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S> PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
JANUARY
DECEMBER, 1895.
VOL. XVII. TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION.
^
PUBLISHED AT "*" '
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
18 95.
harrison and sons,
Printers in ordinary to her majesty.
st. martin's lane, london.
COUNCIL, 1895.
President.
P. le Page Renouf.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c.
The Right Hon Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Arthur Cates.
Thomas Christy, F. L. S.
Charles Harrison, F. S.A.
Gray Hill.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Prof. E. Naville.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S.,
&c.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Poreigti Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F. R.G.S.
CONTENTS.
Donations to Library |
Purchases for Library f "" ' ^9> 9 > > > > >
Nomination of Candidates ... ... 2, 50, 96, 122, 163, 214
Election of Members ... ... ... 2, 50, 96, 122, 163
Errata ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 94
Notices of decease of Members ... ... 95, 161, 213, 269
No. cxxvi. January.
Secretary's Report, 1894 ... ... ... ... ... 3
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending
the 31st December, 1894 ... ... ... ... 4
Council and Officers for the year 1895 ... ... ... 5
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Additional Note to Chapter CIX ; also Chapters CXI-
CXVI 6-15
Robert Brown, Jr., F.S.A. Euphratean Stellar Re-
searches, Part IV ••• 16-36
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Bow in the
Egyptian Sky (2). 37? 3s
Prof. A. H. Sayce. The Karian and Lydian Inscriptions 39-43
S. Arthur Strong. Additional Note on a Fragment of
the Adapa-Legend ... ... ... ••• ••• 44
CONTENTS.
No. cxxvn. February,
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CX ... ... ... ... ... ... 51-56
Rev. G. Margoliouth. The Divine Name mri*1 ••• 57-63
Theo. G. Pinches. The Lament of the " Daughter of
Sin" 64-74
Dr. M. Gaster. The Unknown Aramaic Original of
Theodotion's Additions to the Book of Daniel (III.
Commentary) ... ... ... ... ... ... 75-94
No. cxxviii. March.
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Notes, Chapter CX ... ... ... ... ... 97-102
Prof. E. Lefebure. Etude sur Abydos, un dialogue
des Morts : le chapitre d'amener la Barque ; Traduction
et Commentaire ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 03-1 19
No. cxxix. April.
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters CXVII-CXXIII 123-129
Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. The Name Shinar, Genesis xi, 2 j
and the meaning of mftf in Genesis xliii, 1 1 130
S. Arthur Strong. Some Assyrian Alliterative Texts... 131-151
Dr. A. Wiedemann. Inscription of the Time of Ameno-
phis IV 152-158
No. cxxx. May.
Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. The Testament of Jacob (Gen.
xlix) 164-191
P. le Page Renouf (President). Note on Length and
Breadth in Egyptian ... ... ... ... ... 191
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CXXI V.. . ... ... ... ... ... 192-194
VI CONTENTS.
TAGE
Dr. A. Wiedemann. Two Monuments with a Votive
Formula for a Living Person ... ... ... ... 195-198
Walter L. Nash. Bronze Figure of Isis, with Silver
Head-covering ... ... ... ... ... ... 198
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel. Assyriological Notes ... 199-207
Prof. A. H. Sayce. Note to the Paper on Karian and
Lydian Inscriptions {see p. 39) ... ... ... ... 207
P. Paul Pierret. La Coudee Royale du Musee Egyptien
du Louvre ... ... ... ... ... ... 208, 209
Nos. cxxxi and cxxxii. June and November.
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CXXV. Parts I and II 216-219
Rev. C. H. W. Johns. Sennacherib's Letters to his
Father Sargon ... ... ... ... ... ... 220-239
Miss M. A. Murray. The Descent of Property in the
Early Periods of Egyptian History ... ... ... 240-245
Alfred C. Bryant, B.A., and F. W. Read. Akhuen-
aten and Queen Tii ... ... ... ... ... 246-250
John E. Gilmore and P. le Page Renouf {President).
Coptic Fragments (Gen. xiii and xiv, and Psalm cv) ... 251-253
Prof. Dr. Karl Piehl. Notes de Philologie Egyptienne
{continued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 254-267
No. cxxxm. December.
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CXXV. Part III 273-277
Theo. G. Pinches. Water Rate in Ancient Babylonia... 278,279
Prof. Dr. Aug. Eisenlohr. Egyptian Chronology ... 280-283
Robert Brown, Jr., F.S.A. Euphratean Stellar Re-
searches, Part V ... ... ... ... ... .. 284-303
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Vll
ILLUSTRATIONS
Karian and Lydian Inscriptions ...
The Lament of the "Daughter of Sin" (Tablet K. 41
British Museum). {Two plates)
The Book of the Dead. Plates XXV, XXVI, XXVII
XXVIII, XXIX. (Five plates) . . .
The Book of the Dead. Plate XXX
Bronze Figure of Isis, the Head covered with Silver
The Book of the Dead. Plate XXXI
The Book of the Dead. Plate XXXII
PAGE
40
64
I02
128
I98
2l6
2 19
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
First Meeting, 8t/i January, 1895.
[anniversary.]
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-&*<9<#-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author, G. Maspero : — Histoire Ancienne des Peuplcs
de l'Orient Classique Paris, 1895.
From the Author, John D. Davis : — Genesis and Semitic
Tradition. London, 1894.
[No. CXXVI.] 1 a
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Candidate was submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, 4th December,
1894, and elected a Member of the Society : —
Mrs. Garnet Botfield, c/o Major Garnett Botfield, Hong-Kong.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at
the next Meeting, 5th February, 1895 : —
Rev. Henry Jones, St. John's Parsonage, Ashbourne, Derby.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The University Library, Giessen, Germany.
Professor G. Bickell, of Vienna, was elected an Honorary
Member of the Society7.
The Secretary's Report, having been read by the Rev.
R. Gwynne, was received and adopted.
The Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year
ending the 31st December, 1894, having been read and ex-
plained by Mr. Thos. Christy, was received and adopted.
A Paper was read by the Rev. G. Margoliouth, " On the
meaning of the Divine Name Yahveh."
Remarks were added by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, Rev. C. J.
Ball, Theo. G. Pinches, Thos. Tyler, M.A., and the President.
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
SECRETARY'S REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1894.
In submitting to the Anniversary Meeting the statement of Receipts
and Expenditure for the year just passed, I very much regret that con-
tinued indisposition has prevented my furnishing at the same time the
usual Report of the work done by the Society during the same period.
This I shall hope to be able to supply at a future meeting, and will ask
the kind forbearance of the Members.
It will be seen from the Statement of Accounts of the Society, that
the ordinary current expenses of Rent, Printing, etc., having been dis-
charged, a very satisfactory balance is carried forward to the present
year.
To one or two other matters of considerable importance as regards
the welfare of our Society I will briefly refer. In my last Report, as in
those of former years, I asked the kind assistance of each individual
Member in increasing the roll of Members. I cannot too strongly urge
the advantage to the present Members and those of the future, alike,
which would result from a determined effort on their part. Many
Members have very kindly replied, some very generously, to the request
referring to the cost of printing Vol. IX of the Transactions. From the
amount subscribed, however, it will be easily seen that no reply whatever
has been received from a large number of our Members. I can only
hope that this seeming indifference will be removed during the current
year, by a marked increase in the donations.
To matters connected with the Library and Offices I also referred in
the last Report, to which I would again call the attention of the
Members.
Several applications have been made to me with regard to the 5th
and completing Part of the " Bronze Ornaments of the Gates of
Balawat." I can only regret the continued delay in its issue. It was
my intention to have completed the work by the issue of the final part
during the vaccation of last year. Unfortunately, I was taken ill in June,
which has completely disturbed the whole of my plans. Immediately
I am able I shall give my attention to the publication of the final part.
W. Harry Rylands,
Secretary.
A 2
Jan. 8]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1895-
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Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
The following Officers and Council for the current year
were elected : —
COUNCIL, 1895.
President.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most.; Noble theJMarquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Rev. Charles James Bali-
Arthur Cates.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c
Rev. James Marshall.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Council.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A., &c.
Prof. E. Naville.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.,
F.R.S., &c.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Treasurer.
Bernard T. Bosanquf.t.
Secretary.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence.
Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian.
William Simpson, F.R.G.S.
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. le Page Renouf.
Additional Note to Chapter 109.
The later copies of the Book of the Dead add a few lines to the
chapter, of which they certainly formed no part when first written.
The most interesting portion of them is as follows : —
"There are writings in thy possession for the grant of fields of
corn-land in which there sprouteth corn from the effluxe s of the god
Ut'eb. The height of the corn is seven cubits, the ears of two
cubits ; and thou shall reap it with the Glorified ones, in presence
of the Powers of the East. Thou shalt enter boldly at the mysterious
portals and be purified by those who are there. "
The name of the god hieroglyphically written Ah JH was shown
by me (Proc. Soc. Bib!. Arch., Vol. VI, p. 187) to be Uteb or Ut'eb.
Brugsch, apparently without having seen my note, came to the same
result, though he identified the god with Seb. The god is really
Osiris, and the text just quoted is illustrated by a picture of which
various copies are found. That here given is taken from the
temple of Philae.
These pictures were known from the Ramesside period, but the
-iH>^ JTL /vwwv 1 o.
conception of Osiris which they convey [i ^ JUXk D ' Jf {Todt.,
142, 7) is of primitive antiquity. There is a chapter among the
texts preserved by the Coffin of Amamu (pi. xxvii, 6) about
" assuming the form of corn," ^ \K ^ \£\ ,d 1 , and
which speaks of " the vegetation of life proceeding from Osiris,
growing out of the ribs of Osiris, and giving life to this generation of
±^D ?
rf\ Ci -0\ WW Q /WWVS I 1 g| ^U^~
The same idea gave rise to the name D M 0 /ji which is given
to Osiris in the Book of the Dead, in the sacred texts of the Royal
6
Jan. SJ PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Tombs, and in the Hymn to the Nile. But the god is also twice
called □ o 8 c* T (1(1 JN in Amamu, pi. xxvii, S. This latter form
proves that in 7 I we have a compound term.
The deity (in very late times) appears in the feminine gender
dq|(w'"'. iv, 57)-
[The Chapter which in the printed copy of the Turin Todten-
buch is numbered no interrupts the series of chapters on the
Powers of certain localities. The translation of it is reserved till
that of these chapters is completed.]
CHAPTER CXI
is only a repetition of Chapter 10S.
CHAPTER CXII.
Chapter whereby one knoweth the Poivers of Pu. (1)
Oh thou of corpselike form who art in Chait and Anpit ; (2)
thou goddess of the Net, (3) who art in Pu ; ye who preside over
the untilled lands, ye stars and constellations (4) . . . Know ye
wherefore Pu hath been given to Horus ?
I know it if ye know it not.
It was Ra who gave it to him in amends of the blindness in his
eye, in consequence of what Ra said to Horus : " Let me look at
what is happening in thine eye to-day," and he looked at it.
Ra said to Horus, " Look, pray, at that black swine."
He looked, and a grievous mishap afflicted his eye.
Horus said to Ra, " Lo, my eye is as though the eye of Sutu
had made a wound in my own eye." And he grieved in his heart.
And Ra said to the gods, " Let him be laid upon his bed, that
he may recover."
It was Sutu who had taken the form of a black swine, and he
wrought the wound which was in the eye of Horus.
And Ra said to the gods, "The swine is an abomination to
Horus; may he get well." And the swine became an abomination
to Horus.
7
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
And the circle of gods said, who were with him when Horus
came to light in his own children: (6) "Let the sacrificial^victims (7)
for him be of his oxen, of his goats, and of his swine."
As for Emsta, Hapi, Tuamautef, Kebhsenuf, Horus is their
father and Isis their mother.
And Horus said to Ra, " Give me then two (8) brothers in Pu
and two brothers in Nechen, of this my own body ; and that they
may be with me as an everlasting renewal, through which the earth
flourisheth and storms are quenched."
And his name became that of Horus upon his Column.
I know the Powers of Pu : they are Horus, Emsta and Hapi.
Notes.
1. On the situation of Pu, see chapter 18, note 6. The Pyramid
Texts (Pepi I, 684) speak of the ig£ %, V Q 41- %> ° "those of
the Red Crown who are in Pu."
2. Thou of corpselike form in Chait and Anpit. The sign of the
plural, here as elsewhere, is quite consistent wTith its application to a
single person. J^ * Chait is the name* of the 16th, or Men-
desian, Nome of Northern Egypt, and Anpit was its metropolis. The
nome is mentioned in the inscription of Amten in the third dynasty.
The god is Osiris. He is invoked in the "Lamentations of Isis and
Nephthys," and asked to come to Tattu, Anpit and Chait, which are
but different names of one Sanctuary, Cf Brugsch, Zeitschr., 187 1,
p. 81, and his translation of the Mendesian Tablet, Zeitschr., 1875.
3. Thou goddess of the Net *>a4|- (1(1 a J) I . This name corres-
ponds to the Greek Diktynna. The reason why a goddess repre-
senting Heaven should be so called may be understood by the
Homeric epithet tto\vwtt6v applied to a net.
If, however, the deity was male, according to the other reading,
the reference is to tov t7js ''latcos -rpofapov \ik-w, who was drowned
in the river. Plut., de /side and Os., 8.
4. Ye who preside, etc. Brugsch {Zeitschr., 1876, p. 3) identifies
the Egyptian n^, K ^\^\° with the Y^\otoVo<? of the Demotic
* Not Hameltit, which is the name both of the Uu of the nome and of the
goddess worshipped in it, whose emblem is the fish ^^^ .
8 L
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
and Greek contracts. The remainder of this invocation is so corrupt
that the sense cannot be safely guessed at.
5. See Herodotus, II, 47, without attaching too much importance
to details. The pig was certainly not considered impure (/uapas) in
the days of the third or fourth dynasty, when Amten, who had risen
to the highest dignities, enumerates swine among the domestic
animals it is natural to possess. And impure animals were not
offered in sacrifice. But long before the days of Herodotus a change
had taken place in the Egyptian religion as to the nature of Sutu.
Plutarch and Aelian are to be read with the like caution. Some
of their information is correct, but it is mixed up with much error.
6. The variants g ^ f, ! and V \ $) f $ j are note-
worthy.
7/ Sacrifical victims \\\\ >%2h 1 . The substitution in Egypt
of animal for human sacrifice is (I believe) entirely without foundation.
And the supposed evidence of human sacrifices drawn from certain
pictures has (I believe) been misinterpreted.
8. The four children of Horus were also his brothers. He asks
for two of them to be with him in each of his two cities, Pu and
Nechen. The true sense of the passage is entirely lost in the later
recensions and in translations made from them.
CHAPTER CXIII.
Ciiapter whereby one knoweth the Powers of Nechen. (1)
I know the Mystery of Nechen : Horus, and that which his
mother did (2) for him, when she herself uttered the cry: "Let
Sebak, the Lord of the Marshes, be brought to us."
He cast the net for them and he found them, and his mother
made them fast in their places.
Sebak, the Lord of the Marshes, said : " I sought and I found
the traces of them under my fingers on the strand. I netted them in
a powerful net, as the net proved to be."
And Ra said : " Verily, those are fishes in the hands of Sebak,
and he hath found the two arms of Horus for him, which had
become fishes." (3)
And Ra said : " A mystery, a mystery, in the Net."
9
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
And the hands of Horus were brought to him, and displayed
before his face, on the feast of the fifteenth day of the month ;
when the fishes were produced.
Then Ra said: "I grant Nechen to Horus, in the place of his
two arms ; that his two hands be displayed before his face in
Nechen ; and I grant to him whatsoever is therein comprised on the
feast of the fifteenth day of the month.-'
And Horus said : " Be it granted to me that Tuamautef and
Kebhsenuf be taken with me, and that they be guards of my body
in dutiful service. (4) Let them be this under the god of Nechen."
And Ra said : Be that granted to thee, there and in Sati, and let
that be done for them which is done for those who are in Nechen ;
yea, they are asking to be with thee.
And Horus said : Be they with thee, so that they be with me to
listen to Sutu invoking the Powers of Nechen : " Be it granted to
me that I may make my entry among the Powers of Nechen."
I know the Powers of Nechen: they are Horus, Tuamautef,
and Kebhsenuf.
Notes.
1. Necheti, the chief hieroglyphic variants of which are
© ©
~^aa and ® , was situated in the third norae ( #A Ten) of
© A/WWA © ^T
Upper Egypt, and was called by the Greeks Hieraconpolis, 'city of
the Hawks.' from the hawk-headed divinities mentioned in this
chapter as Powers of Nechen, and of which numberless pictures are
found on the monuments.
2. Between these words and those which the three old papyri*
Aa, Ae, and lb, which unfortunately do not agree together on all
points, have a few passages here which do not appear in the later
papyri. They read, "Horus and what his mother did, tossing in
distressful agitation ( £j? <g\ 1\ H$P , KIJUL, <ra\evecOai) over the
water." The mother then addresses persons who are not named,
in words of which the sense is not clear ; and Ra speaks words of
* There is a copy of the chapter in the tomb of Cha-em-hait, which is our
oldest authority. But it is unfortunately mutilated, and all that can be said is.
that if the additional words were once there, they have been destroyed.
] o
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
which the only certain ones are " the son. of Isis." Then follows
the usual text.
3. This legend of Nechen is connected with that of the dis-
memberment of Horus (to vepl Tou"Qpov cia/ueXurjiibv), of which we
have but very scanty information.* It must have been like a repe-
tition of what had happened to his father Osiris. The limbs of
Horus had been thrown into the water, and when Sebak threw his
net, at the prayer of Isis, he brought up two fishes, into which the
arms of Horus had been turned.
Reminiscences of this story are preserved in the names of several
localities, o?^, "Two Fish," is the name of the Merot the second
Northern Nome, and of the pehu of the seventeenth Southern Nome ;
-<2>-
just as -<g>-, "Two Eyes," is the name of the flehu of the eleventh
Northern Nome. The latter name may perhaps have reference to
Osiris, but the same stories were probably told of both divinities.
4. On dutiful service (I , a word omitted in the Turin
1 AAAAAA Xf
and other texts. Brugsch {Rev. Egypt, I, 22) has discussed the sense
of this word, and quoted numerous passages in illustration of it.
It is of course ridiculous to identify the word with the Hebrew
"TIN, the meaning of which is radically different.
CHAPTER CNIV.
Chapter whereby one knoweth the Pozvers of Hermopolis.
Maat is borne (1) over the Arm, (2) and Neith dawneth at
.Ment'ait, (3) and the Eye is illumined (4) by the one who adjusteth
its level.
I am led in by her, and I know what she bringeth from Kasu. (5)
I tell it not to men ; I repeat it not to gods.
I am come as a messenger of Ra, to make fast Maat upon the
Arm, for the dawning of Neith at Ment'ait, and for restoring the
Eye to him who taketh the reckoning thereof.
I am come as omnipotent through the knowledge of the Powers
of Hermopolis, who love the Powers which you love.
* The Apis tablets (Zeifschr., 1882, p. 22) give the name of a place Fa-lcerk-
en Hor, which seems to refer to this catastrophe ; the Coptic KOpX, KCJOpX
corresponding to the Greek tKKoirrttv, tKicXav, KarauTraaOai.
II
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [189:.
I am one acquainted with Maat made firm and permanent and
reckoned out, and I take delight in reckoning out that which is
reckoned.
Hail ye Powers of Hermopolis, small at the beginning of the
month and great upon the Fifteenth Day ; Ra teacheth the mysteries
of Night, and be it known to you that he who teacheth me is Thoth.
Hail ye Powers of Hermopolis as I know you.
Notes.
There are two chapters (1 14 and 1 16) of " the Powers of Hermo-
polis," and they have been preserved separately both in the older
and in the more recent papyri. They are very similar in thought
but differently worded, and each throws a certain light upon the
other, without however dispelling the obscurity of this very ancient
religious composition. Some farther help, however insufficient, is
afforded by the pictures of the Book which records the passage of
the Sun-god through the twelve hours of the night.
1. Maat is borne, fli w 1 is the same word as (I ^r*, the
reduplicated form of (I ^ to gush, spring forth. But in certain
1 ...
cases it acquires the sense of being borne, or conveyed, and is written
0
A in Ptolemaic inscriptions. The corresponding word in
chapter 116 is 1 1 --, \\ , which has the same meanings. One
I V W$> J\
of the pictures above alluded to (Lefebure, Hypogees, Tombeau de
Sett, part IV, pi. 31) represents a boat carrying the Moon-disk,
raised upon a stand.
A personage kneeling behind is supporting the feather of Maat.
The words £^ \ <2, , which are written by way of explanation,
AWvW y
might give rise to some misunderstanding were it not for considera-
tions mentioned in the following note.
2. The Arm £^ in chapter 114 has for corresponding word
Q \\ in chapter 116, implying that Arm is to be taken
in a geographical sense, as when we speak of an ' arm of the sea.'
Now the pictures which have been spoken of have the words
12
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
/-»--& -^^ — «— , 'arm of the Urnes,' inscribed over the stream down
which the Sun-god takes his nightly journey.
These pictures have only the value of a commentary on a very
ancient text, but they are at least as old as the earliest papyrus
which contains the text.
,11""'! =e> ^
3. Merit' ait d^L, , is the ancient reading in chapter 114,
/www v-c^i* v^
the later texts have <&& 1 1", T'ar. Chapter 116 has J>\\
, Mat'ait.
4. Illumined. The texts are discordant as to the reading. I
H
follow that of the two old papyri which have % t— ^ ; though this
orthography, however defensible, is somewhat suspicious.
5. Kasu. (29 I , the ' Burial Place,' was the metropolis of
yiMiv 1 ©
the 14th Nome of Southern Egypt. Dendera is called Mfj o
and in more ordinary characters (]
but
J.
v- (1 ° I ^ • Like very many other geographical names, it has
the feminine form in a , as well as the masculine in
CHAPTER CXV.
Chapter whereby one cometh forth into Heaven, and openeth the
Ammehit : and whereby the Powers of Heliopolis are known.
I have grown from yesterday, a Great one among the Great. I
have raised myself above all things that come into being.
The Face is revealed to the Eye of the Only One, and the round
of darkness is broken through. I am one of you.
I know the Powers of Heliopolis. Doth not the All-powerful
One (1) issue from it like one who extendeth a hand to us?
It is with reference to me that the gods say : Lo, the afflicted
one is heir of Heliopolis !
I know on what occasion the Lock of the Male child (2) was
made.
13
Jaw 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
Ra was speaking with Amhauf, (3) and a blindness came upon
him.
Ra said to Amhauf : Take the spear, oh offspring of Men. (4)
And Amhauf said : The spear is taken.
Two brethren came into being : they were Heb-ra and Sotem-
anes, whose arm resteth not ; and he assumed the form of a female
with a lock, which became the Lock in Heliopolis.
Active and powerful is the heir of the temple ; the Active one
of Heliopolis. The flesh of his flesh (5) is the All-seer, for he hath
the might divine as the Son whom the Father hath begotten. And
his will is that of the Mighty one of Heliopolis.
I know the Powers of Heliopolis • they are Ra, Shu and Tefnut.
Notes.
The ancient text of this chapter has most unfortunately been
lost. A few words only remain in the fragments of Papyrus Pm.
M. Naville has also published what is found on an ostracon of the
time of the XVIIIth dynasty. There is no doubt that the form
of the text which has been handed down in the later papyri has
suffered great alterations. And a comparison between the Turin
and Cadet papyri shows in how untrustworthy a way this later form
of the text has been transmitted.
Special attention has been given to this chapter by Mr. Goodwin
(Zeitschr., 1873, p. 104), and by M. Lefebure {Melanges d'Arch.,
1874, p. 155), whose work is very much more valuable than that of
his English colleague. But the most important study bearing on
the relations between the older and the more recent recension is
that of M. Naville, ' Un ostrakon e'gyptien,' in the first volume of
the Annales du Musee Guimet.
1. All powerful One, ^* ^ ^. M. Naville observes that this
is substituted for -^^ — *? , which is found on the ostrakon.
Both terms are divine names ; the latter corresponding to the Greek
7ro\vcepia'i<! or 7rai'cc/)K)]^ was the title of the high priest of Heliopolis
who, like his priestly colleagues all over Egypt, bore the titles of the
god whom they represented.
2. The Lock of the Male child, Q XJ ^3* Vft ~~/^ & , is not
a 'curly wigged woman,' as generally interpreted, but the side lock
14
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
borne by Horus, and princes and princesses, as well as by other
priests and priestesses, in honour of Horus.
3. Anihauf of whom nothing else is known, is called ' king '
only by a fault of transcription in MSS.
4. O offspring. I follow the Papyrus Luyne in omitting the
preposition <czr>.
5. The flesh of his flesh, or the heir of his heir. This may
perhaps be an assertion as to the hereditary succession of the high
priest of Heliopolis.
CHAPTER CXVI.
Chapter whereby one knoweth the Power of Hermopolis.
Neith dawneth forth in Mat'at, and Maat is conveyed upon the
Arm of the Eater of the Eye by him who reckoneth it out.
I know it, and I am therefore led in through the Sem priest.
I tell it not to men, I repeat it not to the gods (and conversely).
I enter as one who knoweth not, and seeth not.
Hail, ye gods who are in Hermopolis. Know ye me as I know
Xeith, that the Eye may be made firm and permanent, I take
delight in reckoning out that which is reckoned.
I know the Powers of Hermopolis who are great at the beginning
of the month, and diminished at the fifteenth day.
They are Thoth the Unseen, Sau and Tmu.
If this chapter be known, filth is avoided, and lye is not drunken.
Note.
This is the last of the chapters concerning the Powers of certain
places. Of their positive antiquity there can be no doubt, whatever
alterations they may have undergone. But they are relativelv
modern with respect to other chapters, e.g., the 17th. Mr. Goodwin
used to compare them with Christian legends of the mediaeval
period. These are ancient enough as far as we ourselves are
concerned, but no one would think of judging by them of primitive
Christianity.
&>
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1895.
EUPHRATEAN STELLAR RESEARCHES.
By Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A.
Part IV. The Tabid W.A.I., III, lvii, No. 5.
Another much mutilated fragment of this Inscription refers to
portents and circumstances connected with the rising of Dilbat
(Venus), the constellation Mastabba (apparently "the Twins ," near
Sibzianna, which were probably r and c Virginis. Vide Proceedings
May, 1893, p. 322), the star Zibanituv (vide inf., p. 23), the star
Tsir ("the Serpent," >j Serpentarii), the star Bir ('Vermilion,'
probably Antares), the constellation Ak. Sutul, As. Niru ("the
Yoke" = " the Goat-fish") and "the Star of Merodax " (Dilgan—
Capella). The portion of the heavens, therefore, specially under
view is mainly that which extends from Virgo to Capella. The
Tablet then proceeds : —
Kakkab Su - zak - Gud - elim, kakkab
The star Right- hand -oj '-the- Horned-bull, the- constellation
A-m K • • •
,7 TTt r f the-sea~\
the-Worm-°f- {light )■ ■ '
The first star in As. is Katu amutit Alpi karuni. The Ak. elim
signifies "a horned animal," and hence is rendered in As. by dilanu,
'gazelle.' The Rev. Wm. Houghton has excellently explained
the ideograph, which reads 'foot ' -f 'water ' + ' tear,' as referring
to the Gazella sub-gutturosa* ; and Ea himself is " the Lusty-
gazelle" and the "Gazelle-god" (vide JV.A.I., II, lv, 31-33),
whilst, as Prof. Sayce informs me, ^ t ; <t»- is also explained as
'Belu,' so that we might possibly render Gud-elim "the Pull of
* Vide Transactions, VI, 473.
16
jAN. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Bel." There would be nothing specially strange in this, as in the
Gilgames Epic we read of " the Bull of Anu," which was slain by
Gilgames and Ea-bani. But it is certainly preferable to understand
dim here as signifying "a horned creature"; and this being was
bovine, and also had "a hand"; in a word we have before us the
constellation of the Centaur. As Berosos tells us, when speaking of
the primeval Darkness and Chaos, the mystical Scorpion-and-Dragon
period : — " Other human figures were to be seen with the legs and
horns of goats [Satyrs] ; some had horses' feet, while others united
tiie hind quarters of a horse with the body of a man. Bulls likewise
were bred then with the heads of men* and dogs, with fourfold
bodies, terminated in their extremities with the tails of fishes [like
Capricorn]. In short, there were creatures in which were combined
the limbs of every species of animals. Of all which were preserved
delineations in the temple of Belos."t Most of the composite
creatures of the monuments, e.g., the winged and human-headed
bulls of Khorsabad, are too familiar for special reference ; and their
symbolism, whether as combinations of wisdom and strength, or of
evil, malignity, and ferocity, e.g., the Demon of the South-west
wind,*, is sufficiently obvious. Sometimes we meet with the Man-
lion ; or, again, with fantastic creatures combining lion, eagle,
gryphon, ram, etc., in a single form. The Man-bull is very
prominent, and Ea-bani, the bull-slayer, although not strictly speaking
a centaur, is yet always represented with the horns, feet, and tail of
a bull.
Again, the expression " Horned-bull," may seem peculiar, but
it is, as a fact, the exact name of the Urus (Bos primigenius), the
Ak. Am-si (" Horned-wild-bull "), As. Rimu, Heb. Rem (the 'Uni-
corn' of the A. V.), i.e., the creature with huge horns; and it is
perhaps still more singular that this very name is reproduced by
Aratos, and applied by him to the zodiacal Taurus: —
''The horned Bull (nepaov Tavpov) fallen near the Driver's feet."§
Vide inf., p. 19. t Chaldaika, i. 4.
X A statue in the Louvre shows "this tyrant of the atmosphere. One can
hardly imagine anything more frightful than his grinning, quasi-human counten-
ance, resembling a death's head in some of its lines"; with "great round eyes
and goat's horns . . . meagre body . . . hands large and flat, the fingers short anil
blunt, while the feet are a curious combination of human extremities with the
talons of a bird of prey " (Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Chaldaea and
Assyria, Eng. tran., Vol. ii, p. 80. As to the feet, cf. Fig. II).
§ Phainomena, 167 ; vide Proceedings, February, 1890, p. 186, Fig. I.
17 B
Tan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
In further illustration of the passage I will next refer to the
description of the Centaur by Aratos ; and I think we shall arrive
at some very curious and interesting results. Aratos says, in a
passage which I have previously quoted (Proceedings, February, 1890,
p. 202) that the Centaur underlies two Signs, the "human part"
being below the Scorpion, and "the hinder-horse-part" below the
Claws. His "right-hand," i.e., the kakkab Suzak, is stretched out
before the Altar and grasps the Wild-beast, which is included in the
constellation. The tail of Hydra, also, is stretched over him, and
his mighty back is on the Tropic of Capricorn. With the Scorpion
come the Centaur's head and body.
"and the Wild-beast, which
The Centaur's right hand holds. But there await
The coming Bow the Centaur's foremost feet ; " *
'l7r7roT« 0j;/>o'«, lit. "of the Horse-monster. When the JValer-
pourer rises,
" Sign-potent Night draws Centaur by the tail.
His breastplate and his head and shoulders broad
As yet she cannot take." t
" The Centaur, too, when first the Fishes rise,
She quickly swallows." \
From the foregoing account it is clear that the figure of the
constellational Centaur which Aratos had before him was, in all
probability, not that of the ordinary Classical type, but represented
a creature whose forelegs and feet were those of a man. And this
becomes practically certain when we consider the centaur-figure
represented on the famous chest of Kypselos, and remember that the
Hellenic stellar Centaur was Cheiron (" the Skilful," lit. ' Handy '),
an adept in the arts of hunting, medicine, music, prophecy, and
astronomy, a pupil of Apollon, and an instructor of heroes.^
Kypselos, despot of Korinth, whose 30 years of sway began about
i:.c. 658, received his name from the chest (kv\'A\ij) in which he
had been concealed when an infant.|j This famous coffer, made of
* Phainomena, 661-3. t Ibid. 695-7. % Ibid. 700-1.
§ For detailed consideration of Caitaurus, vide R.B.Jr., Eridanus, River
and Constellation, Sec. X. It is amusing to find Sir I. Newton maintaining that
Cheiron "delineated the constellations and was a practical astronomer" (vide
Sir G. C. Lewis, Astron. of the Ancients, p. 73).
|| Vide Herodotos, v. 92.
iS
Jan. 8]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1895.
cedar-wood, ivory and gold, and "richly 'adorned with figures in
relief," had, long ere his time, descended as a precious heirloom in
his family ; and we therefore see that the designs upon it must have
been of a very archaic type. At the time of the traveller Pausanias
this chest was one of the treasures of the temple of Hera at Olympia,
and he has left us a fairly full description of it. He says : — "And
there is a centaur, not with all his feet horses' feet, for his forefeet
are those of a man. . . And the tradition about the centaur is,
that Cheiron, although he had been removed from men, and had
been thought worthy to be a companion with the gods, returned to
earth to comfort Achilleus."* We thus see what was the special
form of the Cheiron depicted on the chest of Kypselos, and of the
Centaur of Aratos, and now, fortunately, by the aid of two engraved
stones from Western Asia, figured by Lajard,t I am enabled to
carry back this special constellational group of Ce?itaur and Wild-
beast to within measurable distance of regions Euphratean.
Fig. I. — Gud-elim and the Wild-beast.
(Centaurus and Lupus, 1st type.)
Fig. I shows the Centaur, horned (i.e., elim)% and winged, with
his fore parts those of a man {i.e., like the centaurs of Aratos and
Kypselos), kneeling on one knee, in the familiar Gilgames attitude,
which has been preserved in the constellation Engonasin (Herakles-
* Pausanias, V, xix, 2. t Citlte de Miihra, PI. cxviii, Figs. 19, 20.
X The horned, bearded, and human-headed Bull appears on a fragment of an
engraved shell found by M. de Sarzec at Tello {Dccouvertes en Chaldee, pi. 66,
Fig. 4), and is thus a very archaic Euphratean concept. Such a representation
at once recalls the bearded, human-headed, Dionysiac Bull figured on some
Greek coins (vide R. B., Jr., The Great Dionysiak Myth, i, 390 et set/.); and is one
of the innumerable links which connect Dionysos with the Euphrates Valley
(vide Proceeainqs, April, 1S92, pps. 300-1 ; and the excellent remarks of the late
19 B 2
Jan. 8]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895.
Hercules), and holding up by the hind legs the Wild-beast, the
kakkab ^-^/("constellation Beast-of -death" wide Proceedings, Feb.,
1890, p. 202), in this instance a boar, the animal hostile to the solar
Adonis. Fig. II shows the Centaur, horned and winged, with human
Fig. II. — Gud-elim and the Wild-beast.
(Centaurus and Lupus, 2nd type. )
forelegs, but his forefeet those of eagles, a familiar Euphratean
type ;* and holding up by the forelegs the Wild-beast, in this
instance a lion.f The animal-part of the body of the creature
resembles in each case that of a horse. Another curious example
of the Centaur is given by Cesnola, % which he describes thus: —
" Another quaint toy of terra-cotta represents a centaur. On the
head is a high helmet [the Centaur of Aratos wears a breast-platej,
the crest of which is like a cock's comb [a solar emblem] ; a small
buckler, with a cross device, is on the left arm ; the right arm is in
the act of brandishing a now lost weapon." This weapon reappears
in the Thyrsus-spear of the Ptolemaic Centaurus, which has become
the simple spear of the modern constellation-figure, and with this
he now transfixes the Wild-beast, which in Greece and the West
naturally became the Wolf. That the wise Centaur Cheiron, who
Fox Talbot, Transactions, II, 33, on the origin of the name ' Dionysos '). The
star ^y^ (fcp*'?) <^»TS<T> , Gud-elim, is mentioned in the much mutilated
fragment W.A.I. Ill, lvii, No. 9, 1. 1, in connection with Allah (probably
Alphard, "The Solitary," a Hydrae) and Lik-gula ('The Great-dog' = 'lion,"
Led).
* Vide Canon Rawlinson, And. Monarchies, ii, 31 ; Periot and Chipiez,
Hist, of Art in Chaldaea, Vol. ii, Fig. 87.
t Vide R.B., Jr., Eridamis, Appendix III. The Sun-god and the Lion.
X Salaminia, p. 243, Fig. 230.
20
J us. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
sprung from Kronos and a daughter of Okeanos, is, at all events
so far as art goes, connected with the wise, unanthropomorphic
Ea-bani (" Ea-made-me "), who " was believed to have originally
ascended out of the abysses of the sea,"* is sufficiently obvious.!
In both Figs. I and II, the right hand of the Centaur, the Kakkab
Suzak, is much in evidence, and grasps the Wild-beast exactly as
described by Aratos. The Wild-beast of Aratos was probably
depicted head upwards, as in Fig. II, like the Wild-beast of Ptolemy,
and the Lupus of a modern map.
The general treatment of the figures on the Chest of Kypselos,
was distinctly oriental. Thus Pausanias observes : "Artemis, I know
not on what account [i.e., it was contrary to the general canons of
Hellenic art] has wings at her shoulders, and in her right hand she
holds a leopard, and in her left a lion." This is thoroughly in the
spirit of Western Asia. The figures on the monuments represented
as holding up various animals are too familiar for special reference.
Line 1 is unfortunately mutilated, so that the full name of the
second constellation referred to can only be conjectured. In As. it
is apparently to be read Uplu nuri (" The-Worm-of-light ") or Uplu
tamti (" The Worm-of-the-Sea "). In the latter case the reference
may perhaps be to Hydra, " Lerna's worm," the tail of which, as
noticed, extended over Centauries. The Rev. Win. Houghton has
some interesting remarks + on the ideographs ^»-«-y, "a small
worm," and ^^HfH, ' worm,' the archaic type of the former
character showing brightness (a star) in a circle, and probably
originally referring " to some species of glow-worm." As the Nahru
Tsiri ("River-of-the-Snake"), the Nahru apsi rabi (" River-of-the-
( h-eat-abyss "), is the Milky Way,§ "the Worm-of-light " may perhaps
be the VaXcJgla^. The constellation Ce/itaurus, of which the Wild-
beast was a part, extended up to Ara, including what is now the
constellation Norma (the Rule), which dates from 1752. Centauries,'
therefore, as well as Ara, included a portion of the Milky Way, which
is likened by Manilius to a cloud of incense ascending from the
Altar :—
" Ara ferens turis, stellis imitantibus ignem." ||
* Smith and Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis, p. 205.
t Vide R.B., Jr., Eridamis, p. 25. X Transactions, VI, 480.
§ Vide R.B., Jr., The Milky Way in Euphratean Stellar Mythology (in The
Academy, J an. 9, 1892).
|| A stron., v, 340.
21
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
2. ... -HP- T— £* MT <W • • ■
. . . Kakkabi Gu - si - sa ...
. . . the-stars of -the -Leading- Urn . . .
Gu is the Urn, the Amphora of Aquarius (vide Proceedings,
May, 1893, p. 340), and appears as such in the Tablets of the
Greek period of Babylonian astronomy.* With Gusisa cf. Kaksisa
{Ibid., April, 1892, p. 286). We have seen reason [Ibid., Jan., 1890,
p. 142) to identify "the Star (or constellation) of the Foundation"
with Skat (o Aquarii), also called Sakib ("the Pourer"), and the
adjoining stars ; and have noticed that the winter solstice was one
natural commencement of the year, This consideration throws
light upon the expression "the Urn, the Leader ;" and its stars will
be those of the Urn of Aquarius, and probably also those in " the
flow of the water " from it, to use the expression of Ptolemy. The
Urn is frequently figured on the monuments. f
3. ... the-star Right-hand-of-the- Horned-bull, the-god . . .
4. KHf- 3 -Kl «=T* <H<E Hf- E*Wf *=T4T
Kakkab Su - gub - Gud - elim, 'ilu Iz - si,
The-star Left-hand-of-the- Horned-bull, the Fiery -one, (and)
khp- hn* ^ hp- ^r
kakkab Zi - ba - an - na
the-star Boundary - of- heaven
(iz lacuna, tf ?)
(rabi)
(great)
"The Star of the Left-hand" is alluded to in W.A.I. III. lix.
No. 15, Rev. 1. 13, and is there mentioned next to the Scorpion,
a circumstance which tends to connect it with the part of the
heavens occupied by Centauries. It is probably a Lupi, and we
may observe that a star will naturally be called 'great'" by a
comparatively rude astronomical observer, not in comparison with
the other stars generally, but as contrasted with those in its own
immediate neighbourhood.
* Vide Epping and Strassmaier, Babylonische Mondbeobachtungen aits den
Jahren 38 und 79 der Seleuciden-Aera (in the Zeitschrift fiir Assynologii ,
Dec, 1892, p. 223).
t For instances, vide R.B. , Jr., The Law of Kosmic Order, p. 84.
22
<r- m-
W kHP- t
innamar - u
3 kakkabi
are - seen ;
three stars
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Lzsi = Mars (vide Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 319).
Speaking against the view which identifies Zibanna with El-zubcna
(''the Claws"), Professor Oppert remarks, " Zibannit est un 'sumer-
sches Lehnwort ' (Delitzsch) de Ziba-anna, et ne saurait donner
eu a. aucun calembour arabe, pour y trouver la balance."* I have
held, with Professors Oppert and Sayce, that Zibanna = Saturn (vide
Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 322), and the passage before us appears
to speak of 3 stars, not constellations, namely (1) a particular star in
the Centaur; (2) Mars, and (3) Saturn ; nor, if we are to read rabi, is
it easy to see how in any sense « and j3 Libra could fairly be called
'great.' But, although I think it is clear that there is no linguistic
connexion between the names Zibanna and Zubena, yet there may
have been some special connexion between Zibanna, Saturn, and
the constelation of the Altar, afterwards known as the Claras. For,
in the Te Tablet the special star of the 7th month is ' Ziba '- (lacuna),
and the passage W.A.I., V, xxvi, n-12 would appear to show some
connexion between ^\, Ak. bir, As. ////;-//, ' light ' (vide Proceedings,
March, 1891, p. 260 et sea.), and the libbu sa zibaniti, whatever
may be the exact meaning of the latter expression. I have noticed
the special connexion between Saturn and the Sun (Ibid., p. 248),
and that the feeble autumnal sun is reduplicated in the faint light of
the stellar and zodiacal Ara (Lbid., p. 261) ; Saturn as Zibanna, may
therefore be specially connected with Ara ( = Libra). Prof. Oppert
translates the name " Life-of-heaven," but this would rather be Zi-anna
(e.g., Sib-zi-anna). If we are to read Zi-ba-anna (and not Zibanna),
the name may mean " Life-maker-of-heaven," an epithet apparently
primarily solar, and so very applicable to the solar, circular Altar.
5. kHF- z&A -T4T kHF- <EE HTCL tf* <H<iE
Kakkab Iz - si, kakkab Ner-gub-Gud- elim
The-star the Fiery-one, The-star Lcft-foot-of-the-Horned-bull (and)
Hf- HIT* --T «f ^T <T- -W s=Hf-
'ilu Zi - ba - an - na innamar - u ; kakkab
Boundary-of-heaven are-seen ; the-star
s=® -y HM* . . .
Rim - ab - nam . . .
J Proclamation-of-the-gathering- \
\ of-the-seas ... J
* Zeitschrift fiir As., March, 1S91, p. 112, note.
Jan. 8]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895.
The Left-foot (As. Sepu sumelu) of the Centaur will probably
be or include ft Cruris. It will be observed that here Zibanna,
like Izsi in line 4, is styled 'Hit, not the ordinary J:^>->|- {kakkab),
a circumstance which points to planetary dignity ; for, whilst
££:^*->f- is constantly applied to planets, »->^- is rarely, if ever,
applied to fixed stars. The star Proclamation-of-ttie-gathering-of-the-
seas, a name which reminds us of "the gathering together of the
waters called He seas," is apparently the Kakkab Nairn tamti ("The
Star of the-Proclamation-of-the-sea :'), 29th in the list of the Thirty
Stars, and otherwise called the Kakkab Tamti ("Star of-the-Sea,"
vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890, pp. 146-7), also known as Nunki
(= a Sagittarii. Ibid., May, 1893, p. 317), "the Star of Eridu,"
"a city which took its name from its bow-like shape."* There
appears to have been a mystical and mythical, as well as an archaic,
actual, and geographical city of Eridu. t
6- W kHF- <X T • • •
4 kakkabi esiri ana . . .
The four stars propitious for . . ,
7. kHP- 5=&=T ^T4T < kHF- &MI k* HMTtf • • •
Kakkab Iz - si u kakkab Rim - ab - nam . . .
The-star the-Ficry-one and t he-star \Proclamation-of-the-gathering-\
-/ [ of-t/ie-seas ... j
ibassu - va
are, and
8. ~Hf- -TT* ^ HP- ^
Kakkab Zi - ba - an - na
The-star Boundary-of heaven
innamir - u ; kakkab
is-seen ; the-star
Ner-gub
Left-foot
Gud
<
-t;<t>
karnu - su
elim,
of-the-Horned-bull, its horn
yubbal . .
disappears .
* Sayce, Babylonian Literature, p. 39. Prof. Sayce, Rel. Ancient Bnbs.
p. 134, explains Eridu, a contraction for Eri-duga, as the "Good-city."
t Yide R. B., Jr., Eridanus, Sec. xxiii.
24
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Zibanna, therefore, was seen at times with (line 5), and at times
without the star of the Left-foot ; and as Zibanna was certainly in
the ecliptic (vide Proceedings, May 1S93, p. 312), the inference is
that it was a planet. I am indebted to Prof. Sayce for the rendering
' disappears.'
The expression "the horn (point) of the Left-foot" may seem
somewhat strange, but it is really very curious when, in the list of
the stars in the Ptolemaic Centaur, we read : —
23- " The one under the hend of the sinister foot."
34. " The one at the frog* (fia-paxiov) of the same foot."
Indeed, the coincidence is so very singular, that I prefer to
leave it without further comment.
Kakkab Ku - ma - ru Ud - gu - du - a
The constellation the Dusky-part ofthe-Smiting-sun-face,
s=HP- HE *T --H t* T{ kHF-
kakkab Ega Ud- gu - du - a, kakkab
the-constellation Crown ofthe-Smiting-sun-face, the-constellation
B Hftt (^ K) • • •
Su - gub (xi - bi) . . .
the Left-hand (wanting) . . .
Doubtless the line originally read "the Left-hand of Udgudua ,."
and the scribe now not unnaturally passes on from one Centaur to
the other, i.e., Udgudua-Sagiltarius (vide Proceedings, May, 1893,
p. 332). We have here an interesting instance of 3 sub-constella-
tions, the Kumar, the Ega, and the Sugub (As. Sumelu) of Udgudua.
As the • hand ' and ' foot ' of the Horned-bull are mentioned, so are
the 'hand' and 'foot' (line 11) of Udgudua. And, these two
creatures being distinct, it follows that, just as the former is the
Centaur, so is the latter the other Centaur, i.e., Sagittarius, a conclu-
sion at which we had previously arrived from other and independent
* " Frog. In farriery, a sort of tender horn that grows in the middle of the
sole of a horse's foot, dividing into two branches, and running towards the heel in
the form of a fork " {Imperial Diet, in voc.).
25
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
reasons. A glance at the constellation-map will show that each of
the two solar Centaurs is attacking a creature opposed, or specially
devoted to the Sun ; the Scorpion of darkness in the one case, and
the Wolf, a familiar type of darkness, and also a creature at times
connected with the Sun-god by play on words (Xvkos — XevKoi) ; the
Boar, another emblem of darkness ; or the Lion, the special animal
of the Sun-god, in the other.
Kakkab-Kumaru. The first sub-division of Sagittarius is styled
the Kutnaru. The meaning of this word, which is As. in form, has,
I believe, hitherto been unknown. A careful inspection of the
constellation convinced me that the dusky hinder-part of Sagittarius
was intended ; and I was naturally led to compare Kumaru with
"tt23> 'blackness,' whence the name of the Chemarim,* i.e., "the
Black-robed-ones," "the idolatrous priests."! But this does not
exhaust the matter, for, as might well be expected, kumaru is merely
the Semitic form of an Akkadian loan-word kumar, connected with
the Turko-Tatar root kom, hum, an allied variant of which is torn,
tum,\ one of the root-meanings of this latter form being 'darkness,
' night,' ' mist.' And the connexion between the forms hum and
turn equally appears in Sumero-Akkadian itself, where we find that
////// = As. xartsui ' obscurity.' Such words as the Uigur komar and
the Tchagatai toiuar, which, though having a different signification,
belong to the same word-group, illustrate the form of the Ak. kumar,
which will, therefore, signify "the Dusky-part" of Sagittarius, just
as Aratos styles the adjoining constellation "the Dusky-Goat. "S
Thus, the 21st moon station, called El-beldah (" a District "), is a
starless space in Sagittarius, "the vacant space between the Archer's
shoulders and Capricorn's horns . . . Kazwini, Firuzabadi, and
Fi'zini, mention al-beldah and its boundary of six dark or small stars,
called el-kelddah, or necklace." || From this example we learn
incidentally the interesting fact, that these star-names, or most of
them, are Sumero-Akkadian in origin, the Altaic word kumar having
been draped in a Semitic form.
* Zephaniah i, 4.
t A.V. 2 Kings xxiii, 5.
% Vide Vambery, Etymologisches Wdrterbuch derTtirko-TatarischenSprae!;, 11 .
Sees, xcvii, clxxix.
§ Phainomena, 792.
I1 Smyth, Cycle of Celestial Objects, ii, 413. El-beldah is used of " the
hairless space between the eyebrows."
26
Jan. 8]
PROCEEDINGS.
[i895.
Kakkab Ega. The second subdivision of Sagittarius is styled
Ega, = As. agu, 'crown' (i.e., halo), uzzu, 'glory.'* And here we
have a further illustration of the meaning of Kumaru ; for, as that
is the 'dusky' hinder-part of Sagittarius, so Ega-Uzzu is the
'Glory,' or bright upper fore-part of the constellation, which part
is elsewhere called Papilsak (' Winged-fire-head 't). As Ega means
' crown,' at first it seemed tempting to identify this constellation
Eig. III. — Upcudua (Sagittarius), and its subdivisions
with the Corona Australis, sometimes called Corolla ("the
Wreath "), which, in representations of the constellations, is placed
immediately in front of the forefeet of Sagittarius. But, I think,
this is clearly not the true interpretation of the text. The Stephanos
* For a play on words between the name of the Ak. solar god Uz (' Goat,'
vide Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 300; June, 1893 p. 462), and the Semitic word
uzzu, vide Sayce, Rel. Ancient Bads., p. 285.
f Vide R.B., Jr., The Te Tablet (In The Academy, Nov. 4, 1893, P- 396)- My
suggestion (Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 266) that Papilsak was not in
Sagittarius, must be withdrawn in the light of the further evidence.
27
[an. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [189
Notios is noticed by Aratos, but even in his day it had not yet
received this name : —
" Other few
Below the Archer under his forefeet,
Led round in circles roll without a name.'" -
And here I would call attention to the fact, that the Sagittarius of
Aratos evidently resembled the Euphratean type (vide Fig. Ill), and
not the ordinary classical and modern type, in the position of his
forelegs or leg, which were over the Corolla, instead of being imme-
diately behind it, as e.g., on the Farnese Globe.t This is one of
the innumerable interesting indications that Aratos had before him
constellation figures whose prototypes belonged to Western Asia.
Kakkab-Sngub. The 3rd subdivision of Sagittarius, is "the
constellation of the' Left-hand ;" and we see at once, from Fig. Ill,
the position of prominence of the Left-hand, and from the latter
we obtain part of the southern boundary of the sub-constellation
Ega (= Papilsak).\
The Ptolemaic description of the stars shown in Fig. Ill is as
follows : —
I. Stars in the Kakkab Ega (Papihak).
\. " The more-southerly of those in the northern part of the bow."
<(. " The more-northerly of them at the end of the bow."
a. " The one at the left shoulder."
0. '• The one in front of this towards the shaft."
v\ i'3. "The nebulous and double star at the eye."
f. " The leading-one of the 3 in the head."
u. "The centre-one of them."
- " The hindermost of the 3."
-. " The centre-one of the 3 in the back, towards the shoulder-
blade." .
£, " The one below the armpit."
* Phainomena, 399-401.
t Flamsteed, Atlas Coelestis, 1729, places the Corona Australis between the
two forelegs. Proctor, improperly, places the two forelegs in the midst of the
Crown. The Staphanos Notios is a distinct constellation in Ptolemy.
% Hommel {Die Astronomic der alien Chaldaer, iii, 12) appears to place
• Pa-bil-sag' somewhere between 0 Ophiuchi and n Sagittarii.
28
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
II. Stars in the Kakkab-Sugub ("the Constellation of the Left-hand'").
71, ~i~. "The star at the point of the arrow."
8. " The one at the grip of the left hand."
III. Other stars shown.
e. "The one in the southern part of the bow."
fi\ /32. " The one at the ancle of the left forefoot."
«. " The one at the knee of the same leg."
Hence, the Sagittarius of Ptolemy, the prototype of modern
figures, had the foreleg straight, unlike the Euphratean type of
Aratos. The Sagittarius of Ptolemy wore a " martial cloak," which
is often represented, e.g., in Flamsteed's Atlas Coelestis, as flying in
the air, as if blown out by the wind. In this garment we may
readily see the wing of the original Euphratean figure. Another
interesting instance of the Sagittarius-type occurs on a monument
in the British Museum.* The general attitude and position and
the wing are similar to those shown in Fig. Ill ; but the
bow-string appears, and is grasped by the right hand. The two
forelegs are broken off at the knees, the tail is that of a scorpion.
and behind, attached to the human head and facing tailwards, is the
head of a gryphon. Below the Sagittarius, and with his claws
towards the genitalia, as so frequently figured in Mithraic represen-
tations, is a scorpion; so Manilius, "Scorpios inguine gaudet.'t
According to C. W. King, " in this particular situation it expresses
Autumn "J in the Mithraic symbolism ; and this circumstance is in
exact and interesting harmony with the role which we have seen the
zodiacal Scorpion play in connexion with the waning, autumnal sun
(vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 198; March, 1891, pp. 261-2).
But the earlier and wider symbolism is diurnal, not annual, i.e., that
of the darkness-power seizing on and destroying light day by day ;
and it is interesting to notice the Euphratean origin of this peculiar
artistic feature in the Mithraic cult. We have in this design another
* Figured in Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Phoenicia and its depen-
uencies, ii, 204.
t Astron., ii, 462.
% The Gnostics and their Remains, 2nd edit., p. 134.
29
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895
(vide Ibid., March, 1891, p. 265) instance of the Scorpio n-Sagittary,
the figure combining the potency and protective power of two
zodiacal signs, not to mention the solar Gryphon.* MM. Perrot
and Chipiez remark, " We have yet to find the form of centaur
preferred by archaic Greek art on some monuments from Phoenicia
or Mesopotamia." They will find this long-lost link in Fig. I ; for
the Cheiron of the chest of Kypsalos is the true representative of
this form. And the same type appears in Kypros, for they figure
a centaur f who "wears a cap of cloth or felt," like the Sagittarius
above described. "The hind-legs are formless, but in the other
pair, clumsy as they are, we can divine the sculptor's wish to repro-
duce human limbs ; the rudiments of a [human] foot and knee can
be readily distinguished. This centaur, therefore, is composed of
the whole body of a man with the middle-piece and quarters of a
horse added to it." That is to say, it exactly resembles Fig. I in
this respect.
kakkab Za - ma - ma, 4 kakkabi nas - u
The-constellation the- Living-eye, four constellations rise ;
kakkab Ner - (%ibi)
t he-star Foot- (wanting)
The second star is probably Nerzak-Zamama (" the-Right-toot-
of-the-Living-eye "). In W.A.I., II, lxi, 52, we read: —
HP- ??5*T5*T V <3«
Tlu Za-ma-ma sa Kisu,
The-god Living-eye of Kis,
"a great town in Babylonia, now represented by the mounds of
Hymer,"j and mentioned in Tablet XII of the Gilgames Epic.
* Vide R. B. , jr., Remarks on the Gryphon, Heraldic and Mythological (in
Arckaeoiogia, Vol. XLVIII).
t Hist, o] Art in Phoenicia, etc., ii, 200.
X Geo. Smith, in Transactions, iii, 364.
3°
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
'The word kis is akin to the Turko-Tatar root kis, kiz, 'fire,'
' warmth,' ' redness,' " to glow," whence the Uigur kis, ' fiery,' and
numerous similar words in the various connected dialects, with
meanings such as ' gold,' ' red,' etc. Sometimes the consonant in
the root is abraded, and we meet with such forms as the Tchagatai
is-ik, ?>-sig, 'warmth,' Yakute it-i, and Koibal-Karagass /j-seg,* 'hot,'
which = the Ak. iz-si. 'fiery' {sup., line 5). Kis, As. Kisu, is, then,
" the Fire-town," a centre of a solar cult ;t so far, therefore, it seems
probable that Zamama was a solar divinity. His name occurs at
times in the lists of gods,! and in W.A.I., II, lvii, Rev. Col. A,
line 53, we read : —
Kakkub Id-^u, 'ilu Za-ma-ma | 'ilu Nin-ip
The Constellation the- Eagle (i.e.) the god Zamama \ t he-God t 'he-Lot d,
the Creator.
Here the Eagle is identified with Zamama, and both are identified,
or closely connected, with Ninip, "die Ostsonne,"§ the solar Uras
("the Veiled," vide Proceedings, April, 1892, pp. 302-3). But
further: we find that "Alala ("the Great-spirit") the Eagle,"'
mentioned in the Gilgames Epic Tablet VI, was " the symbol of the
noontide sun ;" |j so we have here the solar eagle, and the solar divinity
Ninip-Uras,^ both identical, or most closely connected with the
evidently solar god Zamama. What, then, is the meaning of the
name Zamama? The ordinary signification of the first syllable za,
1sa, is ' 4 ;' but, as I have shown {Proceedings, Feb., 1888) the Ugro-
Altaic ' 4 '-word, is an ' eye '-word, and the line of idea which arrives
at '4 ' is represented by (Hand + hand + eye) + eye.** We may
* Vide Vambery, Worterbuch, pp. 89-90.
t It was one of the 20 " oldest known cities " of Babylonia (Vide Smith and
Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis, 313).
J Vide W.A.I. Ill, lxvi, 45 ; lxviii, 62 ; lxix, 78.
§ Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonicr, p. 457.
|| Cf. Sayce, Ret. Ancient Babs., p. 248 ; vide R.B., Jr., The Myth of Kirkc,
Sec. ix, for an account of Istar-Kirke and her luckless lovers Dumuzi (Tammuz),
' Alala, the Eagle," the ' Lion,' and the ' Horse.'
TT It is interesting to find that Uras, the 'Veiled' or 'Secret' god, is, in
the Tel el-Amarna Tablets, identified with the god of Jerusalem : —
No. 106, 1. 15; " The city of the mountain of Urusalim, the city of
the temple of the god Uras (whose) name i there is) ' Salim'."
( Ap. Sayce, Records of the Past, new series, v, 72. )
*":: For Table of '4' and 'eye' words, vide R.B., Jr., The Etruscan
Numerals p. 20.
31
Ian. S]
SOCIETY OF lilBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[iS95-
therefore regard za in this archaic divinity-name as meaning 'eye.'
Ma-ma is an abraded form of mal-ma, mal-mal ';* and the Ak. mat
= As. sakanu, " to be established," and bitu, ' house ' {i.e., that which
is established; e.g., "by understanding is an house established,'
Prov., xxiv, 3). M and v are interchangeable in Akkadian, and the
Ak. vial, val — the Turko-Tatar var, bar, "to be," "to exist," e.g.,
Tchagatai bar, Osmanli var, " it is," Tshuwash par, " to be," " to
exist," etc.f Mai is therefore "to be," "to exist," and hence "to
be established." We need not here trace it further back, or enquire
whether in primitive idea "to be "= " to breathe ;" and, as the Altaic
par= " to be," 'existence,' so will mal= ' existence,' " the existing,'
doubled by way of intensity, after an archaic fashion, the solar god
Zamama thus being "the Living-eye."
The originally solar Zamama is next, in accordance with a
principle of which we have had innumerable examples, and without
grasping which mythology is incom-
prehensible, reduplicated in a stellar
form ; and, in this phase, is identified
with the Eagle. But, it will be re-
membered that, by almost universal
consent, Id\u or Erigu ("the Power-
ful-bird ") is identified with Altair
(a Aquila, vide Proceedings, April,
1892, pp. 294-6). The fact is that
there are two Eagles in the case :
(1) Id^n Zamama ("the Eagle, the
Living-eye ") = Aquila (the constel-
lation), and (2) Idxu ("the Eagle" star) = Altair ; and, if anyone is
inclined to doubt this, he will find on reference to Ptolemy's Star-
catalogue, that both these eagles reappear in itf the constellation
being 'Aerou atncpifT/uu*, and the principal star in it i fcV< to?
uercMppivov X«/t7r/J09 kuXov/licvo? 'Agto?. Thus the Tablet describes
the rising of Sagittarius (in 3 divisions) and Aquila (Fig. IV).
The representation of the Eagle, "ein schreitender Vogel," as
Hommel well calls it, is, like many of the bird-figures on the
monuments, a purely conventional type.
Fig. IX. — Zamana (Aquila).
* Cf. Lenormant, Etude snr quelques parties des Syllabaires Cuneiformcs,
P- 23.
t Vide Vambery, Worterbuch, p. 198.
12
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Kakkab Ur - ner - gub Ud - gu - du - a, Kakkab
The-star Sole-of-the-Left-foot qf-the-Snuting-sun-face, the-star
— < r? y- ^
Dil-bat A - nu - turn
Venus of-the-Great-Goddess (Istar)
i2. <Hgy khf- ^t MS).--
Va kakkab Su - (\'ibi) . . .
And tJie-constellation Hand - {wanting) . . .
The first star is /3 Sagittarii (vide 5///., p. 27), and the last, "the
constellation of the Left-hand of Udgiidua (vide line 9). The " star
Venus of Anunit :' is not the kakkab Anunitum (vide Proceedings,
Feb., 1890, p. 203), which represents Istar- Venus reduplicated in a
stellar form, but the planet Venus in Sagittarius.
i3. k^+ -HI ^ MHf- <EE EB R 5S ^T <MIU
Kakkab Uz, kakkab Ner- zak Za-ma-ma va
The-star of-the-Goat, the-star Right-foot-of-the-Living-eye, and
^HF- B£T Hf<T TIT KHf- (4 ~) • • •
kakkab Id - xu, 3 kakkabi (\ibi) . . .
the-star the-Eagle (A/tair), three stars {wanting) . . .
Nerzak-Zamama— >i Aquilae {vide Fig. V). Fig. II in the Pro-
ceedings, May, 1893, p. 340, shows the part of the heavens referred
to.
14. H -TM **T HF- ^T -TM ^T Hf- ~Kf ~M-
2 biritu : kakkab
77c<? ccnjunctions : the-star
e^t -!<r -en -hit
Id - xu sumuq same
the-Eagle (is) at the zenith (lit. height-of-hcaven).
33 c
Jan. 8]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY
[1895.
The term ' conjunction ' is not here used in the astronomical
sense of ''the meeting of two or more stars or planets in the same
degree of the Zodiac," but is applied to two stars or constellations
rising about the same time and about the same longitude. So we
read in Aratos : —
" When the Goat rises others mount,
The feathered Arro-.'Js stars, the Eagle, Bird."*
The As. biritu, Heb. berith, ' covenant,' is said to be so called
from "the idea of cutting'' (victims on the making of agreements) :
and the line of thought connected with this use of the word is :—
cutting — sacrifice — covenant — (astronomically) conjunction. This
is equally illustrated by the Ak. term of which birit is the As.
rendering. The passage in Ak. reads : —
Kas sa-ba-an-na sa-ba-an-na.
Tioo covenants {con junctions) of heaven.
The word has generally been read ribi-anna, but I read saba-anna
because *^\\<\ also = sa and the Ak.
sa-ba is evidently connected with
the Ak. sab, sap, "to sacrifice," and
the Turkic sefa, 'agreement,' the
whole class of words belonging to
the Turko-Tatar root sap, sab, cap,
"to hew," 'cut,' e.g., the Altaic
saba, ' cut.' f Both the Semitic and
Turanian words, therefore, proceed
on the same line of thought. The
noontide or zenith Eagle-sun (vide
sup., p. 31) is thus reduplicated in
the zenith Eagle-star; and Fig. V
illustrates the process of the formation of the constellation-figure in
archaic idea.
Fig. V. — Aquila.
(Illustration of the formation of
the constellational figure.)
KM- -W $*
kakkab Uz,
the-star of -t he-Coat,
15- k=M- --H IH M
Kakkab Gu - ur - ku,
Thc-constellation Seat-of-the-flmving-water.
tiM- ^TM^-TM <M0TkHF- 7
kakkab Sak - sa - di va kakkab Dil . . .
the-star Bright-horn-of-slaughter, and the-star Venus (cf.\. n).
* Phainomena, 689-91. t Vide Vambery, Worterbuch, p. 142
34
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
The Ak. gur = As. apsu, "running water," and one of the
renderings of the Ak. kit, ' seat,' is As. subat-sa-apsi (" Seat-of-the-
running-water "). The constellation in question consists of the stars
in Aquarius from Situ/a ("the Urn" k Aquarii) to that which
Ptolemy calls "the last (star) of the Water, and the one at the
mouth of the Southern Fish " [a Pisa's Australis).*
Saksadi. This is a new and interesting star. The Ak. sak.=
' head,' ' horn ; ' th3 Ak. sa, amongst other meanings, = As. maxatsu,
'slaughter,' and di is 'brilliance.' The star in question is ft Capri
corni. These two stars Uz and Saksadi, which form the 22nd
moon-station, are called by the Arabs ScC d-el-dsabih ("The-lucky-
constellation-of-the-Slaughterer ") ; and it is very interesting to find
the original Akkadian name thus reproduced. Smyth observes,
"Although Capricorn is not a striking object, it has been the very
pet of all constellations with astrologers, having been the fortunate
sign under which Augustus and Vespasian were born." But its
good-omened character was not occasioned by or dependent on
these two personages, although their fortunes served to enhance
its reputation. He continues, "It was also mightily looked to by
the Arabians . . . the XXIInd Lunar Mansion was a popular one ;
and Kazwi'm, Tizini, Ferghani, and Firvizabadi of Khorasan, author
of the Kdmus, i.e., Ocean, the most famous of all Arabic Lexicons,
mention its happy tendency."! Thus, alike in East and West, was
Capricorn a fortunate Sign, the real reason of this circumstance
being the original importance of the Goat-sun, with its bright horn
(ray) of slaughter for darkness, night, and stars, the Sea-goat or
Goat-fish being his stellar reduplication.
16. <HJI! s=Hf- £^T -T<T • • •
Va kakkab Id - \u ...
and the-star the Eagle . . .
17. -M- £* *£t kHF- --H IH ••• •
kakkab Gu -la, kakkab Gu -ur-(ku)...
The-consieUation of-the- Urn, the constellation Seat-of-flowing-waters . . .
* For remarks on the celestial seat of the waters, vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890,
p. 149-
t Cycle of Celestial Objects, ii, 473.
35 c 2
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Vide 1. 15. Git is the Urn of Aquarius (vide sup., 1. 2. For
further illustration of the word, vide Proceedings, March, 1891,
p. 268). La is the emphatic prolongation (cf. Bartabbagalgal-la ,
Dingirgalgal-la, Ibid., Feb., 1890, pp. 185, 187).* But the name
Gu-la thus contains a punning reference to the goddess Gula ("the
Great"), who was identified with the goddess ^ '^f* Ba-hu
(= Heb. bo/iu, 'wasteness,' Gen. i, 2), the Phoenician Baau, this latter
personage being the representative of the Ak. Gurra (" the Watery-
deep "), "the waters of the abyss in their original chaotic state"
(vide Proceedings, May, 1888, p. 351), and thus suitably connected
with the constellation Aquarius, and the foundation and watery
commencement of things (vide Ibid., Jan., 1890, p. 143). Bahu
"became the wife of the Sun-god of Kis,"t i.e., of Zamama (vide
sup., p. 31); and it was very possibly the proximity of the Kakkab
Gula and the Kakkab Id^u which caused this formal mythological
arrangement. In W.A.I. Ill, liii, No. 1, Rev., 1. 22, the Kakkab
Gula is mentioned in connexion with the Kakkab Idxu, and in
I.29 in connexion with the Goat-fish; and from W.A.I. III. liii,
No. 2, Rev., 1. 24, we learn that in Kisleu, the month of Sagittarius,
Venus, a planet referred to here (vide 1. 15), was called (p]£ ■£-■£ ^|,
Kakkab Gula, "the Star of the Urn." Other references speak of
Jupiter in Gula (vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890, p. 148).
is. . . . y— ^ *=n . . .
. . . (kakkabi) Gu - si - (sa, Cf. 1. 2)
. . . (stars) of-tlie-Ieading-Urn . . .
The passage is too mutilated to translate with certainty. But
the meaning seems fairly clear, especially when compared with 1. 2 :
"the stars of Gusisa," namely that Gula and Gurku are asterisms
in the zodiacal constellation of Gusisa, which constellation apparently
consisted of the hinder part of our Aquarius, and did not include
fi Aquarii, which we have seen reason to identify with the Kakkab
Nammax ("the Star of Mighty-destiny," vide Proceedings, June,
1893, p. 457), and the other stars above Capricorn, and now in
Aquarius. Gula, from the comparatively frequent mention of it,
•was evidently the most important part of Gusisa ; and the reason
of this is obvious, i.e., that the asterism of Gula is close on the
sgcliptic (vide Ibid, May, 1893, Fig. II, p. 340).
* Vide R. B., Jr., The Te Tablet (in The Academy, Nov. 4, 1893. p. 396).
t Sayce, Ret. Ancient Bah., p. 263 ; vide W.A.I. Ill, l.xviii, 33.
36
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
THE BOW IN THE EGYPTIAN SKY. (2)
P. le Page Renouf.
Just about eleven years ago, I published in these Proceedings
(March, 1884), a note bearing the above title, and explaining a
passage in the Book of the Dead (ch. 132), wherein the Sun-god
is said to issue from "the Bow." I showed that this Bow is the
Crescent of the Moon, from which the Sun-god is said to shine forth.
But I am surprised that neither I, nor (as far as I know) any
other Egyptologists, have hitherto recognised in the texts another
mythological expression of the same idea of the Bow, as the Sun
shining forth from the Moon.
Yet every Egyptologist is aware that [H Jfl, the god An, is Osiris,
and that this is his special name, when he is supposed to be residing
in the Moon.* He is generally known in this capacity from the
later texts. But the Pyramid Texts mention him under the forms
www 1
or fh coupled with some other word, but always in
G
some connection with the Bull of Heaven, or of the Tuat.
[ft in these and similar texts has commonly been translated
column, pillar, support ; but this is a mistake. 1'he word has various
meanings, and among them that of bow is conspicuous. The evi-
dence for this meaning is so well-known and so undisputed that I
need not repeat it.
Hathor, the female Sun at Dendera, who bears the name of
^? Anit, is called ^37 fjl ^ y]\ —»— <—m "Mistress of the
Bow and queen of the arrow."
It is not easy to say how [jl comes to mean Boiv, which it does
not at all resemble, and how it also comes to mean column, obelisk,
* "Der Gott An ist der Osiris in seiner lunaren Natur, in welcher Auffassvmg
er in Edfu und noch mehr im Tempel von Dendera eine ganz besonders Verehrung
genoss." Diimichen, Zeitschr., 1871, p. 29.
37
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
pyramid, etc., but it is evident that the notion which underlies all
these applications must be akin to what we mean in speaking of a
shoot, or of a column as something eland.
With this meaning of the word we shall now obtain a very
intelligible sense of several passages in well-known texts.
The 53rd invocation in the Litanies of Rd addresses that divinity
as ^ j nr ^ $n i $a 1 c2s " §od °f the shining h°rn' B°w °f
the West [or of Amenta]."
Let us compare with this another invocation, from the Pyramid
Texts; "O An, [steer] great in ploughing, who art Prince in the
Tuat ; lo, she cometh to meet thee, the Fair Amenta ... to meet
thee, with her beautiful locks — and she saith : 'here cometh he
who is born of the god of the shining Horn, the Bow which is tipped
with stibium, the Bull of Heaven, " Unas, ^u"~~j •
The extremities or tips of the Bow are called horns in Egyptian
as in Greek (cf. Odyss., 0. 359), and the horns suggest the notion of
the horned animal. The Moon is called by the Greek poets Kcpocrrna,
TavpoKcpioi, TavpwT7j9. and even the curious epithet "tipped with
stibium" has its counterpart in the aKpoKekaiviowaa of Nonnus of
Panopolis.
Just before the passage I have quoted from the inscription of
Unas, the god is called I "the Bow of the Stars" (evdarepos),
and fli ^ ^5?t "the Bow of Konsit, the Bull of
Heaven." (Konsit is here probably taken in a mythological not
geographical sense. The ' sleepers ' in Konsit [Teta 65] are gods
like the 'sleepers' in Heliopolis, Tmu and his two children.)
I will not at present proceed in a subject which admits of a con-
siderable amount of illustration and development.
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
THE KARIAN AND LYDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
By Professor A. H. Sayce.
Since the publication of my Paper on the Karian Language and
Inscriptions in the Transactions of this Society, Vol. IX, pt. 1, I
have collected several fresh inscriptions which are written in the
Karian alphabet. Most of these I copied last winter in the temple
of Thothmes III at Wadi Haifa. The greater part of the temple has
recently been cleared of sand by Captain Lyons, and it was on the
walls and columns of the newly-excavated portion that I found the
graffiti in qnestion. They seem to point to the existence of a
Karian garrison on the spot in the age of the XXVIth dynasty, or
of the Persian dynasties which followed. At least it is otherwise
difficult to account for them. A comparison of them with the
Ivarian inscriptions of Abu Simbel shows that none of them could
have been engraved by the mercenaries to whom the Abu Simbel
graffiti probably belong. Creek inscriptions at Wadi Haifa, it may
be noted, are very few in number. In the temple of Thothmes III
the most careful searching only revealed three. One of these is
written in letters the forms of which are those of the Greek graffiti
of Abu Simbel, though the sandstone on which they were scratched
is so weathered that very little of them is now decipherable. In fact
the only word that I could read with certainty is ZTPATETON.
A second consists of the single name AAAM AZ, while the third is
as follows : —
TACIME
NHCKYPHNAIOC B
lAZHNKYPHNAIOZ A
The letters belong to the second or third century B.C., and it is
interesting to find that the two forms of the sigma, C and Z, occur
together. The B and A probably signify " second " and " first."
39
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOCY. [1895.
I will now take the Karian texts in the order in which they have
been reproduced upon the accompanying plate, transliterating them
in accordance with the values I have assigned to the letters of the
Karian alphabet in my former Paper.
1. 1. O-u-n-d-bkh-a s-mi a-v-o-e-g mi-g-a-o-v-ii u-v-o-v-ii
a-kh 6(?)-v-h(?)-e. This inscription is clearly and deeply cut on a
column on the south side of the first court of the temple. The
syllable mig is found in two of the graffiti published in my former
Paper (IV, 5, n).
2. A(?)-e ? m-a-d mi-*-o-a-w a-o(?)-v-ii u-v-*-n(?) . . . h-c.
These letters are written on the third column, starting from the
south, of the first court. They are too much obliterated to make a
continuous reading of them possible. Some letters may be lost at
the end of the first line. In this case we may have the name Madys
which occurs at Abydos (IV, 6, 9, 10).
3. A-n-a-e-th(?)-d-. . Written on a broken block.
4. Me-s-n-a-w-wu E-v-v-s-e-u. Mesnawwu is evidently the
same name as Mesnbai which occurs on the Lausanne Stele from
Memphis (II, 4) and Mesnabai at Abu-Simbel (I, 1). The father's
name Ev{d)vse is also clearly the same as that written Evavse and
Avavssa at Abydos (IV, 2, 3). The inscription is on a broken
block.
5. Me-s-n-a-w-wu. On an isolated block.
6. These two inscriptions are on a column to the south-east.
The first of them does not seem to be in the Karian alphabet, but
their obliterated condition makes the reading uncertain.
7. This graffito is on the second column of the first court, starting
from the south. It may be read as Cypriote se-re-ta-ve-ta, but I
am inclined to think it is more probably intended to be Karian.
II. 1. I discovered this inscription three years ago on the lower
part of the southern side of a large boulder of stone on the eastern
bank of the Nile, opposite Silweh, and about two miles to the north of
the Shat er-Rigaleh. At the corner ofaWadi, about a hundred yards
to the north of it, is the hieroglyphic graffito : S^> Ma \>> „
The characters were clearly cut, though I was not certain about one
or two of them owing to a slight attack ot ophthalmia from which I
was suffering at the time. The following year, accordingly, I
revisited the spot in order to verify my copy, and was much
disgusted at finding that during the interval, the boulder had been
40
l*roc.Soc.BCbb. Arch. Jan? 1896
I. Wad!Halfa:(l) A T A A *\ V tl
36 9^ AIMM
(4.) .V^CD^NM /^
(6.) *oivoiNii/oy
(2.) A/kZSAIX'^TT
(3.) i A © BAA' <j> I
(5.)
(7.)
V 0AA/MAA
II North of SJlsihs. (I) ViCnYAS 1^WAVw/\<2>Y0
(2) lY^iyAn^viAiA^a
ui.
IV.
VI.
Km rprTMirr
W 3 H ©I'Vy/jiBW '4_
-10H ATTt//>\T
KARIAN AND LYDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
utilised as the basis of a telegraph post, and the inscription upon it
ruthlessly destroyed. What makes this the more deplorable is that
the inscription contains letters, or forms of letters, not found else-
where in the Karian texts, so that it probably represents a local form
of the alphabet and a local dialect.
2. E-v-a-s-a(?) k-*-6(?)-a-r(?)-v-k-r-k(?)- . . This is inscribed
on the summit of a rock, about a quarter of a mile to the south of
the last-mentioned inscription. The numerous Greek and hiero-
glyphic graffiti scribbled on the rock show that it must have been
regarded as sacred, and even at the present day offerings of corn are
made by the natives to the spirit of a "sheikh" who is supposed to
haunt it, and are placed by them in a hollow on the top. One of
the Greek inscriptions runs : To tti>ikjkvvi]h<i 'AiroWtoviov Vt'iivor.
Evasa is evidently the same name as Evavsa or Evavse, noticed
above.
Ill and IV. No. Ill is a copy of an inscription on a lentoid
gem or "island-stone" sent to me in 1886 by Dr. Ohnefalsch-
Richter. He informed me that the scone was steatite, and that it
was the property of a monk, in whose family it had been for the last
hundred years. It was found in the neighbourhood of Paphos, and
is engraved on both sides, the inscription being on the convex side,
while on the other side is the figure of a hippocampus. If the copy
is correct, I do not know how to read it. Were it not for the
square at the top, the characters might be regarded as Cypriote.
Eor the sake of comparison I have added (No. IV) the copy of an
inscription on an unpublished bead, now in the Ashmolean Museum,
which is certainly Cypriote, in spite of the second character to the
left. It reads : pe-mo-ta-ka-ko-ya-ta. How this is to be inter-
preted I do not know.
V. This inscription I copied two years ago on a rock on the
western bank of the Nile, about a mile to the north of Silsilis, my
dahabiyeh having happened to have been moored for the night just
under it. The inscription was cut on the edge of the sandstone
rock overhanging a quarry which had been excavated subsequent!}
to the time when it had been engraved along with other (hiero-
glyphic) inscriptions which the quarrymen had afterwards cut away.
These inscriptions are for the most part of the age of the Xlth and
Xllth dynasties, and several of them contain the name of Mentu-
hotep. Greek graffiti of the age of the Ptolemies which are inscribed
on the quarried surface of the stone show that the quarrying cannot
4i
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
have taken place later than the Greek period of Egyptian history.
Two of the graffiti are as follows :—
(1) AMMWNIOC (2) AAEEAC AIONYCIOY
KAAAIAPOMOY HKLO
E*EN
The inscription is somewhat difficult to copy, as it is on the
very edge of the cliff formed by the quarry, and for one who stands
on the edge, looks the wrong way, showing that the engraver must
have sat on a piece of rock that was subsequently excavated away.
On the other hand the letters, especially of the second line, are-
several inches in length, and are very deeply cut, so that their forms
arc perfectly distinct.
I believe that it is a specimen of the long-lost Lydian alphabet
and language. We learn from the inscriptions of Assur-bani-pal
that the foreign forces with whose help Psammetichos revolted from
Assyria, were sent to him by Gyges of Lydia, and consequently
though Herodotos mentions only Karians and lonians, there must
have been Lydians among them. Now though the graffiti of Karian
and Ionian mercenaries have been found in Egypt, no record of the
1 .ydians has hitherto turned up. It was, however, reasonable to
expect that one would be discovered sooner or later. The alphabet,
again, points to Lydia. The letters belong, in general type, to the
Phrygian alphabet, but certain differences in form between them
and the Phrygian characters make it evident that the alphabet
employed is not that of Phrygia. Nor is it that of Kappadokia, an
example of which is known. The alphabets of Kilikia, Pisidia,
Lykia and Karia belong to wholly different alphabetic systems, so
that of all the populations whose alphabets were derived from the
Phrygian, and who were likely to have visited Upper Egypt, the
I ,ydians alone are left. Lastly, the names at the beginning of the
second line are distinctively Lydian. Alys reminds us of the Lydian
Aly-attes, and Mrshtl which follows would naturally be a patronymic.
Now we learn from Herodotos (I, 7; see also III, 122) that the
Lydian king Kandaules was called Myrsilos by the Greeks, because
he was the son of Myrsos, from which we may infer that in the
Lydian language the suffix -(/)/ denoted the patronymic. It may be
added that the characters engraved on the base of one of the
columns presented by the Lydian Kroesos to the temple of Ephesus,
42
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
and published by Sir Charles Newton in the Transactions of this
Society (IV, 2), are identical with the characters of the Silsilis text.
Our knowledge of the Phrygian alphabet enables us to read the
second line of what I will now call the Lydian inscription without
any difficulty. It runs; A-l-us M-r-sh-t-1 z-u-1 ; " Alys the son
of Mrsht . . . "'. The first line of the inscription appears to be by
a different hand. The characters in it are much smaller than those
in the first line, and are not formed in quite the same way. Nor is
it easy to decipher. Perhaps it may be read 1-kh-w-e-g.
VI. This inscription is lightly scratched on a small plaque of
steatite which was found at Sardes, and presented by the Rev.
Greville Chester to the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. If it is
genuine, it will also be Lydian. But I am too doubtful about its
character to attempt to read it.
It now only remains for me to add one or two notes upon my
Paper on the Karian Inscriptions. The obliterated word in the
first line of the longest of the Abydos graffiti (IV, 32) can be
improved. A recent inspection of the inscription has shown me
that the word is IC(D£ W>\' Mr. Theodore Bent has visited
Skopi, and made an improved copy of the Karian inscription there
(No. VII). As compared with Hamner-Purgstall's copy, the last
letter of the first line is \J\J\ , which occurs again in the inscription I
copied near Silsilis (II, 1), and the 5th and 6th letters probably
form the single letter \j\j. In line 2, Mr. Bent makes the last letter
but one P, while the 3rd letter is 0 ; in line 3, the 3rd letter is V\,
and in line 4, the 3rd and 4th letters are F and 0 , as in the copies
of Forbes and Hoskyns.
ri (ft .*> m^e _ ' -r^s^- a n ?
43
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
ADDITIONAL NOTE ON A FRAGMENT OF THE
ADAPA-LEGEND.
Dr. Bezold's note in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie (IX, 4,
p. 405), so far as it concerns myself, demands just so much of an
answer as is conveyed by the following statement of facts. My note
was in the printer's hands on the 18th of May, 1894 ; the first
proof was corrected and returned before the end of May, and the
second in the first week in June. The first part of the ninth
volume of the Zeitschrift, containing Dr. Bezold's article, was sent
to me by my bookseller on the 15th of June, when the separate
copies of my note had already begun to be printed off. These facts
are of themselves sufficient to exhibit the character of Dr. Bezold's
assumption that I had seen his article, though I did not refer to it :
indeed it would seem that " es musz hier ein Missverstandniss
vorliegen."
S. Arthur Strong.
The next Meeting oi the Society will be held at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 5th
February, 1895, at 8 P-m-> when the following- Paper will be
read : —
Rev. Dr. Lowy, " On the Pre-Mosaic Culture of the Hebrews."
44
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
NOTICES.
Subscriptions to the Society become due on the 1st of January
each year. Those Members in arrear for the current year are
requested to send the amount, £1 is., at once to Messrs. Lloyds'
Bank, Limited, 54, St. James's Street, S.W.
Papers proposed to be read at the Monthly Meetings must be
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Members having New Members to propose, are requested to send
in the names of the Candidates on or before the 10th of the month
preceding the meeting at which the names are to be submitted to
the Council.
A few complete sets of the publications of the Society can be
obtained by application to the Secretary, W. Harry Rylands, 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
The Library of the Society, at 37, Great Russell Street,
Bloomsbury, W.C, is open to Members on Monday, Wednesday,
and Friday, between the hours of 1 1 and 4, when the Secretary
is in attendance to transact the general business of the Society.
As the new list of members will shortly be printed, Members are
requested to send any corrections or additions they may wish to have
made in the list which was published in Vol. IX of the Transactions.
45
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher tier Konige una Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
■ La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgex, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Ileiden.
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1S47-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par
II. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budixger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1S62-1873.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1S67.
2nd series, 1S69.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1SS6.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augcn-
krankheiten.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1SS0.
( i \vet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie an Musee du Louvre.
Golexischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappaclociennes de la Collection de
IIaupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
PI ESS, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra" Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
46
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns HonciNS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F.', De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledraix, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Leff,bure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legraix, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmanv, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1SS0.
Lyon, D. G. An Assyrian Manual.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H.j Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio.
Tognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
R.AWLINSON, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Coinmentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gbtterglaube.
Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur TEpisode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
"W'alther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Kdnigl. Bank zu Theben.
Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der AgyqDtische Horus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
■ Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley. C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 187S.
Zimmern, H., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
47
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Second Meeting, ^tJi February, 1895.
Rev. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A.
IN THE CHAIR.
-#;$-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — H. Rassam. History of Assyrian and
Babylonian Discoveries. 8vo. 1S94.
From the Author : — H. Rassam. Assyrian and Babylonian
Antiquities at the British Museum. Svo. 1895.
From the Author : — Rev. R. Waddy Moss. Genesis and Semitic
Tradition; Outlines of the History of Judea. Svo. 1894.
From the Author : — Professor Guici. Abyssinian Proverbs, &c.,
Rome, 1894.
[No. cxxvu.] 49 D
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Candidate was submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, 8th January,
1895, and elected a Member of the Society.
Rev. Henry Jones, St. John's Parsonage, Ashborne, Derby.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The University Library, Giessen, Germany.
The following Candidates were nominated for election
at the next Meeting, to be held on the 5th March, 1895 : —
Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson, 237, S. 21st Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Rev. Percival Clementi-Smith, M.A., 35, St. Andrew's Hill, E.C.
A Paper was read by the Rev. Dr. Lowy on " The Pre-
Mosaic Culture of the Hebrews."
Remarks were added by Theo. G. Pinches, Thos. Tyler,
M.A., Rev. G. Margoliouth, and the Chairman. Thanks were
returned for this communication.
5°
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CX.
The Beginning of the Chapters of the Garden of Hotepit, and of the
Chapters of coming forth by day ; and of entering and coming
forth in the Nethertvorld, and of arriving at the Garden of
Aarru, at the Rise (1) in Hotepit and at the Grand Domain,
blest with the breezes : that I may take possession there and be in
Glory there : that there I may plough and mow : that there I
may eat and drink and love : doing whatsoever things are done
upon earth,
Horus is seized by Sutu : who looketh as one turning (2) towards
the Garden of Hotepit.
But for me Sutu releaseth Horus : and the double path which is
nigh to Heaven is thrown open by Sutu. And Sutu taketh his
portion of the breeze through the Power of his own day, (3) and he
delivereth the bowels or Horus from the gods below.
Lo, I sail the great Bark on the Stream of the god Hotep. I
took it at the mansion of Shu.
The mansion of his stars is again and again renewed. (4) I sail
upon its streams that I may come to the domains thereof.
For I am in unison with his successive changes and his rules,
and his papyrus, (5) and his attendant gods, and his chieftains. He
reconcileth the two Warrior gods with those who have the charge
of food and the beautiful creation which he raiseth up ; and he
reconcileth the two Warrior gods with each other. (6)
He severeth the mourners from those who quarrel with them :
he putteth a stop to them whose hand is violent against those weaker
than themselves : he keepeth within bounds the contentions of the
Powers.
May I have possession there.
51 d 2
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
I know it, and I sail upon its streams that I may come to the
domains thereof.
My mouth is potent and secured against the Glorified that they
may not have the mastery of me.
May I have the investiture of thy Garden, O Hotep. What thou
wiliest, do thou it.
Let me be glorified there, and eat and drink there, and plough
there, and reap there, and grind (7) there, and have my fill of love
there.
May my mouth be potent there, let me there utter my Words-
of Power and not be slighted.
* * * * * * *
I am in possession of that Word of Power of mine which is the
most potent one within this body of mine here : and by means of it
I make myself either known or unknown.
I make my progress and I plough.
I take my rest in the divine Domain.
I know the names of the domains, the districts and the streams
within the Garden of Hotep.
I am there, I am master there, I am in glory there, I eat there :
I plant and I reap there ; I plough there, and I take my fill of love.
I am united there with the god Hotep.
I cast my seed there, and I sail upon its stream that I may come-
to the domains thereof, O Hotep.
Lo, my mouth is armed with sharp points. There is given to
me the abundance which belongeth to the Ka and to the Glorified.
I give the reckoning of Shu to him who understandeth it.
I sail upon its stream, and I range within the Garden of Hotep,.
for Ra is in the sky, and Hotep is putting together the oblations.
I hasten to the land, and I fasten my stole upon me, that I may
come forth, and that that may be given to me which hath to be
given ; that I may have joy and take possession of the wealth which
Hotep assigneth to me.
Rise in Hotep, I arrive in thee, my soul is with me, and my
provision is before the Mistress of the Two Earths, who maketh fast
my Words of Power, which recall to mind that which I have
forgotten. Let me live free from strife ; and be there granted to
me enlargement of heart.
Let my arteries be made fast, and let me have the enjoyment of
the Breeze. (8)
52
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S05.
Rise in Hotep, blest with the Breeze, I arrive in thee, my head
is uncovered : Ra sleepeth, but there waketh for me, and there
shineth upon me Hesit [the Cow-goddess] (9) who lieth at the
confines of Heaven by night.
He standeth in my way who heapeth against me his own dross.
But I am in my own domain.
Great Domain, I arrive in thee and I reckon up the abundance
as I pass on to Uach. (10)
I am the Bull, raised on high in the Blue ; the lord of the Bull's
field ; which Sothis describeth to me at her successive hours.
Uach, I arrive in thee, and I eat my cakes, and take possession
of my joints of flesh and meat and fowl.
The winged things of Shu are given to me, and my Kau follow
me. (11)
T'efait, (12)1 arrive in thee, I put on the stole and fasten upon
me the girdle of Ra, whilst he is >n heaven, (13) and the gods who
are in heaven are following Ra.
Rise in Hotep, Lord of the Two Earths, I arrive in thee :
I salute the stream of Tescrit. (14) Lo, here am I, and all impurity
is far from me. The great one fiourisheth ... I net the
ducks, and I eat dainties.
Kankanit, (15) I arrive in thee; that I may see my father and
attentively view my mother.
I take care to net the reptiles ; and that which protecteth me is
that I know the name of that god who is next to T'eserit (goddess
with flowing locks and armed with horns), and who reapeth.
I myself plough and reap.
Hesit, I arrive in thee, and I encounter the Blue.
I follow the Breezes, and the company of the gods.
It is the Great goddess who hath given me my head, and he
who fasteneth my head upon me is the Great god, the Blue-eyed,
who doeth according to his own will.
Userit, (16) I arrive in thee, in face of the mansion where food
is produced for me.
Smait, (17) I arrive in thee. My heart is awake: my head is
provided with the White crown and I am conveyed over the
"neavens : and I make those things to prosper which are below me :
a joy to the Bull of the gods above, the divine company.
I am the Bull, the Lord of the gods ; and I make my way
through the midst of the Emerald ones. (18)
53
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Isle of Corn and Barley, divine district, I arrive in thee. I
encounter and I bear oft" that which proceedeth from the head of
Ra : the pair of horns which have the force of purification. (19)
I make myself fast to the Block of Moorage on the heavenly
stream, and I utter my praise to the gods who are in the Garden of
Hotepit.
Notes.
The text of this chapter handed down by the Turin papyrus
and those which agree with it contains nothing very difficult for a
translator, but on being compared with the older copies it is found
to consist of a collection of small fragments of the older text put
together without any regard to their original order or context. And
about three-quarters of the old chapter are suppressed in the new
recension.
The editors of the fine papyrus of Sutimes in their notes upon
this chapter remark, that in the Turin text the sentences are in quite
a different order from that of their papyrus, " On peut y voir," they
say, " l'effet de lectures et de transcriptions en rebours du sens, par
des scribes ayant mal compris les editions, en colonnes retrogrades. ,r
This is, curiously enough, the very fault of the papyrus of
Sutimes itself, which is here wrong from beginning to end,* though
probably derived from an excellent original. It begins with the
" Isle of Corn and Barley," and jumbles together quite incoherent
sentences.
The oldest copy of the chapter yet discovered is that of the
Tomb of Cha-em-hait, at Thebes, and by a strange fatality it has
been published in such a form that in order to read it correctly, we
must begin with what is printed as line n and finish with line 1.
We have it also in a very incomplete condition. We miss the first
eighteen lines contained in the papyrus of Nebseni and the last
words of every line.
The papyrus of Nebseni is the only complete text we have, and
here as well as elsewhere it is extremely incorrect. Some parts are
so corrupt that a translation must necessarily be dependent upon
conjectural emendations which can have no genuine claim upon
the reader's confidence. We must be content with waiting till
better authorities are discovered.
* See M. Naville's remarks, Einleitung, p. 156.
54
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
The Gardens of Hotepit and Aarru are the Paradise, Elysian
Fields and Islands of the Blessed of the Egyptian imagination.*
They were supposed to be situated in the neighbourhood of the
rising Sun, but certain features were apparently suggested by the
islets of the Delta.
The usual meaning of the word Hotepit, ^ □ ,t when
^ III
written according to the orthography of the Pyramid Texts, is
oblations, offerings. This, however, is only a derived meaning. The
word really only expresses a predicate of the things offered, as
putting together, uniting, reconciling; Hotep might signify Rest,
a □
or Peace ; very appropriate names for such a garden. fn is
the name of a god who dwells here.:}: There is also a goddess here
called Hotepit o j\ , mentioned in the Pyramid inscription of
Pepi I (line 423), as mother of the great Scarab : and the same name
is given to Hathor in the temple of Dendera. The name of Hotep
(with different determinatives S) belongs to one of the islands of this
blissful place.
The Pyramid Texts furnish some interesting information not con-
tained in the Book of the Dead. We are told that the approach to
the Garden is over the Lake of Putrata (see chapter 40, note 1),
that there is a great lake (? that of Konsit) in the middle of the
Garden of Hotepit, upon which the great gods alight, and that the
Achmiu Sekiit, the starry deities who never set, there feed the
departed with the wood of life l ^^ ■¥" lignum vita? I " upon
which they themselves live, in order that he too may live." Shu
and Tefnut are mentioned as divinities of this place. But perhaps
the most remarkable fact is that Horus had enemies even here, who,
* Mission Arch., I, p. 125.
+ Also written t) 0 {Unas, 422 and elsewhere).
% The garden is also called \\\ = P^ . Another form is I
&^± Cx □ *"^r I <
"" O {Pepi I, 309).
o □
/sa/vw\ Nebseni, I \ Szttimes, \\ in all the later
□ WW\A d □ 1 Ci □ ^
papyri.
55
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
however, were annihilated by the divine weapons at the disposal of
the departed worthy, who was led there in order that " he might sit
among the stars in heaven."
And here it was that the beatified personage sat upon his throne
of steel, which was decorated in front with faces of the lion-god
—-^ $ ^. Jr5V. Maahes, the feet of it being the hoofs of the great
Bull Sma-ura, and extended his hand to the coming generation of
men (the S vX V\ v\ Q), whilst the gods approached him in
submissive attitude, and made offerings to him. It was, perhaps,
from these offerings that the Garden derived its name.
(These notes will be continued in the next number of the Proceedings.)
56
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ON THE DIVINE NAME mm.
By Rev. G. Margoliouth.
It is well known that the Divine Names YTtfj and mm have, by
several modern scholars, been held to mean, " the sender of storms,
of lightning, and the like." This theory rests on the derivation of
•HtT* from the Aramaic N"TtL\ 1r»> "to cast," or "to throw down,"
and on the supposition that the name mm does not represent the
Kal with its simple intransitive meaning of " being," or " becoming,"
but the Hifil, or causative of the verb niH, which in Arabic (0-yb)
means "to fall down," and which, in the form NVf, also bears the
same meaning in Job xxxvii, 6, where the phrase occurs : "^
V1N N1i~f "V2N'' 37ttJ/, "for he saith to the snow, fall down upon
the earth."
This conjecture has, however, hitherto been confined to the
Sacred Name m!~P itself, whilst its explanation by the phrase mHN
mnN 1ttJN> as given in Ex. iii, 14, has not been supposed to bear
any other meaning than that which the verb XVT\ usually has in
Hebrew. The only question that has been admitted on the point
was whether mnNt expresses the absolute being of God (LXX,
i aw), or the "simpler meaning of actuality," with which, as Professor
W. R. Smith suggested, the iavfiai of Aquila and Theodotion
appears to be connected, or whether finally it is more akin to the
Greek ^i^vo/iat, to "become something," the latter being the
meaning favoured in the new edition of Gesenius' Dictionary, which
is now being published by Drs. Brown, Driver, and Briggs, where
HipiN ""tfTN mnN is translated by, " I shall be the one who will
be it."
* Gesenius {Thesaurus, under ^V) mentions Seb, Schmid and Dryling as ap-
parently the first to suggest this derivation of ^V) , but it was the late Professor
R. W. Smith who brought the theory into prominent notice for both names. See
Dr. Driver's very important article on the subject in Studio. Biblica, I.
t See W. R. Smith's Prophets of Israel, pp. 385-7.
57
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
It appears, however, that the possibility of extending the above-
mentioned conjecture on the meaning of rnrP also to the ex-
planatory phrase ITnN "ll!?N PPilN is by no means excluded,
and the main purpose of this paper is to offer a few tentative
remarks in the direction just indicated.
One reason why the explanatory phrase before us has not
hitherto been allowed to embody the meaning which Professor
W. R. Smith and others claimed for rnrP, is the idea that the
designation of the Deity by the term " sender of storms," was held
to be derogatory to the spirituality of the Mosaic idea of the
Supreme Being. It was all very well to suppose that such an idea
existed in very ancient pre-Mosaic days, but even advanced critics
have felt a certain very laudable shrinking from a theory which
would carry a merely physical attribute like this into the very
centre of the religious system propagated by Moses. This objection
need, however, not stand in our way, if we only suppose — as we are
fully justified in doing — that the physical notion of " sending down
things from the sky" would gradually pass over into the meaning of
"sending to man all things that he needs," and, like the Arabic
\'\\, it might even have assumed the idea of "sending down a
revelation."'1' PHi-p, therefore, if it be taken as the causative of
mn> lS&> " to felV' might in the Mosaic conception have had the
meaning of the " sender of the law," and from this point of view
there can so far be no objection to a similar interpretation of the
explanatory phrase in Ex. iii, 14, and rPilN "IttfN ITnN may,
therefore, not inaptly be taken to mean : "I will send down what
I will send down," i.e., " I will give you a law from heaven in
accordance with the plan of my inscrutable providence."
But the other and perhaps more serious objection to this theory
lies in the fact that the verb nTf never means anything but " to be "
or "to become" in the Hebrew that has come down to us. It is
different, so it may fairly be argued, with regard to the name n")i""P y
for there we have a root TV\T\, which in the Arabic fourth form
actually means "to send down," and which, as we have seen, is also
found once in Job in the unmistakable sense of " falling down ; "
whereas in the phrase rTHN ItZJN ITnN we have the usual verb
ppn , which nowhere means anything but " to be." This argument
* Instances of similar evolutions of ideas and terms are too common to need
any specific justification.
53
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
is no doubt a very strong one, and I own to feeling its weight myself.
My remarks are, however, as I have already said, merely tentative ;
and if my suggestion should be found worth consideration on other
grounds, we shall also be disposed to reflect that we are not now
investigating what the phrase JTHN "ltLsN SlTlM meant later on —
say from the time of David onwards — but what it meant in the
original source from which the Elohist, to whom critics assign the
main portion of Ex. iii, drew his account. That the roots J-pH and
mn interchange in Hebrew is shown., e.g., by the phrase miT
TTttA "P23 hi Gen. xxvii, 29, and by 1ft7 ^HD *\n in Is. xvi, 4,
where TT\T1 is found in the usual sense of n^H, and we therefore
have a right to suppose that in a very early stage of the language, i.e.,
before Hebrew and Arabic were yet quite distinct from each other,
n"1!! might have also been used in the sense which N1H has in
Job xxxvii, 6, namely, that of "falling down." Nor ought we to
overlook the fact that in Job vi, 2, W, in the sense of "abyss,"
or "engulfing ruin," is the 1TO instead of T^> which is the *np.
This clearly shows that the root TVT\ was not unknown in the sense
of " falling down " in that dialect of Hebrew which exhibits most
affinity with Arabic, and as the Sinai revelation actually takes us
into the territory of the Midianites, who were northern Arabs, we
need not be surprised to find in a very ancient phrase an unusual
meaning of nTT, if that meaning can be justified by the very
similar Arabic root ^jJb-
Another aspect of the question before us is the very important
grammatical one. There is hardly any scholar who has not found
the phrase JlTM "\tt?N rTHN, when taken in the meaning usually
assigned to it, difficult to construe. The late Professor W. R.
Smith's elaborate note on the subject, in his work on the Prophets
of Israel (pp. 385-7), ends with the confession that a "little
awkwardness of expression " still remains. The difficulty, however,
lies not so much in the repetition of the word rTTTN, as in the
particle IttfN standing between the double JTHN- This relative
particle * may follow either a substantive or a verb. If it follows a
* The idea that *^tL^ is here a conjunctive particle, and that the phrase is to-
be rendered, " I shall be inasmuch as I shall be," has not found favour among
scholars generally, although advocated by Ibn Ezra, J. D. Michaelis, and
Wellhausen. See the new edition of Gesenius' Dictionary, under HI!"!-
59
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
substantive, it is equally usual and equally easy whether "Vil^ has
to be construed as a nominative or as an accusative. The case is,
however, rather different when it follows a verb, for it is then far
more usual, and it appears also to be far more natural to construe
it as an accusative. A few instances will indeed be found in which
it stands ia the nominative case, and the phrase ^7 ItTN '"[7 ^PP
in Gen. xxxiii, 9, shows that it would be justifiable to take the 712JN
in H"1!!^ ""ltt?N rPnN in a similar sense. De Lagarde* also
quotes the Arabic phrase hAjso ^jj>\\ IfcliO .Jus- (donee accidit ei
quod accidit), from which it can be seen that the relative pronoun
l^JJIj which answers to the Hebrew "*|tIJN, can also be used as a
nominative after a verb. But the accusative signification is far
more frequent, and no one will, I believe, doubt that, grammatically
speaking, the phrase rT1!!^ "Y&'N ("PHN reads much more smoothly
.and much more naturally, if rr^H^ be taken as a causative, and
"Yit?N consequently as standing in the accusative case ; and as the
meaning of "causing to be" is excluded on the simple ground that
no Semitic language t uses the Hif'Il of r"Pi~I in that sense, it
follows that we must adopt the only other possible translation, and
render: "I will send down what I will send down." This phrase
would then be entirely analogous to "1QN lENil "KEN ntt in Ex.
xvi, 23, or ]nN IttfN ]~!N VGm in Ex. xxxiii, 19.
You will of course not expect me to say much on the views
which Egyptologists or Assyriologists have held on the subject
before us. There was a time when the Egyptian " nuk pu nuk"
(occurring in several places of the "Book of the Dead") was held
to be analogous to HTl^ "V£N PPnN, and practically to mean
the same. If that were so, my theory of a causative sense for HTl^
would be considerably weakened; but Mr. le Page Renouf has, in his
Hibbert Lectures J (pp. 244-5), entirely refuted the analogy, and
shown that the phrase " nuk pu nuk " only means, " I, even I,"
without containing any verb signification whatever. From an
Assyriological point of view, the list of names compounded with Ya
and Yawa in Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions, as communicated by
* Psalterium juxta Hebreos Hicronymi, Lipsice, p. 138.
t The use of *uOOlf in Syriac is a very late formation. Payne Smith only
•quotes some instances from Bar-Hebreus and Ebed-Yeshu.
X Published by Williams and Norgate, 1880; quoted also in Dr. Driver's
-article ill Studia Biblica, I.
60
Feb. 5J PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Mr. Pinches in the Proceedings of this Society for November, 1892,
appeared rather formidable ; but Professor Sayce, with — one may
suppose — Mr. Pinches' very carefully drawn up statement before
him, declares, in his work on the Higher Criticism and the Verdict
of the Monuments (p. 89), that, "apart from the names of Jews
and that of Yahu-bidhi [who may have been of Jewish origin], the
cuneiform inscriptions, in spite of the wealth of proper names
which they contain, show us no names that are compounded with
the name of the God of Israel." Until, therefore, Mr. Pinches, or
another experienced Assyriologist, draws up a theory which would
materially strengthen the hypothesis of Professor Friedrich Deiitzsch,*
which, as Dr. Driver has shown, is now practically disproved, the
Biblical student is obliged to confine himself to the evidence offered
by the more general Semitic branches of research.
I began my paper with a statement of modern conjectures, not
only with regard to the Divine Name HI IT , but also with regard to
"HtL''- These two Sacred Names must indeed, from the point of
view taken up here, be treated together. The two most important
rival roots to which v^r? has been assigned by different scholars are
Til!? and NT^-t I need not repeat what has been said on the
subject before, and I will, therefore, only adduce a grammatical
reason in favour of N~TtL\ as I am not aware that this reason has
been thought of before. If "HIT were derived from T"TtL\ the >
would have to be taken as a formative letter, and the word would
be a relative adjective of the same type as, e.g., E»Q^O " belonging
to a king" or "royal." and Wr^ "belonging to the outside,' or
"external." "H^ would therefore mean, "belonging to one who
destroys," or " to one who is powerful." But it is clear that the
Divine Being would hardly be designated in this manner. He
would be called, "the Powerful," or "Almighty," not "belonging
to the Powerful" or "Almighty." If, on the other hand, 'HtiJ be
derived from N"!lL\ lr*, the word would denote a "Being who is
in the habit of sending down things from heaven," and it would
* See Professor Driver's article on the subject in Stadia Biblica, I.
f I am aware that analogies from the Egyptian and Assyrian have been
suggested for this name also, but it will hardly be affirmed that a definite theory
has been formulated as yet. The Egyptian expression " nutar nutra " (see Le
Page Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, p. 99) would of course be a striking parallel if
"Ht^' really meant "the Almighty."
61
Feb. 5J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
then be analogous in form to such words as Q*p, the constant one;
Vr^C ' tlie ner0 ; 1*1^D > a sailor.
I will close my remarks with one more suggestion, namely, that
l^TtO and rTirP are in reality the same Divine Name expressed in
two different Semitic dialects, i"T& being the Aramaic name of the
God of the Patriarchs, and rpPP the Hebrew-Arabic translation or
equivalent of the Name. Both Names really mean — according to the
opinion advocated in this paper — the same thing, namely, "one
who sends down things from heaven," and it is only natural that
Abraham the Aramaean should have known the Godhead by the
Aramaic designation *>T£S and that the Hebrew-Arabic designation
of the true God should have been adopted by his descendants later
on. "With this view before us the well-known third verse of Ex. vi
becomes quite clear and natural. When Moses was informed that to
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob the God of Israel was known by the
name of 1"7l£J hft , but not by that of mrP, this appears to mean
that to the three patriarchs, who had remained more or less Aramaeans
in speech, the Divine Being was known by the Aramaic name
^TiLS whilst their descendants, who became more and more identified
with Canaan, and also came into very close contact with the northern
Arabs, naturally adopted the name HIIT1 to express the Name of the
Deity, who had been known to the patriarchs by an Aramaic
designation. A modification of a similar tendency appears to lie
before us in the two forms of the name borne by Abraham's wife.
*HC? may be taken to have been her Aramaic name,* which in
Canaan was naturally modified into m2?. One is surprised to find
that Prof. Saycef is so much puzzled over the form of the word ^T^,
and that he could only find an explanation of it in the Canaanish
forms Labai, lion, and Adai, as found on the Tel-el-Amarna tablets,
where the words just quoted are, however, not of the feminine gender.
The termination ai for the feminine is well known in the Aramaic of
an archaic form, as is shown by the words fcJL7Q , a spider, ^qjZ-
a condition, . .nVty. a quail, and a few other examples; and there
is besides the analogous Arabic feminine termination in ^ or \* of
See Wright's Comparative Gra'iimar of the Semitic Laif;zia:es, p. 138.
t Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments, p. 179.
62
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
which there are many examples — as - » j, a claim; t_s< j, memory;
or lSjJSjJ » g°od news-
You will have noticed that I have been careful to qualify my
remarks by the term " tentative." No one can boast to have arrived
at anything like a certain explanation of either of the Sacred Names
which we have been considering, and a difficulty has been felt
all along in the construction of the important phrase "Y^N PPnN
iTnN- My only object has been to suggest one or two fresh lines
of argument and investigation, and it is just possible that what
I have said may deserve to be subjected to a further examination in
future treatises on the same subject.
P.S. — I have not discussed the vocalisation of the words treated
on in this paper, but it is clear that if my suggestion should be
adopted, the original pronounciation of the verbal form in the
phrase PPHN "ItTN il^n^ must have been different from that
usually assigned to it.
63
Ffb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S95..
THE LAMENT OF "THE DAUGHTER OF SIN."
By Theo. G. Pinches.
The lower right-hand portion of what was originally a large
closely-written tablet of red baked clay, the text measures at present
2§ inches high by 4! inches long. The obverse has the latter-
portion of fifteen lines of column I, and no less than twenty-four-
lines, more or less complete, of Column II. The reverse has
twenty-five similar lines of Column III, and the latter halves of
eighteen lines of Column IV. Like most bilingual texts, the trans-
lation is interlinear, the Assyrian lines being inset about ^ of an
inch. In some places, however (especially on the reverse), the
scribe seems to have wished to economize space, and he has there-
fore written the Assyrian line or lines in smaller characters in such
blank spaces as were available. The style of the writing is
Babylonian, and the tablet was probably copied from a Babylonian
original by Assyrian scribes at Nineveh, where the present fragment
was found, either by Layard or by Rassam.
Though only a fragment of a large tablet, the text seemed to me
to be worth publication, not only on account of the subject, but also
because of the new words or phrases it contains, both in the Semitic
and non-Semitic Babylonian versions. As will be seen, it is a kind of
legend referring to a high-placed lady, seemingly even a goddess,
who had been driven from her house and city by her " enemy." *
* Dr. Bezold's description of the text in Vol. I of the British Museum Cata-
logue, is as follows : —
" Part of a clay tablet, 4^ inches by 2f inches. End of obverse with twenty-
four, and beginning of reverse with twenty-four for the most part pretty clear
Babylonian lines. A mythological tale (or part of an incantation?) in the
interlinear style of writing, the explanations of the ideographs being given some-
times in very small characters between two lines of a larger writing. Mentions
the god ~f ^ <*=T*3ffT CD"*
* " According to some Akkadologists, this text would be one of the so-called dialectic."
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Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [,s9S<
Column I.
r gul dug-ga-mu
2. . ui?)-5al-pi - tu
he hath caused evil
3 _r;i>d:." in - _m - c: - ;.
4- • ma-a-ti in-ni-ip-pu
[in] the land was made
5 ma - da gul - gul
6 ma-a-ti u - tab -bat
[//;] the land was destn:.
- kur-ri ba-da-ab - gam
S nak-ri is - ta - lal
the enemy carried >ff
9. [Dumu seg - ga kur - ri
ma-ri dam-ka mina
[ Tht son the fair one.~\ the enemy (carried off)
10 §u - nu-um - du - du
11 ill us- tak - la - lu
was not completed
\2 e-a am - gi
15 ina beti pi - hu - u
is shut up in the h
14 ub - bi ba - da - glib
15 ina tup - ki su-uz-zu-zu
was made to settle in the 1 . \
Column II.
1 . . . ra
3 u - a - mu
4 elippi ar - ka - be
[in] the ship I rode
65 E
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
5. [ur - ri - bi ]e - sir ma-al - la sala - mu ni - in - tu
6. [Nak-ru su-u ina sepa-su ?] se-e-nu sak-nu ana mas-tak-ki-ia
i-ru-ba-am
It was the enemy, upon [/lis feet] the shoe was set, to my
sanctuary he descended
7. ur - [ri - bi su] nu - lag - ga - bi ma - ku mu - si - in - ir
8. [nak - ri] su - u kata - su la me - si - a - ti ya - si ub - la
// was the entmy ! his hands not washed upon me he brought
9. su-[ni] mu - un - si - in - ir im - mu - e - gin
10. ka-ti-su ub - lam - ma u-par - ri-da-an-ni
his hands he brought and he drove me forth
ti. [ur]-ri-bi su - ni mu - un - si - in -ir im-te-a mu-un-gam-en
T2. nak - ri su-u kat - su u-ub-lam-ma ina pu-luh-ti us-mi-tan-ni
It was the enemy ! His hand he brought and in fear he made
me bo7v do7cn
13. Me - e im - ma - da - te e-ne nu - mu - da - te
14. Ana-ku ad - luh - ma su - u ul ip- lah-an- ni
I was troub/ed and as for him he fea?rd me not
15. Te - mu mu- da-an - sig dam-a-ni mu-ni-in-dur
16. Su-ba-a - ti is-hu - ut - ta - an - ni-ma as-sat-su u-lab-bi-su
My clothes he tore off from me and his wife he clothed
17. Ur - ri - bi na-za-gin mu - da- an - tar dumu - ni mu-ni-in - lal
18. Nak-ri su-u uk-ni-i ip-ru-'-ma ma-rat-su is-kun
7/ was the enemy ! The lapis-lazuli he snatched away and (on)
his daughter he placed.
19. Ki - gub-ba-bi am-gug - e - de
20. Man-za-as-su a-kab-ba-as
His domain I will make desolate
21 im - ni - ma ki - a si-in - ki - ki - e
hi - bi es - Su
22 im ra - ma-ni - ia as - ra-a-ti es-te-ni-'-e
myself the places I 7oill seek
66
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
23 gir - e amar dim ba-ab-hu-luh-ha
24 ia ur - ri - ha - an - ni ina i-ga-ri-ia u - gal-lid-an-ni
\To\ my he hurried me, in my enclosed place he disturbed me
Column III.
1. Tu - musen im - te - a- dim mu - ur - ra ud - ba - ni
2. Ki - ma su - um-ma-tum u(?)-ri-it-ti ina gu-su-ri a-bit
Like a lonely (?) dove upon a beam I rest
3. Su - din musen dal-la-dim di-da-al kabar-kabar-ri-en
4. Ki-ma su-din - nu D.S. [ir?]-ri-si ina ni-gi-is-si es - te - ri
Like a sudin - bird wounded (?) in a hollow L perch
5. E - ma musen - dim
6. Ina beti-ia ki - ma is-[su]-ri
L/i my house like a bird
lm-ma-ra-an - n - e-en
u - sap-sak - an - ni
he putteth me in anguish
7. Eri - ma musen - dim
Ln my city like a bird
S. E - ma egir - mu
9. Beti ar-ki - i[a]
My house behind me
he (putteth me in anguish)
gu - mu - un - de - de - e
il - ta - na - as - si - a
constantly repeateth
10. Gasan - gin. Eri - ma egir [-mu]
Be - li - ku
gu
a - li ar - ki - ia mina
"Lam the lady." My city behind me (constantly repeateth) (the same).
1 1. Me - e e - mu E - mu [nu] - gin a - dim in - na - an - de
12. Ana-ku ana beti-ia[Ul] beti at - tam ki-i ak-bu - u
L to my house " Thou artfiot my house," thus L have said
13. Me - e eri -mu Eri - mu nu-gin a - dim
/ to my city " Thou art not my city" thus (L have said)
14.
!5-
Na - an - na - tu - tu - de - en im - mi - gu - a la - bi mu - un-ku-e
La ir-ru-ub-[su] ak-bi-ma la - la - su ik - kal - an - ni
" / will not enter it" L said, "/or its splendour will eat me, up"
67 E 2
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
1 6. Na - an - da - ra . . de-de-en im-mi-gu i-si-is-bi mu - un - da - si - gi
17. La ut-tak .... as-su ak-bi-ma si-ha(?)-ta-su-u-sa-na-as-an-ni
" 1 will not it" I said, "for its lamentation will make
me- sad"
iS. A-dim ni- - gul - gul ni - zu a-dim mu - un - pi - el
19. Ki-ma .... -ri-su ki-i tu-ab-bi-ti-su ra-man-ki, ki-i tu-gal-li-li
Like its .... thus thou hast destroyed it, thyself thus thou
hast ruined
20. Nin sala(?)-zu .... -ni-gul-gul ni-zu
21. [Be-el]-tum [masj-tak-ki ki-i ta-bu-ti
Lady, thy sanctuary, thus thou hast destroyed, thyself [thus thou
hast ruined).
22. . na - si - im
- ad - di - ni
[thou] hast giveii
o-
24 - 1
25 -en
Column IV.
. . il
- me - en
am L
esig - ga
. strong
5
6 bara mu - ru . . . - an
7 ina ar -ki - ia man - nu
behind me, who . . . . ?
a - ba ba - ra - e
ni-iS i-ni-ia
the darling of mine eye, who hath driven forth ?
63
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. ^895.
9 a - ba ba - ra - Sub - ba
who hath overthrown ?
jo >->f- Mu - ul - lil - la - me - en
11 - ti 5a >->f- H ana - ku
. . the . . of Bel am I
12 tum En - zu - na - me - en
a-bi-ia Sin ana-ku
. the . . of my father Sin am I
13 tak - nit >~»f- Nu - dim - mut - me - en
>->f- If ana-ku
. the . . of the god Ea am I
14 ■ u - mu - un - il - - . -« e
^ na-as-si sarri \\
\My lord hath\ taken away, my king hath taken away
55 ga(?)-a mu-un-na-ab-il- e
u - sa - as - si
he hath caused to be taken away
16 mu - un - na - ab - si - am - ma
ya-du a-nam-dim
I will give
17 mu - un - na - ab - Sa - e
u-se-pis
I will have it made
1 S mu - un - na - ab - gub - gub
... / will have it made firm.
In order to make the text more intelligible, I give also a free
rendering without the interlinear Sumerian and Assyrian versions.
A more correct idea of the state of the text, and the amount that is
preserved, will probably be gained from this, than from the threefold
version printed above.
69
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
FREE RENDERING.
Column I.
1 — 2 he hath spoken (caused) evil.
3 — 4 was made in the land.
5 — 6 was destroyed in the land.
7 — 8 the enemy carried off;
9. The enemy carried off my fair son.
io-n was not completed.
12-13 is shut up in the house.
14-15 was made to settle in the district
Column II.
3 — 4 I rode in the ship
5 — 6. It was the enemy, the shoe was placed upon his foot, and
he descended to my sanctuary — ■
7 — 8. It was the enemy ! — He laid his unclean hands upon me,
9-10. He laid his hands upon me, and he drove me forth.
11-12. It was the enemy ! — He laid his hands upon me, and made
me bow down in fear.
13-14. I was in trouble, and as for him, he feared me not —
15-16. He tore my clothes off from me and clothed therewith his
wife.
17-18. It was the enemy ! — He plucked off from me my lapis-stone
and gave it to his daughter.
19-20. I will make desolate his domain !
21-22 myself — I will seek the (holy ?) places !
23-24. He hurried me [to] my . . . . , he disturbed me in my
enclosed place.
Column III.
1 — 2. Like a lonely dove I rest upon a beam.
3 — 4. Like a wounded sudz'nnu-bird I perch in a hollow place
5 — 6. He frighteneth me like a bird in my house — ■
7. He frighteneth me like a bird in my city.
8 — 9. My house behind me constantly repeateth (that)
10. "I am the lady" — My city behind me constantly repeateth
(the same).
70
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
11-12. I have said thus to my house : "Thou art not my house" —
13. I have said thus to my city : "Thou art not my city."
14-15. "I will not enter it," I said, "for its fulness will eat me up."
16-17. "I will not approach (?) it," I said, "for its lamentation will
make me sad."
18-19. Like .... , thus hast thou destroyed it — thyself, thus
hast thou ruined !
20-21. Lady — thy sanctuary — thus hast thou destroyed — thyself,
thus hast thou ruined.
22-23 [thou] hast given
24-25
Column IV.
3 am I.
4 strong
5
6 — 7 behind me who ?
8. . . . the darling of mine eye, who hath driven him forth ?
g who hath overthrown ?
10-11. . . . the . . . of Bel am I.
12. . . . the . . . of my father Sin am I.
13. . . . the . . . of the god Ea am I.
14. [My lord hath] taken away, my king hath taken away.
15 he hath caused to be taken away.
16 I will give.
17 I will have it made.
18 I will have it made firm.
Judging from what remains of the text, it would seem that the
heroine, who speaks in the first person, tells of some one who
caused evil, who had plundered the country, and who had carried
off her fair son (mart damka, "my son, the fair," or "the fair son,"
in which case, however, the final i of mart would be difficult to
explain). She then speaks of something that had not been com-
pleted, of some person or persons " shut up in the house " (Sum. :
ea amgi, Assyr. : ina beti pihu), and being " made to stay in the
region " (Sum. : ub-bi badagub, Assyr. : ina tupki suzzuzii).
The fracture of the tablet has broken away the upper part of
Column II, and where it is complete, the heroine is speaking of
having " ridden in a ship." Her enemy (the Assyrian has nakri su,
7i
Feji. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
'• it was my enemy," but the Sumerian text gives urri-bi, " it was the
enemy" "my enemy," in that language, would probably be
urru-mu\ however, descended to her sanctuary or dwelling
{masfakkia), and placing his unclean hands upon her, drove her
forth, humbled her, and set her in anguish. He even went farther
than this, for he tore her clothes off from her and clothed his wife
therewith, and, snatching away her jewel of lapis stone {akn'/),
placed it upon his daughter's neck. In her anger the heroine
threatens that she will make desolate his domain, and will betake
herself to other places. In Column III, which immediately follows
Column II without any gap, she mourns her luckless case, liking
herself to a dove sitting in solitude upon a beam, and to a sudinnu-
bird moping in a hollow place, for like a caged bird her enemy had
put her in anguish in her house and in her city. She hears her
house and her city saying behind her that she is the lady (in
Sumerian gasan-gin, in Assyrian beliku, "I am the lady"— an
example of oblique narration). She tells her house and her city
that they are no longer hers, and that she will not enter them, for
their splendour and their lamentation (at her absence) would con-
sume her and make her sad. These words are followed by lines in
the form of reproaches, probably uttered by her enemy, who tells
her that it is she who has destroyed her sanctuary, and ruined
herself. A gap follows, embracing the remainder of Column III
and the beginning of Column IV, where she seems to ask, " Who
hath driven forth my darling (m's inia, lit., " the darling of my eye ")
and overthrown [my dominion?"]. She then tells who she is —
the [honoured one] of Bel — the [beloved] of her father Sin, — the
[handmaid?] of the god Nudimmut or Ea. It is [her lord] and
her king, she says, who has taken away (her precious things, in all
probability); but a restoration of the things is promised either by
the goddess herself, or by another speaking, in the text, in the first
person.
Such is the nature of the inscription, which is rare enough in its
way, and when such texts come to light, they are, on account of
their rareness, all the more precious. The principal defect about
the above is its incompletess, — the remainder of the tablet (more
than two-thirds) probably still lies hidden in the ruin-mounds o
Nineveh.
A very interesting question is, Who was the narrator and heroine
of the story? In Column IV, line 12, she mentions her father Sin,
I
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
the moon-god, and it is not improbable, therefore, that the speaker,
in the narrative, is Istar, who, in the account of the descent of that
goddess into Hades, is called "daughter of Sin." It is noteworthy that
the heroine of the story, in Column I, 1, 9, speaks of her son (atari
damka, "my fair son" — unless, indeed, we are to translate " the fair
son," in which case Tammuz would probably be intended), and this
is supported by the fact that the enemy is said, in the same line, to
have carried him off, typifying his imprisonment in Hades by Eres-
ki-gal, the cmeen of that region. In Column II, lines 3-4, the
heroine says that she "rode in a ship" ([ma-ra ?] uamu = [in a]
elippi arkabu), indicating the crossing of the waters by Istar when
she went to seek Tammuz in the Underworld ; and the loss of her
clothing and lapis-stone, mentioned in Column II, lines 15-18,
corresponds with the statement in the story of her Descent into
Hades, that she had to part with her clothing and jewels at the
seven gates of that region.
In the light of the above parallels, we are able to trace the origin
of the legend of Istar's visit to the Underworld. We are able to say
that that legend is a comparatively late production, and is probably
based upon the present text, and produced by expanding the
narrative and changing its figurative language into literal statements.
In the present text, Istar is imprisoned in her own house and city
(Column II, lines 23-24, Column III, lines 5-13), and apparently
not in Hades. This is an important difference ; but the idea of the
Netherworld is apparently contained in lines 3-4, where the heroine
says that she perches, like a wounded sudin-hixd, in a hollow place
{ina ?iigissi), and it is not unlikely that the goddess's comparing
herself to birds (Column II, lines 1-7) may have had something
to do with the statement, in the " Descent of Istar," that the in-
habitants of Hades are " clothed also, like birds, in a dress of
feathers;" though this idea, as an early belief, seems to be confirmed
by certain cylinder-seals which apparently represent the bringing of
a soul before the king of the lower regions.
The lamentation of Istar, in our text, gives place, in the "Descent
of Istar," to a lamentation for Tammuz, her husband, whom she
had left in Hades, but who, as the waxing summer sun, was to come
forth, in due time, from the land of darkness, to lighten the world
once more with his rays.
But it will probably be asked, "Who was 'the enemy' whom
the heroine of the new text feared?" It is probably not going too
73
Feb. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895.
far to say that " the enemy " was death, the king of terrors, who
had destroyed the land (Column I, lines 5-6), and carried off [the
inhabitants] (lines 7-8), including " the fair son " (line 9), Dumu-zi,
or Tummuz, " the son of life," and who does not spare even the god-
dess of love herself, taking away from her the things that she loved — ■
her garments, and the jewel of lapis stone by which she set so great
store. "The enemy" is the "porter of the waters" of the legend
of the descent of Istar, both of them types of death himself.
The reproaches which seem to be levelled at the goddess in
Column III, lines 18-21, where she is said to have destroyed her
home and sanctuary, and ruined herself, are difficult to understand,
unless we suppose that the ancient world regarded the misfortunes
of the goddess as the well-merited punishment for her many sins, as
detailed in the tablet of the Gilgames-series in which she makes love
to that hero. Even in those remote ages, the goddess of love had
much to answer for.
74
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
THE UNKNOWN ARAMAIC ORIGINAL OF THEODO-
TION'S ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF DANIEL.
By Dr. Gaster.
III. — Commentary.
I pass now to the detailed and minute comparison between the
Aramaic text published here for the first time, and the two Greek
translations, the LXX and Theodotion. This comparison will show
how far the contention is justified by facts that the Aramaic text is
the very original of those translations, especially of Theodotion's,
and is not a translation from any of the Greek texts, or any other
text in existence. I have used O. F. Fritzsche's edition,* which so
far seems to be the best available.
At the same time I will offer some emendations of the Aramaic
text, and some observations on the state of its preservation.
A. The Song.
V. 1. Is almost identical with Theodotion, and just as short;
differing from LXX. Instead of 0X070? we have however p]"l^
NrrPp,n N""!")2 > " The furnace of burning fire," corresponding to the
second half of the LXX, tw irvp\ vwoicaio^v)^ tij^ Kaf.uvov. Azarias
is the only one who prays, not all as in the LXX.
V. 2. ~p*G, corresponds exactly to ev\o^)j709 • mti^ft settles
the reading alve-rov, and refers to the name of God. The verb is
in the third instead of the second person, in conformity with the
old Hebrew forms of praise, ptf pN U7\vh "H ^1 Ps. lxxxix,
53, and more especially Ezra vii, 27, with which the first half of
v. 2 is identical.
* Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testamenti Graece. Lipsiae, 187 1.
75
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
V. 3. For the first ak-qOiva stands here ETl^p, whilst for the
•second, which in some MSS. alternates with a\rj9eia, we have
the word "pi^nft, identical with Syr. P. This is a proof for the
original character of the Aramaic, where two distinct words are used
instead of one and the same, as is the case in the Greek. We
shall find later on similar examples of copiousness of language
in Aramaic for various shades of identical notions, which are
rendered however by one and the same Greek word. The two
words 3,"^ and ft^HD are used together (Daniel ii, 45), and
^ITH HftN is the form used in the morning prayer of the Jewish
Liturgy, which dates from the times of the second Temple.
V. 4. Our text has the singular, t^Tl^pT VH, " true judgment,"
corresponding to v. 7, iv a\n9ivT] Kptaei, where the same words
occur.
nrrrV^N, twice so in the MS., must be altered into ^n^il^^-
the scriptio plena, which we find in most cases of 2 s. in our text.
It corresponds to Theodotion cTn'jyaycs in both instances in this
■verse.
(rod of the LXX is omitted by Theodotion and in our text. <?t<
iv aXyOei'aical Kpiaei is not a very happy juxtaposition, it is contrary
to the constant combination of ' truth ' with '■judgment' In our
text we have the correct form in true judgment, or judgment oj
truth, once before in the same verse, and in v. 7. Cf. also Nehem.
'*, 33-
A'. 5. iv tract of the LXX, neither Theodotion nor our text.
<\7TOGT?ivai is as near a translation as can be found of i^~T37NT.
the Aphel-form of "H^, to depart, to remove oneself from. It
stands in the finite form, and is parallel with the two preceding verbs
and the following N2ID11?T ; so also Syriac, ed. Lagarde.
V. 6. The Greek translator has read 7^3, as it is in the Syriac
^ed. Lagarde) instead of 72ft , hence the peculiar iv -n-am, which gives
no satisfactory meaning. It ought to read iv iruo-t to?<? IvtoXui*,
according to the Aramaic text. The whole text of the two verses
^7 and 8) does not seem to have been well preserved in Greek.
V. 7 looks like an unnecessary repetition of v. 4. In the Aramaic
we have in v. S the justification for the true punishments, and the
way how they have been carried out. The LXX reading of v. 7
seems to be the more accurate.
76
Ffb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
V. 8. ej£0«rrftw u-oo-rmiL<v is omitted in the Aramaic text, which
does not know of apostates, and which has, wicked and bad kings,
1*0773 pluralis, instead of the singular of the Greek, which may have
been interpolated into the Greek by a copyist who thought probably
of Antiochus, "the wicked king." The difficulty felt of old about the
"apostates" is thus solved, and the speculation about the wicked
king falls to the ground. (Cf Fritzsche, I.e., p. 125.)
V. 9. The wording of the Aramaic favours Theodotion's Greek
form t~/ei»')0>i against the senseless iyevrjeijfiev ; the construction is
however somewhat different in both versions. The Aramaic text
agrees with Daniel ix, 16; cf. Joel ii, 17; the Greek translator
must have thought of Isaiah xxx, 5, as he has alaylnn] kiu ovziho*
as in Isaiah, instead of only aloxwy as in the Aramaic text.
V. 10. The Aramaic text has, "thy great and holy" added to
"name," which is missing in Theodotion and LXX. ta[m"l~l,,nil.s
corresponds to Hebrew *p]"Yny> "Thy law, covenant." rDttttl,
wrongly translated cmaKccaa^. The idea of God forgetting the
Covenant is taken from Deut. iv, 31.
V. 1 1. Abraham, "thy beloved," ^ajr^eVos, is not a very correct
translation of ^TOTTl, which ought to be rendered by, 0i'W aov, the
usual title of Abraham. (Cf Isaiah xli, 8.) The Semitic original for
this translation has been suggested also by De Wette (I.e., p. 509) ;
Syriac has also ^I^TP ■
V. 13. Instead of the word N2"tt}*> which does not exist in
Aramaic, we ought to read N2H*Jtt> "we nave been diminished,"
" we have become less," lafiacpivd-tjfiev.
uti is impossible, it must be ku\ vvv, jfrO "Wl . " and now."
iff/iev Tcnretvot is the inexact rendering of fc^PCN p*OD72*"fr
"miserable," "poor," and helps us to recognize the Semitic original.
V. 14. In the Aramaic is no trace of a king, as Fritzsche and
others suggest. 2T\ = <*rxwi'> is the "leader" of the people;
V^DI NrfnnC (copied from Daniel iii, 2, 3) are the "governors"
and "deputies." In the Greek the last word is missing ; the Syriac
has, like our text, four offices, but in a different order : head and
governor ; prophet and leader.
" Incense " missing in Aramaic.
V. 15. Is based upon and modelled after Ps. Ii, 19. Fritzsche
is perfectly right in omitting the interpunction before el*, which
belongs to the preceding. The division of the verses is undoubtedly
77
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wrong in the Greek text, as is evidenced by the Aramaic. Here
v. 16 commences with p~0, olnws.
V. 16. Is hopelessly corrupt in the Greek, as pointed out by
Fritzsche ; ical c/cTeXeVat owiaGev aou is omitted by the Syriac. It may
have been a marginal variant which has crept into the text. The
Vulgata alone has preserved the old true reading, " ut placeat tibi,"
corresponding to Niyp- Ethiopic has : " and let it (our sacrifice)
be perfect with thee."
earai, Theodotion for effTii', LXX, is justified by the Itpael form
V. 17. p^l, "we pray," "we are desirous," has been evidently
misunderstood by the translator as meaning ' quaerere ' (cf. Dan. ii,
13, 20), hence, "we follow thee" or, "seek after thee;" but in the
Greek, the first ical is to be omitted, and the tense of the verb
changed to the Infinitive. Z,pou/uei> ™ irp6awTr6i> aou is likewise not
a correct translation of the Aramaic "XOIp ]72 V2P\T\, which
means, "and we beseech thee." *Tt2Tp p has been taken to have
the meaning of Hebrew ^TOEft, and was translated accordingly.
The verse does not finish here as now in the Greek, but is continued
further, being connected with the following through "H, " that thou
puttest us not to shame," which gives an excellent reading.
In the same way is v. 18 to be connected with v. 19, hal being
left out and dgeXSv vfia* connected with aou. Instead of V|Di, one
could read also ^DH). Kara rd 0avfid<Tid is identical with Jerem.
xxi, 2, Vmfcs?Q2> but whether it stood in the original is doubtful.
In the Aramaic it is missing ; it may have dropped out.
V. 21. "TTirHQ) which means "alone," has been incorrectly
translated Oco? ^6uo9, as if it stood "fn 7N, and the whole sentence
has got a dogmatic meaning alien to the Aramaic text. But no
stress is laid on the Oneness of God, only on His omnipotence, just
as in 1 Chron. xxix, 12, viz., that God is " the ruler over the whole
world " ; ivBogos for t^T^, rather freely.
V. 22 agrees more with Theodotion. oi> cie\nrov has no counter-
part in the Aramaic, unless it is added by Theodotion to make the
statement more emphatic, or ^"Q}f has been taken as a participle
and constructed with "D^D!], as meaning, " and they commenced, or
continued, to do." I am the more inclined to believe in such a
misunderstanding, as the latter word is not translated at all. The
uTT'jperai are the ^mt^ft^> the word N37ft*T seems to have
73
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
followed it, instead of preceding it as in the Aramaic. Theodotion
must have read toVoi ^mtitt^ fHny ll^DS ]V3, etc. fhh^
occurs for a second time in the following Dragon legend, v. 6, where
we have the verb 7*17^1, to roll. I translate it therefore, " and
they made balls of naphtha, pitch, and tow." Theodotion took it to
be the plural of ^7^1 or N72, hence KXrj/iaTi8a, (cf. Levy, Targum-
Worterbuch, I, p. 139, s.v. N7*0)-
V. 23. Commences then naturally with HN3DN7, ';to increase."
If we had hereNpDN7, which means, "to light, to incense," and also
"to ascend," then Theodotion must have mistaken the meaning and
translated, "to ascend," "to stream out." In consequence thereof
Theodotion omits NrPl'in^'ttfi NT13 in v- 24, as an unnecessary
repetition. The Aramaic text, however, is quite correct, as in v. 23
the intention of increasing the fire and flame is mentioned, and in
v. 24 quite a new thing happened, those very flames " streamed out
and burned them" (i.e., servants of the king), " and all those Chal-
dseans that stood about the furnace." In the Greek pnrP is
omitted, undoubtedly by mistake, the " servants " were probably
understood to be included among " the Chaldseans."
V. 25. The Aramaic p2tD!TN"l, which means, "and it cooled
down," is rendered by the senseless, it-eTtvage "to smite out, to throw
out "the fire from the oven. A misunderstanding of the original
Semitic word, which becomes still more evident in the curious trans-
lation of v. 26, N7I3 NlU^-ft "H Kimi], which means, as a wind
that blows (and causes) the dew (to descend). This is very much alike
to the formula inserted in the Eighteen blessings of the Morning
prayer, dating from the time of the second Temple, where it alternates
with the other formula, " Thou makest the wind to blow and causest
the rain to descend." Both are based upon Ps. cxlvii, 18, "He
causeth his wind to blow and waters flow." (Cf. Treatise Taanith,
fol. 2A, first Mishna.) The Greek misunderstood NHII^ft, and
translated, ciaovpi&v, whistling. May be that he knew only the
other Aramaic form "2T\1 as meaning to blow, and hence his mis-
understanding of 3,ti?3-
This passage has also been pointed out by De Wette as proving
a Semitic original ; v. 27 will therefore have to be translated, "and
he made in the midst of the furnace like unto a wind that blew
down dew," etc. The Syriac has, " the angel of dew went down."
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Theodotion, to a.-«0o'Xov = 7^. irup^vwyXi^aev is rather inappro-
priate after ekvirrjaev (cf. Daniel iii, 27), and is probably due to a
misunderstanding of QJTT'D, a word, by the way, that does not
occur in biblical Aramaic.
V. 27.. NnTp'1 is omitted in the Greek; the Syriac has N21]lfc$
from •
Vv. 28-65 of the Greek finish regularly with el? tous alwva<s^ or
e«s tov alwva, as if it stood in the original always N^27}? n72 T^T1,
in saecula sseculorum, or V»ft7}r7. This is not appropriate, how-
ever, in all cases, and is due, in every probability, to a confusion of
Nftv^l with ^727^7, the former meaning "in the world," or "all
over the world" and " not for ever." In our Aramaic text we find
indeed both forms used with the necessary discrimination between
the two. God's Name is to be praised for ever ; His creatures
cannot very well praise Him for ever, as they themselves are tran-
sitory, but they can praise Him in this world and above everything.
The former is therefore used more in vv. 27-34, the latter in all
the subsequent verses, where the creatures are appealed to to raise
their voices in praise of God. Syriac has throughout Lj?yh like
the Greek.
V. 28, absolutely identical with Theodotion, who has not Trai/Ta?,,
as in v. 29, corresponding with the Aramaic 73 ', also only in v. 29.
To ovo/ta r7]<s So^tjs is an incorrect translation of the Aramaic ^Tfttt*
N'Vp'^ (N1"0» " Thy great and glorious Name," mi is omitted
by Theodotion.
V. 30. In Aramaic there is nothing for the Greek tj}s So'fiys aov7
which proved a stumbling block from very ancient times (cf. Fritzsche,
I.e., p. 128). May be that NTpi, from v. 29, or ^pi, v. 31, was
added afterwards, in order to make the first half of the verse corre-
spond with those two verses. It is thus a later interpolation.
The Ithpaal forms of rQJlt^n and "Ip^jin explain the airag-
Xe^jOfi : vTrepvfiinpbs kcu i)7rcpev£o£;o<?, as the Greek translator felt
forced to translate those emphatic forms here and in v. 32. For
Ip*! and its derivation, Soga is always used. I add here a list of the
translations of vv. 28-33, which will show the relation between the
original and the Greek.
PQt^D) v» 28, aiverost ) V. 29, vTrepcuvc7o<s • v. 32, inrepv/jLvrpo^^
Jinn^n, V. 30, b-opvfiuipb? ; V. 31, atVeros; V. 33, tyu^TM.
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Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
(Theodotion read thus, |-Qt£72 in vv. 28, 31 and 33, and rOTTtt-Tl,
w. 29, 30, 32.)
DE"n 12, vv. 28 and 29, and DEWl/l, v. 31, are all translated
VTrepu^ov/ievos ; Ip^AH, V. 30, iiirepevSogos ; TIHft, V. 32, birepv-
iivou/licvo?, and syTirMl, v. 33, cccogcuT/nevo?.
The Aramaic is more varied in expressions and more original
in its forms, whilst the Greek is forced, and clearly an imitation of
the Aramaic.
Vv. 31 and 32. Theodotion now reversed (cf. Fritzsche, I.e.)
probably later alteration. V. 31. cog)]? after Opovov in some codices
of Theodotion is justified by "pV The expression is borrowed from
"iJTDTft Tin j Ps. cxlv, 12, "His glorious kingdom."
V- 32- Nnypr^NT, "who hast lowered the abyss," or "causest
the depths (abyss) to sink down," i.e., " established them down
below," is mistranslated, iirifSkiirw. Theodotion must have read
the word differently, probably some form derived from ftpt? :
"to look," NnDpttftH? (cf- Deut- xxvi> 1S; Ps. xiv, 2; Lament.
iii, 50, etc.) The whole Song is modelled evidently after Ps. cxlviii.
The same order is followed in both, only the subjects are more
numerous in the Song.
V. 33. Like Theodotion, N^1^, " of the heavens," after
<T7epew/ix, ^p").
V. 35 of the Greek, which is only a repetition of v. 33, is missing
in the Aramaic (cf. Ps. cxlv, 4).
V. 35 Aramaic = 36 Greek.
V. 36 Aramaic = 37 Greek, kcu iravTa, which is out of place,
is omitted in the Aramaic. ical has been omitted also by Theo-
dotion (v. Fritzsche, I.e.), cf. Ps. cxlv, 4.
v- 37- N^TH, exactly the Bovd/iea of Theodotion = VN11N
Ps. cxlv, 2.
V. 39 of the Greek is missing in the Aramaic. In Syriac B it
is marked with an asterisk, as being a later interpolation (cf.
Fritzsche, I.e., p. 129).
V. 38 = Greek 40. N^ft1^, plural, whilst Greek rod ovpavou.
V. 39. (Greek 41.) 7r«?, probably taken from the following verse,
as it is here quite out of place. Omitted in the Aramaic.
V. 40. (Greek 42.) Truevjuarn, an inexact translation of NTTTV
instead of the proper, uvefxoi. One proof more for the Semitic of
being the original, and the Greek a translation (cf. De Wette, I.e.).
81 F
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
V. 41-44. (44 Greek.) The MSS. of Theodotion's version differ
very much among themselves about the text and the order of these
verses, which is far from being settled. Our Aramaic text is of
extreme value for the reconstruction of the original text, and proves
its absolute independence from the Greek.
Each verse in the Aramaic stands for two of the Greek. I divide
them into a and b, the first and second half, for easier comparison,,
and I add also the numbers of LXX.
V. 41a = 43 Theodotion and 43 LXX, fire and heat. 41^
cold and warm, corresponds exactly with Theodotion 48, ^r^os ical
Kaujua, although he uses icav/ia also, v. 21, whilst the Aramaic has
Nft^ftn in the second instance. The LXX has, v. 44 (ed. Fritzsche,
p. 76), /5ryo<? Kul ■ty-oxo?, and the same idea of ice and cold and snow
and frost is repeated at least four times (vv. 44-47) without any
apparent reason, unless it is due to inaccurate translation. Vv. 45
and 47 of the LXX are omitted entirely by Theodotion, probably
as unnecessary repetitions, and the position of the others is changed.
V. 42a. fcODIH must be read NT2}TL- "thunders and light-
nings " (literally, " arrows ") ; cf. the first half of Theodotion and
LXX, 50, aoTpcnral. The "thunder" is left out. 42/7. N"Op must
be read tfyp ; the words j~np and N"V)p are taken from Ps. cxlvii,
17, where they occur together, ice and cold, Theodotion, v. 49,
•jrax^ai Kai ^joVe?. In the LXX we have the choice of vv. 46 or 47,
46 being a more accurate translation of PHp and NTlp, 7rd*/o<? Kae
V. 43«. Vapours and clouds (Ps. cxlviii, 8), Theodotion 50, has
only I'eipeXat, whilst the LXX has, v. 45, hpoaoi Kal v«peTol, which
latter word could be a corruption from c. k. vecpeXai. The altera-
tions into vtiperol may have suggested itself through v. 50, where
ve(f)e\ai is, however, not in its proper place, at least according to
the Aramaic text. 43b, nights and days, Theodotion, 46 ; LXX, 48.
V. 44a. Light and darkness, Theodotion, 47 ; LXX, 49. 44^,
N]"ltD'*Dyi frwH^p > " blackness and gloom," or, as I would prefer to
translate, "dusk and dawn." These two are omitted in both Greek
translations.
The text has now a more systematic and harmonious appearance :
first heat and cold in the abstract, then thunder and lightning, then
ice, frost and snow, then vapours and clouds, then day and night.
All these are phenomena that happen in the air, the earth and its
elements follow naturally upon it.
82
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
V. 45« = Greek 51. Aramaic, the lands, plural; Theodotion,
7*/. 45^ (Greek 52), mountains and hills.
46a = Greek 53. 46^ has only N^-Qft, these are "the fountains
of the deep " (cf. Genesis vii, 11), and must therefore be mentioned
before "the seas and rivers." The transposition in the Greek text
is therefore not likely to be due to Theodotion, who moreover
agrees with the Aramaic in omitting o/iftpos (so the LXX), mentioned
already before, in v. 41. Similarly we must alter OdXaa-aa, v. 55,
Greek, into 6d\aoaui = W^ft*1 of the Aramaic.
Instead of fc0212, Theodotion must have read N*1^]!, hence
k)'jt?j instead of the simple fish.
V. 48a. (Greek 57.) t« Treieivd tov ovpavov is as literal a trans-
lation of the Semitic fc^ft^ ^S^ as can be wished. Theodotion
has Travra = Aramaic 73 in 57 and 58, in the latter only before
Otjpi'a, just as in the Aramaic.
NITm means the wild, and N"VJQ the tame animals, and are
faithfully rendered by Oijpi'a kcu rd kttjvt] ; cf. Ps. cxlviii, 10, rPHn
nftTrl b^, " beasts and all cattle."
V. 49. (Greek 59.) Theodotion, vloi tQiv uvQpwirwv, without ot =
Aramaic NUf2N ^H > TO is omitted in the Greek.
V. 50. (Greek 61-62.) The second half of this verse seems to
have dropped out in the Aramaic, as each verse has as a rule two
distinct parallel subjects ; and here only priests are mentioned.
Theodotion has cov\ol = "H3,^, after tepees, W*27T2, and nvplov after
each, just as in the Aramaic Yi^. We must therefore complete the
Aramaic verse accordingly.
V. 51. (Greek 63.) fc^pYlSPO^I "plTH = Jrvev/iara ical yjsvxni
BiKai'itiv. The wording leaves it undecided whether it is a question
of the living or the dead (cf. Fritzsche, I.e., p. 130). The following
half of the verse mentions however the living, ^~> Y^y, vaireivoi
ty Kapcia. The lp1£^*7pj Saioi, must necessarily also be taken as
living. (Cf. Daniel vii, 21, 22, 27), and we shall translate therefore :
the spirits a fid souls of the just. The juxtaposition of fTn and
n^^i occurs in Job xxxiv, 14. I cannot see here any idea of the
trichotomy of man as suggested by Fritzsche.
V. 52. (Greek 65.) "HNiy is rendered clco?. Theodotion has
eawaev before tV- xeiP°9 Oavarov, as in the Aramaic p^lQ before
Theodotion e/c peaov Kaplvov = Aramaic pn^ TO, "From
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Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
the burning fire and flame He has saved us.'' Of these words,
■pmnbl^") pwl are missing in both Greek translations, omitted
probably because they appeared an unnecessary repetition of the
foregoing verse. S^1 is better rendered by kXvrpwtritTo, LXX, than
by ejlpvaaro, with which Theodotion is credited ; as 3,^X1^ is trans-
lated so in the same verse, and it is not likely that he should have
repeated the same word when he had to translate another Aramaic
word, h^T>-
53. (66.) 'pTin, Greek ego/uo\o-/c7cr0e corresponds exactly.
53/7 (67) differs completely from the Greek. The whole verse
is not addressed to anyone. V. 52 concludes fitly with the three
Children, all the others having been enumerated before. There was
no room for aefio/uevoi to be repeated, as they were included among
the roi-W, etc. (vv. 50 ff. Aramaic, 61 ff. Greek). NS*?}M"V27>,
" The lord of the universe," must have been strangely misread by the
LXX and Theodotion, as well as the following, pn^N NIPT, "He is
God." They have -rov Kvptoi>, rii> Qeov -rCcv Oewv, "the Lord, the God
of gods." This verse is evidently modelled after Ps. cxxxvi, vv. 2 and
3, the Targum of which runs thus :—.,,. t^rT?N TlSfcA imttf
. . . . N*H?3 ^V^h irQttf- Theodotion or the LXX may have
thought of these verses, and have changed the primitive form
found in the Aramaic for the other more dogmatic, but alien to the
text.
The result of this detailed comparison is, that the Aramaic is
a more primitive and more correct text, agreeing in the main with
Theodotion, but differing sufficiently from his text to show its
independence from any of the existing forms of the Greek. It
represents thus the oldest text of the Song, and helps us to recon-
struct the primitive form of Theodotion's Greek translation as it must
have been before it was altered and interpolated from the LXX.
By these means we shall be able to reconstruct also the original
form of the version of the LXX, as this also must have suffered
many alterations and interpolations from Theodotion and others.
Those readings in Theodotion which differ from our text will have
to be considered as originating from the LXX, and vice versa those
agreeing more closely with our Aramaic text than the corresponding
portion in Theodotion, have crept into the LXX from Theodotion.
We shall thus obtain a clearer insight into the true character of
84
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
the old LXX version before Theodotion, and understand better
the reason for its elimination from the church service ; for it will
be found to differ very materially from the Aramaic text, with which
Theodotion would then exactly correspond. For this very reason
the former had been eliminated, and the latter substituted instead,
though it has become rather mixed in the course of time. It must
be borne in mind that the Song formed, from very ancient times,
part of the Church Hymn book, and is often found added to the
Psalter. Hence the profound alterations to which it was subjected,
and the amalgamation of LXX and Theodotion.
We are much better off in the other legend, where such causes
did not operate to alter the character of the two translations ; and I
pass on to the examination of —
Daniel and the Dragon.
V. 1. (LXX 23 ; Theodotion 23.) The Aramaic text has
NIHII N"uHNH> "m that place," in common with LXX, iv -<." (,vtu-
jottw, and fr^Dl 3,"^, "great and mighty," with Theodotion /ieya?.
r.n is rendered by both cpiiKwv.
73) missing in the Greek.
V. 2. (24.) Aramaic totally different. No trace in it of "brass,"
which was suggested in the Greek by the tale of the brazen idol Bel
(v. 7), nor of "eating and drinking." Instead of TrpoaKw^auv we
have v?2, "pray."
V. 3 is missing in LXX, but is v. 25 Theodotion, with which the
Aramaic text agrees in general, but has more than the Greek
fcO^U?, "to the king;'' "''vnniNl, "of my fathers;" and
l^niT 21i "mighty and awe-inspiring," which are all missing in
the latter. Syriac identical with Theodotion.
V. 4. (LXX 25; Theodotion 26.) 7ttp",N, identical with
Theodotion, cnroKTevw ; and not LXX, ai>e\u\ All the ancient
versions have then, "a sword and staff," paxaipas (Theodotion),
fTu/jpov (LXX) Kal pdfiBov Syriac fcOtOin. Only the Aramaic has
the proper word, NrP2n> "lance," which must have been read
N""lt3*in from very ancient times. rP2m 1"1J1 is a standing phrase
in the Bible, cf. I Samuel xiii, 19, 22 ; xvii, 45, 47 ; xxi, 9.
V. 5. The Aramaic text is again more complete. The permis-
sion asked for by Daniel is granted in express terms, "77 ^PP N2N =
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Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Theodotion 26, 8i'8u>fii <rov, and not LXX, cetoTai ae, and then follows
"leave to do unto it all that thou wishest," which LXX and Theo-
dotion omit.
Vv. 6 and 7. (LXX 26; Theodotion 27.) I have already drawn
attention in the Introduction to the great difference between these
and the corresponding Greek verses. Among the ingredients we
have also lT^I, "flax." fiagas, Theodotion, is proved by ~>w^,
"a round lump." The whole portion of the iron hatchets is missing
in the Greek texts, and thus no satisfactory reason for the death of
the dragon is given, at least by Theodotion. The LXX have the
large mass of 30 manehs for the lumps made by Daniel. Theodotion,
-d aefSda/uiTa vpwv, is identical with Aramaic, which he must have
read fTTSCTp \Thz JWliTF pi NH, omitting pn^N, and
took it to be the plural. Totally different is the ironical question
of the LXX, ob tcivjci oefteoOe. Syriac differs from all.
V. 8. (27, Theodotion 28.) Almost identical with Theodotion,
ifyauuKTijaau Xtau is an excellent translation of the idiomatic fllpn
Y\TT?, which is repeated in v. 10 (Theodotion 30), and has the
meaning " to be mightily (incensed) against ..." cf. Targum to
Psalm xviii, 8, Tvh Fppm, etc. Much clearer is the sentence in
the Aramaic, "for we know now that thou art like unto one of the
Jewish men." Theodotion, 'lovccuo? ^e^ovev 6 fiaaikevs:; cf. Fritzsche
{I.e. p. 152). Aramaic has, after lepc??, "of Bel and his temple," and,
instead of KarioQafze, ^TC\1T\ , " thou hast broken up."
V. 9. (Theodotion 29.) Aramaic much shorter, a continuation
of the words spoken by the people in v. 8, and not a new state-
ment, as in Theodotion. ^XTP^D,, in thine house, Theodotion
has read "XTPD."!, and thine house.
V. 10. (Theodotion 30.) Here Theodotion has rendered t^pH
hy e-n-ei^ovaiv a(f>ocpa (see above v. 8), and instead of J-pT't^pftT' 1iD"T
"they wanted to kill him," we find, ava^KaaOeh, "constrained," which
is rather a mild description of the danger threatening him. Some
other Aramaic word must have stood in the original used by Theo-
dotion, or, what is more probable, with the change of a few letters
he may have read the words as (*"^Dft) ("P^^INl"), "and in his
being constrained, delivered," etc.
V. ir. (31.) I^ltri, "they placed," I should like to read instead
"Ifr-OTll^l , "they cast," as it corresponds exactly with Theodotion,
tfHakov. Instead of ainbv we have in the Aramaic " Daniel."
86
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Aramaic njOXl^, seven, Theodotion and LXX ef, six days.
V. 12. (Theodotion 32.) Aramaic has the addition of N^UND,
NinrT) 'in that place.' The real meaning of awfiara, which could
mean also " slaves," is proved by the Aramaic "PU^N *H3Q to be
"human corpses."
V. 13. (Theodotion 33.) The Aramaic ^N-ytt^H NjnNl is
much more correct than Theodotion, 'lovSat'a, as the prophet Hab-
akkuk lived in Israel and not in Judaea. tftyrjaev e^re/ia is as
litteral a translation of N^T^m *?tZ72E, " sod a pottage" as
could be wished for. Instead of i;w0ip the Aramaic has JTpt^j
"his sack" or "knapsack." The Syriac has N2,1I?, a very scarce
word, which is translated disk, and seems to be ■a.hapaxlego7nenon. I
am inclined to amend the word into fcOTlE = Persian ^ _«»v = knap-
sack, which would make it absolutely identical with the Aramaic.
In the Aramaic we have also an addition of N^T^IT? TO^uTS
" to feed the reapers."
14. (34.) Aramaic has also some small additions: NHl, "and
there was" (or "appeared"); in some codices o is preceding cfryyeXos;
~^t is added to TPNI in conformity with the spirit of the Aramaic,
" go and bring." Instead of tvxc£? we have NJlS"'11^nJ " which
thou hast cooked." After 713, the word Nj~np, "town," is added
here and in v. 15. Tvh 17V\, "and gave it to him" (to Daniel), is
also missing in the Greek.
v- XS- (35-) N2N*?D^ not in the Greek.
V. 16. (36.) Here a peculiar confusion has crept into the Greek.
Theodotion does not seem to have understood properly the word
NTHp> which he translated Kopv^rj " the crown," whilst the true
meaning of it is " neck." There is then no tautology with the
following, "hair," or as the Aramaic has it, "lock of his head,"
NrPID!?- Aramaic adds, "and he set him with the food that he
had in his hands over the mouth of the lions' den which was in
Babylon."
V. 17. (36, 37.) The Aramaic text helps us here also over one of
the most perplexing passages of the Greek text, of which no one has
hitherto been able to extract a proper sense. Cf. Fritzsche (I.e.,
p. 153-4), who does' not mend matters. The words 2H "D
rPiTHj must have been strangely misread, possibly as rTTTQ
rPrTH, "the vehemency," "fury," /W£i?» and has been united with
the preceding verses, thus producing a totally unintelligible sentence.
87
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1895.
The Aramaic on the contrary is perfectly clear, and shows unmis-
takably that it must have been the original. The meaning is,
" And when his breath came back to him " (or " he recovered his
breath ") which he had lost through the quickness of the flight,
" Habakkuk called Daniel and said." After \. 1 a ic adds
" thine," ^nW
V. 18. (38.) Aramaic begins with l^£] mttn, "and Daniel
praised and prayed, and said," which is natural when behcldin°-
the unexpected divine help. Instead of koi we have "H, "for."'
For the rest this verse is identical with Theodotion.
V. 19. (39.) Theodotion, wapaxprj/ia LXX (38) t// dvrrj rjfiepa ;
Aramaic, NUl Nnjfttfl, "in one hour." Theodotion read
probably NTH, "in that very hour."
V. 20. (40.) Aramaic mm, as in vv. 7, 8, 13, and 17. yitf) ftp,
also a peculiar Aramaic construction similar to l^N") PQIZ^
*h)?) N"p1 throughout the text. In the Aramaic there is no
trace of irevO^aai. Did Theodotion read *GliftS instead of
•nrro1? ?
V. 21. (41.) Aramaic fcO 7D, so in LXX, missing in Theodotion ;
Aramaic NVID1 11 iff. v. 20). Greek only, "great" (or loud).
Aramaic has the third person, "is the god of," mrtvN- Greek, c??
"art thou." Aramaic Nmpvl, "and glorious" (cf. Song of Three
Children, v. 29). Theodotion (and LXX) have instead koi ovk
tarn/ u\\o9 7r\l]V coo.
V. 22. (42.) Aramaic has fcOT'tt mpDlj " and the king gave
orders." Theodotion omits these as well as the words y\% Vft
mimp ")72N, idiomatic expression, which is paraphrased by
aiTtovs T/ys aTToKei'as avtov.
Wyytl "*\ftN, also missing in Theodotion and LXX.
J^D1> Theodotion, -n-apaxp^j/ia Zvwiriov ainou ; probably he read
V2Q!2- Syriac has even more, " before him and before Daniel."
This minute comparison between the Aramaic text and Theo-
dotion proves beyond doubt that the former is absolutely independent
of the Greek. Not a single trace can be detected of any Greek
influence, either in language or in construction. Both are pure
Aramaic, agreeing in every point with the known characteristics of
that language. No translation could be as perfect, and no text
that we have can be looked upon as a probable or even possible
original. But everything points to the contrary conclusion — that
8S
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
this Aramaic text represents the original from which Theodotion
made his translation. Numerous instances of misreadings and
misinterpretations have been adduced in the course of our examina-
tion, which prove conclusively the dependence of the Greek text
upon this very Aramaic text. The close resemblance between the
Aramaic and Theodotion in the Tale of the Dragon is beyond
dispute. In this piece we recognise, more clearly than in that of
the Song, how thoroughly Theodotion differed from the LXX, and
we find in the Aramaic text the reason for the profound changes-
introduced by him into his translation. He tried to approximate
it as closely as possible to this original from which the LXX had
deviated so much. With the assistance of the Aramaic text, we are
now in a position to remove many of the mistakes that have crept
in, and to reconstruct the same text of Theodotion.
Not having found a place in the Liturgy, this tale has suffered
less from interpolations, and we have therefore two distinct Greek
texts, and not a mixed text as in the case of the " Song." In the
Tale of the Dragon we are therefore also in a better position to see
how closely Theodotion follows the Aramaic text.
Judging the Song, then, in the light of this almost absolute
identity of Theodotion with the Aramaic, we are forced to admit,
as already indicated above, that the literary tradition of the two
Greek texts is far from being correct, that the difference between
Theodotion and LXX must have been more profound than is
now the case, and that we shall have to recast the existing text of
Theodotion and also that of the LXX, as both translations have
exercised a mutually deteriorating influence upon each other, taking
as basis for the reconstruction this Aramaic text, which, as I have
tried to prove, is the original from which those translations have
been made. The mistakes, which have their origin in wrong
readings and misinterpretation, prove also conclusively that the
original was Aramaic, and not Hebrew.
IV. Translation.
A. The Song of the Three Children.
V. 1. And the three went into the furnace of burning fire,
praising and blessing the Lord. And Azariah stood up to pray,
and he prayed thus ; and he opened his mouth and said : V. 2.
89
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
" Blessed be he, the God of our fathers, and be his name praised
and glorified for evermore. V. 3. For thou art true in all that thou
hast done to us, for all thy works are true, and thy ways established,
and all thy judgments faithful. V. 4. Yea, true judgment hast
thou wrought in all (the things) that thou hast brought upon us,
and upon Jerusalem the holy city of our fathers, for true judgments
hast thou brought upon us, because of our sins. V. 5. We have
sinned, and we have committed iniquity, and we have departed
(withdrawn) from thee. V. 6. And we have turned aside (trespassed)
from all the commandments which thou hast commanded us, as
we have not been willing to keep and to observe them, that it
might go well with us. V. 7. And because we have not done
(observed) thy commandments and statutes, V. 8. thou hast wrought
true judgment in that thou hast delivered us into the hands of
lawless enemies, and into the hands of wicked and lawless kings in
all the lands. V. 9. And now we cannot open our mouths, for thy
servants who cling to thee have become a shame. V. 10. And we
beseech thee not to deliver us up wholly, for the sake of thy great
and holy name, neither to forget thy covenants. V. n. And cause
not thy mercy to depart from us, for the sake of Abraham thy
beloved, and thy servant Isaac, and thy holy Israel. V. 12. To whom
thou hadst spoken that (thou wonldst) multiply their children as the
stars of heaven, and as the sand (that lieth) on the seashore.
V. 13. And now we are become less than any other nation, as we
are miserable (poor) this day in all the lands because of our sins.
V. 14. And at this time we have neither a leader nor prophets, neither
governors nor deputies, neither burnt-offerings nor sacrifices, nor obla-
tions, as there is no place to bring all these before thee (in order) to
find mercy. V. 15. But in a contrite heart and humble spirit let us
be accepted like as burnt offerings and sacrifices of rams and bullocks,
and like thousands of fat lambs. V. 16. Thus may our sacrifice to-day
be acceptable in thy sight : for they shall not be confounded that put
their trust in thee. V. 17. And now we desire with all our heart to
fear thee. V. 18 and we pray unto thee, that thou puttest us not
to shame, but that thou dealest with us after thy lovingkindness,
and according to the multitude of thy mercy. V. 19. Deliver us and
give glory to thy name, O Lord ; and let all them that do thy
servants hurt be ashamed. V. 20. And let them be confounded
in (in spite of) all their power, and in (in spite of) their strength let
them be broken. V. 21. And they shall know that thou alone art
90
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ruler over all the lands. V. 22. And now the servants of the king
and his attendants, that threw the three men into the furnace, took
naphtha, pitch and tow, and made balls, V. 23. in order to
increase the flame of the fire 49 cubits above the furnace. V. 24.
And the fire and the flame streamed forth and burnt them and
every one of the Chaldaeans that were standing by the side of the
furnace. V. 25. And the angel of the Lord came down into the
oven with Azariah and his fellows, and the fire of the oven cooled
down. V. 26. And he made in the midst of the furnace like unto a
wind that blew dew, and none ot the fire touched them, nor were
they hurt in any way. V. 27. Then those three with one mouth
praised, and glorified and blessed God in the midst of the burning
furnace, and said : V. 28. Blessed is the Lord God of our fathers,
and to be praised and exalted for ever and ever. V. 29. And
blessed be thy great and glorious and holy name, and praised and
exalted over all the world. V. 30. Blessed art thou in thy holy
temple, and to be praised and glorified over all the worlds. V. 31.
Blessed art thou upon the throne of thy glorious kingdom, and to
be praised and exalted for ever and ever. V. 32. Blessed art thou,
who hast lowered the abyss and sittest upon the cherubim and be
praised and glorified in all the worlds. V. 33. Blessed art thou
in the firmament of heavens, and be extolled and praised for ever.
V. 34. O all ye works bless ye the Lord God, praise him and
exalt him in the world. V. 35. All ye angels bless ye the Lord
God, praise him and exalt him over the world. V. 36. O ye
waters that be above the heavens bless ye the Lord, praise him and
exalt him in the world. V. 37. All ye hosts of God, bless ye the
Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 38. O ye stars of
heaven bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world.
V. 39. O ye rain and dew bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt
him in the world. V. 40. All ye winds of God, bless ye the Loid,
praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 41. O ye fire and heat,
bless ye the Lord, O ye cold and warmth bless ye the Lord, praise him
and exalt him in the world. V. 42. O ye thunders and lightnings
bless ye the Lord, O ye ice and frost bless ye the Lord, praise him and
exalt him in the world. V. 43. O ye vapours and clouds bless ye the
Lord, O ye nights and days bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt
him in the world. V. 44. O ye light and darkness bless ye the
Lord, O ye dusk and dawn bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt
him in the world. V. 45. O ye lands bless ye the Lord, O ye
91
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
mountains and little hills bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt
him in the world. V. 46. O all ye things that grow in the earth
bless ye the Lord, O ye deep fountains bless ye the Lord, praise him
and exalt him in the world. V. 47. O ye seas and rivers bless ye the
Lord, O ye fish and all that move in the waters bless ye the Lord,
praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 48. O all ye fowls of tht:
heavens bless ye the Lord, O all ye beasts and cattle bless ye the
Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 49. O all ye
children of men bless ye the Lord, O Israel bless ye the Lord, praise
him and exalt him in the world. V. 50. O ye priests of God bless
ye the Lord, ( O ye servants of God, bless ye the Lord), praise him
and exalt him in the world. V. 51. O ye spirits and souls of
the righteous bless ye the Lord, O ye holy and humble men of
heart bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world.
V. 52. O ye Hananyah, Azariah, and Mishael bless ye the Lord,
praise him and exalt him in the world, for he hath delivered us
from Sheol and saved us from the hand of death ; for he delivered
us from the furnace of burning fire, and he hath saved us from
burning fire and flames. V. 53. Give thanks unto the Lord, for he is
good, as his mercies {endure) for ever, and bless ye the Lord of
the World, he is God, praise him and exalt him in the world.
B. Daniel and the Dragon.
V. 1. And in that place there was a great and mighty dragon,
which all the Babylonians worshipped. V. 2. And the king said
unto Daniel, now thou canst not say that this here is no living god,
therefore pray to him. V. 3. And Daniel answered and said unto
the king, I pray only to the Lord Crod of my fathers, for he is a
living God, mighty and awe-inspiring. V. 4. But if thou, O king,
wilt give me leave, I will slay this dragon without lance or sword.
V. 5. And the king said unto Daniel, I give thee now leave to do
unto it all that thou wishest. 6. And Daniel went and took pitch
and fat and flax and hair, and rolled them into one lump, and he
made unto himself iron hatchets, and rolled all that round and
round the hatchets, and he threw it into the dragon's mouth. V. 7.
And it came to pass when the dragon had swallowed it and it had gone
down into his stomach, the fat and pitch melted away from the hatchets,
and the dragon was injured by the (spurs) points of the hatchet, and
92
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
died. And Daniel said, lo, this is your god, whom you worshipped.
V. 8. And when they of Babylon saw that the dragon was dead, they
were all greatly incensed, and they gathered together and went up
before the king, and they spake, saying, now we know that thou art
like unto one of the Jewish men, for lo ! thou has destroyed Bel, and
the dragon thou hast killed, and the priests of Bel thou hast broken
up, together with his temple. V. 9. And now, if thou deliverest not
Daniel into our hands, we will kill thee even in thine house. V. 10.
Now when the king saw that they were all greatly incensed so that
they wanted to kill him, he delivered Daniel unto them. V. 11.
And they cast Daniel into the lions' pit, and he was there seven
days. V. 12. For there was a pit in that place, in which there
were seven lions, and they used to give them every day two
carcasses, and two sheep ; and on that day they were not given to
them, to the intent that they might devour Daniel. V. 13. The
prophet Habakkuk was then in the land of Israel, and he sod a
pottage to feed the reapers, and placed bread in his sack, and went
to bring it to the reapers in the field. V. 14. And lo, the angel of
the Lord (appeared), and spoke to Habakkuk the prophet, saying,
go and carry now this pottage which thou hast made to the town of
Babylon, and give it to Daniel, who is in the lions' pit. V. 15. And
the prophet Habakkuk answered and said to the angel, my lord, I
have never seen the town of Babylon, neither do I know the lions'
pit. V. 16. And the angel of the Lord took him by the neck and
bore him by the lock of his head, and he set him with the food that
lie had in his hands over the mouth of the lions' pit which was in
Babylon. V. 17. And when he recovered his breath, Habakkuk
called Daniel, and said, take now this food which thy God has sent
thee. V. 18. And Daniel praised and prayed, and said, O Lord
<iod, thou hast remembered me, neither hast thou forsaken all those
that love thee. V. 19 And Daniel arose and did eat; and the
angel of the Lord carried Habakkuk back to his place in one hour.
V. 20. And it came to pass on the seventh day that the king arose
-and went to the lions' pit to see Daniel, and he saw Daniel sitting
in the den. V. 21. And the king cried with a loud and mighty
voice, and said, the Lord God of Daniel, He is great and glorious.
V. 22. And the king ordered to draw Daniel out from the lions'
pit, and those men who had calumniated Daniel, the king ordered
to cast them in there. And they cast them in the lions' pit, and
the {lions) devoured them in a moment.
93
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Postscript. — I have since acquired a Hebrew Manuscript
(now Cod. Hebr., 130 of my collection) written in a Spanish hand,
of the end of the XVIth century. It is a collection of tales. One
among these (No. 72 f. i62a-i65a) is now the Hebrew translation
of the Syriac text of Bel and the Dragon, published by Dr. Neubauer,
from the Midrash Rabba de-Rabba. (The book of Tobit,
Oxford, 1878, p. 39-43). This translation is as literal as possible,
therefore of no small importance for the criticism of that text,
especially as it contains a few remarkable variations. I select only
one, as it corroborates the reading of our Aramaic text in one of
the most interesting variants. V. 13 reads in this MS.: "Now
Habakkuk was a prophet in Judah, and he had in his hands a
pottage (seething) and in his knapsack bread, to bring to the reapers
in the field:" Wnn VTttl !TT)rP pNl N*Q2 PPM pIpllTl "
agreeing thus exactly : rTTttfl Q^TSIjA With Urh OTTnONll,
with the Aramaic, in that Habakkuk carried the bread in a sack, and
in nothing else, although the Hebrew-Syriac text has also the word
NIW for it.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, the
5th March, 1895, when the following Paper will be read : —
P. le P. Renouf {President), "Human Sacrifice, and the Theory
of Substitution in Egyptian and other Ancient Religions."
ERRATUM.
January Proceedings, p. 38, for Unas ^uZIJ rea^ Unas
94
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alkek, E., Die Chronologie der Blicher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de 1'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4.)
Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel- Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augen-
krankheiten.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichle Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra" Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's, Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Beriicksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Toachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c. , 1SS0.
Lyon, D. G., An Assyrian Manual.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio.
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
RAWLINSON, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur la chronologie des Lagidts
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
.Schouvv, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
A'irey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode dAristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaelogie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
Wiltzke, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
"Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
"Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
"Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
Zimmern, H, Die Assyriologie als Hulfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alteu
Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Third Meeting, ^th March, 1895.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President.
IN THE CHAIK.
■&&■
The President referred to the severe loss suffered by
the Society by the death of —
Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson, Bart.,
K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., etc. {Vice-
President).
PROFESSOR F. J. Lauth, Munich (Hon. Member).
Hyde Clarke, D.C.L., F.R. Hist. Soc, etc., etc.
[No. cxxvin.] 95
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — Prof. Guidi. Abyssinian Proverbs, etc.
Rome. 8vo. 1894.
From the Author : — Rev. Joseph Horner, D. D. Pul, Jareb,
Tiglath-Pileser. A Chronologico-Historical Study.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, 5th February,
1895, and elected Members of the Society: —
Rev. Percival Clementi-Smith, M.A., 35, St. Andrew's Hill, E.C.
Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson, 237, South 21st Street, Philadelphia,
U.S.A.
The following Candidates were nominated for election
at the next Meeting, to be held on the 2nd April, 1895 : —
S. Hirschfeld, Bream's Buildings, Fetter Lane, E.C.
Rev. J. J. C. Valpy, Elsing Rectory, E. Dereham.
David J. Waugh, 4, Florence Place, Falmouth.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) on
" Human Sacrifice and the Theory of Substitution in
Egyptian, and other Ancient Religions."
Remarks were added by the Rev. J. Marshall, Walter
Morrison {Vice-President), W. St. C. Boscawen, and the
President.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
^^i^p^-
96
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. Le Page Renouf.
Continuation of Notes on Chapter no.
The Garden of Aarru, I H.H.U \\ ^ , is often men-
tioned in connection with that of Hotepit, and may perhaps be
considered as the most notable part of it. It is through its Gate
that the Sun-god rises up into Heaven.
It takes its name from a plant (J \\ v\ aarru (later
-iV' RM- 55' ; fl'k, 1 , T^o' ^-Chapter
[7 ; \\\* Ba' Chapter no, by phonetic dissimi-
ation of rr into nr). The usual form in later times is n \\
1 Jm I I I
"vj, but we find even shorter forms in ,-^MlIlft, B.M. $2,
n Wsl III ~, , . r w
and £A?i . 1 he determinative ^JJJ^ of a reptile, indicates
a creeping, climbing, twining plant, such as the convolvulus, hop, or
vine.f
Compared with j\J\j\ | o 1 \ in the papyrus of Nesichonsu,
^^^1 I \ ism ©
published by M. Maspero, Miss. Arch., I, p. 612.
t The Pyramid Texts have the invocations {Unas, 597), "Hail to thee,
Horus, in the domains of Horus ; Hail to thee, Sutu, in the domains of Sutu ;
Hail to thee, Lion ((J \0\ Aar), in the Garden of Aarru. :'
\ 1 J»e& jbss
Another derivation is suggested in the "Destruction of Mankind," line 39,
>\ o\ (as I read it) an augmented form of V\ <^ , which does not
mean pluck, as in Brugsch's translation, but bind, fasten, twine, nectere, con-
97 g 2
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895
The term 'Garden' implies in this connection nothing more than
a cultivated enclosure.
The names of different localities which are invoked by the
deceased and appear on the vignette of the chapter, have here
been made prominent by means of heavy type.
1. Rise in Hotepit, or (later on) Hotep, 7^^ V\ <=> O , is
the name of one of the localities. The word ^a, as I have often
said, has the sense of rising up, coming to light, making an appearance,
and like the Greek fau'vo/uai is especially applicable to the appearance
of daybreak, or the rise of the heavenly bodies.
2. Turning, a fcja . The group has the apparent sense of
Intilding, but the primitive sense is turning, as in the making of
pottery. The preposition <rr> which follows it in this place seems
to show that building is not meant.
3. This, of course, sounds like nonsense, but so does the original
as it has come down to us. The papyrus of Ani, which reads
[~Q \\ , forces the sense of day upon the sign Q, which in the
stringere, convolvere. This sense would explain the ancient determinatives
and lead to still more interesting results. For the ancient word
UMIN , darerit, 'a vine,' has thus clearly the same etymological
1
sense as our European word vine. "Vi-num . . . attaches itself to vi-tis, vi-men,
vi-tex, and — exactly like the Greek FoI-voq — to the Indo-Greek root vei, ' to
twine.' So that vi-no means first 'creeper,' then 'fruit of the creeper,' finally
'drink made from the fruit of the creeper'" (O. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
P- 324).
Philological speculation might make a further advance.
As (J V\ aar> is to "*" _2<2s <"'> so perhaps is (J \Ov v\
vJ aarru to \I tint. The first two groups are not phonetically iden-
I I I <=»! ' I
tical, but they are certainly allied and have very much the same meaning ; the
last has, with some probability, been identified with the Vine-branch, and that,
in conjunction with the text v^ R -TV ^ (see Zeitschr., 187S, p. 107,
<CZ=> II I l 1 11 I 111 @
and the plate corresponding). "The Vine-plant is Osiris." The Greeks, or some
of them at least, identified Osiris with Dionysos (Plutarch, de /side et Osiride,
34, 35). The god is sometimes (as in the papyrus of Nebseni) sitting in a naos
under a vine, from which bunches of grapes are hanging.
93
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
sense of turn would have been far more intelligible. There was the
' Portion of Sutu,' and the ' Portion of Horus,' each being half
the world, topographically, or half the twenty-four hours as regards
time.
I suspect that ' day ' is a faulty interpretation of the ambiguous
O, and that the true sense of the passage in that Sutu is satisfied
with the share which comes to his turn, and thereupon delivers
Horus from imprisonment in the lower world. The perplexity, or
ignorance of the copyists is seen in the very next words. One has
' he who is in Merit,' others ' he who is in my mouth,' and two
' he who is in the egg,' if this be the sense of the very questionable
group -j Y lj\ ^ Jj , which looks like a mistake for — v\ ^ , a
well known title of Anubis.
4. Again and again renewed \ \\\-
5. His papyrus. So the word ' mehit, which occurs in the
rubric of Chapter 134, has hitherto been translated. But the vases
^ or SJ, as determinatives, rather imply 'inkstand' or 'palette for
holding colour.' In this place it is the writing itself and not the
material, paper, ink or inkstand, which is meant. And from the
entire context Thoth is the god who is spoken of.
6. He reconcileth the two Warrior ?ods with each other.
D^\Yii-l\-i
The final
□ lj^-i j^ jf £j i^nj <=> jf y*i y , 1 1
words en aru-sen show the origin of the Coptic form It . . . epHOT
invicem.
7. Grind I \ *■ — x>, the Coptic from of which is CIKI. From
the notion of ' reducing to powder,' that of the frequent word
I ^pe ^^ ' wearing away,' 'decay,' is derived.
8. Let my arteries be made fast, and let me have the enjoyment of
the Breeze, or that I may have enjoyment. The oldest meaning of the
word artery, aprrjpia, in Hippocrates, Aristotle and the earlier Latin
writers is wind-pipe, and, in the plural, air-ducts. But, even when
the word was also applied to what we call arteries, these were
supposed to convey air whilst the veins conveyed blood. " Sanguis
per venas in omne corpus diffunditur et spiritus per arterias " is the
classic doctrine in Cicero (de Natura Deorum, 2, 55). Pliny says
99
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
(Nat. Hist., XI, 89), "arteriae carent sensu: nam et sanguine." This
error is corrected by Galen, who has a treatise on the question
" Whether Blood is naturally (Kara (pvaw) contained in the arteries?"
The error of the ancients arose from the arteries always being found
empty after death. The blood flowing from a wound inflicted
upon them was inferred to have been intruded into them by the
rupture of the veins. The Egyptian doctrine of the ' arteries '
(Coptic ^,<LrtJULOVX) in the head, by means of
c± Jl I I I
which air is conveyed to all parts of the person, was first found by
M. Chabas in the Berlin Medical papyrus. The passage of the
Book of the Dead on which this note is written is no doubt the
earliest allusion to the doctrine.
9. Hesit [the Cow-goddess] jjj ^, |"^^, \^
8 L is one of the many names of Isis or Hathor. She is repre-
sented as suckling her son Horus (see picture in Lanzone, p. 844),
and it is this which characterizes her and from which she derives
her name. She is asked on the Louvre tablet (c. 14) for "the
white liquor which the glorified ones love." This is distinctly called
'milk' on the Florentine tablet 2567, and vases of her milk are
mentioned (Diimichen, Resultate, 27, 6) in the inscriptions of
Dendera. A picture of her given in Diimichen's Historische
Inschriften (II, 32) identifies her with Hathor, and calls her "divine
mother, mistress of heaven and sovereign of the gods," while others
call her "the divine mother and fair nurse."
There can be no doubt about the right reading of the name
which is Hesit ; the — * — is written in so many texts (see Pepi, I,
306, Amajjiu, 21, 1, Lepsius, Auswalh, IX, and the form | L at
Philae), that there is no reason for confounding the name with that
of hetemit. We must therefore attach no importance to this latter
name when applied in the vignette of the Turin Todte?ibuch to one
of the divine abodes which bears the name of the goddess, and is
written exactly like it.
Uach -L I v\ ® W blooming, flozvering.
11. — The udnged things of Shu are given to me, and my Kau
follow me.
Mar. 5 PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
en), v\ <g^& ■> is a word of very rare occurrence.
Birch and Naville understood it of the netting, and Brugsch, of the
pluming of birds. Both meanings may be disputed, but whatever
Shu did, was done to birds, and these are said to be given to the
deceased.
The prayer that a person may travel over the blissful parts,
followed by his kau n H | j ^-j^c^, is repeatedly found on
the early monuments. Several papyri say that the deceased is
followed by ' the gods and the kau.'
12. Tefait *__T| J, an abode abounding in ^J <g^ ^ ( ( |
delicacies.
13. He is in heaven AT) • The reading |\ to which
Brugsch at one time attached much importance, has turned out
to be one of the many blunders of the text of Sutimes. But the
true reading is not without its difficulties. If at is taken
as equivalent to (I V\ we have a strange anticipation of a change
in language of which the " enigmatical " texts of the royal tombs*
give the first intimation, but which first becomes conspicuous in the
demotic period. In a previous passage we have _rm I C Y\ AT)
D ^Km °, where Nebseni has 1\ y^ . But the important
preposition v\ had already dropped out of the earlier text of
Chaemhait. The demonstrative particle (II which occurs in both
places may be rendered 'there [he is],' ' le voila.'
14. / salute the stream of Teserit : a corrupt passage like so
many others in this chapter. The first word p> \\ ft ^o( J\
D
' salute ' is rare but correct and well attested. The proper name
is but one of the contradictory readings. It has, however, the
advantage of being a real name and suitable to the passage, being
* Here we already have ^j( = j| f\ " <=>> 2S< =^> = -])- =«-
and y^l O = At- _ D. See my article in the Zeitschr., 1874, p. 102.
101
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
that of a goddess mentioned in connection with the next abode.
■T"^ o J] T'eserit is a name corresponding to the classical 'AyXata
or Clara.* In the texts of the Royal Tombs she is named as
goddess in L& Lh£a Cher-aba. And heret she is depicted as the
goddess with long or flowing locks (ei>7r\6Ka/nos) and armed with
horns. She is one of the forms of Isis or Hathor.
15. Kankanitxs, etymologically akin to the verb of beating (see
Chapter 17, note 20), but there is no reason from the notice here to
suppose that this was a place of punishment.
16. Us erit | <rr> M is one of the commonest appellatives of
Isis, especially in the later texts. The names of all these abodes,
situated in that region of the sky where the sun rises, are derived
from the notion of daybreak.
17. Smait, another of these appellatives, see Chapter 62, note 1.
18. The Emerald ones HV^J ~ ^\ 2r , those who are in the
emerald light of the dawn. The sun rises (Chapter 109) through
two sycomores of emerald.
19. Which have the force of purification A\ v\ 1 . The
syllable db expresses the word signifying horn as well as that signify-
ing purification.
The vignettes of the chapter which are here given from different
authorities are explained in their proper place.
It is also the name of a liquid substance ^Z~J =0, Q [T% ,
<=^> &=^ { ^\7
a produce of the cow, such as cream or clarified butter. It occurs in all the
lists of offerings.
t A reference to M. Naville's collation of this chapter (line 40), will show
the corruption and uncertainty of the text which precedes the name of the
goddess. If we look beyond the authorities given by M. Naville, the difficulties
are multiplied. The papyrus of Queen Net'emit in the Louvre, for instance,
stead of [I J \: etc., reads, ?V~
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1895.
PLATE XXV.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter XCIX. Papyrus Busca.
Chapter XCIX.
Papyrus, Berlin Museum, No. 2.
Chapter XCIX.
Papyrus, Brit. Mus., No. 9905.
Chapter XCIX.
3apyrus, Mus6e du Louvre, No. Ill, 89.
Chapter XCIX.
Papyrus Brocklehurst, II.
^_cr<fc
<£.
<L
€
W
1
III
H
/•&*
/I
Chapter XCIX. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arc/.:, March, 1895.
PLATE XXVI.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter C.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre,
No. Ill, 93
Chapter C.
Papyrus, Boulaq Museum, No. 21.
^'f-^fctftfoS -^oh.
Chapter C.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre,
No. Ill, 89.
Chapter CII.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre,
No. Ill, 36.
Chapter CIX.
Rosrllini, " Mon. del Culto.,'
pi. XXIII.
Chapter CII.
Papyrus Brocklehurst, II.
Chapter CVIII. Chapter CIX.
Papyrus, Berlin Museum, No. II. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900.
Proc. Soc. Bibt. Arch., March, 1S95.
PLATE XXVII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Proc. Soc. Bid/. Ate ft., March, 1895.
PLATE XXVIII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CX. Bas Relief, Leyden Museum.
Chapter CXII.
Mariette,
"Abydos," I, p. 83.
Chapter CXII.
Mariette,
Abydos," I, pi. 39.
Chapter CXII.
Mariette,
Abydos," I, p. 82.
PLATE XXIX.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CXII.
Mariette, "Abydos," I, pi. 10.
Chapter CXIII.
Mariette, "Abydos," I, pi. 29.
Chapter CXII.
Papyrus, British Museum,
No. 9900.
Chapter CXIII.
Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9964
Chapters CXII and CXIII.
Mariette, "Abydos," I, pi. 31,
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ETUDE SUR ABYDOS.
UN DIALOGUE DES MORTS : LE CHAPITRE D'AMENER LA BARQUE.
(Traduction.)
Par E. Lefebure.
Les fetes symbolisant le depart des ames se celebraient, non
seulement a Abydos, mais encore dans tout le pays, avec une mise
en scene tres detaillee. Leur caractere dramatique, signale par
Herodote comrae par Diodore, avait du necessiter la composition
d'une sorte d'aide-memoire, scenario ou rituel, comme pour l'Apro,
et il semble bien qu'il nous en reste une partie dans le vieux texte
d'amener la barque. C'est une longue scene dialoguee entre un
mort ou un officiant, et le Charon egyptien, d'abord, puis entre
le mort ou l'officiant et un mysterieux personnage reveille par lui,
Aken, le tout au sujet du greement de la barque infernale. On
n'aurait probablement pas pousse aussi loin une telle redaction,
sans un but d'utilite pratique.
Le chapitre de la barque appartient a la haute antiquite, et se
rattache aux croyances de l'ancien Empire plutot qu'a celles du
nouveau. Son existence au temps des premieres dynasties est
indiquee, dans les formules des pyramides royales, par des allusions
et des citations frequentes, mais c'est le moyen Empire qui nous a
laisse le texte lui-meme, sur les sarcophages de Horhotep,* de
Satbast,f et de Mentuhotep4 Une seule copie plus recente se
trouve au Livre des Morts de Tura,§ qui date de la dix-huitieme
dynastie.
Comme le dialogue dont il s'agit explique certaines particularites
des rites d' Abydos, la traduction va en etre tentee ici d'apres ces
* Maspero, Trots annees de fouilles, Sarcophage de Horhotep, p. 163-7,
1. 425-494, et planche en photogravure, (premiere) portion du flanc droit,
t Id., Sarcophage de Satbast, p. 228-231, 1. 1-31.
J Lepsius, Aelteste Texte, pi. 12-15, '• J-66.
§ Naville, Todlenbuch, ch. 99, A.
103
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
quatre redactions, lesquelles different assez peu l'une de l'autre pour
le fond : elles sont designees dans les notes par les lettres A (Hor-
hotep), B (Mentuhotep), C (Satbast), et D (Tura) : l'absence de
lettre indique A.
Le texte le moins incorrect (car on ne saurait guere dire le
plus correct), et le mieux conserve, celui de Horhotep, A, a
ete pris pour type : les passages ou les mots qui lui manquent,
et qui sont dans B, ont ete ajoutes entre crochets, tandisque
les additions faites pour eclaircir le sens sont mises entre
parentheses. B etait plus complet, mais il se trouve maintenant
coupe c,a et la par des lacunes ; il offre cette ressource que ies inter-
pellations adressees a l'ofhciant (il y en a une soixantaine) sont
ecrites a l'encre rouge, comrae l'avait remarque Lepsius.* C, qui
ressemble moins a A qu'a B, presente le meme avantage, mais il
est tres mutile, et s'arrete a la 1. 463 de Horhotep.
D est extremement fautif; il fourmille d'omissions, de trans-
positions et de deformations de groupes ; de plus, il s'arrete a la
1, 467 de Horhotep.
Piein de locutions speciales et d'allusions obscures, comme bien
d'autres textes religieux qu'on ne saurait encore interpreter d'une
maniere definitive, le chapitre de la barque necessite une sorte de
glose perpetuelle et, en consequence, etendue : pour l'alleger un
peu, les notes qui eussent ete trop longues au bas des pages ont ete
renvoyees a la suite de la traduction, au moyen de chiffres romains ;
ce sera le commentaire des parties les plus difficiles ou les plus
interessantes.
Une explication d'ensemble viendra ensuite, afin de montrer le
jour que peuvent jeter ces vieilles formules sur les ceremonies
dAbydos.
TEXTE DE HORHOTEP.
Ligne 425. Amener la barque [en enfer\\ Texte. — He,
Batelier ! Amene-moi ceci : amene-moi Horus a son ceil, amene-
moi Set a son scrotum (I). En cheminant,J l'oeil d'Horus
* Lepsius, Aelteste Texte, p. 23.
t C'est le texte C qui ajoute V\ n I .
X Merenra, 1. 291 et Pepi II, 1. 1283, ont I J\ U , etc.
104
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne426. est tombe, dans la partie orientale du ciel, et il defend
son corps contre Set.* O Celui qui voit derriere lui (II), reveille-moi
Aken. Vivat
Ligne 427. pour toi (III) ! Laisse-moi venir (IV). Qui es-tu,
toi qui viens (V) ? Je suis celui qui aime son pere, et que son peret
aime, grandement, celui qui reveillera
Ligne 428. son pere gisant. O Celui qui voit derriere lui,
reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir.
Ligne 429. Diras-tn, toi qui te diriges vers la partie orientale
du ciel, pourquoi tit tydiriges? Je releverai sa tete, je redresserai
sa face. II vous donnera
Ligne 430. des ordres, et les ordres qu'il vous donnera ne
seront ni perimes ni annules en cette terre, a jamais. O Celui qui
voit derriere lui,
Ligne 431. reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi
venir. Qui es-tu, toi qui viens ? Je suis le Magicien.
Ligne 432. Es-tu pozirvu? Je suis pourvu. Es-tu muni?%
Je suis muni. As-tu
Ligne 433. dispose les deux membres (VI)? J'ai dispose les
* II y a un texte analogue aux pyramides : " Horus crie apres son oeil, Set
crie apres son scrotum. En cheminant, l'ceil d'llorus est tombe, dans cette partie
orientale du lac de Kha, il defend son corps (le corps de l'ceil et non, comme a
Abydos, I, p. 45 et 83, le corps d'Horus) contre Set, et voit Thoth dans cette
partie du lac de Kha. En cheminant, l'ceil d'Horus, dans cette partie du lac
de Kha, est tombe sur l'aile de Thoth, dans cette partie du lac de Kha ; ces
dieux passent sur l'aile de Thoth vers cette partie orientale du ciel, afin de parler
devant Set pour cet ceil d'Horus ; ce roi passe, etc. Eveille-toi en paix, Mahaf !
(Pepi I, 1. 674-6, Teta, 1. 185-90, et Pepi II, 1. 1282-7).
t Yv\ , sa mere, d'apres D.
+ II s'agit d'un magicien : e'est done de sa magie qu'il est pourvu, comme le
prouve d'ailleurs le Todtenbuch, j^ Jj\ c*^ A < > \\ Q j[ J V\
% I (Naville, Todtenbuch, II, ch. 23, pi. 85 ; cf. Stele Metternich,
pi. 1, et 1. 213-4) ; au ch. 94, 1. 2, l'elu demande a etre possesseur et pourvu
des ecrits de Thoth. Un texte des pyramides fait allusion a ce passage du ch.
de la barque : " le ciel craque, la terre tremble, (secoues) sur les deux bras-
de ce Pepi. Pepi, e'est le magicien, Pepi e'est le possesseur de la magie,
f l°MuVfl( h\M^-^
vient et reconforte Orion, ce Pepi fait primer Osiris, ce Pepi met les dieux a
leurs places. Mahaf, taureau des dieux, amene ceci a ce Pepi, mets ce Pepi a
sa place de vie et de bonheur." (Pepi I, 1. 176.)
I°5
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
deux membres. Que sont-ils, ces deux membres? Le bras et la
jambe. Ensuite ?
Ligne 434. O Celui qui voir, derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken.
Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Je te reveillerai
Line 435. Aken, pourquoi do?ic ? (Pour qu')il m'amene* la
reunion avec Khnemu (VII) dans l'interieur de la Marcheuse du
lac.f La coupure est faite dans le
Ligne 436. mouillage (VIII). Retire sa gauche, (a la barque),
et pousse-la a (la place de) son arriere, retire sa droite et pousse-la
a (la place de) son avant (IX).
Ligne 437. Elle n'a plus ses roseaux, elte n'a plus ses joncs,% elle
u'a plus ses piquets (X), elle n'a plus ses courroies. Ses joncs, e'est
le pelage
438. qui est a§ la queue de Set, ses roseaux, ce sont les crocs
(XI) qui sont dans la gueule de Baba, ses piquets,
Ligne 439. ce sont lespiquants des levres de Bai,|| ses courroies
ce sont les mains de l'image d'HoruslI
* (1 A ^ aa/w\a (I , son acte de nCamener (Da A "^^ seulement) ;
pour des infinitifs <le ce genre, dans des phrases dont l'une est la consequence
de Pautre, cf. 1. 451 : tu viens et comment vetiir ?
t La barque, appelee aussi VAmeneuse, (I A tV ,, , Merenra, 1. 652,
et Pepi I, 1. 437. D au lieu de la Marcheuse, a I X , le nome heliopolite,
Hekes. Si cette lecon n'est pas entierement fautive, il y aurait la, comme Hekes
designe le peche, le filet, le pecheur, une allusion au role de pecheur donne au
batelier par le ch. 153 du Todtenbuch : la barque serait la Pecheuse.
+ TqTqT V\ vj, D \ ^c\ vj ; ce mot est pris ici au sens general,
^-^m YJ1\\\ tttxTt ..
comme dans l'hymne au Nil oil il est dit que le fleuve arrose les |}|QI vi » ciees
'——-' 1 1 1
par Ra pour nourrir tous les bestiaux (Sallier, II, pi. 7, et Anastasi, VII, pi. 7).
De meme a Edfou (J. de Rouge, Textes geographiq ues d'Edfou, pi. 49), et au
Livre d'honorer Osiris (Pierret, Etudes egyptologiques, I, p. 30). Les textes des
pyramides placent aux portes de 1'enfer les TqTqT \\ ] <=> \^ \(j "\JJ
de Set (Pepi I, I. 367), dont l'elu renverse la cloture pour sortir.
§ B a <cr> , sur. || B et C ont Baba.
If C'est une allusion probable aux statues des dieux, dont les bras et les
mains etaient mobiles, ou bien encore aux serres de l'epervier. Les avirons de la
barque infernale sont appeles les doigts d'Horus l'aine {Todtenbiuh, ch. 99, 1. 16).
106
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne 440. qui agit : l'ceil d'Horus les guide. O Celui qui
voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi
Ligne 441. venir. Qui done gardera V emplacement* de cette
barque ?t Apporte cette queue du Veluj et place-la a
Ligne 442. son arriere : elle la gardera. O Celui qui voit
derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi !
Ligne 443. Laisse-moi venir. Qui done te Pamknera avec mot 7
Amene-la avec Neferneteru, et avec Amset, [Mesetmutdjesf], Hapi,
Ligne 444. Tuaumatf et Kebsenuf.-S il la gouvernera. || La
depouille (XII) (de la victime), placee a son avant, la guidera vers
le lieu 011
Ligne 445. il est. Eh, pourquoi done ceci 7 Eh, en guise
AA/WVA
* '. , ou A/VWVS , " pour nous ;" ce groupe ne se trouve que dans A.
t D intercale ici cette phrase : 1 fl \\) (~\-/^ A Q
\\ , " le Khenti militaire donnera ce qui la gardera."
7~"^f\ |\ ~% D -^(HS, ~%J, surnom de Set;
les fils d'Horus £ J] /VW/W ^Jf ^^^ ? | T 7 n > vainquent Senem qzii a
arrache Vceil d 'Horns, et t'a mange {Denkmaler, IV, pi. 46, a, 1. 31). Deux
determinatifs du mot, dans ses diverses acceptions, sont TV^ et S??^* *ci ^e
Velu, cf. V Vtn > e'est la victime du sacrifice, regardee comme typhonienne.
§ Neferneteru, le vieilleur des dicux, est represente a la 3e heure de l'Amtuat.
Dans la liste des autres dieux, A omet „ I a \/\ (J — «— | > C omet Hapi,
et D, qui deforme etrangement le mot Neferneteru, omet Amset. B seul a done
la six dieux, et il se pourrait qu'en realite il n'en fallut que cinq : le nom de
Mesetmutdjesf ne serait alors qu'une variante developpee du nom d'Amset
I — h — , Oimenoptah, pi. XI, A). Aux pyramides, le groupe des quatre genies
des canopes est maintes fois cite comme amenant la barque (Pepi I, 1. 464-5,
et Merenra, 1. 551) ; d'autres fois, il est seulement question des quatre dieux
fflh^ ^j(™^ * ^^> (Merenra, 1. 650-2, et Pepi I, 1. 436).
Cinq remorqueurs de la barque, sans doute les quatres genies et Neferneteru,
rigurent dans un exemplaire du Todtenlmch (Naville, I, ch. 99, pi. 112). Meset
ou Set, / 1 1 c± I I 5 designe line sorte du baton recourbe aux 2e et
4e heures de l'Amtuat, oil a. la 3e heure figure un taurocephale appele I .
^ n /WWW cq
li Cf. Merenra, 1. 641 : Q (^ % ^_^ ] -
107
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
d'ailes (XIII), la depouille. Et ensuite ? Ce ciel rente, et elle ria
point son mat. Apporte
Ligne 446. ce phallus de Baba,* qui cree les enfants, qui
engendre les veaux. Je I'installerai, pourquoi done
Ligne 447. cela? Pour l'enfourchuret (du mat) et le com-
mencement de la marche. [Et ses cordages .?] Apporte ce serpent
qui est dans la main de Hemen (XIV).
Ligne 448. En quel endroit de la barque le mettrai-je done?
Place-le dans sa sentine. j [Et sa toile ?§ C'est la trame sortie
de la tresse (XV) dont Horus ainsi que Nubt respirent l'odeur, au
jour de la fete du commencement de l'annee]. Et la ralingue ?\\
C'est le lien
Ligne 449. de celui qui effraie les hommes.1T Qui est-ce, celiti
qui effraie les homines ? Celui qui est en vie dans sa nuit
* II faut probablement voir, dans cette conception, l'origine de differentes
figurines obscenes de l'epoque greco-romaine, representant des Priapes grotesques,
avec mat et voile.
t Mot a mot les deux jambes, e'est-a-dire les deux branches de la vergue
soutenant la voile ,
v\ , Purine.
_2Tf=a
§ B (C^-f \\ \y I I t=± ; a la ligne precedente, A, ou tout ce passage
est tronque, a ^ V\ v\ \\ , la voile, au lieu du mot cordages.
|| Litteralement les deux levres ; des levres, qui sont des liens, ne peuvent
guere designer ici que la corde qui borde les deux cotes de la voile, et qu'on
appelle la ralingue. Ces differentes parties du navire, mat, cables, voiles, et
attaches, sont enumerees aussi dans le passage d'llomere qui decrit le depart de
Telemaque (Odyssee, II, v. 424-6).
" £* \ Zl W- £* &>■ B ^ ^ \ ■ -w ,,absenco
de determinant, le mot tcmu a ete compris ici dans le sens d'hommes. II y a un
^^|| a la 5e heure de l'Amtuat (Champollion, Notices, I, p. 762), et un
(2*-** j a Denderah, (IV, pi. 37, 1. 76) ; le chapitre des pecheurs represente Horus
assis seul dans l'obscurite, invisible et effrayant les etrcs, ^5' x^. ^ j^, 1 .
et les cordes de l'objet >~r< du filet y sont dices les liens, !5E? X\ ' , \' , ' ,
du maitre des humains (Naville, Todtenbuch, II, ch. 153, pi. 434-5). Le mot
•+-, vivre ou surgir la nuit du nouvel an, fait songer au feu qu'on allumait alors
(J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, pi. 279, 1. 27 et pi. 281, 1. 45), et les
liens du personnage rappellent ceux d'Yama, le dieu des morts dans l'Inde.
108
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne 450. du commencement de l'annee. O Celui qui voit
derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir.
Qui es-
Ligne 451. tu, toi qui viens ? Je suis le Magicien. Tu vie us.
et comment venir ? Tu sors, et comment sortir?* Je sortirai par
le moyen desf
Ligne 452. celebrants (XVI) et des victimes (XVII). Pourquoi
ceci, et que fais-tu pour elk ?% Je marche sur leur dos,§
Ligne 453. et je guide ses celebrants. Que fais-tu encore pour
elle? [Ma droite est a sa droite, mon devant a son avant, ma
gauche a sa gauche, mon dos a son arriere. Que fais-tu encore pour
elle?'] L'abattage de ses taureaux, l'egorgement de son oie, le tir
(de son canard ||).
Ligne 454. Qui est-ce qui se place stir elle ? L'Horus des chefs.
Qui est-ce qui prend ses objets mysterieux ?U Le Khent chef aine.
Ligne 455. Qui est-ce qui dispose ses vases ?** Le Khent, chef
de la Bat (XVIII). Que fais-tu encore pour elle?
* Mot a mot comme quoi sortir ? ^-=5; ^. C'est la sortie de ce monde
pour s'en aller dans l'autre et monter de l'enfer au ciel ; cf. Unas, derniere
formule.
f f\ s V\ «ww , forme de l'article et du pronom ; cf. Todlenbuch, ch. 106,
3 ce batelier qui es dans la Sekhet-aru, J] v\ M^ <zr> f^~
^ \j\ tv 0 ^ E
(ou GE^> ~~~ Y\ tf ££££ ^3^6 (edition Naville, II,
III/ // <CZ> -Jl /www
pi. 243), conduis-moi aux ties (ou, cf. Recueil, XIV, p. 170, aux pains) de ton
'*■ ™^\, selon ce que fordonne (Oinie-
r.anal ; cf. aussi / F* — N
o _a i Jr If
neptah, pi. 8, C).
+ /ww^M, et 1. 453, <ZT> I, relativement a elle, la barque; ici, et dans
les demandes semblables, les autres textes ont | . . . , relativement a eux, la
barque, les celebrants et les victimes.
§ Le dos des victimes.
|| Mot restitue d'apres cette phrase des pyramides : Q I '^wv M
">— r*^ D ^S^ (Teta, 1. 389-390, et Merenra, 1. 405).
IT Le materiel du sacrifice.
** Les vases destines a recueillir le sang et a placer le cceur de la victime,
par exemple, comme on le voit dans l'Apro.
109
Mar. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895-
Ligne 456. Marche vers Khem le Coptite et Anubis Abataui :*
je les decouvre
Ligne 457. qui celebrent leurs fetes, et qui moissonnent. \Lettr%\
bles ont-ils des epis\ \poicr faire des pains X\ ? Separe les tiges avec
leurs faucilles§ qui sont
Ligne 458. a leurs pieds : [tu feras des pains avec (les epis)].
Que Celui qui s'eleve me conduise|| a l'Elevee, que le Jeune de Pa
me conduise au Jeune de Neteru (XIX),
* Ce titre d'Anubis, viaitre des deux terres, est ecrit Sekhemtaui a la 1. 46S,
B, et a la 1. 4S7 {cf. Zeitschrift, 1885, p. 10) : le sens est le meme sous ces deux
formes. On remarquera que le principal hieroglyphe du titre, le sceptre, etait
divinise et porte sur une enseigne dans les processions, au moins a Denderah,
6 "1 %j \\ ° "I (Denderah, IV, pi. 21).
t V * V\ ^\ V*^^0' c'esl; 'e terme flm' designe sous les formes
^ > ^ ^T (Oimeneptah, pi. 2, B),
111 /=. \\ ^ '
\J (meme texte, tombeau de Seti I), et
Will
III,
o I I I
vl (2e heure de l'Amtuat), les enormes epis
o l I l
du paradis egyptien.
+ Les derniers mots de la question, dans B, paraissent bien etre
pour des pains.
. &
£=> I
I I I
<C?\
\^
I I
, et B
r^J}'
c
proquement.
VJ : ces deux versions se completent et se corrigent reci-
I l l
:? x, _/l a, parmi ses sens, celui de separer : je ne viens pas pour
1 cvJl ' st!Parer lc die" du dieti (Abydos, I, p. 42 ; cf.
Merenra, 1. 301). Ici, il s'agit de separer la paille du grain : separe les tiges avec
les faucilles, ou, d'apres B, separe les tiges a" avec les vases a mettre le grain. Les
pyramides mentionnent les rites de la recolte qui avait lieu pour la fete d'Uak
(Pepi II, 1. 707-8), et le Todtenbuch, au sujet des bles de l'elu, parle des faucilles
ou des recoltes du dieu Khem (ch. 124, 1. 2) : Khem presidait aux moissons.
II ->
; cf. ^
o
J\ Mil
I
elks (les heures) conduisent Ra vers ce dont elles se nourrissent, les douze petits du
serpent Herer (Oimeneptah, pi. 7, C).
1 ro
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne 459. aupres* de cesf dieux qui sont dans leurs demeures.
Je les decouvre qui laventj leur linge : ils viennent
Ligne 460. avec les pains des dieux. Ils te feront des pains
pour Taller, des miches pour le retour. O Celui qui voit derriere
lui,
Ligne 461. reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi
venir. Qui es-tu, toi qui vie us ? Je suis
Ligne 462. le Magicien. Es-tu pourvu ? Je suis pourvu.
Es-tu muni '? Je suis muni.
Ligne 463. As-tu dispose les deux membres ? J'ai dispose les
deux membres. Que sont-ils, ces deux membres ? Le bras
Ligne 464. avec la jambe. Et ensuite ? Dir as-tu, toi qui te
diriges vers la partie orientale du ciel, pourquoi tu/ais cela ?
Ligne 465. Je gouvernerai les domaines, j'administrerai les
localites,§ je connaitrai celui qui possede et donnerai a celui qui ne
possede pas. Je vous ferai des pains pour
* ® ; cette preposition ne se trouve que dans A.
f □ IU \£> ©, d'apres A, ce qui signifierait les dieux de Pa ; C. a YyQ □ j£> ,
reste du demonstratif L| □ j> , qui est dans D : il y a simplement les dieux,
dans B. Toutefois, il est fort possible qu'il s'agisse ici de Pa (cf. Todtenbuch ,
ch. 112, 1. 1-2): a. Abydos le roi est dit C\ □ V\ [ |
(Abydos, I, p. 30, b). Unas, 1. 202,
mentionne aussi j^ (j Ul CT!3 * ^* D 11 -fl est demonstratif, on peut le
comparer a □ ^ (Champollion, Notices, II, p. 526).
X <^T> t Q n 5 cf- ^e nom du lieu appele le pays des Laveuses, et situe dans
le district Heroopolite d'apres M. Brugsch [Diction naire geograpkique, p. 392).
La, les divinites locales en rapport avec Osiris etaient Isis, Horus et Amset, selon
le Todteiibuch (ch. 18, 1. 34). Isis et Nephthys blanchissaient le linge du Soleil,
-C2^(JS™I <=>fni^I 1 m (Ab>-dos> *> P- 44; cf. Benedite, Philce
1 l l
I., p. 40).
retrouve dans une des formules de la pyramide de Merenra, 1. 252 : (J | ZI
\s\ © © I >?* ^^- £11 ill , il donne des ordres a cenx qui
II
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
Ligne 466. Taller, des miches pour le retour. O Celui qui voit
derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi !
Ligne 467. Laisse-moi venir. Connais-tu le chemin sur lequel
tu marches, he, Magicien ? [Je connais le chemin sur lequel je
marche. Quel est-il, ce chemin * ? Celui sur lequel marche
Ligne 468. le Sekhem-ta] quand il marche vers les Champs
Elysees. Qui est ton guide ? L'Abait-ti Kheb-ti (XX)
Ligne 469. est mon guide. Qui parlera pour toi\ a ce dieu
augustel Udja-ab,! frere de Sakar, Paine'.
Ligne 470. O Celui qui voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken.
Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir.
Ligne 471. Je ne Vai pas reveille. Dis : 6 Dieu! forcee est
l'enceinte : je descelle ton coffre, je compte tes calames,
Ligne 472. j'ouvre tes livres (XXI); ma face est celle du
Nun (XXII), ma vue est celle de Shu et mon ouie
Ligne 473. est l'ouie de Shu ; je donne des ordres aux Akhemu-
Seku,§ je suis puissant [comme j'etais puissant] sur terre. Pourquoi
Ligne 474. done Cecil He I dit Aken, je suis, et j'etais mort !
Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi !
Ligne 475. Laisse-moi venir. Qui es-tu, toi qui viens? Je suis
le Magicien. Es-tu pourvu ? Je suis pourvu.
sont avec le Nun. Le titre £\ V\ , | | _ est connu. Pour le
5 ^ Q
aw
mot ker, u^ ^ % , B, cf. Brugsch, Zeitschrift, 1886, p. 22, Fepi I,
<=> cz=A=a 111
1. 162, Horhotep, 1. 172, Todtenbuch, ch. 84, 1. 3, J. de Rouge, Basse Egypte,
p. 39, etc. Ker signifie, avec le contexte qu'il a ici, lieu habite, d'apres son
sens bien connu de posseder, occuper, habiter. On lit au texte de la Destruc-
tion des homines, quand le Soleil a fait monter les hommes au ciel : oh ! tu m'as
fait habiter par une multitude, 8 \\ \^^ ^ \ ^ W> 1\
^ ^ J) ' (L 38-9)-
111 £LL Yl 1
* Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 20 et 22.
f D'apres A il faudrait lire : qui dira ton nom, /ww^ , a ce dieu ? Cf
Pepi II, 1. 1288. B parait avoir "^) , lecon adoptee ici ; il s'agit de
faire reveiller Aken par un intermediare, sorte de () -C2>- y> de 1'autre mondc.
X Pour des expressions et des noms de ce genre, cf. Horhotep, 1. 2C9 et 226,
Pepi I, 1. 410, Pepi II, 1. 1191-2, et Merenra, 1. 586-7 et 754-9.
§ Dieux des etoiles circumpolaires.
112
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Ligne 476. Es-tu muni 2 Je suis muni. As-tu dispose les deux
membres ? J'ai dispose
Ligne 477. les deux membres. Que sont-iis, ces deux membres
[he, Afagicien ?]. Le bras avec la jambe. [Et ensuite? dit Aken\
Amene-moi ceci. Vivat
Ligne 478. pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Suis-je done maitre
de tout* ce que je famenerais, \ he, Magieien ? Cette barque
Ligne 479. que void, il n'y a pas son ccope. Apporte cette
baguette de Khnemu qui vivifie ce qui est avec elle, et place-la
dedans.
Ligne 480. Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-
moi venir. Suis-je done maitre
Ligne 481. de tout ee que je famenerais, he, Magieien ? Cette
barque que voici, il n'y a pas ses agres (XXIII). Qu'est-ce qui lui
manque ?
Ligne 482. [// n'y a pas ses planches'], il n'y a pas ses grelins,
il n'y a pas ses poteaux, il n'y a pas son materiel. Va vers ce
dieu que
Ligne 483. tu ne connais pas, et rappelle-lui la totalite de ses
agres, marche, il te (les) donnera. Qui est-ce, ce dieu (duquel tu dis)
tu ne
Ligne 484. le connais pas, rappelle-lui la totalite de ses agres,
marche, et il te les donnera cl Qui est-ce ? C'est Horus qui est avec
le sceau (XXIV).
Ligne 485. Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-
moi venir. Suis-je done maitre
Ligne 486. de tout ce que je famenerais, M, Magieien ? Cette
barque que voici, il n'y a pas% son cable. % Apporte ce serpent
Ligne 487. qui est dans [la main de Hemen et d'Anubis]
Sekhem-taui : place-le en elle, sa tete dans ta main, sa queue dans
ma main, et tordons-le. Am-
Ntt— tt \K % le dieu Tmu, au lieu de n,, tc j&X , e'est-a-dire : "suis-je
done puissant comme Tmu? Amene toi-meme."
t C'est-a-dire les derniers agres de la barque, notamment le cable dont il va
etre question.
% B parait remplacer _A_* par J2 ; cf. la negation douteuse ^7^ ; mais la
boucle de ^J\_- peut etre confondue avec un Zl, dans B: la negation ka
viendrait-elle d'une confusion semblable ?
5 Son cable de remorque.
1 l X
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
Ligne 488. tenuni (XXV) sera son nom aux bords (XXVI)
des bassins qui sont dans ces deux regions. Le fleuve est-il pret?*
Le fleuve est pret et libre.
Ligne 489. Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-
moi venir. Qu'est-ce que\
Ligne 489 <£/V. ces deux regions, he, Magicien ? C'est l'horizon
avec la Crypte (XXVII), (objets de) mon desir. Alors done
Ligne 489 ter. tu connais ces deux regions, he, Magicien ? Je
(les) connais. Qu'est-ce que
Ligne 490. ces deux regions, he, Magicien ? C'est l'enferj avec
PElysee. Aken, amene-moi
Ligne 491. ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Suis-je
done maitre de
Ligne 492. tout ce que je famenerais, he, Magicien ? Diras-tu,
[toi qui passes^ vers le lieu oil est] ce dieu auguste, si tu me passes
un individu
Ligne 493. qui ne sail pas oil sont ses doigts ? [qu'il park ! Je
sais ou ils sont. Oil? Dotine les quatre doigts et le pouce, donne /||]
* Cette demande manque dans B ; le contexte indique suffisamment que c'est
une interrogation.
t Apres J f? Vv □ ^> terminant la 1. 489, la photographie ajoute ces deux
lignes, qui manquent dans B :
Ligne 4S9 *- * « • \ ^ I JJ fl fl J □ % ^ 2 IH
^:m«^y^
IP:
Li^ne 489 ter- \\ \> ^Z^ (J ^^ \\
n a R \ j
D1^4 © ^I^W^i"'
© An q
et le texte continue avec M de la ligne 490.
<=* I 1 ^,~^
+ Le monde souterrain distingue de PElysee, qu'on placait un peu partout.
§ C'est-a-dire qui veux passer (en barque).
j^, <Z=> I llll >^= Ov. 5f|i|- La preposition
<d> a ici le sens de par, selon, quant a, c'est-a-dire "donne la main entiere,
selon les quatre doigts et le pouce."
114
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Prends l'un et prends l'autre (ceil), lesquels etaient eteints pour toi.
Alors *
Ligne 493^. done donne-les, donne done !\ Je (te) les donne.
Sens vers moi ce dont tu as ete depouille, ce dont tu as ete prive.
Ligne 494. L'oeil etait perdu % pour toi, je (te) rends l'oeil
(XXVIII).
* Apres vT\ 1 Jl [II =CZT> terminant la 1. 493, vient dans la
photographie la ligne 493 bis, dont le debut n'est pas dans B :
et la 1. 494 continue en terminant le mot commence ^.q J , etc. B a
fcrf
5=
m
o \v
e'est-a-dire (prends l'un et prends l'autre ceil) que tu riavais plus a la tele
d'Horus. Je te donne pour accompagner la face ce dont tu as ete depouille, ce dont
tu as ete prive.
t Ces mots expriment le tatonnement impatient d'un aveugle : Aken, bien que
reveille, n'a pas encore recouvre la vue, puisqu'il cherche les mains de son
interlocuteur lui rapportant ses yeux. Dans toute cette fin, qui est assez obscure,
il y a, semble-t-il, confusion ou assimilation de la face et des yeux d'Horus avec
ceux d'Aken.
+ I I &J , B I ~°^ . C'est evidemment le mot qui signifie User,
deranger, troubler, comme dans ce passage du papyrus Westcar : il est arrive
qu'elle a derange, \ T^j) ^5^, , son cote de rameuses (pi. 6, 1. 4).
115
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
COMMENTA1RE.
I. Ligne 425-—
bWM^^^P ft — ^-5^^ n ft — n
5\&£s 0 Jl 1 J J /WWvA ~^^ -<2>- 1 J J "^^ i
Q /VWW\ AAAAA/\ ,/r\ Q «£-\ /VWVSA Q
V <WWV\ , X. rv 1\ U > X, >-\ l\ _
Dans le reste du chapitre il y a habituellement A ^^ (1 ^\ ,
avec le pronom de la premiere personne dont 1'absence est d'ailleurs
frequente en bien des cas, par exemple dans le nom de la fete
de Haker, pour Ha-k-er-a ;* on lit, au grand temple d'Abydos,
Q /www q cs /vwwv
l\ ^^^ a. cote de A AAA^A -Tj ( dans une adoration adressee a
Nefer-Tmu par le roi qui prend le role de Thot apportant Poeil
d'Horus.f Quant a la forme A ^^ de C, comme c'est une femme
qui parle il est clair que ^ est la pour J4 , comme dans certains
passages des Textes du mythe d'Horus, An, "je t'amene,"
fe\ v\ , "mon fils Horus," ou ^, et (J , "jeviens." +
Au chapitre de la barque, la question est de savoir s'il faut
comprendre "j'amene,"ou bien "amene-moi." Cette question est
eclaircie par l'ensemble des textes qui concernent la barque aux
pyramides royales. La, c'est le batelier qui amene la barque,§ et
le mort qui amene l'oeil. " O conducteur de la barque de Sekhet-
hetep, amene ceci a ce repi, l\ /ww^ „ v\ »» Fepi . ||
Teta ordonne a Mahaf, batelier du lac de Kha, "qu'il amene (ou
lui amene) sa barque, (I l\ <=> ^. W/WV ^^s (ou^ A ^
d'apres Pepi I), du lac de Kha, dans laquelle il passe les dieux vers
* Recueil, X, p. 146.
t Abydos, I, pi. 37, b ; cf. Todtenbuch, edition Naville, ch. 173.
% PI. 5, pl- 1, pi- 3, L 3 et 6, et pi. 5, 1. 4.
§ Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 99, 1. 1.
|| Pepi I, 405, et Merenra, 578-9 ; cf. Pepi I, 176 et 473, Merenra, 316, et
Ilorhotep, 37C-3S0.
116
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
cette partie du lac de Kha, vers la partie orientale du ciel." * Une
autre formule est ainsi congue : " Face en arriere, portier d'Osiris,
fais amener a ce Pepi cette barque a toi, |\ I q Pepi ^-Aj
n^O) dans laquelle tu passes tes saints pour recevoir la libation sur
cette voie (uar-t\) des Akhemu-seku." J
On lit ailleurs, au contraire : " apports d'Horus, (ce qu')il aime,
Teta lui apporte son ceil " (comme a. Set son scrotum et a Thoth
son bras), \ \ O %> ^. "^ *— . Teta \ j\ ^ "" ^^ t^_ . §
Differents personnages, qui ne sont pas represented comme des
bateliers, apportent aussi l'ceil dans les scenes des l'Amtuat, par
exemple: J] Ji et J\ , a. la deuxieme heure, ou A I
A*~VAA (J J J Q d /vCWvA d 1
, a. la troisieme ; Thoth, auquel l'elu se compare ou
s'assimile ici en qualite de Jlekau, Magicien, portait les titres de
an-ut'a,\\ et de s-hetep-neterii*\ (Au Todtenbuch, l'elu ramene
encore d'autres membres divins.**)
Deux autres formules des pyramides, a la verite fort obscures,
semblent montrer le roi et le batelier se faisant un apport reciproque :
" Face-en-avant-face-en-arriere, amene ceci a Unas (pour qu')Unas
t'amene cela, 0 -R ^Z "^T ^ "™" Unas \ \ """ " Unas -— Q h
(Pepi II, 1002, a ~JT (1(1 ); batelier, amene a Unas, (1 l\ ^^ Unas,
celle qui s'envole et se pose" (le vehicule symbolique de l'aile).ff
Et : " Mahaf-herfhaf, laisse venir ce Pepi a la vie, il t'amene cet ceil
l\ f\ MAMA AAA/W\ ^Q>>- "fV AA/'A/W ^\
d'Horus, (I A ~WWVA v\ v\ , releve, qui etait dans
1 J J k.=^_ v — ^> o JI a _M>
la prairie de la navigation, amene ceci a ce Pepi, la barque,"'
Q J5 '7r^>w^A^/ ° <2>"Q^^-tt (Cette phrase est
* Teta, 193-4, Pepi I> 677, et Pepi II, 1290-2.
t C/". Merenra, 661, et Pepi I, 672.
% Pepi I, 41 1-2, Merenra, 589-590, et Pepi II, 1 194-6.
§ Teta, 26-7.
|| Abydos I, pi. 37, b; cf. Brugsch, Supplement an Dictionnaire, p. 29, Si
et 1404.
IT Benedite, Philce, p. 50 ; cf. de Rochemonteix, E.ifon, p. 25.
** Tcdtenbuch, edition Naville, ch. 136 B.
+t Unas, 603-4, et Merenra, 306-9.
++ Pepi I, 443-5.
117
Mar. 5] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
transformee ensuite, dans une apostrophe aux quatre dieux des
canopes, par Pomission de la lettre □ apres le nom du roi,* ce qui
donne le sens apparent de : amene ceci, c'est-a-dire alors les agres,
au roi et a la barque ; Merenra a : amene au roi ceci pour la
barque, ^^ ^SJ^-^-t)
Quoiqu'il en soit de ces deux textes, le debut du chapitre de la
barque a ete compris ici dans le sens suivant : "amene-moi ceci, la
barque, amene-moi Horus a son ceil, que j'apporte," bien que, aux
pyramides, un debut analogue n'ait pas le pronom de la premiere
personne (qui a. la verite n'y est pas toujours exprime, Pepi II,
864-7); "O batelier, ft Jj ^T ^> ^\ ft J\ ^T ^_ ,
etc., J amene ceci pour Horus, (j' ?)amene son ceil."
En somme, le sens general n'a rien d'embarrassant : il s'agit de
faire venir outre la barque l'ceil sacre, que l'ofnciant apporte a Aken.
Quant a, la barque, l'officiant n'amene rien ; Mahaf lui dit : " qui
te l'amenera avec moi ? " 1. 443-4, et lui-meme dit d'Aken : " il
m'amenera la reunion avec Khnemu dans la barque," 1. 435.
II. Ligne42 6.— A ^^\ ^YP^x k^»_,B et C _3 %\
^ , D — ^ 'HTP ™J t C'est le Charon egyptien, qu'on
appelait aussi Herfhaf, c'est a-dire, Sa-face-est-derriere-lui. La plus
vieille redaction du chapitre des Pecheurs, au TodteTibuch, le
designe d'abord par le premier nom, puis par le deuxieme, dans la
repetition d'une meme phrase. § On lit egalement, aux pyramides :
"eveille-toi en paix, * a , en paix, <? V\ E. , en paix,
brtelier du ciel, en paix, batelier de Nut, en paix, batelier des
dieux, en paix ! " || Une autre formule reunit les deux noms,
-J? ^Tf^^ ^ *%*~ , dans Pepi I, 443, et Pepi II, 11 29
tandisque Merenra, 549, a seulement & 'HIP k^_ ^t>.. Dans
Unas et Merenra, le dieu est dit Face-en-avant-face-en-arriere,
tt\ (1 h v (^ans 1'original ce signe est le profil entier)
* Cf. Pepi II, 1129-1132. t 5^0-2.
% Merenra, 290-1, Pepi I, 183, et Pepi II, 896.
§ Todtenbuch, edition Naville, II, pi. 433 et 435.
II Una?, 489, et Merenra, 362.
Il8
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. ^895.
u .* C'est ainsi une sorte de personnage
bifrons, corame il y en a dans l'Amtuat, maniere sans doute
d'indiquer que rien n'echappe a sa vue.f (Mahomet, d'apres les
legendes, avait de meme la faculte de voir devant et derriere lui.)
Les pyramides donnent a. ce dieu les titres de * ^YP { ou
=^_,§ "batelier du lac de Kha," de
"taureau des dieux,"|l et de *
5r
"portier d'Osiris."H
Au Todtenbuch, le chapitre des Pecheurs l'appelle ^
^1^ ^ (et **" ' ^ ® )' "maitre de son coeur," c'est-a
dire, probablement, "impitoyable."** Le ch. 125, 1. 25, fait de lui
un des 42 juges infernaux, celui qui punit la luxure, sous le nom
^ <\Y? ^\ ® 5 "sorti de la Tepeh-t T'a-t," c'est-a-dire, sorti du
Charonium de Memphis : une variante donne * ^^aa
" sorti de sa caverne." ft H a dans ce chapitre, au papyrus de
Sutimes, une tete de serpent tournee en arriere pour figurer son
nom. (Le batelier du ch. 93 a aussi la tete tourne'e en arriere,
comrae les damnes que Dante a places dans la fosse des devins.jj)
Enfin, au ch. no, d'apres deux exemplaires thebains,^ les Champs
Elysees semblent bien etre appeles "la Campagne de (Ma ou Herf)
haf," et " la Campagne du Batelier." L'expression de " batelier de
Sekhet-aru," et " de Sekhet-hetep," se trouve dans Pepi I, 400-5, et
dans Merenra, 571-8.
* Merenra, 306, Unas, 603, et Pepi II, 1001-2.
t Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 90, I. 2.
% Pepi I, 651 ; cf. Horhotep, 379.
§ Teta, 193-4, Pepi I, 677, et Pepi II, 1194. || Pepi I, 176.
IT Merenra, 589, et Pepi I, 41 1.
** 'lodtenbuch, edition Naville, II, pi. 433 et 435.
tt Recueil de travaux, XV, p. 18. %X Enfer, XX.
§§ Todtenbuch, edition Naville, II, pi. 258.
119
Mar. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1S95.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden at 57,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, the
2nd April, 1895.
The following Paper will be read : —
Rev. Dr. Lowy, " Pre-Mosaic Culture of the Hebrews," Part II.
120
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
II. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.
Dumichex, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1S69.
— Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1S62. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augen-
krankheiten.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gavet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie an Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschicbtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung cler Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmanx, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 18S0.
Lyon, D. G. An Assyrian Manual.
Maruciii, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
Muller, D. H. , Epigraphische Denkm'aler aus Arabien.
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio.
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a. propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Yols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Yols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
Zimmern, H., Die Assyriologie als Hulfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Fourth Meeting, 2nd April, 1895.
REV. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
■306 '^06>-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From F. D. Mocatta :— Sources of Spanish Jewish History. By
Joseph Jacobs. 8vo. 1894.
From the Author, Prof. C. P. Tiele :— Western Asia according
to the most recent Discoveries. Translated by Elizabeth J.
Taylor.
[No. cxxix.] 121 k
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
From Prof. E. P. Tiele : — Overgedrukt uit den Feestbundel van
Taal-, Letter-, Geschied. En Aardrijkskundige Bijdragen ter
Gelegenheid van Zijn Tachtigsten Geboortedag. Tan Dr.
P. J. Veth.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, 5th March,
and elected Members of the Society : —
S. Hirschfeld, Bream's Buildings, Fetter Fane, E.C.
Rev. J. J. C. Valpy, Elsing Rectory, E. Dereham.
David J. Waugh, 4, Florence Place, Falmouth.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at
the next Meeting, to be held on the 7th May, 1895 : —
M. l'Abbe Poels, Lie. en Theol., Rue des Dominicains, Louvain.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The General Theological Seminary, E. H. Jewett, Librarian,
Chelsea Square, New York, U.S.A.
A Paper was read by Theo. G. PINCHES on a "Tablet
in the Babylonian Character, with Greek transcriptions of the
era of Alexander." Mr. Pinches spoke of the pronunciation
of Assyrian, bringing forward evidence of the existence of the
so-called PWT^Q from the inscriptions, where such forms as
t'ssi, instead of itti (= iththi), "with" are found, as well
as from a tablet with a Greek transcription, numbered
Sp. Ill, 245 + 81-7-6, 141 ; which gives 0e? for pes. The
existence of 0, both long and short, in places where u or u
is now universally read, was also referred to.
The Paper will be published in full in a future part of the
Proceedings.
A Paper was read by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, on " The
Primitive Culture of the Hebrews." Part II.
Remarks were added by the Rev. C- J. Ball, Dr. Gaster,
W. G. Thorpe, F.S.A., and the Chairman.
Thanks were returned for these communications.
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXVII.
Chapter whereby one taketh the blissful path at Restau. (1)
0 paths which are high above me at Restau : I am the Girdled (2)
and the Mighty one, coming forth triumphantly. (3)
1 am come : I am come that I may firmly secure my suit in
Abydos, (4) and that the path may be open to me at Restau.
Eet my suit be made pleasant for me by Osiris.
I am he who produceth the water which balanceth his throne,
and who maketh his way from the Great Valley. (5)
Let the path be made for me ; for behold I am N the trium-
phant. (6)
[Osiris is made triumphant over his adversaries, and the Osiris
N is made triumphant over his adversaries, and is as one of you,
his patron (7) is the Lord of Eternity : he walketh even as ye walk,
he standeth as ye stand, he speaketh as ye speak, before the great
god, the Lord of Amenta.]
Notes.
1. This chapter and the following have reference to Restau, one
of the Gates between the Netherworld and Heaven.
It is not mentioned in the most ancient recension of chapter 17
(from which my translation was taken), but in all the papyri of the
eighteenth and later dynasties it is stated that Restau was a gate
south of An-aaref and north of the "Domain ([ V\ I of
Osiris."
123 K 2
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
The papyrus of Ani has this picture of it,
fte-irL-3*?
but the most interesting representations of it are in the Dublin
papyrus (D. a), where the Sun god is seen passing between the
folding doors, and in the papyrus of Hunefer (A. g), where the
doors are also open and the god is sitting between them. (See
Plates VI, n and VII b.)
<=>— 0 0— <r> Q
The name Restau (the feminine form — 0— ^
I — g-fX/vV I *■ rsj^r\
is more frequent in later texts) signifies Gate of the passages. These
are the passages guarded by the faithful attendants of Osiris, but
armed with "hurtful fingers" against the adversaries of Ra, against
whose onslaught the deceased prays Ra. for protection in chapter 17.
A mystical interpretation will be found in chapter 119 and note.
2. Girdled, or stole 'd,
On the importance attached
to this ritual investiture, the following references may (among many
others) be useful : Unas 66, Tela 149, Pepi I, 395, Merenra 190,
Todt. 125 (rubric), 145, 25. The deceased prays (Chapter 82, 4)
that he may be girt by the goddess Tait. A passage in Todt. 78, 26
(Turin text) would be of greater interest were it not an emendation
of those who no longer understood the ancient text.
3. Coming forth triumphantly. This is the reading of the oldest
authority (Nebseni), but the reading which has prevailed, not
only here, but in Chapter 147, is "coming forth from the Crown,"
124
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
4. That J may firmly secure my suit at Abydos. The scholion
on Chapter 17, referred to in note 1, states that the "place of Maat
is at Abydos." It is, of course, the mystical, not the geograpical,
Abydos which is meant, and the suit 1 (res) which has to be
settled is the final judgment of the deceased.
5. The throne of Osiris in pictures of the Psychostasia (see
Vignettes to Chapter 125) rests upon water, out of which there
springs a lotus flower ; and upon this flower stand the four children
of Horus. In a passage of chapter 147, which is an adaptation of the
fl 7^\ I W I "5\ "ft -r-r 0 /wwvv
present chapter, the deceased says (I u n _M^ v\ ZA I /ww^.
La, "I am he whose stream is secret," And a Pyramid Text
(Merenrd, 188, 193) after mention of the Great Valley (1 ^
V\ ca and of the investiture I JL ) proceeds, »ama v — ^ jy
^3P5 SS^ ^t=f [1 v\ ^ — ^*, "thy water, thy fresh current, is
a great inundation proceeding from thee." Here the deceased is
identified with the Nile and its inundation, as in Chapter 64 of the
Book of the Dead.
6. The chapter ends here. The passage which follows in the
translation is taken from the Paris papyrus Pe.
7 . Patron, ,wwna \ ¥\ I rW , a word supposed by some scholars
to signify uncle. It occurs on funereal monuments among the desig-
nations of persons connected with the deceased, such as brother,
sister, nurse. A man may have several bearing the designation, and
they are not necessarily children of the same parents (see e.g., Mariette,
Cat. d' Abydos, p. no, where a man has five chenemesu, who cannot
all be brothers either of his father or his mother). The word occurs
repeatedly in the Prisse papyrus. I am inclined to think it means
the legal guardian of a minor.
CHAPTER CXVIII.
Chapter zvhereby one arriveth at Restau.
I am he who is born in Restau.
Glory is given to me by those who are in their mummied forms
in Pu, at the sanctuary of Osiris, whom the guards (1) receive at
Restau when they conduct Osiris through the demesnes of Osiris.
125
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Note.
(1) Guards, (I v\ v. -^ >j!^ ftf 1 aaku, the same personages as
those mentioned in Chapter 28, note 2, and they seem to me to
be identical with the "wardens of the passages," Chapter 17, "atten-
dant upon Osiris." There is an imperfect tablet of the 12th dynasty
at Hamamat (Denku/., II, 138, c) in which thirty (I <^z^5 TO are
mentioned along with the soldiers and other persons belonging to
the expedition. The Pyramid Texts have the word (1 ^hp% , but
apparently with a determinative of salutation, tff . (Pepi I, 160,
cf line 82.)
CHAPTER CXIX.
Chapter whereby one entereth or goeth forth from Restau.
I am the Mighty one, who createth his own light.
I come to thee, Osiris, and I worship thee.
Pure are thine effluxes, (1) which flow from thee, (2) and which
make thy name in Restau, when it hath passed there.
Hail to thee, Osiris, in thy power and thy might, who hast
possession of Restau.
Osiris raiseth thee up in thy power and in thy might. Osiris
raiseth thee up in thy power in Restau, and in thy might in Abydos,
that thou mayest go round heaven with Ra, and survey the human
race.*
One art thou and triumphant.
Notes.
i. Pure are thine effluxes. The true reading is f I ^w^/^A
i _-J /VAA/Wv C^l
AAA/W\ ~^ Q
aaaaaa [ C3 , a phrase which recurs in these texts. The suffix VCa of
/WWVA I I I ' J
the first person, which is sometimes added to the first word, would
give the sense "thine effluxes are my purification." On the meaning
of ^\fD, see 65 B, note 4. At the end of Chapter 149
* The (JlJ^^^Ls, Rechit, mankind actually living, as distinguised
® Y1 'I'
from the dead or yet unborn.
126
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
the deceased prays, "let me be joined, let me be united with the
sap which proceedeth from Osiris ; let me not be parted from him."
2. Which flow from thee. I p. V\ , sta, which has here
the same meaning as when the Nile is said {Denkm., Ill, 13) to flow
into the Great Sea, f \\ p ~^~ <=> I ^1 ™ • The name of
Restau is here derived from the effluxes flowing (stait) from Osiris.
The various meanings of I ^ N£\ — <j>- , and of the Coptic CCT,
are all traceable to the notion of sending forth, throwing, and are
easily illustrated from the Greek. Thus ixfiaWeiv is used for the
discharge of a river into the sea; iicpokai are 'passes, passages.'
Doors are secured by pushing the bolts, /(.o^Xo;-? eTnfiaWeiv • they
are opened by shooting back the bolt, I n ' (Mariette, Abydos,
p. 58). I p-^" j| is exactly the reverse of birifiaWeiv a(ppa^7cx.
Fl p <R\ "\\ ~§~, ^fL Q , COT", stercus is an eK^o\j, dejectio. And
fl^lp^, *"*, C^f , COTe, /fe'Xo*, /3o\k, [U^, C4.T,
seminare, and ever so many others are all determinations of one and
the same concept.
In such passages as 1 1 -^ J ^ , |l_p^ S 5^ | and
the like, sta has the sense not of towing, but of jro/t7n/, ' solemn
procession.' It occurs even where towing is out of question, £.£., in
the march of military men (in <=* H$ 1 (Tombs of Amenemheb
and Pehsukher, Miss. Arch. Fraticaise, V, pp. 229 and 289).
And I ~^St~ string, rope is connected with the notion of ' throw-
I f> — ^
ing ' like our own warp with tverfen (Goth, vairp-an) and plir-rw).
Chapter CXX is a repetition of Chapter XII.
Chapter CXXI is a repetition of Chapter XIII.
Chapter CXXII is a repetition of Chapter LVIII.
CHAPTER CXXIII.
Chapter (1) whereby one entereth into the Great House.
Hail to thee, O Tmu, I am Thoth.
I have equally balanced the Divine Pair, I have put a stop to
their strife, I have ended their complaints.
127
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
I have rescued the Atu from his backward course.
I have done what thou hast prescribed for him.
And I rest since then within my own Eye.
I am free from obstruction ; and I come that thou mayest see
me in the house where I repeat the ancient ordinances and words,
as a guidance wherewith thou shalt guide posterity. (2)
Notes.
1. This chapter (which is repeated in Chapter 139) is like the
repetition of an important passage in Chapter no. But the
differences are very considerable, and it is for criticism to decide
the question of priority between the two recensions.
Whichever be the earlier recension, the present one is of very great
interest and importance. It is found on two of the most carefully
written papyri of the eighteenth dynasty. But the most interesting
feature is the mythological allusion at this date (at latest) to an
astronomical phenomenon, with reference to which later researches
may furnish fresh evidence.
The speaker in this chapter is said (not merely implied, as in
Chapter no, see note 5) to be Thoth, who is the measurer of all
things in heaven and earth, and the author and regulator of all
science. He is here said to have established the equilibrium
\> ^^ ~\. between the Divine Pair, Horus and Sutu ; that is
Day and Night. Such an equilibrium, strictly speaking, never exists
except at the Equinoxes.
But the most important passage is, " I have rescued the Atu
from his backward course." The v\ ^^j Atu is a mytho-
logical fish, who is represented as following the course of the Bark
of Ra. The meaning of the name is, the Cleaver, Divider, Cutter
in two . It is one of the appellatives of the Sun-god,
with reference to his path through the sky. But what is that solar
phenomenon specially deserving to be characterised by its motion
backzvards K3 ^\ ?
I do not think any astronomer would hesitate to answer, that
Precession is meant. The cause of Precession could only be known
to really scientific philosophers (which is out of question in this
case), but the phenomena would necessarily be noted by those
128
PLATE XXX.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., April, li
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CXIV
Papyrus, British
Museum, No. 9900.
Chapter CXIX.
Papyrus, Leyden Museum, No. V.
Chapter CXVI. Papyrus,
Mus6e du Louvre, No. Ill, 36.
Chapter CVII. Papyrus,
British Museum, No. 9933.
Chapter CXXIII. Papyrus,
British Museum, No. 9903.
Chapter CXVII. Papyrus,
British Museum, No. 9900.
Chapter CXIX.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre.
Cab. des Medailles.
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
who had important interests in keeping their calendar correct.*
Even the Chinese, by dint of records and without any mathematics,
came to infer the precession of the equinoxes ; so did the Egyptians
apparently at a very much earlier period ; and Hipparchus, who has
the credit of the discovery, may have learnt it from them.
Although ^sp^s is commonly represented as a fish, the
I— +— 1 XIX
same name is given to a Crustacean <=s^ cr^^i whose organs of
locomotion are specially adapted for backward motion.
" Rescuing the Atu from its backward course" can mean nothing
less than being able to correct or (in technical language) to equate
the phenomena.
It might perhaps be suggested that the backward course here
spoken of has reference to the year of 360 days, corrected at an
early period by the addition of the five supplementary days. This
would certainly have been a very probable explanation of the clause,
but for the direct connection which this has with what precedes,
concerning the equilibrium between Day and Night ; that is, the
Equinox.
2. Posterity, <rr> ^v\ J^^^^r ' literally, minores. The word
in the present context seems to have a different meaning from
what it has in Chapter no, where it is put in contrast with
N£ V TnT M£ 1 violent ones, against whom Thoth interposes
his protection.
* " The amount of this motion by which the equinox travels backward, or
retrogrades (as it is called), is fer annum an extremely minute quantity, but
which, by its continual accumulation from year to year, at last makes itself very
palpable, and that in a way highly inconvenient to practical astronomers, by
destroying, in the lapse of a moderate number of years, the arrangement of their
catalogues of stars, and making it necessary to reconstruct them." Herschel,
Astronomy, chapter 4.
129
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
THE NAME SHINAR, GENESIS XI, 2 ; AND THE
MEANING OF jrO IN GENESIS XLIII, 11.
By Rev. C. J. Ball.
It has long been recognized that Shinar, or rather Shingar, bears
the same relation to the Babylonian Shumer (Shymer) as dingir
does to dimmer, or dimer; that is to say, it is a dialectic variation
of the same word. As to the origin and import of this name, when
I wrote my paper last year on Israel and Babylon for these Pro-
ceedings (May, 1894), I had already guessed that it might be
connected with gishimmar, the palm; Babylonia being par excellence
the country of the palm (see Herodotus I, 193). Gishimmar, i.e.,
gish shimmar, the shimmar tree, the palm, is one value of the
ideogram J^fY^YYTT' which was also read shanga (see my paper).
This shanga may very well spring from an older shanga-r (cf. ■£-<,
read nangar and lamga). And shimmar implies a form shingar,
as dingir implies dimmer.
Now the Babylonian shimmar, shimar, is obviously related to
the Hebrew *|ft,Tl tamar, date palm, "^jh tomer, do., rnSFl tim-
X T V T
mora, palmette (Ezek. xli, 18), the well-known Assyrian architectural
ornament, on the one hand, and to the Arabic -*J tamr, dates, .*♦.;
thamar, Xi thumar, and ,Uju thimar, fruit, on the other. The
meaning of shimmar or shimar thus appears to be fruit, especially
dates ; and gishimmar is the fruit tree, i.e., the palm. The equiva-
lences shimmar, shimar = thamar, thimar = tamar (timmora) are
parallel to those seen in -Qtl?' = ->j = ""OX"!- And since tne inter-
change of "T, r\i T, is also a known phenomenon (cf. p"Q and pr\2.
with the Talmudic pf2), we may add that IHNn illftf really does
mean fruit of the land, although the Assyrian zumru, fruit (Norris ;
Dillmann) is a nonentity.
130
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ON SOME BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN
ALLITERATIVE TEXTS.— I.
By S. A. Strong.
(A.)
Of the following texts, all composed in the alliterative style, and
all acrostics, the first is well known. Originally published by
Mr. Pinches {Texts, p. 15), it has been translated in full by Professor
Sayce (Hibbert Lectures, p. 514); nevertheless, its obscurities are
enough to explain and excuse the present application of the secunda
manns. The text is a hymn of praise, composed by or for a king to
celebrate the restoration of his city of Babylon and its temples, the
renewal of the splendours of public worship, and the return of
peace and prosperity. Unfortunately, the name of the king, with
much else of interest and value, has been broken away, and there
is nothing in the sonorous generalities that remain to point to one
king more than to any other of those who, in the course of its long
history, restored or may have restored, Babylon. However, the
fact that the tablet was brought, not from Babylonia but from
Assyria, might lead us to identify the king either with Esarhaddon
or with Assurbanipal. The former, at the close of his reign, saw
that the only way to keep the empire together was to shift the
centre of gravity to its old position in Babylon, and in one of the
documents of this period and tendency {Cylinder, 81-6-7, 209) he
describes himself in terms that might almost have been borrowed
from our text, as tpii Esagila u Babili tnusaklil csrlti u
mahazn mukin sattukku. Assurbanipal followed, for a time at least,
in the same path, and he repeats the same strain, so that, although,
if we may judge by the event, he seems to have lacked either the
will or the power to carry out the great political scheme of his
father, it is perfectly possible that he may be the king referred to
here.
In dealing with the remarkable text (K 1285) in which Assur-
banipal cries to Nebo de profundis, and is answered and consoled
by the god, we pointed out that certain marked peculiarities of style
131
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[i895-
might be "explained as a rhythmical device of the composer."*
But what in that case suggested itself as a bare possibility, in the
present case declares itself almost as a certainty. The ending
- o i£ I v - o I , as, to take the simplest examples, in Esagi \ la siri :
lissakin \ nigutu ; -tattala \ zimcsu ; muddisu \ parakki, recurs far
too frequently to be explained as the effect of chance ; that is to
say, these lines have metrical endings, and if these, then doubtless
also the rest, of which the cadence is to our ears — imperfectly attuned
as yet to "Babylonian numbers" — less obviously metrical. The
same holds good of the construction and scansion of the whole line.
It is impossible not to recognise — in fact to hear — one and the
same measure in the five following lines : —
ar rubi-i Marduk libittasu liktarrab
arba- kibrdti littattala zimesu
batjuti satlitkkisu itkinnu kl mahrati
zirusu lirappisma lisam'ida nannabsu
kirusu a ibbasi liksuda nisntatsu,
so that without going beyond the evidence of the text itself, we
should be justified in concluding that it was composed in a metre
of which these lines show the simplest type.
Now take the following lines from a text which we shall consider
hereafter (K 3452) : —
ulala
ibbalu
itarrisu
lali-l
11 iasi
it nits u
Ml pani
ridannu
sar/iis
s~a sari-i
idibbubu
dumkisn
sarrak/s
ilammanu
dunnaina
amelu
sarkusit
nullatum
ikappttduSu
nirti
rig mu
til issapu
issapil
atmua
risi-ia
vl it 11 it
kakkari
anattal.
We have chosen them for their simplicity, which is such as to make
it hardly necessary to point out that they are in the same metre as
the other group ; but the division into four columns, made, as we
shall see, throughout by the Babylonian scribe, adds certainty to
what we should anyhow have inferred, viz., that the whole text was
composed in metre, and that the basis of that metre is tetrameter.
The hymn to Nana, quoted below (Iv 3600), is written in the same
Transactions of the Ninth Oriental Congress, II, p. 200.
132
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
metre, and the composer of K 1285 makes occasional use of tetra-
meters, e.g., in such cases as
scpaka la issanamma la inarrnda kdtdka*
simtaka sa abnuni tattanahharanni
addanika Nabu la tamassaranni idsi.
The acrostic might be restored conjecturally in the metre of the
text, thus : —
ina arba' kibrdti lusarrihu zikirsu.
DT. 83.
Obverse.
na . . . .
na-ra-ru
na-an-na-ri
na-pa-hi-ru nu-ur sa-ma-mi
5. ar-hu u sat-tu lik-tar-ra-bu E-sag-ila si-i-ri
ar ru-bi-i Marduk li-bit-ta-su lik-tar-rab
ar-ah sa ba-la-ti i-sin-ni a-ki-ti lis-sa-kin ni-gu-tii
ar-ba-' kib-ra-a-ti lit-ta-at-ta-la zi-me-su
ar ri-'-i za-ni-ni-su ba-lat tu-ub lib-bi lis-tar-rak
10. ba-si-mu usurat es-ri-i-ti mu-ud-di-su pa-rak-ki
Ba-bi-lu al kis-sii-ti u-sak-li-la ma-ha-za-su raba-a
ba-sa-a-ti ud-di-sa e-kur (mes)-su rab-ba-a-ti
ba-at-lu-ti sat-tuk-ki-su u-kin-nu ki-i mah-ra-a-ti
ba-ru-ut su-lum u purussu i-pu-lu us u-su
15 Babilu ma-ha-za si-i-ru sa
su-bat nam-ri-ir
Reverse.
Marduk ....
. . . pi-i karnati li-sa-as-kin
zi-kir .... [kij-ma lal-la-ri eli ab-ra-a-ti li-sa-lu
Zi-ir-pa-ni-tum ru-ba-tum sir-tum lik-tar-ra-ba sarru-us-su
5. zi-ru-su li-rap-pis-ma li-sam-'-i-da na an-nab-su
kir-ii-§ii a-a ib-ba-si li-ik-sii-da ni-is-mat-su
* I hope to return to this question of metre on a subsequent occasion.
133
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
kir-ri-i dum-ki u tas-me-e li-tap-pa-lu-us u-mi-sam
kir-rit su-lum u hu-ud lib-bi li-pu-sa ana ki-rib Babili (*£]
kir-bi e-kur(mes)-su sal-mes lit-tal-lak-ma li-sal-lim-ma par-si-su
10. kir-bi Ba-bi-lim ta-a-bi el-si-is lis-tak-ka-na hi-du-tii
su-us-ku-us-su ina (is) zak-kal li-iz-za-mir-ma ta-nit-ta-su li-i-ni
su-pu-ii-ti ma-ha-zi-su li-sa-az-ni-na saman (is) ris-ti
sii-tuni-me e-kur-ri-su li-mal-la-a busu la ni-bi a-kar-tu
sii-ut ip-se-tu-su-nu us-su
15. sii-um sar-ru
Translation.
Obverse.
5. Month and year may Esagila the lofty be blessed !
May the son of the great one, Marduk, its brick-work bless !
In the month of life at the New Year's feast may rejoici?ig be
made !
May the four quarters look upon its form I
To the son of the shepherd, its supporter, may life, health of
body be given !
1 o. Fashioni?ig the carved work of the shrines, renewing the sanctu-
aries,
Babylon, the town of strength, he comphted as his great city :
Those that {already) existed he restored, even its great temples ;
Its lapsed daily sacrifices he established as before ;
The decree of peace and judgment he shall render
15 Babylon, the lofty city
the garment of brilliance
Reverse.
3. {His) fame, like the lallaru, over the people may he cause to rise !
May Zirpanit, the high princess, bless his royalty !
5. His seed may she increase, may she multiply his offspring 1
His grief it shall not be ; may he que?ich the thirst of his
desire /
With acclamations of goodwill and submission may he be
greeted daily 1
134
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Rejoicings of peace and gladness of heart may he make within
Babylon !
Within his temples peacefully may he walk, and cause his com-
mands to be executed I
1 o. In the midst of Babylon the good may joy be established with
shouting !
May its height be hymned with the zakkal, and may he sing oj
its loftiness !
May he cause the vats of his city to flow with oil of prime wood !
The granaries of his temples may he fill with substance without
number, precious !
Notes.
6. ar, construct from dru or alarum ; equivalent to mdru,
' child,' see Delitzsch, Woerterbuch, p. 362. With ar rubi cf. the
full title of Marduk, aplu ristu sa Ea, as well as the phrase apil
Esarra applied to Ninib as, e.g., in the following invocation (K 3351,
11. 12-20): — be-lum ra-as-bu sa ina pu-hur Hani rabuti sin-na-as-su
la ib-ba-su-u \ i-na bu-ru-mi elluti sa-ru-uh ta-lu-uk-su | i-na e-kur
bit tak-na-a-ti sa-ku-ii par-su-ii-su \ i-na im-hul-lu i-nam-bu-tu kakki-
su I i-na nab-li-su u-tab-ba-tu mdtdti mar-su-ti J sd tam-tim gal-la-ti
i-sa-am-bu- ru-ub-bu-sa \ apil E-sar-ra zi-kir-su kar-rad ildni ni-bit-
su I ul-tu a-sur-rak-ka be-lum ildni su-ut da-ad-me \ i-tia pa-an
kas-ti-su iz-zi-ti im-me-du sa-?na-mi. Prof. Sayce (Hibbert Lectures,
p. 514) reads arsubbc, 'strongholds,' from rasabu. The word
£-^ >^yy £-j£: ^>- arsubbu occurs (W.A.I. V, 26, 23/); but, in
conjunction with pissu, sigusu, tinanu, etc., on a list of different
kinds of wood or wooden objects. Delitzsch, on the contrary,
suggests {Handwoerterbuch, p. 124) that ar may be the construct of
a wrord aru, meaning ' abode.'
9. ri'i, used of the king, as often. Cf, e.g., Sargon, K 3600,*
* A hymn addressed to the goddess Nana, hi-rat {ilu) Mu- 'u-a-l? '. Cf. rev.
11. 12-28 : — mn-Sa-aS-ra-a-at ka-ti-i mu-na-hi-sa-at la-ab-ni \ Si-ma-a kib-ra-a-ti
da-lil Sar-ra-ti {ilu) Na-na-a \ sur-ri-ha ba-ni-i-tu sur-ba-a rii-su-un-tu \ ul-la-a
sa-ru-uh-iu kit-ra-ba ga-sir-tu \ ba-a-lum ttr-pi-tu irib \*~^\\) tam-di ra-ii-ma |
nu-hi ma-rat {tin) Sin ri-me-i Sub-tuk-ki | kur-bi ana Sar-°i-na sa-bit ka-ni-ki \
rt-'-ti (mdtu) ASsur (ki) a-lik ar-ki-t-ki \ ba-lat tl-mi arkiiti si-i-me si-ma-ki \
iS-di ktissi-Bu ki-in-ni Sul-bi-ri fali-[§u] | Sul-li-me" mur-ni-is-hi si-iiuda-at
135
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
rev., 1. 19. Delitzsch {I.e., p. 94) explains ar ri'i as a case of
assimilation, ar being for an, that is, the preposition ana.
14. barut, 'decision,' from the root han't, like, e.g., kamtitu, from
kanvti,.
Reverse.
2. C^ K. 133, ra\, 1. 21 (Haupt., A.S.K.T., p. 81), «za birisunu
kima rime rabi karna.su ittanassi.
3. Cy; W.A.I. IV, 2 7, 5, 1 7, issuruina abrisu usellu. For lallaru as
the name of a bird, .sw, .?.£•., W.A.I. IV, 54, 21a, with Zimmern's note
(Busspsalmen, pp. 94 and 95), and for the meaning of abrdti, cf. the
following metrical fragment of a hymn to Istar (K. n 15 2): — in-nin-
na-at ildni su-tu-ka-at be-li-i-ti \ Istar sur-bu-tum e-til-lit ahi-sa \
tu-am-ti (ilu) Satnsi da-i-na-ai kib-ra-a-ti | ru-ba-tum sd il-ti (ilu)
Beli sit-lu-ta-at ta-ba-an \ ga-bu-tum * sd sa-ru-ru-sa its-nam-ma-ru
ik-li-ti it-tum damik-tum sa ka-lu ab-ra-a-ti el-li-tum Istar
kakkabdni nftr sa-ma-mi | se-e-ru sd ur-ha-ti ic-pat-tu-u ki-ma *~~ |>- |
///-// kib-rat ar-ba--i te-til-li-ma sal-mat kakkadu tc-ri--i kima
i-la-a-ti en-sd-am a-na dan-ni te-H-'-i i-ra-\_atl\ f | si-mat la
dum-ki du-mu-ku ba-a-si it-ti-ki j kas-da-a-ti sd mus-ba{?)-i-ki su-tu-
rum si'i-me ete.
Delitzsch (I.e., p. 10) reads li-sa-tib, and explains the whole line
as follows : — seinen namen gleich Honig maehe er den Mensehen
wohlgefdllig.
6. kiru from kirn, like nibu from nabfi. Cf. Chald. ^"^D doluit.
That the character V1 in ni-is-V" should be read mat and not sat
is clear from the passage of Samsu-iluna, published by Winckler
(Untersuehungen, p. 143, 11. 14 and 15): — ni-is-ma-at libbiia kima Hi
kasadam. The root of the word seems to be N?2!£ sitivit, to
which it bears the same relation as nibretu, 'hunger,' to fc$*>2
eomedit. nisjnatu must therefore mean originally ' thirst,' and then
' desire, aspiration,' as here and in the passage just quoted. The
word kuru in such phrases as ina kuri nissati urra u musa anassus
ni-ri-[su] \ lip-tu-nu Sur-rtc-d Sii-us-si-i zu-nm-rii-§n \ si-i7i-nu £-ri-bu mit-hal-lik
aS-na-\an\ \ lim-nu zi-ir-zi-ru mu-ub-bil sip-pa-a-ii \ pa-ri-su sat-tuk-ki Sd Hi u
(ilu) Is-ta-ri \ Se-me-i-ki (ilu) Belu ma-gir-Ai (ilu) Tu-tu \ i-na hi-bi-ti-ki
li-im-ma-ni za-ki-ki-eS etc.
* Cf. Heb. na3, altmfuit.
t The last character is almost entirely obliterated, iru, of which irat would
be the feminine, like Hat, occurs as an equivalent of gaSru.
136
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
(Pinches, Texts, p. 18, 1. 12), and kulu kuru elisu ittaskan (W.A.I.
IV, 7, 4a) appears to be connected not with our root kiril, but with
a root corresponding to Heb. *y\2 fodit, perfodit. On the other
hand, see Zimmern, B.P., p. 92, note.
7. kirn, from tfTp, Cf. Prov. xx, 6, T\DT\ ttJ"«M N^ d"TN11.
8. kirrit, probably from a root corresponding to Heb. "Y^2
saltavit, exultavit. Cf. Esarhaddon, Cylinder A, VI, 34. "The
magnates and people of my country with feasting and rejoicing (ina
takulte* u kiriti) therein I caused to sit down," etc.
11. Mention is made of zakkal\\\ a fragmentary list of woods
or of wooden objects (W.A.I. II, 40, 54a), as follows: — is zak-kal
^yy ^f J^= I i-sar With lizzamir compare Heb. ~}72t, cecinit
ad citharce modos. Zakkal will therefore denote a musical instrument
made of the wood so-called.
lint, from the root corresponding to Heb. TTDV cantavit, like Hi
from Tv^V-
12. suputi, 'vats,' from a root seen in Heb. i^3t!?, ctffluxit,
abundavit. Cf. the phrase Q^TC^Ct!? Job xxii, 11. The forms
sappu, sappatum, with a similar meaning (jw Zehnpfund in Delitzsch's
Beitrdge, I, 533), are perhaps related to supii as rabbu to riibu.
13. sutummc. For the meaning, see Zehnpfund, I.e., p. 531.
(B.)
The following text is numbered 8204 in the Kouyunjik Collection
of the British Museum. It is in the same metre as that which we
have just considered, except that in the third paragraph of the
obverse the final long syllable gives a somewhat different ring to the
lines. Of the first paragraph only a fragment has been preserved,
as follows : —
71 ... .
u
1'1-ha-ak-kam ip-sit
u-ta-sal ra-ma-ni lib-bi u-sa-as-ra-ha
ii-na-ha-as sur-ri sir-hi-is su-tim-u f
* Not tazirte. Cf. taluku from aldku and ukultu, ' food. '
t litasal, II 2 from 7¥K> like titasar from ^N. linaJjas, from a root
nah(Uu; cf. Arab. ^-^j. made confectus firit.
137 L
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
From the reverse everything has been obliterated except the first
few syllables in each paragraph, as, e.g., in par. 1, du-un-nu . . . . |
du-ub-bu u . . . . I du-u-ra . . . . | du-muk ab-ra-a-ti . . . . ; but these
enable us to restore the acrostic, which, as the lines begin and end
with the same syllable, runs along each side of the text,* thus : —
•j-sa-ab-du-du ma-ru-us-tu, "It shall cause him to pity the distress."
It is needless to dwell upon the meaning of this remarkable
fragment, for it strikes one of the most familiar, as it is one of the
deepest, chords in the Hebrew lyre. It is a cry for help on the part
of one who has been pierced by "the sting of death," whose affliction
is felt to be the effect of sin. There can be nothing greater than
the contrast between this and the preceding text. We pass im-
mediately from one extreme to the other of the compass of sacred
song, from the superb exultation of Domine, in virtute tua to the
bottomless humiliation of Deus, deus metis. Indeed it would seem
as if the sweet singers of " the songs of the second temple " may
have learnt more than has hitherto been suspected 7^2, m*^n2"72o
"by the waters of Babylon."
1 V^*3HT?~m-«H«< <-T^^^<!~ fill
4 ^ <mk -sh 4*w -^n >ire \ ^ *% <r- m sea n ^
5 sfcl MT >*fc! -+ -0 ^ \ h- ^f *[ r -H
7 *w *& m <m t] -mi a *% v -sr ^ ^ -w *#= -*r *=&
s e&e air ^ *=tt -r r«< ^r --h *t ^t a rc ^
9 ^T ^Ttt ^4 >^ s=TTfc v^m ^tj ^ r- ~ ** ^r
1 1 ^ fcfl| <m >^yyy 4 ^ gf^S ^TT 4 ~I
12 ^r ih ~t tw m urn -Eir ^ <T3= ^ ^r
* Q^ Bezold, Catalogue, p. 905, where pars. 3 and 4 are transcribed.
1.18
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Transcription.
sa la-ka-a-ta ina ilani ul in-na-si [ri-sa]
sa en-si u dun-na-mi-i tu-kan is-[du]
sa dun-ha-a u mi-ik-ti ab-bak u-ka-a-u ka-a-sa
4. sa-ar-ka tabu li-zi-kam-ma nap-si-ra ia-a-sa
al-si-ka Nabu mu-gur-an-ni al-la-al
al-ta-pil ina sabi ak-ta-kur na-a-a-al
al-la-pit ki-ma mah-hi-i sa la i-du-ii u-ba-al
8. al-ta-na-si ilani-ma ka-lis ka-a-a-al
du-un-na-mu-ii sa tak-lu-ka i-sib-bi duh-du
du-ru-us ki-i-ni tu-dan-na-an-ma tu-kan is-du
du-un-ki ta-ti-rak-ku na-as-si hi-du
12. du-ur ab-ni as-tu tu-tar ti-id-du
Translation.
Whom thou easiest down among the gods, [his head] is not
raised :
Of the weak and the despised thou establishest the foundation :
For humility a?id vileness I bring, I wait for thee :
4. May thy good wind blotv, make me to be released !
I cry to thee, Nebo ! Have mercy upon me, thou mighty one !
I am laid low among the people, on the ground I lie :
I am compassed about like a sorcerer, who understands not to
remove the spell :
8. I call upon the gods, and with nothing but crying.
The despised one who trusts in thee, the flood overwhelms [him] :
The sure base thou strengthenest, and thou establishest the
foundation :
With favour thou coverest me, do thou take atvay sin !
12. A wall of stone ^ [though] strong, thou turnest to mire and clay.
Notes.
1. lakata. Cf. Arab. 10 as in il£J, 'he prostrated him.'
2. dunnamu. Cf. the terms in which Sennacherib describes the
Chaldean adventurer Suzubu {Cylinder V, 8 and 9) : dunnamu sa la
isii birki, 'a man of low origin without fortune ' (Heb. HD^ri). For
139 L 2
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S95
the root of dunnamti, cf. Arab. *j£i which in the second form is said
to have the meaning 'to be vile, contemptible,' and for the meaning
cf. K. 331?, Col. Ill, 20, ana murri pisu dunnamit isassika, " for the
food of his mouth (cf. Heb. N"lft) the weak cries to thee."
3. dan ha. Cf Arab. ^0 (II), ' to bend the neck, humble
oneself.'
mikti. From a root corresponding to Heb. *-p)72 contabescere,
used metaphorically, e.g., in Lev. xxv, 25, "PJfN TpW^Oj " If thy
brother be waxen poor." With the whole phrase cf. W.A.I. IV, 10,
44^, hablatua (jfc J^J £ff|) mddati kima subati suhut, " tear
asunder my many wickednesses like a garment." Zimmern (Bt(ss-
psalmen, p. 73) shows by a comparison of W.A.I. II, 36, $g/i with
V, 21, 2\-22ab, that the group *3p ^y| £^y is equivalent to »^-lalu
and tussu, and we learn from W.A.I. II, 35, 4jgh, that one of the
equivalents of tussu is miktum.
4. sdrka tabu. In the story of the creation, Marduk appears as
ilu sari tdbi bel tasme u magdn (Delitzsch, Lesestiicke, p. 95, d., 1. 6).
5. allal. For this epithet as applied to various gods, see
Delitzsch, Woerterbuch, p. 488, s.v. allallu ; and cf. the following
incantation to the fire-god (K. 2455, Rev-> h. n-23) : —
siptu >->f- tf >f- sar-hu bu-kur (ilu) A-nim
i-lit-ti ellu-tim sa-ku-lum (ilu) Sa-la-as
sar-hu id-di-su-11 zik-ri Hani ka-a-a-n\u\
na-din nin-da-bi-l ana Hani (ilu) Igigi
sa-kin na-mir-ti a-na (ilu) A-nun-na-ki Hani rabuti
iz-zu >-Jf- JiJ >f- mus-har-mit a-pi
»->^- frj >f- al-la-lu-u mu-ab-bit isi (izf \^) u abni
ka-mu-ii lim-nu-ti zer kassapi u kassapti
mu-hal-lik rag-gi zer kassapi ti kassapti
ina u-tni an-ni-i ina di-ni-ia i-ziz-za-am-ma
$-pis bar-ti te-na-na-a ku-su-ud lim-fiu
kima salmanu (*f- |-^<) an-nu-ti i-hu-lu i-zu-bu u it-ta-at-tu-ku*
kassapu u kassaptu li-hu-lu li-zu-bu u lit-ta-at-tu-ku.
6. aktakur. " I am on the ground," from the root of kakkaru.
* These lines are important as showing that the melting of waxen images
was practised by the Assyrians as a magical rite.
140
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
7. mahhu occurs as the equivalent of Hsepu, ' sorcerer,' in
W.A.I. II, 51, 48, and this furnishes the clue to the meaning of
such passages as, e.g., W.A.I. Ill, 15, 21, col. i, tib tahaziia danni
anuruma emu mah-hu-tas, " the approach of my strong battle they
saw, and became as if bewitched, under a spell." In the present
case the difficulty lies in ubdl, which is clearly the object of idu.
The allusion seems to be to a sorcerer whose activity is confined
and crippled by the effect of some incantation — as, for instance
kima salmanu annuti, etc. — and he does not know how to remove
the spell. We might therefore connect ubal with abdlu, " to carry-
away," as ubanu with abdnu, and cf. W.A.I. IV, 59, 14A mimma te-pu-
sd tu-us-te-pi-sd lu-bil saru.
(C.)
Of the group that follows, I propose to resume the discussion
in a future number of our Proceedings. Meanwhile, the readings
I have proposed must in many cases be regarded as provisional.
Iv 9290 and K 3452 agree closely, so far as they can be compared,
and are probably duplicates ;* but the important tablet Sp II, 265,
though it takes up and completes the burden of the other two, is
apparently an independent, though a similar, document.!
* A few lines have been restored from the fragments 81, 2-1, 63 and 81,
2-1, 90.
t The obverse of Sp II, 265, has been much mutilated, but the acrostic
began with a-na-ku. The endings of a few of these lines in the a stanza can be
restored from what remains of the first column of K. 8463. My thanks are due
to Mr Pinches, who not only called my attention to this tablet in the first
instance (in 1892), but most kindly placed at my disposal copies of parts of these
texts made by himself several years ago.
141
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
:i895-
K. 9290.— Column I.
81, 2-1, 63.
"IHS^ Hf< *£ -Km ~f o *yyys=
r ^ ^i< -4- ^< ^ iin urn ^i-w ^-y 4- 3= -~*
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8^^I
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142
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [189:
K. 9290. — Column II.
81, 2-1, 90.
$*= ^y ^ ^ -^tt -rr^ *
m= ^y ^yy s^r tro r<«i
^ ^T 4-+ ^ 4 ■
:3VffTJfl4Hfff<T-4"fflfI:
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~ m j^TTT HI «=T* IH ^ >^ H HK o jgj HK ^yj
~ -I? ^TT IHT «=£ -<T< o y{ t^^ IHJ >f ^H
is ~ *fl CT <Ii! <T^ ^TT <3K IHI IHI e= ^ 4
~ B£T - -y< J^yy 1 ! nay ^m im ^T IMI ^f 4-+ *- *- ^y<
~ HfR s*TT I 1ST *T 2 ^T 4-HF- IIU T- n£TT >lST *% M W t!
HT -III ^ i^K^U^ SI - Si
21 HI ^TYT^ *?? JSL -IT ^^/ <T- Hfi . . i
i ,:i gf *bb - n 1,1
|g si 4 ni »i ^w,
r-i r : - • -:ltl- mi »40 - ■
' -'* t- my,-'- : - ' - ' :-
<j MJ ^y :..■-..; . ...
143
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
[1895.
K. 9290. — Reverse.'
Column I.
£1
3 SET
£1
£1
6 £1
£1
9 £1
£1
£1
<MR HTCL HK <M£
■T <l
H<^
1-
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3
^5 £]
^Mi^'-^/^/^/^/f^A'
* K. 8491 is a fragment of an alliterative text bearing the remains of a stanza in ma,
followed by those of another in as. Cf. 11. 5-8 : — ma-'-du a-iii-ii idinu Sa 11 .... \ ma-
an-nu i-na bi-ri-Su-nu ir-ta-Si \ nta-ni it mar-tum lu-ba-'-{u] . . . . | ma-la ut-tu-ii a-a
i-zi-ba hi ....
144
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
K. 9290. — Reverse. Column II.
K. 3452-
bit ^ w Jfii v «*/ <t- hr *- ^ it
bit ^ <~ *$ ^ m ^ i r -it- ^ — ih
3 BIT -EI «f -T CT tf- £-TT <T- £T -B m £-TT
bit *=m* s ^ ^h 1 ^ an <i^ it
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6 BIT <Ts£ B*T ^ m HP- HIT -TIT- ^f A^<W^ I? tfflf I
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145
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
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146
April 2]
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April 2 J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1S95.
Transliteration.
ti i-bak-ki ilu u-zu-un-sii ib-si (?)
la-bu sa i-tak-ka-lu du-muk si
3 ki (?)-is-ti ilu ti-i-ru tu-ri li-bil mas-pa-su (?)
ti belu pa-an sa us-su-pu-su na-ha-su
a sa-ri-ri i-hi-ta a-na (ilu) Ma-mi
6 ka]-la-ma-a minima [ra ?]-ba-a i-lis u-sab-[sii]
i]-ru-ub di e il-tim-ma ki-bi-ti
gi-sim-ma-ru (is) mas'-ri-i a-hi ak-mu (?)
9. gi-mil (?) na-kab ne-me-ki il2-lu uk-tas-(sad ?)
gi ta-ma ma-lik ni-si3 mi-lik
gi ri-mu sam-tu ul i-na
12. gi-inil kar-ba-tim ir-hi-su i-has-su kakkabu
gi-ir bu-li la ba-sa tah-su-su ekil (ga-na) bit4 Beli
gi-il-lat nesi i-pu-su pi-ta-as-su has5-tum
15. gi-is mas-ri-i bel pa-ni6 sa gur7-ru-nu ma-ak-ku-ru
gi-ris ina u-um la si-ma-ti8 i-ka9-am-me-su ma-al-ku
gi-ir-ri an-nu-tu-u i-ku-su a-la-ka10 tah-si-ih
18. gi-mil du-um-ki sa ili da-ra-a si-te-'-e
il-ta-nu te-en-ga ma-nil nisi da
il-lu nu-us-su-ku mi-lik-ka
21. il-te-en zik-ra mut-ta-ka duk
il-la-ku li-ru-uh dum-ki la mus-te-hi-ti ni
il-tab-ni i-te-en-su mus-te-mi-ku sa
24. il-li gi-mi-ia-a-ma te-im ili as-ri-[ih ?]
il-la-ba-an-ka u te-mi-ki-i se-' (ilu) Is-tar-ti
il-ku sa la ni-me-li a-sa-at ap-sa-nu
27. il-ta-kan ilu ki-i mas-ri-i ka-tu-ta
il-an-nu ku-us-su-du pa-na-an-ni lil-li
il-ta-ku-u har-ha-ru-ii a-na at-tas-pil
30. ki-na ra-as uz-ni sa-ku ta-ad-di-nu la har-ka
ki-it-ta ta-du-ma li-sur-ti ili ta-na-su*
ki-du-di-i ili minima su-us-su-ru tah-si-hu ka-bat-tuk
1 meS. " i. 3 su. 4 bi-it. 5 ha-aS.
(i int. '' gu-ru-un. s /it. 9 kam-mtiS. 10 kn.
* A few more lines of this stanza have been preserved on the fragment
K. 8463 (Col. II), as follows : — M-it-tu ta-at-ta-du-u . . . . | ki-du-di-i ildni la
iMin-su-ri j ki-nu ti-mi-si (ilu) IS-ta-ri &e | ki-i ki-rib Sami-i
sip-ki ildni . . . . | lei-bit pi-i >_>f- il-ti ul iS-kur . . . . j ki-niS lit-mu-da-ma
sa .' . . . I ki-pi-du-si-na-ma ana nisi . . . . | ki-ib-si il-ti sii-hu-za . . . . | ki-ru-ub
te-hi-Si-na ....
148
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [189:
ub-na
up-te iz-za-bil
3. ub-bat li
ub-te-en-ni li-gi
up-te si-it nisi
6. up-te-ih-hir lib
up-te-ik an
ub-te-'-i hi-sih-[ti]
9. bi-i-ta lu-ud-di-lu
bi-sa-a a-a ah-si-ih
bi-il-lu-di-i ilu seni tam-har is
12. bi-i-ra lu-na-ak-kis lu-bil ak-lu
bi-ir-ta lu-ul-lik ni-sa-a-ti lu-hu-uz
bi-i-ra lu-up-ti a lu-mas-sir
15. bi-i-ra ki-di ra-kis lu-tib tap-pu-tii
bi-it-bi-ti-is1 lu-tir ru-ba lu-ni-' bu-bu-ti
bi-ri-is lu2-ut-te-' lu-sib su-li-i lu-sa-a
18. bi-is nu-kis ana3 kir-bi lu-tir
bi-i-su turn ......
ib-ri ub-lam
21. ip-sit nisi la tah-si-hu
ib-sii-ii ina sur-ri
ib-ru pir-hu ka-ka
sa har-ha-ri sa tah-si-hu bu-na-sii
sa am-mi e-bu-ri di-su za-mar i-hal-lik
3. sa la ilu gishabbu ra-si ma-ak-ku-ra
sa-ga-sii (makkursu ?) kak-ka-su i-sid-di-sii
sa la tu-ba-'-ii te-im ili mi-nu-ii tus-sar-ka
6. sa-di-id ni-ir ili lu-ii-ba-ti sa-di-ir a-dan-su
sa-a-ra ta-a-ba sa ilani si-te-'-e-ma
sa sattu tu-hal-li-ku ta-rab a-na sur-ri
9. i-na ad-na-a-ti ab-ri-i-ma sit-na-a i-da-a-tu
i-lu a-na hir-ra-bi ul pa-ri-is a-lak-ta
i-sad-da-ad i-na mit-ra-ta za-ru-u elippi
12. i-na ki-rib (is) dun-ni ra-rni bu-kur-sii
1 Su. 2 Int.
149
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
i-lak-kit lab-bis ra-bi a-hi u-ru-uh-su
i-li-is ma-lak bu-sii-u pa-ra-a i-rid-di
15. i-na su-ki zi-lul-su i-sa-a-a-ad ab-lum
i-sar-ra-ak tir-din-nu a-na ka-ti-i ti sam-ta
i-na ma-har kat-mi sa ad-da rau-su mi-na-a u-at-tar
iS. i-na sa-pal as-bal-ti-ia (arra-ti-ia ?) kit-mu-sa-ku a-na-ku
i-na a-za-an-ni a-hu-ru-u sa-ru-ii u u-hu
li-'-u pal-ku-ii sii-e ta-sim-ti
21. li-it-mu um-ma sur-ra-ka ilu ta-da-a-a-as
li-ib-bi ili ki-ma ki-rib sami-i ni-si-ma
li-pit-a us-su-ru-su sii-ma nisi la lam-da
24. li-pit-sii (ilu) A-ru-ru mit-ha-ris na-pis-ti
li-il-li-du nis-su ka-lis la mur-ri
li-it-tu bu-ur-sii ris-tu-ii sa-pil-ma
27. li-gi-mu1 sa ar-ku-ii ma-si sid-din-sii
li-il-lu ma-ru pa-na-a i-al-lad
li-'-u kar-ra-du sa sa-ni-i ni-bit-su
30. li-'-it-ma2 mi-na a-bak-ki3 ilu-ma nisi la lam-da
li-tag-gam-ma ib-ri li-mad sip-ki-ia
u-sur nu-us-su-ka sum-kar at-mi-i-a
33. u-saas-ku-ii a-mat kab-ti4 sa lit-mu-da busi-[sa?
u-sap-pa-lu5 du-unfi-na-ma-a sa la i7-pu-su hi-bil-[ta
ii-kans-nu rag-ga sa ilu rubu (Ea) abi-su
3. u-ta-ra-du ki-na9 sa ana10 te-im ili bu
u-ma!1-al-lu-u pa-sal-la12 sa ha13-bi-lau ni
ii-sal-ku15 is-sik-ki16 sa-pi is-nu-ku te17-'-t[a18
6. ii-dan-na-nu19 sal-tu sa pu-hur-su an
li-la-la ib-ba-tu i-tar-ri-sm0 la-li-i
u ia-a-si it-nu-su be2I-el pa-ni ri-dan-nu
9. sar kat-mi" na'-3-an-na24-ru ba-nu-u a-pa-a-ti25
sar-hu (ilu) Zu-lum mar26-ka ri-su27 ti-it-ti-28sin
sar-ra-tii29 pa-ti-ik-ta-si-na sii-e-tum30 (ilu) Ma-ma3
12. sar-ku a32-na a-me-lu33-ti id-gu-ra34 da-ba-ba
1 mu-u.
2 deest.
3 kit.
4 tu.
0 nab-bal.
fi sik.
' l-sii-ii.
8 ka-an.
9 i-nu.
lu deest
11 vial.
12 hi.
13 hob.
14 lit.
15 ku.
16 ku.
17 ti.
,s tu.
10 da-na-
an.
20 is-su.
21 bil.
22 silli i^t).
23 deest.
"4 nar.
-° t[um~\.
2fi ma-ar.
27 is.
2S ta-si-na.
29 turn.
30 til.
31 mi.
32 ana.
33 Int.
34 m.
April 2] PROCEEDINGS.
sar-ra-a-ti35 la36 ki-na-a-ti37 is-ru-ku-su ina38 sa39-at-tak
sar-hi-is sa sa-ri-i i-dib-bu-bu dum-ki-su
15. sar-ma mas4n-ru-su41 il-la-ku i-da-a-su
sar-ra-kis i42-lam-ma-nu du4;,-un-na-ma-a a-me-lu
sar-ku-su44 nu-ul-la-tum i-kap-pu-du-su nir-ti
18. sar-ri-es45 ka-la lum-nu sii-hu um-me as-su la i-sii-ii i-n-tii
sar-ba-bi-is iis-ha-ram-mu-sii u-bal-lu-su ki-raa la-a-mi
ri-mi-na-a-tu ib-ri ni-is-sa-tum si-te-'-me
21. ri-sa-ara-ma46 nam-ra-su a-mur lu-u ti-i-du
ri-i-sii pal-ku-ii mut-nin-nu-ii a-na a-di
ri-sa u tuk-la-tum za-mar ul a-mur
24. ri-bit ali-ia li-ba-'-ii ni-hi-is
ri-ig-mu ul is-sa-pu is-sa-pil at-mu-ii-a
ri-si-ia ul ul-lu kak-ka-ri a-na-at-t[al
27. ri-sis ul a-dal-lal ina puhur it
ri-sa lis-ku-nu Ninip sa it
ri-ma li-ir-sa-a Is-tar sa
30. ri-e-um Sam-si ni-si i-lis
ba
[1895.
i5 td.
3,; it la.
na-tit.
3S deest.
3!' sa-an-tuk-ku.
4,1 mSt.
dun.
44 iti\
4S is.
4,1 aeest
J51
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [189:
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF AMENOPHIS IV.
By Dr. A. Wiedemann.
The short reign of King Amenophis IV was of such importance
to the history of Egyptian religion and art. that each text of this
period must have a particular value. From this point of view I give
a description of the following monuments : —
1. Stela, calcarious stone, rounded at the top. Geneva Uni-
versity Museum, D. 49. 63cm. high, 33cm. large, the figures filled
in with red, the hieroglyphics with blue colour. Below the signs
=<5££ Q ^S? , a man with the lotus-flower and the tie in his hands,
and a woman who embraces him, are sitting ; before them, an altar
and a standing man in the position of speaking. Behind the last
man,
(I x~ (sic) s=> v\ //^> |[^ v& ; before the sitting persons,
[I nt* Below, a man and a woman are sitting before
an altar with gifts, on the other side of which two women cower.
Above them, in horizontal lines :
(sic) ^-^J %^(3)
f J =
Below, written from right to left, the inscription :
lIll^M^-JAPmo^lMll
* For the name and word ad-ad, cf. Rec. de trav. re/., etc., XIV, p. 120, sat/. ;
XV, p. 46, 1. 7; Lieblein, Diet, des noms, pass. ; Ree. de trav., XIII, p. 116, is
found the woman-name ^ ' avww .
T52
April 2
PROCEEDINGS.
[1895.
TJMH
(sic)
®
o
o
J ° n I - J JL (5 vertical) Ul ^ [
(6 vertical) M£ T
\\©
Side by side with the two last lines, six persons are cowering
_J> M3 man, (4)
I
man, (2)
H
man, (3)
I o^i-/»'-
ian,(5) "^
lo^
woman, (6)
0
a
kj /WVW\
The name of the last person has been written below him, the space
above being already filled by the other texts. The beginning of the
third name has been destroyed on purpose, but enough is left to
recognise with certainty the word (I . This erasure of the
1 AA/vW\
name of the god Amon shows that the monument belongs to the
time before the reformation of Chu-en-aten. On the other hand
the determinative © instead of 0 behind (I in line 4 proves,
that at that time the town of Aten was already spoken of, and that
the thought of this place induced the scribe to err.* We may thus
date this stela of a man of Abydos with great certainty in the years
4-6 of Amenophis IV.
2. Slab of calcareous stone in the Museum at Berlin, No. 2070
(Lepsius, 199; new catalogue, p. 102) with a representation running
from right to left. A standing man brings in the right hand [j ; in
* A similar mistake is found in Papyrus Louvre 3283 (ed. Wiedemann,
Hierat. Texte). In this text, written for a woman of Thebes, the divinity is
called, Pl. 1, 1.6, (^ ^ JJJ J^^®, "who ex.mta
the words of the men with the level " {cf. Renouf, Religion der alien Aegyptcr,
p. 195). The writer has given to Ihe word ret-u I v\ v\ v\ |;
etc. ; for the reading, cf. Naville, Aeg. Z., 18S2, p. 188, sqq.) the determinative
©, because he had in mind in writing A\ at the end of the word, the
name of U-"->l rf^-f \\ > tne Part OI Thebes, which had a particular con-
nection with the treatment of the dead.
April 2]
SOCIETY* OF BIBLICAL ARC I LEO LOGY.
[1895-
the left five rectangular, fiat parcels lying one on the other ; the
scene is accompanied by this inscription, in vertical lines :
<.)"h
ci 1
w
00
*?
a
(3)
1:1
ni
O
[J ^.(4 horizontal)^ (Jj^.t
(vertical)
\\
Jr^
1^
Behind, a man brings two ties ; inscription in vertical lines :
My,
n
o
¥
w
□
L=Z1
O
<»)
IN^^I
l"1^
(3 horizontal)
D X
(sic) £_
The text itself contains some formulae of the Libro dei funerali, which
was discovered and excellenty treated by Schiaparelli. The bringing
of the vases abut is found in the text of this publication, I, p.
144 sqq. (cf. II, 362, under the word), and the bringing of the
feather, I, p. 143 (cf. II, 275) and the bringing of the ties
occurs II, p. 15 sqq., in a much more developed form. For the
general sense of the formula, we may refer to the book of Schiaparelli ;
here we will speak only about a curious variant found in the first
text. The feather brought by the man is that of an ostrich. The
/") /ww\a r\ uz J r\ f~ /www
text of Schiaparelli calls it I) @ [ .] (I ^^ 1 or I) '^5M
\^. , and here nend, nenu are forms of the word nnu, nndu, etc.,
"ostrich."^ Our text gives instead the word V\ I) * 1,
+ Instead of * the original has the standing bird (f!~^ . The leg ||
is in the original more similar to that of an ostrich than in the hieroglyphic
type used here.
X Cf. for the writing of the text, Rec. de trav. rel., etc., XV, p. 37, from the
time of Chu-en-aten.
§ The writing.
•I'
■, in Diimichen, Rec. , IV, pi. 14, 1. 84, for the
feather, which was accepted by Goodwin, Aeg. Z., 1874, p. 37, is faulty; the
right form is |\ , given in the publication of the same text by Mariette,
Dend., IV, 37, 1. S4 (cf. Loret, Rec. de trav. re/., etc., IV, p. 30).
*54
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
which is new in this sense ; its determinatives are two well-drawn
images of a standing ostrich with its long legs and short wings —
(C^j is therefore the picture of a sitting ostrich, not, as is usually
believed (e.g., Rouge, Chr. eg., I, 60) of a newly born bird,- — and the
leg of the animal. The word itself explains the origin of the
reading ma for R . Md-t is the old name of the bird, which was
supplanted afterwards by nnu, but remained in the syllabic sign
P . This is another example of the fact, that the syllabic reading
of a sign gives us sometimes an old designation of the represented
thing, a designation which may often be older than the word used
for the same object by the current language.
The owner of the slab is called the first time Meriti-Neith ; in
the other places, Meriti, with a circle at the end which will represent
the sun. On three other fragments out of his tornb, found in the
south of the great pyramid of Saqqarah (published by Mariette,
Mastabas, p. 449), he appears also as Meriti without Neith, but with
the sign O- In reality, the name will have been Meriti-Neith, but
as the cult of Neith was proscribed by the Aten-religion, her name
had here to disappear, and was changed to the name of the sun-god.
That this was really the case, is shown by the slab itself, on which
we may yet observe, that at the two places, where Meriti-Ra is
found, the O has been written over an erased x=x. The monu-
ment belongs, therefore, to the moment in which the Aten-cult
became conqueror also at Memphis.
3. In these Proceedings, VII, p. 200, sqq., I published an Usebti
of the time of Chu-en-citen, which showed instead of Chapter VI of
the Todtenbuch the formula I A = )>K (J "^wa -f- etc. The same
formula in a somewhat more developed form is found on a heart
scarab of greenish stone in the Museum at Turin, No. 5993, which
belonged to a functionary of the irsn (I ^y& (l[| . A man of the name
Apii is known in the time of Chu-en-aten from his tomb at Tell-el-
Amarna, whose texts were published by Bouriant, Mem. de la Miss,
du Caire, I, p. 1 r, sqq., and Piehl, Inscr., I, pi. 191-2), but as he
bears other titles than our Apii,* he is not to be identified with him.
* This fact is possible to ascertain, if also the exact title of the owner of the
scarab cannot be made out from the publication of its inscription in the Catalogue
of the Museum, II, p. 209.
155
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Under any circumstances the name is not the more interesting part
of the monument at Turin, it is the fact, that it shows, that in the
time when the Aten-cult flourished, the custom of giving to the dead
a heart-scarab was kept up as well as the custom of the Usebtis, but
that in the two cases the ordinary formula referring to the Osiris-
religion were changed in favour of the worship of Aten.
4. Nearly at the same period, but, as the mention of the god
Thoth shows, not during the ascendancy of the Aten-cult, a curious
monument found in Italy (now at Florence, Cat. Schiaparelli, p. 314,
No. 1588; Photogr., Petrie, No. 165), was worked out. It is a relief
calling to mind from the manner of its carvings the plans found in
the tombs of Tell-el-Amarna. It shows an Egyptian court-yard, at
the left of which is the poultry-yard, at the right, above, four
magazines, of which three are full of wine-pots, below some rooms,
the contents of which have disappeared. Between these two rows
of magazines a door leads into an emplacement, probably a court,
in which a small table with different objects on it stands, as well as
a scale with its weights in the form of animals. Backwards three
naos are to be seen ; above the one in the middle a stela is drawn,
which, following the rules of Egyptian perspective means that the
stela was placed in the naos. Above the naos on the right and the
one on the left is the picture of a coffin, similar to the coffins of
queen Ahmes-nefer-ateri and queen Ah-hetep found at Der-el-bahari.
We know from the Greek authors, that in Egypt the custom
existed of preserving in one room of the house mummy-formed
coffins containing the corpses of dead relatives. The excavations of
Petrie at Hawara speak to the correctness of these notices for the
later time,"* but documents of older periods relating to this custom
were wanting till now. I believe this bas-relief fills this gasp, the
naos with the mummies reproduce each a oiieq/ia 0rjicaiov, as
Herodotus, II, 86, calls these rooms ; the naos in the middle would
contain a stela with an inscription in memory of the deceased
persons.
5. We are accustomed to take Tii as the mother of Amenophis
IV, but this is not at all certain. The text generally refered to in
this connexion is Leps. D., Ill, 100c, where is written I ci I
I /WVWA T
%^ e± ( I C]Q \\ f|j ] , and in the same way we shall have to write Leps.,
* Cf. Wiedemann, Herodots Zweitei Buck, p. 560 .*>/.
156
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
D., Ill, iood, instead of ] \ ^ I in the middle I ^ . Yet
Lepsius (Abh. der Berl. Akad. 185 1, p. 199) has shown, that at the
time of Chu-en-aten the word mut, " mother," was written not with
A\ , but with 1\ or / , surely to avoid a confusion in ortho-
graphy between it and the name of the Theban divinity Mut. These
texts call, therefore, Tii the mother of the queen, she must have
been, in consequence, the mother-in-law of Amenophis IV. If she
is called in another place (Leps. D., Ill, 101) I I •^=t ^ ,
this would show only that the king gave her the title Royal Mother,
because a part of his rights to the throne was founded on his re-
lationship with her. Another daughter of Tii was, then, the sister
of Chu-en-aten's wife Net'em-t-Mut, which appears Leps. P., Ill,
109, and is in all likelihood identical with the wife, whom Hor-eirr
heb married in order to legitimize his position as Pharaoh. The
reasons of the high position of Tii, to whom even her husband
Amenophis III paid tribute in quoting her so many times on his
monuments, will only be understood, when we know something
certain about her parents Tuaa and Iuaa.* The effort has been
made to identify Tii with Kirkipa, the daughter of the prince Satarna
of Neharina ; but, as the scarab f relating the arrival of Kirkipa in
Egypt, is dated from the time of Amenophis III and Tii, the
daughter of Tuaa and Iuaa, this idea must be thoroughly
abandoned.
* In the inscription found by Petrie at Gui'ob (Petrie, Illahun, pi. 24), by which
the great royal wife Tii consecrates an altar to V if) I '~' | 1 ( O ft) V_^ 1 ,
sen cannot be translated "brother," as the two have different parents ; also the
idea, that sen is here the masculine of sen-t, " consort," is not plausible, as Tii is
named just before I -S^r _ jt w;jj ^ave to ^e taken not m the sense of
T o c±
designation of relationship, but only as meaning "beloved," the word being so
used in the love-songs of Pap. Harris, 500. In the same sense, it may be trans-
lated, Leps., Ausw., pi. 11, where Thutmosis III is called the h of Ramaka,
the king being probably, not brother, but nephew to this queen.
+ Publ. by Brugsch, Aeg. Z., 1880, p. 81, sqq., and Thes., p. 141 3 ; in fac-
simile by Maspero, Rcc. de trav. rel., etc., XV, p. 200 ; a duplicate by Legrain.
I.e. XVI, p. 62.
157
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, the
7th May, 1895.
The following Paper will be read : —
Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., Oxon.— "The Testament of Jacob"
(Genesis xlix).
15*
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, zvill confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Ameli.veau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 pari?
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols. , folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassei., Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
■ Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 18S0.
Gavet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jknsex, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
J59
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns HorKiNS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1880.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkm'aler aus Arabien.
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio.
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rav/linson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeoer, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
Yirey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Wkissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII,
1S50 to 1S5S, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1S78.
Zimmern, IL, Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
160
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Fifth Meeting, Jth May, 1895.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
The President referred to the loss the Society had
recently suffered by the death of the VERY REV.
Robert Payne Smith, D.D., Dean of Canterbury.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors: —
From the Author: — Prof. Paul Haupt, Ph.D. Wo lag das
Paradies? from Ueber Land und Meer. 1894-95, No. 15,
Stuttgart.
[No. cxxx.] 161 N
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
From the Author: — Prof. Paul Haupt, Ph.D. Excavations
in Assyria and Babylonia. Smithsonian Report, 1887-88.
Washington, 8vo.
From E. Towry Whyte, M.A., F.S.A. : — Burlington Fine Art
Club. Catalogue of Exhibition of the Art of Ancient Egypt, etc.
1895.
From Edward S. M. Perowne : — W. M. Flinders Petrie. A
History of Egypt. Vol. I. From the Earliest Times to the
XVIth Dynasty.
From the Author : — W. Scott Watson. Historical and Critical
Notes. The References in the Pentateuch to Jair and
Havvoth Jair. 8vo. 1895.
From the Author : — J. Lieblein. Le Livre Egyptien Que mon
Nom Fleurisse. Publie et traduit, Leipzic, 1895.
From Rev. Canon S. W. Allen : — D. G. Lyon. An Assyrian
Manual. For the use of Beginners in the Study of the
Assyrian Language. Chicago, 1886.
From the Union of American Hebrew Congregations : — Judaism
at the World's Parliament of Religions. Comprising the
Papers on Judaism read at the Parliament, at the Denomi-
national Congress, and the Jewish Presentation. Cincinnati,
1894.
From the Author : — Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D. Notes on the
Pilgrim Psalter. 8vo. 1S95. From the Journal of Biblical
Literature.
Some recent results of the University of Pennsylvania ex-
cavations at Nippur, especially of the Temple Hill. March
1895. 8vo.
From the Publishers : — H. Grevel and Co. Manual of Egyptian
Archceology. By G. Maspero, D.C.L. Oxon. Translated by
Amelia B. Edwards. New Edition. 8vo. 1895.
The Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality of the
Soul. By Alfred Wiedemann, D.Ph. London. 8vo. 1895.
162
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
The following Candidate was elected a Member of the
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, 2nd
April :—
M. l'Abbe Poels, Lie. en Theol., Rue des Dominicains, Louvain.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The General Theological Seminary, E. H. Jewett, Librarian,
Chelsea Square, New York, U.S.A.
The following Candidates were nominated, and by special
order of the Council were submitted for election, and elected
Members of the Society : —
Dr. Wm. Chapman Grigg, 27, Curzon Street, Mayfair, W.
Frank Wilkinson, Hawkley Lodge, Sutton, Surrey.
R. Brede Kristensen, Christiania.
Frederick William Read, 4, Clarendon Gardens, Maida Vale, W.
Captain Granville Smith, 131, Queen's Gate, S.W.
George H. Whittaker, Rush Bank, Middleton Road, Oldham.
A Paper was read by the Rev. C. J. Ball, on "The
Testament of Jacob." (Gen. xlix.)
Thanks were returned for this communication.
163
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
THE TESTAMENT OF JACOB (Gen. xlix).
By the Rev. C. J. Ball.
Note. — G. = Greek version (LXX). *** = Samaritan Text. S. = Syriac
(Peshitta). T. = Targum (Onkelos). J. = Jerome (Vulgate).
This ancient text has exercised a kind of fascination upon the
minds of many scholars of the most varied gifts and acquirements.
After all the pains, however, that have been lavished upon its
interpretation, it still remains in many respects obscure and unin-
telligible. The dying patriarch who is the mouthpiece of the
unknown poet, like the fabled Sphinx, propounds his ancient riddles
anew to each succeeding generation of students. Yet there is no
valid reason for assuming beforehand that the thoughtful labours
of the competent will not eventually clear up the remaining
obscurities, and produce out of materials, gathered from every
possible source, a trustworthy text, and a self-coherent and harmo-
nious interpretation which will carry conviction to the general
apprehension.
We need not be afraid of emending a text which cries aloud for
emendation. The general laws of Hebrew syntax — apart from that
extraordinary mass of ingenious speculations by which it is sought
to palliate improbable, and justify impossible constructions — must
be steadily borne in mind. Continuity of thought must be expected,
and, where not apparent, must be made the object of careful search
in each distinct portion of the text. The light thrown upon our
subject by the finished course of Israel's history is not to be
disregarded from any legitimate fears we may entertain of reading
into the text a meaning which is not there. Above all, it must
never be forgotten that we are dealing with poetry, not prose ; and
that, consequently, poetic style and phraseology, poetic form,
exhibiting the vital principle of parallelism in thought and expression,
as well as a certain degree of syllabic equipoise, will naturally be
164
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
present throughout the piece, though in some cases they may be
concealed under the mask of time-honoured corruptions.
The insertion of poems and poetical citations in historical
prose is a familiar phenomenon of Oriental literature. It is not,
therefore, at all surprising to meet with sporadic instances of the
same practice in the Book of Genesis. That the piece before us is
a poem, and not merely elevated prose, appears plainly enough from
the matter and manner of it ; a fact which I hope will become even
more apparent in the course of our examination. That it is, more-
over, one of the oldest sections of the book is generally recognized
by Hebrew scholars ; whether it be assigned with Dillmann to the
period of the Judges, or, as seems more probable, to the age of the
Judean monarchy. A first glance reveals the fact that the praise
of Judah (vv. 8-10) and the praise of Joseph (vv. 22-26) are the
principal themes of the singer. The other tribes are simply the
background, or the foil to these. To Judah no less than seventeen
stichi are devoted ; to Joseph nineteen. This clearly reflects the
historical fact that Judah and Joseph-Ephraim were the two leading
tribes around which the others clustered — the two kingdoms of the
House of Israel. But more than this. The writer makes a marked
distinction between these two leading tribes. While heaping
blessings on the head of Joseph, and even designating him " the
Nazirite of his brothers " (v. 26), he is in full sympathy with the
later feeling of the literary prophets, who saw the only legitimate
rule in the House of Judah and the line of David. Nothing that
he says of Joseph can fairly be made a reference to the separate
kingdom which had its seat in Samaria. And this silence becomes
all the more significant when we recollect Joseph's dreams, with
their apparent promise of sovereignty over all Israel. It is as if the
writer regarded these as exhausted of their import by Joseph's
exaltation in Egypt, and the consequent submission of his brethren.
But of Judah he speaks in a tone which really leaves little doubt as
to his meaning. After clearing the way by a sentence of disinheri-
tance upon Reuben, the first-born son and natural heir of the
hegemony in Israel, and by the ban pronounced on Simeon and
Levi, the two succeeding sons of Leah ; he expressly assigns to
Judah the homage of all his brethren, in the very terms in which
Joseph's brothers had seen a reference to royal supremacy — the
terms also in which Isaac had promised Israel the dominion over
Edom and other peoples (v. 8 ; cf. ch. xxvii, 29; xxxvii, 7, 8); he
165
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
compares him to the lion, the king of beasts {cf Prov. xix, 12;
xx, 2 ; xxx, 30 ; Rev. iv, 5 ; Num. xxiii, 24 ; Ezek. xix, 3, 5, 6 ;
2 Sam. i, 23) ; he gives him wine — the royal beverage — in abundance,
as Isaac had given to Jacob (ch. xxvii, 28, 37); and finally, in a
verse, which, however difficult, cannot be treated as an interpolation
without destroying the connection of thought, he endows Judah
with a " sceptre " and the " obedience of peoples " {cf ch. xxvii, 29),
Of Judah, as of Joseph, the goodly land is a chief blessing :
He shall bind his foal to the vine,
His ass colt to the choice vine ;
He shall wash his apparel in wine,
His clothing in blood of grapes ;
Dull of the eyes from wine,
And white of the teeth from milk.
For Judah, too, as for Joseph {vide infra), fighting is in store. But
Judah is praised for his own native valour. He is not a timid hart
like Joseph {cf Ps. Ixxviii, 9) ; he is a lion who preys on his enemies,
and his father's sons do him the homage due to their champion —
not an obscure intimation of the prowess of David, and his elevation
to the throne of all Israel. The sceptre and the staff of rule, the
insignia of leadership in war and of sovereignty in peace, will not
depart from Judah {cf the apparently imitative phrase, Zech. x, 1 1 :
T)D>1 CHSJft t^l^"))- As in Balaam's prophecy (Num. xxiv, 17*),
the "sceptre" is the mace that crushes the foe {cf also Isa. x, 5, 15,
24) ; and here, as there, the victories of David are hinted at, as well
as the first successes which established this tribe in its permanent
domain west of the Jordan (Judges i).
We have to find, as we have said, a meaning in agreement with
the context and with the data of history. As a matter of fact,
Judah was the royal tribe ; and David, the great founder of Israel's
monarchy and of the only permanent dynasty, was of this tribe.
Historically, in this respect, Judah stands alone among all the tribes :
for the House of Joseph, after the separation, never achieved a
stable dynasty.
All this indicates that the piece belongs to the period of the Davidic
monarchy. It might even be thought to date from the palmy days
* The "star" of this passage is probably a lance or pike, as the parallel
expression indicates. Cf. the Accadian mul-mul (written star + star), Assyrian
mulmullu, lance, spear.
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May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
of Solomon, to which we might see a reference in what is said about
Asher (v. 20) : — ■
Asher — his food shall be fat ;
And he shall yield the king's dainties.
The word *"T7?2 here is certainly not without bearing on the
question of age. Asher is expressly named among the districts
which had to provide the monthly supplies of Solomon's household
(1 Kings iv, 16).
The curse upon Levi — for it is nothing else — and the silence
about his priesthood (the principal element in postexilic conceptions
of him), seems to exclude the last period of the monarchy, while it
agrees very well with the earlier date.
Nor is there anything fatal to this view in what is said of the
other tribes. Zebulun and Issachar, which figure as warlike com-
munities in the ancient song of Deborah (Judges v, 14, 15, 18), are
here presented in a different light. What is said of Zebulun (v. 13)
evidently contemplates the tribe as long settled in its locality, and
as having exchanged its ancient military prowess for the hazards
and profits of a seafaring life, such as might naturally be suggested
by neighbourhood with the Phoenicians, the great seafaring race
of antiquity. Perhaps Solomon's "Navy of Tarshish," which ac-
companied the navy of Hiram, king of Tyre, in trading voyages
(1 Kings x, 22), was manned by Zebulunites. In the probably
later poem, known as the Blessing of Moses, it is said of both
Zebulun and Issachar (Deut. xxxiii, 19) : —
They shall suck the abundance of seas,
And treasures hid in the sand.
The "treasures of the sand "may well denote the murex, or
purple fish, from which was obtained the famous dye. The eldest
son or chief clan of Issachar was named Tola, " purple fish " (Gen.
xlvi, 13: see also Judges x, i)- an indirect confirmation of the
tribe's contiguity to the coast. The existing text of Gen. xlix
presents us with three lines about Zebulun : —
]W wp r^xh fynf
rvoN t\rb Nim
The third line looks like an explanatory gloss or interpolation,
specifying Zebulun's point of contact with the coast. As a local
167
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
determination it is without parallel in the entire piece, and is,
besides, thoroughly prosaic. Rejecting this, we are still dissatisfied
with the remaining couplet, as both tautologous and pointless. The
phrase Qifti Fpn recurs (Judges v, 17), but fTP^N Fpn, strand of
ships, never. The term fjin, in fact, is always joined, either with
QTT (prose ; e.g., Deut. i, 7), or with the anarthrous plural 0"^
(poetry ; here and Judges I.e., only). A slight change would get rid
of this doubtful expression, and what is more important, restore an
adequate sense to the couplet. f)inS might be an accidental in-
version of the rare TQin, pilot (Ezek. xxvii, 8, 27-29; Jonah i, 6
only). But the parallel passage, Judges v, 17, almost demonstrates
that the repeated Fpn7 has displaced ""n^p. And now the second
line tells us something more about Zebulun, instead of simply
repeating the first : —
Zebulun by the strand of seas will dwell ;
And he will sojourn in ships.
The result is interesting in the paucity of information about this
ancient tribe. And the whole statement suits the settled times of
the monarchy, from Solomon onwards, better than the stormy period
of the Judges. The expressions, "will dwell," "will sojourn," seem
to connect Zebuhm with zebul, dwelling (scil. of Jahvah ; cf.
Shechaniah).
The sneer at Issachar, again (vv. 14, 15 ; cf Judges v, 16), does
not well agree with the times of the Judges, when Issachar was
represented by the hero Barak ben Abinoam (Judges iv, 5) and Tola
ben Puah, who judged Israel twenty-three years (Judges x, 1, 2).
Baasha of Issachar appears as a strong king of the northern
kingdom (1 Kings xv, 27); and the tribe is decidedly warlike
according to 1 Chron. vii, 1-5, upon which, however, not too
much stress can be laid, as we know nothing of its date or source.
The hexasyllabic hexastich upon Issachar certainly resembles a
retrospect rather than a prophecy : —
Issachar was a sturdy ass,
Couching amid the stalls :
And he marked that his resting-place was goodly,
And that the land was rich ;
So he bowed his shoulder to burden-bearing,
And became a toiling serf.
It is possible that the strong cities of the Great Plain — e.g.,
Bethshan, Taanach, and Megiddo — in whose territory this tribe had
168
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
obtained some sort of footing, gradually encroached on Issachar's
liberties, until they had, for a time at least, reduced it to the position
of a sort of villeinage. It is strange that the tribe is not even
mentioned in Judges i, 27 sqq. What is said of the Canaanites,
Josh, xvi, 10, may in some cases have been true of the intruding
Israelites. Hiram of Tyre may have acquired and exercised authority
over the tribe, which tamely submitted to the foreign yoke for the
sake of peace and quietness. Among the fragmentary traditions
of Kings, we find that Solomon ceded " twenty cities in the land of
Galilee" to Tyre (1 Kings ix, 11). The attitude of Issachar may
have had something to do with the fact ; though in the meagreness
of the records, we cannot determine precisely what it was. In any
case, Issachar's service is forced, like that of a beast of burden, or
it would not be called *T2^ D72 ', cf. 1 Kings v, 13, 15 (= v, 27,
29 Heb.). Riehm's view, that it was voluntary wage-earning service
to the foreign traders passing through the tribal territory, can only
be right if the poet meant no more than a mere sarcasm by his
strong language, which seems unlikely.
The phrase D""0 T)ft!"T, ass of bone, demands a word of comment.
It occurs nowhere else ; but is essentially similar to Ezekiel's ^7
"It^l, heart of flesh ; flNi! T?, the heart of stone (Ezek. xi, 19 ;
xxxvi, 26). But the supposed Arabic phrases + s>- ,U.:>-? a strong
ass, . -s_ (jyuJ, a strong horse, cited by Gesenius, Thesaurus, s.v.
0"^, from Schultens, and repeated in all the manual editions of his
lexicon, appear to find no support in the native Arabic lexicographers.
But we do find the adjective ^ p- , large-bodied, applied to camels ;
ifr
e.g., in the phrase , _^ n^ {see Lane) ; and we may fairly
assume the identity of this term with the Q'HJ of ** (Gesen., Thes.,
p. 303), though Geiger and others prefer to follow the Targum of
***■ in pointing Q'Hi "^ftn, an ass of sojourners, or resident a/iens
(□"QmrO- J-, correctly, asinus fortis ; but G., strangely enough,
to Kakov e7re0vfi)]<Tci>, which seems to imply a reading "TOPI "TOPf
(cf. Isa. xxvii, 2 ; where ^\72T1 has the double rendering koXos
e7ri9v/j.t]/Lia; and Num. xvi, 15, where M., "YOf, ass = G., eiridifiijiia).
S. Vr^M l^a (- ^1D tfcPN, 2 Sam. xxi, 20) j perhaps reading or
correcting "^J for Q"0. At all events, S. renders D~TN N1Q (ch.
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S95.
xvi, 12) quite literally. In line 3 we have pointed rfrCft (m2ft)>
because of 2112 ; and in line 4 we read rCftt^ with G. and Targ.
Sam. (cf. Onk.). Rich pasture would be more attractive to an ass
than a lovely landscape.
The hexastich on Dan seems to refer chiefly to the past
traditions of the tribe. The opening couplet —
Dan shall wreak doom for his people,
Like one of the tribes of Israel,
at first sight does little more than play on the name Dan, which
means doomster, judge. But the words promise Dan equality of
rank with his brother tribes, though his families were few and his
territory small, because of his martial qualities, which are suggested
by the figure of the following lines : —
Be Dan a serpent on the way,
A crested snake on the highroad ;
That biteth the horse's heels,
So that he throweth his rider backward.
The Targums interpret the entire oracle as a direct reference to
the Danite judge and hero Samson, and his exploits against the
Bhilistines. In the tantalizing glimpses afforded by the book of
Judges, we find the tribe of Dan settled at Zorah and Eshtaol on
the outer verge of the Judean hills, commanding the approaches
from the plain of Philistia ; but we are told that no domain had
"fallen unto them among the tribes of Israel" (Judges xviii, 1).
Samson, the great hero Of the tribe, who avenges his people upon
their Philistine oppressors, is of Zorah (Judges xiii, 2) ; and Jahvah's
Spirit " urges him in Mahaneh-Dan (Dan's Camp), between Zorah
and Eshtaol" (id. xiii, 25). Here the tribe lay as an advanced
guard on the hills overhanging the highroad from the sea and the
plain inland ; and doubtless harried the rear of any companies of
marauding horsemen passing that way (cf v. 19). The image of
the serpent suggests the cunning of ambushes and surprise attacks
(cf also ch. iii, 15, "QpJ7 ', xxv, 26, "2pV^ \ xxvii, 36; and xlix, 19,
Dlpy)- We Point ^EPn, with T., instead of \fat\.
The same attitude of watchers on the highway suits also the
position of the tribe in its new settlement of Lesham (Laish, Dan),
which they wrested from the Canaanites by a sudden and unsuspected
assault; thus again exhibiting the supposed craft of the serpent
170
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
(Judges xviii, 27). Laish — the name is identical with "£>1~), "lion,"
the Assyrian nesu, and therefore accounts for the oracle relating to
Dan in the Blessing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii, 22) — was situate on the
great northern highway from Damascus past the sources of the
Jordan to the seaboard (cf. Jer. viii, 16): "The snorting of his
horses was heard from Dan," said of enemies approaching by the
northern route to the invasion of Palestine.
The seventh stichus, TT\TP TPlp "pW£>',7 , For thy salvation
have I waited, O Jahvah ! is probably the aspiration of some marginal
annotator, writing after the fall of the northern kingdom, and sighing
for the fulfilment of this prophecy, which would make of Dan a true
bulwark of Israel. The name of Jahvah does not occur anywhere
else in the entire poem ; and the line is besides out of rhythm and
asymmetrical, the utterance about Dan forming a hexasyllabic
hexastich, like that about Issachar. G., rrji/ (TWT>]piai> Trepi/nevwv
Kvpe'ov, which refers the line to Dan himself, as if TT^pfo stood in
the original, shows that the exclamation was felt as an interruption.
Similarly, Saadiah introduces it with JyL< , he (Ban) will say.
Of Gad, it is said (v. 19) : —
Gad — raiders will raid upon him ;
But he will raid upon their rear.
This, again, simply tells us of the perpetual liability of this border
tribe of East Jordan land to the freebooting attacks of marauding
tribes and hostile peoples ; such as it suffered in the ninth
century B.C. from the Arameans, in the course of their long and
relentless struggle with the northern kingdom (cf. 2 Kings v, 2) ;
and doubtless from the earliest period of its settlement, on the part
of the lawless tribes of the desert : see the account of the wars of the
East Jordan tribes with the nomades of northern Arabia (1 Chron.
v, 10-22). In Num. xxxii, Gad figures as a pastoral tribe, choosing
its portion on the east of Jordan as a " suitable place for cattle."
The Bene Gad, therefore, were not essentially dissimilar in life,
character and pursuits, from the roving tribes which from time to
time tried to oust them from the rich pastures which they had
themselves occupied by force. Their warlike temper is attested by
a poetical fragment embedded in 1 Chron. xii, 8. The tribe was
carried away by Tiglath-pileser, b.c. 734 (see 2 Kings xv, 29 ;
1 Chron. v, 26), and the Ammonites were in occupation of its
territory about B.C. 600 (Jer. xlix, 1). It is self-evident that the
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
couplet about Gad must belong to an earlier period than these
events ; but beyond this it would apply equally well to the times
of the Judges, or to those of Solomon {see 1 Kings xi, 24, 25), or to
almost any period previous to the year 734.
Of Asher we have already spoken. The fertility of his land is
again alluded to (Deut. xxxiii, 24) : "Let him dip his foot in oil !"
The names of Ahlab and Helbah among his cities (Judges i, 31),
both meaning fatness, i.e., rich fertility, indicate the same thing.
We see him living at peace with his Phoenician neighbours (Judges
v, 17):
Asher sat still by the strand of seas,
And on his beaches would abide.
No judge or national saviour sprang from Asher; and his name is
absent from the list of tribes (1 Chron. xxvii, 16-22).
It is generally admitted that the utterance concerning Naphtali
is corrupt as it stands in M. :
new "nEN |ron
but the extent to which corruption has gone is not so generally
perceived. Following G, most critics point PH^N as nv,N=iT7N
terebinth, and *H?2N as *H?2N cacumina, in the sense of tree-tops ;
but G. does not necessitate this, although it certainly figures the
tribe as a tree' not an animal. The words are : —
fse(p6u\ei ffTe/Ve^o? avei/xevov
Etticicovs ti> 7w "/evijfiari koWos.
On this we observe that, (1) oreX-e^os, trunk or stump, is used for
}7T3 (Job xiv, 8), and for Tlhy, foliage (Jer. xvii, 8), but nowhere for
il7N ; (2) in some ten places, e.g., Deut.xxvi, 10, 7c ;'>//< a =^Q, fruit ;
so that iv tw ryevTjficni may represent a reading *HE3]1; (3) o-reXe^os
occurs twice as the rendering of PHNQj branch (Ezek. xxxi, 12, 13;
M., V>n^Q=1\rnrD=V,rnNQ ; tf- the proper name mD=mNB
in Judges vii, 10, 11). This may indicate mD = nv1Qj a fruiting
tree, e.g., an olive or a vine (Isa. xvii, 6 ; Ps. cxxviii, 3), confused
by G. with mt^fe? branch. As the true reading in the first stichus,
we thus restore :
nrbw ms ^nw
Naphtali is a spreading vine.
172
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
We next remark that PD'D, being feminine, requires fl^rOU in the
second stichus ; and that, whereas "HE ]D2, to yield fruit, is a
common phrase, "JjHi is not used °f putting forth branches, while
nbty1 is so used, especially in the case of the vine (Ps. lxxx, 1 1 ;
Ezek. xvii, 6 ; rHNQ PHtl^rn, and shot forth sprigs). This is a
further objection to i"y^2N, even if that term could mean branches.
"TON, in fact, does not occur in the plural ; and, as it means top,
peak, crest, whether of a tree or of a mountain (Isa. xvii, 6, 9 only),
the plural is plainly inappropriate in the case of a single tree.
Finally, common corruptions of letters will account for the meta-
morphosis of an original, "HQ rCrOPJ, that yieldeth fruit, into
G. Y^Sl ]rOH on the one hand, and M. i"V2N ]^T1 on the
other. The second stichus, therefore, becomes :
That yieldeth beauteous fruit.
The Targum preserves a trace of the true text, for it renders :
"Naphtali in a good land shall his lot be cast, And his domain shall
yield fruits " (pTQ N*"QJft3)- Viticulture, moreover, would be
natural to a tribe like Naphtali, living " on fertile mountain slopes "
(Ewald, Hist., II, 290, E.T.). His very name may have suggested
vine tendrils to the poet, as being derived from SjlDj to twist and
twine* (cf. the somewhat analogous uses of JJi^, <LLaj). At all
events, the sole allusion, as in the case of Asher, is to the richness
of Naphtali's land, which agrees with his blessing in Deut. xxxiii, 23.
The tribe is expressly mentioned by name among those that supplied
Solomon's table ; and its importance in the matter is perhaps
reflected in the fact that the deputy in charge there for this purpose
was the king's son-in-law. But the couplet would plainly suit any
period between the Occupation and 734 B.C.
But how did nS^N, hind, get substituted for the rare rnD5
fruiting vine, in the blessing of Naphtali ? The answer to this
question brings light to the problem that next awaits us. Others
have perceived the incongruity of the statements (vv. 22 sqq.).
Joseph is a fruitful bough (fruiting tree) The archers have
sorely grieved him, etc. ; and Dr. C. H. H. Wright long ago suggested
the rendering, Joseph is a stag .... And the archers harass him ;
* The true meaning is perhaps "The Shifty" or "Wily;" cf. ")n33>
Prov. viii, 8, and the name Jacob.
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
justifying it, however, by the assertion that mo is " here equivalent
to (TlQs a heifer, a hind, for antelopes are called by the Arabs
(j£.r*-j5! JUj wild oxen." The difficulty is that there is no other
trace of the supposed use in Hebrew. The Assyrian fiarratu, again,
which in Hebrew would take the form J-pO, means ewe; and
PHD X2, son °f a ewe, would apply very well to Joseph ben Rachel
(Hj-p, ewe). This, however, does not suit the context. Archers
would not shoot at a sheep ; nor would a sheep be standing alone
by a spring, though a hart (TW) might. Clearly, the term ir^N*
which we now find applied to Naphtali, belonged originally to
Joseph's blessing. This is far from being the only instance of such
unhappy transpositions of words by transcribers of the O.T. text.
G. vlbs rjv^rjfievos 'luxrljcf) (= J. Alius accrescens Joseph) shows
that the text was already corrupt; for avgaveaOai is the usual
equivalent of fnO? to increase (i, 22 ; cf. xlvii, 27). T. ^D"1*! "H2
F)DV imPnes the same reading, viz., pPlG- Possibly the word was
repeated here by some copyist whose eye fell on the j~nO or i*)Q
of the preceding couplet, and someone afterwards wrote IT^N as
a correction in the margin. The latter term may then have been
substituted for HIS in Naphtali's couplet by some later transcriber
from that copy. However it happened, it seems clear that such
an interchange was effected. People do not shoot at vines ; at
harts they do. It is perhaps worth notice that a town "pT^ per-
tained to the "house of Joseph " (Judges i, 35). The expression
PH^N D> a son °f a hind =.2, young hart, is like D^NI \2
(Ps. xxix, 6). For the next line G. gives vib? rji^rj/ievos /xov fyXwros
= V*y ' !~HQ "p- G. remembered how Joseph's brothers envied
him (chap, xxxvii, 11) ; and so p^ was strangely referred to the de-
nominative verb yty, to eye, look askance at (1 Sam. xviii, 9).
J.'s et decorus aspectu = Viy *HV> is interesting as an attempt at
textual correction ("H^, Ezek. xvi, 7). S. partly agrees with G. and J.,
and then points "py v3?» S° uPi O fountain! a reminiscence of
Num. xxi, 17, ""ifcO. *hy. The next line of the Hebrew text,
11 iy *IT,J^ mi?2 m^l, starts with a grammatical anomaly, besides
being discordant with what precedes and follows. Daughters march
(Judges v, 4 ; 2 Sam. vi, 13), or, according to the Arabic use, go
174
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
iip on the wall, makes no sense at all. G. has two's /uov vewra-ror 77-/309
/te avaoTpetyoi'' implying the Hebrew 1111? ^J* ""l}*^ *02, my son,
my little one, return to me! (cf. **, lilt?' ^sV "H*1}^ *02, where we
should probably restore nil?, the letters 2, and 1 being very similar
in the Samaritan script. We have here one of the many indications
of the influence of G. on the editor of *»). But this irrelevant
reference to Jacob's yearning after his lost favourite does not help
us much towards a good consecutive sense. What is wanted is
something to connect the hart standing by the spring with his
enemies the archers. Now "V)t!) may mean insidiari (Jer. v, 26 ;
Hos. xiii, 7 ; vyy is an easy corruption of 17^, ascenderunt ; and
they went up to lie in 7vait supplies the link of connection we
desiderate.
The two preceding terms must in some way qualify this state-
ment ; and the reading of G. (**) "H}£J "02 suggests the correction
Y""0£4*22,j t'n his tracks (Ps. xxxvii, 23 ; Prov. xx, 24 ; Dan. xi, 43).
A broken £) might easily be read "0, and 1 is constantly confused
with **i. Perhaps M. should rather be corrected rnj?!i*22 (H — = !•)
The meaning of the whole is that the hunters follow the trail of
their prey to the mountain spring, and lie in wait to shoot him
when he comes to drink. The restored text of the verse (22) is :
tpv rfow p
py >hy n^M p
: -w 1S54 rrrom
which we render :
A young hart is Joseph,
A young hart beside a spring ;
In his track they go up to lie in wait.
The verbs of the next verse (23) are grammatically consecutive
to "py ; and 1211 is clearly impossible between two imperfects
with strong waw : ini"!*1! would be necessary to grammar, sense,
and symmetry. But 22*1, to shoot seems doubtful (Ps. xviii, 15; cf.
Ps. cxliv, 6, j-TQ ; 2 Sam. xxii, 15 ; see Proc. Soc. Biol. Arch., June,
1886, p. 166); and G, i\oic6pow (Ex. xvii, 2) = *" in2v!v),
J . jurgati sunt, is perhaps preferable. We may then translate :
They harass him, they contend with him, —
The lords of the shaft beset {or, assail) him :
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
With what result ? The Hebrew text states it thus :
lJTOp JiTNl IttttYl
t»t mt wi
np*n "yon ^-ra
: ^nw pa run ours
the strangeness of which, in view of the context, is undeniable. The
hart (or the fruiting tree) appears as defending itself with a bow
against hostile bowmen, and as endowed with arms and hands !
The poets of the Old Testament do not deal in such confusions
of metaphor ; and it would be vain to seek for a parallel to this
extraordinary transition from tree or animal to man. Fortunately
G. has preserved traces of a text which is much more consonant to
the requirements of poetical expression as well as of common sense.
So far as I can see, "Ijlt^p ]rPNH ItlMll, which is formally con-
secutive to the statement of the previous line, could only mean, But
his bow dwelt in a rock (Num. xxiv, 21, "pl^lto 7i""PN)- G., how-
ever, gives kul avvQ-rplfii] /uera icparovs tii Toga hvtwv, i.e. m\'2RJ'PC\
DntPp ]J~PN2 (rf- 1 Sam. ii, 3; Ps. xxxvii, 15, xlvi, 9; Hos. i, 5),
But their bow was shivered with might.
The next line is represented in G. by kuI i^e\v0i^ id vedpu
fipayj.6vwv xeiP°9 ivtwv. The enigmatical t« vedpa, which lacks a
corresponding word in the Hebrew, may be due to a marginal
N€YPA, i-e., vevpil, bowstring; intended as a correction of /<e-«
KpaTovs. This suggests a reading "irTO, string, instead of in^i^D.-
Kal ege\v6>) implies "1Q"P") (2 Sam. iv, 1) instead of "ITQ^ ; but !1D"1
is always joined with "p, hand, never with JTnT, arm, and we want a
closer parallel to ^QtWlV The root fTD (2 Sam. vi, 16) therefore
being inappropriate, the question is whether any synonym of "yyty
resembles "ftQ^l and "1Q*V1 sufficiently to account for both ? Such a
term we find in "YfQ, which originally meant to split, shatter, like the
Arabic .\i; cf. the imprecation ^,-,3^ 4IS \ ,ji, Allah break their
backs! This sense of "UQ also suits Ps. lxxxix, 10, n, Thou hast
broken Rahab in pieces (]HfcO"T j cf- Job xxii, 9), With thine arm of
might thou hast shattered (H'ntQ) thy enemies ! and Ps. liii, 5, where
rYTC!&7 1TQ is synonymous with .nift!^ "0!$} (Ps. xxxiv, 20 ;
Isa. xxxviii, 13), and with TNC&V fcWl (Ps. Ii, 9): see also Ps.
cxli, 7. The Syriac OJroZ"jo may indicate that the translators
conjectured "ntCT; see Jer. hi, 13, and the Peshitta. The restored
176
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
stichus, □"!"> 1JHT inlS"1"!, And the arms of their might were shattered,
is octosyllabic like its fellow. Otherwise, Ifi'V') (=1N5~P")) would
be a good parallel to ""QtI?Yl, and might easily have been misread
lain
The next line is good Hebrew and good sense : By the hands
of the Hero of Jacob. But the closing stichus, pN njH 012^2
SfcOt^1 is formally disjointed and doubtful Hebrew ; and, more-
over, violates parallelism, however it be pointed and translated.
S. pointing Q$ft , renders : And by the name of the shepherd of the
stone of Israel, which is certainly preferable to M. The Greek
has simply eice?0ci> 6 KxTia^voas 'loparfK, which might represent
a reading or conjecture 7N1tLVl "If^n D1Z7T2- KaTiaxveiv stands
for ~\\y in 2 Chron. xiv, 11, and at least four other places.
Restoring JHtft in place of Q^ft, on the ground of parallelism,
and treating the superfluous |"f as an early corruption of 1 (fc, ^),
wre get the line —
b&~)W Try ^y-ma
By the arms of the Helper of Israel ;
which, at all events, is an adequate parallel to the second line of the
quatrain. The "pt}^ of the next verse, regarded as a natural
repetition, slightly confirms "If}? m tms one- As for pN, it was
perhaps originally written in the margin by some reader who
remembered If^n pN (1 Sam. iv, r ; v, 1 ; vii, 12).
Thus we have recovered the verse —
But the string (?) of their bow is broken,
And the arms of their might are shattered,
By the hands of the Hero of Jacob,
By the arms of the Helper of Israel.
The construction is continued in what follows (verse 25) : —
By thy father's God — may he help thee !
And by El Shaddai — may He bless thee
With the blessings of heaven above,
With the blessings of the Deep that coucheth underground,
With the blessings of the breasts and the womb !
The continuity of the thought and expression makes it evident
that the last clause of verse 24, whatever its original wording,
cannot have been a parenthesis, as it now appears in M. In the
177 o
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
second line we read 7N") with some Hebrew codices, and «*, G, S., J.,
instead of HN1, which violates the construction. Its occurrence
here would seem to prove that 'H'ttr?^ was really an ancient title of
God (Ex. vi, 3), and perhaps as the source of fertility, both of the
soil and of men and animals — the chief blessing in the eyes of
pastoral and agricultural communities. At all events, the terms of
the text agree with this view. The blessings of heaven above are the
rains and dews (see the paraphrase of the passage in Deut. xxxiii,
13, sqq.) and sunshine, to which the soil owes its productiveness ;
the blessings of the Deep that coucheth underground are the springs
and streams, so important in the hot East, supposed by Israel as by
the old Babylonians to issue from the great subterranean ocean of
" the waters under the earth " (Ex. xx, 4) ; while the blessings of
breasts and womb need no further explanation (cf Gen. xx, 1 7,
18). The well-known representation of the Ephesian Artemis even
suggests a possible connection of "H1^ with Q"Ht£\
In verse 26 the text is again unsound. The first line rO""Q
11113 "PUN, Thy father's blessings toiver or rise high (ch. vii, 19), is
apparently correct ; for the '"[ftt^l, and thy mother's, inserted by ***■
and G., spoils the rhythm and weakens the sense. It perhaps
originated in the teal /o/t/jh? of the previous line ; and in that case
has passed from G, into **. But in the next line l^niM is
generally recognized as corrupt. The parallel phrase, Q~HJ? j"IJ03>
justifies the Greek oplwv fiov/fiwv = ~]y "H^i""! (see Hab. iii, 6, where
both phrases occur) ; as does also the imitation, Deut. xxxiii, 1 5,
where Q"Tp "H^H is the phrase parallel to Q^l^ r\}Q3- Moreover,
.TOID. can hardly be right in this line ; for 7^ YlHi requires the
specification of some high object of comparison, corresponding to
iT)N.n> apices, cacumina, in the parallel stichus, and Deut. xxxiii,
13, has \lfN1, top. We therefore restore Dllft (Isa. xxxvii, 24),
thus getting the satisfactory line —
which is closely parallel to its fellow member. The letters "2, ft, ]")»
are often confused with each other.
The closing lines present no great difficulty, until in the last Joseph
is called "PPM ""PT2, the Nazirite of his brothers. G. read "^y^ prince
(wi> y^p'jaaro d8e\(f)wi>' cf 2 Sam. v, 2) ; but M. is preferable to this, as
Joseph is not promised crown and kingdom, but might perhaps be
178
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
spoken of metaphorically as a Nazirite, as being a youth devoted to
Jahvah and the flower and choice of his brothers (Amos ii, it ;
Lam. iv, 7). But see Addendum 2, p. 191.
The whole verse may be rendered :
Thy father's blessings shall rise
Above the height of the eternal mountains,
The summits of the everlasting hills :
They shall fall to the head of Joseph,
To the crown of the hated of his brothers !
Reviewing his entire blessing, we see that Joseph is contemplated,
not for the most part as the youth whom envy sold into Egypt — for
the archers can hardly be the ten elder brothers of the story- — but
as a tribe already established in his richly fruitful land, the central hill
country of Palestine {cf. the play on the name of Ephraim, Gen.
xli, 52; xlvi, 20; and the allusion to it in the word maphreca,
xlviii, 4). It was a land of many fountains and streams, as well as
of fertile pastures and cornlands ; so that the image of the first line,
Joseph is a hart beside a spring, is peculiarly appropriate {cf. Ps. xlii, 1).
It is there that he is harassed by the archers; who, however, do
not succeed in dislodging him, because the God of Israel will not
have it so. The whole gist of the blessing is that Joseph shall have
a fruitful land, indeed the choicest portion of the Lord's heritage, and
a numerous offspring : and that the assaults of external enemies will
be broken by the Hero of Israel. The " lords of the shaft go up "
to the attack from the deep valley of the Jordan on the east, or from
the maritime plains on the west, or through the narrow passes
leading up from the Great Plain on the north (Judith iv, 6, 7).
But it is not possible to connect what is here said of Joseph
with any particular occasion. We seem to have before us a long
history summarised ; in the course of which, at varying intervals,
the archers of Philistia, of Syria, and finally of Assyria, came up
against him. But though it is difficult to find any direct reference
. to a particular historical crisis or period in this generalized survey
of Joseph's experience, we may infer something from the fact that
it is thus generalized, and from the remarkable omission of all
reference to the original predominance of the House of Joseph, and
the subsequent rise and continuance of the separated kingdom of
Ephraim. In the age of the Judges, and in fact from Joshua to
Samuel, both of whom were Ephraimites, the tribe of Joseph-
Ephraim is more prominent than Judah. Shiloh in Ephraim is the
179 o 2
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
religious centre, and Shechem the capital of the nation (Judges ix, 2 ;
Josh, xxiv, 1). Ephraim claimed the hegemony in war (Judges viii, 1 ;
xii, 1). Gideon the Manassite, who resided in Ephraim, was offered
the crown after his defeat of Midian ; and his bastard son, Abime-
lech, actually reigned three years in Shechem. But of all this we
find no hint in the passage before us, which would be strange
indeed if the poem belonged to the time of the Judges. And when
we remember that the sceptre and the final sovereignty are promised
to Judah, it seems difficult to avoid the following inferences : (1) The
piece was written by a Judean author under prophetic influence,
(2) not earlier than the disruption of the Davidic monarchy ; (3) but
not later than the invasion of Tiglath-pileser (2 Kings xv, 29).
The hexasyllabic triplet about Benjamin simply characterises
the tribe as warlike and predatory : —
Benjamin will be a ravening wolf ;
At dawn he will devour prey,
And at eve will divide spoil.
This, so far as we know, was always the case, and the prowess
of the tribe may be illustrated by reference to the story of Ehud
ben Gera (Judges iii, 12-30) ; to the prominent mention of Benjamin
and his clans in the Song of Deborah (Judges v, 14) ; to the strange
narrative of the last three chapters of Judges, and to the Homeric
exploits of Saul and Jonathan. The tribe occupied a highland
district, approachable only by deep ravines from the Ghor on the
east and the lowlands on the west. Hyaenas and foxes gave their
names to the Benjaminite towns of Zeboim and Shual (1 Sam. xiii,
17, 18); and doubtless wolves also haunted these rocky winding
glens. That the tribe was given to marauding expeditions and
predatory exploits appears incidentally from the fact that the mur-
derers of Ishbosheth (Eshbaal) are called captains of D^TlTl, i.e.,
robber bands (2 Sam. iv, 2 ; cf. v, 19). This again shows that we
are not confined to the times of the Judges.
If now we go back to the beginning of the piece, we may find
that careful criticism enables us at least to signalize corruptions and
suggest more or less probable emendations of the text, even if it
should fail to bring us appreciably nearer to the solution of the
problem of date. Indeed this preliminary work of textual correction,
by help of internal evidence such as the implications of context, the
mutual coherence and dependence of statement, parallel expressions,
180
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
references and reminiscences in other parts of the Old Testament, as
well as by consideration of the data of the old versions, is the
principal object of this paper. The opening words (verse 1) And he
said, Gather yourselves together, that I may declare unto you what zvill
betide you in the after times ! are most naturally taken as the author's
or perhaps the Jahvist's (prose) introduction of the poem. The
historian reveals at the outset his reason for embodying the piece in
his work : he regards it or presents it as a prophecy or inspired
forecast of the fortunes of the Twelve Tribes. In this respect, the
use of the terms TOPI (Isa. xli, 26; xlii, 9; xliii, 9; xlvi, 10) and
D^^H rYHnNl (Num. xxiv, 14; Hos. hi, 5; Isa. ii, 2; Jer. xxiii, 20)
is characteristic. About the source of the poem thus introduced,
nothing can be said with certainty. It may, of course, have been
current at the time when the Jahvist wrote, in a popular collection
of national lyrics, like the Book of the Wars of Jahvah, cited in
Num. xxi, 14, or the Book of the Upright, Josh, x, 13, or some other
lost anthology of which the very name has perished. I see no reason,
however, for ignoring the possibility that the Jahvist himself may
have been the author of the piece. He may have thought it appro-
priate to represent the Father of the nation as thus endued at the
end of his eventful career with a divine foresight of the future of his
progeny. The details would naturally be taken in each case from
the known traditions and circumstances of the tribe. In fact, as we
have already seen, most of the utterances of the patriarch plainly
concern not persons but tribal communities. The literary usage
involved in such a proceeding hardly requires justification to readers
familiar with the pages of Thucydides and Livy. In neither case
was there the faintest intention to deceive. Our author's design
rather was, in the absence of particular historical records, to suggest
a conceivable and suitable conclusion to the patriarch's career,
according to the ideas of his own time. It was believed, and
rightly believed, that the vicissitudes of national and tribal existence
were not the result of chance, but were intimately connected with
moral and spiritual causes. From first to last the God of Israel
held in his hands the destiny of Israel ; and that destiny was always
the outcome of the character and conduct of Israel, as overruled by
divine grace and love. As then Jahvah foreknew the entire course
of things from the beginning, it was a natural assumption that he
revealed that part of it which affected the Chosen People to their
ideal ancestor. The history of the Twelve Tribes is supposed to
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
correspond to what Jacob, speaking at once with the august authority
of the First Father and with the unerring knowledge of one directly
inspired by Jahvah, pronounced about their fortunes "in the after
times."
The poem itself begins with verse 2 :
Come together and listen, ye sons of Jacob !
And hearken unto Israel your father.
Instead of the repeated "IJftStl?, we should have expected "Q^pn
or l^TNn m the second line. The Targum and Saadiah vary the
verb.
The hexastich addressed to Reuben shows at once how inappro-
priate it is to dub the whole piece the " Blessing " of Jacob.
Reuben ! thou wast my firstborn,
My might and the firstfruits of my manhood ;
Precedent in rank, and precedent in power !
Lawless as a flood, keep not thy precedence !
For thou didst climb thy father's couch :
Then didst thou sully the bed of thy sire.
It is a sentence of disinheritance. Reuben is deprived of the rights
of primogeniture, on account of the crime briefly chronicled in
ch. xxxv. 22 (a passage which cannot have ended so abruptly in its
original context). What historical facts may underlie this possibly
metaphorical indication of intertribal transactions, we will not stop
to inquire. The most plausible view is that of Wellhausen, which
is probably familiar to most of us. Our textual uncertainties begin
with the second triplet. Instead of fprD , ** reads JTOIQ 5 and
G., S., and J. likewise render by the past tense of a verb. We have
simply pointed frfo (Judges ix, 4; Zeph. iii, 4 ; Jer. xxiii, 32). The
extension 3^3, like waters, follows more naturally after a verbal
form. We also point "tfVlfl, instead of *\Tt\T\ {tf> Dan. x, 13).
The hiphil of ""in"1 is always transitive, occurring some twenty-
three times besides, and always in the sense of letting remain over,
e.g., leaving food after eating, letting men survive, and twice only
of causing to abound in goods (Deut. xxviii, 11; xxx, 9). The
present text of the last line, rhv W^ Jl^bn tN, is certainly
wrong; for (1) it lacks coherence; (2) the poetical word J?")^ is
always plural in the four places where it occurs again, and the
182
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
paraphrase of the Chronicler is YQN *&)& 'hhnTl ; (3) hhn
is always transitive, and ^1^ 's most naturally its object ; and
(4) instead of n73? "1^1^>') my bed ^e climbed, we should expect a
phrase parallel to *"T*QN "QSI^to, thy father's couch, just as TvT7V^
is parallel to IvbV- Accordingly, we restore ,"T"T7V ^I^j tne
bed of him that begot thee. The letters y, when run together,
resemble y ; and *"p for the same reason might be misread as
If. Thus J., et maculasti stratum ejus, is practically right. G., rdre
ifitavas ti)v arpwfivrjv ov aveftij*, is also nearer the mark than M. My
bed he climbed 1 as a sort of sotto voce, or an aside to the other sons
supposed to be present, is prosaic, feebly tautologous, and without
parallel in the rest of the poem.
In the strophe relating to Simeon and Levi — who alone of all
the tribes are coupled together — the curse is not only implied by the
general sense but formally expressed :
Accurst be their anger, for it was fierce,
And their fury for it was fell !
I will disperse them in Jacob,
And scatter them in Israel.
The disfavour here so strongly indicated again depends upon certain
events recorded in the prose narrative of Genesis, and this time
at greater length (ch. xxxiv ; cf. especially Jacob's remonstrance,
v- 3°) J-)- The subtle treachery and coldblooded cruelty of the
two tribes in the massacre of Shechem seems to be the sole ground
of the curse. They, therefore, are to lose their independent tribal
identity, and to be scattered promiscuously among the other tribes
of the Bene Israel. This would be the condition of things at the
time of the composition of the poem.
In rendering the final quatrain we have only diverged from
A. V. to the extent of marking the alliteration of the original ;
SEN "VHN • • • nnil^l IV- The internal use of the same poetic
device is noticeable in ^pJT1! QpTTTN, as elsewhere.
The preceding lines may be restored as follows : —
Simeon and Levi are very brothers :
They fulfilled the violence of their schemings.
Into their council let my soul not come ;
Into their meeting let not my heart go down !
For in their anger they slew the man,
And in their humour they houghed the ox.
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
The second line gives the reason why Simeon and Levi are
called "brothers," i.e., cognate in temper and disposition as well as
in blood. But M. DiTTP^D UOTt ^3 is more than doubtful.
Even if rVY"Oft could mean swords or daggers, the statement
Instruments of violence are their swords is open to the objection that
swords and daggers always were instruments of violence (court
swords were hardly in fashion in those days); and if we adopt the
rendering compacts or nuptial agreements (xxxiv, 13, sqq.), it may
be questioned whether a marriage-contract could be called a "i~^
in spite of our own legal use of the term instrument. The word
always denotes a material object ; and, though it occurs some three
hundred and twenty times besides, is not once found in such a
sense. On the other hand, the reading of **> Y?3j they accomplished,
is also that of G (awe-rekeaav), and T (T12}7) ; and the idea of plots
and stratagems, with reference to the crafty ruse by which the two
brothers fatally deceived the Canaanite chiefs, is almost demanded
by the context. Simeon and Levi are brothers in guile ; their
schemes are lawless and cruel ; the patriarch washes his hands of
their nefarious conspiracies — this is what the first four lines seem to
declare. Now the desired sense may be gained quite naturally by
deriving the isolated JTn^to either from PHD, to dig, bore (Ps. xl,
7), and pointing, rTTOp > OHl-ft? as tne rnytnm requires; or
from a synonym T^J (Ps. xxii, 17; G wpvgav), if we must needs
point J"YH5^ ' The verb m2 is used in the required metaphorical
sense, Ps. vii, 16; Prov. xvi, 27, "The man of Belial digs," i.e.,
devises "mischief: " cf. toSPf) DQHj to dig, search, and then devise
(Ps. lxiv, 6). Otherwise we might accept De Dieu's reference to
the Arabic jL< , to practise deceit, guile, lay plots, etc. (see Lane ; and cf.
Ethiop. cK>jTi4 : exploravit, dolum struxit, tentavit), and still point
iTTpP- The stichus QJTOft D^Pf iSo is heptasyllabic, like that
which precedes it.
In the fourth line we restore "»"D2 TSW 7N, kt not mJ liver go
down! for vfil inn ?N- G has t« j/V«7« /.iov, and T S read
jinn or riPP for the uncertain IJlH (Isa. xiv, 20 only), which **.
replaces by -ilT = G iplaai. (123, liver, should also be restored in
Ps. xvi, 9 ; Ivii, 9, and elsewhere, as being, like the Assyrian
kabattu, a synonym of terms denoting mind, heart, disposition.)
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
JlTO, as a verb of motion, is a better parallel to N*Q than "in"1, to be
united ; and the construction is different in Isa. xiv, 20.
Judah, the royal tribe of the house of David, is the first to be
addressed in terms of entire approval.
Judah ! thee — let thy brothers laud thee !
Thy hand clutch the nape of thy foes !
Thy father's sons bow down to thee !
The fine assonance of milT • • • "pTV • • • "[~P can hardly
be preserved in a translation. We suggest fn^n as predicate to
TT*; cf. Job xvi, 12. This restores the metrical balance of the
triplet.
The triplet is followed by two quatrains and a sextet or hexastich.
The first quatrain is thus rendered in R.V. : —
Judah is a lion's whelp ;
From the prey, my son, thou art gone up :
He stooped down, he couched as a lion,
And as a lioness ; who shall rouse him up ?
A question arises as to the meaning of the second line, M.
iT/J^ ^1 rpt^ft- It is generally assumed that the figure is that
of a lion descending from the mountains (Cant, iv, 8) to seek prey
in the valleys, and then "going up" again to his lair, where he is
secure from molestation. Such, no doubt, was Judah's safe position
in the hill country which he had won for himself so early in the
period of the conquest (Judges i, 19). And we might suppose an
intentional contrast between the sensual behaviour of Reuben and
the martial vigour of Judah, in the use of the same word Tv7V '»
thou wentest up, as addressed to each in turn. But if the above
were the writer's real meaning, the word mountains would probably
have been expressed either in the line itself or at least in the
context, neither of which is the case. The G. eK fi\a<rrov, vie
pov, ave(3t)9, from a shoot, my son, thou grewest up {cf. ch. viii, n,
where Ppt£ is rendered «ca/>0os, twig; and for 7v?y, ch. xli, 5),
hardly suits the context, Judah being compared to a lion imme-
diately before and after. Coherence of thought is restored if we
render, On prey, my son, thou grewest up, i.e., wast nurtured (cf.
Ezek. xix, 2, 3; Job iv, 11); or we might correct PIIP7, and
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
translate, To ravin, my son, thou iventest up (Judges i, 1, sqq.). But
the palpable imitation, Deut. xxxiii, 22, Dan is a lion's whelp ; He
springeth from Bashan, suggests that ft-^ft also covers a local
determinative, perhaps ^"1}7ft , from the desert (cf. Hab. i, 8 ; Zeph.
iii, 3 ; Jer. 5. 6). In the ancient writing y and "£ (O ©) might
have been confused, as indeed they are in Deut. xxxiii, 13 (^tjft
for T^ft). We thus get the stanza : — -
A lion's whelp is Judah ;
From the waste, my son, thou wentest up !
He crouched, he couched, as a lion,
And as a lioness — who durst rouse him ?
See Judges i, 4, 16, 19. The use of Tvjy in that chapter seems to
illustrate its meaning here. The perfects may be prophetic.
We have reached the great crux of the oracle about Judah, and
indeed of the entire poem. The Hebrew text is : —
rmrpn Bit!? -no*1 vh
rhr\ job ppna)
rfyv> ni^ 13 *iy
j a*oy nnjy i^i
The first two lines are fairly clear. They appear to say : —
Sceptre shall not depart from Judah,
Nor staff of rule from before him ;
that is, Judah shall enjoy in his mountain land the independent
sovereignty already foreshadowed in the opening triplet. Zech.
x, 11, cited above, presents a parallel to the first line. G. 0<V
iic\eiy[rei apxtof eg 'loved may indicate the false readings rpD^ for
"Y1D'1 {cf nttf for TW, v. 22 ; and Ps. lxxiii, 19, 1QD = i^eXivov)
and E'vt^ (ch. xlii, 6 = upxw") f°r 1011^, but in the same general
sense. For the next line G gives kcu rfeyov/ievos eV twv ^r/pwu avrov,
J. et dux de femore ejus ; cf. ch. xlvi, 26, where "Ol"' ^^ = ol
egeXOovTe.? £k 7wv fir/pwv avrod. This indicates in what sense G
understood the text, but hardly a different reading, as jlN^T!
!~P 7^1 FQE3 is rendered to ege\66v rid twu firjp&v «imy?, Deut. xxviii,
57. The Chronicler seems to have understood the line in the
same way ; see 1 Chron. v, 2, where the brief ")20ft T1^ /) is as
clearly a paraphrase of V^l pD ppTflffl, as 113 PHim ^
186
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
■pnNB is of -piN m -[^ Yirrw- But evidently ■vfen pin,
which is parallel to miiT^ in the former stichus, depends on "I1D*1;
and ppn*2 i-s not leader ox marshal (Judges v, 14; Isa. xxxiii, 22),
but synonymous with tOl'ttfj as the parallelism requires (Num. xxi, 18;
cf Ps. xxiii, 4). As rp^l T2 means before her, at her feet (Judges
v, 27), V7JH "plD here will similarly denote from before him;
referring to the actual position of the long staff, grasped in the right
hand, as the chief walks or stands still ; and "V^Tl V2.72 is said
rather than V"P Tl^ (tf- Arab. &Ju j^JJ, between his hands, i.e.,
before him), because it is not a short sceptre that is really meant,
but a long staff reaching to the ground ; cf pw , the common Egyptian
hieroglyph for ura, great man, chief, and the long staff held by
Bedawi sheikhs and headmen of villages in the East at this day.
The difficulty of the following couplet centres in the enigmatical
!~H>,tI'% for which some MSS. and »* read, and the versions imply,
n^E?- The ordinary text n?"^ NT *0 TV can only mean Until
he (Judah) come to Shiloh (1 Sam. iv, 12), which is unsatisfactory, if
only on the ground that Shiloh was an Ephraimite, never the Judean
sanctuary. It would be better to emend DT^, to Salem, i.e.
Jerusalem (ch. xiv, 8 ; Ps. lxxvi, 2). David's reign over all Israel is
dated from his entry into Jerusalem (2 Sam. v, 5, sot/.), which then
became the capital of the united kingdom (cf. also 2 Sam. vii, 10).
There are other instances of confusion between O and PT at the end
of words. In Jer. xli, 5 (G. xlviii, 5) M. I^ll?, Shiloh, is ZaXrjfi,
Salem, in the Greek ; an instance of the reverse confusion. But a
local proper name is suspicious, standing thus alone in strange
contrast to the vague indefiniteness of the rest of the poem. Q.7 1^
or u7l2? might therefore be regarded as a secondary predicate,
and the line might be rendered, Until he come home unscathed ;
Judah being personified — like Benjamin in Judges v, 14 — as a
warrior who goes forth to battle in the common cause (Judges i,
1, 2); cf the phrase D^tP SpJP «1*,*1, ch. xxxiii, 18, and Ahab's
words □"\?1I,'r3. "Wl IV (1 Kings xxii, 27); also Amos i, 6, 9;
Nahum i, 12. Moreover, the term ^3,1 reminds us of *)2Niri in
Deut. xxxiii, 7 : —
Hear, Jahvah, the cry of Judah ;
And unto his people bring him home !
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
(12fcO]H "yfty 7N1) ; where the expression Ifty may very well
denote the folk left at home, and anxiously awaiting the return
of their warriors from the field. At all events, the striking simi-
larity between rhty Nl"1 "O "IV and IftJJ ^1 12N1TI can
hardly be accidental. Indeed rptV (or p| hw?)i to that which
belongs to him (= yt2V '&)■> maY> after all, be right ; in which
case we might render, Until he come to his own. The Song of
Deborah, which, in other respects, has served the author as a model,
sufficiently authenticates the ancient poetical use of the relative
particle 1& (Judges v, 7). Is it possible that John i, 11, eh to. I'hia
rjkOe, depends on this view of the passage ?
The versions, however, make IT/lV the subject of feQ,\ Thus
the Targum renders, NTTI^E NTf Txh*T\ NPPttJE W! "W>
Until the Messiah come whose is the kingdom, and the Peshitta, Until
he come whose it is (so also Saadiah) ; as if the Hebrew were
NIP! rr?tt$ Nl^ "O ~W, Until he come to -whom it (the sceptre)
belongeth. The Latin, Dotiec veniat qui mittendus est, conjectures
m/tV (PT7t2/) instead of H/tl?. The Greek ewsav e\0t] -raairoKelfieva
avriv, with the variants w or 5 awoKeirai, need not imply any difference
from M., except the pointing VOW (= lb ItTN)- T« awoKelfieva
avTi?=o airoKeirai (ain£) = yj *TC?N> that which is, or shall be,
his. The correction <? airoicenat involves the interpretation of the
oriental versions, and requires the addition of the demonstrative
Nlpf to the received text.
On the other hand, icei/iat and its compounds are somewhat rare
in G. For airoicenai, see Deut. xxxii, 34; Job xxxviii, 23; where
the words it represents are quite different. And elsewhere HtTN
Y? is simply t« ainov (e.g., ch. xxiv, 2). Possibly therefore, cnroKei/nai
in our passage indicates a various reading, as Professor Cheyne
has suggested. In 2 Sam. xiii, 32, Jl^lV iirvn = G. ?\v icelfievos,
and Symmachus gives a.-6?t«/ for Q1^ in Job xxxiv, 23. This
suggests that G. may have had QW H; before it ; and as ty, 72
resemble each other in the ancient writing (vA7VN^), TV? DW was
perhaps a pre-Septuagintal corruption of H^tl^S • The omission
of one of the similar letters would account for the reading nbllf •
All this, however, is very precarious, inasmuch as G. may be only
1.
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
paraphrastic of M., and TOW (^^w) may almost equally well
represent the remains of an original i~D/ft (^-V^^)- In either
case, the passage strongly reminds us of Zech. ix, 9, "pra tl2Tl
"T7 N")!"1, Behold, thy king will come to thee.' and the suggestion
of relation is strengthened by the context of both passages : cf. the
expressions mV^. "CjIN *C1 (v. n) with -»iy Sjn Tl^n hv
m:n« p (Zech. i.e.) ; and our next line, Q1fty Hip"1 *lSl, with
Zechariah's, D'HJl1? 217^ "111") > which is followed by a definition
of the extent of the king's dominion ("1712^2). It is worth while
also to compare Jer. xxx, 21, "QlpD lStOTn30O YYn» mm
Nl>i; Micah v, 1 ; and iv, 8, POttttTn H^tt^n HNIT, as well
as the suffrage, " Thy kingdom come !"
That the Greek translators, like those of the other versions,
understood the passage in a Messianic sense, is evident from their
peculiar rendering of the last line of the quatrain. They in fact
seem to substitute a"W mpn Nim for Cray mp"1 *h\ (G., Kal
«vto9 TrpoacoKia eOvwv, cf. Job xiv, 7, mpj"\j Symmachus, 7rpos8oKi'a'
Lam. ii, 16). J. follows, with Ei ipse erit expectatio gentium.
Keeping the Hebrew text of this line, we might render the
couplet —
Until he come home unscathed (0?; to his own),
Having the submission of peoples.
But a verb would seem more natural in place of nnp\ which is
only vouched for by the phrase QN nnp*,> obedience to a mother,
Prov. xxx, 17. Accordingly, **. alters to Ijinp1, a vox nihili, for
which the Sam. Targum gives T"n^J-p, will be drawn or led. The
Targum of Onkelos has py£]"^\ will obey ; cf. Kautzsch and
Socin's und die Volker sich ihm nntenverfen. Saadiah's And u?ito
him the peoples gather, suggests the highly interesting reading Yip"1 ■
see Jer. iii, 17, where the Arabic renders y)py\ by the same verb
which it uses here (w*Ir>-\). As the Greek version elsewhere
confuses mp> to wait or hope for, with mp2, to gather together, e.g.,
in Jer. viii, 15, and Micah, v, 6 (7), it is quite possible that ical
(tiros irpoocoKia idvCbv here is a paraphrase of an original Ylp^ yy\
1 T .
D^QJX This is confirmed by the Syriac JloSbl tQQEQJ Ol^O, and
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
for him the peoples wait (pointing ifipi for y\p^ cf. v. 18 Syr.).
The whole quatrain might thus be a direct prophecy of the Messiah-
king :
The sceptre shall not depart from Judah,
Nor the rod of rule from before him,
Until his King shall come,
And to Him the peoples gather !
Such perhaps was the way in which the text was read and
understood by the author of the beautiful prophecy, Zech. I.e. It
is obvious that if it be substantially or approximately correct, the
poem must be assigned to the period of the literary prophets. On
the other hand —
The sceptre shall not depart from Judah,
Nor the rod of rule from before him,
Until he come home unscathed (or, to his own)
Having the submission of peoples !
seems to agree better with the context. It is only after Judah's
warfare has ended in victory that he can " tether his ass colt to
the vine, The foal of his she ass to the choice vine," and enjoy the
profuse plenty of his fair land of vineyards and pastures. It also
also agrees better with Judah's blessing in Deut. xxxiii, 7, which is
simply a prayer for victory and conquest (the third line may be thus
restored —
y? 3,"\n "TT1 Let thine hand contend for him ! or
V? Q*^n IT1 His hand lift up for him !
cf. Ps. lxxxix, 13, 43; Micah v, 8; Deut. xxxii, 27; Exod. xvii,
n, sqq.).
Little remains to be said of the closing hexastich (vv. 11, 12),
which in striking metaphor depicts the tribe as a happy prodigal, in
careless enjoyment of the good gifts of the soil. In verse 2 we read
nmD3 with **, instead of the mutilated nJTlD of M., which is
found nowhere else. G. confirms the correction with ti)v TrepiftoXrjv
(ivrou (cf. Exod. xxii, 26, rmiDlD = ~epij3d\aiov avToii) ; and S. has
fPD^n in both places.
Addendum 1 (p. 176). T« vevpa, perhaps ="HV|, a corruption of
^JHf • ^n ^at case, fipayiovwv xcil)0K a-vTwv is a conflate reading.
190
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Addendum 2 (p. 179). A learned friend's objection that even a
metaphorical reference to the peculiar institution of Naziritism is
surprising in this context, has led me to reconsider the closing line
of Joseph's blessing. I would now suggest the correction ""012, in
the sense "hated of," or "estranged from:" cf the term -ft, and
the Assyrian zaru, izlr, to hate. The form, no doubt, would be a
seme/ dictum in this sense ; but so is the hophal "ftltt in Ps. lxix, 9,
which may be regarded as a parallel and perhaps imitative
passage. The same correction would, of course, have to be made
in Deut. xxxiii, 16. Perhaps, however, it may be thought safer to
retain "VT2 in both passages, as a nominal formation from the
same root Tn*> "VT, to hate, and in much the same sense; cf. *W±
from "Tit-
Addendum 3 (p. 183). As Judah is a lion, Benjamin a wolf, Dan
a serpent, Joseph a hart, Issachar an ass, it is possible that Simeon
and Levi are not HTTSt , brothers, but DTTtt, hyenas (Isa. xiii, 21).
It is but the difference of a point ; and the title agrees with the
actual meaning of Simeon (pyttttf ; cf p^lS; and Arab. ^_X-,
a hybrid between wolf and hyena).
NOTE ON LENGTH AND BREADTH IN EGYPTIAN.
By P. le Page Renouf.
In a short review which appeared in the Academy, 4 May, 1895,
I introduced a paradox about the Egyptian words for length and
breadth, in the hope of eliciting a contradiction. But by the omission
(which I only recognised after publication) of a couple of words, my
paradox will I fear have had the appearance of an error. I might
easily have supported my criticism by the authority of the book
reviewed, but I purposely quoted authorities which seemed to
contradict me, though they do not really do so. The fact is that
both J^ and |^| signify length in the geometrical sense. But
in what direction ? I conceive ^\ to apply to what lies straight
before the spectator, in a picture or plan, and f^| to what runs at
right angles to that.
191
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXIV.
Chapter whereby one cometh to the Divine Circle of Osiris.
My soul buildeth for me a Hall (1) in Tattu and I flourish in Pu.
My fields are ploughed by those who belong to me : therefore is
my palm tree like Amsu.
Abominations, abominations, I eat them not. I abominate filth,
I eat it not.
[Peace offerings are my food, by which I am not upset]
I approach it not with my hands ; I tread not upon it with my
sandals ; for my bread is of the white corn and my beer of the red
corn of the Nile.
It is the Sektit boat, or it is the Atit boat, which bringeth them
to me, and I feed upon them under the foliage of the Tamarisk. (2)
I know how beautiful are the arms which announce Glory for
me (3) and the white crown which is lifted up by the divine Uraei.
O thou Gate-keeper of him who pacifieth the world, let that be
brought to me of which oblations are made, and grant that the floors
may be a support for me, and that the glorious god may open to me
his arms, and that the company of gods be silent whilst the
Hammemit (4) converse with me.
O thou who guidest the hearts of the gods, protect me and let
me have power in heaven among the starry ones.
And every divinity who presenteth himself to me, be he reckoned
to the forerunners of Ra : be he reckoned to the forerunners of
Light and to the Bright ones who deck the sky amid the Mighty
ones.
192
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Let me have my will there of the Bread and Beer with the gods ;
that I enter through the Sun-disk and come forth through the Divine
Pair, that the gods who follow may speak to me, and that Darkness
and Night may be terrified before me in Mehit-urit, by the side of
him "Who is in his Sanctuary."
And lo I am here with Osiris. My measure is his measure (5)
among the mighty ones. I speak to him the words of men and
I repeat to him the words of gods.
There cometh a glorified one, equipped, who bringeth Maat to
those who love her.
I am the Glorified one and the Equipped. And better equipped
am I than any of the Glorified.
Notes.
7rp6co/iio9, ' Vorsaal,' first room of a temple or palace. The sense of
harim which has been ascribed to it in certain texts is entirely
erroneous. The temple inscriptions (see Brugsch, Zeitschr., 1875,
p. 118, and fob, and Mariette, Detiderah, I, 6) leave no doubt on
the subject. If there were " ladies of the royal antechamber," it
by no means follows that they were wives or concubines of the
king, and hall or antechamber convey a very different idea from
that of the most reserved portion of the house.*
Pictures and inscriptions on mummy cases identify the term
mythologically with that portion of the sky whence the first rays of
the rising sun are visible.
The mention of the word in the Pyramid Texts (Pefii, I, 672)
is in connection with the notion of food, "^ \j\-
* The V\ I mentioned in the tablet of Pa-shere-en-Ptah are not
/WWV> CJ J L I
concubines, as Brugsch and others have thought, but female children, as Birch
rightly asserted. Cf. my Hibbert Lectures, p. 79, note. It is the feminine
form of D
There is also another word, ^ , applied on the walls of tombs to
persons {male as well as female) executing certain gymnastic movements.
193 P
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895
2. We have here a repetition of passages to the same effect as in
Chapters S3 (A and B) and others. The Pyramid Texts (Tela,
344) have a section nearly identical.
3. The arms which announce Glory for me. The clue to the
-<E>-
meaning of this passage is to be found in , which is a relative
form implying an antecedent, which can only be " the arms."
The arms which announce Glory for me are to be explained by
the usages of the ancient ritual, which prescribed certain postures
or attitudes in the ceremony of -cs>- I ^s^ , as in other forms
wherein the arms played a great part. These religious ceremonies,
it must always be remembered, were considered as dramatic repre-
sentations of what was done in the invisible world.
4. The Hammemit, j| ^^ ^ jj| j . or fD J^ ^ZI _y
rjf $ ' ' H!] \5^, l^v vfck. V $T Jl ' ' the generations °f human
beings yet unborn.
5. My measure is his measure. The meaning of L v\ v^\ jj
or ^ b^. \k^v V C3 can on^ ^e mferred fr°m the form
lj v\ v\ yj which occurs repeatedly in the great Harris
Papyrus and some other documents.
The scribe of the Turin Todtenbuch carelessly omitted the second
part of the phrase, and therefore altered the grammatical construc-
tion. This is how M. Pierret came to conjecture the sense
'proclaim,' which is not suggested by any of the ancient authorities,
or even by the later ones. The reading of the Leyden Papyrus
T, 16 is identical with that of the oldest papyrus.
194
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
TWO MONUMENTS WITH A VOTIVE FORMULA
FOR A LIVING PERSON.
Dr. A. Wiedemann.
So little notice is taken of the fact, that of the so-called funeral
monuments, especially the stelae, many are found, the inscriptions
of which prove that they were votive objects not for the dead but
for living persons, even although the formula is composed for the
Ka of the person. As on the objects of offering for the dead, the
inscriptions on these pieces are composed after fixed formulas, of
which one is found on the two following monuments — a third
example of the same formula was published by myself, Rec. de trav.
rel., etc., XVII, p. 13.
1. Fragment of a stela, rounded at the top, calcarious stone.
Geneva, Musee Fol. 1305. A man incenses before an altar, behind
which sits a goddess, the sQ between the cow-horns on the head and
J and ■¥- in the hands. Above, in four vertical lines : (1) I A
U I (4) M$ *$> — - ^ , "Royal offering to Hathor, the lady of
Hetep (?), the lady of the heaven ; may she give life, welfare, health,
insight, praise, love, an agreeable old age, an agreeable life to the
Ka of [Amen ?]-hat."
2. Water basin, calcarious stone, diameter 27 m Geneva Uni-
versity Museum, D. 59. Inscription at the upper edge, to the left :
*=j(^nZty];gl Oil' "R°yal offering to Anuki, the lady of
Sati (?) ; may she give a good lifetime without evil to the Ka of
the setem Maa in the place of Truth Hul." To the right :
Anuki, the lady of the heaven, the mistress of the two lands ; may
she give life, welfare, health, insight to the Ka of Hui." The sign
195 p 2
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
T is written on the original only once, the two inscriptions join in it.
It is curious how differently the word sept her is written in these
texts, the first sign having the forms A , m or I .
As no designation of relationship is given, it is impossible to
decide to whom of the ast Maa functionaries with the name Hui
(cf. Maspero, Rec. de trav. re/., etc., II, 187, sq.) this basin be-
longed. A hitherto unknown man with the same title appears on a
small rudely worked stela in the same Museum at Geneva, D. 54,
rounded at the top, 27 m high, i9cm large. Here a standing man
(1) *$ Q7\ (2) QA X37 ^ (3) ^ adores the standing
divinities A Jf\ ,vZv' | 9X and u~. .In the name of Isis
the writing for a\ , which brings to mind the time of Chu-
en-aten, is remarkable. Below a man and a woman are sitting before
^ - — °^ s^-
an altar. They are called *&' £YA %$&. Mr and
ll -L ^ v 4- ^'""^ ^T ' ^ut t^ie reac^'n» °f these signs is
very difficult from the circumstance that the stone had been used
at an earlier time for another representation, which was not quite
erased when the actual text was inscribed.
The style of the last monument calls to mind the style of stela
D. 55 of the same Museum (26™ high, 19°° large), though the
workmanship of the latter is better. Near an altar is seated a god-
dess, behind her stands a large nosegay ; the inscription above has
been destroyed, only n 7M (?) J\ remains of the first vertical line
Below two women, of which the first sacrifices a vase, are kneeling ;
> O o v y t /"'*? AAAAAA -<o>- \^S
a vertical inscription says : (1) ^ r=^=, of J L_f I
(5) $> ^ (6) „ (7)
The reading of the name of
Horus of Edfu, which forms a part of the name of the first woman,
has changed several times in these last years. The older reading
was Hut, it is retained by Lanzone (Diz. di mit., p. 668), and
Maspero {Hist, anc, p. 100). Renouf (Proc, VIII, p. 144; cf. XIII,
p. 316 ; not Erman, who proposed only {Aeg. Z., 1882, p. 8) to read
196
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Bhdti instead of Bhdt), pronounces on the authority of a demotic
variant Behutet.* Erman (A eg. Z, 29, p. 63) thought that the name
was to be spelt Dbhti, because some inscriptions of the old empire gave
for the word <=^3 1 9 the variant ■ and similar forms.!
These variants, refered to by Erman, are very well known, J and they
will have induced Birch {Egypt. Galleries of the Brit. Mus., I (1874),
p. 23) to give as a name of the winged disk side by side with Hut
Tebhut, § but for the right spelling of the god-name they are not
decisive : *=. is a polyphone sign ; it is therefore necessary to prove
for each word, in which it is found, the specially suited reading, and
it is of no importance whether in other words it was spelled thus or
otherwise. As Mr. Renouf has shown, that Horus of Edfu was
called Her behutet ; we have to retain this reading as certain, and
have no reason to introduce another name for the god or for his town.
As regards the origin of the name, I think, we must remember,
that in a magical papyrus at Leyden || is found the bird-name
J| ^^ Jj, which is related to the radical 1 9 £ fl, "to cut,
kill, hunt," and denotes a bird of prey. Brugsch thought, perhaps,
" the vulture " ; a more exact translation would be " hawk," in re-
membrance of the reference of Horapollo, I, 7, that /3ai>/9- (cf Copt.
&.&.YT, accipiter) is a designation of the hawk, and that this word
is formed of /Sat, "soul" ("fe^ da), and v&, "heart" («=^, § °
hdti, lieti), which would give a form (^^ 9 aN for the Egyptian
word. Horus was therefore called Behudet, in consequence of his
incarnation as a hawk, and his town Edfu received its name as the
town belonging to the hawk-god.
Cf. Tequier, Note sur quelqi4es rois de la \2.e dyn., p. 2. Mr. Piehl has
found, as he stated at the Congress of Orientalists at Geneva, some hieroglyphic
variants giving the same reading.
t It is curious to note, that already before the appearance of the article of
Erman, Mr. Krebs {Wochenschr. Jiir Klass. Philol., VIII, p. 149), writes:
" already a long time it is known, that the right name is not Hor behudet,
but Hor debehti."
+ Cf. p. ex., Levi, Diz., V, 23, and specially the name 1 9 /wvaaa
in Leps. D., II, 35-7, and de Rouge, Six prem. dyn., p. 64.
§ Ae%. Z., 1874, p. 65. Birch gave on the authority of other variants the
reading Tebat.
|| PI. II, 1. 4 ; cf. Pleyte, Etudes egypt., p. 25.
197
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
It appears to me, that the same bird is quoted also in Todtenbuch,.
cap. 55,* where it is said : " I convey breezes in presence of the
Glorious One to the ends of the sky, to the ends of the earth,
^^B^^^T^G^T? ° (the text of Naville gives at the
end [) ^\ I 8 ^\ ; 1 (1 ^\ in Pa is only an error in copying, for
1 9 Vr * tmn^ tnat we nave to ta^e neret su-t in its most
usual sense as "wing," n as a sign of the genitive, be/iu(f)as "hawk,"
translating the passage, "till to the wings of the (Horus) hawk."
"The wings of the sun," Horus of Edfu being a sun-god, are used
in these words to mean " the utmost ends of the world " (cf. for the
idea, Psalm cxxxix, 9), and the whole is in parallelism with the ends
of the sky, or of the earth, spoken of just before.
The Grange,
Northwood,
Middlesex.
Dear Mr. Rylands, April 2nd, 1894.
The bronze figure described by Mr. F. L. Griffith in the January
No. of the " Proceedings " reminds me of a bronze figure of Isis (?)
which I possess. The figure is 7 inches high from the feet to the
top of the head, and the horns and disc add another inch. Below
the feet is a " tang " about an inch long. The whole of the front
of the head, face, neck, and ears, are covered with a thin plate of
silver. At the back of the head the silver is worn away, and the
elaborate wig, which descends to the shoulders, is visible.
The position of the hands : the right raised in deprecation, and
the left with the fingers clenched and the thumb extended, is very
unlike that of any other figure of Isis 1 have seen. I send you a
photograph, which you may like to re-produce.
Yours truly,
Walter L. Nash.
* Goodwin (A eg. Z., 1866, p. 54) found the Chapter LV in a more developed
form in the Todtenbuch of Queen Mentuhetep ; a fact proving it to be a very
ancient text.
t For other explanations of the passage, cf. Birch in Bunsen, Egypt's Place,
V, p. 203, 377 ; Renouf, Proceedings, XV, p. 289, seq. ; Pierret left the words
untranslated; Budge, The Papyrus of Ani, p. 96.
108
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. May, 1893.
BRONZE FIGURE OF ISIS. THE HEAD COVERED WITH SILVER.
IN THE COLLECTION OF WALTER L. NASH, ESQ.
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ASSYRIOLOGICAL NOTES.
By Professor Dr. Fritz Hommel.
§ 6. Scheil in his excellent "Notes d'Epigraphie et d'Archeologie
Assyriennes," § XXI {Recueil, XVII, p. 81), communicates an
Aramaic inscription of a Perso-Aramaic cylinder ("au centre, une
porte cintree, grillee en losanges, et aux rebords rayonnants —
peut-etre la porte du Soleil levant "), consisting only in these
words :
" 011 la premiere lettre est bien la preposition d'attribution, Malki,
d'autre part, n'offrant pas de difficuites ; il n'en est pas de meme de
\ilonsah, qui n'offre aucun sens."
Who would not think here of the Cosssean town Bit-Kilamsahy
well known from the inscriptions of Sennacherib ? Kilam-sah seems
to be the founder of this town, and the name is composed of an
element kilam, ghila??i (Q7^, which before the dental sibilant
becomes y?y> ghilan), with which may be compared nlam-, in Ulam-
burias, etc.,* the name of the Elamitic god Sa/j, or the Sungod
(compare above, "la porte du Soleil levant"). I translate therefore :
"to Ghilan-sah, my king." The mere fact that we here find a
Cosssean king with a name of pure Cosssean-Elamitic origin in the
Persian time, is of the highest historical value.
§ 7. In the contract-tablets of the later kings of Ur we read :
mu Ga?nil-Sin lugal-i ma-da Za-ab-sa-li^-ki) mu-gul, " in the year
when Gamil-Sin, the king, the land Zabshali attacked," and : mu dur-
* A similar name is Ilinzash, the name of a fortress in the Median country
Bit-Barru, which Sennacherib conquered, and to which he gave the new name
Kar-Sinacherib. I would have compared this name with nDJ?y, but it seems
originally a local name, whilst Kilamsah (in Bit-K. ) is evidently the name of a
king, as is the case with nD3?y.
199
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
sal lugalla pa-ti-si Za-ab-sa-li-ki ba-tuk, "in the year when the daughter
of the king became vice-queen of Zabshali " (Scheil, " Notes
d'Epigraphie et d'Archeologie Assyriennes," Recueil, XVII, p. 37 f.).
Now we meet in the Gudea-inscription statue B, 6, 3 ff., the
phrase :
Sha-ma-num ghar-sag Me-nu-a-ta, »-£|J£y | -sal-la ghar-sag Mar-tu-ta
tag na-gal im-ta-dul-du, na-ru-a-ku mu-gim
i.e., from Shamanu in the mountains of Menua (Mivvd? in Armenia,
see Nic. Damasc. in Joseph. Antiq., 1, 3, 6), from Sub-sal-la in the
mountains of Martu, nagal stones he has caused to be brought, in
slabs he has caused them to be cut.
This Sub-salla must be the same region as Zabsali in the contract
tablets of the time of the later kings of Ur.
Concerning the sign >-£|I&f|, it is known that it has the two
values sub and viu. The same sign seems to be found in an in-
scription of Sargon of Agadi, Hilprecht, pi. 2, col. i, 7 : sub-u-la-ti
Bili, "the subjects (otherwise ba-u-la-ti) of the god Bel" (compare
usMl, uspil, shafel of ba'dlu).
§ 8. The etymology of the words D7^, DTlN, DTty, and
Babyl. illamu. The Babylonian illamu signifies, " what is in front
of" (locally), as also temporally "before"; e.g., illamifa, "in front
of me," " opposite to me," but also "before me." As a substantive,
it must have had the sense of " entrance hall " ; in this meaning the
Hebrews borrowed the word as D"^ (such is the better reading,
instead of QT^N, compare LXX alXafi). An abbreviation of illam
is lam, e.g. lam abubi, " before the flood." Etymologically the
Hebrew Q 7W, " time of old," " eternity," corresponds to this Babyl.
illamu. We have quite the same development in the word kitdmu
(in Babyl. also a synonym of God, " the primeval "), Hebr. Dip
(opposite "inN, " what is behind," and then, " what is coming,"
" future," compare Arab, al-akhiratu).
Also Elamtu, Hebr. 37^, seems to me originally " the land in
front of (Babylonia)," the East land, as opposed to Amurrfi, "the
West land" (Synon. Martu, the land of the Amorites, for Amartu). It
is true, that the ideograph for Elamtu, Nim-ki, is generally explained
by the Babylonians themselves as " Highland " (mm = ilu and
200
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
sakii) ; but for the Babylonians the conceptions, " in front of" and
"above" were almost identical; compare 3 R. 43, putu Uu sadu,
opposite putu saplu amurru.
Quite another origin must be ascribed to the Hebr. particle
OTlN> Dvfc*, "notwithstanding," "but," oh fiTjv aWa, which I think
a secondary derivation of ^7^ (Babyl. ulai), "perhaps," "or,''
" or when " : it has nothing to do with the Babyl. loanword DT5"1^
" entrance hall."
Paul de Lagarde, in his " Uebersicht," p. 115, compared with
07"i}7 the Arabic J_^ " the water upon which is the earth," " the
sea," " water covered in the earth, beneath layers of the earth."
Here the Arabs preserved a " primeval " mythological remembrance
of the oldest times of the earth, the chaos ; " time of old " (OTty),
and " chaos " are synonyma.
S 9. An overlooked Palaestinian letter of the Amarna period.
One of the most interesting historical texts is 4 R. 34, No. 2*
I give in the following a transcription, not venturing to add a
translation, in sight of so many obscure expressions. The text
runs : A-na-ku 71I ak-ru-bak-kam-ma (or akrabakamma T) sa gur-ru-
bi-ia (or kurrubla ?) ng-tar-ri-bak-kam-ma (or uktarribakamma ?) a-na
su-hi-i-ri sa sarrani sa li-mi-ti-ka il-tak-nu-ka-ma
(2 = 41) u a-mi-ni dib-bu-ku-nu a-na sd-sar-ra-bi-i mas-lu su-ma
sa at-ta tas-pu-ra um [-ma ?] : istu istin umi ina alu Zak-ka-lu-it
tu-ki-i-an-ni
(3 = 42) im-ma-ti sa-pa-a-ru sa mun-tal-ku-tu u li-i-u-ti su-ma u
ku-un-nu-tu (or : ku-un-nu as-su ?, or ku-un-nii ina katl) arad Assur-
suma-ustisir
(4 = 43) sa it-ti bi-li-su ii-ru-du-nis-sum-ma a-na mati an-ni-ti
il-H-kani-ma abu-71-a u-sa-ta i-pu-sa-as-sum-ma
(5 = 44) a-na mati-sti li-tir-ru-su ul-tu at-ta Har-bi-si-pak Ha-
bir-ai ti-ma ta-sak-ka-nu su-u ina pa-ni-ka u su-us (from sasu, to
speak ?) u ip-pa-lam a-gan-na
(6 = 45) [/-] kab-bi (or ta-kab-bi?) um-ma a-kit-tam-ma (adverb?
written |J iz]^ ^ £f) is-tin unia ina alu Zak-ka-lu-u u-ki-ia-an-na-si
ina lib-bi-ku-nu man-nu ki-i sarri ma ti-ma i-sak-\ka-an ?]
* Compare my " Geschichte," p. 156, and 432 f . ; Tiele, " Geschichte,"
p. 145. Hai.EVY, "Journ. Asiat.," 1891, November to December, p. 547.
201
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/FOLOGY. [1895.
(7 = 46) Bel-matati lim-ku-tam-ma dib-bu sa mat Assur
a-na sa-sar-ra-bi-i lu-u mas-lu u ina pi-i a-ha-mis dib-bi li- (or
hi-bi-li )
(8 = 47) di-ba-ni 11 ina tnati-Su lu-ti a-sib ul-tu a-na
mat Akkad-ki il-li-ka i-na bu-ni su-u ih-hi-
(9 = 48) -lik-ma Nindar-tuklat- Assur bilu-su ina mati
an-ni-ti ik-ka-li Nindar-tukldt-Assur sa a-na bi-lu-ti-su
(10 = 49) u a-sib Nindar-tuklat- Assur i-na la bi-lu-ti-su
sa Assur-suma-ustisir Bi l ma tati (compare line 7) im-ma-ti 11-ka-
(11 = 50) -// ul-tu abu-zi-a ana mati-su u-tir-ru-su ib-ni-
ma dib-bi sa tas-ri-ih-ti i-dib-bu-bi sa tas-pu-ra um-ma a-na-ku ki-i
(12 = 51) hi u-pak-ku-u ta-ab-tam-ma sa mat Akkad(-ki)~
u mat Assur *-»~y Ir-sagga at-ta ki-i lib-bi-ka i-pu-us ana (?) *-* -tu-u
ta-sap-pa-ra
(13 = 52) -a)i-ni ma a-ha-mis lu-u ni-mur u sa-nu-ti-
ik-ka ia-sap-pa-ra um-ma ta-ab-tam-ma sa mat Akkad(-ki) u mat
Assur i-ir *^-
(14 = 53) ~bu $a sarrdni ma-a su-u sa a-na Har-bi-
si-pak tak-bu-u um-ma a-ki-i ana-ku ak- ma Ni?idar-\tuklat-
Assur] . . .
(15 = 54) u a-sib (or u-a-sib) ma lu-bir ma a-ha-mis
i ni-mur-su-nu Nindar-tukldt-Assur it-ti ana mat Ki-\iia-
ah-hi?]
(16 = 55) Nindar-tuklat- Assur ul hi-bi {i.e., deletum)
ir-mu an-na i-na ikli ul-li-ia-mi u -as-sar-
(17 = 56) -ka-ta-ku kat-tak-tu-Jis (or su tak-tu-us)
ul-tu tak-
(18 = 57) am (?) -mi-fii la li-bi-ram-ma
mi-nu-u sa
(19 = 5 8) \Nindar-~\tuklat- Assur it-ti-ia
a-na mat I-ri-ka-at-ta su-
(20 = 59) [Nindar-]tukldt-Assur ki-i pi-i
dib-bi-ma
(21 = 60) \Nindar^\tukldt- Assur sa tak-
bu-u um-ma ku-lu-u-u la zi-ka-ru su-u
(22 = 61) -za-tu-nu u ba-na-tu-nu
Nindar-tukldt-Assur
(23 = 62) u i-na bu-ni ki-i pi-su-nu
am-mi-ni la ga-mir
202
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
(24 = 63) sa tas-pu-ra utn-ma . . .
(25 = 64) m&t Assur-ki sal-mis-
ma mat Akkad-ki la ih-ba-\tu\
The peculiar proper names of this text are Assur-suma-ustisir,
line 3 and 10, Nindar-tukldt-Assur 9, 10, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22,
Harbisipak the Khabirite 5, 14, the names of countries and towns :
Akkad and Assur 12, 13, 25, Zakkalu 2, 6, Irikatta 19, and
perhaps Kinahhi 15. The title bel-matdti, otherwise of the kings of
Babylonia, is found 7 and 1 o, and is written *■*-] >-J^ kur-kur, as it
seems, in near connection with the name Assur-suma-ustisir (perhaps
the name of a still unknown king of Assyria). Or is Bel-matati here
a title of the god Nebo? Concerning Irikatta, we have here a
variant of the well known Phoenician town 'Arka, Assyrian Ar-ka-a
(Delitzsch, " Paradies," p. 282), but in the Amarna letters Ir-ka-ta
(compare Bezold, " Tell el-Amarna Tablets," p. lxxii) ; our text
gives a new instance for this Irkata, and proves thereby and
by the mention of a Khabirite, its close affinity with the Amarna
letters. The name of the Khabirite, Kharbisipak, is Cassitic,
which is of the greatest importance for the problem of the origin
of the Khabirites. This people gave to the town Kiryat-Arba
(Rubuti in the Amarna tablets) the new name Khebron ; one of
them was a certain Kudurra son of Basish, who is mentioned in a
new-found boundary stone * close after Kharbi-Bel, perhaps the
same as our Kharbi-Shipak, since Shipak is the Cossaean name of
Bel-Merodakh.f It is now clear that the Khabiri cannot be the
Hebrews, as some Assyriologists have supposed. The town Zakkalu
I should like to identify with " Dor (-)N^ of the Bible), the town of
the Zakkar," which is mentioned in an Egyptian inscription c, 1050
b.c. (W. Max Muller, " Asien und Europa," p. 388).
Concluding this paragraph, I may be allowed to add some few
philological remarks to this difficult text. Line 1, akrubakkamma for
akruba-ka-ma, 1st sing, with the suffix pronoun of the 2nd sing.
Line 2 : " Since one day thou hast looked (or waited) for me in
the Zakkalite town " (compare line 6, " he waited for us in the Z
* Scheil, "Recueil," XVI, p. 32; Hilprecht, "Assyriaca," p. n, note
(time of the king Marduk-akhi-irba).
t In this latter case — which is of course possible, but not yet to be exactly
proved — our letter would be written in the time of the king Marduk-akhi-iiba,
c. 1065 B.C., and not in the so-called Amarna period (<r. 1450).
203
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
town"). Line 3, immati (compare line 10), perhaps for ina mati,
"when." Line 4, "the servant of Assur-suma-ustisir, whom with his
lord they expelled (or drove away), came to this country, and my
father did help him, and brought him back to his land, since thou
didst make report to Kharbisipak, the Khabirite " (Tiele : since
thou, O Kharbisipak, didst give advice), etc. Line 5, tt sits u
ippalam ; u . . . . u perhaps " either ... or " (either speaking or
answering ?). Line 6, akittamma, " truly " ? compare appitimma,
"henceforth." Line 7, dibbu sa mat Assur, etc., compare line 2,
amini (why) dibbu-kunu, etc. ; the letter seems to be written by a
Babylonian high official to the Assyrians. Line 9, ikkali, nifal of
is?2, to retain, hold back; compare ku-lu-u-u, line 21 (Pi'el).
Line 11, ultu abua, compare line 4, abua ttsata ipttsd-su ; his father
perhaps is the king of Babylonia. Line 1 2, «-| Ir-sag, a later
form for «-| Ur-sag ( = Nin-ib, viz. Nindar) ; perhaps here for
karradu atta. The expression tabtamma sa mat Akkad u mat
Assur, means " the good mutual understanding (or agreement)
between Akkad and Assur." Line 1 3, i-ir, 3 sing, of ^1^ (Delitzsch,
Handworterb., p. 50), to go, to come to. Line 14, perhaps aki
(when) anaku ak\rubakam\ma, compare line 1. Line 16, mi in
ullia-mi, the same particle (for ma) as in the Amarna tablets.
Line 22, banatunn, 2nd plur. perf. (or so-called permansive) of banu ;
compare kakku rigma nasatunu ana dakm, K. 9875, 3, 10 (Bezold,
Catalogue, Vol. Ill, p. 1045 ; Strong, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XVI,
p. 279); the fem. 2nd pi., must have been banatina, because of the
analogy of statu, sina, and of kunusi, ft ina si (4 R., 2nd ed., 29, 4c;
rev. 1, 13, ai-si-ki-na-st). Line 23, ina buni, compare line 8.
§ 10. In the inscription of Agu-kak-rimi (5 R. 2>Z) we read,
col. 2, line 36 ff —
36. abna za-gin-kur-ra (or uknu sadi, lapis lazuli)
abna su (written kd) Mar-ha-si arku
37. abna hulal itti (written saAV^ {J*~, i.e., za-ditn-igi)
abna hulal sir-gir (viz. sirgarri or musgarri)
38. abna za-ditn gus-simid (^| *~)
abna za-ditn ^ ^*~ (otherwise za-ditn ^ >— *~- )
39. abna mat Mi-luh-ha (otherwise abnu za-sun Mi-luh-ha or
Sdndu of Melukh)
40. abna parfiti (written gis-sir-gal)
204
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
41. abna sal-la (otherwise = ilia) ak-ra 71 abna ilia
42. sa »t< (read *^, sum ?)-s?( na-as-ku
43. a-na as-rat Marduk
44. 71 Sar-pa-ni-tum
45. hi-71 ad-di-nu-ma
46. 77i7i-7ih-hi hi-bii-7is-ti
47. i-lu-ii-su-nu
48. ra-bi-tim
49. lu-za-i-i-nu
i.e., "the lapis lazuli of the mountains, the green tooth of Markhasi,
etc., etc., I presented to the temples of Merodach and his wife,
and adorned with it the garments of their grand divinity." In
another text (4 R. 18, No. 3) we meet instead of these ten precious
stones the nine following : hulal mi, muSgarru, luddlu, sdndu, 7iknii,
duM, aban nisikti (or su&u), ilmi§u (ti^ft vTf), and abmi sa pi*
in-gu-su hurasa 7ihhuz7i, " for the adornment of the breast of the
king" (a 77a irti illili sa sarri ana stm&ti sakdnu), to which may be
compared the nine precious stones of Ezekiel xxviii, 13 (for the
covering of the king of Tyre), whilst the twelve stones of the breast-
plate belonged to the pontiff, and not to a king.
In the above given list of Agukakrimi, two names are exceedingly
remarkable. Line 38 we read, abna hul&l (or za-d/)n) ^| >— ; this
1 read gus-simid, and compare the " khesbed of Babel" (a kind of
lapis lazuli) of the Egyptian inscriptions. The other name is " the
green ka (or su, i.e., h'nnu, " tooth ") of Markhashi," or emerald
(smaragd), perhaps the same as the " green aban nisikli" 5 R. 30,
No. 5, line 67. Since the north Syrian town Markhasi (the modern
Mar'ash) is otherwise written Markasi, it seems to me very probable
that the etymology of " smaragd," Arabic zabargad and zu7/i7imid,
Hebrew barkat, Greek ff/jApa^Sos, fidpa^Soi, Indian marakata and
777asdraka, lies in the Babylonian su-Mar&kas of Agu-kak-rimi.
§ 1 j a. Dr. Bruno Meissner identifies in his paper "Lexicalische
Studien " (Z.A., VIII, 1893), p. 82-85, the Babylonian word S7itafii},
"consort," "companion," with Syr. NErniZ? sa7ilaphd, " socius,"
* Sumerian Jf^| "^ \^\\-bi tag-tag-ga gusgin-ta garra ; compare ■£- ^f f
(read sal-la) = fu "mouth," Brunnow, No. 10,958, and ^fyf^ tag— ingii,
2 R. 41, "]c The abnu sal-la of Agukakrimi seems to be the same stone as the
abnn sa pi ittguSu Jiurdsa uhhuzu of 4 R. 18, No. 3.
205
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
and derives it from a root apu (""Q")), "to be united, joined" (other-
wise Jensen, Z.A., VIII, 85, note 1 : borrowed from Sumerian
su-tab, compare tappu from Sumer. tab). I am able to add to these
corresponding words a third, viz., the Ethiopic fV "£(£:, sutuf,
" socius, consort," T^i^di!, " societatem inire," which belong to
the oldest stock of Ethiopic words. Therefore, the word must have
been carried in very ancient times by Arab tradesmen from Babylonia
to the eastern and southern Arabs, from whom it passed to the
Ethiopians.
b. Another old borrowing from Babylonia seems to me the
well-known Arabic word for "colour," "form," "exterior habit,"
^y-ilaun; it comes from the Babylonian word Idmi, "form,"
" appearance," "shape," "statue," which latter itself is borrowed
from the Sumerian a/an (Neo-Sumerian a/am)i "statue," "image."
In the other Semitic languages lanu, ^jy has no correspondents,
which is the best confirmation of its character as a borrowed word.
§ 12a. In several Babylonian texts of the oldest period we find
a town y| iz^-^-ki, e.g., in an inscription of Ur-Ghanna, published
by E. de Sarzec ("Revue d'Assyr.," II, 4. p. 147), col. 37:
]j=q£><AV><^|> mu-ri), "the town A-idinna he has built." Since
a-idinna (" water for the desert ") is explained by the Assyrian
lexicographical tablets with the Semitic word nddu, " leather bag "
(Heb. "Tt^2), I read the name of this town, which reminds us of the
name of Sippar, Ud-kib-nun-Idinna (Ward, " Hebraica," II, 85,
Lehmann, " Samas-sum-ukin " II, 38), simply Nadu, the Heb. "['2
of Gen. iv, 16, "Cain dwelt in the land of Nod, in the east of (or
better : before) Eden (Idinna !)" I think it not impossible too,
that the writing of Agadi (Akkad), || ^J> =Qx=|<^, is only a later
variant of an older ||^|}!E>\y>\V A-ga-di(-k\), which resembles
so much the above given |eJJ-!><A\><^> A-idinna-ki or Nddu of
the south Babylonian inscriptions. Indeed, Agadi was nearly the
same as Sippar (the one Sippar of Anunit and the other Sippar of
the Sun-god).
206
May 7] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
b. In Gen. iv, 17, we read the name of another town, Khanok,
as built by Cain for his son Khanok (" and he builded a city and
called the name of the city after the name of his son, Khanok ").
If I am right in reading the name £*?;< f <^E|, (the old ideograph
of Ninu'a) as G//anna-ki* it seems very plausible to identify this
name with the name of the Biblical town in Gen. iv, 17.
NOTE TO THE PAPER ON THE KARIAN AND
LYDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
By A. H. Sayce.
In my Paper on the Karian and Lydian inscriptions, which was
published in the Proceedings for January 8, 1895, I stated that I had
been unable to revise my copy of the text I discovered three years
ago north of Silsilis, the boulder upon which it was scratched having
been utilised for the support of a telegraph-post. Last winter, how-
ever, I found that the post had been moved to another piece of
rock, and though the bed of stones in which it had been planted
had done some injury to the Karian text underneath them, it was
still very legible in the morning light. Accordingly I now give a
facsimile of it, which corrects my first copy in one or two points.
The alphabet employed in the inscription is not the usual Karian
one, but some local variety of it, of which we have no other example.
On that account I refrain from giving a transliteration of it.
$***
cflW
* £l£Y, ("house,") with inscribed TU (= gan), as phonetic indicator ; Gudea,
Cyl. A, 4, 4, we read tJrXj \^^-na, i.e., gan-na. A later form of the name
of the goddess *->-Y £:*??< | (Istar of Niniveh) is —>{- "^"^ *"M' *'e'» S^ul-la.
207
May 7]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1895-
LA COUDEE ROYALE DU MUSEE EGYPTIEN DU
LOUVRE.
Par M. Paul Pierret.
Le Musee egyptien du Louvre possede (Salle civile, vitrine I)
une coudee royale de 525 millimetres portant les designations hiero-
glyphiques de ses differentes parties, avec les seize subdivisions du
doigt. Ce petit monument a plusieurs fois attire l'attention des
savants, et la partie metrologique en a ete publiee notamment par
M. C. Rodenbach dans un memoire special sur la coudee (Bruxelles,
1883). Les autres legendes concernant le personnage a qui elle
appartenait sont inedites. Les void :
#\ r> av
91
n^t^m^p\M
m
I I I I <g
/vww\
/WsAAA
Jt*Jfl
o
1 1
I I I (3 111
PI
J
O V — 7
/VWvAA
I I I I
V*\ i£) AAAAAA I
/VWWV J3<^ I I Ij II
1 111 in® qI/1
«
1
a
X J\
•II
7\ lllK^L
/V\A/V\A /WVWN
I
" Le porte-chasse-mouches du roi a (sa) droite, scribe royal,
intendant du tresor du maitre de la terre, Maia. II dit : O prophetes,
208
May 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
L1895.
pretres, Kher-heb de ce temple ! Les dieux de votre ville ecouteront*
toutes vos prieres, vous transmettrez vos dignites apres la vieillesse
accomplie selon que vous proclamerez mon nora en me traitant
comme un favori de son maitre, porte-chasse-mouches du roi a. (sa)
droite, compagnon des jambes du maitre de la terre, qui ne s'est
eloigne du Pharaon en aucun lieu 011 il est alle, apparaissant derriere
le groupe des Smerf pour entendre ce qui sort de la bouche du roi,
(cela etant-) par la grandeur de la bienveillance du roi pour la
personne du royal scribe, ami de la Verite, intendant du tresor du
maitre de la terre, Maia dont la parole est verite."
r^
1 1 1
=^s
/WW\A
O <2
A/WW
AA/VWN
/WVW\
^VWW\ A I I I > S \J AA/VW\
<WWV\
n n
" . . . . pour qu'il accorde que mon existence soit prospere pour
servir sa personne, que mon nom soit affermi dans l'interieur de sa
demeure, (cela) pour la personne du grand favori du Pharaon qui
marche sur les pas du roi et comble les desirs§ de ceux de l'interieur
de son palais, le royal scribe, intendant du tresor du maitre de la
terre, Maia."
pour introduire une proposition a ete
* k\ ^/ a/wnaa • L'emploi de
depuis longtemps signale par M. Erman {Neuaegypt. grammalik, p. 215).
t Litteralement derriere les Smer reunis.
± Cette lacune cache l'invocation a un dieu.
§ Le sens de 1' expression
/WWVN I
dans le Recneil des Travatcx, XIV, 120.
a ete parfaitement etabli par M. A. Moret
209
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und ParalipomenSn im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
■ La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
■ A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budinger, M.. De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1 862-1873.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1S86.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1S80.
Gavet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
■ Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
LIommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
210
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Tere.mias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns HorKiNS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Leff.bure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmanx, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1SS0.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio.
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Yelitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altiigyptishe Gotterglaube.
Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1 890.
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
Zimmern, H., Die Assyriologie als Hiilfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1895-6.
Sixth Meeting, ^th November, 1895.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-<60£<&£-
The President referred to the loss the Society had
recently suffered by the death of three of its Members.
Professor Eber Schrader, of Berlin.
Rev. William Houghton. M.A., F.L.S.
H. Villiers Stuart, of Dromana.
[Nos. cxxxn. & cxxxil] 213
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Donations to the Library were announced,
and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From Prof. A. H. Sayce : — The Philology of the English Tongue.
By John Earle, M.A. Third edition. Oxford. 8vo. 1879.
From the Author : — Lucien Gautier. Au dela du Jourdain. 8vo.
Geneve. 1895.
(Societe de Geographie de Geneve. Tome XXXIV. Me-
moires.)
From the Author and Publisher : — Tellis and Kleobeia (Poem).
By Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. London. 8vo. I). Nutt.
1895.
From the Author : — G. Sergi. Origine e diffusione della Stirpe
Mediterranea. Roma. 8vo. 1895.
From the Author : — H. A. Poels. Le Sanctuaire de Kirjath-
Jearim, etude sur le lieu du culte chez les Israelites au temps
de Samuel, etc. Louvain. 8vo. 1894.
From Jos. Pollard : — Catalogue of a Collection of Egyptian
Antiquities discovered in £895 between Ballas and Nagada.
By W. M. Flinders Petrie. London. 8vo. 1895.
From Rev. R. Gwynne : — Zur Erklarung der semitischen Ver-
balformen. Von L. Nix. 1895.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, to be held the 3rd December, 1895 : —
Mrs. George Bennett, 4, Hampton Grove, Surbiton, Surrey.
Sam. Bergheim, 41, Norfolk Square, W.
Alfred Charles Bryant, B.A., 5, Daginar Terrace, Alexandra Park,
Wood Green.
James Johnstone, 8, Merchiston Park, Edinburgh.
J. R. Mayfield, Eastbourne.
H. J. Innes Whitehouse, 107, Farleigh Road, Stoke Newington, N.
A. Goodinch Williams, F.S.A., F.R.H.S., The London Institution.
Finsbury Circus, E.C.
Charles Hanson Greville Williams, F.R.S.. F.C.S., F.I.C., Castle
maine, Oakhill Road, Putney, S.W.
214
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The University Library, Bonn, Germany.
The Melbourne Library, Australia.
The Luxor Sporting Club. Rev. C. B. Huleatt, M.A., Librarian,
Luxor, Egypt.
A Paper was read by the Rev. C. J. Ball, on the 33rd
Chapter of Deuteronomy, which will be printed in the next
part of the Proceedings.
Remarks were added by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, Rev. G.
Margoliouth, Thos. Tyler, M.A, and the Rev. C. J. Ball.
Thanks were returned for this Communication.
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV.
Part I.
Said on arriving at the Hall of Righteousness, that JV may be
loosed from all the sins which he hath committed and that he may
look upon the divine countenances.
He suiih : Hail to thee, mighty god, lord of Righteousness !
I am come to thee, oh my Lord : I have brought myself that I
may look upon thy glory. I know thee, and I know the name of
the Forty-two gods who make their appearance with thee in the
Hall of Righteousness ; devouring those who harbour mischief, and
swallowing their blood, upon the Day of the searching examination
(1) in presence of Unneferu.
Verily, 'Thou of the Pair of Eyes, (2) Lord of Righteousness' is
thy name.
Here am I ; I am come to thee; I bring to thee Right and have
put a stop to Wrong.
I am not a doer of wrong to men.
I am not one who slayeth his kindred. (3)
I am not one who telleth lies instead of truth. (4)
I am not conscious of treason.
I am not a doer of mischief.
I do not exact as the firstfruits of each day more work than
should be done for me. (5)
My name cometh not to the Bark of the god who is at the Helm.
I am not a transgressor against the god.
I am not a tale-bearer.
I am not a detractor.
I am not a doer of that which the gods abhor.
I hurt no servant with his master.
I cause no famine.
I cause not weeping.
216
PLATE XXXI.
Chapter CXXV.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, III, 36.
BOOK O
TO
Chapter CXXV.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, III, 93.
Cha:
Papyrus, Mus
Chapter CXXV.
Papyrus du Louvre, III, 9.
Chapter CXXIV.
Louvre, Cab.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Nov., 1895.
E DEAD.
TER CXXV.
\u Louvre, III, 89.
XV.
mvre, III, 36.
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus, Ani.
5, Musee du
lailles.
Chapter CXXV.
Papyrus, Paris, Sketch by Mr. Renouf.
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
I am not a murderer.
I give not orders for murder.
I cause not suffering to men.
I reduce not the offerings in the temples.
I lessen not the cakes of the gods.
I rob not the dead of their funereal food.
I am not an adulterer.
I am undefiled in the Sanctuary of the god of my domain.
I neither increase nor diminish the measures of grain.
I am not one who shorteneth the palm's length. (6)
I am not one who cutteth short the field's measure. (7)
I put not pressure upon the beam (8) of the balance.
I tamper not with the tongue of the balance.
I snatch not the milk from the mouth of infants.
I drive not the cattle from their pastures.
I net not the birds of the manors of the gods. (9)
I catch not the fish of their ponds. (10)
I stop not the water at its appointed time.
I divide not an arm of the water in its course.
I extinguish not the lamp during its appointed time.
I do not defraud the Divine Circle of their sacrificial joints.
I drive not away the cattle of the sacred estate.
I stop not a god when he cometh forth.
I am pure, I am pure, I am pure, I am pure.
My purity is that of the Great Bennu in Sutenhunen, for I am
the Nose of the Lord of Air, who giveth life to all mortals ; on the
day when the Eye is full in Annu, on the last day of Mechir ; in
presence of the Lord of this land.
And I am one who see the fulness of the Eye in Annu, let no
harm come to me in this land, in the Hall of Righteousness ; because
I know the names of those gods who make their appearance in it.
Part II.
1. Oh thou of long strides, who makest thine appearance in
Annu ; I am not a doer of wrong.
2. Oh thou who holdest the fire, and makest thine appearance in
Cher-aba ; I am not a man of violence.
3. Oh thou of the Nose, (11) who makest thine appearance at
Chemunnu ; I am not evil minded.
217
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
4. Oh Eater of the Shadow, (12) who makest thine appearance
at Elephantine ; I am not rapacious.
5. Oh thou of Serpent face, who makest thine appearance at
Re-Stau ; I am not a slayer of men.
6. Oh thou of Lion form, (13) who makest thine appearance in
Heaven ; I am not fraudulent in measures of grain.
7. Oh thou whose eyes [pierce] like swords, who makest thine
appearance in Sechem ; I commit no fraud.
8. Oh thou of fiery face, whose motion is backwards ; I am not
a robber of sacred property.
9. Oh Breaker of bones, who makest thine appearance in Suten-
hunen ; I am not a teller of lies.
10. Oh thou who orderest the flame, who makest thine appearance
in Memphis ; I am not a robber of food.
11. Oh thou of the Two Caverns, who makest thine appearance
in Amenta; I am not sluggish. (14)
12. Oh thou of the Bright Teeth, ( 15) who makest thine appearance
in the Unseen Land ; I am not a transgressor.
13. Oh Eater of Blood, who makest thine appearance at the
Block ; I have not slaughtered the sacred animals.
14. Oh Eater of Livers, who makest thine appearance at Mabit;
I deal not fraudulently.
15. Oh Lord of Righteousness, who makest thine appearance in
the place of Righteousness ; I am not a land-grabber.
1 6. Oh thou who turnest backwards, who makest thine appearance
in Bubastis ; I am not an eaves-dropper.
17. Oh AatL, (16) who makest thine appearance at Annu ; I am
not one of prating tongue.
18. Oh Tutuf, (17) who makest thine appearance in Ati ; I trouble
myself (18) only with my own affairs.
19. Oh Uammetu, who makest thine appearance at the Block ;
I commit not adultery with another's wife.
20. Oh Maa-antu-f, who makest thine appearance in Pa-Amsu,
I am not unchaste with any one.
21. Oh thou who art above Princes, and who makest thine
appearance in Amu ; (19) I do not cause terrors.
22. Oh Chemiu, (20) who makest thine appearance in Kauu ; I
am not a transgressor.
23. Oh thou who raisest thy voice, (21) and makest thine ap-
pearance in Urit ; I am not hot of speech.
218
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
24. Oh divine Babe, who makest thy appearance in Annu ; I
lend not a deaf ear to the words of Righteousness.
25. Oh high-voiced one, who makest thy appearance in Unsit ;
I am not boisterous in behaviour.
26. Oh Basit, who makest thine appearance at the Shetait ; I am
not the cause of weeping to any.
27. Oh thou whose face is behind thee, and who makest thine
appearance at thy cavern ; I am not given to unnatural lust.
28. Oh thou, hot of foot, (22) who makest thy appearance at
even ; I indulge not in anger.
29.. Oh Kenemtu, who makest thine appearance in Kenemit ; I
am not given to cursing.
30. Oh thou who earnest thine own offering, and makest thine
appearance in Syut ; I am not of aggressive hand.
31. Oh thou who hast different faces, and makest thine appear-
ance in Net'efit ; I am not one of inconstant mind. (23)
32. Oh Busy one, who makest thine appearance at Utenit ; I do
not steal the skins of the sacred animals. (24)
33. Oh thou Horned one, who makest thine appearance at Sais ;
I am not noisy (25) in my speech.
34. Oh Nefertmu, who makest thine appearance in Memphis ; I
am neither a liar nor a doer of mischief.
35. Oh Tem-sepu, who makest thine appearance in Tattu ; I am
not one who curseth the king.
36. Oh thou who doest according to thine own will, and makest
thine appearance in Tebuu ; I put no check upon the water in its
flow.
37. Oh Striker, (26) who makest thine appearance in Heaven ; I
am not one of loud voice.
38. Oh thou who makest mortals to nourish, and who makest
thine appearance at Sais ; I curse not a god.
39. Oh thou of beautiful shoulder, who makest thine appearance
at .... (27) ; I am not swollen with pride.
40. Oh Neheb-kau, who makest thy appearance at thy cavern ;
I have no unjust preferences. (28)
41. Oh thou of raised head, (29) who makest thine appearance
at thy cavern ; I- have no strong desire except for my own property.
42. Oh thou who liftest an arm, (30) and who makest thine
appearance in the Netherworld, I do not that which offendeth the
god of my domain.
219
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1!
SENNACHERIB'S LETTERS TO HIS FATHER SARGON.
By C. H. W. Johns, Queens' College, Cambridge.
The last years of Sargon's reign are in some obscurity. The
great king's own inscriptions carry us down to B.C. 708 ; but, excep t
that he was murdered in B.C. 705, nothing further is known. Any-
thing that can throw light upon these last three years must be
welcome. I believe that interest will therefore attach to the letters
which Sennacherib wrote to his father during the time that he was
in the position of a subordinate, though high official. In the
Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum four at least are
preserved, viz., K. 125; K. 181; K. 5464; K. 7434. All four
are now published in Harper's Assyrian and Babylonian Letters of
the K. Collection, Vol. II. Of these, K. 7434 contains only the
seven lines of complimentary good wishes, which seem to have
occurred at the commencement of each ; the three others I purpose
here to transliterate, and as far as I can, translate.
K. 181 has long been before the public in the fourth volume of
the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia (page 47). It was also
published in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VI, page 220, by Mr. T.
G. Pinches, with an introduction, transcription, translation, and
notes. Oppert and Lenormant seem to have considered the writer
to be the great Sennacherib, the son and successor of Sargon. The
letter forwards to the king reports from a wide-spread district, and
indicates the writer's position as one of high authority, but it does
not give the name of the king to whom it was sent, nor any
hint as to the writer's relation to him. At the end of the letter a
"•majordomo" of the lady Mimmu-abi-sa is named. The same
female name occurs also as that of the " prophetess " who utters an
oracle for the encouragement of Esarhaddon, which is published in
the same volume of Inscriptions (IV R., p. 61, col. v, line 65),
where she is called a daughter of Arbela. Whether the Nabu-mudu
named in this letter be the majordomo in question, or not, we do
know that this was the name of the prefect of Arbela in B.C. 702, at
the very commencement of Sennacherib's reign. It fits the circum-
220
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. 1895.]
stances of the case to suppose that Nabu-mudu sent news at the
end of Sargon's reign from the seat of war by the majordomo of
Mimmu-abi-sa, and a few years later was prefect of Arbela, where
that lady lived. If Mimmu-abi-sa be a personal name, there seems
no difficulty in extending her life so as to overlap Sennacherib's
reign two or three years each way ; on the other hand, if, as its
meaning allows, it is simply an official name of the prophetess of
Istar of Arbela, there seems no difficulty at all : so on any supposition
it is possible the great Sennacherib was the writer. Another official
named in this letter is Assur-risua, known also as the author of
several despatches on the same events, and further connected with
Sargon as his amel res dupsar sa zikrit ekalli (Strassmaier, A. V., No.
880). Other considerations will suggest themselves in more closely
examining the contents of this tablet, all pointing to the end of
Sargon's reign as the date, and to his son as the writer. It seems
important to settle the date of this letter, as the names occurring in
it serve to associate a wide group of letters in the same collection.
The letter K. 5464 was first published by Dr. Winckler
(Sammlung von Keilschrifttexten, Heft II). It is also written by
a Sennacherib, and mentions Assur-risua, almost certainly referring
to the same report from him, and quite certainly to the same events
as in K. 181. So the Sennacheribs are the same. But the writer
of this letter is twice called the king's son, and this seems to settle
his identity.
The letter K. 125, also first published in the same work by Dr.
Winckler, has much less interest, and the name of the writer is
somewhat defaced. Neither Dr. Winckler nor Dr. Bezold in his
Catalogue expressly ascribes it to Sennacherib, but Mr. Harper has
no doubt, and nothing in its contents seems incompatible with that
assumption. Mr. Harper calls attention also to Rm. 2, 14, as
another letter by Sennacherib. This I have not seen.
In what I have attempted here by way of transcription and
translation I must acknowledge my great debt to Dr. Delitzsch's
work on Assyrian Letters in the two volumes of his Beitriige, and
wherein I differ from Mr. Pinches' work on K. 181, I trust that
he will pardon the expression of honest doubt. The letters
already published by Mr. S. A. Smith have given me many valued
hints and parallels. Mr. S. A. Strong, my respected teacher, kindly
collated Dr. Winckler's texts, from which I worked, with the originals
in the British Museum.
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
K. 181.
Obverse.
1. A-na sarri be-li-ia
2. Ardu-ka (m) Sin-ahe-erba
3. lu sul-mu a-na sarri be-li-ia
4. sul-mu a-na (mat) Assur (ki)
5. sul-mu a-na asra-te
6. sul-mu a-na (al) bi-rat sa sarri gab-bu
7. lib-bu sa sarri be-li-ia a-dan-nis lu tab
8. (mat) Uk-ka-a-a ina muh-hi-ia is-sa-par
9. ma-a sar (mat) Urarta-a-a a-na (mat) Ga-mir
10. bi-id il-lik-ii-ni ma-a (amel) e-mu-ki-su
11. a-na ma-la di-e-ka ma-a su (amel) bel pihate-su
12. a-na (amel) e-mu-ki-su-nu se-e-lu-u
13. (turta)-nu-su II (amel) bel pihate
14. it-tal ka
15. is-sa-ba-at
16. -a-a il-lik-an-ni
17. nu-te sa mati-Su
18. is-sak-nu-u-ni
19. an-ni-ii te-e-mu
20. sa mat Uk-ka-a-a
21. (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a i-sa-ap-ra
22. ma-a te-e-mu sa (mat) Urarta-a-a
23. ma pa-ni-u sa as-pur-an-ni
24. ma-a sii-ut u-ma su-ii
25. ma-a di-ik-tu ina lib-bi-su-nu
Edge.
26. ma'-da di-e-ka-at
27. ma-a d-ma-a mat-su ni-ha-at
28. ma-a (amel) rabute-su ia-mu-tii.
29. ina libbi mati-sii it-ta-lak
Reverse.
1. ma-a (m) Kakkad-a-nu (amel) tur-ta-nu-su
2. sa-bi-it ma-a sar (mat) Urarta-a-a
3. ina lib (mat) U-a-sa-un su-vi
4. an-ni-u te-e-mu sa (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a
222
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
5. (m) Nabu-mudu (amel) bel pihate sa (al) Halsu
6. ina muh-hi-ia is-sa-ap-ra
7. ma-a ina eli (amel) massar (al) bi-ra-a-te
8. sa ina eli ta-hu-u-me ina eli te-e-mu
9. sa sar (mat) Urarta-a-a a-sa-ap-ra
10. ma-a (mat) Gamir bi-id il-lik-u-ni
11. ma-a (amel) e-mu-ki-e-su a-na ma-la di-e-ka
12. ma-a III (amel) rabute-su a-du (amel) e-mu-ki-su-nu
13. di-e-ku ma-a sii-u-tu ih-tal-ka
14. ana mati-su e-tar-ba ma-a ma-dak-tu-su
15. li-di-i-ni la ta-ka-ri-ba
16. an-ni-u te-e-mu sa (m) Nabu-mudu
17. (al) Mu-sa-sir-a-a ahu-su
18. mar-su a-na sul-me
19. ina eli sar (mat) Urarta-a-a it-tal-ku
20. (amel)mar sip-ri sa (mat) Hu-pu-us-kaa-a
21. a-na sul-me ina muh-hi-su-ma
22. it-ta-la-ak
23. (amel) massar (al) bi-rat gab-bu
24. sa ina eli ta-hu-me te-e-mu
25. a-ki an-ni-im-ma i-sa-par-u-ni
Edge.
26. e-gir-tii sa (m) Nabu-inudu
27. (amel) rab biti sa (f) Mimmu-abi-sa
28. istu (mat) Ta-bal na-su-u-ni
29. ina eli sarri bel-ia us-si-bi-la
Translation.
1. To the king my lord
2. Thy servant, Sennacherib
3. Verily peace be to the king my lord
4. Peace to Assyria
5. Peace to the temples
6. Peace to the fortresses of the king my lord all of them
7 . The heart of the king my lord be supremely cheered
8. The land of the Ukkai to me sent
9. that the king of the land of the Urartai, to the land Gamir
10. as he went ; that his forces
223
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
11. to the full extent were slain, that he, his prefects
12. against their forces despatched
13. his tartan {?), two prefects
1 4. he has gone
15. he is taken
16. -at has come to me
17. of his land
18. they are fixed
ig. this ?iews
20. from the land of the Ukkai.
21. Assur-risua sent
22. that the news of the land of the Urartai is
23. also the former which I sent
24. that upon that same day
25. that a slaughter in their midst
Edge.
26. extensively took place (lit. was slain)
27. that now his land is at rest ;
28. that his nobles are dead
29. into the midst of his land he has gone
Reverse.
1. that Kakkada?iu his tartan
2 . is taken ; that the king of the land of the Urai'tai
3. is in the midst of the land of Uasa-un that same
4. this is the news of Assur-risua
5 . Nabu-nmdu, prefect of Halsu
6. to me sent
7. that to the wardens of the fortresses
8. which are on the border, on account of news
9. of the king of the land of the Urartai, I sent :
10. that to the land of Gamir as he went
11. that his forces were extensively slain ;
12. that three of his nobles in addition to their forces
13. were slain ; that he himself had fled ;
14. to his land had entered ; that his camp
15. as yet has not been approached ;
224
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
16. this is the news of Nabu-mudu.
17. To the city of the Musasirai, his brother,
1 8. his son, for peace,
19. on behalf of the king of the Urartai have come :
20. a messenger of the land of the Hupuskai
2 r. for peace for him also
22. has come.
23. The wardens of all the fortresses
24. which are on the border news
25. like this also sent.
26. The letter of Nabti-mudu
27. the major domo of Mimmu-abi-sa
28. from the land of Tabal brought ;
29. to the king my lord I have sent (lit. caused to bring).
Notes. K. 181.
The first seven lines appear to be identical in all the four letters
of Sennacherib. They are evidently a formula of complimentary
greeting deemed appropriate by the writer. They have many striking
parallels in other letters and despatches, and call for little comment.
In my transliterations I have placed the restorations in brackets :
but in K. 5464 and K. 125 have not thought it necessary to repeat
their translation. At the end of line 5 the word e-kur-mes-te* was
read Bit-Matat'e : but the frequent spelling e-kur-ra(a)te points to
an ending -rate. S. A. Smith and Delitzsch render e-kur by asm or
esru, and Delitzsch seems to prefer the reading of the whole asrdte,
at any rate it is the plural of e-kur, and means "temples." Delitzsch
(in his Wo lag das Paradiesf) places a definite city Birate on
the banks of the Turnat, and quotes this passage among others
in support of his view. A more conclusive passage occurs in
K. 509, line 6, where we have Birta-a-a, " the people of Birtu." So
there seems no doubt that there was a city Birtu, and probably
more than one. Birtu does, however, occur simply in the sense
" a fortress," and seems, from Winckler's Sargon, to be interchange-
able with halsu. Here Birat seems plural and in similar compli-
mentary salutations we read halsani; further the addition of gabbu
and the custom in such passages seems to demand the reading
"fortresses."
* On K. 4447 ASsurbanipal spells it i-kn-ra-ti.
225
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Line 9. In nearly every case known to me, where these troubles
are referred to, the ideogram which I read Urartu is used, and that
can equally well be read Accad, but in K. 574, Gabbu-ana-Assur,
mentioning the same districts as Assur-risua does in his letters,
names also three prefects to whom he sent for tidings of the move-
ments of the king of the U-ra-ar-ta-a-a. These three names are
Assur-risua, Nabu-mudu, and Assur-bel-dan. This decided my
reading. The land Gamir is said by Delitzsch (Farad., p. 245) to
be the same as Gimir, and it is placed in the neighbourhood of
Cappadocia on the map (in Schrader's Keil. BibliotheU) outside the
limits of Sargon's empire. I cannot find any mention of it in
Winckler's Sargon, but Assur-risua in his report K. 1080 mentions
the fortresses of the land Gamirra as sending tribute to the king
of Urartu, coupling with them the countries of Guriania and Nagiu
and the fortresses of Urartu. At the same time he mentions the
defeat of the king of Urartu " when he went to the land of Gamirra."
This report was addressed to the king direct ; in our case the news
reaches Sennacherib from the land of the well-known Ukkai.
Line 11. mala as a preposition might mean "for," though ana
iiiala dieka, "for to conquer," seems unlikely, as the infinitive is
daku, and I take dieka as permansive. ana mala is frequent in the
sense "as many as," with and without basil. I take it here in the
sense, "to a full extent," "extensively." It is unusual to find su in
the sense of "he," "himself;" I am inclined to read su = kissat,
and render, "all his prefects."
Line 12. Selu is an unusual form except as imperative or infini-
tive. It seems difficult to take nu-selii, because of the question it
raises as to the " we " concerned. It could be from salu, which
Lyon gives as meaning " to shoot, discharge weapons."* The
change of a to e would be parallel to isessu for isasi.
Line 13. The ending -nit-su has induced me to restore turtanu-su.
The king of Urartu seems to have lost his tartan and two prefects in
the battle. In line 12 rev. they seem to be referred to as three
"nobles."
Line 21. Assur-risua was res dufisar sa(f) ekalli in the 12th
year of Sargon, and is known to me as author of the letters K. 194,
K. 910, K. 1080, K. 1 1 70, K. 1907, and Rm. 2, 3. He is frequently
* Senacherib Prism. Ins., V, 49, has uSa'/u kakka-sun ; Assqrb. Rm. Cyl.
I, 34, Salic kaSti.
226
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
mentioned in other letters referring to these events {e.g., K. 561,
K. 746, K. 1 182, K. 7528, K. 13,111; see Bezold's Catalogue). I
am not at all sure that I correctly appreciate the order of events
which he had to announce, and many of the letters are very frag-
mentary. Sargon, as we know from his annals, had set garrisons in
the cities of Usi, Usian, Uargin, in the land of Urartu, and several
of these letters mention "the garrisons." It seems the king of
Urartu, after his check on attempting to go to Gamir, settled at
Uesi, doubtless Sargon's Usi. The prefect of Usi drove him out.
Then he held out at Turuspa, the capital of Urartu in Tiglath-
Pileser's time. The prefects Si-e-tini and Suna, of the land of the
Ukkai, assembled their forces at Musasir, and in Rm. 2, 3 Assur-risua
announces these facts. The king was still at Uesi. In K. 1080
Assur-risua reported the sending of tribute from Guriania, Nagiu,
Gamirra and Urartu generally to the king after his defeat ; but
though he names Turuspa, it is not clear what he meant to say about
that place. In K. 1 94 Assur-risua sends the rab-kisir Naragie with
twenty conspirators as captives to Sargon. He announces that the
king of Urartu has entered Turuspa and there gathered a following.
Sargon's (?) tartanu sanu or second general Ursini was captured in
Turuspa, and his brother Apli-uknu had gone to see him there.
K. 910 concerns a messenger from the land of the Ukkai who had
gone up into the land of Urartu and returned into Assyria ; but
there is not enough left of the letter to make it clear how this fits
into the story. K. 11 70 does not seem to concern our period. In
K. 1907 he names Turuspa, but too little is left to decide what
the reference is. In K. 194 Assur-risua mentions having sent a
messenger to Babylon, but to whom does not seem certain. Was
Sargon there at this period? K. 125 also seems to suggest this
(line 15).
Line 24. u-ma is an unusual way of spelling the word for " day,"
but I can make no better sense otherwise.
Line 28. ia-mu-tu • this I take to be from matu, "to die." The
ending -iu is settled by K. 614, rev. 5, where we read, gabsi ali
idukin, iamutu. Cf. K. 617, rev. 2-5, and 12-13, where we have
ia-mut-tu : and K. 686, mat Kilhu gabbu ia-mu-tu. I can see no
other meaning possible that will serve all these passages. A similar
case of ia- for i- (in verbs not commencing with a guttural) is ia-sap-
par-kan-ni in S. 76c. Mr. Pinches in his comments on this letter,
seems to have derived it from a root meaning "to command," but
227
Nov. s] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
I cannot recognize the root. S. A. Smith, Assurb., Heft III, p. 72,
thinks it the same as ammute, "those," and Mr. Pinches, p. 108,
seems to agree with him.
Reverse.
Line 1. The name Kakkadanu is spelt singularly, but on
K. in 1, a name Kak-ka-da-ni occurs, which favours my reading.
K. 645 gives Kakka-da-nu sa putii mat Uka-a-a.
Line 3. As far as I know, this is the only place in the corres-
pondence where the land of Ua-sa-un is named. The termination
-un occurs in other proper names, and I do not think it possible to
connect it with the su-u that follows in the text. The other letters
give the place of retreat of the king of Urartu as the city of Uesi : it
is probable the district is the same.
Line 4. Nabu-rnudu now takes up the story in Sennacherib's
letter. This was the name of the Eponym in B.C. 702, when he was
prefect of Arbela. He is now prefect of Halsu. It is usual to read
his name in the Eponym list as Nabu-W-, but the character -zu may
also be read -mudu, as Mr. Pinches did. K. 1026, a letter to the
king from Arad-gula, spells the name 2Vabil-zu-du ; the -du I take to
be a phonetic complement showing the name was read Nabu-mudu.
It is not necessary of course to identify the persons, but I feel that,
without strong reasons to the contrary, the presumption must be
that in such a limited set of actors the same name must refer to the
same person. In our case Nabu-mudu is prefect of Halsu ; he
repeats the tidings sent by Assur-risua concerning the garrisons of
the fortresses on the marches. The close parallelism of lines 9
and 10 on obverse and reverse leads me to read the land of Gamir
in line 10, rev. The sign pap, kur, has the value napharis : and
consequently may have had the sense "totality," expressed by
Gimir ; and though I do not know of an example in which pap
is actually put = gimru, it seems probable that, as line 9, obv. would
suggest, we are to read Gimir or Gamir.
Lines 14, 15. Delitzsch (A.W.) takes udini as "eagles;" so the
sense would be, his camp was so inaccessible that even an eagle
could not approach it. Now the udini-bird in Assurnasirpal is
clearly some such bird as an eagle or vulture : and Sargon's udini
Imrasi or kaspi being mentioned as royal furniture, may well be
golden or silver images of eagles : and the rendering here also
would be quite admissible, though it is startling to meet a figure of
228
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
speech in the midst of such terse communications. But why is the
determinative of birds omitted ? : and besides there are quite a
number of other passages where udini thus occurs without the suffix
{-hu). I think that " eagles cannot approach" them all. In K. 5464,
line 19, we have udini ba-tik-niu la harassa, and tidini la .... on the
edge. Then Rm. 77, line 36, gives us udini tcnsu la ni-sa-me. Further,
on K. 102 1 we have ina eli lisanisa sarru beli ispuranni asapra {a mil)
da-a-a-li udini la il-la-ku-u-ni, i.e., "as yet he is not come." In each
a negative sentence follows, and it seems to me that udini is an
adverb, with some such sense as "at present," "as yet" (so and so
has not happened). Further, I am inclined to compare K. 11 70,
also from the hand of Assur-risua, where we get udina la uda ......
and Rm. 2, 3, again by Assur-risua, udina la unammas. K. 939,
rev. 13, udina arah ume la illaka. Petermann gives the modern
Samaritan pronunciation of the word for "yet," "still," in Gen.
xviii, 22; xliii, 27, 28, as udinnu. Adu is "now," udu is "day;"
adverbs are formed from nouns with termination -e?i or -an, and the
influence of analogy would account for zidi-ini.
Line 17. It is not at all clear to me whose "son and brother"
are intended, the pronoun " his " seems to refer to the king of
Urartu, and I venture to consider ina eli as meaning "on behalf of."
It was at Musasir that the Assyrian prefects were able to collect their
forces to attack the rebel ; so I do not think there is any hint of its
defection here. Peace with the king of Urartu seems to me an
improbable object, peace with the Assyrian forces seems likely. A
brother and son are likely ambassadors for peace. It is possible
that Nabumudu's message ends with line 16, and in some parallel
cases " the city N. " is used for " a messenger from the city N. ;"
but on the whole I prefer my rendering. Years before this, Urzana,
king of Musasir b.c. 714, had relied upon Ursa or Rusa, king of
Urartu, and omitted to render his homage. Sargon's troops swarmed
into the country, Urzana fled for his life, and went up into the
mountains. Sargon triumphantly entered Musasir, Urzana's wife,
sons, daughters, goods, and 20,170 of his people, with their
possessions, his gods Haldia and Bag-bar-tum, and their sacred
vessels, with other temple furniture, were reckoned as spoil. Then
Musasir was made part of the Assyrian empire. It is very curious
to note that Urzana's seal still exists, and has been made the subject
of a memoir by Schrader. All this seems decisive against the son
and brother being relatives of Urzana, they probably belong to the
229 s
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
present king of Urartu. Rusa had put an end to his life on the
capture of his gods at Musasir ; Argisti was his successor.
Line 20. Hupuskia was the headquarters of Sargon in B.C. 715,
when he received the tribute of the king of the land of Nairi, and
from the district ruled by Rusa. In b.c. 714 Sargon again received
tribute at this city, but Urzana of Musasir was then a defaulter.
Sargon seems to have claimed to have added Urartu to his dominions,
but in B.C. 708, while he was in Babylon, Argisti rebelled and stirred
up Mutallu of Kummuh also to rebel. Perhaps this rising led to
the events we are considering.
Line 26. The letter of Nabu-mudu was brought to Sennacherib
from the land of Tabal, which had given Sargon trouble in b.c. 715
and again in B.C. 711, when a large part of it was colonised by
Assyrians, the native population being deported. I am not certain
from the wording of this letter whether Nabu-mudu himself was
majordomo to Mimmu-abisa, or whether that official simply brought
the prefect's letter.
K. 5464.
Obverse.
1. ana] sarri be-li-ia
2. ardu-ka (m)j Sin-ahe-erba
3. lu sulmu] ana sarri be-li-ia
4. sul mu ana mat Assur-] ki
5. sulmu ana as-ra]-te
6. sulmu ana (al) birate gab-] bu
7. libbu sa sarri beli-ia adannis lu]-u tab
8. bu-su
9- -lak
10. it-tal-ka
11. sar (mat) Urarta-a-a
12- -te ea sar (mat) Assur-(ki)
13- ma ?i-pu
14. sar mat Urarta-a-a bel pihate-su
15. te-e-mu e-mu-ki-ku-nu
16. ina kata-ku-nu sa-ab-ta-ma alik alka (amel) bel pihate"
17. sa sar (mat) AsSur-(ki) istu (al) Ku-ma-a-a baltute
18. ina kata sa-bi-ta ina muh-hi-ia i-sa-al-ka-a-ni
230
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [^95.
19. ma-a u-di-i-ni ba-ti-ik-ma la-a ha-ra-as-sa
20. ma-a ki-ma a-si-me sa-ki-il ina eli mar sarri a-sa-ap-ra
21. ma-a e-mu-ki ar-his lu-se-bil-u-ni
22. an-ni-ii te-e-mu sa (m) Ar-ia-e
23. Urn XI sa arhu Ululu e-gir-tu sa (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a
24. ina muh-hi-ia ta-tal-ka ma-a sar mat Urarta-a-a
25. ma-a bid (mat) Zi-kir-ta-a-a u-bi-lu-su-u-ni
26. ma-a me-me-e-ni la is-lim-a ma-a ra-ku-te-[e]
27. i-su-uh-ra ma-a ina lib (a.1) U-a-a-si
28. a-du e-mu-ki-e-su it-ta-lak e . . .
29. ma-a e-mu-ki-e-su ina lib (al) U-a-[a-si]
30. ma-a su-u-tii e-mu-ki e-sa-te
31. i-si-e-su it-ti si-ma-a(-ti)
32. (mat) Ma-na-a-a it-ta-(lak)
Edge.
S3- ma-a ina eli sa e-gir ....
34. u-di-i-ni la-a
35. ma-a ki-ma asi-me a(-sa-ap-ra).
Reverse.
1. ma-a (am el) bel pihati sa ina te-[gir-te
2. ina lib (al) U-e-si su-u-tii ma(?) ....
3. ma-a i-da-tu-us-su it-tu-si
4. ma-a u-sa-a-sii istu lib (al) U-a-a-[si]
5. la-a e-mur harra-ni sa ina muh-hi ....
6. u-ta-a-bu ti-tur-ra-a-te li-be
7. ma-a ki-ma a-si-me mi-i-nu sa si-te-(si ? ia ?)
8. sum-mix itti e-mu-ki-e-sii il-la-ka
9. sum-mu za-ku-u su-u-tu is-su-ka ma-a ub . . . .
10. ina eli mar sarri a-sa-pa-ra
11. an-ni-ii te-e-mu sa (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a
12. (mat) Ar-sa bi-ia-a i-sa-ap-ra ma-a (mat) U-ka-a-a
13. su-pa-ni-ia lu pa ti u ma-a a-ta-a
14 du-ka-an-ni at-tu-nu ka-la-ku-nu
15. (amel) mutir-pu-te-ia ina eli mat U(-ka-a-)a a-sa-par
16. mat Ar-sa-bi-ia sa-bu-ub
17. (i-)du an-ni bir-tu [ma]-ru-us
l8- ina lib a-a ina muh-hi-ia i-tal-ka
J9- na har-tii ina muh-hi-ia na-sa
231 s 2
Nov. s] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
20. istu mat Ma-na-a-a ik-ti-bi-a
21. is-su-har sa-tii a-sa-kan-su
22. sa mat Sa-du-da-a-a ana (al) Kal-ha
23. u-ni a-ta-har ak-ta-na-ak
24. la har-tii a-sa-ka-an
25. sa arhu Ululu e-gir-tu
26. u-bi-la
Translation.
Obverse.
1-7. The compliments appear to be identical in phrase with the
commencement of K. 181.
8-9. The ends alone are visible
10. Ends with "he went"
1 1. Concludes with " the king of the land of the Urartai"
1 ?. Probably had " the prefects of the king of Assyria "
13. Leaves nothing certain
14. Has " the king of the land of the Urartai his prefects "
15. an order (gave) your forces
16. in your hands take and go be off the prefects
1 7. of the king of Assyria from the city of the Kumai alive
1 8. in their hands were captured, over against ?ne they advanced
19. that at present one is cut off, and there is no breaking out
20. that as I heard it is cared for, to the king's son I send
21. that forces quickly let him send
22. this is the news from Ariae.
23. The eleventh day of the month Elul a letter from Assur-risua
24. to ?ne came that the king of the land of the Urartai
25. that when the land of the Zikirtai brought (?)
26. that any how he did not succeed that bootless
27. he turned back, that into the midst of the city U-ai-si
28. along with his fore s he has gone,
29. that his forces are in the midst of the city U-a-a-si
30. that he, a few forces
31. with him, with prosperity
32 the land of the Manai has gone
33. that concerning what
34. at present . not ......
35. that as I have heard, I send
232
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Reverse.
1. that the prefect who is in the defence (?)
2. in the midst of the city Uasi, himself
3. that with his armament, he has set out
4. that he thrust him out from the midst of the city U-a-a-si
5. he did not find the roads which to
6. he made good the bridges
7. that as I have fieard, whatever
8. whether with his forces, he goes
9. or that same zaku goes
10. to the king's son, I send.
1 1 . this is the netvs of Assur-risua
1 2. The la?id of Arsabid sent that the land of the Ukai
my defences verily are destroying now already
1 4. are killing me, I call on you :
15. my body-guards to the land of the Ukai I have sent
16. land of Arsabia is surrounded
17 the fortress is in evil case
18 to me came
19. the seal-ring to me was brought
20. from the land of the Manai he has said
21. he returned for ever I have fixed it
22 from the land of the Sadudai to the city Kalah
23. I have received, I have sealed
24. tlie seal I have set
25. oj the mouth Ululu a letter
26. I send
Notes. K. 5464,
Lines 16-18. If we read alik alka this is a repeated imperative
for emphasis possibly, or alik is a participle, but we might read ma-a
tas-al-ka. In line 18 isalkani seems to demand a verb, salaku or
zalaku. In K. 582, line 24, we also have isalka followed by bila (see
S. A. Smith, Assurb., Ill, p. 67, and Pinches' Remarks, p. 107). In
that passage it seems possible to take the -ka as second personal
pronoun, but that will not do in our case. The city Ku-ma-a occurs
on K. 1 182, where also Assur-risua is named, and on K. 539 the
amel Ku-uni-ma-a-a are named. It is noteworthy that K. 561 also
mentions a city Ku-, and that there seems only room for one more
233
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
sign; but the traces (given in Harper, A.B.K.L., Vol. I, 91) do not
favour -ma.
Line 19. udini, see on K. 181, obv. 15. The sign before la,
Mr. Strong tells me, is ma. harassa seems from hardsu. K. 1 136 has*
temu sa dl Sibtu i-har-ra-sa-an-ni isapparkani tensunu i-har-
ra-sa-an-ni. K. 8383, ha-ra-as-si ; cf. Del., H. W.B., p. 292. S. A.
Smith, Assyrian Letters, IV, 8, reads on 80-7-19, 17, adu a-har-
sa-ni, and gives as meaning, "until I shall come;" but with some
reservation, iharas occurs K. 1077, obv. 9, K. 79, rev. 14 and 24;
the Talmudic y/hrz originally = to bore through, which would suit
here.
Line 21. saki-il I take to mean, "it is taken charge of," as in
S. 760, line 19, but S. A. Smith there translates, "paid for;" amel
sakil issuri, seems to mean, "one that has charge of birds ;" sakdlu,
to have charge of, see Tallqvist, Sprache der Contracte, p. 134; cf.
Delitzsch, H. JV.B , p. 319, it does not seem to me from sakdlu.
Line 22. The name of Ariae occurs on K. 561, in connection
with Assur-risua and the land of the Ukkai ; and business in the
land of Urartu. It is spelt A-ri-e instead of Ar-ia-e, so removing
all doubt as to the first part of the name. Aria = namu, " to
destroy," and is a by-name of Nergal ; but in neither case is there a
determinative of divinity. So that my reading still lacks confirmation.
Line 23. Assur-risua's message is dated.
Line 25. I think we must read ma-a, and then £?^=when.
Mittatti the king of Zikirtu was slain by Sargon in b.c. 714. From
K. 1037 we learn that the king of Assyria sent for news of the king
of Urartu, to an official whose name is read by Strassmaier and
Delitzsch as Huteru. In his reply he mentions the land of Zikirtu.
The writer's name however is spelt on K. 1067 as Hu-te-su-pu ; and
I am inclined to think we should read it Bag-tesup, like Bag-daddi, for
both Tesupu and Daddu are divine names. What the sense of Bag
is I cannot tell. It would scarcely be likely that the name is Issur-
tesupu. Hu is possibly in sense = Amelu, but scarcely to be read so.
Line 26. For the phrase rakute issuhra, cf. 2 Sam., i, 22.
Line 27. The spellings U-e-si, Ua-a-si, compared with Sargon's
Usi are instructive. There seems to have been in Urartu a great
partiality for the initial syllable Ua-; compare Ua-ia-us, U-ar-gi-in,
U-al-lia, U-assurme in Sargon. I am inclined to add Urzana,
Ursa, and also possibly Ar-sa-bia, Ar-za-unia (which latter may be
U-a-za-un of K. 181 ; in which case it may be the name of a
234
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
mountain). I hazard the conjecture that U-ar-, Ur-, Ar, are all
closely connected ; cf. the spellings Urzahina, Arziihina. Tiglath-
Pileser Ill's P-u-sa may perhaps = Usi.
Line 31. i-si-e-su I take to be for issi-su, i.e., itti-su, as so
common; but ASiurn., II, 53, isi-ia ; III, 12, usesia given in
Schrader's Keil. Bibliothk. are there referred to a root asu, seen in
usatu, "help," asitu, "pole," &c. If this be accepted we should
translate, "he set himself up with rejoicing," or in prosperity, or with
good luck.
Line 32. At the beginning was mar sipri possibly, or simply
istu = " from."
Lines 33-35. I am inclined to think the lost word at end of 33
was egirtu, and to suppose the meaning was, "concerning the letter
he brought, at present I am not informed, but whatever I hear I will
send."
Reverse.
Line 7. Dr. Winckler's text seemed to favour the restoration
site'u at the end of the line, i.e., " whatever I have in charge ; " but
Mr. Harper's text points to an ending -si or -ia.
Line 9. (amel) zakii, by its root meaning " be clean," — I suppose
it to mean "an envoy " here, " a picked man."
Line 12. Arsabia is mentioned in Sargon's Annals, B.C. 714, as
suffering severely from his attacks.
Line 13. Supania perbaps=my defence and lu-hat-ti-u could be
taken = verily they have broken ; su — masak (?) with masak paniia ;
cf. Sennach. Prism. Insc, Col. V, 49, pan maski, but lu-pa-ti-u I
cannot render. Cf. Del., H. 1KB., p. 296 Jhit.
Line 15. The traces lend themselves very well to gur-pu-te,
i.e., mutir-pu-te, "a body guard/'
Line 16. sababu means "to surround," encircle;" sabub would
be permansive.
Line 19, compared with line 24, leads me to think that liar goes
with -tu, hartu = " a ring ; " the king's seal ring as a warrant of
authority is often named in the letters.
Line 22. The land of the Sadudai is unknown to me. Cf. how-
ever the proper name Sadudu sakin mat Suhi, Assurn., III. And
Sayce in his Vannic Inscriptions, No. XXXII, line 6, seems to have
a king of Hittite race called Sada'da (as).
Line 23. atahar and aktanak occur together elsewhere.
235
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
K. 125.
Obverse.
1. Ana sarri beli-ia
2. Ardu-ka (m) Sin-ahe-erba
3. lu sul-mu a-na sarri beli-ia
4. sul-mu a-na (mat) (Assur-(ki)
5. sul-mu a-na asrate
6. sul-mu a-na (al) bi-rat sa sarri gab-bu
7. lib-bu sa sarri beli-ia a-dan-nis lu tab
8. (amel) mahha-ni (mat) Ku-mu-ha-a-a
9. it-tal-ku-ni ma-da-tu na-su-ni
10. vii u-ra-te sa (imer) ku-tin is-si-nis
11. na-su-u-ni ma-da-tu itti (imer) ku-tin
12. bid ana mat Ku-mu-ha-a-a pa-ak-du
13. (amel) mahha-ni ina libbi-su su-nu
14. akale sa ra-me-ni-su-nu e-kul
15. i-ma-ta-hu-ni-e a-na (al) Babilu
16. u-ba-lu-ni sak-la-a an-na-ka
17. i-ma-ha-ru-su-nu a-ki sa sarru beli
18. ni-ka-bu-u-ni ar-his lis-pa-ru-ni
19. sik-(mes) unnubu-(mes) is-si-nis na-su-u-ni
20. (amel) dam-kar-e ik-ti-bu-u-ni
21. ma-a vn biltu istu libbi ni-ip-ti-ar
Edge.
22. ma-a mat Ku-mu-ha-a-a la im-ma-gur
23. ma-a ma'-at-tii-nu la-ta-bi-ra
24. ma-a lu-bi-lu (f) is-para-te
Reverse.
25. sa sarri am-ma ina (?) li sim kit
26. sarru beli lis-pu-ra ana ma-an-ni
27. i-da-nu-si-na-a-ni
K. 125. Translation.
1-7. The salutation seems to have been identical with that in
the other three letters of Sennacherib.
8. The magistrates of the land of the Kummuhhai
9. have come, tribute they brought
236
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
10. 7 mares of the mule kind singly (apiece)
11. they brought the tribute with the mules
1 2. as to the land of the Kummuhhai was appointed
13. The magistrates in its midst they
1 4. their own food eat
15. they were directing themselves towards Babylon
16. they were brought, were cared for here,
1 7. they furnished them, as the king my lord
18. we have told, quickly let him send
1 9. clothes, forage, singly they brought
20. the merchants have said
21. that 7 talents from our midst we will pay
22. that the land of the Kummuhhai are not pleased
23. that our produce is reduced
24. that let him bring the king's weavers
25
26. the king my lord let him send to whom
27. they shall give them.
Notes. K. 125.
Line 16. sakla might be permansive from sakalu, "to care for.''
annaka ; cf K. 609, iq, anaku annaka ina all Dursarrukin ;
K. 1 201, obv. 11, u ka-a-a-manu mar sarri beli libbu isakananni adu
mar sarri annakanni ana sulme ana a I Ninua la illakuni ; K. 1274,
rev. 3, annusim nise an?iaka sunu ittalkunu ina muhhia ; K. 591,
edge, anaku annaka K. 1880 and two passages in Strassmaier ; sa
sarru beli ikbuni met istu annaka istu annakamma upasu mcCdani
and attisi annaka, etc. I think annaka is related to annu, " this,'
as ammaka is to ammu, "that;" see K. 113, 10, istu ammaka. So
I take annaka = " here," ammaka = " there ;" for the ending cf. ekd,
"where," a-a-ka, "where," uddukam and udda akku, "at day-break."
Further, see K. 1242, allaka azaza ina pan nike ula annaka anaku ;
and note that on K. 554, 16 we have ammaka, rev. 4, annaka.
Line 23. ma'altu = " abundance, produce;" ma'adutu is asso-
ciated with aplutu, tabru in II, R. 42, lines 25-27.
Line 25. I can attempt no translation of this line as it stands.
Line 27. idatiusinani, cf. D.A.G. §56.
237
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
Addendum.
When the first part of this article was written I had not seen the
fragment Rm. 2 II, 14 referred to by Harper (Z.A., VIII, p. 342).
He published the first two lines, restoring them much as I have
done ; only that in the other letters of Sennacherib, there is no
example of his lu-u at the beginning of line 2. Sennacherib (or his
amanuensis) always writes Ifi simply. It is quite open to say that
the text contains nine lines on the reverse and three on the edge.
The text is not easy to read, owing to its defacement. But as
Professor Strong first, and then Mr. Pinches have collated the text
for me I feel quite safe. There is not enough left to make a
connected translation possible. But the exact way in which the
first five lines can be restored from the other Sennacherib letters,
removes all reasonable doubt of its authorship. The restorations
are in square brackets.
As to its contents there is little to say. I think there is no doubt
that in obverse 6 the name is Bel-etir, of whom I can with certainty
say nothing as yet. In line 2 of reverse we have the name of
Nabu-etir-napSati, probably the same who, in the twelfth year of
Sargon, was ami I aba sd amel rdb-saki at Kalah (Strassmaier, A.V.,
No. 5748). On the last line but one of the text, the god Nabu
seems to be setting out from Kalah. Compare the statements in
II. R. 69 concerning the gods of Dur-Sarrukin. That Nabu had a
chief seat of worship at Kalah, is well-known.
Rm. 2, II, 14.
Obverse.
[ft ~Mf sBK -XI sSfl ^ ^H 1 <« A- H- *«<TT
\M <Wf?W ■* T? -KT *gft -XI ^U
[*ffl *- EM *&% -XU sSff I? efflf « IHJ 4 *TTT*
mm u t -xi *w ?w
238
Nov. 5]
PROCEEDINGS.
Reverse.
[1895-
I
M$M
2
3
Hi fc
4
!H *
5
HINI
6
7
~z _-
8
WMM
9
miii
^MM&^MMMW^.
j-YYY >=£
T TM Hf- -0 ST m HTC^ ^
E *TTMffl If NHf" ■*•*!* V"
=TJ^ t] Vy ^ T— II! ^ 4Hffl 4M
&S -B tt B <Igf It tf- *T Hf- SfF
nitT A~m hk 111 ih ^y us
mm '$$ ^^^ z^k >wm m
*!
Edge.
10. wmmm % n ^t r? *i sus^s - n
». lIlilHP- -B s^TTT -«=YT -!!r Vi<
12. -__,_;,- RTF *«I -tlY
239
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
THE DESCENT OE PROPERTY IN THE EARLY
PERIODS OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY.
By Miss M. A. Murray.
In many tombs of the IVth, Vth, and Vlth dynasties, are found
processions of farm-servants, each servant personifying, and being
associated with the name of, a farm belonging to the deceased
During the last few months I have devoted my time to studying
these lists of farms, and I have epitomised the result of my researches
in the following pages.
I find that many of the names occur in different tombs, and
from this it seems possible to obtain some information as to the
descent of property in those times. The period covered is, roughly
speaking, between four and five hundred years; but, as the earlier lists
give very little information, and farm-lists become rare in the Vlth
dynasty, we find that it is to the tombs of the Vth dynasty that we
owe most
There are very few authorities who even mention this subject,
and lists of farm-names are to be found only in Mariette's Mastabas,
Lepsius' Denkmaler, Petrie's Median, and Diimichen's Resultate.
Besides these, Professor Flinders Petrie has kindly allowed me to
make use of some hitherto unpublished notes which he made in 1882
on two tombs at Gizeh, one of which has since been destroyed.
In comparing the farm-names I have omitted all the cartouches
and personal names with which they are compounded. It is evident
that when property changed hands, the owner gave his own name to
his farms ; Pehenuka, Ptah-hotep, Khennu, and Nefer-art-nef add
their own names to quite half the number of their farms. This
change in names is shown very clearly ; e.g., the farm Zesert is called
Zesert-Nefer-art-nef in the tomb of Nefer-art-nef, and Khennu Zesert
240
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
in the tomb of Khennu. The royal cartouches are changed in the
same way, although the name of an important king continues some-
times for several generations. Assa, the 8th king of the Vth dynasty,
appears to have given his name to many farms, ousting the cartouches
of most of his predecessors. For instance, Nefer-hesiut in the tomb
of Ptah-hotep is Horakau-Neferhesiut; in the tomb of Senezem-ab
we have Assa-Nefer-hesiut. Senezem-ab seems to have been a great
admirer of Assa, as no less than nineteen of his farms are compounded
with this king's cartouche. Again, we find the farm Uakh-hen
occurring in four different tombs, and in each case compounded with
the name of a different king, — Khufu, Userkaf, Horakau, and
Assa. This shows that the cartouches and personal names are not
an integral part of the farm-name (and are not to be depended upon
for identifying the farm), being changed for obvious reasons on the
death of the owner or of the king.
I have compared not only the farm-names, but also, as far as
possible, the relationships of the owners. When we find the re-
currence of personal names as well as of farm-names — as in the case
of Nenkhetefka and Thy — there is strong evidence that the property
descended from one to the other. The earliest possible date for the
owners of the property is indicated by the cartouche of the latest
king found in the tomb. Thus — to take the case of Nenkhetefka
and Thy — the latest cartouche in the tomb of Nenkhetefka is that
of Sahu-ra (b.c. 3699), in the tomb of Thy it is that of Ra-en-user
(b.c. 3500), an interval of about ninety years. Then again we find
that the name of Nenkhetef ka's wife was Neferhoteps, which was also
the name of Thy's wife, and five farm-names which occur in
Nenkhetefka's lists occur also in the lists of Thy. We have here a
man whose wife is called Neferhoteps, and who owns farms called
Ant, Art, Hebnen, Nebes, and Shet. Two or three generations later
we find another man whose wife is also named Neferhoteps, and who
also owns the farms Ant, Art, Hebnen, Nebes, and Shet. Of these
five names, two — Ant and Shet — are so common as to be incon-
clusive in themselves, but carry weight when they occur with other
names. The inference therefore is very strong that the later man
obtained his property from the earlier, possibly through his wife, who
may have been a grand-daughter of the first Neferhoteps. Out of
sixteen farms, Thy holds nine in common with Pehenuka, which
argues a descent of property from Pehenuka to Thy; Pehenuka's
date being that of Sahu-ra (b.c. 3690), Thy's that of Ra-en-user
241
Nov. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1S95.
(b.c. 3500). Ptah-hotep, again, holds seven of Pekenuka's farms, of
which five occur in Thy's list, besides two which Thy has acquired
from an unknown source, and one which occurs in the list of Semnefer
(G. J 82), as well as in that of Thy. Here we see a strong connection
between Thy and Ptah-hotep ; but as very few relationships are given
in either tomb, it is not possible to prove a direct descent.
Between Pehenuka and Depemankh also there appears a con-
nection, as both hold the farms Art, Ant-hekt, Hebnen, and Shet.
There are in all the lists about 450 farm-names altogether, of
these about 40 recur in different tombs. I give a list of these
names with reference letters for the sake of convenience. Many of
the names recur so often that this list really represents about 120
out of the 450, or rather more than a quarter of the entire number.
Of the rest most of the names appear only once, and cannot be
identified in any other tomb.
I also give a diagram showing the descent of property, and
where relationships have been ascertained I have inserted them.
The diagram is intended merely to show the descent of property
through different hands, and is not meant as a genealogy of the
persons mentioned.
I think that I have shown how important it is that these lists of
farms should be carefully copied wherever they may be found. It
is from this source alone that we can hope to obtain any information
as to the descent of landed property in the earliest period of
Egyptian history.
<&<
f»...
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List of Farm-Names.
r \\ 1 000
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242
Nov. 5]
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243
Nov. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIliLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1S95.
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244
Nov. 5]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1895-
Merab
Semnefer ...
Kanefera ...
Depemankh
Nenkhetefka
Nefer-art nef
Semnefer
Pehenuka..
Thy
Khennu
Rakapu
Ptah-hotep
L. D., II, 21.
L. I)., II, 28.
G. I 82.
M. M., p. 196.
M. M., p. 305.
M. M.5 p. 324.
G I 82.
L. D., II, 46.
D. R., PI. II.
M. M.. p. 185.
M. M., p. 276.
M. M., 353, and D. R., PI. XV.
245
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
AKHUENATEN AND QUEEN TIL
By Alfred C. Bryant, B.A., and F. W. Read.
In a recent number of the Proceedings* Dr. Wiedemann
published some important notes on questions of interest in con-
nection with the reign of Ahu-en-aten. On two of the points with
which he dealt his conclusions appear to us to be hardly warranted
by the evidence adduced ; and as this particular period is one
to which we have devoted some attention,! we feel justified in
detailing the reasons which compel us to dissent from so eminent
an authority.
(1.) In the first section of his article, Dr. Wiedemann publishes
a l/\c in which one of the blessings enumerated for the
deceased is ^J? (I *~wv\ w ^ M M _ The partial erasure of the
a J ' U 1 1 L
on this monument shows, as Dr. Wiedemann
points out, that it " belongs to the time before the reformation of
Chu-en-aten." But he contends at the same time that the peculiar
spelling of the phrase just quoted shows that the stela must belong to
the years 4 — 6 of this king's reign. " The determinative © instead
of O behind (I in line 4 proves, that at that time the town
of Aten was already spoken of, and that the thought of this place
induced the scribe to err."
Even if this inscription were otherwise carefully written, such
an error would afford a very narrow foundation for any theory as to
us date ; but the fact that in the space of a few short lines we find
such other blunders (which are duly noted by Dr. Wiedemann) as
* XVII, pp. 152 — 157. "Inscriptions of the time of Amenophis IV."
t See " An Inscription of Khuenaten," in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XV,
pp. 206 — 215.
246
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Q^for (1 ° , J ^ for I ^, and 4L ^ for JL«, the
well-known appellative of the god Anpu,* is sufficient, to show that
we are dealing with the work of a thoroughly careless and incom-
petent scribe. Of course there may be some special reason, apart
from general ignorance, for the commission of any particular blunder
in writing, but it is hardly safe to assume it, and still less is it safe to
found a theory on the assumption. But in the present instance it
seems that an equally valid reason, other than that assumed by
Dr. Wiedemann, might be suggested for the scribe's error. The
substitution of ^ for £3, in addition to that of © for Q, might
well lead us to infer that the engraver of the inscription had been
furnished with a not-too-well-written manuscript to copy ; and that
provided his transcription of each individual character were a
possible one, he was not careful about the general sense.
Even granting this, however, it might conceivably be urged that
the fact of his being accustomed to see the determinative of a town
written after the word (I , influenced the scribe in his transcrip-
I AAAAAA
tion. But, in fact, we hardly ever find either (I or
I AAAAAA
fO) (I written with © as a determinative, but almost always
I AAAAW
with O; so that the influence of habit would be entirely the other
way.t We cannot, therefore, admit that the spelling (Jaaaaaa
1 ©
proves that the inscription belongs to a time when " the town of
Aten was already spoken of;" and as the simple mention of the suirs
* Mr. Renouf has already suggested that a similar mistake might be the origin
of the reading Hr ^s ^ Jj in two copies of Chapter CX of the Book of the
Dead. See Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XVII, p. 99. The present case confirms his
suggestion.
t See for examples of the usual way of spelling both these names, Lepsius,
Denkmdhr, III, Bl. 91 a, gii, 92, 93, 94, and 97 e. That the determinative
circle employed is intended for ©, and not Q, may be seen from 106 b, where the
latter determinative is clearly marked in the expression 41 ^. See also Prisse,
1 © ©
Monuments, PI. XII, line 4. In Lepsius, Denkinmer, III, 105 b, and c, the sign
C°3
« I —\ |\ AAAAAA L_~-J f\ AAA/V
nr dependent from the circle in both (J n and ■¥■ (J V?
1 ' T ob' T
additional corroboration.
247 T 2
AAAAAA
is an
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
disk might occur in almost any period of ancient Egyptian history,
there does not seem to us any reason for ascribing this monument
to the reign of Ahu-en-aten at all.
(2.) In the fifth section of his article Dr. Wiedemann attempts to
show that Tii, the wife of Amenhetpu III, was not actually the
mother, but the mother-in-law of Ahu-en-aten. This theory was
put forward ten years ago in an important article by M. Bouriant,*
but his argument was too briefly stated to be in any way conclusive.
" La reine Tii," he says, " qui est, en effet, representee dans l'un des
tombeaux de Tell el-Amarna, comme venant faire visite a V ombre
de Rd, dans le temple d'Aten, est qualifiee de ' royale mere de la
fern me royale.' Khunaten n'etait done pas son fils, mais simplement
son gendre."f To this statement we can only reply by the direct
negative. So far as we can see, Tii is not styled " royal mother of
the royal wife," but "royal mother, great royal wife."
Dr. Wiedemann's own position is not quite clear ; but as he
apparently allows that I I ^s&=? ^ means " royal mother,
^reat royal wife," while he seems to consider the meaning of
to be " royal mother of the great royal wife,"
we conclude that he takes the <ww\a of the second phrase as a
preposition, as if it were found written I /WVAA* I *^r=* o.
This of course is quite a possible construction ; but we, in common
presumably with the majority of Egyptologists, had taken «w as a
complementary sign to I, and considered the c± as at once
performing the duty of a complementary to I, and at the same
tim'e joining with / in spelling l Q "mother." According to
this view the phrase might be written out as follows : I
I /WV>AA C2l
* Recueil de travaux, Tom VI, pp. 41 — 56. A Thebes. In Le Livre des
Rots, by MM. E. Brugsch and Bouriant the same theory also appears. Under
No. 351 are arranged cai touches of " la reine Tii," and under No. 375 cartouches
of the " mere de la reint Tii ;" but it is difficult to see what principle has guided
the editors in their arrangement.
t Recuetl de travaux. Tom VI, p. 52. The scene referred to is published
in Lepsius, Denkmaler, III, 101. Curiously enough Tii's titles are given in one
case in this plate in a form which compels even Dr. Wiedemann to admit that she
L sometimes styled Royal Mother.
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
I
"^r=* cs. To this construction also we do not think that
exception can possibly be taken by any Egyptian scholar ; and it
appears to be supported by such an arrangement of the characters as
we find in Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, icod, \ e* I ^fe^, where
it might plausibly be argued that the / is written above in order
to exhibit both the groups I and clearly before the
eye. It is true that Dr. Wiedemann appears to consider this method
of writing the title a mistake ; but he has surely failed to observe
that it occurs at least as frequently as the J. ^ form,* and
I /SA/VSAA
consequently has as good a right to be considered correct.
But what appears to us to be really decisive of the question is a
method of writing the title in which the two groups which compose
f ^ xj ^ n ^_, <=> '
it are reversed, T and instead of 1 ^ I -^ q we have I ^q) q
( \ t{ ^ m ]• This must read "great royal wife, royal mother," and
if 1 has the simple value of "royal mother" in this instance,
there can be no valid reason why it should be assumed to have the
additional value of " royal mother of" in the other instances.
In connection with this question the titles which are given to
Net'emit-Maut, who was admittedly a blood-relation of the queen of
Ahu-en-aten, are especially valuable. X She is designated 1/
* See for instance, Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, 101, 102. In the second of these
passages we have the ^wwv omitted. It is especially worthy of note that this
occurs in writing the name and dignities of the same scribe as in \ood. In one
case he is ll Q f£ ris?* and in the other | "1 j2c=5-. In view
in other places, we think the burden rests with Dr. Wiedemann to prove that
they are not so here.
t Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, ior. See Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XV, p. 213 ;
Lepsius, Konigsbuch, II, Taf. XXVIII, 374/'; and E. Brugsch and Bounant,
Livte des Pots, Nos. 351, 375.
X Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, 109. See also Lepsius, Kdnigsbuch,Tz.{. XXIX,
397 ; and E. Brugsch and Bouriant, Livre des Pois, No. 374.
249
of the fact that
are universally admitted to be equivalents
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
^ A\ q J) , in which it is evident that, as the phrase I 1^=* does
not refer to her, the name of the queen to whom it does refer has
been inserted in order to remove ambiguity. On the analogy of this
title, therefore, we should expect to find Tii, if she really were the mother
of the queen, styled ^ fg - ("»f» IJUJ j ^ ](\Sf j
simply.* Another point might also be mentioned. Net'emit-Maut,
being sister to Nefertiit, must likewise, on Dr. Wiedemann's theory,
be a daughter of Tii and presumably of Amenhetpu III. But in
that case should we not expect to find her styled I. ^ l^^=: on the
monuments ? This title, however, does not appear to have been
given to her, and we may therefore infer that she was not of Egyptian
royal descent, and that her sister Nefertiit consequently was not the
daughter of Tii.f These considerations are not of course in them-
selves conclusive ; but they add considerable weight to the previous
arguments, which were drawn from a review of the different forms of
Tii's titles found on the monuments.
* It might possibly be urged that the similarity of the phrases
I ° P ^ and 1 ^F 1 ^ ^ is an argument in favour of Dr.
£$ AAAAAA | C^i *d> I AAAAAA I f~\ <___->
Wiedemann's view that the two ladies were the sister and mother of the queen.
But it is not safe to take a phrase away from its context ; it might equally well be
argued that the very fact of this similarity of phrase compelled the insertion of the
queen's name in the description of her sister in order to differentiate the two
forms of title.
t A list of the children of Amenhetpu III appears to be given in Lepsiu%
Denkmaler, III, Bl. 86a and />; but it is too defaced to be of any u^e on this
question.
250
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
COPTIC FRAGMENTS.
May 13, 1895.
Dear Sir,
During a recent visit to Egypt I procured the following
Coptic fragments : —
(a) Vellum, one leaf, about 12 in. x 9-5 in., pages AXO — It
(49 — 5°)> written in red and black in a large rather careless hand.
Contains the Sahidic version of Gen. xiii, 1 [ to xiv, 7. Gen. xiv, 2-7
is wanting in Ciasca's edition of the Sahidic Old Testament, and is,
so far as I know, unpublished.
This leaf is said to have come from near Akhmim.
(b) Vellum, portions of two leaves, about 4^ in. x 33 in., con
taining the Sahidic version of part of Psalm civ (cv), 6-20, pages
129-132.
This fragment was purchased in Cairo with some others con-
taining portions of the New Testament.
I remain,
Yours' faithfully,
John E. Gilmore.
^th August, 1895.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
The Coptic fragments which you have sent me, are, so
far as I have identified them, parts of the Sahidic version of the
Bible. But it is possible that the manuscript from which they
were taken was liturgical in character, and only biblical as far as
containing extracts more or less copious, from the Holy Scriptures.
251
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGY. [1895.
In the following copy of the larger extracts, I have made no
attempt to restore the accentuation of the whole, but have only
retained the signs of accentuation in the words where they are
visible.
There are about 12 letters in each line of the MS., and the
small fragments are in such mutilated condition that no context
can be presented. The larger fragments are well worth publishing.
I wish we had more of them.
P. le Page Renouf.
Genesis, Chapter xiii.
11. ... T"neprx;oPoc XJLniop^^itHc* <lX(jut" Tuoofit
eftoX&rt Juuuti. ncy^- <LYnu)px e&oX no-*<L not&-
jULneqcort.
12. <L ,Lfip£JUL OVCD,?, £,JUL U.K&£, li^Q^m.^n JULrt
Xcjut" £,uxJoq <LqoTa),p> ^rt ttioXic rtJULneprx°Poc
^.qajume ,P,p£.i £,rt co^ojul^.
13. rtpuxmte 2^e ex^it co^ojul^. rce ^ermortHpoc
ire <l**(ju Ttpeqpnofie exx^rre ZiinejULTo e&oX
Unxoeia
14. nexe nitoirre rt<Lftp<*Jui juLrtnc<LTpe Xcjot" nuupx
e&oX juumoq. xe qi^/rK e&p^i Tenox £~jul
njut<L eTJuuuLi/c eneJUL^iT- julH tiih&t" Jxsi
nejuurr julk oa-X^cc^..
15. xe HK£.£, T"Hpq eTeKrt<LT epoq *f rt^T^^q rt<LK
Axrt neKcnspJUL^ oj<l ene£,.
is. <lycjd *f" n^.p neKcnepjuti. rtee juLnecyuo Tuulttk<l£,.
ectjxe o-*n (Tojul itoy^. een ncyuo Jxy\k&.£j
CTeqcym juut TeqoYecyc.
17. xe 'f it<LTA.^q rt<LK JuCri T~eKcnepjUL<L uj<l eite£,.
is. <s/*(jo <l <&.fip£.£/LJUi nume e&oX <Lqei <Lqo**uo(p,
&A.T&H rtnajHit jutJUL^ftpH h<li eneqcyoon ,p^rt
X^pon ^.qKuox rto**eHci<LCT-Hpiort juuixoeic.
252
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Chapter xiv.
1. Acctjcjone 2^e &R TJULrrrepo n^juii.pcbz.p nppo
nxe cerc<L<Lp* ^picox nppo Trre ceXX<L<Lp-
;X;o2^o**XX<lvojulop nppo rt<u JJLsi e^.pK^.2^ nppo
mt&eenoc.
2. <L-*eipe novnoX^fjuLoc Jm &<0\<lk nppo rtco-
2^ojul<l jul rt &A.pc<L nppo nvojuLopp^- jutn
cenn^-i.p nppo n<L2,<jjuL<L £.**co iuiri cmuLoftop*
nppo nce&oeiJUL- jmrt nppo rtft<LX<LK- exe t^'i
T~e cHvaop.
3. H^-i THpoT <Lvqi AJLn ne*yepHV exJX. ni<uuL
julX^, t<u xe e^X^cc^n nne&JULonr
4. <Lvp .p.jul^^.X nxo^oXXovojuLop- rtJULrcT~crcoo*rce
npojuLne* ^n TJUtrtxcyojuLTe npojuine £/*c<l-
£/joov eftoX.
5. ^H TJULe.p.juLnx^qTe ^e npoJULne <*.qei h<5"i
^Xo^oXXorojuLop- AJCri nepuu ot exrcjuum^q.
&.s<fox(fex nnviv^-c excyoon ^rt ^cT^puoe
K^pn.muL' julh £,en£,eenoc eixoop hjuuul^lt
A.VCU itnoJu.i.ioc n^-ieTcyoon &n ci.tR T~noXic.
e. juLn ne^oppeoc ni.ieT"ajoon £,jul mroox rcceeip*
aj<L £»P^-i eTTepejULinooc juLcbi.pp^rc- T~<u
6T^!t TepHJULOC. iTKOTOT <LYei e£,p<LI €Xtt
T"nHVH m-eKpicic eTi.i -re k<L2,rc <*,-*(jo <lt-
6^0x6^.
Psalm cv. {Sept.)
e rceqcurrn . . .
7. [n]xoq ne nxoeic nerconrre neq ....
10 Ti-VAJL^.- <lyuj nmX eT^i^-OHKH cy<L eHe£,.
11. eqxcojULoc xe -fn<L'fn<LK JU.U.K&.& rtx^-^^n
ncK . . . no-y^, m-eTnKXHponojuLii.
The fragment continues up to r. 20.
253
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S95.
NOTES DE PHILOLOGIE EGYPTIENNE.
Par Karl Piehl.
(Suite.)*
97. L'edition des textes des pyramides de Saqqarah venant de
paraitre au complet,t nous sommes maintenant en mesure de jeter
un coup d'ceil d'ensemble sur cette literature, la plus ancienne du
monde. Nous pouvons aussi a loisir en etudier la langue, tache
d'autant plus curieuse que cette langue offre des differences tres
notables, quant a la grammaire, par rapport a d'autres epoques, plus
connues, de l'egyptien.
M'interessant tout particulierement au dictionnaire egyptien, je
me permettrai cette fois de continuer ce que j'ai commence dans une
noce anterieure J — j'entends examiner la maniere dont l'editeur
a traduit et explique une serie de mots qui se voient aux textes des
pyramides. A ce sujet, je crois devoir faire remarquer que la
plupart de ces mots se rencontrent dans des textes d'autres
periodes de l'histoire egyptienne, quoique ce fait quelque fois
paraisse etre dissimule par l'ecriture que tel ou tel mot revet, quant
a l'ancien empire.
(«) ° 1^ • Ce radical, tres frequent, signifie originairement,
" accomplir, fmir, achever, fermer," etc. De la signification originaire
derive fort logiquement celle de negation, comme je l'ai releve
ailleurs. Aux textes de Pepi II, se rencontre (1. 767) l'expression
suivante: ^^J^^T^A^!^^^
* Voir Proceedings, XVI, page 254.
+ Vers le milieu du mois de Juillet passe. L'article merae porte la date du
22 decembre, 1892, ce qui n'empeche pas, que les epreuves en aient pu etre
corrigees 4 ou 5 mois plus tard. Voir Recneil de Vieweg, XIV, Livraisons 3 et 4.
* Proceedings, XV, page 249 et suiv.
254
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
¥X. VhQ °lU'a tracmite* M- Maspero delasorte: "Salutatoi,"
CEil d'Horus, qu'il a muni de ses deux mains creatricesP Ici je
crois devoir traduire : " Salut a toi, oeil d'Horus, qu'il a rempli de
ses deux mains reuuies." II est vrai que le copte possede un verbe
T<LJUUO, 0<LJUUO,t ayant le sens de " creer, faire," mais ce sens
n'a pas ete reconnu jusqu'ici pour le mot V\ de la langue
ancienne; et du reste, le mot copte qui equivaut a ^^_^ V\ est
plutot T03JUL, OCUJUL.
Tres-instructif pour le sens du passage cite* est celui-ci : j (I ^§\
" II a parcouru les deux ciels entiers, il a passe les deux parties de
l'Egypte."
Nous n'avons pas besoin de nous homer a l'ancien empire pour
trouver des exemples du sens " entier, complet," quant au mot
Ys\ . En voici un, § datant des basses epoques : — » — f\
u5m\s==U 7 $J ' • Ici x joue le
^ 1 If — h— I I I ^n=ir £ *jys 11 /J o I I
role, qu'a tres souvent le mot J^\ dans les inscriptions de la meme
periode. — Pour un autre exemple, on peut consulter Naville,
Litanie, page 18.
Le sens "entier, complet, tout" que nous attribuons a. s V\
derive naturellement des significations, "accomplir, achever," que
tout le monde a adoptees pour ce vocable.
(£) /www \ \ signifie, "jambes, cuisses,"comme les egyptologues
s'accordent a admettre depuis longtemps. Dans cet emploi, le mot
est synonyme de (I $ ^ ^ \ , comme nous le prouve une comparaison
* Recueil, XII, page 160.
t Ce verbe pouriait bien etre 1'equivalent de l'ancien fiJj\ ^ | , qui aurait
subit des changements phonetiques, par suite d'un jeu de l'analogie.
t Pyra?nide d'Ounas, 1. 514. M. Maspero a ici tres bien rendu sT^ir |^
per " entier." "
§ Mariette, Dendirahy IV, 306.
255
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1895.
entre les deux exemples suivants : (1 — v^ fAM* \ S ^ * et
Par contre ^wwa *| j[ ne signifie pas "pieds," et le passage que
-9 q ^
voici : <fe\ O <~> ^^ .11 + ne peut se traduire, "fille de Ra,
qui est .^r /<?.$■ pieds de Ra," comme le veut M. Maspero,§ mais
" fille de Ra, qui est sur les jambes — c'est-a-dire stir le sein — du dieu."
Cette difference d'acception paraitra peut-etre insignifiante, mais elle
ne Test pas, si Ton regarde le role mythologique qu'elle implique
dans 1'un et l'autre cas. Celle qui est sur les pieds du dieu-solaire
le foule sous les pieds ; elle est par consequent son ennemi. Celle
qui est sur le sein du dieu est intime avec lui, et c'est la un role
qui convient a la fille du dieu.
Evitons done d'employer le sens "pieds" pour le mot .www \\.
(/) — nous est deja connu par le Dictionnaire de Brugsch,
J a I
qui y attache fort bien la signification " pilote." Le mot en question
se retrouve aux textes des pyramides dans la phrase suivante :
(I — ^.[1^; I |l ce qu'a rendu M. Maspero^I de la sorte
mmmI U O I I
"biens de qui est dans I'ceil de la barque divine;" et aussi dans
1 expression suivante /v (I-
0,**traduiteparM. Maspero,!!
de la sorte : " gateaux a qui est dans Tceil de Ra."
Traduisons "biens du pilote de la barque divine," "gateaux
du pilote de Ra," les deux passages susmentionne's.
(d) 1 u 1 1 @ . Ce mot se rencontre dans les inscriptions de la
pyramide de Merenra, ou a la ligne 769, on lit ceci: ( © ^ww J
□ v\aL=^_ taU 'V fan — 1 J gQL q ce qui a ete traduit: + +
"car c'est Mirinri qui empoigne la couronne blanche like a. la
* Pyramide de Pepi I, 1. 401. t Brugsch, Thesaurus, page 461.
X Pyramide de Pepi II, 1. 956. § Reaieil, XII, page 1 84.
|| Pyramide de Pepi II, 1. 625 = Tela, I. 91, = Merenra, 1. 241.
H Recueil, V, page 15. ** Pyramide d'Ounas, 1. 184.
tt Recueil, III, page 197. XX Recueil, XI, page 27.
256
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
couronne verte," truduction qui reellement repond au fonds de
notre passage. Toute fois, c'est par pur hazard que cette con-
cordance entre forme et fonds &'est etablie. Car dans la traduction
citee, \[D n'a pas ete rendu; et crsr: J <£ ne signifie pas "Her."
II est vrai, que Brugsch * depuis longtemps nous a fait connaitre
la racine r~rc— 1 J " her," mais cette racine n'a guere a faire avec notre
groupe 1 . 1 ] GL .
Ce dernier est a regarder comme une variante ou une forme
dialectale du vocable *£ lg\ J (j> qui notoirement denote le croc
qui orne la couronne rouge >/ .
Notre passage se traduit done de la maniere que voici : "c'est
Merenra qui saisit la couronne blanche qui s'appuie sur le croc de
la couronne verte."
{?) A.. L(l o "racine." Ce pretendu groupe ne m'est connu que
o n
d'un seul passage de texte — Pepi II, 1. 662 — oil se lit: ™™
\) (](]\^njlj> ce l11'3- traduit M. Maspero de la sorte: "ce
jour de repousser les Rayonnatits qui te disent la racine de Pepi
Noferkeri. — Dire: Ja. Hai."
II est evident que A..L(j<=> de ce passage doit se couper en
deux: J_ L "ceci" et (jo '-'pere," ce dernier titre applique au roi
defunt, qui souvent s'appelle " pere," dans les textes des pyramides.
La fin de notre citation signifie done " dire ceci, 6 pere Pepi, a
savoir Ta. Haa." Quant au debut, il me semble douteux qu'il
existe un verbe A ^ J\ "repousser." Je lirais plutot I J\, ce
qui fournit un mot frequent et dont l'emploi est connu. D'ailleurs
le mot "racine " s'ecrit .L-l-o -fir aux textes des pyramides.
Evitons done d'adoDter le mot inexact _!-Lllo "racine."
* Wbrterbuch VII, page 11 74.
257
IP
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AXCH.EOLOGY. [1S95.
(/) X fl^jL • Ce mot, il y a longtemps, a ete explique par
M. Le Page Renouf,* comme signifiant "vapeur," acception que,
entre autres, Brugsch t a cru devoir admettre. M. Maspero le
traduit partout par "flamrae," comme dans cette expression-ci :
r=> qu'il a traduite : " lis elevent Pepi Noferkeri au ciel, au
O
ciel, sur la flamme de l'encens." j Nous prefererions traduire de la
sorte : " lis enlevent Pepi vers le ciel, dans les vapeurs de l'encens."
Ces dernieres paroles nous paraissent plausibles, car elles repondent
a. ce que Fame exaltee peut sentir au milieu des bouffees d'encens
qui s'elevent vers le haut — et il ne faut pas oublier que le langage
des textes des pyramides est un langage concret, emprunte en grande
partie a la vie de tous les jours.
t^ » 1 • (^^ n $\ <===>\ ^^^ <=^> ^
De meme, le passage suivant : <cz> (I ^X D ^) V
Q A I Jl /vwwx (1 <^> ne signifie pas "sa bouche se manifeste par
la flamme de la grande rosie," § car la rosee n'a pas de flamme. II
faut plutot traduire, " il sort sur la vapeur de la grande rosee," et par
la on se sert d'une expression parfaitement logique, car la rosee se
transforme en vapeur ou resulte de vapeur.
Gardons alors pour le mot ft jl^(J|le sens "vapeur," etabli et
admis par tout le monde, et effacons celui de "flamme," introduit
par M. Maspero.
(§") \J 1 ■ 1 (j$ mot jusqu'ici inconnu, qui selon M. Maspero
fournirait un nouveau nom d'astre. Voici le passage || d'oii le
pretendu vocable a ete tire :
* Zeitschrift, 1877, page 107. t IVoiterbuck, VI, page 859.
+ Reaieil de Vieweg, XII, page 1S4. La traduction " elever," proposee par
M. V. Loret et adoptee par M. Maspero pour c*=5\ f a ^te montree etre
inexacte par nous (Proceedings, XII, page 374). Le passage d'Ounas e*e='\ [I
*\ -t?\ ^- — ^ *^1 j~\ ^ ^3 A^^A^
I V^ k\\ /vs (1- 493) rnontre l'inanite de la traduction "elever " pour le
verbe en question, a moins qu'on n'etablisse l'equation : elever = baisser, ce qu
serait porter atteinte a la langue francaise.
§ Pepi II, ligne 747. II Pyramide de Merenra, ligne 765.
258
Nov. 51 PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
D <=> [1 PR
(o^ — J D^J^Va^
{ .^P <==> J I 0 I A *— > ce clue notre excellent confrere
V —J\ /WW\A 111 U
avait rendu par : " c'est Mirinri, l'astre Ouapshou, et le ciel admet
ce Pepi (en lui) comme dieu defenseur."* L'explication que nous
voudrions soutenir dans ce cas, a a peu pres la forme suivante :
" Merenra est une etoile qui parseme le ciel {de rayons) ; ce Pepi
monte, comme dieu defenseur."
Contre I'acception de M. Maspero parlent plusieurs particularites.
Ainsi, le groupe ^ £tj\ n'a pas le sens transitif ; t pour en avoir,
il aurait fallu inserer le prefixe I , caracteristique des causatifs
egyptiens. Puis, une expression " l'astre Ouapshou " s'ecrirait
plutot [ I * \<J 1 1 (/? * , c'est-a-dire determined par une etoile.
Cfr. H 11 * <=s^ -Pi * "l'etoile du matin."J
Le groupe \J < ' (j& nous est connu depuis longtemps, et
Brugsch l'a deja insere dans son grand dictionnaire.§ Toutefois le
sens "illuminer, eclairer," que l'eminent savant allemand attache au
mot en question, n'est que secondaire. La signification originaire
est peut-etre : " parsemer, jeter 9a et la," comme pour l'expiession
suivante, empruntee a un texte de basse epoque: °„Q}
C3
*=* i " Je parseme ton siege d'ceil d'Horus.
r~\ o o o
Eliminons done le pretendu vocable \J 1 1 [Jr " l'astre
Ouapshou."
{h) ^n^|l \\ , 3 "Kaid," nom d'etoile selon l'editeur des
textes des pyramides. Le passage 011 a ete releve ce nom nouveau
est celui-chfl (j \^\ (1 ® IMIMMi ^H^kT^
* Recueil de Vieweg, XI, page 26. t Voir plus loin de notre article.
% Pyramide de Pepi 11, ligne 948.
-§ Hierogl. dem., Worterbuch, I, page 58.
I] DumiCUEN, Baageschichte des Dendercitempeh, pi. 47.
^[ Pyramide de Tela, ligne 239 — Pyramide d'Ounas, ligne 419.
259
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
® \\\fi il ^^^^Ti^^"0 terreur
_ a Jf 111 ' I JJ ** ^T <s>- _m^. WL 111 ^wws d^
des champs de Ka'id et d1 Apaou-an-sibou, lorsqu'ils ont vu le pilier
de Konsii,"* comme l'a traduit M. Maspero. Je ne crois pas etre
trop hardi en ecartant V\ I J\!\ n\ h_J\ \ .QJL^ ^3^5 comme
un mot compose, ce qui nous autorise a lire le groupe que le suit
ant. Par la, nous obtenons un mot comprehensible au
point de vue etymologique, tandisque Ka'id reste inexplicable.
J'imagine que ceux qui connaissent l'astronomie egyptienne
pourront etabler un lien intime — non seulement sous le rapport de
l'etymologie ! — entre (I v\ , et
Pour le moment, il me suffit d'avoir ecarte le pretendu mot
nom d'etoile."
*
(/) ® II Sous cette forme, les textes des pyramides
/W\AAA 0 0 ( )
donnent un mot que l'editeur en a cru devoir couper en deux, et qu'il
traduit, " embrasser les deux horisons." Les variantes de ce groupe
compose sont fort peu de nombre — on rencontre ® V f )
et ® v^ *~ — et nulla part je n'ai trouve les deux precedes
/■•WVNA
de 1!k , la lecture habituelle de "l'horison," quant a cet order de
textes. Cette derniere circonstance fournit une preuve indirecte a.
l'appui de notre these. Examinons d'ailleurs quelques exemples de
l'emploi du groupe H | J
5P «k Pepi ^ •
* Recueil de Vieweg, IV, page 47. La transcription Apaou-an-sibou ne me
plait pas non plus, pour le groupe ^ v\ fjl | I \\ ' wPf^.. Celui-ci est
compose de ^ v\ " ce qui sont devant " et Ml | I 1 " le pilier des
etoiles." Mais la tete humaine fy ne se lit pas— a ma connaissance — dp avant
l'entree des basses epoques. A mon avis, il faut la lire ici tep, et la gruupe entier:
Tepdou -an-sibou.
26d
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
" Pepi* va sur ces deux horisons du ceil " [M. Maspero :f " Ce Pepi
va pour embrasser ces deux horisons du ciel."]
— QtlTO^00 1 fvY—^O J «^«(= passer
les deux horisons du ciel par la barque de Ra [M. Maspero :§ "Fais
que la barque de Ra soit enfermee entre les deux horisons du ciel."]
Evidemmment, je rapproche ® O du groupe frequent
/WW\A v! 0 C )
I T, II qu'on rencontre souvent pendant le nouvel Empire.
I AAAAfW I
(k) 1 •>§ jh- Tihont, nora de deesse que M, Maspero a
releve deux fois dans les textes de Tctaf\ et qui n'a pas ete corrige
par lui pour les passages correspondants des autres pyramides.
Nous avons evidemment a. remplacer le nora nouveau par le nom
ancien Q Jk, qui se voit dans d'autres textes de la meme epoque.**
(/) ^ ££\ a ete rendu par "entrer," et son causatif par
" introduire," tandisque le vrai sensff de ce vocable est "monter,"
caus. " faire monter, elever." Dans les textes des pyramides, je n'ai
nulle part rencontre un <cr^> final pour se mot, ni dans les variantes
a determinatifs, ni dans celles qui manquent de cette particularite
graphique. Neanmoins il est certain que ^ rjm equivaut ^
T^T , plus moderne quoique le <rz> du premier ait ete passe
grace a son caractere de liquida sonans. Comme temoignage de
cette equation, je citerai :
\ gg\ 'I [Teta, 281] = o3^ *
[von Bergmann, Recueil, VI, 165.]
A 0 5^3: /waa q J (pIEHLj Im ffUr^ LXXXII, 6) = k
m AAAAAA
h3r\ ' — ^b fl \Merenra, 460].
(;//) aaaaaa vfsf " Se poser." Ce sens, propose par M. Maspero
AAAAAA OC
pour le mot en question, n'est guere exacte. Pour l'accepter, il
* Pyramide de Pepi I, ligne 392. t Recueil de Viezveg, VII, page 109.
% Pyramide de Pepi I, ligne 177. § Recueil de Viezveg, V, page 188.
|| BRUGSCH, Wbrterbuch,lV , page 1295. IT Pyramide de Teta, lignes 89, 90.
** Inscription biographique d'Ouna, ligne 40.
tt Brugsch, Wbrterbuch, I, pages 204, 205.
261 U
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
faudrait connaitre une variante, dormant pour determinatif un ideo-
gramme, designant "s'asseoir." Mais je n'en connais pas pour ma
part. Mieux vaut alors admettre le sens, donne il y a longtemps par
Brugsch,* a savoir, " planer, se soutenir les ailes immobiles." Les
textes des pyramides nous font voir le mot /www v£C en qualite de
synonyme du verbe ^^_ ^\^ "voler." Un passage comme celui-ci : f
-crr> O ne signifie done pas "Ounas vole comme un oiseau, il se
pose comme un scarabee," } mais plutot, " Ounas vole comme un
oiseau, il plane comme un scarabee." Ici, www vK peintlemouve-
ment irregulier et gauche le voltigement du scarabee, qui veut voler,
sans pouvoir le faire comme un veritable oiseau.
Le determinatif vj< represente une scene, souvent vue par ceux
qui ont visite la campagne de l'Egypte. C'est un oiseau aquatique —
le grebe je crois — qui plane dans l'air, en attendant le momeut
favorable pour plonger dans le canal du Nil, d'oir il va rapporter un
poisson.
*****
Voila une douzaine de mots — la plupart depuis longtemps con-
nue — pour lesquels l'editeur des textes des pyramides a propose
des acceptions, plus ou moins inadmissibles. Mais par la, on ne
peut pas dire que la liste des inexactitudes, relatives au dictionnaire
Egyptien, soit videe, comme quelques autres exemples, pris au
hazard, prouvent surabondamment. Que dit-on de la traduction
"peres," proposee pour le group (J ' de l'expresston suivante:§
1 bbb
"tu as frappe les peres, tu as moissonne les orges "] ! Le paral-
lelisme des membres aurait du amener le traducteur a voir en
* Worterbuch, III, page ro89.
+ Pyr amide d Ounas, ligne 477.
J Rccueil de Vieweg, IV, page 56.
§ Recueil, V, page 4J.
262
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
(1 et \l Iff deux choses analogues. II est vrai que le
lobb J o III
mot (I n'est pas au dictionnaire de Brugsch a Pendroit ou Con
pouvait s'attendre a le rencontrer — j'entends sous la lettre (I — mais
si Ton consulte la page 1527 du Vol. IV, on le retrouve tout de
meme avec l'explication necessaire. Est-ce peut-etre la misinter-
pretation au point de vue mythologique du dit passage qui a conduit
notre collegue francaise a traduire cette phrase-ci : P w~" 9 ^
de la maniere suivante*(" Je suis Horus, qui venge son pere) j'ai
frappe pour toi, te frappant" par quoi le jeune Horus, vengeur de
son pere, devient egalement le chatieur de son pere !
Pourquoi traduire f ^^ Par "la crainte," quand Brugsch
nous en a fort bien appris le sens " eine besondere Entenart?"
Ou ^>1 " par "l'Occident," quand le meme lexicographe nous
enseigne qu'il signifie le contraire, a savoir "l'Orient?" Ou
<==>i>^L tant°t Par '"colombe," tantot par "epervier?" Cette
derniere hesitation entre deux acceptions, assez divergentes, est peut-
etre due a Brugsch, qui dans son Dictionnaire (VII, page 1334)
embrasse les deux sens. Evidemment celui d'eperi'ier ou ne
oiseau congenere est le seul admissible, comme nous le prouvent
les representations, peintes sur certains coffies funeraires et relatives
a. l'oiseau <zr> A^.
Tar ces observations nous croyons avoir montre que nombre
de mots, employes aux textes des pyramides, ont ete mal interpretes
par l'editeur de ces textes, surtout parce qu'il a omis de consulter
les dictionnaires, deja existants, quant a. ces mots.
98. La preposition Copte rtGJUL est du nombre des mots du
l'egyptien chretien dont on ignore l'origine. II est vrai que nous
rencontronsquelquefoisdes essais de la rapprocher de (I nh ' ^V
de la langue ancienne, mais ces essais sont si timides que nous
n'avons guere de quoi nous en occuper d'une maniere serieuse.
Provisoirement, je proposerai de voir en | Vv ) l'equivalent
* Recueil, XI, page 1. t Recucil, IV, page 58.
26^
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
hieroglyphique du Cope HCJUL, et en faveur de cette equation je
citerai les exemples suivants :
III q \\o| _M>> <=» 1 il o 1 c=^^ ^^ f /WWVA in
"peindre avec de 1' 'anti ainsi que ( = joint a) de la couleur Roi sur
une piece de linge."*
\% m± c^> o fn 1 oVo (J o I J^ ^= \\ HH o 1 <^> SH
^ (I ««A 5 "peindre avec de Yanti et du parfum frais, ainsi que
AAAAAA I H
de la couleur Roi," sur un morceau d'etoffe rouge."!)
*wwv\ AAAAA/ SWSVJ\
/www ^n
ft/WWA C\
_ n-r=r^Us.
/WAAA ft ^\^ U(J fl 0 Peindre avec
5
de Yanti seche, ainsi que de Vnot du midi, ainsi que de l'eau du
puits de l'Occident, sur une piece d'etoffe verte."|
_ /www SOF f~. I I
"On lui donna une
^*~ o I ||
chevre, ayant la valeur de 2 unites de poids, ainsi que 5 pieces de
Uot egalement on lui donna 5 morceaux de bois."§
Je crois ne pas etre trop hardi en enoncant que l'emploi de
de ces exemples presente une analogie tres
frappante a, l'emploi qu'on fait de la preposition ItCJUL dans la
langue neoegyptienne. On a peut-etre de quoi deriver la seconde
* Todtb., chap. 101, ligne 5. + Ibid., 164, ligne 10.
% Ibid., 163, ligne 15. Cfr. a ce sujet Pleyte, Chapitres supplementaires
du Livre des Morts, page 185, cm Ton trouve les raisons de la modification de la
lecture c<=>\ ft 0 du Todtb., en celle de ^""^ ft C
§ Inscriptions in the hier. and dem. character, pi. XXIV. M. W. Spiegel-
berg {Recueil de Vieweg, XV, p. 141) vient de donner une petite etude relative a
ce texte difficile. En general, nous tombons d'accord avec les vues de ce jeune
savant, quant a notre ostracon. Le seul point ou nous declinons d'accepter ses
transcriptions, c'est concernant quelques uns des chiffres. II faut en effet se
souvenir, que le sigle hieratique, representant 4, quand il designe le quantieme
du mois, equivaut a 5 pour d'autres annotations numeriques.
264
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
de la premiere. J'ajoute d'ailleurs que j'ai fonde ma lecture nem,
quant au groupe i Yk\ , sur les arguments qu'ont donnes les
Brugsch et Le Page Renouf en faveur de la dite lecture.
II m'est connu qu'il y a des egyptologues qui attribuent a | V\
la valuer de u/iem} mais je n'ai pas vu de preuves satisfaisantes
etablissant cette equation, et le fait, que le copte onfOJ^eAA
X R
quelquefois a un sens identique a celui de I f\, ne me parait pas
definitivement resoudre le probleme. Car OTCJO^eJLR. peut fort
bien deriver de OfeQ, de meme que p. ex. eiCDpeJUL derive de I pi.
99. Le papyrus Abbot contient (page VII, ligne 10) une expres-
sion que tout le monde parait avoir meconnue. Voici ce qu'on
y a lu :
1 1 1
c'est la a peu pres la lecture commune de Chabas, de M. Maspero
et de M. von Lemm (Lesestiicke). La traduction de Chabas:* "Et
comme il fit sa jactance pour les lieux," et celle de M. Maspero :f
"Or apres qu'il eut profere des paroles par rapport aux lieux,"
s'accordent tres bien, comme explication de notre passage. Toute-
fois, je ne connais aucun exemple en faveur d'une acception sem-
blable de l'expression v\ ^=^ ^=^_ .
Cette expression n'est du reste pas la reproduction exacte de
l'original hieratique qui plutot renferme ceci : V\ ^ — f\ ><— .
En introduisant cette petite correction, nous avons pour le
passage entier le sens suivant : " II a ouvert sa bouche contre les
lieux grands."
La maniere dont le scribe a ici rendu le groupe <~f>, ne peut
faire sujet d'etonnement, si nous regardons le mot [I 0A -"^v ^
de la meme page (VII), ligne 11, car <=f> de ce dernier groupe a
exactement la meme forme que le <=j:> qui nous occupe.
* Melanges Egyptologiques, III, page 139.
t Une enqucte judicaire, page 54.
265
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
La locution ' r ,, nous est bien connue d'autres textes,
c-= -a W=fl 1
p. ex. (I V\ r „ 1 <c=r> ■¥- _ £u\ " n'ouvre pas ta
bouche pour proferer des jurons."*
100. En publiant son "Agyptische Grammatik," f ouvrage qui a
paru ces jours-ci, M. Erman de Berlin a rendu a notre science un
service signale. Quelle que soient les remarques qu'on puisse
adresser a. cette grammaire — et nous en avons un certain nombre — ■
on ne peut nier qu'elle ne possede des qualites, tres serieuses, qui
lui conferent une place a part parmi les publications egyptologiques
qu'ont vu apparaitre les annees dernieres.
Ce n'est pas maintenant le moment de critiquer l'ouvrage entier
de M. Erman, il faut du temps pour arriver a accomplir en con-
science une tache aussi ardue que celle-la. En attendant que j'aie
fini les recherches, indispensables a pareille entreprise, il sera peut-
etre permis d'examiner certains points de detail que notre savant
confrere a notre avis a traites trop a la legere.
Un tel point de detail nous est fourni par le paragraph e 372, 011
se lit : " Eine, in klassischer Sprache wohl veraltete, Verstarkung der
Negation ist T "~ _ru.," apres quoi l'auteur donne les deux seuls
exemples que voici : H I _a_^^^\ a "wenn es
nicht in eurem Besitz ist : " J i) " me ward Gleiches
gethan."
Nous croyons que cette nouvelle regie est erronee, et cela nous
semble resulter d'un examen attentif des deux exemples, sur lesquels
la dite regie a ete echafaudee.
La premiere citation se voit dans Penchainement de phrases
. . £L /VWW\ ra /W^M £3 tt n 1
- <=> m v& ¥\ & V\ s=> 1
1
^ vb\ ce que je crois devoir
traduire de la sorte : " Vous allez m'enrichir beaiicoup de ce que vous
;;" Inscriptions in the hicr. and dem. character XVIII. — Le sens litteral de
v\ ~ est sans doute " faire la petite bouche."
t Adolf Erman, Agyptische Grammatik) Berlin, 1894(1). Reuther und
Reichard.
266
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
avez eu pres de vous ; si vous n'en avez pas, vous allez dire par votre
bouche."* Ici, ~" est done une expression adverbiale —
plus souvent ecrite <rr> I =*"~ — appartenant a la phrase anterieure,
tandis que ,_n_^. introduit la phrase suivante. La nouvelle regie est
done ici de trop.
Quant au second exemple de M. Erman, il se voit au milieu
d'une expression dont le debut et la fin ont ete detruits, et qui par
consequent peut autoriser plusieurs acceptions. Voici la dite expres-
r&. .en f /VVWVN 0 <=> n r? , <2 # -a
S||.t Un passage de la meme inscription portant ceci :
I ^z^ T ~^* r^% y$i, il me semble peu probable que T -cs>- , etc.,
I 0 a^vwvn -/£■. 0 d
renferme une negation ordinaire. Toutefois, il est possible que la
phrase en question renferme une proposition negative: "Voici que
rien de pareil n'a ete fait par aucun grand'pretre a aucune epoque "
..... mais cela serait alors la consequence d'une modification,
apportee dans la signification originaire de T "accomplir, terminer,
finir." Une traduction plus litterale sonnerait peut-etre de la sorte :
"C'est fini que Taction de pareilles choses par tout grand'pretre," etc.
T jouerait alors ici un role analogue a celui de la soi-disante negation
NpnE v\ , qui n'est en realite qu'un verbe, si Ton en tient compte
de l'emploi syntactique.
Tout bien considere, on peut en toute assurance effacer la
nouvelle regie, qui demanderait des preuves, bien autrement solides,
pour pouvoir esperer quelque avenir dans notre science.
* Grebaut, Le musee egypiieu, pi. 18. — La maniere dont certaines publica-
tions se poursuivent en egyptologie, merite d'etre signalee. Ainsi, l'editeur da
" Musee egyptien " deja en 1891 s'est fait remettre tout le prix de la livraison
Iere de ce Recueil, et maintenant (29 Decembre, 1893) on n'a vu paraitre que le
premier fascicule de la dite livraison et pas meme celui-la au complet. A quand
la suite ?
t Mariette, Mastabas, 390.
267
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden on
Tuesday, 3rd December, 1895, at 8 p.m., by kind permission
of the Council of the Royal Institute of British Architects,
in their Lecture Room, at
9, CONDUIT STREET, HANOVER SQUARE, W.
Mr. Grey Hill will read a paper on "A Journey East
of the Jordan and the Dead Sea, 1895."
A large number of Photographic Lantern Slides, taken
on the spot, will be shown in illustration of the journey.
268
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1895-96.
Seventh Meeting, yd December, 1895.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CKAIR.
-#;$-
I very much regret that, owing to my having been mis-
informed, though the authority appeared to be sufficiently
reliable, the decease of Professor Eberhard Schrader was
announced in the November Proceedings. I am happy to
be able to state that Professor Schrader is now rapidly
recovering from his recent illness.
[No. cxxxiii.] 269 x
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Rev. James Marshall. — CEuvres choisies de A. J.
Letrorme, Membre de l'lnstitut, assemblies, mises en ordre
et augmentees d'un index par E. Fagnan. Deuxieme serie,
geographie et Cosmographie. 2 vols. Paris. 8vo. 1883.
From the Author : — Michael Petrovo-Solovovo. A short sketch
of the History of the relations between Assyro-Babylonia and
the Hebrews. (In Russian.) St. Petersburg. 8vo. 1895.
From the Author : — Rev. Alan Spencer Hawkesworth. On the
identity of Hebrew and Aryan Roots. Fol. 1895.
From the Author : — Rev. James Johnstone. The Bible de-
molishes the Criticism of the Higher Critics. Edinburgh.
8vo. 1895. Appendix B. 1895.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, held on the 5th
November, 1895, and were elected Members of the Society : —
Mrs. George Bennett, 4, Hampton Grove, Surbiton, Surrey.
Sam. Bergheim, 41, Norfolk Square, W.
Alfred Charles Bryant, 5, Dagmar Terrace, Alexandra Park, Wood
Green.
James Johnstone, 8, Merchiston Park, Edinburgh.
J. R. Mayfield, Eastbourne.
H. J. Innes Whitehouse, 107, Farleigh Road, Stoke Newington, N.
A. Goodinch Williams, F.S.A., The London Institution, Finsbury
Circus, E.C.
Charles Hanson Greville Williams, F.R.S., F.C.S., F.I.C., Castle-
maine, Oakhill Road, Putney, S.W.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The University Library, Bonn, Germany.
The Me'bourne Library, Australia.
The Luxor Sporting Club. Rev. C. B. Huieatt, M.A., Librarian,
Luxor, Egypt.
270
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, to be held the 14th January 1896 : —
W. H. Brown, B.A., London, 21, Cambridge Street, Eccleston
Square.
John Stanton, Chorley, Lancashire.
Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A., Queens' College, Cambridge.
James Wheeler, Chardmore Road, Upper Clapton.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Libraries (Basil Anderton, B.A.,
Chief Librarian).
The following Paper was read by Mr. Gray Hill, Author
of " With the Bedouins."
A JOURNEY EAST OF THE JORDAN AND THE
DEAD SEA, 1895.
This Paper was illustrated by a large number of lantern slides,
photographed on the spot. Many of the places of which views
were exhibited have never been photographed before.
The^following is a list of some of the places visited during the
journey : —
A fourth Attempt to reach Petra. Jerusalem to Yadiueh. The
Beni Sakhr Beduins. Stormy weather. Ruins of Yadiudeh.
Sheik Arar of Petra. A Thief. Ruins of Umm Moghr. Sheik
Hazah and his relatives. A seeming reconciliation. We start
for the Ruined Castle of Khauranee ; an Alarm and a Hurried
Retreat. Return] to^ Umm Mogr. We try again. A strange
Night in the Castle. Arrest of the Herald. No Water. The
Aenezeh are coming ; we retreat again. Hazah's Camp. Ruins
of Umm Shettah. We steer for Kerak. The Waters of Dimon.
The Christian Boy. New Way of Fishing. The Gorge of the
Arnon. The Keraki. " This is your Last Night." A Shower
271 x 2
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
of Bullets. Intervention of an Uncle. We appeal for Justice
and Permission to visit Petra. Descent to the Dead Sea. The
Ghor es Safiyeh. The Robber's Gully. Mr. Forder's ex-
perience. A Long Day. The Pass of Ain Jidy. Home
again.
Remarks were added by Messrs. Walter Morrison, Vice-
President, W. G. Thorpe, P. R. Reed, Rev. R. Gvvynne,
Rev. Dr. Lowy, Mr. Charles Hamilton, and Mr. Gray Hill.
Thanks were returned to Mr. Hill for this communication.
A vote of thanks to the President and Council of the
Royal Institute of British Architects, for kindly allowing
the Society the use of their lecture room, was proposed by
Mr. Thomas Christy, seconded by Mr. F. Pollard, and carried
unanimously.
A vote of thanks to the Palestine Exploration Fund for
allowing the use of a copy of their large raised map of
Palestine, was proposed by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, seconded by
Mr. Gray Hill, and carried unanimously.
272
PLATE XXXII
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus Brit. Mu
Proc. Soc Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1895.
0. 9,90.1, and Papyrus Leyden, No. II.
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV.
Part III.
[Said upon approaching to the gods who are in the Tuat. (31)]
Hail ye gods, I know you and I know your names ; let me not
be stricken down by your blows : report not the evil which is in me
to the god whom ye follow. Let not reverse (32) of mine come to
pass through you.
Let not evil things be said against me in presence of the Inviolate
One ; because I have done the right in Tamerit.
I revile not the god : let not reverse of mine come to pass
through the King who resideth within His own Day. (33)
Hail ye gods who are in the Hall of Righteousness, who have
nothing wrong about you; who subsist upon Righteousness in
Annu, and who sate themselves with cares, (34) in presence of the
god who resideth within his own Orb : deliver me from Babai who
feedeth upon the livers of princes on the Day of the Great Reckon-
ing.
Behold me : I am come to you, void of wrong, without fraud, a
harmless one : let me not be declared guilty ; let not the issue be
against me.
273
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
I subsist upon Righteousness : I sate myself with uprightness of
heart : I have done that which man prescribeth and that which
pleaseth the gods.
I have propitiated the god with that which he loveth. I have
given bread to the hungry, water to the thirsty, clothes to the naked,
a boat to the shipwrecked. I have made oblations to the gods and
funeral offerings to the departed : deliver me therefore : protect
me therefore : and report not against me in presence of the great
god.
I am one whose mouth is pure, and whose hands are pure, to
whom there is said "Come, come in peace," by those who look
upon him.
For I have listened to the words which were spoken by the Ass
and the Cat in the house of Hept-ro. (35)
And I have undergone the inspection of the god Whose face is
behind him, who awardeth my verdict (36), so that I may behold
what the Persea tree covereth (37) in Restau.
I am one who glorifieth the gods and who knoweth the things
which concern them.
I am come and am awaiting that inquisition be made of Right-
fulness and that the Balance be set upon its stand within the bower
of amaranth. (38)
0 thou who art exalted upon thy pedestal and who callest thy
name, Lord of Air : deliver me from those messengers of thine
who inflict disasters (39) and bring about mishaps. No covering
have they upon their faces.
For I have done the Righteousness of a Lord of Righteousness.
1 have made myself pure : my front parts are washed, my back
parts are pure, and my inwards steeped in the Tank of Righteous-
ness. There is not a limb in me which is void of Righteousness.
I purify me in the Southern Tank, and I rest me at the northern
lake, in the Garden of Grasshoppers. (40)
The Boatmen of Ra purify them there at this hour of the night
or day (41) and the hearts of the gods are appeased (42) when I pass
through it by night or by day.
Let him come (43) : that is what they say to me.
Who, pray, art thou ? that is what they say to me.
What, pray, is thy name ? that is what they say to me.
" He who groweth under the Grass (44) and who dwelleth in
the Olive tree " is my name.
274
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Pass on, then : that is what they say to me.
I pass on to a place north of the Olive.
What, prithee, didst thou see there ?
A thigh (45) and a leg.
And what, prithee, said they to thee ?
That I shall see (46) the greetings in the lands there of the
Fenchu :
What, prithee, did they give to thee?
A flame of fire and a pillar of crystal.
And what, prithee, didst thou to them ?
I buried them on the bank of the Lake of Maait as Provision of
the Evening.
What, prithee, didst thou find there on the bank of the Lake of
Maait ?
A sceptre of flint : ' Giver of Breath ' is its name.
And what didst thou to the flame of fire and to the pillar of
crystal after thou hadst buried them ?
I cried out after them and drew them forth : and I extinguished
the fire, and I broke the pillar, and I made a Tank.
Thou mayest now enter through the door of the hall of
Righteousness, for thou knowest us.
I allow thee not to pass by me, saith the Leaf (47) of the Door,
unless thou tell my name :
" The Pointer of Truth " (48) is thy name.
I allow thee not to pass by me, saith the right side post (49) of
the Door, unless thou tell my name.
"The Scale-pan (50) of one who lifteth up Right" is thy
name.
I allow thee not to pass by me, saith the left side post of the
Door, unless thou tell my name :
" The Scale-pan of Wine " is thy name.
I allow thee not to pass over me, saith the Threshold of the
Door, unless thou tell my name :
" Ox of Seb " is thy name.
I open not to thee, saith the Lock of the Door, unless thou tell
my name :
Bone of An-maut-ef is thy name.
I open not to thee, saith the Latch, unless thou tell my name :
" The Eye of Sebak, Lord of Bachan," is thy name.
275
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
I open not to thee, and I allow thee not to pass by me, saith
the Keeper of the Door, unless thou tell my name :
" The Knee of Shu, which he hath lent for the support of
Osiris," is thy name.
We allow thee not to pass by us, say the Lintels of the Door,
unless thou tell our names :
"The dragon brood (51) of Renenut " is your name.
Thou knowest us : pass therefore by us.
I allow thee not to pass over me, saith the Floor of the Hall, for
the reason that I am noiseless and clean, and because we know not
the names of thy two feet, wherwith thou wouldst walk upon us.
Tell me, then, their names.
" He who goeth before Amsu " is the name of my right foot :
and "The Truncheon of Hathor" (52) is the name of my left foot.
Thou mayest walk over us : for thou knowest us.
I do not announce thee, saith the Doorkeeper, unless thou tell
my name :
"He who knoweth the heart and exploreth the person" (53) is
thy name.
Then I will announce thee.
But who is that god who abideth in his own hour ? Name him.
He who provideth for (54) the Two Worlds).
Who, pray, is it ? It is Thoth.
Come hither, saith Thoth, wherefore hast thou come ?
I am come, and wait to be announced.
And what manner of man, prithee, art thou ?
I have cleansed myself from all the sins and faults of those who
abide in their own day ; for I am no longer among them.
Then I shall announce thee.
But who is he whose roof is of fire, and whose walls are living
Ursei, and the floor of whose house is of running water ? Who is it ?
It is Osiris.
Proceed then : for behold, thou art announced.
Thy bread is from the Eye, thy beer is from the Eye, and the
funeral meals offered upon earth will come forth to thee from the
Eye (55). So is it decreed for me.
This chapter is said by the person, when ptirifted and clad in
raiment; shod with white sandals; anointed from vases of dnta ;
276
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
attd presenting oblations of beeves, birds, incense, bread, beer and
vegetables.
And thou shalt make a picture, drawn upo?i a clean brick of clay,
extracted from a field in ivhich no swine hath trod.
And if this chapter be written tipon it — the man will prosper and
his children will prosper : he will rise in the affection of the king
and his court : there will be given to him the shesit cake, the measure
of drink, the persen cake and the meat offering upon the altar table of
the great god ; and he shall not be cut off at any gate of Amenta,
but he shall be conveyed along with the Ki?igs of North and South,
and make his appearance as a follower of Osiris : undeviatittgly and
for times infinite.
277
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S95.
WATER RATE IN ANCIENT BABYLONIA.
By Theo. G. Pinches.
The above is probably a title which few would expect to find as
the heading of an article referring to ancient Babylonia, summoning
up, as it does, pictures of water companies, collectors, first, second,
and final notices, etc., followed by threats to "discontinue the
supply," to say nothing of the unspeakable plumber. The water
company, however, was none other than the great temple of the Sun
at Sippara, and as it is to be conjectured that the supply was laid on
by means of the usual water channels, similar, in all likelihood, to
those used for irrigation purposes, cutting off the water was probably
not altogether a simple matter.* Demand notes, also, were hardly
needed, for the temples had naturally ways of their own to ensure
prompt payments.
Text.
82-9-18, 3812.
< mi gfT £i k=t z& m ^r Ji u m af t
3 y y &i *■' w J! ^t 4 *m
^T4T say 4 <n<! m 4 t %
Transcription.
Esrit sikli kaspi ba-ab-tum parap ma-na hamsit sikli kaspi
simi me-e sa al D.P. Samas
3. Sa-du-nu a-na E-par-raf
* This remark, would not, of course, apply, if the water was supplied by
means of carriers,
t Or E-babar-ra.
278
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
it-ta-din. Arah Sabatu umu estin
satti res sarruti*
6. Nabu-na'id sar Babili [D.S.]
Translation.
10 shekels of silver, balance (of) % of a mana {and) 5 shekels f
of silver
price of the water of the City of the Sun
3. Sadunu to E-para\
has paid. Month Sebat, day 1st (?),
accession-year of
6. JVabonidus, king of Babylon.
The translation of " balance " (of a sum of money) for babtum is
that indicated by other texts referring to money, etc., and is un-
doubtedly correct (see Delitzsch, Handworterbuch, p. 166). The
word for "price" is indicated by the common ideograph, £±*;; n -f ,
simu. The word for " water" is the usual one, me, here phonetically
spelled y>- X^\ nie-e, seemingly the plural of ?nu.
Apparently the water was paid for by the municipality, for the
sum paid by Sadunu was not for the water supplied to an individual,
but for that supplied to the " City of the Sun " (^|f »>f- *f, the
name either of the whole or of a part of Sippara). Sadunu was
therefore in all probability one of those employed by the municipality.
The above is one of the numerous tablets found by Mr. Rassam
at Abu-habbah.
* Or, if read in Akkadian : Mu-saga-namlugalla.
t Or, as we should say, " balance of 55 shekels of silver."
i Or E-babara.
279
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY.
WARNINGS.
By Prof. Dr. Aug. Eisenlohr, Heidelberg.
The last but one number of the Zeitschrift fiir Aegypt. Sprache
und Alterthums Kunde (Bd. XXXII, Zweites Heft, S. 99 ff.) contains
an article from Dr. Eduard Mahler of Vienna, " Materialien zur
Chronologie der alten Aegypter (Chronologische Bestimmung der
Regierungszeit der Ramessiden)," wherein the author claims to
have fixed chronologically (festgelegt, I.e., S. 105) by calculatory
deduction the dates from Amosis to Ramses VI (1575-1198 B.C.).
Although in a paper read at the Oriental Congress at Geneva,
entitled : " Die Festlegung historischer Daten durch die Hiilfe der
Astronomie," I have, while gratefully acknowledging the help of
astronomers as Biot, Ideler, Oppolzer, Wisclicenus, and also of Dr.
Mahler to fix chronological dates, expressively cautioned against the
use of uncertain bases to build chronological reckonings upon, and
especially refuted the consequences drawn by Dr. Mahler from some
dates for the reign of Tutmes III, and Ramses II, in the Aegyptische
Zeitschrift, XXVII, 2, p. 97 ff, and XXVIII, 1, p. 32 ff., still some
time will elapse before the proceedings of the Geneva Congress
are printed. To prevent people from being misled by statements
they are unable to verify, as, for example, I already see Dr. Mahler's
deductions have been accepted by Prof. Ebers {Beilage zur Allg.
Zeitung, 1S91, No. 89), I may be allowed to give a short extract
of what I explained more in detail in my Geneva paper. The
time of Tutmes III is based by Dr. Mahler (Aeg. Zeitschrift,
1889, S. 103) on the commemoration of two new moons in two
consecutive years, the 23rd and 24th of this king, the first men-
tioned in the Karnak inscription (Denkm., Ill, PI. 32, 13) on
the 21 Pachons of the 23rd year, the second (Mariette, Karnak,
PL 12, 7) on the 30 Mechir of the 24th year of Tutmes III. The
first of these two dates is in the text brought into connexion with the
day of the king's accession to the throne, which is reported as the
4th of the month of Pachons. The king's death is known from the
inscription in the tomb of Amenemheb (found and published by
280
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ebers, Deutsch Morgl. Gesellschaft, Bd. XXX, p. 391 ff.), as having
happened on the last of the Phamenoth in the 54th year of his
reign. Dr. Mahler, understanding all these dates in the fixed year
(beginning with the heliac rising of the Dog Star on the 20th July)
finds on the 5th April (=21 Pachons), 148 1 B.C., and on the 15th
January (= 30 Mechir), 1479, B-c-> tne mentioned new moons in
two consecutive years of Tutmes III, who therefore would ascend
the throne 20th May, 1503 B.C., and die the 14th February, 1449 b.c.
As I am (contrary to Dr. Mahler's supposition) convinced that
dates of historical events, and such we have undoubtedly in the
annals of Tutmes III, as in the biography of Amenemheb, cannot
be understood otherwise than in the vague year, I could not accept
these two days of new moons, on which he bases his chronology.
When I communicated this to the author, he answered me by letter,
that understanding the given dates of 21 Pachons and 30 Mechir of
the vague year, we should find in the list of new moons for the
16th May, 1482 B.C., and the 24th February, 1480 B.C., likewise
two corresponding new moons, which afford for the beginning of
Tutmes Ill's reign, 1504 B.C., instead of 1503, so that Tutmes III
began his reign after the vague year 4 Pachons = 4th May jul.
1504, and died the 30th Phamenoth = 18th May, 1450 b.c.
While in this manner, with the necessary correction for the days
of the fixed year with those of the vague year, I came to a similar
result for the time of Tutmes III, fully acknowledging the value of
Dr. Mahler's new method of making use of the tablets of new
moons for chronology, I cannot accept in the same way the other
results of his paper. We are prohibited from drawing any chrono-
logical conclusions from the Smith Calendar so long as the royal
cartouche therein cannot be explained. That it cannot be that of
Amenophis I, because the last sign is surely not ka (see Proceedings,
Vol. XIII, p. 598; Prof. Erman in Westcar, p. 56, has proved
nothing to the contrary; the sign [Sineha 203] is quite differently
written from the last sign in the royal cartouche), I ought not to
have to repeat. So every conclusion drawn from that cartouche
is more than arbitrary.
We come now to the weakest part of Dr. Mahler's explanation,
his fixing the time of Ramses II. First he asserts that the
representation on the ceiling of the Ramesseum (Leps., Denkm., Ill,
170, i7i;Brugsch, Monuments, PL V, VI) reports the beginning
of a Sothic period, which was celebrated in the 30th year of
281
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Ramses II. Now we know for certain from the hall at Silsile,
that a festival was celebrated in the 30th year of the reign of
Ramses II, the so-called Triakonteride (hierogl. jl <=^> v^/ set heb,
Brugsch, Thes., p. 209) of the Rosetta Stone (Greek text, 1. 2), a
jubilee, repeated afterwards every 3 or 4 years {cf. Brugsch, Thes.,
p. 1 1 19 ff . ; Erman, A eg. Zeitsch., XXIX, 1891, p. 128, where the
eighth jubilee of Rameses II is commemorated). Dr. Mahler con-
fuses this festival with the beginning of a Sothic period and finds in
the words /VJ5~V v"=^ <*neP an indication of the 20th day of the
month {cf. Brugsch, Thes., p. 47, 115). As the heliacal rising of the
Sirius star happened at the 20th July Jul. and this is the anep,
the 20th day of the moon, the 1st July of the year 1318 B.C. (after
Oppolzer the beginning of a new Sothiac period) must have been a
new moon, which really was the case. Now firstly it is not correct that
the set heb festival of the 30th year of Ramses II was a commemo-
ration of the Sothic period ; secondly, the signs " □ anep, on the
Ramesseum ceiling, are not to be found in the month of Thoth and
near the goddess Isis Sopt, where they ought to be if they had
relation to the Sirius star, but in the month of Tybi. So every con-
clusion fixing the reign of Ramses II from the Triakonteride and
the anep day on the Ramessum ceiling must be given up.
Dr. Mahler, on the contrary, finds a confirmation of his dates
for Ramses II in the Leyden hieratic Papyrus I, 350, verso (dated
of the 52nd year of that king), col. hi., line 6, where he reads:
" Monat Mechir Tag 16 in der Stadt Rameses II, Tag der
Neumondfeier." First, the day cannot be the 16th of the month
Mechir, but must be the 26th, because in that journal, on the fore-
going column ii, 19, the events of the 23rd Mechir are treated, as
Prof. Lauth has already shown (Moses der Ebraer, p. 9), and after our
date (iii, 24) the events of the 28th of the same month are related.
Besides that, III, 6, the hieratic signs at the end of the line contain
nothing of a new moon but only J®^ ^217 ra en heb, festive day, so
that all conclusions of Dr. Mahler for his erroneously read date are
futile.
The same false conclusions are made by Dr. Mahler for the day
of Ramses Ill's accession to the throne. He asserts that this
day, the 26th of the month Pachons, belonged to the fixed Sirius
year, and that for the first time in the 22nd year of King Ramses
III the 26 Pachons was contemporary with the 26th day of the
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
month. But reference to this is made in the great Pap. Harris, PI.
17a, hut only that from the 22nd to the 32nd year a festival of
20 days was added to the festivals of Anion at Thebes, which
began the 26th of the month Pachons. There is no mention
of a coincidence of a new moon with the 1 Pachons, but the date
is taken of the vague year, which had a month of 30 days, which were
independent of the real new moons. So it seems that the chronolo-
gical dates, which Dr. Mahler draws from the inscriptions by help of
the new moons, are in no way credible. We must demand first the
unquestionable reading of texts, before we can permit the erection
of a building on them : when the foundation is of sand instead of
stone, the building will soon collapse, as we see is the case here.
283
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895
EUPHRATEAN STELLAR RESEARCHES.
By Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A.
Part V. — The Archaic Ltmar Zodiac.
I.
In a former Paper (Remarks on the Tablet of the Thirty Stars,
Jan. — Feb., 1890) I showed that a lunar zodiac, i.e., the mapping
out of a number of asterisms or single stars in or near the ecliptic,
as a means of observing the monthly course of the moon, existed
in the Euphrates Valley at a very early period. Such a scheme
would doubtless be recorded in numbers of tablets, although, so far
as I am aware, we only possess the one (JV.A.I., V, xlvi, No. 1)
which I have endeavoured to explain ; nor is it improbable that the
scheme may have somewhat varied in detail in different localities.
The next step in this research, is to endeavour to show the con-
nexion between the original Euphratean Lunar Zodiac and the various
ancient lunar zodiacs which have come down to us. Of these we
possess at least seven complete specimens — the Persian, Sogdian,
Khorasmian, Chinese, Indian, Arab, and Coptic schemes. It has
often been observed that any one nation might as easily have
mapped out a lunar zodiac as any other, since all see the same
moon and stars ; scientific research, however, is not concerned with
that which, in the abstract, is possible, but with what has actually
taken place. We now know that the Euphratean Solar Zodiac has
been borrowed by nation after nation. They have so acted because
it is easier and simpler to borrow than to work ; and the more we
investigate the lecords of the past, the smaller the sphere of
originality and invention is found to be. Therefore, so far as
general probability is concerned, it is more likely than not that
Babylonia, which has supplied the world with so much, has, amongst
other things, furnished it with the original scheme of a lunar zodiac.
284
',
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
This view of the matter has already suggested itself to several very
eminent students of ancient lunar zodiacs ; although, in the absence
of evidence, they could not advance the theory to any point beyond
that of the most probable hypothesis. Thus, Prof. Weber, when
speaking of the schemes of India and China, and writing prior to
1878, says: "To me the most probable view is that these lunar
mansions are of Chaldaean origin, and that from the Chaldaeans
they passed to the Hindus as well as to the Chinese " {Hist, of Indian
Literature, Eng. edit, 1878, p. 248). Prof. Whitney agrees, remark-
ing that, so far as the Hindus are concerned, his ' suspicion ' as
to the Babylonian origin of the lunar zodiac " rises to the dignity of
a persuasion" {Oriental and Linguistic Studies, 2nd series, 1893,
p. 418). Prof. Max Miiller writes, "The twenty-seven Nakshatras, or
the twenty-seven constellations, which were chosen in India as a
kind of lunar Zodiac, were supposed to have come from Babylon.
Now the Babylonian Zodiac was solar, and, in spite of repeated
researches, no trace of a lunar Zodiac has been found, where so
many things have been found, in the cuneiform inscriptions " {India,
What can it teach us? 1883, pp. 126-7). But, since 1883 a lunar
zodiac has been found in the cuneiform inscriptions ; and therefore
the argumenlitm e tacitumitate, unsatisfactory at all times, vanishes.
Prof. Miiller elsewhere makes the important statement, " Lunar
chronology seems everywhere to have preceded solar chronology"
{Rig-Veda-Samhita, Vol. IV, 1892, Preface, p. 67). He also further
observes, "In spite of all, however, I am quite prepared to take
into serious consideration the Babylonian origin of Indian, nay,
even of Chinese astronomy, whenever the decipherers of the cunei-
form inscriptions shall have supplied us with evidence that deserves
to be considered. No hypothesis, however repugnant to received
notions, should on that ground be treated with contempt" {Ibid.,
p. 69). With respect to the Persian and Coptic lunar mansions, he
says, " The passage in the Bundehesh in which the 28 divisions
occur, is no more pertinent to the establishment of the Babylonian
theory than the list of Coptic names, neither of them going back
beyond the time of Mohammed." That both these sets of names
do go back centuries prior to the era of Mohammed, will fully
appear in the course of this Paper ; and Prof. Max Miiller quite
admits that, long ere the days of the Prophet, the Arabs were
familiar with a series of lunar mansions (vide Quran, x, 5 ; xxxvi,
39)-
285 Y
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The famous dispute, in which Biot, Weber, and various other
savants took part, as to' whether China obtained the lunar asterisms
from India, or India from China, is now merely matter of history ;
since it is almost universally admitted that each country received
the mansions from a source external to either. The Arab, Chinese,
and Indian stations have long been familiar to us ; and one result
of an examination of them is thus expressed by Prof. Whitney, " No
one, I am confident, can examine this [i.e., his] exposition of the
correspondences and differences of the three systems, without being
convinced that they are actually . . . three derivative forms of the
same original" {Oriental and Linguistic Studies, 2nd series, p. 356).
The archaic connexion between China and Babylonia has of late
been illustrated with very great acumen and learning by my lamented
friend Terrien de Lacouperie, who, knowing that I was engaged
upon the study of the lunar zodiac, shortly before his death sent me
a corrected list of the Chinese Siuh (Lunar Mansions). His views
and researches, which have received the support of several scholars
of great eminence, are summed up in his Western Origin of the
Early Chinese Civilization, 1894, and are further supported by the
very interesting and important studies of the Rev. C. J. Ball (The
New Accadian), in the Proceedings of this Society, in illustration of
the family connexion between the Sumero-Akkadian and Chinese
languages ; whilst, on the other hand, the extravagant claims to
an existence of many thousand years, put forward on behalf of
Chinese astronomy (vide Schlegel, Uranographie Chinoise), prove as
unsupported by facts as they are contrary to probability. In a
Paper entitled Early Asterisms (Nature, Dec. 28, 1893) Prof.
Norman Lockyer has given lists of the Indian, Chinese, and
Arab mansions, with explanations of their names by Profs. Max
Midler, Robertson Smith, and Douglas ; and observes in conclusion,
" Although their dates are uncertain, they are undoubtedly built
upon a common model, they have identical functions, and they have
to do with the ecliptic, that is to say, we are in each case in presence
of a belt of stars to which the motions of any other heavenly body
travelling round the sun, like the planets, or round the earth, like the
moon, can be readily referred." Mr. T. W. Kingsmill has treated of
this subject in an important article, full of learning and suggestive-
( Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Soc, Dec, 1892),
ness, entitled A Comparative Table of the Lunar Asterisms
and, although I differ with him both in detail and in general
286
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
conclusion, I acknowledge with pleasure the value of his researches.
He deals only with the Arab, Indian, and Chinese asterisms, and his
conclusion respecting their origin is that "We may reject as frivolous
the strife between authors as to their birthplace, and accept them as
in the widest sense of the term Asiatic, and date back their origin
to the prehistoric tribes of Central Asia before the great dispersal of
the Aryans" (p. 45). Mr. James Burgess, in his Notes on Hindu
Astronomy and the Hist, of our Knowledge of it {Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Soc, Oct., 1893) has given a most useful and learned
compendium of the subject so far as India is concerned ; and, on
the general question of the Lunar Zodiac, the student will find
much of interest in the writings of Mr. j. F. Hewitt (Notes on the
Early Hist, of Northern India, Parts i-vi, in the Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Soc. ; The Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times, 1894).
The list of Persian mansions is contained in the famous PahJevi
work the Bundahis ("Original Creation "), respecting which Mr. E.
W. West writes, " As the work now stands it is evidently of a
fragmentary character, bearing unmistakable marks both of omissions
and dislocations . . . Many passages have the appearance of being
translations from an Avesta original, and it is very probable that we
have in the Bundahis either a translation, or an epitome, of the
Damdai/ Nask, one of the twenty-one books into which the whole
of the Zoroastrian scriptures are said to have been divided before
the time of Darius. This may be guessed from a comparison of
the contents of the Bundahis with those of the Damda^Nask, which
are detailed in the Dini-vaj>arkan/ " (Sacred Books of the East,
Vol. V, p. xxiv). The names, therefore, of these "fragments of the
calculators," as they are styled, go back to a remote antiquity. They
are written in Pazand ('Re-explanation'), i.e., "a further interpre-
tation of the Pahlavi Zand in the Persian vernacular"; and what
have to be discovered, if possible, are their original Avestic forms.
Thus, No. 14 fflur =. the Avestic Cparegha ; No. 25 Kahtsar =
the Avestic fatavaira. Their Pazand forms thus represent, in a
corrupt and abbreviated fashion, archaic originals ; and the transfor-
mation of the original names is the necessary result of a linguistic
process occupying many centuries. The names are given in Cap ii.
of the Bundahis, which treats of " the formation of the luminaries,"
and they occur immediately after the names of the twelve signs of
the Solar Zodiac, which were admittedly obtained by Persia from
Babylonia.
287 y 2
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
The Sogdian and Khorasmian schemes of lunar mansions have
been preserved by Albiruni, who wrote cir. a.d. iooo, in his
Vestiges of the Past (Eng. edit, by Dr. C. E. Sachau, 1879, pp.
227-8). So far as I am aware, they have never yet been given in
English. In the Vendidad (Fargard i) Sughdha (Old Per. Suguda,
Gk. 'Eoyttavy, Mod. Samarkand) is described as "the second of the
good lands and countries which Ahuza Mazda created." Khorasmia,
the land of the Khwarizmians, adjoins it ; and these two lists of
lunar mansions, which thus represent a Central Asian scheme,
though presenting various differences, still, upon the whole, as might
be expected, closely agree. Albiruni says of the Khwarizmians,
'• They were in the habit of using the stations of the moon and
deriving from them the rules of astrology. The names of the
stations in their language they have preserved," but the old race of
lunar astrologers had then died out. " In the Khwarismi dialect
an astronomer is called Akhtar-waiik, i.e. looking to the lunar
stations . . . They used to distribute these stations over the twelve
signs of the Zodiac, for which they also had special names in their
language. They knew them [the signs of the Zodiac] even better
than the Arabs, as you may learn by the fact that their nomenclature
of them agrees with the names given to them by the original designer
cf these figures " — unfortunately Albiruni does not mention his
theory respecting this important person — " whilst the names of the
Arabs do not agree." As an instance of Arab blundering he says,
that the Arabs " count Aljauza among the number of the Zodiacal
signs instead of Gemini, whilst Aljauza is the figure Orion. The
people of Khwarizm call this sign [Gemini] Adhupac'karik, i.e. having
two figures, which means the same as Gemini" (Vestiges, p. 226).
The colonization of Khorasmia is said to have taken place " 980
years before Alexander" (Vide Lacouperie, Western Origin, p. 350) ;
and there are many indications of the wide extent and comparatively
high degree of civilization in Central Asia in early times.
The names of the Coptic lunar mansions are given by Weber,
Die vedischen Nachrichten von den naxatra, Erster Theil, Berlin, i860,
p. 330, from Rossi, Etynwlogiae Aegypiiacae, Rome, 180S. They
are nearly all from the ancient Egyptian or the Greek, but two or
three are probably Arabic. Our President, who has encouraged me
in the investigation of this very difficult subject, has also kindly
furnished me with an explanation of the meanings of Nos. 7, 10 and
20, but for the rest I am responsible. He has, moreover, sent me
288
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
a list of Notes taken by him from Edward's Manuscript Diet, in the
Bodleian, and which have been of much service to me. I am not
aware that these Coptic names have yet appeared in English.
It must be remembered that the solar zodiac was, if I may so
express it, placed upon the lunar zodiac, and covered the same space
in uranography. Hence the reappearance in the derived lunar
schemes, of names drawn from the original solar scheme. Mr.
Kingsmill suggestively observes, "Notwithstanding the wide extension
of the lunar mansions, which at one time must have been popularly
received from China on the one hand to Greece on the other, the
system cannot have prevailed for many centuries " (A Comparative
Table, p. 78). "If however the completion of the series of lunar
stations, and the astronomy to which they gave rise, cannot be dated
before 2350 B.C., we find that the system cannot have had more
than two centuries of unchallenged existence. Evidence . . . goes
to prove that when the astronomers of Chaldea adopted the solar
signs, and marked the beginning of the year by the solar culmination
of the constellations, the Pleiades still occupied the place of honour,
marking a date not later than 2150 B.C." (Ibid., p. 79). Whatever
may have been the case in other countries, in the Euphrates Valley
the lunar scheme had probably, either solely or jointly with the solar
scheme, a reign of many centuries.
As regards our oldest known lunar zodiac, the Tablet of the
Thirty Stars, further study of this singularly difficult text, especially
in connexion with the various other lunar schemes, has occasioned
me to adopt some alterations in details, but has strengthened the
general conclusions arrived at in my former Paper, which should be
referred to in connexion with the present Article. Thus, I am
unable to agree with Prof. Hommel {Die Astronomic tier alien
Chaidiier, iii, 4) that the list begins with the Pleiades, and that
lines 12-26 form an Excursus relating to the Pole-star, Pegasus,
Deneb (a Cygni), Cassiopeia, etc. The testimony of Diodoros, com-
bined with W.AJ., IV, xv (vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890, pp. 137-8)'
makes such a view impossible ; nor can I find any real support for
it in the Tablet itself, whilst my friend the late Geo. Bertin was
equally clear that all the stars referred to were in or near the
ecliptic. Again, as regards the point of commencement, it is true
that the Pleiades are in the Sign which technically was called Te
("The Foundation," vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 250) or Te-te
(= Pleiades + Hyades). But of what were the Pleiads and Plyads
289
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
the ! foundation.? ' Of the solar year, not of the lunar month or
year. So, when the Indian lunar mansions are adjusted to a solar
scheme beginning with Taurus, Krittikct (= the Pleiades) becomes
the first mansion. And when the Persian lunar mansions are
adjusted to a solar scheme beginning with Aries, Paderar (= ft, 7
Arietis) becomes the first mansion. Both could not originally have
been the first mansion, and, in fact, neither was. Prof. Hommel's
error, in my opinion, consists in treating the lunar, as if it were a
solar scheme. Thus, as I have observed, "the Great Twins of the
solar zodiac are Castor and Pollux'''' {Proceedings, Jan., 1890, p. 185);
and, at first sight, Prof. Hommel's explanation of the six leading
asterisms of the " Thirty Stars " seems absolutely conclusive, i.e.,
"The Foundation" (= Pleiades), "the Jackal" {= Al debar an),
Gam (=ft and £" Tauri), "the Great Twins" ( = Castor and Pollux),
"the Little Twins " ( = Asellus bor. et aust. in Cancer), and "the
King " ( = Regulus). But, unfortunately for this view, we are
informed in line 49, that the Ram is " the uppermost part of Gam "
(vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 184); and thus Gam cannot be
ft and i," Tauri, nor can it come after the Pleiades and Aldebaran,
and so the chain is at once and fatally broken. It appears, also,
from tablets of the Greek period (vide R. B., Jr., in the Academy,
Nov., 10, 1S94), that ft Tauri was "the northern light of the
Chariot" and "C, Tauri " the southern light of the Chariot, i.e.,
Auriga, hot the Wain, in Ak. Gar, As. Narkabtu, or Rukubu,
Heb. Rekhev. This constellation (dj ^J) is distinguished in
W.A.I., III, lvii, No. 9, 1. 70 from Gam, which is named next to it
(1. 71). This important piece of information respecting Gam and
the Ram, moreover, implies that the scribe was well acquainted with
two sets of figures, solar and lunar ; the Ram was a solar, Gam a
lunar asterism.
Such, then, in brief, is the present position of the question, and
the most important recent literature connected with the enquiry
respecting the origin of the archaic lunar zodiac. In an investigation
so extremely difficult my conclusions must, almost of necessity, be
incorrect in some points of detail ; but, as a whole, I submit them
with confidence to the judgment of the learned student, in the hope
that, at the least, they may aid in the solution of one of the most
famous and fascinating questions connected with the history of early
astionomv.
290
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
II.
In the following list, Ak. = Sumero-Akkadian, Bab. = Baby-
lonian, As. = Assyrian, Eg. = Ancient Egyptian, Ber. = Persian,
Sog. = Sogdian, Kho. = Khorasmian, Chi. = Chinese, Ind.
= Indian, Ar. = Arab, Coo. = Coptic, Av. = Avestic (often
improperly called 'Zend,' which latter term meaning 'commentary'
or ' explanation,' applies only to interpretations of the Avesta, =
Old Ber. Abasta, " the Law "), Sk. = Sanskrit. The names of the
Ak. asterisms are taken from the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, and are
printed in large Roman letters. The numbers are those of the
various lunar mansions in the respective schemes. It is not intended
to assert that the stars named are in all cases the only ones in their
respective asterisms.
The Archaic Euphratean Lunar Zodiac and its Derivatives.
I.
ABIN ("The Fou ndation"), = , /3, k, 0 Aquarii and the stars
adjoining. A Aquarii is the Ar. Sadalmelix (" the Auspicious
Star of the King "), this ' King ' being the heaven-god Sar (= An-sar
= Assur), the patron-divinity of "the Asterism of the Foundation;"
and, similarly, the Vedic Varuna (= Sar, by analogy) is the patron-
divinity of the corresponding lunar mansion. B Aquarii is the
Ak. Nam-max (" The Star of Mighty-destiny"). A Aquarii (Skat,
" the Leg ") is the star equated with the tenth antediluvian king
Xasisadra, the hero of the Flood. Aquarius (Ak. Gust's a, " the
Leading-urn "), the lucky constellation in which Xisouthros escaped
destruction and renewed the world, in mediaeval and modern
astrology "is deemed a fortunate Sign."
= Ber. 24. Bimda (= (3, % Aquarii), "the Foundation" (Cf. Av.
buna, ' ground,' ' basis,' Sk. budhna, Gk. (3ei>66? = j3d0o>s).
Ind. 24. Cravishtha, "the Most-glorious," a name applied to
a) A 7> ^ Delphini.
Chi. 24. Hii, anc. Ko (—ft, % Aquarii), "the Empty" (i.e., the
beginning of things), or perhaps " the Frecious" (= Ak. hi, gu).
Ar. 24. Sa'ad as Suiid (= Same stars), Sadalsund, "the Luck-
of-lucks."
Cop. 24. Upuineute (= Same stars), "theOne-at-the-foundation,"
(Gk. errl-veaTos, ' undermost '), or "the Luck-of-the-whole-year "
(Gk. ev-7raverrjs).
29T
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
= Per. 25. Kahtsar (= A, c etc. Aquarii), = A v. Catavacfa,
Bundahis Cataves.
Sog. 25. Shazvshat (= Same stars), = Per. Sar-kaht (i.e., Kahtsar
reversed. Cf. Ak. Adra-Xasis = Xasis-adra, Aryan Doro-theos
= Theo-doros, Krato-xenos = Xeno-krates).
Kho. 25. Mashtazvand (= Same stars), " Possessing-greatness ""
(Cf. Av. mafti, 'greatness,' Per. wand, 'possessing').
Ind. 25. Catabhishaj (= Same stars), = Av. Catavaeca. This
corrupt form shows that the Ind., like the Per. name, was derived
from the Av.
Chi. 25. Wei, anc. Gui (= a Aquarii, 6 Pegasi), "the Founda-
tion." (Cf. Ak. gi, ' foundation.')
Ar. 25. Sa'd al-Akhbiyah (= «, 7, £*, 7 Aquarii), " Luck-with-
the-tents."
Cop. 25. Upeutherian (= Same stars), "the Place-of-Good-
fortune " (Gk. * evTradepia, akin tO eu7reTr')<s) ev7rcl0eia, Lat. copia).
The Ak. asterisms, like the solar zodiacal constellations, are very
unequal in size ; an equal division of the Zodiac, whether solar or
lunar, being a much later work, and the result of scientific deduction,
whilst the archaic Akkadian scheme represents merely occular obser-
vation. The Fort una Maior of Dante, Chaucer, and other mediaeval
writers, is «, 7, y, £", tt Aquarii, and 0 Pegasi ; and it is very in-
teresting to observe how the later greatness of these comparatively
inconspicuous stars depends on archaic, Euphratean ideas (vide
Prof. Skeat, in the Academy, Nov. 3, 1894 ; R. B. Jr., in Ibid., Jan.
12, 1S95). The lunar mansion Av. Catavaeca ("The Hundred-
dwellings ") in India is also called Cata-tara (" Having-a-hundred-
stars "), which is incorrect in actual fact ; but the names may be
understood as of dignity, i.e., " Possessing-mighty-stars," or 'dwell-
ings,' = Fortuna Maior. At the same time, I think it is quite
possible that the name C-ata-vaefa was originally a corruption of
Adra-xctsi-s, with an Aryan derivation attached to it. The Chi. 25,
Wei is said to mean "a Dangerous-place," but, in this case, as in
some others in the Chi. scheme, it is sufficiently clear that the
later Chi. meaning of a word was not its original signification as-
a lunar mansion. The Chi. mansions, like the others, are asterisms,
not sinsrle stars.
* The asterisk before tviradepia shows it is formed by analogy but is not a
known word.
292
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
II.
LIK- or UR-BARRA ("The Hyena"), = T, «, 7 Pegasi. This
animal and his brother URBAT (No. XXVIII) appear with many
other signs of the lunar zodiac on the uranographic Stones figured
in W.A.I., Ill, xlv. There being no bright stars in Pisces except
Okda (a Piscium), which apparently forms part of No. Ill, GAM,
there is no other Akkadian asterism in the constellation. Mean-
while, the more scientific derived lunar zodiacs fill up the space
with asterisms, whose names are mainly illustrative of the watery
character of this portion of the heavens (vide No. XXX) ; for,
here, in Euphratean idea, is the Upper Deep, the realm of Aquarius,
wherein swim the Sea-goat, the Dolphin, the 3 Fish, and the Sea-
monster. The Urbarra, if only by play on words (to which the
scribes evidently much inclined), is the animal appropriate to the
Horizon- and Foundation-god Ur, and hence is suitably placed next
to "the Foundation." Some render lik by 'jackal,' and a jackal
appears in the circular zodiac of Denderah in a position which
would correspond with the stars of Pegasus. The Euphratean
Horse appears elsewhere (vide No. XVIII). Mars, "the luminary
reigning over the constellation of the Hyena" ( W.A.I., III, lvii, 62,
ap. Sayce), is specially connected with Urbarra.
Per. 26. Vaht (= a, /S Pegasi), "the Watery," = Av. Vaidhya
(' Watering,' ' sprinkling ').
Sog. and Kho. 26. Far shat Bath ( = Same stars), " the Watery-
division" {cf. Per. pashidan, "to sprinkle," Sk. prushita, 'sprinkled,'
Sk. root prush, "to sprinkle," 'wet').
Ind. 26. Purva Prostha-pada (= Same stars), "the Former
Watery-division" (Sk. pada, a 'step,' 'portion,' 'division,' ixompad,
'foot'). The Ind. Proshtha — the Sog. Farsha-t ; the Ind. Pada
= the Sog. Bath.
Chi. 26. Shih, anc. Sal, later Shat (= Same stars). "The
House," i.e., Division.
Ar. 26. Al-Fargh al-.Delwi-1-mukaddem ( = Same stars), "the
Front-emptying-place of the Bucket."
Cop. 26. Artulos ( = Same stars), "the Watery." As if Gk.
*e/xraXo9. ''Epaa (Alkman) = Attic cp6<ro^ Lat. ros. Cf the Gk.
Herse and the Prokris dew-myth.
The Ind. 26 is sometimes styled Bhadrapada, which is con-
ventionally rendered " Having ox-feet." Bhadrapada, however, is
293
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
not the ancient name (vide Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit, p. 323). The
Sog., Kho. and Ind. names are, of course, identical. It must be
remembered that, in many of these names, we have not only to deal
with ordinary linguistic changes, but with the corruptions necessarily
attaching to words handed down in many languages for several
thousand years. Such appellations as "the Watery" do not, in this
connexion, refer to the weather or climate of the different countries,
but are reminiscences of archaic Euphratean names and ideas. The
Ar. 26 is a distinct invention which, however, preserves, in a
manner, the watery character of the region.
Per. 27. Miyan ( = 7 Pegasi, a Andromedae), "the Middle" —
of the 3 watery divisions, = Av. Maidhya, Maidhydna ('Middle'),
Lat. medius.
Sog. 27. Bar Farshat ( = Same stars), "the Watery-division."
Cf. Sog. and Kho. 26.
Kho. 27. Wahir (= Same stars), "the Second (Watery) division.
As if Wa-Bar-(Farshat) ; Per. Wa = ba, 'with,' "back again."
Ind. 27. Uttara Proshtha Pada (= Same stars), "the Latter
Watery-division."
Chi. 27. Pih, anc. Lek (= Same stars), " the Wall," i.e., Division.
Ar. 27. Al-Fargh al-Mukhir (=Same stars), "the Hinder-
emptying-place " — of the Bucket.
Cop. 27. Artulosia (= Same stars), "the Place-of-wateriness."
As if Gk. *''Ep(ra\6<ria.
It is thus obvious that in each instance of the 27th lunar
mansion, the Derivatives, having no original to fall back upon,
have filled up the gap by practically repeating the name of the
previous lunar mansion. The Per. 27, Miyan forms no real ex-
ception to this. The Arabs show here, as elsewhere, a certain
amount of originality, but strictly adhere to the doubling. It is
further obvious that all the schemes are one in origin.
Per. 28. Kaht (= e, g Piscium), "the Thread" (Per. Kaitan),
i.e., the cord which fastens the pair of Fishes. Thus a Piscium is
called Okda ("the Knot"), and Rischa ("the Cord"), = As. riksu,
Ak. dur (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 269).
Sog. 28. Riwa?id (= Same stars), "the Rich" (vide Ibid.,
p. 270).
Kho. 28. Zidadh (= Same stars), "the Rich." Cf. Per.-Ar.
Jidat, 'Rich.' Kho. 1. Riwand.
Ind. 28. Revati (= Same stars), " the Rich," = Riwand.
294
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Chi. 28. Kwai, anc. Kwet (= /?, S, e, £", ?y Andromedae, %, Yr
Piscium), "the Stride?" Mr. Kingsmill observes, "The 'step' or
' stride ' from the conspicuous Quadrilateral of Pegasus to the well
marked stars Alpha and Beta in the head of Aries forming the next
stopping-place." But, perhaps, it is a variant of the Per. Kaht.
Ar. 28. Batn-al-Hiit (= [3 Andromedae, v, 0, x -Piscium), "the
Belly of the [Northern] Fish." This Northern Fish Xa\da?oi Kakovaiv
'Ix#*V xe^l^oviau (Schol. in Arat. Phai., 1. 242).
Cop. 28. Kutdn (= Same stars). Either "the Thread" (Per.
28) or "the Fish" (Ar. 28).
Through an obvious mistake the Kho. list has inserted Riwand
twice (Zidadh = Riwand).
III.
GAM ("The Scimetar ") = a Piscium, «, (3, 7, fi, 39, 41 Arietis.
Called " the Weapon of Meroda^. The Ram, a solar figure, is
"the uppermost-part" of it (vide sup., p: 290). The ideas con-
nected with the Scimetar are those of protection and what is round
and curved, Gam signifying 'round,' 'curved' (vide Proceedings,
Feb. 1890, pp. 183-4); and it is interesting to find that they re-
appear in the Derivatives. This Scimetar, the weapon of Merodax-
Perseus, protects against the 7 Evil Spirits, originally storm and
tempest powers, but apparently ultimately reduplicated in some
southern constellations. Thus Ea says to his son Merodax (Ah.
Poem on the Seven Evil Spirits, ap. Sayce, in Records of the Past,
ix, 143) et sea. : —
" May those Seven never draw near.
Like a broad Scimetar . . . bid (thine) hand rest ; and
In circling fire by day (and) night on the (sick) man's head
may it abide ; "
and allusion is made to "the mighty girdle of the deep," perhaps
the ecliptic. In another Story of the Seven Wicked Spirits (ap.
Smith and Sayce, Chal. Account of Genesis, p. 99) we read : —
2. "The rebellious spirits, who in the lower part of heaven
[= the nocturnal southern sky.]
3. Had been created,
4. Wrought their evil work,
5. Devising with wicked heads (at) sunset [i.e., when the con-
stellations are about to become visible] ;
295
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
6. (Like) a Sea-monster [=T\amat- Cetus] to the River [probably
= the Milky Way, called in ancient Egyptian " the Great Stream,"
and possibly also Eridanns~\ (they marched).
7. The first was a Scorpion [= Scorpio] of rain.
8. The second was a Thunderbolt [Ara, the fiery Altar!
"A mighty Sign of storm at sea." Arat. Phai., 1. 409-10] ;*
9. The third was a Leopard [= Therion-Lupus\ ;
10. The fourth was a Serpent [= Hydra] ;
11. The fifth was a Watch-dog [= Cam's Maj.~\ ;
12. The sixth was a raging Tempest [= Crater. Vide R. B.,
Jr., Pridanus, p. 19];
13. The seventh was the Messenger of the Evil Wind " [= Corvus.
Vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 194].
GAM = Per. 1. Padevar ( = ft, 7 Arietis), " the Protecting-pair,"
= Av. Pati-dvaya (Av. paiti, 'chief,' 'protector,' from root pa,
" to protect," Sk. patis, Gk, tt6gi?. Av. vaya, ' couple,' = dvayay
from Av. dva, ' two ').
Sog. 1. Bashish (= Same stars), " the Protector" (Sk. patis).
Ind. 1. Acvini (= Same stars), anc. Atvayugau ("the Two
Horse-harnessers ") i.e., the Acvinau, the Acvins, "the Great Twin
Brethren," Dawn-gods, who begin the day as these two stars begin
the year, and are aiders and protectors of mankind.
Chi. 1. Leu, anc. Lok (a, ft, 7 Arietis), " Things-in-stories," "the
Mound" (Cf. Ak. Kizlux, '"high place"), i.e., the Upper-part of GAM.
Ar. 1. Ash-Sharatan (= ft, 7 Arietis), "the Two Tokens."
Cop. 1. Pikutorion (= Same stars), "the Protection" (Eg./,
pui, Cop. pi, ' the ' + * Kv-tvpiov, 'protection,' from kvtos, "that-
which-covers," Lat. scutum).
= Per. 2. Pesh-Parviz (= /<, 39, 41 Arietis), "the Forerunners-
of-the-Numerous-Family " (Per. pesh, " in front," + parviz. Vide
Per. 3).
* In Tablet K. 12,340 we meet with the Kakkab J^ t^ ^JTT , NI-DU-UB
= NI-DUB. A synonym of the Ak. ni is the As. kisallu, 'altar,' itself derived
from the Ak. Kisal. Dtib = the Turko-Tat. fob, 'heap' ; 'round' ; 'hill.' Hence,
Nidub ■=■ " the Altar-mound" or "Lofty-altar," and is probably the original
Akkadian name of the zodiacal Altar, which, as I have shown, appears on the
monuments (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 260, et seq.), and was subsequently
replaced by the Claws, and ultimately by the Balance. This Tablet also mentions
other neighbouring zodiacal constellations, such as Girtab (" ^the Scorpion''''), Niru
("the Yoke'''' = the Goat-fish), and Zibanituv, which, as noticed {Proceedings, Jan.,
1S95, p. 23), was specially connected with the zodiacal Ara.
296
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Sog. 2. Barv (=Same stars), — "of- the -Numerous- Family."
Barv = Parv-iz ; the first part of the name has dropped off.
Kho. 2. Farankhand (= Same stars), = Fara-Khan, " Before-
the- Family " (Per.fara, Av.fra, Lat. pro, + khan, 'house,' 'family').
Ind. 2. Bharani (= Same stars), "the Bearing." Figured by
the pude?id. tnul.
Chi. 2. Wei, anc. Vij (= Same stars), "the Stomach," as that
which is round, curved.
Ar. 2. Al-Butain (= Same stars), "the Little Belly."
Cop. 2. Koleon (=Same stars), "the Belly" (Gk. KoiKi'a), or,
possibly " the Scabbard " (Gk. ico\e6v)—cf. GAM.
The names are frequently corrupted by the addition of final
letters, e.g., Sog. khan-d for khan, and in the Cop. names " the on-
hanging N " (vv e.<pe\KvaTiKov) frequently appears. That all the
Derivatives are connected schemes will already be perfectly obvious.
In the case of Mansion No. 1, all, except the Chi., are clearly
closely connected with each other ; and the Chi. is curiously linked
in idea with the Ak. original. In Mansion No. 2, the great import-
ance of the Pleiades has caused a reference to them in the Per.,
Sog., and Kho. schemes; whilst the Ind., Chi., Ar., and Cop.
houses agree absolutely, and preserve the idea of the Ak. original.
China and Egypt cannot have borrowed from one another ; the Cop.
form may possibly have come from the Ar.. which, in turn, would
be borrowed in idea from the Euphrates Valley ; and the cases of
China and India make it almost certain that the Per., Sog., and
Kho. forms, as we now have them, are not originals.
IV.
MASTABBAGALGALLA (" The Great Twins "), = the Pleiades
and Hyades. Cf. II. xviii, 486 : n\,Tjtd£as 6' 'YdBas. The Pleiades
are often spoken of as a single star, e.g., Eurip. Ion, 1152, or as
a combined unit, e.g., by Ptolemy in his star-list ; and the " Great
Twins " may be strictly the Pleiad and Aldebaran. The pair
are again represented by TE-TE, the technical name of Taurus
in Babylonian astronomy (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 250;
R.B., Jr., in the Academy, Nov. 4, 1893, p. 396). The immense
importance of the Pleiades ("the Clusterers," — not 'Sailing-stars,'
which, like ' Doves,' is an afterthought) in connexion with astro-
nomico-religious observances and the calendar, need not be further
297
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
referred to here. As the ' Clusterers ' are called in Heb. Kimak
(Job, ix, 9 ; xxxviii, 31 ; Amos, v, 8), it is clear that their Bab.-As.
name was Kimmatu ("the Family," from Kamu, "to tie"), i.e.,
" Those-bound-together."
= Per. 3. Parviz (= the Pleiades), " the Numerous-family "
(Old Per., Av., Sk. paru, 'full,' 'much,' Gk. ttoXv-s, + Av., Sk. vie,
'house,' 'family,' Lat. vicus, Gk. o?ko?).
Sog. and Kho. 3. Parvi (=Same stars), = Per. Parviz.
According to Haug {Essays on the Par sis, p. 182), called the Paurvas
in the Homa Yasht.
Ind. 3. Krittika (= Same stars), "the Dividers" — as com-
mencing the year with Sol in Tanro.
Chi. 3. Mao, anc. Mo I (= Same stars), "the Constellation"
(Cf. the Ar. Au-Najm, " the Constellation," a name of the Pleiades),
= Ak. Mul, Sem. Kakkab. Chi. Mao-lei, " the Star-heap " (cf. Chi. 1).
Ar. 3. Ath-Thuraiya (= Same stars), "the Cluster."
Cop. 3. (1) Orias ( = Same stars), "the Good-season" (Gk.
'Qpa?oi), i.e., Spring, the Pleiades being the special stars of Spring —
Vergiliae. (2) Ezastran (= Same stars), "the Six-stars" (Gk. "Eg
'darpa). Cf. Ovid, Fasti, iv, 169; "Quae septem dici, sex tamen
esse solent."
(For some excellent remarks respecting the Pleiades, and the
meaning of the name, vide Hahn, Tsimi- \\ Goam, the Supreme Being
of the Kho i- Kiwi, 1881).
= Per. 4. Paha (the Hyades, and specially Aldebaran), " the
Follower " (cf. Av. pafca, Lat. post. Per. pasrau, ' follower ') — of
the Pleiades.
Sog. and Kho. 4. Baharu (= Same stars), " the Follower,"=
Paha.
Ind. 4. Rohhil (= Same stars), "the Red " (cf. Ind. iS), called
by Ptolemy Wo'/c^o?, " reddish-yellow " (cf. No. XXIV).
Chi. 4. Pih, anc. Pal (= the Hyades), " the Net," so called from
the shape of the asterism. Chi. Pit, "the Yoke," = Aldebaran,
called in Bab. Pid-nu (" the Yoke ").
Ar. 4. Al-Z>abardn (= the Hyades, specially a Tauri), "the
Follower."
Cop. 4. Pibriobn (= the Hyades), "the (Stars) of the Good-
season " ('Qpcuov).
298
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
V.
M ASTABBATURTUR ("The Little Twins "), = \, 01, 02 Ononis.
This asterism affords a striking illustration of the light thrown
upon the Tablet of the Thirty Stars by the Derivatives, with which, in
the first instance, I did not study it, and thence supposed that " the
Little Twins " would be (3 and <T Tauri. But it is, of course, well
known what stars constitute the asterisms in the Ind., Chi., and Ar.
schemes, in each of which the 5th mansion consists of the 3 stars
above mentioned ; whilst the names of the Sog. and Kho. lists show
that their arrangement is similar. The 3 stars in question are
situate so close together that 01 is overlapped by A, They thus form
a pair of "Little Twins," immediately in line with the "Great
Twins"; and their proximity is further illustrated by the fact that
in Ptolemy's list they are grouped together as one star (\), which is
called "the Cloudlike (ve(fie\oeidi)syone in the head of Orion." This
' cloudlike ' appearance is reproduced in at least five names applied
to the asterism.
= Per. 5. Avecr (= A, 0,1 02 Orionis), = (1) "the Coronet"
(Av. avt, 'on,' + caret, 'head'). Cf. Zad-sparam, vii. 10 (ap. West,
in Sacred Books of the East, v, 175) : " These six regions are like a
coronet (arisar)." But the Ak. and Sog. names enable us to see
that the original Per. name = (2) "Two Heads" (Av. ubha, nva,
' two,' Sk. ubha, Gk. afi<pw, Lat. umbo, Lithuanian abii, Goth, bai, +
Av. fara, ' head '), Av. Uva-cara. The connexion between this idea
and a coronet, which is on both sides (giving the idea of duality)
the head, is like that between the Gk. «/(0/ and a/*0w. The idea of
a ' cloudlike,' or somewhat shining, coronet, is also naturally
connected with the actual appearance of the asterism, and its
situation in the head of the figure, which, from Egypt and Greece in
the West to China in the East, was considered to represent a great
warrior or chieftain.
Sog. 5. Marezdnd (== Same stars), "the Two Companions." The
Av. marez = varez = verez ; marezana = varezdna, = " verezana,
mot obscur, trad, voisin. — Travailleur, qui travaille sous un autre,
compagnon " (De Harlez, Manuel de la Langue de I'Avesta, p. 204).
Marezana is a dual form. The Per. " Two Heads" = Sog. "Two
Companions, = Ak. " Little Twins," == X and 01 + 0Z Orionis.
Kho. 5. Ikhma (= Same stars), = (1) "the Brethren" (Ar.-Per.
Ikhwa-n), and (2) "the Plume" (cf. Ver.jiha, "royal plume").
2QQ
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Ind. 5. Invakd (= Same stars), "the Surrounders," = " the
Coronet," called later Afrigafiras, " the Antelope's Head." Mriga
is applied to " the spots on the moon represented as a hare or
antelope " (Monier Williams, Sk.-Eng. Did. in loc), so that
Mrigaciras = " The Spots (stars) in the Head (of Orion).'''
Chi. 5 Tsui, anc. Tsok (= Same stars), "the Spike-of-feathers-
on-the-head."
Ar. 5. Al-HaK ah (= Same'stars), "the Circle-of-hairs," = "the
Coronet," = "the Plume," = "the Spots," = "the Spike-of-feathers."
Cop. 5. Klusos (= Same stars), "the Watery," 'Rainy' (Gk.
k\v£os, 'flood,' "rise-of- water;" vide Hesych. in icXvgei, =7r\i]ftpupi9,
" rise-of-the-sea "). The reference is to Orion as " pluviosus et
tristis," ' nimbosus,' 'aquosus,' etc.
VI.
UNGAL or SAR ("The King") = « Orionis, or possibly the
seven stars of Orion. The patron-divinity of the asterism is Merodax,
known as Sam/, " the King," and also hymned as " King of the
land, king of (all) lands, king of heaven and earth," and " king of
Babylon " (vide Sayce, Rel. And. Babs., 99). Lacouperie observes
that Orion appears as a "military chief alike in Babylonia and
China" {Western Origin, p. 340): and Sahu, the Eg. Orion, is "a
wild hunter," and, with Sopdit (Sirius), the ruler of the starry and
nocturnal world, hunts "the very gods" (Maspero, The Dawn of
Civilization, Eng. edit., pp. 96-7).
= Per. 6. Besn (= a Orionis), "the Arm" — of the Giant (Av.
bazu, bahu, Gk. IH/x^-*), Beielgenze (= Ar. Ibt-al-Jauza), "the
Giant's armpit."
Sog. 6. Rashnaivand (= t, e, g Orionis, the Be/i-stars), "Pos-
sessing-righteousness." "The star-bespangled Girdle" (Yasna, ix,
26), explained by Haug (Essays, p. 182) as "the belt of Orion," is
the asterism apparently specially belonging to the Av. Genius
Rashnu ('Righteousness' personified, i.e., rectitude, with which these
three stars, as being in a straight line, are connected), " the Genius of
Truth" (Darmesteter). This connexion between Rashnu and the
j£te//-stars further appears from the Av. words racma, ' rank,' rapnan,
<cord,' straight-line,' ' rank-of-soldiers,' from the root raj, rash.
Kho. 6. Khawiya (= Same stars), = Per. Shahrivar, = Av. Khs-
hathra-vairya ("Perfect-sovereignty," Darmesteter), "the god of
order " (Haug), a concept akin or equivalent to Rashnu.
300
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ind. 6. Bahu (=s « Ononis), "the Arm" (= Per. 6), later Ardrd
("the Wet," cf. Cop. 5). Names such as Ardra, which refer to local
climate, are, as of course, later; and the instance of Bahu alone
would show that the Ind. scheme was not the original product o^
that country.
Chi. 6. Tsan, anc. Sal (= ?, e, g Ononis), "the Three" (cf.
R. B., Jr., The Etruscan Numerals, p. 19, List of ' 3 ' words). Said
to mean ' Together.'
Cop. 6. Klaria (=a Ononis), "the Armlet" (Gk. A.-\a/>a— ^e'\t«.
Hesych., Lat. Armilla). Cf. Per. and Ind. 6.
VII.
KHIGALLA(" The Canal") or KHlGAL-AI ("The Canahof-
waters ") = >/, /<, v, 7> £ Geminorum, situate in the " Miiky Way."
Prof. Hommel says, "Chega/ai (Frucht-barkeitstern) wahrscheinlich
Deriebola (/3 leonis). Oder a im Becher? oder /3 virginis?" (Die
Astrotiomie der altetl Chaldder, iii, 16). But there is little real
uncertainty when once the proper order has been obtained. " The
Canal " primarily refers to the Galaxy.
= Per. 7. RakhVad ( = //> /«, <', 7, if Geminorum), "the Watery-
way " ( Av. faithya, Per. rah, ' road,' + Av. vaidhya, ' watering ').
Per. rahi ab, 'canal/ Rahi Mjiyan ("the Road of the Pilgrims"), =
the Via Ldctea.
Sog. 7. Ghathaf (— Same stars), = Pazand Goshurim, = Av.
Geush-urta (" the Soul of the Bull "). The following quotation
from Haug will make this very curious connexion plain, " The Gosh
Yasht is devoted to a female spirit who is here called Drvaspa, i.e.,
one who keeps horses in health. The name Gosh, ' cow,' which was
given her in aftertimes, refers to giusk urva, the universal soul by
which all living beings of the good creation are animated. . . . She
[Drvaspa] was believed to preserve the life of the good animals. In
heaven she represents the Milky-way, and in this respect is described
as having many spies (eyes), having light of her own, having a far
way, and a long constellation" (Essays, pp. 201-2). So Darmesteter ;
" 'The Soul of the Bull,' Go^urun or Drvaspa" (Sacred Books of the
East, xxiii, 245).
Kho. 7> Gaivthaf (■=. Same stars)$ = Sog. Ghathaf.
Chi. 7. Tsing anc. Tiam (= \, <T, c, v, u, 7 Geminorum), "a Well"
—in the middle of divided land. The idea of partition by water has
been preserved.
3cr z
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Ar. 6. Al-HarHah (= rj, n, v, 7, f Geminorum), "the Brandmark."
According to Kazwini, the mansion consists of 7 and £" Geminorum
only, described as "two whitish glimmering stars in the Milky Way."
"This," says Smyth, "is called Alhena, a ring or brand on a horse's
neck" (Celestial Cycle, ii, 154). Robertson Smith explains it as
"apparently the wishing Asterism." But neither of these inferpre-
tations is very satisfactory, and perhaps we should read Al-Qana-t
("the Canal").
VIII.
PALLIKA or PALURA ("The Crossing of the Water-dog").
The Kakkab «~<y* Jpy \\ = Prokyon (a Can. Min.). The Ak. pal
= As. ebiru, ebur, "to cross," "the crossing." J]y (Ak. lik, ur) =
^ITT ^*"> As. kal-bu, Heb. keleb, and elsewhere (JV.A.I., II, vi, 17)
we read of Ka-lab-me (f- S^), "the Water-dog"; ]}, Ak. 'a = As.
me, 'water.' To understand the meaning of this name we must
remember the mythic legends respecting the crossing of the Circulus
Lacteus, regarded as a river,* by stars. Thus, Mr. Kingsmill says,
" To the constellation Lyra the Chinese gave the name of the
Chih-nii (or Weaving Woman), a name still familiar and associated
with the legend that once a year on the seventh day of the seventh
moon Altair crosses the celestial river (the Milky Way) to visit Vega "
(A Comparative Table, p. 61). Similarly, "the Little-dog" (Ar.
Al-gamfis)\ in idea crossed " the Great Stream " (Milky Way) which
now lies between him and his brother Cam's Maj., and, hence,
appears as Tlpa-icviov, 'before' the latter. "The Arabs recognized
its quality of fore-runner to the Dog-star in al-kelb-al-mutekaddem,
the antecedent dog ; they also called it ghomaisd, watery-eyed "
(Smyth, Celestial Cycle, ii, 183). And this connexion between
Procyon, eighth of first magnitude stars, and water, is the reason why
names signifying 'watery-eyed,' 'weak-eyed,' ' blear-eyed,' were sub-
sequently applied to the beautiful star, which, similarly, reappears
in Greek myth as Ma?/>a("the Sparkler ")— not weak-eyed, "can is
ululans Mera" (Hyginus, Fabulae, cxxx), the Litrie-dog which wept
(=the "Watery-eyed") for the death of its master Ikarios. The
Derivatives have, rightly enough, not adopted this star in their
* Vide R. B., Jr., The Milky Way in Euphratean Stellar Mythology {Academy,
Jan., 9, (892, p. 43).
t Cf. Ar. , gamas, " dip into waier," ' immerse,' ' wet.'
302
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
schemes; but, its presence here may be illustrated by a passage in
the Schol. on Germanicus, which, after speaking of Procyoti, says of
the other stars in Can. Min., " Reliquae sunt stellae in signorum
circulo, quern sol perambulat in XII mensibus " (ap. C. Robert,
Eratosthenis Catasterisinorum Reliquiae, Berlin, 1878, p. 192). A
Dog sejant, not salient as Can. May. (vide Proceedings, March, 1891,
p. 271, fig. xviii), appears amongst other lunar zodiacal emblems
on the Boundary Stones,
IX.
SUPA (" The Lustrous." Explained as As. Namru, W.A.I., V,
xlvi, No. 1, 1. 52, "the Brilliant") = a and /3 Geminorum, Castor
and Pollux. The name affords an interesting instance of the close
connexion between the Ak. and Turco-Tataric languages.
The Bab. translation prevents any possibility of doubt respecting
its meaning, and Supa is at once seen to be akin to the Turco-
Tataric root sub, suv, su, 'water/ 'lustre,' 'honour,' Uigur sub,
'lustre,' etc.
= Per. 8. Taraha (= a, /3 Geminorum), "the (Two) Stars"
(Av. Ctehr, ctar, Gk. ami'jp, Lat. stella, Per. tara, ' star ; ' cf,
Gk. Te?/J09, re'/ja?, found only in plu. seipeu, " the constellations," +
Per. ha, plu. form. Cf. also Per. towa, tava, ' twin ').
Sog. 8. Ghamb ( — Same stars), "the Twins" (Av. Yima, Sk.
Yama,yamau, " twins,' Fer.Jam). Cf. the Vedic myth of Yama and
his twin sister Yami.
Kho. 8. Jiray (= Same stars), "the Pair" (cf. V&r.jf/r, 'pair').
Ind 7. Punarvasu (= Same stars), "the Twice-bright," = "the
Two Bright-ones."
Ar. 7. Al-Dzird' ( = Same stars), "the Arm" (Ar. zird, 'arm ') —
of Leo. Speaking about the Ar. constellations, Albirum, who says
that the Arabs " were very far from an accurate knowledge of the
[solar] zodiacal signs and the star-figures," observes, " according to
their opinion the figure of Leo extends over the signs Cancer, Leo,
Virgo, and part of Libra;" and "they consider the two heads of
Gemini as his outstretched forefoot . . . whilst in reality the matter
is not what they assume" (Vestiges, p. 226).
Cop. 7. Pimafi (= Same stars), "the Fore-arm" (Cop.//, 'the,'
-1- Cop. mafi, Eg. me/i, ' forearm '), = Ar. 7.
(To be continued*)
Dec. 3]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1S95.
The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be holden at
37> Great Russell Street, Bloomsburv, W.C., on Tuesday,
14th January, 1896, at 8 p.m., when the Usual business of tl
Meeting will be transacted.
A Paper by Dr„ Gaster will be read*
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