. Ho sends an embassy of
the most honourable of his servants to tlie college in
Jerusalem, where Hiddah, the aged prophetess, was
awaiting tlie tardy api)roach of death. Huldah had
been distinguished by her prophetic vrisdom when Jere-
miah and Zephauiah had been young and unknown men.
To her, therefore — wise by long experience, as well as
by prophetic gifts — the king bids his servants repair.
" Go, inquire of the Lord for me, and for them that are
left in Israel and in Judah, concerning the words of the
book that is foimd : for great is the wrath of the Lord
that is poiu-ed out upon us, because our fathers have not
kept the word of the Lord, to do after all that is wi-itten
in this book."^ Only too clearly and sorrowf idly Huldah
perceives that though during Josiah's days the chUdren of
Israel may serve the Lord, they will afterward depart
from Him yet more and more ; that the curses de-
nounced by the Law must fall in order that the blessing
1 2 Chron. xxriv. U. - See Vol. II., page 143.
3 2 Chron. xsxiv. 21.
promised in the Law may be bestowed. She tells the
king's servants that the Dii-ine wrath will surely be
poured out ; but that, because he was of a tender heart,
and trembled at the word of the Lord, Josiah should
come to his grave in peace, and not see the evils that
were about to blacken on the land.
Undismayed, or at least imdeteiTed, by the prophetic
warning, JosLah set himself more steadfastly than ever
to recall the people to obedience and worship. He him-
self read to them " all the words of the book " which
had so shaken his own heart, and persuaded them to
renew then- covenant with the God of then- fathers.
Probably the,, were the more disposed to listen to
the king because of that ten-ible calamity which had just
swept through the land, and which might at any moment
retm-n upon them. For at this time the Scythian hordes
had broken out from their pastures and deserts ;■• they
had overrun Western Asia, u-resistible and destructive as
a locust flight ; they had passed through Judaea, eating
up the laud before them, and had shaken a distant
hand of menace at Jerusalem itseK, if they had not, as
some writers aver, actually besieged it. These bar-
barous Cossack hordes were still surging to and fro in
their career of conquest and plunder, now sweeping over
this land, now over that ; at any time they might return
upon their course and flood the city and kingdom of
Judah. Such an inroad, a danger so imminent and
terrible, might well seem to Josiah the beginning of the
end, the first di'ops of that rain of ciu'ses threatened in
" the book of the Law." It might well dispose the men
of Judah to hearken to the words of their king, to repent
of their iniquities and turn to God with purpose of
heart.
Now it was about this time, toward the middle of
Josiah's reign, that Zephaniah delivered his prophecy,
and came, in the name andjiowerof the Lord, to expound
the words of the Law, and to enforce the warnings
of Huldah and the exhortations of the king. Most of
the more able of recent commentators place Zephaniah
in Josiah's reign, for chronological and historical reasons
too minute and elaborate for popular discussion. Wo
have the less need to discuss them, since his poem dates
■" The account which Herodotus gives of this terrible Scythian
invasion is briefly this. A numerous horde of the Scyths "burst
into Asia in pursuit of the Cimmerians, whom they had driven
out of Europe, and entered the Median territory." They were
" opposed by the Medes, who gave them battle, but, being defeated,
lost their empire. The ScijtMans hecame ■masters of Asia." They
then formed the design of invading Egypt. " Bid when Ihcij had
reached Palestine, Psammetichus, the Egyptian king, met them with
gifts and prayers, and prevailed on them to advance no further."
(That the Egyptian king should " iiuct" the Seyths in Palestine,
is accounted for by the fact that he was at this time besieging
Azotus, or Ashdod, one of the leading cities of the Philistine con-
federation.) For a time the Scythian hordes remained in the
" Shephelah " or "low country " of Palestine, the broad maritime
tract on the south-western coast occupied by the Philistine clans ;
but after the main body had departed, "some few who lagged
behind pillaged the temple " of Astarte at Ascalon. In fine, " Hie
dominion of the Scythians over Asia lasted eight-and-tweniy years, during
nhicU their insolence and Oi^iiression spread min on every side. For
besides the regular tribute, they exacted from the nations addi-
tional imposts, which they fixed at pleasure ; and further, they
scoured the cojmti'i/ and ^^lundered every one of whatever they could."
(Herodotus, Book' I., chaps. 103—106.)
ZEPHANIAH.
itself. Its tone and scope imply a period in which a
reformation of religion had been commenced, but had
not boon carried to completion ; in which the worship
of Johovah had still to contend with " the remnant of
Baal," and men were still wont to blend the service of
God with that of idols ;' in short, just such a period as
that in wliich Josiah was engaged in cleansing and re-
pairing tho Temple, restoring its ancient ritual, and
summoning the people to the annual feasts which had
long fallen into desuetude.^ It was at such times that
prophets were needed and were commonly sent. Those
were the very conditions which demanded tho prophetic
ministry. For it was the prophet's task to interpret the
facts of his time, the omens and portents in the facts,
and to impress their significance oil tho hearts and con-
sciences of men. Zephaniah rose to the level of this
high task. Ho took up and expounded tho threatenings
of the newly-discovered " Book of tho Law." He applied
the solemn warning (?f Huldah, bringing it homo to tho
conscience of all sorts and conditions of men. In the
Scythian inroad he saw a symbol of future invasions
still more destructive and fatal ; in tlmt day of dark-
ness he descried the portents of a stiU greater and more
terrible day of the Lord, a day of fury, a day of anguish
and distress, a day of desolation and ruin, a day of
darkness and gloom, a day of cloud and of cloudy night,
a day of the trumpet and the trumpet blast, a true dies
iras, the terrors of which should cover tho whole earth
and shako tho hearts of all its inhabitants with fear and
trembling. Neither Judah nor Jerasalem should be
spared in that day. Nay, the judgment would begin at
the house of God. Nor was that day distant ; it was
even now sweepiag up like chaff di'iven before the wind.
Nor must they hope to escape it ; " not even their silver,
not even their gold, " would be able to rescue them in
the day of the Lord's fury.-' If they were wise, they
would not so much as wish to escape it ; for this day
of judgment was also a day of sovereign mercy. The
very heathen were to be smitten by its terrors, in order
that all nations, " every one from its place, might
worship Him," the only true God,'' and find rest in
serving Him ; while of tho Jews, as many as humbled
themselves under the mighty hand of God should
"see evil no more:" Jehovah would reveal Himself
in their midst as " the Mighty One who saves ;" Ho
would dwell among them, and rejoice over them, now
in tho silout ecstasy of a love which can find no words,
and agam in the rapture which breathes itseK m cries
of joy.'^
This, in brief, is the general scope and purport of
Zephaniah's pathetic and sublime poem. And in its
general scope it closely resembles the prophecy of Joel,
which wo have recently studied.*^ It traverses tho
same largo circle of thoughts In both there is, first, a
threatening of judgment, then a caU. to repentance, and.
' Chap. i. 4, B. 22 Chron. xxxiv. S— xxxv. 19.
•'* Chap. j. 14, 18. 4 Chap. ii. 11 : iii. 9.
-' Chap. iii. 14—17. 6 See The Bible Eddcator, Vol. II.,
pp. 52, 65, 92, 108, 140, 158.
39— VOL. II.
last, the promise of a golden age of concord and peace.
In both, the liistory of the chosen race swells and grows
into the history of the world at large. In both, the
prophet starts from the history of tho past and presses
on into the future, until he is met by apocalyptic visions
of a regenerated race dwelling amid the sweet bounty
and peace of a restored universe. And it wUl be well
for us to compare the two, and mark how Zephaniah
presents tho vei-y truths and principles enunciated by
Joel in forms peculiar to himself. For, though so
similar in scope and purport, these sacred and inspired
poets differ much in form and style. Joel is tho most
abstract of prophets, and touches the history of his time
at points comparatively few ; while Zephaniah abounds
in minute and elaborate allusions to the political facts
and events of his age. And hence, wliile Joel may be
read with edification by tho simple and unlettered,
Zephaniah is weU-nigh a sealed book to them untU
a scholar unlooses the seals and opens the book. Of
tliis prophecy, more than most, wo may well ask,
" How can we understand it except some man should
guide us ? "
Tet even the most simple and unlettered reader of
this poem will find passages La it wliich move him either
by their sublimity or their pathos. His enjoyment of
these passages, however, wUl be much marred by the
feeling sui-e to grow upon him as ho reads, that ho can
make nothing of the poem as a whole, and that many
of its verses are enigmas to wliich he has no key. Nor
will his case be greatly mended should he betake him-
self to the works of any English commentator known
to the present writer. He mil bo apt to feel much as
tho Ethiopian statesman must have felt as he rolled
along the desert road from Gaza to Egypt, puzzling liis
brains over the dark sayings of Isaiah ; and he will be
fortunate indeed if he meet any evangelist to teU him
of whom and what the prophet was speaking, and be
led by him to the cool foimtaiu of some green oasis in
wliich he may wash away tho sins of his ignorance.
On tho merits of Zephaniah's stylo — i.e., in the Hebrew
— critics differ, though the better judges are much
impressed by its " grace, energy, and dignity," and by
" the unity and harmony of the composition," viewed as
a whole. But of the poem as translated into English,
eveiy reader may judge for himself. And in this form
it surely is one of the most beautiful of poems. It con-
tains passages which we should pronounce to bo admir-
able had they been written by an Englishman of to-day.
It abounds with vivid dramatic touches, with exquisitely
chosen epithets, with elaborate j^icturesqne descriptions,
such as our own poets love. Yiewed simply as a literary
composition, there are few verses in which we may not
find something to admire. Of the longer passages, for
example, what can bo more perfect than tho description
of the ruined city of Nineveh (chap. ii. 13 — 1.5) ? —
** He wiU also make Nineveh a barren waste,
An arid waste, like the desert :
And herds shall lie doicn m the midst of her.
Wild beasts of cvertj Icind in droves :
Pelicans and hedgehogs lodge on their cajyitals ;
226
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Birds sing from the windous;
Ruhbish-heups lie on the thresholds.
For the cedar-icorh is laid bare.
This is the ct(y, Uie exultiwj city, the impregnable city.
Which said in Iter hearty
* I, and no other ! '
How is she become a desolation,
A lair of wild beasts /
Every one that passeth bij her shall hiss
And sivin-j his hand."
Or where shall we find n. scene so steeped and suffused
with passion as liis picture of the restored Zion (chap.
iii. I4r— 17) ?—
"Rejoice, O daughter Zion ! Shont, O Israel!
Be glad and exult with all thine heart, O daughter Jerusalem !
Jehovah hath removed thy judgments,
He hath cleared away thine enemies.
The King of Israel, Jehovah, is in the midst of thee;
Then Shalt see evil no more.
In that day will men say to Jerusalem,
* Fear not, O Zion t Let not thy hands drop down I
Jehovah, thy God, is in thy midst.
The mighty One who saves.
He rejoiceth over thee with raphtre :
He is silent in His love ;
He exulteth over thee xoith cries of joy.' "
Besides these more elaborate and poetic passages,
there are single verses so weighty with thought, ex-
pressed in graceful or picturesque forms, that we may
return to them agaiu and again, always fiuding new
chai-m in them, or new suggestion. As, for instance,
chaj). i. 12 ; —
*'And it shall come to pass at that time.
That I will search Jerusalem with candles.
And visit the men who are drawn together on their lees
Who say in their heart,
* Jehovah doeth neither good nor evil.' "
Or, again (chap. ii. 11) : —
"Terrible is Jehovah over them !
For he famisheth all the gods of the earth.
That all the isles of tSie heathen.
Every one from its place, way worship Him.'*
Or, again, that other verse, in which the self-sain©
secret of rro\-idence, the merciful pm-pose of judgment,
is cast in yet another form (chap. iii. 9} : —
*' For then will I turn to the nations a pure lip,
Tliat they maji all invoice the name of Jehovah,
And serve Him with one shoulder."
Or, finally, that marvellous and suggestive contrast of
the Just and Divine King in the doomed and unjust
city (chap. iii. 5) : —
*' Jehovah is just in the midst of Jier,
H-' doeth no wrong ;
Morning by morning He ncttelh His jusUce in the light, notfaili}V}:
But the unjust know no shame."
In addition to these and other nohle verses, we shall
perpetually meet with weighty sentences or graphic
and picturesque phrases as we read and study this
difficult but most instructive poem.
SCRIPTUEE BIOGEAPHIES.
SAMUEL.
BY THE KEV. EDMUND VENABLES, M.A., CANON BESIDENTIABT AND PEECENTOK OF LINCOLN.
HE eliaractev of Samuel is, in every stage
of his career, one of the grandest in the
Old Testament. Standing at the meet-
ing-jjoiut of two diverging eras in the
national life of Israel — the last of the Judges, and
the first of the Prophets — the inaugurator of the
monarchy — no figure occupies a more prominent place
in Jewish history. Nor is there one who challenges a
more unqualified admiration. The exquisite beauty of
his holy chUdliood ; the vigour and wisdom of his ad-
ministration as judge ; the calm dignity with which he
yields to the demands of the peoj)le, and bows to what
he feels to be the Divine will ; the energy with which
he throws liimself into the new system, alien as it was
to his own personal feelings and cherished convictions ;
the self-f orgcttiug zeal -with which he devotes the whole
of his powers to the efficieut carrying out of its re-
quirements ; his warmth of atfoction for the youthful
monarch who had supplanted him in the popular favour ;
the depth of his sorrow at the repeated failure of the
chosen one whom he had been the instrument of raising
to his high office ; the reluctance with which he regards
the breach as fin.al, and seals Saul's rejection by anoint-
ing a successor ; all combine to mate up a portrait of
no oi'dinaiy attractiveness, on which the mind rests with
more complete satisfaction than on most of the heroes
of the earlier and less perfect dispensation.
Tlie life of Samuel divides itself into three periods :
(1) his chOdliood and youth, spent in flie tabernacle at
Shiloh (1 Sam. i. — iii. 19) ; (2) his recognition as a
prophet, and his administration as judge (iii. 20 — 'S'ii.
17) ; (3) his old age and comparative i-etirement from
the public stage, after the establishment of the monarchy,
and his death (viii. — xxv. 1).
Samuel was by birth a member of the tribe of
Le'id ; his father, Elkanah, was descended from Kohath,
Levi's second son, the grandfather of Moses and Aaron
(1 Chron. -s-i. 33—38). He is called "an Ephrathite"
(1 Sam. i. 1) ; not, that is, an inhabitant of Bethlehem-
Ephratah, as in Ruth i. 2. and 1 Sam. xvii. 12; but, as
the word means in Judg. xii. 6, and 1 Kings xi. 26, an
Eplu'aimite. This dnulile designation of Ellcanah is to
be explained, just as in the case of Micah's Levite(Judg.
xvii. 7) who is said to belong to "the famUy of Judah,"
as denoting that though by birth a Levite, as far as his
civil standing was concerned, he was reckoned to the
tribe of Ephraim. The Levitcs, according to Heng-
stenberg, were regarded as belonging to the tribes in
which they had their orig-inal homes ; and we find
from Josh. xxi. 5, 20 — 26, that in the primaiy assign-
SAMUEL.
227
ment the sons of Koliatli, who were not of the family
of Aaron, had cities allotted to them in Ephraim, Dan.
and Manasseh. The place where Elbanali lived, and
in wliich his son Samuel was born, is variously desig-
nated as Ramathaim'-zophim," or Bamah. The latter
form, which is always written with the article, 1m-
Bamah, " the height." is merely an abbreviated form
of the fuller expression, which from its dual termina-
tion indicates a twin hill, on whose summits the city
stood.
Samuel never lost his love for his mountain birtli-
place. Ho returned to it when his connection with
Shiloh was violently snapped by Eli's death, and the
capture of the ark; and here he lived, worshipped,
laboured, and died, and " in his house at Ramah " —
i.e., in the court or garden attached to it — ho was
bm-ied (1 Sam. vii. 17; xv. 34; xvi. 13; six. 18, 19, 22,
23; XXV. 1; xxviii. 3). Eveiythiug seems to point
to Elkanah's being a man of substance in his city.
This is confirmed by his having two wives, itself a
mark of weaJtli among the Orientals. He furnishes
the earliest recorded example of polygamy iii a private
citizen among the Israelites, and his household expe-
rienced the discomfort of the jealousies inseparable
from that state. Tlie names of Elkanah's two wives
were Peniimah and Hannah.^ The former had a large
family of children, while the latter, though the more
favoured wife, was childless. Hannah's barrenness
exposed her to the cruel taunts of her fertile rival,
jealous of the greater affection shown her by Elkanah.
It is the story of Leah and Rachel over again, with this
exception, that Hannah bore her trial in a far meeker
and more becoming spirit tliau Jacob's favourite wife.
Elkanah, as a devout Israelite, went up year by year with
his family to the tabernacle at ShOoh, in obedience to the
injunctions of the law (Exod. xsxiv. 23; Deut. ■ayi. 16),
to worship and offer sacrifice to the Lord. His stronger
love for Hannah was shown at the sacrificial feast that
followed the offering, in his sending her a double por-
tion of the flesh of the victim.'' This exasperated
Peninnah's jealousy, and her tongue did not spare her
rival : " Her adversary provoked her sore for to make
her fret." Tear by year the same bitter provocation
1 Few of our readers require to be reminded that the termina-
tion -aim marks the Hebrew dual ; just as -im or -of/i marks the
plural, masculine or feminine — e.g., Aram-naharami, "Syria of
the tiro rivers " (Tigris and Euphrates), or Mesopotamia ; Maha-
nrtim, *' two hosts " (Gen. xssii. 2) ; Kii^athaiTii, " the double city "
(Gen. xiv. 5) ; Shaaraiin, *' the two gateways " (1 Sam. xvii. 52).
- The addition '* Zophim " {"watchmen'') may indicate that
this "hill" was used as a look-out post in times of war; but it
more probably si^ifies "the descendants of Zuph,'' of whom it
was the home (1 Sam. i. 1 ; ix. 5 ; 1 Chron. vi, 26).
^ The name Hann.ah {TT:T}) = " g:raee " or prayer," in the Sep-
tnaf^nt "Avi/a, and in the Vult^ate " Anna," reappears more than
once in later sacred records. It is the name of the wife of Tohit,
and mother of Tobias (Tobit i. 9) ; of the prophetess of the tribe
of Asher, the daughter of Phanuel (Luke ii. 36) ; and, according to
early tradition, of the wife of Joachim, the mother of the Virgin
IVIary.
"• In the same way as Joseph showed his affection for Benjamin,
fey giving him a mess live times as large as his brother's (Gcu.
xliii.31), and as in later days Samuel himself reserved "the shoulder
and that which was upon it" for Saul (1 Sam. ix. 23, 21).
was i-epeated, until as the hope of her becoming a
mother gi-ew weaker, Hannah's tender sjiii'it became
utterly crushed ; " she wept sore, and would not eat."
To Elkanah's afiectionato remonstrance on seeing her
sit sadly, refusing to share in the banquet, and the
assurance of his undiminished affection, Hauuah cannot
trust herself to make any reply. She retires to pom-
out her heart in teai-s and silent prayer before "the
Lord of hosts," at the door of the tabei'nacle,' and there
registers the vow, that if God will grant her jietition,
and give her " a man cluld," he shall be devoted to the
Giver as a Nazarite, " all the days of his life '' (1 Sam.
i. 11). The excitement of her passionate devotion, and
the voiceless movement of her lips, are noticed by Eli
the high priest, as he sits on his seat by the gate of the
tabernacle enclosure to watch the worsliippcrs, and lead
him to suppose her intoxicated. Hannah's iliguified but
respectfid reply convinces him of his error, and he dis-
misses her with the high-priestly blessing, and the prayer
that God would grant her petition. The words of the
high priest are regarded by her as the words of God him-
self, and convey the welcome assurance that her prayer
is accepted, and that the long looked-for blessing would
bo granted. With a spu'it relieved of its burden she
returns to the family feast, and takes her share with
a cheerful countenance (chap. i. 18). Nor was the trust
of this holy woman disappointed. In due time she
became the exultant mother of a son, on whom she
couferi'ed the name of Samuel, " the heard," or " asked
of God."'' As soon as the child was weaned, which,
according to Eastern custom, would not bo till he was
at least two years old, and might probably be delayed
till his seventh year, she once more accompanies her
husband on his yearly visit to Shiloh, and takes her
boy with her to fulfil her vow, by personally detlicating
him to the service of Jehovah. What it must have cost
her to pai't with her darling, so hardly won, none but a.
mother's heai-t can know. But God had been true to
her, and she must be true to him. "She had opened
her mouth unto the Lord, and she could not go back."
Her holy resolution is expressed in the touching words
with which she presented him to Eli : " For this child I
prayed, and the Lord hath given me my petition which
I asked of him. Therefore also I have lent him
to Jehovah ; as long as he livcth he shall be lent to
Jehovah " (chap. i. 27, 28).
After a triumphant burst of song, originally intended
to express no more than her own feeliugs of joy or
thankfubiess, but, like the other inspired hymns of the
Bible, unconsciously expanding into language properly
appHcable only to the Messiah and his kingdom, in
which we immistakably discern the prototype of the
" Magnificat," Hannah leaves her little son under the
high priest's care, and returns to Ramah, to be repaid
^ " The tabernacle " is here, and in iii. 3, called by anticipation
"the temple of the Lord." The word Vj'TI {heicnl) signifies "a
palace," or magnificent mansion (Amos viii. 3 ; Ps. slv. 9 ; Isa.
xiii. 22).
'' The names "Ishmael" and "Elishamah" have the same
meaning, and are derived from the same roots.
228
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
with interest for lier " loan to Jehovali," in the gift of
three sons and two daughters. At Shiloh, under the
protecting shadow of the tabernacle, employed in per-
sonal attendance on the aged and dim-eyed Eli, and in
such ministrations as suited his years — trimming and
putting out the lamps, opening the doors of the sacred
ouclosuro, " ministering to the Lord before the priest "
as an acolyte — the holy child passed his opening boy-
hood, and like that other Holy Child of whose days he
" foretold" (Acts iii. 24), " grew on, and was in favour
with Jehovah, and also with men " (1 Sam. ii. 26 ; Luke
ii. 52). The child's dress, an ophod of white linen,
the ordinary garb of the priests, marked his dedication
to the Lord's service. A robe, iu our version " a little
coat," ' such as that worn by the high priest and per-
sonages of rank, the work of her own hands, was
brought for him to wear by his mother, on the annual
occasions of their meeting at the time of the yoai-ly
sacrifice (1 Sam. ii. 18, 19).
The figure of this innocent child, intent on his little
ministries, stands out in beautiful relief against the
dark background of greed and licentiousness sketched
in such appalling colours by the sacred writers (ii. 12 —
17, 22, 29). In daily association with those "sons of
Belial," the young priests, Hophni and Phinehas ; forced
to witness the constant scenes of rapacity and de-
bauchery with which they profaned God's holy place, and
made men " abhor the offering of the Lord " for them-
selves, and dread the tabernacle as a place of contamina-
tion for their wives and daughters, the child's spotless
soul received no defilement, but, like a lily among rank
and foul weeds, developed in ever-increasing strength
and purity towards the high dignity for which he was
unconsciously preparing. " T!io child Samuel grew
before Jehovah, and Jehovah was with him " (ii. 21 ;
iii. 19).
And then the call came. That call which was to
separate him from other men, and assigning to him
the highest of all missions, to be the mouthpiece of
Jehovah, was to make him acquainted with the deep
sorrows and trials inseparable from that office. Samuel's
first experience of the prophetic mission was one of
sharp pain. The call came in the stillness of the night.
A voice called the boy by name, as he lay sleeping the
deep sleep of innocent childhood in his little tabernacle
chamber. Accustomed to bo roused from his slumbers,
to attend to the wants of his blind aud feeble old
master, the child springs from his bed, aud runs into
Eli, ready to fulfil his bidding. " Here am I ; for thou
1 The word rendered " coat"' iu 1 Sam. ii. 19, V:?p [mcU], is the
same used for the high priest's rohe (Exod. xsviii. 4, .31, 3i ; xsix.
5; xxxix. 22, &c. ; Lev. viii. 7), aud for that of Jonathan, with
■which he invested David (1 Sam xviii. i), aud for th.at of Saul,
the skirt of which David cut off (xxiv. 5, 11) ; for that of Diivid,
when he danced before the ark (1 Chrou. xv. 27), aud of his
daughter Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. IS). From these instances it was
evidently a dress of no ordinary richness and beauty. It is inte-
resting to find this mc^tl coutinuiug to be Samuel's dress after he
was grown up (1 Sam. xv. 27), and so characteristic of him that
the mention of it by the witch of Eudor, " an old man cometh
up, aud he is covered with a uiautle '' (iiicti) (1 Sam. xxviii. 14),
convinced Saul that it was no other than Samuel himaelf.
calledst me." Sent back to his couch by the kind old
man, whom it is impossible not to love for his gentle-
ness, while we pity and lament his weakness, once
and again the same voice arouses him, and sends him
on the same errand. The strange repetition of tho
call at last convinces Eli that there is something more
than ordinary in the child's tale. " Eli perceived that
the Lord had caUed the child " (chap. iii. 8), and pro-
bably rejoicing that " the word of Jehovah," which
had become so rare aud " precious in those days "
(chap. iii. 1), was beginning once more to make itself
distinctly heard, but with little idea of the terrible
message it was to convey to him and to Ms house,
charges the lad, if the Voice is heard again, to say,
" Speak, Jehovah, for thy servant heareth." A fourth
time the call is heard. The child hears his name re-
peated twice — " Samuel, Samuel." He declares his
willingness to receive the message of Jehovah, now for
the first time delivered to him (ver. 7), and is entrusted
with the announcement of the terrible and irreversible
vengeance about to fall on Eli and his family, " because
his sons made themselves vile, and he restrained them
not" (ver. 13). And does the boy, elated vrith the
honour of being charged with a message from the
Lord, and eager, as is common with childish natures, to
communicate the startling intelligence, careless of tho
pain it will inflict, at once hasten to convey the doom
to Eli ? No ! With a remarkable soK-restraint, and
unwillingness to bring the shadow of so deep a grief
over the heart of the good old man he loved so well,
"Samuel lay until the morning" (ver. 15), and went
about his usual duties — " opening the doors of tho
house of the Lord," bearing about with him the burden
of this unwelcome truth, to be made known to liim
whom he loved, honoured, and feared—" liis first expe-
rience of the prophet's cross."" Eli's words of devout
submission, when his gentle persistence has extracted
the truth from its timid depositary, " It is the Lord,
let Him do what soemeth Him good," manifest his con-
viction of how well the threatened judgments were
deserved.
" The gifts and calling of God are without repent-
ance." Samuel, once called to tho prophetic office, re-
ceives more and more of the gifts peculiar to it, and the
Most High sets his seal on his utterances by confirming
his words. " The Lord let none of his words fall to
the ground." Soon it became known in every part of
Israel, from Nortliern Dan to Southern Beer-sheba, that
Johovali had once more visited his people, and raised
up a prophet among them, and that tho youthful Naza-
rite, Samuel, the son of Elkanah, was " established to bo
a prophet " of Jehovah, at Shiloh.
After this the sacred nan-ative takes leave of Samuel
for at least twenty years. All that is known of him is
summed up in the brief record : " Jehovah revealed
liimself to Samuel in Shiloh by tho word of Jehovah.
And the word of Samuel came to all Israel " (iii. 21 ;
~ We may compare Jeremiah's experience of the same cross,
inseparable from the due fulfilment of the prophetic office (Jer.
XV. 10 ; xvii. 15—18 ; XX. 7—18).
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
229
iv. 1). Soon, very soon, tlie judgment he had been
commissioned to denounce overtook Eli and his house,
involving in its sweep the loss of Israel's " glory," the
ark of God, " delivered into the enemies' hand " (Ps.
Ixxviii. 61), and the fall of the national sanctuary of
Shiloh. To the young prophet it must have been the
loss of aU that was most dear to Mm. The kindly and
venerable man, who had been to him as a father, whom,
uotwithstaudiug his weaknesses, he had over regarded
with rovorenco and love ; the ark of God, the centre of
his sacred affections, and the object of his service ; the
tabernacle itsoH — for, wanting the ark it enshrined, it
was a mere empty shell, a memorial of departed glories
— all were lost to him in that fatal day when Israel fell
before the Philistines at Ebeu-ezor. Wo would have
willingly traced the career of Samuel from that sad
day when, in fulfilment of the former prophecy, con-
firmed by his own mouth, he had to " see an enemy iu
the Lord's habitation," and the two sons of Eli, Hoplmi
and Phinehas, " died both of them iu one day," aud " a
thing was done in Israel at wliich both the ears of
every one that heard it did tingle " (ii. 32, 34 ; iii. 11) ;
but it is denied us. Holy Scripture is silent, aud all
speculation is vain. The twenty years of deep national
humiliation and general confusion that followed the
defeat at Eben-ezer are an absolute blank. All we
know is that Samuel was ackuowledgod iu all parts
of the countiy as a great prophet, and was thus quietly
preparing for the important events in the nation's
history iu which he was destined to take a leading
part. When he reappears, it is as the judge and de-
liverer of Israel, summoning the people to national
repentance, aud leading the armies of the Lord to
victory over their enemies (chap. vii.).
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
BY JOHN STAINEE, M.A. , MUS. D., MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD; OKGANIST OP ST. PAUL's CATSEDBAL.
WIND INSTRUMENTS (concluded).
SOUMPONIAH, SAMPTTNIA, SUMPHONIA, STMPHONIA.
! HIS instrument is the last of those enimie-
rated in Dan. iii. 15. In speakiug of the
psanterin or dulcimer, we had occasion
to regret that the word symphonia should
have been ti-anslated by " dulcimer " in our Authorised
Version, when this word would have represented more
projierly psanterin. The symphonia is now generally
supposed to have been a haypiipe. The reasons for
this boUof are, that the meaning of the word " sounding
together " is not inapplicable to the union of melody
and drone which it produces, and also that the Italians
have to this day a bagpipe called zampugna or sampogna,
and that chifonie or symphonie was an instrument of
the same class used in the Middle Ages. Of the anti-
quity of bagpipes there is ample evidence. Varieties
of it seem to have been common in all pai-ts of Asia
and Europe. The Greeks called it daKavXos (ascaulos),
which means the " leathern-bottle " pipe (from aa-KSs, a
leathern bag or bottle, and av\6s, a pipe). The Romans
gave it a name ha\Tng much the same moaning — tihue
utriaidarioa or utriculariuin ; in Germany it is the
sacpfeiffe, corresponding exactly to our bagpipe; in
Italy scmipogna, piva (in Dan. iii. 5, &c., the Italian
trau.slatiou has sampogna), or cornamusa, which last
means apparently a hornpipe, alluding probably to
the material of which the " pipe " part was some-
times made, not only in Europe, but amongst tlie
Arabians. From the Italian cornamusa the French
adopted cornemase, and in both countries the di-
minutive musetta and musette (a httlo musa or pipe)
seems to have been generally used. A piece of music
written in the style of bagpipe music came afterwards
to be called a musette. By some it is said to have been
also called chalamcau by the French ; but it is proba-
ble that this name was only so far used in connection
with the bagpipe as to describe the pipe which was
pierced with finger-holes, iu opposition to that in wliich
the drone-reed was inserted. The Gaelic uiuno for
bagpipe is^iob morh ; the Welsh pihau. Fig. 68 shows
. -mi
^ -^^W
•X 'm
'\W
Fig. 68.
an Arabian instrument of this class, called by them
souqqarah or zouggarah. It is of goat-skin, aud the
two pipes with finger-holes are tipped with horn. The
scale consists of four notes, A to D of the treble stave,
both pipes being in imison. It will be noticed that the
goat-sMn reseiTou- is filled by meaus of the little pipe
seen on the left-hand side of the illustration, which is
placed iu the mouth of the performer. There ai'e, in
fact, two kinds of bagpipe, if viewed as to their con-
struction. In the one the reservoir is supplied from
the mouth of the performer, who blows into it tlu-ough
! a pipe and mouthpiece ; in the other the reservoir is
so constructed that the pressure of the elbow against
its side wiU force the air which it contains into the
sounding-tube or chanter, as it is termed. It will
bo seen that the souqqarah (Fig. 68) belongs to the
330
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
former of these kintls. The bagpipe shown in Fig.
69, which is an Indian instrument called totirti or
Fig. G9.
tov/rry, is of the same kind, the inflation of the reser-
Toir being brought about through the mouthpiece.
That its chanter has only four holes is proof proljably
of gi-eat antiquity. Another instrument of the same
sort, called a zitty, has seven holes. So, too, the
magondi (Fig. 70), used by the ^Indian snake-charmers
Fig. 70.
when they exhibit their almost Orphean influence over
the reptiles, is supplied with air from the mouth, only
in this case there is no intermediate tulie. The reser-
voir is made of the outer coating of a gourd, the small
end of which is pierced for the admission of the air.
Tho two tubes appear to have four holes each, but
one has seven, three moi-e being pierced on the reverse
side. The tone is said to be soft and somewhat sweet.
Tlie Persians have their nay- or nei-amhanah, which,
though somewhat different in form, is of the same con-
struction as a bagpipe.
It is interesting to note the close relationship between
the arghool of tho Egyptians, as before described (Vol.
II., p. lU), and tho souqqarah. Tlie reservoir is the only
distinctive featm-e of the souqqarah, for the arglwol is
of two kinds, like its relations of the bag[)ipe family,
having sometimes two pipes tuned to two unison scales;
at others, two pipes, one for the playing of a tune, the
other for a drone, or bom-don.
The broad distinction between bagpipes blown by
means of the mouth and those blown by " piunping "
with the elbow, before mentioned, is, however, exhibited
much nearer home. Irish bagpipes are inflated by tho
elbow, Scotch by the mouth. Both have theii- special
advocates, but it is said that the most ancient Irish in-
struments of this class were blown, lite the Scotch, by
the mouth. The Ii-ish lay claim to tho superiority of
their bagpipes on the ground of the tenor chords which
they are capable of producing.
The Roman tiblce utricularioi must have been of a
lower pitch than the ordinary bagpipe, judging from
tho appearance of one which was found depicted on an
ancient bas-relief in the court of the palace of Santa
Fig. 71.
Croce. The almost disproportionate length of the tubes
suggests very deep sounds. The sampogna, the modern
Italian form of tho idriculariimi, is commonly played
on the Campagna and the surroimding hills. Fotis re-
marks that when some of these poor sumiMgnatori or
savipognari migrated to Paris some years ago, in the
hopes of getting a livelihood, they were popularly called
pifferari, but, of course, wrongly so, as the pifferari
were oboists, not bagpipers. Some are occasionally to
be seen about the streets of London.
The Assyi'ian records of this instrument are unfortu-
nately very scanty. One is given in Fig. 72, but the
reader will probably think that it might \vith equal
justice be said to represent many other things. The
Phceniciaus were well acquainted with bagpipes ; lience
it is probable that this is the source from whence the
Greeks obtained them, or Imitated their method of
construction, and that the Romans copied them from
the Greeks. The Syrian Greeks called it trajuiroj/ia [sam-
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
231
ponia), and tho question at once arises — was this an
imitation of soumponiah, a genuino Clialdaic name, or
were both samponia and sownipeniah corruptions of the
Greek symphonia (aufj.<j)iiii'ia) ; or, to put the question in
other words, did the Greeks give Greek names to Chaldee
•musical instruments, or did the Chaldees borrow their
instruments from Greece ? This difficulty has beau
Fig. 72.
alluded to on page 216 of Vol. I. It is completely out of
the sphere of tlie musician, and must be left for scholars
ajid theologians to .settle, or, perhaps it would be safer
to say, to discuss. As the symphonia is only mentioned
in that catalogue of musical instruments given in Dan.
iii. with such strange iteration, it must be presumed that
the captive Jews did not so highly value its merits as to
wish to adopt it. But harsh as the tones of a bagpipe
are when heard in a small enclosed place, thei-e can be
no two opinions as to the romantic and beautiful effect
they produce when heard in the midst of ^vild scenery ;
and when large numbers are played togetlu^r. the restilt is
even imposing and grand. The repetition of the phrase
"all kinds of musick " (Dan. iii. 5, 10, 15) would lead us
to believe that a very large company of musicians was
gathered together on that memorable day when Nebu-
chadnezzar tried to enforce idol-worsliip; but though
the instruments themselves were of a barbarous tyjje, we
may still believe that the massive volume of sound pro-
duced by so many playing together must have been awe-
inspiring and terrible.
KEREN, SHOPHAE, CHATZOZERAH.
These are tho names of the three important Hebrew
trumpets. The first, evidently, either actually was, or at
least originated from, that most ancient of wind instru-
ments, the horn of an animal. But it seems absolately
impossible to discover the real distinction between any of
these instruments. Keren and shophar are sometimes
used synonymously, and notably so in the account of tlio
capture of Jericho (.losh. vi.). But in this same account
there is affixed to Tcercn the word jobel, making tho whole
a " jobel-hora." Although this is translated "ram's
horn" in our version, and although it has been suggested
that johcl in Arabic, if not in Hebrew, might signify a
ram, yet on the whole it seems probable that jobel is
the source of our v/ord jubilee, and that the expression
simply points to the fact that the instrument was used
on great solemnities, and was ajubilee-trumpet (toC Jw^ijA).
The actual horns of animals were in very early times
imitated in metal or ivory. In the latter case a tusk
was hollowed out and often elaborately carved. They
were called in the Middle Ages oliphanis, or elephant-
trumpets, from their material. The Ashantees to this
day use tusks for tliis purpose, only, strangely enough.
Fig. 73.
the in.sti'ument is blown at a hole in the side (like a
flauto traverso) , and not at the small end. In 1 Chron.
XXV. .5, after giving a list of those set aside by David to
play upon the Tiercn, the historian says, " All these were
tho sons of Hemau, the king's seer in the words of
God, to lift up the horn." Again, translated in our ver-
sion by " cornet" (though in the Septuagint by a-i\niyO,
the word occiu-s in Dan. iii. 5, &c. Only in these pas-
sages is mention made of the keren as a musical instru-
ment, although the word often occurs with other mean-
ings, and is frequently used as figurative of "strength."
The slwphar, judging fi'om its very frequent mention,
extending in the pages of the Bible from the Book of
Exodus to that of Zechariah, must have been more
commonly used than tho Jceren. It was the voice of a
slwphar, exceeding loud, issuing from the thick cloud
on Sinai, when, too, thunders and lightnings rolled
around the holy moimt, which mado all in the camp
tremble. When Ehud's personal daring had rid Israel
of a tyr-aut, he blow a shophar and gathered the people
together to seize the fords of Jordan towards Moab.
Gideon used tho instrument, and Saul also (1 Sam.
xiil. 3), and many other of Israel's warriors, to rouse
and call up the people against their enemies. But it
was not confined to military use, for " Dand and all
the house of Israel brought up the ark of the Lord with
shouting and with the sound of the shophar " (2 Sam.
vi. 15). It is mentioned three times in the Psalms:
" God is gone up with a merry noise, and the Lord with
the sound of the shophar " (Ps. xlvii. 5) ; " Blow up the
shop>luir in the new moon " (Ixxxi. 3) ; " Praise him in
the sound of the shophar" (cl. 3).
232
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
The shophar is especially interesting to us as being
the only Hebrew instrument whose use on certain
solemn occasions seems to be retained to this day.
Engel, with his usual trustworthy research, has traced
out and examined some of these in modem synagogues.
That shown in Fig. 74 is from the synagogue of Spanish
Fig, 74.
Fig. 75
Fig. 77.
and Portuguese Jews, Bevis Marks, and is, ho says,
one foot in length. Fig. 75 shows one used in the
Great Synagogue, St. James's Place, Aldgate, twenty-
one inches in length. Both are made of horn. Pigs.
7(j and 77 Engel gives in his valuable ilfitsic of the most
Ancient Naticms, from Saalsehiitz. The fii-st is a ram's
horn, the second that of a cow. On these instruments
signals or flourishes are on certain occasions played, the
music of which it is unnecessary to give, as they are
well kn«wn as the simplest progressions wliich such
tubes are capable of producing. All such iustniments
can only give a series of sounds called natural har-
monics or overtones, which are j)roduced in theii- special
case by forcing (by gi-adually increasing the pressure of
air from the lips) the column of air they contain, into
two vibrating parts; then three, four, five, six, and so
on. When it is required to play a chromatic scale, arti-
ficial lengths of tube are formed by means of pistons
or valves, as exemplified in our modern cornet-a-piston.
The chatzozerah is gonoi'ally thought to liavo been a
straight trumpet, with a bell or " pavilion," as it is
termed. Moses received specific directions as to making
them. ■' Make thee two trumpets of silver; of a whole
piece shalt thou make them : that thou mayest use them
for the calling of the assembly, and for the journeying
of the camps." In Ps. xcviii. 6, the chatzozerah and
shophar are brought into juxtaposition: " 'With chatzo-
zerah and sound of shophar make a joyful noise before
the Lord the King ; " or, as it incorrectly stands in the
Prayer-book version, " With trumpets also and shawms,
&c." In this passage the Septuagint has it, 'Eu aa.\Trij(,iv
iXarais, Kat c(}wprj a'iXTnyyos Keparivris, "With ductile
trumpets, and the sound of horn-trumpets.'' So, too,
the Vulgate : " In tubis ductilibus et voce tubae comese."
The word mikshah, which is applied to the descrip-
tion of the chatzozerah in Numb. x. 2, which means
" roimded " or " turned," may either apply to a com-
plete twist in the tube of the instrument, or, what is
more probable, to the rounded outline of the bell. But
if the former is the real interpretation of the epithet, it •
would make it more like a trombone, and similar in
form to that depicted on the Arch of Titus. But, on
the other hand, the accoimt given by Josephus points
out the latter characteristic of shape. He says, "Moses
invented a kind of trumpet of silver ; in length it was
little less than a cubit, and it was somewhat thicker
than a pipe ; its opening was oblong, so as to permit
blowing on it with the mouth ; at the lower end it had
the form of a bcU, like a horn." It seems chiefly to
have been brought into use in the Hebrew ritual, but
was also occasionally a battle-call, and blown on other
warlike occasions. It was the sound of the ehaizozeirah
which made the guilty Athaliah tremble for her safety
and rend her clothes, crying, " Treason ! treason ! "
Silver trumpets have always been associated with
dignity and grandeur, whether blown before a pope
in the ritual of the magnificent St. Peter's, Rome, or
canied, as in this country, by royal trumpeters, or by
a few favoured regimental bands. In Figs. 78 and
79 two coins are shown, on which, siu-rounded by a
Fig. 79.
motto, "the deliverance of Jerusalem," trumpets aie
delineated. These instruments have, perhaps, too
incautiously, been described as specimens of the chatzo-
zerah.
The Assyrians appear to have used trumpets, as Fig.
80 plainly shows ; but there are at present no records of
their having trumpets with a bell mouth. Figs. 81 and
82 prove, however, that such terminations to tubes were
not unknown to the Egj'ptians. The Romans had at
least three varieties of trumpet, the most powerful of
which was called tiiha. It was used as a war-trumpet.
Fig. S3, from a bas-relief in the Capitol, exhibits a
Roman blowing a trumpet at the triumph of Marcus
Aurelius. Ancient trumpets, which wore usually
formed of one piece only, could not possibly bo
adjusted to any variety of pitch, and therefore must
have been with difficulty associated with other instru-
ments. Mo(iBru hoi-ns and trumpets can be tuned
BETWEEN THE BOOKS.
233
witli the greatest nicety by a variety of crooks, which
are selected by the performer so as to lengthen or
mention of the chatzozerah is made by the Psalmist.
The iii-st allusion to this instrument in Holy Scripture
is where Moses is commanded to make two of silver
Fig. 81.
Kg. 80.
shorten his tube to orchestral requirements. The verse
of the Psalms before quoted is the only one in which
Kg. 83.
(Numb. X. 2) ; the last in Hos. v. 8, where it is used in
connection with the shophar, and both instruments are
to be blown as a warning to wicked Israel of the ap-
proaching visitation of God.
BETWEEN THE BOOKS.
BY THE KEV. G. F. MACLEAE, D.D., HEAD MASTER OP KING'S COLLEGE SCHOOL.
CHAPTER III.
THE JEWS TINDEE THE KINGS OF SYRIA.
HE battle of Mount Panium marks an im-
portant epoch in the history of the Jews.
Ever since the battle of Ipsus they had
remained loyal to the kings of Egypt. Tliey
now transferred their allegiance to the descendants of
Seleucus Nicator, and the period of their connection
with the kings of Syria begins.
Antiochus, who now stood " in the glorious land " ' of
Palestine, and was welcomed by the people as their
deliverer, did not long enjoy the fruits of his victory.
Frustrated in his further designs against Egypt by the
intervention of the Romans, he turned to Asia Minor,
and after considerable success in the jEgean," crossed
over in the year B.C. 192 into Greece, and ventured on
a contest with Rome.
1 Dan. xi. 16.
2 " After this shall lie turn his face unto the isles, and shall
tate many " (Dan. xi. 18).
But in the following year (B.C. 191) the consul, M.
Acilius Glabrio, attacked him in his entrenchments at
Thermopylae, routed his ai-my, and forced hiui to hasten
back to Asia. Here he collected a va-st host to carry on
the campaign, which his fi-iend Hannibal warned him
was impendiHg. But neither his numerous elephants
nor the Macedonian phalanx^ could bear up against the
irresistible attacks of the Roman legions, when led
against him by Scipio Af ricanus aud his brother at the
battle of Magnesia, B.C. 190. Defeated with enormous
loss, he w;is fain to sue for peace, which the haughty
conquerors would only grant on terms which were the
ruiu of his empire. He was forced to cede all his pos-
sessions in Asia Minor west of Mount Taurus, to defray
the expenses of the war by successive instalments, to
surrender all his ships of war, and to deliver up Han-
nibal and other enemies of the Repiiblic who had taken
refuge in his kingdom.^
These hard conditions were finally ratified by the
3 Livy, xxxTii. 39.
* Livy, xxxvii. 45 ; xxsviii. 38.
234
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Senate, B.e. 188, and in order to raise the enormous
tribute, tlie Sp-ian king turned " liis face toward the fort
of his own land," ' the rich temple of Belus in Elymais,
situated at the meeting-place of the caravan routes
between Media and Susiana. But the Lardy moun-
taineers rose in defence of their shrine, and Autiochus
was slain ; he stumbled, and fell, and was not found,-'
B.C. 187.
On the news of his death, Ms son Seleucus IV., who
had taken part in the disastrous battle of Magnesia,
ascended the throne, and assumed the title of Philo-
pator. As the possession of Palestine was of great im-
portance in the event of an Egyi^tian war, the new king
maintained in his dealings with the Jews the conciliatory
policy of his father, granted them the free exercise of
their religion, and oven undertook a share of the ex-
penses of the Temple service.^
Before long, however, an intestine feud led to his
interference in the afiah's of the people. We have
seen'' that Joseph, the nephew of the high priest
Onias II., was appointed collector of the revenues of
Phoenicia and Ccelesyria. At his death he left behiud
him an illegitimate son named Hyrcanus. Between
Hyi-cauus and his legitimate brothers a quarrel arose
respecting their father's property. Onias III., who
succeeded to the high priesthood B.C. 195, sided with
Hyi'canus, and on his death secured his property iu the
treasury of the Temple, committing it to the custody of
" the governor," Simon.s
The governor, who is thought by some to have been
a son of Joseph, had a spite against the high priest,
and informed ApoUonius, the prefect of Phconicia and
Ccelesyi-ia, of the amount of treasure now deposited iu
the Temple, and hiuted that it might be tm-ned to
account by his master, who was anxious to fiud means
for paying the Roman tribute.
ApoUonius repeated this to Seleucus, who ordered
his treasurer, Heliodorus, to remove the treasures.
Heliodorus accordingly proceeded to Jerusalem, de-
manded the surrender of the money, and, iu spite of
the earnest remonstrances of the high priest, declared
that he must carry out his orders. But as he was on
the poiut of entering the sanctuary, like Ptolemy PhUo-
pator* before him, he, too, was stayed from his design
by a "great apparition."'' A horse, with a terrible
i-ider arrayed in golden armour, attended by two young
men of giant strength and a\vf ul mien, is said to have
suddenly appeared iu the Temple courts, and so terrified
ApoUouius that lie fell speechless to the ground, and
had to be carried away insensible by his retinue. He
was afterwards restored at the earnest intercession of
tlie high priest, and returning to Antioch, related what
had befallen him, and testified to the in^-iolable majesty
of the Temple.
Whatever may be the amount of truth in this nan-a-
> Dan. xi. 19. ■- Dan. xi. 19.
3 2 Mace. iii. 3, 6. ■• See above, Chap. II.
5 HpoCTTttTrir TOW Upov (2 Mace. iii. 4) ; see Smith's Dictionary of
ih'i Bibl«, art, " Simon, 3."
"^ See above, Chap. II. " 'ETri^acetu ^evciXn (2 Mace. iii. 24).
tive, it appears certain that Seleucus did not manifest
any resentment against the Jews, though he may have
le-vied extraordinary taxes from them.' But in the
twelfth year of his reign {B.C. 175) he was destroyed,
" neither in auger, nor in battle,"' but inconsequence
of a plot formed by Heliodorus, who mm-dered him and
usm'ped the crown.
News of the mm-der reached Autiochus, the youngest
son of Autiochus the Great, who had been given as a
hostage to the Romans, B.C. 188, after the battle of
Magnesia, and was now at Athens ou his way back to
SjTia. He had been released by the intervention of his
brother Seleucus, who had sent his own son Demetrius
to take his place as a hostage ; and uow with the assist-
ance of Eumenes and Attains, princes of Pergamus, ho
easily crushed the usurper, and obtained " the kingdom
by flatteries," '" in place of his nephew Demetrius, who
remained a hostage at Rome.
CHAPTER IV.
THE JEWS UNDER THE KINGS OP SYRIA.
Among the princes and chiefs who flocked to Antioch
to congratulate the new monarch, Autiochus, surnamed
Epiphaues, " the illustrious," was Joshua, the brother
of the high priest Onias III.
Joshua illustrated iu his own person the effect which
long subjection to Grecian monarchs had produced on
the Jewish nation. He went so far as to assume the
Greek name of Jason, and headed a numerous party of
his countrymen, who were devoted to Greek manners
and customs, and had ac.quii'ed a sti'ong taste for Greek
literatiu'e and philosophy. Received with favour at the
Syrian com-t. and knowdng the needy condition of the
king, he ofEerod him the tempting bribe of 440 talents,
if he would secm-e to him the high priesthood in the
room of his elder brother.
Antiochus consented, and Onias HI. was summoned
to Antioch, and kept there as a prisoner at large, while
Jason returned to Jerusalem, and gave liimself up to the
work of introducing Greek customs among the people.
To such an extent were his efforts successful, that he
was enabled not merely to establish a gymnasium iu the
Holy City, where the young men could be trained
naked in athletic exercises, but induced his countrymen
in many instances to adopt Greek names and Greek
di-esses; while even the priests followed his example,
" despising the Temple and neglecting the sacrifices " to
take part iu the games." Not content mth this, he even
persuaded many of the Jews to accept the empty honour
of being em-oUed as citizens of Antioch, and actually
sent a deputation of Jemsh youths with offerings'^
8 Hence his title o£ " raiser o£ taxes " (Dan. xi. 20).
5 Dan. xi. 28.
J" Dan. xi. 21. " Vir ille (Antiochus) Athenas pervenerat, quum
Seleucus insidiis Heliodori, unins ex pui-puratis, oppressus incessit.
Huuc regnum afifectantem Eumenes et Attains expulerunt, indux-
eruutque iu ejus possessionem Antiochum, quern sibi hoc tanto
beneficio devinctum habere magni ajstimabant." (Livy, xli. 20.)
" 2 Mace. iv. 14; Jos., Ant. xii. 5, § 1.
r: (Jeupow (2 Mace. iv. 19, 20).
BETWEEN THE BOOKS.
235
from the Temple of Jehovah to the festival of Hercules
at Tyi-e. In the year B.C. 172,Aiitiochus, who was at
Joppa, paid a visit to Jerusalem, where he was re-
ceived with much honour and rejoicing by Jason, and
retm-ncd after a short expetUtion to Phoenicia.
For throo years the liigh priest continued Ms work of
corrupting the habits and manners of his countrymen,
and then found liis own treacliery to Onias III. reeod
upon liimself. His brother, Onias IV., who had as-
sumed the Greek same of Menelaus, was sent by him
to the Syrian court, and there offered Antiochus 300
talents a year more than Jason had paid for the
office of high priest. The Syi'ian king consented, and,
escorted by a body of Syrian troops, Menelaus expelled
Jason, who fled for refuge beyond the Jordan into the
country of the Ammonites.
For some time the new high priest, though ho owed
his appointment to bribery, neglected to make the
stipulated payment. At last he was summoned to the
Syrian capital, and finding that the money must be
raised in some way, he sent instructions to his brother
Lysimachus, whom ho had left behind as his deputy ■ at
Jerusalem, to seize some of the golden vessels of the
Temple, which were secretly sold at Tyi'e, and the deljt
was hquidated. The sacrilegious sale, however, could
not be concealed, and Onias III., the legitimate higli
priest, now a prisoner at Autioeh, severely rebuked the
usm-per. Enraged at the reproof, Menelaus prevailed
on Andronicus, the deputy of Antiochus, to put the
aged priest to death, and thus added murder to his
other crimes."
Returning to Jerusalem, he provoked general dislike
by his tyranny and rapacity. Taking advantage of this,
Jason suddenly crossed the Jordan, and appeared before
Jerusalem at the head of a thousand men. Admitted
within the walls, he drove his brother into the citadel,
and put many of the Jews to death.3 FaUiiig, however,
to seize the Temple treasures, he retired once more
beyond the Jordan, and '■ perished in a strange land."''
Meanwhile Antiochus, bent on reducing Egypt, had
twice invaded that country, and in B.C. 170 had subdued
the whole of it, with the exception of Alexandria.
He was besieging this city when news arrived of the
attack of Jason on Jerusalem, and the rumour was
spread abroad that all Palestine was in a state of revolt.
Filled with rage at this intelligence, ho instantly
marched upon Jerusalem, and having effected an
entrance into the city, surrendered it for tlirec days to
the licence and cruelties of his soldiers. Upwards of
forty thousand of the inhabitants are said to have been
slain, and as many sold into capti-vity. Then, under
the guidance of the impious Menelaus, he entered the
sanctuary, and a general pUlagc ensued. The golden
altar, the seven-branched candlestick, the table of
shew-bread, the sacred vessels — all were removed,
together with 1,800 talents of gold, which were found
in the subterranean vaults.'^ He next ordered a great
1 2 Mace. iv. 29.
■• 3 Maoc. V. 9.
° 2 Mace. iv. 27—35.
» 1 Maoo.'i. 20-
3 3 Mace. V. G.
-21.
sow to be offered in sacrifice on the brazen altar of
burnt-offering, a part of the flesh to be boUed, and the
liquor pom'ed over every part of the Temple. Then,
havuig pi'ofaned the Sanctuary, and deluged Jerusalem
wtli blood, he left for Antioch with an enormous booty
and a large train of captives, ha\ang once more handed
over the administration of affairs to Menelaus, aud
nominated PhUip, a Phrygian, to be governor of the
city, a man of a more savage disposition even than
himscH."
Having thus replenished his exchequer, Antiochus
led a third expedition into Egypt in the year B.C. 1(59,
and once more besieged Alexaudiia. But the cruelties
lately enacted at Jerusalem had raised up again.st him
even more relentless enemies than the Egyptians them-
selves.
The Jewish quarter at Alexandria numbered a f uU
half of the entu-e population. Provoked beyond en-
durance by the indignities offered to their fellow-
countrymen and the profanation of their national
sanctuary, they readily assisted the Alexandrians in de-
fending their city, and once more they succeeded in com-
peUiug the king to raise the siege. This second repulse,
however, did not daunt the determination of Antiochus,
and he apjieared before the walls again in B.C. 168,
resolved to reduce the place to subjection. But on this
occasion he was confronted by ambassadors from the
Roman republic, who commanded him to desist from
the siege and to quit the tei-ritory of the Ptolemies, who
were allies of Rome.'
Not daring to resist, Antiochus broke up the siege,
and returned towards his own dominions. Unfor-
tunately for its inhabitants, Jerusalem lay in the
track of his retiu-n. Accordiugly he detached ApoUo-
nius vnth a force of 22,000 men, with directions to
occupy the city, and leave in it a permanent Syrian
garrison. Having been collector of the tribute through-
out Judsea, Apollouius found no difficulty iu effecting
an entrance, and on the first sabbath afterwards sud-
denly let loose his soldiers on the unsuspecting inhabi-
tants, cliarging them to slay all the men they met, to
make slaves of the women and children, and to throw
down the city walls.^
His commands were carried out to the letter. The
streets of the city and the courts of the Temple ran
with blood ; the walls were destroyed, the houses
plundered, and a Syr'ian garrison took up its quarters
in the ancient " city of David," the famous liill of Zion,
which overlooked the Temple, aud commanded the
approaches to it.' The Jews were nuable to offer the
accustomed sacrifice, and the daily offering ceased iu the
month of Sivan, B.C. 167. Jerusalem was now deserted;
her people fled in aU directions ; " her sanctuary was
laid waste like a wilderness, her feasts were turned
into mourning, her sabbaths into reproach, her honour
into contempt."'"
6 1 Maoo. i. 24—28 ; 2 Maoo. v. 22.
' For the details of tlie interview, see Livy xlv. 10.
s 2 Mncc. V. 24—26.
'J 1 Maoc. i. 33; Jos,, ^iit. xii. 5, § 4 (note). '" 1 Mace. i. 39.
236
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
But the persecution did not end liere. Antiochus
now issued an edict to compol uniformity of worship
througliout his dominions, and a commissioner named
Athenffius arrived with instructions to enforce com-
pliance. He first re-consecrated the Temple in honour
of Zeus Olympius ;' erected on the brazen altar of burnt-
offering another in honour of that god, and offered
swine's flesli upon it; and introduced heathen orgies
with aU their licentious accompaniments. Wlien he
had thus " set up the abomination of desolation upon
the altar, "^ he passed an edict making the observance
of any particular of tlie law of Moses a capital offence.
Not only were the people forbidden to keep the
Sabbath, or read the law, or practise circumcision, but
every copy of the sacred books that could be dis-
covered was seized, and either torn to pieces or burnt.
At the same time, to the horror of all stricter Jews,
groves were consecrated, heathen altars erected in
' 2 Mace. »i. 2.
2 1 Mace. i. 54; comp. Don. xi. 31.
every city, and every month the people were ordered
to celebrate the birthday of the king with sacrifices
and festivals. Moreover, they were forbidden to keep
the Feast of Tabernacles. In its place they were
to celebrate the heathen feast of the Bacchanalia, to
wear ivy wreaths in honour of the god of wine,
and observe his festival with joyous processions.^ All
who refused to conform to the orders of the tyrant
suffered the most terrible tortm-es. Two women, who
had ventured to circumcise their childi-en, were dragged
round the streets of Jerusalem with their babes hang-
ing at their breasts, and then were cast down the
battlements into the deep valley below the walls of the
city. An aged man, named Eleazar, one of the chiefs
of the scribes, refused to eat smne's flesh. For this
offence he was beaten to death, while a mother and
her seven sons, who in like manner had declined to
comply, were executed with i-evolting baxbarities.'"
3 2 Mace. vi. 3—7.
4 1 Mace, i CO— 63 ; 2 Mace, vi., vii.
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE
PALESTINE :— (2) ORIGIN OF ISRAEL (contmued).
BY THE KEV. WILLIAM LEE, D.D., EOXBDBGH.
II. — LINEAGE.
'HE Israelites as a nation— almost as indi-
viduals— were descended from a .single
race, the race of Shem, and from a single
Semitic family, nay, from a single mem-
ber of that family. Abraham is, iu the Bible, always
recognised not only as the founder of the nation, but as
the common ancestor of the people of Israel.
I. It is not the case, certainly, that there was in that
people no admixture whatever of non-Abrahamic, or
even of non-Semitic races ; nor is there any claim made
by the inspired historians of the seed of Abraham to an
absolute purity of blood on their part : as if it were a
point of capital importance to exclude the notion that
alien races were ever, under any conditions, suffered to
intrude themselves into the sacred line of the Peculiar
People of God. It is evident, even from the genealogies,
that foreigners were in fact occasionally admitted, not
only to citizenship, but as, in every respect, members of
the Theocracy.'
A curious but doubtful indication of one possible
source of foreign admixture is found in the history of
the Exodus itself. In Exod. xii. 38, we are told that
when, after the destruction of the first-born of the
Egyptians, the Israelites loft Rameses for Succoth, " a
mixed multitude also went up witli them." More than
a year afterwards we find the same " mixed multi-
tude " in the wilderness of Sinai, still accompanying the
people of Israel in their route (Numb. xi. 4). And in a
I As to the phrase, " An Hebrew of the Hebrews," cf. Lightf oot,
PhUippiaTis, 145 j Trench, New Testament Stjnonyms, 131.
passage in Josh. viii. 35, refeiTing to the times of the
conquest (cf. Knobel, Handbtich zum Alien Test, i.
121), they seem again to be alluded to. From all these
data it may at least bo infeiTed that a considerable
body of foreigners, probably in pai-t Egyptians (Lev.
xxiv. 10), had availed themselves of the Exodus to leave
Egypt >vith the Israelites, and had afterwards cast in
their lot mth them, forming from the first commence-
ment of the history of Israel as a nation a part of those
" strangers in the land" who are so often referred to
in the legislation of Moses. How far, however, this
" mixed multitude " was ever incorporated with the
Israelites, does not appear.
But there were provisions made in the Mosaic law
itself for the naturalisation of foreigners. It appears
probable (MichaeHs, Laws of Moses, § 139) that who-
ever wished to become an Israelite was required to con-
form to the religious institutions of the country. There
were also other conditions. But, except in the case of the
Moabites and Ammonites, and in their case on special
grounds (Deut. xxiii. 3), no alien by birth was wholly
precluded from obtaining admission to the privileges of
citizensliip. By an express law, Edomites and Egyptians
were permitted to "enter into the congregation of the
Lord "?»f/ic third generation (Deut. xxiii. 8). In Uriah
"the Hittite " we have a well-known instance of a fully-
naturalised Israelite, who was of Cauaauitish descent
(2 Sam. xxiii. 39).
Then, as to intermarriages with foreigners, such
unions, though they were in most periods of the history
of the nation very rare, and though they were opposed
to public feeling (Numb. xii. 1 ). especially in later times
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE.
237
(Ezra ix. 3 ; Jos., Antiq. xi. 8, § 2 ; xii. 4, § 6 ; Tac, Hisi.
V. 5), having been found by experience to be full of
danger to the purity of the national faitli (1 Kings xi. 4;
xvi. 31), were, except in the case of the Canaanites,
permissible by law, and are known to have at least
occasionally occurred — even apart from the limitation
just referred to — in all periods of the Jewish history.
The practice, indeed, was countenanced by men of the
highest character and position in Israel. For Isaac and
Jacob care was taken to provide wives of then- own
kindred (Gen. xxiv. ; xxviii.); but of the twelve sons of
the latter, two married foreigners — Judah, a Canaanito
woman named Shua; and Joseph, Asenath, an Egyptian,
the daughter of Potipherah, priest of On (1 Chron. ii. 3 ;
Gen. xlvi. 20). Moses himself married first a Midianite
(Exod. ii. 21), and afterwards a Cushite or Ethiopian
wife (Numb. xii. 1). Nor was it only on the one side
that alliances with non-Israelites thus took place. In
at least three cases we read of Israelite women who
wore married to men of alien race — in one, the husband
being an Egyptian ; in another, an Ishmaelite ; in a
third, a native of Tyre (Lev. xxiv. 10; 1 Chron. ii.
17; 1 Kings vii. 14). In the times of the Judges
mixed marriages became comparatively common. The
children of Israel in those times " dwelt among the
Canaanites, the Hittites, the Amorites, the Perizzites,
the Hivites, and the Jebusites ; " and " they took then-
daughters to bo their wives, and gave their daughters
to their sons " (Judg. iii. 5, 6). After the return from
the Captivity, so many of the Jews, including even their
princes and rulers, entered into maniage with the
mixed foreign population with which the land seems
then to have been filled, that it was found necessary to
take the most severe measures to avert the danger thus
threatened to the integiity as well as the faith of the
nation (Ezra ix. ; x.).
It is a remarkable fact that even among the direct
ancestors, " as concerning the flesh," of om- blessed Lord
himself, are found at least two women of non-Israelite
birth— Rahab, at whose house in Jericho Joshua's spies
were hidden, and who afterwards married Salmon ;
and her daughter-in-law Ruth, the wife of Boaz, and
grandmother of Jesse. That the fact was significant
is the more probable, because in St. Matthew's Gospel
these two names — the only female names (except Thamar
and Bathsheba) thus houom-ed — are carefidly preserved
in the genealogy of our Lord. The latter case is espe-
cially noteworthy. There are, indeed, no more striking
illustrations of the state of the country generally, under
the Judges, than in the history of Ruth. One of the
periodical famines to which Palestine was subject had
compelled a certain man of Bethlchem-judah to emigi'ate
with his wife and two sons into the laud of Moab.
" The name of the man was Elimelech, and the name of
his wife Naomi." Elimelech died, and his sons took them
wives of the daughters of Moab — the name of the one
Orpah, of the other Ruth — and after ten years died
also. When the family was thus broken up, Naomi
resolved to return to the land of Israel, the rather
because she heard that the laud again enjoyed its cus-
tomary plenty, " the Lord having visited his people in
giving them bread." Though she urged her daughters-
in-law to remain in their own country, saying, " Go,
return each to her mother's house ; the Lord deal kindly
with you, as ye have dealt with the dead and with me,"
one of them preferred to accompany her to the home
from which she had been so long absent. Orpah "went
back to her people and unto her gods ; " but Ruth said,
" Intrcat me not to leave thee . . . for whither thou
goest, I will go ; and where thou lodgest, I vrill lodge ;
thy people .shall be my people, and thy God my God :
where thou diest, I will tlie, and there will I be bmied.
The Lord do so to me, and more also, if ought but
death part thee and me. ... So Naomi," it is added,
" returned, and Ruth the Moabitess, her daughter-in-
law, with her, out of the country of Moab, and came to
Betldehem " (Ruth i. 1 — 22). It is needless to pursue
the history further than to recall the fact, that, in Beth-
lehem, Ruth "the Moabitess" mado a second marriage
by espousing Boaz, " a mighty man of wealth of the
family of Elimelech," and became "the mother of Obed,
the father of Jesse, the father of David," and therefore
a progenitor of Him who was at once David's Son and
David's Lord.
Though, however, such exceptions to the rule oc-
curred— occurred, perhaps, on purpose to show the
Israelites that any virtue found among the Chosen Race
was due, not to hereditary qualities, but to the favour
of God ; and also, perhaps, to prepare their minds for
the eventual admission, without restiictipn, of men of
every nation to all the privileges of the people of God —
the rule was as already stated. One of the most remark-
able facts indeed, in connection .with the history of
Israel, is the evidence it affords of the homogeneity of
that people from first to last. How far this charac-
teristic of the nation was in itself favourable to their
national progress upon the whole, is another question.
The presumption is that, whatever important ends it
may have been designed to serve, it was, in its own
nature, an element of weakness. As a rule, the peoples
who have presented the highest types of humanity,
both physically and intellectually, who have attained
to the greatest worldly glory, and who have exercised
the most important influence in relation to the progi-ess
of cirilisation throughout the world, are, it is generally
agreed (Prichard, Besearches, i. 149) — nor is the prin-
ciple unrecognised in sacred history (Gen. vi. 4) — those
in whom, as with the Romans (see Tacitus, Ann. xi. 24),
there has been a large admixture of distinct races. And
probably we have here one cause, not only of the failure
of the Jews — as far as they did fail — to distinguish
themselves to the same extent as many other nations.
otheiTvise less highly favoured, in the arts, in science,
in literature, and in arms, but of some of the more con-
spicuous defects of their national cliaracter, especially
their nan-owness of spirit. It is of the fact, however,
that wo here alone speak, and of that there can hardly
be any question. " We bo Abraham's seed," was a
boast which, with little qualification, could be made by
almost every member of the commonwealth of I.srael.
238
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
By the hypothesis of Ewald as to the origin of the
nation, a very different conclusion would be necessary.
He supposes that Abraham and Jacob, as far as they
are to be regarded as historical persons at aU, were
merely leaders of successive and more or less extensive
migrations 'into Canaan from beyond the Euphrates ;
and that Jacob's twelve sons, also, were in truth not,
as the Bible describes them, " one man's sons " (Gen.
xlii. 11), but types of various distinct tribes, who,
mingling with the older Hebraic immigi-ants, formed
the nation which was afterwards known as Israel (Hist,
of Israel, i. -362, 381 sq.). But tliis liypothesis is not
only without basis in any known facts, but proceeds on
principles of Biblical uiterpretation which are wholly
inadmissible except at the expense of our faith in the
authenticity of the Biblical histoiy.
II. What was the character — ^physical, intellectual,
and religious — of the people from whom Abraham him-
self, and through him the Israelites, thus traced their
descent ?
The great progenitor of Israel was the member of a
tribe which, in the strictest sense of the term, belonged to
one of the races now known as Semitic. The " Semitic "
races are not so called because ui every case they were
exclusively descended from the first-born (Gen. x. 21 ;
cf. RosenmiiUer and Kuobel in loo.) of Noah. The
name is generally used to designate the Syro- Arabic
nations as a whole, and is so used in the Bible itself.
In the tables of Gen. x., which we have already found
to be rather ethnological than genealogical tables, the
children of Shem are " Elara, and Asshur, and Arphaxad,
and Lud, and Aram " — names which, as far as they can
be identified, appear to represent — (1) the Elamites of
Susiana; (2) the Assyrians; (3) the Chaldaeaus, with
their offshoots the Hebrews and the Arabians ; (4) the
Lydians; and (5) the Syiiaus, iacludiug the inhabi-
tants of Upper Mesopotamia, Syria Proper, of which
Damascus was the capital, and the region in which
was eventually formed the kingdom of Palmyra. In
other words, the Semitic races include the whole of
the peoples who occupied the countries extending from
Upper Mesopotamia to the southern extremities of
Ai-abia, and from the borders of the MediteiTauean
Sea to the country beyond the Tigris (Lenormant, Anc.
Hist., i. 59). Though to a gi-eat extent peoples of mixed
descent, embracing descendants not only of Shem, but
also of Ham and Japheth, the populations of this com-
paratively narrow territory were distinguished by a
common ethnical character, as by a common type of
religious belief and worship, and the possession of —in
its elementary principles — a common language. That
the descendants of Shem must hara originally prepon-
derated, and always formed an important element in
the population of the whole territory, or at least in
some way must have given its distinctive character
to this population, the statements of Genesis do not
permit us to doubt.
The character of the races from which, through
Abraham, the Israelites were thus derived, is of tlw
more interest to us because the permanence of native
qualities, no less than of customs and manners, among
all Eastern peoples, is proverbial. Professor Rawlinson
has noticed "the striking resemblance to the Jewish
physiognomy [as familiar to us in the Jews of the
present day] which is presented by the sculptured
effigies of the Assyrians" {Ane. Mon., i. 297). And
other as well as more important illustrations of the
perpetuation among the Israehtes of equalities derived
from the original Syro- Arabic races of which they are
scions, might easily be multiplied.
(1.) The 2->hysical characteristics of the Semites are
to be learned partly from history, partly from the sculp-
tures on the Assyrian and Babylonian moniunents, and
pai-tly — for these races have existing representatives, of
whom, to say nothing of the Jews, the Arabs are, on
many accounts, the most important — from the reports
of Eastern travellers. The correspondence between
the Jews of the present day and the ancient Assyrians
as regards physiognomy has just been noticed. A
family likeness m all physical qualities may, as far as
our materials go, be traced among the whole peoples of
Semitic origin. Speaking of the vaiious nations which
alike pass under the name of Araliians, M. Chateau-
briand describes them from personal obsei-vation as
characterised by the same traits. " "VVlierever," he says,
" I have seen them . . . they have struck me as
rather taU than short in statm-e ; they are well made
and slightly buUt ; the head is oval, the bi'ow high and
arched; the nose aquiliue; the eyes large and almond-
.shaped; the look melting and fidl of sweetness (le
regard humide et singidierement dons") " {Itineraire,
quoted by Prichard, Besearches, ii. 5881. According
to Professor Bawhnson, Chateaubiuand's portrait of the
Bedouin in this passage presents traits which " are for
the most pai-t common to the Semitic race generally,"
being " seen now alike in the Aral), the Jew, and tho
Chaldaean of Kurdistan ; while, anciently, they not only
cliaracterised the Assyrians, but probably belonged
also to the Phceuicians, the Syi'ians, and other minor
Semitic races " {Aiic. Mon., i. 298). As in other races,
there were, of coiu'se, in details consideralile variations in
the physical character of the Semites. On this subject
tho reader may be referred to the second volume of
Vrich^rd's Researches on the Races of ManMnd, where
extracts from all the different authorities will be foimd.
Even among the Arabs the complexion of the people
" displays gi-eat diversities in the different countries
inliabited by them " (Researches, ii. 597), from the
sicldy yellow hue of tho Arabs near Muscat to the jet
black of those of tlio low countries of the Nile bordering
on Nubia. The dark hair and eyes of perhaps the most
of the races are, in some countries or iudiWduals, inter-
changed for fair, sometimes red, hair, and blue eyes — a
distinction also found among the Jews. Spare forms
and short stature characterise seme of these peoples ;
while others are, as a rule, above the average height,
and are remarkable for physical power and strong
muscular development (Researches, ii. 599, sq.l.
(2.) InfellectuaUy, the same authority assigns to the
Semitic races a very high position, on this point differ-
ETHNOLOGY OP THE BIBLE.
239
ing widely from M. Renan (see Histoire cles Lang-ues
Semitiqucs, i. 4, sq.). " The intellectual powers of the
Syro- Arabian people," Dr. Prichard says, " have in all
ages equalled the highest standard of the human
faculties " (Researches, ii. 548). Mr. Layard attribxates
to them "brilliancy of imagination and readiness of con-
ception " as their more prominent intellectual gifts,
adding, however, that "these high qualities, which seem
to be innate in them, they have taken no pains to culti-
vate or improve" (Nineveh, ii. 239; cf. PalgTave,
Arabia, i. 175). Ref ei-ence has been made to the views
adopted by M. Renan as to the intellectual character
of the Semites. The views of this learned author are
the less to be relied on, that they are brought forward in
connection with a tlieory — of which some notice will bo
taken immediately — as to the religious history of these
peoples ; and tliey have, m fact, been generally regarded
by critics most familiar with the subject as of Uttlo
value. He claims to have been the first to recognise
the fact, that the Semitic race, compared to the ludo-
Eui'ojioans, represent in truth " an inferior combination
of human nature." They were, he says, deficient in
scientific and philosophical originality, had no talent
for political organisation ; with a genius for some forms
of poetry, the range of their imaginative powers, both
in form and expression, was extremely limited; and
upon the whole intensity rather than comprehensiveness
of mind was the leading characteristic of aU these races
(Histoire des Langues Semiiiques, i. 4 — 17).
(3.) Of then- ethical characteristics it is even more
difScidt to speak. If we were in this respect to
judge of these races generally, throughout aU periods
of their histoiy, from such specimens as are furnished
in "the godless, grasping, foul-mouthed Arabs of the
modern desert," we should doubtless not only do gi'oss
injustice, as Dean Stauley has noticed (Jervish Church,
1st series, 12), to the Israelites, but to the whole
family of nations of the same original stock. It is
not necessary, certainly, in the interests of our faith,
to prove that no gi-oss moral obliquities were found
in the Semitic character, even as illustrated iu that
pai-ticidar nation which was selected to become the
" peculiar" People of God. It is from the Bible itself,
and from the history in the Bible of those men who
became the most remarkable instruments in the intro-
duction of the purest ethical system ever known, that
we have disclosed to us some of the darkest traits in
the natural disposition of these races. And the less
hopeful the materials through which the great work
assigned to the Chosen Seed was accomplished, the
more must tho result tend to the glory of God. Even
by natm-e the Semites, however, were doubtless no more
corrupt in moral principle than other men.. ' Possibly a
tuna for duplicity and dissimulation may have been a
distinctive feature of the Semites. It must ' not be
forgotten, however, that there is evidence of the greatest
possible diversity of character amongst them. This is
seen even in the family of Abraham. Isaac and Ishmael,
Jacob and Esau, and the twelve sons of Jacob, were
men remarkable not so much for the resemblances as
for the strong contrasts in whatever constitutes the
ethical qualities of mankind by which they were, iu
fact, distinguished.
(4.) Before leaving the subject of the native charac-
teristics of the races from which the Israelites were
derived, a few words mu.st be said as to then- religious
tendencies. A native superiority lias sometimes been
attributed to these races in respect of those facidties, or
powers, or intuitions of the human mind which have
relation to spiritual or religious truth. Even Dr.
Prichard, after referring to tho fact, that "the three
great systems of theism which liave di^dded the civilised
world came forth from nations of Semitic origin," says,
"The Semite people alone appear to have possessed
sufficient power of abstraction to conceive the idea of a
pure and immaterial nature, and of a governing miud
distinct from body " (Researches, ii. 548). But it is by
M. Renan, in the work already referred to, that tho
supposed possession by the Semitic races of natural
advantages in this respect over the rest of the world
has been set forth most elaborately and with the gTeatest
fulness and precision of statement. His position is,
that not so much by any superiority of intellect upon
the whole, or by any depth of reflection, or force of
reasoning beyond other races, as by what he calls a higher
instinct than was given to mankind generally, a special
sense, an unfaltering intuition peculiar to themselves, but
at all events by native powers possessed by them alone,
the Semitic peoples generally, not excepting the Jews, but
including also aH the other Syi'o- Arabic nations, were
enabled to find out for themselves that which he holds
to be the fundamental doctrme of true religion — namely,
the unity of God ; that they had a monotheistic instinct ;
and, indeed, that monotheism was the leading charac-
teristic of the race, from the very commencement of
tlieir history {Le Monotheisme resume et explique tons
les caracteres de la race Si'miiique). " It is," he says,
" tho glory of this race that they attained from theii-
earliest times (des ses premiers jours) the conception of
the Godhead which all other peoples ought to adopt
after their example and through faith in their teach-
ing. They never conceived the government of the world
but as au absolute monai-chy; their theology has not
advanced a step since tho time of Job ; the sublimities
and the aberrations of polytheism have always continued
to be alien to them " (Histoire Generale, i. 6, sq.).
For an examination of the groimds on which this
hypothesis professedly rests, and an exposure of its
entire variance with the facts of the case, the reader
must be referred to a masterly essay in Prof. Max
Midler's Chips from a German Workshop (vol. i., p. 341).
M. Renan's object, of course, is to account on natural-
istic principles for the great part in the religious history
of manldnd assigned to the people of Israel ; and to
dispense with the necessity for that supernatural revela-
tion, made to and by means of that " peciiliar " People
of God, to which tho Christian world is accustomed to
attribute tho origin of the true faith, whether in the
elementai-y form in which it appears in the Old Testa-
ment, or in its fuU development in the New. How
240
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
inadequate it is for such a purpose on the whole need
iardly bo said. For the fundamental doctrine of the
Christian faith is not monotheism, but Redemption.
But even as far as it goes it is at variance with facts
inown to all the world.
As to the Semitic races generally, or the Syro-Arabic
nations, we have already seen how far wo are from having
in their history any evidence of a monotheistic instinct.
Not to speak at present of the seed of Abraham, these
races were very much like the rest of the world. They
were whoUy given up to idolatry, often to idolatry in
its most corrupt and degrading forms. From the histoiy
of Job and that of Balaam, as well as, perhaps, on other
oTOunds (see Palgravc, Arabia, i. 249), it appears that
partial exceptions wore found to tliis rule among some
of the Arabic peoples (whoso descent from Abraham
and connection with Israel amply accoimts for the
exception). But as to the general fact there can be no
doubt. So complete, indeed, is the evidence against the
assumption as to the prevalence of monotheism through-
out Western Asia from the earliest times, that thougli
essential to his argument, M. Renan has, in a second
publication, in defence of his original thesis, been com-
pelled, as Professor Max MiiUer points out {Chips, i.
346), practically to abandon it.
Nor If we confine our attention, as M. Renan some-
times appears wUUng to do (Hist. i. 6), to the seed of
Abraham, is there even in them found evidence of the
" instinct superieur," the " sens special " in favom- of
monotheism for which he pleads. If the true faith as
to the unity and also as to the perfections of God was
found among this branch of the Semitic peoples, as wo
know it was, that faith was so far from proceeding
naturally or instinctively from the people themselves,
that it appoiu-s from their whole history to have been
one which was not less, but perhaps more, alien to them
by natm-e than to all other peoples to whom it has
through their instrumentality eventually been made
known.
In regard to the religious tendencies of the Semitic
races, it may indeed upon the whole be said that no real
distinction can in this respect be foimd between them
and other races of mankind.
m. In connection with the lineage of Israel it must
be noticed how many of the nations by whom that people
wore, after their conquest of Canaan, suiTOimded, and
with whom, especially during all their early history,
they were brought most in contact, were of near affinity
by blood to themselves. TIio Moabites and Ammonites,
"the descendants of Lot, Abraham's nephew, have been
already mentioned. There is some difficulty in identi-
fying the men of the land of Uz, of whom the patriarch
Job is the most eminent representative. It is probable
that in this people, as well as in the Buzites. represented
in the history of the patriarch just named by Elihu, we
find descendants of two of the sons of Nahor, the
brother of Abraham. But that, in addition to the
Israelites, there were several peoples — indeed, large and
important nations — which could claim direct descent
from Abraham hiraseU', having indeed " Abraham to
their father " no less truly than the Chosen Race, is a
fact especially worthy of our attention.
Little more can here be attempted than to enumerate
the non-Israelitish Abrahamida3 now referred to. (a)
The first place is, of coiu-se, duo to the Ishmaelites, the
children of that son of Abraham by Hagar the Egyptian
whose name they long continued to bear (Judg. viii.
24 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 6). It was predicted of Ishmael that,
because he was Abraham's son, God would make of him
a great nation (Gen. xxi. 13, 18) ; and the destiny of that
nation was also foreshown : "He will be a wild man;
his hand will be against every man, and evei-y man's
hand against him ; and he shall dwell in the presence
of all his brethren " (Gen. xvi. 12). It is probable that
the Ai-ab peoples, of whom the Ishmaelites became an
important branch, existed long before the days of
Ishmael. There is indeed every reason to believe that
Arabia was originally occupied by a Cusliito race, and
that, at a period long antecedent to the birth of Ishmael,
tho children of Joktan, a son of Eber, the grandson of
Shem, had also formed settlements in the same country.
Nor is it otherwise than probable that the nomadic and
predatory habits of the Ishmaelites characterised " the
children of the East" from the earliest times. Although,
however, the jirevalent notion — a notion without warrant
in Scripture — that the whole Arab nation was originally
Ishmaelite, and liad derived at once its existence and
its more distinctive character from Ishmael, must be
iliscarded, it is certain that among the people to wliich
the son of Hagar attached himself, and whose habits he
adopted, liis descendants for long foi-med one of the
most important, and, ultimately, the principal nation.
They appear to have chiefly occupied those districts of
Arabia which lay nearest to Palestine, thus dwelling
" in the pi-eseuce of thou- brethren." It may be added
that, according to the tables of Genesis (xxv. 12), they
were di^aded into several distinct tribes. The names
of the twelve sons of Ishmael are given in a form
(Gen. xxv. 16) which proves this fact, and itself, there-
fore, indicates how soon the prediction that lie would
become " a great nation '" must have been accom-
plished, (b) Another Ai'ab people, descended like the
Ishmaelites from Abraham, though by a different
mother, is found iu the Midianites. The marriage of
Abraham to Keturah proljably took place in the life-
time of Sarah (Gen. xxv. 6) ; and of this imion were
born six sons — Zimram, Jokshan, Medan, Midian,
Ishbak,and Shuah — all of whom probably became heads
of separate tribes. Of these tribes, always excepting
the Midianites, we hariUy know anything. A descendant
of the last of the sons of Keturah in the list, Shua,
appears in the person of one of the friends of Job
(Job ii. 11). Tlio whole of them seem to have been
portioned by Abraham, and sent forth m tho Itfetuno
of their father to seek their fortunes in '"the cast
country " (Gen. xxv. 6)— a phrase variously understood
as signifying the Arabian desert east of Palestine, or
the whole territory of Arabia. But in regard to the
Midianites our information is comparatively complete.
The Midianites occupied a prominent position in the
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE.
241
history of Moses, who, when ho fled from Egypt, took
up his residence in their territories and married the
daughter of one of their chiefs (Exod. ii. 15) ; in the
history of the conquest of the trans- Jordanic provinces
(Numb. xxii. 4; xxv. 17; xxxi. 2) ; and in the history of
the Judges, but especially of Gideon (Judg. vi.; vii.),
by whom their power, as one of the most active and
bitter of the early enemies of Israel, was finally broken.
A Tivid picture of the wealth and power of this people
in the time of Moses is fiu-nisbed by the account of the
spoil taken on the occa.sion of the first victory gained
by Isriiel over Midian. Besides jewels, and gold chains,
bracelets, rings, c^ir-rings, and tablets, of which " the
offering to the Lord " " was 16,750 shekels," there
were 675,000 sheep, 72,000 beeves, and 61,000 asses
(Numb. xxxi.). In the time of the Judges, though from
a more settled and pastoral tribe, the Midianites appear
to have now become a desert-horde, living chiefly by
phmder, they were probably in number, if not in wealth,
even in a bettor position than before their terrible defeat
by the armies of Moses. " They came up " to the land
of Israel, it is said, " with their cattle and then- tents ;
and they came as grasshoppers for multitude ; for both
they and their camels were without number" (Judg.
vi. 5). la the battle of Jezreel, ah'eady referred to, the
army of Midian consisted of no fewer than about
135,000 men (Judg. viii. 10). Israel, it may be noted,
suffered not more from their open acts of hostility than
from tlieir too successful attempts (Numb. xxv. 18) to
lead them astray from the mjunctions of the law of
Moses, in which direction it is supposed their influence
was the more powerful and effectual in consequence
of the blood relationship between the two peoples,
through their common descent from Abraham. (c)
The Edomites were another people in the same position.
Isaac, Abraham's son in the lino of the Divine promise,
had himself twin sons, Esau and Jacob, of whom we
are told that, even before their birth, God " loved Jacob
and hated Esau" (Mai. i. 2), or selected the one and
rejected the other in relation to the .succession of the
Chosen Line. Although, however, the pecidiar bless-
ings of the Abrahamic covenant were conferred on
Jacob, Esau found that for him also a great destiny was
reserved. " Behold," he was told, in words which
obviously looked far beyond his own day, "thy dwelling
shall be the fatness of the earth, and of the dew of
heaven from above ; and by thy sword shalt thou live,
and shalt servo thy brother; and it shall come to pass
when thou shalt have the dominion, that thou shalt
break his yoke from off thy neck" (Gen. xxvii. 39, 40).
Esau himself, in the lifetime of his father, migrated
with his Canaanitish wives to the country which after-
wards became the home of his descendants. This was
Mount Seir, a mountainous but fertile region to the
soiith of Palestine which had long been occupied by the
Horites, whose territories they at fii-st shared, but
afterwards, at a period antecedent to the Exodus, took
possession of. The Horites have been already men-
tioned as Troglodytes ; and the Edomites now, if not
before, adopted in this respect their habits. That tho
caves or grottoes cut out of the soft sandstone so
common in that region, which they thus made their
dwellings, were often habitations possessing ample
accommodation and not without architectural beauty,
is proved by the remains of the remarkable city of
Petra. Their history, which goes down to the period
of tho destruction of Jerusalem by Titus (Josephus,
B. J., iv. 1), is too long to be told hero. In proof of
their importance as a people, even in the earliest times,
it may be mentioned that, in Gen. xxxvi. 31, a list of
eight kings is given who "reigned in the land of Edom
before there reigned any king in Israel." It was long
before they forgot, if they ever wholly forgot, their
hereditary enmity to the Chosen People. Of that
enmity we find traces not only in their refusal to allow
thoir " brother Israel " (Numb. xx. 1-4) to pass through
their land during tho wanderings in the wilderness,
though the request was made under circumstances of
the utmost urgency, but from tho terms in which we
find them denounced by the later prophets (Isa. xxxiv. -
5; Ixiii. 3; Ezek. xxv. 13; Amos i. 11, &c.). The
waxlike character of Esau was likewise perpetuated
in the latest of his descendants. They were ultimately
brought into close alliance with their ancient foes. But,
according to Josephus (B. J., iv. 4) the children of
Israel found reason to di-ead the children of Esau no
less as allies than as open enemies. Even in his own
day that historian describes them as " a turbulent and
unruly race . . . rushing to battle as if they were going
to a feast."
So much as to the lineage of Israel. It only remains
to give, in the succeeduig article, a rapid sketch of the
cu'cumstances imder which they came into existence
as a nation, and took possession of the country whoso
most sacred associations are connected with their
history.
40- vou II.
24-2
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR,
6CEIPTUEE BIOaEAPHIES.
SAMUEL (concluded).
BT THE EEV. EDMUND VENABLES, JI.A., CANON EESIDENTIART AND PEECENTOB OP LINCOLN.
iT is witli almost startling suddenness that
Samuel presents himself again on the
sacred page. The ark, on its restoration
by the Philistines, had halted at Kirjath-
jearim, and had not been replaced in the old sanctuary
at Shaoh. Why this was, we are not informed. Perhaps
ShUoh had fallen into the Philistines' power, after the
defeat at Eben-ezer, and, mth the country round, still
remaiaod in their hands. Samuel's coHuection with
Shiloh had consequently entirely ceased. He starts
forth from obscurity, whence we know not, in the time
of the nation's deepest depression, when, do-mi-trodden
by their inveterate enemies the Philistines, calamity
was beginning to do its appointed work, and they were
awakening to the truth that their unfaithfulness to their
covenant "with their God was the origin of their national
disasters. Wearied with their infatuated service of the
idols, which could not help or profit them in the hour
of their distress, the thirst for " the living God " began
to make itself felt in tlie nation's heart. Jehovah had
departed from them, and went no more out ivith their
armies ; " and all the house of Israel lamented after
Jehovah" (1 Sam. vii. 2). Samuel well knew how to
take advantage of this change in the people's feelings.
It was the hour he had been long looking for and pray-
ing for, when he might lead Israel back to Him from
whom they had so deeply revolted. The only remedy
for their evils was a national reformation. And this
reformation must be a thorough one. There must bo
no halting between two opinions. The worship of Je-
hovah was not to be joined in unholy alliance with the
foul rites of the gods of the nations round about. If
they professed to " return unto the Lord," it must be
" with all their hearts." The " strange gods," " Baalim
and Ashtaroth," must be " put away from among them."
If they wished for a restoration of Jehovah's favour,
they must " prepai'o their hearts," direct them, and set
tliem firmly iu devout allegiance to Him, and "serve Hiui
only." Then, and then only, would He " deliver them
out of the hands of the Philistines (viii. 3). Such was
Samuel's call to repentance, nor was it unheeded. " The
children of Israel did put away BaaUm and Ashtaroth,
and served Jehovah only " (ver. 4). To seal the
national reformation, Samuel proclaimed a solemn day
of penitence and prayer. The place of assembly was
Mizpeh (Sam-mizpeh, as it is in the Hebrew, "the watch-
tower," or "look-out post"), one of the many "high
places " consecrated by early religious rites designated
by that name. Its locality is not defined, but it may
probably be identified with the place of that name in
the tribe of Benjamin, the scene, previously, of the
gathering of the tribes to " fcike advice " and " speak
their minds," in the case of the outrage on the Levite's
concubine at Gibcah (Judg. xix. 30; xx. 1), and, subse-
quently, of the election of Saul (1 Sam. x. 17). On this
hallowed spot the assembled tribes made an acknoW'
ledgment of then- sin, accompanying their confession
with fasting, and with a symbolical rite, probably in-
dicative of deep penitence — " drawing water, and pour-
ing it on the ground before Jehovah."' We may
gather from the words used, that ou this occasion
Samuel was now for the first time formally accepted by
the popular voice in the character of judge (.ver. 6).
The Philistines took alarm at this unwonted combina-
tion, and, headed by their lords, put in motion the whole
forces of their nation to suppress the movement. Full
of alarm at the consequence of their rashness, the
Israelites, hopeless of making a stand against those'
whose superiority they had so long acknowledged,
betook themselves to Samuel, and entreated him to
raise an earnest and continuous prayer that Jehovah
would deliver them. While ho was offering a sucking
lamb as a whole bm-nt- offering, in propitiatory sacrifice,
and crying to the Lord with prevailing intercession, the
Philistines burst upon Israel with their united army.
But God fought for Israel. As when Joshua was fight-
ing with the Canaanites at Beth-horon (Josh. x. 11),
and Barak was pursuing Jabin's host across the plain
of Kishon (Judg. v. 20, 21), He " who maketh the
clouds his chariot, and walkoth on the wings of the
wind" (Ps. civ. 3), manifested His power agaiast the
enemies of His people. A thunder-storm of more than
usual violence broke on the host of the Pliilistines, and
threw them into confusion. The Isi-aeUtes followed up
the advantage, and charging down ou the disordered
army, drove them before them, and gained a complete
victory, ou the very ground where twenty years before
they had sustained their tremendous defeat, when the
ark of God was taken (iv. 1 — 11). To commemorate
this great deliverance, Samuel set w^ a standing-stone,
or pillar, to which he gave the name — already used by
anticipation (iv. 1; v. 1) — of Eben-ezer ("the stone of
help "), saying, " Hitherto hath the Lord helped us "
(vii. 12). This decisive victory, the first, and as far as
we know, the only mOitary exphiit of Samuel, esta-
blished his authority as judge. Even when the military
leadership was transferred to Saul, on his election as
king, the civil administration of justice remained with
Samuel, and " he judged Isi-ael all the days of his
Ufo " (ver. 15). In pursuance of his duties as judge, he
made an annual circuit, holding sessions at three of the
ancient sanctuaries of the land. Bethel, GUgal, and
Mizpeh ; and " judged Israel in aU these places " (ver.
1 Tbe Targxim interpretation of this rite, wTiicli has been very
Tai"iously explained, is probably the correct one : *' They poured
out their heart like water in penitence to the Lord." Compftre
Ps. sxii. 1^ ; Lam. ii. 19, where the expression " poured out like
water " is used to denote inward dissolution, through pain, miser^^
and distress. (See Kei] on Samuel, in toe.)
SAirUEL.
243
16). His fixed home was in his native city of Bamah,
where "ho built an altar to Jehovah," ius a religious
centre for the tribes resorting thither for judicial pur-
poses (ver. 17). Another more immediate result of the
victory of Eben-ezer was that the Philistines were
comiiletely cowed into submission. Not only did they
cease from their predatory inroads on the Israelitish
territory, but such was the courage inspired by Samuel's
vigorous government, that tlie Israelites tliemselves
made reprisals, attacking the Philistines in their own
territory, and recovering from them the cities which
had fallen into their hands.
Samuel, the last, was the most powerful of all the
judges of Israel. No one of those who preceded him
in that office appears to have exercised such wide au-
thority. If not the whole nation, certainly the southern
tribes were united under liis firm and beneficent sway.
" This," writes Dean Milman,' " was his great achieve-
ment, the crowning point of his service to Israel and
the God of Israel ; the scattered and disunited tribes
became again a nation. The rival tribes Ephraim
and Judah make common cause against the common
enemy; and the more distant tribes do not seem to
withhold their allegiance." He thus, in a marked
manner, stood between the new and old, and prepared
the way for the establishment of the monarchy. The
recognition of Said as king of all Israel would have
been an impossibility had not the judgeship of Samuel
already brought about a cohesion between the dis-
organised members of the Jewish commonwealth, and
afforded them practical experience of the benefits of
national union.
The latter days of Samuel's administration prepared
the way for the establishment of the monarchy in
another manner, for whicli he can have been little pre-
pared, and which must have been, to one of such un-
sullied justice and pui-ity of conduct, a source of the
deepest mortification, as it went to show that piety is
not hereditai-y. Samuel was doomed to witness in his
own two sons, Joel and Abiah,- whom, in his declining
years, ho had associated with him in his judicial func-
tions, the same corrupt abu.sc of their high position, of
which he had seen so scandalous an example in the sons
of Eli. They did not follow the rectitude of their liigh-
minded father, but abusing their privilege to their own
gain, they " turned aside after lucre, and took bribes,
and perverted judgment" (viii. 1—3). The per\'ersion
of justice on the part of these degenerate young men
heightened tlie popular dissatisfaction at the contrast
between Israel and the surrmmding nations. "They
had tried judges long enough, and were weary of them.
If they only had a king to judge them in peace, and
head their forces in time of war, all would bo well." A
deputation, therefore, from the whole nation, " all the
^ Historij of the Jews, bk. Ti,, vol. i., p. 267.
2 The firstborn of Samuel is called " Vaslini," according to our
present text, in 1 Chron. vi. 28. This name is probaljly a corrup-
tion of ^^la"!, v'shenl ("the second"), the name of the eltler son,
Joel, having dropped out; bo tliiit it should he read, "And the
eons of Samuel, ioel, and the second, Abiah,"
elders of Israel," came to Ramah, and made known to
Samuel their desire for a monarchical form of govern-
ment. " Behold, thou art old, and thy sons walk not iy
thy ways : now make us a king to judge us, like aD the
nations " (chap. viii. 5).
There is one feature of Samuel's character belongrag
to this period, which must not be left altogether un-
noticed. Samuel, we learn from an incidental mention '
of the historian (ix. 9), was not known among tlio people
as "a jjrophet" (nahi), but as "a seer" (roeh), or
"gazer" (Hhozeh)— one, that is, divinely gifted with
intuition into matters hidden from tho knowledge of
mankind in general. This keenness of sight was be-
heved to extend not to things future only, nor to be
limited to matters of great and pressing importance,
but to embrace comparatively insignificant triiies. If
cattle had strayed, it was not considered a degradation
of the seer's office to consult him how they were to be
recovered. When Saul's servant found himself and his
master, after then- three days' fruitless search, within
easy reach of Samuel's home, he seems to regard it as
the natural way out of their difficulty that they should
apply to '• the seer," with a petty present — a little bread,
or a small coin — in their hand, by way of fee, and call in
the aid of his supernatural gift to recover the lost
asses. If such an application seems to ns derogatory
to the dignity of a prophet of Jehovah, degrading him
to the level of a cunning man, or soothsayer, we must
remember the low moi-al and religious condition of the
Israelites at that period, and that their estimate would
be very different from ours. Divination, as with all
ignorant and uncultivated people, held a very definite
place in the Israelitish life. They were accustomed to
have recourse to the possessors of or pretenders to super-
natural knowledge, on all occasions of doubt or diffi-
culty. To have pronounced all such proceedings UH-
lawf id, and have forbidden them altogether, would have
been to incur the risk of driving them to forbidden
arts, the consultation of mtches and the fike. In this
gift of prophetic sight, God supphed his people with
a legitimate substitute for divination, and by the recog-
nised superiority of the possessors of it to ordinary
soothsayers, and the infallibility of their utterances,
was loading them to a recognition of himself as a
God of truth, higher and greater than all the gods of
tho heathen around them. It was an important step
in the education of the people, that the " man of
God " shoiUd be universally recognised as " an honour-
able man," whose words "came surely to pa.ss"{ix.
6). That a prophet of tho Lord should be consulted
about strayed asses, shocks our moral sense. If it
did not shock the moral sense of the Israelites, it was
because their standpoint was lower than ours, and that
this exercise of the prophetic gift was a portion of
their religious education. It was one of the " sundry
portions and divers manners " in which God .saw fit to
" speak to the fathers by tho prophets," to prepare
them, by very gradual advances, for the more perfect
revelation, when He should "speak unto us by a Son"
(Heb. i. 1).
244
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE EEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., P.L.S., KECTOK OF PRESTON, SALOP.
BIRDS.
'ODERN zoologists divido the sub-king-
dom Verfehrata into tteso three sub-
divisions— the Mammalia,^ Sauropsida,
and Ichthyopsida ; the fii'st comprehend-
ing t)i9 class Mammalia, the second those of Avos and
Reptilia, and the last those of the Ampliibia and Pisces.
Prom the Mammalia, which we have already considered,
wo come to the class Aves, or Birds, to which we find
various allusions ia the sacred writings. There can be
no doubt that birds on the wliole are related more closely
to reptiles than to mammals. In accordance, therefore,
with their essential morphological affinities the elasses
Birds and Reptiles are, as we have just stated, placed in
the same great sub-division, the Sauropsida, i.e., " lizard-
like animals." There are marked characters which
separate these two classes, as the very obvious one that
in reptiles the blood is cold — not much warmer, that is
to say, than the temperatui-e of the medium in which
they lire — -whilst in birds the blood is warm as in mam-
mals. Again, in birds there can be no direct mixture
of venous with arterial Ijlood ; in reptiles there is this mix-
ture. But the resemblances between birds and reptiles
are, notwithstanding, very strong and sometimes very
curious. Every rearer of chickens is familiar with the
fact that young birds are provided with a hard knob or
tubercle on the extreme tip of the upper beak for breaking
the shell when ready for hatching; now amongst reptUes,
the young of the Ghclonia (tortoises and turtles) and
tho Ophidia (snakes) ai-o similarly provided. It seems
a strange anomaly that any bird slioidd possess actual
teeth, and no known adult bird possesses reptilian- like
teotli; and yet strange to tell, in the embryos of parrots
and the parrot family (Psittacinw). rudimentary teeth
have been observed, while in the summer of last year
(1872) some remains of a remarkable fossil-bird wore
found in the upper cretaceous shale of Kansas (U.S.A.),
* SinoB the articles on the Mammalia were written we have
received au iutereatin^ letter from Mr. A. H. Sayce on a few
Accadian names of animals : one which he has discovered throws
light on tho meauiu;^ of the Hohrew word ochim, mentioned
only in Isa. siii. 21 (see marginl, and rendered in the text "doleful
creatures,'' whii.-h, together with jackals, should inbahit desolate
Bahylon. In the astrological tablets, Mr. Sayce tells us that lions
(in Accadi-m lig mahhi. i.e., literally "great beasts"), are always
associated with animals called Ug-harH, whose inroad into Babylon
was to be feared, Lifj-harra be has discovered to be repreaeuted
in Assyrian by the word a-l;/m, which is probably the singular
of the Hebrew ockini (c^n's). Now 6aiTa may mean " striped ;"
so lig-bana means " the striped beast." The Hebrew word etymo-
logically points to some "lamentably howling " animal, and thus
wo think that stvii>ed hyenas are iuteuded in the passage in Isaiah.
Tho ancient Babylonians often gave animals names either from
some peculiarity in size or character, or from tho countries whence
they wore derived. The lion, being the largest carnivorous animal
with which they were acquainted, was called the " big-beast ;" tho
dog, from its docility, was called lirj-cit, i.e., "the tame beast ; "
one of the names for the wolf was liij-hi-ku, i.e., the "beast that
devours," which exactly answers to the Biblical expression, " a
taveniug [feeding with rapacity] wolf" (Gen. xlix. 37; Ezek. xxii.
27; Mitt, vii, 15). The hart, Mr. Sayce tells us, has the pretty
name of " horn of the star " in Accadian,
indicating that it was aquatic and carnivorous in habits,
differing widely from all known birds in having bi-con-
ojive vertobraB and well- developed teeth in both jaws.
Here is further interesting evidence of the relationship
existing between the two classes Birds and ReptUes.
According to the account of the creation given in
the fii'st chapter of Genesis, birds are said to have made
their appearance on tho earth on the fifth day, together
with creeping creatures that have life, sea-monsters,
and other animals with which the waters teem ; in verse
20 our Biljle reads, " And God said. Let the waters
bring forth abundantly the moving creature that hath
life, and fowl that may fly above the earth in the oj)en
firmament of heaven." Prom this it woidd seem that the
ancient Hebrews held that birds were produced froit
the waters and not from the earth like mammals (see
verse 24) ; similarly the Septuagint, the Vulgate, the
Targumim, Luther, and some modern translators ; but
both the verbs in tho Hebrew are imperative, " Let the
waters swarm with living swarms, and let fowl fly above
tho earth," &c. Indeed, in chap. ii. 19, birds are ex-
pressly said to be produced from the earth.
Tho following Hebrew words generally stand for
birds: 'o^)?i, literally "a wing," hence "winged animals"
or " birds ;" 'ait, " a bird of prey," from a root signify-
I ing "to rush upon;" and tsippor, "a small bird," or
I "bird of any kind," from a root meaning to "twitter"
j or " chirp."
Birds were used as food by tho ancient Hebrews,
though probably not to the extent which prevailed
amongst the Egyi)tians ; several birds were expressly
disallowed as food by the Levitical law, which, indeed,
does not differ much from modern i!)nglish custom.
All birds of prey, whether diurnal or nocturnal in their
habits, were forbidden, such as vultures, eagles, hawks,
buzzards, owls. Hence tlie whole order of Tlaptores
was .shunned as being i-eptdsive and cruel, feeding tipon
otlier animals or upon carrion ; though the flesh of
young eagles and hawks was by some nations recom-
mended and eaten as delicacies. Aristotle expressly
mentions the sweet and nourishing food afforded by
the flesh of young hawks (3ist. An. vi. 7). The raven
(Corvus corax), and doubtless all the family of the Cor-
vidw. as represented in Palestine in Biblical times, such
as the jackdaw, hooded crow, rook, alpine chough, &e.,
were avoided. Some of the cursorial or "running"
birds, as the ostrich ; many of the grallaiores or
" waders," as the heron, bittern, stork, and ibis ; a few
of the natatores or " swimmers," as the greedy pelican
and tho cormorant, were forbidden as food to the people
of Israel. Domestic poultry, common and familiar
enough in Palestine in our Lord's time, was almost, if
not quite, unknown there before the Babylonish cap-
tivity. " Patted fowl " arc indeed moutioned in 1 Kings
iv. 23 (Hcl). Bib. v. 3), as amongst the good things sup-
plied for Solomon's table ; but there is no reason for
ANIMAIiS OF THE BIBLE.
245
believing that such things are intended by the Hebrew
words barbarim, abusini, about tlio meaning of which
there is nothing but conjecture. It is not improbable
the ancient Hebrews domesticated the pigeon, though
there is no direct statement to this effect. A pair of
tiu-tle-doves or yoimg pigeons was ordered as a substi-
tute for a kid or a lamb as sin or trespass offering in
the case of poor jieople (Lev. xii. 6 ; Numb. vi. 10) ; and
as early as the time of Abraham we read of a tm-tle-
dove and a young pigeon (Gen. xv. 9). A passage in
Isaiah (Ix. 8) points, somewhat indefinitely it is true, to
tlio domestication of pigeons by the Hebrews : " Who
are these that fly as a cloud, and as the doves to their
windows ?" like doves flying to their dovecots, alluding
perhaps to the towers with latticed 02)enings for the
pigeons, which still fly, as of old, to their homes in the
neighbourhood of all Eastern villages and towns.
Reference to the wonderfid migratory habits of some
was considered under the especial care of the deity,
and it was sacrilege to molest it. The quiet repose
and security of the house of God is beautifully depicted
in very familiar words : '" Yea, the sparrow h th found
an house, and the swallow a nest for herself, where she
may lay her yoimg, even thine altars, O Lord of hosts,
my King, and my God " (Ps. Ixxxiv. 3).
Dr. Tristram tells us that to the present day " the
Moslem cherish tenderly any birds whicli resort to the
mosques," adding, " woe betide the reckless stranger
who should medtUe with them ! The storks seem per-
fectly aware of the immunity, as do the doves and other
birds wliich rest in numbers in such situations " {Nat.
Hist. Bib., p. 160).
The Levitical law, wliieh ever inculcated humane
feelings towai-ds animals, forbade the taking of an old
bird together with its young, as being unjust to take
advantage of maternal instinct which leads the parent
BATTLE-FIELD : VTJLTUEE IN ATTENDANCE. (ASSTEIAN
birds is occasionally met with in the Bible. Who wiU
not call to mind with imceasiug pleasure the poet's
description of spring ? — " Lo ! the winter is past, the
rain is over and gone ; the flowers appear on the earth ;
the time of the singing of birds is come, and the voice
of the turtle is heard in om- land" (Cant. ii. 11, 12), or
the prophet's pathetic expostulations with unrepentant
Judah ? — " Tea, the stork in the heaven knowoth her
appointed times; and the turtle and the crane and
the swallow observe the time of their coming ; but
my people know not the judgment of the Lord "
(Jcr. viii. 7).
Song-birds as pets are very common now in the East
both amongst Jews and Moslems, and it is probable
that the ancient Jews tamed some kinds. That young
birds were taken from their nests either for food or
domestication is evident from Deut. xxii. 6 ; whilst the
passage in Job (xli. 5), "Wilt thou play with him
[leviathan] as with a bird ? " looks very like a reference
to tame song-birds. Birds resorting to sacred edifices,
not only amongst the Jews and other Eastern nations,
but amongst Europeans also, were regarded as deserv-
ing protection. A bird that built its nest on a temple
bnd to hazard her own safety iu protection of her little
ones (Deut. xxii. 6).
The rapid flight of a bird is employed as a figure
to express the transient nature of e.arthly tilings. " As
for Ephraim, their glory shall fly away like a bird"
(Hos. ix. 11).
The singing of \)irds is alluded to in Cant. ii. 12, as
one of the harbingers of spring; also in Ps. civ. 10,
12. " Ho sendeth the springs into the valleys. . . .
By them sh:dl the fowls of the heaven have their liabi-
tation, which sing among the branches." "In this
passage, as the Psalmist is speaking of the trees which
overhang the water-pourses. or wadies and rivers of the
country, the singing of the different species of waj'blcrs
(Tardidcc) is perhaps pointed to. and especially tlio
bulbul and nightingale, both of which tlirong- the tTces
that fringe the Jordan and abound in all the wooded
valleys, filling the air in early spring with the rich
cadence of their notes " (Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 161).
Birds were generally caught in snares *r nets, and to
this there is frequent allusion in the Bible, the references
being for the most part metaphorical to express either
the cunning devices of God's enemies (Ps. ix. 15 ;
246
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
XXV. 15 ; xxxi. 4), or the anger of God upon the im-
penitent (Lam. i. 13; Hos. vii. 12; Ezek. xii. 13).
Traps— but not iron spring-traps— clap-nets, gins or
nooses were all employed in capturing birds, and tliere
are many diiierent Hebrew words to denote various
kinds of traps. Decoy birds were apparently sometimes
used in catching wild ones. "They set a trap, they
catch men ; as a cage is full of bu'ds, so are their houses
full of deceit " (Jer. v. 26, 27). The cage here probably
denotes a wicker-work trap {chelub) into which bu'ds
were enticed by means of a decoy. Compare also
Ecclus. xi. 30 : " Like as a partridge taken and kept in
a cage, so is the heart of the proud ; and like as a spy,
watchoth ho for thy fall." " The employment of decoy
birds is stiU very common, and much pains are taken to
train the decoys for their treacherous office. They aro
carefully tended till perfectly tame, that they may not
bo deterred by the neighbourhood of man from uttering
their caU-note. Larks, linnets, pigeons, quails, and
especially partridges, are employed in this mode of
fowling. The bu-d is placed in a cage, partly concealed,
wlille the fowler remains carefully concealed under cover
in the ueighbom-hood, where he can manage his snares
and nets. In the case of larks the cage is placed on the
open ground, surrounded with spiinges or horse-hair
nooses, wliieh entangle the feet of the incautious and
too curious visitors. For other small bii-ds it is placed
in a thicket, whilo the sportsman is ready with Ids not
to throw over them when they alight. Sometimes groat
numbers aro taken in a few hours, as the birds will
descend in large iiocks. Partridges and quails aro more
ganerally captured by long narrow runs, carefully
formed of brushwood, leading to the cage in which the
decoy bird is concealed. The run, like the decoy used
for wild fowl in this country, gradually contracts, till it
ends in a bag-net thrown over the pathway, ui which
whole coveys are rapidly captured wholesale. The
mountaineers of Lebanon are very skilful in this mode
of fowling, and I have seen them often capture whole
broods before they could fly, when the chicks aro lirought
up by hand either for food or to serve as decoys in turn
thomsolvos " {Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 163). Dr. Tristram
also tells us of the cruel device employed to take wood
pigeons. A vrild one is snared, and after its eyelids aro
sewn together it is tied to a perch set among the trees.
The poor bird ttappmg its wings and uttering its caU-
note soon attracts whole flocks, which fall an easy prey
to tho fowlers. Besides traps and nooses the tlu'ow-
stick is still, as it was probably in ancient times, em-
ployed in capturing birds. Theso throw-sticks, tho
zerioattys of the Ai-abs mentioned by Shaw {Trav.
i. 425, 8vo), are about eighteen inches long and h;Jf
an inch in diameter. Among the ancient Egyptians
the use of tho tlu-ow-stick was very general. Allusion
to this kind of chase is probably made in David's com-
plaint of Saul's conduct to him: "The king of Israel
is como out .... as wlicn one doth hunt a partridge
in tho mountains " (1 Sam. xxvi. 20). Dr. Tristram tolls
us that tho throw-stick is hurled "with a revolnng
motion so as to strike tho legs of the bird as it runs.
or more frequently, at a little higher elevation, so that
when the game, alarmed at the approach of the missile,
begins to take wing, it is struck and slightly disabled.
The pursuers let fly a i-apid succession of sticks, and
generally finish tho chase by fliugiug their cloak over
tho quany, which is always dispatched by cutting the
throat after the Mohammedan inj unction, which, follow-
ing the Jewish law, forbids the eatiug of any flesh with
the blood iu it."
Wliether hawkiug, now so favourite a chase amongst
Orientals, was ever practised by the ancient Jews, we
have no definite information, neither do we know whether
tho ancient Egyptians practised falconry; no represen-
tation of the kind occurs on the monuments of Egypt,
but we must not put too much stress on negative
evidence.
Dr. Tristi-am thinks that the rugged lulls and culti-
vated valleys of the Holy Land would afford no scope
for the exercise, and that this is the reason why no
allusiou to falconi-y occurs in the Bible.
With regard to our present knowledge of tho orni-
thology of Palestine we are almost entu'ely indebted to
Dr. Tristram, who has paid considerable personal atten-
tion to it. He speaks in glowing terms of the birds of
brilliant plumage, such as the Roller, Bee-eater, Smyrna
kingfisher. Belted kingfisher, Sun-bu'd, &c., which
the traveller meets with ; of tho immense number and
variety of the larger birds of prey, vultures, eagles, and
falcons, which abound iu every part of the Holy Land,
being "at first sight its ornithological characteristic."
Dr. Tristram and party collected 322 species of birds,
and he says there are at least 30 other species which
may be added to the list. The gi-eater part of these
are either the same as, or very similar to, the birds of
our own country. " Of the 322 species of birds we
obtained," ho says, " 26 are. as far as our present know-
ledge extends, peculiar to Palestine and the districts
immediately adjacent ; 8 are of Eastern Asia ; 32 are
common to Arabia or East Africa, being chiefly desert
forms ; while 260 are reckoned in the lists of European
bu'ds, and no less than 172 are enumerated in the
catalogues of British bu-ds " (p. 168). There is one
very remarkable featm'c iu the ornithology of Palestine
wliich is not met with in that of any other country, and
that is the occuiTence of bu-ds of tropical typo in a
country withiu tho temperate zone. The area of
Palestine consists of a slip of coast territory about 200
miles long and about 90 miles wide, and eoidd " scarcely
be expected to vary much in character from the other
countries bordering on the Mediterranean."
But there is " one unique and unparalleled pheno-
menon " iu the physical geography of Palestine which
affects its ornithological fauna, and that is the existence
of tho Jordan valley, a long chasm, 1,400 feet below
the level of the sea, "enclosing tracts, some arid and
salt, others fertile and well watered, but all enjoying
in tho temperate zone the climate of the troi)ics, and
wholly distinct from the country on either side. These
tracts or oases nmiure birds of tropical type different
from those of the upper country. But there appears to
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
247
bo no difference between the birds on either side of this
isolated strip of the tropics. The same liirds, the wood
pigeons, jays, and woodpeckers of Carmel, equally
abound in the forests of Gilead and Bashan" (p. IflV).
Dr. Tristram, in his very interesting chapter on the
" Physical Geography of the Holy Land," mentions five
of these oases nm-tured by copious spidngs and streams,
where all the varieties of this tropical basin are collected ;
there are the plains of Shittim. those of Jericho, the
little bay of Eugedi, the Wady Zuweu-ah, and the Ghor
es-Sa£ieh (the ancient "waters of Nimi-im'"); in all
these the climate is tru'ly tropical, the thermometer even
in winter ranging from 60" to 80'-'. As with the birds
so with vegetation ; corn ripens in MareJi, and you may
eat melons in winter; heregi-ow the " zukkum " (Bala-
nites JEgyptiaca), the henna or campliire, the Salvadora
persica (long and erroneously supposed to be the mus-
tard-tree of the New Testament), and other tropical
products. In these favoured spots occm* birds of
Indian and Equatorial African type, besides some which
are not known elsewhere. The large Indian turtle-dove
(Turtii/r risorms) is common, all the year, around the
Dead Sea ; " a night-jar, a sparrow, and a grackle, not
hitherto found elsewhere, reside permanently here ; and
a beautiful little sun-bird, Nectarina osete, sometimes
mistaken for a humming-bird, flits among the shrubs in
great numbers;" while the butterflies, like those of
Nubia and Abyssinia, hover over the flowers in Januaiy.
We wiU now proceed to consider the birds mentioned in
sacred writ, and wUl begin with the order Raptores, or
birds of prey.
THE VULTURE.
The VitUuridce, a family of Raptorial birds, is repre-
sented in Palestine by these three species — the gi-iffon
vulture (Vulhir fidvus), the liimmergeier (GjjpaHus
harhatus), and the Egyptian vulture, or Phai-aoh"s hen
[Neophron percnopterus). Two other large kinds, ac-
cording to Tristram, the Vuliur imhicus of Smith, and
the V. cinereus of Linnaeus, have been observed in the
neighbouring countries, and may pirobably occur iu the
south-east districts of Palestine.
Mention is made of the vulture in three passages, viz.,
in Job xxviii. 7 : " There is a path which .... the
■siilture's eye hath not seen." The Hebrew word [a7jydh)
here rendered "vulture," is translated "kite" in Lev. xi.
14 and Deut. xiv. 13. Two other Hebrew words, dddh
(Lev. xi. 14) and dayyah (Deut. xiv. 13; Isa. xxxiv. 15),
are also rendered " -i-rdtm-e."
There is little doubt that none of these Hebrewnames
denote any species of vulture, but rather some smaller
bird of prey, as the kite or the buzzard.
Tlie gi-iffon \ailture is frequently alluded to in the
sacred writings under the Hebrew name of nesher,
always rendei-ed " eagle " in our version. The modern
Arabic name for the griffon vulture is nesser or nnsr
(though this name also includes the eagle), evidently the
Hebrew nesher, and in addition to the evidence afforded
by the identity of the names there is that supplied by
some of the passages where the bird is mentioned.
Thus in Micah (i. 16) it is said: "Make thee bald and
poU thee for thy delicate children ; enlarge thy baldness
as the nesher" ( A. V. "eagle"). This can only accu-
rately apply to the griffon vulture, whoso whole head
and neck is destitute of true feathers. The reference
in the passage is to the custom of .shaving the head as
a token of mourning which, notwithstanding the prohi-
bition in Deut. xiv. 1, appears to have been handed down
traditionally and practised. Some have thought that
the Egyjitian vulture {Neophron percnopterus) is here
intended, but this bird is bald on the front of the head
and neck, whereas the Hebrew word {kdrach) means "to
make bald at the bach of the head." The well-known
words of our Lord, " Wheresoever the carcase is, there
win the eagles be gathered together " (Matt. xxiv. 28),
is more applicable to vultures which congregate by
huucb-eds, than to eagles which associate only as few
indi\-iduals.
The vidture's rapidity of flight is referred to iu Job
ix. 26; Deut. xxviii. 49; 2 Sam. i. 23 ; Jer. iv. 13, &c.
The high-soaring habits of these birds seem to be
referred to in Isa. xl. 31 : " They shall mount up with
wings as eagles " (neshdrim) ; see also Prov. xxiii. 5 ;
XXX. 19. The power of flight, the acuteness of vision,
the habit of selecting craggy rocks whereon to make a
nest, the feeding on the slain, ai-e aU graphically de-
scribed in the Book of Job. "Doth the nesher mount
up at thy command, and make her nest on high ? She
dwelleth and abideth on the rock, upon the crag of the
rock, and the strong place. From thence she seeketh
the prey, and her eyes behold afar off. Her young ones
suck up blood : and where the slain are, thei-e is she"
(xxxix. 27 — 30) ; see also Jer. xlix. 16 ; on which Dr.
Tristram remarks, " While the eagles and other bii-ds are
content with lower elevations, and sometimes even with
trees, the gi-iffon alone selects the stupendous gorges of
Ai-abia Pctraea, and of the defiles of Palestine, and
there in gi-eat communities rears its young, where the
most intrepid climber can only with ropes and other
appliances i-each its nest."
The passage iu Ps. ciii. 5, " Thy youth is renewed
like the nesher's " (" eagle's," A.V.), has by some been
supposed to allude to the old fables about the eagle re-
newing its strength when veiy old, as that this bird
mounts aloft till it comes near to the sun, when, scorched
by the heat, it throws itself iuto the seas, from whence
it emerges full of renewed vigour. Augvistino thought
that the eagle when very old became unable to take
food on account of its beak having gi-own enormously
large and curved, and that the bird used to dash its
beak and break it agaiust a rock, when it could take
food as before, and thus its vigour was renewed. The
verse in the Psalm most probably has no reference
to any of these fables. The Prayer-book ver.sion,
" making thee yoimg and lusty as an eagle," gives a
very good meaning of the words. The care which the
Aiilture and other birds of prey take of their young,
their coaxing and encouraging their young ones to leave
their nest and try to fly, is well known. This figui-e
is employed iu Deut. xxxii. 11, and Exod. xix. 4, to
express the watchful and sustaining care of his people
248
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
by the Almighty : " As an eagle {nesher) stiiTeth up her
nest, fluttereth over her young, spreadeth abroad her
■wings, taketh them, beareth them on her wings : so
the Lord alone did lead him." The vulture was con-
sidered pre-eminently fond of its young, both amongst
the Egyptians and the ancient Greeks and Romans,
and it is curious to obsei-ve that this was the bird which
originally was supposed by the ancient Egyptians to feed
its young ones with its own blood. HorapoDo (Hiero-
spring. Augustine, commenting on Ps. cii. 6, " I am
like a pelican in the wildoruess," Siiys, " These birds
(male pelicans) are said to kiU their young ofE.sjjring by
blows of theu- beaks, and then to bewail their death
for the space of three days. At length, however, it is
said the mother bird inflicts a severe wound on herself,
pom-ing the flowing blood over the dead young ones,
which instantly brings them to life." To the same
effect write Eustathius, Isidorus, Epiphanius, and a,
THE SCAYENOEK, OK EGYPTIAN VULTUKE (NEOPHRON PEKCNOPTEKUS).
glyph., i. 11) says that a vulture symbolises a compas-
sionate person, because during the 120 days of the
nurture of its offspring, if food cannot be had, " it opens
its own thigh, and permits the young to partake of the
blood, so that they may not perish from want." In time
this fable became transferred from the vulture to the
pelican — first, as far as we make out, in patristic anno-
tations on the Scriptures. The ecclesiastical fathers
transferred the Egyptian story from the vulture to the
pelicau, but magnified tlio already sufficiently marvel-
lous fable a hundredfold, for the blood of the parent
bird was not only supposed to serve as food for the
young, but was also able to leanimato the dead of?-
host of other wiiters, except that sometimes it was the
female who kUlod the young ones, while the male re-
animated them with his blood. The fable was supposed
to be a symbol of Christ's love to men. It is a mistake
to think that it is to bo found in the zoology of the
ancient Greeks and Romans.
We learn from Dr. Tristram that the number of
griffons in every part of Palesl.iue is amazing, and that
they are found at all seasons of the year. Many colonies
of eyries W(^ro observed iu the gorge of the Wady Kelt,
near Jericho ; in the cliffs near Heshbou, under Mount
Nebo ; in the ravine of Jabbok, &c. The ravines on
the north and east of Mount Oarmol were inhabited by
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
249
two large colonies, " but the most populous of all were
tlio ' griffonries ' in the stupendous cliffs of the Wady
Hamam, ' the robbers' caves,' and in the deep glen of
the Wady Leimun, opening on to the plain of Genne-
saret. In either of these sublime gorges the reverbe-
rating echoes of a single rifle would bring forth griffons
by the hundred from then- recesses."
nisr, as we have seen, being the name of a vidtnre or
eagle. But this is doubtful. Professor Bawlinson
says that no such word as Nisroch, or nisr, meaning a
" hawk " or " falcon," occurs iu Assyrian. This is not
quite correct, for the Assyi'ian words to denote either a
vulture or an eagle are na-as-ru and e-ru-ti, the former
being evidently the Arabic nisr, the Hebrew nesliev.
LAMMERCfEIER, OR BEARDED VULTURE (OYFAitTUS EARBATDs).
Figures of the vulture occur on the Assyi-ian monu-
ments, sometimes hovering in the air as an expectant
sharer of the bodies that would fall in battle ; some-
times resting on the bodies, and picking out the eyes
of tlie slain. Tlie figures, however, are very badly
drawn, the Assyrian artists, as Professor Bawlinson
truly says, being " not happy in their delineation of
the feathered tribe." Vulture or eagle-headed human
figures occur on the early Assyrian monuments, often
iu colossal proportions. Some have supposed this
figure to be the same as the god Nisroch (2 Kings six.
37), in whose temple Sennacherib was slain by his sons;
(See Sir H. Eawlinsou's W. A. I., vol. ii., pi. 37, line
9 6.) Professor Bawlinson thinks it more probable that
the eagle-headed figure often represented in attendance
on the king is intended to denote a good genius. (See
on this subject Bawliuson's truly valuable work.
Ancient Monarchies, vol. ii., p. 30, 2nd edition.) Mr.
A. H. Sayce thinks that tlie vulture (V. fulvus) is defi-
nitely denoted in Assyrian by tlio name zin-na or zin,
"a desert," which, with the determinative of itstsu-ru
before it, would mean "the bird of the desert." TIio
Accadian for a bird is lihu, and perhaps id-hlm, " turd
with hands," means " an eagle " or " vulture."
250
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
The giiffou viiltiu-e is a majestie bii-d, and, according
to Tristram, by no means nnamiable or disgusting in
its habits. " With his follows ho is good-tempered,
and, voracious as he is, never gi-udges to share the
feast with as many as choose to join him. There is
none of the snarling or quiu-relling of the canine tribe,
nor any attempt to rob a weaker cousin of his portion,
or to devour a savom-y morsel in secret; but each of
the company amicably keeps his place ^vithout attempt-
ing to eject his neighbour. They are easily trained, and
we brought up two from the nest, which were reared,
and arrived safely in England" {Nat. Hint. Sib., p. 178).
Viiltiu-es are most numerous in hot countries, and
liero they are immensely serviceable in removing putre-
fying remains which have rapidly decomposed under a
high degree of temperature. Thou- services generally
gain for these bii-ds protection from injury. Vultures
possess extraordiuary powers of smoU and vi.sion ; they
•will seldom attack living animals, and oven the eagle
prefers his food already slain.
The Egyptian \ailturo (Neophron percnopferus) is
with very good reason identified with the " gier-eagle "
(= German geier-eagle — i.e., vulture-eagle), mentioned
in Lev. xi. 18, and Deut. xiv. 17, amongst the unclean
birds. The Hebrew name is rdeh.dm or rachdmdh,
which, according to Gesoniiis and other authorities, is
derived from a root meaning "to be affectionate towards
its young ; " but according to Fiirst {Heb. and Chald.
Lex., p. 1,294) is akin to the Arabic airlchani or arhain,
" parti-coloured " or " variegated," which is true enough
of the bird in its adult state ; but since vnltures have
by Asiatic and European nations long been regarded
as showing an extraordinary attachment to their young,
it is probable the true derivation lies in this direction.
The modern Arabic name for the Egyptian vulture is
rachinah, or rechmy. Near Cairo the bu-d is called
Ach Bobba, which in the Turkish language means
" white father," a name given it partly out of reverence
the people have for the bird, and partly from the colour
of its plumage, which is all white except the primary
and some of the secondary wing-covers, which are black ;
honco the specific Greek najnepercnopteras — i.e., " dark-
winged."
The Egyptian vulture is an admirable scavenger,
feeding on the carrion thrown about towns, " and every
kind of filth, offal, and garbage ; and though elegant in
plumage and appearance on the wing, it is most disgust-
ing not only in habits, but ru odour and appearance on
a close inspection." Unlike the griffons, these bu-ds do
not congregate iu large numbers, but live in pairs, the
male and female seldom separating. They bmld in
cliU's, generally low down ; the nest is described as
being "an enormous collection of sticks, clods of turf,
bullocks' ribs, pieces of sheep-skin, old rags, and what-
ever else the neighbourhood of a camp or village affords."
The eggs, generally two in number, are rich red in
colour, or mottled with red. The Egyptian vulture is
a migratory bird in Palestine, very common iu spring
everywhere, but never seen in the ■winter. It is widely
distributed, being found in all the warmer parts of the
Old World, from the Pyrenees to Southern India, and
throughout the whole of Africa.
THE COmCIDENCES OF SCRIPTUEE.
BY THE VEN. KENKT WOOLLCOMEE, M.A., ARCHDEACON OF BARNSTAPLE, AND CANON OF EXETER.
' They took knowledge of them that they had been with Jesus."—
Acts iv. 13.
»MONG the many undesigned coincidences
iu Holy Scripture, the following seems
worthy of notice — viz., that between Acts
iv. 5 — 14, and St. John xviii. 12 — 17.
In the former passage we read of St. Peter and St.
John being summoned before the Sanhedrim on the
occasion of the healing of the impotent man at the
beautiful gate of the Temple. At this meeting of the
Sanhedi-im (a veiy largely attended one) wore present
Annas and Caiaphas ; and after the answer of St. Peter,
St. Luke describes the effect which that answer had
upon the members of the Sanhedrim, iu these words
(Acts iv. 13) : " Now when they saw the boldness of
Peter and John, and perceived " [or rather, lia-i-ing
ascertained, or, having had previous knowledge. Cf.
Acts XXV. 2-5, where the word is rendered " When I had
found "] " tliat tlioy were luJearnod and ignorant men,
they marvelled, and they took knowledge of them " [or
rather, they recognised them. See Acts iii. 10 ; xii. 14 ;
six. 34 ; xxviii. 1 ; where the same word is used in the
original, evidently in this sense] "that they had been
with Jesus."
It is often supposed that the meaning of these latter
words is, that the Sanhedrim attributed their boldness
to their intercourse with Jesus. But this seems hardly
consistent with their wishes, or convictions, that Jesus
was no other than an impostor.
A truer interpretation of the words woidd be, that
the members of the Sanlietb-im, and e.spccia!ly Annas
and Caiaphas, recollected at the moment that they had
seen these two disciples La the same " palace of the high
priest " not many more than forty or fifty days before,
when Jesus himself stood before them in judgment.
One of the two, St. John, was personally known to
Caiaphas, and therefore, probably, to Annas, his father-
in-law (St. John xviii. 13). For St. John owed his
means of entering into the palace of tho high priest on
that occasion (it would seem) to his acquaintance with
Caiaphas, and was emboldened by that same .acqu.iint-
ance to obtain entrance thereto for St. Peter also.
All this is shown in St. John xriii. 15, 16 : " Simon
Peter followed Jesus, and so did that other disciple :
ZEPHANIAH.
251
that disciple was known unto tlie high priest, and
went iu with Jesus into the palace of the Iiigli priest.
But Peter stood without at the door. Then went out
that other disciple which was known unto the high
priest, and spake to hor that kept the door, and brought
in Peter."
And so the sudden recognition of the two apostles
by the Sanhedrim was in truth a recoUectiou of their
having seen them at that former most momentous trial
in that same " palace," and their surprise at their bold-
ness was intensified by the fact that on that former
occasion they had seen them dispirited and humiliated,
and that one of them had denied his Master.'
1 Cbrysostom, in his Commeutary on Acts iv. 13, *' They toolc
knowledge," kc, says : *' It is not without an object that the
Evangelist set down this passage, but he did it that he might
show where they had so beeu with Jesus. He means, at His ijassion.
Por these were the only two apostles then with Him. At that
Now, if this be the true interpretation, we have hero
a very strikuig undesigned coincidence between two
independent historians, St. Luke and St. Johu, whose
accounts were written and published at a considerable
interval from each other ; the Acts of the Apostles
being written somewhere about a.d. 64, St. John's
Gospel not until A.D. 90, or thereabouts. St. John's
later account records the circumstance on which was
grounded the recognition recorded by St. Luke so many
years earlier.
This coincidence, then, may bo taken as among not
the least remarkable proofs of the veracity of these two
inspired wi'iters.
time they had seen them humbled and cast down, and so their
complete change of bearing surprised them exceedingly. For
Annas and Caiaphas and their fellow-counsellors were there, and
these two apostles had beeu among those who stood by them.
Now, therefore, their exceeding boldness astonished them."
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ZEPHANIAH (continued) .
BY THE KEV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
I. — THE THEEATENED JTJDGMENT (CHAP. I. 2 — 18).
'he invasion of Western Asia by the
Scythian hordes appears to have been the
occasion of Zephaniah's prophecy, and,
in large measure, to have* suggested its
form ; but this invasion is not the subject or theme
of his prophecy. What he foresees and foretells is,
rather, a series of wide- spread judgments, which would
embrace Judah, Edom, Moab, the Philistino confedera-
tion, Assyria, Egypt, and even Ethiopia. Still these
future judgments would doubtless grow more real and
more terrible in his thoughts, and in the thoughts of
those to whom he announced them, from theii' ex-
perience of that present, or recent, judgment — the
Scythian invasion, which had devastated Juda3a, and
was stiU sweeping over the kingdoms of the East.
We have lately felt, as probably we never felt before,
the terrible havsc wluch dogs the steps of war. We
know — how can we but know, who have so recently
witnessed the Franco-German war? — that when the
enemy is approaching in force, aU the grain, cattle,
food-stores of the undefended vOlages and towns are
carried ofB into tho fortified cities, for the support of
the garrisons; while the infirm and the aged, women
and children, are often expelled, that there may be
the fewer mouths to feed. Wo know that when the
country has thus been swept of its substance by its
defenders, the invaders flow over it, consuming and
destroying whatever has been left, slaying tJiousands
of its inhabitants, pressing other thousands into their
seri-ice, and leaving yet other thousands to the lingering
agonies of starvation, or to the more merciful, because
swifter, pangs of tho pestilence which follows in the
train of war and famine. la ancient times the modes
of warfare were far more cruel than they are now,
and of all the ancient races the Scythians wore perhaps
the most biu-barous and remorseless. Probably the
Cossack hordes, with their robber instincts and name-
less brutalities, are om- nearest modern analogue to the
Scythian triljes of antique times. Wherever they went,
the land and its inhabitants were utterly consumed
before them.
Such an invasion may well have suggested the
opening verses of this prophetic poem (chap. i. 2, 3) : —
" Sweeping, I will sweep everything from the face of the earth,
Saith Jehovah :
I will sweep away man and beast ;
I will sweep away tho fowl of the heaven and the fish of the sea.
And their offences with the sinners :
And J will cut off man from the face of the earth,
Saith Jehovah."
A clean sweep over the face of the whole earth — such
a teri'ible j-udgment as this would naturally suggest
itself to one who looked out from the walls of Jeru-
salem on tho weltering hordes of barbai'iau foes, saw
the whole land devoured before them, and had long
heard of the frightful destruction they had carried
tlirough the neighboui'ing kingdoms.
But what had Zophaniah, a Hebrew prophet, to do
with the great heathen empires ? His errand was to
Judah. Why should bo concern himself with the fate
of Assp-ia, Egypt, Edom, Moab, Amnion — with tho
calamities of races which had always been tho bitter
foes of Israel? Were not tho Hebrews tho most
national and exclusive of races ? Did they not love
their poots and prophets because these insjiired men of
genius gave expression to their patriotic and exclusive
spirit in the most beautiful and impressive forms ? So
wo have too long, too often, thought. Wo have com-
252
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
monly conceived of the Hebrew poets as of men wholly
devoted to tho interests of the siicred race, as exulting
over the calamities and defeats of alien tribes, as limiting
their thoughts and hopes solely to the affairs of tho
Hebrew commonwealth. And in thus conceiving them,
we have done them great wrong. They were patriots,
patriots of the sincerest and loftiest strain. But may
not an Englishman be a patriot -without exulting in the
disasters which befall the French or the Germans .'' and
love his coimtry supremely without craving its aggran-
disement at the cost of other lands ? In pi^oportion as
his patriotism is genuine and pure, he ivill respect the
patriotic feelings and toils of other races ; in proportion
as his patriotism is intelligent and wise, he wUl desire
the welfare of all races, knowing that only as all prosper
can any one people rise to its full prosperity. And as
we come to read tho Hebrew prophets with intelligence,
we find that thou- patriotism was as wise as it was sin-
cere. Instead of being of a bigoted and exclusive spirit,
thoy are the most catholic of men ; or, if they are not
catholic, the Sjm-it who inspired them is a Spirit of love
and good^vill to all. If thoy long for the prosperity of
Zion, for the glory of the seed of Abraham, it is that in
his seed aU the families of the earth may be blessed. If
they exidt in the judgments which befall alien races, do
they not exult in the judgments which fall on Judah ?
Does not tliis stern exultation in the calamities which
faU on their own and on alien races spruig from the
conviction that these judgments have a purpose of
mercy ; that they are sent to purify and uplift men, and
to bring in the happy day when all nations shall serve
God with one mind and one heart ?
It was in this spirit, as we shall see, that Zephaniah,
who was sent to denounce judgment on the men of
Judah, opened his prophecy with the denunciation of a
judgment that was to sweep througli tho whole earth.
In thus linking the fate of the whole world with that
of the chosen people, Zephaniah resembles Joel, who
saw " all nations " judged in the VaUey of Doom, and
the Spirit ®f God poured out on " cdl flesh."** And
there is another point of resemblante between these twe
prophets. Joel grieved for field and pasture, wheat and
barley, vine and fig-tree, for the flocks of sheep and
the herds of cattle ; in his tenderness for them, he heard
them " moaning " because there was no pasture, and cry-
ing to God because the watercourses were dried up. It
was a keen pain to him tliat these innocent creatures
should sulfor for the guUt of man." And in precisely
the same .spirit Zephaniah views the whole imivorse as
sharing the fate of man, as suffering for his guilt. Is
" man " to be swept from the face of the earth P so also
is ■' beast ;" sti also are " tho fowl of the heaven and the
fish of the sea." In our day it is too much the fashion
to regard mau as the mere croat-.ire of the mig!<ty natural
forces amid which he stands aud moves. It is assumed
that physical laws govern his whole life, determine the
bent and scope of his mental faculties, the cast of his
thoughts, his customs, his religious beliefs ; that he is
' Joel iii. 11—14: ii, 28.
' Joel i. 10-12, 18-20.
the mere outcome and sport of the great forces and laws
which rule tho wide domain of Nature. Tho Hebrew
prophets breathed another, and surely a higher spirit.
To them it seemed that man was tho ruler, not the ob-
sequious slave or helpless victim, of the natural world ;
that both the world and he were under tho dominion,
not of mere physical forces aud sequences, but of an all-
wise, all-good Being, who subordinated the physical to
the mor;d. and was capable of convulsing the whole uni-
verse, shaking heaven and earth, for the good of those
whom He had created in His own image, after His own
likeness. This conception of man. as standing with only
God above him, and having all things put under his feet,
may belong to the pre-scientific age, but I hojjo it is not
quite exploded yet ; for it accords with the prof oimdest
intuitions, and satisfies the deepest wants of our uatuie,
We indeed may see, even more clearly than tho Hebrew
seers, that the physical and political catastrophes whieh
they called " judgments," were not infractions of natural
laws ; but cannot we also see that the miserable aud
punitive results of broken laws are, in the truest sense,
"the judgments of God? " And did not the Hebrew
prophets see that, too — see it perhaps even more clearly
than we do ? The sense of a Di^ono law penetrating
himian life, and working out in blessing or in punish-
ment according as it is obeyed or violated, is the most
conspicuous featm-e in then- writings ; and though they
may express it in other than our modern forms, it may
be well for us ta hesitate before we decide our forms to
be tho better pf the two. or the more accurate. Let us
wait in patience and humility before we gire sentence,
acknowledging meanwhile that these holy men had at
least a deeper seu&xs than we have reached as yet of the
immanence of a Divine law and righteousness in human
life aud affairs.
But if the Hebrew prophets held that all things have
been put under the feet of man, "all sheep and oxen,
yea, and the beasts of the field, the fowl of the air, and
tho fish of tho sea;" with what a genuine sympathy,
with what a fine and tender humanity, thoy take thought
for those innocent subjects of a guilty lord ! Who but
a Hebrew prophet, or perchance a modem poet whose .
mind had been steeped in the spirit of the Bible, would
have had a thought to spare for the "boasts" of the
field, or " the fowl of heaven," or " tke fish of tho sea,"
as he stood trembling before tho vision of a judgment
which was to " cut off mau from the face of the earth ?"
A tliird point of resemblance between Joel aud Zepha-
niah comes out in these opening verses. Joel was rooted
and gi'ounded in the conviction that judgment was mercy,
that aU tho soitows and calamities of human life wore
designed to answer an end of compassion and love : the
locusts came to bring men back to tho God whom they
had forgotten; .all n.itions would be judged, in order
that God might manifest himself as tho stronghold and
sanctu.ary of the good, that his Spirit might be given to
all flesh.^ And on this conviction Zephaniah also pLints
himself. In passages of an exquisite tenderness and
3 Joel ii. 12-14, 23-32; iU. 16-21.
ZEPHANIAH.
263
beauty,' he affirms that God makes himseK torriblo in
the earth in order that " all the isles of the earth, every
one from its place, may worship Him ;" that Ho sweeps
the earth with fire and smites the nations with His fury
in order that, the judgment having shaken them from
their sins. Ho may "turn to the nations a pure lip, that
they may all invoke the name of Jehovah, and serve
Him witli one shoulder." The same thought, the same
intense couvictiou of the Divine goodness, finds ex-
pression, though more briefly and oljseuroly, in verso 3,
" I will sweep away . . . their offences with the
sinners." Even these brief enigmatical words indicate
that the purpose of the far-sweeping judgment which the
prophet forecasts, is the purification of the world and
of human life. If even " good customs " may lose their
Titahty by long use, and so "corrupt the world," we
may be sure that the world would soon perish under
the accumulating mass of good customs out of which
the Ufe has died and of the evil habits whose very life
is hostile and malignant, were it not for the changes,
the floods of calamity and rebuke, by which, age after
age, "the things that can be shaken " are removed, and
the health of the world is renewed.
" What custom wills, in all things should we do 't.
The dust ou antique time would lie uuswept,
And mountaiuous error be too highly heaped
For truth to o'er-peer."-
No revolution, however, no reformation, whether in the
history of individuals or of nations, is an easy or agree-
able process. Tou cannot sweep away the dnst without
making a dust. And yet these radical cliu,iiges, wliich
at the time are so painful, often so tenible and judicial,
afterward produce " the peaceable fruits of righteous-
ness to them that are exercised thereby." " Sinners "
are " swept away ; " but " their offences " are swept
away with them. The corrupt and evil forms of life
and worship — feudal tyrannies, for example, barbaric
superstitions, and " customs " m the African sense — dis-
appear ; they no longer load and oppress the activities
of the race ; and, once banished, they can never return ;
if the evU spirit should come back, it must at least
assume another form, and enter a house that has been
swept and garnished.
And it was, I suppose, because the Hebrew prophets
were so strong in this conviction of the beneficent uses
of " judgments," that they could dwell on them, and
even exult in them, as they did. Nothing, for example,
is more strange and painful to many minds than the
way in which Zephaniah lingers over the details of " the
day of judgment." He elaborates his description of it
as though tlio theme were grateful to him, adding touch
to touch, piling epithet on epithet, as though ho were
reluctant to leave it, as though ho took a stern and
almost malignant pleasure in contemplating it.' As
we mark the gust vrith which he lingers on the theme,
turning it like a sweet morsel on his tongue, we are
ready to say. " Tliis man's God is not our God." Until
we understand that Zephaniah believes judgment to bo
* Zepb. ii. 11 ; iii. 9. ~ Cnriolanus, act ii., scene 3.
3 Zeph. i. 2, 3, l^t— IS.
mercy, that he is depicting terrors through which men
must pass in order that tliey may be cleansed by thom,
and that as they pass through them they may find the
mercy in them, we can have no sympathy with him, we
can only bo repelled by the stern exultation with which
he hails the groat and terrible day of the Lord.
Nor do I see liow we can face the facts of human life,
and hold fast our faith in God, until we share Zepha-
niah's conviction, that God judges and afflicts men in
order that He may cleanse and restore their souls. We
shudder at the prophet's description of the day of an-
guish and distress, the day of desolation and ruin, that
was coming on Judah, and of the judgment that was
to sweep everything from the face of the earth. But
was that day one whit more terrible than " the day of
judgment" which lately darkened over Prance? Might
not a French prophet have taken up the very words of
the Hebrew prophet, &id have spoken of a day of dark-
ness and gloom, a daj' of the trumpet and tlie trumjiet-
blast against the fortified cities and against the lofty
battlements ; a day on which men would be brought
into straits, and walk like the blind, and find with dis-
may that not even their sdver, not even their gold, was
able to rescue them ? Has not every nation in its turn
passed through these days of anguish and distress, of
ruin and desolation ? Why, then, should wo carp at
Zephaniali's words, when facts equally loaded with
terror and gloom are the common staple of the human
story ? We ought rather to bo thankful for his words ;
we should rejoice, that even on a day so dark lie could
see a great fight of hope, and teach us to see it. Let
us learn of him the mercy of judgment ; let us hold
fast to the conviction that even the judgments which
are most penetrating and of the widest sweep, are only
as a surgeon's probe which carries a healing bahu to
the very seat of disease, that they simply sheathe and
convey the " saving health " of the Divine compassion
and love.
Zephaniah prophesied in the days of Josiah, and pro-
bably in those earlier years of his reign during wliich
Josiah accomplished the reformation which is the gloi-y
of his reign. The moral value of Zephaniah 's prophecy
lies in this : that it presents the themes common to
every prophet in rapid succession, in terse and pictur-
esque forms. Rebuke of sin, threatening of judgment,
the merciful and redeeming en-and of judgment, invi-
tation to repentance, assurance of rcdemjition, the
blessedness of the redeemed — these diaracteristic topics
of the prophetic ministry, though crowded within the
limits of so short a poem, are handled with singular
force, vividness, and passion.
Li this consists the moral value of Zephaniali's pro-
phecy. But its main historical value fies in the fact,
that it helps us to comprehend the greatness and diffi-
cidtj of the task to which Kijig Josiah devoted himself,
the almost incredibly corrupt materials with and on
which ho had to work, tho varied and obstinate base-
ness of tlie men whom he had to reform, to recover to
patriotism, virtue, and religion. The historical records
254
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of kis rei<^ tell lis in general terms that tlie Hebrews of
his generation, forgetting God, abandoning his worsliip,
had sunk into the cruel and obscene cuUus of the
Chaldean and Phcenician idols. But if we would learn
how utterly they had been debased by their base worship,
we must turn to Zophaniah. He touches the scene with
fii-e. As we look, we see a nation in the very agony of
dissolution. All bonds are broken ; all the energies of
life are paralysed and infected : a mere touch, a mere
breath, will suffice to dissolve a commonwealth seething
in such foul corruptions. Every man is Uviug to him-
self, without thought of the xmblie weal. The private
life of the nation is defiled with the most tlagrant forms
of vice ; its political life is stained with fraud, ojipres-
sion, treason ; its religious life has degenerated into a
gross superstition and an infidelity equally gross ; and
both the iufidelity and the superstition are rendered
tenfold more sinister and fatal by an ostentatious insin-
cerity. As Josiah moved tlirough such a chamel-house
of corruptions he might well have asked. " Can these
dead bones live ? " As Zophani;ih contemplated it, he
felt that a day of the Lord must come, a great and
terrible day, before life could arise from such a " death
in sins ; " that only a Divine judgment could cleanse and
revive a nation sunk in pollutions so foul and so deadly.
He is sui-e that that judgment will come, and '" sweep
away their offences with the sinners." Nay, as God is
the God of the whole earth, as other nations are no less
corrupt than the Jews, as God loves all men as well as
the men of the elect race, the prophet affirms that the
Divine judgment will sweep through the whole earth ;
that everywhere an age so degraded must give place to
an age of purer maimers, wiser laws. He opens his
poem, therefore, as we have seen, with a denunciation of
universal doom, a doom as wide and terrible as that of
the Flood,' out of which, however, as from that ancient
catastrophe, there is to come a new heaven and a new
earth, hi which humanity will commence a new career.
But when Jehovah stretches out his hand " over" or
" against " man, those will justly suffer most who liave
known his vrill most clearly and have yet resisted it,
who have been most obstinate and perverse iu their
rebellion against his law. Accordingly, the prophetic
vision of judgment, which at first embraced the whole
world, now contracts and settles on Judah, the land in
which God was known for a refuge (ver. 4, et seq.), and
then on Jerusalem, the city which He had made glorious
with Ids presence (ver. 10, et seq.).
The judgment is to come on Judah, that " the very
remnant of Baal may be cut off." This is one of the
phrases ui our poem which help us to fix its date. For
the most natural inteii)rctation of the phrase is that
which takes it as marking the period at wliich Josiah
had commenced his reformation, although as yet it was
incomplete. In some measure, to some degi-ee, the
power of idolatry had been broken; but still "a rem-
nant," and it would seem a large remnant, of Baal
1 The similarities and even identities of expression in Gen. vi. 7
and Zeph. i. 2, 3, prove tliat Zepliauiah had tlie Flood in his
thoughts, as well as the Scythian invasion.
worshippers had been left. These, too, should be swept
away when God came to visit and judge the land.
How large that '• remnant of Baal " was, how fatally
it was corruptiug the national life, verses 4 to 9 abun-
dantly declare. For here, uistead of describing in
abstract terms the offences which demanded judgment,
the inspired poet gives us a dramatic sketch of the
sinners whoso offences were " loud, and cried to heaven."
He sketches at least six classes of the iuhabitauts of
Judah whose crimes were flagrant and notorious, and
tlius virtu.ally places the Hebrew society of the time
before us with a vividness which no abstract terms, no
mere catalogue of offences, could possibly reach.
(1.) He sets before us the priestly class, in its twofold
division of hemarim and Icdlutnhn, (ver. 4).
" I will also stretch forth my hand over Jndah,
And over all the inhabitants of Jerusalem ;
And I will cut off from this place the very remnant of Baal,
The name of priest and flamen."
I have translated these Hebrew words by "priest
and flamen," and can find no better translation. But
no Enghsh words will accurately render the Hebrew,
since none can-y the Hebrew .suggestions with them.
The hemArlm were the priests — sometimes taken from
the tribe of Levi, sometimes from the veiy " lowest of
the people " — ordained by the kings of Judah either to
minister at the altar of Jehovah with ahen and impure
rites, or to serve the altars of Baal and Astai-te. In
either case they were renegades from the national faith,
■miscreants who, to cam a loaf of bread or to win the
favom- of the Court, were prepared to stand at any altar
and acbninister any ritual. The Jiuhanhn, on the other
hand, were the foreign priests who had been trained
in the colleges of Phoenicia or Assp-ia, and ordained
iu their temples — men who were deep in the astral and
astrological learning of the time, iind to whom the
severe and simple rites of the Jehovah- worship would be
a theme for laughter and contempt. It is easy to under-
stand the iudign.atiou with wliich the faitlilul Hebrew,
and stiU more the zealous prophet, would regard both
the haughty aliens who, strong in the favour of the
Court, despised the champions of the national faith, and
the sordid miscreants who, to win Court favour, had
sold their Hebrew birthright and corrupted the faith
of the elect people. Zephaniah dismisses them with a
single phrase. The very " name " of these base priests
and haughty flamens " shall be cut off."
(2.) From the priests he turns to the worshippers.
And of these he selects three classes for special animad-
version. The fii'st, " those who worshipped the host of
heaven on the roofs;" that is, open and avowed idolaters
who blended the sei-vice of the sim (Baal) and the moon
(Astarie) ivith the Sabean worship of the stars. On the
flat roofs of the Eastern dweUhigs they erected altars ;
and here, iu full sight of the host of heaven, they did
them homage, mainly by burning costly aromatic gums.
(3.) To these .avowed idolaters the prophet adds, with
a certain tone of sconi, " the worshi2''2^ers who swear
both to Jehovah and by their malkdm." This malkdin,
or king, was Baal, who is named " king " and " lord " on
the Phoenician inscription.*?, not the king of the nation.
ZEPHANIAH.
255
" To swear to," is an Oriental phrase for entering into
a covenant, for binding oneself by oath to this person
or that ; '■ to swear by " a person or god, means sLmplv
to use his name when taking an oath. So that this
second class of worshippers, who swear to Jehovah
and by malkdm, consisted of men who, while pledged
to the ser^aee of God, thonght it well to be on good
terms with Baal, or, at least, so far to yield to the
fashion of the time as to adopt the customary and
fashionable oaths, and thus to pass themselves off, when
they saw need, as adherents of the pi-evalent idolatry.
In short, they wore like the men whom Elijah described'
as "limping on both legs," or "hmping between two
paths ; " or like those whom wo sometimes describe as
"wanting to walk on both sides of the hedge at once; "
or like the men whom one ®f our own poets stigmatised
as " willing to servo God so that they did uot offend the
devil." On the whole, they thought Jehovah to be the
true God, and that to worship Him was the duty of
man ; but they held this truth as mere opinion, not as a
conviction for which loss and reproach were to bo braved
(ver. 5).
(4.) After those two cLasses of priests and these two
classes of worshippers, we come on another class, who,
though they have uot wholly eradicated their religions
intuitions and instincts, decluie to act on them, or even
to profess to act on them, They have ceased to believe,
ceased to woi'ship. They " draiv hack from Jehovah,"
that is, they put Him out of their thoughts ; they try, as
it were, to get behind Him, where He cannot see them ;
"and neither seeTc Jehovah nor asTc after Him.'' They
do not want to find Him. They are afraid that, were
they to ask. He would answer ; that, were they to seek.
Ho would be found of them. And as they do not
care to find Him, as they would only bo embarrassed
by his presence, they forget Him as far as they can,
and abstain from and renounce the national habits and
the rites of worship which might bring Him to their
thoughts (ver. 6).
(5.) Thus far Zephaniah has been depicting the inhabi-
tants of Judah in their religious aspects, in their relation
to God. But now, in verses 8 and 9, he depicts them,
or some of them, in their political aspects, and gives us
two new sketches to study.
" And it shall come to pass in the day of Jehovah's sacrifice.
That I wili visit the priuces and the king's sonSj
And all who clothe themselves in foreign apparels
I will also visit all who leap over the threshold in that day«
"Who fill *he house of their lord with violence and deceit/'
First he sketches the princes and nobles of the land,
and then the turbulent retainers who did them suit and
service. " The princes " are the heads, the chiefs, oi
tribes and of the great historic families. " The hinc/'s
sons " are not only the sons of Josiah, who were still
very young; in this case they probably are not even
included in the term ; it is a Hebrew phrase for the
royal famil}", and would include tho uncles and nephews
of Josiah — all his blood relations, all who were of royal
strain and rank. And these, or many of them, were
1 1 Kings xviii. 21.
idolaters and traitors, some leaning to the Babylonian
Court, some to the Egyptian Court. According as they
advocated alliance with Egypt or with Babylon, they
adopted Egyptian or Chaldean modes of attire, and thus
set a fashion which the rank and file of then' several
factions would be eager to follow. " All who clothe
themselves in foreign apparel " were, in aU probabihty,
these apostate nobles and princes and their factions ;
then- foreign apparel indicating their foreign and trea-
sonable leanings, then- servility to alien monarchs, their
addiction to heathen vices and superstitions.
(6.) These haughty traitorous nobles had their houses
crowded with armed retainers, often of foreig-u extrac-
tion, who were even more licentious and insolent than
the masters they served, as is the wont of their kind.
They lived by pillage and extortion. They ''filled the
liouses of their lords with violence and deceit." Wlien
a caravan was passing, when a wealthy husbandman
was to be plundered, when the stronghold of a neigh-
bom-ing " lord " was to be attacked, in then- lust of
booty and bloodshed, " they leaped over the threshold,"
violently riishing out of their own stronghold, or as
violently invading the stronghold they assailed.
It was this turbulent nobUity, with its stiU more tur-
bulent followers ; it was these base and ahen priests ; it
was these idolatrous, trimming, and godless citizens
whom Josiah had to confront, and on whom Zephaniah
denounced the judgments of tho Lord. " Oh, hush!"
cries the prophet ; " be silent before Jehovah. He is
coming ; his day is near. He has already chosen and
called those who are to execute his judgments on tho
land. He hath prepared a sacrifice and sanctified his
guests " (ver. 7). The sinners of the Jews are to be the
sacrifice ; and the guests who ai-e invited to this sacri-
ficial meal are the nations whom God has sanctified, or
set apart, to overrtm the land, to destroy the people,
and tc make then wealth a booty.
The figure of verse 7 sounds a little strangely to us ;
but it would be familiar to the Jews, for it was taken
from their common life. We have an iUustratiou of
the habit on which it was based in the history of the
fii'st king of Israel.^ "When Saul sought his father'a
asses, but foimd them not, his servant suggested that,
before giving up tho quest in despair, they should con-
sult " the man of God " who dwelt in the city of Zuph
— i.e., Samuel — and who peradveuture would be able
to show them the way they ought to take. As they
went up tho hiU toward the city, they met young
maidens going out to draw water, and asked them,
■• Is the seer here ? " They repKed, " He is. . . .
As soon as ye be come into the city, ye shall straight-
way find him before he go up to the high place to eat,
for the people wUl not eat till he be come, because he
doth bless the sacrifice, and afterward they eat that be
bidden." Such a saci-ificial meal was so common vnik
tho Jews that they would at once seize the prophet's
meaning. They would understand that God was about
to make thevi a sacrifice, and bid tho hostile nations
-' 1 Sam. ix. 1—24.
256
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
whom lie had set apart as the ministers of his will to
the feast. Ami thus the awful yet consolatory truth
would he brought home to them, that, though it might
be the sword of Babylon before which they fell, it was
God who was meiiiig out the judgment, even the God
who in the midst of wrath remembered mercy.
Zephaniah sees a vision of judgment, then, which is
to sweep through the whole earth. This vision contracts
till it settles in mauacing gloom on the land of Judah.
At verse 10 it still further contracts on Jerusalem, the
metropolis in which the national ^dees and impieties
took their most offensive forms. But as ho turns on
Jerusalem the prophet .slightly changes his method. He
no longer describes the various classes of sinners and
their offences ; but ho condenses into one expressive
figure the characteristic and prevailing tone of its in-
habitants. They were "drawn together on their lees"
(ver. 12), or, to express the figure fidly, they were like
wine that is settled on its lees, taking harsh and foul
flavours from its dregs. That is to say, they were
cradling themselves on their lusts, resting on what was
vilest in them, on the sediment and refuse of their
nature; their whole character was being impregnated
with the harsh fumes of their baser passions ; they were
taking their tone from that in them which was lowest
and worst. Fixed in their devotion to the flesh and
the world, they wore saying in their hearts, " Jehovah
doeth neither good nor evil." They were not at the
pains to deny his existence. They had not reasoned
themselves into atheism. They were not so utterly
foolish <as to say, even in their hearts, " There is no
God." But though they did not deny God, they forgot
Him. They had no vital faith in Him, or in his ad-
ministration of human afiaii-s. For them He sat in
heaven, heedless what men did, suffering the world to
take its own course, not penetrating and guiding that
coui-se with the pure counsels of his eternal will, neither
cavising all things to work together for the good of
them that served Him, nor executing his idle threats
against the rebellious and ungodly. Wliy, then, should
they fear Him ? "Wliat profit should they have if they
served Him ? Why not give the reins to their lusts,
and carry themselves as though there were no God ?
In short, they had simk into that practical but unrea-
soned atheism so common in largo cities, when thoir
inhabitants have long been corrupted with luxury and
vice.
It is this practical atheism, the atheism of the market-
place and the stews, which the prophet sets himself to
rebuke. Because they have eyes and yet cannot see
God in the ordinary and benignant course of his pro-
vidence. He vriU como out of his place to judge and to
condemn them. Because, when their days go lightly and
smoothly they forget Him who " sets their days upon
the score," Ho will send them a day of terrors on which
their very heart and flesh wUl ciy out for God. He will
como to them. He will go through the city making
diligent search, trying house by house, man by man. As
the \-intner goes through his cellars, torch in hand ; or
as the head of tho household, taper in hand, searches
every nook and corner of his house before Passover,
lest any morsel of leaven should be hidden in it ; so
Jehovah will "search Jerusalem with candles," hunting
the evil out of every dark nook in which they have con-
cealed themselves, suffering none to escape. No strength
will be able to resist Him, no ))ribo to avert tho duo
reward of thoir deeds. He will bring evil upon them
that they may learn how good He is, how imperatively
He demands truth and goodness in men. In their
prosperity they have foi'gotten Him and wronged their
own souls; l)y the stripes of adversity He will bring
them to a better mind, and turn their heart back again
unto Himself.
This is tho teaching of verse 12, which we have taken
out of its place because it describes the sin of Jerusalem
as well as the judgment that was coming upon it. But
in verses 10, 11, and 13, the judgment is depicted under
an image still more impressive, if, indeed, it be an imago
at all, and not rather a prediction of literal facts. For
in these verses tho city is described as undergoing tho
miseries and horrors of a victorious siege. Its leading
inhabitants gather in and around tho Temple and strong-
hold of Zion. Standing on tho ramparts of the Upper
City, they see the enemy swarming round the walls, and
delivering the assault on tho fortifications of the Lower
City. They hear " a sound of crying from the Fish-
Oate," probably a gate in tho northern wall of the
Lower City, through which fish were carried to mavket
from Gennesaret and the Jorda'i. This gate has fallon,
as the despairing outcry which issues from it denotes,
and the enemy, pouring iu, carry fire and sword through
the streets, till the sound of waUiug overspreads " tho
Lower City ; " and stiU the engines of war are heard
crashing from the neighbouring hUls against the walls
and forts. The storm of war sweeps on toward the
Upper City, severed from the Lower by the ravine
watered by tho brook Kedron, and known to this day
as El-Wad, or, "The Valley." This rudo hollow, in
shape somewhat resembling an ancient mortar, Zephaniah
calls " the Mortar," coining this new name for it in
order to suggest the fate of its inhabitants ; that they
win be bruised and pounded as in a mortar by shocks of
judgment, by the blows of war. This valley, moreover,
was from time immemorial tho haruit of the merchants of
the city; they are to be found in it to-day. Of these
merchants the prophet speaks as " the people of Canaan,"
because, like the Canaanitos, they were devoted to traffic,
or, perhaps, because a colony of Phcenician traders had
settled in the valley. Indeed, as— now we understand
his terms — wo can see for ourselves, tho whole scone of
the siege is vivitUy present to the prophet's eye. He
has seen tho Fish- Gate fall ; he has lieard tho crashing
of the rams and the balistas from the adjacent hiUs, and
the cries of the inhabitants of tho Lower City as they
fall before tho sword. And now, as the assault storms
do\vnwards into tho valley which separates them from
the Upper City, ho cries, like one who beholds a present
catastrophe : " Shriek ! ye inhabitants of the Mortar !
For all the people of Canaan," all tho wealthy smiths
CONTRASTS OF SCRIPTURE.
257
and merchants of the valley, " are destroyed : cut off
are all they that are laden with silver."
The prophet's heart soeras to have failed him as he
beheld the enemy break into the Upper City, invade,
pollute, and destroy the Temple. Of this catastrophe he
gives us no such view as that of the destruction of the
lower town : yet ho leaves us in no doubt of the event.
The whole city is searched with flaming judgments from
which none esc<apo. Their " wealth becomes a booty " to
their foes; " and their houses a desolation;" they are
not suffered to inhabit the houses they have built, nor
to drink the wine of the vineyards they have planted.
As Zephaniah contemplates the scene, as he beholds
Temple and city and palace fall, and the unhappy thou-
sands who have escaped the sword carried away captive
into d' strange laud, he breaks into that sublime song,
that solemn dies iroe with which the chapter closes
<V3. 14—18) :—
" The great day of Jehovah is near.
Near, and hasting greatly.
Hark ! the day of Jehovah !
Bitterly ahrieketh the mighty man.
A day of fury ia this day,
A day of anguish and distress,
A day of desolation and ruin,
A day of darkness and gloom,
A day of clouds and of cloudy night,
A day of the trumpet and the trumpet-blast
Against the fortified cities.
And against the lofty battlements.
And I will bring men into straits.
Aad they shall walk like the blind,
Because they have sinned against Jehovah ;
And their blood shall be poured out like dust,
And their flesh like dung.
Even their silver, even their gold.
Shall not be able to rescue them
In the day of Jehovah's fury ;
But in the fire of his wrath
Shall the whole earth be consumed :
For He will make an end, yea, a sudden end.
Of all the inhabitants of the earth."
Thcro are no grander verses, none more sombre and
tragic, none in which terror is more picturesque, in the
literature of the world. But they call for little com-
ment. They are to be felt rather than critically
analysed and exi^lained. In order to impress on us the
terrors of that great day of the Lord, the prophet ex-
hausts the copious Hebrew vocabulary of its terms for
gloom and liorror. That day is the day of the over-
flowing irresistible wrath of God ; the day on which
men sink into an anguish and distress beyond expres-
sion, beyond relief ; the day on which the whole earth
is wasted with havoc and broken into ruin : the day of
a darkness so profound that day itself is changed into
its very opposite and becomes a night, and a night
wrapped in clouds through which no star can shoot a
ray of hope ; and out of the thick darkness, stabbing
all hearts with an agony of fear, the war-trumpets peal
louder and louder, till, in their misery and terror, men
" walk like the blind," brooding in a sullen despair over
their sins, desperate of escape.
CONTRASTS OF SCEIPTURE
THE GOSPELS OF ST. MATTHEW AND ST. LUKE.
BT THE REV. T. TEIONMOUTH SHORE, M.A.,
I ro?b|KHE distinctions of Scripture are no less
' '^•S'^ remarkable than the coincidences, or
rather, they are coincidences of a peculiar
kind. Every thoughtful student of the
Grospel narratives must have noticed verbal differences
in the Gospels when the writers are narrating what are
evidently the same events. It is of some importance if
we can trace these verbal differences, not to any careless-
ness of expression on the part of the writers, but to
a desire on tlie part of each Evangelist to use that
phraseology which would convey the true impressions
of the event narrated in the clearest manner" to the
class of persons to whom each primarily and particularly
addressed his Gospel.
It is generally admitted that St. Matthew wrote more
especially for the Jews, and St. Luke for the Gentiles ;
and it wiU be ahke interesting and important if we can
find, upon a critical analysis of the text of each of those
Evangelists, that when the phraseology in which they
both narrate the same event differs, it does so out of
a consideration of the different classes addressed.' I
INCUMBENT OP BEKKELET CHAPEL, IIATPAIE.
j propose to examine a few points of difference in phrase-
' ology in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke,
bearing this principle in mind.
I. The Genealogies. — The difference between the
genealogy of our Lord, as given by St. Matthew and St.
Luke, is remarkable. St. Matthew traces the descent
of Christ from Abraham ; St. Luke traces it from Adam.
I do not here enter into the question of whether both
writers give us the genealogy of Joseph, or whether
in St. Luke we read that of the Virgin. I confine my
remarks to the point which immediately concerns my
general argument.
On this point it ia evident that the connection of
Christ with Abraham would bo most important to the
Jews (and therefore is the point illustrated by St.
Matthew) ; and for the Gentiles the most important
point would be to teach them that He and all men were
descended from God, the Creator of humanity.*
II. It is noticeable that, as a rule, when St. Matthew
I I think this principle, which pervades the differences between
the two Gospels, goes some way to disprove Schleiermacher's
view that St. Luke was only a compiler, as urged in bis Ueher die
Schriften Lukas.
41 — VOL. IL
2 Keim, in his Life of Jesus, referring to this point, and to the
date of St. Luke's Gospel, sarcastically remarks (as if there were
no other solution), " Metaphysics already bepin to attach them-
selves to bis nature ; he is a descendant from Adam, not the son
of David, or the son of Abraham." Surely the reason of the dif-
ference in the genealogies is nearer at hand.
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
writes of tlie " kingdom of heaven," St. Luke uses the
phrase "kingdom of God." The words mean pre-
cisely the same thing, but the different phrases conveyed
most accurately the same idea to the Jewish and Gen-
tile mind respectively. A Jew spoke commonly of a
"great thing" as a " thing of God." Thus we read
of " a city of God " ( Jonali iii. 3), " mountains of God "
(Ps. xxxvi. 6), " cedars of God " (Ps. Ixxx. 10). So that
to a Jewish mind tho words "kingdom of God" would
convey at once an idea of temporal splendour and
power. When wo remember that tho most vital error
in Jewish theological thought was the belief that the
Messiah's kingdom was to be a temporal one of great
earthly might and majesty ; how that mistaken concep-
tion of its nature led to their rejection of Jesus of
Nazareth because of his humility, wo can easily see
how St. Matthew carefully avoided the phrase " king-
dom of God," which might encom-iigo that misconception,
and might seem to pander to that error. On the other
hand, tho erroneous conceptions of tho Gentile world
wliich St. Luke had to dispel were of a totally different
character. To them the phrase of St. Matthew, " king-
dom of heaven," might have seemed to give some
countenance, while tho phrase so dangeroiis to St.
Matthew, " kingdom of God," would in tho case of the
Gentiles not only have given no countenance to their
prevalent eiTor, but tended to instruct them in much
needed positive truth. The Gentile would believe in
"gods many," in gods of earth, of the sea, of the
heaven, and the phrase " kingdom of heaven " might
have implied to them that there were other kingdoms
ruled over by other gods. Therefore St. Luke speaks
of the " kingdom of God " in every passage where St.
Matthew writes of the ''kingdom of heaven." Every-
where St. Luke seems to avoid anything which to Gen-
tile thought might suggest a coufii-raation of their
localising or individualising the Deity. For instance,
St. Luke never speaks, as St. Matthew so frequently
does, of •• our Father in heaven."' Even iu the Lord's
Prayer, aceording to the best authorities,^ St. Luke gives
only " Our Father," and not, as St. Matthew, " Our
Father which art in heaven."
So also St. Matthew says (iv. 4), " Evoi-y word that
proceedeth out of tho mouth of God " — tho personality
and individuality of wln>.'h is carefully avoided by St.
Luke in tho phrase, " By every word of God " (iv. 4) ;
and tho phrase " Wliosocver will do tho will of my Father
which is in heaven," of St. Matthew (xii. 50), is deloca-
lisod by St. Luke into " My mother and my brethren
are these which hear the word of God and do it."
III. Of the distinctive objects in view and provided for
by tho tw9 Evangelists, wo have remarkable examples
' St. Luke Ei. 13 may seem an exception, bnt here not only the
ejception proves tho rale, tut i> n<jT^p o £.f oipan/C (" the r.ather who
is of heaven," Beugel, Euj. Ed.) is simply in opposition to fathers
■who ore evil tind of the earth, and is cortninly not so strong in
suggestion of locTlisatiou jis the o narijp 6 ^v toU ovpavol<: ("the
Father in tho heavens") of Matt. vii. 11.
" Sea the Vulgiite, Origen lep; <^Ss Tcrtullian. Grieshach
(leipsic Eel., 1805) also rt^'ects tho o ii rurr oiipn^u'i- in St. Luko's
Gospel.
in Matt, xxiii. 27, as compared with Luke xi. 44. St.
Matthew writes, "Ye are like unto whited sepulchres,''
which indeed appear beautiful outward, but are within
full of dead men's bones, and of all uncleanness."
St. Luke writes, '• Ye are as graves which appear
not, and the men that walk over them are not aware of
them."
Now at fir.st sight, and especially with our minds
imbued with the popular but erroneous idea of a
"whited sepidchre," these passages seem to refer to
entirely distinct things; but upon closer examination,
and esijecially with regard to the facts I am seeking to-
illustrate, that St. JIatthew wrote especially for the Jews,
and St. Lidie for Gentiles, they will be found to bo iden-
tical. It must be borne in mind that in Jewish casuistry
for a man, however imconsciously, to walk over a
grave, was to incur ceremonial defilement. The Jewish
authorities, therefore, when a grave Ijocamo undistin-
guishable by reason of the decay or destruction of the
original indication of its existence, caused the spot to be
marked with " whitewash," so that no one unconsciously
walking over it should unwittingly contract ceremonial
defilement. These marks, however, exposed as they were
necessarily to the elements, woidd become soon oblite-
rated, and, tho indication of danger removed, these gi-aves
covered with the renewed growth of gTass and herbage,
would appear " beautiful outside,"' while full within ef
the sources of ceremonial defilement. Then the " whited
sepulchres " would be dangerously deceptive because the
whitening had worn off, and there was nothing to warn
tho Jew, when walking over the "beautifid" verdure,
that he was really treading on a polluting grave.""
AH this was intelhgille enough to a Jew, accustomed
to these protective arrangements ; bnt how unintelligible
to a Gentile one can easily imagine iu the light of the
fact that by our very misapplication of the words
'■ whited sepulchre," we show we have proverbially as
Gentiles misunderstood it. St. Luke, therefore, as
instructor of the Gentiles, speaks not of the KeKoyiofieVoi
(graves which have lost the pi-ohibitory whitening, and
become beautiful with thercgrown grass and flowers), of
the aSnXc (graves "which appear not ") — a. phrase so un-
technical and simple that no Gentile coidd misunder-
stand it.
IV. St. Matthew is generally more chronologically ac-
curate in his narrative than other writers, yet he gives as
the first mu-acle the healing of a leper (viii. 2 — i), for
nothing in the shape of exorcise of healing power would
so impress a Jew as the curiug of a leper, especially when
the healing was accomplished by touch, which to other
than One sent by God would be a source of pollution.
St. Luko, on the contrary, puts iu the forefront of his
3 r<'npoi7 KCKOfiajuf voM', literally " graves,'' not tcI /ii-rifiera, " sepul-
chres," as in Luke xi. 44.
•■ See on this point of wbiteniug the graves, Poooek, Koto- MiscdL
This is also spoken of in MlsUna Shckalim, i. § 1, nrapn n« ]'3"3D1.
On the first of Adar in each year the eeptilchres were to be
" paiuted," i.e., marked with a misture of lime and watei".
MaimouidGS mentions that they did not mark those which were
apparent, but only those which were not likely to be seen, and
which, therefore, might accidentally be touched in passing.
CONTRASTS OF SCRIPTURE.
259
record of miraculous signs (iv. 33 — 3G) tlio iiealLiigof ono
possessed, by far the most impressive sign to the Gen-
tiles, wlien we remember that he was a worshipper of the
demons, over whom Jesus was tlius shown to triumph.
It is also noticeable that St. Luke speaks of an " tm-
clean spirit " or demon ; St. Matthew (viii. 28) speaks
only of a ''devil." There was uo distinction in the
Jewish mind between good and bad demons, but it was
otherwise with the Gentile conception of demons ; there-
fore St. Luke points out the nature of the demon that
wa.s expelled. Luke ix. 42 may seem not to bear out
this argument, but the previous description in this narra-
tive of the results ef the possession had .sufficiently
explained the nature of the " devil " (SaijuJi/ioc), which
in the opening (ver. 39) is designated Tryev/xa (spix'it) ;
and the words of the naiTative are a striking contrast to
the account of the same incident in Matt. xvii. 15, where
the sou is described as being " lunatic" (on o-eATj^'iafeTai),
a phrase calculated to encourage superstitious ideas in
a Gentile reader, and therefore avoided by St. Luke. It
is also worth calling attention to St. Luke's omission
of the statement recorded by St. Matthew (ver. 21).
that " this kind goeth not out but by prayer and
fasting."
Another very remarkable example (the more remark-
able, perhaps, because at first sight it may appear the
contrai-y) is to be found in Luke xi. 14. We are here
told that Christ was casting out a demon, " and it was
dumb '' (/cal auTo ^r Koicpdi/). Thus the character of the
demon is described. But in the accoimt given by St.
Matthew of this or similar cases, does not he also use
the word " dumb," and thus describe the nature of the
possessing devil? If we examine the passage in St.
Mattliew, we shall find that he applies the word " dumb "
to tlio man, and not to the demon wliich possessed him,
which is an essential and notable difference from St.
Luke's method of description, where it is the nature
of the demon itself which is thus characterised and
described. Matt. is. 32 I take as the first example.
There we read, " They brought to him a dimib man
possessed with a devil " (axflpoiiroc KoKpiv 5ai;UOfi(,'ii|UEi'oc).
Here it is the man that is dumb, not the devU. To the
Jewish mind, to be possessed of a demon was a bad
thing in itself, and the Jewish reader would at once
connect the dumbness and the possession of a demon aa
cause and effect. ' The Gentile mind would not do so,
there being in Gentile demonology good and bad
demons ; so St. Luke (xi. 14) describes tlie possession
as tliat of a " dumb demon." The other passage is in
Matt. xii. 22, 24. In the English version the point is
not so clear — it being most natiwal to conclude from the
English that the demon is hero described as " blind and
dumb " — as we read, " Then was brought unto him one
possessed with a devil, blind and dumb." The original
Greek (t<Jt6' irpofrriffX^^ aur^ 5aifjL0i'L^6!J,€V07 TvtpKos Kal
Ku<j>6s), however, shows that the " blind and dumb " refer
to the " possessed " man, and not to the demon, which is
not mentioned personally at all. In fact, St. Luke, for
the sake of the Gentiles, has to explain always that it
was an evil demon of gome kind, while the equivalent
words in St. Matthew are by him applied to the effect
on the person possessed.
V. When St. Matthew appeals on various occasions to
the commandments of the Jewish Law, we find uo such
refereuce in the parallel passage in St. Luke. To his
GeutUe readers such an appeal would be either weak
altogether, er tend to convey an idea that through
Jovrish law the liberty of the Gospel of Jesus Christ
should be attained. For example, St. Matthew (vii. 12)
writes as our Lord's teaching, "Therefore aU things
wliatsoever ye woidd that men should do to you, do ye
even so to them : for tliis is the law and the prophets."
St. Luke in the same passage gives the word of Christ
thus, " Do ye also to them hkovviso " (Luke vi. 31).
Again, St. Luke gives our Lord's rebuke to the
Pharisees, " Te tithe mint and rue, and all manner of
herbs, and pass over judgment and the love ef God "
(Luke xi. 42), where St. Matthew gives the additional
reproach to a Jew, contained in the words, "Ye pay
tithe of mint, and anise, and cummin, and have omitted
the weightier matters of the Law, judgment, mercy,
and faith " (Matt, xxiii. 23).
VI. In the accoimt of the transfiguration of C'lmst
we have in the different descriptive phraseology of St.
Matthew and St. Luke a remarkable instance of the
elaborate care mth wliich the ono adapted his narra-
tive to the instruction of tlie Gentile, and the other to
the instruction of the Jew. St. Matthew (xvii. 2)
writes, " And he was transfigui'od [lit. mclamorphosed ']
before them." Knowing how such a phrase might bo
wrested to sanction erroneous teaclmig' by a people
who believed in every strange superstition about meta-
morphosis, St. Luke avoids the word that would be
misunderstood, and says (ix. 29),^ " The fashion of his
countenance was altered."
A comparison of the report of the Sermon on the
Mount'' (Matt. v. et seq. ; Luke vi. 17, et seq.), as given
by St. Matthew and St. Luke, wiU show that St. Luke
omitted several exhortations which, addressed to the
Pharisees, were useless for, and, indeed, would be un-
intelligible to. Gentile readers. For example, St. Luke
omits that earnest denunciation of the ostentatious
charity of the Pharisees, which the Gentile converts,
probably, did not share, and to whom there would be no
point in such an allusion as that made to " the sounding
of the tiiimpet " in giving alms, inasmuch as it referred
to the manner in which some alms-givers rattled their
shekels in the trumpet-shaped vessels at the door of the
TO iiio^ Ttjf npotrwnuv ai/TOu
1 Kai /iCTC/iop0u!^»| HnTrpo^dev OUTuiy.
■^ Kal t^tVcTO ti" TuJ TTpoaeuxf^^a' aVTV
tTCpov, K.T. A.
^ I assume the two Evangelists to be recordins the same sermon.
The phr.ase " stood iu the plain," is not contradictory to the state-
ment of St. Matthew, that he "went up into a niountaiu," See
Bengel in loc. jinrov ncSivov, " on a level spot." " This 6i)0t was not
in the bottom of the valley, but half-way down the mountain, a
more snitable locality for addressing alarf,'e audience than a com-
pletely level plain." See also Bengel on Matt. V. "Afterwards ho
came half-way down the mountain, and as he was coming down
with his disciples, he met the people coming up, and sat down
there to teach." Thus explaining the apparent difl'erenco between
the st.itement of the one that "he was set," and the other that he
" stood."
260
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Temple into whicli they cast their alms, thus causing
the trumpet to sound, so that meu might be aware of
their liberal casting in of offeruigs.'
I have purposely ui this jjaper confiued my remarks
to such varieties between the Gospels by St. Matthew
and St. Luke — in regard both to the language used and
to the relative prominence given by each to jJarticular
events — as may be accounted for by the dilfereut know-
ledge and habits of thought of the persons whose in-
struction was the primary object of each Evangelist."
' For this interestiug view of the meaning of this passage I am
indebted to the Eev. S. Cox.
- Perhaps these poiuts may be in some sort also a reply to such
a remark as that of Keim, who says of the sources from which St.
There are, of course, many other striking contrasts in
the various Gospel narratives which are attributable to
other causes, of which I shall afterwards treat. The
stiuly of these contrasts between the language and
styles of the various books of the Bible will, I hope,
help to bring out strongly the individuaUty and inde-
pendence of the inspired ^vriters.
liuke derived bis Gospel, that they " lay within the range of Jewish
Christianity" (Dr. Theodore Keim's Life, of Jesus). Surely the
fact that St. Luke wrote for the Gentiles is (without sinister sug-
gestions that much of the Gospel " appears altogether Pauline")
sufficient to explain why, in St. Luke's Gospel, "bumble faith
and pi-actical love of our neighbours are," as Dr. Keim says,
"exalted above the law" {or, as I think it more accurate to say,
put without any appeal to the law).
THE HISTOKY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
BY THE P.EV. W. F. MOULTON, M.A., PEOFESSOK OP CLASSICS, WESLETAN COLLEGE, RICHMOND.
?AVING in former chaptei's sketched the
life of Tyndale, we turn now to the exami-
nation of his work. We shall first notice
his translation of the New Testament.
In our last article (page 125), some verses of St.
Matthew were given ui facsimile from one of Tyndalo's
Testaments. The specimen is taken from the first
edition, from the sheets printed at Cologne in 1525,
before Cochleeus appeared on the scone to obstruct
Tyndale's labours. These sheets, it will be remem-
bered, were in quarto,' whereas the edition commenced
at Worms was in octavo. The facsimile, therefore,
represents the earliest English Testament over printed
— the first English translation of the New Testament
made from the original.
Until recently it was supposed that no portion of
this quarto Testament had escaped destruction. In
the year 1836, however, a London bookseller acci-
dentally met with a portion of an English translation
of St, Matthew's Gospel, in black letter, bound up with
another tract. The fragment consisted of thirty-one
leaves. Seven of these contained a prologue, com-
mencing, " I have here translated (brethern and susters
moost dore and tenderly Ijeloued in Christ) the newe
Testament for youre spirituall edyfpngo, consolacion,,
and solas." After the prologue we find a complete
list of the books of the New Testament, and a wood-
cut repi-esentiug an angel holdinj: an inkstand into
which St. Matthew dips his pen. Then follows the
translation of rather more than two-thirds of the
Gospel, the kst words of the fragment being, " howe
camyst thou in hydder, and " (Matt. xxii. 12). As now
the prologue contains the very passages which were
alleged against TjTid,ahi by his enemies ; as the list of
books embraces the whole New Testament, .and follows
the peculiar arrangement which is adopted in Tyndale's
octavo Testament ; as it can be shown from the wood-
' By an unfortunate misprint, the facsimile on page 125 appears
as an extract from the octavo edition. For "octavo" read " quarto."
cut and from typographical evidence- that the fi-agment
was printed (by Quentel) at Cologne before 1526 ; and
as tlie translation agrees to a remarkable extent with
t^at of the octavo Testament ; there cannot remain the
losist doubt that in this fragment we have, as has been
said, a portion of the first New Testament imblished
by Tyndale, and that the eight sheets which it contains
are part of the ten so hastily carried off from Cologne
to Worms. Out of 3,000 copies printed, this alone is
known to exist. It is now in the GrenvUle Library of
the British Museum, and is commonly spoken of as the
Gren^dlle Fragment. Tliis work is now rendered ac-
cessible to .all, througli the publication by Mr. Arber of
an admirable facsimile edition : to the editor's excellent
Preface, which contains many documents of great im-
portance, we have frequently referred our readers.
Before entering into further detail respecting this
earliest version, let us look at the comp.aiiion volume,
the octavo Testament issueil at Worms in 1525. Of
this edition we happily possess one complete copy —
complete, that is, so far .as the transl.ation is concerned,
for here .also the title-p.age is missing. This copy,
wliich is in the library of the Baptist College, Bristol,
has been most carefully reproduced in facsimile by
Mr. Francis Fry. It contains no prologue, or list of
contents; but at the close, before the list of errors
coiTected, there is a short, address to the reader, of
which we shall have to speak presently. An imperfect
copy of the same edition, preserved in the library of St.
Piiul's Cathedral, contains about six-sevenths of the New
Testament, and is defective both at the beginning .and
at the end. In 1836 Messrs. Bagster republished this
translation, under the editorship of Mr. Offor. Those
who hiive not access to Mr. Pry's beautiful (but expen-
sive) facsimile, ^vill find this edition convenient, and
sufficiently correct for most purposes.^ The same
- See Arbor's Facsimile, pp. 65, 66.
^ There is considerable inaccui-acy in minor points, such as the
spelling of words. In the course of nearly thirty chapters (taken
from St. Matthew, the Acts, and the Epistle to the Colo3siai;s)
THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
261
translation of the Gospels is given, together with Wy-
cliffe's, in Bosworth and Waring's Gothic and Anglo-
Saxon Gospels. It will not bo necessary to adduce at
length the evidence on which we receive this Testament
as Tyiidale's. In the introduction to the facsimile, Mr.
Fry fully proves that the book was printed by P.
Schoeffer at Worms about the time at which Tyndale
is known to have been in that city. In a later woi'k
Tyndale makes reference to the addi-ess to the reader
which this volume contains; and a comparison of the
translation with that of subsequent editions which bear
Tyndale's name, is of itself sufficient to place the
authorship beyond doubt.
As might be expected, the differences between the
two editions of 1525 are very slight, so far as the
translation is concerned. A careful collation of the
Grenvdle Fragment with the corresponding portion of
the octavo edition shows that, if we pass over varia-
tions in orthography and some manifest misprints,
there are hardly more than fifty differences of text in
740 verses. Many of these are of veiy little consequence
(as to for Jinto, unto for to, which for the which), but
others show the hand of the careful reviser, omitting
unnecessary words or improving the style. There is but
little advance in correctness of translation, the emenda-
tions being balanced by almost an equal number of
mistakes. The only alteration of real importance is
found in Matt. xx. 23, where the quarto text has " is
not mine to give you ;" in the octavo Tyndale rightly
removes the "you," which had come in from the Vul-
gate. That the Testament to which the Greuville
Fragment belongs is of earlier date than the octavo,
would be clear even if we had only internal evidence to
guide us ; for in more than forty out of the fifty places
in which the two texts differ, the reading of the octavo
is that which is found in Tyndale's later editions. In
other respects the two Testaments of 1525 have much
less in common. The brief epistle " To the Reader "
stands in marked contrast with the lengthy prologue
prefixed to the quarto edition, and the absence of notes
in the octavo is a stUl more striking characteristic.
Our specimen of the earlier work (p. 125) contains an ex-
planatory comment in the outer margin, the inner being
reserved for references to passages of Scripture, usually
parallel passages iu the other Gospels. As, however,
these two Testaments so nearly agree in the text which
they present, they are usually spoken of as one work,
under the name of Tyndale's first edition of the New
Testament.
The publication of unauthorised impressions of Tyn-
dale's Testament, by printers in Holland, has already
been referred to ; these will require no further notice.
In 1534, however, George Joye, the author of transla-
tions of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the Psalms (not from
the Hebrew, but from the Latin), took in hand a re-
there are only four mistakes wliicla affect the sense ; whereas
within the compass of fifty verses there are nearly thirty differ-
ences in orthosraphy, &c., between this edition and Mr. Pry's
facsimile. It should be said that the title-page inserted by Mr.
Offer has no authority whatever.
vi.'jion of Tyndale's version, correcting it by the help
of the Vulgate. Many of the alterations which Joye
made were veiy offensive to Tyndale ; though, no doubt,
made with good intentiou.s, they betray great weakness
of judgment, and frequently depart widely from the
meaning of the original text.' Perhaps it is to this
unauthorised procedure that we owe Tyndale's distinct
avowal that the translation of the New Testament
(wliich had hitherto appeared anonymously) was from
his hand. The revised version on which he had been
long engaged was published in November, 1534, three
months later than Joyo's ; and not only does the title-
page contain Tyndale's name, but at the head of the
Preface we find " W. T. yet once again to the Christian
Reader." In this edition, usudly kno^vn as the second,
the text is accompanied by marginal notes. Besides
the address to the reader, there is a separate prologue
to almost every book, those prefixed to the Gospel of
St. Matthew and the Epistle to the Romans being of
considerable length. A translation of Epistles taken
out of the Old Testament,^ and a short exposition upon
certain words and phrases of the New Testament.
" added to fill uj) the leaf withal," are the remaining con-
tents of the volume. A few copies of this edition are
preserved in our great libraries ; for example, those of
the British Museum, St. Paul's Cathedral, the Uni-
versity of Cambridge, &c. In 1843 Messrs. Bagster
published in their English Hexapla a careful reprint of
Tyndale's Testament of 1534, taken from a copy in
the Library of the Baptist College, Bristol.
" One of the few copies of this edition which have
been preserved is of touching interest. Among the
men who had suffered for aiding in the circulation of
the earUer editions of the Testament was a merchant-
adventurer of Antweqi, Mr. Harman, who seems to
have applied to Queen Anne Boleyn for redress. The
Queen listened to the plea which was iirged in his
favom-, and by her intervention he was restored to the
freedom and privileges of which he had been deprived.
Tyndale could not fail to hear of her good offices, and
he acknowledged them by a royal gift. He was at the
time engaged iu superintentling the printing of his re-
vised New Testament, and of this he caused one copj'
to be struck off on vellum and beautifully illuminated.
No preface or dedication or name mars the simple
integrity of this copy. Only on the gilded edges in
faded red letters rims the simple title, Anna Begina
Anglice. The copy was bequeathed to the British
Museum by the Rev. C. M. Cracherode in 1799."^
The final residts of Tyndale's labours on the New
Testament are foimd in the edition which was pubUshed
about the time of his imprisonment. There is some
difficiUty in identifying this edition, as the same text
ajjpears in two forms, one bearing date 1535, the other
1 One copy of Joye's work has been preserved, and is now in
the British Museum. For further particulars, see Westcott,
History of tiie English BiUe, pp. 46 — 18 ; Demaus, Life of Tijndale,
pp. 387—391.
- See above, page 124.
^ Westcott, Ilistortj of the English Billc, p. 49.
262
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
1534 (that is, probably, tlia commencemont of 1535) ;
whore the latter dato is given, the initials " G. H."
follow. It is probable that the edition ** 1534 (G. H,) "
is Tyndalo's genuine work, the other being a pirated
edition. One circumstance has brought the book dated
1535 into special notorieij, viz., the extraordinary ortho-
graphy of tlio words. A glance at the specimens which
we give of the oarlicr editions will show how wonderfully
the spelling of English words maybe made to vary,
but in the edition now under consideration there is a
inethod in the madness which cannot fail to attract atten-
tion. In Col. i. 9 — 17, for example (see next column),
we find praeyincfCj fnoetfidlf faetlier, haeth, maede,
saeynctes, derhties, whoom^ 'icicle, &c. It has been
suggested that the peculiar orthography was adopted
intentionally ; that Tyndale, wishing to adapt his work
not only to his countrymen, but also to those of his own
county, wrote the words according to the pronunciation
current among the peasantry of Gloucestershire, that
even the " boy that drove the plough " might learn to
read the Holy Scriptures.^ It appeal's certain, however,
that the strange guise in which the words appear is the
result of the employment of Flemish printers, the novel
combinations of vowels being duo to peciiliaritics of
Elomish pronunciatiRt. It is worthy of remark that
Tyndale*s last edition, though it has marginal references
and (in part) short headings of chapters, is without
notes. Two copies of the edition dated 1535 are pre-
served. Tliat in the British Museum is imperfect both
at the beginning and at the end ; a complete copy
may be seen in the Cambridge University Library.
The text of this edition has not been republished.
The following specimens will illustrate the various
forms of Tyndale's work on the New Testament, and
V7ill enable our readers to judge for themselves in regard
to some interesting f|ucstion3 which remain to be con-
sidered. The first extract is taken from the second
edition (1531-), as printed in Bagster's Hexapla. The
portion fjelected is Matt. xiii. 1 — 14, Tyndale's earlier
translation of which verses has already been given.
For the purpose of comparison, the later Wycliifite
version of the same passage is added. The next extract
is from the British Museum copy of the Testament of
1535 ; Col. i. 9 — 17 has been chosen, as a passage of
some difl5.culty. Here also the reader may compare
Tyndalo's work with that of Purvey, some verses of the
ocw-ly version having been given on a preceding page.-
The last passage from the Now Testament is Heb. xi.
20 — 3i, as it appears in the edition of 1535 : we have
assimilated the si^elling to that of our ordinary Bibles,
that the two versions may be more easily compared. ^
BT. MATTHEW XIII. 1 — 14 (tTNDALE, 1534).
The Bams days weut lesns o'lt of the house, and sat by tho see
syde, aud moch psople resorted vnto him, so gretly that he went
aud sat iu a shippe, aurl nil the people stode ou the shoore. Aud
he apalte mauy thyngtis to them iu similitudes, sayiu^e : Beholde,
the sower wont foi-th to soTre. Aud as he sowed, some fell by tlio
wayos syde, and the fowUes came aud devoured it vp. Some fell
aponstouy grouude where it h.id not moche erth, aud a nonne it
1 Sse Vol. II., p. 21.
■^ Sec Vol. I., p. 83,
Bprouge vp, because it had uo depth of erth : and when the suune
was vp, it cauht heet, aud for lake of rotyuge wyddred awaye.
Some fell amonge tboruos, & the thorues sprouge vp aud chooked
it. Piirte fell iu good grouud, & brought forth good frute : some
au hundred fold, some sixtio fold, some tbyrty folde. Whosoever
hath eares to heare, let him heare.
Aud the disciples came and snydo to him : Why speakest thou
to them ia parables? He answered aud sayde vuto them: It is
geveu viito you to kuowe the secretes of the kyngdome of heveu,
but to them it ia not geveu. For whosoever hath to him shall be
geveu : and he sUall have aboimdance. But whosoever hath not :
from hym shal be ttikyn a, waye even that ho hath. Therfore
speake I to them iu similitudes : for thou^-'h they se, they se not :
k hearinge they heare not ; nether vudei'stonde. And in Ihem
is fulfilled the Prophesie of Esayas, which prophesie sayth ; With
the eares ye shall heare aud shall not vuderstoude, and with the
eyes ye shall se, aud shall uot perceave.
ST. MATTHEW XIII. 1 — 14 (PUSVEY, 1388).
In that dai Jhesua gede out of the hous, and sat bisidis the see.
And myche puple was giiderid to hym, so that he wetite up in to a
boot, aud sat; and al the puple stood ou the brenke. And he
spac to hem many tbiugis in parablis, and scide, Lo ! he that
Bowith gede out to sowe his seed. Aud while he sowith, summo
sccdis feldeu bisidis the weio, and briddis of the eir camen, and
eeteu hem. But othore smdis feldeu in to stony places, where thei
hadileu not myche erthe ; and anoon thei sprongen vp, for thei
hadden not depuesse of crthe. But whanne the souue was risun,
thei swaliden, aud for thei haddeu uot roote, thei drieden vp.
Aud other seedis feldeu amoug thorues ; and thornes woseu vp, and
strangeledeu hem. But othere scmUs felden in to good lend, and
gauGU fruyt, summe au hundrid foold, an othir sixti foold, an
otbir thritti foold. He that hath eris of horyug, here he. And
the disciphs camen uyg, aud seideu to him, Whi spekist thou ia
parablis to hem ? And he ausweride, and seide to hem. For to
gou it is gouun to knowe the priuytees of the kyngdom of heuenea ;
but it is not gouuu to hem. For it shal bo gouun to hym that
hath, aud he slial haue plcute ; buTif a man hath uot, also, that
thmg that ho hath shal be takun awei fro hym. Therefore T
spoke to hem iu parablia, for thei seyuge seen not, and thei herynge
heren uot, nether vudurstoudeu ; that the prophesie of Ysaie
seiynge be fulfiUid in hem, With heryng ge ac-huleu here, aud ge
shulou not vnduretonde ; and ge seyuge schulen se, aud ge shulen
uot se.
COL. I. 9 — 17 ^TYNDALE, 1535).
For this cause we also, seuce the dayo we havde of it, haue not
ceosyd praeyiuge for you, aud desyriuge that ye might be fulfilled
with the knowledge of his will, iu all wyadome & spirituall
vuderstoudiugo, that ye might walke worthy of the Lorde iu all
thiuges that please, beynge fruetfuU in all good workes and en-
creasinge in the kuowletlge of God, strengtheJ with all might
tborowe his glorious power vuto all pacience and louge sufTeringe
with ioyfulues, geuinge thankes vuto the faether which haeth
maede vs meete to be parttackers of the euheritauuce of saeynctes
in light.
Which haeth deliuered vs from the power of derknes, and haeth
translated vs iuto the kiugdome of his deare sone, in whoom we
haue redempciou thorowe his bloiid, that is to saey forgeueua of
siunes, which is the ymage of the iuuisible God, first begotten of
al creatures. For by him wore all thiuges create^!, thiuges that
pre in heaueu, aud things that are iu earth : thiuges visible, and
thiuges iuuisible, whether they be maieste or lordshipi>e, ether
ruele or power. AH thiuges are created by him, aud iu him, and
he is before all thiuges, and iu him all thiuges haue there beynge.
HEB. SI. 29 — 34 (tyndale, 1535 : spelling modernised).
By faith they passed through the Eed Sea- as by dry land, which
when the Egyptians had assayed to do, They were drowned.
By faith the walls of Jericho fell down after they were com-
passed about, sevpu days.
By faith the harlot Rahab perished not with the uuhelievera,
when she had received the spies to lodging peaceably.
Aud what shall I more say ? the time would be too short for
me to toll of Gedeou, of Barak, and of Samson, aud of Jephthae :
also of David and Samuel, aud of the prophets : which through
faith subdued kiugdoms, wrought righteousnees, obtained the pro-
mises, stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire,
escaped the edge of the sword, of weak were made strong, waxed
valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens.
K our readers wiU now place side by side the extract
ou imgo 125 and the first of the passag^es just given, the
ILLUSTRATIONS FROM EASTERN MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
263
relation between Tyndale's first and second editions will
bo Ciisily seen. In these fourteen verses there is no
difference between the octa.yo and quarto of 1525
(except in spelling) ; the second edition exliibits seven
changes — no inconsiderable amount of alteration for a
passage of this nature and extent. In one case an over-
sight is eoiTected {sixty ior Jifty) ; in two or three others
the original is followed more closely. A more graphic
«xpres.sion, " the thorns sprung up," takes the place of
" tho thorns arose : " here, however, the gain is more
than doubtfid, for now two different Greek words are
rendered by " sprung up," and the hasty growth of the
seed which fell on the stony ground is not distinguished
from the " coming up " of tho thorns. It will be seen
that most of the alterations stood their ground, and arc
in tho Authorised Version.
The second and tliird passages happen to illustrate
the agreement amongst Tyndale's successive editions,
I'ather than their difference, the only variations being
found in Col. i. 1-i ("the forgiveness" for "forgive-
ness"), Col. i. 17 ("before all" for "of all"), and
in Hob. xi. 31 ("them that believed not" for "tho
unbelievers," and "after" for "when"). In fact.
not one of the examples hero given fully illustrates
the amount of revision bestowed by Tyndale on his
earlier work. In a chapter of St. Matthew taken at
hazard (chap, xxi.) we find that, whereas the two Testa-
ments of 1525 differ in one word only, the second
edition (1534) differs from them in forty or fifty places.
In twenty of these tho new rendering is nearer to the
Greek, in three only is it loss faithful than the former
version ; in more than thirty of these instances Tyn-
dale's later rendering is preserved in the Authorised
Version. Professor Westcott has compared the three
editions in the First Epistle of St. John. Ho finds
thirty-four changes introduced in 1534, sixteen more in
1535 ; in most instances the change was for the bettor.'
Enough has been said to show that Tyndale, like Luther,
was continually bent on the improvement of his work.
At tho same time, we need not go beyond the illustra-
tions hero given to be convinced of tho excellence of
Tyndale's first attempt, all tho changes introduced by
him at a later period affecting but a small portion of
his earliest text.
1 Hist, of Eng. Bible, pp. 309—312.
ILLUSTEATIONS FROM EASTERN MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
III.— EAELT ATTENDANCE AT THE SAKCTUAKT (conlin-jiei) .
BY THE EEV. C. D. OINSBUKG, LL.D.
. HE few principal articles which were con-
sidered necessaiy to constitute tho furni-
ture of the synagogue corresponded to
those in the Temple. Foremost among
them was the ark. It consisted of a wooden chest,
which was placed against the wall opposite the entrance,
towards which the praying congregation stood with
their faces. This ark, which contained tho Scrolls of
the Law, was placed on an elevated base, with several
steps loading to it. From those steps tho priests pro-
noimced the benediction, " The Lord bless thee and
keep thee," &c. (Numb. vi. 24 — 26), on tho great feasts
and fasts. There was a canopy over the ark. In
modem synagogues which possess a number of scroUs,
there are several arks placed side by side against tho
«astem wall, as may be seen in the picture which iUus-
tratos this ai'ticlc. The recess containing the ai-k is
called the Sanctnaiy, or the Holy of Holies pyn, imp).
As this was considered the .symbol of tho Divine pre-
sence, tho worshippers, on entering the synagogue,
bowed in reverence towards the ark, saying, " But as
for me, I will come into thy house in tho multitude of
thy mercy, and in thy fear will I worship [or bow]
towards thy lioly templo " (Ps. v. 7). In front of tho
ark was a reading-desk before which stood the angel
of tho congregation, or tho one delegated to conduct
the public prayer, with his face to the sacred shrine
and back to the people, as exhibited in the illustration.
In the centre of the syn.agngue stood the rostrum or
platform, which was capable of holding several persons.
From this platform the lessons from tho Law and
Prophets' were read, discourses wero delivered, and
announcements made. The platform was raised above
the top of the seats, so as to cause tlie voice of the reader
to be heai'd by all. Hence Josephus teUs us that when
tho midtitudo assembled together every seventh year
on the Feast of Tabernacles, tho high priest ascended
the high desk, whence he was heard, and read the laws
to all tho people (A7itiq. iv. 8, 12). It was from such
a platform, capable of holding at least foui'teeu persons,
that Ezra read the law. Thus we are told " that Ezra
tho scribe stood upon a pulpit of wood, which they had
made for the purpose ; and beside him stood Mattitmah,
and Shoma, and Anaiah, and Urijah, and Hilkiah, and
Maasoiah, on his right hand; and on his left hand
Pedaiah, and Mishaol, and Malchiah, and Hashum, and
Haslibadana, Zochariah, and MeshuUam, and opened
tho book before the eyes of all the people, since he was
above all the people " (Neh. viii. 4, 5). It was on such
a platform that Christ " stood up for to read " the
lesson from the Prophets on the Sabbath in the syna-
gogue at Nazareth (Luko iv. 16, 17) ; and that St. Paul
stood when he delivered the discourse on the Sabbath
in tho synagogue at Antioch, after tho reading of the
Law and the Prophets (Acts xiii. 14 — 16).
The seats of honour for the elders of tho synagogue
and for tho doctors of the Law were the next im-
portant articles of furniture. These arm-chairs, which
are alternately called in tho New Testament " the chief
seats" (Matt, xxiii. 6; Mark xii. 39), "tho uppermost
264
THB BIBLE EDUCATOR.
seats" (Luke xi. 43), and "tlie highest seats" (Luko
XX. 46), were placed in front of the ark, opposite the
entrance. As this was the \ippermost part of the syna-
gogue, and corresponded to the chancel iu om- churches,
they are appropriately called the uppermost or highest
seats. Those elders sat with their backs to the ark
and faced the people, whilst the worshippers stood with
their faces to the ark, and hence face to face with the
doctors of the Law. The materials of which these seats
were made varied according to the size and wealth of
the congregation. The Talmud tells us that iu the
synagogue at Alexandi'ia there were no less than seventy-
one of these seats of honour placed around the chancel
somewhat in the manner of the stalls in our cathedrals,
answering to the number of the members of the great
Sanhedrin ; and that they were made of gold {Succa,
81 6). How faithfully this custom was preserved may
be seen from the description which Benjamin of Tudela,
the celebrated Jewish traveller of the Middle Ages,
^ves of the princiiial synagogue at Bagdad. " Many
of the Jews of Bagdad," ^vl■ites this explorer in A.D.
1159 — 1173, " are good scholars and very rich. The
city contains twenty-eight Jewish synagogues, situated
partly in Bagdad and partly in Al-Khorkh, on the other
side of the river Tigris, which runs through and divides
the city. The metropolitan synagogue of the Prince
of the Capti%'ity is ornamented with pillars of richly
coloured marble, pLated with gold and silver. On the
pUlars are inscribed ver.ses of the Psalms in letters of
gold. The ascent to the holy ark is composed of ten
marble steps, on the uppermost of which ai-e the stalls
set apart for the Prince of the Captivity and the other
princes of the house of David." Before and at the
time of Christ the common people as a rule had no
seats (James ii. 2 — 4). If fatigued with along journey,
or otherwise unable to stand, the wor.shippers sat down
on the gi'ound with their legs crossed, as may be seen
in the East to this day. The women, as in the Temple,
were separated from the men. There was a kind of
gallery, or one of the aisles screened off with lattice-
work, with a separate entrance specially arranged for
them. Tliey could liear the service and see the wor-
shippers of the opposite sex without being seen. This
practice stiU obtains amongst the orthodox Jews to
this day.
Prom the charge of our Saviour against the scribes
and the Pharisees, that " they love the chief seats in the
synagogue," some have supposed that one of the sins
which the doctors of the Law committed was their
occupying these places of distinction. Nothing, how-
ever, can be more erroneous than such a supposition.
The ecclesiastical heads of the synagogue were surely
no more guilty of pride because they deemed it right to
occupy "the uppermost seats " than are the prelates
and the dignitaries of our Church because they sit on a
throne and in stalls in catheebals. It is no disparage-
ment of the humility which should attach to his office to
say that we beUeve that a prelate in modern days would
be quite as indignant iu finding an ordinary worshipper
occupying his throne as a scribe or Pharisee felt
in olden days if a layman took his uppermost seat
What Chi-ist condemned was not the existence and
occupation of such seats, but the inordinate Isve for
the seat which surpassed the feeling of responsibility
attached to the office. Thus the seats of distinction
were introduced in the Christian Church even in the
apostolic age, after the example of the synagogue.
Indeed, the primitive Christians seem to have assigned
the seats of honour in theu- places of worship to those
who were attired in costly apparel, as appears from
the rebuke administered by St. James : " If there come
unto your assembly [or, UteraUy, as the margin has it,
synagogue] a man with a gold ring, iu goodly apparel,
and there come iu also a poor man in \ale raiment ; and
ye have respect to him that hath the gay clothing, and
say unto him. Sit thou here in a good place, and say to'
the poor. Stand thou there, or sit here under my fsot-
stool, are ye not then partial in yourselves, and become
judges of evU thoughts ? " (James ii. 2 — 4.)
Against the wall where the ark stood there was sus-
pended a lamp which burned day and night. This
perpetual light was in imitation of the Tabernacle and
Temple hght. In accordance with the command that it
must be " pure oil olive beaten for the light, which is to
cause the lamp to bum always " (Exod. xxvii. 20), the
Jews took the greatest care that the oil should be of
the finest quality. As this hght was considered the
symbol of the human soul, of the Di^'ine law (Prov. vi.
23 ; XX. 27), and of the manifestation of God (Ezek. xliii.
2), it was most religiously fed by the people. When-
ever any special blessing or mercy was vouchsafed ta a
member of the congregation, or if he was afraid of
some imminent danger, or was threatened with some-
loss, he generally vowed a certain quantity of oil for
the perpetual light. Tliis pei-petual light is not only to
bo seen in many of the synagogues to the present day,
but also existed among many of the nations of antiquity,
and has been introduced both into the Christian Church
and in Mohammedan mosques. The fact that in Jewish,
symbolism this light was the emblem of the Divine
revelation, gave rise to the metaphorical designation of
the apostles that they " are the lights of the world "'
(Matt. v. 14), the proclaimers of God's word.
In describing the different officers of the synagogue
and their respective functions, it is absolutely necessary
to make a distinction between the small synagogues in
provincial places and the large synagogues in populous
and wealthy towns. Wo have seen that according to
the canon law, wherever ten Jews resided who had
arrived at that ago when they become members of the
commonwealth of Israel, they were bound to form them-
selves into an ecclesia, or worshipping body. It stands
to reason that iu so small a congregation there could
not be many officers. However, those that were re-
quu-ed to render the service orderly the members them-
selves appointed. As a rule, the one who was rich
enough to have a spare room in his house, and who
thought it an honour to give it up as a place of meeting,
became the chief or ruler of the synagogue. The most
aged and revered of the congregation was requested by
THE ARE OF TUE
GREAT SYNAGOGUE, DUKE STREET, ALDGATE, LONDON.
266
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the worsliippers to become the leader of the Divine
worship ; whilst two or three others, who were known
for their integrity and charity, were appointed to collect
the contributions for the sanctuary at Jerusalem, to
attend to any strangers, and to adjudicate any matters
of dispute. Still these " village synagogues," as they
were called from the paucity of their members, could
not copy the Temple service. Indeed, the meetings for
worship were frequently interrupted altogether, since
the illness of any of the members, or their absence from
home, occasioned cither by public duties or private
business, diminished the legal number requisite to con-
stitute an ecclesia, when public worship was entirely
discontiniied.
The case, however, was different in towns. Hero
the office-bearers -were not only more numerous, but the
whole organisation was naturally more complete, follow-
ing as closely as w'as practicable the pattern of the
Temple arrangements. No place was called a town
which had not ten inhabitants of independent means
who could devote the whole of their time to the require-
ments of the synagogue. Tims the canon law declares,
"a proper town is that which has ten independent
residents ; if it has less than this number it is a village "
(Mishna, Mcgilla i. 3). These "ten men of leisure"
{baflanim), as they are technically called, were as a rule
selected to fill up the diiferent offices required for the
administration of the affau-s of the synagogue, which
embraced both the ecclesiastical and civil law. The
offices to which they were elected, and the names whith
they obtained, are as follow : —
i. TJie Chief Ruler of the Synagogue. — The one of
the ten who was most distinguished for piety, learning,
experience, and business tact, was elected to be the
cliief ruler. The right of election to the office of
"shepherd," as it is also called, was vested in the
congregation. Thus it is declared that "no ruler or
shepherd is to bo appointed over a congregation unless
he is agreed upon by the congregation." In accordance
with the Talmudie practice of deriving every enactment
from the Mosaic legislation, the spiritual heads of the
nation appeal to Exo'd. xxxv. 30 for support of this
law. Hero Moses tells the children of Israel, " See,
the Lord hath called by name Bczaleel." From which
the Talmud infers, " The Holy One, blessed be He, said
to Moses, ' Do you ajtprove of Bezaleel P ' To whicli
he replied, ' Lord of the universe, if thou approve otf
him, then I am certain to approve of him.' Then God
said to Moses, ' Go and tell it to the children of Israel ; '
and he went and told them, asking them, 'Do you
approve of Bczaleel ? ' To which they replied, ' If the
Holy One, blessed be Ho, and thou approve of him, we
certainly approve of him ' " {Bcrachoth, 55 a). What-
ever we may think of the exegesis which deduces all
this from the expression " see ye," taking it to be tanta-
mount to " choose ye," it shows beyond a doubt that the
people chose their own shepherds {parnashn = ttoi/jeVes).
Wo !iave already said that the most learned and expe-
rienced of the ten was elected to this office. But as the
people at large who exercised their power of choosing
were not ahvays competent to judge between the rival
claims of the several members of the decade, the delegates
of tho Great Sanhedrin, whose seat was at Jerusalem,
were sent into tho different towns to examine the
applicants and certify their fitness for the office. The
chief niler, with his colleagues, had to see to it that the
service was conducted decently and in order, had to
indicate when they should begin to invito any of the
congregation whom they deemed proper to address tlio
people (Acts xiii. 15), and indicated when the congrega-
tion was to say Amen.
ii. Assistant Rulers of the Synagogue. — Having
selected the chief rulei-, the next business was to choose
other rulers to assist the supreme official, an(J to con-
stitute a local sanhedrim or chapter, as it wore. The
number of these depended upon the size and popula-
tion of the different localities. In a place which had
only the requisite ten independent men to constitute
it a town, two were generally chosen to be the judicial
colleagues of the cliief justice, to aid him in tho ad-
ministration of the law, and the chief ruler had the
principal voice in the appointment. These three,
assisted by other foui- of the ten men of leisure, formed
the judicial bench. In accordance with the Jewish
practice, Josephus declares that Moses himself ordained
that " seven men should judge every city, and these
such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of
virtue and righteousness ; and that every judge is to
have two officers allotted to him " (Antiq. iv. 8, 14). As
Church and State were identical with the Jews, these
rulers of the synagogue had tho administration of both
the ecclesiastical and civil affairs of the respective
communities over which they were the -parnashn or
shepherds. Hence the apostles, following the example
of the synagogue, as soon as the number of the disciples
multiplied, also appomted " seven men of honest report,
full of the Holy Ghost and wisdom," to manage tho
affairs of the community (Acts vi. 1 — 6 ; xxi. 8).
iii. The Tliree Almoners. — The remaining three of
the ten men of leisure were appointed official almoners.
Wo have already described the necessary qualifications
of these officers of the synagogue under No. ii., " Deeds
of Charity and Benevolence " (see Vol. I., p. 252). Now
apart from the alms which these functionaries had to
distribute both daily and weekly among the poor of the
towns in tho synagogues of which they held their affice,
these almoners of the synagogues in the provinces, and
especially in those congregations out of Palestine, had
to make collections for tho poor brethren who devoted
themselves to study and contemplation at Jerusalem.
This ancient practice is observed by the Jews to tho
present day. Delegated almoners from the Holy City
are sent all over the world to collect, and tho Jewish
communities dispersed throughout the habitable world
forward, contributions to the saints at Jerusalem. A
striking illustration of this practice, which explains
several passages in the New Testament, is related by
Dr. Polak in his excellent work on Persia. " In 1854
a Jerusalem Jew came to Teheran to make this collec-
tion. When I asked him where else ho was going
ILLUSTTIATIOK'S FROM EASTERN MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
267
to, he replied that he was on his way to Turkistan
and Afglianistan. On my calling his attention to the
dangers to which European travellers arc there exposed,
and to the massacre of Stoddart and Conelly, he replied,
' The difficulties of getting through I only find in Persia,
where they demand a toll in every town through which I
have to pass. As soon as I have crossed the frontier I
shall obtain at each place a Jew to accompany me from
one station to the other, and he will conduct mo safely to
each spot. I speak from experience, as I have already
performed this journey.' After the lapse of two years
he retm-ned safely back, though not with very much
money." The apostles strictly conformed to this prac-
tice, and sent their contributions to these " elders," pres-
byters, or almoners at Jerusalem. Thus we are told
that "the disciples [of Antioch and its neighbourhood],
eveiy man according to his ability, determined to send
relief to the brethren which dwelt in Judaea, which also
they did, and sent it to the elders by the hands of
Barnabas and Saul " (Acts xi. 29, 30). Again, St. Paul
tells us, "I go to Jerusalem to minister to the saints,
for it hath pleased them of Macedonia and Achaia to
make a certain contribution for the poor saints which
are at Jerusalem " (comp. Rom. xv. 25 — 27 with Acts
xxi. 17; comp. also 2 Cor. viii. 8 and Gal. ii. 10).
There is another cu-cumstance connected with the
manner in which these ahnonors received the contribu-
tions of the people to which wo must advert, inasmuch
as it illustrates the practice in this respect of the
apostles and early Christians. Besides the daily and
weekly poor-rates levelled by the almoners which h.ave
already been described (comp. VoL I., p. 252, &c.),
there were occasional demands upon the people's
charity arising from the persecutions and loss of all
things which the pious at Jerusalem sufEered who clung
to the very dust of the sacred city. The appeals to
the congregations iii the different provinces and out of
Palestine were generally m.ide on the Sabbath, when
the woi-shippers, as a matter of course, were most
numei-ous. As the Jews from time immemorial would
not handle money on the Sabbath day, the almoners
ordered the chazzan, an ofiicial. whose functions we shall
presently describe, to receive promises of certain sums,
which were paid the following day. This custom of
setting apart on the Sabbath what every one intended to
give illustrates the passage in 1 Cor. xvi. 1 — 3. Here
the Apostle tells the Clu-istians at Corinth that with
regard to the collections for the saints, " upon the first
day of the week let every ono of you lay by him in store,
as God hath prospered him, that there be no gatherings
when I come. And when I come, whomsoever you shall
approve of by letters, them will I send to bring your
liberality to Jerusalem." It will thus be seen that the
Apostle not only urged the continuance of the ancient
prjictice to give eveiy Sabbath, but that the almoners
were chosen by the members of the congregation.
These ten officials, who, as we have seen, had the
administration of both the- ecclesiastical and civil afPairs
of the respective synagogues over which they presided,
constituting the chapter as'it were, are alternately called
in the extra-canonical Jewish ivritings and in the New
Testament by tlie following names : — (1.) Presbyters or
elders (znkenim = irpta^irepoi). This, indeed, was their
natural and primitive title, since in the most ancient
days old men were selected to fill those offices which
were required to maintain the social fabric of the dif-
ferent commimities. When books were of the extremest
rarity, the aged of the respective tribes wore the only
depositories of the traditions of bygone genei-ations.
The old men, moreover, had most experience, and were
the heads of large families, over whom they exercised
supreme authority. " With the old is wisdom, and in
lejigth of days is understanding" (Jobxii. 12). Hence,
when information was required, they were appealed to
to give it from the storehouses of their long memory.
When God pleads with his ungrateful people, and wants
to bring to then- mind his unparalleled acts of loving-
kintbiess in times bygone, he bids them " ask thy father,
and he will show thee ; thy elders [or aged ones], and
they will tell theo " (Dent, xxxii. 7). When monarchs
wanted advice they asked for it from the aged. "King
Rehoboam consulted ^vith the old men that stood before
Solomon his father while he yet lived, and said. How
do ye advise that I may answer this people ?" (1 Kings
xii. 6 ; 2 Chron. x. 6.) For this reason the hoary head
was regarded as " a crown of glory " (Prov. xvi. 31) ;
and the Israelites were commanded to " rise up before
the hoary head, and honour the face of the old man"
(Lev. xix. 32). The same reverence was paid to tho
aged among other nations of antiquity. In Egypt,
Herodotus tells us, " young men, meeting their elders
in the streets, gave way to them and stopped aside ; and
if they approached a place, the young men in it rose up
from their seats " (Herod., ii. SO). The laws of Manu
declare that " the spirit of life is ready to escape from
a youth at the apjiroach of an old man, but by rising
and saluting him it is saved. A youth who accustoms
himself to salute and revei-ence the aged has a fourfold
gain in length of life, knowledge, fame, and strength "
(Manu, ii. 120, 121). To this day both the Jews and
the Egyptians rise up from their seats when an aged
man enters the house.
Regarding, therefore, old age in so sacred a light,
and as identified with matured wisdom, knowledge,
and experience, and as a rowai'd for a virtuous and
godly life, the aged, as a matter of course, were from
time immemorial chosen to fill the official positions in
the community. To select a young man over the head
of the hoary aged would be to commit the greatest indig-
nity. Heneo the terms "aged," " elder," or " presbyter ''
became identical with office-bearer among the different
nations of antiquity (comp. Gen. I. 7 ; Numb. xxii. 7),
and all the different officials in the synagogue were
designated by the appellation " elders." To this day the
sheikh [= the old man] among the Arabs is the highest
authftrity in the tribe. LUce many other expressions,
the word in question was taken over by the Jewish
Christiivns from the synagogue into the Church. And
just as the term " elder " is, as we havo seen, used in
the syn.agogue for the whole body of officials, so in the
268
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
New Testament the apostles employ it to designate aU
the office-bearers in the church (comp. Acts xx. 17, 28;
1 Tim. iv. 14 ; 2 Tm. i. 6 ; Titus i. 6, 7 ; 1 Peter v.
1 — 5). It is this identification of old age -with office
which has made the expressions zaken OV) = elder,
presbyter, like gerontes, senatores, and patres among the
Greeks and Romans, and Monseigneur in the Catholic
Church, synonymous with chief guide, counsellor, and
judge in ecclesiastical and civil affairs.
(2.) The second name by which these rulers of the
synagogue were called is parnasim (n-DTB = noineves),
" shepherds." The term parnas, of which parnasim is
the plural, is Aramaic, and is used in the Chaldee Para-
phrase for the Hebrew rovh (™^), "shepherd" (comp.
Ezck. xxxiv. 5, 8. 23 ; Zech. xi. 15, 16, &c.). This appel-
lation was in the Old Testament already given to God,
who performs the office of tending and caring for his
people in the liighest sense (Ps. xxiii. 1; Ixxx. 1 [2]),
and then to his representatives, who exercised religious
and civil care over the community. Thus God tells
his repenting people that he has not only espoused
them, but " I will give you shepherds according to mine
own heart, which shall feed you with knowledge and
understanding" (Jer. iii. 1.5). As these riders had to
feed the poor with bread, and their respective congre-
gations with knowledge and understanding, the title
" shepherd " was appropi-iate to them. The Tahnud
declares that " every shepherd who tends his congrega-
tion in gentleness has the merit of leading them in the
path for the world to come " (Sanhedrin, 92 a) ; and
that "the Holy One, blessed be He, moui'ns over
the congregation which has a shepherd who conducts
himself haughtily towards his flock " {Chagigga, 5 h).
From this custom of calling the administrators of the
synagogue " shepherds " came the application of the
name to those who bear office in the church.
The use of the word pastor instead of shepherd in
the Authorised Version in several passages in the
Old Testament, and in one instance in the New Testa-
ment, is very remarkable, and is of great importance to
the study of the history of the English version of the
Bilile, and of the English language, inasmuch as it ex-
hibits the sources whence the translators derived their
vocabulary. Now the expression roeh (^t^) is rendered
no less than fifty-eight times by " shepherd " in the
Authorised Version, five times by " herdmen," and
eight times by " pastor." In turning to the New Testa-
ment, we find that the equivalent Greek term poimeen
(iroi/uT)!'), which occurs eighteen times, is translated
seventeen times " shepherd," and in one solitary in-
stance it is rendered " pastor " (viz., Eph. iv. 11). On
examining the eight instances in which the Authorised
Version discards the general term •' shepherd " for the
expression " pastor,'' the student will be struck with the
fact that they are not only restricted to one book of the
Old Testament, but to one portion of the book. A 11
the eight instances are to be found in Jer. ii. 8 — xxiii. 2,
and are as f oUoW : — ii. 8 ; iii. 15 ; x. 21 ; xii. 10 ; xvii.
16; xxii. 22; xxiii. 1, 2. The student of the English
language will be .stUl more struck with this phenomenon
when he is told that, with one exception which will
presently be noticed, the word " pastor " does not occur
in the earliest English versions. It is not to be found
iu om- first English New Testament made by Tyudal
(1525) ; in the iii-st English Bible made by Ooverdale
(1535) ; in the second Bible, which goes by the pseudonym
Matthews' (1537) ; in Lord Cromwell's, or the Great
Bible (1539) ; in the six different issues of this Bible by
Archbishop Cranmer (1540-1541) ; nor in the Bishops'
Bible (1568). In all these versions both the Hebrew
roeh and the Greek poimeen are translated " shepherd,"
or "herdmen." In looking, however, at the Geneva
Bible, which derives its name from the fact that it was
made and printed by our English Reformers who fled
to Geneva (1560), the sudden appearance of the term
" pastor " in our Authorised Version is at once ex-
plained. The Geneva Bible, which in all other passages
both in the Old and in the New Testament translates
the Hebrew word and its Greek equivalent " shepherd,"
renders it in these vei-y instances by " pastor; " and our
Authorised Version has simply taken over the excep-
tional rendering. The word " pastor," therefore, used
to denote " a rider "' or " governor " in the English of
the Bible language, dates no farther than the Geneva
version (1560), which in its tm-n took it from the French
Protestant translation likewise made and printed at
Geneva. The English Geneva Bible, however, con-
sistently renders the Hebrew word roeh by " pastor "
up to Jer. xxiii., inclusive ; whilst our Authorised
Version only follows it to xxiii. 2, and hence incurs the
charge of inconsistency of translating the same expres-
sion withiu four verses of the same chapter — viz., Jer.
xxiii. 1 — i, both "pastor" and "shepherd." The only
other instance in which " pastor " occurs in the Geneva
Bible and not in the Authorised Version is Eccles.
xii. 11.
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
269
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE r.EV. A. S. AGLEN, M.A., INCUMBENT OF ST. NINIAN's, ALYTH, N.B.
STRUCTURE OF THE VERSE.
§ 1. — PRELIMINARY.
^^~^~^HE iJoet's sway over language is of twofold
operation. He influences a nation's speech
by his choice and usage of words, as well
as by his power to combine them into
lasting and harmonious verse. There is a poetic dialect
and a poetic form.
It would be out of place in these papers on Hebrew
poetry to do more than glance at the former of these.
The pecidiarity of diction in the poetical parts of the
Bi))le is for the notice of Hebrew scholars alone. It
would be useless to repeat from the grammars lists of
archaic forms or usages of words, pecidiar construc-
tions, UTegular inflexions, and other marks of a poetical
style. It will be enough to repeat Bishop Lowth's
remark that, as it is the nature of all poetry, so it is
particularly of the Hebrew, to be totally different from
common language, and both in the choice of words and
the construction, to affect a peculiar and more exquisite
mode of expression. But the phraseology of the poets,
the bold ellipses, the sudden transitions of the tenses,
genders, and persons, as well as a minute examination
of the tropes and figures with which all poetry aboiinds,
he considers beyond the scope of his lectures. Wo cannot
do better than follow liis example, by passing over all
such questions to the much more important and more
interesting inquiry into the nature and form of Hebrew
versification. For this, little or no acquaintance with
the language is necessary. It is one of the most dis-
tinguishing featui-es of Hebrew poetry, arising naturally
from the form which it assumes, that, unlike the verse
of any other people, it loses no beauty in translation,
and may be studied almost as successfully in a foreign
as in its native dress.
Milton has said of eloquence and song, that the one
charms the soul, the other the sense. But thought
cannot clothe itself at aU in adequate expression without
conferring pleasure on the human ear, which listens for
a music in prose no less than in verse. The Greeks,
vriih the same exquisite sensibihty to beauty of sound
which made them seek for symmetry and grace in
all objects of sight, called the pleasurable element
which they detected in speech its movement or flow
(^u9iubs). We have adopted their word, and speak of the
sustained movement of a line ol' poetry, or of an orator's
period, as its rhythm.
The term need not even be confined to the descriptioii
of articulate sotmds. It has been said that the melodies
and harmonies which poets have fancied in natiu's are
all meta,phorical. and that iimsic is the creation of man.'
But much of the pleasure wMch we experience from
the soiands in air and sea .seems due to the suggestion
' Haweifl, Music and Morals.
of unconscious obedience to a subtle law of movement.
If we listen long to running water we catch a definite
jndsation in its flow. The waves beat out a certain
rhj-thm on the shore. There was more tluin fancy in
the ancient fable of the mcasm-ed dance of mountain
and grove when led by the lute of Orpheus.
Whatever may be the secret of the pleasure derived
from natural sounds, it is certain that man, in all his
movements of voice or body, falls into unconscious
submission to some rhythmic nde. It seems to be a
necessity in sustained human action that some strict
law of interchange shoidd regulate the succession of
the parts. The ground of this necessity has even been
found in the structure and functions of the human
body, so that rhythm lies at the foundation of man's
natm-o. In the pulsation of the blood, in the outward
and inward flow of the breath, there is a wavelike move-
ment which governs every effort made to give expression
to the feelings of the soul. A certain balanced a^-tion,
a constant interchange of movements measured one
against the other — a rising and sinking, an alternation
from strong to weak, from loud to soft — results from
tliis unconscious obedience to a necessary physica,! law.'-'
We call this parallelism of movement measure or time,
or more generally rhythm. It extends to all acti\'ities
of man. We see it in the swing of the body in walk-
ing, we hear it in the accent of the voice in speaking.
The blacksmith makes a rhythm on liis anvil. The
sailor pulls at the rope in musical time. Presently
intellect and will step in. The rhythmic tendency
falls imder government and becomes a power in artist
hands. The waves of feeling or thought are taught to
flow in regular succession. From the rhythmic move-
ments of hand and foot we got the dance. Inarticulate
sounds are arranged according to tune and time, and
music is born. By skilful management of countenance,
gesture, and voice, the orator impresses his own moods
on his listeners, and we
*' HaBg to hear
The rapt oration flowin'^' free
From point to point, with power and grace,
And music in the bounds of law."
At Last the poet pours such passion into words, that we
feel all the pulses of his being beating throug'h the
niunbers of his verse, wliich yet in its impetuous flow
discloses the presence of flxed and inviolable laws, which
must become the more severe as the inspiration rises
higher, and the emotion is kindled into more f er^ad glow.
The rhythm of poetry, then, is distinguished from that
of prose by its regularity. Verse implies some kind of
measure. In prose the range of rhythmic flow is so
wide that we can only imperfectly anticipate it. The
pleasure which we derive from verse is founded, in
2 Hupfeld, Psalmen, Introduction.
270
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
groat measure, on this anticipation. The cadences of
prose depend entirely on the subject. In verse the sub-
ject must bend to some law ; we know where the " dying
fall" must come, we are prepared for the pause, wo
eagerly anticipate the rhyme.
The genius of a language determines what the laws
of its verse shall bo. In the classical tongues of Greece
and Rome, metre (Greek, fitTpon; Latin, nimicrns) or
measure depended on quantity. A metrical line con-
sisted of a combination of syllables, arranged according
to the length of time necessary for their intonation,
and restricted as to the recuiTence of long or short by
fixed rules of prosody. English, and the modern lan-
guages generally, pay little or no regard to quantity.
Accent takes its place. Accent properly refers to the
pitch of the voice, but metrical accent {ictus metricus)
is the stress laid on particular syllables in repeating the
verse. The number of syllables, and the position of
those accented, dotermiue the different kinds of verse,
to which modern cars demand the addition of the never-
ending charm of rhyme. How far the Hebrew lent
itself to any similar modulations has been for ages a
vexed question, which can hardly be said to be definitely
answered even at the present day. The claim set up
for Moses by Pliilo. that he understood the theory of
harmony, rhythm, and metre ; and the opinion of
Josephus that the Song of Moses was composed in
hexameter voi-se, and that the various Greek metres
are visible in the Psalms of David, may be dismissed
as the pious wish of Jews to find in their ancient
writings an anticipation of the literatm'e and art of
Athens.' Among the early fathers, Eusebius and
Jerome applied terms borrowed from classical verse to
Hebrew literature. The latter gives a somewhat minute
account of the various metres observed in the different
books. But his language leads to the conclusion that
he recognised no more than a certaiu rough resemblance
between Greek and Hebrew verse. He did not ap-
parently maintain the existence of fixed metrical laws.
The resemblance of the Hebrew verse composition to
the classic metres is expressly denied by Gregory of
Nyssa. Augustine confesses his iguoi'ance of Hebrew,
but adds tliat those skilled iu the language believed the
Psalms of David to be written in metre. Isidore of
Seville claims for the heroic metre the highest antiquity,
inasmuch as the Song of Moses was composed in it, and
the Book of Job is written in dactyls and spoudees."
Joseph Scaliger was one of the first to point out the
fallacies of Jerome's method. Tet this scholar himself,
in attempting to explain the natui'e of the rhythm in
' The reader who is unacquainted \pith classical metres may see
tlic common forms in the following disticli, translated from Schiller
by Coleridge : —
'* I'n tho hexameter rises tlin fountain's silvpry cUumn ;
I'n the pentameter aye falliug iu melody bacli."
By comparinf? the accented syllahles (marked thus ') with the first
syllable iu hexameter and yeiitametcr, which accordiujj to classical
laws would ho /onj, but in these verses must be passed rapidly over
aa unaccented, he will sec the difference of qiiautity and accent.
" A duct'jl ia a foot composed of one Ions, followed by two short
eyllablea (" " *'); a spondee of two lonj (" ").
the Books of Proverbs and Job, makes use of classical
terms, comparing the verses to dimeter iamhicsfi
Gerhard Vossius says that in Job and in the Proverbs
there is rhythm, but no metre ; that is, regard is to be
had to the number of syllables, but not to tho quantity.
In tho Psalms and Lamentations, according to this
scholar, not even rhythm is obsen'ed.
Opiuions equally contradictory have prevailed in more
modern times. The advocates of a Hebrew metrical
system have been many and powerful, and even Bishop
Lowth, who so completely refuted Hare's method, and
whose own system, vrith certaiu modifications, has been
universally received among scholars, hesitated to deny
that tho ancient Hebrews possessed rules of prosody
analogous to those of Greece and Rome (Lowth, Led.
xix.). If liis hesitation has been shared by other
modem critics,^ and we must suppose that there were
some laws of Hebrew versification which it is impos-
sible to recover, there is an overwhelming concurrence
of opinion on other points, wliich leave no doubt as to
what were tho essential features of Hebrew poetry.
Quantity and metre, in the sense in which a -Greek
would understand the words, must be given up. Of
rhyme proper Hebrew verse knew nothing. Instances
of assonance, indeed, are common, and the appearance
of the same suffix, sometimes in five or six words to-
gether, shows that the Hebrew oar, like the French,
delighted in the f i-equent repetition of identical sounds ;
but there is nothing corresponding to the charm of a
perfect rhyme at tho end of a line, which is so delight-
ful in English and German poetry.^ It boars a nearer
resemblance to alliteration,'^' which formed so marked
a feature of early English poetry, and is practised
■* An iambus consisted of two syllables, a short and lon^
(" ~). Foot is the name given to the combinations of long: and
short syllables (in English of accented and unaccented syllables).
Metre, in its technical sense, denotes either a single foot in a
verse, or a combination of two consecutive feet.
^ Cf. Taylor. " That a people 60 pre-eminently musical by con-
stitution should have failed to perceive, or should not have brought
under rule, the rhythm of words aud sentences, could. not easily
be believed." {Spirit of Hebrew Poetry, p. 42.)
5 In Song of Solomon v. 1, out of eighteen words, twelve
end in the same sound t (et), three in u, two in vn, only one word
being without a rhyme. .Some o£ the Liturgical Psalms, as cvi.,
show a special tendency to this .".ssonance.
^ Alliteration consists of the recurrence of words begiaming with
the same letter or sound- Spenser, among English poets, uses it
most frequently. Lines of this kind are common iu his poetry : —
" They wasted had much uay, and measur'd jaany miles."
Alternate alliteration is the most pleasing : —
** Her dainty iimbs did iay.*' (Spenser.)
.f ssoiiance is rhyme occui-riug in other parts of the verse than the
end. The followiug lines from Tennyson's J.ost TouiiiamaLt com-
bine instances of assonance and alliteration : —
" Conceits himself as God, that he can make
Figs out of t/dsUcs, siU: from bristles, viilk
From burning spurge, honey from Itoruet-combs."
The following verses from Jeremiah (iii. 21,25) will give an idea cf
Hebrew assonance : —
" Vehabbosheth achlah eth-yogiah avothonu minnnr^nu
Eth-zonam veoth-bekaram eth-beneyem veeth-bouothcycm
Nishchevah bevashtenu
Uthchass6nu elielimmathcuu cbi layahovah Eloheynu
Khataanu auakhuu
Veavothenu minnurL-nn veh.id-hayoui hazzeh
Velo shamaanu bekol Yehovah Eloheynu."
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTURE.
271
with sucli subtlo and charming effect by modern poets.
It is cvca doubtful whether any regard was paid to
the nuinbor of syllables, as distinguished from words.
Herder says the syllables cannot be scanued, nor even
counted. The laws of Hebrew accent are involved in
the gi-eatest obscurity.
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTUEE.
THE LOCAL COLOUEING OF ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES.
BY THE EDITOR.
HE heading which I have prefixed to this
part of the series of papers on the
Coincidences of the Bible requires, per-
liaps, some explanation. Wliat 1 mean is
briefly this, lu proportion as any writer ha,s influenced
the minds of his own generation largely, and through
them has reached even those who have como after him
for many centuries, we may expect to find him with
quick and ready intellect, wide sympathies, living ima-
gination. The letters of such a man, whether addressed
to individiials or societies, will not bo stamped with
the dull uniformity of an official circular, nor the logical
precision of a dogmatic treatise. They wiU bear
traces of the emotions, associations, memories that
gather round the place from which ho writes, or the
circumstances of his life at the time, or the sxiccial
characteristics of those to whom liis letter is addressed.
The presence of such features in letters ascribed to
him, the subtle links of thought, the allusive references
to the history of persons or places, are, so far as they
go, prima, facie evidence of their genuiuoness. When
it is shown in two or three instances that such pheno-
mena mark the style of the mau with a distinct indivi-
duality, then their presence in another instance is again,
so far as it goes, a confirmation of any external evidence
which there may bo as to the authenticity of other letters
which boar the name of the same writer. I find no
better phrase to describe this characteristic than that of
" local colouring." I propose, so far as I am able, to
apply this test first to the epistles and afterwards to
the recorded speeches of St. Paul. In doing so I shall,
of course, have to notice coincidences that have already
been pointed out by such writers as Paloy and Mr.
Birks, or in commentaries on the Epistles of which I
speak, some, perhaps, that I have myself already dwelt
on in the pages of The Bible Educator or elsewhere.
I can only hope (1) that in so doing I may bring them
within the knowledge of many readers who have not
liithorto been acquainted with them, and (2) that to
those who will recognise them as more or less famifiar,
it may be a gain to see them as from a new point of
view, differently grouped, converging to a new conclu-
sion. I shall take the Epistles in what is generally
recognised as their chronological order, and shall accord-
ingly begin with
THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS.
1. The city of Thessaloniea, as a sea-port town on the
shores of the Thermaic Gulf, had become under the later
Macedonian kings, and yet mere under the Empire, a
place of extensive commerce. As such it had attracted,
just as Corinth did, a largo Jewish population. While
at Philippi, the Roman colonia X>v garrison town, there
was only the out-door gathering by the river-side, where
prayer was wont to be made, and whore the worshippers
consisted predominantly, if not exclusively, of women ;
while at Amphipolis and ApoUonia there would seem,
to have been no Jewish residents at all, neither syna-
gogue nor place of prayer ; at Thessaloniea there was,
not as the Authorised Version gives it, " a synagogue of
the Jews," but the synagogue, that which was resorted
to not only by the Jews of Thessaloniea itself, but by
those who lived in other towns or villages within reach.
Here, as in other cities where the two races were brought
into contact, many of the Greeks wore attracted by the
higher faith, or purer morality, or mysterious claims
of Israel, and enrolled themselves among those whom
the rabbis called " proselytes of the gate," worshippers,
that is, of the one true God, though not bound by
the law of circumcision and other ceremonial rites,
and whom St. Luke describes by the word " devout."
As at Rome, and apparently at Philippi, many of these
converts wero women of the upper classes of society.
As part of the population of the toivn, however, we
have to note those whom our translators call "lewd
fellows of the baser sort," literally, " men of the market-
place," the turha forensis of the Roman orators, the
" loafers " of modem Americanisms, the crowd of idlers
hanging about for odd jobs or stray excitement, the
material out of which mobs are formed at a moment's
notice, or which swells, as soon as an opportunity
is offered, the ranks of mendicancy and pauperism.
Stirred up by the uubelieviug Jews, these were the men
who dragged Jason, the host of the Apostle and his
companion SUas, and others, with brutal violence to the
politarchs, or city rulers (that was the special title of
the magistrates of Thessaloniea), and chai-ged theui with
turning the world upside down, proclaiming another
king, one Jesus, in opposition to the authority of the
Roman emperor.' Such a charge is always likely, in
the nature of things, to be a distortion of tho truth
rather than a pure invention, and we might infer from
it that over and above the simimary of St. Paul's
preaching which St. Luke gives, as setting forth that
" Christ must needs suffer and rise again from the dead,
and that this Jesus whom I preach unto you is the
Christ" (Acts xvii. 3), he must have given special
1 The Greek gives, we may note, the eame word for the two
titles.
272
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
prominence to the kingly office and cliaracter of the
Lord Josus. Finally, the impression left on the mind
of St. Luke by what he had heard or seen of the Church
of Thessalonica was on the whole loss favourable than
that of most other churches. T*hey were " less noble,"
less ingenuous and earnest in their pursuit of truth
than their neighbours of Bercea, more disposed to accept
or to reject what was put before them without a careful
scrutiny. Such were the general features of the popula-
tion which has become memorable as the first to which
the great Apostlt' addressed any letter that is still extant
— perhaps (though it would be a bold thing to affirm it
positively) the first church with wliich ho adopted the
plan of communicating by epistles addressed to the
.society as a whole, as distinct from individual members
of it. Let us see how far the " local colouring " of the
ei)i3tlos harmonises with them.
(1.) The dangers from without which St. Paul dwells
on in the epistles (written, we must remember, from
Corinth, and within a few months of his visit) were
precisely such as the presence of an excitable mob such
as that described in the Acts was likely to occasion.
Thoy "had received the word in much affliction"
(1 Thess. i. 0). They had sufiered at the hands of
their own coimtrymen treatment like that which the
disciples of Judsea had experienced there (1 Thess. ii. 14).
Thoy liad shown " patience and faith " in all their
" tribulations and afflictions " (2 Thess. i. 4). What St.
Paul had seen in the case of Jason and his friends had
been repeated afterwards.
(2.) But there wore also, strange as it may seem,
dangers from the presence of a portion of that class
within the church. Attracted by the lavish alms of the
church in the first days of its fervent zeal, they flocked
in to be partakers of the daily or weekly dole. They
were disorderly, "working not at all," yet meddling
everywhere, having no proper business of their own,
yet " busybodies " (2 Thess. iii. 11). By oral teaching
when he was present (the "tradition" of 2 Thess. iii. 6),
by strong injunctions in his Epistle, he sought to check
these evils, and to enforce the gi'eat law of all organised
benevolence, that " if a man will not work," luill not
work when he can, " neither shall ho eat " (1 Thess. iii.
10). It was perhaps in consequence of what he had
seen of this tendency that the Apostle adopted the rule
of life which was so noble a contrast to this debasing
idleness, and refused to accept any payment or support
from any church during the time in which he was
actually present. After he had left, if gratitude were
strong enough, and they remembered him with affection,
thoy might send tokens of their love ; and so we find
that while St. Paid was at Thcssalonica, ho twice re-
ceived such offerings from the church of Philippi (Phil.
iv. 16). But so long as he remained in any city no man
should be able to taunt him with being a parasite at
the tables of the rich, or liring on the hard-earned
gains of the poor. The labour might be hard, stretching
into the hours of night as well as day, and the wages
scanty, but the Apostle would by his own exjimplc
make men feel that there was a diguity in the indepen-
dence of honest labour which they were in the habit of
forgetting (2 Thess. iii. 7 — 9). That such taunts were
aimed at the Apostle we see but too plainly. He has
to defend himself against the charge of "pleasing men,"
of using " flattering words," of making his mission a
pretence or " cloke" for covetousuess (1 Thess. ii. 4,5).
So with clean hands ho can call ou them to resist the
temptation that beset them, to " study to be quiet, and
to do their own business" (1 Thess. iv. 11).
(3.) The narrative of the Acts taken by itself leads to
the conclusion that the teaching of St. Paul at Thessa-
louica gavo special prominence to the kingly office of tho
Lord Jesus as the Christ. The Epistles show that ho
proclaimed that office precisely in the form in which it
was most likely to startle and disturb men's minds. It
was not as a spiritual kingdom, divine, eternal, waiting
for a distant manifestation, that he then thought or spoke
of it. The times and the seasons were as yet unrevealed
to him, and that which he believed and taught was that
the coming of the Lord Jesus in all the glory and might
of His kingdom might be expected within the lifetime
of that generation. It is true that l^o checked the ten-
dency to look upon it as immediate, that he looked for
a fuller development of evil, for some visible leader of
all the hosts of evU, for the epiphany of the " lawless
one," the "man of sin," in all his mysterious terrors;
for the yet more mighty and wonderful epiphany of the
Lord, to conquer in the last battle of the great warfare
that had been waged from the beginning, and to destroy
with the brightness of His presence all that had opposed
Him. But even in these anticipations of tho stages of the
great unfolding drama, the Apostle, it would seem, took
no account of the long centuries and manifold changes
which were to intervene between the beginning and the
end. To him, with that want of perspective which seems
to have been inseparable from tho ^-isions of all prophets,
These great events might follow one upon another in
rapid succession — it might be (and ho prayed and hoped
it might bo) mthin the limits of his own lifetime.
The effect of that teaching ou such a population as
that of Thcssalonica was naturally unsetthng. As in
the tenth century, when the belief that the end of tho
first milleunium of the Christian era would also be tho
end of the world, led men to date charters and edicts
with the words, " Appropinquante fine seeculi," and
thousands forsook their ordinary employments for a
wandering and unsettled life ; so in this case the expec-
tation of the second advent as close at hand worked in
two ways for e'\'il. It aggravated the tendency to a
life of mendicant idleness. It stimulated the morbid
excitability of ten-or or of hope. Voices were heard,
claiming to be inspu-ed utterances, proclaiming tho
nearness of that advent in far more positive terms than
the Apostle had ventured to employ. The tendency, at
that time so prevalent, to the manufactm-e of spurious
documents, to prove whatever men wanted to prove, or
injure any one thoy wished to injure, led somo subtle
foo or over-zealous friend to forgo a letter with the
Apostle's signature, asserting tlio certainty of the
immediate coming of Christ and the closing of the
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
273
■sTcrld's history (2 Thess. ii. 2). On one class of minds
the expectation had a different influence. Buoyed up
with eager expectations of their own blessedness, as
still living upon the earth and sharing in the glory of
the kingdom of tlie saints, they mourned with bitter
"hopeless sorrow for those who were snatched away by
death, and so, as they thought, out off from all partici-
pation in that glory, even though there might be reserved
for them some share in a far-off resurrection. Against
that dark imagination the Apostle, even while he still
clung to the belief in the nearness, though not the im-
mediatonoss, of the coming, was guided to protest. To
Mm that thought was destructive of the idea of the
unity of the Church, of the communion of saints. His
first utterance on what we call eschatology, the doctrine
of the Last things, is that which he was taught " by the
word of the Lord," that " we which are alive and re-
main unto the coming of the Lord shall not prevent
[shall not, i.e., in any way get the start of] them which
are asleep" (1 Thess. iv. 15).
So far we have seen how the character of the popula-
tion at Thessalonica affected the thoughts and language
of St. Paul's Epistles to that Church. But there may
be a local colouring traceable to the place from which
as well as that to which an epistle is written ; and there
are at least some conspicuous iuflueucos of that colouring
here, {a) He was writing from a city where the Church
was conspicuous frem the very first for its spiritual
gifts, including especially that of prophecy, and the
more marvellous power of " the tongues " which came to
be known as pre-eminently " the Spirit." Wliat he
thought as ts the relative worth of the two gifts we
find developed fully at a later period in chaps, xii. — xiv.
of the First Epistle to the Corinthians. But the germs
of that teaching, the condensed expression of the same
conviction, we find in the rule, "Quench not the Spirit,
despise not prophesyings," of 1 Thess. v. 19, 20. As
at Corinth, so also at Thessalonica, there was the risk
that mere frenzy, or demoniac cries, or blasphemous
anathemas (1 Cor. xii. 3), or wild predictions of the
coming end, might simulate the form and claim the
authority of spiritual utterances, and it was therefore
necessary to lay down the rule, "Prove [i.e., test and
examine] all things ; hold fast that which is good." (6)
A careful examination of the Epistles to the Corinthians
would show that there was something approaching to a
marked contrast between the chjiracter of his teaching
in the two churches, both of which ho had founded
within a few months. The words in which ho speaks of
the second advent of the Lord (1 Cor. xv. .51, 52) are
obviously such as he would use in proclaiming a truth
which those to whom he wrote had not heard before.
He shows them a " mystery " as the answer to their
doubts and perplexities as to the resurrection of the
body, into which they had not previously been initiated.
That fact is, I venture to tliink, singularly suggestive.
At Thessalonica he had made the terrors and the glories
of that advent the chief topic of his preaching, and had
foimd that it left men over-excited, and drew thorn
from their wonted industries. He had been at Athens,
and there had reasoned with those Greeks who " sought
after " wisdom on their own groimd ; had met Epicu-
reans and Stoics with a philosophy deeper and diviner
than their own. He came to Corinth, uniting in its
trade, wealth, culture something of the characteristics of
either city, and there followed another, and, as the result
showed, a more effective method. He neither stimu-
lated the Jewish craving for .signs from heaven, portents,
and catastrophes, nor the Greek appetite for abstract
speculation. When he began his work in that city, he
determined, as by a new resolution of self-restraint, con-
trolling his own desire to soar into higher regions, to
know nothing and tcj, preach nothing among them but
"Jesus Christ and Him crucified" (1 Cor. ii. 2). He
had learnt that the story of the Cross as showing forth
at once the eternal Righteousness aud the eternal Love
was a mightier instrument for the conversion of the
souls of m«n than any "excellency of speech or wisdom."
With that he laid the foundation, reson-ing other doc-
trines and developments for the superstructure. That
was the "pm-e milk" with which ho nurtured those
who as yet were babes in Christ, reserving for a later
stage of growth the " strong meat " that belongeth to
those that are of full age.
THE OLD TESTAMENT EULFILLED IN THE NEW.
ST THE EET. WILLIAM MILLIOAN, D.D., PEOFESSOK OF DIVIKITY AND BIBLICAL CRITICISM IN THE UNIVEESITT
OF ABERDEEN.
SACEED SEASONS {continued).
lE have already had occasion to notice tho
peculiar importance of the seventh month
of Israel's sacred year, an importance
appearing in the religious rites with which
its very fii'st day was introduced. Tho course of the
month corresponded to its opening ; or rather, tho open-
ing ceremonial was arranged with a view to tho solemn
seasons immediately to follow. Of these by far the
greatest and most instructive was the Day of Atono-
42 — VOL. II.
ment, which fell on the tenth day of tho month, whicli
stood forth, from among all the sacred days of Israel,
alone, distinguished by services altogether peculiar to
itself, and unequalled in the clearness and impressive-
ness alike of its bearing on the past and of its typical
relation to the future. All tho lesser atonements of
the year then reached their culminating point, whUo
the holiness of God, the evil of sin, the completeness
of the pardon offered to the sinner, and the blessed
274
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
consequences of restoration to the Divine favour were
exhibited and brought home to the people with an even
singular degree of distinctness and power. There is
no sacred season of the Old Dispensation, too, whose
" fulfilling " is more distinctly spoken of in the New
Testament.
Upon the lesser features of the time it is unnecessary
to dwell at any length. Like all the great days of Israel,
the Day of Atonement was to be one of " holy convoca-
tion ;" it was to be a sabbath of rest " from even " — that
is, the evening of the 9th — " nnto oven," the evening
of the 10th, and no work was to be done on it, under the
penalty of being destroyed from amongthe people (Lev.
xsiii. 27, 30, 32). The grand peculiarity of the day,
however, apart from the more special services which
marked it, was that it was a day when every Israelite
was to " afflict his soul." The expression is a remark-
able one, and is not to be resolved into an injunction to
fast. In no one passage of the Old Testament, where
the word thus rendered " afflict " frequently occurs, does
it appear to be used in such a sense ; while, on the other
hand, fasting is denoted by a word not met with in the
Pentateuch. No doubt it is true that in later times,
when Israel had lost sight of the spiritual elements con-
tained in the legislation of Moses, and had sunk into a
carnality and worldliness from which prophet after pro-
phet in vain endeavoured to arouse it, fasting became
tho chief observance by which the original precept was
obeyed, insomuch that, as we learn from Acts xxvii. 9,
the tenth day of the seventh month was especially dis-
tinguished as "the fast." But it was not so at the
begimiing. Not in any outward observance of that
kind, however commendable, do we see the true signifi-
cance of the act referred to here, but in such passages as
the following — "How long wilt thou refuse to humhle
thyself before me ?" " And thou shalt remember all the
way which the Lord thy God led thee forty years in the
wilderness, to Immhle thee and to prove thee ;" "I am
afflicted very much ;" " He was oppressed, and he was
afflicted, yet he opened not his mouth " (Exod. x. 3 ;
Deut. viii. 2; Ps. cxix. 107; Isa. liii. 7). Texts like
these reveal to us the deep moaning of " afflicting the
soul," taking us far beyond any mere act of fasting, and
showing us that humiliation of heart and godly" sorrow
woro requh-ed and valued long before the time when
David said, " The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit ;
a broken and a contrite heart, O God, thou wilt not
despise." Such then was the general character of the
day, and in this manner was Israel prepared for its
special services. After the usual morning offering,
after tho "affliction" of the preceding evening and
night, these services began.
As everything to be represented was to be represenfod
in its highest potency and in its most striking form, the
great duties of tho day devolved not upon the ordinary
priests, but upon the high priest alone. First of all, ho
had to bathe himself wholly, and not as tlio priests
officiating at the common sacrifices, only partially, in
water. Next ha put on a dress used by him on no
other occasion of the year. " He shall put on," it is
said, " the holy linen coat, and he shall have tho linen
breeches upon his flesh, and shall be girded with a linen
girdle, and with the linen mitre shall he bo attired :
these ai'e holy," — or rather the holy — "garments ; there-
fore shall ho wash his flesh in water, and so put them
on " (Lev.xvi. 4). The di-ess was thus entirely different
from the ordinary high priestly attire, the splendour of
the latter being laid aside, and plain white linen, such as
tliat worn by the common priests, being substituted for
its variegated colours and golden and jewelled orna-
ments. This circumstance has led to the idea that the
change was designed to harmonise with the general
humiliation and contrition of the day, as well as to
denote a reduction, in accordance with it, of the decora-
tions of the high priest to the style of an ordiuary priest,
the slight differences that still remained between tho
two being intended only to make tho simplicity more
complete, and to leave some mark by which the eleva-
tion of tho high priest over others might bo known.^ It
is impossible for many reasons to accept such an ex-
planation. The fact that any difference at all was left
between this high priestly and the common priestly
dress, would itself be conclusive against the supposition
that it was the object of the arrangement to equalise tho
two ; but the whole idea of equalisation must bo rejected
when we remember that the very kernel of the services
of tho day was that the high priest alone was entitled
to perform them. A central idea of this kind could not
have been conti'adictod by the symbolism employed.
Again, a garment of white is never in Scripture the gar-
ment of humiliation. It is rather the garment of com-
pleted holiness and heavenly glory. It is that given to
the souls beneath the altar slain for the word of God
and for the testimony which they held ; that of the
multitude which no man can number standing before
the throno and before tho Lamb; that of the armies
following Him who is King of kings and Lord of lords ;
that of the angels in heaven ; nay, that even of the Son
himself, whose raiment, when his glory broke through
the veil of his humiliation, was " white as the light "
(Rev. vi. 11 ; vii. 9 ; xix. 14; Matt, xxviii. 3; xvii.2). It
was, therofoi'e, not in garments of humiliation that tho
high priest appeared on the day wo are considering, but
in garments symbolical of tho perfect holiness to be
possessed by one who would approach into the imme-
diate presence of a holy God.
Having clothed himself in his appropriate dress, the
high priest next proceeded to tho selection of the vic-
tims. He supplied at his own cost a bullock, at the cost
of tho people two goats, for a sin-offering. Tlie object
contemplated by tho choice of two goats instead of one
must be afterwards more fully considered by us. In the
meantime it is sufficient to observe that they were in-
tended to express two parts of one complex idea which,
in the nature of the case, it was impossible to express by
one. It is a tradition of the Rabbins, in all probability
correct, that the goats were to bo in every respect alike ;
1 See among others Kuvz, SacnVicial irorsJivp o/ ihc Old Testament,
Clark's TranslatiOD, p. 339.
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE IsTEVT.
and this at least was the prescription of the Law, that
only by casting lots upon them could it bo dotormined
what pai't in the ceremonial was to bo assigned to each.
Wten the lot had been cast, one goat was set apart " for
the Lord ;" the other, it is said, " for Azazcl " (Lev. xvi.
8), and both they and the bullock were then placod at
the door of the tabernacle, to await the moment when
they would be needed.
The preparations being thus completed, the offerings
• of the day began. First of all, the high priest ofEerod
the bullock as a sin-offering " for himself and for his
house" — that is, for himself and the whole priesthood
of Israel. Having slain the bullock and collected its
blood in a basin, which he seems to have left standing
for a few moments in the holy place, ho took a censer
" full of burning coals of fire from off tho altar before
the Lord, and his hands full of sweet incenso beaten
small." Ho then drew aside the veil separating tho
Holy of Holies from the holy place, and moved on no
other occasion during the whole year but thLs, and
passed into the innermost and most holy shrine. Cast-
ing the incense upon the burning coals, ho filled the
Holy of Holies with the smoke of the incense, sending
a sweet savour throughout the house. Then he
returned to the holy place for the blood of tho bullock,
and, again entering within the veil, sprinkled with his
finger tho blood upon the mercy-seat eastward, and
seven times before the mercy- seat upon tho ground.
Thus the offering for the priesthood and for tho most
sacred part of the tabernacle or temple, in so far as it
stood related to the priesthood, was complete. The
offei-ing for the people foUowed. It was mado with tho
blood of tho goat set apart " for tho Lord " by lot, and
which the high priest had in the meaatimo skin. Tho
ceremonial was tho same as before. Tho blood was
sprinkled once upon the mercy-seat, and then seven
times before tho mercy-seat upon the ground, thus finish-
ing the atonement for tho people, and for tho Holy of
Holies in its connection with them.
Tho holy place now became the scene of the high
priest's operations. Taking the blood of tho bullock
and of the goat, and excluding every one from tho en-
closure during the performance of tho ceremony, he
acto<I towards the altar of incense in tho holy place
exactly as he had done towards tho mercy-seat within
tho veil, and with the similar result of atoning for and
cleansing both tho altar and the place in which it stood.
, Tho forecourt with ita altar of burnt-offering now
aJone remained, laid steps analogous to those already
taken with the holy place and with tho Holy of Holies
were taken with them. " And he shall go out," it is
said, " unto tho altar that is before the Lord, and make
atonement for it ; and shall take of tho blood of tho
bullock and of the blood of the goat, and put it upon
the horns of the altar round about. And he shall
sprinkle of tho blood upon it with his finger seven
times, and cleanse it, and hallow it from the uncleannoss
of tho children of Israel " (Lev. xvi. 18, 19). Thus the
forecourt also was cleansed, and, as far as regarded
the various courts and altars, and, by implication, tho
utensils of the Temple, nothing further was needed to
be done.
The most remarkable ceremony of the day, however,
still remained to be accomplished. It took place with
the second goat, which had been loft standing aU this
while in its appointed place. Tho high priest laid
both his hands upon its head, confessed over it " all the
iniquities of the chUdreu of Israel, and all their trans-
gressions in all their sins," putting them upon tho head
of the goat, and then sent it away by the hand of a fit
man, or rather of a man appointed, into the vrilderness.
The leading parts of the ceremonial of tho day wore
now finished ; and, ia expression of this, tho high priest
was instructed to return into tho holy place, to put off
tho white linen garments in which he had been clothed,
to bathe himself, and to resume his ordinary high
priestly robes. Ho thou offered his own burnt-offering
an<l tho burnt-offering of tho people, bmning along with
these the fat of tho two animals, the bullock and tho
goat, that had been slain for a sin-offering. Meanwhile
the remaining parts of these animals had to be carried
outside the camp, and there in a clean place consumed
with fire. The person to whom this task w;is entrusted,
as woU as he who had led away tho live goat into the
wilderness, had finally, as themselves unclean, to wash
themselves in water before they were permitted again
to take their -place among the people. When all this
had been effected, festival sacrifices, similar to those
which had marked the Feast of Ti-umpets on tho first
day of tho month, were offered "for a sweet savoiu'
unto the Lord," one young bullock, one ram, and seven
lambs of the first year, all ivithont blemish, together
with their appointed meat and drink offerings, and one
kid of the goats for a sin-offering (Numb. xxix. 8 — 11).
Having thus described as briefly as possible tho cere-
monial of this sacred season, it is necessary, before
speaking of its fulfilment under tlie New Testament
Dispensation, to advert to its meaning for those who
were immediately concerned with it. That meaning is
not difiicult to ascertain except in one particular, which
it will be well, therefore, first to notice. Wliat are we
to understand by the words " for tho scape-goat,"' or, to
employ the expression of the original, "for Azazel ?"
Tho word "Azazel" occurs only four times in the
Old Testament, and nowhere else. These four texts,
too, are all within the compass of a single chapter, the
16th of Leviticus (vs. 8, 10 twice, 20), and not one of
them is clear. Tho utmost diversity of opinion has,
accordingly, prevailed as to the signification of the word.
Without entering at any length into the controversy, it
may .bo said that two classes of interpretation alone
seem worthy of regard — tho one, that which understands
by tho term tho devil, or some evil spirit inhabiting tho
wildemess; tho other, that which supposes either the
wilderness as a whole or some pai-ticuLar part of it to be
meant. It seems impossible to receive tho former. How-
ever widely accepted, and that by scholars of not less
piety than learning, difficulties attend it which, speaking
for ourselves at least, we are unable to overcome. It is
vain to plead on its behalf that tho id»ia of an offering to
276
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the devil is not intended to be esprossod. Tiio very con-
trast in Lev. xvi. 8, whicli is supposed to make it neces-
sary to refer Azazel to a person, "one lot for the Lord,
and the other lot for Azazel," must, if it lead us thus
far, lead us further. Wo shall also have to interpret the
preposition " for " in both these clauses in the same way,
and as the idea of devotion is certainly in the one, it
must be carried into the other. Suoh a conception,
however, is not only against tho whole analogy of Scrip-
ture, it is opposed to tho clear teaching of this particular
chapter, whore we learn that the two goats constituted
only one sin-offering (ver. 5), where we see that both were
presented to the Lord in precisely tho same way as
His (ver. 7), and whore we are even expressly told of the
one now under consideration, that it was to be set before
the Lord " to make atonement for him " (not as in our
English Version, " to make atonement with him," ver. 10)
— that is, to be itself an object in which atonement is
carried out, so that, when it afterwards boars away the
people's sins into tho wUdemoss, it does so as accepted
and holy in God's sight. Obliged, therefore, to abandon
this class of interpretations, there seems no help for it
but to take refuge in the other, which refers the word
either to tho wilderness as a whole or to some special
part of it. It can hardly be tho former, owing to the
tautology which would thus bo introduced into Lev. xvi.
10. We are compelled, then, to have recourse to the
latter, and to understand the word to mean a portion of
the wilderness more than ordinarily remote and desolate
and wild.' The wilderness itself was not wholly wild.
It was rather in many parts a place of pasturage for
sheep aad cattle, with grassy spots and pleasant nooks.
Not to any of these was the second goat to bo taken, but
to one of its most lonely and rugged solitudes, far from
Jerusalem, whence return to the abodes of men should
be impossible, where it should never be heard of more.
It cannot be protended that even this interpretation is
free from difficulties ; but, whether accepted or not, the
general idea to be attached to the words "for Azazel"
seems clear. It is for final and complete removal.
Lot us turn to the moaning of the ceremonial of the
Day of Atonement as a whole.
The name of tho day, a name expressly given it in
Lev. xxiii. 28, is at onco significant of its design. " It
is," says Moses, " a day of atonement, to make an atone-
ment for you before tlie Lord your God." It occupied,
however, a ground entirely different from that of all
the other atonements of the year. It was not, like
them, for individual and scattered sins. Neither was it
intended only to supplement them, to supply deficiencies
by which they miglit have been marked, or to cover sins
whicli might have been forgotten. It embraced not
some sins only of some of tho members of the congre-
gation, but all the sins of aU, from the high priest at its
head to its meanest and most obscure member. In
short, it was an atonement, in regard to all the sins of
Israel, individual and complete. Nay, not only so.
• Compare Wangenianu, Das Opfer nach Lchrc dcr ndlvjen Schrifl
Altcn mid Nemn Testaments, i. 373, etc.
Its efficacy was designed to extend to the tabornacle or
the Temple itself, to all its parts, to tho courts which
Israel had trodden and, in treading, had defiled, to tho
altars on which its victims had been laid, to the utensils
employed in the services engaged in on its behalf, to
everything with which it had been brought into contact,
and to which, therefore, it had communicated in a greater
or a less degree its own uncleanness. " And ho shall
make an atonement," it is said, " for tho holy sanctuary,
and he shall make an atonement for the tabernacle of
the congregation, and for the altar " (Lev. xvi. 33) ;
while the reason of this is given in another verse of the
same chapter (ver. 16), " because of the uncleanness of
tho children of Israel, and because of their transgres-
sions in all their sins," and because "the tabornacle re-
maineth among them in the midst of their uncleanness ' '
— so wide, so comprehensive, so all-embracing was the
atonement of this day. Everything, accordingly, was
arranged in such a manner as to exhibit this idea in its
sharpest lines and in its highest potency. Instead of
tho ordinary priests, the high priest, the earthly head
and representative of tho whole theocracy, could alone
perform the prescribed rites. Instead of his ordinary
dress, he had a special dress for the occasion, which is
spoken of with a distinct emphasis in different passages
as " holy garments," while the epithet " holy " is even
extended to one of its parts (Lev. xvi. 4, 32). Instead
of the holy place being used as the place for the ap-
pointed ministering, the Holy of Holies, so sacred that
no foot might tread within it at any other season of tho
year, was entered by the high priest for the perform-
ance of some of his most solemn functions on that day.
Instead of the blood of the sin-offering being sprinkled
only on tho altar to which it was usually applied, it
was sprinkled on, or, if not on — for there is some little
doubt upon the point — at least toward that covering
of the ark of the testimony, resting under tho wings of
the cherubim, which was to Israel the pecidiar and at
other times unapproachable seat of the Almighty. In-
stead of offering only for others, the high priest then
offered for himself also, and for the whole priestly family
of the land. Instead of the many victims slain at the
ordinary festiv.al seasons of tho year, one bullock alono
was now slain for tho priests, and one victim — though
formally two goats were needed to embody the idea —
for tho people. EinaUy, an altogether special rite sjth-
bolised the complete removal of sin, while the very soil
of the sacred enclosure, and the very materials employed
in tho worship offered there, were also atoned for and
cleansed. No wonder that the day became, as it did
become, the most memorable of the whole year. It
was a point at which old things passed away and all
things wore made new.
We turn to the Now Testament fulfilment of flie
services now considered by us. In doing so, no doubt
can bo left upon our minds as to that in which they are
accomplished. Apart from more general expressions
of the Now Testament which point out their typical
relation to tho person and work of tho Redeemer, the
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews (chaps, ix., x.) has
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
277
entered fuEy into the matter, and spoken of various
particulars iu which the fulfilment we are in search of
has taken place. Like the festival seasons described in
previous papers, this sacred season is fulfilled in the
Lord Jesus Christ and in his Church.
In the first place, it is fulfilled in Christ himself ; for
as there was then a high priest mediating between God
and Israel, so Christ is the great High Priest of the New
Testament Israel, not indeed infirm and sinful, needing
to offer up sacrifices for himself and the priesthood as
well as for the people, and clothed in garments only
symbohcal of holiness, but who is " holy, harmless, im-
defiled, separate from sinners " (Heb. vii. 26). Again,
as Israel's high priest went on the Day of Atonement
within the veil, sending up from the censer in his hand
the cloud of holy and sweet incense, and knowing that
he might then stand accepted and heard beside the
mercy-seat, so our High Priest has passed through the
heavens into the immediate presence of God — his pre-
sence not as He dwells only symboHcaUy upon earth,
but as He dwells fiUiug all space and time, in his own
glorious abode. There He is our Advocate and Inter-
cessor with the Father, and the Father heareth Him
always. Still further, as there was then an offering for
Israel, so Christ is the offering for us, who " not by the
blood of goats and calves, but by his own blood entered
once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemp-
tion for us " (Heb. ix. 12). Thus is Christ at once the
priest who offers and the victim who dies on our behalf.
But more. As the oifering for Israel had its own ap-
pointed efficacy, so Christ's offering has its efficacy too,
only of a far higher kind, and that in a twofold aspect :
in the first place, pacifying the conscience, so that " the
worshipper once purged may have no more conscience
of sins " (Heb. x. 2) ; in the second place, securing the
fulfilment of the great promise of the New Covenant,
" I will put my laws into their hearts, and in their
minds wUl I write them " (Heb. x. 16), so that the
people of God are sanctified not only outwardly, but
inwardly, and are made new creatures in Christ Jesus.
Therefore docs the Christian's offering not need to be
repeated every year. It is an offering made once and
for ever. It so covers all the transgressions of the
past, it so extends its atoning power to the remotest
future, that, as " once in the end of the world Christ
hath appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice of him-
self," we no more look for another sacrifice, with aU its
humiliation and woe and suffering, but only for the
glorious appearing of Him who "to them that look for
Him will appear the second time without sin unto salva-
tion " (Heb. ix. 26, 28).
Such are the leading particulars upon which the sacred
writer dwells when he describes the fulfilment under the
Christian Dispensation of the great Day of Atonement
in Israel. He recognises the abiding, the eternal truth
of the ideas which that day embodied. Ho sees the need,
the validity, and the blessed effects of the offering for
sin that was then presented ; but he does not for a
moment think that, because the Temple on Mount Ziou
io no longer what it was, all this has passed away. The
form has passed away ; the ideas remain. They are
only transferred to a higher sphere, translated into more
perfect acts, productive of more glorious results.
It may indeed strike us with surprise that he makes
no mention of that part of tho ceremonial which is
always felt to be the strangest and most difficult of
interpretation, the sending away of the live goat into the
wUdomess. Surely the fact that he does not do so is in
no small degree a proof that he does not behold in this
any transaction of a separate and independent kind, any
transaction between the people and an evil spirit whose
abode was in the wilderness. Had such a thought been
present to his mind, he could hardly, in dwelliug so
largely upon the different features of the antitype, have
failed to notice that one which had so singular an ex-
pression given it in tho type. Both himself and his
readers would have felt that his exposition was incom-
plete, and the question would have been asked, what
it was in Christianity in which an incident of so re-
markable a nature found its substitute and fulfilment.
That he says nothing of it must be regarded as so far
at least a corroboration of the view which we have taken,
that that incident occupied no ground different in its
whole nature from the groimd upon which tho shedding
of the blood of the slain goat rested ; that the two goats
are iu reality one victim, devoted to tho same purpose,
accomphshing the same end ; that if the one be, as it is,
a type of the Redeemer, the other is not less so, though
it presents a somewhat different aspect of his work ; and
that two goats are made use of instead of one, simply
because it was impossible that, when one had been slain
to atone for sin, it could be further employed to set
forth the removal of sin into a place where it should be
no more remembered, and from which it could never
return to disquiet those who had been redeemed. That,
we must repeat, and that alone, was tho true meaning of
the act. Wo have in tho two goats nothing symbohcal
of the two natures of Christ, nothing of his death and
resurrection. The one is only the expression of the
truth that His blood cleanses from all sin, the other of
the fulfilment of the promises enjoyed and the expecta-
tions cherished by the saints of old, " As far as tho east
is from the west, so far hath he removed our transgres-
sions from us ;" " I, even I, am he that blottoth out thy
transgressions for mine own sake, and wiU not remember
thy sins ;" "In those days and in that time, saith the
Lord, the iniquity of Israel shall be sought for, and
there shall be none, and the sins of Judali, and they
shall not bo found;" "Who is a God like uuto thee, that
pardonoth iniquity, and passeth by the transgression of
the remnant of his heritage? He rotaineth not his
anger for ever, because he delighteth in mercy. He will
turn again; he will have compassion upon us; he will
subdue our iniquities ; and thou wilt cast all their sins
into tho depths of the sea " (Ps. ciii. 12 ; Isa. xliii. 25 ;
Jer. 1. 20 ; Micah vii. 18, 19).
But if tho services of tho Day of Atonement are thus
fulfilled in Christ, they are fulfilled also iu that Church
which is his body, the fulness of Him that fillcth all in
all. One with Him who is at once tho high priest ai;d
278
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the victim, the Cliurcli of the Redeemer passes with her
Lord into the holiest of all, into the immediate presence
of Ills Father and our Father, of his God and our God.
The veil that separated her from the mercy-seat has been
for ever rent in tvrain, and not once a year only, with
awo and trembling at the unwonted privilege, but con-
tinually, with joy and confidence ajid freedom, she goes
with prayer to the throne of grace to obtain " mercy and
grace to help in time of need." She does this because
she is in Christ Jesus, in whose death she dies, in
whose eternal life she lives, in whose intercession she
intercedes, and in whose being heard she obtains always
an answer to her prayers. In Christ's one offering,
first in that aspect of it presented by the slain goat, and
then in that other aspect of it presented by the goat
carrying all siu away into a land of forgetfulness, she
is if or ever perfected, assured that there is now for her
no condemnation, and seeing all her sins cast into the
depths of the sea. She is one with her Lord in his
atoning sacrifice, and one with Him in his high priestly
privileges ; one with Him in his offering, in his righteous-
ness, and in his joyful confidence in God; one with Him
in his " strong crying and tears," and one with Him in
his being heard because ho feared. Her sacrifice is
ideally over ; it has only in seLf-denial and self-sacrifice
to be appropriated and made her own. Therefore if in
one sense she has still to realise her position as a Church
offering herself up upon the altar with her Lord, " filling
up what remains behind of his sufferings," in another
she beholds that work accomplished, and has only to
re-clothe herself in her garments of glory and of beauty.
In this sense a bumt-offoring of praise alone remains
for her, that burnt-offering which the writer of the
Epistle to the Hebrews describes as her continual sacri-
fice of praise, " that is, the fruit of her lips giving thanka
to his name '' (xiii. 15).
It is for Christians then, as they transport themselves
in thought to the Day of Atonement in Israel, and as
they dwoU upon the privileges of which God's ancient
people must have felt that it was the source, to remem-
ber their own better portion, and to rejoice in their own
higher privileges. Let them behold themselves in their
position as the accepted children of God: let them
make Abba, Father the key-note of their lives ; and, en-
joying the privileges, let them also live the life of God's
children, the life of peace and joy and hope and liberty,
the life of willing obedience and unquestioning submis-
sion to their Father's will
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND COINS OF THE BIBLE.
BY F. E. CONDEB, C.E.
LINEAR MEASTJEES.
i^T is impossible thoroughly to understand
many parts of the Bible without a com-
petent knowledge of the various metrical
terms which are so frequently introduced.
We read of shekels and of talents ; of omers and of
ephas ; of the Feasts of Lights' and of Tabernacles ;
of the second Sabbath after the first ; of cubits, and of
a Sabbath day's journey. Unless we can form some
definite conception of the weights, the measures, the
dates, or the distances that are indicated by these and
similar words, we can only arrive at a dim and vague
comprehension of the meaning of the sacred writers.
The Jews were a people to whom, above all others,
incertitude on these points was intolerable. No ancient
literature is so precise in its definitions, as to number
.•md quantity, as the Hebrew tongue. The course of
daily fife was prescribed, in its minutest detail, to the
Jews by a Law that was at the same time sacred, civil, \
and criminal. Nothing was held to be incumbent on a
Jew, either to do or not to do, which was not prescribed
by one of the 613 afiirmative or negative precepts enume-
rated as contained in the Pentateuch. The exact bearing
of these precepts was explained by the Oral Law. And
to the prophets and sages, down to the death of Simon
the Just, and to the judicial decisions of the Sanhedrin
since the time of that groat high priest, was ascribed a
' A synonym for tlie Feast of Dedication (Joseph., Ant. xii. 7).
power of explaining or supplementing the traditional
Oral Laws, which combined the legislative and the
judicial functions of our own constitution.
Thus, for example, the validity of the religious rites of
the whole Jewish year hinged upon the due observance
of the Great Fast — that of the tenth day of the seventh
month. Had the ceremonies appointed for this fast
been performed, through any error, on the wrong day,
the whole nation would have been in the condition of a
Roman Catholic nation lying under an interdict. No
remedy for the broach of this great ordinance of the
Law was possible until the next recurrence of the Day
of Expiation. The determination of the proper com-
mencement of the seventh month, involving the pre-
vious determination of the first lunar month of the year,
was thus an annual duty of the most serious importance.
Again, with reference to the Feast of Tabernacles, in
which the escape from Egypt was commemorated,
certain dimensions were prescribed for the booths, ono
of which each householder was obliged to erect for,
and to inhabit during, the eight days allotted to that
festival. Thus the legal determination of the standard
cubit, and its aliquot parts, was a portion of the Oral
Law itself. Again, with regard to the different baths
required for legal purification — whether the total
plunging bath, called the bath of Ezra, or the ablutions
performed by pouring water over the hands or feet—
the minimum quantity of water that was required
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND COINS OF THE BIBLE.
270
for legal purification was accurately prescribed; and
thus the maintenance of the true standard of vessels of
capacity was intertwined with the ritual of the Temple.
The units or primary dimensions of caoli several
system of measurement — for length, for capacity, for
weight, and for time — were all referred in the Oral Law
to natural standards. An average grain of barley
formed, as in English long measure and in troy weight,
the unit of length and of weight. A largo hen's egg
was the unit of capacity. As to time, the construction
of a calendar was forbidden for use in Palestine ; and
direct observation of the moon, and of the ripening of
ears of corn, formed the appointed method for the
determination of dates. The adoption of these stan-
dards, rouglily approximate as they may appear when
compared witli the exactitude of mechanical science in
our own day, has proved to be a more permanent and
exact institution than that of any other ancient metrical
system. In Egypt, and in Assyria, we depend ex-
clusively on monumental evidence for any precise
information as to the measures employed. But our
knowledge of the natural standard specified by the
Jewish Law, enables us not only to recover the actual
scales of these ancient Hebrew systems, but to under-
stand, as wo might otherwise be unable to do, much of
the metrical history of other peoples.
The first and simplest system of measurement is that
"which is called in the English language "long measure,"
or the determination of distances by linear measure.
As to this, we have positive information from the great
writers Moses ben Maimon and Obadiah do Bartenora,
in their commentaries on the treatise Eriibbi, and on
other parts of the Mishna. The various items have also
been collected with much care by the Abbe Chiarini, and
are to be found in the preface to his translation of the
first treatise of the Talmud of Babylon. For linear
measure, a double natural standard may bo said to
have been determined. For while, as we before said,
the unit or primary dimension is identical with that of
English long measure — viz., the barleycorn — every other
dimension, in one of the systems or scales, is taken
from the human body. The digit, of two barleycorns,
is the average width of a finger. The 2^tt^»i, of four
digits, is the width of the fingers when closely pressed
together. The cubit, of six palms, is the length from
the elbow to the end of the middle finger. The cane
or canna, of four cubits, is the height of an ordinary
man. Wo know that wo are correct in identifying the
length of the Syrian barleycorn with that of the English
dimension, from the fact that the ancient substructures
of the Temple, which have been recently explored by
our Royal Engineers, liavo aU boon set out in cubits of
sixteen inches, and are thus exactly commensurate with
the two-foot rule of the English workman.
Three terms occur in the Bible, which are translated
"hand-breadth," "span," and "half-cubit;" and the
distinction between them has not hitherto been made
clear. They are, however, distinct metrical dimensions.
The smallest dimension, which wo shall call the pidm, is
the width across the hand when the fingers are closed.
It is equal to four digits, or three English inches. The
second, tlie hand-breadth, is the double of this dimen-
sion, being tho width of the hand when the fingers aro
stretched apart. Tho third is tho span, or width from
the end of tho thumb to that of the little finger, when
the hand is expanded. These dimensions correspond
with Greek measures, although tho latter are on rather
a larger scale. A foui'th dimension on this scale corre-
sponds to the length of the foot, and to the Latin pes.
The Greek pous corresponds to the English foot of
twelve inches, and not to any dimension in this scale.
The ameh, smaller cubit, or cubit of five palms, has
both a Greek and a Latin cquiv;ilent. It is said in tho
Talmud that this smaller cubit was used for the vessels
of the Temple ; the larger cubit, of six palms, being tho
land and buOder's measure. This statement is con-
firmed by the Book of Ezekiel (Ezek. xliii. 16), where
sixty palms (translated "twelve cubits') is given as tho
length of half of each side of the altar.
A distinct, but not incommensurate, system of linear
measure is indicated in the description of the Templo
which is contained in the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel ;
a description which, wo are told by Maimonides, was
taken as the guide for the rebuilding of the sacred
edifice by Zerubbabel. In this account a cubit of ono-
twelfth greater length than the ordinary cubit is indi-
cated by the measuring-reed of six cubits and a half.
We aro enabled to speak with certitude of the length of
the reed or canna in question as being 104 inches, from
the fact that the larger dimensions of tho "noblo
sanctuaiy," as tho site of the Temple at Jerusalem is
called by the Moslem, have been so exactly set out by
this imodiihis, or scale, that the large Ordnance plan
(on the scale of
mi^ht lio thought to have been
actually plotted on that standard.
In the longer measures of length — the chief import-
ance of which was the determination of the limit of the
Sabbath day's journey, or distance from his domicUo to
which a Jew might travel on the Sabbath — we have u
scale of dimensions that aro readily expressed in terms
of English jrards, feet, and inches. They differ from
other European measures, whether Greek, Roman,
Italian, Spanish, French, or German, but they are com-
mensurate with our own. Tho length of tho Sabbath
day's journey was 2,000 paces, which is exactly 240 yards
more than an English mile. The mil, or smaller
Jewish mUe, was half the former distance, being 1,000
English yards. Tho resah, or Jewish furlong, was
the eighth of the mile, being tho equivalent of seventy
cannas, or 125 English yards. Thus, nothing can bo
more simple than the expression of Jewish measures of
length in terms of tho English foot.
With regard to tho two dimensions which exceed tho
length of the Sabbath day's journey, they must bo
regarded as rather approximate than geometric. Pales-
tine, at the present day, is almost without roads. There
are remains of some noble Roman roads, which may
possibly have followed the lines of earlier caravan
routes; but the distance which a foot-traveUer or a
horseman would accompliah in a day depended, in a
280
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
great degree, upon the nature of the country he had to
traverse. We have tabulated the day's journey as 160
furlongs, being ten furlongs more than the distance
taken from the Talmud, for the sake of uniformity
in the tables. The length indicated, which is ll-f*T
English miles, is ample for an average day's journey.
Prom Baphia, on the southern frontier of Palestine, to
CcBsarea, is a distance of seventy-fivo geogi-aphical
miles, as the crow flies. The army of Titus marched
this distance (a.d. 69) in five days. But this was the
feat of a Koman army over the main line of communica-
tion of the country. It is consistent with the smaller
distance as the ordinary limit of the traveller. We
annex tables of Jewish linear measure.
HEBEEW LINEAE MEASTTEES.
LAKGER MEASUEES OF LENGTH.
Cane.
Eesah.
Mil.
5 '^
Is
Parse.
t-5
Yards.
Cono ....
1
_
Furlong (Eesah)
Mil ... .
Sabb.-ith Day's )
Journey . |
Parse, Sfcage, \
-0
SCO
1,120
1
8
16
1
2
1
~
—
125
1.009
2,000
or Horse- V
2,24e
32
4
2
1
4,000
course . . }
Day's Journey .
11,200
160
20
10
5
1
20,000
SMALLER MEASURES OF
LENGTH.
Barley-
j corn.
Digit.
Palm.
Cubit.
Cane.
English
Inches.
Barleycorn .
1
—
_
•33
Digit . .
2
1
. —
•6S
Palm . .
8
4
1
2'66
Cubit . .
48
24
. 6
1
160
Cane . .
192
96
24
4
1
640
SMALLER MEASURES OF LENGTH,
According to the Chaldean System.
No. in
Hebrew
Enghsh
Greek
Eoman
Scale.
Name.
Name.
nearest
Equivalent.
nearest
Equivalent.
Inches.
1
Tupah
Palm
Doron
Palmus
3
2
Zereth
Uandbreadth
Lichas
minor
6
3
Sit
Span
( Ortho- )
I d(&ron (
8
4
Eegol
Foot
Spithame
Pea
107
5
Am eh
Small Cubit
Pygme
Palmipes
13-3
6
Gamad
Large Cubit
Pygon
Cubitus
16.
MEASUKES RECORDED IN THE BOOK OF EZEKIEL, AND-
USED IN THE " NOBLE SANCTUARY."
Ordinary
Cubit.
Sacred
Cubit.
Sacred
Cane.
English
Inches.
Cubit
Cane or Eeed
1^
6i
1
6
1
17-33
104
Side of tbeDruphactoa, or"^
perforated fence round > 500 Sacred Cubits ;
the Court of the "Women J
722 English feet.
EASTERN GEOGEAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE REV. H. W. PHILLOTT, M.A., RECTOR OF STAUNTON-ON-WTE, AN1> PRELECTOR OF HEREFORD CATHEDRAL.
NINEVEH.
1 ASSING by another great monument of
Babylonian greatness, al-Hymer (the red),
about eight miles N.E. of Hillah, scarcely
inferior in size to the remains already
described, but too distant to have belonged to the city
itself, we proceed towards the sit« of the great capital
of the Assyrian empire, the city of Nineveh. In doing
this the traveller will advance in a direction nearly due
nortli towards Baghdad, a distance of between fifty and
sixty miles, impeded frequently on his way, if during
the time of inundation, by the marshes created by the
numerous canals, once the channels of wholesome irriga-
tion, but now neglected, and fertile only in poisonous
miasma. Of these the principal is the Nahr-Malcha. or
royal river, probably " the river of Chebar " of Ezekiel,
which connects the Euphrates with the Tigris, and
which Herodotus describes as being navigable for .ships.
Its entrance into the Tigris is near the now ruined city
of Selcucia. (Ezok. i. 1 ; Herod, i. 193 ; Plin. vi. 120 ;
Kor Porter, Tmv., ii. 289.)
Baghdad, situate in long. 4A° 44', lat. 33'^ 19', contain-
ing about 170,000 inhabitants, whose name is so familiar
to all readers of the Arabian Nights, did not exist
before a.d. 668, and is therefore only indirectly con-
nected with Bible geography. It lies on beth sides of
the Tigris, which is crossed by two bridges of boats, and
the city, which has sometimes been called erroneously
Babylon, is built in gi-eat part of bricks brought from
the true Babylon and from the ancient Parthian capital,
the city of Ctesiphon, which had origkiaUy derived its
materials from the same prolific source, and of which a
noble palace front stiU remains to testify to its former
grandeur. (Leftus, p. 18 ; Layard, Nin., ii 175; Porter,
ii. 261, 328.)
Baghdad, though still a great and important city, is
much decayed from the splendour which it possessed
when it was visited by Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela in
A.D. 1164, at which time it was the residence of tho
Mohammedan Khalif s, and ^so of tho Jewish " Prince
of the Captivity," who imder their protection exercised
authority over the dispersed people in the greater part
of Central Asia. There are stiU about 20,000 Jews in
Baghdad, but. although tliey are more numerous than
in Rabbi Benjamin's time, there is not now, nor for many
centuries past has there been, any prince of the Captivity
reigning among them. Dm-ing the summer the heat is
intense at Baghdad ; the thermometer rises in the shade
to 115° or even 120"^ of Fahrenheit, and the inhabitants
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
281
BAGHDAD.
are obliged to take refuge in cellars during the day-
time. During the season of inundation the waters of
the Tigris, augmented by those of the Euphrates brought
by canals, sometimes rise to a great height and cause
much damage. At such times the whole country round
Baghdad is covered, and the city itself stands like a
castellated island in the midst of a boundless sea.
Should the railway be completed which has been long
contemplated, and of which the electric telegraph,
already existing, is perliaps the precursor, Baghdad
will no doubt become an important station on the line.
(Calmet, Did. de la Bible, art. " Captivitc ; " Early Trav.,
p. 98; Portor,ii. 258; Loftus.p. 7; Rich,iVarra<ii!e, i. 1.)
From Baghdatl, in order to reach Mosul, the traveller
proceeds by land by the government postal route, in a
direction nearly N.N.W., on the east side of the river,
but at a considerable distance from it. It is a journey
of about 2.50 miles, occupying nine days. The river is
obstructed by rocks, and especially near Nimroud, the
Awaj, by an ancient dam or wall, which impedes the
upward navigation ; and though this might be rendered
passable for steam-vessels without much trouble, no
pains to effect this have yet been taken by the Turkish
Government. (Niebuhr, ii. 288; Layard, Nineveh, i. 7,
8* The passage down the river to Baghdad is effected
without difficulty in three or four days when the water
is high, and at other times in about fifteen days, and so
cheaply that the river is commonly called the cheap
cameher. Goods and pissengers are conveyed on rafts
called helleh, formed of trunks and branches of trees
tied together with osier twigs, and supported on sheep
or goat-skins, which are filled with air in the same
manner as is represented on the existing monuments of
Nineveh. The ordinary raft requires thirty-two or
thirty-four of these, but larger ones require fifty, or
sometimes even as many as 300 skins to support them.
Care is taken to place the mouth of the skins upwards,
so that if necessary they may be fUled from above with-
out disturbance of the raft. Passengers who can afford
the expense are protected by a small hut raised upon.
the raft, covered with reeds and lined with felt ; and
when the destination is reached and the cargo disposed
of, the materials of the raft are sold and the skins
carried back on men's shoulders or by donkeys to Mosul
or Tekrit, where the men usually reside who are em-
ployed in the navigation of the river. For crossing
the river or for short distances, a circular boat, called
hufa, is used, capable of holding three or four persons.
It is made of willow-bark and coated with bitumen,
exactly in the same manner as Herodotus described the
boats on the Euphrates which carried wine to Babylon
two thousand years ago. (Herod, i. IW; Nieb. ii. 281 ;
282
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Porter, ii. 259 ; Layard, Nin., ii. 96 ; Nin. and Bab., 465 ;
Cliesney, Exped., ii. 635; Narr., p. TO.)
At Kerkuk, a dirty town about twenty miles S.E. of
the Lesser Zab, and 150 mUes from Baghdad, a Jewish
tradition, unsupported by historical eWdence, has placed
the burial-place of Daniel and the " three children," his
associates. (Nieb. ii. 275.) A short distance from
Xerkuk are extensive bitumen pits. After crossing the
Lesser Zab, about midway between it and the Greater
Zab, is Arbil, a town situate on a lofty hill which, under
the Greek form of Arbela,' was chosen to give its name
to the great battle between Darius and Alexander,
which decided the fate of the Persian empire, B.C. 331,
but which was actually fought at Gaugamela, on the
other side of the river Zab, on the banks of the Khazir,
about six or seven miles di.stant. It was then that the
rough he-goat of Daniel's \'ision finally smote the ram
and broke his two horns ef Media and Persia. (Dan. viii.
7,20,21; Strabo,vi.737; Arrian, i?irp. vi. ; Nieb. ii. 278;
Eioh, Kurdistan, ii. 14; Layard, Nin. and Bab., 208.)
After crossing the Zab, and also its tributary the
Khazir, or Khaiisser, in approaching Mosul, great
mounds are passed, which cover one at least of the sites
belonging to ancient Nineveh, and presently, after' a
bridge of boats, approached by an arched viaduct, con-
ducts the traveller into the city of Mosul. (Nieb. ii.
276, 286 ; Rich, ii. 14.) This is a krge city, with
a population of 100,000, including many Jews and
Christians of various denominations. Its name has
lieon supposed by some to contain the origin of our
■word " muslin," and some cotton manufactures of a
coarse kind are at present carried on there. Rabbi
Benjamin, already quoted, says (a.d. 1164) that it is
an ancient and handsome city, and well fortified, the
same as "Ashur the great" of Scripture, and that it
is joined to Nineveh by a bridge. Although, he says,
the latter lies in ruins, there are numerous inhabited
Tillages and small towns on its site. It contains the
synagogues of Obadiah, of Jonah, and of Nahum the
Elkoshite. Dr. L. Rauwolff (a.d. 1575) siiys of " the
famous city, MosiU " that it formerly went by the name
of Nineveh. " I saw," he says, " jiist without the town
a little hill that was almost dug through and inhabited
by poor people, where I saw them creep in and out as
pismires in ant-hills. In this place and thereabouts
stood formerly the potent town of Nineveh, built by
Ashur, which was the metropolis of Assyria to tlie
time of Sennacherib and his sons." He then says that
after its destnietion it was rebuilt, but was finally com-
pletely destroyed by Tamerlane (a.d. 1390), "so that
at this time there is nothing of any antiquities to ho
seen, as in old Babylon, save only the fort that Metli
upon the hill, and some few villages which, as the in-
habitants say, did also belong to it in former days."
Sir Anthony Shirley, who travelled in this country a few
years later, says that " Nineveh hath not one stone stand-
ing to give memory of the being of a town. One English
1 It ia perhaps well to rcmarlc that this pl.ice can hardly bo
Beth-arbel of Hos. x. 14, though M. Oppert thinks otherwise.
mile from it is a place chilled Mosul, a small thing,
rather like a witness of the other's mightiness and
God's judgment, than of any fa,shion of magnificence in
itself." Pietro delta VaUe, early in the seventeenth
century, speaks of Mosul and Nineveh as the same
place ; and lastly, the great Danish traveller, Niebuhr,
who in his way to Mosul passed through the mounds on
the left (east) bank of the Tigris, opposite to that town,
speaks of them as covering the remains of Nineveh,
tut made no attempt to examine them. On the other
hand, Cartwright, an EngUsh traveller, early in the
seventeenth century, speaks of visiting the mounds not
only here but elsewhere, and measuring the distances
between them, and noting their agreement with the
statements of Diodoms. {Early Trav., p. 94; Ray,
Travels, ii. 166 ; P. della V., i. 429 ; Purchas, Pilgrims,
ii. 1,387, 1,435 ; Nieb. ii. 286.)
Without accepting as strictly correct the statement
of Rauwolff about the final destruction of Nineveh
by Timur, we see that common opinion has constantly
connected the remains in the immediate neighbourhood
of Mosul with the site of the Nineveh of Scripture. If
we inquire what we know about Nineveh, we shall find
that in what may bo called its personal histoi-y we know
far less than we know of Babylon ; but in what is cir-
cumstantial and ^•^sible far more. Going b.ack to the
Book of Genesis, we find that Nimrod- went forth from
the land of Shinar to Asshur, and " built Nineveh and
the city Rehoboth, and Calah, and Resen between
Nineveh and Calah, a great city" (Giin. x. 11). The
words " the city' Rehoboth " may be explained " streets
of the city," as may be seen in the margin ; and if on
this ground wo decline to give Rehoboth a separate
position, we have three cities in Assyria to be accounted
for. What, then, was Assyria ? It is described in
Gen. ii. as a weU-known region lying to the west of
the Tigris, i.e., th,at in the time of the writer of the
Book of Genesis part at least of the whole country so
situate was known to the Hebrews by that name (Gi;n.
ii. 14; XXV. 18). In later times the name Assyria
belonged more distinctly to the country on the left
(east) bank of the river, though, as has been mentioned
before, it was sometimes regarded as including the
whole of the Mosopotamian district, and even besides
this a vast extent of country lying to the west of the
Euphrates. (Plin. vi. 117; Strabo, xvi. 736.) In its
wider, not the widest, acceptation, the name Assyria
msy bo regarded as including a region which x-oaches
from Baghdad on the south to Armenia on the north,
and from Mount Zagros on the cast to the Euphrates
on the west, a space containing about 100,000 square
miles, or about the same extent as Italy, excluding
Sicily and Sardinia.
In connection with Scripture history, excepting to
the extent pointed out above in our account of Babylon,
and the indefinite though very remarkable mention of
Asshur in the prophecy of Balaam, and also an equally
indefinite notice in the Book of Psalms of uncertain
3 See BiBLK Eduoisob. Vol. I., p. 264.
EASTERN GEOGEAPHT OF THE BIBLE.
283
date, we have no spocilio mention of Assjria until tlie
time of Menahem, fifteenth king of Israel, B.C. 771,
who overran the country west of the Euphrates as far
as Tiphsah on that river, and was in return atfackctl
and defeated by Pul, said to be a kmg of Assyria, but
who, if he were not a Babylonian monarch, appears to
have reigned over Babylon. Menahem only redeemed
his kingdom from further punishment by the payment
of a heavy tribute. (Numb. xxiv. 22 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 8 ;
2 Kings XV. 16, 19, 20 ; Bible Ed., ii. 5.5 ; Rawlinson,
III. of Old Test., p. 123.) Another invasion, with results
stUl more disastrous, took place, under Tiglath-pileser,
in the reign of Pekah, who succeeded Pekahiah, B.C. 759 ;
and in the reign of Hoshea (731 — 722 B.C.) the dissolu-
tion of the Israelite kingdom and the final captivity of
the people, which has perhaps never been fully restored,
and which " Israel in long captivity stUl mourns " {Par.
Reg. iii.), took place at the conquest of the country
begun by Shabnaueser, and completed, as it seems, by
Sargon his son. This invasion was probably preceded
by that invasion of Syiia by tho Assyrians, at the
solicitation of Ahaz, which is mentioned in 2 Kings
xvi., and which had been foretold by Amos forty years
before. In the meaatime, however, though no mention
appears in Jewish history of the fact, an Assyrian
inscription records the name of Jehu as payiag tribute
to a king of Assyria. If this be true, the Isi-aelite king-
dom would seem to have been in some degree dependent
on the Assyrian, and the outbreak of Menahem would
appear to be an act of revolt against the Assyrian lord
to whom he had previously been subject. That supre-
macy extended, as we have seen above in the case of
Ahaz, to Judah as well as Israel ; but Hezekiah, son
of Ahaz (B.C. 726), broke off the subjection to which
his father had submitted, and was enabled by Divine
interposition to escape from tho danger with which the
invasion of Sennacherib, son of Sargon, the conqueror
of Egypt, threatened to overwhelm his kingdom.
Lachish, indeed, and other cities of Judah fell, and tlie
Assyrian monuments describe both in writing and in
pictorial reUef the sentence of tlie conqueror and the
cruel treatment of his captives. Sennacherib, after the
loss of his army, of which an account, much distorted
by transmission, is given by Herodotus, is said to have
returned t« Nineveh, and after his death by assassuia-
tion to have been succeeded by his son Esarhaddon,
who, as we have already seen, repaired the blow which
the empire had sustained in his father's time, and
even extended his influence, if not his dominion, over
Babylon as well as Assyria properly so called. (2 Kings
XV. 29; xvi. 7; xviii 7, 1-3, 14; xix. 8; Isa. xx. 1, 4;
Amos i. 5 ; Layard, Nin. and Bab., pp. 152, 613 ;
Monuments of Nin., pp. 21, 22, 23 ; Rawlinson, III. of
Old Test., 130 ; Herod, ii. 141 ; Bible Ed., ii. 55.)
But even while the Assyrian power was at its highest
the voice of prophecy was foretelling its fall. Passing
by the well-known promises of deliverance to Hezekiah
from the impending danger from Sennacherib's invasion,
we have a forecast of ultimate retribution on Assyria
expressed in general terms fii Isa. x. 1 2. The principal
utterances, however, respecting Assyria and Nineveh
its capital are found (a) in tho narrative and prophecy
of Jonah, whose date is uncertain, ranging from B.C.
860 to 780, but whose connection with Nineveh is stUl
commemorated in the name given to one of the mounds
opposite Mosul, Nebbi Yunvs (the tomb of the prophet
JonalO. It is from this narrative that we derive the
historical description of the size of Nineveh — -stz., as a
city of three days' journey, and the notice respecting
its population, which it is so diflicult to reconcile to those
dimensions (Jonah iii. 3 ; iv. 11}. (b) Micah, whose date
lies within well-ascertained limits — viz., about 750 B.C. —
speaks of the wasting of Assyria and of the land of
Nimrod (Micah v. 6). (c) Nahnm (whose date is placed
by Josephus in the reign of Jotham, but by St. Jerome
in thivt of Hezekiah, i.e., probably not later than 712,
and perhaps as early as 750, though by some placed as
late as 645 B.C.), the Elkoshite, whoso name has been
connected by popular Jevrish tradition with El Kosh, a
place a few miles north of Mosul, foretold the complete
destruction of Nineveh, and the nianner in which it
would be effected. (Nahum ii. 6,, 7; iii. 7; Joseph.,
Ant., ix. 11, 3; Nieb. ii 286; Rich; Besidence, ii. 111.)
{dy. still later and closer to the time of the captm-e
of the city, Zephaniah, B.C. 630, foretells this and
the desolation of Assyria (Zeph. ii. 13). (e) And
lastly, Ezekiel (B.C. 598) speaks of this as an accom-
plished fact (Ezekxcci. 3). . The book of Tobit informs
us that Nineveh was taken by a combination between
tho Median and Babylonian forces, but from the un-
certain date both of this book and of that of Judith, we
gain but little information iu addition to that which we
otherwise possess (Tobit xiv. 15). But if the history
of Assyria and Nineveh be less fuUy wiitten in books
than that of Babylon, this deficiency is more than com-
pensated by the fulness of tho.se monumental records
resuscitated during the last few years, which have thrown
so much light upon the history, not only of Nineveh,
but also on that of Babylon. Less perishable than
books, independent of the books which we possess,
whether in sacred or profane literature, and therefore
in this respect unimpeachiible as witnesses, they often
corroborate and sometimes materially explain that
history. The treasures of information which they con-
tain, written in a language " hidden in earthen vessels,"
.and long regarded as beyond the reach of discovery,
or 'graven " iipon tho w.ill" iu the virid and visilolo
language of the sculptor, but long concealed from sight
by the ruins which preserved them from destruction,
it has been reserved for the present age to disinter and
in great measure decipher. Surely iu these great dis-
coveries we must recognise the work of Divine Provi-
dence, reserving as is his custom tho store of knowledge
which He intends us ultimately to possess uutU his oivu
appointed time, to be obtained in his own appointed
way by means of the genius, and enterjjrise, and per-
severance of the men on. whom He bestowed these
precious gifts, by which they have in their various lines
of habour been enabled to unravel and illustrate " things
kept secret " during so many ages of tho world.
284
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
bELEUCIA.
Let US, however, at once review the brief notices
concerning; Nineveh which are furnished by profane
writers. Herodotus, after telling us that the Assjrian
supremacy in Asia lasted 520 years, says that Nineveh
was tiikcu by the Medes, under Cyaxares, of whicli
capture he promises an account in a future work, which
either was never completed, or has been totally lost,
and whose absence we have, therefore, unavailingly to
regret. He mentions its site upon the river Tigris,
and relates a story of a plan adopted by thieves for
plundering the palace of King Sardanapalus by means
of a funnel connected with their own residence, the
eai-ili from which, as it was dug out, was thrown by
night into the river. He also, as wo have seen, men-
tions the invasion of Egyjjt by Sennacherib, and the
manner in which, as ho was told, it was defeated.
(Herod, i. 95, 106, 185 ; ii. 141, 150.)
Diodorus, following Ctesias, says that Ninus, king
of Assyria, having s\ibdued nearly all Asia and Egypt,
built a city which Diodorus, by a strange blunder,
but one into which many others have fallen, de-
scribes as being on ilie Euphrates. It was 480 stadia
(fifty-four miles) in circumference, the same size as
Babylon according to Herodotus, but not, like Babylon,
square in form, the larger side being 150 stadia long,
and the shorter 90. The walls were 100 feet in height,
and wide enough for three chariots to drive abreast.
There were 1,500 towers, each 200 feet high. The city
was built by Semiramis, wife of Ninus, after her hus-
band's death. The last king was Sardanapalus, who,
when the city was in danger of being taken, raised a
vast funeral pyre of treasures and funiitm-e, on which
he consumed himself, his palace, and all his family.
j Thus the Assyrian empire came to an end, having lasted
1,300 years. (Died. ii. 1, 3, 27, 28.)
Strabo says that Nineveh was buOt by Ninus in tho
plain of Aturia. and that it was much larger than
Babylon. He mentions Arbela, the fact of its name
having been given to the battle of Gangamela, and the
bitumen pits in its neighbom-hood. (Strabo, vi. 737.)
Nineveh is also mentioned liy Pliny, as a renowned
city on the Tigris (vi. 42) ; by Ptolemy, as an Assyi-ian
town in the Tigi-is district (vi. 1, 3) ; by Pausanias, as
an extinct city (viii. 33, 1) ; by Lucian, as so entirely
destroyed that not a vestige is to be seen (Charon, vol.
i., 359) ; and Xenophon, earlier than any of these latter
writers by more than 400 years, says that the Greek
army, in its march of retreat, came to tho Tigris, ©n
which was a large deserted city called Larissa, two
parasangs (about seven miles) in circumference, having
walls 100 feet high and 25 fe«t broad, built upon a
platform of baked bricks 20 feet in height. Near it
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
285
was a stone pyramid, whoso sido was a plethrum (100
feet), and its height two plethra. Six pai'asangs (about
(twenty-one miles) from Larissa, he says, there was
another town called Mespila, having near it a great
fortification which was formerly inhabited by the Medes.
This also had a platform of shelly stone 50 feet wide
and 50 feet high, on which was raised a brick wall 100
feet high and 50 feet wide, and tj parasangs (21 miles)
in circuit. From his account wo gather that the forti-
fication was deserted, but the toira inhabited. (Xen.,
Anab., iii. 4, 10, 11.) ■
Arrian speaks of Nineveh as formerly a great and
wealthy city [Lid., p. 5S8). Tacitus (A.D. 97) mentions
it as the very ancient seat of Assyrian government,
which, as well as Arbek, was taken by C. Cassius in
the reign of Claudius (a.d. 50) (Ann., xii. 13). Tho
name Mespila has been thought to answer to Mosul,
and Larissa to represent Resen of Gen. x. 11.
In tho great pyramid of Larissa we may perhaps
recognise the " tomb of Ninus " of Ovid's .story of
Pyramus and Thisbe, " Ninny's tomb " of the Midsummer
Niyht's Dream, which was the luckless lovers' " tryst-
ing-place; " but it is plain that, with the partial excep-
tion of Tacitus, all these writers speak of Nineveh as
no more. By Mespila and Larissa Xenophou proljably
intends to describe places representing Nineveh and one
of the other cities of the Ninevite disti-ict, but without
any thought, as it seems, of the identity of either with
ancient Nineveh. (Ovid, Met., iv. 88, King's transla-
tion ; Layard, Nin., ii. 248.)
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE GOSPELS:— ST. MATTHEW.
BY THE KEV. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A,, VICAK OF WINKFIELD, BERKS.
" Tlieu cauie to liim the disciples of John, saying, Why do we
and the Pharisees fast oft, but thy disciples fast not '? And Jesus
said unto tliem, Can the children of the bride-chamber mouru, as
long as the bridegroom is with them ? hut the days will come
when the bridef^room shall be taken from them, and then shall
they fust. No man [or. but no one] putteth a piece of new [or
unf uUed, i.e., undressed] cloth unto [or upon] an old gai-meut, for
that which is put iu to fill it up taketh from the garment, and
the rent is made worse [or, and a worse rent is made]. Neither
do men put new wine into old bottles [i.e., leather bottles or skins],
else the bottles break [or, the skins burst], and the wine runneth
out, and the bottles perish ; hut they put new wine into new
bottles, and both are preserved."— St. Matt. is. 14—17.
■E leam from the records of the three
synoptical Evangelists that the incident
here related took place in connection with
the feast made by Le'S'i, i.e., Matthew,
on occasion of his call to follow Christ. The inquiry,
" Why do we and the Pharisees fast oft ? " or, as St.
Luke records the words, " fast often and make prayers,"
appears iu St. Luke's Gospel to have been proposed by
the Scribes and Pharisees ; whilst, iu that of St. Matthew,
it is ascribed to the disciples of John the Baptist. St.
Mark, however, who represents both the disciples of
John and also those of the Pharisees as proposing to our
Lord the same inquiry, not only removes the apparent
discrepancy in this particular instance, but also supplies
a key for the solution of similar difficulties arising out
of the insufficiency of the materials placed at our dis-
posal.
It has been inferrcdby some, from the particular form
of expression used by St. Mark, iiaav vrjrrTivoyTes. which
may be rendered " were fasting." that both the Pharisees
and the disciples of John were observing, at the parti-
cular period in question, one of those fasts which were
customary amongst the stricter portion of the Jews.
It is true, indeed, that the only fast which can be
alleged to have been enjoined by the Mosaic law was
that of the great Day of Atonement, i.e., tho tenth day
of the seventh mouth ; and even with regard to that
day the word which properly denotes fasting is not
employed.' and it is only by a comparison of Lev. xvi.
29 with other passages in which the affliction of the
soul consists in, or implies fasting (e.^., Ps. xxxv. 13;
Isa. Iviii. 3, 10), that Ibn Ezra and others have arrived
at the conclusion that abstinence from food was specifi-
cally enjoined by the law of Moses even on that day.
It is equally true, however, that, independently of tho
fasts enjoined by authority on occasion of public cala-
mities, of which we read previously to the Babylonish
captivity, tho Jews in later times were in the habit of
observing annual national fasts — (1) on the seventeenth
day of the fourth month; (2) on the ninth day of the
fifth month ; (3) on tho third day of tho seventh month ;
(4) on the tenth day of the tenth month ; and (5) on tho
fast of Esther on the thirteenth day of Adar. In
addition to these annual fasts there were the bi-weekly
fasts of the Monday and Thursday, which were observed
either during a portion or diu'ing the whole of the year
by the stricter sect of the Pharisees.
The words of St. Mark may bo understood as refer-
ring to the observance of one of these bi-weekly fasts at
the very time at which om- blessed Lord and His dis-
ciples, together with " many publicans and sinners," were
attending the feast made by Levi in his own house ;
or, inasmuch as similar words are commonly used
by St. Mark to denote that which was habitual as well
as that which was incidental, they may be understood
as simply denoting the fact that, whereas the Pharisees
and the disciples of John were in the habit of observing
periodical fasts, our Lord's disciples disregarded them.
Having thus cleared tho way for the discussion of the
chief difficulties of this passage, we vrill now endeavoul
I It is worthy of notice that the word DiS (fccmi), which properly
denotes fasting, does not occur under any form iu the Pentateuch.
It is first found in the books of Judges and of Samuel.
286
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
to explain tlie general drift of our Lord's parabolical
reply to the iufxuu-y made of Him, " Why do we and
the Pharisees fast oft, but thy disciples fast not ? "
And here it must be observed that our Lord's reply
to the inquiry thus made of Him is of a twofold nature ;
first, special, as applicable to the existing circumstances
of His disciples whilst He was with them ; then general,
as applicable to the entire genius of the Christian dis-
pensation.
With regard to the former, our Lord, making use of
the Baptist's simUitudo (John iii. 29), in which wo re-
cognise an echo of many passages in the Old Testament,'
as well as a preparation for other portions of His own
teaching and that of His apostles,^ argues, by an appeal
to the well-kuo\Tn customs of the Jews during the days
of the bridal festivity, the incongruity of fasting and
mourning at a time set apart for feasting and rejoicing ;
thus recalling to the minds of His inquirers the familiar
words of the Preacher : "' To every thing there is a
season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven.
. . . A time to weep, and a time to laugh ; a time
to mourn, and a time to dance " (Eccles. iii. 1, 4).
In like manner, however, as St. Paul, in replying to
the inquiries of the Corinthians, not only solves the
particular questions'' propounded to him, but lays down
at the same time genei-al rules for the direction of
Christians in all ages (1 Cor. vii. 29 — 32), so our blessed
Lord not only solves the inquiry made by the disciples
of John and the Pharisees, so far as it related to the
existing circumstances of His own disciples, but proceeds,
in a further answer to the same inquiry, to contrast
the comprehensive character and genius of the Gospel
with the local and temporai-y requirements of the Law
of Moses and the ministry of the Baptist. He declares
indeed, plainly and imcquivocally, that though, in
accordance with the teacliing of their own Rabbins, it
would be unseemly for the friends of the bridegroom
to mourn whilst the bridegroom was still with them,
there would be days of moiu'ning intervening between
the betrothal and the actual marriage, in wliich the
Bridegroom should bo taken away, and during which
the friends of the Bridegi-oom slioidd mourn. But He
goes on to teach them — as though He woiUd correct in
the germ their impoj-fect and erroneous conceptions of
the nature and design of the Gospel — that just as it
was forbidden by the law of Moses (Deut. xxii. 11) to
wear a mixed garment of linen and of wool, so there
was a deeper and a more essential incongruity involved
in every attempt to patch the old and tattered garment
of the Law with the new and seamless robe of the
Gospel. Just as the insertion of a piece of undressed
cloth, which shrinks when wetted, and takes along with
it a part of the old and worn garment, does but increase
the rent which it is designed to mend ; just as unf er-
monted Trine put into old skins bursts the skins, and
perishes with them, even so our Lord declares that all
' E.g., Pa. xlv. ; Canticles throngbout ; Isa. liv. 5 ; Jer. iii. 14;
Hob. ii. 16 (to a portion of which prophecy allusion is made iu
Matt. ix. 13).
2 E.g., Matt. xxii. 1—1* ; Ephes. v, 32; Bev. xix. 7.
attempts to combine the bondage of the Law with the
liberty of the Gospel involved a fundamental ignorance
of the nature and design of both.
The two similitudes employed by our Lord seem to
exhibit this truth in different ways.
The similitude of the old garment patched with the
piece of new cloth seems more immediately applicable to
external rites and ceremonies, such as the observance of
those prescribed " days, and months, and years," which
caused St. Paul to ' ' stand in doubt " of the Galatian
church, '■ lost he had bestowed upon it labour in vain."
The similitude of the now wine seems to have refer-
ence to the inner life and spirit — ^the very life and soul
of the Christian dispensation, which could not be re-
strained within the trammels of the " worldly sanc-
tuary " of Judaism. It is true, indeed, that men do
not natm'ally discern the superiority of the Gospel over
the Law ; that those who have been accustomed to serve
iu " the oldness of the letter "' do not easily discern and
recognise tho superiority of a higher service in " the
newness of the Spuit." Their language for tho most
part is stiU, as in the days of our Lord and His
apostles, " The old is good,"^ and they are unable or
unwilling (oiSeh . . . fle'Aei) to perceive the excellence
and to engage in the pursuit of the higher and the
better.
The history of the Church in all after ages teaches
how greatly this lesson was needed, and how imperfectly
it has been learned.
As tho Judaising teachers of apostolic times corrupted
the Gospel by incidcating the necessity of observing
the rites and ceremonies of the Law, so the popular
creed and worship of the fourth century was, to a very
considerable degree, little better than a Christianised
form of paganism ; the religion of Christ being dragged
down to the level of the age, rather than the age being
elevated to the .standard of the Grospel. " A new system
of Christian omens," says the late Dean Milman, " suc-
ceeded the old ; witchcraft merely invoked Beelzebub,
or Satan instead of Hecate ; hallowed places only changed
the tutelary nymph or genius for a saint or martyi-."^
And the same writer describes the practical results of
the diffusioji of this spurious form of mythic and poly-
theistic Christianity in the following terms : " Thus in
a great degree, whUo the Roman world became Christian
in outward worship and in faith, it remained heathen,
or even at some periods worse than in the bettor times
of hoathouism, as to beneficence, gentleness, purity,
social virtue, and peace."*
The history of the Jesuit missions in China and Japan
affords another illustration of the tendency which has
existed in all ages to patch tho old garment with the
now cloth — to pour the new wine into the old skins.
Tho attempts of tho Roman missionaries to build on
the old foundations, and to turn to good account those
pagan institutions in which they traced with astonish-
3 Tho true reading of Luko v. 39 appears to bo xp»ijto?, not
as the received text, xP'i'^T.Wcpoc,
* Hist, of Chrlstianitij, book iv,, chap. 5,
5 Ibid.
ZEPHANIAH.
287
ment a marvellous resemblance to their own, are
abuuilautly familiar to the student of the ecclesiastical
history of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. So
striking, oven in minuto particulars, was the corre-
spondence in the rites of the old and the new religious,
that the only conclusion which commended itself to the
minds of those who failed in the attempt to transfer
the old forms of worship to new objects, or who found
to their dismay that, after a short trial, the old super-
stitions were too strongly rooted to be superseded by
the new, was that the father of lies had designedly
forestalled tho missionaries by introducing into those
countries " a profane parody on the institutions of the
Catholic Church." '
The general design, then, of our Lord in tho para-
bolical teaching under consideration, seems to have been
to warn His followers from the first of the danger to
' See Essaijs in Eccleniasticai Biogra^hHf by Sir James Stephen,
p. 220.
which they would ever be exposed of substituting a
worship consisting in outward forms and observances
in the place of a worship in " spirit and iu truth."
Without any disparagement of the efficacy of fasting,
or of any other means adopted with a view to bring tho
flesh into subjection to the spirit, and without any dis-
paragement, scarcely need it bo added, of tho duty and
efficacy of prayer, our Lord forewarns His followers
from the first that that kingdom which Ho came to
establish " is not meat and driuk, but righteousness and
peace, and joy iu the Holy Ghost ; " that tho rites and
observances of tho Law were designed to prepare the
way for, and not to be incorporated into, the Gospel ;
that tho old garments of the one cannot be patched
with the new and seamless robe of the other; and that
the new wine with which the Pentecostal presses of tho
Gospel burst out, can never be restrained mthin the old
and effete bottles of a Law which "made nothing per-
fect," and of a covenant which "gendered to bondage."
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ZEPHANIAH.
BY THE EEV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
II. — THE CAIJ, TO EEPENTANCE.
{Chap. ii. 1 to chap. iii. 8.)
> N the first section of tliis poem Zephaniah
denounces on the men of Judiih and the
inhabitants of Jerusalem tho doom which
theu' idolatries and immoralities had pro-
voked ; he denounces that doom with a stem vigour
and passion which give his words an edge so keen that
even to this diiy they pierce and wound our hearts.
But iu tho second section he changes his voice ; he
modulates it into a key more tender and pathetic.
Tones of judgment and righteous indignation still fall
on our ears; but under these, struggling up iigainst
them ,ind through them, at times triiunphing over
them, we catch a strain of compassion. The threaten-
ings of judgment melt into an invitation to repentance.
The gracious intention of the Divine " doom " is dis-
closed. A fruitful rain falls on the soil through
which tho ploughshare has been driven. Healing
balms are laid on the wounds that havo been probed
and searched.
Though his voice still trembles vrith iadignation
against " the sinners and their offences," the prophet
calls on them to abandon their sins, to seek righteousness
and humUity ; and, to iaducc them to repentance and
amendment, he declares that the judgment which is
soon to sweep across tho whole earth, will reach its end
only as " all tho inhabitants of tho earth, every one
from his place," acknowledge Jehovah to be God and
worship Him.
This is the theme of Part II., and it is wrought out
thus ; — r/je Call to Repentance is g^ven in chapter ii.
verses 1 — 3; Motives to Repentance are supplied in
chapter ii., verses 4 — 15 ; while, to give an added force
to his call, tho prophet shows the Need of Repentance
by once more depicting the sins of Jerusalem in chapter
iii., verses 1 — 8.
{1.) THE CALL TO REPENTANCE.
(Chap. ii. 1—3.)
" Prove and try yourselves,
O nation that dost not turn pale,
Before the decree bring forth
(The day Cometh on like the chaff).
Before the burning wrath of Jehovah come upon you.
Before the day of Jehovah's wrath come upon you.
Seek ye Jehovah, all ye humble of the laud.
Who do that which is right before Him ;
Seek righteousness, seek humility :
Peradventure, ye may be hidden in the day of Jehovah's wrath."
The general contents of these verses may be summed
up thus: — Tho men of Judah, with the fear of God
before their eyes, are to consider and test themselves.
They havo been hardened and unabashed in their
iuiquity. Tho Divine judgment is coming on them to
compel them to reflection, that they may put themselves
and their modes of thought and action to the proof. It
is coming quickly, so quickly that they must not think
to escape it. Now, if ever, the occasion must be seized,
tho place for repentance must be found, occupied,
secured. They have forgotten and abandoned the Lord
their Gsd ; let them seek the Lord. They have been
unrighteous ; let them seek righteousness. They have
been proud and self-confident ; let them seek humility.
In this radical change of spiritual character, attitude,
bias, lies their only hope, their solo chanco of escaping
destruction.
288
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
But if we look a little more closely into these verses,
and study the poetic forms in which Zophaniah has cast
his thoughts, wo shall find thorn to bo singularly pictui--
esque and impressiye. His opening words, for instance,
" Prove and try yotirselves," if literally rendered, would
read : " Gatlier yourselves together, and gather your-
selves together." In the Hebrew the phrase consists of
a single verb, which is repeated In order to give it force
and emjihasis, in order to indicate the urgency of the
call. And this verb applies to human conduct an
image taken from the gleaning of fields, the collection of
stubble, the sweeping up of fallen branches and leaves.
Read with its associations and suggestions, it implies
that the men of Judah were to collect their spirits, now
distracted by so many unworthy objects ; that they
were, so to speak, to sweep out of themselves that
which was dead and worthless, to glean up the wheat,
to bum up the stubble. That is to say, they are to
take stock of themselves, to put themselves to the most
searching and discriminating tests, to ascertain what
they are and how they stand, to abandon that which is
evil and to cherish that which is good.
But how are they to be induced to self-examination
and self-correction ? They are " a nation which does
not turn pale," a, nation not easily daunted, not given
to blench with fear. They are proud, stubborn, stiff-
necked, unappalled by miseries and calamities which
woidd bring races of a gentler strain to their knees.
Because they are so hard and stubborn, so insus-
ceptible to fear, the greatest of all terrors is coming on
them: the yo-)n Y'hovah, the day of the Lord, is at the
very door, the day in which all faces turn pale. Let
them not suppose that things will last their time, that
there is no immediate peril, no instant need of repent-
ance and amendment. " The decree," ordaining execution
of judgment, has passed ; it is about to " bring forth "
its terrors. The day of the Lord is even now driving
up like " chaff " before the wind. How terrible, how
insupportable, that swiftly approaching day will bo
when it breaks upon them is indicated by the fliiming
epithets, by the heavy dragging tones, by the solemn and
emphatic repetitions of the lines which close verse 2 :
" Prove and try yourselves before the burning wrath
of Jehovah come upon you, before the day of JehovaKs
wrath come upon you." How wide and searching its
judgments will be, is indicated by the exhortation of
verse 3: " 8eelc ye Jehovah, all ye humble of the land,
who do that which is right before him ; seek righteous-
ness, seek humility .- peradventure ye may be hidden in
the day of Jehovah's ivrath." Not only are the proud
to bend, and the sinful to repent, but even the humble
of the land must seek humility ; even those who do
tliat which is right before God must seek righteousness ;
even those who are in correspondence with Heaven
must rouse themselves to new ardours of godliness,
to more strenuous endeavours after the Divine wiU and
favour. If, indeed, they seek the Lord, in seeking
humility and i-ighteousness, when his judgments are
abroad in the earth, they will be secure whatever the
perOs of the day, and at peace whatever its terrors.
For by his "peradventure ye may be hidden," the pro-
phet does not intend to cast any doubt on the security
of the humble and the righteous. He intends, rather,
to suggest the extreme rigour of the doom ho foresees,
tlio difficulty of escax)ing it, the improbabUitj that a
people so callous and proud will seek and find the sole
refuge from the storm. All the more ho urges them
to seek it, nor has he any doubt that, if they seek, they
will find. For why should the prophet call the sinful
to repentance, if repentance wore to be of no avail ?
why urge the good to new ardours of righteousness, if
even these were to be of no avail ?
Even thus early, then, we hear the tones of mercy
and in^-itation blending with the tones of denunciation
and rebuke, not dominant as yet, indeed, yet soimding
forth no doubtfid promise that the key, the mode, ia
changing, and that wo shall soon be gladdened with a
more cheerful and melodious strain. Even thus early
we are taught, at least by implication and suggestion,
that the judgments of God, however stern, however
wide and deep of reach, are sent to summon the wicked
to self-examination and repentance, and the good to
more earnest and fruitful endeavours after that which
is right before God.
(2.) The Motives for Mepentance follow the Call to
Repentance. And now, in chapter ii., verses 4 — 15,
Zephaniah travels through the entire circle of doom,
through the lands which encompassed Judah on every
side, from east to west, from north to south. As ho
had opened his prophecy by denouncing a judgment
which was to sweep across the whole earth, destroying
man and beast, so now he shows in detail how this
judgment is to fall on the entire world known to the
Jews, on all the races with which they were famdiar.
Or, rather, he selects, as representatives of the world,
four leading races : the Philistines on the west ; the
Moabltcs and the Ammonites — two tribes, but one race,
since both were the descendants of Lot — on the east ;
the Ethiopians in the distant south ; and the Assyrians
far away in the north. He portrays the doom that is
to fall on these races standing at the four points of the
compass, thus filling the whole horizon with heavy
clouds of judgment, and leaving us to infer that all the
races included within these points will have to endure
the pelting of the storm.
First of all, wo have the doom of the Philistines
(vs. 4—7).
" For Gaza shall be forsaken,
And Asbkelou become a desert ;
Aa for AshdoJ, tliey shjiU be driven out at noonday.
And Ekron shall be rooted up.
Woe to the inhabitants of the Tract by the Sea !
The nation of the Kerethitcs !
The word of Jehovah upon you :
O Canaan, land of the Philistines !
I destroy thee, so that no inhabitant remaineth ;
And the Tract by the Sea shall become pastures.
With huts for shepherds,
And folds for sheep :
Yea, the tract shall be for the remnant of the house of Judah,
Thereupon shall they feed ;
In the houses of Ashkelon shall they lio down at evening;
For Jehovah their God will visit them,
And turn their captivity."
ZEPHANIAH.
289
On the west coast of Southern Palestine, between
the Mediterranean Sea and the first range of mountains,
there spreads a broad tract of fertile land, averaging,
perhaps, some fifteen or sixteen miles in width. In
this tract — the Shcphelah, or " Low Country," of Scrip-
ture, "the Maritime Plain" of modern writers — the
Philistine clans took refuge, falling back on what seems
to have been their ancestral seat, when they were driven
by the Jews from the central plains. The whole region
was highly cultivated by a somewhat crowded popida-
tion, and was thickly dotted with large villages and
fortified towns. Among these towns were five chief
■cities or commonwealths— Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod,
Ekron, and Gath — which seem to have resembled the
free Italian cities of the Middle Ages, such as Venice
and Florence, and to liave been independent states, as
well as cities in which the civilisation of the time took its
highest forms. Commonly, these five cities were banded
in a confederation or league, for mutual defence ; and
their magnates, who formed the supreme council of the
league, are well kno^vn to us by their Biblical title, " the
lords of the Philistines." AU these cities, now at the
mercy of the Scythian hordes, were to be overwhelmed
and destroyed in " the great day of the Lord ;" the
whole " Tract by the Sea," of which these cities were
the bulwark and the ornament, was to be depopulated,
reduced to a desert, and then re-peopled by " the rem-
nant of the house of Judah." Here, on this rich soil,
wasted by war, the elect remnant should find pastures
for their flocks, and build huts for shepherds and folds
for sheep.
Only four of these five cities are mentioned by the
prophet (verse 4) : Gath is omitted. If we ask, why ?
the answer supplies a valuable hint on the limits of
inspiration. For the answer is, that a law of Hebrew
poetry, the law of parallelism, which demanded that
clauses and lines should go in couples, only allowed four
to bo mentioned. Tiy how you wUl, you cannot arrange
five names in couples. And the inspiration of the pro-
phet bowed to this necessity, submitted to this restric-
tion : teaching us that the Divine inspiration may bo,
and is, limited not only by the infirmities of the human
nature through which it works, but even by the laws of
poetic speech, by the exigencies of literary form. " The
spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets."
On all these cities there is to fall one doom; but to
each of them that one and the selfsame doom is variously
announced. To two of these, Gaza and Ekron, the doom
is conveyed by a pun, or play on words, such as con-
stantly recurs in Hebrew prophecy, even when its tones
are most solemn and tragic ; these flashes of liumour
rendering the darkness through which they dart the
more profound. " Gaza shall he forsalcen," we read; but
Zephaniah said, " Azzdh shall be azuhdh (forsaken) :" we
read, " Elcron shall be rooted up ; " but Zephaniah said,
" Ekron shall be te dqer (rooted out, torn out of its
soU) : " in each of these clauses, the two leading words
of the clause are from tlie same root, and the fate of the
city is indicated by a pun on its name. To the other
two cities the doom is announced in literal terms :
43 — VOL. II.
" Ashkelon shall become a desert ; as for Ashdod, they
shall be driven out at noon-day;" but the latter sen-
tence contains an allusion which needs to bo explained.
In the sultry East, noonday is a period of repose. As
exposure to the sun's fierce rays often proves fatal, tho
Orientals commonly sleep through tho meridian in the
coolest and most shaded rooms. To say that Ashdod
would l)e driven out at noon, was therefore to say, that
when its inhabitants deemed themselves most secure,
when evU was least expected and would prove most
fatal, the judgment of God would overtake them.
From this detailed denunciation of doom, the prophet
passes, in verse 5, to a general denunciation. "Woe"
is to descend on all " the inhabitants of the Tract by
the Sea ," "the word of the Lord," the ban which Ho
had pronounced, was to fall on them, and beneath the
woes of this Divine ban they would wither away till no
survivor was left. But here again Zephaniah uses terms
unfamiliar to us, and even misleading, although they
were chosen for the express purpose of giving point
and force to his thoughts, and adding new weight to
his denunciation. We do not see, at the first glance —
how should we ? — that " the nation of tlie Kerethites " is
but another name for the Philistines.; nor do we see why
he should select an antique and obsolete name, such as
"Canaan," for "the hind of the Philistines." Never-
theless, his terms grow perfectly simple so soon as we
get the clue to them. He calls the Philistines Kerethites
{goi K'rethim), because this was the name of one of
their great families or clans, the Kretan clan ; and ho
selects this imusual epithet for the whole race to denote
that it was devoted to hdrath, or extermination. It is
another instance of that habit of using the omens in
names, of playing on etymologies, of which we have so
many illustrations in Hebrew poetry. It is for a simUar
reason that he revives the ancient name Canaan, and
applies it to one district of the land. He calls " tho
Tract by the Sea," " the land of the- Philistines," Canaan,
in order to convey the hint that its present inhabitants,
like the aboriginal Canaanites, are doomed to destruc-
tion because the cup of their iniquity is now full.
In short, every epithet in this 5th verse is selected
with a view of deepening the gloom of its ten-ible de-
nunciation with veiled suggestions of a judgment beyond
the power of words to express. The inspired poet is
not content to say, sans phrase, that the Philistines are
utterly to perish under the woes of the Divine ban ;
even this terror must be enhanced by terrors drawn
from the latent omen of tho Kerethite name and from
the ancient Canaanite traditions.
In verse 5, then, Zephaniah has relapsed into his
sternest, blackest mood. And yet, mark once more how
moods of mercy struggle up against the tide of his
burning indignation ; how the tender tones of compas-
sion blend with and soar above the tones of judgment.
What soft pastoral images break upon us in verse
6 ! This once fertile Tract by the Sea. thickly dotted
with the crowded hives of human industry, with fair
cities inhabited by free brave men, afterwards a desert,
accursed by God and abandoned by man, " shall become
2'JO
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
pastures, with huts for shepherds and folds for sheep."
Through the mountain gorges the flocks of the restored
Hebrews will descend on the green tiowery plains,
knowing no want, fearing no evU, because the shepherds
go before them with statf and rod. And how the sug-
gestions of peace and hope breathed by this verse are
confirmed by the next (ver. 7) ! As yet, indeed, we
hear of no mercy for tho Philistines ; but we do hear,
amid the thunders of judgment, a voice which speaks
comfortably to Israel. A remnant of Judah is to be
saved, and to possess the gates of its enemies. In
chapter i., verses 8, 9, God had threatened to " visit "
tho men of Judah and Jarusalem ; now he promises to
" visit " them : the same Hebrew verb is used in both
places ; but now, by a slight change in tho construction
(pdqad construed with an accusative of the person in-
stead of with al), the verb itself shows that God is
about to visit them in grace. And the grammatical
hint is expanded in tho words which foUow: God is
about to visit them that he may " turn their captivity"
as he turned that of Job, by giving them freedom for
bondage, peace for war, wealth for want. The peace
and abundance of this happier time are charmingly ex-
pressed in tho opening clauses of verse 7. The prophet
slightly changes the figure of the previous verse. There
ho had depicted the redeemed Hebrews as descending
with their flocks on the pastures of the Tract by the
Sea ; now he speaks of them as themselves the flock of
the Divine Shepherd. They are to " feed " through the
day on the broad rich pastures which open on the blue
waters of tho Mediterranean, and are guarded by the
lofty range of inland hiUs ; and " at evening " they are
to " lie down" in folds built from the ruined houses and
temples of their fiercest and most inveterate foes ; while
He who neither slumbers nor sleeps keeps watch over
them, that they may rest unalarraed.
This note of mercy toward Judah we shall hear
again and again, amid the angry discords of tho doom
which destroys their enemies, untU, at last, it swells
into a song of mercy for aU races, even for those who
have been most hardy in their defiance of heaven.
Fi-om the doom of the PhUisfines, Zephaniah passes
to (2) Tlie Doom on Moab and Amman (chap. ii.
V8. 8—10).
" I have heard the abuse of Moab,
And the reviliui^s of the sons of Ammon,
Who have reviled my people.
And boasted against their boundary.
Wherefore, as I live, salth Jehovah of Hosts,
The God of Israel,
Verily Moab shall become like Sodom,
And the sous of Ammon like Gomorrah,—
A region of nettles and saltpits.
And a desert for ever :
The remnant of uiy people shall plunder them,
And the residue of my nation shall possess them.
This shall come on them for their pride,
Because they have despised and boasted against the people of
Jehovah of Hosts.''
The prophet turns from the west to the east; and
on the east, as on the west, tho heavens are dark with
portentous clouds. Beyond the Jordan, to the south
of the land of Gilead (which was inhabited by the
descendants of Israel), and therefore to the east ,of the
kingdom of Judali, from Gilead to the eastern coast
of the Dead Sea, there stretched a fine mountain-land
of pasture. The large downs which spread over and be-
tween its ranges were, from primitive times, a favourite
haunt of the nomadic tribes. It was exactly adapted
to their necessities, since it was capable of sustaining
the vast flocks on which they themselves depended for
support; whUo it gave full scope to the wandering
habits which were in their very blood. To this day,
that fertile and elevated district, forty or fifty miles in
length by ten or twelve in breadth, the Belka of the
modern Arabs, is no less eminently fitted for pastoral
jjursuits than the maritime plains of Philistia, on the
opposite border of Palestine, are for the uses of agricul-
ture. The descendants of Lot, afterwards known as
the Moabites and the Ammonites, early took possession
of this rich lofty pasture-land. From the first, they
showed themselves hostile to the sons of Abraham ;
from the time of Balak, the Moabitish king who hired
Balaam to curse the tents of Israel, they were for ever
f ursing Israel, till " the abuse of Moab and the revilings
of the sons of Ammon" grew to be proverbial. Nor
did they only revile the sacred people ; they also " boasted
against their boundary," making raids into Gilead,'
and even crossing the rapid Jordan to harass and
plunder the inhabitants of Judah so often as theso were
weakened and distressed Ijy foreign foes. Tho pride of
these wealthy sheepmasters and shepherds, their lofti-
ness, their haughtiness of heart, the arrogance and
insolence of their bearing, are a constant theme of the
Hebrew prophets.^ This prido was to be humbled.
Because they despised and boasted against the people
of Jehovah-Zebaoth, a heavy doom was coming on them.
They should be made like the ancient cities of Sodom
and Gomorrah. Those cities, once so proud, and so
impious in their pride, were now entombed in the depths
of tho Dead Sea, the very sea on which tho mountains
of Ammon and Moab looked down. Even with that
terrible warning always beneath their eyes, the sons of
Moab and Ammon had despised wai-uing; they had
refused correction ; thoy liad nursed their pride, and
cherished an insolent hostUity and contempt for the
people of Jehovah. Thoy must take tho result, the due
reward, of then- deeds in a fate like that of the ancient
"cities of the Plain." Their rich pastm'cs should be
turned into a desert, a region of nettles and saltpits, in
which nothing would thrive, Jehovah pledges himself
to inflict this destruction upon them with an oath ;
" Verily . . . as I live . . . Moab shall become
hke Sodom, and tho sons of Ammon like Gomorrah."
But even as we listen to this inevitable and terrible
doom, wo once more hear the voice of mercy. If there
can be no escape for Moab and Ammon, at least the
sons of Judali shall get good. " The remnant of my
people shall plunder them ; and the residue of my
nation shall possess them." A hundred years before
tliese words were uttered, Isaiah had predicted that
when the Lord had mercy on his people, and restored
Amos i, 13.
2 Isa. xvi. 6 ; and Jer. xlviii. 29.
ZEPHANIAH.
291
them to their own laud, they should take strangers and
possess them for servants and handmaidens, that thoy
should "take them captive whose captives they were;"
that " strangers should stand and feed their flocks, and
the sons of the aliens be their ploughmen and vine-
dressers."' And now Zephauiah predicts that, among
the strangers and sons of ahens who shoidd become the
serfs of Judah, were their ancient enemies of Moab and
Ammon. Just as the elect people are to find pastures
in the Tract by the Sea, " with huts for shepherds and
folds for sheep," to feed on the substance of the Philis-
tines, and to lie down in the deserted houses of Ashke-
lon ; so also they are to grow rich on the spoils of Moab
and Ammon, and to reduce even these inveterate and
insolent foes to bondage.
There is a promise in this doom, then, a promise
bright with hope for as many of the Hebrews as were
loyal to their Divine King. But does God care only
for Hebrews ? Is the whole world to bo sacrificed to
them ? " Have we not all one Father," whatever-
our race or blood ? and must not the universal Father
have mercy and grace for all ? So far from sacrificing
the whole world to the Hebrews, when they finally
refused to be the ministers and prophets of his saviug
truth to all the families of the earth, He sacrificed thc^ri
to the good of the world. If they were chosen, it was
that they might serve, that they might be a blessing
to the human race ; if they are cast away, it is because
they were perverting the blessing that was in them to a
curse. Terrible as are the judgments he denounces on
heathen empires, Zephaniah reserves his heaviest doom
for the elect race ; " judgment begins at the House of
God;" and whether he denounce judgment on heathen
or Hebrew, he is sm-e that judgment is mercy, and the
precursor of mercy — that it is but as the knifo which
wounds that it may heal.
And in verse 11 he gives us — abruptly, as it were,
and before its time— his first fuU statement of the
merciful Divine intention of the judgments he has been
commissioned to pronounce. He stands on his tower
of vision. He has glanced east and west to find the
horizon dark with storms, which, if thoy are to bring
new fruitfulness to the house of Judah, are to boat
down other races to the dust. Artistically speaking,
I suppose the prophet ought to complete the circle of
doom, to carry our eyes to the storms lowering on tho
north and tho south, as well as on the west and tho
east, hefore he reUeves our hearts with the hope that
there will be " clear shining after tho rain," that,
after the night of judgment, there will dawn a morning
of benediction. But he can no longer refrain himself ;
the secret of mercy must have way and declare itself.
And so, when he has but half completed his appointed
round, he breaks upon us with the interjected song:
" Terrible is Jehovali over them !
For he famisheth all the gods of the earth,
Tluit aU the isles of the heathen.
Every one from its place, may worship Htm."
This is the very climax of his poem ; and in chapter
' Isa. xiT. 2 ; la. 5,
iii., verses 9 to 20, he reaches it in a more gradual and
artistic way. Here, it seems to bui-st from him as
though he could no longer restrain hmself ; no longer
liide from us " the secret strain " which was making
melody in his heart amid the loud uproars of doom.
And surely it is a true melody " of tho everlasting
chime," surely it is in very deed "an eternal truth"
which the faith of the prophet here makes " present
fact " to him. Veiled behiud the gi-eat natural forces
of the universe, and those inscrutable but irresistible
tides of thought, of social and political tendency, on and
before which we are but as straws on the wind or
bubbles on the sea, God often seems very " ten-ible over
US;" he seems to bo smiting down our "gods," all that
we hold dearest and most precious. And when wo arc
thus filled with the fear that bringeth bondage and hath
torment, how shall we be recovered to the freedom of
obedience and hope, unless we know that God is de-
stroying the false objects of devotion which, iguorantly
or wilfully, we have chosen for ourselves, in order that
we may turn to Him in whom alone we can rest, and fix
our hearts there where only our true peace is to be
found ? A mere promise of mercy in and after judg-
ment would not suffice, for promises are conditional;
and as we might only too possibly fail to satisfy the
• conditions of the promise, we should still he haunted
by the fear lest, after aU, wo should miss the blessing
of the promise. What we want, that wliich alone can
meet our need, is a law, a general, an universal law. We
want, we crave, to know that, apart from any goodness
or constancy of goodness in ourselves, tho Divine judg-
ments always have a purpose and subserve an end of
mercy. No special act or acts of grace wUl comfort us
with hope like a law of the Divine government ; favour
or grace might fail us, but the law of God endureth
for ever.
And the immense value of this verse consists in the
fact that it reveals a law, a constant and invariable law,
of the Divine government. The verse stands alone, and
is complete in itself. It is, so to speak, a place of van-
tage, a point of rest, to which the prophet has risen,
and from which he contemplates not simply the dooms
of which he had spoken, or the dooms of which he is
about to speak, but the whole course of the Divine
Providence. And as he looks before and after, as he
recalls the past and projects liimself into tho future, he
finds tlds to be a law of human histoi-y, that the judg-
ments of God are a necessary part of the scheme of
redemption ; that God intends them to recover men from
error to truth, from sin to holiness. They answer to
the convulsions and stoi-ms of the natural world, and
serve to disperse the foul infections which brood over
tho homes of men, to raise them to happier conditions,
and to pour roimd them a more vital air. God is
terrible, he says, but teiTible only that He may be
morcifid. He famishes the false gods, whose service
is bondage, starves them out of the world, that men
may freely worship the only wise and true God. For
the moment, at least, the Hebrew Seer rises far above
all local or national prejudices, and proclaims a blessing
292
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
which belongs, not to the Jew only, but to all the
world.
" All the ISLES of the heathen," or " of the Gentiles,"
is an epithet taken from the islands and coast-lands of
Europe at which the Hebrew ships had touched, and
was commonly used by the prophets [e.g. Isa. xli. 1)
to denote the whole of heathendom, all races save the
Jewish race. It is a fashion of speech with all early
traTSllers. In The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John
Maundeville, for example ; and in The Book of 8er
Marco Polo, many great countries, and even continents,
are called " islands," simply because only their ports
and coasts were known.
The "gods" of these heathen races were to be
"famished" or "made lean" by Jehovah; that is,
those who worshipped them, those who bountifully
supplied their altars witli sacrifices on which they grew
fat, were to be destroyed or corrected by the Divine
judgment. The altars would no longer steam with
blood and wine ; and the gods would pine away, and
vanish into their original nothingness, when they no
longer ruled in the imaginations of men, nor were sus-
tained by their offerings. Tlie false gods being starved,
the true God would come forth from his place, unclothe
Himself of the terrors by which He had compelled the
attention of men, reveal Himself in the fulness of his
compassion, and win all the heathen races, every one
from its place, to worship Him.
This is the law of tlie Divine method, of the way
God takes with men. And the great comfort, the great
value of it is, that it is a law, that God will act on it
whatever men do or forbear to do. That there is a
pure. Divine, Almighty wUl penetrating and pervadiug
the whole course of the human story, working in and
through all men toward a foreseen end of mercy, an
end which comprises the salvation of mankind — this is
a solid ground on which to build our hopes, whether
for ourselves or for the world. And it surely is very
striking that this law should be stated here, that this
light of life should arise in a darkness so profound;
that, amid the harsh thunders of a doom launched
against all the empires of the ancient world, we shoiild
hear a harmony so clear and sweet and full that it
makes all discords tributary to itself ; that even as the
storm of j udgmcnt goes crashing round the whole horizon
wo should see, even for a moment, the gracious bow of
hope shining in peaceful splendour across the darkened
sky, making the very lightnings look dull and coarse
before a beauty so pure, so supremo.'
(3) The Doom of Ethiopia (verso 12).
" Also ye, 0 ye Cvsfdtes,
Slain by mi/ sword are ye ! "
' I never but once saw a flasli of lightning strike right athwart
tlie arc of the rainbow. Many of my readers may never have seen
it. And to them it may he well to say that the figure here used is
accurately true. On the autumn evening on which I saw the bow
crossed by tho lightning, the electric fire, which ordinarily looks
so pure, intense, bright, grew positively gross and impure in con-
trast with the perfect and serene toues of the rainbow. The
lightning looked (hcah-ical — that at least was tho impression it
made at the moment ; the rainbow alone was real.
At this point we are drawn back into the gloom from
which we had for a moment escaped. Zephaniah has
to complete his circuit. He has travelled east and west ;
he now completes his round by denouncing judgment
on the nations of the north and south. At the south
ho merely aims a blow in passing ; but it is curious to
note how far it reaches. Zephaniah does not mention
Edom, which lay immediately to the south of Judah,
although the Edomites were tho constant enemies of
tlie Jews, aud were therefore a constant mark for the
denunciations of the Hebrew prophets. Nor does he
invoke judgment on Egypt, the southern foe which had
often warred against Israel, and the very name of which
had become a type of insolent hostility to the chosen
people. He travels to the utmost limit of his know-
lodge, and hurls his curt ringing anathema at Citsh, or
Ethiopia, the southernmost kingdom known to the
Hebrews. Even the remote, but by no means " blame-
less, Ethiopians" are not to escape tho judgment which
is to sweep away "tho sinners and theii- offences" from
the whole earth. The " sword " of the Lord is to reach
even to them. As though he felt he could not linger,
with a bold impersonation, Zephaniah speaks in the
name of Jehovah — " Slain by my sword are ye," and
addresses himseK directly to the southern race — "Also
ye, O ye Cushites." With this curt imperative pro-
clamation of war against the south, Zephaniah passes
on to elaborate —
(4) Tlie Doom on Assyria (verses 13 — 15).
** And He will stretch his hand over the north.
And destroy Assyria ;
He will also make Nineveh a barren waste.
An arid waste, like the desert ;
And herds shall lie down in the midst of her.
Wild beasts of every kind in droves ;
PeUcans aud hedgehogs lodge ou their capitals ;
Birds sing from the windows ;
Rubbish-heaps lie on the thresholds.
For the cedar-work is laid bare.
This is the city, the exulting city, the impregnable city.
Which said in her heart,
' I, aud no other.*
How is she become a desolation,
A lair of wild beasts !
Every one that passeth by her shall hiss.
And swing his hand."
But why this haste ? Why cannot the prophet tany
to impress the Ethiopian doom ujion us by graphic
touches such as those with which ho has abeady
stirred our imagination ? The answer to tliis question
I suppose to bo, that, during the period of its culmi-
nation, Assyria, fascinated the Hebrew prophets. Each
in turn is moved to his loftiest utterances as he contem-
plates its splendours, the vastness of its dominion, the
wisdom of its policy, the fierceness of its military
ardour, the magnificence of its public buildings aud
works, its inexhaustible wealth, and the luxuriousness
of its civilisation. Prom Isaiah onward, tiU " the goodly
fellowship " is well-nigh complete, this vast Assyrian
empire, and especially its capital city, drew and possessed
their thoughts. There are few grander poems, even in
the Old Testament, than the poems which depict its
glory and foretell its doom. And Zephaniah, though he
gives but three verses to it, rises to the f idl height of his
ZEPHANIAH.
203
power as ho handles this theme. There is indeed ahnost
a modern tone in the grapliic and picturesque phrases
in which lie depicts the judgment which is to fall on
the great city in which so many Hebrew captives liad
wept, the exulting city, the impregnable city, which
held itself to be sacred and unrivalled; in short, the
Paris of the antique world.
Drawn from the distant and all but unknown Ethiopia
in the south by the attraction of his approaching theme,
Zeijhaniah hastens to depict the storm which was to
sweep over the great northern empire.' Assyria, al-
though so strong and so proud in its strength, is to bo
utterly laid waste. The mistress of tho world, the most
populous, warlike, ambitious, and cultivated of Eastern
races, is to be exterminated. And Nineveh, its wonder-
ful capital, so massively built, so splendidly and curiously
adorned, so secure in its impregnable defences, is to
become an arid and barren waste, over wliich men will
pass without so much as dreaming of the ruins and
treasures that lie beneath their feet. As he peers into
the future, the progress of tliis incredible doom — its
successive stages and salient features — rise and pass
before the prophet's eyes. He sees the city, whicli now
exults in the stir and tumult of her streets and wars,
which accomits of herself as sacred and incomparable,
and saith in her heart, " I, and no other !" that is, " I
have no equal, no rival !" — he sees this proud inviolable
city assaUed, overcome, destroyed. Her forts and walls
crumble down. Herds crouch where once ran broad
streets loud with the wheels of traffic or tho tramp of
armies. Wild beasts wander and climb about tlie fallen
stones, seeking a prey or finding a covert within its
dismantled walls. Pelicans from the neighbouring
marshes and hedgehogs from tho adjacent fields make
their homes in the sculptured capitals of her fallen
columns. Bu'ds perch and sing on tho lintels of the
broken windows. The thresholds of house and temple are
littered with heaps of rubbish. The splendid marbles and
massive stones of its palaces have been battered down,
and tho costly cedar ceiUugs and wainscots hang in
ragged strips from sinking beams. And then the sand,
borne by wmds from the deserti, gradually buries the
wreck of former grandeur, hiding every trace of its
magnificence. Then the grasses and nettles spring up
in tho sand; uutU, at last, the immense and stately
city, which long dominated the thought and fired tho
imagination of the ancient world, becomes a mere
jungle, a lair of wild beasts ; and the traveller, hasten-
ing by, hisses with scorn and swings his hand, as who
should say, " Well she deserved her fate ! may she
never rise again ! "
In what sense, and to what extent, have these " dooms'"
on Philistia and Moab, Ethiopia and Assyi'ia, been ful-
filled ? No doubt, in so far as the Spirit by whom
Zephauiah was inspired intended them to be executed
1 Assyria was north-oast of Judah rather than norih. But pro-
bably because the Assyrian armies marched througli Syria and
the northern districts of Palestine, wlten advancing against Jeru-
salem, the Hebrew prophets commonly spoke of the Assyrian as
"the Northerner," or as " him of the North."
in past ages of the world, they have been fulfilled, ful-
filled to their utmost verge, although, except in tho case
of Nineveh, we cannot exactly trace out the historical
fulfilment. Speaking broadly, and in general terms,
the Tract by the Sea, the land of the Philistines, was
turned into a desert by the successive uivasions of the
Assyrians, the Chaldeans, the Egyptians, the Persians,
the Greeks, tho Jews, and the Crusaders. Much of
it, I believe, is in rough pasture to this day, though
in parts it is once more cultivated and bears out its
ancient reputation for fertility. The people of Moab
and Amnion, too, were at last, after many vicissitudes,
conquered by the Jews. The rich pastures of their
downs have sunk, in many jilaces, into a region of
nettles and salt-pits, although these lofty grassy downs
are still frequented by the Arabs and their flocks. But
neither Philistia nor Moab, so far as wo know, ever
became the permanent possession of the men of Judah,
and still less have their inhabitants been incorporated
with the people of God. Preliminary and partial ful-
filments of the prophet's words there have been ; but
the great, the spiritual, fulfilment is yet to come. When,
at last, the Lord " turns the captivity of Judah," when
tho Israel, still rejected because .still rejecting the
Lord's Anointed, sliall be restored, then we may expect
that all the Gentile races, of whom tho heathen of the
ancient world were representatives, will be conquered
and redeemed, and " all the isles of the heathen, every
one from its place, will worship Him."
So, again, with the doom on Cush. We have no
means of verifying, as the gainsayer has no means of
disproving, its historical fulfilment. We have reason
to believe, indeed, that "the Cushites spread along
tracts extending from tho Upper Nile to the Euphrates
and tho Tigris." And, no doubt, many of them were
"slain by the sword" when the Assyrian empire was
destroyed by the Modes and the Babylonians. But we
cannot point to any definite period or event in wliich
the prediction of Zephaniah was fulfilled.
The one doom which wo know to have been carried
out to tho very letter is that on Nineveh. " That
great city," through which Jonah travelled a three days'
journey, was not simply the largest city of the ancient
world. In tho mouth of the Hebrew prophets, Nineveh
was also the name of a district, twenty-five miles long
by fifteen broad, which included four largo cities, be-
sides villages and forts, within its protecting walls ; and
about six centuries before Christ, this vast populous
district was conquered and destroyed by tho Modes
(under Cyaxares) and tho Chaldeans (under Nabopo-
lassar, the father of Nebuchadnezzar). So complete
was the destruction, that, with a startling abruptness,
the great city vanished from the face of tho earth, and
its very ruins were hidden from the eyes of men. Only
two centuries afterward, Xenophon, in the famous re-
treat of the Ten Thousand, passed over its site without
so much as learning its name, though he hc;ird some
dim tradition of its former greatness and its fate. And
till thirty years ago it remained buried in oblivion, as
in sand. In 1766, Niebuhr stood on the bridge of
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THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
the Tigris, and gazed on some mounds on the eastern
bank, which ho took to be acclivities wrought by the '
hand of Nature ; but it was not till the year 1842
that Layard, Rawlinson, and Botta dug into these
mounds, and exhumed and interpreted the remains
which tell the story of the city's ancient greatness
and luxury and culture with a power beyond that of
words.
This doom, then, the doom on Assyria, was speedily
and litei-aUy fulfilled. But, surely, a larger fulfilment
awaits it. For lq Nineveh, as in other ancient empires,
the Hebrew prophets saw the representative for the
time then present of all the great world-powers which
exalt themselves against God. Till the kingdoms of
this world rise and merge into the kingdom of our God
and of his Chi-ist, the triumph of these ancient pro-
phecies, their fhial and victorious fulfilment, will not
have come.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE EEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., F.L.S., EECTOK OF PKESTON, SALOP.
THE BEARDED VULTITEE.
j^^°^^HE bearded vulture, or Idmmergeier ("lamb-
vulture'") of the Germans (so called from
the destruction the bird causes amongst
sheep and lambs), the Gypaiitus barhatus
of ornithologists, is with much reason identified with
the Hebrew word i^eres, mentioned amongst the unclean
birds in Lev. xi. 13, and Deut. xiv. 12, translated in
our version by the word " ossifrage," i.e. "bone-breaker."
Tlio Hebrew word is from a root meaning " to break,"
and the bearded vulture well merits this name. Mr.
W. H. Simpson has given an interesting account of this
bird's habits in the Ibis (vol. ii., p. 282). Ho says, " He
is not a demonstrative bird like the griffon, who may
be seen sailing about at a great height in the air, some-
times alone, but more often in troops of from half a
dozen to fifty, revolving in endless circles round each
other, that no corner may remain unseen. The liimmer-
geior, on the contrary, may be observed floating slowly
at a uniform level, close to the cliffs of some deep
ravine, wliero his shadow is perhaps projected on the
wall-like rocks. . . Marrow-bones are the dainties
he loves the best ; and when the other vultures have
picked the flesh off any animal, he comes in at the end
of the feast and swallows the bones, or breaks them and
swallows the pieces, if ho cannot get the marrow out
otherwise. The bones he cracks by taking them to a
groat height and letting thorn fall upon a stone. This
is probably tlie bird that dropped a tortoise on the
bald head of poor old ^schylus. Not, however, that
he restricts liimself or the huge black infant that he
and his mate are bringing up in one of the many holes
with which the limestone precipice abounds, to marrow,
turtle, bones, and similar delicacies ; neither lamb, hare,
nor kid comes amiss to liim, though his power of claw
and bo.ak being feeble for so large a bird, he cannot
tear his meat like other vultures and eagles. To make
amends for this, his powers of deglutition are enor-
mous." Mr. Simpson, who was travelling in Greece,
was told by a native that an old axe-head had been
found in this l)ird's stomach, and humorously remarks
that the meeting of the marrow-bones and cleaver must
have been veiy affecting.
This vulture has the character of attacking such
animals as lambs, kids, and even sometimes men, and
trymg to force them down the cliffs. Mr. Gould says
the lammergeior " refuses flesh in a state of putrefac-
tion unless sharjily pressed by hunger ; hence Nature
has limited this sjjecies as to numbers ; while on the
other hand, to the vultures who are destined to clear
the earth from animal matter in a state of decomposi-
tion, and thus render the utmost service to man in the
countries wliere they abound, she has given an almost
illimitable increase." This bu-d is not common in
Palestine, though most of the ravines are peopled by a
pair, and one or two, according to Tristram, may be
observed in every day's journey. The same writer
repeatedly watched a pair of lammergeiers who had an
ep'ie close to the camp, passing and repassing in front
of the tents for hours at a time, invariably dropping
something upon a smooth ledge of rock hard by. For
several days he imagined these were sticks the birds
were cari-ying to their nests ; but ultimately he discovered
they were picking up snakes and tortoises, whose bodies
and shells they were thus trying to bruise and break
in pieces.
rALCONID.i;.
The falcon tribe is very numerously represented in
Palestine, some of the species occurring more abundantly
than others. Of the eagles the following kinds have
been observed : — Aqtiila chrysaetus or golden eagle, not ■
common, being found for the most part in the northern
mountain districts ; the A. mogilnik or imperial eagle,
not quite so uncommon as the last named, a noble bird,
easily recognised by its dark plumage and white shoul-
ders ; the tawny eagle {A. nwvioides) ; the spotted or
rough-footed eagle (.4. ncevia), an occasional though very
rare vi.sitor to our own country; and Bonelli's eagle
[A. BonelKi). These three last species are said to be
tolerably common in Palestine, but nowhere in great
numbers together ; but by far the most abundant of all
the eagles is the Circai'tus cinereus, or short-toed eagle,
allied to the C. brachydactylus, the Jean-le-blanc eagle
(Buffon) of the fir forests of Europe. Of this short-
toed species Dr. Tristram says there are probably twice
as many in Palestine as of all the other species to-
gether. The buzzard-like booted eagle (Aquilaj'iennata)
also occurs. Of the genus Mihms (kite) three species
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
295
have been noticed — viz., the common red kite or glead
of this country (Milvus regalis), the M. niger or black
kite, and the M. ^gyptius of Egypt and Arabia. The
osprey or fishing hawk [Pandion haliaetus) occurs in
small numbers ; thi'eo species of buznard, of which the
Buieo ferox is the most common, are found ; and three
of the large falcons, the peregrine {Falco peregrinus),
the magnificent sakk'r {F. saker), and the lanner (F.
lauarius), summer visitors to Palestine, too sparingly
scattered. Dr. Tristram says, to claim a distinct notice
among the unclean birds. Of the harriers (Circus)
Dr. Tristram says four species are found ; he speaks of
the marsh (C curuginosus and the hen (C. cyaneus)
harriers' as very common; ho thinks that the honey
buzzard {Pernis apivorus) and the goshawk (Astur
palumbarius) should also bo included amongst the
diurnal raptores of Syria.
articles of diet : — Nes}ier,peres, 'ozniyydh, dddh, ayydh,
nets, and rdlchdm ; the first two and the last have been
already considered, and referred with much probability
to the gi-iffon vulture, or any of the large eagles, the
lammergeier, and the Egyptian vulture respectively; it
remains for us to consider the remaining names.
'Ozniijydli is rendered " ospray " in our English
version in the only two passages where the word occurs
(Lev. xi. 13 ; Dent. xiv. 12). The Septuagiut and tho
Vulgate give aKialeros (haliaiius), " sea-eagle," whence
our translators' bh-d, tho " ospray." EtymologicaUy
the Hebrew word points to some bird either of strong
sight or great strength. The haliaetus of the old
versions is no doubt identical with the halaitius of
Pliny {Nat. Hist., x. 3), who accui-ately describes the
habits of the osprey. "It poises itself aloft, and the
moment it catches sight of a fish in the sea below.
BATTLE-FIELD, FKOM THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES.
To tbe right is a vulture pickiDg out the eyes of a dead soldier ; to the left is the emblem of the God Asshur ; the figure in the circle
is shooting an arrow against the enemies of Assyria.
Of the hawks or smaller birds of prey several species
are found ; our own pretty little kestrel or windhover
(Tinnunculus alaudarius) is the commonest of all; the
T. cenchris is only a spring and summer visitor ; the
common sparrow-hawk of our own country [Accipiter
nisus) is plentiful, its favourite food being marsh-spar-
rows and turtle-doves ; the little Eastern sparrow-hawk
{A. brevipes) occurs, but not in great numbers ; the
hobby (Falco suhbuteo), the red-legged hobby {Falco
rufipes, Jen., Brit. Vert. An.), the Falco Eleonorw and the
black- shouldered hawk (Elanus cceridetis). occur here
and there in pairs or small parties in woods and olive-
gardens. The following Hebrew words occur as desig-
nating different kinds of diurnal bu-ds of prey which
the Jews were commanded to hold in abomination as
' This word (also writ*-en harler), when applied to hare-hunting
hounds, is clearly derived froin the animal pursued ; when it desig-
nates the family of diurnal-raptorial birds is from the A. S. hcrgian
herian, "to plunder," " to vex." See Shnksp., ^nt. and Clco., iii. 3^
" I repent me miich
That I so harried bim ;"
and compare " harass."
pounces headlong upon it, and cleaving the water with
its breast, carries off its booty." The osprey occurs
near the coast and the rocky parts of tho shore, but
not in very great numbers, the Lake of Gennesaret
and tho Jordan valley being avoided by it. While
this bird may be denoted by the Hebrew name — and
this has the support of tho two old ver.sions — it is pro-
bable it included other strong-winged raptorial bu'ds,
such as some of the eagles. Dr. Tristram thinks the
short-toed eagle (Circaiitus cinereus), so common in
Palestine at this day, may possibly be included. This
is a largo and bold bird, with owl-like eyes, and feet
and toes covered, chain-armour fashion, ^vith hard
reticulated scales, which serve to protect it against
the bite of venomous snakes, upon which, with lizards
and frogs, it feeds. " It is by preference a reptile
feeder, and is consequently more scarce in winter, when
it probably withdraws into the Ai'abian deserts for
two or three months, during which the snakes and
lizards hybemato in the colder regions of Palestine. It
remains, however, on the coast and plains, where there
are abundance of frogs to be had at all seasons. I do
296
THE BIBLE EDUCATOE.
not know a more maguificent-looking bird, as it sits
with its great flat head bent down on its shoulders, its
huge yell J w eyes glaring around, and the bright spotting
of its breast and abdomen as distinct as that of a
missel-thrush. It is very noisy, and always betrays
the neighbourhood of its nest by the loud harsh scream
with which the male and female pursue each other,
rising into the air and making short cii-cling flights.
ciaUy designated by the Hebrew terms dddh, or dayydh,
and ayijdh ; the dddh is mentioned in the list of unclean
birds (Lev. xi. 14; Deut. xiv. 13') and in Isa. xxxiv.
15; "There shall the dayyoth [A. V., 'vultures'] be
gathered together." The root of the word points to
some " swiftly flying " bird. There is a similar word
in Arabic — viz., Kdayah, which is to this day the
vernacular for "the kite" in North Africa. Many
OSPBET (PANDION HALIAETUS).
after which they suddenly drop down, one to the nest,
the other to a neighbouring post of observ.ation. Tliey
will often dash down from the clifi:s to the fields below,
swoop for a few minutes like a harrier, and then, seizing
a snake, set down and occupy some minutes in killing
the reptile, after which they carry the prize away in
their claws, not, like most eagles, devouring it on the
spot. The nest is ujion the rooks or in trees, and it
rears one, rarely two young." (Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 184.)
If this eagle was as common iu Biblical times as at
present, it would have very probably been included
under one or otlier of the Hebrew names of the diurnal
birds of prey.
The kites are by some writers supposed to be espe-
versions agree in rendering the word by a kite, as does'
Buxtorf in his Chald. and Talmud Lexicon ; when
Wdayah is used without the epithet "red" (with
epithet " red " it refers to the Milvus regalis), the
black kite (M. ater) is intended. This latter bird is
extremely common in Palestine, excepting during the
winter months. It is allowed to fly about unmolested,
being a useful scavenger. The ayydh, also by some
supposed to denote some species of kite, is men-
tioned only in Lev. xi. 14, Deut. xiv. 13, amongst
the unclean birds, and in Job xxviii. 7, where it
is rendered "vulture:" "There is a path which no
' In this passage r?l<"l (ruah) occurs, i by an error for •^.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
297
bird of prey knoweth, and which the ayydh's eye hath
not seen." This verse is part of a beautiful and
very poetical description of a miuo whence tlio labour
of man extracts various motals ; the deep recesses are
unknown to the bird of prey ; and even the keen sight
of the kite, proverbially distinguished for peculiar
keenness of vision, is unable to see the hidden recesses.
The singidarly easy and graceful fiiglit of the common
red kite must have attracted the attention of the ancient
people of Israel, as it has done that of more modem
nations ; the bird seems to glide smoothly along with
little muscular exertion, now sailing in circles, govern-
ing the curve with its forked rudder-like tail, now
stopping and remaining stationary, with tail widely
expanded. Indeed, its gliiliug smoothly in flight is
expressed in the old word glead or glede, the Anglo-
Saxon glida, from the verb glidan, " to glide." This
bird is common in Palestine in the winter, but in the
summer it leaves the lowlands for the mountains, to
breed. Dr. Tristram's party found it breeding in
Mount Carmel and in the hUls of Northern Galilee.
It received its specific name of reyalis (royal) from
the circumstance that King Louis XVI. was very fond
of flying highly-trained falcons called " launers " at
this noble bird, with whicli the orduiary peregrine was
hardly able to contend. The Hebrew word dddh, how-
ever, is generic, as is evident from the expression " after
its kind," and probably is used more extensively still,
so that perhaps buzzards and hai-i-icrs may also bo
included.
The various hawks or smaller birds of prey seem to
be denoted by the Hebrew name nets, occurring iu the
list of unclean bii-ds (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 15), where
again the expression " after its kind " clearly indicates
that the term is generic. The passage in Job (xxxix.
26), "Doth the hawk fly by thy wisdom, and stretch
her wings towards the south ? " appears to refer to tho
migratory habits of the hawks, uiost of which in
Palestine are migrants from the south, retm-ning
thither for their mntor sojourn. The kestrel is ono of
tho few that remain iu the country all the year round,
whUe the very closely allied smaller species {Tinium-
culiis cenchris) is only a spring and siunmer visitant.
This little bird frequents the towers of mosques and
churches, or the roofs of quarried caves. Dr. Tristram
observed hundreds about the old English chui-ch at
Lydda, said to have been built by Richard Coeur do
Lion ; it is entirely insectivorous in its habits, aud may
often be .seen pursuing large insects, as cockchafers,
towards evening. The claws in this species are white,
iu tho kestrel they are black, a distinction which the
Arabs have not failed to observe.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE FIEST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS.
BY THE REV. W. EENHAM, B.D., VICAK OF MARGATE.
< S tlie general scope and contents of the
epistle will be considered elsewhere, wo
need only say here that this is the first, in
order of time, of St. Paul's epistles. The
Apostle's visit to Thessalonica is recorded in Acts xvii.
1 — 10. Ho passed from thence to Berea, to Athens,
and to Corinth successively (Acts xvii. 10 ; xviii. 1).
At Corinth ho wrote the two Epistles to the Thes-
salonians.
i. 3. The first pa.ssage on which we remark is chap. i.
3. The Apostlo is fuU of rejoicing on account of their
"work of faith, labour of love, and patience of hope."
He means that their faith is not dead and lifeless, but
that It Is a working faith ; that their love is not mere
sentiment, but moves them to labour for God ; that their
hope is not feeble and soon cast down, but patient.
How he knows all this, having spent so short a time
with them, we sliaJl see from what follows, especially
from chap. iii. 6.
Let us remark in passing that the expression " God
and our Father " is a Greek idiom, the English equiva-
lent to which is " God our Faiher."
i. 4. Their "election." The Apostle infers that they
have been chosen or selected as God's people, from the
fact that they hiivo not only received the Gospel call
Cver. 5), but have believed it, have experienced its power.
have been sanctified by the Holy Ghost, and havo
much assurance — i.e., strong confidence iu God's mercy.
There is an exact parallel in 2 Thess. ii. 13, 14.
i. 6. Their " affliction" arose from persecution of the
Jews ; and this affliction went hand in hand with " joy."
For "the suffering that comes from without," as ha»
been beautifully said, "cannot depress the siririt of a
man who is faitlrful iu a good cause. It is only when
' from within are fears ' that the mind is enslaved. . . .
Tho servant of Christ feels a sort of exhilaration at the
contrast between himself aud tlie world, similar to that
of tho soldier on the battle-field in the presence of
danger and death. He is not like another man, but at
once above and below others ; he has the sentence of
death in himself, aud is yet more than a conqueror."
ii. 3. The Apostlo tells them that the reason of his
fearlessness in preaching was that he had no inward
misgivings arising from base or unholy motives. He
had the courage which a good conscience gives. Appa-
rently this has reference to some form of evU prevalent
in that day, in which professed spirituality was joined
with licentiousness. He upbraids it elsewhere in the
false teachers, aud asserts his own freedom from it
here.
ii. 8. "Our own souls" — i.e., "lives"' — which the
preachers were ready to sacrifice as martyrs for their
298
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
hearers' sake. It is hardly needful to remind the reader
that St. Paul's assertion of his care and tender solicitude
is no sellish boasting, but uttered to magnify his oflBee,
and to stop gainsaying mouths, that the cause of the
Gospel might not suffer.
ii. 1-1. Ho tells them that they were but followers
of the mother church of Judaea in having to bear tho
persecution of their countrymen. And hereupon ho
digresses from his subject, as is so frequently the case,
to speak of the Jews and their hatred to the Gospel.
" They please not God " (rather, they are such as are
displeasing to God), and they are also the enemies of
man (ver. 15). And now they are filling up their sins ;
for having begun by rejection of tho Gospel, they aro
now stririug to hinder it in others. This is the history
of sin. In the beginnings of evil men have hard work
to overcome the voice of conscience, but as it goes on
they aro bound under a curse, and seem to writhe in
the grasp of the enemy, as knowing that destruction is
impending, and that they cannot ward it off.
There is one point to bo noticed in tho concluding
words of the chapter. This was written before the
destruction of Jerusalem, but tho Apostle saw plainly
that the catastrophe was now inevitable. The people
oven now, as we read in the narrative of Josephus, were
in a state of frightful anarchy and misery. The wrath
was already " come," but its bitterness was not past.
If it be asked how do we reconcile the stern words
here with such passages as Rom. x. I, the answer is not
difficult to find. He was angry, as his Lord before him,
at the hardness of their hearts ; but there was a deep love
and pity underlying this anger, deep down in his heart,
and often welling up and overpowering the sterner
feeling (cf. St. Matt, xxiii. 35—37).
Before passing on we may speak of one subject which
has a great interest in early Church history, and which
is referred to in this first Christian epistle. I mean the
persecutions to which tho Christians were subjected.
There was a time, though it was short, when tho Chui-ch
was in favour with the Jewish people (Acts ii. 47). But
this could not endure. The priests and rulers foresaw
that the Gospel would militate against then- worldly in-
terests, and the preaching of Stephen that the Temi)lo
must give way to a building not made with hands — the
Catholic Church — was the beginning of a continuous
warfare. When tho Gospel came into contact with the
heathen world, tho fierce fanaticism of tho Jews again
encountered it, and they made it their business to rouse
the fanaticism of the heathen, hardly less fierce when
once awakened. For Christianity was not contented, as
other religions had been, to let things alone. It pro-
claimed uncompromising war against evil everywhere,
and declared that its purpose was to convert tho world.
This is why even good emperors became bitter perse-
cutors. They believed that reasons of state forbad the
toleration of a faith which made war upon all other
faiths ; and the ignorant mass of people, as usual, were
ready to foUow their loaders into unreasoning cruelty
and passion. Fanatic priests and idol-craftsmen feared
for their gains ; men of tho world, who cared nothing
about the idols, were angry at the discussions in their
families between believers and unbelievers ; the ignorant
multitude were furious on being told that they were to
bo enthralled in bondage, and to lose the pleasures and
enjoyments of life. The new faith, it is true, was not
yet made the subject of a state persecution, for it
did not yet seem formidable enough to be made of
importance ; but local persecution went on everywhere
unceasingly.
ii. 18. " Satan hindered us." All the Apostles' move-
ments were overruled by God (Acts xvi. 6, 7). Tet
hero St. Paul says that he was hindered from going to
the Thessalouians by Satan. Something evil, we know
not what — opposition of some kind, brought about by
the malice of the devil — stood in his way. We reconcile
tho two statements by remembering that though the
immediate cause of the hindrance to the Apostle's
present disappointment was Satan, God overruled it,
as He does all things to those who love him, for good.
He tm-ns the wrath of man to his praise, and shows
forth his power in overcoming all opposition.
ii. 19. " In the presence," &c- He means that his
converts will be his crown of rejoicing in the day when
Christ shall appear in his glory.
iii. 1. It is a matter of some interest to compare
this passage with the narrative of tho Acts. There
(xvii. II, 15) we read that St. Paul loft Bcroea alone,
sending a message to SOas and Timothous to join him
with all speed at Athens. But from the verse before
us it appears that in his anxiety to hear news of his
Thessalonian ehOdren, he either countermanded this
direction, and sent a message to Timothy to go to
Thessalonica first, or on Timothy's arrival at Athens,
sent him immediately back on tho same errand, and was
left at Athens alone. If this was tho case, the brief
meeting at Athens is passed over in the Acts, which
tells us that the re-imion took place at Corinth (xviii. 5).
iv. 4. Much difference of opinion exists respecting
the Apostle's expression, "possess his vessel." Some
writers, as Dean Alf ord, Jowett, and Bishop EUicott, in-
interiiret it as of the wife. Others, as Dr. Vaughan,
Conybcaro and Howson, and Bishop Wordsworth, make
it the body ; and this opinion wo prefer. The word
" possess " does not express the force of the original, which
signifies " acquire," " gain possession of," and the sense
therefore will be that every man must acquire the
mastery of his body — by continued discipline must get
it back from sin into his own power (cf . 1 Cor. ix. 27).
Tho body must be mastered thus, not given up to the
lust of concupiscence — i.e., to lawless and ungoverned
passion.
It was needful to dwell strongly on this, because
sinful lusts were so common among tho Greeks as to be
regarded as not sinful at all. Parents made fight of
them in their children ; moralists encouraged them.
iv. 5. " The GeutUos " here are unbelievers, as opposed
to Christians (cf. 1 Cor. xii. 2).
iv. 6. The words " in any matter " should read " in the
matter" — i.e., in the particular matter under notice,
thus decorously hinted at, and not named.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
299
iv. 9. ■• Te need not," because theii- actions proved
that they had learned the divine lesson effectually.
iv. 11. Wo have here a hint of one of the evils which
troubled the Thessalonian Church — naui(;ly, restlessness,
the spirit of disorder. In the first excitement of their
conversion, apparently tho new believers had not accu-
rately measured their position as regards the world.
Some among them already looked upon themselves as
raised above their fellow-men into a supernatural state.
They left their daily employments, and looked so confi-
dently for the speedy coming of Christ to judgment, that
their only doubt was as to their departed friends having
a share iu the victory. Accordingly wo have here, made
yet more emphatic iu the Second Epistle, an exhortation
to them to bo quiet, and do their work steadily, and
work honestly towards those \(i^c jre without — i.e., the
heathen.
iv. 13. He now passes to a subject of surpassing
interest — tho state of the dead. " Leave to tho world
which knew not Christ," ho says, " that sorrow whicli
has no hope. For as surely as Jesus died and rose
again, so surely shall the sleep of his people have an
awaking." The details of the passage before us, however,
are by far the most difficult in the epistle. We have
first to consider what is meant by the coming of Christ.
One view, and that the most generally received, is that
the Apostle at this time expected the end of the world
speedily, and before his death ; but that ho modified his
expectation as time went on, until he exclaimed at last, "I
am now ready to be offei-ed, and the time of my departure
is at hand." It may be so, but it does not seem to us
probable. The Apostle shows in more places than one
that ho is in constant expectation of death, and in the
Epistle to the PhiUppians speaks of departing and being
" with Christ, which is far better."
Let it be remembered that tho Thossalonians were
acquainted with tho Jewish Scri2)tures, and believed in
their inspiration. They knew, therefore, that the De-
liverer of mankind was also the King of Israel. They
believed that his resurrection had proved Him to be so,
and that His pom-ing forth of the Spirit at Pentecost was
an assurance of His abiding presence. Then it followed
that He was to be manifested as tho King of all tho
earth, putting down evil and establishing righteousness.
They knew that Christ himself had declared that He
would so come before his own generation should pass
away. St. Paul, therefore, was only taking for granted
truth which they already knew when he spoke of the
coming day of the Lord ; and when he spoke of tho
wrath falling upon the Jews, he identified this as part of
the work of that great day. He was only follovring tho
example of Joel, and Isaiah, and Ezekiel when ho regarded
all great events as parts of the one appearing or day of
tho Lord, though they might bo separated from ono
another by years. And tho fall of Jerusalem, the utter
uprooting of the ancient Church of God, was the day
of the Lord which he had especially iu his mind; and
yet it was only one of a series of events which shall
follow age after age until the final consummation come.
Whether ho should live to see that catastrophe he knew
not ; liis Lord had said it should come in that generation,
but he left this to God, only speaking of himself, as we
should aU do, as " we that are alive."
The imagery with which he clothes his vision is taken
from our Lord's own words, and surely the trumpet'
did sound, and those who had ears to hear did hear it
(cf. Zeph. i. 14—16; Zech. ix. 14; Matt. xxiv. 31).
And they should not lose the vision of glory who had
fallen asleep in Him ; for they all live iu Him, and there-
fore must partake in all liis victories. We who live to
see them on earth shall not prevent (i.e., get advantage
over) them that are asleep. All alike would share the
same blessedness.
Tlie words "to meet the Lord in tho air" seem in-
tended to discourage the camal notion of His coming
down as an earthly king, to reign visibly on the earth.
His people will meet Him
" Above tlie emoke aud Btir of tliia dim spot
"Which men call earth."
Earth is no homo for those who believe in Christ. Their
citizenship is in heaven.
As if further to show that this judgment-day of the
Lord was not to be the final consummation, he exliorts
them not to let the expectation of it unsettle their
minds, and cause them to neglect their daily duties.
And in the Second Epistle he reiterates his exhortation
with increased emphasis.
v. 1. Why ha vo the Thessalonians "no need" that he
should write of the times and tho seasons ? Because
they knew that the Father had kept them in his own
power (Acts i. 7). The principles were already laid
before them ; the details were for time to make known.
Let the day of tho Lord bo when it would, it would be
terrible to those living iu sin, but not so to the children
of the light. On this expression see Luke xvi. 8 ; John
xii. 35, 86 ; Eph. v. 8.
V. 8. The children of the day have once for all put
on- the Christian armour, and renounced their former
sins. The spiritual armour in the present allegory is
somewhat different from that in Eph. vi. 11, ff. Here the
Apostle simply declares that the three Chi'istian graces
—faith, lovo, hope — form the defensive armour of the
Christian. For " the figures of Scripture aro not rigid,
but elastic. Many a controversy would have been pre-
cluded by remembering this " (Dr. Vaughan).
V. 10. It win be noticed that as St. Paul passes on he
somewhat varies his application of tho word " sleep." In
ver. 6 it means the sleep of sin ; here it is of death. In
one sense, he would say, all must sleep ; but to those
who obtain salvation by our Lord Jesus Christ this sleep
is not destructive. Those who wake and those who
sleep live together with him (cf . John xi. 25 ; xiv. 19 ;
Col. iii. 3, 4).
V. 14. "Feeble-minded" (cf. Isa. xxxv. 4; liv. 6;
vii. 15).
v. 17. " Pray without ceasing." The act of prayer
1 "A shout;'* the origiual word si^uiiies the sigual-cry of a
commander.
2 The literal translation is not "putting on," but "having put
300
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
must, of course, bo intermittent, though it should be
frequent. But the spirit of prayer, of entire dependence
upon God, is to be incessant.
V. 18. "In everything," in sorrow as well as in joy
because both alike are overruled by God's providence
for good (cf. Eph. v. 20).
V. 19. " Quench not tho Spirit." We must remember
that the outpouring of the Spirit was a new gift to men,
and as it was enkindled in them by God, tho Apostle
exhorts them not to repress or smother it. Probably
there is a special reference to the miraculous gifts of
tongues and prophecy, which it was in tho power of the
possessor either to use or to neglect, and which there-
fore furnished a test of his faitlrfulness.
" Prophesyings " — that is, not tho forcteUing of future
events, but the forthtelling of tho Divine will. It was
one of the miraculous gifts — the most desirable of all
(see 1 Cor. xiv. 1 — 5), because it conveyed edification and
comfort, and, unlike tongues, was for a sign, not to un-
believers, but to beUevers. Such powers were, of course,
liable to abuse ; weakness and imposture might easily
be mixed with them (cf. 2 Thess. ii. 2 ; 1 John iv. 1), and
therefore the Apostle, while bidding the Thessalonians
not to despise them, because they were a veritable Divine
gift, adds, "But' prove aU things" — i.e., by Christ's
rule, so as not to bo led away by false projjhcsyings.
V. "23. Spirit, soul, and body are the three parts of
man ; two invisible, one visible. We must not too
confidently undertake to distinguish between the two
former, for we are told that it is one of the special
attributes of the Word of God to do so (Heb. iv. 12).
But we may imderstand generally that by the soul is
meant the living principle, including the mental quali-
ties ; and by tho spirit that yet higher being which is
created to be united with the Spu-it of God (cf. Job
xxxii. 8).
V. 27. We have here, in St. Paul's first epistle, tho
tacit claim to be regarded as inspired. The epistle is to
])0 read in Christian, as Old Testament books in tho
Jewish congregation.
1 This word should l>e in the English Tersiou.
THE HISTOEY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
RT THE REV. W. F. MOULTON, M.A., PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS, WESLETAN COLLEGE, RICHMOND.
HE first impression produced by the reading
of these passages' will probably be one of
surprise that there is so little difference
between tho English of 1525 and that
of our ordinary Bibles. Two or three words or
phrases are unfamiliar, but even these present no real
difficidty ; tho sense is plain. This impression is
strengthened when we pass from short extracts to
whole chapters and books of Tyndale's version. In the
Gospel of St. Mark and the Epistle to the Hebrews
there are not more than eighty words (or, as some of
these words occur two or three times, not more than
ninety words in all) which are not found in our Autho-
rised Version of the Bible ; that is to say, there are not
more than four strangers in every thousand words, or
nine in every hundred versos. In the whole of Tyn-
dale's New Testament the number of different words
of this description is probably below 350. This number
may seem liigh, amounting as it does to nearly a tenth
part of the vocabulary of our New Testament, but
many of the unfamiliar words occur once or twice only.
We have, indeed, no right to speak of tho words as
unfamiliar, for comparatively few (such as assoil, arede,
rjohhet, grece, to pill, harberous, lowtli, to disdain at, to
disease, partlet, manqueller) woidd cause tho ordinary
reader any embarrassment. Many of them differ very
slightly from well-known Bible words, as ignorancy,
moistness, warmness, vantage, uncredible, temperancy,
conspiration, frailness, prisonment. A large number
belong to the English of the present day ; such are
■ See above, pnge 262.
emperor, scruple, hreakfast, farmer, tenant, gown, trifle,
fiend, prompt, hetohen, compile, friendless, rose-coloured,
vainglorious, hangman, effusion, beseem, suspicious, to
piece, to swarm, paschal, rightful, sermon, prelate,
angrily, ineffable, parish, pith. Good Friday, Sunday,
Whitsuntide. The only surprise that can be excited by
the occurrence of some of these words arises from
their apparent modernness ; we can hardly bring our-
selves to believe that they are nearly a century older
than King James's Bible.
On more attentive study, however, we discover that
the familiar look which Tyndale's version wears (when
once we have overcome the diificulty of the spelling) is not
due to familiar vocabulary alone. Not words only, but
phrases and whole sentences have rung in our ears
from childhood. Take for example the passage given
from chapter xi. of tho Epistle to the Hebrews, and
compare it with the common translation ; not twenty
words in tho six verses do wo find changed. This, as aD
win admit, is a passage of groat beauty — a passage
most happily rendered ; but a glance will show that
almost all the excellent points are due to tho first trans-
lator. The other passages wo have cited have, perhaps,
undergone greater change, but in these also tho well-
known terms of expression are continually presenting
themselves. It has been estimated ' tliat, in our Autho-
rised Version, about nine-tenths of the First Epistle of
St. John, and five-sixths of the very difiicult Epistle to
the Ephesians are retained from Tyndale. When a
new rendering has displaced Tyndale's the change has
' Westcott, History of the English Bible, p. 165.
THE HISTORY OP THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
301
not always been for the better. It would be a gain, for
instance, if in John x. 16 we still read " one flock,"
instead of "one fold;" if 1 Cor. xiii. set forth the
excellence of "love," and not of "charity ;" if in Rom.
i. 18 St. Paul were not made to speak of " men wlio
hold," but of "men who withhold" (or "hinder") the
truth ; or if " in the name " took the place of " at the
name" in PhU. ii. 10, and "by Jesus" (or "through
Jesus ") wore substituted for " in Jesus " in 1 Thess.
iv. 14. In these and in other examples which might be
adduced the earlier rendering (in substance) should bo
replaced. On the other hand, there is no doubt that,
on the whole, the translation has gained largely in
faithfulness under the hand of the loving labourers who
foUowod Tyndale. Still greater has been the gain in
rhythm and beauty of phrase, though oven here Tyndale
stands high. Happy turns of expression such as
" singing and making melody in your hearts," " in him
we live, move, and have our being," "turned to flight
the armies of the aliens" (which are all duo to Tyn-
dale), with many others which might be quoted from
sections of peculiar tenderness and charm of language
(as Acts XX.18 — 35 ; Eph. iii. ; 1 Peter ii.), tell their own
tale.
The connection between Tyndale 's work and our
Authorised Version has a less favom-able side. If many
of the excellences of the latter aro due to the first
translator, so also are some of its characteristic faults.
The inconsistency of rendering so often alleged against
our version (and not without reason) appears very
strikingly in Tyndale, the same word being very fre-
quently rendered in two different ways in the same
verse or oven line. Thus, iu Matt. xxi. 23 wo read,
" By what authority doest thou these things ? and who
gave thee this authority >" The Greek word is repeated,
and the English reader receives the very impression
which the Greek conveys. Tyndale, however, no doubt
to avoid the repetition of a word, translates the Greek
word in the first clause by " authority," in the second
by " power." It is less surprising to meet with inac-
curacies of other kinds. At so early a period of the
revived study of Greek, the influence of the Latin
language was naturally very great, and we- cannot
wonder Lf wo find a translator neglecting the Greek
article because it was nocossarOy passed over in the
Vulgate (the Latin language having no definite article),
or faOing to perceive the exact force of tenses and con-
structions when the peculiarities of the same familiar
language rendered it an unsafe guide. The real ground
for wonder is that, vrith resources so imperfect, work
so valuable should have been accomplished.
One characteristic of Tyudale's translation strikes the
reader at once. No ono can read the narrative portions
of the Gospels, as presented iu our Authorised Version,
witliout remarking the multitude of connective words.
And, but, now, then recur so often that we feel at once
that we are reading a translation from some other tongue.
The repeated use of a few of the simplest Greek conjunc-
tions to dovetad together the successive portions of a
narrative would have appeared monotonous to an
Athenian, and is really a peculiarity of the Hebrew
language, naturally reproduced in Greek that was
spoken or written by Jews. An idiomatic English
translation might efface this feature of the original ;
a literal rendering seeks to present to the English reader
every characteristic of the Greek which can bo expressed
without danger to the clearness or force of the sentence.
In Tyndale's first essay ho sacrifices literalness to
English idiom, and very frequently neglects the connec-
tive word. In four chapters of St. Matthew (xviii. —
xxi.) we find forty-four omissions of this kind in the
course of 145 verses ; in his second edition, however,
Tyndale reduced this number to thirty-six. Scholars
still differ as to the course which a translator should
take, but Tyndale had a definite oiiinion on the subject,
and the result is a clearly-marked feature of his work.
These various questions of translation suggest another
important inquiry. What was the Greek text which
Tyndale rendered into English ? Without entering into
any technical detaUs, wo may remind the reader that
tho manuscrijjts of the Greek Testament differ widely
among themselves. WliUst agreeing so remarkably
that (as was said by Bontley) not ono article of faith or
moral precept is either perverted or lost in the whole
mass of various readings, yet they present many very
interesting and very important variations, none of
which wiU tho reverent student of Scripture be willing
to neglect. Until tho year 1516 not more than six or
seven chapters of the Greek Testament had been printed
and published ; the sacred book was accessible in manu-
script only. In that year Erasmus's first edition of the
Greek Testament was given to the world. It is obvious
that the correctness of tliis printed text would depend
on the excellence of the manuscripts from which it was
derived. These manuscripts (five in number) are still
at Basle,' where the volume was printed, and when
the science of textual criticism began to be studied with
care, scholars were at pains to examine them and esti-
mate their value. Not ono of these manuscripts is
ancient. Tho most valuable of tho five was written in
the tenth century ; to this manuscript, however, Eras-
mus seems to have attached but little value. In tho
Gospels Erasmus followed almost entirely a manuscript
written in the fifteenth century. Before Tyudale's
earliest translation was i)laced in the printer's hands,
Erasmus had published three editions of the Greek
text, tho third bearing date 1522. Tyndale may have
had in his possession manuscript copies of the Greek
Testament, but there can be no doubt that he made full
use of the results of Erasmus's labours, and that the
printed text was the basis of his translation. As, how-
ever, the successive editions of this text differ among
themselves in many places, we must carry the inquiry
farther, and endeavour to ascertain which edition was tho
source from which tho English version was derived. Ono
well-known characteristic of Erasmus's third and most
t With the exception of that from which the Book of Revela-
tion was taken. This manuscript was missing until IBS'), when it
was discovered by Professor Delitzsch in the library at Mayliiugen,
in Bavaria.
302
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
celebrated edition enables us to apply a very simple test.
In 1 John V. 7, 8, " For there are tliree that bear record
[in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost :
and these three are one. And there are three that bear
ivitness in earth], the spu'it, and the water, and the blood,
and these three agree in one ;" the Greek words coiTe-
spondiug to those which we have placed within brackets
are contained in no manu-
script earlier tlian the tif-
teenth century, and were not
inserted by Erasmus ia his
iirst and second editions. As
the missing clauses were
foimd in the Latin Vulgate,
their absence from the Greek
text gave rise to much con-
troversy. Erasmus's reply
to his objectors was, that as
soon as any Greek manu-
script containing the words
should be discovered, ho
would insert them in his text.
One " British manuserii)t " (probably the " Montfortian
manusci'ipt," in the library of Tiinity College, Dublin,
wi-itten in the fifteenth or sixteenth century) was found
to answer this reciuiremeut ; and Ei'asmus fulfilled his
promise, giving the words
a place in his thu-d edition.
If now we turn to Tyn-
dale's octavo Testament,
published throe years later,
we find the controverted
clauses given without any
mark to indicate a doubt
of their genuineness, i al-
most as they stand in our
Authorised Version. Here,
thou we have a clear proof
that our translator made
use of the third edition of
Erasmus's Greek Testa-
ment. We must not hastily
assume that this edition
was the basis of Tyndalo's
whole translation. It may
easily be shown that Tyn-
dalo's work agrees with no
one of Erasmus's editions.
For example, a peculiarity
of his first is the omission, of several words in Acts
ii. 30, and in Tyndale's first Testament those words
are wanting;" on the otlicr band, nearly twenty pas-
sages might be quoted in which Tyndale differs from
Erasmus's first etlition and agrees with liis second. A
very clear mark of the second edition is the substitution
of "ye envy " for " ye kill," in James iv. 2 ; in all other
'In his revised translntion (153+), Tj-ndale pri-nts the disputed
words in different type and in a parenthesis.
- Perhaps the omission is due to the influence of the Vulgate.
ketone t)alf) 1)13 eyesopenc!) .-Jfc- J^imbttt
not -no to/3 he\)olbe,\t\xa^^^'^<^^'^'^^'^^^^
f})affi COW& a fta-rre of 3ftcolb a.vii) ryfeaccpler
ofSsracf./tDVloJ f^aff fmf^i 9 cpoftescf ^os
ah anbyiniitmym a.Eill)e «l}ifbevu ofo^llj.
feffion (ifSeix fl)afbfct()eircni-m)>e6f/aTtb3f
Toeff^aff boomon^nffy .lln6 out ofjcicab
5l?aff come, \ji.i\(i\,fl)a.^b&fir^ye,\\)Ztntimii
NUMEEKS XXIV. 16 — 19 : TYNDALE (1531).
Cr 9rBen£$tforiOba9eQ(teii§e.(?u.baye Z^s
■knaiff p:i.a})f2 l"^ © Poibe/t^at l^ou^3
t^OtttocifeatigTyeV»'\lO tne/j)4tt&^acan efoie.yil-
gcrtg turueb/flttb t^ou ^afl comfoite
me.lBeOofie (^ob l6m^fa.£uadon:'3^to\ff6£
MU l^erfote anb not fsaite.jfoi t6e £s>\ht
3 (W^c: ai\b 10 Become my fa'[rpouTe.7lu&;s?c
l^aK 5mtoc toaUt in ^fabnes oule of Ipe \xKt
ie.e of •faCuQciot). 21nbye eljaff fa^eit) iftai bo.'-
^(.•.t^&xit tfiankcg unto iBe (ctxhe.! caff on ^»6 110.
me:maFt£ fttebebee knotoenamcnge l^c ^es
t(]en: tememBftT iBat fits uame is 6ie. £.>?fte
Tap.^))Tigc unto l^^ Po^bc/foi ^e r>cd^ ione
eiwcfcffenl{ye/an6 l^ai te knotecn l^o:iow OU'-
le off l6« toojfie . £r))e aKfc f^otote J^ouin*
fia6it«r of Stou/ fox STeatamotiaevottiolBe
U^i. ofBfroef. ' "* ^ ^ ^
ISAIAH, CHAP. XII. : TYNDALE (1534).
editions, earlier and later, Erasmus set aside this reading,
which had uo other authority than his own conjectui-e,
and restored "ye kill;" Tyndale has "ye envy" not
only in his first edition, but also in his re\dsed version.
Where Erasmus's second and thu'd editions differ,
Tyndalo .seems to agree with the second more frequently
than with the third. It appears clear, then, that Eras-
mus's second edition (1519)
was that with which Tyndale
was most familiar; but that
on the appeai'ance of the
third, which contained so re-
markable an addition as that
in 1 John v. 7, 8, he followed
the authority of Erasmus in
this passage, and possibly in
some others. Before Tyn-
dale's revision was pubUshed,
Erasmus had given to the
world a fom-th edition (1527),
in which the text of the Book
of Revelation was materially
improved by the use of the Complutensian Polyglott,''
which had been prepared from bettor manuscripts.
Unfortunately, Tyndale appears to have made no use
of this edition. In Rev. xiv. 1, " havyuge his fathers
name written in their f or-
hcdes," he has one of its
impi'oved readings, " writ-
ten " instead of " bum-
iug ; " but as he gave this
rendering as early as 1525,
it is evident that he ob-
tained it from some other
source, most probably from
the Vulgate. If this read-
ing was taken from the
Latin, it would not be a
solitary instance of the
kiad. In Matt. i. 18, for
example, the word " Jesus"
is omitted in Tyndale's
first edition, though no
Greek manuscript leaves
out the word, and the Vul-
gate must have been the
authority which Tyndale
followed. To the same
influence we must attri-
bute the absence of the doxology from the Lord's
Prayer, as given in the first Testament. In both
these instances the words omitted were restored in the
revision of 1534. In later translations, as well as in
Tyndale's, we shall find that the influence of the Latin
versions sometimes led to the adoption of readings not
found in the Greek text which the translators possessed.
Not unf requently, as has been already explained,* these
3 See above. Vol. I., p. 258.
* See Vol. I., p. (
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE.
303
readings have been since discovered to rest on high
authority, being confirmed by ancient manuscripts not
known or not appreciated in the sixteenth century. This
question, however, is only one branch of another, much
wider and more important — what iutiuenco did the
Vulgate and other translations of Scripture (by Eras-
mus, Luther, and others) exert upon Tyndalo's version ?
This question must be reserved until Tyudale's work
upon the Old Testament has been reviewed.
Before we pass away from our present subject a word
must be said ou the order in which the books of the New
Testament are placed. The list of books preserved in
the GrenvUle Fragment is very curious. As far as the
Epistle to Philemon the arrangement does not differ
from that of our own Bibles, but this Epistle is imme-
diately succeeded by those of St. Peter and St. John.
So far, the books are numbered from 1 to 23. After
the 3rd Epistle of St. John there is a break iu the list,
and the names of the four remaining books, the Epistle
to the Hebrews, the Epistles of at. James and St. Jude,
and the Apocalypse, are left without numbers, and most
carefully kept ajjart from those which precede. This
arrangement is Luther's ; the four books were placed
last by him because, in his judgment, they stood below
the other books in rank and importance. It is clear
that ia 15'25 Tyndalo accepted in the main Luther's
opinion on this point. In his Testament of 1534 the
order remains imchanged ; but the break in the list
before the Epistle to the Hebrews has disappeared; and
iu his prologues Tyndale di.stiuctly admits, and even
argues for, the authority of the three Epistles as portions
of Holy Scriptm-e.
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE
PALESTINE :— (2) OEIGIN OF ISEAEL (concluded).
BY THE BEV. WILLIAM LEB, D.D., KOXBURGH.
III. EAELT HISTORY.
s H K circumstances under which Israel came
into existence as a nation are famUar
to every reader of the Bible. Little,
indeed, can be added to the informa-
tion on this subject which lies on the siu-face of the
sacred narrative. Nor have we much reason to regret
that the extra-Biblical materials of our knowledge of the
times in question, wliile abmulantly illustrating many
collateral topics, and, as far as they go, corroborating
the Scriptures, leave us to depend for the early histoiy
of Israel on her own national records.
1. The period with which we are here concerned
begins with the migration of Abraham. Up to the
time of that event the Bible contains the history of
maukiud rather than of any one people. It is true that,
from the first, wo have the same distinction which existed
in the case of Israel, and exists even now, between the
Church and the world. In other words, there was " a
chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation,
a peculiar people " (1 Peter ii. 9), before Israel, as there
has been since Israel. Even antecedently to the Flood,
Cain's evil seed — a race not without some material civili-
sation, but destitute of true religion — are found in
Jabal, " the father of such as dwelt in tents and have
cattle ;" Jubal, " the father of all such as handle the hai-p
and organ;" Tubal-cain, "an instructor of every arti-
ficer in brass and iron " (Gen. iv. 20 — 22) ; and there
are also found the children of Seth, whose characteristic
distination it was that they " called upon the name
of the Lord" (Gen. iv. 26), and, like Enoch or Noah,
" walked with God "(Gen.v. 24; vi. 9). Nor is the history
of tlis chosen line, of the pre-Noachlc period, nnUlve
that of the Church in other ages. That " the sons
of God," and "the daughters of men," of Gen. vi. 1,
I represent the descendants of Seth on the one hand,
I and of Cain on the other, is the interpretation which is
now generally received by Biblical scholars, as it is that
which, in earlier times, was maintained by Theodoret,
Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, Jerome, Augustine ;
by Luther, Melancthon, and Calvin (Diet, of Bible, s. v.
" Noah "), all of whom, lUcewise, conclude from the
whole passage that, in process of time, there began
to be then, as there has been ever since, an admixture
of the holy seed with the seed of the wicked, by which
the Church became contaminated with the en-ors and
vices of the world ; and that one result was that pre-
vailing corruption of manners, extending even to the
Sethites, which provoked the judgment of the Flood.
A comparatively pure element, however, continued to
subsist iu the midst of the almost universal depravity
which ensued ; and in Noah himself the Church, no
less than the race, was kept alivo in those days when
both appeared to be threatened with extinction. But
if the Church of Chiist, like Christ himsi 1£, was thus
" before Abraham," its history in those early times does
not belong exclusively to Israel.
2. The migration of Abraham was not only the
commencement of the history of Israel, but it was
itseH the result of a revelation made to that patriarch
(Gen. xii. 1 ; cf. Gal. iii. 8 ; John viii. 56) — the first of
many similar revelations which, as time went on, were
with more and more fulness, and in more and more
explicit terms, vouchsafed to himself and his posterity
— as to the gi-eat imrpose for which Israel was called
into existence as a nation, and the special part they
were destined to fulfil in relation to the providential
government of the world, which demands our special
attention.
That the final aim of the existence of Israel was one
304
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of transcendent importance — one, too, in whieli " all the
families of the earth " had an equal interest, being no
other than the introduction and establishment of the
kingdom of Christ — is a part with which it might
apiiearwe have here little concern. Rightly to estimate,
however, even the ethnical position and character of the
Israelites, it is olnnously indispensable that we should
always keep in mind the peculiar work for which, both
by prophecy and history, wo know they were specially
8ot apart by God.
It is the more necessary to keep the true mission
and aim of the seed of Abraham in view, because other-
wise it is impossible to account for the extraordinary
and unprecedented privileges conferred on them. There
are certainly no results, beyond those connected with
that mission and this aim, to justify their claim to be
regarded as tlio peculiar people of God, and as a nation
whieli had been dealt with as God never dealt with any
other nation. Apart from their relation to the spiritual
kingdom of Christ, they from first to last never made
any great figure in the world's history. They formed
a nation very much like other nations of the earth.
They had the same pursuits as their neighbours —
merchandise, politics, trade, literature; the same dis-
tinctions of rank ; the same relations, amicable or hos-
tile, with the rest of the world ; they were animated by
the same pride of race, the same patriotism, the same
ambition for national greatness, the same passions gene-
rally. And as far as they had no higher aims, they
made no higher, and as a role only reached much lower
attainments than many other nations. For a brief
period, in the reigns of David and of Solomon, worldly
glory appeared to be within their reach. There seems
to have been no natural inaptitude in the race of
Israel, preventing thom from arriving at distinction in
any of the pursuits of life. In modern times, men of
Jewish blood have been found in the very first ranks
among the cultivators of science, the arts, and literature ;
indeed, in every pursuit open to them they have kept
pace with all competitors ; and the reign of Solomon,
above all, was one in which the capacity of the people for
a distinguished position among civilised nations seems to
have asserted itself so strongly as to attract the notice
of other Eastern peoples. The jiromise thus excited was
not fulfilled. The momentary splendour faded amidst
the troubles of the disruption of the kingdom which
foOowed the doatli of that monarch. Upon the whole,
many other nations have been more prosperous ; have, by
policy or force of arms, acquired greater power and wider
territories ; have, within the sphere of action common to
them all, exercised more influence on the world's history.
Other nations have done more to promote intellectual
eiUture ; to advance the physical sciences ; to extend
commerce ; to perfect the xiseful arts, as well as what
are called the fine arts ; to further the progress of philo-
sophy, jurisprudence, political economy ; and to enrich
the world with masterpieces in architecture, painting,
sculpture, and some departments of literature. As a
nation, the only distinction which can be claimed for
Israel is that already noticed. Nor, according to the
Bible, was any other distinction ever contemplated.
Temporal blessings were conditionally promised, the
condition being fidelity on their part in carrying out their
true destiny ; but eVeu with this limitation mere worldly
greatness was not an achievement which they were at
any time encouraged to hope for. Any promises which
appear at first sight to point to such a result will be
found, on investigation, to require to be interpreted
figuratively as looking forward to a kingdom which is
not of this world — the kingdom of Him who was a
greater even than Solomon, and in whom there is
neither Jew nor Greek, for aU aro one in Him.
Nor, let it be added, is any other reason for even the
most extraordinary of the instances of God's distinguish-
ing favour to the chosen seed required.
3. It was only after a protracted delay that the nation
came into existence. "Men," says Bishop Butler, " are
impatient, and are for precipitating things ; but God is
deliberate in all his operations." A nation is not bom
in a day ; nor, in the case of Israel, was there, in this
respect, any miraculous interference to hasten the pro-
gress of events. Apart, indeed, from the rapid increase
of the people in Egy[)t — an increase not attributed in tho
Bible to other than natural causes — the facts indicate a
providential purpose to retard, rather than to precipitate,
the entrance of the children of Israel on their national
existence.
The true chronology here, as elsewhere, is undeter-
mined ; but oven accepting the lowest computation, the
period from the departure of Abraham out of Haran
to the Exodus was no less than 430, and to the Conquest
about 470 years (cf . Gal. iii. 17 ; Gen. xv. 13 ; Exod. xii.
40 ; Acts vii. 6).
Though long delayed, the time, however, came at
length when Israel should enter on her promised inheri-
tance. Nor were the intervening years \wthout result.
On the contrary, these years were among the most im-
portant in the history of Israel ; their influence, indeed,
at once on the character of the nation and its after
history can scarcely bo over-estimated.
Tho principal events must bo very briefly recapitu-
lated. (1.) Among these tho sojourn in Egypt deserves
a prominent place. Tho extent of t'ne influence of
Egypt on Israel is a question not without difficulty.
That a single family should have grown up into a g^eat
nation, and at tho very period of their history when they
were necessarily most susceptible to impressions from
without, should, on the lowest calculation, have passed
upwards of 200 years in tho midst of a people Uko the
Egyptians, a people possessing tho oldest civilisation,
and the civilisation tho most advanced of any people of
antiquity, without direct influences being produced, the
results of which must have continued to be manifested in
after years, is inconceivable. Two considerations must
certainly be taken into account as serving to modify
our estimate of the probable results, (a) In Egypt
the Israelites appear to have been, in a great measure,
isolated from the bulk of tho native ijopulation, having
been from the first assigned, with that express object
(Gen. xlvi. 34), a special territory for their exclusive
ETHNOLOGY OF THE BIBLE.
305
occupation, and a territory wliich seems to have been
situated in a frontier province (Gou. xlvi. 28, sq. ; xlvii. 1,
11; Esod. siii. 17, IS), probably (Did. of Bible, s. v.
" Goslien ") scarcely forming a part of Egypt proper.
And (6) the bondage was fitted to excite a strong pre-
judice in the minds of tlie Israelites against everything
connected with the land of their oppressors. Some in-
fluence, however, was inevitable. As far as can be
judged from the Biblical history, the people can'ied
away with them from Egypt fewer traces of the ci\'ilisa-
tioa of that country than of its superstitious beliefs and
usages. Moses was " learned in all the wisdom of the
Egyptians" (Acts vii. 22). He had enjoyetl singular
advantages for acquiring an intimate knowledge of their
arts and sciences, their civil institutions and political
government (Exod. ii. 10) ; and we have not any reason
to believe that this providential arrangement was witli-
out a purpose, and did not form part of the training by
which the future lawgiver of Israel was fitted for the
office assigned to him by Providence. How far — if at
all — it influenced the character of the polity and con-
stitution which he was inspired to introduce, has long
been a matter of doubtful controversy (cf. Spencer, Be
Legibus HebrcBorum ; Witsius, .Mijijptiaca ; Michaelis,
Laivs of Moses ; Warburton, Divine Legation of Moses ;
and later authorities cited in Winer, BealwHrterbucli,
8. v. "Gesetz"). In any case, some of the most charac-
teristic customs of the Egyptians, as their rites of
burial, their mode of writing, their style of architecture,
appear never to have taken root among the Jews. On
the other hand, however, as in the land of bondage
itself they served the gods of Egypt (Josh. xxiv. 14), so
afterwards, not only in the wilderness (Exod. xxxii. 1 ;
Ezek. XX. 6, 7), but long after their establishment in
Palestine, even down to the Captivity (1 Kings xv. 26 ;
Ezek. viii. 17 ; cf. Warburton, Div. Leg., iv. 86), we find
how reluctant they were to leave ofl: the idolatries
brought from that country (Ezek. xxiii. 8). In the
Bible itself, it is chiefly as an occasion of trial and pro-
bation that the sojourn in Egypt is spoken of. In this
respect it resembled tlrj forty years' wandering in the
wilderness, when God in like manner " humbled his
people and proved them" (Deut. viii. 2); and though,
temporally, the result may have been to bring to light
the native tendency to evil in tho hearts of the people,
its influence, whether for good or evil, must have been
very groat. No doubt that influence was upon the
whole beneficial. Trial wo know to be one of tho
great means by which both nations and individuals are
prepared for the highest services in which either can
be employed. (2.) Another great event in tho early
history of Israel belongs to tho times which imme-
diately followed the Exodus. It was within a year
or two after the Exodus, and nearly forty years before
the Conquest, that the law was given which provided
for Israel that peculiar polity and those moral and
ceremonial and ci\'il laws and institutions. Under which,
with non-essential modifications, the Israelites always
continued as a nation to bo placed, and which must
always have had the greatest effect on their national
character and the accomplishment of their destiny.
(3.) Last but not least among the events of this period
must be mentioned the series of signs and wonders and
mighty miracles which not only distinguish the history
of Israel from all other histories, but are not by any
means otherwise than exceptional even in tlie annals of
this nation itself. It was, indeed, only at this time, when
the theocracy was established, and in the time of Elijah
and his successor Elisha, the period of its restoration,
that, eacept during the personal ministry of our Lord
and in the Apostolic age, miracles, in the received sense
of the term, coidd be said to form a conspicuous, or even
an appreciable element in tho national life of Israel (cf.
Trench, Notes on the Miracles, 45). The mii-aculous
dispensation under which tho people were at this time
placed, has a direct relation to their ethnical history.
It has been well observed, that " there is as much need
of an admission of the supernatural element [in the
liistory of Israel] for understanding their national
character, as there is for understanding the narrative
of its fortimes and misfortunes " (Isaac Taylor, Spirit
of tlie Hebrew Poetry, p. 117, quoted in Loathes' Boyle
Lectures, 1868, p. 252).
A single word in conclusion as to the general con-
dition of this the most memorable of the i-aces of Pales-
tine, at tho moment that they took possession of that
territory. The people were already in point of numbers
a great nation. There is no reason to think they were
less numerous at the Conquest than at the Exodus (cf.
Exod. xii. 37; Numb. i. 46 ; xxvi. 51), when it is com-
puted that they formed a population of about 2,000,000.
The distinction into tribes ah-eady existed, and had
been recognised even in Egyi)t (Exod. vi. 14). They
had a standing ai'uiy, consisting of all Israelites above
twenty years of age; an army regidarly organised
(Numb. i. 3 ; ii. 2 ; x. 14 ; xxxi. 6) ; and an army which
was inured to hardships and in some measm-e to war,
as well as brought thoroughly under discipline in the
prolonged and trying march through the wilderness.
The forms of worship and ceremonial observances with
which we are familiar in their later history had been
already instituted. Their ci\il no less than their moral
and ecclesiastical code was, as to all its leading pro-
visions, akeady fixed. They had courts of justice and
officers for the administration of the laws (Exod. xviii.
25). In short, before they crossed the Jordan, they
were already a nation, which only wanted a territory to
take at once its place among the nations of the earth.
44 — VOL. K.
30G
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
THE HISTOEY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
ET THE KEV. W. F. MOULTON, M.A., PKOFESSOK OF CLASSICS, WESLETAN COLLEGE, KICHMOND.
'^•■aTl njaSiHE two specimens given in fac-simile on
('^^ CSfy* V^S^ 302 are taken from originals in tie
(s^l ^•■""S British Museum. The former is one of
^^^^sr^'^ the Epistles from the Old Testament
which are appended to Tyndale's New Testament of
1534 ; the second is from the first edition of Tyndale's
Pentateuch. There are two copies of the latter work in
the British Museum : one (in the Grenville Library) is
perfect ; the other wants a few pag'os, which have been
supplied in fac-simile. In this edition each of the books
of the Pentateuch has its own title-page, but in no case
does this page contain the date of publication or the
printer's name. Tho only information on these points
is supplied by a note at tho end of Genesis : " Em-
prented at Malborow in the lande of Hesse, by me
Hans Luft, the yere of ouro Lorde M.ccccc.xxx., the
xvij. dayes of Januarij." The Books of Genesis and
Numbers are in black letter; Exodus, Leviticus,
Deuteronomy, in Roman. It seems clear from these
indications that the five books wore published and
circulated separately; whether they were collected by
Tyudale and issued by him in one volume, we do not
know with certainty. Each book has its own prologue.
The preface to Genesis is headed, "W. T. To the
Reader," and opens with a reference to the wi-iter's
translation of the New Testament. To this document
we have already referred,' as affording trustworthy
information respecting Tyndalo's labours before he left
England for tho Continent. Tho initials " W. T."
stand at the head of every page of the prologues to
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. In
Exodus sovoi-al full-page illustrations are introduced,
representing tho furniture of tho tabernacle, the dress
of the high priest, &c. Each book is furnished with
marginal notes, keenly controversial in spirit, and vigo-
rous in language; everywhere the writer is bent on
tracking out and exposing tho errors and corruptions of
Rome. Are the sons of Aaron commanded not to
"make baldness upon their head" (Lev. xxi. 5), at
once follows the comment, " Of tho heathen priests
then took our prelates thoensamplo of their bald pates."
Where the text brings before us tho self-sacrificing
Bpirit of Moses (Exod. xxxii.), Tyndale is ready with a
parallel and a contrast : " O pitifid Moses, and likewise
O merciful Paul (Rom. ix.). And O abominable
Pope with all his merciless idols." Though such com-
ments as these cannot but remind the reader of Luther,
it has been shown by Mr. Domaus = that they are alto-
gether different from tho notes in Luther's Pentateuch :
in this respect thoy differ widely from the marginal
annotations in Tyndalo's fii-st Testament, which wore m
great measure taken from the Gorman.'
1 See above, Vol. II., p. 22. 2 Life of TvnAalo, p. 238.
See Westcott, Biatory of English Bible, p. 153 ; Demaus, p. 129.
In the Library of St. Paul's Cathedral we find a
volume very similar in character and contents to that
which has just been described. It contains the Penta-
teuch in tho form of five separate books, with different
title-pages and prologues, and printed in different de-
scriptions of type. Here, however, the Book of Numbers
alone is in black letter ; Genesis is in Roman, and
plainly professes to be " newly correctyd and amendyd
by W. T., M.D. xxxiiii." It is clear then that wo have
before us a new edition of the translation of Genesis ;
but whether the translation of the other books has been
in any way altered is very doubtful. Even in Genesis
the changes introduced are probably of no great magni-
tude. In the earlier edition Gen. iv. 7 is rendered thus :
" Wotest thou not yf thou dost well thou shalt receave
it? But & yf thou dost evell, by & by thy synne
lyeth open in the dore. Not withstondyng, let it be
subdued unto the, and see thou rule it." In the cor-
rected edition dost is twice changed into do, but in other
respects tho rendering is unaltered. The later translation
of Gen. XX. 16, a difficult verse, is as follows : " He shall
be a coueryuge to thyne eyes vnto all that ar with the,
and vuto all men an excuse." The earlier text reads,
" and vnto all men, and an excuse." The two transla-
tions have not as yet been compai'ed throughout.
It is generally believed that Tyndale proceeded much
farther than the Pentateuch in the translation of the
Old Testament, and thact in a Bible pubUshed the year
after his death all tho books from Genesis to 2 Chron-
icles (inclusive) are from his hand. The evidence in
support of this opinion wiU bo given when we come to
speak of " Mattliews' Bible." Tho only portion of the
Old Testameut which ap^ieared in Tyndale's name,
besides the Pentateuch and the " Epistlos," was the
Book of Jonah (1531). The prologue to the translation
(which is five or six times the length of the book itself)
is well known, but the translation was until very recently
supposed to bo entirely lost. As lately as 1848 the editor
of Tyndalo's works for the Parker Society did not hesi-
tate to maintain that Tyndale had never published a
version of Jonah, but a (so-called) prologue only. In
1861 all doubts were set at rest, a copy of the transla-
tion being discovered by Lord A. Hervey, now Bishop
of Bath and Wells ; a fac-simile edition was published
by Mr. Fry, in 1863.
To illustrate more fully Tyndale's labours on the Old
Testament, we append the whole passage in Numb,
xxiv. of which tho extract above described is a part, and
also some verses from the 4th chapter of Jonah.
NUMBEKS XXIV. 15 — 24 (ttndale, 1531).''
i-'j And bo began bis parable and Bayed : Balam tbe Sonne of
Beor batb aayed, and tbe man tbat hath bis eye open hatb Bayed,
^ Tbe verses are niarlied for convenience of reference ; in Tyn-
dale's Pentateucb, as iu bis New Testament, there are no divisione
except those of paragraphs and chapters.
THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
307
J*" and he 'hatTi sayed that heareth tlie wordes of God and hath the
kuowlege of the most hye and beholdeth the visioo of the all-
mishtio, and when he falleth downe hath his eyes opened. '7 I so
Lim but not now, I beholUe him but not nye. There shall come
a Starrs of Jacob and ryse a cepter of Israel, which shall suiy te the
coostes of Moub and vndermyne all the cbilderu of Seth. '^ And
Edom shalbe his possession, and the possession of Seir Ghaltie
their enimyes, and )srael shidl doo manfully. '9 And out of Jacob
shall come he that, shall destroye the remuaunt of the cities.
'■^ And he luked on Aumleck and began his parable and sayed ;
Amaleck is the first of the uacions, but his latter eude shall perysh
utterly. 21 And he loked on the Kenites, and toke his parable
and sayed : strouge is thi dwellyuge place, and put thi nest apon a
rocke. ^^ Neuerthelater thou sbalt be a burnynge to Kain, uutill
Assur take the prisoner. 23 ^uj be toke his parable & sayed :
Alas, who shall lyue when God doeth this ? ^4 The shippes shall
come out of the coste of Cittim and subdue Assur and subdue
Etoer, and he him selfe shall perysh at the last.
JONAH IV. 1 — 5 (tyndale, 1531).
WberforQ Jonas was sore discontent and angro. And he
prayed vn to the lorde, and sayd : O lord, was not this my sayenge
when I was yet in my centre ? And therfore I hasted rather to
flo to Tharsis : for I knew well ynough that thou wast a mercifull
god, ful of compassion, long yer ' tbou be angre and of great
mercie, and rejieutest when thou art come to take punishment.
Now therfore take my life from me, fori had lener- dye then Hue.
And the lordo said vn to Jonas, art thou so angrie ? And Jonas
gatt him out of the citie and sate him downe ou the est syde
theroffe, and made him there a bothe, and sate thervnder in the
ahadowe, till he might se what shuld chaunce vn to the citie.
Let us now examine these passages in detail, taking
first the verses from Numb. xxiv. This passage, we may
say, has been selected solely on account of its intrinsic
intt!rest, and because it well tests the powers of a trans-
lator. As in the extracts from Tyndale's New Testa-
ment, so here, we notice much that is preserved in our
Authorised Version ; we may easily calculate that nearly
seventy words out of every himdred have remained
unchanged. Even a hasty comparison, however, wUl
reveal some important differences (of interpretation, and
not merely of phraseology) between the two versions.
The renderings which wiU strike the reader most for-
cibly are the present tenses in verses 16 and 17 (heareth,
hath, beholdeth, I see, I behold); the last few words in
verse 16 (" when he falleth down hath his eyes opened ") ;
the substitution of coasts for corners, and undermine for
destroy, in verse 17 ; of is for was in verse 20 ; and of
put for thou puttest in verse 21 ; the omission of " shall
have dominion and " in verse 19 ; and the changes in the
first half of verse 22 : in verse 18 the meaning intended
is probably the same in both versions. Now in most of
these points of difference Tyndale's version clearly do-
serves the preference. In verses 16, 17, an accurate
modern translation would come very near to Tyndale's.
Both coasts and corners (verse 17) are possible renderings
of the Hebrew word, and either is preferable to the ren-
derings found in the Vulgate and Luther's version.
TIio translation MK(?ei-miBe (verse 17) is interesting a,3 an
attempt to render the Hebrew word with great, exact-
ness— an attempt not suggested by either of the ver.sions
just mentioned, or by tho Latin version of Pagninus.
The omission in verse 19 seems to be duo to a diiferent
reading of the Hebrew, probably incorrect, but not with-
out some critical support. Commentators still differ in
opinion as to the choice of is or was in verse 20. Tlie
^ Ere, before.
2 Eathtr.
same may be said of put and is put in verse 21 ; the
rendering- of the Authorised Version ("thou puttest")
cannot stand, unless as a free translation, following tho
sense rather than the form of the original. In verso 22
our common version is probably right, but it is interest-
ing again to note in the word " burnijig " Tyndale's
oif ort to keep close to the Hebrew. The general results
of a careful comparison of Tyndale's version with the
Authorised in this passage may bo stated as follows : —
There are in these ver.sos about seventeen differences of
some importance ; in eleven of these Tyndalo is probably
right. In three of tho eleven he agrees with Luther
and the Vulgate, in three more with tho Vulgate against
Luther ; in five he has the support of neither of these
versions. The instances in which Tyndalo is wrong
are of less moment. Once he follows a different read-
ing of the original text, twice he inserts and, twice
omits and or also, once veaiis which in the place of and;
in verse 19 he has cities for city. In minor points the
Authorised Version has some advantage : for example,
took up is better than began or took, and kneiv (verse 16)
is more literal than hath. It should be said that in one
of the important variations {ptd, in verse 21) Tyndale's
translation may be due to the Latin version of Pagninus.
Surely nothing can be clearer than that in this passage
(and we repeat that the verses were selected for their
internal character alone) Tyndale has played the part
of the careful, able, and honest translator, using all
available helps, but studying the original for himself
with independent judgment.
The second passage is of a different cast. There are
no difficulties of accotmt in Isa. xii., and hence the
differences between Tyndale's version and the Autho-
rised consist almost entirely in tho phraseology. It is
therefore with some surprise that we discover the verbal
agreement between the two versions to be no greater
than in the passage last examined. Here again Tyn-
dale's tmnslation often shows close attention to the
original ; whereas he is frequently at variance with the
Vulgate, and the extent of his divergence from Luther
is really remarkable. In the third passage, Jonah iv.
1 — 5, hardly more than haK the words in our version
are found in Tyndale's, though here also there is not
much room for serious difference in interpretation. The
translation " Art thou so angry ? " differs both from
Luther and from the Vulgate.
We may at present dismiss from consideration Tyn-
dale's translations from the pi'ophetical books ; though
interesting in themselves, they are of little importance for
our present purpose in comparison with his version of
the Pentateuch. Of this it would not be right to form
a judgment from an examination of one passage only.
Indeed, this passage taken by itself gives an inadequate
impression of the extent to which our version is indebted
to Tyndale in the Pentateuch The more difficult the
passage chosen as a specimen, the larger is the amount
of variation which different translations will exhibit.
If we take the last twenty-four verses of Deuteronomy,
we shall find that, in the first half of this portion, which
is difficult, we owe to Tyndale about two-thirds of tho
308
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Authorised Version ; in the second half, a plain narra-
tive, the debt is largely increased, amounting to eighty-
six words in every hundred. A study of diificult verses,
taken from such chapters as Deut. xxxiii. and (Jen. xlix.,
confirms the conclusions already expressed in regard to
Tyndale's position as a translator. No one will suppose
that the characteristics wliich we have discovered in
Tyndale's Pentateuch will be wanting in his New Testa-
ment. Here, however, wo cannot go into detail; the
limits of our space will not permit more than a state-
ment of the results of examination. The translations
accessible to Tyndale in the New Testament were
Luther's, the Vulgate, and the Latin version of Erasmus,
which accompauied his editions of the Greek text. A
careful examination of continuous passages of some
length, and also of isolated verses of peculiar difficulty,
leads us to the same conclusion as in the former case.
Alike in the Old Testament and in the New, Tyndale
had before him the best of existing translations, and
every page shows that he was largely influenced by
them ; but all who scrutinise his work with care will
testify that Tyndale's version was made neither from
the German nor from the Latin, but most undoubtedly
from the original tongues.
It may be thought that too much stress lias boon laid
on Tyndale's independence. Seldom, however, has any
translator been so completely misjudged as Tyndale
has been. One cause of this misapprehension is no
doubt to be found in the vigour and warmth (to use no
stronger terms) of his controversial works. The un-
prejudiced reader who looks at his writings as a whole
will do justice to Tyndale's deep religious feeling and
fervent zeal for the truth ; but it is no matter of surprise
that those who were the objects of his unsparing attacks
should have doiireciated his labours and misunderstood
his character. Their assertions, unhappily, have boon
repeated by later writers, who in their haste have mis-
taken the statements of partisans for authentic history.
It was natural for More to connect Tyndale's Now Tes-
tament with Luther ; but we may well be astonished
when we find a modern historian of note describing
Tyudale's translation as " avowedly taken from "
Luther's and from the Latin Vulgate, and another
afiii'ming that " Tyndale saw Luther, and under his
immediate direction translated the Gospels and Epistles
while at Wittenberg." More recently still Tyndale has
been classed among certain translators who, whilst pro-
fessing to carry out the idea of forming an Enghsh
Bible from the original languages, " seem chiefly to
have worked for the printers, and to have translated
chiefly, in the end, from Luther's German Bible and
the Vulgate." It is therefore stiU necessary to insist
on the internal eridence which so strongly supports the
claim which Tj-ndale everywhere makes (by implicjition,
if not openly) to have had resort to the original Scrip-
tures. When he made his first attempt to obtain the
countenance of Bishop Timstal as a translator of the
Greek Testament, he offered an English version of
Isocrates as a token of his competence. More himself
aUowed and appealed to Tyndale's knowledge of Greek.
One of the most celebrated scholars of that day'
spoke of the Englishman who was translating the New
Testament at Worms as a man " ■ so learned in seven
lauguagos — Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish,
English, and French — that, whichever he spoke, you
would think it his native tongue." Tyndale speaks
familiarly of the peculiar constnictions of Hebrew, and
the extent to which they influence the Greek of the
New Testament;- his remarks on the translation of
Greek and Hebrew into English •* will command the
assent of all who are acquainted with the properties of
the languages in question. In his Pentateuch he ex-
plains many peculiar words — such as Ahrech (Gen. xli.
43) and Zaphnath-paaneah — in such a way as to show
familiarity with the subject; his explanations not un-
frequently differ from those found in the two versions
to which he is supposed to be in bondage, and not
always for the worse. But enough has been ah-eady
said to show how baseless are the reflections which are
cast on Tyndale's work as a translator of Scripture.
His indejjendonce in this respect really stands in fre-
quent and marked contrast with his close adlierence to
Luther in many of his prologues, notes, and expositions
of Scripture. To use the words of one who has ex-
amined this subject with the greatest care, " Tyndale
availed himself of the best help which lay within his
reach, but ho used it as a master and not as a disciple.
In this work alone he felt that substantial independence
was essential to success. In exposition or exhortation he
might borrow freely the language or the thought which
seemed suited to his purpose, but in rendering the sacred
text he remained throughout faithful to the instincts of
a scholar."^
One of Tyndale's adversaries must receive more than
a passing notice. We have already referred to Sir T.
More's violent attacks upon Tyndale and all who were
supposed to be confederate with Mm. In the folio
edition of More's works, more than a thousand pages are
taken up with this controversy.^ More's skill in Greek
is not doubted, and as little can any one question his
eagerness as a disputant ; if then Tyndale's translation
of the Now Testament were bad and false, by such an
opponent the defects must surely be brought to light.
It is no small testimony to Tyndale's substantial accu-
racy that More occupies himself so largely witii his
adversary's doctrines, so little with the translation. In
this, it is true, ho discovers many errors, as the follow-
ing quotation will show, but the same passage will also
reveal the method of reckoning employed : —
" So had Tyndale, after Liither's counsel, corrupted
and changed it from the good and wholesome doctrine
of Christ to the devilish heresies of their own, that it was
clean a contrary thing. 'That were marvel,' quoth your
friend, ' that it should be so clean contrary ; for to some
that read it it seemed very like.' 'It is, ' quoth I, ' never
the less contrary, and yet the more perilous. For like
' Hermnnn von dem Buscho, usually kuown as Buscliius. See
Arber, Preface, p. 25.
2 Works, vol. i,, p. 4G3. 3 TToiis, vol. i., p. 143.
* Westcott, Hist, of Enylish BiiU, p. 104. * Demaus, p. 281.
THE HISTORY OP THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
309
as to a true silver groat a false copper groat is never
the less contrary, though it be quicksilvered over, but
so much tlie more false, in how much it is counterfeited
the more lUcc to the truth, so was the translation so
much the more contrary in how much it was craftily
devised like, and so much the more perilous in how
much it was to folk unlearned hard to be discerned.'
' Why,' quoth your friend, ' what faults were there in it ?'
' To tell you aU that,' quoth I, ' were in a manner to re-
hearse you all the whole book, wherein there were found
and noted wrong or falsely translated above a thousand
texts by tale.' ' I would,' cjuoth he, ' fain hear some one.'
' He that shoidd,' quoth I, ' study for that, sliould study
where to find water in the sea. But I will show you
for ensample two or thi-oe such as every one of the
tlu-ee is more than thrico three in one.'. ' That were,'
quoth he, ' very strange, except ye mean more in weight ;
for one can be but one in number.' ' Surely,' quoth I,
' as weighty be they as any lightly cau be. But I
mean that every one of them is more than thrico three
in number.' ' That were,' quoth he, ' somewhat like a
riddle.' ' This riddle,' quoth I, ' will soon be read.
For ho hath mistranslated three words of great weight,
and every one of them is, as I suppose, more than
thrice three times repeated and rehearsed in the book.'
' Ah, that may well be,' quoth he ; ' but that was not
well done. But, I pray you, what words be they ? '
' The one is,' quoth I, 'this vrorA priests ; the other, the
church; the third, charity."'
This was the head and front of Tyndale's offending.
He had discarded some of the familiar ecclesiastical
words, employing common words in their place. For
church he uses congregation, as More's friend Erasmus
had (sometimes) done before him ; for priest ho uses
senior, as a less ambiguous word ; grace gives way to
favour, confess to hnoxcledge (that is, acknowledge),
penance to repentance. " Senior," Tyndale admits, " is
no very good English ; " and in his later editions he puts
elder iu its place. Wliatovor judgment may be passed
on Tyndale's procedure, his defence deserves considera-
tion;- surely at a time when so many injurious and
false notions were attached to the words in question, a
translator might well take refuge in simple terms of
imdoubted signification. Even should the older terms
bo restored at length, to have been reminded of their
proper meaning would bo a gain to every reader.
One other point remains, a point referred to in an
earlier paper,' but left for consideration in this place.
Was Tyndale indebted in any degree to the early
English versions of Wycliffe, Hereford, and Purvey ?
It is hardly possible that he can have been unacquainted
with these versions, though, as we have seen, they were
not printed for two or three centuries after Tyndale's
age. A very able writer on the English language, Mr.
G. P. Marsh, considers it certain that "Tyndale is
merely a full-grown Wycliffe." " His recension of the
1 More's Blnlogue, book iii., cb. 8. See Avbor, Prefaco, p. 55.
2 See bis Works, vol. )., pp. 16— 2i (Parker Society).
3 See above, toI. i., p. S3.
Now Testament is just what his great predecessor would
have made it, had ho awaked again to see the dawn of
that glorious day of which his own life and labours
kindled the morning twilight. Not only does Tyndale
retain the general grammatical structure of the older
version, but most of its felicitous verbal combinations,
and, what is more remarkable, he preserves even the
rhythmic flow of its periods, which is again repeated in
the recension of 1611. Wycliffe, then, must be con-
sidered as having originated the dicticm and phraseology
which for five centuries have constituted the conse-
crated dialect of the English speech ; and Tyndale as
having given to it that finish aud perfection which liavo
so admirably adapted it to the expression of religious
doctrine and sentiment, and to the narration of that
remarkable series of historical facts which are recorded
in the Chi-istian Scriptures."'' On the other hand,
Tyndale must be heard in his own cause. " Them that
are learned Christianly," he says,' " I beseech . .
that they consider how that I had no man to counter-
feit" (that is, imitate), "neither was holpen with
English of any that had interpreted the same or such
like thing in the Scripture beforetime." These words
do not disavow all knowledge of the carher version, but
they distinctly deny that that version served as a basis
for the new work. A comparison of the two transla-
tions (if wo bear in mind that they are translations — one
avowedly taken from the Vulgate, the other frequently
influenced by the Vulgate) fidly, wo think, confirms
Tyndale's statement. Again and again we meet with
startling resemblances, but on examination it becomes
evident that the Vulgate has supplied the connecting
link. At first sight it appears strange that in Col. i. 13
both versions should have the word "translated;" that
in both we should read "pinnacle of the temple" in
Matt. iv. 5 ; " comprehended " iu John i. 5 ; " tribula-
tion and anguish " in Rom. ii. 9 : for in none of these
examples is there anything in the Greek which compels
the adoption of one particular English word. When
we observe that the familiar Latin words are transtulit,
pinnaculuni, comprchenderunt, trihtdatio et angtistia,
we understand at once the coincidences in the Enghsh.
We are, however, willing to admit that this explanation
will not account for every instance of affinity between
Tyndale and Wycliffe. Many of the earlier renderings
must have become current plu-ases ; proverbial sayings
from the New Testament could hardly fail to present
themselves to the new translator in their famihar
guise. Hence we cannot be surprised to find that
'■ mote " and " beam " are common to both versions of
Matt. vii. 3; that " God forbid "is used in both, though
the Greek phrase is altogether different in form ; that
the promise of the " Comforter " remains unchanged,
tliough the Latin translations either retain the Greek
word (the " Paraclete ") or express it by "Advocate; "
that in Matt. vii. 6 both Wycliffe and Tyndale adopt a
■* LccUires onihe English Latignage, p. 447 (Murray).
5 Iu tbe Address to tbe Reader, added to tbe octavo edition of
bis New Testament (1525).
310
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
rendering (not suggested either by the Greek or by the
Latin) which refers the "trampling" to the "swine,"
the " rending " to the " dogs ; " or that in the 14th
verse of the same chapter both speak of the " gate " as
" strait," of the " way " as " narrow." We might even
concede to Mr. Marsh that Wyeliffe and his coadjutors
had in some degree succeeded in fixing the general
character and stylo of an English version of the Bible,
and that thi-ough their labours Englishmen had been
taught to look for simplicity and literalness of rendoiing
instead of idiomatic paraplirase. When all this allow-
ance lias been made — and in making it we are convinced
that we have rather enhanced than depreciated the just
rights of the older versions — Tyndale's claims on our
gratitude remain unimpaired ; he is stlU the father of
our present version. The labours of his successors
effected many improvements in detail, but the plan and
spirit of the work have been left unchanged. Mr.
Proude's well-known words, if understood of the whole
rather than of each part, if read with the recollection
that Tyndale was cut off before his cherished task was
finished, and that others entered into his labours and
made his work complete, are as just as they are elo-
quent : —
"Of the translation itself, though since that time it
has been many times revised and altered, we may say
that it is substantially the Bible with which wo are all
familiar. The pecuhar genius — if such a word may
be permitted — which breathes thi'ough it — tke mingled
tenderness and majesty — the Saxon simplicity — the
preternatural grandeur — ^unequallod, uuapproached in
the attempted improvements of modern scholars^aU
are here, and bear the impress of the mind of one
man — William Tyndale. Lying, while engaged in that
great ofiice, under the shadow of death, the swoi'd above
his head and ready at any moment to fall, he worked,
under circumstances alone perhaps truly worthy of the
task which was laid upon him — his spirit, as it wire
divorced from the world, moved in a purer element
than common air." '
1 History of England, vol. iii., p. 84.
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
BT JOHN STAINEE, M.A., MUS. D., MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFOKD ; OEGANIST OP ST. PAUL's CATHEDEAL.
INSTEUMENTS OF PEECUSSION.
TZELTZELIM, METZILLOTH.
^HESE words, which are found about a dozen
times in the Old Testament, are, with
only one exception, rendered " cymbals "
in our version. This name fuUy describes
the form oi the inistrument, for cymbal comes dh-ect
Fig. 84.
from the Greek Kiii^dKov (cymhalum), which in turn
comes from iciV/3os (cyitihxis), a hollowed plate or basin.
Now, although there are ui use among most nations a
largo number of varieties of this instrument, differing
in size, yot there are only two havLug any broad dis-
tinction in form. Of these, the one was almost iden-
tical with our modern soup-plate (having a somewhat
larger rim) ; the other had a hollow commencing at the
very rim, and terminating in an upright handle, giving
it the appearance of a hoUow cone, surmounted -by a
handle. Both sorts were in use among the Assyrians.
The comparatively flat cymbals were jilayed by bringing
the right and left hands, each of wliich held one plate,
sharply together at right angles mth the body. Of the
conical-shaped cymbals, one was held stationary in the
left hand, while the other was dashed upon it vertically
with the right hand. Fig. 84 shows an Assyrian in the
act of striking this last-mentioned form of the instru-
ment. Scidpturo also shows people .sti-iking the flatter
instruments in the manner above described. The ancient
Egy])tians also used cymbals made of copper, with a
small admixture of silver. Most fortunately a pair of
these was discovered in the tomb of a priestly musician
named Ankhape, close by his mummied body. These
are given in Pig. 85. The perforation in the top is, of
course, for tho purpose of passing a loop of cord through
as a liandle. A leather strap is used for this in modern
instruments. Those ancient specimens are about five
inches in diameter, and are said to bo almost identical,
both in form and size, with those used in Egypt at tho
present time.
In Ps. cl. 5, two sorts aro evidently pointed out :
" Praise Him upon the loud cymbals ; praise Him upon
the high-sounding cymbals." Bearing this in mind, it
is very interesting to find lliat the Arabs have two dis-
tinct varieties, largo and small; for the " loud cymbals"
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
311
of the Psalmist would certainly be of a larger diameter
than the " high-sounding " cymbals. In the Prayer-book
Fig. So.
version of this Psalm, the real distinction between these
two species is unfortunately not made jilain : " Praiso
Him upon the well- tuned cymbals ; praise Him upon the
loud cymbals." The Arabs use their large cymbals in
religious ceremonies, but the smaller kind seem to bo
almost limited to the accompaniment of dancers. In
India, instruments of this class are called talan. Tiicro
is also a smaller species called hintal. The Bayaderes
dance to the tal.
The Turks, as would be expected from their Asiatic
origin, inherit a system of music chiefly founded on the
Persian. They have always exceUed^ not only in the
use of instruments of percussion, but also in theii- con-
struction. Prom the fact that the foot-guard of the
Sultan were formerly called janissaries, music chiefly
consisting of a combination of the sounds of instruments
of percussion has been called "janissary music." The
efforts of Predoric II. to obtain genuine music of this
sort for Gorman use are well known. Turkish cymbals
still hold a high value, and are manufactured in that
country in very Lirge quantities, for exportation west-
ward.
Gongs, though perhaps less strictly musical instru-
ments than cymbals, must be classified with them ; and
many na-tions celebrated for the manufacture of one, are
equally famous for producing the other. The Chinese
and Burmese, for instance, use both cymbals and gongs,
the latter being sometimes suspended on cords in a
series of diif erent sizes, so as to pr'oduce their national
scale when struck in rotation.
Fig. 86 shows a specimeu of ludian cymbals ; Fig. 87,
one from Burmah. The joining together of the two
plates by means of a cord does not appear to have been
at any time a common custom in Eui-ope.
The Greeks and Romans, by whom cymbals seem to
have been shaped strictly in accordance with what the
name implies, so as to have been hollow hemispheres of
metal, used them in the rites connected with the worship
of Bacchus, Jimo, and Cybele. But, as has been the
case with other musical instruments, tho name cymbal
has been in the most extraordinary way applied to
instruments of a totally different construction. Tho
Italians, at one period, called a common tambourine by
this name, and even went so far as to apply it to the
dulcimer 1 We have in a previous article traced tho
growth of a dulcimer through various stages, till it
reached the form of a harpsichord : the reader', therefore,
wUl not bo astonished to find, at a later date, '• cymbal "
Pig. 8G.
Fig. 87.
used for harpsichord. But tliis is not all. As tho
pianoforte was the direct offspring of the harpsichord,
the pianoforte part in a full score is to this day some-
times marked cembalo, or "tho cymbal part." It seems
to be a matter for much regret that musicians should
feel bound, by habit or fashion, thus to pci'petuate a
title which is not only unmeaning, but absolutely in-
correct. It is difficult to imderstaud in wliat respect
tho dulcimer was thought to bear any resemblance to
cymbals. Some say that because it was struck with
hammers, it might with justice be called an instrument
of percussion ; but it is more probable that the pecidiar
clang caused by hitting wire strings with little wooden
mallets, gave some fanciful resemblance between the
"ringing" tone of both instruments. In modem
military bands, cymbals are used as of old, a plate
being held firmly in each hand by a leather thong, and
by swinging the hands together the plates clash. In
modem orchestras the instrument is generally used
thus : one plate is horizontiilly fixed (rather loosely) on
to tho top of an upright (bum ; mth his left hand the
player holds the other plate, and \Tith his right hand a
drumstick. Thus, not only can one performer pky
both instruments simultaneously, but the tone and
clang of the cymbals are much intensified by being in
close connection with tho vibrating skin and frame of
tho drum.
Cymbals, in a somewhat imexpccted manner, came to
312
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
ba associated with tlie tambour. For as they became
reduced in size it was found possible to insert several
pairs inside the rim of the tambour, so that their
clatter should either joiu the rhythmical beating of the
tambour, or be heard alone when the tambour is held by
one hand, and made to swing rapitUy from side to side,
a diameter being its axis. These •' petites eymbalcs "
were occasionally fixed to the thumb and forefinger of
both hands, which were then clapped together, as shown
in Fig. 88. Hence they came to be called castanets.
Fig. 88.
from their similarity to the old toy — hardly worthy of
the name of a musical instrument, although it was used
with dancing — which consisted of chestnuts attached to
the fingers (as in Fig. 88), and beaten together ; the
words chestnuts and castanets both being derived from
castanea (Lat.), and KaiTTavov (Greek), the name of the
plant. But in process of time, pieces of ivory or
mother-of-peai'l were substituted for chestnuts. Hence
the bones which we see rattled between the fingers of
supposed negroes are dignified with the name castanets,
and can in some sense trace their pedigree to the
ancient cymbals. Hence, too, we get an explanation of
the old word nahers or nachers, which was applied to
castanets by Cliaucer, and used commonly at a later
period. Evidently it alludes to the material of which
they were made, nacre being the French, and nacar the
Spanish for " mother-of-pearl." Very small cymbals
have occasionally been used in the modem orchestra.
Berlioz, who gave so much attention, and devoted so
much talent, to the increasing of the resources of a
band, used, in a symjihony, a pair not bigger than the
palm of the hand, and tuned them at an interval of a
. fifth ajiart. It should l)e stated that m playing cymbals,
not only in Europe, but in Asia, it is not usual to
strike them edge against edge, as the Assyrian appears
to be doing with his conical cymbals in Fig. 83, but to
make one plate only partially overlap the other. If
the former method be adopted, the vibrations of the
plates are very liable to destroy each other, owing to
the extent of the contact of the two surfaces; if the
^ latter, the plates have more " play " when in ■s'ibration.
In the Holy Scriptures the use of cymbals is solely
confined to religious ceremonies— the bringing back the
ark from Kirjath-jearim (1 Chron. sv. 16, 19, 28) ; at
the dedication of Solomon's Temple (2 Chron. v. 13) ;
at the restoration of worship by Hczekiah (2 Chron.
xxix. 2.5); at the laying the foundation of the second
Temple (Ezra iii. 10) ; and at the dedication of the wall
of Jenisalem (Neli. xii. 27). This would lead us to
suppose that cymbals were not commonly used as an
accompaniment to dancing among the Jews. Certain
Levites were set aside as cymbalists, as described in
1 Chron. xvi. 42, and elsewhere. They are mentioned in
Ezra iii. 10, as being used with trumpets {chatzozerah)
only. Ijut iu most other instances are described as being
used with harp.s and other Hebrew instruments. There
is deep meaning in the allusion of St. Paul to this
instrument iu 1 Cor. xiii. 1. Inasmuch as it gives
out a shrill and clanging sound [nvfifiaXov dXaXa^oy), and
is incapable of being tempered or tuned so as to form,
ever-vai'ied chords with those musical instruments which
surround it, it too well illustrates the hollowuess and
emptiness of character which, while making noble
professions with the tongue, lacks that gift of charity
which, if it truly glowed in us all, would soon attune
all the discords of this world into such a sweet harmony
as were worthy of heaven itself.
The one insfance, before alluded to, in which the word
tzeltzelim has been translated otherwise than by the
word "cymbals,"' occui-s in Zech. xiv. 20, whei-e it is
rendered by "bells :" " In that day shall there be upon
the bells of the horses. Holiness unto the Lord."
The margin here has another reading — " upon the bridles
of the horses;" but if the word be understood in a
musical sense or not, it is in no way to be considered
as badly rendered by " bells." For the Eastern custom
of having little plates of metal attached to the capa-
risons of horses, so as to produce a jingling noise,
is well known. And if these plates had a circular
indentation, they would be little cymbals ; and if the
iudeutation grows deeper, and the rim be gradually bent
into a circtilar outline, a little beU is the result. This
gradual change of metal plates into bells is interesting
.and important. The indentation of cymbals would be
found to add to their vibrating power and sonority,
and as this indentation became exaggerated, notliing
would be more probable than that they should eventually
be formed into half -globes. This form, as has been
before remarked, is actually to be found in Roman and
Greek sculpture. Then again, in course of time, these
half-globes or, as they might be truly called, these
hemispherical bells, would be found to be shrill and
noisy in tone. Then again would naturally foUow the
oxxJeriraents, as made in Europe, of moulding the rim
slightly out-turned, and thickening its metal. Here at
last we have a real bell with the so-called sound-boiv,
or thick lip. But here it should be observed that
Europe is the birth-place of modern bells; they seem
not to have existed as musical instruments until the
Middle Ages. Of the bells of the Bible, therefore,
wo have but little to say. They were noisy accoutre-
ments, not capable of being arranged so as to produce
the consecutive sounds of a musical scale. The care
bestowed upon their form and construction, particuslai'ly
in Holland and Belgium, led to the casting of those
rich and niellow-toucd instruments whose sounds ever
stir deep emotions in us, whether of joy or son'ow.
England was not slow to adopt so appropriate and
usefid an addition to her many church towers, and
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
313
learnt to make use of them in a way even now im-
perfectly understood on tlio Continent — namely, that of
hanging them on the axis of a wheel, and ringing them
by a complete swing. The most ancient bells yet dis-
covered ai-e found not to be castings, but to consist of a
plate of metal, bent round, and rudely riveted where the
edges met. Bells, then, are closely allied to cymbals,
but when mentioned in ancient authors, are not to be
looked upon as musical instruments. The Assyrians
used them, as did the ancient Chinese, and not a few
have been found in Irish bogs, or in the drift. If, then,
the " bells on horses " were not little cymbals, they were
not more than toy-belLs, such as are to be often heard
in our own country lanes, when the miller's team is
lazily led along imder the autumn sun, warning any
wagoner coming in an opposite direction to draw near
the hedge and allow a free passage. Phaamon is the
name used in Exod. xxviii. 33, for such bells on the
priests' garments : " And beneath upon the hem of it
thou shalt make pomegranates of blue, and of purple,
and of scarlet, round about the hem thereof ; and hells
of gold between them round about : a golden bell and a
pomegranate, a golden bell and a pomegranate, upon the
hem of the robe round aboutr. And it shall be upon
Aaron to minister : and his sound shall be heard when
he goeth in unto the holy place before the Lord, and
when he cometh out, that he die not." In Exod. xxxix.
25, we read — "And they made them as
the Lord commanded Moses." These are the only two
passages in which phaamon occurs.
MENAANEIM.
Once only is this word met with in Holy Scripture —
in 2 Sam. vi. 5 : " And David and all the house of
Israel played before the Lord on all manner of instru-
Now, the word sistnim {(nTjTpov) comes from a Greek
verb o-ei'to, having an almost identical meaning. There
is, therefore, a very good reason for believing that the
word menaaneim refers to an instnmient which vibrated
when shaken or rattled. One of the two classes of
sistrums exactly answers to this description. Through
.an upright frame of metal, supported on a handle,
several metal rods are passed and fixed in their position,
generally by bending the extremities. On them are
placed loose metallic rings. Fig. 89 shows two examples
Fig. 90.
of this instriunent which are preserved in the Berlin
Museum. The position of the rings in this illustrafiou
may perhajis lead to the supposition that they are fixed
by the centre ; this is not the case. They, of course,
should lie loosely on the bars. Fig. 90 shows Egyptian
priestesses in the act of playing on this kind of sistrnnj
Fig. 89.
ments made of fii" wood, even on harps, and on
psalteries, and on timbrels, and on cornets, and on
cymbals." Although translated here " cymbals,'' the
root of the word in Hebi-cw points to the old Latin
root nuo, whence 7iuto, " to sway to and fro, to vibrate."
Fig. 91.
at a rehgious ceremony. The second kind of sistrum,
above mentioned, had metallic bars, imihoid rings.
Hence, it has been theught by some that the bars were
of graduated length, and gave a series of musical
sounds when struck by some hard substance held in the
314
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
other hand of the player. Pig. 91 represents two of
these. Their Egyptian name is doubtful, but the word
hem-hem is thought to apply to them, although the
Coptic version translates the " soimtling brass " of
1 Cor. xiii. 1 by hem-hem. Others think it applies
to the tambour. BoseUini lias deciphered the word
sescesch, and interprets it as " sistrum." If the rods
were reaUy in proportional lengths, and wore strucfc
the tones of a sistrimi of this class would be more
determinate than those of cymbals. The Romans used
it, or at least wore aware of its existence and uses,
fairly true representations of it being found on some of
their medals. This may have been the wreiwi crepi-
taeuhim of their poets. As the sistrum often, among
the Egyptians, accompanied rites of a very wanton
and lascivious character, there is something intensely
sarcastic in the description of Cleopatra leading her
forces to battle to the sound of the sistrum —
" Kegina in mediis patrio vocat agraina Bistro."
(Virgil, JSnetd, viii. G98.)
Tho close connection between musical instruments
of apparently very divergent species has been often
remarked ; it is not surprising, therefore, to find a link
viol family, it is difficult to believe that an instrument,
wliich must have been in veiy common use — as tho people
iloeked together who could play it, " from aU cities of
Israel " — should be only iucideutally mentioned once in
the whole course of Jewish chronicle. The notion that
all the women of Israel were experts on a three-stringed
fiddle is certainly novel, but, to say the least, very
doubtful. A triangle it might have been, but it is
more probable that it was a sistrum, either with three
i-ings on each bar, as in Eig. 89, or with three vibrating
bars, as in Fig. Ul.
TOPH.
Eortunately there is but little doubt as to the nature
of this miisical instrument. It was a tambour, timbrel,
or hand-drum. All nations seem to have possessed
diTims of vaiious kinds, but always of a comparatively
smaU size. It remained for modern Europeans to pro-
duce tho gigantic specimens wliich are to be found in
om* orchestias. Few, who have been present, can forget
the huge upright drum, far exceeding the height of its
upstanding player, that adds its deep rolling bass note
to the mass of sounds which are heard at the Handel
Festivals in the Crystal Palace. Such drums were
never dreamt of by the ancients. The necessity for
Fig. 92.
between cymbals and the sistrum. Fig. 92 shows two
ornamental bars of metal held, one in each hand of the
performer, which, when struck togethei-, produce a loud
clangmg sound to mark tho rhytlim of a dancer. The
fact that they are clashed together gives them a relation
to cymlials, whOe their form — that of vibrating rods — •
renders it difficidt to place them otherwise than under
the head " sistrum."
SHALISHIM.
This word occurs oidy in 1 Sam. xviii. 6. It has
been variously described as a triangle, a sistrum, and by
some — a fiddle ! The root imjilies the numerical value of
three. " And it came to pass as they came, when David
was returned from the slaughter of the Philistine, that
the women came out of all cities of Israel, sindnff and
dancing, to meet King Saul, -ivith tabrets, with joy, and
Viiih. inslnwients of music" (margin, "three-stringed
instruments"). Whatever may be the anticpiity of the
liaving portable instruments would have excluded them
from use, even if their presence liad been thought
dosii-able. Modern tambours, or tamboui'iiies, as wo
more usually term them, are invariably round in shape;
those of the ancients, especially of the Egyptians, were
.sometimes oblong or square. Fig. 93 exliibits both kinds
in use. Tliey were one of tho chief ingredients of then*
fimeral lamentations, which seem to us to have been
strangely prolonged. It is said that such ceremonies,
when a prince died, lasted as many as seventy days.
They then sang, or uttered their mournful cries, io a
tambour accompaniment. But the Egyptians also had
drums of two other kinds. One consisted of a wood or
copper cylinder covered at both ends with pareliment,
which was beaten at both ends with the hands, just as
tlie tom-tom of India is played. Tlie Egj-ptian "long- .
drum," as it may be called, was, both as to size and
shape, very similar to this tom-tom, which is not un-
fretiuontly to bo seen in tho hand of some poor wanderer
MUSIC OF THE BIBLE.
315
from that distant empii'o, wiio is beggiug about tlie
streets of Londou. Fig. 94 sliows tiio maimer iu wliick
it was carried and beaten. Tlio other iostnunent of
Figr. 94.
this class is peculiarly iuterestmg, a»- being evidently
the prototype of our modern kettledrum. It was
called clarabooka, and was formed by stretching parch-
ment over the open end of a basin of metal or earthen-
ware. When, as was the case in ancient times, this
kind of drum was small and easOy carried, the termi-
nation of the hollow bowl by a handle was ingenious
and useful. But as their size increased, the handle had
to give place to three feet, and the metal bowl could be
rounded — a form greatly to the advantage of free
vibration. Our kettledi-imi is therefore little else than
a very large darabooka, standing on a tripod, instead of
terminating with a handle. The dardbooha is shown in
Fig. 95.
Fig. 95.
The Assyrians appear to have used the tambour, and
also a drum, suspended by a cord round the neck (see
Figs. 96 and 97). But the instrument they thus carried
seems not to have Ijoen beaten, like the Egyptian long-
drum and the Indian tom-tom, at both ends, but only at
its upper smface.
Two questions arise with regard to ancient drums and
tambours. Was the parchment or head of the drum
rigidly fixed, or was it capable of being tuned? The
reader is no doubt well awaro that to the edges of the
head of a modern drum is attached, iu tho case of a
side-drum, a series of cords, and in the kettledrum a
metal ring, by means of which tho parchment can be
tightened or louseuod, and consequently a power of
regulating tho pitch is obtained. Probably tho head was
fixed, and the ancient drums and tamboui-s could not bo
timed. Tho lines which cross tho lonff-di-um of the
Fig. 9G-
Egyptians iu Pig. 94, look very much like the cords
which cross tho cylinder of om* side-di-ums, but these
cross-bars are evidently only a rudo attempt at orna-
mentation. The second question is, had the ancient
tambom-s little bells, plates of metal, or castanets,
inserted in the rim, as wo have in our tambouiines —
probably they had. Fig. 98 shows an Arabian tambour
Fig. 98.
called bendyr. There are holes in tho rim of this which
unmistakably suggest the probable insertion of some
sort of pulsatile contrivance or other. Moreover, it is
known that such appendages were not strange to the
Greeks. The bendyr also contains five strings stretched
across the inner surface of the head, as seen in the
illustration, for the purpose of reinforcing its tone.
Such a construction seems to have been introduced in
comparatively late times. Stretched strings were for-
merly used for a like pm-poso iu instruments of several
other kinds, notably in tho stringed instruTuent called
viola d' amore, in wMch metal strings were stretched
under those of catgut, passing under the finger-board
and through the middle of the bridge, which was pierced
to receive them. The Arabs have three varieties of
tambour, besides that called bendyr. One of them, tho
mazhar, smaller than tho bendyr, has no revorberatiug
strings, and has metal rings instead of castanets.
J',.uother, the tar, has, like the tnazhar, no stretched
strings, but has four coi^por castanets. Tho fom-tU
316
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
kind has only two castanets. Goatskins generally
form the head of these Arabian tambours, which are
chiefly played by women, as was the case among the
ancient Egyptians. The Arabians have drums, not
unlike kettledrums, and they may be seen playing them
on horse-back or camel-back, just as the kettledrums
are carried and played by the bands of our cavalry
Fig. 99.
regiments. Fig. 99 shows a very beautiful specimen of
an old tambour, exhibited in the Kensington Museum,
which has not only castanets in the rim, but bells sus-
pended in the interior.
It is impossible to say whether the Hebrews used
drums as well as tambours. Most probably the latter
only were known to them. Its antiquity is proved by
the fact that mention is made of it in conjunction with
the Mnnor, in the passage once before quoted (Gen. xxxi.
27), where Laban rebukes Jacob for having left him
stealthily, whereas an honourable departure would have
been accompanied with songs, ioph, and Mnnor.
It was a toph which Miriam took in her hand when
she led the song and dance on that wondrous day ivhen
Israel saw the "great work" which God had done, and
thankfulness burst forth from side to side as they
answered one another — " Sing ye to the Lord, for he
hath triumphed gloriously " (Exod. xv. 1). Very different
were the feelings wliich filled the breast of Jephthah
when his only child came forth with toph in hand
to welcome his victorious return from unequal fight
with Ammon. Among the instruments which the
company of proi bets bare, who met the future King
Said, was a toph (1 Sam. x. 5), and the same instrument
was ere long to be a source of jealousy and chagrin to
him when the women of Israel praised the youthful
hero David on his return from slaying the giant ; and
it was part of the music which graced the return of the
ark from Kirjath-jearim. That the use of the timbrel
was not limited to religious ceremonies, is plain from
the allusion in Isa. v. 12. It seems not to have been
carried in warfare. On the contrary, in the following
passage from Isaiah (xxx. 32) its mention is apparently
intended to show the cheerful peace which should every-
where follow on the smiting of the Assyrian — " And in
every place where the grounded staff shall pass, which
the Lord shall lay upon him, it shall be with tabrefs and
harps." The tabret has now been excluded from sacred
buildings, having given place to the more solemn and
imposing drum.
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL.
BT THE KEV. EDMUND VENABLES, M.A., CANON RESIDENTIARY AND PEECENTOE OP LINCOLN.
HE Books of Samuel form one continuous
historical work, of which the division into
two is merely artificial. Of this division
we have other examples in the kindred
Books of Kings and Chronicles, Ezra and Nchemiah
(anciently reckoned by the Jews as one book), besides
the notable one of the Pentateuch. The separation was
probably introduced for the sake of convenience, with
the view of breaking up a somewhat imwieldy whole
into more manageable portions. In the Hebrew MSS.
the two books form one ; and Origen, cjuoted by Eusobius
[Hist. Eccl. vi. 2.5), expressly states that the division was
unknown to the Jews in his day. They were also
printed as one in the earlier editions of the Hebrew
Bible. The first iu which the present division is adopted
is that of Dan. Bomberg, in 1.518. We owe the existing
arrangement to the Greek Septuagint version, whence
it passed to the Latin Vulgate, and from that was
adopted by our translators in the Authorised Version, in
which they are entitled " The First and Second Books of
Samuel, otherwise called The First and Second Books of
Kings." The second alternative title is adopted from
the Latin Vulgate, Liber Begum. The title in the Sep-
tuagint, vrith a slight variation, is " The First and Second
Books of the Kingdoms." The appropriateness of either
designation for the great historical work, which, begin-
ning with 1 Samuel, runs on continuously to the end of
2 Kings, is evident. Both " Kings " and " Kingdoms "
fitly characterise the contents of these books, in which
wo find the whole liistory of the kings of God's chosen
people, and of the kingdoms over which they ruled,
from the first establishment of monarchy under Saul to
its final extinction in Hoshca and Zedekiah. The name
by which this portion of the Bible is known to English
THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL.
317
readers is the same by which the work was designated
among the Jews, by whom it was called " the Book of
Samuel," or " Samuel " alone. According to modern
usage, such a title would indicate the author. But
although the Talmudists, with their wonted disregard
of common sense, have asserted that Samuel was the
writer of the whole work, and in the spirit of prophecy
uarrated events happening long after his death,' it
would be a mere waste of time to stop to prove that our
books must have had another author than the prophet
whose name stands as their title, whose death is recorded
in chap. xxv. of the former of them. Here Biblical and
modern usage entirely diifer. It is very rarely indeed
that the historical books of the Old Testament afford any
indication of the authors by whom they were composed ;
and the names they boar — e.g., Joshua, Judges, Ruth,
Esther, &e. — have reference to the person or persons
who occupy the leading place in the narrative, and have
nothing to do vrith the authorship. It is very possible
that the earlier chapters of the First Book of Samuel
may embody writings proceeding from the pen of Samuel
himself, such as those indicated under the term " Book
of Samuel" (1 Chron. xxix. 29),- but it woidd be quite
erroneous to conclude that this was the reason why the
books were called by Ids name. The true reason, doubt-
less, is, that Samuel stands out in them as the great
central figure, guiding and controlling aU the events of
the earlier part of the history by his personal influence
duiing his life, and whose power and spu'it sui-vived,
even after his death, in that monarchy which he was
God's chosen instrument of calling into existence, and
moulding into shape by Ids counsels and commands
(1 Sam. X. 25). To adopt the words of Keil,^ " the title,
' the Book of Samuel,' was intended to indicate tliat the
spirit of Samuel formed the soul of the true kingdom in
Israel, and that the earthly throne of the Israehtisli
kingdom of God derived its strength and perpetuity
from the Spirit of the Lord which lived in the
proiihet."
The Books of Samuel, according to the Hebrew divi-
sion, belong to the fir.st section of the second of the three
great classes to wliich the Jewish doctors assigned the
books of the Old Testament — the Law, the Prophets, and
the Psalms (Luke xxiv. 44). The class of " the Prophets "
was subdivided into jyriores and posteriores. While the
latter — the posteriores — embraced the writings of the
prophets properly so called, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel,
and the twelve minor prophets, under the former —
priores — were found the historico-prophetical books of
Joshua, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.
1 In the Baha Bathra, quoted by Keil, it is affirmed that Samuel
wrote the book that bears his name, and also Judges and Ruth.
- " Now the acts of David the kin^:, . . . behold, they are
written in the book of Samuel the seer." Here it deserves
notice that the Hebrew word translated " book " is the same {dibixi,
■•nBl) with that rendered " acts " at the beginning of the verse, and
really signifies " words," and then " deeds," " acts." It would have
been preferable if our translators had employed the word " acts "
throughout the verse, employing the " Acts of Samuel "' as the title
of a book, in the same manner as the " Acta of the Apostles " is
used in the New Testament.
3 Biblical Comment, on f/te Books of Samuel. Introduction, p. i.
The title " prophetical " was ^ven to these books, not
simply or chiefly because they had prophets or prophet-
ical persons for their authors, but on accoimt of the
prophetical .spirit wliich pervaded them. Indeed, we
must carefully bear iu mind in reading the Old Testa-
ment, that the whole of the history of God's chosen people
had a distinctly prophetical character, looking onward
and leading up to the grand consummation of God's pur-
poses for mankind in the establishment of the kingdom
of Christ, and the foundation of his Church — the true
spiritual Israel. We are not to look in them for a con-
tinuous history, such as we are accustomed to in the
annals of the kingdoms of this world. Long periods are
dispatched summarily or passed over in complete silence,
while others are narrated at considerable length. This
varied mode of treatment is not to be explained by the
comparative wealth or poverty of the materials at the
writer's command, but depends on their value and import-
ance for the gi'eat end iu view — the development of the
Divine plan as set forth in the national life of the chosen
people. The events described are not selected capri-
ciously. Critical epochs are chosen — turning-points in
the history of the people, on which their future fortunes
depended for weal or for woe, according as they obeyed
or resisted God's revealed will. Thus the narrative illus-
trates the Divine law of retribution, in the variation of
the fortunes of Israel, in exact correspondence with their
changing relations to their theocratic King ; wMle we
watch how certainly national disaster follows apostacy,
and prosperity attends faithful adherence to the cove-
nant of God. This, wluch is the leading principle of
these historico-prophetical writings, and which gives
them their chief value for us, and for all future time,
is nowhere more plainly to be traced than in the Books
of Samuel. " They are not," in the words of Bishop
Wordsworth, " a congeries of ill-digested materials, or
of fruitless repetitions, but a prophetic history of real
events preparing the way for the priesthood and kingdom
and prophetic oflice of Christ, and foreshadowing them.
They hold a place of their own, and perform a peculiar
work, not only in relation to the Hebrew nation, but iu
a higher f imction, as preparing the way for Christ. The
holy Apostle St. Peter marks their character in this
respect when he says, ' All the prophets from Samuel
. . . . have foretold of these days' — the days of
Christ and the Gospel " (Acts iii. 24). The eye does not
rest on the persons and events recorded, and stop there ;
but seeing in them illustrations, as striking as they are
unmistakable, of the principles of God's moral govern-
ment of mankind, and the great ends of aU his deal-
ings with them, is led onward to Him of whom every
righteous king, true prophet, and holy priest was a
type, in whom God's will lias been fully dechired, and
His purposes summed up — "the Lord's Anointed,"
'• the Son of David," " Christ, the King."
The First Book of Samuel, after a gap of uncertain
length, takes up the thread of Jewish history where it
was dropped iu the Book of Judges, at the close of the
S18
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Mstory of Samson (Judg. xvi.).' The Philistines are
still formidable enemies of Israel, strong enough to put
thoir armies to the rout, an •! inflict crushing loss upon
thorn (1 Sam. iv. 2, 10). The chief authority, both re-
hgious and political, is concentrated in tho person of the
aged Eli, at once high priest and judge. Nothing is
heard of any high priests during the disordered period
of the Judges. The last who has appeared oil the scene
is Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron (Judg. xx. 28).
Indeed, the high priesthood was an office, whose value
nationally was inseparably linked with the personal
character of its holder. The successors of Phinehas
may have been men without any force of character,
devoting themselves mechanically to the ritual observ-
ances belonging to their office, unqualified to act as the
guides or counsellors of tho nation. No reference is
made to them in any of the emergencies of Israel.
Perhaps they may have shared in the deep moral cor-
ruption of that dark age, and thus early have given an
example of the truth uttered by Hosea centuries after,
"Like people, like priest" (Hos. iv. 9). If this be so,
it may help to explain the otherwise obscure fact of
the transference of the high priesthood from the elder
house of Eleazar to that of Ithamar, Aaron's younger
son. It was to this junior branch that Eli belonged.
The concentration of religious and civil authority in
his person was a preparation for that great revolution
in the history of the chosen people, which is the leading
subject of the Books of Samuel — the establishment of
monarchical rule. In the events of his administration
we see traces of that union of the twelve tribes in
one confederacy, which was confirmed by the central
judicial power subsequently vested in and exercised
by Samuel. Thus, step by step, the narrative leads
us on to the introduction of kingly power. We watch
the scattered tribes gradually coalescing in a nation.
We see them resigning the independence when " every
man did that which was right in his own eyes" (Judg.
xxi. 25), the consequences of which had been moral
degradation, national weakness, and intestine feuds,
and contentedly acquiescing in the judicial authority
of the wise and holy Samuel. And thus we are pre-
pared for the demand of the tribes, newly awakened to
the evils of dissension and the strength of combined
action, that jarred so painfully on the sensibilities of the
aged prophet ; but which, though to his mind it meant
not only ingratitude to himself, but disloyalty to their
Divine Head and King (1 Sam. viii. 7 ; x. 19 ; xii. I — 3, 12),
* The two disroTineetef! nnrratives — viz., that of Micah and his
house of idola (Jiid_', xvii., xviii.l, and that of the outrn^e on the
concubine of tiie Levite, aud its terrible consequences (Juds; xis. —
ssi.) — which stand as an appendix to the Book of Jndires, though
placed at the end of the book, belong chronologically to tho he-
ginning of it. It is evident from the first narrative that the events
recorded in it to.dt pluce upon tho completion of the settlement of
the tribes, and were, perhiips, anterior to the death of Joshua
(Josh. xix. 47 ; Jndg. xviii. 1, 7,27—29) ; while the civil war with
Benjamin was waged while Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron, was
still nlive (Judg. xx. 2'*1 The Book of Ruth also narrates events
belonging to the e.nrly period of the occupation of Canaan, if we
nre to accept literally the statement that Boaz was the son of
Salmon and Rah ib, ** the harlot '' of Jericho.
he carried out with so much of true disinterested patriot-
ism. We look with sympathy and admiration on the
aged prophet contentedly retiring into private life, and
employing the whole weight of his influence, both with
the newly-appointed monarch and the people he had ruled,
to secure the success of the new in.stitution. We watch
with sorrow tho gradual decay of the bright hopes with
which Saul's rule began, as he becomes wilful, headstrong,
the prey of jealous and vindictive passions, a murderer
repeatedly in will if not in deed ; and after a rapid
decline of liis political power, falls, with all his sons, in
the total rout of his army by the Philistines — whom, in
earlier and bettor days, he had so often vanquished — on
Mount Gilboa, with which the first book closes. The
main interest of the latter part of the fijst book, and the
whole of the second, centres in David. David, indeed,
" the man after God's own heart " (1 Sam. xiii. 14 ;
Acts xiii. 22), the typical monarch of God's people, the
foreshadowing of his greater Son, the King Messiah, is
the chief subject of both books. Whatever else is
narrated has reference nearer or more remote to him
and his monarchy, as typ cal of the kingdom and person
of Christ. Tho history of the high priest Eli and his
sons is simjjly preparatory to that of Samuel, whUe the
importance of Samuel himself is not absolute, but rela-
tive, as introducing David's kingdom; and all coalesce
and find their fulfilment in Him in whom tho priests,
prophets, and kings of the Hebrew dispensation culmi-
nate— tho Lord Jesus Christ. This perpetual reference
to Him of whose days " Samuel and all the prophets
that follow after foretold" is tho golden thread uniting
the separate parts and sections of these books into one
organic whole. Here, no less than in the more dis-
tinctly predictive portions of the prophetic writings,
"the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy"
(Rev. xix. 10).
In this connection it is important to notice that in the
Book of Samuel we find the first record of the prophetic
office as an institution in the Jewish Church. Moses, it
is true, is called a prophet (Deut. xviii. 15, 18) ; and
Aaron, in an earlier passage, has the same title given to
him as his brother's spokesman or mouthpiece (Exod.
vii. 1). After the death of Joshua, a nameless prophet
addresses the people at Bochim (Judg. ii. 1). Another
unnamed prophet appears in the days of Gideon (Judg.
vi. 8). Deborah, who judged Israel, was a prophetess
(Judg. iv. 4), A prophet is also mentioned in an early
chapter of these books (1 Sam. ii. 2T). But the pro-
phets did not exist as an established order before
Samuel. He was the founder of the prophetical class.
In his time wo fu-st meet with those " schools of the
prophets," and companies of the " sons of the prophets,"
of which ho was probably the head (1 Sam. x. 5, 10 ;
xix. 20), which are so continually recurring during the
progress of tho Jewish history (1 Kings xx. 35, 41 ;
xxii. 6—23 ; 2 Kings ii. 5, 7, 15 ; iv. 1, 38 ; vi. 1 ; ix. 1). •
These books present to us not Samuel alone, but Gad,
Nathan, and Heman, Samuel's grandson (1 Chron. vi. 33),
besides David himself, exercising the gift of prophecy,
and introduce us to a new power, which never entirely
THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL.
319
ceased in the Jewish Church tUl Malachi closed the
prophetical cauon.
CONTENTS.
The contents of the Books of Samuel may be divided
into four principal portions. I. The history of
Samuel's life and administration (1 Sam. i. — sii.). II.
The histmy of Saul's reign, from his election to his final
rejection by God (1 Sam. xiii. 1 — xv. 35j. III. The history
of David from his anointing as Saul's successor (1 Sam.
xvi. 1.) to Saul's death (2 Sam.i. 27). IV. David's king-
dom, first over Judah, and then over all Israel (2 Sam.
ii. to the end of the Second Book). These four main divi-
sions may be separated into the following subdivisions or
sections : — I. (1.) Samuel's birth, dedication, and call,
and his recognition as a prophet of the Lord (1 Sam. i. —
iii.). (2.) The capture of the ark ; its restoration; Samuel's
victory over the Philistines, and a general summary of
his admiuistration as a judge (1 Sam. iv. — vii.). (3.)
The desire of the Israelites for a king; the introduc-
tion of Saul ; his anointing, election, and confirmation
as king; and Samuel's farewell addi'ess (1 Sam. viii.
— xii.). II. — The subdi\'isions in the second section are
— (1.) Saul's military operations against the Phihstincs,
and his fii-st act of disobedience (chap. xiii.). (2.) His
victory over the Philistines through the prowess of
Jonathan, and the danger of the latter from his father's
rash oath (chap. xiv.). (3.) His second act of disobe-
dience in the war vrith Amalek, and his final rejection
(chap. XV.). III. (1.) David's anointing by Samuel;
his selection as Saul's minstrel; his victory over Goliath;
and his subsequent relations to Saul and Jonathan
(chaps, xvi. — xviii.). (2.) Saul's jealousy of David;
David's flight, and his life among the Pliilistines, and
as an outlaw among the mountains of Judah (chaps.
xix. — sxvii., XXX.). (3.) Saul's application to the witch
of Eudor; his defeat and death (chaps, xxviii., xxxi.).
rV. (1.) David's mourning over Saul and Jonathan,
and his anointing as king over Judah in Hebron, while
Ishbosheth is made king of Israel by Abuer (2 Sam. i.,
ii.). (2.) Abner's desertion of Ishbosheth ; Ishbosheth's
murder ; David's anointing as king over Israel (chaps.
iii.— V. 5). (3.) The establishment of David's kingdom
at Jerusalem; the removal of the ark thither; his
domestic and external relations (chaps, v. 6 — x.). (4.)
David's adultery with Bathsheba, and murder of Uriah
(chaps, xi., xii.). (5.) The crimes of his sons; the re-
bellion and death of Absalom; and the revolt of Sheba
(chaps, xiii.— XX.). (6.) The book closes with a series
of unconnected documents, affording no definite note
of time, (a.) The famine sent in punishment of Saul's
massacre of the Gibeonites, and the expiatory sacrifice
of his grandsons (ckaps. xxi. 1 — 14). (b.) Warlike
achievements against the Philistines (vs. 15 — 22). (c.)
David's psalm of thanksgivin;?, found with scarcely any
variation in Ps. xviii., and liis last prophetic words
(chaps, xxii. — xxiii. 7). {rl) The list of his mighty men
(chaps, xxiii. 8 — 39). (e.) David's sin in numbering
the people, and the consequent pestilence (chap. xxiv.).
It is remarkable that the book terminates before the
death of David, and leaves that event to be narrated
in the First Book of Kings.
DATE AND AUTHOKSHIP.
An early date is by almost universal consent assigned
to the Books of Samuel. It is admitted by all compe-
tent authorities that its composition was considerably
anterior to that of the Books of Kings. In style " it is
one of the best specimens of Hebrew prose in the golden
ago of Hebrew literature.'" The diction is pure,
simple, and forcible; Chaldeeisms are hardly to be found
in it. The identity of style through the whole indicates
that it is the work of one author; but we have no
means of determining who that author was. or when he
lived, beyond the evidence afforded by the purity of tho
language that his epoch was an early one. That he
must be placed at some considerable distance from the
events recorded follows from the explanations of ex-
pressions and customs which had passed out of use —
e.g., " a seer" (1 Sam. ix. 9) ; the proverb, " Is Saul also
among tho prophets ?" (1 Sam. x. 12 ; xix. 24) ; the di-ess
of princesses (2 Sam. xiii. 18); and by the formula,
" Unto this day " [e.g., 1 Sam. v. 5 ; vi. 18 ; xxx. 25 ;
2 Sam. iv. 3 ; vi. 8 ; xviii. 18). The use of this phrase in
the notice that " Ziklag pertainefh unto the kings of
Judah unto this day" (1 Sam. xx-idi. C) evidently points
to an authorship subsequent to the separation of the
kingdoms of Israel and Judah. But we must acquiesce
in Keil's decision, that " all other marks which have
been adduced to fix tho date of composition now pre-
ceding are wholly unconvincing."*
The Books of Samuel bear distinct evidence of being,
to a certain extent, a compilation from earlier sources,
though tho unity of style shows that they must have
been works of the same age, or that the compiler adapted
them to the style of the ago in which he was writing.
Tho only source actually named is " the Book of Jashor"
{i.e., " the Book of the Upright "), from which David's
lamentation over Saul and Jonathan, entitled the " Song
of the Bow," is quoted (2 Sam. i. 18). If tho conjecture
that the Book of Jasher was a collection of historical
poems be well grounded, it is possible that tho other
poetical compositions contained in the Books of Samuel
may have been borrowed from it. But. notwithstanding
the learning and ingenuity which has been devoted to
this book, our knowledge of its contents and character
is still too indefinite to allow us to say whether these
ancient odes are derived from that, or from other sources.
These poems consist of — (1.) Hannah's song of thanks-
giving on Samuel's birth (1 Sam. ii. 1 — 10). (2.) David's
lamentation over Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. i. 19 — 27).
(3.) David's dirge over Abner (2 Sam. iii. 33, 34). (4.)>
David's song of thanksgiving for God's deliverance,
identical, with some few minor verbal differences, with
Ps. xviii. (2 Sam. xxii.). (5.) " The last words of David"
(2 Sam. xxiii. 1 — 7). There is no reasonable doubt that
the whole of these are genuine poetical utterances of the
1 Hon. E. H. B. Twisleton, D;cf>'oiwri( of the Bible, ii., 1128.
- Keil, Introduction to the Old Testament, i., p. 2-17,
320
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
jiersons whose names they bear, and that the occasions
of their composition are correctly assigned.
Passing from the scanty domain of poetry to the
more copious one of history, we are directed to the pro-
able source of a large portion of the narrative in the
mention (1 Clu'on. xxix. 29) of a series of historical
records bearing the names of the prophets Samuel,
Nathan, and Gad. " Now the acts of David first and
last "' — i.e., the events of his entire reign—" behold,
they are written in the Acts of Samuel the seer, and in
the Acts of Nathan the prophet, and in the Acts of
Gad the seer."' A further source is indicated in "the
Chronicles [literally, 'the words of the days' — i.e., a
contemporary record] of King Darid" (1 Chron. xxvii.
24). Other historical documents of a similar character
would naturally be at the command of the compiler as
materials for his work. The vividness and clearness of
the deserijjtions, the life-like portraiture of the persons
engaged, and the frequent mention of minor details,
filling up the picture, sliow the documents employed
were to a great extent contemporaneous with the events.
Distinct traces of the composite character of the Books
of Samuel appear in the brief summaries which wind
up several of the historic sections. Of this usage we
have examples in the summary of Samuel's government
(1 Sam. vii. 1-5 — 17); the catalogue of the wars of Saul's
reign, and of his family (xiv. 47 — 52) ; the brief record
of Da^^d's kingly power, and of his chief officers (2 Sam.
viii. 15—18) ; the similar list (xx. 23—26). A just
sm-vey of the book shows that the compiler, whoever he
may have been, did his work with real ability, and with
a distinct purpose. As regards the alleged contra-
dictious, it may be safely asserted that, if they exist
at all, they are so insignificant that they would be
deemed imdeserviug of notice if they were found in an
orilinary secidar history." More may at fh-st sight
seem capable of being urged in favour of the supposed
duplicate narratives of the same events, such as the two
aceoimts of (1) the origin of the proverb, " Is Said also
among the prophets ?" (1 Sam. x. 9 — 12; xix. 22 — 24) ;
(2) the rejection of Saul as king, for his disobedience
to the divine command (xiii., xv.) ; (3) David's first
introduction to Said (xvi. 14 — 23; xvii.); (4) Da\-id's
having forborne to take Said's life when it was in his
power (xxiv. 3 — 15 ; xxvi. 7—12) ; (5) Saul's death
(xxxi. 1 — 6 ; 2 Sam. i. 1 — 16), &c. But a more careful
examination of the circumstances of the events recorded,
displaying amid general similarity the most complete
diversity of details, and a fuller acquaintance with the
genius of Hebrew historical composition, satisfactorily
prove that these apparently conflicting traditions are
either narratives of similar but really distinct events,
' As has been already remarked, the word rendered "book " in
the Authorised Version, dihrei (literally, *'words"), may be
more correctly translated " acts."
- The supposed discrepancies and contradictious brought forward
by Do "Wette and Theuius have beeu carefully sifted by Keil.
Introduction to Old Tfstament, vol. i., pp. 235 ff., and their general
worthlessnesa satisfactorily shown. The greater part of them
indicate a foregone conclusion to disparage the authority of the
sacred record.
or are examples of that system of repetition which,
however much at variance with the more artificial rules
of Western nations, is of frequent occurrence in the
simj)ler compositions of early Eastern authors.' " It is
quite consistent with the genius of Hebrew narrative,"
^vi'ites the Bishop of Bath and Wells, " for the narrator
to pursue his theme to its ultimate consequences in
respect to the leading idea of his naiTative, and then tc
return 'to fill up the details which liad been omitted,'"'
thus producing the appearance of a double and conflict-
ing version of the same event.
Certain passages in the Books of Samuel are almost or
quite identical with portions of the Books of Chronicles.
These are the defeat and death of Saul and his sons
(1 Sam. xxxi.; 1 Chron. x. 1 — 12); the anointing of
David in Hebron, and the capture of Jerusalem (2 Sam.
V. 1 — 10 ; 1 Chron. xi. 1 — 9) ; details of the family
and wars of David (2 Sam. v. 11 — 25 ; 1 Chron. xiv.) ;
the bringing of the ark from Kirjath-jearim, and the
smiting of Uzzah (2 Sam. \i. 1 — 11 ; 1 Chron. xiii.) ;
the translation of the ark to Jerusalem, and Michal's
contempt of David (2 Sam. vi. 12 — 23 ; 1 Chron. xv. 25
— 29) ; David's resolve to buQd a house of God, and his
communications with Nathan on the subject (2 Sam.
vii.; 1 Chron. xvii.) ; Da\ad's wars, and his ofiicers (2
Sam. ■N'iii. ; 1 Chron. xviii.) ; the insult passed on his
ambassadors by Hanun, and his campaign against the
Ammonites (2 Sam. x. ; 1 Chron. xix.) ; the conclusion
of the campaign, and the capture of Rabbah (2 Sam,
xi. 1 ; xii. 26,' 30, 31 ; 1 Chron. xx. 1—3) ; the giants
slain by Darid's mighty men (2 Sam. xxi. 16 — 22 ;
1 Chron. xx. 4 — 8) ; the names and deeds of his mighty
men (2 Sam. xxiii. 8 — 39; 1 Chron. xi. 10 — 47); the num-
bering of the people, and the plague (2 Sam. xxiv. ;
1 Chron. xxi. 1 — 27). It has been ciuestioned whether
these passages were borrowed by the later writer of the
books from the earlier, or whether both writers were in-
debted to the same historical sources. There can. how-
ever, be little doubt that the fonner ot these hypotheses
is correct, and that the wi-iter of Chronicles had the
Books of Samuel before him as he \vrote ; and that they
were used by him freely, but not slavishly, as the basis
of his narrative. The remartable diiferences of treat- .
ment in the two works, shown now in omission and
abbreviation, now in addition and amplification, may
bo more properly considered when speaking of the
Books of Chronicles.
■* The pregnant words of the late Professor Maurice relative lo
the theory of duplicate narratives are well worth serious attention.
He is commenting on " la Saul also among the prophets ? " (1 Sam.
X. 12 : xis. 24). " It is the fashion of our times to suppose that these
must be two versions of the same fact i>reserved by diftereut chroni-
clers, and brouglit together by some careless compiler. I venture
to thinlc that that solution of the difficulty is not a necessary one,
not eveu the most probable one. I believe that there occur events
in most of our lives— events often separated by many years — which
look as if one was the repetition of the other. . . . And if so,
a faithful biojrrapher will be careful to record such pairs of events.
He will find them especially useful in making the life of his hero
intelligible. They will give bis reader, though he may not know
why, a sense that he is meeting with an actual man, not merely
with a mail in a book." [Prophets and Kinfjs, pp. 17, IB.)
^ Speaker's Commentary (1 Sam. xvi. 21), vol. ii., p. 317.
THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL.
321
In the poetical portions of the book, besides 2 Sam.
xxii., which is identical with Ps. xviii., Ps. cxiii. 7 — 9 is
almost a repetition of 1 Sam. ii. 5 — 8, while in Ps. Ixsxix.
19 — 37, and Ps. cxxxii. 11, 12, we read several passages
foimd also in 2 Sam. vii. 10 — 16.
The writer of the Books of Samuel evidences too inti-
mate an acquaintance with the facts recorded in the
Pentateuch to be explained on any other supposition than
that he had those books before him. The mention of
Rachel's sepulchre (1 Sam. x. 2) carries us back to Gen.
XXXV. 19, 20; Jacob's going do\vn into Egypt (xii. 8)
to Gen. xlvi. The narrative of the Exodus is frequently
alluded to with great fulness of detail : the cry of the
people ; the call of Moses and Aaron ; the plagues of
the Egyjitiaois ; hardening of their hearts ; their letting
the people go ; the coming forth from Egypt — are
spoken of as well-known historical facts, and not only by
the Israelites, but also by the Philistines (1 Sam. ii. 27 ;
iv. 8 ; vi. 6 ; xii. 6 — 8). The promises to Aaroa are re-
corded (ii. 27 — 30). We find the legal enactments of
the Pentateuch spoken of as in regular observance ; wo
have the sacrificial regulations as to burning the fat, and
the portion of the priests (ii. 13 — 16, 28) ; the vow of
the Nazarites (i. 11) ; the law of the showbread (xxi.
4, 5) ; of blood revenge (2 Sam. xiv. 6, 7). Thei-e are
distinct references to the books of Joshua and Judges in
the mention of the Gibeonites (2 Sam. xxi. 2), and of the
deliverances wrought by Barak, Gideon, and Jephthah
(1 Sam. xii. 9 — 11), and of the death of Abimelech (2
Sam. xi. 21). A minute examination of tho sacred text
shows several words and exjoressions derived from the
earlier books. Thus Hannah's words, " Neither is there
any rock like our God " (ii. 2), remind us of the frequent
use of tho "Rock" in Moses' song (Deut. xxxii. 4, 18,
30, 31) ; while verse 6 is almost a cjuotation from tho
same song (ver. 39). " The Strength of Israel wiU not
Ue," &c. (1 Sam. xv. 29) , is almost identical with Balaam's
words (Numb, xxiii. 19). The phrase " A deep sleep from
the Lord" (1 Sam. xxvi. 12, 25), is found also in Gen.
ii. 21 ; XV. 12. The argument as to the date of com-
position, derived from these references to, and coinci-
dences with, the earlier books, is not one that can be
lightly set aside.
The quotations from and references to these books in
the New Testament are not very frequent. But they
occur quite as often as their historical character would
warrant us in anticipating, and with sufficient frequency
to stamp their genuineness. The " Magnificat" of the
Blessed Virgin is founded upon Hannah's exultant song
of thanksgiving, with which it presents some remark-
able parallels in expression. Our Lord refers to the high
priest giving David the shewbread (1 Sam. xxi.) in
Mark ii. 25, 26; Luke vi. 3, 4. The description of
Da\'id, as " a man after God's own heart," is quoted by
St. Paul (Acts xiii. 22) from 1 Sam. xiii. 14. Hob. L 5
is a quotation from 2 Sam. vii. 14, to which also there is
a reference in 2 Cor. vi. 18. Rom. xi. 1, 2, seems derived
from 1 Sam. xii. 22. >
Among the characteristic words and phrases of these
books, the most remarkable are "the anointed of tho
Lord," niEO, " the Messiah of Jehovah," " tho Lord's
Christ" (Luke ii. 26), which we find in 1 Sam. ii. 10, 35 ;
xii. 3, 5 ; xvi. 6 ; xxiv. 6, 10, &c. &c., used for tho first
time of a king (tho title of Messiah, anointed, had been
already given to the high priests. Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16), and
thus typifying the true Messiah, or " Christ of God."
In tliis book also tho title of "Lord of Hosts''^
("Jehovah Sabaoth"), so common afterwards, occui-ring
upwards of 260 times in the Old Testament, meets us
for the first time (1 Sam. L 3, 11). The nation of Israel
is designated " the inheritance of Jehovah " (1 Sam.
xxvi. 19; 2 Sam. xx. 19; xxi. 3). " God do so," or "the
Lord do so," is employed as a strong negation (1 Sam.
iii. 17; xii. 44; xx. 13, &c.).
It is impossible to define accurately tho period of
time embraced by the Books of Samuel. The length of
Saul's reign is given (Acts xiii. 21) as forty years. An
equal period is assigned to David's reign (2 Sam. v. 4).
The tliu-d period, fi'om the birth of Samuel up to tho
election of Saul, cannot bo determined ^vith any precision,
but it can hardly have covered less than fifty years.
This would make the whole time included in the history
130 years.
1 The similarity is moro evident in the Septuagint than in the
Authorised Version ; oi/tc airiaaeTai nvpiot tov \a6v aifToU in Samuel :
ouK uTTiixTaTO 6 i)e6<! Tov \a6v avTOV iu Romans.
- The name "the Lord of Hosts," "Jehovah Sabaoth," has
been variously explained. The current modern view, based on the
fact that it appears in the sacred books contemporaneously with the
appoiutment of a king who should go out before them, and lead the
hosts or armies of Israel, assigns to it a military significance.
According to this view, " the Lord of Hosts " meant no moro than
the Divine leader and commander of tho armies of the nation, who
"went forth with them" {Ps. sliv. 9) to overthrow the followers
of the false gods of the nations around. The earlier view, howeverj
which identifies the"hosts" with the angels conceived of as God's
army, or with the heavenly luminaries of which the angels were
supposed to he the rulers and guides in tlieir couraes through the
sky, is probably the more correct. Compare, for the former, 1 Kings
xxii. 19 ; Ps. ciii. 21 ; cxlviii. ij. For the latter, Gen. ii. 1 ; Deut.
iv. 19 ; xvii. 3 ; Isa. xxxiv. 4. It deserves notice, however, that there
had been already a revelation of God to Joshua under a somewhat
similar title, " Captain of the host of the Lord " (Josh. v. 1-1).
45 — VOL. II.
322
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
BT THE KEV. WILLIAM MILLIGAN, D.D., PEOFESSOE OF DIVINITY AND BIBLICAL CKITICISM IN THE UNIVERSITY
OF ABERDEEN.
SACKED SEASONS (continued).
iLTHOUGH the Feast of Trumpets, the
Day of Atonement, and tbo Feast of
Tabornacles carried the special ideas con-
nected TvitK the sacreduess of the fii'st day
of each month, with the various oiferings for sin, and
with the three gi-eat annual festivals to their liighest,
thcii- culminating point, they did not exliaust the singu-
larly important services of the seventh month of Israel's
year. That month, sealed as it was with the covenant
number, stood in yet other respects alone and unap-
proached by any other month of the calendar. In
particular, it was the month with whose first day every
seventh year, what we know as the Sabbatic year, with
whose tenth day every fiftieth year, what we know as the
year of Jubilee, began. These two sacred seasons we
have now to speak of, and wo take first —
THE SABBATIC TEAR.
The regiJations regarding this year are to be found in
different parts of tho Pentateuch, of which the principal
are Esod. ssiii. 10, 11 ; Lev. xxv. 1 — 7 ; Dout. xv. 1 —
11 ; xxxi. 10 — 13. It began with tho beginning of the
month Tisri, at the end of every period of sis years,
standing to these in a relation exactly similar to that
occupied by tho Sabbath day towards tho preceding six
days of tho week. For six years successively tho Israel-
ites wore to engage with diligence in all tho labours of
agriculture, sowing their seed, pruning their vineyards,
and gathox'ing their fruits ; but the seventh year was to
bo a sabbath, when thoy were neither to sow their fields,
nor prime their -vineyards, nor reap what harvest might
grow of its own accord, nor gather the grapes from
their undressed vines. The year was to bo one of
rest unto tho land (Lev. xxv. 3 — 5). During a whole
year, therefore, the toils of cultivation were to be sus-
pended ; and only when tho year expired at the begin-
ning of tho next foUowiug Tisri, a month nearly
corrosj)onding to our October, were these toils to be
resumed, and work, so far as it was agricultural, to be
proceeded with as before. There is no reason, however,
to suppose that this prohibition of labour extended to
any other kind of work than that connected with the
produce of the ground. Tho pooijlo might stiU occupy
themselves with hunting, fishing, manufacturing cloth
for their garments and tents, constructing and repairing
their buildings, and so on. The year was not to be a
season of idleness. Even tho reaping of what grew
spontaneously in tho fields, or the gathering of such
fruits as wero spontaneously produced in gardens, or-
chards, and vineyards, must not be thought to have been
prohiljited. Tho injunction of Lev. xxv. 5, when com-
pared with the declaration of xxv. 6, that " the sabbath
of tho land," that is, what grow of itself duriug tho
land's sabbath, was to be " meat for them," distinctly
implies that these things were to be used, and, if to be
used, thoy must have been collected in tho ordinary way.
The prohibition only means that thoy were not to be
gathered as a common harvest, associated on the one
hand with the thought of labour, and reserved on the
other for tho proprietor of the soU. There was thus
scope for a large measure of activity and industry during
the year, and any impression that tho people wore for-
bidden all employment must bo dismissed. Nor would
the arrangement tend, as has often been supposed, to
bring famine into tho land ; for, in tho first place, tho
people, knowing what tho arrangements of the year
wero to be, would bo led beforehand to make tho neces-
sary provision for tho want of their regular harvest, and
would be more careful in laying up in store the produce
of preceding years. Then there was a positive blessing
promised to the land, for the words of Lev. xxv. 20, 21,
though apparently belonging In their pai-ticular connec-
tion to a conjunction of the Sabbatic and the Jubilee
years, woidd yet seem to contain a general promise
always applicable to the foi-mer oven by itself, " And if
ye shall say, What shall we eat the seventh year ? be-
hold, we shall not sow, nor gather in our increase. Then
I wiU command my blessiag upon you in the sixth year ;
and it shall bring forth fruit for three years." It has
further to be considered that in the fertile soil of Pales-
tiae, while a system of irrigation was in existence, even
tho spontaneous growth of a year would be no incon-
siderable harvest. And, finally, wo cannot put entirely
out of view the thought of tho benefit that would accrue
to the land from thus lying fallow for a season, at a
time when tho scientific operations of husbandry and
tho importance of a regular manuring of the soil wero
probably little understood. However extraordinary,
therefore, and full of risk for tho sustenance of life such'
an aiTangement as that of the Sabbatic year may seem to
us, there is no cause to think that it would be attended
with the dreaded consequences. With proper precau-
tions food woitld stiU bo abundant in the land, and the
promise, associated indeed with th3 very institution of
which we are speaking, would be fulfilled to Israel,
" The land shall yield her fruit, and ye shall eat your fill,
and dwoU therein in safety " (Lev. xxv. 19).
Wo have referred to the chief characteristic of the
year before us, but it had others which must also bo
noticed. Among these the most striking, and the most
intimately connected with its special character, was that
as to the right to, and tho disposal of, those spontaneous
fruits of the gi-ound of which wo have already spoken.
These, although to be gathered, wero not to be indivi-
dual, but common, property. As it is distinctly ex-
pressed in the Book of Exodus," Six years thou shalt
THE OLD TESTAMENT EULFILLED IN THE NEW.
323
sow thy laud, autl shalt gather in the fruits thereof ; but
the seventh year thou shalt let it rest and lie stiU, that
the poor of thy people may eat ; and what they leave the
beasts of the field sliaU eat. In like manner thou shalt
deal with thy viueyai-d and with thy oliveyard " (xxiii.
10, 11 ; comp. Lev. xxv. 6, 7) ; that is, no man, not even
the owner of the field or of the garden, had any special
claim upon the fruits of it that year. It was for aU, for
rich and poor, the master aud the servant, the foreigner,
and even the beast. There was, in short, for the
time, the institution of a community of goods, as far at
least as these were connected with the productiveness
of the soil, when " all were of one heart and one soul ;
neither said any of them that ought of the things which
he possessed was his own ; but they had all things com-
mon " (Acts iv. 32).
A second characteristic of the sabbatic year con-
sisted in this, that it was forbidden to exact certain
classes of debts during its course : " At the end of every
seven years thou shalt make a release. And this is the
manner of the release. Every creditor that lendeth
ought unto liis neighbour shall release it ; ho shall not
exact it of his neighbour or of his brother ; because it
is called the Lord's release " (Deut. sv. 1, 2) ; while, im-
mediately afterwards, encouragement to obey the pre-
cept is given in tho words, " For the Lord shall greatly
bless thee in the land which the Lord thy God giveth
thee for an inheritance to possess it " (xv, 4). From
these versos wo may gather the true meaning of the
characteristic in question. It was not a, release of all
debts, but only of such as were secured upon the laud
or upon its crops ; and if we may jxidge from the analogy
of modem times when properties are small, as well as
from the fi'equent references to loans in the Old Testa-
ment, such debts must have been extremely common.
Other debts having no connection with tlio soil, or not
secured upon it, probably did not come under the opera-
tion of this law. It soems even possible that tho debts
thus remitted were only such as had been incurred iu
consequence of poverty. Tho words " save when there
shall be no poor among you " ought rather to be ren-
dered, " save when there shall be no poor with thee,"
that is, no poor mau concerned in the transaction.'
When a debtor was in circumstances to pay his debt, it
might bo exacted even during " tho year of release."
Not dependent upon the produce of the soil for that par-
ticular season, he was able to pay, and had no claim to be
excused. The same rule was applied to foreigners. They
could hold no iiroperty in tho soil of Palestine. Their
income was drawn from other sources, and they were
therefore under an uninterrupted obligation to discharge
their debts. Once more, there is no cause to thiuk that
tho debt even of the poor Israelite was completely can-
celled by the sabbatic year. It was only remitted for a
time. " He shall not exact it of his neighbour or his
brother," are the words of tho commandment, " because it
is the Lord's release ;'' and again, '"That which is thine with
thy brother thine hand shall release," where, as has been
^ Speaker's CommenUrij ou Dcut. xv. -i.
well pointed out, the word " release " is identical with
that used in Exod. xxiii. 11 of tho land itself, "But
the seventh year thou shalt let it rest," thus implying
that the release in question must have been for the year,
not total aud fiual.^
A third and last characteristic of the sabbatic year
was that at the Feast of Tabernacles wliich fell iu it the
Law was to be read in the hearing of all tlio people.
They were to be gathered together, men and women and
children aud strangers, tliat they might hear aud learn,
and fear the Lord their God, and observe to do all the
words of His law (Deut. xxxi. 12). It is of this reading
of the Law by Ezra that so interesting an account is
given iuthe Book of Nehemiah (viii. 1 — 12).
Such, then, were the distinguishing characteristics oi
the remarkable sacred season of Israel now before us,
and tlie questions arise, What was its meaning to Israel?
What is its fidfilment now ?
As to the first of these two questions, it is of supreme
imiiortance to observe that the institution was, in its
main character, neither civil nor economical, but essen-
tially sacred. Various purposes of tho former kind,
ah-eady incidentally alluded to, may indeed have been
served by it. It may have taught the lesson of the
great value of accumulating corn, so that not only at
that but at any time dearth might be prevented. It may
have improved the fertility of tho soil by giving it a
septennial rest. It may also have been a period of re-
freshment and quickening for those whoso toils in
agriculture and vinodressing, under tho burning summer
sun of a southern sky, must have been more than
usually severe. All those ends may have been an-
swered, but none of them explain snfiiciently tho lan-
guage of the Mosaic law regai'ding the sabbatic year.
There il comes before us as an essentially sacred insti-
tution, founded on religious ideas aud designed to
promote rehgious ends. It is spoken of with the utmost
reverence, is associated with the rest of the Sabbath day,
and is represented as emphatically dedicated to God.
Its object, therefore, was certainly religious.
When wo inquire more particularly what this religious
object was, wo find it mainly brought before us in the
words, " But in the seventh year shall be a Sabbath of
rest unto tho land, a Sabbath for tho Lord;" and again,
" The land is mine, for ye are strangers and sojourners
with mo " (Lev. xxv. 4, 23). " The land is mine," that
is the keynote of the whole. It was a land " given " to
Israel by tho Lord (Lev. xxv. 2 ; Exod. xx. 12), not won
by its o\vn prowess or to be regarded as its own posses-
sion, but a land of which God himself was the true pro-
prietor, and all whom He had chosen to place as settlers
in it tenants at His will. From this fundamental idea
the different parts of the institution flowed.
In the first place, it was thus that a periodical inter-
ruption to the labours of tho sod, that a periodical rest
for it according to the sacred number of the covenant,
came iu. This idea had ah-eady found expression in tho
fom-th commandment iu regard to time. " The seventh day
- Speaker's Commcutoi'ij ou Deut. sr. 1,
324
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God; initthoushaltnot
do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy
man-servant, nor thy maid-servant, nor thy cattle, nor thy
stranger that iswithin thy gates " (Exod. xx. 10). No one
■sras entitled to use time for his own purposes. No part
of time belonged to man as his own property. God alone
was the proprietor of it. It was He who gave man six
days out of every seven that in them ho might labour
and do all his work ; and in token that it was so, He re-
served the seventh day to Himself, forbidding work on
it, and requiring that in its rest, the holy rest belonging
to it as His, not only the head of the household, but the
lowest servant and the meanest animal owned by him
should share. The Sabbath was a witness not only that
one day but that all days were God's. Now what each
day was to the labouring man or beast the whole year
was to the soU. Spring was its morning and autumn
its evening. From its morning even to its evening it
went forth to its labours, and its periodical round of
labour was performed in a year. As, therefore, by
claiming the Sabbath day, God had signified that the
time of all men and animals belonged to Him and that
He had a just claim upon it, except in so far as, in dis-
tinctly giving them six days in which to labour, Ho had
remitted His claim, so by demanding the seventh year,
the seventh working day of the land. Ho showed that
it too was His. The demand was a perpetual token and
proof to Israel that, when the people sat down under
their vinos and fig-trees and gathered in their harvests,
they wore pensioners on the bounty of One who had
settled them in these pleasant places, and could at once
dispossess them if He chose to do so.
In the second place, it was thus that, when the land
was claimed by the Almiglity, it was claimed for rest.
Again, this was tho foundation of the fourth command-
ment, "for in six days tho Lord made heaven and earth,
the sea, and all that in them is, and rested the seventh
day : wherefore tho Lord blessed the Sabbath day, and
hallowed it" (Exod. xx. 11). In Him there was not
merely working, there was repose. There was the
thought of something finished as well as of something
in progress. Such was His rest, and as all that is His
must share with Him what Ho is and has, not only the
heads of households, but the lowest servants and the
meanest animals in their possession were to rest on the
seventh day. So then also the land must rest. When
its six working days, its six years of labour, are over, it
too must enjoy its sabbaths.
In the third place, it was thus that tho crop of the
seventh year was not to go into the barns or storehouses
of the ordinary proprietor of the fields. It was God's.
It was the harvest of His year; and, whatever it
amounted to, no hand of man had helped to produce it.
No plough had been put into tho soil. No seed had
been sown. Tho very %'incs and fruit-trees had not been
pruned. Hero then God was visibly, palpably, the only
Author of the crop, and to Him it must belong. But,
if it belongs to Him, if He lias not assigned it to any one
in p.articular, it must be distribiited according to that
preat principle of His government which leads Him to
watch over and to care for all. Does He not make His
sun to rise on the evil and the good, and send His rain
on the just and on the unjust ? Does He not care for
the servant as well as for the master, for the small as
well as for the great, for tho poor as well as for the
rich ? Does He not cause grass to grow for the cattle,
as well as herb for the service of man ; give the stork
the fir-trees for her house ; send His springs into the
valleys, that by them tho wild asses may quench their
thirst ; give drink to every beast of the field ? Nay, do
not even the young lions roar after their prey and seek
tlieir meat from God (Ps. civ.) ? How then, when
He takes the produce of the fields into His own hands,
can it be for any other than for all, for man, and for his
servant, and for his maid, and for his hii-ed servant, and
for the stranger that sojourneth with him, and for his
cattle, and for the beasts that are in his laud (Lev. xxv. 6,
7 ) ? It is in the very nature of tho case that distribution
shall be made according to this rule, when we start with
the idea that the land is God's.
In the fourth place, it is thus that particular debts are
to bo remitted for a year. They rested on the land, but
the land is the Lord's, and how can either it or its pro-
duce be taken for the debt ?
In the last place, it is with this fundamental idea that
wo must also connect the reading of the Law at the sab-
batic year's Feast of Tabernacles. There is no special
connection in idea between the reading and the parti-
cular feast itself. It is because the Feast of Tabernacles
falls at tho vei-y opening of the sabbatic year that it is
hallowed for this purpose. Had the sabbatic year begun
in April, we cannot doubt that this reatling would have
been connected with the Feast of Unleavened Bread. As
it is, the first great solemnity which falls after the
opening of the year, when aU the people are gathered
together, is made use of for the purpose. And that
purpose is not merely testimony to the God with whom
Israel has to do : it is also positive instruction. The
great septennial Sabbath has begun and, like the ordi-
nary Sabbatli, it must bo more than a time of rest. It
must be a time of spiritual quickening, that the people
may be brought nearer Him whose day, whose year, it
specially is.
All the arrangements of the time, in short, lead us
back to this, that the land is the Lord's. Because of
this, it must enjoy its Sabbaths, and be employed as it is.
Wo tui-n to the second question proposed. What is
the fulfilment of all this now ? Hero it appears to us
that the fulfilment we are in quest of is not to be sought
in anything connected with the soil simply as soil. We
may certainly accept the statement of KoU, adopted by
Ochler, that from tho leading arrangement of tho year
" Israel as the people of God was, on the one hand, to
learn that the earth, though created for man, was yot not
created for the simple purpose that ho should extract
its strengtli for his own use ; but that it was holy to the
Lord, and had a part in this sacred rest : on the other
hand, that the congregation of the Lord was not to find
the purpose of its life in labour bestowed upon the
earth vrithout ceasing, and in the sweat of its face (Gen.
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULFILLED IN THE NEW.
325
iii. 17, 19), l)ut in a thankful enjoyment of those fruits
which, without toil of its own, its Lord bestows upon it
now, anil will continue to bestow upon it, so long as it
strives to bo faithful to His covenant and to quicken
itseK by His law.'"' But the thought of any re-
storation of the land as laud to its state before the full
is too limited an ajiplication for the Church of Christ.
The land in Israel is the representative not merely of
property of a simila,r kind that may be possessed by a
Christian man, but of property of every kind which he
may own. As therefore the lesson of the sabbatic year to
Israel was that the possession it most highly valued — via.,
property in land — was not its own, but God's, the lesson
of the fulfilment to us is that all our property of every
kind belongs to Him who by the right of redemption claims
to Himself both us and what we have. It is not of the
soil only, when we may own it, that we are stewards ; we
are only stewards of all that we possess. Tlie Christian,
in giving himself to God, gives also iis goods, whatever
they may bo. He does not say of anything he possesses
that it is his own. He acknowledges the Divine claim
upon himself and everything that he has ; and in so far
as he retains it he does so in the spirit of God's holy
rest, regarding it as consecrated to Him, and to be used
in whatever manner He may direct, for His glory, and
the good of His truth and kingdom upon earth. That
this is the real fulfilment of the sabbatic year will ap-
pear still further if we consider the analogy, already
hinted at, between the distribution during its course of
the spontaneous productions of the soil and the events
which immediately followed the outpouring of the Spirit
at Pentecost. Compared with Pentecost, there is notliing
exhibited in act in the New Testament between which
and one of the leading arrangements of the sabbatic
year so close a resemblance can be pointed out. It is
even difficult not to imagine that we see the specially
Jewish spirit of that year working in those who, just
brought under the fresh power of Christian love, and
desirous to express it in what to a Jew was the most
striking way, parted with their land. It is at all events
curious that it was " land " that Barnabas sold when he
brought the money and laid it at the apostles' feet
(Acts iv. 37) ; and again the possession sold by Ananias
and Sapphira was of the same kind, " But Peter said,
Ananias, why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie to the
Holy Ghost, and to keep back part of the price of the
land " (Acts v. 3) ? But while this was the case we
1 Keil, Arcliacologie^ i., p. 373 ; Oebler, in Herzog's EiicijldJimlic,
ziii,, p. 211.
are yet distinctly informed that Christians had all things
common, and tliat none of them said that ought of the
things he possessed was his own. The first biu'st of
Christian affection extended a principle which had
been shadowed forth previously upon a more limited
scale.
Again, therefore, we see the fulfilment of the common
sluaring of the produce of the field and of the garden
during the sabbatic year. It is in the spirit of the
Pentecostal season of the early Cliurch. But that spirit
takes different forms. It did not long retain the form
in which it comes before us in the Acts of the Apostles.
Tet it wiU not be denied that later ones assumed by it
are quite as true, or that, when the Christian feels for
others as for himself, when he gives food to the hungry
and water to the thirsty, when he forgets not " to dp
good and to communicate " according as necessity arises,
he is exhibiting that very spirit of theChrisliau Church
which once took shape in a community of goo is. The
Christian spirit in its generosity, liberality, beneficence,
ruling in the breasts of the Christian commxiuity, mak-
ing the glad man helx)ful to the sorrowfid and the rich
man helpful to the poor, making aU feel as brethren,
and shedding its benignant influence on everything with
which Christians come in contact, is the true fulfilment
of that common eating by man and bii'd and beast
which was one of the great chai-acteristics of the year
before us.
If what has been said be true, it is not necessary to
ask how the more subordinate arrangements of the
season are f ulfiDed, for they pass simply under the scope
of its more general idea. The remission of debts, for
example, is simply one part of that Christian spuit
which may not indeed always take this particular form,
but which will never exact cruelly of a brother, which
will rather sacrifice itself than break the bond of love ;
while the solemn reading of the Law reminds us that we
too are in covenant ^vith God, and that only when wo
keep our covenant can we either enjoy the privileges or
exliibit the spirit of those who are " called and chosen
and faithful."
It is unnecessary to say more. We see in the sab-
batic year the shadow of the time when not the seventh
crop only should be claimed by One who had redeemed
His people out of Egypt and given them the promised
land, but when One who has redeemed us from all evil
claims as His own aU that we possess, and when, remind-
ing us of His own great love. Ho says, " A new com-
mandment I give unto you, that ye lovo one another ;
as I have loved you, that ye also lovo one another."
326
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
THE PLANTS OF THE BIBLE.
ORDBES XVII. — SSI. ELATINE^, HTPEEICINE.E, MALVACEAE, TILIACE.!;, AND LINEiE.
BY W. CAKKUTHEES, F.E.S., KEEPEK OF THE BOTANICAL DEPARTMENT, BBITISH MUSETJM.
'he Water-peppers {ElatinecB) are a small
order of marsh annuals scattered over
the globe, and represented in England by
two minute and somewhat rare plants,
which form a moss-like turf on the margins of lakes
and ponds that often extends for some distance under
the water. Their acrid properties have suggested for
them their popular English name of Water-peppers,
though they more resemble small chick-weeds. A
single species closely allied to one of the British forms
has been observed by Kotschy near Joppa.
The St. John's Worts {Hyi^ericincoi) are a group of
plants, generally of a shrubby character, which are
almost confined to the temperate regions of the earth,
being found only on mountains in warmer climes. They
have usually smooth leaves, with immersed pellucid
glands, and conspicuous yellow flowers. Their orna-
mental ajjpearance has given them a favourite place in
shrubberies. The nine British species, belonging to
the largo genus Hypericum, are chiefly found on dry
situations in hedge-banks or in copses. A dozen species
of the same genus occur in Palestine, chiefly in the
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon ranges. Only a single one
{H. lanuginosuin,, Lam.) has boon observed in the lower
country, and this has been detected in the neighbour-
hood of Jerusalem and on Mount Carmol. The common
British species {H. perforatum, Linn.) found in all our
copses, woods, and hedge-banks, occurs on the shores of
Syria and on Lebanon.
The Mallows {Malvacece) form a considerable group
of prominent plants found all over the world except
in regions of extreme cold. They are generally shrubs,
yet small lierbs are f oimd in the order as well as some
of the largest trees, such as the enormous baobab
of Africa, and the scarcely smaller one of Northern
Australia. The flowers are often largo and brightly
coloured, and the stylo is always surrounded by nu-
merous stamens united to form a tube around it. The
leaves are large and more or less divided. The plants
are furnished with a considerable amount of mucilage,
but have no special virtues. They supply, however, a
largo quantity of textile materials, sometimes from the
strong fibres of the bark, but chiefly from tho fine soft
filaments which cover tho seeds of the cotton-plants.
Although represented by only five species of indi-
genous plants, the Mallows form a somewhat conspicuous
portion of our native flora, because two species with
large lilac or purple flowers are evei-ywhero common by
roadsides and in wasto places. Tho others are less
common : one, the tree-mallow, is found on rocks by
the sea-side ; another, tho marsh-mallow, occurs in mari-
time marshes in the south of England.
Some eighteen species are known in Palestine, and
thi-ee of these aro British, two being the common way-
side mallows (Malva roiundifoUa, Linn., and M. sylves-
tris, Linn.) and the other the marsh-mallow {Althiea
officinalis, Linn.). The gay pink-flowered shrub, which
is so familiar an ornament of oui' shrubberies in autumn,
called Alihceafrutex, is a Syi'ian plant. It is the Hibis-
cus syriacus, Linn., a plant which, though it grows so
freely with us, appears to have become extinct in tho
localities where it was f ormei-ly obsei-ved in Syria. The
plants in this order which are of most imijortance to
man aro those belonging to the small genus Gossypium,
which have their seeds covered with the long hairy fila-
ments called cotton. One species [G. herhaceum, Linn.) is
a native of India, and its natural distribution westwards
extended probably to Southern Arabia. It has been
always used for the manufacture of cloth in India.
Four centuries before our era Herodotus refers to this
plant in his account of the products of India, when he
says that " the wild trees in that country bear fleeces as
then- fruit, sur[)assiug those of sheep in beauty and
excellence, which tho Indians make garments of " (lib.
iii., cap. 106). The use of cotton in Persia and Southern
Arabia is probably as ancient as in India. Tho date of
its introduction into Egypt cannot be determined ; there
is reason to believe that it was known to the Egyptians
before the time of tho Greek conquest, B.C. 333, but
only as an imported material, for tho late Mr. Yates
has established that the cotton-plant was not grown ia
Egypt before tho thirteenth centm-y.' Much has been
written as to the supposed use of cotton by tho ancient
Egyjitians. Up till the middle of last century it was
believed that the cloth emjiloyed for wrapping mum-
mies was linen, but at that time (1750) Ronelle, in
his memoir on mummies, declared that the cloth of
every mummy he had examined was made of cotton.
This opinion was sujiportod and confirmed by Forstor,
who had the help of tho celebrated botanist Solandor in
his examination of different specimens of mummy-cloth
pi-eserved in the British Museum. At the time of this
inquiry (1770) the microscopic differences between the
filaments of cotton and flax had not been detected, and
as the method by wliich the determination was arrived
at has not been recorded, it is impossible to judge of the
value of tho characters on which those observers trusted.
Subsequent investigations appeared to furnish additional
evidence in confirmation of those opinions, which wero
generally adopted by writers xintU Thomson began liis
series of exhaustive researches in 1820. After many
years of laboixr, ho published the results, which showed
that all the specimens of mummy-cloths he had been
able to obtain, amounting to about 400 different pieces,
were linen. [Philosophical Magazine, Nov. 1834.)
1 Textrinum Antiquorum, by James Tates, p. 471. The reader
will find in this learned and exhaustive treatise a complete history
of tho raw materials employed by the ancients for weaving.
PLANTS OP THE BIBLE.
327
Tho value of fho microscope as an instrument of scien-
tific inquiry had greatly advanced since the time of
Solander, and Thomson secured the assistance in his in-
vestigations of the eminent microseopist Prancis Bauer,
whose remarkable work is scarcely now surpassed, not-
withstanding tho many improvements made in the
microscope during the last fifty years. He showed the
characters by which the fibres of linen can be distin-
guished from the filaments of cotton, and decisively
settled that mummy-cloth was made only of linen.
The conquest of Alexander made the Greeks ac-
quainted with cotton. Tho wool-beax-ing trees of India
surprised his soldiers, and the accounts of these wonders
by his admiral Noarchus, and by Ai-istobulus, one of
his generals, have been preserved. To this expedition
we are indebted for the singularly accurate description
of the cotton-plant and its method of cultivation given
by Theophrastus, the disciple and successor of Aristotle,
and the friend of several of Alexander's officers. He
says, " The trees from which tho Indians make cloths
have a leaf like the black mulberry, but the whole
plant resembles the dog-rose. They plant them in tho
plains, an-anged in rows, so that they look like vines at
a distance. They bear no fruit, but the capsido con-
taining tho wool is, when closed, about the size of a
quince ; when ripo it expands so as to let the wool
escape, which is woven into cloths." {Hist. PL, lib. iv.)
The Eastern name for cotton was introduced into the
languages of Europe when the substance itself became
known. Tho Sanskrit kurpasa is converted into harpas
(DB-is) in Esth. i. 6 (a term certainly of foreign origin),
into Kapirotroj of Greek authors, and carhasus in the
Latin language. The only reference to cotton in Scrip-
ture is in the passage just quoted, which contains an
account of the decorations of the royal iJalaco of
Ahasuerus and its courts on the occasion of a great
festival given to his people. The sense is obscured in
the Authorised Version by harpas being rendered
"green " instead of cotton, the passage reading, " Where
there were white, green, and blue hangings," instead of
hangings of white and IjIuo cotton cloth. Tho trans-
lators have followed the Chaldeo paraphrase, although
tho true meaning had been given both in the Septuagint
and the Vulgate. Even if cotton were not at that time
a product of Southern Persia, it is more than likely that
when the Persian empire extended to India, and its
court possessed every luxury, the brightly-coloured
hangings of the neighbouring country would form part
of tho furnishings of tho palace.
The opinions advocated by RosenmiiUer and others,
that the shesh and buz of the Old and the /SuVtros of the
Now Testament mean cotton, are not established by any
of the arguments advanced in their support. Excepting
the single reference to cotton under a foreign name,
and in connection with a foreign palace, there is no
reason for supposing that tho writers of the Old or
New Testament were acquainted with it.
At the present day cotton is somewhat extensively
cultivated in Palestine, the species being Gossypium
herhaceum, Linn. A small proportion of tho produce
is made into cloth, but the principal portion is exported
to France. The Arab women are almost entirely clad
in blue cotton that has been spun, woven, and dyed by
their own hands (Tristram, Nat. Hist. Bible, p. 441).
Tho Linden family {Tiliaceoe) comprises a large num-
ber of tropical trees, and some herbs, all of which
possess fibrous barks. The lime or linden-tree is the
only British member of the family. The fibrous ma-
terial called bass or bast, so largely used by gardeners,
is the tough inner bark of this tree. Tho flora of
Palestine has also a single representative of the order,
Corchoras olitorius, Linn., an annual shrub some ten
feet high, belonging to a genus of tropical plants
wliich finds its northern limits hero. The young shoots
are used as a potherb ; it is cultivated in Egypt and
Syria for this purpose, and being thus employed by tho
Jews, it is called the Jews' mallow. Its fibre is the
textile material called jute, which has been extensively
imported into Britain in recent years. The principal
portion of the jute of commerce is derived from G.
capsularis, Linn., an allied species. Many persons
have supposed that the plant mentioned by Job, and
translated in the Authorised Version " mallows," is this
Jews' mallow. The word malluach (m'"?) occurs only
in Job XXX. 4, where tho patriarch bemoans the condi-
tion to which his afflictions have brought him, making
him tho derision of those "whose fathers I would havo
disdained to have set with the dogs of my flock," and
who " for want and famine were solitaiy ; fleeing into
tho wilderness in former time desolate and waste ; who
cut up mallows by the bushes, and juniper roots for
their meat." It is not possible to determine with cer-
tainty the particular plant referred to ; but there are
two considerations which appear to exclude tho Cor-
chorus. The name of the plant is derived from melach,
" salt," and must be considered as applied to a saline
plant ; wMle the miserable people who were driven by
famine to use it as food, obtained it in the wilderness.
Tristram found the Jews' mallow " common on the salt
plains near Jericho ; " it is, however, neither a saline
plant nor a true desert plant, being found aU over tho
tropical world in cultivated or waste places. It is more
probable that the plant is one of the saline Ohenopo-
diaceous plants that are common on tho salt desert
regions aroimd Palestine, have a bitter saline taste, and
are used as food in seasons of scarcity.
Tho Flax family (Linem) consists of a small gi'oup of
herbs found principally in temperate regions, in no way
remarkable except for their valuable fibrous bark, which,
when prepared, forms the flax of commerce. Besides
the common flax, only known as a cultivated plant, or
as an escape from cultivation, the British flora contains
four intligenous species of tliis order. These are tho
all- seed (Badiola millegrana. Smith), one of our smallest
flowering plants, found in damp sandy places, but often
overlooked from its mrnuto size ; the white-flowered
purging flax so common in p.istures ; and two blue-
flowered species allied to tho cvdtivated flax. Boissier
records eleven species of Linum from Palestine, besides
the common flax (i. tisitatissimum, Liun.), which ia
328
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
there, as with us, extensiYely cultivated for its fibre.
Elax was the most important of all the fibre-producing
plants to the ancient inhabitants of Egy^jt and Syria.
It is frequently referred to in the Bible, and various
names are applied to the plant and its raw or manu-
factured products. 1. The most general term is 2nshtah
(nnitie), the primary meaning of which is the plant itself,
and then it was applied to the products, being used
with the same latitude of meaning as we use the word
hands (Judg. xv. 14). It is further used to denote the
flax when made into wicks for lamps, " The smoking
flax shall he not quench " (Isa. slii. 3) ; into mcasuiing
lines, " Behold a man with a line of flax in his hand, and
a measuring reed " (Ezck. xl. 3) ; and into the dresses
of the priests, " They shall be clothed with finen gar-
ments " (Ezek. xliv. 17). 2. Of the less comjirehensive
words the first used is shesli (li'iS), generally translated
" fine linen." This word is probably of Egyptian origin.
Grossypwim Iwrhace-ii-n, Liua. Cultou. (Ksth. i. 6.) One-third tlio nafui*al size.
*' cotton " at the present day. It is applied to the plant
itseK in the account of the seventh plague sent by God
on the land of Egypt. The flax crop was ready to be
harvested when it was com})letely destroyed by a terrible
haU-storm (Exod. ix. 31). The word is also applied to
the plant in the narrative of Rahab's protection of the
two spies, when she hid them under the bundle of flax
which was drying on the house-top (Josh. ii. 6). The
flax, or raw material in the first stage of the manufac-
ture, is designated by the same word when it is recorded
that the new cords with which his brethren bound
Samson, so as to deliver him to the Philistines, " became
as flax that was burnt with fire," and fell from his
and was employed to characterise the yarn made from
the flax. It has been thought that it may be the same
word as the Hebrew numeral six, and that it was applied
to the yarn because it was composed of six threads ;
others hold that it is derived from a root meaning
white, and was appropriately applied to flax because
of its colour when prepared. When Pharauh made
Joseph ruler over Egypt, he " arrayed him in vestures
of fine linen" (shcsh) (Gen. xli. 42) ; so also among the
offerings for the tabernacle presented by the chUdron
of Israel from the materials they had brought out of
Egyjjt were "fine linen" (Exod. xxv. 4); and of the
same material were made the curtains of the tabernacle,
PLANTS OF THE BIBLE.
329
with tlio door enrtams, and the
veil that enclosed the holy place
(Exod. xxW. 1, 31, 3(3). 3. Bad
("13) is a word employed in de-
scribing the linen dresses which
were worn in religious cere-
monies, and may refer to the
cloth made from the sliesh or
yarn. The tunic, turban, and
drawers of the priests, which in
Exodus (xxxix. 27, 28) are
ordered to be made of shesh,
are in Leriticus (ri. 10) to be
made of bad, establishing that
these were the same material, if
the words were not precisely
synonymous. In the prepara-
tion for the erection of the
tabernacle, the wise - hearted
women are said to have sjiun
" fine linen" with theii- hands;
and this continued to be the
occupation as well as the dress
of women in the days of Solo-
mon (Prov. xxxi. 22, incorrectly
rendered " silJ: "), and after-
wards (Bzok. xvi. 10, 13). 4. Butz
(pa) is always translated "fine
linen," and is employed to desig-
nate the robes worn by kings
(1 Chron. XV. 27) and rich men
(Esth. viii. 15), and the official
dresses used by the Levite choir
when the ark was brought into
the Temple (2 Chron. v. 12),
as well as the veil of the Temple
(2 Chron. iii. 14). The word
is probably of Assyrian origin,
and is applied to " fine linen "
obtained from the East (Ezek.
xxvii. 16), while sliesh is em-
ployed to designate the " fine
linen" brought to the market
at Tyre from Egypt (ver. 7).
The jSkVo-os of the Now Testa-
ment is obriously the Greek
form of this word, and is simi-
larly employed to designate
costly dresses, like that worn
by Dives (Luke xvi. 19), and
those in which the Lamb's wife
and the armies in heaven- are
arrayed (Rev. xix. 8, 14). The
word is synonymous ^vith the
XiVoi/ of Rev. XV. 6, in which the
angels were dressed who were
the bearers of the seven last
plagues. On the other hand,
the Greek AiVoc is used as tho
eciuivalent of pishtah in tho
Liiium usitalissimHm, Linn. Common Flos.
(Kxod. IX. 31.) UuU the natural size.
rendering of the prophetic ac-
count of our Saviour, "tho
smoking flax shall he not
quench" (Matt. xii. 20). 5.
Sadiii O'-iD) is applied to the
cloth made from linen, and is
used in speaking of the thirty
sheets which Samson promised
his companions at his marriage
if they declared his riddle
(Judg. xiv. 12, 13), as well as
of the dresses made from this
cloth (Isa. iii. 23; Prov. xxxi.
24). 6. Etim (pT2«) occurs only
once, where it is said to be a
product of Egypt (Prov. vii.
16). The oeSv-n of the New
Testament is the Greek form of
this word. It is used to cha-
racterise the great sheet let
down from heaven in Peter's
vision at Joppa (Acts x. 11),
which accords very well with
the use of the word in the pas-
sage in Proverbs. The diminu-
tive form o6iviov is employed
by John to designate the hnen
clothes in which Joseph wrapped
the body of Jesus (John xix. 40 ;
XX. 5, 6, 7). Matthew and Mark
employ the word (rivSiiv for the
same linen cloth, while Luke
uses both words in the same
passage. Ho says, Joseph
"went unto Pilate and begged
the body of Jesus, and he took
it down and wrapped it in linen
{iTwSiiv) • " and afterwards, in
describing the visit of Peter to
the empty grave, ho wi-ites,
that " stoojjing down he beheld
the linen cloths {Mvlo] laid by
themselves " (Luke xxiii., xxiv.).
Tho only other reference in the
New Testament to linen is in
the account, by the Evangelist
Mark, of tho remarkable inci-
dent that occurred in Gethse-
mane at the betrayal of the
Lord, when a yoimg man who
was following Him left liis only
covering, a linen garment
((ncSwf), in the hands of his
captors, and fled away naked
(Mark xiv. 51, 52). 7. Our
translators have interpreted
mikveli (^ipp) as meaning linen
yarn. The word occurs only in
the account of the goods brought
from Egyi^t by the merchants
330
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of Solomon (1 Kings x. 28). Various and different ex-
planations have been offered of this 'n-ord. Gesenius
renders it "troop;" Bochart makes it " tax ; " and tlie
Septuagint, Vulgate, and other early versions, construe
it as the name of a place in Arabia Felix or Central
Africa. Amid such diversity, and with nothing to assist
in arriving at a decided opinion, we may set aside this
word as at most doubtfully connected with linen. There
can bo little doubt that all the other words enumerated
above refer to the flax-plant or some of its products.
Dr. Royle has suggested that shesh is not linen, but
hemp, because the Arabic name for this plant, Imsheesh,
is the same word, with only the asph-ate prefixed.
There is, however, no evidence whatever of the cultiva-
tion of hemp in ancient times, either in Palestine or
Egypt. Besides, as we have seen, the use of shesh as a
synonym of pishtah, had, and butz, establish that those
were aU the same.
The use of flax as a textile material in Palestine and
the neighbouring countries dates from the earliest times.
Joseph was arrayed in fine linen when he was elevated
to bo ruler over Egypt. The reference to the miracidous
destruction of the flax crop establishes that the cultiva-
tion of flax was an important branch of agricidturo in
Egypt before the Israelites left that country. Egypt
was, indeed, the great centre of tho linen manufacture
in ancient times. Tho principal part of the dress of
the people was made of linon, and it was the only
material used for the dress of the priests. The city of
Panopolis was inhabited by linen-weavers. All the
mummy-cloths ai'e composed exclusively of linen, and
though the finest specimens are coarse compared with
what can be produced at tho present day, they are fine
considering the appliances for preparing and weaving
which were in use at that time. There are several
interesting representations of tho cultivation and pre-
paration of flax preserved in tho .-iculptured tombs of
Egypt. Rosellini figm-es one from the Shunmor tomb,
and Hamilton another from the Grotto of El Kab. In
these the plant is seen to rise straight froni the soil,
and to reach about the middle of tho body of the
husbandmen. It is pulled up by the roots, and bound
into bundles or sheaves to be canied to the man who
sepai-ates the seed from the stem by means of a. simple
rippling instrument. It was then exposed to the action
of water and tho sun, in order to separate the fibres
from the rest of the stem. It was for this pui-pose that
Rahab had placed the stalks of the flax on the house-
top, which sho employed to hide the spies.
The eai-ly cultivation of flax in Palestine is testified to
by this narrative of the spies' visit to Jericho, showing,
as it does, that it was an important article of husbandi-y
there before the Israelites got possession of the country.
In compariitively modern times it has been superseded
as the material for the ordinary dress of the inhabitants
of Syria by the cotton-plant, which supplies, with less
care in the cultivation, and less trouble in preparation,
an equally valuable substance.
EASTERN aSOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE EET. H. W. PHILLOTT, M.A., RECTOR OF STAUNTON-ON-WTE, AND PRELECTOR OF HEREFORD CATHEDRAL.
NINEVEH (continued).
other remains. Mr. Rich died in 1821, and the groimd
thus broken remained untouched for twenty years.
In 1839 and 1840 Mr. Layard visited Nimroud and
also Kalah-Sherrjhai, fifty nides lower down the river;
but it was not until 1843 that M. Botta, French consul
at Mosul, having begun excavations at Koyounjik, was •
induced to transfer his operations to KJiorsabad. a village
fourteen nules to the N.N.E. of Mosul. (Rich, ii. c. 12 —
17 ; Nieb., ii. 297 ; Vaux, Nin. and Perse2iolis, p. 194.)
The first-fruits of M. Botta's researches were announced
to tho world in AprU, 1843, and in spite of great difii-
cidties, arising partly from the extreme unhoalthiness
of the place, and partly from the ignorant hostility of
the inhabitants and of the Tiu-kish atithorities, wero
contintted untU 1845 with results most interesting and
important. Encom-aged by M. Botta's success, oiu"
coimtryman, Mr. Layard, wiis induced, though at first
with little support from home, to undertake similar
researches in other localities, btit from want of funds
was obliged to delay his operations till late in 1845.
They were carried on at iatervals tmtil 1852 with won-
derfid success; the results both of these researches
and of those of M. Botta have been published in several
?^T°?^» HTJS for more than 2,000 years did the site
^1^1 (\ _ of this ancient and great city lie neglected.
Its ruins from time to time were used for
mifitary purposes, by Cassius, as mentioned
above, by Heraelius, before his attack on the Persians
in 627 A.D., perhaps by Timur, and even as late as the
eighteenth century, when Nadir Shah occupied them
as a station to bombard Mosul (.a.d. 1743) ; but they
were tiU lately remembered by name in the imme-
diate neighbourhood less for then- own sake than for
containing the supposed tomb of Jonah, the foreign
prophet of the city's destntction (Nieb., ii. 291). Tdl
the year 1820 scarcely any attempt had been made to
examine the ruins, either there or elsewhere, of the
Assyrian cities, but in that year Mr. Rich, so often
mentioned before, visited and surveyed carefully, and
to some extent examined tho moimd on which is situated
the village of Nchhi Yunus, and the mosque supposed
to cover the prophet's tomb, and also the adjoining one
of Koyounjik. He also -lisited the -lillage of Nimroud.
about eighteen miles from Mosul, and which he thought
to be Xcnophon's Larissa, .lud where, as well Jis at
Koyounjik, he found inscribed bricks and stones and
EASTERN GEOGRAPHY OF THE BIBLE.
331
volumes both in France and in England, and the sculp-
tui-es wliieh they were enabled to recover from tlio ruins
are deposited in the great national museums of the
respective countries. Tlie chief places that have been
examined are (1) the great mound opposite Mosul, on
which stood the collage called Koyounjih (Uttle lamb)
now destroyed, and its neighbour Nebbi Yunus (Prophet
Jonah); (2) Khorsabad ; (3) Nimroiul, eighteen mOes
to S.E. of Mosid; (•!•) Kalah-Sherr/hat, iifty miles lower
down the river than Nimroud ; (6) Baasheika ; (6)
Karamles; (7) Shereef Khan. From these three places
last mentioned the results obtained are less important
than from the other sites, iu all of which, but especially
the first three, remains have been excavated of the
most valuable kind, and most of them in the highest
state of preservation, chiefly of palaces wliich appear to
have served also as temples, usually raised on platforms
of brickwork answering to the description given above
by Xenophon of Mespila. The long narrow halls of
these edifices, entered through portals flanked by
huge statues of winged hons or bulls of solemn and
majestic aspect, were lined with slabs of alabaster
or limestone, engi-aved with fonns and figures which
were sometimes coloured, " images of Chaldaeans por-
trayed with vermilion," pictui-es on stone in low reUef
of battles and sieges ; the horrible tortures of the
captives, and their attitudes of abject submission, hunt-
ing expeditions, ships and naval operations, the various
incidents of war or of the chase, the ex[)loits, the amuse-
ments and the triumphant crimes of these mighty
hunters before the Lord, the descendants, either by
birth or succession, of Nimrod, the great founder of
thou- empire. Among them wore figiu-es of men and
animals from various countries : Jews from Lachish,
Israelites from Samaria, Phoenicians from the sea-coast
of Palestine, Persians from Susiana; Uons from Meso-
potamia, camels of the ordinary kind, and also the two-
humi^ed Bactrian, the Indian elephant, the large and
small Indian monkey, the rhinoceros, tlie large antelope,
and the bull of India, the ostrich of Arabia ; and where
the sea was represented, figures of fish and marine
creatures, testifying to the acquaintance of the Assyrian
nation, " the Chaldjeans, whose cry is iu the ships," with
maritime affairs, and their intercom-se with other nations
by sea. Eminent among the figures of royal conquerors
and commanders is that of Sennacherib, whose name is
read in inscriptions which also contain tlie names of
Sargon, Tiglath-pilesor, and perhaps Pul, kings of
Assyria ; T)f Jehu, kiug of Israel, and of the unfortimate
Manasseh, king of Judah, names familiar to us in
the Scripture narrative, on which these mute yet living
records are a faitlif ul and eloquent commentary.
The early history of Assyi-ia is beset with much diffi-
culty, which it is not worth our while here to attempt to
unravel. Herodotus, as we have seen, says that the
Assyi-ian empire in Upper A.sia lasted for 520 years,
untU the Medes revolted, who were followed in their
defection by other nations. With him Berosus iu the
main agrees, but from what time this period is to be
dated is by no means certain. It is clear, however.
that for some time the authority of Assyria extended
over Babylon ; that the Babylonians shook it off, pro-
Ijably about 747 B.C., tho era, as it is called, of Nabo-
nassar, king of Babylon ; but that they again became
subject to it, xmtil they took part with the Medes iu the
attack on Nineveh which ended in its destruction and
the dissolution of the empire, either in 625 or 606 B.C.
Tho inscriptions tell us of a king Sardanapalus, not the
one whoso name is so familiar to tis as tho very type of
sensual luxury, but one of an earlier date, who overran
Western Asia ; and of his son Shalmaneser, still greater
as a couqueror, to whom Jehu, king of Israel, appears to
have paid tribute. They tell us also of Pid, grandson
of the last-named king, and mentioned above, who, if
the interpretation of the inscriptions compared with the
statement of Berosus is correct, appears to have reigned
at Calah from 800 to 750 B.C., and to have held .sway
over Babylon; also of Tiglath-piloser, the "tiger"
monarch, his war with Syi-ia and Israel, and his pro-
tection of Ahaz. (2 Kings xvi. 9 — 16 ; Ainswortli, Trav.,
ii. 142 ; Bawlinson, HI. of 0. T., p. 126.) Shalmaneser,
second of tho name, to whom Hoshea paid tribute
(2 Kings xvii. 3), is not mentioned; but Sargon, who,
if he was not his son, was perhaps a usui-per, and who,
if the records are rightly imderstood, appears to have
been the king who carried Israel into captivity, and
placed them iu Halah and Habor, the river of Gozan,
and in the cities of the Medes (2 Kings xvii. 6 ; Raw-
linson, pp. 127, 130). Sargon appears to have Iniilt
jjalaces both at Nimroud and at Khorsabad, to which
latter place, according to Arab geographers, the name
Sarghuu belonged down to the period of the Moham-
medan conquest (Layard, Nhi., i. 149). His son
Sennacherib (702 — 680 B.C.) is doubtless the best known
of Assyrian kings, and during his reign the empire
reached its climax of prosperity. The records preserved
in tablets found at Koyoimjik, where he built a vast
palace, tell us in great detail of his conquests ; of his
defeat of Morodach-baladan, king of Baljylon (2 Kings
XX. 12), and of tho Egyptians, and of the tribute exacted
from Hezekiah (2 Kings xviii. 14 ; Layard, Nin. and
Bab., pp. 139—146, 159, 160). His son Esarhaddon
built a palace at Nimroud, one also at Nebbi Yimus,
and one at Shereef Khan (Layard, pp. 160, 598 — 621,
654). Memorials are found of Ms son at Koyounjik,
and of his son and grandson at Nimroud. It was pro-
bably during the reign of this last prince, whose name
appears to have been Saracus, that the Median revolt,
supported by Babylon, took place which ended in the
destruction of Nineveh (Tobit xiv. 15 ; Joseph., Ant,
X. 5, 1 ; Berosus, p. 89 ; Pusey, Introd. to Nahum, p.
306 ; Layard, pp. 452, 599). The marLucr in which,
according to Diodorus, the captm'O was effected corre-
sponds in a remarkable manner to the Scripture prophe-
cies, and is confirmed in one respect at least by the
condition of tho remains themselves. He says that tho
city was entered during an inimdation of tho river,
which by a mistake he calls the Euphrates, in the third
year of the siege. This broke down the waU and made
an entrance for the enemy, and the king, as has ))een
332
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
mentioned aboTe; destroyed Mmself and Ms palace by
fire (Died. ii. 27). What does Nabum say P That
"the gates of the rivers shall be opened," and "the
palace bo dissolved ; " that " the gates of the land shall
be set open to the enemy ; " that the city should be de-
stroyed by fii-e ; that Nineveh shoulil be laid Traste, and
that, lastly, there should be no healing for the " bruise "
of Assyria. It is to bo noticed that in his description
the prophet uses the vcord Riizzab, a word which, if
not intended to denote the ciueen of Assyria, as repre-
senting the kingdom, may perhaps be a geographical
term for the couutiy watered by the Zab. (,Nah. ii.
6, 7 ; iii. 7, 13, 15, 19). Zephaniah says that Nineveh
should be made "a desolation, dry like a wilderness ; "
that flocks should " lie down in the midst of her ; "
and that when the " cedar- work'" — i.e., of the roofs and
ceilings — should be "uncovered," the "cormorant and
bittern" shoidd lodge in the buildings (Zeph. ii. 13
— 15). In reference to these prophetical descriptions,
it may bo remarked (1) that the river Khausser passes
through the mound of Koyounjik, and that after rain it
becomes an impetuous torrent, capable of effecting great
mischief; (2) that the Tigris, which now flows half a
mile from the mound, frequently changes its course,
and may thus have been the cause of the breach in the
city walls, the opening of the river-gates which admitted
the enemy into the city; (3) that manifest traces of
fire, especially of cedar-wood destroyed by fire, are
evident at Nimroud, at Khorsabad, and at Koyounjik ;
and the complete destruction and desolation of the sites
is verified not only by the silence of writers and the
general ignorance of travellers respecting them, but by
their actual state at the present time. (Layard, Nln.
and Bab., 77, 357 ; Nineveh, i. 149 ; ii. 121 ; Ainswortb,
Trav., ii. 142, 143.)
Where, then, was Nineveh, " of that first golden
monarchy the seat," and which of the great moimds of
ruins is it that covers its site ? Is Nineveh to be foimd
at Koyounjik, or at Nimroud, or at Khorsabad ? One
view would place separate cities at each of these places,
arg^ng that if Koyounjik represents Nineveh, Khor-
sabad was to it what Versailles is to Paris, or Hampton
Court to Loudon, and that Nineveh was in fact a group
of cities known by a common name. (H. Bawlinson,
quoted by Layard, Nin. and Bab., 638 ; Oppert, p. 67.)
The other view, which is Mr. Layard's, would include
the three places above mentioned, together with Shereef-
Klian and Karamles in the circuit of Nineveh, whose
dimensions would then answer pretty nearly to those of
Diodorusandfo the city of three days' journey of Jonah.
Nimroud in this view represents the original site of the
city, whose founder also built the etlifice at Baasheika,
and founded a new city at Kalah Sherghat. Later
still, palaces were built at Khorsal^ad and Karamles,
and the largest structure of all was buUt by Sennacherib
at Koyounjik. Besides, at these more distinguished
sites, remains have been dug up at various places overthe
whole area. This extended -v-iew of the size of Nineveh
was entertained liy Cartwright, mentioned above, who
says, "It seems by the ruinous foimdation, which I
thorougldy A-iewed, that it was buUt with four sides, but
not equal or square. For the two longer sides had each
of them, as we guess, 150 furlongs, the two shorter
sides 90 fiu-longs, which amounted to 480 furlongs of
ground, which makes threescore miles, accounting eight
furlongs to an Italian mUe." (Layard, Nin., ii. 243,
247, 248 ; Nin. and Bab., 640 ; Pus'ey, On Jonah, Intr.,
p. 253 ; Purchas, Pilgrims, ii. 1,435.) On these vast
dimensions we may remark noai'ly to the same effect
as was done in speaking of Babylon, viz., that it is
certainly jiossible to imagine an area of the size described
above, a parallelogram of 18 miles x 12 miles, loosely
occupied by vast palaces and detached buildings, thinly
inhabited, and containing a large space of ground not^
covered by buildings, but imder cultivation, and the
whole surrounded by a wall 54 mUes long ; but that
the other theory, viz., of an aggregate of towns incor-
porated under one general name, seems more consistent
with probability, and not repugnant to the descrij)tion
given in the prophecy of Jonah. But if we regard
Nineveh as occupying the whole of this vast parallelo-
gram, where are wo to place Asshur, Behoboth-Ir,
Calah, and Resen P As to Asshur there is perhaps no
difficidty, for we shall easily accept this name as de-
noting the country at large rather than any single town,
identical with Atui-ia, the name given by Strabo to a.
province of Assyi'ia, and applied by Arab geogra-
phers to Mosul, to Selamiyah, to the pro^'ince of
Mesopotamia, and even till lately to Nimroud
(Layard, Nin., ii. 345). Rehoboth-Ir we shall pro-
bably regard with the margin of our Bibles and with St.
Jerome as denoting, not a separate city, but the " streets
of the city," i.e., of Nineveh (Hieron., Quasi, in Gen.,
vol. iii., p. 954 (320). There remain, therefore, Calah.
and Resen, the latter " between Niuoveli and Calah, a,
great city." It has been variously identified with Sela-
miyah, five miles north-west of Ninu-oud, with Nimroud,
and with Larissa of Xenophon, though this last opinion
throws little light on its actual position ; while Calah
has been thought by some to be represented by Holwan,
on the river of that name, an affluent of the Diyaieh,
but is more commonly thought to answer to Kalali-
Shergbat, in whicb case Resen may perhaps be placed .
at Nimroud (Layard, Nin., i. 4 ; Oppert, p. 83 ; H.
Rawlinson, in Geogr. Joxirnal, vol. ix., p. 35 ; Assemani,
Bibl. Orient., vol. iii., pp. DCCLIII. and 2). It is
jierhaps impossible now to come to a positive conclusion
on either of these ojiinions ; but the general statements
of history, both sacred and profane, have been amply
verified by the discoveries which have been made
within the region to which these places must have
belonged, and within which there is ample room for
all of them, whether collected within a single enclo-
sure or dispersed more widely over its surface. But
their sites, wherever they may be assigned, have
become a desolation ; the great cedar of Lebanon,
exalted above all the trees of the field has been cut
ofl: by strangers ; his branches are fallen and his
boughs broken, and the people of the earth have gone
from his shadow and have left him (Ezck. xvii.). The
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
333
descendants of the ancient Assyrians, those deter-
mined and cruel warriors wlio subdued Asia and even
penetrated into Egypt, the Kurds of modern Assyria,
"are scattered upon the mountains," while men of other
races inhabit the towns or wander among the regions
once fertile and populous, but now wasted and desolate.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
BT THE KEV. H. D. M. SPENOE, SI. A., KECTOR OP ST. MAKT DE CEYPT, GLOUCESTEK, AND EXASIINING CHAPLAIII
TO THE LOKD BISHOP OP GLOUCESTER AND BRISTOL.
THE CATHOLIC EPISTLES:—! ST. JOHN.
"THE SIN TTNTO DEATH.
"... There is a sin unto death. I do not say that he
Blinllpray for it."— 1 John v. 16.
'here are two passages intimately con-
nected in the New Testament of our Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ, St. Matthew
xii. 31 : " Wherefore I say unto you, AH
maimer of sin and blasphemy shall be forgiven imto
men : but the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall
not be forgiven unto men ; " and the one we are about
to consider from the First Epistle of St. John.' The
saying of our Lord and the written words of the beloved
apostle at first sight seem to point to a creed harsher
and less lo^ang than that which is usually beheved to
be the sum of the teaching of the Gospel of Jesus.
They are no doubt most weighty sayings, and calcu-
lated to exercise deex) influence on the minds and actions
of thinking men. Wrongly understood, their influence
may be, often has been, most mischievous, calculated
to di'ive the shrinking trembling soul rather to despair
than to repent ; whUe, rightly understood, they will only
powerfully lead the poor erring one to lean more entirely
on the Everlasting arms ; they wiU mightily persuade
the sorrowful and repentant to trust more closely in
the blood of their Saviour and Redeemer Jesus as their
only hope.
Before setting forward what we believe to be the
true meaning of this hard saying of St. John, which
after all was but the repetition of a truth ho had heard
from his Lord's own lips, let us at once dismiss all idea
of watering down and weakening the statement which
so many have attempted but in vain to do. And first,
in the words, " There is a sin unto death," we declare
without hesitation " death " is used in its deepest and
most awful signification. The reference is not merely
to physical death, to the death of the body, but to
"death eternal," whatever that may be. It refers
plainly to sometliing utterly unconnected with this life
and this world. And secondly, we must give up the
not uncommon interpretation which sees in the second
clause, " I do not say that he shall pray for it," no
positive command not to pray for the sin unto death,
but merely a recommendation not to ask God for what
■will hardly be granted. But the context of the passage
' To these two a third may perhaps he added (Heb. vi. 4, 5, 6),
■where men are warned of the impossibility of repentance in certain
unhappy cases, after a deliberate course of sin.
clearly shows us, that just as there are cases of sin in
which God wills we shoidd pray one for another, so too
there is a sin for which God wills no prayer should be
made. What now is this changeless, hopeless sin, for
which no prayer may be offered by man to God ?
Tho idea of the existence of an unpardonable sin, "a
sin unto death," has worked on the minds of aU Chris-
j tian men with greater or less influence from the very
earliest days of Christianity ; and the words of St. John
we are now dwelling upon doubtless served as the
foundation-story of many of those gloomy and cheerless
j conceptions of the Divine natm'O we find in the Gnostic
I creeds, and somewhat later in the teaching of the Mon-
tanists and Novatiaus. Basilides, the Gnostic, says
Clement of Alexandria taught that not all sins, but only
sins committed involuntarily or through ignorance, were
forgiven." The Montanists denied that there was any
remission of certain great sins committed after baptism.
The error of the Novatians ^ (third century) principally
consisted in their denying to the Church the power of
restoring to communion those who had lapsed in time
of persecution. (This lapsing in jJersocution has been
frequently supposed to have been the sin against the
Holy Ghost.) But from the fii'st days of Christianity
by far tho gi-eator number of those eminent men who
have been permitted by the providence of God mainly
to mould and influence the Church of Christ on earth
in her government and her discipline, have struggled to
combat this mistaken notion concerning an unpardon-
able sin. Cyprian of Carthage, Ambrose of Milan,
Athanasius of Alexandria, and Augustine of Hiiipo,
may be cited as among tho most famous of the early
Catholic theologians who earnestly and successfully
opposed thLs fatal error.
Tho question respecting forgiveness of deadly sin,
and the consequent restoration of the sinner to com-
munion with his fellow-believers, divided tho foUowers
of Christ from the first days into two distinct parties :
the one, resting on the few condemnatory sentences of
the Saviour, and on such texts as wo are now consi-
dering, was ever too ready to judge its fellow-men
with a severity as unjust as it was pitiless ; the other,
with a better comprehension of the mind of Christ and
tho spirit of His teaching, shrunk from pronouncing a
positive and final judgment here, and preferred ever
to win the sinner to repentance rather than to drive
' Clem, Alex., Slromata, iv.
3 C(. Eusebius, H.E., vi. 43.
334
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Tiim to despair. The great system of ecclesiastical dis-
cipline—slowly elaborated as the Church developed—
Tvhich punished men by depriving them for a long or
short period of all the benefits and privileges of holy
baptism by banishing thom from the society and com-
munion of the Church, by excluding them from public
prayer and praise, by preventing them from receiving
the eucharist, and from entering a church even to hoar
the Scriptures read till the days of then- repentance
were fulfilled, may bo regarded in some way as a com-
promise ■ between the two parties — the one desii-ous of
judging sinners with a stem and cruel harshness ; the
other wishful rather to win back the erring to the fold.
Into these two parties the Church of the first days,
roughly speaking, may bo said to have been divided.
Stai, in spite of the general condemnation on the
part of the Catholic Church of all stem and cruel
interpretations of St. John's words, there remained
deep seated in the hearts of many earnest Christians
a fear, often undefined but constantly present, that in
some way or other tlio awfid unf orgiven sin may have
been committed either in their own persons or by some
closely and dearly connected with them. The great
teachers of the Church, aware of this wide-spread feel-
ing, set themselves to show that such statements were
groundless, and were based upon a complete misappre-
hension of the grave and weighty statements of the
Apostle.
Before, however, considering the meaning of St.
John's solemn words, aU doubt must be removed re-
Bpocting the persons to whom the Apostle was referring.
They were "brotlu'on," men and women, who had
voluntarily joined the company of those who believed
in Jesus. Thus wo may decide at once that to all the
heathen world, to all those who stood outside the pale of
Christianity in this and every other land, no reference
whatever is made in this passage. The sinner in tliis
case must be one who has made shipwreck of his faith.
What now, must wo conclude, is this " sin unto death,"
for which there is no remission, and for which men may
not pray ? Different schools of thought in different
ages have suggested deadly heresy, or complete apostacy
from the faith, or falling away in times of persecution,
or denying the Godlioad of the Lord Jesus, or refusing
to accept the doctrine of the personality of the Holy
Ghost, or lightly and even injuriously speaking of God,
coming under the general head of blasphemy, which by
the laws of Justinian was reckoned a capital offence,
and was to be punished with death. But for each and
all of these surely repentance is possible ; surely for
those unhappy ones who do these things and oven glory
in them, prayer is not forbidden. Witness the fall
and conversion of Peter the blasphemer, of Paul the
persecutor; witness the prayer of a dying Stephen, and
of One greater even than that blessed martyr, whose
1 Many, we know, declined all compromise, and separated
themselves from tbe great body of believers. This misapprehen-
sion respecting unpardonable sin held a foremost place, as we
have noticed, among the peculiar tenets of the Mont.^nists, the
Novatians, and of some of the Gnostics.
last holy breath breathed out prayer for those hapless
men who were watching with an unholy joy the agony
of the cross.
The sin against the Holy Ghost, the sin unto
death, is none of these ; nor is it indeed any one con-
ceivable sinfid act ; but it must be looked for in a life
which, after having received the knowledge of the truth,
casts away faith and love, and without looking back,
untouched by remorse, or sorrow, or repentance, un-
swervingly holds on its lightless, loveless course till
death parts soul and body. So in the main thought
the greatest and most revered of the early Christian
teachers. So Chrysostom, whom we may regard as the
exponent of the mind of the Greek Church on this
subject, understands the sin unto death when he asks,-
■' Is there no remission for those who repent of their
blasphemy against the Spirit ? How can this be said
with reason ? for wo know it was forgiven to some that
repented of it; many of those Jews which blasphemed
the Holy Ghost did afterwards boheve, and all was
forgiven them." So in unmistakable language the
opinion of the Latin Church is declared by Augustine,
whose words are held in equal honour byaU theologians,
Protestant as well as Romanist.
Augustine's exposition of the Epistle to the Romans
treats of the question of the blasphemy against the
Holy Ghost as " the sin unto death " for which there
was no remission, and gives us still further insight
into the deep searchings of heart of the eai-ly Church
in the matter of " the sin unto death," and shows us
even if we had not abundant proof abcady in the
schisms of Novatian and Moutanus, how divided in
opinion here the early Christian teachers must have
been. His words in this treatise on the mere utterance
of blasphemous expressions ag.ainst the Holy Ghost are
most weighty. " To speak blasphemy against the Holy
Ghost is not put to denote barely ihe uttering it with
the tongue, but the conceiving it in the heart, and ex-
pressing it in actions ; for as they are not rightly said
to confess God who do it only with tho sound of their
lips, and not with their good works, in like manner he
who speaks the unpardonable word against the Holy
Ghost is not presumed to say it perfectly unless, as
well as say it, he despairs of the grace and peace which
the Spirit gives, and determines to continue in his
sin." =
The contest between the two parties must have been
bitter and of long continuance, more bitter, perhaps,
and involving far deeper interests than men are willing
now to concede. Throughout the long fierce struggle
the (orthodox) Catholic Church was ranged on the side
of moderation and of gentle forbearance to all sinners,
however desperate. We have quoted some extracts
from the opinions of some of her most distinguished
teachers respecting that deepest of all sins, the sm unto
death, the sin against the Holy Ghost, and from these
opinions we gather this conclusion — The early Church
- St. Chrysostom, Horn. 42 in St. Matt. xii.
3 Ej-i^ositio in Horn.
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
335
declined to decide positively that the hlasphevhT/ against
the Holy Ghost, the sin unto death, coiildT ever be con-
summated lohile life remained in the body. While the
einnor lived, so loug was lie capable of pardon ; " and
even though men had begun in any degree to commit the
sin unto death, they were still capable of pardon, if
they did not render it unpardonable by their own obsti-
nacy and wilful impenitoncy to the hour of death,"' after
which there was no foi'givouoss for it.
If men continued in their sins, and died impenitent,
the Church considered the " sin unto death " was con-
summated. "Thoy died excommunicate, and so had
neither the solemnity of a Christian burial, uor the
suffrages of the Church after death, being struck out
of her diptychs, and no memorial over after being made
of them, as of persons desperate and entirely out of
God's favour." -
This seems to have boon the deliberate judgment of
the Latin and Greek Churches of the first centuries in
the matter of the practical beai-iug of that gi'eat text
we are now considering, upon the life and work of the
Christian community.
With the gradual relaxation of Chui-ch discipline
public attention scorns in gi-eat measure to have been
withdrawn^ from the consideration of the "sin unto
death." The burning controversies excited by the
exaggerated and imreal doctrines of such heretics as
the Montanists, tho Novatians, and certain of the
Gnostics, slowly died out, when the sects which had
originally kindled them then ceased to exist. But
although tho memorable words of St. John ceased after
the first few centuries perhaps to occupy the Church's
special attention,'' stUl, in all ages, in spite of decisions
of CImrch councils, in spite of tho thoughtful teaching
on this subject which at different times and from various
centres has emanated from many of tho most learned
and pious of the fathers of the Church, the words of
St. John and his Divine Master have been and still are
pondered over by tho believer in private. Again and
again have thoy stirred up in many a troubled heart
weakened by sin and suffering hot thoughts sugges-
tive of keen and bitter anguish ; again and again have
they aroused such questioning as, " Is it possible that
I, after all, am one of those guilty ones for whom no
' Compare Bingham, CTirisfimi Ani., Ijook xvi., chap, vii., " 0£ the
Unity and Discipline of the Ancient Church.*'
- Ibid.
•* Although tho question of the "siu unto death" was never a
foremost question for mediieval Christianity, still the schoolmen
havo raised six several species of blasphemy against tho Holy
Ghost — viz., despair, presumption, final impenitency, obstinacy in
siu, opposiug and impugning the truth which a man knows, and
envious mahco against the grace of the brethren. (Cf. Bingham,
Antiquities, chap, xvi.)
■* At the period of the Eeformation, among the sects which
then arose, the Anabaptists wore conspicuous for their revival of
some of the Novatian errors in respect to extreme rigour in refusing
repentance to the lapsed. Tho 11th Article of the Confession of
Augsburg and the ICth Article of the Church of England seem
in great measure directed by the Reformers in Germany and in
England against the old error revived by the Anabaptists. Com-
pare the Bishop of Winchester on Article XVI. of the Church of
England.
prayer is heard, no blessed communion of saints exists,
for whom tho Isve of God is dead for ever P "
For those wo draw our answer in great measure from
tho wells of early Christian thought and learning, from
the collected writings of tho many great Greek and
Latin fathers who fii'st camo face to face with these and
such like awful questionings, from men like Cyprian
and Ambrose, from men like Basil and Chrysostom,
from the saiatly Augustine. Those used their deep
learning, their devoted piety, thou- bright warm elo-
quence, to counteract the false impressions of God's love
and mercy foolish and erring men wore sowing in
theii- days deep and broad in tho fields of Christianity ;
and listening to the words of these true-hearted, loyal
defenders of Catholic truth, we explain unhesitatingly,
that " sin unto death " is committed only by that imhappy
one who, having once learned the truth as it is in Jesus,
deliberately forsakes the covenant of his God, throws
oil all self-restraint, and plunges into what he knows
and feels to be deadly sin and shame, casting aside
every holy prompting, stamping down every reproachful
memory of a happier past, and stifling every remorseful
feeling, gives himself up to a life of selfish unbelief till
tho dread summons comes, when ho passes away from
tho midst of us with heart untouched, hard, impenitent
to the last.
To whom now should the Christian man or woman
pray for such a sin P a sin indeed unto death. To that
God mocked at, dishonoured, defied to the last ? In
whose name and for whose sake should the prayer for
pardon be offered P Could men plead the blood of that
Jesus whose power and Godhead, once acknowledged,
was denied; whose love, once believed in, was deliberately
rejected?
The sinner who sins even what men fear to be "the
sin unto death," may we pray for, ay, even hope
for. Tet again he may ttrni with weeping and with
mourning, and once more seek his Master's face, and
live. But for tho " sin " unreijcntod, may no man
pray P It has no remission neither in this world nor
yet in the world to come ; for tho sin unto death is the
dehberato, the final rejection of Jesus the Redeemer,
our Lord, our Love, our God.
We must not, however, close our " study " of this
strange hard passage without calling attention to the
two different Greek words St. John uses in this I6th
verse, both implying hero a request from man to God
for a pardon for sLa — (a) For " tho sin not unto death,"
he shall ask (ah'ria-ei). (b) For " tho sin unto death " I
do not say that he shall pray for it (epoiTi'jo-i;).
(d) aiTe'n) Q)efo) — used in tho first clause of tho verso
for a legitimate request, favourably allowed, if not
enjoined, by God — is the word constantly employed
when an inferior seeks to obtain a favour from a.
superior, a subject from the ruler, man from God.
(h) While epoiTcia {yogo, occasionally interrogo) — used
in the second clause of the verso for a request not
approved or sanctioned by God — is tho word ever used
by an equal addressing an equal, as a king desu-ing a
336
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
favour from a king (Luke xiv. 32). It implies an equality
which lends authority to the request.
Of these two words the former, ahtlv, is never used
by our Lord in His own reqxiests to God, but always
epaiTav is employed by Him on those occasions, as
becomes an equal addressing an equal. (Cf . St. John,
xiv. 16 ; xvi. 26 ; xrii. 9, 15, 20.) Never is epwruy
used in the New Testament of the prayer of man to
God, of a creature to the Creator.'
' Cf. Arclibishop Trench, Synonyms of the New Testament^ 1st
The sileut eloquence of this change of words, the
substitution of the ^puTai' for the aiT€7y, conveys a mute
reproach, and more forcibly than any argument teUs us
how the asking for forgiveness — if there bo forgiveness
— for " the siu," is no request which a created being
may offer to its Maker ; teUs us how the asking fol
pardon — if there be a pardon — for the " sin unto death '
has passed out of the realm of prayer.
series, sect, si., where these two words are admirably discussed ;
and UUsterdieck, Comm. on Epp. of St, John.
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ZEPHANIAH (contimied).
BY THE BEV. SAMUEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
II. — THE CALL TO EEPENTANCE (continued).
Chap. ii. 1, to Chap. iii.S.
iHE Need op Repentance. — To give
additional force and emphasis to his sum-
mons to repentance, the prophet reverts
to and completes the description of Jeru-
salem, given in chajjter i. verses 4 — 13. Once more,
his pencil labours to depict the vices and corruptions of
that sinful city, in which the Lord Jehovah daily set
forth his righteousness and truth, in which, therefore,
there burned and shone a steadfast light. That the
citizens of Jerusalem and their leaders hated this light,
that they wilf idly turned from it and shi'ouded them-
selves in darkness because their deeds were evil — this
as it was their deepest guilt, so also it was the last and
most conclusive jjroof of their need of repentance.
That it is Jerusalem which is described and addressed
in the first eight verses of chapter iii. is beyond a doubt ;
for, though we might take at least ver. 1 as a continua-
tion of the denunciation agaiust Nineveh wliich closes
chapter ii,, it is impossible to read the subsequent verses,
which expand and interpret the first, in that sense.
They can only refer to Jerusalem. For no other city
could be reproached with not having trusted in Jehovah
nor drawn near imto God ; in no other city did He set
His justice in the light, morning by morning, and plead
with man, " Only fear thou Me ; accept correction."
Here, then, we have the final appeal to Jerusalem
(chapter iii., verses 1 — 8).
" Woe to the rebellious and polluted city,
The oppressing city !
She hath not hearkened to the voice ;
She hath not accepted correction ;
She hath not trusted in Jehovah ;
She hath not drawn near to her God.
Her princes are roaring lions in the midst of her;
Her judges are ravening wolves
Who leave no bones for the morning ;
Her prophets are boasters, traitors :
Her priests profane that which is sacred.
And violate the law.
Jehovah is just in the midst of her ;
He doeth no wrong ; [failing :
Homing by morning He setteth His justice in the light, not
But the unjust know no shame.
I have cut off the nations :
Their battlements are laid waste ;
I have devastated their streets,
So that no person passeth through them :
Their cities are laid waste,
So that no man is in them, no inhabitant.
I said, ' Only fear thou Me,
Accept correction,*
That her habitation might not be cut off.
According to all that I had appointed concerning them :
But they rose up early to corrupt all their doings.
Therefore wait for Me, saith Jeliovah,
In the day when I rise up to the prey ;
For it is just that I gather the nations.
And call together the kingdoms,
To pour out on them my fury.
All the heat of my wrath :
For by the fire of my zeal
Shall the whole earth be consumed."
The appeal opens with a brief denunciation of " woe,"
which contains three epithets that Jerusalem should
have been the last city in the world to deserve. Chosen
of God to be His i^eople, " a holy peojile, zealous of
good works," instead of doing His will, its inhabitants
straitened and hardened themselves against Him ; in-
stead of being a holy people, they were stained with the
foulest vices ; instead of loving and serving one another,
they oppressed and devoured each other. Jerusalem
is a rebellious city, a polluted city, an oppressing city.
These epithets are exjilained and vindicated in verse
2. "She hath not hearkened to the voice" of God, as
uttered in the law of Moses, and in the remonstrances
and appeals of the prophets. " She accepts no chastise-
ment," so that even the infinite patience of Jehovah is
exhausted, and Ho is weary of coi-rcctiug her in vain.'
And as law and punishment have failed of their proper
effect, so also have promise and in\-itation. She has no
faith in the gracious offers of Divine mercy, does not
" trust " them nor Him who makes them, nor suffer
them to " draw " her " near to her God."
As, however, we listen to the successive counts of
this terrible indictment, we become aware of an under-
tone of grace and pity. The words sound as though
they were set in sighs. The Dirine pm-pose of God's
1 Compare Isa. i. 5.
ZEPHANIAH.
337
varied dealings with men comes out in the very phrases
in wliich He confesses and laments tliat His purpose has
not been reached. If Ho speaks, it is that men may
" hearken to the voice ; " when He corrects, it is that
they may ''accept correction," and suffer Him to show
them His love. His aim is to win their trust. He
draws near to them that they may " draw near " to Him.
He does not command simply that He may got His will
of us, but that our wills may be fixed in the love and
service of the truth. He corrects us, not for His plea-
sure, but for our profit, that wo may become partakers
of His holiness, and yield the peaceable fruits of right-
eousness. And when, with tender infinite regret. He
finds that these the ordinary ministries of His goodness
iavo failed to produce their due effect upon us. He
betakes Himself to exceptional means, and pierces our
hearts with an overmastering " woe," only that we may
feel our need of Him, and learn that we cannot do
without Him, and accept the lovo He waits to lavish
on us.
The constant and more gentlo ministries of Divine
grace had failed on the inhabitants of Jerusalem. In-
stead of drawing near to theii- God, they " drew back
from Jehovah," neither seeking nor asking after Him.i
And their leaders, eiyil and ecclesiastical, exaggerated
the popular sins, presented them in their most flagrant
tjrpes. Their "princes," whom Zephaniah, himself a
prince, must have known well, and whom he had already
depicted- as betraying then- heathen proclivities by their
foreign apparel, he now desci-ibes as rushing open-
mouthed, like "roarijit/ lions," on the poor and those
who had no helper. The "j)(fZ(/es," whose very function
it was to minister justice indifferently to all men, instead
of checking the iusoleneo and rapacity of the nobles.
displayed a still more ignoble and insatiable greed :
if the princes were roaring lions, the judges were
"ravening loolves," who left no bone of their evening
prey for the hunger of the morning. Their " Prophets'
the very tribunes of the people, wore "boasters," i.e.,
men who " boUed over " with frivolous and insolent
speeches, and " traiters," or " men of treacheries," i.e.,
men who were faithless apostates from their God and
King. The "priests," whoso office it was to consecrate
■that which was common, and to teach men the law of
the Lord, reversed then- functions ; ihej " profaned that
■which was sacred, and violated the hnu " they were
ordained to administer (verses 3, 4).
With a people so ungodly and so incorrigible in their
•ungodliness, with princes who plundered those whom
they should have protected, judges who wi-onged those
whom they should have righted, prophets who aposta-
^tised from the God to whom they should have borne
^witness, priests who profaned that which was holy
instead of sanetifjiug that which was profane, Jerusalem
might well be denounced as a rebellious, a polluted, and
an oppressing city.
What aggravated then- guilt tUl it became intolerable.
and put them beyond all mercy save the "mercy of
1 Chap. i. C.
46 — VOL. II.
Chap.
judgment," was (li that God had given them a pure
law of life, and Himself administered it among them ;
|2) that, in the destruction inflicted on neighbouriag
kingdoms. He had constantly warned them of the in-
evitable results of violating that law : and (3) that He
had not spared to correct them so often as they went
astray, and to plead with them, and to ui'ge them to
repentance and obedience.
(1) He had given and administered a pure law of life
among them (verse 5). " Jehovah is just in the midst
of her ; He doeth no wrong : morning hy morning He
setteth His justice in the light, not failing." The simple
exquisite beauty of these phrases, then- perfect form,
is their least though it is then- most obvious charm. It
is their soul of meaning by which our souls are moved ;
and, above all, by the contrast they suggest. In the
jjolluted and oppressive city, whose princes were roaring
lions and their judges ravening wolves, there sat a
King and a Judge, of whom it might be said, " His work
is perfect ; all His ways are righteous ; a God of truth,
and without iniquity, just and right is He;" a King
and Judge who respected no man's person, and did no
man wrong, whoso righteousness and truth came back
day after day with the morning light — as certainly, as
clearly, with as bright a jiromiso of good. In other
cities, such as Gaza or Nineveh, the presence, the
authority, the law of God were but obscurely revealed ;
men were left to grope after the Unknown if haply
they might find Him, to infer a spiritual Presence from
the operation of physical laws, to deduce a Divine rule
from the imperfect and confused utterances of reason
and conscience. But at Jerusalem, God and His wiU
were " set in the light ;" the history of the chosen race,
the services of the Temple, the voices and scriptures of
the prophets, the national habits of thought, and manner
of life loudly proclaimed God to bo then- God and His
^viU their law. Who should know Him, if they did
not? and who do His will if they disobeyed it ? Where
should princes be princely and judges just, if not iu
the city in which Jehovah reigned ? What prophets
should be faithfid if not those whom He had called, and
what priests holy if not those whom He had ordained. P
Had they been capable of shame, would they not have
l^een ashamed that, with so pure a light of goodness in
their midst, they had wrapped themselves in darkness
and come to hate the light which reproved their deeds ?
"Bat the unjust hnoio no shame."
(2) Their guUt was still further aggravated by the
fact that, in the judgments inflicted on neighbouring na-
tions for their sins, God had constantly warned the men
of Judah and Jerusalem of the inevitable and miserable
results of sin (verso 6). They had seen race after race
cut off. the battlements of their fortified places laid
waste, their cities battered down, their streets reduced
to such rumous desolation that no man dwelt in them,
no man so much as passed through them. And what
were these Divine judgments but the law of God '• wiit
large," and illustrated on a scale so vast and impressive
as to arrest the attention of the most heedless, and to
rouse a saving fear in the stubborn and impenitent ?
338
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
But even these glaring and portentous illustrations of
the wratli of God against evil, and all who cleave to it,
had been wasted on the stiff-necked nation, " the nation
that did not turn pale." ' They had stood under these
shocks and alai-ms unmoved, or moved only for the
moment. And now what was there, short of a judg-
ment more severe than any they had ever yet seen
or known, that could constrain them to penitence, and
through penitence to righteousness, through righteous-
ness to peace ?
(3) A more severe jnigmeui : for another aggravation
of their guilt was that, much as they themselves had
ah-eady suffered, they had not accepted correction, nor
learned that beginning of wisdom — the fear of the Lord
(verse 7). It was not only that they had seen " a day
of the Lord " darken over other lands, and His judg-
ments desolate heathen cities. They had themselves
been visited with days of judgment. God had smitten
them again and again, till the whole head was sick and
the whole heart faint, till, from the crown of the head
to the sole of the foot, the whole body politio was bruised
and wounded and sore. As they looked back on the
past, their whole history was full of Divine chastenings.
And what was the meaning of those chastenings P what
were they sent to say ? They came to say, " Only fear
God, accept correction," let it produce its natural effect
on you, and all shall bo well. God had sent these cor-
rections in order that their " habitation might not be
cut off," that the land and the city might be spared,
that He might not be compelled to execute the sentence
which their sins had compelled Him to pronounce, that
He might not havo to use the axe which Ho had laid at
the root of the tree.
No words could bo more simple and direct than
these ; none could stato mora plainly the merciful and
Divine purpose of judgment, the true function of the
miseries men are called to endure. These judgments
and miseries come to teach us the fear of the Lord,
that is, to save us from all fear. So soon as wo accept
them as corrections of our sins, their end is answered ;
henceforth there is no anger in them, no injurious pain,
but only a Divine love and goodwill. And if no state-
ment of the meaning and function of suffering can be
more plain than this, surely none can be more conso-
latory. Eor, according to Zephaniah, it comes only for
om' good, for our highest good — to teach us the true
wisdom and to make us perfect. When once we " accept "
it, its end being reached, there is no reason why it
should not either pass away or bo changed into the stay
and stimulus of our hfe.
On the other hand, if, instead of being accepted, it be
resisted, it hardens and depraves those whom God sent
it to teach and bless. In place of mending their ways
and making them good, the Jews of Jerusalem yet
further corrupted their ways when God chastened and
afflicted their soids. Before, they had been content to
give the day to disobedience and mutiny. Now, as if
the day were not long enough for the sins they were
1 Chap. ii. 1,
eager to commit, " they rose up early " in the morning
" to corrupt all their doings," so shameless were they,
so incorrigible.
Despising the chastenings of the Lord, hardened and
depraved by them, there was nothing left them but a
judgment they could not despise. And, therefore, the
summons to repentance fitly closes, as it began,- with
an invitation to the humble and i-ighteous of the land ;
and with a threatening, such as that with which the
prophecy oponed,^ of a doom which shall sweep away
the impenitent sinners and their offences, a fire that
shall consume the whole earth. As tho prophet had
exhorted the humble to seek humility, and those who
did right to seek righteousness, so now Jehovah Him-
self calls on them to wait for Him and His salvation
(verse 8). But how do we know that it is this elect
Remnant who are here addressed ? We know it simply
because the Hebrew words translated " wait for me "
are not used ironically or menacingly, but imply a
believing and hopeful attitude in those who are to wait.
It is good for which they are to wait, not evil. And
this pious remnant, faithful among the faithless, the prey
of "roaring" nobles and "ravening" judges, the scorn
of prophets in whose wicked mouths the very truth was
changed into a he, and of priests whose ministry dese-
crated that which was holy, tho derision of a people who
swore both to Jehovah and by their Malkam — did not
they sorely need consolation and hope ? If it was some
comfort to them to hear that judgment was about to
fall on those who oppressed and mocked them, as to
then- stern Hebrew blood no doubt it was ; if it was a
stiU greater comfort to know that they themselves should
be hidden in an inviolable Refuge in the day of Jehovah's
wrath ; the greatest of all comforts was, to learn that
the judgment which would sweep through tho whole
earth was to cleanse and sanctify the whole earth, and
that on some distant but most happy day the sinf id and
scattered sons of' Israel were to be restored to the land
of their fathers, and Jerusalem be made the joy and
praise of all lands. And even this great consolation, as
we shall see in tho next section, was implied in the invi-
tation now addressed to them : " Therefore, wait for me,
saith Jehovah " — wait in an attitude of faith and hope.
But it is the lesser comfort of retribution to which
verso 8 gives prominence. These good men, oppressed
by so many evUs, must at times havo felt their faith in
the Di-idne Providence grow perilously weak. Wlien
they saw elders wax rich by plunder and judges with
bribes, when they saw pi'ophots win f avom- by prophesy-
ing falsehood and priests by prostituting themselves to
the service of idols, it must have been hard for them to
rest in the conviction that there was a Judge of all the
earth, and that all Ho did was right. As tho dismal
scene of national apostasy and vice imfolded itself before
them year after year, as wave after wave of foreign in-
vasion broke over the land, and the umocent suffered
with the guilty, it must have been very hard for them
to hold fast their faith, that it was well with the
3 Chap. ii. ;
2 Chap. i. 3.
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
339
righteous, that the providence of God was just and kind.
To reward thom for their fidelity in evil times, to deepen
and invigorate their faith, Jehovah assures them that He
is about to clothe Himself with judgment, and to over-
wholm guilty Jews and guilty heathen with a destruc-
tion from which there shall be no escape, save by the
renunciation of guilt. " Wait for me," he virtually
says; "wait yet a little longer, O tried aud faithful
Boiils ! The day is at hand on which I will rise up to
seize my prey. Tom- hearts have not misled yon. It
is but just that I should gather the nations, and call
together the kingdoms, and pour out the fury of my
zeal upon them, all the heat of my wrath against sin.
Wait yet a little while, and ye shall see the whole earth
swept with the consuming fires of my insulted love,
that, out of the ruins, there may come forth a new
heaven and a new earth, in which righteousness and
peace shall dwell."
THE POETEY OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE EEV. A. S. AGLEN, m.A., INCUMBENT OF ST. NINIAN'S, ALYTH, N.B.
STEUCTUEE OF THE VEESE
^ 2. — PAEALLELISM.
' Amaut altema CamcenEe."— Vieg., Eccl. iii. 59.
jjINDING all attempts fail to build up a
system of Hebrew verse on the analogy
of the classical languages of Greece and
Rome, scholars began to question Biblical
poetry more closely, to make it give up the laws of its
own structm-e. Dismissing the hope of finding a regu-
lated recurrence of measured syllables, they listened for
the music of the verse in the succession of sentences
rather than in the succession of words. Single linos
show no certain indications of a rule of quantity or ac-
cent guiding and regulating the flow of thought, but
when two or more versos ' are taken together there is
foimd to be a rhythmical proportion or symmetry be-
tween them, which, whUe it admits tho greatest range
and freedom of treatment, and lends itself with such
elasticity to tho varying hues of emotion that it is impos-
sible to make a perfect classification of all instances,
yet exhibits a definite law of structure, of which it is easy
to discover the normal form. Tho general character
of this verse is expressed by tho names which have been
given to it. It has been called a "rhyme of sentiment,"
a " rhythm of thought," " verse rhythm." Bishop
Lowth employed for it the mathematie;d term Paral-
lelism (parallelismus membrorum), a name which has
been generally adopted since his time. Tho word is aU
that coidd be wished to suggest the essential peculiarity
of Hebrew verse, in which the lines are so balanced one
against the other that " thought corresponds to thought,
in repetition, amplification, contrast or response."- This
correspondence expresses itseH generally in the outward
form and sound, and is sometimes so close that tho
second of two verses is a complete and perfect echo of
the first. But the method has its origin ui the same
rhythmical necessity which in other Lmguages opposes
long syllables to short, accented words to those which
the voice passes over hghtly aud without emphasis. It is
the rhythm of Hebrew thought expressed in sound, tho
' Forse and line are used here, and generally in this paper, as
synonymous terms.
2 Davidson's Intvoductioti to ilie Old Testament : Psalms.
{continued).
natural wavelike movement of the poetic mood conformed
to tho genius of a language, which flows in short lively
sentences and xiuts a sentiment in each. If one sen-
tence balances another, the Hebrew oar is satisfied. We
might make a rough analogy by compaiing the rhythmic
movement of verse to the time-beats of a clock or watch.
Other languages divide the verses into measured feet,
as a watch ticks off the seconds ; but Hebrew opposes
lino to line with the longer, more solemn, aud more ma-
jestic beat of the jjendulum of a, large clock.
That parallelism is not confined to the poetry of the
Bible, but appears in it as a specLal form of a veiy
general poetic featm-e, there are abundant examples in
tho literature of every country to prove. It has been
said indeed to be essential to all poetry. Cicero has
remarked that where words or sentences dii'eetly corre-
spond, or whore contraries are opposed exactly to each
other, or where words of a similar sound run parallel, the
composition wiU in general have a metrical form, and rise
in this respect above a prosaic stylo. The Hexameter
has been desci-ibed as a continuous paraOelism, where
tho poetic flowers, wliich in Hebrew verse grow on se-
parate stems, are woven into an unbroken wreath.' The
pleasure derived from a Pentameter depends on the
even balance of its two members. Rhyme is a parallelism
of sound. But all poetry offers examples far more
closely analogous to tho special form of Hebrew verse.
Poets of all countries have delighted in repetition and
antithesis, both in form of expression and thought. The
Homeric repetitions of epithets, phrases, lines, and even
of whole passages have been accepted as the rule of
Epic verse. The conversations carried on in the Greek
tragedians by alternate lines {<rTtxoiJ.vSia) aiford exam-
ples of a kind of parallelism, not very dissimilar to that of
sententious Hebrew sayings. The following lines from
the conversation of Apollo and Death in Mr. Browning's
adaptation of the Alcestis of Euripides will show how the
verso gains in liveliness and picturesque effect by the
admixture of tliis element of parallelism, which appears
not only in " the rapid interchange " with which " each
plied each," but also in the correspondence of form and
2 Herder, Gcist tier Ebr. Poesie,
3i0
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
repetition of terms or play on words, -n-liich forms so
striking' and powerful a detail of Heljrew poetry : —
" What ueed of loic were justice arms enough ?"
" Ever it is my wout to bear the boic."
•' Ay and with hoii-, not jiisttcf, /tc!jj this house !"
" I helj! it, since a friend's woe weighs me too.''
** And now, — wilt force from me this second corpse ? '*
** By force I took no corpse at first from thee."
*' How then is he above ground, not beneath ?"
*' He gave his wife instead of him, thy prey,
*'Andpreu this time at least I bear below. ">
The following examples from Virgil show that the
Latin poets felt the increased emphasis which is gained
in i^oetry by repetition, and may help to explain why
Hebrew verse is so perfect a vehicle for the solemn and
stately thoughts it was chosen to exjiress. The poets
of other nations assume, in passages intended to bear a
formal and jutUcial tone, a style which was usual and
natural to the prophets and poets commissioned to
declare the judgments of God to Israel : —
" Pan etiam, Arcadia meciim si judice certet.
Pan etiam Arcadia dicat se judice victum." -
"Cantantes licet usque (minus via Ifedit) eamns ;
Cantautes ut eamus, ego hoc te fasce levabo.3
But it is in modem poetry that we must seek for the
nearest approach to the parallel style of the Hebrews. In
this as in almost every other du-ection, the literatiu-e of
the Jews has influenced that of modern Europe. Eng-
lish and Hebrew specimens ^vill he placed side by side
as we proceed. But the following' magnificent passage
from Shakesjieare's Eichard II., containing as it does
some most perfect examples of the different forms of
parallelism, will show how powerful an aid to pathos it
may become in skilful hands, and will prepare the
reader to recognise in it the source of much of the
vigour and ■riridness of Hebrew poetiy : —
" I give this heavy weight from off my head.
And this unwieldy sceptre from my hand.
The pride of kingly sway from out my heart ;
With mine own tears I wash away my balm,
With mine own hands I give away my crown.
With mine own tongue deny my sacred state.
With mine own breath release all duteous oaths;
All pomp and majesty I do forswear ;
My manors, rents, revenues, I forego ;
My acts, decrees, and statutes, I deny :
God pardon all oaths that are broke to me !
God keep all vows uubroke are made to thee !
Make me, that nothing liave, with nothing grieved;
And thee with all pleased, that hast all achieved ;
Long may'st thou live in Richard's seat to sit.
And soon lie Eichard in an earthy pit !
God save King Henry, unking'd Richard says,
And send him many years of sunshine days."
It is the opinion of some scholars that Moses brought
the art of poetry from Egypt. This ^-iew may derive
some support from specimens of verse discovered among
Egyptian inscriptions. The following Threshing-song
has a rhj-thm not unlike that of the Carol of the Well in
the book of Numbers : —
^ Balaustion's Adventure, p. 27.
- Virgil, Eclogue iv. 58. 3 Ibid., is. 61.
" Thresh ye for yourselves,
Thresh ye for yourselves, O men.
Thresh ye for yourselves.
Thresh ye for yourselves
The straw which is yours.
The com which is your master's." *
This parallel structure of Semitic poetry was, however,
of native growth. We do not need the evidence of the
poetical reUcs of the patriarchal times to prove this fact.
There is abundant confirmation of it in the style of
Hebrew si^eeeh. In that the unity and simplicity of
the Semitic character is reflected. The rounded period
of classical and modem Languages was unknown to the
■writers of the Old Testament. They wrote as a chUd
talks. Their sentences are not long and elaborate
structm-es, composed of dependent members and finished
^rith artistic completeness ; but short and simple pro-
positions, fitted together ■with no greater art than is
represented by the copula and, which in Hebrew sei'ves
the pui^pose of many conjunctions. No grammatical
law determines the end of the sentence. The author
pauses from want of breath, not because the sense
requires it, sometimes when it almost forbids. Thus
Hebrew eloquence is a lively succession of vigorous and
incisive sentences, producing in literature the same
effect which the style called arabesque produces in
architecture.* Hebrew ■wisdom finds its complete
utterance in the short pithy proverb. Hebrew poetry
wants no further art than a rhythmical adaptation of
the same sententious style.
It has abeady been remarked that Hebrew is a Lin-
guage rich in the elements of poetry. The root-words
are nearly all borrowed from natural objects. The vo-
cabulai-y takes us back to the infancy of the world, when
eveiy sensation was fresh and ■N'ivid. The poetic style
continues the impression. The poet of the Bible seems
to stand at the beginning of time, watching, ■with min-
gled cmiosity and awe, the energy of creative power.
He presides over the shajung of the primal world. He
hears the Creator's voice and sees His ■will take form.
'• He looks from heaven to earth, from earth to heaven."
and still the same consciousness of an Almighty Power
surrounds him. " God spake and it was done." Still
the same sense of one Eternal Presence ruling and
controlling all remains with him. " Thus saith Jehovah,
Heaven is my throne and earth is my footstool." These
are the prime intuitions of Israel, the foundation of
his religion and philosophy, and they are reflected even
in the style of his poetry. Through the wliole Bible
there runs one dominant and persistent tone, which
the balanced movement of the verse sustains and makes
•• Sir J. G. Wilkinson's .-Ijicicilt Egyptians. Parallelism seems to
he a marked feature of Russian popular song. I extract the
following from a Review : —
" Ah, thou dear child of mine !
Did I Imt possess my old strength,
I would go forth into the wide court.
Seize the Tai-tar by his ruddy curls.
Fling the Tartar into the deep vault.
Feed the Tartar on yellow sand.
Give the Tart.ar water from the swamp to drink."
^ Cf. Eunan, Lfs Langucs Scmitiques, p. 21.
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
341
resonant through all the varieties of rhythm which are
suggested by unfettered lyric song, so tliat in the rise
and fall of the measure we continuously hear the creative
word and deed, the heart and hand of God in unison.
" Let there be light, and there was light."
Bishop Lowth has thus explained his use of the term
parallelism} " The correspondence of one verse or line
with another, I call parallelism. When a proposition is
delivered, and a second is subjoined to it or di'a\vn under
it, equivalent, or contrasted ivith it in sense, or similar
to it in the form of grammatical construction, these I
call parallel lines ; and the words or phrases ausweriug
one to another in the corresponding lines, parallel
terms." Here are three notes of parallelism (indicated
by the italics), viz., equivalence of thought, antithesis
of thought, and similarity of construction, marking re-
spectively the three chief varieties of this style which
the Bishop distinguishes — the synonymous, the anti-
thetic, the synthetic.
These distinctions are useful, and will be observed
as far as possible in these papers. But more recent
scholars have introduced various modifications of
Lowth's system. These vrSl be consulted where they
serve to give a simpler and more natural aceoimt of
Hebrew verse-structure.^
Let us take the opening of the sublime song of Moses
at the end of the Book of Deutei-onomy : —
" Give-ear, 0-ye-heavens, and-I-will-speak ;
And-liear, 0-earth, tlae-worcTs-of-my-mouth.''
The hyphens are introduced to mark the phrases which
represent one Hebrew term. The twofold symmetry in
these lines must strike every ear. The second member
is an echo of the first, both in thought and sound. And
yet it is not a mere repetition of it. lu the opposition
of the earth to the sky, in the varied form of the pro-
phet's appeal, where each term is different and yet
makes a true balance to tlie corresponding term of the
preceding line, we get all the charm of freshness and
change. The dullest ear wiU distinguish the rise and
fall, the wave-like motion, which is essential to musical
rhythm. Each sentence is contained in a line and cuds
Avith it. In other languages a fixed recurrence of feet
or rhymed syllables would mark the conclusion of tlio
verse. Here voice and sense pause together, and the
ear is satisfied with this natural cadence, which is
doubtless improved in the original by the equality of
the words in the two parts of the verse.
Two distinct points thus engage our attention — the
thought, and the form in which it is expressed. That
pai'allelism will be most complete where the symmetry
is preserved in both. The above distich may be re-
garded in both aspects as an example of standard
1 Dissertation prefixed to Lowth's Translation of Isaiah. Cf.
his Lecttires.
- De Wette, followed by Ewald and Dnvidson, have given the
most complete and satisfactory analysis of verse-fomas. Delitzsch
has some valuable remarks in the introduction to his Psalms.
Schoettgen's system, given in Smith's Diet., art. " Poetry," is an
exhaustive ana^sia and a useful guide to a classificatiou. That
article shcald be studied for the history of the various methods.
rhytlrm. But a variety of modifica,tious occur as one
or the other rises into greater prominence.
Our classification will embrace simple and complex
parallelism. Simple parallelism consists of verses of
two members only, complex of more than two.
I. Simple parallelism admits of arrangement under
three heads, according to the degree in which the har-
mony of feeling and form is preserved in the two
members of the distich.
The most perfect form exliibits a symmetry both in
thought and exjirossion, but wiU divide into two classes
(corresponding to Lowth's synonymous and antithetic)
according as this proportion is one of resemblance or
contrast.
Many varieties are foimd of each of these classes.
Thus, of verses that are synonymous, the second line
may repeat the first like an echo, or reproduce it \vith
more or less variation, or amplify and extend it by
Ulusti-ation, explanation, or addition. The following may
be taken as typical forms of each of these three varieties :
** Adah and Zillah, hear my voice ;
Te wives of Lamech, listeu to my speech."
(Gen. iv. 23.)
Here the equivalence of both thought and sound is close
and complete.
" Though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be aa white as snow ;
Though they be red as crimson, they shall be lite wool."
(Isa. i. IS.)
Here, while the resemblance of the thought is so close
as to make the two propositions identical in meaning,
there is more variety than a mere repetition affords.
" I will siug unto Jehovah, for he hath triumphed gloriously ;
The horse and his rider laath he thrown into the sea."
(Exod. XV. 1.)
Here the parallelism is jilainly of another kind. The
second member does not repeat the first, but explains
it. The enemy, which is ih-st spoken of in general
terms, is afterwards more particularly described.
The principal term of the first member recurs
in the second for more complete development. The
following passage from Ps. xlix. affords in the first
couplet an example of this kind of parallelism in con-
venient proximity to a verse in wliich the proportion is
one of similarity : —
( " wherefore should I fear in ihc days of wickedness,
\ When the sin of tliem that ^oould overthrov: doth covipass me about,
i Of them that put their trust in their goods,
\ And boast themselves iu the multitude of their riches.
f But surely none of them may redeem himself,
\ Nor give a ransom for himself to God."
The last couplet supplies an instance of anotlier variety
of the same kind of parallelism. By introducing tlio
word " God," only impUed in the first line, the second
member completes the sense, which else would be left
imperfect.
But the most frequent of all the forms which fall
imder this division is that in whicli the pv(jpurtlou is
one of progression. Indeed, this feature is claimed by
Jobb in his Sacred Literature to be almost universal
iu Hebrew verse. He objects that Lowth's name
342
THE BIBLE EDUCATOE.
synonymous is inappropriate to describe the commonest
-forms of parallelism, for the second clause, witli few
exceptions, " diversifies the preceding clause, and gene-
rally so as to rise above it, forming a sort of climax in
the sense.'"' The same peculiarity had been noticed
by Lowth himself m his fourth Lecture, where ho says,
"The Hebrew poets frequently express a sentiment
with the utmost brevity and simplicity, illustrated by
no circumstances, adorned with no epithets (which,
in truth, they seldom use) ; they afterwards call in the
aid of ornament ; they repeat, they vary, they amplify
the same sentiment." Jebb not only calls attention to
the frequency with which the poets of the Bible resort
to tills style, but also discovers in it a valuable pro-
vision for marking with the nicest precision the moral
differences and relations of thbigs, and notices how
fine an instrument was put into the hands of the
inspired bards of Judtea to utter and preserve for
the world the external ti-uths of moi-ality and religion.
The name which this writer proposes to substitute for
synonymous is cognate.
As a striking instance of the powcrfid way in which
this element of progression may be introduced, wo may
take the following verses from the song of Deborah.
The whole ode is indeed one fiery march of impetuous
verse, for which no better name than progressive paral-
lelism could be found. The greater part, hofrever, is of
a complex kind. This passage strictly belongs to the
present group of simple parallelisms : —
^ "Jehovah, when tbou wentesfc forth from Seir,
1[ When thou marchedst out of the field of Edom,
C The earth trembled and the heavens droxjped ;
\ The clouds also dropped water ;
( The inountains loefted before Jehovah,
\ Even that Sinai before Jehovah, God of Israel.''
(Judg. v. i, 5.)
Hero the gj'adations from wentest forth to marchedst
out, from Seir to field of JSdom, from heavens to
clouds, from the genei'al mountains to the particular
and emphatic that Sinai, is very fine and imiiressive.
Aud the general feeling of progression in the rhythm
is exquisitely maintained liy the addition of the words
God of Israel to the name Jehovah. Every bettor feel-
ing which an Israelite had — his poetry, patriotism, and
religion, and his historic sense as well, are touched in
the fine art of these lines : —
•' The mountains melted before Jehovah,
Even (liat Sinai before Jcliovah, God of Israel."
The sense of rapid movement in this kind of verse is
often attained by the repetition in the second sentence of
part of the first. As wo have already seen, this device
is common in all poetry, and often lends peculiar em-
phasis to a passage. The following instances of the
Hebrew method of employing it may bo added to
Deborah's ode, which is thi'oughont constructed on this
principle : —
*' Thy right hand, 0 Jehovah, is glorious in power ;
Thy right hand, O Jehovah, hath dashed in pieces the enemy."
(Esod. XV. 6.)
^ Sacrod Literature, p. 35.
j " My voice is unto God, and I cry aloud ;
I My voice is unto God, and he will hearken unto nie.
( I will remember the works of Jehovah,
\ Yes, I will remember thy wonders of old.
f The waters saw thee, O God ;
I The waters saw thee ; they were seized with anguish."
(Ps. Isxvii. 1, 11, 16.)
There is stiU remaining a variety, which it is con-
venient to class among those forms of parallelism which
we are considering. The proportion of thought is not
always one of simOarity or progression. The sense
sometimes trails itself out, as it were, through both
members of the verse. The rhythm of such verses is
less animated. There is a manifest intention of paral-
lelism, but the charm of the echo is gone. We are
api)arently very near to prose in verses like this : —
" He blesseth them so that they multiply exceedingly .
And suffereth not their cattle to decrease ;
Again, when they are minishcd or brought low
Through oppression, through any phigue or trouble.
He poureth contempt upon princes.
And maketh them wander out of the way in a wilderness ;
Yet helpeth He the poor out of misery ;
He maketh him households like a flock of sheep ;
The righteous will consider this and rejoice.
And the mouth of all wickedness shall be stopped."
(Ps. cvii. 38—42.)
The alphabetical poems, which will be noticed in a
future paper, show how the Hebrew poets of the later
ages tried to supply to this kind of verse something of
the definiteness wanting from the lax nature of their
parallelism.
The following examples, chosen from the different
poetical books of the Bible, falling all of them under
the class of parallelisms under discussion, may be referred
by the student to its different varieties. It may be
remarked from them that the degrees of completeness
of the parallelisms vary considerably. The parallel
lines sometimes consist of three or more sjTionymous or
similar terms, sometimes of two. This is generally the
case when the verlj or nominative case of the first
sentence is to bo carried on to the second or understood
there. Sometimes only one term in "each line corre-
sponds. The first two examples should especially be
noticed as exhibiting very perfect and graceful speci- .
mens of lines composed of two propositions, tho second
member distinctly answering to tho first, like two syl-
lables in an echo.
(" Bow thy heavens, 0 Jehovah, and descend ;
\ Touch the mountains, and they shall smoke ;
5 Dart forth hghtuing, and scatter them ;
i Shoot out thine arrows, and destroy them."
(Ps. cdiv. 5, 6.)
( " And they shall build houses, and shall inhabit them ;
I And they shall plant vineyards, and eat the fruit thereof :
( They shall not build, and another inhabit ;
\ They sh.ill not plant, and another eat :
( For as the days of a tree shall bo the days of my people,
\ And they shall wear out the works of their own hands."
(Isa. Ixv. 21, 22.)
f " Give ear, O ye heavens, and I will speak ;
( And hear, O earth, the words of my mouth.
( My doctrine shall drop as the rain,
( My speech shall distil as the dew,
( As the small rain upon the tender herb,
\ And as the showers upon the grass.''
(Deut. xxxii. 1, 2.)
THE POETRY OF THE BIBLE.
343
" I :iliuU see Him, but uot now ;
I shall behold Him, but not uigh."
(Numb. sxiv. 17.)
'* Jehovah, when thou wentesfc forth from Seir :
When thou marchedst out of the field of Edom."
(Jud- V.4,)
j " O Jehovah, in thy strength the kiug shall rojoice ;
) And in thy salvation how greatly sball he exult !
( The desire of hia heart thou hast granted unto him ;
( And the request of his lips thou hast not denied."
(Ps. xxi. 1, 2.)
J " Because I called, and ye refused;
\ I stretched out my hand, and no one regarded ;
( 13ut ye have defeated all my counsel ;
\ And would not iuchue unto my reproof."
(Prov. i. 24.)
( " Surely with joy shall ye go forth,
\ And with i)eace shall ye bo led onward :
{The mountains and the hills shall burst forth before you with
song;
And all the trees of the field shall clap their hands.
( Instead of the thorny bushes shall grow up the fig-tree,
I And iuste;id of the bramble shall grow up the myrtle ;
j And it shall be unto Jehovah for a memorial,
( For a perpetual sign which shall uot be abohshed.'
(Isa. Iv. 12.^
j " Like mighty men shall they rush on ;
\ Like warriors sliall they mount tho wall ;
( And every one in his way shall they march ;
( And they shall uot turn aside from theii" i)aths.''
(Joel ii. 7.)
* And they that he wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmr.-
ment ;
And they that turn many to righteousness as the stars for ever
and ever.'' (Dan. xii. 3.)
( " God came from Teman,
^ And tho Holy One from Mount Paran.
( His glory covered the heavens,
1^ And the earth was full of His praise."
(Hah. iii. 3.)
" For my memorial is sweeter than honey.
And mine inheritance than the honeycomb."
(Eeclus. s::iv. 20.)
J " Who hath laid the measures thereof, if thou knowest ?
( Or who hath stretch'd the line upon it ?
( Whereupon are the foundations thereof fastened ?
( Or who laid the corner-stone thereof;
( When the morning stars sang together,
\ And all the sous of God shouted for joy ? '*
(Job ssxviii. 5, 6, 7.)
'*ily soul doth magnify the Lord,
And my si^irit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour."
(Luke i. 46, 47.)
J " And the Spirit and tho bride say, Come.
\ And let him that haareth say. Come.
f And lot him that is athirst come,
( And whosoever will, let him take the water of life freely."
(Kev. xsii. 17.)
*' Tho ploughers ploughed upon my back.
And made long furrows."
(Ps. 05X12.3.)
** The righteous shall inherit the laud.
And dwell therein for ever."
{Ps. sxxvii. 29.)
" Eise up, Balaam, and hear.
Hearken unto me, thou son of Sippor.'*
(,Numb. ssiii. 18.)
These varieties of parallelism miglit be illustrated m
nearly every particular from English poetry. Shake-
speare, among owe older poets, and Tennyson among
modern, make frequent and powerful use of it. Tho
reader may refer back to the passage already given
from King Richard II. for instances of its emplo}Tneut
to increase dramatic effect, for it is in the stately lan-
guage of the drama that room is chiefly found for the
exercise of this form of the poetic art. The following
instances might bo multiplied to almost any extent
from the works of Tennyson :—
*' The slow sweet hours that bring us all things good ;
The slow sad hours that bring us all things ill.*'
[Love and Duty.)
" I heard tho ripple washing in the reeds.
And the wild water lapping on the crag."
{21orlc d'Arthur.)
*' There will I enter in among them all.
And no man there will dare to mock at me;
But there the fine Gaw.iin will wonder at me.
And there the great Sir Lauculot muse at me ;
Gawain, who bad a thousand farewells to me ;
Lancelot, who coldly went, nor bad me one :
And there the king will know me aud my love.
And there the queen herself will pity me.
And all the gentle court will welcome me.
And after my long voyage I shall rest."
(Elaine.)
It is interesting to see, from Longfellow's Song of
Hiawathaj if that poem really represents tho rhythm of
Indian song, how largely the parallel form enters into
the musical foeKng of the wild tribes of America.
Wo shall more than once go for illustration to this
graceful poem. The following passage echoes Old
Testament prophecy both in form and spirit : — •
" I am weary of your qmirrels.
Weary of your wars and bloodshed.
Weary of your prayers for vengeance.
Of your wranglings and dissensions.
All your strength is in your union,
All your danger is in discord ;
Therefore be at peace henceforward.
And as brothers live together.
I will send a Prophet to you,
A Deliverer of the nations.
Who shall guide yon aud shall teach you.
Who shall toil and suffer with you.
If you listen to his counsels.
You will multiply and prosper ;
If his warnings pass unlieedecl.
You will fade away and perisb- '
04-i
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BT THE EEV. W. HOUGHTON, 3I.A., F.L.S., EECTOK OF PRESTON, SALOP.
NOCXrENAL BIEDS Or PREY.
, F the owl family (Strigidce) the following
species are inhabitants of Palestine : the
great owl (Bubo ascalaphus), the tawny
owl [Syrnium aluco), the little owl {Athene
Persica) tha scops owl (Scops giu), the white or
we may reasonably expect several allusions to these
nocturnal birds of prey in the sacred writings.
The following Hebrew words have been rendered
owl in the Authorised Version: — Bath-haya'anah,
yanshuph or yanshoph, cos, hippoz, and liltth. The
first word designates, without doubt, an "ostrich," and
TAWNY OWL (Syrtimm aluco).
barn owl (Sirix flammea) — all of which are pretty
common — the Indian fish owl [Eetiqia Ceylonensis), the
long and short-horned owls of our own country {Strix
otus and S. brachyoius). The grotesque expression
produced by the arrangement of the feathers of the
face, the peculiar voice, the habit of flying by night,
their frequenting ivy-covered ruins and places of soli-
tude, have aJl contributed to engender superstitious
feelings in the minils of many people. Owls are in
popular belief birds of darkness, death, and iU-omen,
as Shalsespeare says —
" Out on ye owls, nothing but Bongs of death ! "
In the minds of the Orientals this idea has always been
fully as prevalent as in those of Western people, and
will be considered when we come to treat of that bird ;
the last-named word, which, in the text of Isa. xxxiv. I-t,
is translated " screech-owl," is more correctly given in
the margin as "night monster; " the remaining words,
there is some reason to beUere, denote some kinds of
owls. But besides these, there is another Hebrew word,
tachmds, occurring in Lev. xi. Itl and Deut. xiv. 15, as one
of the bii'ds that were to be held in abomination by the
Israelites, and translated " night-hawk" in our version,
which also, we tliink, denotes some owl.
Tanahi'qih occiu-s in Lev. xi. 17, Deut. xiv. 16, as one
of the unclean birds ; it is rendered " great owl" by our
version ; it occurs once more ilsa. xxxiv. 11, where it is
translated " owl ") in the i)rophet's graphic description
of desolate Edom : " The owl also and the raven shall
ANniALS OP THE BIBLE.
315
'i '
Sr^Jr
•t ■*
r
t^',
BKrisWY ^pfSfi^ K:f>0-;
THE DAULE-OWLS (i3l6!;0 TOaXli/lUs).
dwell in it." Tlio Septuagint and the Vulgate read
Ms, i.e., the This religiosa of Egypt, to wliicli Dr.
Tristram objects, inasmueli as " the ibis is strictly a
bird of the reedy marshes and mud flats, the very last
to be thought of among the ruins of Petra." Tliis is
quite true, but it mnst be remembered that in the same
scene of desolate Edom water-birds such as the pelican
and the bittern are introduced. The description is
very simOar to the one in Isa. xiii. 20—22, xiv. 23,
and Zeph. ii. 14, which Dolitzsch says is founded upon
this one. It was a favourite idea of the Hebrew pro-
phets to introduce into the picture of a waste desert
land pools or marshes here and there, to sei-vo to add
to the scene of desolation. Thus, of Babylon it is said,
346
THE BIBLE EDFCATOK.
" I will mako it a possession for bitterns and marslies of
water."' When a country is liable to inundation from a
river, bollow places fuU of water would remain. More-
over, tbe prophet does not specially mention Petra.
The judgments of Jehovah were to be directed against
Bozrah and the land of Idumea (Isa. xxsiv. 6}. Still,
we do not think that the ibis is intended by the word
ijanshu}}h, but the great eagle-owl (Bubo maximus), or
rather the -B. ascalaphiis, the Syrian and Arabian
representative of the European species. The Targum
renders yanshuph in Isaiah by i-ijywj:)/!?)! (pi.) (Syriac,
kafii/o), i.e., " eared owls," which are frequently men-
tioned in the Talmud as birds of iU-omen. The singular
noun MppopUa occurs in Lev. si. 17 ; Dent. xiv. 16, as
the representative of the Hebrew yanshuph, which
may, we think, be fau-ly identified with the eagle-owl,
a magnificent species inhabiting ruins and caves in
every part of Palestine, "as in tombs in Carmel,
robbers' eaves near Gennesaret, the hermit caves above
Jericho, among the ruined cities of southern Judah.
and in the desert wadys near Beersheba, among the
temples of Rabbath Ammon ; in fact, everywhere
where man has been and is not." It occurs also very
abundantly in the rock tombs of Petra. Where there
are no rocks, the eagle-owl burrows in the sand -banks
and lays its eggs there. Its cry is a loud, prolonged,
and very powerful hoot, which brought viviiUy to Dr.
Tristram's mind a sense of desolaticm and loneliness, as
he stood at midnight among the ruined temples of
Baalbek.
Some kind of owl, it is thought, is intended by the
Hebrew word cos, translated " little owl " in Lev. xi. 17 ;
Deut. xiv. 16, where it is mentioned amongst the unclean
birds. It occurs also in Ps. cii. 6 : " I am like a pelicaji
of the wildemess : I am like an owl of mined places "
(A. v., " desert "). The Hebrew word cos means a
" cup " in some passages of Scripture, from a root
meaning to " receive," "to hide," or " bring together ; "
hence the pelican, " the cup," or " pouch-bird," has
been suggested as the bird intended. In this case the
verse in the Psalm would be rendered thus : " I am
become like a pelican in the wildemess, even as the
pouch-bird in the desert places." But the fact that both
the pehcan and the cos are enumerated in the list of birds
to be avoided as food is against this theoiy, unless the
word changed its meaning in the Psalmisf s time, which
is improbable. The expression cos " of ruined places "
looks vei-y much as if some owl were denoted. The
Arabic definitely applies a kindred expression as one
of the names of an owl, viz., um eJcharab, i.e., " mother
of ruins." The Septuagint gives wKriKopa^ as the
meaning of cos ; and we know from Aristotle that the
Greek word was a synonym of &tos, evidently, from his
description of the bird, one of the eared owls. Dr.
Tristram is disjMsed to refer the cos to the little
Athene Persica. the most common of all the owls in
Palestine, the representative of the A. noctua of
Southern Europe. The Arabs call this bu-d " boomah,"
from his note ; he is described '" as a grotesque and
comical-looking little bu-d, familiar and yet cautious;
never moving imnecessariLy, but remaining glued to his
perch, unless he has good reason for believing he has
been detected, and twisting and turning his head instead
of his eyes to watch what is going on. " He is to be found
amongst rocks in the wadys or trees by the water-side,
in olive-yards, in the tombs and on the mins, on the
sandy mounds of Beersheba, and on "the spray-beaten
fragments of Tyre, where his low wailing note is sure to
be heard at sunset, and himseK seen bowing and keep-
ing time to his own music."
The Hebrew word hippoz is found in one place only,
viz., Isa. xxxiv. 15 : " There (in Idnmea) shall the
Jcippoz [A. v., " great owl "] make her nest, and lay,
and hatch, and gather under her shadow." Some bird
is evidently intended, and not a darting snake, as
argued by Bochart and others, from the sole fact that
the Arabic Ici^yphaz is used by Avicenna to denote
a " darting tree-serpent," from a root meaning " to
spiing forward." Gesenius, Piirst, Rosenmiiller,
Maurer, Delitzsch, Benisch, in the Jewish School and
Family Bible, Lesser, Samuel Sharpe, and Cheyne, all
read " an arrow snake." We presume that the Eryx
jaculus (Daudin), a harmless sand snake common in
Palestine, is intended. But the expression " make her
nest, and lay, and hatch, and gather under her shadow,"
clearly alludes to some bu-d. It is true that the boa
or python-snake occasionally broods over its young, but
it is unlikely that such an act was known to any of
the sacred wiiters. Dr. Tristram thinks that the word
is possibly an imitation of the cry of the scops owl
[Scops gill), called ?/io coo/ by the Arabs, common about
mins, caves, and the old walls of towns. He adds that
its note is well represented by the name hippoz. Against
this idea is the fact that the scops owl is a very small
and pretty little bird, and would hardly be brought in
with howling jackals, dancing satyrs, child-stealing
night fairies (lilith) to add to a scene of desolation.
Lilith, rendered "screech-owl" in the text of Isa.
xxxiv. 14, is more cori'ectly given as " night monster "
in the margin. This creature of the night was a
female demon (shedali) of the popular mythology;
according to the legends it was a mahcious fairy that
was especially hurtful to childi'en, like the ghouls of the
Araiinn Nights. LiUth was to find a home in company
with dancing satyrs in deserted Edom. On an earthen
bowl from Babylon, now m the British Museum, there
is an inscription in the ancient Chaldee language, which
contains an amulet or charm against these lilith or night
monsters, and other demons, of which the following is a
translation : — " This is a bill of divorce to the devil and
to . . . and to Satan, and to Nerig, and to Zachiah,
and to Abitru- of the mountains, and to . . . and
to the night monsters (lilitha), commanding them to
cease from Beheran in Batuaiun, and from the coimtry
of the north, and from all who are tormented by them
therein. Behold, I make the counsels of these devils
of no effect, and annul the power of the ruler of the
night monsters. I conjure you aU, monsters . . .
both male and female, to go forth. I conjure you, and
. . . by the sceptre of the powerful one who has
THE MINERALS OF THE BIBLE.
347
power over the devils and over the night monsters, to
quit these habitations. Behold, I now make you cease
from troubling them, and make the influence of your
presence cease in Beherau of Batnaiun and in their fields.
In the same manner as the devils write biUs of divorce,
and give them to their wives, and retiuTi not unto
them again, receive ye your bUl of divorce, and take
this written authority, and go forth, leave quickly, flee
and depart from Beherau in Batnaiun, in the name of
the living ... by the seal of the powerfid one,
and by this signet of au-
thority. Then wiU there
flow livers of water in that
laud, and then the jjarched
ground mil bo watered.
Amen, Amen, Amen,
Selah." There are a num-
ber of these terra-cotta
bowls in the British Mu-
seum ; they seem to have
been used as divinmg cups.
(Compare Gen. xliv. 5 : '" Is
not this it . . . whereby
my lord divineth .'' ") See
on this subject, Layard's
Nineveh and Babylon, 509
— 526, and a recent paper
by Mi\ RodweU in the
Transactions of tlie Society
of Biblical ArchcBology,
vol. ii., pt. 1, p. Hi-
lls.
The Hebrew word tachmds, occurring only in the list
of unclean bii-ds (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 15), and trans-
lated " night-hawk " in our version, more probably
denotes an owl of some kind. By " night-hawk " our
translators probably meant the " night-jar " or " goat-
sucker" (Caprimidgus), of which tlu'ee species are
known in the Holy Land. This bird (C. Europmius)
has been the subject of many superstitions, and absurd
properties have from the time of Aristotle been ascribed
to it. It utters a strange dismal eiy resembling the
sound of a spinning-wheel, only heard at night ; hence
the name of the bu-d, "night-jar" or "night-churr."
'LILSth" EARTHEN BOWL, INSCKIBED.
(ekitish museum.)
The LXX. and the Vulgate render the Hebrew word
by -yXai^ and noctua, i.e., " an owl." The derivation of
the Hebrew term from chdmas, " to act violently,"
Arabic chamash, " to wound the face with the claws,"
points to some bu'd of prey. It is curious to note, in
connection with tliis, a popular belief in the East that
there is some kind of owl which glides stealthily into
bed-chambers at night, and tears the flesh off sleeping
children. Hasselquist says this owl is of the size of
the common owl; he calls it Strix orientalis, which,
he tells us, the Arabs in
Egypt call massassa and
the Syiians bana. The
women are much afraid of
this infant - kUling owl,
and carefully watch their
houses lest the cruel bird
should gain admittance
through an open window
(Travels, p. 196). It is not
improbable that tachmas
may mean the screech-owl
(Strix Jiammea) common
in Palestine, it being easy
to understand, as Tristi-am
says, " how the light plu-
mage, ghost-like, noiseless
flight, and unmusical
screech of the bird heard
suddenly in the stUlness of
the nighi, almost always in
the ruins and caves which
local superistition has peopled with " ginns " or sprites,
should have earned for it this evil character." But
it is impossible to come to any definite conclusion as
to the bird denoted. The name of the owl occurs
in the Assyrian inscriptions as iis-tsur mu-si, i.e.,
" bird of night " (W. A. I., ii. 37, line 306). Tsulamu,
tsalamdu, or tsal-lam-mu, also stands for "an.
owl."
Compare Shakespeare : —
'* Yesterday, the bird of night did sit.
Even at noonday, upon the market-place.
Hooting and shrieking." — Jul. Cces., i. 3.
THE MINEEALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE EEV. G. DEANE, D.SC, F.G.S., PKOFESSOK OP OLD TESTAMENT EXEGESIS AND NATURAL SCIENCE IN
SPRING HILL COLLEGE, EIKMINQHAM.
^HE minerals named in the Bible may bo
classed in three groups : (1) Gems, or pre-
cious stones; (2) those connected with
metals, mining, and metallurgy ; and (3)
mineral substances not referable to either of the pre-
ceding classes.
I. PEECIOirS STONES.
Prom time immemorial precious stones have excited
curiosity and commanded admiration. Brilliant and
richly-coloured gems have a strange fascination. They
blaze on the brow of beauty, and deck the crown of
royalty. Imagination has vested them with strange,
fantastic, and mystical powers. Religion has claimed
them for her service.
Most of the precious stones named in the Bible are
included in thi-ee distinct lists — the description of the
high priest's breastplate (Exod. xxviii. 17 ; xxxix. 10) ;
the account of the ornaments of the king of Tyre in
34S
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Ezek. xxviii. 13; and the apocalyptic ^sion of the
foundations of the New Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 18 — 21).
Besides these passages, there are others in which par-
ticular stones are referred to : e.g., Rev. iv. 3 ; Job
xxviii. 19 ; Gen. ii. 12 ; and others.
To identify the Hebrew and Greek names used iu
these passages with the names of modern mineralogy is
in many cases no easy task. Most probably iu those
early times, when the ritual and priestly cbesses, as
described in the Book of Exodus, were determined,
Egypt and Arabia were the only countries through
which the Israelites could obtain a knowledge of gems.
Subsequently tlie commerce of Phenicia and Ezion-
geber (1 Kings is. 26; xxii. 48) on the one hand, and
the Babylonian capti\'ity on the other, opened to them
a knowledge of the treasures of the East. And later
still, the conquests of the Greeks and Romans must
have had some effect upon the nomenclature of the
precious stones.
Among the ancients mineralogical science was in a
very crude contlition. The names and description given
by Pliny, Theophrastus, Epiphanius, and other writers,
are conflicting and embaiTassing. But through their
aid many points can be set definitely at rest with
re<;ard to the exact character of ancient gems.
A second means of determination is found in the
etymology of Hebrew and Arabic roots. The ancient
names of many of these precious stones are derived
from some physical character they possess : e.g., the
Hebrew name of the sardius, or sardine stone, is uclem,
from a root signifying " to be red," a derivation which
manifestly excludes all stones which are not red. There
is. moreover, every reason to believe that the modem
Arabic names have not been substantially altered for at
least 2,000 years ; and this affords us a f m-ther clue
to exact determination, on account of the resemblances
between Hebrew and Ai'abic.
A thu-d and still more imxiortant aid to identification
is found in a comparison of the original texts of the
Septuagiut, the Vulgate, and Josephus. The Sei>tuagint
is the Greek version of the Old Testament made in the
third century B.C. at Alexantkia. The Vulgate is a
Latin text of the Bible, made under the direction of
Jei'ome, at the close of the fourth century A.D., not
exclusively by translation from the Septuagint, but from
the original Hebrew. The names of the stones given
by these three versions are in full agreement, the order
in three cases, however, being changed. This agreement
is remarkable. Josephus amdoubtedly saw the breast-
plate in the Temple services repeatedly. In Jerome's
time it was still to be inspected in the Temple of
Concord at Rome. And if we had any guarantee that
Joscplius and Jerome were acquainted with minerals,
the agreement of these three lists woidd go far to settle
many disputed points. Even without this guarantee
we have here a valuable aid in determination.'
The account given in Exodus of the breastplate shows
^ Jerome cannot be credited with any special mineralogical
kuowk'dge, as be speaks with praise of the work of Epiphanius,
which abounds j^ absurd errors.
that the names of the children of Jacob were engraved
upon the stones thereof, and also upon the two stones
worn upon the high priesfs shoulders. The account of
Josephus, which is even more precise, is as follows : —
'• There were also two sardonyxes upon the ephod at the
shoidders to fasten it, in the nature of buttons, having
each end running to the sardonyxes of gold, that they
might be buttoned by them. On these were engraven
the names of the sons of Jacob, in our own country
letters and in oiu- own tongue, six on each of the stones
on either side ; and the elder sons' names were on the
right shoulder. Twelve stones also there were upon the
breastplate, extraordinary in largeness and beauty ; and
they were an ornament not to be purchased by men be-
cause of theii' immense value. . . . The names of
all those sons of Jacob were engraven in these stones,
whom we esteem the heads of oui- tribes, each stone
ha\-iug the honoui- of a name in the order according to
which they were born " {Ant. iii. 7, § 5). The ancient
IsraeUtes must therefore have known somethmg of the
art of engraving hard stones. There is an old rabbinical
legend that Moses engraved the stones of the bi'eastplate
by means of a worm called shdmir. But this word
occurs three times in the Old Testament in passages
where nothing but a very hai'd stone will suit the mean-
ing. In two of these it is rendered " adamant " in the
English version, in the thu-d " diamond" (Ezek. iii. 9 ;
Zech. XTi. 12 ; Jer. x\-ii. 1). There can be no question
that the Israelites possessed the knowledge of engraving
stones. In Gen. xxxviii. 18 we find mention of the
signet of Judah ; in Gen. xli. 42 we learn that the ring
of Pharaoh was placed upon Joseph's hand when he was
made ruler over the land ; and the stone of the den iu
which Daniel was given to the lions was sealed with the
signet of Darius and ■with the signet of his lords (Dan.
vi. 17). Indeed, we are not left to infer the existence
of stone-engraving from these jiassages ; for in Jer.
xvii. 1 there is explicit reference to cngi-aving with the
point of an adamant {shdmir). History and archaeology
alike show that both the Egyptians and the Assyrians
possessed this knowledge, and doubtless the ancient
Israelites likewise.
But how was this engraving accomplished? Pliny
explains that in his day fragments of diamond were
used for the purpose, just as in our day the same
material is used for cutting glass. It is, however, ex-
tremely doubtful whether the diamond was known either
to the Egvi^tians or to the Assyrians ; and it is much
more probable that the adamant of the Old Testament
is the corundum, which is simply the compact form of
what is popularly known as emery powder. This is the
hardest of stones next to the diamond, has been used in
India from time immemorial for gem-cutting, and can
be shown to have been in extensive use for this piUTpose
in early liistorical times. It is certain that the diamond
was not, as our English version makes it, the sixth stone
of the Jewish breastplate ; partly on account of the
size of the stones as narrated by Josephus, and partly
because it would have been utterly impossible for the
ancient lapidary to carve tipon the hardest of all stones
THE MINERALS OP THE BIBLE.
349
the letters of the Hebrew uamo of the sixth son of
Jacob.
The stones of the breastpkte were arranged in four
rows of three in each row. But in the lists given in the
different versions there are some slight differences in the
order. The most ciuious variation is that the ydsh'pheh
or jasper is the twelfth stone of the Hebrew list, but the
sixth of the Septuagint and Vnlgate. Rosenmiiller con-
jectures that the Greek translator of the Septuagint in
his Hebrew manuscript must have found this transposi-
tion of yd h'jjheh from the tweLffch to the sixth place,
and of yaiialom from the sixth to the twelfth place.
But even if this supposition be correct, there are other
ditficulties attending the exact identification of the three
stones, named in the Hebrew, yaiialom, slwham, and
ydsh'pUeli, which are rendered in our English Bible
"diamond," "onyx," and "jasper." The translation
" diamond " is undoubtedly wrong, for reasons already
stated ; and there can be little doubt also that the Hebrew
names represent the beryl , the onyx, and the jasper. There
is a clear etymological connection between ydsh'pheh and
jasjjer. YahalSm and shoham, then, represent the onyx
and the beiyl. But which is which ? Braun, Michaelis,
Eichhom, and others maintain, on etymological grounds,
that the shvham is the onyx : others maintain from other
considerations that shuhani is the beryl. The word is
used in Gen. ii. 12 to describe a product of the land of
Chavilah ; in Job xxviii. 16 as a most precious stone
classed with sapphire and gold ; and also in 1 Chron.
xxix. 2 as collected by David for the Temple. Yahalom,
derived from a root connected with hardness or tough-
ness, would apply to either stone, and as it is used only
in Exodus, is of very little aid in determination. The
latest and most ingenious attempt to identify shoham
is that of Sir Henry Rawlinson in his paper "' On the
Site of the Terrestrial Paradise " read before the British
Association in 1870. He believes that the term really
applies to alabaster, quarries of which existed just out-
side the Euphrates alluviiun. We must, however, re-
member that this word shoham first appears in the
very earliest records of the human race (Gen. ii. 12) as
describmg a jiroduct which was highly valued. Before
any reference to metal-working, we find the stone shoham
highly prized. Wliy ? Manifestly because it was the
material of the only known cutting implements, tools,
and weapons — the tough, sharp-edged, flinty mineral
which in its finer varieties became subsequently a pre-
cious stone valued for other reasons. Such stones are
found in the alluvial gravels of rivers, and the river
Pison in the land of Chavilah was pre-eminent in this
particular.- These considerations, together with the
pliilological reasons assigned by Braun, Michaelis, and
Eichhorn, appear to us conclusive of the question that
the shoham in early days represented the tough and
flinty varieties of the same cpiartz mineral wliose finer
Tarieties were in later times jirized for ornamental pur-
poses. It is a singular confirmation of the ^^ew here
expressed that an Arabic word for " arrow " is derived
fromacognate root. The shoham stone is the arrow stone.
The variation in the order of the stones prompts
the inquiry whether the breastplate which Josephus
repeatedly saw, and which Jerome might have seen in the
Temple of Concord, was identical with that of ancient
times. If the whole of the original stones were pro-
served, the order also must have been kept, in con-
sequence of the names engraved upon them. But it is
not by any means unlikely that in the great ricissitudes
of the Hebrew nation, some of the original stones may
have Ijcen lost, and have been replaced by others. There
is, so far as we are aware, no record of any such loss,
nor of any appearance on the breastplate indicative of
such reidacement ; and this therefore is a mere con-
jecture which may have no foundation in fact.
There is another question closely connected with the
possibility of changes subsequently made in the original
stones of the breastplate — viz., whether the so-called
Oriental stones which form our most precious gems were
known to the ancient Israelites. These gems — ruby,
topaz, sapphu-e, emerald, &c., with the prefix " Oriental "
to distinguish tliem from other difi:erent stones — all
consist of crystallised alumina, and owe their different
colours to small quantities of different metallic oxides.
Allusion has already been made to the shdniir of the
Hebrews as the rough and subcrystalline corundum
which was used for engraving other stones. These
various Oriental stones are ciystaUiue forms of the
same mineral ; just as the diamond is the crystalhne
and transparent form of opaque and dull carbon.
There is not a tittle of endence to show that these
Oriental stones were known to the Egyptians, nor even
to the Assyrians. The classical nations subsequently
to the Christian era, as shown by the wi-itings of Diony-
sius Periegetes, were acquainted with them. And it is
probable that the Pha3nician merchants, even in the
times of the Assyrian and later Egyptian kingdoms,
may have imported these j)i'ecious stones from the far
East. Ezekiel speaks of the Arabian merchants dealing
in all manner of precious stones. But whatever may
have been the case in the times of Ezekiel and subse-
quently, it is highly improbable that in the early times
of the Hebrew nation these Oriental stones were known
to them. This improbability, as respects the breast-
plate, is rendered the greater by the fact that all these
stones are excessively hard, and that even the shdmir
or corimdum would fad effectually to carve on them
the names of the sons of Jacob.
The question whether there were any of these Oriental
stones appears to us to rest entu-ely on the previous
question, whether the stones were fixed in the time of
Moses and never altered subsequently. If so, the
evidence is strong against the presence of the Oriental
gems, as there is not a shadow of testimony that they
were known at .such times, and distinct proof that they
were unknown in Egyi^t, Arabia, and Assyria. If we
are confined to the times of Moses, we are limited also to
the stones known in the countries with which ho was
acquainted. But in the time of Solomon a gi-eat change
came over not only the commerce of the Hebrews, but
also over the paraphernalia of the Temple wor.ship. It
may bo thought that the rehgious feeling and intense
350
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
reverenco of the Hebrews would prevent all change in
regard to so j)recious and sacred a relic as the high
priest's breastplate ; and this argument must be allowed
as far as it goes. It may be said that there is no evi-
dence of such changes, and that such a thing was far
too important to have been done without some recoi-d.
The reply to this is obvious : there are distinct records
of extensive commerce in precious stones in the times
of David and Solomon. Thus, in David's charge to
Solomon we find these words : " Now I have prepared
with all my might for the house of my God the gold for
things to be made of gold, . . . onyx stones and
stones to be set, glistering stones, and of divers colours,
and all manner of precious stones and marble stones in
abundance " (1 Chron. xxis. 2 ; see also 2 Chron. v. 1).
When all things, then, were made new, it is quite within
the bounds of possibility that the breastplate shared in
the improvement.
But waiving this question as one of mere conjecture
and probability, we pass to consider in detail the stones
which may possibly bo represented by Oriental gems.
Wo have to do, of course, with the original breastplate
of Moses, not with any possible changes which took
place in it afterwards ; and wo shall see that, apart from
the general considerations already adduced, there is in
each case strong evidence in favour of stones that were
not Oriental.
Wo begin with the stone named in Hebrew sapptr.
The modern sapphire is the crystalline corundum, au
Oriental stone. And it has been thought by many that
the Biblical references to sapphire demand transparency
and brilliancy. The Hebrew root saphar means to " en-
grave " or " to write," and accordingly sappir might moan
either tho " thing which engraves," or "the thing which
is engraved." If the former, the stone in all probability
would bo somo variety of the hard corundum. But as
the Hebrew derivatives from the root are tho terms for
a " book," a " writing," an " engraving," and so forth, the
latter meaning above named is tho most probable. Tho
Talmud states that tho tables of the Law were made of
sappir. The BibUcal references to sapphire make it re-
present " the pavement of sappir " under tho feet of tho
God of Israel " like the body of heaven in purity " (Exod.
xxiv. 10), and also tho throao of God above the firma-
ment of heaven (Ezek. i. 26). All these references and
allusions suit most completely tho stono which is well
known to have been tho sapphire of the Greeks and
Romans, viz., tho lovely blue la^ns lazuli, or stone from
which the pigment called ultramarine is made. Pliny's
description of it is " refulgent with spots of gold, of an
azure colour sometimes, but very often purple ; the best
kind comes from Media ; it is never transparent, and
is not well suited for engraving upon when intersected
with hard crystaUino particles " (Nat. Hist., xxxvii. 9).
There are two points in the description which require a
word of explanation. The " spots of gold " and " crystal-
lino particles " are iron pyrites, which occur abundantly in
some specimens of lapis. A deep-blue stone then, with
brilliant crystalline particles, well represents tho star-
spangled firmament, " like tho body of heaven in its
purity," and is also more suitable for a royal pavement
than tho brilliant glassy sapphire. Again, Pliny's refer-
ence to hard crystalline particles appears opposed to the
usage of this stone for engraving the Liw or anything
else thereon. But, as a matter of fact, quantities of
engraved Egyptian jewelry made of lapis are known.
Mr. King, in his Antique Gems,^ says that lapis is
tho " only stone of any intrinsic value known to the
Egyptians under the Pharaohs." And engraved works
in it are known of every period of antiquity. " Before
the true precious stones were introdueed from India, the
lapis lazuli held the highest place in tho estimation of
tho primitive nations of Asia and Greece." A stone
intersected by particles of pyrites would of course be
unsuitable for engraving, not only on account of tho hard
crystaUino nature of such particles, but also because
they readily decompose and decay. But, as Pliny's
words manifestly imply, there are specimens of lapis
without these particles, and therefore suitable for en-
graving.' And there seems no reasonable doubt that
the sapphire of the breastplate was the much-valued
lapis lazuli of the ancients. Epiphanius says that it
was " medicinal, for being powdered it heals the sores
following pustules and boils if smeared over them,
being appUed mixed with milk to the ulcerations."
Wo now come to the emerald and beryl. The
emerald was the third stone of the breastplate, not the
fourth, as in our English Version. Tho Hebrew root
means to " flash lightning," a meaning which materially
aids in determining the stone. Tho term emerald in
Pliny's days was applied to a great number of stones ;
Pliny names twelve. Of these the Oriental stones are
excluded, as we have already shown. There remain to
be considered the so-called copper emerald or chryso-
colla, the beaxitiful green malachite, and the tnio
emerald of modern mineralogy. Theophrastus speaks
of the emerald of CyiJrus as a gem " very rare and of
a small size. It has some peculiar properties, for it
renders water of the same colour with itself. It soothes
the eyes, and people wear seals of tliis stono in order
that they may look at them." We have known persons
now-a-days who have found the view of their seals and
emerald rings very soothing to their eyes. Tliis emerald
of Cyprus is tho silicious ore of copper called chryso-
colla ; and, though very beautiful, is scarcely likely to
have been the emerald of the breastplate. Nor has the
well-known green carbonate of copper called malachite,
which is now so extensively used for ornaments, a much
better claim; although there is abundant evidence to
show that this in ancient times was called emerald
{smaratjdiis. <riJ.apaySos) and that it was well knoivii to
tho Egyptians. Tho significance of these copper ores
in relation to the Scriptural emerald arises chiefly from
^ Ifc ia almost impossible to treat the subject of precious stones
in the Emrlish l;iui?uage without copious refereuces to the most
valuable books of the Rev. C. W. Ein?, of Trinity Collefro, Cambridge.
And the writer wishes to state at the outset that liis owu studies
somo years ago derived gi-eat assistance from these books, and
that ho feels under much obligation to their author for his
Fcbolarly and exhaustive treatment of the subject. On some
poiuts, however, ho is constrained to differ from Mr. King.
THE MINERALS OP THE BIBLE.
351
tho passage in Rev. iv. 3, whicli likens tte emerald to
a rainbow, as there are some varieties which have
curiously-hlended tints of blue and green suggestive of
the rainbow. Tho etymology of tho Hebrew word, how-
ever, as given above, renders it most probable that the
stono of the breastplate was the true emerald of modem
mineralogy. There is a striking peculiarity in tho true
eaerald, when of any considerable size. In one par-
ticular position of the light its green colour is lost, and
it flashes the light back like a brilliant mirror. This is
in striking conformity with tho meaning of the Hebrew
word. AU the stones called emerald known to the
ancients were green stones. This is tho only green
stone wliich has this peculiarity. Tho conclusion is ob-
vious. Some have felt a difficulty in this conclusion
because most of tho modem true emeralds come from
South America. But the miaes of Egypt and Ethiopia
were the chief source of supply of emeralds to the
Romans; aad Moiuit Zabarah in Upper Egypt stQl
affords them, several specimens from that locality having
been obtained by Sir G. Wilkinson and placed in tho
British Museum. There is no doubt that these mines
were largely worked by tho auciout Egyptians, and
therefore no reason for doubting that tho stone of tho
breastplate was tho true emerald. The ancients had
some curious ideas as to the medicinal virtues of tho
emerald : — "Reduced to powder and taken internally in
a dose of from four to ten grains, emerald was aceoimtod
a certain antidote for poisons, and bites of venomous
animals, as well as a remedy for fluxes, the plague, in-
fectious fevers, hemorrhages, and dysentery. Worn
externally, as an amulet, it was also regarded by the
ancients as a cure for epilepsy, to possess tho power of
assuaging terror, and driving away evil spirits — as of
assistance in childbirth, and as an infallible preservative
of chastity, to tho violation of which it possessed such
an innate antipathy as to fly to pieces if worn in a ling
on the finger of any person transgressing."' In this
last respect tho emerald appears to have shared its
honour with the oriental sapphire.
Closely allied to the emerald is the beryl or aqua-
marine, which was tho last or twelfth stone of the
breastplate. Beryl is the name now given to the kinds
of emerald which are either not transparent or are
destitute of the bright rich green colour. This colour
is due to a slight admixture of chromium. When this
metal is absent, or is replaced by other metallic oxides,
the rich green colour disappears. When the stone is
crystalline and transparent, with a faint bluish-green or
sea-green colour, it is called aquamarine. And this
appears to have been the beryl of tho breastplate.
Toiyaz and chrysolite next demand notice. In some
curious way these terms have become interchanged.
The topaz of tho ancients is the chrysolite of the
modems, and ■ui'ce versa. Bellermann (JJrim ami Thmn-
mim, p. 39) has tried to confute this statement ; but liis
reasoning is inconclusive ; the balance of evidence lies
quite the other way. Besides the references in the
books of Exodus, Ezokiel, and Revelation, Job speaks
of tho topaz of Cush (Job xxviii. 19). The ancient
topaz, or our chrysolite, is a yellowish-green or greenish-
yellow transparent stone, not unlike some kinds of glass
in appearance. It was found in Egji)t, and specially
in an island in the Red Sea, from which it derived its
name.
Chrysolite appears in tho later versions as the equiva-
lent of the Hebrew tarsMsh, the tenth stone, or the
first of the foiu'th row. The translation of the English
Version, heryl, is obviously incorrect. Tho finest kind of
chrysolite named by Pliny corresponds to the Oriental
topaz, a stone which tho general reasons already given
woidd exclude. The modern Brazilian topaz was un-
known to all the nations of antiquity. Pliny mentions
other kinds of chrysolite, one of which, distinguished
from others by its lessor weight, came from Spain.
Tarshish, tho Hebrew name of the breastplate stone, is
the Hebrew name of Tartessiis in Spain, from which the
Phoenician merchants brought many articles of com-
merce. What, then, can bo clearer than thatthis Spanish
chrysolite is tho stono which the commerce of the
Phoenicians brought in early times to Syria and Egypt ?
Prom tho account given of it, it is manifestly the same
as our yellow crystalline quartz — tho Scotch cairngorm.
Five other of the stones were different species of
the ubiquitous mineral quartz — viz., sardius, agate,
amethyst, onyx, and jasper; and the two sardonyxes
which formed the shoulder bxittons are of the same
class.
The sard of the ancients is our brilliant red camelian.
It was highly valued, and was extensively used for sig-
nets and carved gems. The finest appear to have come
from Babylon; but Egypt and Arabia also supplied
numbers.
The precious onyx is the banded carnelian often cut
across the layers so as to exhibit stripes or spots of
black, white, red, or other colours. Some have main-
tained that the onyx was a banded stono of two shades
— black, brown, red, yeUow, or some other colour, with
white ; reserving the term sardmiyx for those contain-
ing throe layers, one of which was red — as, e.g., the
Arabian stone, which was_ Ijlack or blue, covered by
opaque white, and then a kyer of vermilion. Others
maintain that the distinction was based upon the mode
of arrangement of tho layers : if the coloured ground
was covered by wliite veins irregularly disposed, so that
when cut these veins formed sometimes stripes, some-
times spots or eyes, then the stono was onyx ; but if
the bands were in regular parallel strata one over the
other, then it was sardonyx. Tho Lapidarium of
Marbodus, Bishop of Reunes, of which an admirable
translation is given in Mr. King's Antique Gems,
explains the difference thus : —
" The sard and ouyx in one name unite,
And from their union spi-ing three colours bright ;
O'er jetty black the brilliant white is spread,
And o'er the white diffused a fiery red ;
If clear- the colours, if distinct the line
Where still uumixed the various layers join,
Sucli wo for beauty aud for value prize.
Rarest of all that teeming earth supplies ;
Chief among signets it will best couvey
The stamp impressed, nor tear the wax away.'*
352
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
The true sardonyx, consisting of parallel layers of
different colours, is a very lovely stone; it is now mueh
used for seals, rings, &c., and forms the material of
many of the much-valued antique cameos. Marbodus
held a curious opinion as to what ought to be the vh'tues
of its wearer : —
" The man of humble heart and modest face,
And purest soul the sardonyx should grace ;
A worthy gem, yet boasts no mystic powers ;
'Tis sent from Indian and Arabian shores."
The first Roman wearer of the sardonyx was Scipio
Africamis the elder, whose " humble heart, and modest
face, and purest soul " scarcely bear out tho words of
Marbodus.
Tho agate, or achates, well illustrates tho great diffi-
culty of determining accurately some of these stones. Its
Hebrew name, sliebo, is derived by Gesenius from a root
meaning " to take prisoner ;" but Fiirst connects it with
an Arabic root meaning "to glitter." It may also be
derived from anotlier Arabic root meaning " to be dull
and obscure." And thus etymology alone utterly fails
to solve the problem. The Hebrew word occurs only in
the two descriptions of the breastplate in Exodus, and
we therefore have no further aid of other usage to
guide us. It is rendered in the Septuagint, Josephus,
and tho Vulgate by achates, dxaTTjr. The achates of the
Romans included most of tho stones now known as
jasper, and a number of other inferior coloured quartz
gems. And tho agate of tho breastplate was most pro-
bably some variety of unerystallised quartz, such, per-
haps, as the ordinary Scotch pebble.
The amethyst is undoubtedly tho common amethyst
of modern science — crystalline quartz coloured by oxides
of manganese and iron. Tho colour is violet, sometimes
passing into blue. It is to be distinguished from what
is called tho Oriental amethyst, or purple sapphire, which
is an exceedingly rare stone of the corundum species.
The amethyst, as its Greek name implies, was con-
sidered a preservative against drunkenness. Perhaps the
Hebrew name, derived from a root meaning " to dream,"
has reference to a similar property. Pliny states the
opinion, that it was so designated because it imitates
the colour of wine without reaching it. Water di-unk
out of an amethyst cup would look like wiuo and be
perfectly harmless. "Wine dnmk out of an amethyst
cup would bo harmless clearly because such a cup would
be very small. Perhaps tho ancients had some prevision
of modem amethyst coloured claret-glasses.
Jasper is the modern chalcedony. Many of the
known Egyptian and Phcenician gems are engraved
upon a dark green variety. And this was most likely
the stone of the breastplate. Tho ias2'>is {taa-n-is) of Greek
and Roman times included many of the stones now
called chalcedony, and some of the sub-crystalline kinds
of quartz. There is nothing either in tho Hebrew root
or in the Old Testament references to determine which
of these is intended. In the absence of other indica-
tion, the Egyptian usage m.ay be considered decisive.
The fourth stone, first of the second row, was, as all
admit, the carbuncle, or garnet. It received the names it
bore in classical writings on accoiint of its resemblance
to a burning coal, and some cui'ious and fanciful stories
are related concerning it. Mr. King (Precious Stones,
p. 150) quotes the following two : — "A certain Grecian
widow named Heraclea had tended a young stork that,
having fallen out of its nest before it was fully fledged,
had broken its leg, and the gratefid bird, on returning
from the annual migration of its kind, dropped into her
lap as she sat at her door a precious stone, which on
her awaking at night she found to her astonishment
had lighted up her chamber like a blazing torch." Tho
Spian goddess Astarte is represented by Lucian as
" wearing on her head a gem called Lychnis (lamp-
stone), a name derived from its nature ; for from it a
great and .shining light is diffused in the night time, so
that the whole temple is thereby lighted up as though
by many lamps burning. By day the lustre is more
.feeble, nevertheless it presents a very fiery appearance."
The blazing colour of many garnets must be familiar to
all who have seen them. The finest in modern times
come from South America and Ceylon ; but the stone
is very widely diffused in nature.
The only remaining stone is tho leshhn, or ligure, the
first of the third row. Concerning this, conjectures
have been numerous. The fossil known as "belemuite,"
amber, opal, and the modern ligurito have all been sup-
jjorted on different grounds. Dr. Watson, in the fifty-
first volimie of Ph ilosoiihical Transactions, p. 394, argues
for tourmaline mainly because Theophrastus represents
the ligure as attracting small particles of wood, iron, and
brass ; and it is well known that tourmaline possesses
electric properties. But it is much more probable that
the stone known as jacinth, or hyacinth — a variety of
zircon — is the ligure of olden times. This also is elec-
tric when nibbed ; and is known to have been in esteem
in Egyjjt and Ai'abia. It is not much worn, on account
of its often porous character and the flaws and blebs it
frequently contains. Still, despite these defects, it is a
magnificent stone of a rich orange colour.
The stones of the breastplate then, according to the
arrangement of the Septuagint, come out as follows. The
numbers of course go from right to left, in accordance
with the Hebrew method of reading : —
3
Emerald
(true but not
Oriental).
Chrysolite
(modem).
1
Sard,
or
Eed Carnelian.
6
Jasper, or Green
Chalcedony.
5
LnpiB lazuh.
4
Garnet,
or
Carbuncle.
9
Quartz
Amethyst.
8
Agate, 01
semipellucid
unerystallised CJuartz.
7
Jacinth,
or
Hyacinth.
12
Beryl,
or
Aquamarine.
11
Onyi.
10
Quartz-topaz,
or
Cairngorm.
Josephus interchanges five with six. eight with nine,
MINERALS OF THE BIBLE.
353
and eleven with twelve ; the Vulgate interchanges
eleven with twelve ; the Hebrew text interchanges six
with twelve.
It will be reatlily gathered from what has already
been said, that in the subsequent times of David and
Solomon, and stUl more in tlio time of Ezekiol, the
Oriental stones may have come into prominence ; and by
their transcendent excellence have been prized beyond
these previously known. Be this as it may, it is certain
that in the early times of the Christian era these were
well known to the Greeks and Romans. And accord-
ingly we must give a few linos to the description in the
book of Revelation of the precious stones in the apo-
calyptic vision of St. John. This description is evidently
couched in a spirit of high poetic imagery, the idea being
to illustrate by the most splendid of known gems the
brilliancy of the future city. All the reasons, therefore,
which we have deemed conclusive as to the absence of
such gems from the priestly dross of Aaron and his
successors fail to obtain in this case.
Nothing needs to bo added to what has already been
said concerning sapphire, sardonyx, sardius, topaz {i.e.,
modern ehiysolite), beryl, emerald, and amethyst. The
two latter may indeed be conceived to be the most rare
and valuable Oriental stones so named, though in point
of richness of colour but little is gained thereby. The
other stones demand a word or two of explanation.
The chrysolite of St. John is most probably the true
Oriental tojiaz, a brilliant golden-yellow crystalline stone.
The jacinth (^vaKiyBos) of Greek and Roman days, as
its description by Soliuus shows, is undoubtedly the
true Oriental sapphire, a stone of brUIiant transparency
and lustre, and of splendid blue. The description of
Pliny agrees with this ; but that of Solinus is perfectly
conclusive. He says (we give tlio translation of Mr.
King's Precious Stones, p. 194) : " Amongst those things
of which we have treated, is found also the hyacinthus,
of a shining sky-blue colour ; a stone of price if it be
fouud without blemish ; for it is extremely subject to
defects. For generally it is either diluted with violet,
or clouded with dark shades, or else melts away into a
watery hue with too much whiteness. The best colour
of the stone is an equable one, neither dulled by too
deep a dye nor too clear with excessive transpai-ency, but
which draws a sweetly-coloured tint from the double
mixture of brightness and violet. This is the gem that
feels the iniiuence of the air, and sympathises with the
heavens, and does not shine equally if the sky be cloudy
or bright. Besides, when put in the mouth it is colder
than other stones. For engraving upon, indeed, it is
by no means adapted, inasmuch as it defies all grind-
ing ; it is not, however, entirely invincible, since it is
engraved upon and cut into shape by means of the
diamond."
The hyacinth of the classical writers is the blue
sapphire. Other varieties of the same mineral are tlie
Oriental ruby and the Oriental topaz. The three are
conjoined in the Lapidarium of Marbodus —
" Three Tftrioii.s kiucia tbe skilled as hyacintha name.
Varying in colour, and unlike in fame ;
47 — VOL. II.
One like pomegranate, flowers a fiery blaze.
And one, the yellow citron's hue displays ;
One charms with paley blue the gazer's eye,
Like the mild tint that decks the northern sky :
A streui?theuiug power the several kinds convey,
And grief and vain suspicions drive away."
This Oriental stone is essentially different from, and
vastly more valuable than, the modern hyacinth, which
is the ligure of the Old Testament.
The chrysoprase of modern times is a beautiful
apple-green translucent stone of the chalcedony class.
It was unknown to the ancients, and is found now only
in Silesia and America. Some old Egyptian jewellery
shows, however, a stone closely resembling it, but more
blue in colour. Some varieties of Indian beryl have a
golden lustre ; and Epiplianius sjjeaks of a variety of
chi-ysolite which he calls chiysopastus, dark blue with
golden spots. There seems no means of determining
which of these stones was alluded to in St. John's vision :
the last is most probable.
Chalcedony must have received its name from Chal-
cedon, the place whence it came. The only stone of
which there is any evidence bearing this name in the
time of St. John is the copper emerald, which Theo-
phrastus describes as found in the copper mines near
Chalcedon. It was a small transparent brilliant green
stone, rivalling in colour the true emerald. The well-
known ornamental stone now called malachite, and the
sOicious ore of copper called chrysocolla, are closely
allied to it. How the name chalcedony can have been
transferred from a stone of this character to the mUk-
white earuolian and other varieties thaf now bear
the name, is one of the many puzzles in mineralogical
nomenclature.
Some little difficulty attends the identification of
the jasper of St. John. In Rev. iv. 3, the word is
used in conjunction with sardine stone and emerald as
descriptive of the Divine Glory, and the walls and
first foundation of the New Jerusalem are described
as buUt of it. In Rev. xxi. 11, the light of the city
is described as like a crystallising jasper (iatnnSi KpvnraK-
A.ffocTi). This jjhrase has been considered by some
as refen-ing to the diamond. The diamond, no doubt,
was known in those days, for Pliny describes at
least four forms. But it went by another name,
and if St. John had meant diamond, he would have
used the right term. Indeed, the use of the word
crystal in connection with jasper is a strong confirma-
tion that jasper itself was not necessarily crystalline,
and that when applied to illustrate the light of the glory
of heaven the further idea of crystalline purity was re-
quisite. Mr. King expresses the opinion that the dark
opaque green chalcedony is the jasper of St. John; and
explains the " jasper crystallised," which represents the
light of the city, as " the green of the jasper, brilliant and
transparent as crystal, by which he probably means to
express the true emerald." But if St. John probably
meant to express the true emerald, why not use the
term emerald ? It was as well known to him as jasper,
for it is made one of tlie foundations of the city, and is
named with jasper in Rev. iv. Although the original
354
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
idea of jasper is undoubtedly that of a green translu-
cent chalcedony, it is clear, as Mr. King himself shows,
that in the early times of the Christian era the term was
also apjtlied to a number of other translucent stones of
different colours, or with only a faint tiuge of colour.
And from the peculiar way in which St. John applies
the term, it appears not improbable that by crystallising
jasper is meant the brilliant crystallised quartz, and by
jasper itseK some variety of translucent chalcedony.
We may sum up in modern terms the imagery of St.
John's vision with regard to the foundatioa of the royal
and heavenly city thus :— "
1. Jasper, or chalcedony.
2. Lapis lazuli.
3. Copper emeralil.
4. Emerald.
5. Sardonyx.
6. Sardius.
7. Oriental topaz.
8. Beryl, or aquamarine.
9. Chrysolite.
10. Chrysoprase (?).
11. Sapphire.
12. Amethyst.
The absence from the scriptural accounts both of the
diamond and of the ruby, the most precious of modern
stones, is noteworthy. Both words, indeed, occur in the
English Version. But, as has been shown, there is no
foundation whatever for the translation "diamond."
And there is as little for that of " ruby." This word
appears Job xxviii. 18 ; Prov. iii. 15 ; viii. 11 ; xx. 15 ;
xxxi. 10; Lam. iv. 7 ; and in all those places is given as
the translation of the Hebrew iienhiim. Some Hebraists
render this "corals" others "pearls ;" but the English
rendering " rubies " is absurd. The word is absent
from all the lists of gems, and nowhere occurs with
distinct reference to precious stones. The nearest a.]i-
proach in the Hebrew to anything like the Oriental ruby
is in Isa. liv. 12 ; and Ezok. xxvii. 16, whore the word
cadcod, translated in our English Version agate, may
possibly be this very gem. The Hebrew root means
" to strike fire," and the cognate Ai-abic word signifies
vivid redness. But even here it is impossible to say
decisively that the ruby is meant.
We shall next consider minerals connected with.
metals, mining, and metallurgy.
BOOKS or THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ZEPHANIAH {conchi-ded).
BY THE KEV. SAMDEL COX, NOTTINGHAM.
III. — THE PROMISED BLESSING.
Chap. iii. 9—20.
5T is convenient, for pui-poses of study, and
exposition, to divide this inspired poem
into three sections ; but we must bear in
mind that it is a single poem with an un-
broken continuity of thought. Our divisions are ar-
tificial. There are no breaks, no pauses, in the poet's
strain. He ghdes by the easiest transitions, with a
movement almost imperceptible, from point to point.
As the denunciation of judgment melts into the call to
repentance, so the call to repentance melts into the
promise of good. In chapter iii. verse 8, the prophet
invites the faithful to "wait" for the day of judgment
in an attitude of hope; and in verso 9, and the verses
which follow it, he gives them ground and reasons for
hope : the day of judgment is to bring in the year of
redemption; the fire, which is to destroy, is also to
renew, the world. Hitherto, the thought of the Divine
judgment and its terrors has been uppermost in his
mind ; now he sees judgment issuing in mercy, mercy
rejoicing over judgment. The storm is over and gone ;
the air is soft and clear, the bow of hope shines with
tender hallowing radiance on the clouds, the earth
breathes her sweetest fragrance, and the birds fill the
air with notes of joy and praise.
As wo have followed the prophet through the changes
of his spiritual mood, ho has given us many brief hints
of a secret hope which enabled him to face the terrors
of doom without fear ; nay, to rejoice and exult in them :
and now, as his poem di-aws to a close, he gives his
heart way, and discloses his secret in words that labour
and tremble under their burden. He had foreseen that
the clouds, "big with mercy," would "break in bless-
ing;" and now that the storm is past, he beholds
Jehovah leading His people as a shepherd his flock,
dwelling among them as a king with loyal subjects,
rejoicing over them as a bridegroom over his bride
(verses 13, 15, 17). It is' an apocalyptic vision which
passes before his eyes, a vision such as was granted to
all the Hebrew jsrophets, from Joel to St. John. Taken
in their largest sense, his words predict the coming of
a new heaven and a new earth, in which the tabernacle
of God shall be with men and "the nations of the
saved" shall walk in white. Like St. Paul, he admitted
that Israel had "stumbled;" but, like him, he also re-
fused to admit that they had " stumbled in order that
they should fall " beyond redemption. Like St. Paul,
he saw that their " lapse," their " trespass." was the
gain of the Gentiles, and " the reconciling of the world ;"
but that their " recoveiy "' would bo " as life from the
dead.'"
According to Zephaniah, the first groat effect of the
great day of the Lord would bo this : " Then loill I
[Jehovah] turn to the nations a pure lip, that they may
all invoke the name of Jehovah, and serve Him with
one shoulder " (verse 9). And the second great effect
would be, that the nations would bring hack the dis-
persed ones of Israel, " as a meat offering " unto the
Lord (verse 10).
' Eom. li. 11—15.
ZEPHANIAH.
a55
Thus the pi-ophet anticipates, and casts into poetic
form, the very conclusion to wliich St. Paul's sublime
argument conducted him, when, writing to the Gentiles
of the Jews, ho said : " For as ye in times past were
disobedient to God, yet now, by their disobedience have
obtained mercy, even so have these also now been dis-
oliodient, ' that by the mercy shewn to you, they also
may obtain mercy. ^ " '
If St. Paul's statement of the Divine purposes be the
clearer of the two, Zephaniah's is the more picturesque.
Both are sure that " God hath shut up all men to dis-
obedience," and to the judgments which wait on dis-
obedience, " that He may have mercy on all men ; "-
but Zephaniah depicts this mercy in graphic and musical
phrases whose charm lingers in the ear. Had he simply
affirmed that the nations, saved by judgment, would
rise to purity of speech and unity of service, the bare
thoughts would have been beautiful and impressive.
Even these thoughts, however, are bettered by his ex-
pression of tliem. Instead of saying that men will be
raised to a purer and more spiritual use of language,
ho represents Jehovah as saying, " I will turn to the
nations a pure lip," a cleansed and sinless lip, in order
" that " in place of defiling themselves with invocations
addressed to false gods, and with the foul strains sung
in their honour, "they may all invohe the name of
Jehovah." Instead of saying that men will be happily
united in their service of Heaven, he represents Jehovah
as predicting that, when men speak with purified lips,
they will " serve Sim, ivith one shoulder ;" that is, they
will walk with even shoulders under the yoke and
burden of His law, walk in unity, iu a happy consent of
obedience, each bearing his full share of the load, each
keeping step with the rest, and thus making the burden
unburdensomo to any.
Now speech is the flower, as deeds are the fruit, of
the soul. Our words indicate character, as the blossom
the tree. If these are pure, we are pure ; if these are
impure, we are impure. Hence it is that the Seriptiu-es
lay so heavy a stress on the use of the tongue, teaching
us that if any man can " rule this unruly pest, so that
he offend not in word, the same is a perfect man ;"^
assuring and forewarning us, that "by our words wo
shall be justified, and hy our words condemned."* To
have a pure lip is to have a pure soul. And tlie judg-
ments of God come on men to make them pure — pure
within, that they may be pure in all that expresses their
inward nature. The terrors of the Lord reach their
end only as they purge the lips of men, and constrain
them to show forth His praise and " worthily magnify
His holy Name."
Tlie metaphor of the " one shoulder " is even more
suggestive than that of the "pure lip." The image
the prophet had in his mind was, obviously, that of a
number of men bearing a single burden. If they ari^
to bear it without strain or distress, they must walk
with level shoulders, no one of them shirking the work
' Rom. xi. 30, 31.
3 James iii. 8 and 1.
- Eom. xi. 32.
■< Matt. xii. 37.
or tilting the burden on to his neighbour, each of them
keeping step with the rest : in short, they must stand
and move as if they had only one shoulder among them.
This imago the prophet transfers to the spiritual region
of human experience. The law of God is a burden.
Men can only bear it vrithout strain and distress of
spirit as each of them freely assumes it, as they all
he]-p to bear it, as they walk in a wUling and happy con-
sent of obedience. It is for this end, to induce a free
and universal obedience, that men are judged and
corrected of the Lord.
The metaphor, therefore, suggests three main thoughts.
(1) That the law of God is a burden which men are
reluctant to assume. And, indeed, to our self-wUl it
cannot but be hard to submit even to the pm'cst and
tenderost will, even to that Divine WOl which moves in
the light of an eternal wisdom, at the impulse of a
l^erfect love. Even He who came to robe that WiU
in the inviting forms of grace, and to give us rest,
warns us that the rest He offers us is the rest of
obedience.^ And this obedience He admits to be a yoke
to our unruly passions, a burden to our stubborn necks.
Even when we delight in His law after the inward man,
we find another law iu our members warring ai liust
tlio law of our mind, and bringing us into cai^tivity to
the law of sin.'' And how shaU we find "rest" while
this fatal strife goes on, iu which ice are wounded
whichever combatant wins, our flesh smarting if the
spirit prevail, om- spirit stuug with shame should the
flesh prevail ? We can only enter into rest as we get
unity and freedom into our Ufe, as we willingly submit
to a higher will than our own. And (2) we can only
attain this freedom as, ivith cheerful and unforced
accord, we assume the burden of the Divine laiv, and
do the will of God. Self-will makes us hateful to our-
selves and to om- neighbours ; it incapacitates for social
and for spiritual life. Ho who simply follows the
vagrant and fluctuating impulses of his own will be-
comes a burden to himself and all about him. TUl
ho voluntarily curtails his own liberty, ho has no true
liberty. He cannot make his will law. If he sets him-
self against the woi'ld, he will soon discover that the
world has a stronger will than his. We must take up
some bui-den, bear some yoke, submit to some law.
All wo can do is to choose the law to which we will
yield. And no law is so good, no yoke so easy, no
burden so light, as the good will of God. It is this will
which really rules in human affairs, and therefore it is
wise to make this will our law. Nor is it enough that
we yield to it. We must willingly and cheerfully adopt
it, if we are to be free ; we must love it, if we are to
walk in liberty. Love makes all burdens light. When
we love God, His will grows beautiful to us, preferable
to our own. Because we bear the yoke, wc find rest ;
because wo keep the commandment, we walk at large.'
But even so our rest is not perfect. We have become
a law unto ourselves by our cheerful adojjfion of the
5 Matt. xi. 28-30.
Ps. cxix. 15.
6 Eom. vii. 21—23.
356
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Divine Will. We are free because we obey. But
because we are free, are we of necessity happy ? (3)
The happiness of obedience depends on the unanimity
and the uni/versality of obedience. It is only when all
men serve God with one shoulder that the sense of
strain and distress will pass from us. To love God is
to lore men. Till they share our freedom, it cannot
bo an altogether happy freedom. And, again, till they
love Him and do His will, they wiU put many hiudi-ances
and temptations in our way, which cannot but make
o'jodionce hard and painful to us. Till then, the burden
must press unduly on our shoulders, because they do
not take their full share in bearing it; because some
who stand under it are morally taller than wo are, and
others morally shorter ; because many do not keep stop
with us. Only when the whole world stands under the
Divine burden as with one slioidder, and moves as with
one step, will '" the cross we bear, bear us." Only then
will our freedom be a happy freedom, and God's statutes
bocome our songs. And, seeing how men suffer from
the sins of men, and nations for the sins of nations,
we may well long and pray for the time wlien all men
shall speak with a pure lip, and serve with a single
shoulder ; when the promise shall be fulfilled : " I will
give them one heart and one way, that they may fear
Mo for ever, for the good of them, and of their children
after them." '
One form in which the redeemed nations wiU serve
Jehovah will bo this ; they \vill bring the dispersed and
rejected Israelites, as an offering to the Lord who has
redeemed them, even from the remotest regions to
which they have been driven by the storms of judg-
ment, even "from beyond the rivers of Ethiopia," the
Nile and the Astaboras, the outside limit of Hebrew
geography. In this promise I take the pi-ophet to refer
to that recovery of the Jewish race for which St. Paul
hoped " when the fulness of the Gentiles had been
brought in." These dispersed ones are to be brought
back by the nations, and laid " as a meat offering " on
the altar of God. Whether the prophet consciously
selected the symbol of '•thomeat offering'" because of
its latent suggestions, it is impossible to say ; but cer-
tainly no symbol could be more approprLat«. For the
meat offering, we are told, "was to be composed of
fine flour seasoned with salt, and mixed with oil and
frankincense, but without leaven ; and it was generally
accompanied by a drink offering of wine. Its meaning
appears to be exactly expressed in the words of David :
' All that is in the heaven and in the earth is Thine ;
all things come of Thee, ami of thine own have ice given
Thee.' It recognised the sovereignty of the Lord, and
His bounty in giving them [the Jews] all earthly bless-
ings, by dedicating to Him the best of His gifts : the
flour, as the main support of life ; oil, as the symbol of
richness; and wine, as the symbol of vigour and re-
freshment. All those were unleavened, and seasoned
with salt, in order to show their purity, and were
hallowed by the frankincense for God's special service.
> Jer.
lii. 39.
It will bo seen that this meaning involves neither of
the main ideas of sacrifice — the atonement for sin and
the self-dedication to God. It takes them for granted,
and is based upon them." So, when the nations bring
back the " dispersed ones " to God, they also will take
the atonement for sin and self-dedication to His service
for granted ; these, for them, will be things of the past.
And now, in grateful acknowledgment of His grace and
bounty, they bring to Him " the best of His gifts," viz.,
the race by which salvation came to men, the race which
has boon "' the main support of the life " of the world,
whose very loss was the riches of the Gentiles, through
whom men received the wine of the Kingdom; the race
which, from tho beginning, God has " hallowed " for His
" special service," and which, at last, He has made pure.
And as they bring this " meat offering " to His altar,
they too will sing, " All things come of Thee, and of
thine own have we given Thee."
In verses II to 13, the prophet depicts the happy
estate of the restored Israel, whieli, now that it is
restored, sits at the centre of a regenerated world.
And surely it denotes a singularly complete and con-
firmed recovery to holiness, that God should be able
to speak to them words so comfortable as these : " In
that day thou shalt not be ashamed of all thy doings in
which thou hast transgressed against me;" for shame
for sin endures long after sin itself has been renounced
and forgiven. He who could say, " For me to live is
Christ," to the very last broke into the most passionate
confessions of guUt, and would have it that he was " the
chief of sinners." That tho redeemed of Israel should
have overgot the shame of their former transgressions,
implies something more than that they had ceased to
repeat them, or that God had forgiven them ; it implies
an utter change of character — such a death to sin, and a
new life so halo and perfect, as we cannot hope to see
\mtil the Son of Man shall once moro dwell on tho
earth.
Does not tho next promise — " I will remove from thy
midst them that rejoice in thy pride, and thou shalt no
more pride thyself in my holy mountain," — point to the
same conclusion, to the samo happy but remote period ?
If pride be " the last infirmity of noble minds," is not
spiritual pride the last infirmity of religious minds ?
When the Jew shall no longer boast himself in Jerusalem
and the Temple ; when there shall not be a single secta-
rian left to pride himself in his exclusive possession of
some spiritual gift, or on his singular fidelity to some
neglected truth ; when every man shall hold all he has
in trust for his brethren, call nothing his own, and value
all gifts in proportion as they are common to aU ; when
this catholic charity is the animating all-pervading
spirit of tho Church of God, wiU the Millennium be far
off ? or heaven itself ?
Is it not singular, too, that these people, so free from
sin that they have ceased to be ashamed of it, of so catholic
a spirit that they are pure from all taint of spiritual
pride, should be still further characterised as " a humble
and poor people," i.e., men who are broken dovm into
ubtor poverty of spirit by their eouscious impotence for
ZEPHANIAH.
357
aught that is good P It seems singular, but is not so
singular as it seems ; for it is one of the " secrets," one
of the common experiences, of the spiritual life, that,
as men grow good, they feel that in themselves there is
nothing good, that only as God dwells in them can they
do His wiU ; and lienee, humble and poor, utterly dis-
trusting themselves, " they trust in the name of Jehovah."
As thi natui-al result of their trust in Him, " they do
no wrong ; " for, as we are told in verso 5, " He doeth no
wrong ; " nor can they, to whom He has turned a pure
lip, " speak lies" or carry " a tongue of deceit in their
mouths." This, the promise of verse 13, may sound
like an anti-climax. When we have heard of a race
from which God has taken away the very shame of past
sins as well as the need for it, a race whicli Ho has
purified from the last infirmity of the devout, and gifted
with that poverty of spirit to which appertains the
kingdom of heaven, we hardly expect to hear of thom
that they neither speak lies nor do wrong. What have
they to do with such plain homespun virtues as these P
are they not leagues beyond them ? No, nor ever will
be. Only as wo yield to the common error which places
religion above morality, shall we suspect the prophet
of a descent from a higher to a lower plane of thought.
" Religion is a mean ; morality the end." God reveals
Himself to us that we may bo like Him ; i.e., good.
Men are saved precisely for this— that they may no
longer speak lies and do wrong. Instead of sinking in
his flight, therefore, the inspired poet rises to a true
climax when ho passes from spiritual graces to plain
moral virtues, and holds out, as our brightest hope, the
prospect of a time when all men shall speak only that
whicli is true, and do only that which is right.
Of those who have attained to this high mark of
virtue he might well say, " They shall feed and rest,"
like — so the Hebrew words imply — a flock under the
care of its shepherd, " and none shall make them, afraid."
For what want can they know, what evil need they
fear, wlio speak the truth and do the right P What, or
who, can harm those who f oUow that which is good with
a single heart P They are beyond harm, beyond fear.
They " feed," as in gi'een pastures, and " rest," " in a
good fold ; " for " I will feed my flock, and I wiU cause
them to lie down, saith tho Lord God ; " ' and when God
Himself is the Shepherd, must not the sheep bo safe P
While he thus depicts the happy estate of the re-
stored Zion. which he throughout regards as the centre
and throne of a redeemed world, Zephaniah breaks into
a rapture, a prophetic ecstasy (verses 14 — 17). Ad-
dressing himself to the impersonated Israel, ho piles —
I had almost said huddles — word on word, epithet on
epithet, image on image, like ono in a transport beyond
the power of language to express. Using the fond
tender epithets, " O daughter Zion," " O daughter
Jerusalem," the Oriental warmth of which makes our
" Britannia " sound very cold and thin, he calls on her
to " rejoice" to " shout " for joy, to " he glad, and
exult" vrith all her heart. And, of course, ho rings the
1 Ezok. XXXV. 15.
changes on this peal of words in order to give vent to
tho passion and tumult of his joy.
Wliat does he see, that ho should be thns profoundly
moved ? He sees God ; and for tho moment he is what
Novalis calls "a God-intoxicated man" — a man filled,
not with wine, but with the Spii'it. He sees God
" remo^ang the judgments" and "clearing away the
enemies " of the New Jerusalem, preparing it for the
habitation of His redeemed, sweeping out every trace
of disorder, whatsoever defileth or loveth a lie, shedding
light through tho windows that have so long been
darkened with cloud and storm. Tho city !Uid Templo
being restored and cleansed, he sees Jehovah, the King
of Israel, once more seated on the throne, revealiug
Himself no longer as " a fire involved in a cloud," as a
judicial purifying energy wrapped in mystery and
terror, but as a gracious familiar Presence, redeeming
men from all evil, infusing into them a saving health,
rejoicing over them with sacred rapture. As he gazes
into this bright future, the prophet discerns that God
is so manifestly and graciously in the midst of His
people that tho nations who have lirought back His dis-
persed ones behold His presence from afar, and cry :
" Fear not, O Zion ! Let not thy bands drop down !
Jelaovab, thy God, is in thy midst,
The Mighty One who saves.
Se rejoiceth over thee with rapture :
He is silent in His love ;
He exulteth over thee with cries of joy."
There are no bolder words in Scripture, and few that
are more sublime in their simplicity. Not only does
the prophet, with the fearless audacity of perfect trust,
attribute to God Himself the raptm-e under which his
own heart reels and faints ; not only is he sure that all
human love is but a pale reflection of the love of God :
he even ventures to take two of the commonest forms
in which human love expresses itseK when it mounts
towards ecstasy, and to transfer those to the Almighty.
As man in the rapture of his passion is at times dumb,
finding no words that will even shadow forth his emo-
tion, and at other times vents his unwordable rapture in
vague inarticulate sounds and cries ; so Zephaniah con-
ceives of God as kindling into a rapture of love over His
redeemed, which can find no utterance — " He is silent
in his love," or which can only express itself in vague
unsyllabled outcries : " He exulteth over thee with cries
of joy." The Eternal Lover of men, whom the theolo-
gians— not altogether untruly, though very insufficiently
— teach us to conceive as an Infinite Essence, without
parts, without passion, without emotion, Zephaniah
portrays as exulting over men with an ecstasy liko
that of the bridegroom rejoicing in tho beauty and ten-
derness of his bride : even as the Lord Jesus portrays
Him as like a father who runs to meet his returning
son while yet he is a great way off, and falls on his neck,
and kisses him. And of these two methods of rcjirc-
sonfiug the Divine Nature in its relation to humanily,
we may be sure that the prophetic is as much more
true, as it is more potent, than the theological.
Viewed simply as a work of art, perhaps tho poem
of Zephaniah should have closed with verse 17, since
358
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
here it rises to its highest point, soars iuto its finest aud
boklest strain. But, like all the Hebrew poets, Zepha-
niah cared eveii more for truth aud completeness than
for art. And as he forecasts that first return from exde,
the return of the Jews from Babylon, in which his
words would liavo a first but partial fulfilment, he sees
that, while the nation returns, many of the Hebrews,
scattered and bound in distant lands, will mourn tJieir
exclusion from the Temple aud from the joy of recovered
freedom and worship. Aud before he closes, he must
say a word of comfort to these pensive souls, " the
tribes of the Dispersion." Nay, even that first f ulfU-
meut was distant. Before it came to pass, the whole
nation was to be scattered among the heathen by the
judgments of God. And therefore, in order that, when
they were pining in bondage and misery, they might
have a promise to sustain their faith and hope, the
prophet concludes his poem with an assurance that
all who are dispersed, aU who are " bm-dened with
reproach," shaU be gathered and saved by God (verses
18 — 20). As many as seek Him shall find Him. As
many as " mourn " because, banished in alien lands,
they cannot share the joy of the festal meetings and
come before the Lord in his House, shall taste of his
mercy, since " ihey are of tliee," i.e., of the faithful
seeking Israel. No matter how infirm they may be, how
much a mark of scorn, how tied and bound, Jehovah
will " deal with all their oppressors, and will save the
liinjnng, and gather together the dispersed, " and make
those who are now " burdened with reproach," " a
praise and a name in every land which now witnesses
their shame." The promise is repeated in verse 20, " I
will make yon a name and a praise among all the
nations of the earth," to show that it is a sure word of
promise, to give it emphasis, that it may cany con^'ic-
tion. Once more, too, the prophet falls back on the
pastoral image of verse 13. " At that time I will lead
you," as the shepherd goes hefore his flock, " and gather
yon in due season," as the shepherd collects his flock in
the fold : for even these weak and helpless ones, who
limp and are hurdened and have been dispersed, are of
the flock of the Lord, and will experience the tender
care of the Great Shepherd and Bishop of Souls.
And so, with this scene of ;i\iiot pastoral felicity, the
poem closes ; and Ze^jhanlah, whose earlier words
seemed to bespeak a veritable "son of thunder,"
proves himself to bo a true " son of consolation," oven
as the judgment he was sent to denounce proves to be
an act of sovereign and Di\'ine mercy. Harsh and
severe in husk, in outward seeming, its heart is " made
of tenderness." It is like one of those fairy nuts in
which, when they could be broken, there were found
lustrous gems of price.
There is one question wliieh the study of Zcphaniah,
as also that of Joel, or indeed almost any of the
prophets, cannot fail to suggest. Like their fellows,
both Zephaniah and Joel predict a judgment which is
to come on all nations as well as on the nation of the
Jews; and, beyond the judgment, a redemption which
is to embrace, not the elect people only, but " all people
that on earth do dwell." Both the judgment and the
redemption are described iu terms so largo, that we feel
and are sui'e they have not been exhausted by any past
doom or any past salvation. According to Joel, " all
nations " are to be brought down into the Valley of
Doom, and the Spirit of God is to bo poured out on
"all flesh." According to Zephaniah, the Divine
judgment is to "sweep everything," and to "cut of£
man " from the face of the earth ; and the Divine
redemption is to turn to the nations " a pure lip," that
they may " all " serve God " with one shoulder." Aud
as we read predictions so large in their scoijo, we cannot
but ask, " When shall these things be ? and how shall
they come to jmss ? "
To the second branch of that question, the prophets
give an answer which again carries our thoughts iuto
the future, rather than into the jiast. They speak of a
restored Jerusalem, indeed, aud of an advent of Je-
hovah which seem to point, and doubtless did point, to
the return of the Jews from the Babylonian Captivity,
and to the advent of the Messiah. But even of these
events they speak in terms so largo, that we cannot
suppose them to have been exhaustively fulfilled as yet,
Joel, for example, predicts (chap. iii. 17, 18 — 20) : —
" Aud ye shall know that I, Jehovah, am your God,
Dwelling in Zion, my holy mountain :
And Jerusalem shall be a sanctuary ;
And aliens shall pass through her no more:
And it shall come to pass on that day.
That the mountains shall drop new wine.
And tUo hills flow with milk,
And all the watercourses of Judah shall run with water ;
And a fountain shall go forth from the house of Jehovah,
And water the Valley of Acacias.
Jtidah shall abide for ever,
Anii Jerusalem from generation to generation.*'
Zephaniah sees what Joel foresees, and cries to the
restored Jerusalem (chap. iii. 15 — 17) : —
"The King of Israel, Jehovah, is in the midst of thee;
Tliou s/mU see evil iio more.
In that day will men say to Jerusalem,
' Fear not, O Zion ! Let not thy hands droi) down !
Jehovah, thy God, is in thy midst.
The Mighty One who saves.
He rejoiceth oyer thee with rapture :
He is silent in His love ;
He exulteth over thee with erics of joy.'"
Can we say, can we suppose, that these large promises
of good have been fulfilled to their utmost verge,
whether in the retui-n from the Captivity or the
advent of Messiah ? Even when the Lord Jesus came
to His own. His own received Him not. Instead of re-
joicing over Jerusalem with rapture. He wept over it;
instead of bringing the house of Judah an eternal
peace. He brought them a sword. So far from carrying
our thoughts to the past, the words of the prophets
project them into the future ; in place of calhng up an
image of the Jerusalem of Herod aud the Pharisees,
they rather remind us of that " new Jerusalem " which
St. John saw " coming down out of heaven from God,
prepared as a bride adorned for her husband," aud
of that groat Voice which he heard " out of the throne,"
proclaiming, " Behold, the tahernacle of God is with
ZEPHANIAH.
359
men, and He will dwell with them, and thoy shall be His
people, and He their God ; and God shall wipe away
every tear from their eyes ; and there shall he no more
death, neither sorrow, nor crying, nor pain, for the
former things are jjassed away." When St. John's
" vision " is translated into the region of fact and human
experience, then, but not till then, will the City of God
" abide for ever," the cynosure and sanctuary of all
races, and men "see evil no more," because Jehovah
dwells in their midst, and exults over them in the raptui'o
of consummated love.
The prediction in which each of these inspired poems
culminates, will receive its complete fulfilment' only
when all things, oven the heaven and the earth, are
made new. But have there been absolutely no ful-
filments of it iu tho past ? Assuredly there- have,
although, through the unfaithfulness of man, these ful-
filments were only partial and imperfect. Judgment
fell on Israel when they were carried away captive into
strange lands. Judgment fell on the ancient world
when their captors fell beneath the pestilence and the
sword. There was a Divine redemption when God
moved Cyrus to restore the exiled Jews to their wasted
land ; Jehovah did return and dwell among His people
when the Temple was rebuilt, and its services were re-
sumed. And, again, there was a Divine judgment and
redemption when God was manifest iu the flesh, when,
incarnate in Christ Je.sus, He came and dwelt among
men. Had the Jews been faithfid io their high calling
on cither occasion, the redemption might have become a
complete redemption, and thij prediction of their seers
might have risen to its final au<l perfect accomplish-
ment. But, though they were unfaithful, their unfaith-
fubjess could not make tho piirposes of God of none
effect, although it might postpone its fulfilment. The
complete fulfilment, the universal redemption, is but
delayed, not renounced. And wo of to-day are looking
forward to the aiipcaring of our great God and Saviour,
Jesus Christ the Righteous, who, at His second advent,
will perfect His work, and gather all nations into His
service and love.
If, iu form, our hope differs from that of the Hebrew
prophets, iu substance it is the same. Through the
grace of God, and the interpreting ministries of time,
we may see that hope more clearly than they did ; but
it is the same glorious spectacle on which we bend our
eyes. To them, it would seem, the future glory pre-
sented itself as a single spot or hue of fight. As they
gazed into the future, tho Divine events which were to
fulfil and transcend their hopes stood, so to speak,
behind each other, blending their separate rays into a
common splendour. The redemption from the bondage
in Babylon, the redemption commenced by Christ when
He came in great humility, and the redemption to be
perfected by Him when He shall come again iu the
gloiy of the Father, to repeat in power tho works once
wrought in meekness — all these, to tho prophet's eye,
merged iu one great light of hope, which made the
future bright with promise. At times, ho saw only
that there would bo a redemption of the world. At
other times, he saw that this redemption could be
wrought only as, in some way he could not define,
Jehovah visited men in judgment and in grace. At
other times, the undefined advent of Jehovah took
definite form, and the prophet saw that He would come
in tho likenoss of human flesh ; that a Man, anointed
above 1ms fellows, woTild appear to save tho world. At
still other times, ho even caught glimpses of a period
of sufllei'ing which must precede the triumph of the iu-
earnato God, and conceived of the Divine Man as " the
Man of Sorrows and the Acquaintance of Grief." But
these various glimpses and conceptions were blended
confusedly in his mind. " No prophecy " that he
uttered "was of a private interpretation," none -was
clear even to the seer who was moved to utter it. • Ho
was " borne along by tho Holy Spirit," as the ship is
borne before the wind, and could not clearly see whither
ho was bound, even though he was being carried to tho
desired haven. These holy and inspired men saw a
salvation ; they knew that, at some time, iu some form,
God would appear to redeem the world. But, as St.
Peter reminds us,' " Concerning this salvation," those
who " prophesied of tho grace " that has come on us,
" difigently enquired and diligently oxplox-ed," searching
to wh.at person or to what season " the SxJU'it of
Christ which was in them did point, when it testified
beforehand tho sufferings of Christ, and the glories
that should follow them." And unto them " it was re-
vealed, that not unto themselves," but unto us, " they
did minister the things which have now been reported
unto us by them who have preached the Gospel." With
all their diligence in searching and exploring the words
they wore given to utter, all the Hebrew prophets
learned was, that they were darkly uttering truths which
would only become clear to the generations that came
after them ; that their prophecies were parables which
only " time, and He that shapes it to a perfect end,"
would interpret. They appear, indeed, to have obscurely
felt that they were gazing on many events, not on one —
events divided from each other perchance by broad
.spaces of time; but they could not distingmsh event
from event, epoch from epoch, the earfier from tho
later judgments, the earlier from the final redemption.
AU the seasons and events ran up into a single point
of light, which they could not break into its separate
rays.
A singer wiU sometimes sit down to an instniment,
and strike a few mysterious chords, or pick out a few
bars of melody, which excite only vague thoughts and
vaguer emotions within us ; but, soon, the rich sweet
voice steals in, uttering articulate words, and then oul
vague thought and emotion take definite forms, and we
comprehend what it was that touched and moved us in
the prelude. Not till God uttered his voice in Christ
could men understand the preluding notes which the
prophets were constrained to sound, or put clear, de-
finite, authentic meaning into these yearning mysterious
tones. But now, now that we have heard the voice of
1 Pet. i. 10—12.
360
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
tho Sou of Man, we may see, at least in part, that " the
spirit of the prophets is the testimony of Jesus ; " and
that all past fulfilments of their promise of salvation
are as nothing to the fulfilment which is to come when,
in the Regeneration, He shall both judge and save the
world.
And here we come on the explanation of a fact which
may have often perplexed us, viz., that the prophets of
the Old Testament, in their clearest Messianic predic-
tions, even when they have some glimpses of the death
of the Christ, and see that Ho will be despised and
rejected of men, nevertheless speak of His advent as
fulfilling the world's hope, and ushering in the golden
age of peace and good-will. For they foresaw His work
as a whole ; they could not detach tho beginning from
the end, the first from the second advent : they did
not — from their point of view they could not — discern
the immense interval which would elapse between the
sorrowful opening and the triumphant close of His
ministry of reconciliation.
Here, too, we may learn how it was that even the
Apostles of the New Testament, at least for a time, and
till time had made them wiser, expected the immediate
return of their Lord. They had learned from the
Hebrew prophets to look on His work as a whole, as
though it were to be accomplished in a single age, in-
stead of extending over all ages. And hence it was
that, tUl His Spirit opened their eyes and gave them
" understanding in the Scriptures," they could not see
how patiently He would work on, not taking the world
by surprise, nor forcing conviction by irresistible con-
straints, but winning the world to Himself man by
man, and race by rac«, age after age ; until, when the
centuries led in the "acceptable year of the Lord," He
could come again, not now to be rejected, but to be
welcomed and acclaimed by a regenerated world.
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
BY THE KEV. W. HOUGHTON, M.A., P.L.S., RECTOR OF PEESTON, SALOP.
PERCHING BIKDS.
F the Insessores, or perching birds, the
following only are mentioned in our
English Bible ; the raven, swallow, spar-
row, lapwing, and cuckoo ; the first tliree
are correct renderings of the Hebrew words. The lapwing
(A. V.) we shall show to be the hoopoe ; the cuckoo
(A. V.) is probably some species of sea-gull. Palestine
abounds in passerine bu'ds. Dr. Tristram has enume-
rated 144 species (exclusive of the crow family, and
taking no account of the many so-called fissirostral
birds, as kingfishers, rollers, swifts, cuckoos, hoopoe,
and others) as collected iu the Holy Land. The
Hebrew word Hsippor is ononiatopcetic and denotes
any "chirping" or "singing" bird; it is generally
translated " bird," fowl,'' and in two passages " sparrow."
Hence tho term is a very comprehensive one, and may
be taken to represent finches, larks, warblers, &c.,
which are very numerous in P^ilcstine, though of
course not found all together or in the same district.
" Owing to the great varieties in elevation, temperature,
and degree of moisture in different parts of Palestine,
there is far more difference between the ornithology of
one ilistrict and another than between that of the South
of England and the North of Scotland, Thus, the larks,
pipits, iuid chats abound in the hill country and wilder-
ness of Judaea. On the maritime plains and in the
north of the countiy we find chiefly the denizens of our
own fields and wootUand glades, while in the Jordan
valley we have an entirely new group of birds, more
like those of India or Abyssinia, the bulbul, bush-
babbler {Crateropus chalybeus), orange-winged grackle
(Amydrus Tristramii), and especially the beautiful
little sun-bird {Ncctarina o.-feoe), a tiny little creature
of gorgeous plumage, rivalling the humming-birds of
I America in the metallic lustre of its feathers, greea
! and purple, with brilliant red and orange plumes under
' its .shoulders." {Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 204.)
Distinct mention is made in the Bible of the raven,
the "black bird," as the Hebrew word 'oreb means.
The term is doubtless generic, and includes all the
members of the crow family {Corvidre) found in Pales-
tine, viz., besides the common raven {Corvus corax),
the brown-necked raven (C ?M)i6ri»iws), the square-tailed
raven (C. affinis), the hooded crow (C comix), the
rook (C. agricolce), the jackdaw (C. monedula and G.
collaris), and the Alpine chough (Pyrrhocoraxalpinus),
which is found on Lebanon and Hermon. Our English
red-legged chough {Pyrrhocorax graculus) and carrion
crow (Corvus corone) do not appear to have been noticed
in Palestine. In the account of the Deluge a i-aven
was sent out by Noah from the ark at the end of forty
days, " which went forth to and fro until the waters
were dried up from ofi the earth" (Gen. viii. 7). In
the Chaldean story of the Deluge, translated by Mr. G.
Smith, this bnd also appears. Sisit, like the patriarch
of the Hebrew Scriptures, sends forth fir.st a dove, then
a swallow, then a raven from his ship. The follo\viug
is the interesting passage : —
139 On the seventh day, in the course of it
140 I sent forth a dove, and it left. The dove went and searched
and
141 A resting-place it did not find, and it returned.
142 I sent forth a swallow, and it left. The swallow weut and
searched, and
143 A resting-place it did not find, and it returned.
144 I sent forth a raven, and it left.
14.5 The raven went, and the corpses on the waters it saw, and
146 It did eat, it swam and wandered away, a-nd did not return.
Transact. Soc. Bill. Archcsol., vol. ii., pt. 1, p. 222.
Tlie Assyiian word for a " raven " is a-ra-bu, or a-ri-
lu, sometimes a-ri-bu klia-mur, i.e., " the black raven "
ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE.
;i61
(see Bawlinson's W. A. I., vol. ii., pi. 37, 44a and 36).
It is only another form of the Hebrew 'oreh. The
raven and other birds " after its kind" were to bo held
in abomination by the Israelites (Lev. xi. 15). This
bird's carnivorous habits, and its readiness to pick out
the eyes, are mentioned in Prov. xxx. 17 : " The eye that
mocketh at his father, and despiseth to obey his mother,
the ravens of the vaUey [Heb. "ravine"' or "gorge"]
shall pick it out." On this passage Dr. Tristram
remarks, " The expression ' the ravens of the ravine '
aptly describes its favourite resorts ; for far as it roams
for food during the day, its home is generally in
some of the deep rocky glens or gorges mth which
Palestine abounds, and where it rears its young in
security." The raven is one of the birds which, to-
gether with owls and bitterns, the prophet introduces
twice a day to supply the prophet, thus giving them-
selves needless trouble, and incurring the chance of
detection, when they might easily have left him a
supply for several days " (Speaker's Com/mentary, ii., p.
.586). The general opinion is in favour of the simple
statement as recorded in our own version, and there
seems no alternative but either to accept it as it stands
or to reject it altogether.
The strange stories told by Jewish and Arabian
writers of the raven's cruelty to its young, in driving
them out of their nests before they are quite able to
provide for themselves, are entirely without foundation,
as no bu-d is more careful of its young ones than the
raven. To its habit of flying restlessly about iu
search of food to satisfy its own appetite, and that of
its young ones, may perhaps bo traced the reason for
EATEN (Corvus corax).
into his grand pictm'e of the desolation of the land of
Idumea (Isa. xxxiv. 11). Ravens are in a few places
singled out as instances of God's protecting goodness
to the creatures He has made. " Who provideth for the
raven his food ? when his young ones cry unto God, they
wander " (Job xxxviii. 41). See also Ps. cxlvii. 9 ; Liie
xii. 24. The glossy blackness of the raven's plumage
is referred to in the Canticles (chap. v. 11) : " His
locks are bushy, and black as a raven."
The passage in 1 Kings xvii., relating to ravens
bringing bread and flesh to the prophet Elijah at the
brook Cherith, lias been variously explained, it being
considered doubtful by some writers as to the meaning
of the word translated " ravens." Accordingly, omit-
ting the vowel points, the Hebrew word may signify
" Arabians,' ' or, retaining the points, it may be rendered
"merchants," and in this sense Jerome and the Arabic
version understood it. But most of the old versions
agree with our version. Canon Rawlinson aptly
remarks, " The chief objection to Jerome's explanation
is the improbability that men would come regidarly
its being selected by the sacred writers as an especial
object of God's protecting care. Talmudical wi'iters
record strange stories about the raven, as that it was
originally white, and that it was turned black for its
deceitful conduct. As an unclean bird it was not
allowed to perch on the Temple, various devices being
adopted to scare it away. " Of all the bii-ds of Jeru-
salem," says Dr. Tristram, "the raven tribe is the most
characteristic and conspicuous, though the larger species
is quite outnumbered by its small companion (Corvas
umbrimts). They are present everywhere to eye and
ear, and the odours that float about remind us of their
use. The discordant jabber of their evening sittings
round the Temple area is deafening. The caw of the
rook and the chatter of the jackdaw unite in attempting
to drown the hoarse croak of the old raven, but clear
above the tumult rings out the more musical call-note
of the lesser species. We used to watch this great
colony, as, every morning at daybreak, they passed in
long lines over our tents to the northw.ixd, the rooks in
solid phalanx leading the way, and the ravens in loose
362
TKE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
order brinfino- up the rear far out of shot. Before
retirino- for the night, popiilar assemblies of the most
uproarious character were held in the trees of Mouut
Olivet and the Kecbon, and not till after sunset did they
withdraw in silence, mingled indiscrimiuately, to their
roosting-places in the sanctuary " (pp. 200, 201). With
our English word " raven " may be compared the Latiu
corvus, the Greek Kipa^. German rabe, all of which
come from the Sanskrit ka-rava, " the bird which makes
a discordant sound." Compare also hdka, "a crow,"
probably from kai (Sks.), onomatopcetic "to caw."
SPABEOW.
It 'has abeady been stated that the Hebrew word
tsippor is a general one to denote any kind of passerme
bird. It is always translated " bii-d" or " fowl " in our
version, except in two passages iu the Psalms, where it
is rendered " sparrow." The Psalmist complains, " I
have watched" (sorrow having driven away sleep),
" and am as a sparrow alone upon the house-top "
(cii. 7). Again, in Ps. Ixxxiv. 3, "The sparrow hath
foimd an house, and the swallow a nest for herself,
where she may ky her young, even thiae altars, O Lord
of hosts, my King and my God." In the New Testa-
ment the Greek word is arpovdlov : " Aro not two
spai-rows sold for a farthuig ? " (Matt. x. 29). See also
Luke xii. 6. Hence wo infer that these small birds
were commonly sold and used as food in ancient times
as they are at the present day. The lonely spaii'ow
upon the house-top has been referred to the blue thrush
of Southern Europe {Petrocincla cyanea), common in
Palestine. Unlike our domestic sparrow, which is gre-
garious and fond of associating in flocks, it is a lonely
bird, often sitting on the ridge of a roof, where it utters
at intervals a plaintive monotonous note.
The common house-spari-ow {Passer domesticus) is
found in Palestine only in towns on the coast ; the
Passer cisalpina, a closely allied species, occurs plenti-
fully inland ; but the most numerous species is the P.
salicarms, or Spanish sparrow, which Tristram saw in
coimtless myriads in the thorn trees of the Jordan
valley. Tlie tree sparrow (P. montanus) may also be
seen abundantly on Mount Olivet, and also about the
sacred enclosure of the Mosque of Om,ar, and per-
haps this is more especially the kind referred to in
Ps. Ixxxiv. "3.
SWALLOW.
The nirundinidce, or swallow family, is well repre-
sented iu the Holy Land. All our English sjiecics
occur there. Besides these there is the Oriental chimney
swallow (Sirundo caMrica), which is common, and
does not always migrate, in the warmer pai-ts of the
ooimtry; the Biruiido rnfula (Temm.), abimdant
throughout the country, visiting it in March ; the crag
swallow (Cotyle rupestris), and the marsh swallow (C
palU'Strls), " the former a south European, the latter an
Al)yssinian bu'd, which resides all the year in the Jordan
valley, roimd the Dead Sea, and in tlie wadys of rivers."
Of the genus Cypselus (swifts), our English swift
swarms everywhere in summer, visiting the country in
AprU. The Alpine or white-bellied swift [C. alpinus)
is common, returning from the south eai-lier than the
other ; large flocks being seen by Dr. Tristram and party
passing northwards over Jerusalem as early as the 12th
of Pebmary. " Its powers of flight are amazing, and
it seeks its food at vast distances from its nightly
roosting-iilaces, being able to traverse the whole extent
of Palestine iu an hour or two." Then there is the
Galilsean swift (C affinis), which resides in the Jordan
valley all the year roimd, not being found elsewhere in
Palestine, though it occurs in other countries, as in
India and Abyssinia. This species differs considerably
from other swifts in its note, which consists " of a
o-entle and melodious waQ," unlike the harsh scream of
other swifts.
Two Hebrew words, deror and dcjur, are rendered by
"swallow" in our version. The former woi-d occurs
only in Ps. Ixxxiv. 3 : " And the swallow [derijr) a nest
where she may lay her young ; " and in Prov. xxvi. 2 :
" As the swallow {deror) by flying, so the curse cause-
less shall not come." The word dgiir occurs in company
with another Hebrew word, viz., sus, in Isa. xxxviii.
14 {Ke sits agar ken atsapliiscph) : " Like a crane or a
swallow, so did I chatter " (A.V.) ; and in Jer. viii. 7 :
" The crane and the swallow observe the time of their
coniiug." In both these passages the words crane and
swallow should bo transposed, ''like a swallow or a
crane," for there is no doubt that sas or sis means a
" swallow" or " swift," and dgur " a crane." Thep.as-
sago qiiotod above from Proverbs is obscure as it stands.
AuriviUius thus clearly explains it : "Uti solent temero
vagari, celerique volatu aliorsum tendere sic maledicta
sine causa et injuste in ahquem conjecta himc non
ferient, in tenues dOabentur auras," i. e., As birds aro
" accustomed to wander and fly with rapid com-se else-
where, so undeserved curses hurled against a man inll
not strike him, but ^vill vanish into thin aii-." Tho
rapidity with wliich an undeserved curse shall flee away
is well illustrated by selecting the derur or swallow,
one of the swiftest of birds in its flight. The pas-
sage in Jeremiah refers to some migratoiT- kind of
Hirundo. To this day swallows resort to the Temple
enclosures at Jerusalem, and the Mosque of Omar, as ■
safe places where to buUd nests and rear their young,
and numbers, we are told, continu.ally sMm round its
domes, while the swifts in swarms dash screaming
through the streets of the city, and lodge in the mght
in tho cre^accs of the walls.
Hezolriah iu his illness compares his sorrowful
moui-niug to the "twittering" of a swallow (sits).
The modern vernacular Arabic for a swift is identical
with tho Hebrew word. In Palestine the swift is a
regular migrant, the swallow only a partial one. Tho
former returns " in myriads eveiy spring, and so
suddenly that, while one day not a swift can be seen in
the country, on the next they have overspread the whole
land, and fill tho air with their shrill cry." The loud
harsh screaming of the swift may h.ave been considered
indicative of restless grief, and that bird may bo
more especially intended ; but we must remember that
ANIMALS OF TKE BIBLE.
363
the ancients regardscl the swallow as a mournful garru-
leus bird. There seems to be no doubt that both the
Hebrew terms deror (literally the " free " bird) and the
s{is — the derivation of which is imcertain — denote more
especially a " swift " or "swallow," though possibly both
terms may include the bee-eaters, similar in flight,
note, and habits, at least in the eyes of a cursory
observer, to many of the swallows. Of the genus
Merops, three species occur iu Palestine — M. ((piaster,
occasionally seen in this country, M. Persians, and M.
viridis ; this latter bu-d being found only in the Jordan
valley.
HOOPOE.
There seems to be no doubt that the Hebrew word
{dukqihath) translated in our version by " lapwing "
denotes the hoopoe (Upupa epops). The word occurs
only in Lev. xi. 19, and Deut. xiv. 18, in the list of
birds forbidden to be used as food by the ancient Jews.
The old versions and commentators gsuerally are
agreed ou this point. The Coptic hoiikouphat, the
Syriac hilcuplm, are allied to the Hebrew word, and
both these terms signify the hoopoe. Tlio Arabic
version reads hudhud, and this word, as Forskal tells
us (Descript. Animal., p. 7), is the modern name at
Cairo for the hoopoe. The Talmud says it bears its
Hebrew name because its crest is thick. This is true of
the hoopoe, which has a characteristic fan-shaped ci-est
ou the top of the head. The derivation of the Hebrew
word is uuceriaiu. Dr. Tattam, in his Coptic Lexicon
(p. 164), with nmch probability, we tliink, suspects that
the word is Egyptian. The hoopoe occurs ou the
Egyjjtian momunents. In a representation of a hippo-
potamus chase, this bird, with the heron, spoonbUl, and
other bii-ds, is seen fljang out of the reeds as the chas-
seui' r/jpi'oaches -with his boat (Wilkinson's And. Hgypt.,
iii. 71). HorapoUo tells us that when the Egy[)tiaus
wished to represent gratitude they delineated a hoopoe
(/toKKou^ai/ C'^y(,arpov<Ti\, because this is the only dumb
animal which, after it has been brought up by its
parents, rejiays their kindness to them wlien old ; for it
makes a nest in the place where it was reared, and trims
their wings, and brings them food, till the old birds
acquu-e a new plumage and are able to look after them-
selves, whence 'the hoopoe has been honoured by being
placed as an ornament on the sceptres of the gods
[KierogJyph., i. 55 ; see Leeman's Notes. Compare also
Jablonski. Voces JiJgiQdiacce,n]). Script. Veteres, p. 115).
The Chaldee rendering of naggar turah (Targums of
Onkelos and Jouathau), i.e., " a rook workman ;" the
Greek version, aypmAeKTOfii't, i.e., '" mountain cock," at
first sight appears to point to some other bu'd than the
hoopoe, which frequents marshy ground, ploughed
land, dunghUls, rather than mountains and rocks ; stiU
the hooijoe makes its nest often in crerices of rocks.
The ancient Greeks also speak of the hoopoe as a
mountain bird. Aristotle says, " Now some animals
are found in the moimtains, as the hoopoe." ^lian
says the hoopoe builds in lofty rocks {N. A., iii.
26). JEschylus (Fragm., 291) calls the hoopoe a rock
bird. When the two lawsuit-wearied citizens of
Athens, Euelpides and Pisthetserus, in the comedy of
the Birds of Aristophanes, are on then: search for the
homo of Epops, King of Birds, their ornithological
conductors lead them tlu"ough a wild desert tract,
terminated by mountains and rocks, in which is situated
the royal aviaiy of Epops. The rendering of " wild
cock," " mountain cock," of some of the versions, has
reference probably to the crest of the bii'd, calling to
mind the crest or comb of the cock (gallus). The
hoopoe {Upupa e-pops) is found in Egyi)t, France, Spain,
and in many other warm parts of the Old World. It
is pretty common in Palestine, which country it visits
in the early spring, leaving it in the winter. In Egypt
it is very common, and resides there all the year. It is
occasioually fotmd in England. The rtiiued temples of
Rabboth Ammon and Ba;ilbek are among its favom'ite
resorts. The Ai-abs have a superstitious reverence for
the hoopoe, which they believe to possess marvellous
medicinal cjualities ; they call it " the doctor." Its head
is an indispensable ingi-edient in all charms and in the
practice of witchcraft (see Ibis, i. p. 27). The Arabs
say also the hoopoe betrays secrets, and that it can
point out liidden undergrotind springs of water. This
idea has arisen from the grotesque movements of the
bird. On settling on the groimd it has a strange habit
of bending the head slowly down till the point of the
biU totiches the ground, raising and depressing the
crest omiuotisly at the same time. Our word hoopoe
is derived from the bird's voice, which resembles the
words " hoop, hoop," softly and rapidly uttered. Simi-
larly, the Latin upupa and the French huppe, &c., aU
of wliich perhaps come from the Greek e!roi|/, wliich
is, however, not so good a representation of the bh-d's
notes as its derivatives. In Sweden the hoopoe is called
Sdr Fogel, i.e., "the army bird," because, from its
ominous cry, heard in the wUds of the forest (a "wood-
land cock" in this case), the peoijlo think war and
scarcity are impending (Lloyd's Scand. Advent., ii. 321).
The hoopoe is abotit the size of a missel thrush ; the
plumage is of a light russet colour, wings and tail black,
with broad white bars. The long feathers of the crest
are each tijjped with black.
occurs only iu the list of tmclean bu-ds (Lev. xi. 16 ;
Deut. xiv. 15) as the translation of the Hebrew word
shalchaph, btit it is very improbable that the cuckoo is
intended. There is some reason to think the " sea-
gull " is the bird denoted by shahhaph, and this point
will bo considered when we come to treat of the swim-
ming birds {Natatores). The cuckoo was doubtless
well known to the ancient Hebrews, and its familiar
voice must have gladdened many a heart when it was
heard in the land, proclaiming that the winter had gone,
and Slimmer and flowers once more smiled ou the earth.
Both our own species (Cueuhis canorus) and the great
spotted cuckoo (O.vylophus glandarius) are now fotmd
m the Holy Land, the latter species being the most
common of the two. The great spotted cuckoo is an
inhabitant of North Africa. Like oui- own species, it is
364
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
arcoy^.
HOODED CKOW (Corvus comix)
GREAT SPOTTED CUCKOO (Oxylophus glandariiis).
parasitic in its habits, depositing its eggs, whicli aro of
the same colour and size as those of the magpie, in the
nests of tlic magpie, ravou, jackdaw, &c. So peculiarly
characteristic is the note of this bird as to give the
bird's name, " cuckoo," amongst many nations. It is
the same as the Greek k6kku^, the Latin cuculus or
SACRED SEASONS.
365
cuculus, the Italian cuceo, the Gorman kukkuk, the
Sanskrit koha or kokila (compare the Skr. kulm, i.e.,
" the cuckou's note." Amongst a number of birds'
names in A^S3frian occurs the word khu-ii-qxi, which
Mr. Fox Talbot takes to mean the cuckoo (see Sir. H.
Rawlinsou's W. A. I., vol. ii., pi. 37, lines 4a and 54a).
The Hebrews, therefore, perhaps, would have called the
bird by a similar name.
THE OLD TESTAMENT FULEILLED IN THE NEW.
BY THE BEV. WILLIAM MILLIOAN, D.D., PEOFESSOK OF DIVINITY AND BIBLICAL CEITICISM IN THE UNIVEKSITT
OF ABEBDEEN.
SACKED SEASONS (continued).
J ROM the consideration of the Sabbatic
Year, we turn now to the still more remark-
able sacred season of Israel known as tlie
Year of JubUee, the provisions with regard
"to which are found chiefly in the 25th chapter of Levi-
ticus. It took place at the close of every seven weeks
of yoar.5, that is, at the close of seven year.^ multiplied
by seven, or every fiftieth year. Tlia idea has indeed
boon entertained by luany that the year of JubUoo was
each forty-ninth, and n<it each fiftieth, year, it being
supposed that, according to a method of reckoning not
tmcommon both among the Hebrews and other nations,
the last term of the preceding series was reckoned also
as the first term of the next. It has boon thought that
in this way wo might best obviate the difficulty arising
from the fact that, if the Jubilee wore the fiftieth year,
and not the forty-uiuth, then, as the latter was unques-
tionably a Sabbatic Year, the land must have lain falluw
for two years in succession ; an arrangement which
has seemed incompatible \vitli all proper economical
measures for the welfare aud oven for the sustenance of
the people. Considering the object that wo have before
Tis in these papers, it is hardly necessary to discuss
the question. We remark, therefore, only briefly in
passing, that tjio view commonly taken, that the Year of
Jubilee was the fiftieth and not the forty-ninth year, is
that which has most foundation in the language of
Scripture, and in tlio analogy afforded by other sacred
institutions of Israel. Thus Lev. xxv. 10, "And ye shall
hallow the fiftieth year," compared with xxv. 8, " And
thou shalt number seven sabbaths of years unto thee,
seven times seven years ; and the space of the seven sab-
baths of years shall bo unto thee forty and nine years,"
is. itself almost decisive of the question. Forty-nine
years are here expressly distinguished from fifty, and
the fiftieth follows the complete accomplishment of the
forty- nine. In like manner, wo read in Lev. xxv. 21, 22
words which must refer to the last cycle of seven years
immediately preceding the Jubilee, and which are not
to be supposed, as by Ewald, to have fallen out of their
proper place in the chapter : " Then wQl I command my
blessing upon you in the sixth year, and it shall bring
forth fruit for three years. And ye shall sow the eighth
year, and eat yet of old fruit until the ninth year ; until her
fruits come in ye shall eat of the old store." That is,
the harvest ripened in the sixth year, which in other cir-
cumstances would have been consumed in the seventh,
was to last three years, not only through the seventh, Dut
through the eighth and ninth ; the crop sown at the be-
ginning of the ninth year then coming in at its close to
supply the wants of the tenth. Only by such an inter-
pretation can we give moaning to the words " It shall
bring forth fruit for thr?e years." Fruit for two years
would have been all that was required had the Sabbatic
Year and the Year of Jubilee synchronised. Nor can it
be said that throe years are spoken of simply to indicate
that there would bo groat abundance in the sixth year,
more oven than would be necessary for life. It is not
abundance that is before the mind of the lawgiver, it is
simply the means of sustenance for a continued series
of years ; for he speaks distinctly of the sixth, the seventh,
the eighth, and the ninth years, and of eating of " old
fruit," the fruit of the sixth, during the three last men-
tioned. A similar conclusion may be drawn from Isaiah
xxxvii. 30 : " And this shall bo a sign unto thee. Ye shall
eat this year such as growcth of itself ; and the second
year that which spriiigeth of the same : and in the third
year sow ye, and reap, and plant vineyards, and eat the
fruit thereof'." It is possible, indeed, that these words
do not refer to a Sabbatic Year immediately followed by
a Year of Jubilee, and we do not quote them as if they
necessarily did. Enough if they exhibit the idea of the
people's allowing the labours of the field to be inter-
mitted for two years, and yet finding food. They thus
show that the difficulty connected with the two fallow
years is not so great as is supposed. Finally, the
analogy of Pentecost confirms what has been said. Seven
weeks of days, or forty- nine days, were coimted from
the second day of Unleavened Bread, and the day after
these, the fiftieth, was the festival. Wo conclude,
therefore, that the Year of Jubilee was the flftioth year,
and not tho forty-ninth.
As in the case of the Sabbatic Year, it was in the
seventh month that the Jubilee began ; but it began on
the tenth day, and not, like the former, on the first. Tho
tenth day, however, was the great Day of Atonement,
tho most solemn of all the days of Israel's year, and
that most closely associated with a humbled and sorrow-
ful recollection of tho past. It is difficult, therefore, to
imagine that tho opening and welcome of the most joy-
ful of all the years of the people could take place on the
morning of that day ; it would naturally be reserved
for tho evening. Thea the day's " afflicting of the
soul " was over ; the groat appointed atonement was
366
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
complete ; sin had been expiated ; the way into tlie
Holy of Holies had been opened to the high priest, the
head and representative of Israel, who had entered
•within the vail, and, as accepted in God's sight, had re-
tui-ned alive ; all transgi-essions had been seen symboli-
cally carried away to the desolate wilderness from which
they should return no more; and the smoke of the
biu-nt-offeriug, emblem of Israel's dedication to the
Lord, had ascended to heaven. Now, therefore, joy
and triump)h might well be the order of the time, and
the people would be ready to receive the glad tidings
that the Jubilee had begun.
It was announced vrith the sound of trumpets, the
trumpet used being the shophar which, in speaking of
the services of the first day of the month, we have
already described. It was the token of God's peculiar
presence among His people, yet His presence not merely
in favour and grace, but His presence as Ho is, in the
completeness of His character, and therefore also in the
holiness of Hisnatiu-e, in the awfulness of His attributes,
in the terribleness of His judgments. Even the JubOoo
Tear was not to be introduced with sounds associated
only with feasting or with privilege; and as the long,
clear, shrill notes of the shophar were poured forth by
the priests from the Temple heights — that streaming
sound which seems indeed to be the true root of the
word Jobel or Jubilee — the people were reminded that,
whatever their mirth, it must bo mixed with trembling ;
that, whatever the grace proclaimed, it was stiU the
grace of one who was also a consuming fire.
The peculiar arrangements of the Tear of Jubilee
were in some respects similar to those of the Sabbatic
Tear, but in ctbors were much more important and re-
markable.
In the first place, in the former year, as in the latter,
the soil was to lie uncidtivated. The people are en-
joined neither to sow, nor to reap that which groweth
of itself, nor to gather the grapes of their undressed
vinos ; the meaning of tliis injunction, as wo saw in
sjieaking of the Sabbatic Tear, Ijcing not that they
were not to use such things as might thus be gathered
for food — they are rather expressly enjoined to do
so — but that they are not to gather them as if they
were their own indi\adual harvest. They were to be
the common property of all, of the rich and the jjoor,
of the master and tho servant, of tho game, and even of
the wild beasts that might be found in the laud.
In the second place, evei-y Israelite who had been
compelled by the pressure of poverty to alienate his
paternal inheritance was now permitted to return to it.
It was lawful, indeed, to redeem such a property at any
time. If the person who had been under tho necessity
of parting with it had a friend able to do this, pro^^-
sion was made in tho law for the restoration of what
had been sold. Its value was determined according to
a prescribed scale, and tho purchaser was obliged to
accept tliis value, and to give back the land. It often hap-
pened, however, that the seller's relations wore as poor
as himself. Then tho Jubilee Tear came in with tho
remarkable peculiarity that it was tho redeemer. Tho
land returned immediately on the opening of the year, and
that without price, to its original proprietor. In reality,
it had never been sold, according to the sense attached,
by us to that expression ; it was only the products of
it for the number of years mtervening between the date
of sale and the Jubilee that had come into tho market.
The price, therefore, varied in proportion to the number
of these years ; and by tho time the period of redemption
arrived, the purchaser had obtained a fidl equivalentfor
his money. Upon this j)oint, accordingly, the provisions
of the Mosaic law were extremely definite and precise :
"And if thou sell ought imto thy neighbour, or buyest
ought of thy neighbom-'s hand, ye shall not oppress one
another : according to the number of yeai'S after the
jubilee thou shalt buy of thy neighbour, and according
unto the number of years of the fruits he shall sell unto
thee : according to the midtitudo of years thou shalt
increase the price thereof, and according to the fewness
of years thou shalt diminish the price of it : for accord-
ing to the number of the years of the fruits doth he sell
unto thee ;" while the ground of this provision, which
lay in the anxiety of the law to guard against oppression,
is given in the next following words : " Te shall not
therefore oppress one another ; but thou shalt fear thy
God : for I am the Lord your God " (Lev. xxv. 14 — 17).
There were, indeed, two exceptions to the operation of
this part of tho law of the Jubilee, which, however, only
illustrate more fully the natui'e of the principle involved.
The fii-st of those had relation to the houses in walled
cities, permission to redeem which lasted only for a year
after the sale. If they were not redeemed within that
time, they were " estabhshed for ever to him that bought ■
them throuffhout all trenerations," and they did not go
out in the Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 29, 30). Houses of the
villages, again, which had no wall round about them, wero
counted as the fields of tlie country. They might both
be redeemed at any time, and they went out in the Ju-
bUoe (v. 31). The reason of the exception is thus ob-
vious. These houses in walled cities had no particular
connection with the laud. They would be inhabited,
not by agricultural labourers, but by dili'erent classes
of artisans, perhaps often, as has been conjectured, by
foreigners. To them, therefore, a law piu-ely rural in
its chai'acter, and founded, as we shall sec, upon a prin-
ciple of this nature, did not apply. The houses of the
Levites in cities wero the only ones that did not come
under this ride (Lev. xxv. 32, 33). The second excep-
tion had reference to tho case of land tho value of which
was devoted to tho sei-vico of God, or sanctified. Then
the produce of tlie laud belonged to God until the Tear
of Jubilee. It might, however, be redeemed at any
moment up till that time, by adding to its value a fifth
part. But if while not so redeemed tho original owner
sold it again to another man, thus endeavouring to re-
couj) himself whCe still retaining tho benefit of his vow,
then it could bo redeemed no more ; it was holy unto
tho Lord as a thing devoted ; tho possession thereof
was to bo the priest's (Lev. xxvii. 14 — 21). These ex-
ceptions, it will bo observed, confirm instead of over-
turniug tho general principle. If tllo latter does not
SACRED SEASONS.
367
soein to do so, it is only iu appearance, for it is obvdous
tliat the Israelite who thus loses the ordinary privilege
of the Jubilee loses it simply because, by fraudulent
conduct iu a sacred transaction between himself and
God, he has forfeited his title to Israel's privileges. The
general rule remained iutact alike in its priuciplo and
application. An inheritance iu land, or in houses con-
nected vidth land, which had been sold through poverty,
returned in the Tear of JubUoe to the original and
hereditary owner.
In the third place, all Israelites who had been com-
pelled by poverty to sell themselves to another were set
free in the Jubilee : " And if thy brother that dwelleth
by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee ; thou shalt
not comj)el him to servo as a bondservant : but as an
hired servant, and as a sojourner, he shall be with thee,
and shall serve thee imto the year of jubUeo : and then
shall he depart from thee, both he and his children
with him, and shall return imto his own family, and
imto the possession of his fathers shall ho retiu-n " (Lev.
XXV. 39 — il). It was, indeed, another provision of the
Mosaic law that no Israelite could sell himself into
servitude for a longer period than six years (Exod. xxi.
2) ; and it was even provided that when he thus went
out of bondage in the seventh year he was not to go
empty-handed, but with his wants liberally supplied
(Dcut. XV. 13 — 15). Tlie pecidiarity of the law of the
Jubilee was that when it fell it at once interrupted the
period of service, oven although the six years had not
expired. As his old possession then i-eturned to him,
the Israelite received also his freedom to enjoy it.
In the fourth place, it has been made a question
whether debts were remitted or cancelled during the
Tear of Jubilee. The law says nothing on the point,
any remission of debt being connected in it with the
Sabbatic Teai\ It is probable enough that debts for
which land had been pledged were then cancelled,' as,
indeed, had it not been so the Israelite could not have
been said, iu the fuU meaning of the words, to have re-
ceived again the inheritance of his fathers. But if so,
this cancelling of debt is really a part of the general
principle involved in the restoration of the soU, and we
need take no further notice of it in itself.
We tm-n to the purport and meaning of the institu-
tion the particulars of which we have beeu explaining.
As in the case of the Sabbatic Tear, the ground of it is
to be sought not in merely civil or economical, but in re-
ligious considerations. It may have answered all of the-
former purposes enumerated by Michaelis. It may
have pei-petuated equality; made it impossible to be
born to absolute poverty ; retained the Israelites in their
own land by cutting off poverty, the great cause of emi-
gration ; encouraged marriage ; secured a better cultiva-
tion of the soU ; and strengthened the spirit of patriotism.
All this it may have done, but its essential principle
and aim must bo sought in something higher. It is
distinctly declared that the Jubilee was in the eyes of
the people to be " holy " (Lev. xxv. 12). Its most im-
1 Jahn's Sacred Antiquities, p. 177.
portant arrangement was enforced by the consi?l ation,
" Thou shalt fear thy God : I am the Lord your God"
(Lev. xxv. 17). The special blessing of the Almighty
was jiromised to the soU iu preparation for the period
during which it was to lie fallow (verse 21). When allu-
sion is made to it in the prophets, it is in such a way as
to imply that the observance of the year was a token
of Israel's faithfulness to its covenant, its neglect of it
the reverse (Isa. xxxvii. 30). When the foimdation ef
its ordinances is given, it is placed in the relation of
the Israelites to God rather than one another (Lev. xxv.
23, 42). And, above all, it constitutes one of those
great s;ibbatic institutions which were invested with a
character of peculiar sacreduess.
The first and leading idea of the year, then, was the
restoration of Israel as a whole to the position in which
God had originally placed it, and that alike iu regard
to worldly possessions and personal freedom. In both
of these respects there was a constant tendency to fall
back into a condition of selfish grasping on the one
hand, of hopeless destitution and misery upon the other.
Upon these the JubUee was to place a salutary check,
and to renew from period to period the original ar-
rangement appointed by the wisdom and goodness of
the Almighty, and entirely independent of the people.
Thus, in regai-d to the land, the principle upon which
it returned in the year of JuIjUee to its former owner
was that it was God's (Lev. xxv. 23). Israel had never
received it to be a possession of its own. It had been
originally distributed among the people by lot (Numb,
xxvi. 52 — 56 ; xsxiii. 54), and God's absolute proprietor-
ship in it had thus been recognised. It was His, there-
fore, to give it again iu a manner consistent v^-ith just
and equitable dealing towards those who had first re-
ceived it. In the same manner, the persons of the
Israelites were not their own. God was no less pro-
prietor of them than of the soU. They were His servants,
whom He had brought forth out of the land of Egypt
(Lev. xxv. 42, 55), and He had a right, therefore, to
restore to them, in a manner agam consistent with jus-
tice and equity, the freedom which they had at any time
forfeited. This then was what He did. Eveiy fiftieth
year He gave back to the man who had been obhged to
aUenato it the inheritance of his fathers, and broke the
bonds Lu which he might have been hold captive for a
season. He restored the whole economy of the state to
what it was at the first, that thus the covenant of the
people with Him might bo placed upou its original foot-
ing, and that, with all their early advantages, a new era
in then- history might begin.
These two blessings, recoveiy of his inheritance and
of freedom, were probably the greatest that an Israelite
could have bestowed upon him. As to the first, we
Icuow from the history of Naboth with what deep
attachment the land of the family was regarded, " The
Lord forbid it me," was the reply even to a king's re-
quest, " that I should give the inheritance of my fathers
unto thee " (1 Kings xxi. 3) ; and another illustration of
the same kind is afforded us in the case of the daughters
of Zelophehad (Numb, xxx^-i. 7, &c.). As to the second
368
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
of these points, again, the spirit of the Jews appears in
the answer given on one occasion to our Lord : " We be
Abraham's seed, and were never in bondage to any
man " (Jolin viii. 33).
Great, however, as these blessings were, it will not do
to rest in them as the sole characteristics of the Jubilee
Tear, or to think of them only in their relation to the
state. The sabbatic character of tlie year, the provision
with regard to the resting of the soU, the common right
given to its produce, the warnings agaiust oppressing a
brother, together with the ground upon whicli they are
foimded^points of which wo have already spoken ia
connection with the Sabbatic Year^show us that even
the outward blessings of restoration to a paternal in-
heritance and of bodily freedom were connected not so
much vrith the civil as with the theocratic relation of the
people to God and one another. The leading idea of the
year, in short, was restoration to the blessings of God's
covenant of love in their first freshness and fulness.
Israel was brought to experience knew all the privileges
of His redeemed. The earth brouglit forth its fruits
for their sake, witliout being cultivated in the sweat of
the brow. The primeval curse seemed for the time re-
moved. Israel walked among the trees of the garden
with the feeling that the Almighty was in its midst, and
it was not afraid. Thus it must hsive been a glad and
joyful day when, as pardoned and accepted through the
atonement that had been offered, the " afflicting of the
sold " was brought to an end, and the shrill sound of
the JubUee trumpets proclaimed that the season of
deliverance was come.
It remains for us now to inquire into the rulfibnent
of the year of which we have been speaking. Here, for-
tunately, we have little difficulty. The allusions to the
year both in the prophets of the Old Testament and in
the words of Clirist and His Apostles in the New, guide
■us to a conclusion. Thus, for example, there can bo no
mistaking the reference in Isaiah Ixi. 1, 2 : " The spirit of
the Lord God is upon me; because the Lord hath
anointed me to preach good tidings unto the meek ; he
hath sent me to bind up the brokenhearted, to proclaim
liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to
them that are bound ; to proclaim the acceptable year of
the Lord." A similar reference is to bo found in Ezek.
xlvi. 16 — 18, where the prophet is engaged in picturing
the glory of Messianic times, and where, in a figure
dra^vn from the Tear of Jubilee, he points out the
well-ordered condition, the justice, and freedom from
ojipression, that were to characterise the coming period
of grace and glory. The references to the Jubilee Tear
thus contained in the Old Testament are taken up again
and applied in the New. Thus it is that our Lord, in
His first discourse in the synagogue at Nazareth, appro-
priated to Himself the language of Isaiah when, hav-ing
read the passage from that prophet which wo have
abeady quoted. Ho closed the book and gave it again to
the minister, and " began to say unto them. This day is
this scripture fulfilled in your ears " (Luke iv. 21).
Thus it is that St. Peter, in Acts iii. 19—21, exclaims,
" Repent ye therefore, and bo converted, that your sins
may be blotted out, that so times of refreshing may
come from the presence of the Lord ; and that he may
send Jesus the Christ which was before appointed for
you : whom the heaven must receive until the times
of restitution of all things, which God hath spoken by
the mouth of all his holy prophets since the world
began ;" words which it is hardly possible to refer to
anything else than the ideas imperfectly expressed in
the Tear of Jubilee. And thus also it is that St. Paid
must be understood to have the same year in his eye as
the figure of better things, when in writing to the Romans
(viii. 19 — 21), he says, " For the earnest expectation of
the creature waiteth for the manifestation of the sons of
God. For the creature was made subject to vanity, not
willingly, but by reason of him who hath subjected the
same in hope, because the creatm-e itself also shall be
delivered from the bondage of corruption into the glo-
rious liberty of the children of God ; " and, in writing
to the Ephesians (i. 13, 14) : " In whom also after that
ye believed, ye were sealed with that holy Spirit of pro-
mise, which is the earnest of our inheritance uiitLl the
redemption of the purchased possession."
Passages such as these can leave no doubt upon oiu'
minds that, under the New Testament dispensation, the
Tear of Jubilee has its fulfilment in the idea of the re-
stitution of all things. Man cannot believe that his
first estate was one only of fetichism and degradation
or that his histoiy has been one simply of long and slow
pi'ogress upwards. He must look back to a golden era
to a bright primeval age, when sin and misery played
no such part on earth ;is they do now. Scripture cou-
fh-ms the idea, and, in beautiful though brief touclies of
the sacred historian's pen, shows us what this state was
before the Fall. Of that state, then, we bear the traces in
us stiU. Even on the shore of this world we pick up
shoUs which, when wo put them to our ear, are f uU of
the echoes of that far-off land and distant day. We
long after it again, and Scriptiu-o tells us that the long-
ing sluill be fulfilled. It is so, in part at least, even now.
The dispensation under which we live is the true Jubilee
Tear ; in its idea, a time of refreshing and restoration
of all things.
For, in the first place, the gifts of God distributed '
with " lavish kindness " to the believer are recognised
as His, and are enjoyed as blessings of a Father's hand.
We have not to toil for them as if obtaining them were
the great business of life. Nor, when wo do obtain
them, can we regard them as things gained in the sweat
of our own face alone, and which we may lawfully ust
only for om-selves. The}- ai-e free as the air, they spring
up as the grass, they shine around us as the light. There-
fore the Christian enters into the spirit of his Father iu
heaven, views man and beast and nature with love, and
distributes to all as he has opportunity and means. The
labour of life is lightened to him, the bitterness of its
burden is sweetened, the quick pulse beats more gently,
and the hot brow is cooled. Thorns and tliistles may
still be in part around him, but they are gi-adually dis-
ajipeariug. The earth is again become a garden, an
Eden, full of trees beneath whose shadow he sits with
daSiel.
369
great deliglit, and the fruit of which is sweet unto his
taste.
In the second place, the Christian has restored to him
the inheritance which he had lost, and which, left to
himself, he could never have regained. That inheritance
was God. It was forfeited by sin, and man wandered
only farther and farther from it, not liking to retain
God in his knowledge, and given over to a reprobate
mind. But the Gospel message comes, is received,
enters into the heart, becomes a living power within the
soul, and man learns immediately that the long-lost in-
heritance of God's children is once more his. Ho is no
more a stranger to the covenant of promise, or an alien
from the commonwealth of Israel, but a fellow-citizen
viith the saints and of the household of God. He re-
ceives the spirit of adoption by which he cries, " Abba
Father." He has been brought back to his Father's
house, and he rests in the assurance that tho grace
wluch lias recalled him will never again let him go.
In the third place, tho Christian is now again free.
In Christ Jesus, God is a Fatlier to him, God is love,
and love becomes tlio animating principle of his new
obedience. Tho commandments, once thought by him
80 hard a task, he feels to be no longer grievous. The
holiness once shunned by him he now aspires after as
that which alone brings true happiness to the soul.
The path once thought by him to be full only of diffi-
culty and trial he now finds to be a light and gladsome
path, where " the joy of tho Lord is his strength." And
with no fear and no anxiety, with a pacified conscience
and a heart rejoicing in tho smiles of a reconciled God,
ho passes along, the freeman of the Lord, to Zion. The
Son has made him free, and ho is free indeed.
All this, however, is only as yet ideally enjoyed by
Christians. They have part, but they have not the
whole, in actual experience. Therefore the true fulfil-
ment of the Jubilee, its perfect fulfilment in everything
it symbolised to Israel, is stiU future. It awaits us
there where, that which is perfect being come, that
which is in part shall be done away.
Such, then, is to tho followers of Christ the fulfilment
of Israel's Jubilee. No doubt, wo can but faintly imagine
those longings with which tho Jew of old would look
forward to the coming of a year that returned only
twice in a century, and which few of them could expect
to see more than once. But, however deep wo may
imagine those longings to have been, and however great
the joy with which the sound of the shopliar would bo
hailed as it re-echoed from one mountain and valley and
town and cottage to another, it is ours to remember that
with Christ the true " acceptable year of tho Lord " camo
in ; and it is ours to say, with a greater emphasis than
even Israel could, " Blessed is the people that know the
joyful sound."
THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
DANIEL.
BT THE VERT KEV. B. PAINE SMITH, D.D., CEAN OP CANTEKBUKT.
) INCE the publication of Dean Stanley's
Life of Dr. Arnold, the Book of Daniel
has been looked upon as peculiarly open
to hostile criticism. For in a letter
(No. ccxxiv.) addressed to Sir Thomas Pasley, that
eminent man described the latter chapters of this book
as being a " clear exception to his (Dr. Arnold's) canon
of interpretation of prophecy, inasmuch as no reasonable
spiritual meaning can be made out of the kings of tho
North and South." He then says that he has long
thought that the greater part of the Book of Daniel
was most certainly a very late work of the time of
the Maccabees; and that the pretended prophecy
about the kings of Grecia and Persia and of the North
and South, was mere history, like the poetical prophe-
cies in Virgil. Ho further remarks that it is curious
that, while confessedly apocryphal books existed under
the name of the Book of Daniel, as, for instance, the
stories of Susannah and Bel and the Dragon, they
should have been rejected because they were only
known in "the Greek translation," and the rest, be-
cause it happened to be in Chaldee, has been received
at once in tho lump, and defended as a matter of faith.
And finally, whilo thinking it probable that there are
48 — VOL. II.
genuine fragments in the book, he considers the non-
authenticity of great part of it as proved.
The authority of so famous a name could not but have
very great weight, and the more so because the Book
of Daniel does really occupy distinct ground from the
writings of the prophets with which it is classed in our
Authorised Version. Tlie Jews, as might have been
expected from their greater knowledge of the subject,
do not regard it as a prophecy at all. They place the
book among the Hagiographa, or Sacred Writings,
arranging it between Esther and Ezra. Had the
Scriptures of the Old Testament been arranged by our
translators as thoughtfully as they were by the Jews,
Dr. Arnold would never have judged of tho book by a
criterion which is not properly apphcable to it. What
is the true nature of the Book of Daniel, and in what
way it occupies an entirely distinct place of its own in
the scheme of revelation, will bo fully shown in the
course of this paper.
It is, however, very necessary first to say a word
respecting what Dr. Arnold regards as something
curious. For he supposes that the Book of Daniel has
been received as inspired simply because it is written
in [Hebrew and] Chaldee, and the stories of Susannah
370
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
and Bel and the Dragon have been rejected because
they are mere translations. Now these stories are
not translations. Had Dr. Arnold read the History
of Susannah in the Greek, he would have found that
it is full of puns, and some of them very bad puns.
We haye, moreover, various recensions or new editions
of the story, in which attempts have been made to
improve these puns, and we may add that they are
essential to the narrative. But in the present day
every critic is aware of the existence of a large Jewish
literature, written originally in Greek at Alexandria,
Leontopolis, and other Egyptian towns, to which the
apocryphal books mainly belong. And, of course, no
one imagines that a book written originally in Greek,
had Daniel for its author. One is able, in fact, to
gauge the growth of modern criticism by going back
to such a statement as this of Dr. Arnold. Ho was
probably in advance of most critics in his day, and yet
was not aware of th9 entirely different groimd occupied
by the apocryphal from that of the canonical Scriptures.
We receive those canonical Scriptures on the deli-
berate judgment of tho Jewish Church, inasmuch as
" to the Jews were committed ihe oracles of God." We
do not accept them because they were written in Hebrew
or Chaldee ; very many works written in Hebrew existed
in the days of Ezra and the Great Synagogue, and of these
several were composed by prophets, and are referred to
as such in tho Books of Chronicles ; and yet they were
not placed among the canonical Scriptures. Slowly and
gradually the Jewish Church felt its way, till a rule
or canon was formed, by which certain writings took
their place as authoritative, while others were excluded.
There is, in fact, nothing at all curious or hap-hazard
about the reception of tho Books of tho Old Testament,
and until their authenticity is disproved, we accept them
•upon the judgment of those who had far larger knowledge
of their history and much better means of forming an
opinion upon thou- nature and claims than we can pos-
sibly have. Apocryphal works stand upon a completely
different footing. Wo have as an appendix to tho Old
Testament a small collection of them, containing some
of the most valuable and some of tho most worthless
of these writings. The complete neglect into which
they had fallen, accounts for such mistakes as that
made by Dr. Arnold in supposing that the stories of
Susannah and Bel and tho Dragon were translations.
The Second Book of Esdras was written in Hebrew,
but is none the less apocryphal. A scholar-like edition
of all these works, with a full account of their probable
scope, date, and authorship, would be a valuable aid to
Biblical criticism.
Tho most important apocryphal books came to us
through the Septuagmt, to which, as the Alexandrian
edition of tho Scriptures, tho Egyptian Jews added
such of their own -ivritings as they deemed most valu-
able. Tho rest come to us by chance, some of them in
sopai-ate manuscripts, but most of them as additions to
tho Scriptures, appended to some Biblical manuscript
by tho fancy or ignorance of some monkish scribe. As
for tho Jewish canon, I am quite aware that wo have
not a full historical record of the manner in which it
was formed. We could scarcely expect any such recn .
either to have been drawn u]), or if it had been dra\, , .
up, to have sm-vived the manifold troubles which bef '• ',
the Jewish nation. We do not even possess any manu-
scripts of the Old Testament itself of great date, an ■
were it not for the existence of ancient versions, lil.-
the Septuagiut and the Syriac, the authenticity of th ■
Hebrew Scriptures would be exposed to serious doubi-,.
We have, however, many scattered remarks and inci-
dental allusions to the subject, and in tho Talmud variuiH
traditions are found, showing that the Jewish mini
was fully awake to the importance of discriminating
between those scriptures which were nuthoi-itative and
those which were not. This work apparently was begun
soon after the return from the Captivity, and as early as
the time of Jesus the son of Sirach wo find the same
threefold division of the Bible into tho Law, the Pro-
phets, and the Sacred Writings, as exists now (see Pro-
logue, and also chaps, xliv. — xlix., which contain a
summary of the Old Testament). Already this arrange-
ment is described as a thing long settled, and most
certainly was universally received by the Jews as
authoi'itative. Though tradition generally assigns the
work to Ezra, yet in 2 M.acc. ii. 13 it is ascribed to
Nehemiah, who is said to have founded a library, ha\ing
collected for that pui-pose " the acts of the kings and
the prophets, and of David, and the epistles of the
kings concerning the holy gifts." Supposing that this
refers to the gathering together of the many volumes
which form tho Old Testament into one case — the word
bibliotheca, hero rendered "library," originally meaning
simply a case for the safe keeping of one or more
manuscripts — it would seem that Nehemiah appended
to the Law not merely the vrritings of the jjrophets and
the Psalms, but also the decrees of the Persian kings.
Nothing, in fact, could be more probable. In his days
those decrees were the main protection of the Jewish
commonwealth ; but in time, as tho Persian power de-
cUned, their value would diminish, and as tho piTnciples
upon which books were to be admitted into the canon
became better understood, they would tinally disappear.
The one fact of importance is that we find a settled '
canon and arrangement of tho Sacred Scriptures imi-
versally accepted by the Jews long before the time of
om- Lord ; a general consent that Malachi was the last
inspired prophet ; and numerous traditions, more or
less trustworthy, throiving light upon the manner in
which the canon was formed. And wo receive the
Book of Daniel as being one of those scriptures which
tho Jews received into their canon. Tho books of tho
OH Testament come down to us with a great weight of
authority to back them, just as those of the New Testa-
ment come with all the authority of the councOs of the
Church in tho fourth centuiy. We do not say that
either tho Jewish r.abbins or the doctors of the Church
could not make a mistake ; but we do say that this mistake
must be clearly proved before we reverse their decision.
Too gener.ally, modern criticism has ignored this fact,
and men have written as if their fancies and notions
DANIEL.
371
were as solid grounds for foriniiig a judgment as the
full knowledge possessed by the Jews, and by the
Fathers of the fourth century, who performed for the
writings of the Apostles that same work of careful dis-
crimination wliich the men of the Great Synagogue
performed, after the return from exile, for the Hebrew
Scriptures. Lay whatever stress you like upon the
fact that the admission of a book into the canon of
Scripture was the work of meu, yet it remains that it
was done by men who were competent for the task, and
that their judgment has stood the test of ages.
As the Book of Daniel has been especially selected
by modern critics for attack, these general remarks
may not be out of place : especially as it by no moans
follows that because a critic attacks the cauonicity of a
particular book, he therefore attacks the Bible generally.
He may simply mean that the book in question was
wi'ongly inserted among those scriptures which he too
regards as divine. We will now proceed to consider
first of all the personal history of Daniel, and next the
nature of his writings.
We read, then, that in the third year of Jehoiakim,
Nebuchadnezzar besieged aud captured Jerusalem, and
carried part of the sacred vessels away as spoil of war,
and also certain prisoners, out ot whom he ordered such
youths as were remarkable for beauty and intelligence
to be trained in the language and learning of the
Chaldees, that they might minister as eunuchs in
the king's household. Now here comes the first
diiEculty. Wo read of no such invasion ot Judsea in
the Books of Kings and Chronicles, and in Jeremiah
it is in the fourth year of Jehoiakim that the great
struggle between Babylon and Egypt is brought to an
issue. In that year Nebuchadnezzar, stiil acting only
as general for his father Nabopoiassar, defeated
Pharaoh-necho at Carchemish, and won for the Chal-
diean empire complete ascendency over all Western
Asia. But, after all, the difficulty arises only from oiir
want of knowledge. The narratives in the Books of
Kings and Chronicles are so brief as to give only three
or four verses to the whole c'oven years of Jehoiakim's
reign ; and this raid upon Jerusalem was probably not
a very serious affair. There is no ground for supposing
that the fords of the Euphrates at Carchemish were
held, as some suppose, by an Egyptian garrison, and
a young and brilliant soldier like Nebuchadnezzar may
well, while Pharaoh-necho was gathering his forces,
have puslied a reconnaissance up to the walls of Jeru-
salem, and struck a blow there at Pharaoh's ally.
Jehoiakim had been elevated by Pharaoh to the throue
in place of his brother Jehoahaz, an adherent of the
Chaldee party, and who on that account had been carried
prisoner into Egypt. This was just such an act as the
Chaldees were bound to avenge as quickly as possible.
And yet, before the decisive battle with Pharaoh was
fought, Nebuchadnezzar would not be willing to provoke
an obstinate resistance. With his father in failing
health, and the probability of troubles in obtaining the
succession — for even after the battle of Carchemish
Nebuchadnezzar had to hasten home to secure the crown
— it is not probable that he would expose himself to the
risk of fighting a decisive battle so far from his re-
sources. Apparently he had fallen upon Jehoiakim
too .suddenly for the Jewish king to be prepared for a
siege, and yet, as all he wanted was to avenge the
insult offered to Jehoahaz, aud make the Chaldaean
army respected, he would readily grant Jehoiakim
easy terms. A part, therefore, of the vessels of the
sanctuary, some chUdi-en of the pi-inces and of the royal
house, as hostages, probably, for the king's f utiire alle-
giance, together with a formal recognition of Chaldee
supremacy, satisfied the youthful commander for the
present. But in the face of the more serious events which
followed, this raid was of small account. In the Books
of Kings and Chronicles we have absolutely nothing
but the briefest summary of Jehoiakim's final rebellion
and ovoi-throw. In the Book of Jeremiah there is an
entire blank between the first and fourth years of
Jehoiakim's reign, and any allusions which occur in
the subsequent histoiT- load to the idea that somehow
the Jewish king had become in the meantime a vassal
of the Chaldees.'
It is exceedingly probable that the statement of
Josephus that Daniel was a prmce of the royal house
is true. Isaiah ( xxxix. 7) had long before prophesied
that Hezekiah's descendants should sufiler the fate
which befell Daniel, and it is expressly said that tho.se
selected for what was considered a very honourable
service were of the king's seed and of the princes. Thus
chosen, his name Daniel (God is my Judge) is changed
to Belteshazzar {the Prince of Bel), and in company
with his throe friends, the heroes subsequently of the
fiery fiu-nace, he refuses to eat of food offered to idols ;
but having gained the favom- of Melzar, then- trainer,
they are allowed to make a ten days' trial of a vegetable
diet and water, and by God's blessing so fiourished upon
it that they were henceforward not interfered with, while
in learning and understanding they quickly outstripped
all the other youths.
The first trial of Daniel's skill was in mterpreting
the king's dream of the mighty image. With all the
wilfulness of an absolute monarch, Nebuchadnezzar had
demanded of the Magi that they should even tell him the
dream itself ; and full of wrath when they could not
comply with so unreasonable a demand, vexed also, pro-
bably, with himself for having forgotten a vision which
had left upon his mind so deep a general impression,
he ordered the execution of the whole tribe of astro-
logers, magians, and wise men. In this decree the
death also of Daniel and his companions was involved,
but the youth obtained through Aiioch an audience, be-
sought Nebuchadnezzar for some delay, and going to his
house, prayed with his youthful friends, until in a night
vision the secret was revealed unto him." And so struck
was the king by the clearness with which he made
known to him both the di-eam and its interpretation,
that he elevated him at one bound to the office of
1 Niebuhr, in Ws Histoni of Assyria, also Batisfiictorily clears
away the difficulties o£ tliia passage, but in a Bomewliat different
way.
37a
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
iiresident of the Magi, and henceforward, except in the
sanguinary interval between Nebuchadnezzar's death
and the capture of Babylon, Daniel was the chief officer
and governor of the vast realm of which Babylon was
the head.
Daniel was not present when his three friends were
cast into the burning fiery furnace. For what reason
we cannot tell, but probably he was not at Babylon
when the king set up the imago in the plain of Dura,
and commanded the presence of his nobles at its dedi-
cation. Dr. Pusey thinks, however, that he might have
boon present, but was too high in office for any one to
venture to accuse him ; and it is quite probable that the
enemies of the Jews would begin with men in inferior
place before attacking the chief minister of the crown.
Among the musical instruments mentioned on this
occasion in chap. iii. 5 aro several which cither are, or
look like, Greek words. Three especially are claimed
as Greek, namely, the symphony, translated "dulci-
mer;" the cithara or guitar, rendered "harp;" and the
psaltenj. While the science of philology was still
in its infancy, critics used also to enumerate a long list
of other supposed Greek words in the Book of Daniel,
and argue from them that it was written in the days of
the Maccabees, after the conquests of Alexander had
spread abroad a knowledge of the Greek language
throughout great part of tho East. Our increased ac-
quaintance both with the laws of language and with the
dialects of the East, has swept aU but these three words
clean away, and even here the word symphonia, which
looks so thoroughly Greek, is most probably the Ara-
maic sephonja, a " reed-pipe." " Guitar, ' ' under various
forms, belongs to most languages, but the Greek has no
especial claim upon it, nor offers any tenable derivation.
The third word is in the original psanterin, and its
identification with psaltery is doubtful. But even were
these words Greek, they would prove nothing. Articles
of commerce carry their names with them all over the
world, and we, for instance, stiU call cotton-cloth calico
because it was first brought from Calicut; our own
manufactures are known all over tho East by the names
of leading Manchester firms ; and similarly, several of
the most important articles of female attire, introduced
at the time of the Crusades, stlU retain with us their
Arabic names. At tho m.art of so rich and luxurious a
city as Babylon, instruments of music and all things which
minister to pleasure would be sure to find a ready sale ;
and the commerce of Tyro, referred to in the article on
Ezekiel, shows how large and active was the trade of
those days. As a matter of course all foreign articles
would everywhere retain their own names.
Towards the close of Nebuchadnezzar's reigfn Daniel
foretells his seven years' madness, and we find him stLU
addi-essed as tho '• master of tho Magi " (chap. iv. 9) ;
but when subseciuently ho was called in to interpret the
handwriting on the wall, he was plainly unknown per-
sonally to Belsliazzar, and it was at the suggestion of
Nitocris, the widow of Nebuchadnezzar, and who appa-
rently held tlie office of queen-mother, that Daniel was
summoned. Without doubt he had been deprived of
his office during the stormy interval which followed
the forty-three years' long reign of Nebuchadnezzar.
Babylon, tho city " buUt with blood" (Hab. ii. 12), was
to sink in blood ; and so Evil-merodach, Nebuchad-
nezzar's son, was murdered after a two years' reign by
NerigUssar, his sister's husband. This prince, called by
Jeremiah (chap, xxxix. 3, 13} " Norgal-sharezor, the
Rab-mag," or high priest, reigned three years, and was
succeeded by an infant son, named Labrosoarckad,
who was murdered after a reign of nine months. Upon
his death the crown apparently reverted to another sou
of Nebuchadnezzar — or, as others think, the husband
of another of his daughters — named Nabonnedus, wlioso
son was the Belshazzar of the Book of Daniel, and, of
course, Nitocris would be liis grandmother.
And here we find one of tho most interestiag and in-
structive results of tho increased knowledge of modern
times. Till tho last few years we had in the accoimts
of the fall of Babylon one of the most hopeless and
irreconcUablo discrepancies between Holy Scriptui-o
and profane history. The Bible represents Belshazzar
as king of Babylon, and says that the city was captured
during a festival by an unexpected entry of tho
Persians within the walls at night, and that the king
was slain in the midst of his carousals. Berosus says
that the last king was Nabonnedus ; that he retired to
Borsippa, was there blockaded, but that on his surrender
his life was spared by Cyrus, who granted him a princi-
pality in Carmania, where he spent the rest of his days.
With much of this Herodotus agrees, only he calls the
king Labynetus. Thus the Bible and profane history
seomod at hopeless variance ; but in 1854 Sir H. Raw-
linson deciphered some cylinders discovered among the
ruins of the ancient Ur of the Chaldees, and found that
Nabonnedus had an eldest son, named Bel-shar-czar,
whom he admitted to a share in tho government. All
is now clear. The father commanded the forces in the
field ; the son took charge of the capital and its garri-
son. He perished in the night attack ; whOo his father,
defeated in his attempt to relieve the city, withdi-ew to
Borsippa, and being no longer formidable, now that
Babylon had been captured, obtained from Cyrus
honourable terms.
And here we must notice that Belshazzar proclaims
him Ijefore the assembled nobles of the realm thei'o
feasting with him, "The third ruler in the kingdom "
(Dan. v. 16, 29). Why the third ? His old post under
Nebuchadnezzar had been that of ruler over the whole
province of Babylon and chief of the governors over all
the wise men of Babylon (chap. ii. 48). Who was it that
was now preferred before him ? Sir H. Rawlinson's
discovery makes aU plain. Belshazzar was himself the
second ruler, his father being the first, and he gave
Daniel tho post next in dignity and power to his own.
Upon the capture of Babylon, Daniel retained his
high office, being made chief of the three presidents
of the empire by Darius the Mede, and becoming
thus exposed to tho envy of the princes, he was by
their artifices cast into the den of lions. The reign of
Darius seems to have been short, and his scheme for
DANIEL.
3?3
the division of the empire into satrapies (chap. vi. 1)
was not carried out by Cyrus, and remained in abeyance
until the time of another Darius, the son of Hystaspes.
But Cyrus knew the worth of Daniel, and apparently
he continued in office all the rest of his days (chap. vi.
28). He never returned to Judsea, being on the acces-
sion of Cyrus to the throne too far advanced in years.
As he was taken to Babylon a year before Nebuchad-
nezzar began his reign, and as that monarch reigned
forty-three years, and Daniel was stU] alive in the third
year of Cyrus (chap. x. 1), he must have attained to a
ripe old age.
It is remarkable that in Ezokiel (chap. xiv. 14, 20)
Daniel is coupled with Noah and Job as an example of
righteousness, and (in chap, xxviii. 3) is described as
possessed of such wisdom, that no secret could bo hid
from him. On the slender fact that his name is foimd
between those of Noah and Job, German critics have
built up an imposing edifice of conjecture, Hitzig and
others arguing that there was a mythical hero of the
name in days not long subsequent to the Flood ; while
Ewald and Bunsen fancy that he may have flourished
during the Assyrian exUe. Bleek even more wildly
imagines that the Daniel commemorated by Ezekiel
may have been the hero of some lost poetical book.
Really the elevation of a man of their own race, and
probably a scion of the royal house, to such high rank
at the court of the conqueror, must have sent a thrill
of joy through the heart of every Jewish exile ; and the
wouderfid dream of the king, and Daniel's revelation
of it, as weO as its interpretation, must have been the
subject of endless rumours and of many an eager talk
wherever Jews met together. Whenever a merchant or
traveller came from Babylon, the Jews would inquire
about this second Joseph, raised up to be the protector
of his brethren ; and that Ezekiel should mention him,
ten years after his elevation to be the President of the
Magi, and when Daniel must have been nearly forty
years old, is natural enough. What is unreasona!-)le is
the assumption that the names Noah, Daniel, and Job
are placed in chronological order. Thoy are probably
quoted as examples of different kinds of righteousness ;
Noah representing the righteousness that was before the
Law, Daniel that under the Law, and Job that of
the Gentiles living outside the Jewish covenant. The
Patriarch thus comes first, the Jew second, the Gentile
descendant of Abraham's brother, Nahor, third and last.
Wo may now proceed to some remarks upon the
Book of Daniel. It is remarkable in the first place as
being written partly in Hebrew and partly in Chaldee,
like the Book of Ezra. Hebrew was a sacred language,
and probably even in Jerusalem its use was in the main
confined to the priests and men of high rank and learn-
ing; while the mass of the people used an Aramaic
dialect. But at Babylon its use became still more
strictly limited to men of the flacerdotal caste, so that
on the return from the Captivity it was necessary to in-
terpret the Law into the vernacular dialect (Neh. viii. 8)
before the Jews could understand it. To this necessity
we owe the Targums or Paraphrases, which give us a I
somewhat loose translation of the Hebrew into Chaldee.
It is at chap. ii. 4 that the Chaldee is first used, wrongly
called in our version Syriac, but in the original Aa'amaic,
the common dialect of all the descendants of Aram
(Gen. X. 23). Really Syriae and Chaldee are simply
dialects of Aramaic, but the former is best known to us
as a Christian tongue, famous for the translations made
into it of the Scriptures, and for the works of the great
writers of the schools of Edessa and Nisibis, beginning
with Ephrem Syrus in the fourth century, and ending
■with Gregory Bar-Hebrasus in the thirteenth ; while
Chaldee had a literature partly heathen and partly
Jewish, having maintained in Palestine the ascendency
which it obtained over the Jews while living .it Babylon.
The exact comparison of tho Chaldee of Daniel with
that of Ezra has clearly proved that they are of the
same age, while, nevertheless, there are sufficient
points of difEorence to show that the one is not an
imitation of the other. In both the influence of pure
Hebrew is strongly marked; while in the Targums,
which were not actually committed to writing till about
the time of tho Christian era, though most of the matter
was more ancient, having been handed down by oral
tradition in tho schools of the scribes, the differences
from the language and style of Daniel and Ezra are
very large, and there is a complete absence of all
Hebraisms. A careful examination, moreover, of the
Hebrew of Daniel justifies Keil in the assertion, as
"an incontrovertible fact, that it bears the closest
affinity to tho language of the writings in the exile,
especially Ezekiel's " (Introditction, pt. i., see. ii., div.
iii., § 133). The Chaldee extends from chap. ii. 4 to
the end of chap. vii. With the first verse of chap,
viii. Hebrew is resumed and continued to the end of
the book. It was only during the time of the exile that
there was any occasion for using both languages, or the
probability that a writer would be equally skilled in the
employment of them.
The use of the Chaldee is continued after the occasion
had ceased which fii-st led to its introduction. For the
book is divided into two nearly equal portions, whereof
the first, containing chaps, i. — vi., is chiefly occupied
vrith historic events, and the interpretation of Nebuchad-
nezzar's dream and of the handwriting upon the wall.
The second, containing chaps, vii. — xii., is apocalyptic,
unfolding to us the course of the world's history and of
the kingdom of Christ. Yet the seventh chapter,
written in the first year of Belshazzar, is still in Chaldee,
for no possible reason except that Daniel was equally in
the habit of using both. A forger, especially in the
days of tho Maccabees, would have been careful to use
only Hebrew for tho apocalyptic portion, especially as
his work, though professing to be written at various
epochs, would really be all of one date, and written on
one definite plan.
Now it is this apocalyptic character of the last six
chapters of Daniel, as also in a minor degree of what
precedes, which distuigiiishes this book from the whole
of the rest of Holy Scripture, and justifies tho Jews
in placing it among the Hagiographa. We havo a
374
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
similar book in the New Testament, rightly placed there
at the end of the canon ; and, similarly, Daniel, on all
principles of philosophic . arrangement, ought to close
the roll of the Old Testament Scrii^tm-es.
Tor Daniel is the point cjf contact between the Church
and the world. All the Jewish jjrophets were national
in the most intense degree. To them the Church, which
was identical with the nation, was everything. Its
duties, its sins, its hopes, culminating in the advent of
David's seed, were the one subject of discourse, the one
theme on which they ever descanted. Whenever they
referred to other nations, it was only in their relation
to Israel that they could recognise them. They were
the Gentiles, aliens and strangers only, who were indeed
to find admission into the theocracy on an inferior
footing, but whose history and fortunes had no intrinsic
interest, and lay entu-ely beyond the pale of Jewish
thought. It is a constant miracle that the prophets, not-
withstanding this intense nationalism, yet ilid, in very
spite of themselves, predict so clearly that the Gentile
was finally to take Israel's place, and become the pos-
sessor of the promise.
But would Holy Scripture have been complete had
it contained no direct acknowledgment of the relation
which the Gentries hold to God .►■ Valuable as is Dr.
Ai-nold's criterion of prophecy, the Bible may have
larger uses than he imagined ; and to say that unless a
tiling can be spiritualised, and made thereby the vehicle
for moral instruction, it cannot be inspired, is to assert
that Scripture has but one use. Now in the Book of
Daniel the vast drama of Gentile liistory is claimed for
God, and the grand stream of the world's onward pro-
gress is set before us as possessing an intrinsic value,
and therefore as the fitting object of God's providence.
And Daniel held just the position which made him
the right person thus to vinilicate for God the whole
course of human events. A Jew by birth, intensely
patriotic, devoted to the observance of the Jewish law,
constant in his prayers for his people, he was also the
president of a learned heathen caste, and the vizier of
a Gentile king. The conduct of the affau-s of a mighty
empire must have daily brought him into business rela-
tions with other men, and the narrow prejudices which
grow np in isolation must have melted before the warmer
feelings and larger interests which arise out of a more
extensive knowledge of human affairs and a closer con-
tact with men. To Daniel the Jewish Church and
nation were of all tilings those which he most prized,
but he knew the worth also and importance of God's
empire over the heathen world.
These apocalyptic prophecies are remarkable for
their definiteness. Kingdom after kingdom, many of
them entirely unknown in Daniel's time, is described,
and the order of the succession of the great world-
powers, with then- rents and divisions, clearly marked
out, yet never with that fulness of detail and specifica-
tion of the minuter mcidents which woidd be natural if
really it was a history. But these world-powers, after
aU, are not thus descril)ed for their own sakes. Among
them there is growing up a kingdom '• which shall never
be destroyed ; " a kingdom " which shall not be left to
other people, but it shall break in pieces and consume
all those kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever " (chap,
ii. 44). The fundamental idea is the triumph of God's
kingdom in its struggle with the kingdoms of the
world. Starting from the tlifiiculties and necessities of
the present, the prophet sees this struggle growing in
intensity, and carries it onward not merely to the times
of Antiochus Epiphanes and the Maccabaean uprising,
but to the very end of time, when they " that sleep in
the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting
life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt"
(chap. xii. 2). Then is the hour of God's final glory,
when He becomes all in all ; and the kingdoms of men,
which have meanwhile had their use and pm'pose, are
all merged in the one kingdom of God and of His
Christ.
It is remarkable in these visions that they also con-
tain some of the most precise chronological predictions
found in Holy Scripture. Occasionally, as in Jeremiah's
prophecy of the seventy years, we have had similar exact
specifications before, but the moral purpose of prophecy
forbade, as a rule, this exactness, as being at variance
with the fundamental principle of man being in a
state of probation. Probation and moral discipline
would be impossibilities if our lives were passed among
certainties, and not among things wliich involve the
exercise of faith. Tet for special purposes we do ficd
in the Bible a considerable number of particular predic-
tions, many of which are definitely exact as to the date
when they were to be fulfilled. The Babylonian exile
was snch a conjimcture in the history of the Jews as
justified special miracles, like the delivery of the three
youths from the fiery furnace, and also these exact
intimations as to the time of the Messiah's advent. The
readers of Mr. Greswell's Dissertations upon the
Gospels know how thoroughly these predictions were
fulfilled to the very letter. I need only add that though
thus exactly fulfilled, yet the predictions themselves
are to a great extent symbolical, having for their basis
the holy number seven with its multiples. But besides
thus exactly fixing the date of Messiah's advent and
death, Daniel also foretells in the plainest language the
capture of Jerusalem by the Romans and the desti-uc-
tion of the sanctuary (chap. ix. 24, 26), the abolition of
the daily .sacrifice (xii. 11), the cessation of vision and
prophecy, and the abolition of the Jewish Church in
order that that which is final might take its place (ix.
24). No Jew, holding the ground of the old prophets,
would have been a proper medium for such revelations ;
but instead of falling below the previous I'ange of pro-
phecy, they rise high above it. The Jewish Church
takes its true place as the introductory dispensation,
preparing the way for the Christian covenant ; whUe
the kingdoms of the world, instead of being ignored or
looked upon as opposing powers, are set forth as having
also their place in leading onward to the kingdom of
Christ. And this kingdom, as the stone cut out
without hands, is shown to be of no earthly origin;
it is set up by the God of Heaven, and its perpetual
DANIEL.
375
duration and final conquest of the whole earth are in
marked contrast with the limited existence of each of
the vast monarchies which played so important a part
in making the world ready for the rapid propagation
of the Gospel.
Lastly, we must ohservo that the Book of Daniel
was foUowed by a vast mass of apocalyptic literature.
Its nature was such as immediately to arrest attention,
and its form was eagerly seized upon as the fittest
medium for conveying ideas about the future course of
God's providence. Foremost among such works we may
mention the Book of Enoch, whUe the Second Book of
Esdras in our ApocryjAa is a far later and inferior
work, in which some Jew, writing after the destruction
of Jerusalem by Titus, represents the Messiah as coming
for the chastisement of Rome. Now it is remarkable
that in these works the delineation of the Messiah is at
variance with that given in the canonical Scriptures.
In Daniel this is not so. He is there described, in
exact conformity with the Immauuel of Isaiah, as
endowed with the attriljutes at once of manhood and of
Deity (chap. vii. 13, 14), and as a personal being. In
the entire apocryphal literature there is no recognition
of Him as a person, and no acknowledgment of the
union in Him of the human and Dirino natures. Nor
is there any mark of progress. In the inspired Scrip-
tures there is ever one great law whose pervading pre-
sence knits together the manifold and diverse works of
which the Bible is composed iuto one harmonious whole.
Tlds law is that of the perpetual development of truths,
the germs and first outlines of which are manifestlyprc-
seut in the older writings, but which successive prophets
bring out into plainer relief and clearer manifestation,
yet so that their development is always consiistent
with what has gone before, and a step towards still
plainer teaching in the future. In the Apocryjjha there
is no such progress. AU that it has which is distinctive
is at variance with Holy Scripture, and diverges into
ideas and doctrines irreconcilable with the past and
barren for the future. Not so Daniel. Besides the
most express predictions fixing the exact time of the
Messiah's advent, Daniel's teaching concerning the
universality of His kingdom, and its perpetual dui'ation,
is far in advance of those passages in the Psalms
which describe the heathen as Christ's inheritance,
and even of Isaiah's description of the holy moun-
tain to which all Gentiles are to flock. All Jewish
jian-o^vness and exclusiveness has disappeared, and we
feel ourselves standing on the very threshold of that
love for all mankind which has made the Church of the
New Testament catholic and world-mde in its sym-
pathies. And so as regai-ds the doctrine of the resur-
rection of the dead. There are indications of it in the
Psalms (xvi. 10 ; xlix. 15), in Isaiah (xxvi. 19), in Ezekiel
(xxxvii. 1 — 11) ; but it is in Daniel (xii. 2) that we find
it fully developed. Erase the Book of Daniel from the
canon, and you leave a chasm between the Prophets and
the New Testament which Daniel now exactly fiUs.
Much, too, has been said about the doctrine of angels
as taught by Daniel (chaj)s. x. 13 ; xii. 1), as though it
were mere Parseeism leamt by him fi'om his Magian
teachers. But here again there is at most only a de-
velopment of what had been taught before, and a pro-
gress towards the angelic appearances in the Gospels.
Michael, the gi-eat prince who protects the Jews, is ui
exact harmony with the Captain of Jehovah's host seen
by Joshua before Jericho (Josh. v. 13). Angels appear
on several occasions in the Book of Judges, and the
seraphim of Isaiah (chap, vi.) and the cherubim of Ezekiel
(chap. X.) represent the same spiritual ministrations as
those of the bright beings seen by Daniel in his visions,
only his teaching, like that subsequently of Zechariah,
is more definito and express. In the Apocrypha, an-
gelic appearances are rare, but where they do appear,
like Raphael in the Book of Tobit, they transgress the
l5ounds both of the Old and New Testament teach-
ing. Rajjhael assumes human form, and takes his
place among the characters of the story. He is no mes-
senger of heaven, but a Mentor to guide the young Tobit,
and give him in his search after a wife that aid which
would enable him to batfle the violence of the demon
Asmodeus, and bring back his father's money-bags.
In Raphael we have an angel reduced to the level of a
popular legend.
We have then in the Book of Daniel a necessary link
between the Old and New Testament, and its develop-
ment of doctrine as regards the abolition of the Jewish
dispensation, the universality of Christ's kingdom, the
resurrection of the dead, and the general judgment, is as
indispensable for the unity of Holy Scripture as Isaiah's
development of doctrine with regard to the efficacy of
Christ's atonement. It remains ouly to add that no
single trace of Maccabtean foeUng can be foiind in it.
The time of the Maccabees was intensely Jewish in its
sympathies ; the Book of Daniel is cosmopolitan. The
Maccabees, wronged and persecuted by Antiochus
Epiphanes, hated the Gentiles with hearty abomina-
tion ; the Book of Daniel regards them with lai-gc-heartcd
affection. In the Maccabaean age the people mourned
over the absence of the jirophetic spuit, and the ivith-
drawal of all external signs of God's presence ; the
Book of Daniel belongs to a time when prophecy and
miracle are stiU things of the present, vouchsafed upon
all worthy occasions. And when we take into conside-
ration the historical accuracy of the book, its thorough
acquaintance with the minuter details of the Babylonian
and Medo-Persian empires, its perfect mastery both of
the Hebrew and the Chaldee languages, and the deep
interest it displays in the fortunes of heathen empires,
we may feel quite certain that such a work was no
product of Maccabtean times. There was neither know-
ledge enough then, nor largeness of heart enough for
such a work. The intense patriotism of the Macca-
bees, stu-red to fury by the cruelties of the Seleucida;,
smarting under the vilest outrages, and concentrated
upon a fierce struggle for existence against overwhohn-
ing force, would never have taken for its hero a mas
trained under heathen teachers, the president of a college
of heathen sages, the -vizier of an Oriental despot,
peaceful in his ways, ready to serve Chaldoe, Persian, or
376
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
Mode, and offering no resistance even when about to bo
cast into a den of lions. Their rigorous Judaism, their
bold and audacious spirit, their manly perilling of life
audhmb for the faith, would have called forth a sterner
and more exclusive character to be the model to guide
their conduct. They were the Covenanters of the Old
Dispensation, martyrs for their religion, but martyrs
sword in hand, who fell in the foremost of the fight ;
but this was not Daniel's spirit, and the very object of
his book is to show that the kingdoms of the world are
still God's kingdoms, are doing Hin work, and have
their share in His providence.
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTURE.
THE LOCAL COLOUKING OP ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES.
BY THE EDITOK.
-•-w>6»!>;
FIRST AND SECONB EPISTLES TO THE
CORINTHIANS.
|HERE are among the Epistles of the New
Testament none that bear more strongly
the impress of what I have called local
colouring — the influence, i.e., of the cir-
cumstances, associations, and events which distingmshed
the place to which, and the place from which, any
given letter was written —
than these two that were
addressed to tho Church of — a
Corinth. It was probably ' ^ "
in tho nature of things -
that it should be so. The
duration of St. Paul's so-
journ there (two years and
six months) had been such
iis to make him acquainted
with every aspect of its life,
and that life presented
very strongly-marked fea-
tures. No place at which
ho hatl as yet worked was
so well fitted to servo as a
centre for his great enter-
prise of evangelising the
West. With its two har-
bours of Lechseum and
Cenchrese en either side the isthmus, it became the
natural entrepot of the commerce between the East
and West, and carried on an active trade with Rome,
Sicily, Cyrene, Carthage, in tho one direction, with
MUetus, Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyprus, on the other.
After its capture and partial destruction by Mummius,
it had risen rapidly from its ruins, and regained in no
small measure its former greatness, and even more than
its former fame for luxury and vice. The old prover-
bial speech which made tho verb "to live as at Corinth"
(K(,pii/e,rif.,T9a,) a synonym for profligate indulgence, had
not become obsolete. And the harloti-y of Corinth
associated itself, as so often elsewhere in Hellenic
heathemsm, with its worship. The women wh® thus
gave themselves to a life of sliame were recognised as
the votaries {Up6SovKoi). almost as the priestesses, of
Aphrodite, and the feasts which were held in the temple
of that goddess were the occasions of their gathering
_^ .M'J''
ACROPOLIS, COBINTH.
in larger numbers, and with more ostentatious parade
of their venal beauty. The constant arrivals of ships
from all parts of the empire increased all these evils,
exposed their crews to the frauds and extortions of dis-
honest innkeepers, brought with it on the other hand
a constant demand for the materials which were wanted
for supplying ship's furniture that had been worn or
damaged in then- voyage. The city had also a pro-
minent position in its
relation to the Imperial
government. It was the
centre of tho Roman pro-
vince of Achaia, and there
the proconsul for the most
part resided, administering
justice after Roman rules.
At the time of St. Paul's
arrival, as wo know, that
office was filled by Lucius
AnnsBus GaUio, the brother
of the illustrious Seneca,
himself the " dulcis Gallio "
of aO his friends, beloved
and esteemed by all who
knew him. The disorders
of such a city, tho disputes
incident to its trade, called,
we may well believe, for
a strict police administration. As with all the other
great cities of ihe Empire, Jews had flocked there in
Largo numbers in pursuit of gain, as money-changers,
traders, and usurers. Just at this juncture that portion
of the population had received a large addition from tho
influx of many of tho Jewish residents of Rome, who
had been compelled by the decree of Claudius to leave
that city. Some of the new-comers probably brought
with them, as we have seen,' the new faith of which St.
Paul was tho preacher, and the absence of any reference
to the conversion of Aquila and Priscilla makes it all
but certain that they were among the number.
The culture of Corinth could not assert any claim to
equality with that of Athens in the higher regions of
knowledge. The speculations of the new Academy, of
the Stoics and Ej-iicureans. found their natural home in
' BlBLC Eddcator, Vol. I., p. 151.
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTURE.
377
the city of Athena. But the deficiency in sustained
intellectual power was more than balanced by the fond-
ness— natural in a rich and luxurious city anxious for
the fame of culture— for its more ornate forms. The
teaching of Epicurus would appear there in the pithy
maxims of a self-indulgent easy-going morality. If
Athens was the centre of philosophical thought, Corinth
was hardly less famous for a rhetoric as florid as the
architecture to which it gave its name. And above all,
as that which gave Corinth a celebrity over any merely
commercial or merely literary town, there were the
great Isthmian games celebrated every alternate year
(twice in every Olympiad), calling out all the athletic
ambition of men of every rank, stimulating those who
were not sunk in luxury or the greed of gain, to some
effort, for at least a few weeks or months, at discipline
and self-control, so that they might wear the parsley
wreath which was there the distinctive decoration of
the victors.
It was to a Church that had grown up under his
he must have looked on it, with the voluptuous beauty
of its Aphrodites and its Ganymedes, as ministering to
the impurity which had eaten like a canker into the
life of Greece. But in the games of Greece he recog-
nised almost the one surviving element of manliness,
the one discipline that was corrective of sensual self-
indulgence. To him, as he watched the crowds stream-
ing to the arena, or looked from afar upon the contests
of the combatants, what he saw seemed as a parable of
the spiritual life. Much that those contests involved —
the wild excitement, the symbols of a heathen worship,
the naked forms of the wrestlers, or the racers — would
have seemed to him, as they did to the devout Hebrews
of the days of the Macx^abee8 (1 Mace. i. 12 ; 2 Mace. iv.
9 — 15), debasing and demoralising, but his intercourse
with men not of his own race had given him a largeness
of heart to which they liad not attained, and he could
recognise " a soul of goodness " even in " things evil."
And so he compares his own dLscipline of self-denial to
that of the wrestlers who were "temperate" in all things.
COBINTHIAN GAMES.
watchful care, and through the hearty co-operation of
his fellow-labourers, Timotheus, Silvanus, Aquila and
PrisciUa, among such .surroundings, and exposed to such
influences, that St. Paul wrote the Epistles which are
now before us. The occasion, the contents, the general
structure of those Epistles will form, in due course, the
subject of a separate paper, under " The Books of the
New Testament." I confine myself now to such coinci-
dences as illustrate the special points of which I propose
to treat.
Foremost among these is, of course, the well-known
passage in 1 Cor. ix. 24 — 27 : — " Know ye not that they
which run in a race rim all, but one receiveth the prize ?
So run, that ye may obtain. And every man that
striveth for the mastery is temperate in all things. Now
they do it to obtain a corruptible crown ; but wo an
incorruptible. I therefore so run, not as uncertainly ;
so fight I, not as one that beateth the air : but I keep
under my body, and bring it into subjection ; lest that
by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself
should be a castaway." Here, as has often been pointed
out, we have the fullest and most vivid of all the
agonistic imagery that St. Paul seems to have delighted
in. The art of Greece seemed to him irremediably
tainted with idolatry. Judged by the test of the life
out of which it had grown and to which it ministered.
so he made himself the servant of all, instead of assert-
ing his individual freedom, as they submitted themselves
to the rides of the master of tho training school, that
he might win the prize of his high calling. So he con-
trasts their perishable crown of leaves with the incor-
ruptible crown of life eternal after which he strove.
But he goes beyond this. He is not only preparing for
a contest, but is actually engaged in one. His daily life
is the race which has Heaven for its goal, and he runs
therefore not " as uncertainly," with blind haste or
random impulse, or faltering footstep, but straight
onward to the mark of his high calling. He has an
enemy to contend with, and that enemy is the base
fleshly nature which attacked him through tho body
and its senses, and therefore he does not fight as one
that " beateth the air," wasting his strength in blows
which miss their aim, but plants them where, like tho
pugilist's "facer" (tho Apostle uses tho technical
phrase, one might almost say, the slang, of the gym-
nasium) they ^vill leave the livid mark of the black and
blue weal, and come as a knock-down blow. Wlien he
has so gained the mastery, he drags tho conquered foe
with him as a slave (" bring into subjection " is far too
weak a rendering), so subdued at last as to be powerless
to resist or harm.
And tho impression thus made on him was a lasting
378
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
one. Again and again he returns to the same agonistic
imagery. He is as one who with head stretched forward
■with intense eagerness, forgetting the space which he
has ab-eady traversed, thinking only of what yet
remains, presses onward and onward to the end for the
prize which there awaited him (PhU. iii. 13, 14). When
he knows that that end is near, he returns to the old
language, " I have fought the good fight, I have finished
the race ; henceforth tliere is laid up for me a crown
of righteousness " (2 Tim. iv. 7). If the Epistle to
the Hebrews be his, there also, as he dwells upon
the achievements and the suti'orings of the gi-eat
heroes of faith, he seems to himself to see in them the
great cloud of witnesses who are now, in their hard-won
rest and peace, spectators of those who with liim are
stiU running the race, and calls on his companions to
lay aside every weight, as the runner laid aside clothes
and boots, or got rid of the " too too solid flesh" that
would impede his pace ; to put away also tlie sin which
did " so easily besot them," as ho got rid of every i-ag
which, though it did
not encumber.might
yet entangle him,
and to look to Jesus
as the true leader
and captain (not
"author") of theii-
faith, whom they see
afar off waiting to
crown it at the goal.
He calls on them
not to be "weary
and faint," like tho
cowards and the
cravens who leavo
the ground at tho
first hard blow, and reminds them that as yet no blood
had been drawn in tho combat in which they were
engaged.'
The allusion in the Epistles now before us may even
have been pointed by a special fitness of time as well as
place. Tho fh-st Epistlo to the Church of Corinth
appears to have been written in the Later mouths of
spring. St. Paul intends to " tarry at Ephesus until
Pentecost" (xvi. 8). He is writing, we may beheve, at
or about the time of the Passover, when the old associa-
tions aud customs of that feast, the '" old leaven," the
new hmip, the imleavcncd bread, the passovor sacrifice,
come before his mind with a new and higher significance
(1 Cor. V. 7). So far we have something liko a definite
date. On the other hand, the Isthmian games, when they
occurred in the third year of the Olympiad, were cele-
brated in tho month known in the Attic calendar as
Munychtum, which covered part of April and part of
* If we accept a theory, which has much to support it, and
assume that the Epistle to the Hchi-ews was written to the
Jewish Christians of Cffisarea, we may trace a "local colouring"
here also. That town was conspicuous for the large amphitheatre
which Herod the Great had built there, and in which games such
as those of which the writer speaks were celebrated, it may bo,
©very year.
May. It is therefore more than probable that when
the Corinthians received the Epistle, the games of the
Isthmus were the absorbing topic of the day, filling
men's thoughts and caUing into play all their energies.
It is possible, as Dean Stanley has suggested [Com-
mentary, i. 77), that tho architectural imagery of
1 Cor. iii. 10 — 13, may have a like distinctively local
character. The conflagration which had attended tho
capture of the city by Mummius had acted as a test of
the worth and durability of the buildings. The older
stately temples had remained, though " tried by fire,"
comparatively unhurt, whOe the " wood, hay, stubble,"
the timl)er-work or thatching of meaner buildings, had
perished utterly. The memory of the reconstruction
of the city, the employment of materials of various
kinds, some fit only for the most temporary use, some
calculated alike for permanence and beauty, could not
have entirely faded away from tho minds of tho
descendants of those by whom that reconstruction had
been accomplished. So again the dangers against which
the Apostle warns
the Corinthians are
especially those
which arose from
the combination of
culture and profli-
gacy that distin-
guished their city.
Taught by his ex-
perieuce at Athens,
he had come among
them " not with en-
ticing words of
men's wisdom," but
ho found them stUl
seeking after wis-
dom, still disposed to regard the preaching of tho
cross of Chiist as foolishness (1 Cor. i. 18). It was
the taimt of St. Paul's enemies that liis speech was
" contemptible " (2 Cor. x. 10), as compared with the
more ornate Alexandrian elociuence of ApoUos (Acta
xviii. 25). Even among those who pressed into the
Church of Christ, and received the higher gifts of the
Spirit, there was the old restless eagerness for display,
the old assertion of indiv^idual license in debate, the old
preference not for that which was most jjrofitable to
the hearers, but for that which ministered most directly
to tho vanity of the speaker (1 Cor. xiv. 26). Every
ouo had a doctrine, a psalm, an interpretation. Tha
gift of tongues, with its strange mysterious power to
startle and attract, was more coveted than that of pro-
phecy, which was profitable for the edifying of the
Church.
Nor were tho dangers on the more sensual side less
chai-acteristic. The question of eating things sacrificed
to idols, which shocked tho feelings of devout Jews
everywhere, presented itself at Corinth in its most com-
plicated ami aggravated form. Where the dominant
worship was tliat of Aphrodite (Venus), whore tho idol-
feasts were hold in tho temple of that goddess, where
COBINTHIAN QAMES — USE OP THE CESTUS.
THE COINCIDENCES OF SCRIPTURE.
379
the precincts of the temple were crowded with the
women who gave themselves to the service that they
mis;ht carry on their trade of prostitution, the two ovDs
of idolatry and impurity were found iu the closest
possiblo alliance, and the warning of the Apostle
against " sitting at meat in the idol's temple " was the
necessary complement of his ui'gent entreaty that all
who bore the namo of Clirist should " flee fornication."
Out of that basest evU, lust, many of Ms converts had
been rescued. Would thoy plunge into it once again, and
so dofOe a temple of God, more truly consecrated to His
service than any which iu the times of their ignorance
they had shrunk from profaning (1 Cor. vi. 19) p
Another of the characteristic vices of a Greek com-
mercial city furnishes the Apostle, if I mistake not,
with one of his most forcible and stinging phrases. The
streets of such a city were sure to swarm with inns and
taverns of the lowest type, where the imwary traveller
was liable to pay an enormous price for adulterated,
perhaps even drugged, wine. The baseness of those who
kept such taverns seemed to St. Paul to present an
analogy to the sin of those who tampered with the faith
which they professed to preach, in order to please
the vitiated tastes of theii' hearers, and so win a larger
profit for themselves. Wo cannot fail to hear the ring
of a noble scorn for all such baseness in the words, " Wo
are not as the many who corrupt (i.e., as the word
literally moans, adulterate after the manner of traders)
the word of God, but as of sincerity, but as of God in
the sight of God, .speak we in Christ '' (2 Cor. ii. 17).
But St. Paid also had been brought into close contact
at Corinth with a large number of men and women who
had been resident at Rome. From them he was likely
to have heard a report of that which was at all times her
greatest and most impressive spectacle — the triumph of
one of her gi-eat generals or emperors. He must in
that case have been told how in that triumph the pro-
cession wound its way through the streets of the city to
the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, with clouds of
incense smoke perfuming the air, how the chief repre-
sentatives of the conquered nations followed the chariot
of the conqueror, S'-rne destined to receive the grant of
pardon at his hand and to live as pensioners on his
bounty, some, those who had held out most obstinately
against him, to pass from the triumph to the dungeon and
the grave. The recollection of what he had thus heard
— for there is no probability that ho had ever actually seen
it— shows itself with marvellous boldness and grandeur
in the imagery which precedes the more homely similitude
just quoted. " Tlianks bo unto God which always leadeth
ns iu triumph " (this, and not " causeth us to triumph "
is now generally recognised as the right rendering) " iu
Christ, and maketh manifest the savour of his knowledge
by us in every place" (2 Cor. ii. 14 — 16). The Apostle
thinks of himself, not as a victor exulting in his con-
C(Ufists, but as one who has liimself been overcome and
who is now honoured by being employed to diffuse the
incense of his Master's praise, and of tho knowledge
of His truth. But as the triumph wends its way, he
sees the men around him dividing into two classes,
some, like himself, in the way of life, among those that
are saved and pardoned, some on the way to a self-
chosen destruction. The inceuso-cloud is to one fragrant
as with the breath of life, to another tainted as from
the charuel-house of death, "We are unto God a sweet
savour of Christ, in them that are saved and in them
that perish ; to the one we are the savour of death imto
death, and to the other the savom- of life imto life."
Lastly, we may note tho special character of the scep-
ticism which St. Paid encoimtered in the Corinthian
Church as to the great truth that Cluist had risen
and that man, too, shoidd rise from the dead, and
bo made manifest before tho judgment-seat of Chiist.
That which offended these half-philosoxihic, half-sen-
suahst converts, was the doctiino of the resurrection
of the body. Tho Platonist woidd have accepted the
immortality of the soul. The Stoic would have admitted
the absorption of tho human soul in the great Divine
Sold that pervaded the universe. But that each man
should rise at one far distant day, in his own individual
persouality, defined by a bodily organisation, this they
stumbled at. But the school which was dominant at
Corinth was naturally that of the followers of Epiciu'us.
And they rejected the resurrection of the body on two
distinct grounds. They were, in the strictest sense
of the word, materialists. Life was but the residt of
the coherence of the particles of which the body was
composed. When it was dead and decayed, and the
particles had passed into other forms of life, what
could bring them again into the old combination and
the form in which they had given individuality to this
or that man ? So it was that they had mocked at
Athens. So it was that, at Corinth, wliOo they were
ready to receive some portion of the truth of Christ, the
the same school of thinkers asked the question, "How
are the dead raised up, and with what body do they
come ? "
The answers which St. Paul gives to their doubts and
questionings bear, it is believed, the impress of special
adaptation to these tiu'ns of thought. Those who
prided themselves as being specially the physicists of
the ancient world, students of the phenomena of natiu'o,
as that in which, and in which alone, they could hope
for certainty, he presses the analogy of those phenomena.
In that world of nature there were infinite varieties of
en; ivcal Hfe, in not a few cases a higher life evolved
out of a seemingly poor and imperfect beginning. To
those who shrank from transferring the ignoble
conditions of our present bodily life to that future
stage to which they had looked forward as an ap-
proximation to the purity and incoiTuption of the
Divine Essence, he presents the thouglit (too much
forgotten in the later theologies of Christendom)
that the body which shall rise is no structure of
flesh and Ijlood, subject to corruption and decay, but
spiritual, tho organ of the spirit, as this body of
ours is the organ chiefly of the natural or sensuous
life, incorruptible, imperishable, glorious. Finally, on
those who were striving after a high ideal of life, he
urges the reflection that they were imconsciously de-
380
THE BEBLE EDUCATOR.
stroying the very foundation on which alone that super-
structure of the ideal could be built up. Let men say
what they would of the beauty of virtue, its desirable-
ness for its own sake, it was yet true that it required
faith in the futui-e, the hope of immortality, the confi-
dence that what we see now in tendency and germ
would be developed to completeness. Without that
hope, those who chose poverty, hardship, persecution,
ceaseless toU, ever-pressing anxiety for the sake of
Christ, would be of all men most miserable. Those of
the Stoic or Platonic schools, who talked of the ideal
life, yet denied that hope, were practically taking up
the watchword of the gi'osser Epicureans, and saying,
" Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die,"' He has
to remind them of another maxim, common in the life
of men, passing from the comedies of Meuander into
their proverbial speech, and to warn them that here
also " Evil communications con-upt good manners."
Tet another coincidence remains to be noticed in con-
nection with this subject. When St. Paul, at the close
of 1 Cor. XV., brings before hLs readers that magnificent
picture of the Resurrection, it is manifestly as a truth
which they had not heard before. "Behold, I show
you a mystery." That is his final answer to their per-
plexities and doubts. He has a revelation to disclose, to
withdraw the veil from the secret which had been hidden
from ages and generations. He appears as the revealer
of mysteries more marveUous and more dirine than those
of the Eleusinian goddess. How was it, we may ask,
that he had withheld this so long ? What reserve had
sealed his lips during the two years and a half of his
apostolic work at Corinth ? Why did ho wait till that
was drawn from him in a letter which he had not spoken
with his lips ? The answer is to be found in what he
himseK teUs lis as to the mental and spu-itnal condition
of the Church of Corinth when lie came among them.
He had found them " carnal," as mere " babes in
Clu-ist," requiring the " milk" of the simplest and most
elementary truths of the Gospel of Christ, not the
"strong meat," the solid foods of its profoimder
mysteries. With them he had reasoned of '' righteous-
ness, temperance, and judgment to come," and had
" preached Christ and Him crucified." The higher
truths of the brotherhood of mankind in Christ, of the
order of tlie " last things," of the close, even, of the
mediatorial kingdom of Christ, and of the final con-
summation, in which God should be " all in aO." These
ho had deliberately reseiTed till they should be able to
receive, till they were needed to remove doubts or to
counteract errors.
MEASUEES, WEIGHTS, AND COINS OF THE BIBLE.
BY F. B. CONDER, C.E.
II. HEBREW
[EASUEES OF AREA.
f HE statement that an accurate and minute
system of land measurement existed at
the time of the conquest of Palestine by
Joshua, and not only so, but that its
elements are recorded, and may now be fully understood
by the English student, may excite some surprise. Not
only is such a system now to English literatm-e, but it
is not to be found exhibited, in any perspicuous form,
among the works of those great Benedictine and Jesuit
writers, of the seventeenth and eighteenth centui-ies,
whose profound and wide-spread erudition has been
so unfortunately neglected by modem teachers. The
Jowisli doctors, wliile painstaking and minute to a de-
gree of which, in this more hurried ago, we form little
idea, consistently avoid that well-subordinated logical
form of statement, which is one of the rudiments of
true science. Thus, while wo shall advance nothing in
support of which, either positive certainty, or rational
induction from established facts, cannot bo cited, it is
undeniable that tho system, now for tlio first time
brought under English eyes, is no less novel than it is
important.
Many injunctions of tho Law demand some geo-
metric knowledge, in order to ensure a punctual
obedience. Chief among those are tho prescriptions
whieli relate to the observance of tho Sabbatii ; not
only with reference to the distance beyond which it
was forbidden to move from the domicile on that day
(as before alluded to), but also with reference to the
barriers and divisions which marked the domicile, and
to the combination of limits. Still more intimately
connected with what we now call land surveying, were
the prescriptions of the Law of Kilaim, or the prohibi-
tion of mixture of seeds,' a subject which is treated in
such detail by the Oral Law that no Israelite could be
left in doubt as to what did, and what did not, come
imder the prohibition in question, according to what we
may call the Common Law of Palestine. In that por-
tion of Hebrew jurisprudence wliich relates to the law of
real property, and which is to be found specially treated
of in the Baba Mezia, or second Godex de Damnis, the
denominations we have to explain are mentioned by the
Mishna itself.
The unit of land measure, like almost every detaU of
Jewish learning, was definitely connected with the
Divine injunctions recorded in the Pentateuch. It is
the sea, or saton ; a term identical with a correspond-
ing denomination in the measures of capacity, which
are thus indicated to have emanated from the sami-
source. The court of the Tabernacle, erected by Moses,
covered two seas of land;^ so that the sea was a
' Lev. xiK. 19.
2 Maimonides in Kilaim, ii. 9. Barteuora, Df UdcrOQeniis^ ii. 1.
Codex tertiua de Damnis, ii. 5.
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND COINS OP THE BIBLE
381
space 01 fifty cubits square, or 2,500 square cubits ;
which is equal to about 16i poles English.
Thirty sata went to the km; or gomor. This is the
same name and dimension that occurs in measures of
capacity, notwithstanding the difference between square
and cubic measure ; thirty square sata are one square
]:or of land, as thirty cubic sata are one cubic hor of
corn. The division by thirty is to be found in all the
Babylonian tables of measure. A hor contains a frac-
tion over three English acres.
The minor divisions of the square sea also resemble
those of the cubic sea. From the authorities above
cited, wo loam that a sea contains six cahi, and the cab,
four rebali, or quartarii. This word, quarter, is fre-
quently used as a Hebrew dimension, but its value
usually depends on that of the measure last named
before the word was employed. It is not a quarter
simply, but a quarter of the dimension cited. The
quarter of a cab, in cubic measure, is a log.
The epha is a cubic measure intormodiato between
the hor and the sea. The term has not been found
applied to land, but convenience seems to require a
corresponding dimension. The epha is called La the
LXX., "the three measures," a tei-m probably adopted
from the fact that it contained three seas and that it
had no Greek or Roman equivalent.
More passages than one in the Bible, of much
obscurity in the Authorised Version, are rendered per-
fectly intelligible by a knowledge of the terms of
Hebrew land measiire. Thus Leviticus xxvii. 16, which
in the LXX. reads plainly " a hor of barley," is rendered
by St. Jerome, " land sown with thirty modii of barley,"
and in the Authorised Version, " an homer of barley seed
shall be valued at fifty shekels of silver." The price of
£8 63. 8d. in silver, for something less than a quarter
of barley, is impossible. But the estimation of that sum
as the annual return of a hor or three acres of land
is intelligible. The estimation is equal to £2 ISs. 6d.
in silver (or £4 3s. 3d. in gold, according to the pre-
sent proportion between the metals) for the crop of
an acre. In England, at the present time, the value of
an acre of ripe barley ranges from £5 on poor land, to
£10 on rich soil.
The hor of land is again mentioned by the Prophet
Isaiah,' who predicts, as a mark of famine, that the
produce of a hor of land shall bo only an epha of corn,
whidi is at the rate of about two gallons to the acre, or
almost utter failure of crop.
The land dimension corresponding to the epha ap-
pears to be referred to in the Book of Samuel,'' where
the Hebrew word inaanah is translated " a stone cast "
by the LXX., and "an acre " by the Latin and English
versions. Both in this passage and in Isa. v. 10 occur
the word zimeed, which is found in the Talmud with
the meaning of " the yoke of an ox," as in the case of
the Latin word jugum. Tlie expression, ten zimeeds
yielding one bath (which is a liquid measure applicable
to wine) is thus parallel to the yield of an epha, the cor-
1 Isa. V. 10.
3 1 Sam, xiT. 14.
responding dry measure, from a hor of land. The tenth
part of a hor is about three-tenths of an acre, or foi-ty-
eight rods of land ; and the fall of twenty men in half
that space would show marks of fighting more
destructive than usual before the introduction of
artillery.
We have not inserted the zimeed in our tables, as,
although there seems little reason to doubt that it was
the tenth part of the hor, it is not so stated, as far as
wo are aware, in the Talmud. It is important, in
matters of this nature, to keep in view the broad dis-
tinction between inference and direct testimony.
A reference to the fertile character of the vineyards
of Palestine occurs somewhat later in the book of
Isaiah, although the actual measure contemplated is
not specified. The yield of a vino is estimated at a
shekel. This appears to refer, not to the treUised vine,
but to the plant grown, as in the Bordeaux vineyards
at the present day, on standards, or echalards, like
our own hop-bines. By the injunctions of the Law
of Kilaim, the calvities, or bare places required to be
kept between different sorts of plants, were such as
to give an area of a rebah (of a cabus) to each, giving
720 plants to the hor. The vines, however, might
be planted closer to one another, if the land did not
bear any other plants ; so that it is quite possible that
1,000 standard vines might grow on the hor, giving
a return of from £40 to £55 per acre — about a thud
of the returns of a prime crop of hops in Kent, when
prices are high.
The determination of the Hebrew measures of land
throws a flood of light on that passage in the Book of
Ezekiel (xlv. 1 — 8) which has been regarded by so
many writers, not only as an unfulfilled, but as an
inexplicable, prophecy.
If we consult, in the first instance, the account of the
measurement of the court of the Temple, we find the
area of the sanctuary (which we know from other
sources to mean the second court of the Temple,
which was surrounded by the perforated barrier called
the druphahtos, referred to in our tables of linear
measure), was 500 cubits square. This is equal to 100
sata of land, or fifty times the size of the court of the
Tabernacle. The area of the ante-murale, or outer court
(which is called " the profane place " in the English
version), is not stated oitlier in the Bible or in the Tal-
mud. In the Apocalypse, the prophet is forbidden to
measure it. The Ordnance Survey of Jerusalem, how-
ever, gives us the boundaries of the great court. From
this plan, as nearly as can \A ascertained, and taking
the same cubit of six palms two digits that is used
tliroughout the description, the outer court covered
exactly ten hori of land.
Reverting to the forty-fifth chapter, it seems to be
intended that a trumah, or " oblation " of land, 25,000
amoth, or cubits, square in all, was to be set apart, and
divided into three portions, viz., two-fifths for the sup-
port of the Temple and its retinue ; two-fifths for the
support of the priests and Levites ; and one-fifth for
the support of the king. The passage has been involved
382
THE BIBLE EDUCATOE.
in extreme obscurity (as -was also the description of the
Temple) from the entirely gratuitous introduction of the
word " reed," in italics, -which leads to a midtii>lication
of the area described by no less than thirty-sis-fold.
The total area of the trumah, according to the correct
measurement, -was 250,000 kori of laud ; in the midst of
which were the 100 sata of the second court, surrounded
by the unmeasured ten Icori of the outer coui-t.
The whole of Palestine west of the Jordan is roughly
estimated by Lieutenant Conder, B.E., the officer in
command of the Ordnance Survey,' at an area equal to
4,224,000 English acres. To this must be added at
least half as much more for Palestine east of Jordan ;
which gives a total a little over six and a third millions
of acres. The trmmtli is equal to rather less than the
tenth part of this acreage. Thus there seems good
reason to suppose that the passage ia question refers to
a commutation of the tithe, payable through Palestine,
for an equivalent in land.
It is proper to notice that the determination of the
length of the Sabbath day's journey, stated in the
article on linear measures, is that of the Abbe Chiarini,
Professor of Oriental literature at the University of
Warsaw, and one of the profoimdest scholars, both of
Hebrew and of Chaldee, of our o-wn, or any other time.
The more ordinary interpretation of the legal limit of
1 Palestine Exi^loratiou Fund, Quarterly Statement, October,
1873. Lieutenant Conder's Report, No. 14, June 21st, 1873.
2,000 amoth gives a distance of 888-8 English yards.
This, however, is measured in every direction from the
domicile, a fact which may possibly explain this diver-
gence of opinion between the best authorities.
Tables of Hebrew land measure are subjoined.
HEBEE-W LAND MEASURE.
RATIO.
Eebah.
Half
Cab.
Cab.
Sea.
Kor.
Eebah or Quartariua . .
Half Cabus
Cabus
Saton or Sea
Corns or Kor
1
2
4
24
720
1
2
12
360
1
6
180
1
30
I
£:<20IVALEKTS.
Square
Cubita.
Square
Tards.
Acres,
English.
QuartariuB
Half Cabug
Cabus
Sea
Kor
104-15
208-3
416-6
2,500
75,000
20-5
41-1
82-2
493-6
14,809
2-7 poles.
16-32 „
3-06 acres.
MEA3DEEBIENTS OF THE BOOK OF EZEKIEL.
Sauctuary (second court) ... 100 Sata.
Sanctuary (outer court — Ord. Surv.) 10 Kori.
Oblation for Temple .... 100,000 Kori
for Priests 100,000 „
for Prince 50,000 „
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
THE GOSPELS:— ST. MATTHEW.
BY THE BEV. C. J. ELLIOTT, M.A., VICAB OP WINEriELD, BEEES.
*' "Wherefore I say unto you, All manner of sin and blasphemy
shall be forgiven unto men : but the blasphemy against the Holy
Ghost shall not be forgiven unto men. And whosoever speaketh
a word against the Son of man, it shall be forgiven hiai : but who-
soever speaketh against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven
him, neither in this world, neither in the world to come." — Matt.
3LU. 31, 32.
TWOFOLD difficulty meets us in the con-
sideration of this passage : (1) What is tho
nature of this blasphemy which is beyond
the roach of forgiveness ? and (2) What
is the meaning of tho assertion that forgiveness of this
blasphemy can be obtained " neither in this world,
neither in tho world to come ? "
It is proposed to consider these two points in the
order in which they have been stated.
Amongst the many ' explanations which have been
proposed of tho nature of that sin which is hero repre-
sented as unpardonable, there are two which have met
with a largo measure of acceptance, of which one ro-
1 Maldonatus, speaking of tho different opinions enunciated by
Augustine on this subject, says; "Qninque diversis in locis
diversas opiniones secutus est," and, after enumerating four of
these opinions, and observing that not one of the sins specified
consists in words — i.e., that none can be described in the literal
sense of tho word as 6Ia.'!p?tcniv, he observes that in another
place Augustine, approaching more nearly to the truth, regards
stricts the sin to that of tho Pharisees in the ascription
of our Lord's mu-acles, of which they were eye--witnesses,
to demoniacal agency ; whilst tlie other interprets it of
the deliberate and final apostasy of those who have
been " once enlightened," and " made partakers of the
Holy Ghost."
Neither of these -views seems to be consistent with
sound principles of Scripture intei-pretation.
With regard to the first, it will stiffice to observe —
( 1 ) that however imminent tho danger incurred by the
Pharisees of the commission of blasphemy against the
Holy Ghost, it is nowhere allegedthat they had actually
incurred that guUt; whUst the tenor of our Lord's
subsequent teaching, and the renewal of the offers of
pardon by His apostles, seem inconsistent with such a
supposition; (2) that although St. Matthew and St.
Mark (iii. 28) record these words of our Lord in imme-
diate connection -with the ascription of His miracles by
the sin against the Holy Ghost as consisting in the conscious as-
cription of the operations of tho Holy Spirit to demoniacal
agency ; and then continues thus : *' Unde vulgaris theologornm
opinio nata. sex peccati in Spiritum Sanctum genera ponentium,
finalem impoenitentiam, desperationem, obstinationem in malo,
scienter veritatem impugnare, prfesumptionem, et fratemcs chaii*
tatis invidiam."
DIFFICULT PASSAGES EXPLAINED.
383
the Pharisees to demoniacal agency, St. Luke (xii. 10)
represents them as addressed primarily to His own dis-
ciples, and in connection with that confession or denial
of the Son of man which shall determine the destiny
of all to whom His Gospel has been communicated ;
(3 1 that, iudependently of the universality of applica-
tion thus expressly assigned to these words in one of
the Gospels, it would bo inconsistent with the general
character both of om* Lord's teaching and also of the
records of the evangelists, to impose upon them so
restricted an interpretation; and, lastly, that this in-
consistency becomes yet more manifest when it is ob-
served that this solemn warnuig of the heinousness of
sin committed against the Holy Ghost is interpreted as
belonging exclusively to a time at which, in tho pleni-
tude of His iuHueuces, " tho Holy Ghost was not yet
given."
In regard to tho second view, commonly entertained,
of the nature of the sin against tho Holy Ghost, it will
suffice to observe that whUst, on tho one hand, for the
reasons already assigned, it seems impossible to restrict
the reference of our Lord's warning to tho single sin of
the men of ono generation, it is equally inconsistent,
both with the context in which it is found in the Gospels
of St. Matthew and St. Mark, and also with the express
declaration of the latter, " Because they said, Ho hath
an unclean spirit," to deny or to overlook its direct
application to that state of the heart and conscience into
wliich the Pharisees had actually fallen, or were in
imminent risk of falling, when these words wore ad-
dressed to them.^
It seems to follow from what has now been advanced
that the only interpretation of the words under considera-
tion, which will satisfy at once their obvious import and
tho conditions of tho circumstances under which they
were uttered, is an iuterpi-etation which, whDst it admits
a direct and primary reference to the rejection of our
Lord's claims on the part of the Pharisees, recognises
also their applicability to the case of all those who, in
after ages, should, under the influence of the same or
like motives, " deny Christ before men," and " be
ashamed of Him and of His words in an adidterous and
sinful generation."
It would be beside tho object hero proposed, to dis-
cuss at length the question of the identity of the sin of
blasphemy against the Holy Ghost with tho sin spoken
of by St. John, concerning which ho says : " I do not say
that he shall pi-ay (epoirV-n) for it" (1 John v. 16), or
with that apostasy which is spoken of in Heb. vi. 4 — 6,
and in x. 26 — 31. It may suffice to observe that in
whatever degree the words of warning now under con-
sideration apply to tho case of those who have been tho
subjects of tho renewing influences of the Holy Spirit,
tho same reason which has been already assigned for
* The two variations in the Vatican MS. — viz., the insertion of
the worri " you " and the omission of the words '* unto men " —
though they do not materially affect the g-eueral sense, serve to
make the application of the words to the Pharisees more direct :
"Wherefore I say unto you. All sin nnd htisphemy shall be
forpiven unto you men ; hut the blasphemy agaiust the Spirit
shall not be forgiven."
the rejection of that interpretation of our Lord's words
which restricts them to the case of final apostasy, applies
also to any other interpretation which represents the
sin. which is here pronounced unpardonable, as one
which none but Christians can possibly commit. On the
other hand, whilst it may be fairly inferred, from the
fact that tho words spoken by our Lord were adcbessod
both to tho Pharisees and also to the disciples, that the
warning therein contained is applicable to all to whom
the revelation of the Divine WUl is commimicated, and
by whom the influences of the Holy Spirit are con-
sciously resisted, as St. Stephen testified of the Jews
(Acts vii. 51), the two passages in tho Epistle to the
Hebrews and that iu the First Epistle of St. John, to
which reference has ah-eady been made, may serve to
direct us in some measure to the true .interpretation of
that under consideration, as not only proving that the
unpardonable sin of blaspheming tho Holy Ghost may
be incurred by those who have, as well as by those who
have not, been the subjects of that Spirit's influences,
but as showing also the imminence of the perU to which
all are expose J by whom those influences are resisted ;
and, it may be, the greater danger of the commission of
tho unpardonable sin by those who have been once en-
lightened than by those who have hitherto shown them-
selves impervious to conviction.
Now tho sin of which some of tho Pharisees were
guilty appears to havo been the wilful rejection of that
light which, as then- own hearts and consciences assured
them, came from heaven ; in other words, tho conscious
and deliberate rejection of the truth, for no other reason
than this, that they loved the darkness rather than the
hght, because their deeds were evil.
Tliis sin it is which, above all other sins, sears tho
conscience and hardens tho heart; which grieves the
Holy Spirit of God; and, which, wherever there is a
continued resistance of His influences, issues in final
impenitence.
It is obvious that, whether the final stageof impenitence
had, or had not, beeu reached by those who ascribed our
Lord's miracles to demoniacal agency, there was an
imminent danger that tho course which they were then
pursuing would ultimately be productive of that result.
It is equally obvious that, in the ease of those who
have been '" ouce enlightened," and have " tasted of
the heavenly gift," and have been " made partakers of
the Holy Ghost," tho conscious rejection of God's -n-iU,
however that wiU may be manifested, by reason of
worldly and interested motives, must, if persevered in,
infallibly issue in that last stage of hardness and of m-
sensibility, " the persevering hardness" (as Augustine,
in one of his sermons on this subject, expresses it)
"of an impenitent heart," from which there is no
renewal unto repentance, because there is no longer any
desire to repent.
The occurrence of the word " blaspheme," or " blas-
phemy," in tho records of the three evangelists, viewed in
connection with our Lord's two solemn declarations, the
one as recorded by St. Luko (xii. 9), concerning the
confession or denial of Himself by men ; the other, a«
384
THE BIBLE EDUCATOR.
recorded by St. Matthew (xii. 36, 37), respecting the
influence of men's words on their future destiny, natu-
rally suggests the idea that that form of sin against the
Holy Ghost which is here pronounced beyond the reach
of forgiveness, is one which naturally, if not necessarily,
finds its utterance and its culmination in sins of the
tongue. Bo this as it may, we seem to be warranted in
concluding from what has been now advanced that the
blasphemy against the Holy Ghost which our Lord, in
these words, solemnly pronounces to be beyond for-
giveness, consists in that wilful rejection of the offers
of salvation which is the result of the deliberate closing
of the eyes against the truth, and saying to known,
and consciously accepted evil, " Be thou my good." '
The second difficulty involved in tho passage under
consideration consists in the right interpretation of the
words " neither in this world, neither in the world to
come."
We propose to confine ourselves strictly to the in-
quiry whether the inference that some sins which are
not forgiven in this world may be forgiven in tho world
which is to come, may be safely drawn from these
words.
The following reasons may be assigned for answering
this inquiry in the negative : —
(1) Inasmuch as our Lord's words were addressed to
the Pharisees, and inasmuch, further, as the Gospel of
St. Matthew, whether originally composed in Hebrew
or in Greek, was designed primarily for the use of
Jews, it is only reasonable to inquire how the words in
question would naturally be understood in accordance
with Jewish modes of thought and expression. Now it
is well known that a twofold distinction was understood
by the Jews to bo conveyed in the expressions, " this
world" and " the world to come" (ninD';w and «3n dSis),
expressions which occur in almost every page of the
rabbinical writings — viz., the distinction between the
periods before and during the time of the Messiah,
and the distinction between the present state and the
state after death.
The received notions of the Jews as to the punish-
ments respectively assigned to tho transgressions of
different precepts of tho law are thus expressed in the
Babylonian Talmud : " He that transgresses an affirma-
tive precept, if ho presently repent, is not moved until
the Lord pardon him. . . He that transgresses a
negative precept and repents, his repentance suspends
judgment, and the day of expiation expiates him. . .
But he by whom the name of God is profaned (or blas-
phemed}, repentance is of no avail to him, to suspend
judgment — nor tho day of expiation to expiate it — nor
scourges to wipe it off, but all suspend judgment, and
' Paradise Lost, iv. 110.
death wipes it off." - It is almost superfluous to observe
that, in the ears of men imbued with these notions,
tho words of our Lord would naturally convey no
other meaning than that the sin of blasphemy against
tho Holy Ghost could bo forgiven neither by correction
in this life, nor by death, nor by any of those punishments
after death which the Jews were accustomed to regard
as expiatory of sins of so deep a dye as blasphemy.
(2) On reference to the Gospels of St. Mark and St.
Luke, which were designed more immediately for cu'cu-
lation amongst the Gentiles, we find no allusion to the
Jewish distinction between " the world which now is,"
and " the world which is to come," but the simple and
unconditional assertion that for the sin of blasphemy
against the Holy Ghost there neither is, nor can be,
forgiveness. In Mark iii. 29 the words are these :
" He that sliall blaspheme against tho Holy Ghost hath
never forgiveness, but is in danger of eternal dam-
nation " (or, according to the reading of the best
MSS., is guUty of an eternal sin — ivoxis iaTiv aimviov
afiapTii/iaTos ^) ; whilst in Luke xii. 10 the same solemn
assurance is expressed ia the words, " Unto him that
blasphemeth against the Holy Ghost it shall not be
forgiven " — i.e., there shall be no remission.
If it be deemed needful to adduce any further con-
siderations in support of that interpretation which
has been here assigned to tho words " neither in this
world, neither in the world to come," it may be observed
that on reference to the three passages to which allusion
has already been made — viz., Heb. vi. 4 — 6 ; x. 26 — 31 ;
1 John V. 16, 17 — it wiU bo found that in each case
the inspired writers content themselves with a solemn
warning of the greatness of the guilt, and of the con-
demnation incurred by the commission of tho sin there
described, without any intimation, however remote or
obscure, of the possibility of a future reversal of the
sentence which shall be pronounced upon the sinner.
[Note bt the Editor. — It will be seen that the foregoing paper
touches, as wa3 iuevitable, upon c, i;eatious already discussed la
Mr. Spence's notes on 1 John v. 10 [i-ide page 333), and that the
two writers differ to some extent in the view they take of them,
I have thought it better to insert buth papers, notwithstanding
this difference, in the convictiou iiat the readers of the Bible
EuDCATOR are more likely to be led to a right estimate of what is
so difijcult and mysterious by seeing how it presents itself to
different minds, each qualified by scholarship and devoutness to
form a right judgment, than to put before them a formulated,
sharply-defined solution representing one. view oul}".]
2 See Lightfoot's Hehrev; and Talmudical Exercitations upon St.
Maltheio ; Works by Pitman, xi., p. 198 ; also " Hermanni Witsii
Dissertatio de Seculo hoc et future " in Meuscheu's Novum Testa-
mentum ex Talmude ol AntinuitaUbiLS Hebrceorum Illustratum, p.
1174. . _ •',
3 The meaning appears to be that such blasphemy is a sin of .
which the guilt and the condemnation are enduring. Beza ex-
plains ai'i)^toii by nvnquam dehndi. We may compare the worda
of our Lord addressed to the Jews (John viii. 4'); '* Your eiu
remaineth."
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The Bible Educator.
Edited by the Rev. E. H. PLUMPTRE, M.A.,
Professor of Exegesis of the Nei<: Testament, Kings College, London.
Vol. I. now ready, Illustrated throughout, price 6s.
The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
C.LOiiCESTER and Bristol.
The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
Bath and Wells.
1'he Very Rev. J. S. HowsoN, D.D.,
Dean of Chester.
I'he Very Rev. R. Payne Smith, D.D.,
Dean of Canterbury.
Rev. A. S. Aglen, M.A., Minister of
the Episcopal Church of Alyth,
N.B.
Rev. H. Allqn, D.D., Canonbury.
Rev. A. Barry, D.D., Principal of
King's College, London, and Canon
of Worcester.
Rev. W. Benham, B.D., Vicar of Mar-
gate, and Preacher in Canterbury
Cathedral.
W. Carrl'thers, F.R.S., Principal of
the Botanical Department, British
Museum,
Rev. S. Clark, M.A., Rector of Eaton
Bishop.
CONTRIBUTORS.
Rev. C. J. Elliott, M.A., Vicar of
Winkfield. Windsor.
Rev, F. W. Farrar. D.D., Master of
Marlborough College, and Chaplain
in Ordinary to the Queen.
Rev. Dr. Ginsburg.
Rev. W. Hanna, D.D., Edinburgh.
Rev. Stanley Leathes, M.A., Bamp-
ton Lecturer in the University of
Oxford, and Professor of Hebrew,
King's College, London.
Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., Rector of
Preston, Salop.
Rev. Dr. W. Lee, Roxburgh.
Rev. W. F. Moulton, M.A., Professor
of Classics, Wesleyan College,
Richmond.
Rev. J. P. NoRRis, M.A., Canon of
Bristol.
Rev. H. W. Phillott, M.A., Rector of
Staunton-on-Wye, and Prelector of
Hereford Cathedral.
Bickley, and Professor of Exegesis
of the New Testament, King's
College, London.
Rev. George Rawlinson, M.A,, Cam-
den Professor of Ancient History in
the University of Oxford, and Canon
of Canterbury.
Rev. Geo. Salmon, D.D., Regius Pro-
fessor of Divinity in the University
of Dublin.
Rev. T. Teignmouth Shore, M.A.,
Incumbent of Berkeley Chapel,
May fair.
Rev. H. D. M. Spence, M.A., Rector
of St. Mary de Crypt, and Chaplain
to the Lord Bishop of Gloucester
and Bristol.
John Stainer, M.A., Mus. D. Oxon,
Organist of St. Paul's Cathedral.
Rev. C. J. Vaughan, D.D., Master of
the Temple.
Rev. E. Venables, M.A,, Precentor of
Lincoln Cathedral.
from the names of the
Rev. E. H. Plumptre, M.A,, Vicar of
HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
•' I have no hesitation in saying that I fully approve of the scope of the work, and that, judgin:
contributors, I am sure it will be a valuable addition to the literature on the subject."
HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF YORK.
" It seems to be well planned, and likely to be widely useful."
THE LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S.
" I am very much pleased with the Prospectus, and, as far as I have gone, the execution of the ' Bible Educator,' which
promises a rich variety of instructive and interesting matter for all classes of readers, and I hope will have a large circulation. "
" We sincerely wish that every teacher in the land would take the ' Bible Educator ' month by month, and master it. Its
publication is most timely. Just when there is a general cry that Sunday-schoul teachers must be better trained, the very book
to give them at all events a large portion of the instruction they need offers itself to their notice."— C/;«rcVi Sii7iday-sckool
"It is with satisfaction that we hail the appearance of this comprehensive work. We shall watch the progress of the ' Bible
Educator' with great interest ; we trust it will soon attain a high position amongst the periodical literature of the day, and
prove a sound and faithful ' Educator' of our Bible students,"— C/iWj//tr« Observer.
"A storehouse of information, which will not only be of great service to students, and to teachers of Bible-classes and
Sunday-schools, but to all who wish to obtain an intelligent knowledge of the Holy Scriptures and the faith they enshrme, —
Educational Times.
" A work which will be indispensable in the. study of the minister, and in the libraries of colleges and superior schools, and
indeed to all who rejoice to draw water out of the wells of salvation." — Baptist Magazine.
Weekly Numbers, Id,, Monthly, Farts, 6d., and Yearly Vols., 7s.
The QUIVER:
An Illustrated Magazine for Sunday and Week-day Reading,
on Toned Paper, and beautifully Illustrated.
6d.
Printed
The Volume for 1873 now ready, 816 pages, cloth, 7s. 6d.
His Grace the Archbishop of Cantkr-
BURV.
His Grace the Archbishop of York.
The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
Carlisle.
The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
Derrv.
The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
Rochester.
The Ve-V Rev. the Dean of Canter-
bury.
Rev. Canon Barry, D.D., Principal of
King's College, London.
Rev. Canon Bateman, M.A.
Rev. Canon Rvle, M.A,
Rev. F. W. Farrar. D.D., F.R.S..
Chaplain to the Queen, and Master
of Marlborough College.
CONTRIBUTORS TO
Rev. Daniel Moore^
to the Queen, and Vicar of Holy
Trinity, Paddington,
Rev. P. B. Power, M.A.
Rev. W. BovD Carpenter, M.A.,
Vicar of St. James's, Holloway.
Rev. R. Magi/ire, M.A., Vicar of
Clerkenwell.
Rev. S.J. Stone, M.A.
Rev. Gordon Calthrop, M.A.
Rev. C. Carus-Wilson, M.A.
Rev. Henry Allon, D.D., Islington.
Rev. W. Hanna. D.D., Edinburgh.
Rev. Samuel Cox, Nottingham.
Rev. W. M, Statham, Hull.
Rev. J. Ci'MMiNG, D.D,
J, F.Waller, LL.D.
Douglas Straight, M.P.
'THE QUIVER."
M.A., Chaplain I William Gilbert.
Edward Garrett.
W. H. G. Kingston.
Matthias Barr.
Dora Greenwell.
Julia Goddard.
The Hon. Mrs. R. J. Greene.
The Author of "Poems Written for n
Child."
The Author of **A Trap to Catch a
Sunbeam."
The Author of '* Papers for Thoughtful
Giris."
The Author of "Mary Powell."
The Author of "The Book and ii>
Story."
The Author of " The Troubles of Chatty
and Molly."
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U^y^Wtf^^^Ji^m^r^^-
BS417.P736V.2
The Bible educator.
Prrnceton Theological Seminary-Speer Library
1 1012 00079 2095
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