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THE
PRINCETON REVIEW-
APRIL 184 0.
Art. I. — Davies’’ s Stale of Religion among the Dissenters
in Virginia.
Among the papers communicated to the Rev. Dr Green,
as chairman of the committee appointed many years ago to
prepare a history of the Presbyterian church, there are several
relating to the settlement and difficulties of the Rev. Mr.
Davies in Virginia. They consist principally of a correspond-
ence between Mr. Davies and the bishop of London, and
Drs. Doddridge and Avery in England. Some of these letters
are so much injured by having long since been exposed to
moisture, as to be in a great measure illegible. Others of
them however are in good preservation. The most import-
ant is a long communication from Mr. Davies to the bishop
of London, which we propose to print entire. In order how-
ever to understand it, it is necessary to recollect that the Epis-
copal church was by law established in Virginia, and non-
attendance upon its services made a penal offence. To make
provision however for dissenters, the legislature had adopted
the English Act of Toleration, and given it the force of law in
that colony. It was on this ground that Mr. Davies recog-
nized that act, and appealed to it for protection. This he
states distinctly in a letter dated May 21st, 1752, and ad-
dressed to Dr. Avery. He there says, “I am fully satisfied,
VOL. xix. no. 2. 22
No. I.
170 Presbyterianism in Virginia. [April
sir, that, as you intimate, the act of uniformity and other penal
laws against non-conformity are not of force in the colonies,
and consequently that the dissenters have no right nor indeed
any need to plead the act of toleration as an exemption from
those penal laws. But, sir, our legislature has passed an act
of the same kind with those laws (though the penalty is less)
requiring all adult persons to attend on the established church.
As this act was passed since the revolution, it was neces-
sary that protestant dissenters should be exempted from its
obligation, and tolerated to worship God in separate assem-
bly (though indeed at the time of its enaction, viz: the 4th
of Queen Anne, there was not a dissenting congregation except
a few Quakers, in the colony), and for this purpose our legis-
lature thought fit to take in the act of parliament made for
that end in England, rather than to make a new one peculiar
to this colony. This, sir, you may see in my remonstrance
to the govenor and council, which I find has been laid before
you. Now it is with a view to exempt ourselves from the
obligation of the above law made by our legislature, that we
plead the act of toleration; and we plead it not as an English
law, for we are convinced that it does not extend hither by
virtue of its primitive enaction, but as received into the body
of the Virginia laws by our legislature. And though for
some time, some pretended to scruple and others denied that
the act of toleration is in force here, even in this sense, yet
now I think it is generally granted, and all the question is
about the intent and meaning of this act; and particularly
whether a dissenting congregation, that is very much dis-
persed, and cannot meet at one place, may claim a right by
virtue of said act, to have a plurality of places licensed for
the convenience of sundry parts of the congregation; and
whether it allows a dissenting minister to divide his labours
among two congregations at sundry meeting houses when, by
reason of the scarcity of ministers, each congregation cannot
be furnished with one.”
At first there was no difficulty made on this subject, as
the Presbyterian dissenters had obtained licenses for five
places of worship before Mr. Davies visited them in 1747.
But when in consequence of the faithful and eloquent
preaching of that distinguished man, the number of dissenters
began to increase, the Episcopalians took the alarm, and began
to throw difficulties in the way of granting such licenses. They
at first, it seems, took the ground that the Act of Toleration
was not in force in Virginia, and that the dissenters were
1840.] Presbyterianism in Virginia. 171
without any legal protection. When driven from this ground
they restricted the sense given to the act, and wished to con-
fine one congregation to one place of meeting, and one min-
ster to one congregation. Against this the Presbyterians
remonstrated as an invasion of the rights secured to them by
the laws of the colony. The Episcopalians applied to the
Bishop of London for his interpretation of the act, as appears
from the following extract of a letter addressed to him from
Virginia, and by him communicated, together with his answer,
to Dr. Doddridge. The bishop’s correspondent, under the
date of July 27, 1750, writes to him: “Seven meeting
houses situated in five counties have been licensed by the
general court for Mr. Samuel Davies. In those counties
there are eight ministers of the established church. The
justices of New Kent county lately granted him a license to
have a meeting in St. Peter’s parish, but their order has been
superceded by the general court, it being judged that this af-
fair is not within the jurisdiction of county courts. The
instruction alluded to in the answer of Peyton Randolph
Esq. attorney general of Virginia, to the first question, is as
follows. ‘You are to permit a liberty of conscience to all
persons except papists, so that they be contented with a quiet
and peaceable enjoyment of the same, not giving offence or
scandal to the government.’ I earnestly entreat the favour of
your lordship’s opinion, whether in licensing so many meet-
ing houses for one teacher, they have not granted him a greater
indulgence than either the king’s instructions or the act of to-
leration intended. It is not to be dissembled that several of
the laity as well as of the clergy are uneasy on account of the
countenance and encouragement he has met with; and I can-
not forbear expressing my own concern to see schism spread-
ing itself through a colony which has been famous for the
uniformity of religion. I had almost forgot to mention his
holding forth on working days to great numbers of poor peo-
ple, who generally are his followers. This certainly is in-
consistent with the religion of labour, whereby they are
obliged to maintain themselves and families; and their neglect
of this duty, if not seasonably prevented, may in process of
time, be sensibly felt by the government.”
To the above communication the bishop replied: “As to
Davies’s case, as far as I can judge your attorney general is quite
in the right, for the act of toleration confines the preachers to
a particular place, to be certified and entered; and so the prac-
tice here has been; and it was so far admitted to be the case
172
Presbyterianism in Virginia. [Afirl
that the dissenters obtained a clause in the 10th of Queen
Anne, to impower any dissenting minister to preach occa-
sionally in any other county but that in which he was licensed.
“ I observe in one of the licenses (a copy of which you sent
me) Davies is permitted to assemble, &c. at several meeting
houses to be erected on the lands of Joseph Skelton, &c.
Now the act of toleration requires that the places of meeting
shall be certified and registered, but how houses that are not
in being can be certified and registered I cannot understand.
“ The Act of Toleration was intended to permit dissenters
to worship in their own way, and to exempt them from pen-
alties, but it never was intended to permit them to set up
itinerant preachers, to gather congregations where there
were none before. They are by the act of Wm. and Mary
to qualify in the county where they live, and how Davies
can be said to live in five different counties they who granted
the license must explain.
“In the act of Wm. and Mary, the justices of the peace
can admit of the teachers qualification, which is the reason I
suppose of your justices acting in the present case. If this
power be lodged with the governor, as your attorney-general
takes it to be, I do not see how the justices can interfere,
unless they suppose they can do whatever the justices in
England can do, under the special authority of an act of par-
liament, which in many instances would be an absurd claim.
“ Since I received yours I have been confined at home, and
as the ships are now going out, I have not time to advise on
this subject, and therefore what 1 have said must be taken
only as my private opinion; but as this case concerns the
church abroad very much, I will soon learn what the sense of
the lawyers is here.”
These extracts were inclosed to Dr. Doddridge in the fol-
lowing letter, from which it appears the Dr. had sent the bish-
op an extract of a letter from Mr. Davies to himself. The
bishop writes thus:
“ London, 11 May, 1751.
“ Rev. Sir,
“ I am very much obliged to you for the open and candid
manner in which you have communicated to me, the case of
Mr. Davies, and an extract of his letter upon the subject. I
wish all cases of this sort could be as fairly stated: it would
exclude frivolous complaints, and bring the rest to be under-
stood, which often times they are not. The best return I
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
173
can make you, is to send you extracts, verbatim from the
account I received from Virginia, and from the answer I re-
turned. You have them enclosed.
“ The question upon Mr. Davies’s case, as far as it appears
yet, relates to the meaning and construction of the act com-
monly called the Toleration Act. What I conceive the
meaning to be, appears in the extract from my answer. If
you consider the act, and the circumstance under which it
was granted, you will not, I believe, see reason to think me
mistaken. If you judge the liberty granted not sufficient,
and that you, and every body, have a natural right to propa-
gate their opinions in religion in such a manner as they ap-
prove themselves, that is quite another point, and in which
Mr. Davies, who claims under the Act of Toleration, has no
concern.
“ If you suppose the Church of England to be (which I am
persuaded you do not), in the same state of corruption as the
Romish church was at the time of the Reformation, there
wants indeed no license, nor authority from the government
to justify the methods of conversion which Mr. Davies is
pursuing, and which the Methodists now do and long have
pursued. But if the Act of Toleration was desired for no
other view than to ease the consciences of those who could
not conform — if it was granted with no other view, how
must Mr. Davies’s conduct be justified, who, under the co-
lour of a toleration to his own conscience, is labouring to
disturb the consciences of others, and the peace of a church
acknowledged to be a true church of Christ ? He came 300
miles from home, not to serve people who had scruples, but to
a country where the Church of England had been establish-
ed from its first plantation, and where there were not above
four or five dissenters within one hundred miles of it, not
above six years ago. Mr. Davies says, in his letter to you,
‘We claim no other liberties than those granted by the Act
of Toleration.’ So that the state of the question is admitted,
on both sides, to be this: How far the Act of Toleration will
justify Mr. Davies, in taking upon himself to be an itinerant
preacher, and travelling over many counties, to make con-
verts in a country, too, where till very lately, there was not
a dissenter from the Church of England?
“You will observe in the extract from my letter, that I
promised to take the opinion of lawyers upon the case; but I
have not done it; which I tell you that you may not think I
have an opinion and conceal it from you.
174
Presby terianism in Virginia.
[April
“ Mr. Davies says, sundry of the people have been in-
dicted and fined, and it is upon this information, I suppose,
that you express yourself apprehensive that methods of seve-
rity, not to say of oppression, may be used. Of this I have
heard nothing; but give me leave to set you right on one
thing, and to tell you that my name neither is nor can be
used for any such purpose. The Bishop of London, nor his
commissaries, have no such power in the plantations, and I
believe never desired to have it; so that if there be any
ground for such complaint, the civil government only is con-
cerned.
“ There is another part of Mr. Davies’s letter which gives
me great concern. I mean the character he gives of the
clergy and laity in Virginia. I dare say you have so much
candor as to deduct something from the general character;
knowing how hard it is not to suspect and charge corruption
of principles, upon those who differ in principles from us.
I have no such account of the clergy of Virginia as will jus-
tify this character; though there may be reason in some
cases for very just complaints, and how can it be expected to
be otherwise, considering the state of the Church of England
abroad; the care of it as an Episcopal church, is supposed to
be in the Bishop of London. How he comes to be charged
with this care, I will not inquire now, but sure I am that the
care is improperly lodged: for a bishop to live at one end of
the world, and his church at another, must make the office
very uncomfortable to the bishop, and, in a great measure,
useless to the people. With respect to ordinances, it has a
very ill effect; the people of the country are discouraged
from bringing up their children for the ministry, because of
the hazard and expense of sending them to England to take
orders, where they often get the small pox, a distemper fatal
to the natives of those countries. Of those who are sent
from hence, a great part are of the Scotch or Irish, who can
get no employment at home, and enter into the service more
out of necessity than choice. Some others are willing to go
abroad, to retrieve either lost fortunes, or lost character. For
these reasons, and others of a less weight, I did apply to the
king, as soon as I was bishop of London, to have two or three
bishops appointed for the plantations, to reside there. I
thought there could be no reasonable objection to it, not even
to the dissenters, as the bishops proposed were to have no
jurisdiction, but over the clergy of their own church; and no
more over them than should enable them to see the pastoral
1840.]
Presbyterianism, in Virginia.
175
office duly performed; and as to New England, where the
dissenters are so numerous, it never was proposed to settle a
bishop in the country.
“ You are probably no stranger to the manner in which the
news of this proposal was received in New England. If
you are, I will only say, that they used all their influence to
obstruct the settling of bishops in the Episcopal church of
England. Was this consistent even with a spirit of tolera-
tion? Would they think themselves tolerated, if they were
debarred the right of settling ministers among themselves,
and were obliged to send all their candidates to Geneva or
Scotland for orders? At the same time that they exert this
opposition, they set up a mission of their own for Virginia,
a country positively Episcopal, by authority of their synod;
and, in their own country, where they have the power, they
have persecuted and imprisoned several members of the
church, for not paying towards supporting the dissenting
preachers, though no such charge can, by any colour of law,
be imposed upon them. This has been the case in New
England. I am sorry to add, that some here, for whose cha-
racters and abilities 1 have due esteem, have not upon this
occasion given signs of the temper and moderation that were
expected from them.
“ I do not willingly enter into these complaints even to you,
who I am confident will make no ill use of them. I wish there
was no occasion for them. In this wish, I am sure of your
concurrence, from the love you bear to our common Chris-
tianity. “ I am, Sir,
“ Your most affectionate friend, and
“ Very humble servant,
“ THOS. LONDON.”
Dr. Doddridge having sent this letter to Mr. Davies, the
latter wrote the following letter to the bishop: —
“My Lord ,
“ My little name would probably never have been made
known to your lordship in this manner, were I not con-
strained by such reasons as, I humbly presume, will acquit
me from the censure of a causeless intrusive application. Your
lordship’s general character, and the high sentiments of your
candour and impartiality your valuable writings have inspired
me with, persuade me your lordship is a patient searcher after
truth, both in matters of speculation and fad; and, therefore,
176
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
will patiently bear the following representation, though un-
avoidably tedious; especially when it is intended to reflect light
upon a case which, in your lordship’s own judgment, con-
cerns the church abroad very much, and help to bring it to an
impartial determination: and, though my being unaccustom-
ed to such addresses, may render me awkward or deficient
in some of the decent and precedented formalities with which
I should approach a person of your lordship’s dignity; yet I
flatter myself my inward affectionate veneration will natu-
rally discover itself in such genuine indications as will con-
vince your lordship of its sincerity and ardour, and procure
your indulgence to my involuntary imperfections.
“When his honour the president of this colony, the late
Col. Lee, first informed me, that the case of the Protestant
dissenters here had been laid before your lordship, I drew
up a representation of it, with all possible impartiality, in a
letter intended for your lordship, dated August 13, 1750. I
had no suspicion that either the president or the Rev. Dr.
Dawson had knowingly and wilfully misrepresented it; yet
J had reason to conclude their representation was imperfect;
as they were not thoroughly acquainted with the circum-
stances of the dissenters in these parts. This supposed im-
perfection 1 attempted to supply in that letter. But upon
farther deliberation, I concluded it would answer no valua-
ble end to send it; as I had then no opportunity of procur-
ing the attestation of others, and I knew a person’s speaking
in his own behalf is generally deemed a sufficient ground to
suspect his veracity. Accordingly I kept it by me till about
three months ago, when I sent it, with some other papers
upon the affair, to a correspondent in London; leaving it
wholly to his judgment, whether to present it to your lord-
ship or not. I have not received any intelligence from him
as yet, what he has thought proper to do; and, therefore, lest
your lordship should not have received it, I shall as far as
I can recollect, lay the substance of it before you, together
with such additional remarks as have been suggested to me
by occurrences since that time.
“ I informed my worthy friend Dr. Doddridge, of the state
of affairs here with respect to the dissenters, about a year and
a half ago; and by his answer, I find he has laid a large ex-
tract of my letter before your lordship. I wrote it with all
the unreserved freedom of friendship; as I did not expect it
would have been presented to your lordship’s eyes: yet I
am glad you have seen it; as, by comparing it with this,
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
177
which, it may be presumed, I write with more caution,
your lordship may be convinced I do not act in disguise, but
make substantially the same naked, artless representation of
truth to all parties.
“Dr. Doddridge has sent me a copy of your lordship’s
letter to him, with the extracts of the letters from and to
Virginia enclosed, as the fullest and easiest method of in-
forming me of your lordship’s sentiments. This, my lord,
will not, I trust, weaken your 4 confidence that he would
make no ill use’ of your lordship’s freedom with him, since
the matter is of a public nature; and the reason of his wri-
ting to your lordship was, that he might inform me of your
sentiments. And I find some misrepresentations in your
lordship’s letter, and the extracts enclosed, which, I appre-
hend, I can rectify. I hope, my lord, you will not suspect I
have so much arrogance as to encounter your lordship as a
disputant, if I presume to make some free and candid re-
marks upon them. My only design is to do justice to a mis-
represented cause, which is the inalienable right of the mean-
est innocent; and as an impartial historical representation
will be sufficient for this purpose, it is needless to tire your
lordship with tedious argumentation.
“The frontier counties of this colony, about an hundred
miles west and south-west from Hanover, have been lately
settled by people that chiefly came from Ireland originally,
and immediately from the northern colonies, who were edu-
cated Presbyterians, and had been under the care of the minis-
ters belonging to the synod of New York (of which I am
a member), during their residence there. Their settling in
Virginia has been many ways beneficial to it, which I am
sure most of them would not have done, had they expected
any restraints in the inoffensive exercise of their religion ac-
cording to their consciences. After their removal, they con-
tinued to petition the synod of New York, and particularly
the presbytery of New Castle, which was nearest to them,
for ministers to be sent among them. But as the ministers of
said synod and of the country were few, and vastly dispropor-
tioned to the many congregations under their care, they could
not provide these vacancies with settled pastors. And what,
my lord, could they do in this case? 1 appeal to your lord-
ship, whether this was not the only expedient in their power,
to appoint some of their members to travel alternately into
these destitute congregations, and officiate among them as
long as would comport with their circumstances? It was
VOL. XII. no. 2. 23
178 Presbyterianism in Virginia. [April
this, my lord, that was the first occasion, as far as I can learn,
of our being stigmatized itinerant preachers. But whether
there was any just ground for it in these circumstances, I
cheerfully submit to your lordship. The same method was
taken for the same reason, (as I shall observe more particu-
larly hereafter) to supply the dissenters in and about Hano-
ver before my settlement among them; and this raised the
former clamour still higher. There are now in the frontier
counties at least five congregations of Presbyterians, who,
though they have long used the most vigorous endeavours to
obtain settled ministers among them, have not succeeded as
yet by reason of the scarcity of ministers, and the number of
vacancies in other parts, particularly in Pennsylvania and
the Jerseys: and we have no way to answer their importu-
nate petitions, but by sending a minister now and then to
officiate transiently among them. And as the people under
my charge are so numerous and so dispersed, that I cannot
allow them at each meeting-house such a share of my minis-
trations as is correspondent to their necessity, the said synod
has twice or thrice, in the space of three years, sent a minis-
ter to assist me for a few sabbaths. These, my lord, are the
only itinerations that my brethren can be charged with in
this colony; and whether they should not rather run the
risk of this causeless charge, than suffer these vacancies, who
eagerly look to them for the bread of life, to perish through
a famine of the word of the Lord, I cheerfully submit to
your lordship.
“But as I am particularly accused of intrusive schismati-
cal itinerations, I am more particularly concerned to vindi-
cate myself: and for that purpose, it will be sufficient to in-
form your lordship of the circumstances of the dissenters in
and about Hanover, who are under my ministerial care.
“The dissenters here, my lord, are but sufficiently nume-
rous to form two distinct organized congregations, or parti-
cular churches; and did they live contiguous, two meeting-
houses would be sufficient for them, and neither they ijor
myself would desire more- But they are so dispersed, that
they cannot convene for public worship, unless they have a
considerable number of places licensed; and so few that they
cannot form a particular organized church at each place.
There are meeting-houses licensed in five different counties,
as the letter from Virginia, I suppose, from the Rev. Dr.
Dawson informs your lordship. But the extremes of my
congregation lie 80 or 90 miles apart; and the dissenters under
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
179
1840.]
'
my care are scattered through six or seven different counties;
the greatest number of them, I suppose about an hundred
families at least, is in Hanover, where there are three meet-
ing-houses licensed; about twenty or thirty families in Hen-
ries; about ten or twelve in Caroline; about fifteen or twenty
in Goochland; and about the same number in Louisa; in each
of which counties there is but one meeting-house licensed;
about fifteen or twenty families in Cumberland, where there
is no place licensed; and about the same number contiguous
to New Kent, where a license was granted by the court of
that county, but afterwards superseded by the general
court. The counties here are large, generally forty or
fifty miles in length, and about twenty or thirty miles in
breadth; so that though they lived in one county, it might
be impossible for them all to convene at one place; and much
more when they are dispersed through so many. Though
there are now seven places licensed, yet the nearest are
twelve or fifteen miles apart, and many of the people have
ten, fifteen or twenty miles to the nearest, and thirty, forty,
or sixty miles to the rest; nay, some of them have thirty or
forty miles to the nearest. That this is an impartial repre-
sentation of our circumstances, I dare appeal to all that know
any thing about them.
“ Let me here remind your lordship that such is the scar-
city of ministers in the synod of New York, and so great the
number of congregations under their care, that though a part
of my congregation have, with my zealous concurrence, used
repeated endeavours to obtain another minister amongst them,
to relieve me of the charge of them, yet they have not suc-
ceeded as yet. So that all the dissenters here depend en-
tirely on me to officiate among them; as there is no other
minister of there own denomination within two hundred
miles, except when one of my brethren from the northren
colonies is appointed to pay them a transient visit, for two
or three sabbaths, once in a year or two: and as I observed,
they cannot attend on my ministry at one or two places by
reason of their distance; nor constitute a complete particular
church at each place of meeting, by reason of the smallness
of their number.
“These things, my lord, being impartially considered, I
dare submit it to your lordship:
“ Whether my itinerating in this manner, in such circum-
stances, be illegal ? And whether, though I cannot live in
five different counties at once, as your lordship observes, I
180
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
may not lawfully officiate in them, or in as many as the pe-
culiar circumstances of my congregation, which though but
one particular church, is dispersed through sundry counties
render necessary?
“ Whether contiguity of residence is necessary to entitle
dissenters to the liberties granted by the Act of Toleration?
Whether when they cannot convene at one place, they may
not, according to the true intent and meaning of that act, ob-
tain as many houses licensed as will render public worship
accessible to them all? And whether, if this liberty be de-
nied them, they can be said to be tolerated at all? i. e.
whether dissenters are permitted to worship in their own
way , (which your lordship observes was the intent of that
act), who are prohibited from worshipping in their own way,
unless they travel thirty, forty, or fifty miles every Sun-
day? Your lordship grants we would have no reason to
think ourselves tolerated, were we obliged to send our can-
didates to Geneva or Scotland to be ordained; and is there
any more reason to think so when great numbers are obliged
to journey so far weekly for public worship?
“ Whether when there are a few dissenting families in one
county, and a few in another, and they are not able to form
a distinct congregation, or particular church at each place,
and yet all of them conjunctly are able to form one, though
they cannot meet statedly at one place; whether, I say, they
may not legally obtain sundry meeting houses licensed, in
these different counties, where their minister may divide
his time according to the proportion of the people, and yet
be looked upon as one organized church? And whether
the minister of such a dispersed church, who alternately
officiates at these sundry meeting-houses should, on this ac-
count, be branded as an itinerant?
“ Whether, when a number of dissenters, sufficient to con-
stitute two distinct congregations, each of them able to
maintain a minister, can obtain but one by reason of the
scarcity of ministers, they may not legally share in the
labours of that one, and have as many houses licensed for
him to officiate in, as their distance renders necessary? And
whether the minister of such an united congregation, though
he divides his labours at seven different places, or more, if
their conveniency requires it, be not as properly a settled
minister as though he preached but at one place, to but one
congregation? Or (which is a parallel case) whether the
Rev. Mr. Barret, one of the ministers in Hanover, who has
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
181
three churches situated in two counties, and whose parish is
perhaps sixty miles in circumference, be not as properly a
settled parish minister, as a London minister whose parish-
ioners do not live half a mile from his church?
“ I beg leave, my lord, farther to illustrate the case by a
relation of a matter of fact, and a very possible supposition.
“ It very often happens in Virginia, that the parishes are
twenty, thirty, forty, and sometimes fifty or sixty miles long,
and proportionably broad; which is chiefly owing to this,
that people are not so thick settled, as that the inhabitants
in a small compass should be sufficient for a parish; and your
lordship can easily conceive that the inhabitants in this in-
fant colony, are thinner than in England. The legislature
here has wisely made provision to remedy this inconvenien-
cy, by ordering sundry churches or chapels of ease to be
erected in one parish, that one of them at least may be tolera-
bly convenient to all the parishioners; and all these are under
the care of one minister, who shares his labours at each place
in propoction to the number of people there. In Hanover
a pretty populous county, there are two ministers, one of
them has two churches, and the other, as I observed has three;
the nearest of which are twelve or fifteen miles apart. And
in some of the frontier counties the number of churches in a
parish is much greater. And yet the number of churches
does not multiply the parish into an equal number of parish-
es; nor does the minister by officiating at so many places,
incur the odious epithet of an itinerant preacher, a pluralist
or non-resident. (Here again my lord, I appeal to all the
colony to attest this representation). Now, I submit it to
your lordship, whether there be not at least equal reason that
a plurality of meeting houses should be licensed for the use
of the dissenters here, since they are more dispersed and few-
er in number? The nearest of those licensed are twelve or
fifteen miles apart; and as, if there were but one church in a
parish, a great part of it would be incapable of attending on
public worship; so if the number of my meetinghouses were
lessened, a considerable part of the dissenters here would be
thrown into a state of heathenism, wholly destitute of the
ministrations of the gospel, or obliged to attend statedly on
the established church, which they conscientiously scruple.
And indeed this will be the case with some of them, if more
be not licensed, unless they can go twenty, thirty, or forty
miles every sabbath. And here, my lord, it may be proper
to observe, that in the Act of Toleration it is expressly pro-
182 Presbyterianism in Virginia. [April
vided ( That all the laws made and provided for the fre-
quenting divine service on the Lord’s day — shall be in force
and executed against all persons that offend against the said
laws, except such persons come to some congregation or as-
sembly of religious worship, allowed cr permitted by this
act.’ So that the dissenters are obliged, even by that Act
which was made designedly in their favour, to attend on the
established church, unless they come to some dissenting con-
gregation; and this obligation is corroborated, and the penal-
ty increased by an act of our assembly, which enjoins all
adult persons to come to church at least once a month, ex-
cepting as is excepted in an act made in the first year of
the reign of King William and Queen Mary,’ &c. But how,
my lord, is it possible for them to comply with this injunc-
tion, if they are restrained to so small a number of meeting
houses, as that they cannot attend them? If the Act of Tole-
ration imposes this restraint upon them, does it not necessi-
tate them to violate itself? And if our magistrates refuse to
license a sufficient number, and yet execute the penal laws
upon them for the profanation of the sabbath, or the neglect
of public worship, does it not seem as though they obliged
them to offend that they may enjoy the malignant pleasure
of punishing them? The Act of William and Mary, my
lord, does not particularize the number of houses to be licen-
sed for the use of one congregation; but only requires, in
general, that all such places shall be registered before public
worship be celebrated in them; from which it may be reason-
ably presumed, the number is to be wholly regulated by the
circumstances of the congregation. It is, however, evident
that such a number was intended as that all the members of
the congregation might conveniently attend. But to return,
I submit it also to your lordship, whether there be not as
little reason for representing me as an itinerant preacher, on
account of my preaching at so many places for the conve-
iency of one congregation, as that the minister of a large
parish, where there are sundry churches or chapels of ease,
should be so called for preaching at these sundry places, for
the conveniency of one parish? Besides the reason com-
mon to both, the distance of the people, there is one pecu-
liarly in my favour, the small number of our ministers; on
which account almost the half of the congregations that have
put themselves under our synodical or presbyterial care, are
destitute of settled pastors: which is far from being the case
of late, in the established church in Virginia. I shall
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
183
subjoin one remark more. ’Tis very common here, my lord,
when a parish which has had sundry churches in it under the
care of one minister, is increased, to devide it into two or
more, each of which has a minister. And I submit it to your
lordship, whether my congregation may not be so divided,
when an opportunity occurs of obtaining another minister?
And whether till that time I may not, according to the pre-
cedent around me in the established church, take the care of
all the dissenters at the places already licensed, and at that
petitioned for, when I do it for no selfish views, but from the
unhappy necessity imposed upon me by present circumstan-
ces, and am eager to resign a part of my charge, as soon as
another may be obtained to undertake it, which I hope will
be ere long?
“ I know but little, my lord, how it is in fact in England:
but I will put a case. Suppose, then there are fifteen families
of dissenters at Clapham in Bedfordshire, fifteen at Wotten
in Northamptonshire, fifteen at Kimbolton in Huntington-
shire, and fifteen in the north corner of Buckinghamshire,
(if these places are not so pertinent as others that might be
supposed, your lordship can easily substitute others and your
candour will overlook my blunder, as I have never seen
England but in a map), and suppose, that these families, not
being able to form a distinct church in each shire and maintain
a minister at each place, agree to unite into one organized
church, and to place themselves under the care of one minis-
ter, who shall proportion his labours at sundry meeting-houses,
one being erected in each shire for the conveniency of the
families resident there. I humbly query whether in this case
such a congregation may not according to the act of Wm.
and Mary, claim a license for a meeting house in each of
these shires? Whether 1 his could justly be suspected as an
artifice 1 To gather dissenting congregations where there were
none before, to disturb the peace of the church?’ Whether
the minister of such a dispersed congregation should be stig-
matized an itinerant? — Or (to adapt the illustration yet more
fully to the case) suppose twice the above number in five
contiguous shires or counties, capable of constituting two
particular churches, and maintaining two ministers, and sup-
pose the number of ministers so small, that they can obtain
but one to settle among them, may they not in these circum-
stances unite in one church, and place themselves conjunctly
under the care of one minister, sharing his labours among
them, at seven meeting-houses, in five counties, in propor-
184
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[Apkil
tion to there number at each place? And would not such a
minister be justly looked upon as a settled minister? Or,
would he he limited to one county in this case, because the
Act of Toleration requires him to qualify in the county
where he lives? And this, my lord, suggests to me a re-
mark in your lordship’s letter to Virginia: ‘They’ [the
dissenting ministers] ‘ are, by the act of William and Mary,
to qualify in the county where they live, and how Davies
can be said to live in five different counties, they who granted
the license must explain.’ You know, my lord, it is the
judgment of our attorney general, that county courts here
have no authority in such matters; and your lordship has
not declared your dissent from him. The council also has
published an order, prohibiting county courts to administer
qualifications to dissenting ministers, and appropriating that
authority to the governor or commander in chief. And how
is it possible, my lord, we should qualify in the county
where we live, since the governor does not live there? It
is hard if, after we are prohibited to qualify in county courts,
as we desire, the validity of our qualifications should be sus-
pected, because we did not qualify there. As for myself, I
was required to qualify by his honour the governor in the
general court, which consists of the governor and council;
and as the epithet general intimates, it is the supreme court
of the whole province, and what is done therein is deemed
as valid through the whole colony, as the acts of a county
court in a particular county: and consequently, I look upon
myself, and so does the government, as legally qualified to
officiate in any part of the colony where there are houses li-
censed.
“ To all this, my lord, I may add, that though the Act of
Toleration should not warrant my preaching in so many
counties; yet since, as your lordship observes, ‘ the dissenters
obtained a clause in the 10th Queen Anne, to empower any dis-
senting preacher to preach occasionally in any other county
but that where he wasl icensed;’ and since the reason of the
law is at least as strong here as in England, and consequently
it extends hither, my conduct is sufficiently justified by it.
“ All these things, my lord, furnish a sufficient answer to
your lordship’s question: ‘How far the Act of Toleration
will justify Mr. Davies in taking upon himself to be an itin-
erant preacher, and travelling over many counties to make
converts in a country too where, till very lately, there was
not one dissenter from the Church of England?’ And it
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
185
appears to have been stated upon misinformation; when im-
partially stated, it would stand thus:
“ How far the Act of Toleration will justify Mr. Davies, in
sharing his labours at sundry places in different counties,
among professed dissenters, who constitute but one particu-
lar church, though dispersed through so many counties and
incapable of meeting at one place? Or, thus:
“ Whether legally qualified protestant dissenters, who are
dispersed through sundry counties, and cannot meet at one
place, and by reason of the scarcity of ministers, cannot ob-
tain but one among them, may not legally share in the labours
of that one, and have so many houses licensed for him to of-
ficiate in, as that all of them may alternately attend on public
worship? And were the question considered in this view, I
confidently presume, your lordship would determine it in my
favour, and no longer look upon me as an itinerant preacher,
intent on making converts to a party.
“ But I find I have been represented to your lordship, as an
uninvited intruder into these parts; for your lordship, in
your letter to Dr. Doddridge, writes thus: ‘ If the Act of
Toleration was desired for no other view but to ease the con-
sciences of those that could not conform; if it was granted
with no other view, how must Mr. Davies’s conduct be jus-
tified? who, under the colour of a toleration to his own con-
science, is labouring to disturb the consciences of others.
He came three hundred miles from home, not to serve peo-
ple who had scruples, but to a country where there were not
above four or five dissenters within an hundred miles, not
above six years ago.’
“ To justify me from this charge, my lord, it might be suf-
ficient to observe, that the meeting-houses here were legally
licensed before I preached in them, and that the licenses
were petitioned for by the people, as the last license for three
of them expressly certifies, as your lordship may see: which
is a sufficient evidence that I did not intrude into any of
these places to gain proselytes where there were no dissen-
ters before.
“ But to give your lordship a just view of this matter, I shall
present you with a brief narrative of the rise and increase of
dissenters in and about this county, and an account of the
circumstances of my settling among them. And though I
know, my lord, there may be some temptations to look upon
all I say as a plausible artifice to vindicate myself, or my
party; yet I am not without hopes that one of your lordship’s
VOL. XII. no. 2. 24
186 Presbyterianism in Virginia. [April
impartiality, who has found it possible, by happy experience,
to be candid and disinterested even when self is concerned,
will believe it possible for another also to be impartial for
once in the relation of plain public facts, obvious to all, though
they concern him and his party; especially when he is will-
ing to venture the reputation of his veracity on the undenia-
ble truth of his relation, and can bring tbe attestations of
multitudes to confirm it.
“About the year 1743, upon the petitions of the Presby-
terians in the frontier counties of this colony, the Rev. Mr.
Robinson, who now rests from his labours, and is happily
advanced beyond the injudicious applauses and censures of
mortals, was sent by order of Presbytery to officiate for
some time among them. A little before this, about four or
five persons, heads of families in Hanover, had dissented
from the established church, not from any scruples about her
ceremonial peculiarities, the usual cause of non-conformity,
much less about her excellent articles of faith, but from a
dislike of the doctrines generally delivered from the pulpit,
as not savouring of experimental piety, nor suitably inter-
mingled with the glorious peculiarities of the religion of
Jesus. It does not concern me at present, my lord, to in-
quire or determine whether they had sufficient reason for
their dislike. They concluded them sufficient; and they had
a legal as well as natural right to follow their own judgment.
These families were wont to meet in a private house on Sun-
days to hear some good books read, particularly Luther’s;
whose writings I can assure your lordship were the princi-
pal cause of their leaving the church; which, I hope, is a
presumption in their favour. After some time, sundry others
came to their society, and upon hearing these books, grew
indifferent about going to church, and chose rather to fre-
quent these societies for reading. At length, the number
became too great for a private house to contain them, and
they agreed to build a meeting-house, which they accord-
ingly did.
“Thus far, my lord, they had proceeded before they had
heard a dissenting minister at all. (Hear again, I appeal to
all that know any thing of the matter, to attest this account.)
They had not the least thought at this time of assuming the
denomination of Presbyterians, as they were wholly igno-
rant of that church: but when they were called upon by the
court to assign the reasons of their absenting themselves
from church, and asked what denomination they professed
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
187
. themselves of, they declared themselves Lutherans, not in
the usual sense of that denomination in Europe, but merely
to intimate that they were of Luther’s sentiments, particu-
larly in the article of justification.
“ Hence, my lord, it appears that neither I nor my bre-
thren were the first instruments of their separation from the
church of England: and so far we are vindicated from the
charge of ‘setting up itinerant preachers, to gather congrega-
tions where there were none before.’ So far I am vindicated
from the charge of ‘coming three hundred miles from home
to disturb the consciences of others — not to serve a people
who had scruples, but to a country where there were not
above four or five dissenters’ at the time of my coming
here.
“ Hence also, my lord, results an inquiry, which I hum-
bly submit to your lordship, whether the laws of England
enjoin an immutability in sentiments on the members of the
established church? And whether, if those that were for-
merly conformists follow their own judgments, and dissent,
they are cut off from the privileges granted by law to those
that are dissenters by birth and education? If not, had not
these people a legal right to separate from the established
church, and to invite any legally qualified minister they
thought fit to preach among them? And this leads me back
to my narrative again.
“While Mr. Robinson was preaching in the frontier
counties, about an hundred miles frpin Hanover, the people
here having received some information of his character and
doctrines, sent him an invitation by one or two of their num-
ber to come and preach among them; which he complied
with, and preached four days successively to a mixed multi-
tude; many being prompted to attend from curiosity. The
acquaintance I had with him, and the universal testimony of
multitudes that heard him, assure me, that he insisted en-
tirely on the great catholic doctrines of the gospel (as might
be presumed from his first text — Luke, xiii. 3), and did not
give the least hint of his sentiments concerning the disputed
peculiarities of the Church of England; or use any sordid
disguised artifices to gain converts to a party. It is true,
many after this, joined with those that had formerly dis-
sented; but their sole reason at first, was the prospect of be-
ing entertained with more profitable doctrines among the
dissenters than they were wont to hear in the parish churches,
and not because Mr. Robinson had poisoned them with bi-
1S8
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
gotted prejudices against the established church. And per-
mit me, my lord, to declare, with the utmost religious solem-
nity, that I have been (as I hope your lordship will be in the
regions of immortal bliss and perfect uniformity in religion),
the joyful witness of the happy effect of these four sermons.
Sundry thoughtless impenitents, and sundry abandoned pro-
fligates, have ever since given good evidence of a thorough
conversion, not from party to party, but from sin to holiness,
by an universal devotedness to God, and the conscientious
practice of all the social and personal virtues. And when I
see this the glorious concomitant or consequent of their sepa-
ration, I hope your lordship will indulge me to rejoice in
such proselytes, as I am sure our Divine Master and all his
celestial ministers do; though without this, they are but
wretched captures, rather to be lamented over than boasted
of. When Mr. Robinson left them, which he did after four
days, they continued to meet together on Sundays, to pray
and hear a sermon out of some valuable book, read by one
of their number; as they had no prospect of obtaining a mi-
nister immediately of the same character and principles with
Mr. Robinson. They were now increased to a tolerable
congregation, and made unwearied application to the pres-
bytery of New Castle, in Pennsylvania, for a minister to be
sent among them, at least to pay them a transient visit, and
preach a few sermons, and baptize their children, till they
should have opportunity to have one settled among them.
The presbytery complied with their petitions, as far as the
small number of its members, and the circumstances of their
own congregations, and of the vacancies under their presby-
terial care, would permit; and sent ministers among them at
four different times in about four years, who stayed with
them two or three sabbaths at each time. They came at the
repeated and most importunate petitions of the dissenters
here, and did not obtrude their labours upon them uninvited.
Sundry, upon hearing them, who had not heard Mr. Robin-
son, joined with the dissenters; so that in the year 1747,
when I was first ordered by the presbytery to take a journey
to Hanover, in compliance with the petitions of the dissen-
ters here, I found them sufficiently numerous to form one
very large congregation, of two small ones; and they had
built five meeting-houses, three in Hanover, one in Henrico,
and one in Louisa county; which were few enough consider-
ing their distance. Upon my preaching among them, they
used the most irresistible importunities with me to settle
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
189
among them as their minister, and presented a call to me be-
fore the presbytery, signed by about one hundred and fifty
heads of families; which, in April, 1748, I accepted, and was
settled among them the May following. And though it
would have been my choice to confine myself wholly to one
meeting-house, especially as I was then in a very languishing
state of health; yet, considering that hardly the one-half of
the people could possibly convene at one plaee, and that they
had no other minister of their own denomination within less
than two hundred miles, I was prevailed upon to take the
pastoral care of them all, and to divide my labours at the
sundry meeting-houses.
“ And now, my lord, I may leave yourself to judge, whe-
ther the informations were just upon which your lordship
has represented me as not ‘coming to serve a people that
had scruples, but as disturbing the consciences of others, un-
der the colour of a toleration to my own, and intruding into
a country where there were not above four or five dissenters,’
&c. Your lordship must see, if this account be true (and
thousands can attest if), that I had not the least instrumen-
tality in the first gathering of a dissenting church in these
parts. Indeed, I was then but a lad, and closely engaged in
study. And I solemnly assure your lordship, that it was not
the sacred thirst of filthy lucre, nor the prospect of any other
personal advantage, that induced me to settle here: for sun-
dry congregations in Pennsylvania, my native country, and
in the other northern colonies, most earnestly importuned
me to settle among them, where I should have had at least
an equal temporal maintenance, incomparably more ease,
leisure, and peace, and the happiness of the frequent society
of my brethren; never made a great noise or bustle in the
world, but concealed myself in the crowd of my superior
brethren, and spent my life in some little service for God
and his church, in some peaceful corner; which would have
been most becoming so insignificant a creature, and most
agreeable to my recluse natural temper: but all these strong
inducements were preponderated by a sense of the more ur-
gent necessity of the dissenters here; as they lay two or
three hundred miles distant from the nearest ministers of
their own denomination, and laboured under peculiar embar-
rassments for want of a settled minister; which I will not
mention, lest I should seem to fling injurious reflections on
a government whose clemency I have reason to acknowledge
with the most loyal gratitude.
190 Presbyterianism in Virginia. [April
“ It is true, my lord, there have been some additions made
to the dissenters here since my settlement, and some of them
by occasion of my preaching. They had but five meeting-
houses then, in three different counties, and now they have
seven in five counties, and stand in need of one or two more.
But here I must again submit it to your lordship, whether
the laws of England, forbid men to change their opinions,
and act according to them when changed? And whetherthe
Act of Toleration was intended to tolerate such only as were
dissenters by birth and education? Whether professed dis-
senters are prohibited to have meeting-houses licensed con-
venient to them, where there are conformists adjacent, whose
curiosity may at first prompt them to hear, and whose judg-
ments may afterwards direct them to join with the dissenters?
Or whether, to avoid the danger of gaining proselytes, the
dissenters in such circumstances must be wholly deprived
of the ministration of the gospel?
“For my farther vindication, my lord, I beg leave to de-
clare, and I defy the world to confute me, that in all the
sermons I have preached in Virginia, I have not wasted one
minute in exclaiming or reasoning against the peculiarities of
the established church; nor so much as assigned the reasons
of my own non-conformity. I have not exhausted my zeal
in railing against the established clergy, in exposing their
imperfections, some of which lie naked to my view, or in de-
preciating their characters. No, my lord; I have matters of
infinitely greater importance to exert my zeal, and spend my
time and strength upon; to preach repentance towards God,
and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ; to alarm secure
impenitents; to reform the profligate; to undeceive the hypo-
crite; to raise up the hands that hang down, and to strengthen
the feeble knees. These are the doctrines I preach; these the
ends I pursue; and these my artifices to gain proselytes; and
if ever 1 devert from these to ceremonial trifles, let my
tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth. Now, my lord, if peo-
ple adhere to me, on such accounts as these, I cannot discour-
age them without wickedly betraying the interests of religion,
and renouncing my character as a minister of the gospel. If
the members of the church of England come from distant
places to the meeting-houses licensed, for the use of professed
dissenters, and upon hearing join with them, and declare
themselves Presbyterians, and place themselves under my
ministerial care, I dare say your lordship will not censure
me for admitting them. And if these new proselytes live at
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
191
such a distance that they cannot meet statedly at the places
already licensed, have they not a legal right to have houses
licensed convenient to them, since they are as properly pro-
fessed dissenters, in favour of whom the Act of Toleration
was enacted, as those that have been educated in non-confor-
mity? There is no method, my lord, to prevent the increase
of our number in this manner, but, either the prohibiting of
all conformists to attend occasionally on my ministry; which
neither the laws of God nor of the land will warrant; or
the Episcopal ministers, preaching the same doctrines which
I do; as I humbly conceive they oblige themselves by sub-
scribing their own articles; and had this been done, I am veri-
ly persuaded there would not have been one dissenter in these
parts; or my absolutely refusing to receive those into the
community of the dissenters, against whom it may be object-
ed that they once belonged to the church of England; which
your lordship sees is unreasonable. It is the conversion and
salvation of men, I aim to promote; and genuine Christianity,
under whatever various forms it appears, never fails to charm
my heart. The design of the gospel is to bring perishing
sinners to heaven; and if they are but brought thither, its
ministers have but little cause of anxiety and contention
about the denomination they sustain in their way. Yet my
lord, I may consistently profess, that as I judge the govern-
ment, discipline and modes of worship in the dissenting
church, more agreeable to the divine standard than those in
the Episcopal, it cannot but afford me a little additional satis-
faction to see those that agree with me in essentials, and are
hopefully walking towards the same celestial city, agree
with me in extra-essentials too; though this ingredient of
satisfaction is often swallowed up in the sublimer pleasure
that results from the other more noble consideration. And
here, my lord, that I may unbosom myself with all the can-
did simplicity of a gospel minister, I must frankly own, that
abstracting the consideration of the disputed peculiarities of
the established church, which have little or no influence in
the present case, I am verily persuaded, (heaven knows with
what sorrowful reluctance I admit the evidence of it), those
of the church of England, in Virginia, do not generally en-
joy as suitable means for their conversion and edification as
they might among the dissenters. This is not because they
are of that communion, for I know the gospel and all its or-
dinances may be administrated in a very profitable manner,
in a consistency with the constitution of that church; and
192
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
perhaps her ceremonies would be so far from obstructing the
efficacy of the means of grace, that they would rather pro-
mote it, to them that have no scruples about their lawfulness
and expediency, though it would be otherwise with a doubt-
ful conscience; but because the doctrines generally delivered
from the pulpit, and the manner of delivery, are such as have
not so probable a tendency to do good, as those among the
dissenters. I am sensible, my lord, ‘ how hard it is,’ as your
lordship observes, ‘ not to suspect and charge corruption of
principles on those who differ in principles from us.’ But
still I cannot help thinking that they who generally entertain
their hearers with languid harangues on morality or insipid
speculations, omitting or but slightly touching upon the glori-
ous doctrines of the gospel, which will he everlastingly found
the most effectual means to reform a degenerate world; such
is the corruption of human nature, in its present lapsed state;
the nature of necessity of regeneration, and of divine influ-
ences to effect it; the nature of saving faith, evangelical re-
pentance; &c.'* I cannot, I say help thinking that they who
omit, pervert or but slightly hint at these and the like doc-
trines, are not likely to do much service to the souls of men:
and as far as I can learn by personal observation, or the credi-
ble information of others, this is too generally the case in
Virginia. And on this account especially, I cannot dissuade
persons from joining with the dissenters, who are desirous to
do so; and I use no other methods to engage them, but the
inculcating of these and the like doctrines.
“ I beg leave, my lord, to make one remark more to vindi-
cate the number of my meeting-houses, and as a reason for
the licensure of that in New Kent. That in a large and scat-
tered congregation, it may be necessary, the minister should
officiate occasionally in particular corners of his congregation,
for the conveniency of a few families that lie at a great dis-
tance from the places where he statedly officiates for the con-
veniency of the generality. This, my lord, is frequently
practised, in the parishes in the frontier counties, which are
very large; though not equal to the bounds of my congrega-
tion. It is no doubt unreasonable, that the minister should
* “ I do not intend this, my lord, for a complete enumeration of evangelical
doctrines, as I intimate by the, &c. annexed. For your lordship’s farther satis-
faction, I must refer you to Dr. Doddridge’s practical writings, particularly to his
Rise and Progress of Religion, his sermon on the Power and Grace of Christ,
and on Regeneration ; which I heartily approve as to matter and" manner, and
would imitate as far as my inferior genius will admit.
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
193
consult the conveniency of a few rather than of the majority;
and therefore I preach more frequently at one of the meeting-
houses in Hanover, where the dissenters are more numerous,
than at all the other six. But, my lord, is it not fit I
should so far consult the conveniency of a few families, who
live in the extremities of the congregation, at a great distance
from the place where I statedly officiate, as to preach oc-
casionally among them four or five times a year? Though
one or two of a family may be able to attend at the stated
place of meeting, yet it is impossible that all should; and why
may not a sermon be preached occasionally in their neighbour-
hood where they may all attend? Again; though the heads of
families may be capable of attending on public worship, at a
great distance themselves, )ret it is an intolerable hardship
that they should be obliged to carry their children thirty,
forty or fifty miles to be baptized. And is it not reasonable,
my lord, I should preach among them occasionally, to relieve
them from this difficulty, once in three or four months? And
may not houses be legally licensed for this purpose? The
meeting-house in New Kent was designed for such occasional
meetings: and when I have given an account of the affair, I
doubt not but your lordship will justify the procedure of the
county court in granting a license for it. Some people in
and about that county, particularly two gentlemen, of good
estates, and excellent characters, who had been justices of the
peace, and officers in the militia, told me, that as they lived
at a great distance from the nearest place where I statedly
officiate, and therefore could not frequently attend there,
they would count it a peculiar favour, if I would preach oc-
casionally, at some place convenient to them, though it were
on other days. I replied, that though 1 was wholly unable
to perform ministerial duties fully to the people at the places
already licensed, yet I should be willing to give them a ser-
mon now and then, if they could obtain a license for a place.
Whereupon they presented a petition to the county court,
signed by fifteen persons, heads of families, and professed
Presbyterians, which, (as your lordship has been informed)
was granted; but afterwards superseded by the council.
Hence, my lord, you may see what was the occasion and de-
sign of this petition; and that it was not an artifice of mine
as an itinerant, ‘ to gather a congregation where there was
none before;’ but wholly the act of the people, professed dis-
senters, for their own conveniency.
“I am surprised, my lord, to find any intimations in the
vox,. XII. no. 2. 25
194
Presbyterianism, in Virginia.
[April.
letter from Virginia, about the validity and legality of the li-
censes for seven meeting-houses, granted by the general court,
especially if that letter came from the commissary. These
were granted by the supreme authority of this colony; and can
not be called in question by the council, without questioning
the validity of their own authority, at least the legal exercise of
it in this instance. And the Rev. Dr. Dawson himself (whom
I mention with sincere veneration), sat as a judge in the gene-
ral court, (for he is one of his majesty’s council here) when
the licenses were granted, and did not vote against it.
Whether I have since forfeited them by my public conduct,
I dare appeal to himself, and whether there be any limitations
of the number of meeting-houses, for the conveniency of one
congregation, in the Act of Toleration, or his majesty’s pri-
vate instructions to the governor, I dare submit to any one
that has seen them.
“What I observed above concerning my preaching occa-
sionally on working days, and the reason of it, reminds me,
my lord, of an unexpected charge against me in the letter
from Virginia, expressed in terms contemptuous enough. ‘ I
had almost forgot to mention his holding forth on working
days, to great numbers of poor people, who generally are his
only followers. This certainly is inconsistent with the re-
ligion of labour, whereby they are obliged to maintain them-
selves and families; and their neglect of this duty, if not sea-
sonably prevented, may in process of time be sensibly felt
by the government.’ Here, my lord, imaginary danger is
traced from a very distant source; and I might justify myself
by an argumentum ad hominem. My people do not spend
half so many working days, in attending on my holding forth
the word of life, as the members of the church of England
are obliged to keep holy according to their calender. But
I know recrimination, though with advantage, is but a spite-
ful and ineffectual method of vindication. I therefore ob-
serve, with greater pleasure, that as I can officiate but at some
one of my meeting-houses on Sundays, and as not any one of
the seven is tolerably convenient to the half of my people;
many of them cannot have opportunity of hearing me on
Sundays, above once in a month, or twice, and I have no way
to make up their loss in some measure but by preaching in
the meeting-house, contiguous to them, once or twice in two
or three months on working days. And can this, my lord,
have the least tendency to beggar themselves, and families,
or injure the government, especially when such meetings are
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
195
chiefly frequented, (and that not oftener than once in a fort-
night or month) by heads of families, and others, who can
easily afford a few hours for this purpose, without the least
detriment to their secular affairs? I can assure your lordship
a great number of my hearers are so well furnished with
slaves, that they are under no necessity of confining them-
selves to hard labour; and that they redeem more time from
the fashionable riots and excessive diversions of the age, than
they devote to this purpose: and I wonder there is not an
equal clamour raised about the modish ways of murdering
time, which are more likely to be sensibly felt by the govern-
ment, and, which is worse, to ruin multitudes forever. The
religion of labour is held sacred among us, as the temporal
circumstances of my people demonstrate; which are as flour-
ishing as before their adherence to me, except that some of
them have been somewhat injured by the fines and concomi-
tant expenses imposed upon them, for worshipping God inof-
fensively in separate assemblies. But this hardship, my lord,
I will not aggravate, as I verily believe it' was not the effect of
an oppressive spirit in the court, but of mis-information, and
the malignant officiousness of some private persons.
“I am fully satisfied, my lord, were there a pious bishop
resident in America, it would have a happy tendency to re-
form the Church of England here, and maintain her purity:
and therefore upon a report spread in Virginia some time
ago, that one was appointed, I expressed my satisfaction in
it; and my poor prayers shall concur to promote it. I know
this is also the sentiment of all my brethren in the synod of
New York, with whom I have conversed. I am therefore
extremely surprised at the information your lordship has re-
ceived concerning the reception of this proposal in New
England, and 1 that they used all their influence to obstruct
it.’ I never had the least intimation of it before, though
some of the principal ministers there maintain a very unre-
served correspondence with me; and I have also the other
usual methods of receiving intelligences from a country so
near. If it be true, I think, with your lordship, that it is
hardly consistent with a spirit of toleration: but it appears
so unreasonable, and so opposite to the sentiments of all the
dissenters whom I am acquainted with (and they are many,
both of the clergy and laity), that the informers must be per-
sons of undoubted veracity before I could credit it. How-
ever, my lord, I am not concerned: the synod of New York
to which I belong, I am confident, have used no means to
196
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
oppose it; but would rather concur to promote it, were it in
their power; and, therefore, if your lordship deal with us
secundum legem talionis, we expect favourable usage.
The same things I would say concerning the prosecution and
imprisonment of sundry members of the church in New
England. I never heard so much as an uncertain rumour of
it; and I am sure it is neither approved nor practised in the
bounds of the synod of New York. Were your lordship
acquainted with the members of that synod, you would own
them as strenuous advocates for the civil and sacred rights of
mankind, and as far from a bigotted intolerant spirit as per-
haps any in the world. And here, my lord, let me correct
a small mistake (the effect of imperfect or false information,
I suppose), in your lordship’s letter to Dr. Doddridge: Your
lordship takes the persons in New England, who have been
accessory to those prosecutions, to be members of the synod
which sent me as a missionary to Virginia; whereas I am a
member of another synod, two or three hundred miles dis-
tant; and do not in the least act in concert with or subjection
to the ministers in New England.*
* This letter was sent by Mr. Davies to Mr. Maudit, in London, to be com-
municated to Drs. Doddridge and Avery (the melancholy news of Doddridge’s
death not having then reached this country) — “ after correction, to be sent, if
you judge it proper, to the bishop.” It is thus, Mr. Davies wrote to Dr. Avery,
May 21, 1752. When Dr. Avery received the letter, he wrote to Mr. Davies
that he was surprised at his stating to the bishop that he and his Presbyterian
friends in American were decidedly favourable to the mission of bishops to this
country. This statement he said, was in direct contradiction of all the information
which he had received from other quarters on this subject. It is no doubt Mr.
Davies was misinformed as to the state of feeling and opinion as to this point.
The opposition to the establishment of an American episcopate was very general
and decided ; and was as warm among a portion of the Episcopalians themselves
as among the people of other denominations. This opposition would have been
very unreasonable had the bishops been invested with no other authority than
that contemplated by Mr. Davies, or that of which the bishop of London speaks
in his letter to Dr. Doddridge, quoted on a previous page. But there was so
much reason to expect that they would be invested even in colonies, where the
Episcopalians were a small minority, with the powers and jurisdiction of their
brother prelates in England, that the opposition to the plan was a natural and jus-
tifiable precaution against an increase of that oppression to which the non-epis-
copal denominations were, in so many of the colonies, already exposed.
When Mr. Davies learned that his friends in England were dissatisfied with
that portion of his letter, he wrote to Dr. Avery, saying : “ Since I received yours,
I have been uneasy lest my letter to his lordship should be put into his hands
without your approbation ; as my sentiments therein expressed, concerning the
mission of bishops to North America, were different from yours in your letter to
me. When I expressed my satisfaction at the proposal, I spoke in the simpli-
city of my heart, and according to my judgment, which I have had no reason to
alter since, but only your dissent ; in which I put an implicit confidence, as you
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
197
“ Your lordship huddles me permiscuously with the Me-
thodists, as though I were of their party. I am not ashamed
to own, that I look upon Mr. Whitefield as a zealous and
successful minister of Christ; and, as such, to countenance
him. I love him, and I love your lordship, (the profession,
I hope, will not be offensive), because I hope you are both
good men: and if my affection to him proves me of his party,
I hope your lordship will conclude me one of your own too:
yet I am far from approving sundry steps in Mr. White-
field’s first public conduct; and I am glad to find, by some
of his late writings, that he does not approve of them him-
self. The eruptions of his first zeal were, in many instances,
irregular; his regulating his conduct so much by impulses,
&c. was enthusiastical; and his freedoms in publishing his
experience to the world in his journals, were, in my opinion,
very imprudent. As to the rest of the Methodists, I know
but little of them; and therefore must suspend my judgment
concerning them.
“ Our loyalty to the government is so well attested, and
universally known, that I presume none have ventured to
surmise the contrary to your lordship; and this renders it
needless for me to offer any thing to demonstrate it. Thus,
have better opportunities to discover the consequences of such a mission than I
have. That a settlement of a bishop in dissenting colonies would be injurious
to them I easily see; but I find, from the bishop of London’s letter to Dr. Dod-
dridge, that this was not proposed. And I was not able to discover what injury
the settlement of a bishop in Virginia or Maryland, where the Church of
England is established, would be to the few dissenters in them ; and I was not
without hopes it might tend to purge out the corrupt leaven from the established
church, and restrain the clergy from their extravagancies, who now behave as they
please, and promise themselves impunity, as there is none to censuie or depose
them on this side the Atlantic. However, dear sir, if you think me mistaken,
you may take what measures you please to prevent any ill consequences that
may be occasioned by the unreserved declaration of my opinion in my letter to
the bishop. And as I shall hereafter impose upon you the trouble of receiving
and revising the papers I may find occasion to transmit to England, I not only
allow, but request you, sir, to correct or suppress them, as your superior judg-
ment may direct you. As I judge the matter is of great importance to the inter-
est of religion in the colony, I would not willingly incur guilt by omitting any
means in my power to reflect light upon it. But for want of jndgment, and a
more thorough acquaintance with the state of things in England, I may some-
times fail in the right choice, or prudent use of means for that purpose ; and
therefore, to prevent any ill consequences, I must call in the assistance of your
judgment, and that of the committee.” The committee here mentioned, was the
“ Committee of the Deputation of Protestant Dissenters,” established in Lon-
don, to watch over their interests, and to be the organ of their communication
with the government.
198
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
my lord, in the simplicity of my heart, I have laid before
your lordship an impartial view of the state of affairs relating
to the dissenters here, as it appears to me; and made some
remarks on your lordship’s letter to Dr. Doddridge, and the
letters from and to Virginia. 1 please myself with the per-
suasion that I have not indulged the contradictious angry
humour of a contentious disputant; nor the malignant par-
tiality of a bigot: and it will afford me peculiar satisfaction,
if it should be equally evident to your lordship. All the
apologies I could make could not atone for my tediousness,
were it impertinent or avoidable; but as one that has not
naturally a concise method of communicating his thoughts,
could not fully represent the matter in fewer words, I pro-
mise myself your lordship’s forbearance.
“ I am persuaded, my lord, were you convinced the repre-
sentation I have given is just, your lordship would turn ad-
vocate for the dissenters here, that the matter might be de-
termined in their favour. I am, therefore, anxious to take
some method to convince your lordship it is so; and I can
think of no better method than to give those that may look
upon themselves concerned to refute me, an opportunity to
make the experiment, by publishing this letter to the world.
This I should undoubtedly have done, and sent your lord-
ship a printed copy, had I not been scrupulous of making so
free with your private letters without your consent. If your
lordship approve of this expedient, I shall, upon the first in-
timation of it, send it to the press.
“ May the Great Shepherd and Bishop of souls shed the
richest blessings of his providence and grace upon you; and
long continue your lordship to be consumed in pious services
for the church of God! Whatever reception this letter meets
with, this shall be the ardent wish and perpetual prayer of,
“ My Lord,
“ Your Lordship’s
“Most dutiful servant,
“SAMUEL DAVIES.
“ Hanover, in Virginia, Jan. 10. 1752.”
“POSTSCRIPT.
“ I am heartily sorry, my lord, that the character I gave
of the clergy and laity, in Virginia, in my letter to Dr. Dod-
dridge has given your lordship great concern. I have no
doubt of its sincerity, though I am uncertain whether it w*s
occasioned by a suspicion of calumniating partiality in me,
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
199
or of truth in my account, or both. There was no part of
your lordship’s letter that affected me so deeply as this; yet
I thought to have past it over in silence, and accordingly
made no remarks upon it in the preceding letter; because as
I have not been so happy since as to see reason to retract my
former account, I could not relieve your lordship from your
pious anxiety; and as it is a tender point, and the information
comes with a poor grace from me, 1 thought the mentioning
the many unwelcome evidences of its justice, which force
themselves upon me all around, would but increase your
lordship’s concern, and confirm the suspicion of my partiali-
ty, which you intimate in your letter to the Dr. though with
tenderness. But considering that I write to one that will not
officiously spread the account, to the disregard of religion;
and who may be able to administer remedies to so deplorable
a case, if seasonably informed of it; and that your lordship’s
correspondents here may be under as strong a temptation to
extenuate such matters, as I may be supposed to be, to aggra-
vate them; and consequently a medium between the two
may appear to your lordship to be most just: considering also
that it seems necessary for my own vindication, though I
do not desire to build my reputation on the infamy of others:
I have determined to give your lordship the following brief
account, which I am willing should pass under the severest
scrutiny.
“ 1 am sensible, my lord, ‘ how hard it is not to suspect and
charge corruption of principles upon those who differ in prin-
ciples from us,’ and how natural it is to a party spirit (and alas!
parties are generally animated with such a spirit) to magnify
the practical irregularities of other denominations; sensible of
this, and how inconsistent such a temper is with the generous
religion of Jesus, I have conscientiously kept a peculiar guard
upon my spirit in this respect: and yet (with shame I confess
it) I have not been entirely a stranger to its malignant work-
ings; though I am conscious that my prevailing and habitual
disposition is candid and generous, otherwise I should be self-
condemned in pretending to be a minister or even follower
of the Lamb of God. At present, my lord, I feel myself calm
and impartial; and could I make my letter the transcript of
my heart, your lordship would believe me. I solemnly pro-
fess I am conscious of no indulged party spirit; however I
am so sensible of my own weakness, that I may implicitly
suspect I may be imperceptibly tinctured with it; and there-
fore your lorship may at the venture ‘deduct something
200 Presbyterianism in Virginia. [April
from the general character.’ I shall say but little of the dif-
ferences in speculation betwixt me and the clergy, and
others here; both because such errors may not be so perni-
cious, as various practices and the neglect of religious and
moral duties; and because these are more disputable, and I
may be more liable to mistakes about them. But, my lord,
I cannot indulge an implicit suspicion of my partiality so
far as to rush into universal scepticism about plain, public,
indisputable facts, obvious to my senses. I can see, I can
hear, with certainty. I cannot be so infatuated with predju-
dice as to be incapable of distinguishing between a religious
and profane life, between a relish for divine things, and a con-
temptuous neglect of them, between blasphemy and prayer,
drunkenness and sobriety, &c. And I shall chiefly take no-
tice of such obvious facts, about which there is no dispute
between the church of England and the dissenters. I would
also have it noticed, my lord, that I would not have this ac-
count looked on as a history of the state of the religion in
Virginia in general; but only in those counties, (and they are
not very few) where I have had opportunity of personal ob-
servations: and these, if I may believe general fame, are not
more degenerate than the rest.
“ I confess, my lord, with pleasure, that there are sundry
of the laity, in the sphere of my acquaintance, in the Church
of England, who are persons of good morals, and have a
veneration for religion; and some of them, I doiibt not, are
sincere Christians, whom I cordially love; and that with
more ardent affection than those of my own denomination
who appear destitute of real religion; and alas! there are
many such, 1 fear. These pious conformists can witness,
that I have not been officious in endeavouring to proselyte
them to my party; and that, when conversant with them, I
rather choose to dwell on those infinitely more important
and delightful subjects in which we agree, than those little
angry peculiarities in which we differ. I also cheerfully
own (nor is the concession forcibly extorted from me), that
sundry of the established clergy are gentlemen of learning,
parts and morality, and I hope honestly aiming at the salva-
tion of men; though I cannot but disagree with them in
some doctrines, and humbly conceive their public discourses
generally are not well adapted to promote their pious end.
But, my lord, notwithstanding these concessions, religion
may be in a very languishing situation, and vice triumphant
in this colony. There may be a few names even in Sardis,
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
201
who have not defiled their garments; and yet the majority
have at best but a name to live, while they are dead. I
must therefore now lay before your lordship the disagreea-
ble part of the character, and if I expatiate more largely upon
it than the former, it is not because I take a malignant plea-
sure in so doing, but because my present design urges me on
the unwelcome task.
“If I am prejudiced in favour of any church, my lord, it
is of that established in Scotland; of which I am a member
in the same sense that the established church in Virginia is
the Church of England; and, therefore, should I give your
lordship an account of the state of religion there, you would
not suspect it of excessive severity. Now, my lord, suppose
I had resided four years in Scotland, preached frequently,
and obtained a pretty extensive acquaintance in five different
counties, gone sometimes as a hearer to the established kirk,
and been occasionally at courts, and the like public conven-
tions; spent a week at sundry times in the metropolis, and a
day or two in some of the principal towns; lodged in private
families frequently, in various parts of the country; and
(which I may mention as of some weight, in conjunction
with the other opportunities of personal observation) re-
ceived frequent and well attested informations from multi-
tudes, from various parts, and of different denominations;
your lordship would grant that I had sufficient opportunities
to make some observation on the state of religion, and could
not suspect that my partiality would render me so implicitly
confident that religion was in a flourishing state, as that I
should take no notice of obvious public facts that obtruded
themselves upon my senses; or so pervert my judgment as
to conclude all was well in spite of the most glaring evi-
dence. Suppose, then, my lord, that by all the discoveries
I can make in these circumstances, I find the generality
grossly ignorant of the nature of living Christianity, and
of the most important doctrines of the gospel: if I find a ge-
neral unconcernedness about their eternal states discovered
in their discourse and practice; and no religious solemnity,
no relish for divine things, no proper anxieties about their
spiritual state, intimated by those genuine indications which
nature gives of such dispositions: if concern about such
things, and a life of strict holiness, even in a member of the
established Church, be generally ridiculed as a fanatical sin-
gularity: if the sabbath is prostituted by many to trifling
amusements or guilty pleasures; and if worldly discourse be
vol. xii. no. 2. 26
202
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
the usual entertainment without the sanctuary, before and
after divine service: if by far the greatest number of fami-
lies call not upon God, nor maintain his worship in their
houses: if, in parishes where there are many hundreds of
adults, there be not above fifty or sixty communicants, and
sundry of these, too, persons of abandoned characters: if
multitudes, multitudes toss the most sacred and tremendous
things on their daring tongues, by profane oaths, and shock-
ing imprecations; and beastify themselves with excessive
drinking, as though it were a venial sin: if I get me to the
great men, and find that these also generally have burst the
bonds, and broken the yoke: that they discard serious reli-
gion as the badge of the vulgar, and abandon themselves to
lawless pleasures, to gaming, cock-fighting, horse-racing, and
all the fashionable methods of killing time, as the most im-
portant and serious business of life: if public worship be fre-
quently neglected, or attended on with trifling levity; and
yet the most build their hopes of heaven on these insipid
formalities, regardless of the manner of their devotion: in a
word, if the trifles of time and sense engross all the thoughts
and activity of the generality; and the infinite concerns of
eternity be neglected, or attended on as matters by the
by: if, my lord, I should find this to be the state of affairs in
Scotland, could my prejudice in favour of that church so far
bias me that I could not see religion to be in a most deplo-
rable situation in her? Or would my character of Virginia,
in my letter to Dr. Doddridge, be too satyrical in such a
case?
“ This, my lord, is the just character of the generality of
the laity here: my senses tell me so, and I cannot doubt of
it more than of my own existence. I do not mean that all
the parts of this character are generally complicated in one
person; but that one part of it is the character of some, and
another of others, and that the whole promiscuously is the
character of the generality of the laity here: and were I as
much prejudiced in favour of the church established in Vir-
ginia as I may be supposed to be of that established in Scot-
land, I could not conscientiously give a better account of it.
‘‘Further: suppose, my lord, on observing religion in so
melancholy a situation in Scotland, I have opportunity of
observing also, what measures are taken by the established
clergy there, for its revival, and to promote a general refor-
mation, and find, to my sorrowful surprise, that the general-
ity of them, as far as can be discovered by their common
1840.]
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
203
conduct and public ministrations, are stupidly secure and un-
concerned, as though their hearers were crowding promiscu-
ously to heaven, and there were little or no danger; that they
address themselves to perishing multitudes in cold blood,
and do not represent their miserable condition in all its hor-
rors; do not alarm them with solemn, pathetic, and affec-
tionate warnings, and expostulate with them with all the au-
thority, tenderness, and pungency of the ambassadors of
Christ to a dying world, nor commend themselves to every
man’s conscience in the sight of God; that their common
conversation has little or no savour of living religion, and is
not calculated to excite thoughtfulness in the minds of the
unthinking creatures they converse with; that instead of in-
tense application to study, or teaching their parishioners,
from house to house, they waste their time in idle visits,
trifling conversation, slothful ease, or at best excessive ac-
tivity about their temporal affairs; that sundry of them asso-
ciate with the profane, and those that are infamous for the
neglect of religion, not like their professed Master, to re-
form them, but without intermingling any thing serious in
their discourse, or giving a solemn check to their guilty li-
berties; nay, that some of them are companions with drunk-
ards, and partakers in their sottish extravagancies; that they
are more zealous and laborious in their attempts to regain
those that have joined with other denominations, or to se-
cure the rest from the contagion, by calumniating the dissen-
ters, than to convert men from sin to holiness: if, my lord,
I should find this to be the general character of the clergy in
Scotland, how could I avoid the unwelcome conclusion, that
such are not likely to he the successful instruments of a ge-
neral reformation? And who, that has not sacrificed to
bigotry all his regard to the immortal weal of mankind,
would not rejoice in this case to see a reformation carried on
in Scotland, by a minister of the Church of England? For
my part, I solemnly profess I would; for, though by this
means sundry would fall off from the established church, yet
there would be a greater probability of their escaping eter-
nal destruction, and being made members of the church tri-
umphant in the regions of bliss; which would be infinitely
more than a reparation of that little breach of a party.
“ What I now suppose, my lord, in Scotland, is evident mat-
ter of fact in Virginia, unless my eyes and my ears deceive
me, and I see phantoms instead of men. The plain truth is,
a general reformation must he promoted in this colony by
204
Presbyterianism in Virginia.
[April
some means or other, or multitudes are eternally undone:
and I see, alas! but little ground to hope for it from the ge-
nerality of the clergy here, till they be happily changed
themselves. This is not owing to their being of the Church
of England, as I observed before; for were they in the Pres-
byterian church, or any other, I should have no more hopes
of their success; but it is owing to their manner of preaching
and behaviour. This thought, my lord, is so far from being
agreeable to me, that at times it racks me with agonies of com-
passion and zeal intermingled; and could I entertain that
unlimited charity which lulls so man}' of my neighbours into
a serene stupidity, it would secure me from many a melan-
choly hour, and make my life below a kind of anticipation of
heaven. I can boast of no high attainments, my lord; I am
as mean and insignificant a creature as your lordship can well
conceive me to be; but I dare profess I cannot be an uncon-
cerned spectator of the ruin of my dear fellow mortals; I dare
avow, my heart at times is set upon nothing more than to
snatch the brands out of the burning, before they catch fire
and burn unquenchably. And hence, my lord, it is, I con-
consume my strength and life in such great fatigue in this
jangling, ungrateful colony.
“ Hence, my lord, you may collect my sentiments con-
cerning an absurdity, your lordship mentions in your letter
to Dr. Doddridge, that I should attempt to make converts in
a church which I acknowledge in the mean time to be a church
of Christ. I freely grant the church of England, to be a
church of Christ: but when 1 see multitudes ready to per-
ish, and no suitable means used for their recovery, can it
comfort me to think they perish in a church of Christ? The
articles, and constitution of the established church are sub-
stantially good, and her ceremonies are little or no hindran-
ces, as I observed before, to the edification of those that do
not scruple them; but her members in this colony are in fact
generally corrupted; and I think, were I one of her min-
isters, I should rather ten thousand times see them pious dis-
senters, than graceless conformists. It is true, had I no other
objection against conformity but the present degeneracy of
the members of the church, it would be my duty to endea-
vour to promote a reformation in her communion: but as I
cannot conscientiously conform on some other accounts, the
only practical method for me to attempt the reformation of
her members, is that which I now pursue.
“ I shall only add, my lord, that I humbly conceive the
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 205
informations or personal knowledge upon which your lord-
ship has characterized a great part of the clergy in Virginia,
may afford you equal concern with my character of them.
I dare avow a more noble spirit than to catch at it with a ma-
lignant satisfaction as a confirmation of mine: and therefore
I humbly request, nay, demand, as a piece of justice, that your
lordship would not look on my remark on it as the language of
such a disposition. I only remind you of it for my own de-
fence, and it shall never be officiously propagated by me. If,
as your lordship observes, ‘ of those that come from England,’
(and the most of them come from thence), ‘ a great part are
of the Scotch or Irish, who can get no employment at home,
and enter into service more out of necessity than choice;’ if
‘others go abroad to retreive either lost fortunes, or lost char-
acters;’ how can it be expected, my lord, that persons who en-
ter into holy orders, or come to Virginia, from such sordid
views as these, should deserve a better character than I gave
of them, to the Dr. more than I have now given your lord-
ship? But I forbear, your lordship will forgive the inaccu-
racies of this postscript, as I have written it in unavoidable
haste.”
■4.
Art. II. — A concise History of the Commencement , Pro-
gress, and Present Condition of the American Colonies,
in Liberia. By Samuel Wilkinson. Washington, Madi-
sonian Office. 1839. pp. 88.
The subject of African Colonization was at first considered
by many a scheme so impracticable and visionary, that they
gave it no serious attention. But now, when the practica-
bility of the thing is no longer a problem, but a matter of fact,
the subject begins to assume an importance in the eyes of all;
and as the scheme advances, both friends and enemies became
more animated; the former in its support and advancement,
the latter in virulent hostility, viewing it as conceived
and prosecuted with the design of perpetuating slavery where
it exists, and rendering the slaves more profitable by a remo-
val of all free persons of colour from among them. Now it
is reasonable to believe, that different persons may have had
different means and motives, in promoting this enterprise.
206 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
Some of these may be purer and nobler than others: this
is the undisputed fact in regard to most things in which men
engage. Even the profession of theChristian religion, and zeal
for its support, proceed from different motives in different
persons. Every undertaking or institution should be judged
of, not by the motives of some who may engage in its prose-
cution, but by its own merits. The scheme for colonizing
the western coast of Africa, by the free people of colour, was
commenced in Great Britain, by men whom none will sus-
pect of a design to perpetuate slavery. They were the very
men whose zeal in seeking the abolition of the slave trade had
inclined them to devote their lives, their influenceand their ta-
lents to this one object. Before colonization was thought of
in the United States, the colony of Sierra Leone was firmly
established and in a flourishing condition. And before any
society was formed in America for this object, the business
of conveying free coloured persons to Africa was commenced
by a single individual, himself a coloured man of New Eng-
land. As early as the year 1815, Paul C'uffee, whose name
will be indelible in the annals of the free republic rising now
in Africa, carried out emigrants from New England to the
colony of Sierra Leone. This remarkable man was born at
New Bedford, Mass., in 1759. He was descended from the
two races of people who have been so deeply injured by
Europeans and their American descendants; for while his fa-
ther was an African, his mother was one of the aboriginal
tribes of this country. His early years were spent in
poverty and obscurity, but possessing a religious mind, by
industry and perseverance, guided by practical good sense, he
rose to wealth and respectability. He was largely engaged
in navigation, and in many voyages to foreign countries com-
manded his own vessel. His desire to raise his coloured
brethren of this country to civil and religious liberty, in the
land of their forefathers, induced him to offer some of the
free people of colour a passage to the western coast of Africa.
About forty embarked with him at Boston, and landed at
Sierra Leone, where they were kindly received.
Only eight of these were able to pay their passage; the
whole of the expense of the remainder amounted to a sum
a little less than four thousand dollars. Here was an ex-
ample of philanthropy which has never been exceeded in this
or any other country. Here was a single coloured man, born
in obscurity and poverty, who undertook, without aid or en-
couragement from any society, or as far as appears, from any
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 207
individual, to transport thirty-two persons to the western coast
of Africa, at his own expense! And this was but the com-
mencement of a colonization enterprise, which he would have
prosecuted to a far greater extent, had not his life been cut
short. His death occurred the following year, in which year
the secret resolution was passed in the Virginia legislature re-
questing Mr. Jefferson, to endeavour to obtain, through the ge-
neral government, a territory on the coast of Africa or else-
where, for the colonization of the free negroes of Virginia.
In the close of this year the Rev. Dr. Finley went to Wash-
ington, and by the aid of several friends, who entered warm-
ly into his views, instituted “The American Colonization
Society,” which dates from December, 1816. It appears then
that the scheme of colonizing the free people of colour did
not originate among the slave holders in the south, as ex-presi-
dent Adams has published to the world to be the fact, but was
commenced in his own state by a man who deserves to be as
much honoured for his noble, elevated and disinterested views
as any man, to whom the Bay State ever gave birth. Yes;
posterity shall know that Paul Cuffce is of right the
father of the noble scheme of American colonization: and
we verily believe, that the name of this humble but noble-
minded man, will stand out in bold relief in the history of
colonization, when many other names, once celebrated, shall
be covered with the rust, of oblivion.
And it will be here proper to remark, that we have good
reason for believing, that it was the noble and disinterested
enterprise of Paul Cuffee, which suggested to the Rev. Dr.
Finley of Baskingridge, New Jersey, the idea of forming
a society' for colonizing the free people of colour; and not
any knowledge which he had obtained of the secret resolu-
tion of the Virginia legislature. For besides, that this was
secret and had not transpired, so as to come to his ears, be-
fore he had his mind occupied with this object, it was by no
means probable that he should feel disposed to interfere with
a plan devised by the legislature of a large slave holding
state which was yet in its infancy. We feel that we have a
right to speak of the views and motives of Dr- Finley, in re-
lation to this matter; as during the time that he was engaged
in meditating this benevolent scheme, we were in habits of
intimate intercourse with him, and have heard him repeated-
ly expound his accurate views of the benefits to be derived
from the successful prosecution of this enterprise; and al-
though many of his friends were of opinion that he was en-
208 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
thusiastic, and that his projected plan never could be realized;
yet they were and are now unanimous in believing, that his
motives were of the purest and noblest kind. Few men have
possessed the confidence of all their friends in a higher de-
gree than Dr. Finley. Possessing good talents, and having
received a finished education, he entered the sacred ministry,
and became one of the most powerful and successful preach-
ers that we have known. He was also an eminent instructer
of youth; for when he settled as a pastor, finding that a good
classical school was needed in Baskingridge, he engaged in
the enterprise of erecting an academy, which he superintend-
ed for many years with unrivalled skill and success. Many
of his pupils, are among the first men of the country for
solid learning and well disciplined minds. Among these
it will not be considered invidious to mention a Freling-
huysen, a Southard, and a Lindsly. We recollect to have
heard Dr. Finley speak in the warmest terms of admi-
ration, of the benevolent enterprise of Paul Cuffee, but
never heard him mention the secret resolution of the Virginia
legislature, which was a thing then utterly unknown to us,
though in frequent correspondence with many persons resi-
ding in Virginia. We conclude then, that the true father
of American colonization was Paul Cuffee; and the proper
founder of the American Colonization Society, was the Rev.
Robert Finley, D.D. After the gentleman last named had
conversed freely and fully with his brethren and friends, re-
specting this project, which had taken complete possession
of his mind, he appointed a public meeting in this place,
which was held in the Presbyterian church, at which some
of us attended, and assisted him in explaining to the people
who had assembled, the benefits which might be expected
from the success of such a plan. Among those who attended,
we well remember that there were a number of respectable
and intelligent Quakers, of the neighbourhood. The benefits
expected from this scheme were, first, the melioration of the
condition of the free people of colour, by removing them
from a country in which they could never rise to respecta-
bility, or equality with the whites, to the country of their
forefathers, where, by the blessing of a kind providence,
they might enjoy all the privileges of freemen; and where
they would be no longer pressed down by feelings and pre-
judices, from the effect of which they cannot escape while
they remain in this country. The second benefit expected
from this plan of colonization, by its founder, related to Africa.
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 209
It was confidently expected by him, that the successful
establishment of a colony on the western coast of Africa,
would be the means of introducing the gospel, and, conse-
quently, civilization into that dark continent. It was also
believed that colonies along the coast would have a salutary
effect, as far as they should acquire strength, in checking the
nefarious traffic in slaves along the whole extent of the western
coast of Africa. As to slavery, it was the deliberate purpose
of Dr. Finley not to meddle with the subject, nor to have
it in any measure implicated with the plan of coloniza-
tion, which related solely to the free people of colour.
No doubt, he foresaw that one effect would follow the suc-
cess of this enterprise as it relates to slavery; namely, that
such persons as were prevented from manumitting their
slaves, only by the want of a place to which they could
send them, would be able, when this plan was carried into
operation, to accomplish their wishes, or to relieve their
consciences. It was well known that many slave-hold-
ers were in this situation, and they have evinced the sin-
cerity of their professions by availing themselves of the op-
portunity which this society has offered of emancipating
their slaves and sending them to Liberia. Still the Ameri-
can Colonization Society has nothing to do with slavery;
for it cannot recognise any persons as properly within
the constitutional sphere of its operation, until they are
free. Yet it is true, and we do not wish to conceal it, that
many of the friends of the society greatly rejoice in this
collateral effect of the institution. And who can possibly
find fault with the society on this account? Who is there,
that would wish to prevent those who, from principles of
benevolence, or from conscientious motives, wish to liberate
their own slaves, from having an opportunity of doing so in
a way satisfactory to their own minds? As to any other
effect which the institution of this society would have on
slavery, such as has been ascribed to its organization, it cer-
tainly never entered into the benevolent mind of Dr. Finley.
He had no desire to see slavery perpetuated in this, or any
other country. With all enlightened patriots and politicians,
he lamented it as an evil, for the removal of which Provi-
dence had not yet opened any safe way.
It is true, that at the meeting of a number of distinguished
men in Washington, to form this society, there were some
things said by some of the distinguished speakers, of which
a great advantage has been taken by the assailants of the so-
vol. xn. no. 2. 27
210 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
ciety; as though these sentiments had been the common
opinions of all concerned in the institution; whereas they
were the peculiar views of the persons who uttered them.
It would, indeed, be a hard case, if every society was re-
sponsible for every word which its advocates may say in its
defence, either in their speeches or writings. But really,
when the offensive sentiments uttered on that occasion
come to be weighed and analyzed, there is very little in them
which ought to give offence. It was argued that the re-
moval of the free people of colour from among the slaves,
would render the latter more valuable, and so be a benefit to
the slave-holder himself. But how? In no other way than by
removing a powerful temptation to theft and robbery out of
his way, and rendering him more contented with his condi-
tion. The very same objection might be made to preaching
the gospel to the slaves; for it is an acknowledged fact, even
among infidel masters, that those slaves who are truly reli-
gious make the best servants: and how can it be otherwise
if they obey the plain precepts of the gospel? Instructing
the slaves in the doctrines of the Christian religion, may be
said, with as much reason, to have the effect of rendering
slavery perpetual, because it tends to make them better ser-
vants, as the Colonization Society, which cannot possibly
have the effect charged upon it in any other way than by
making the slaves better men, and so better servants than
they are when mingled with the free people of colour.
While we have accorded the honour of originating coloni-
zation in these United States to Paul Cuffee, and the plan of
the American Colonization Society to Dr. Finley, a native
of our own town, and an alumnus of our own college, of
which he was a faithful trustee for many years, we feel con-
strained by a regard to truth and justice, to bring to public
notice the plans and exertions of another excellent man in
favour of the African race: and although he did not actually
form a colonization society, he did form the plan of a mis-
sionary society, to send back to Africa several natives of
that continent, who had been brought here, and sold as slaves
in this country. The person to whom we allude, is the late
Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D. D. of Newport, Rhode-Island, a
man as much distinguished for his philanthropy as for his
piety and theological knowledge. We have been surprised
that the facts which we are about to relate, have never been
brought before the public, in any of the Colonization papers
which have been published; especially, as they are contain-
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 211
ed in the history of this eminent man’s life, published in
New England, by John Ferguson, ten years ago. For some
parts of the following narrative, however, we are indebted
to the “ Life of Mrs. Osborne,” by Dr. Hopkins himself.
Newport, Rhode Island, where Dr. Hopkins resided, was
the centre of that trade by which so many unfortunate Afri-
cans were brought to this country. Before coming to this
place, he never had his attention turned to the iniquity of
this traffic in human beings. But having the subject now
daily obtruded on his notice, he began seriously to reflect on
the injustice and cruelty of the trade; and the result was a
deep and abiding conviction of the enormity of its guilt.
This conviction set his benevolent mind to work to devise
some method of checking the evil, and, as far as possible, of
repairing the injury inflicted on unhappy Africa. In a sermon
addressed to his own congregation, and delivered before the
war of the revolution, he undertook to expose the iniquity
of the slave-trade. This was at that time a bold underta-
king; for this traffic was then the source of wealth to the state
of Rhode Island; and his own congregation, as well as the
whole town, were deeply engaged in it. But though at first
he hesitated, yet after carefully studying the subject, and
viewing it on all sides, he resolved to follow the dictates of
his conscience, and, in dependence on the strength of the
Lord, to make a decided and consistent stand. Contrar)’' to
all his fears and expectations, instead of the bitter opposition
which he had anticipated, his first sermon only excited won-
der in the majority of his hearers that they had never seen
the subject in the same light before. His arguments pro-
duced a clear conviction of the evil which they had been so
long ignorantly practising, and their future conduct was re-
gulated in accordance with their new views; for his church
soon after this, passed the following resolution: “Resolv-
ed, That the slave-trade, and the slavery of the Africans, as
it has existed among us, is a gross violation of the righteous-
ness and benevolence which are so much inculcated in the
gospel, and, therefore, we will not tolerate it in the church.”
Whether Dr. Hopkins was not the very first man, on either
side of the Atlantic, who openly denounced the injustice and
cruelty of the slave trade, we are not able positively to de-
termine. But if he was not the first witness against this
crying sin, he was undoubtedly among the earliest.
But Dr. Hopkins’s views were not restricted to the point
of inducing men to cease from doing this great evil; but
212 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
were extended to the devising some plan for repairing the
injury which had been done, as far as this was possible. He
therefore conceived the design of educating and qualifying
some pious Africans to return to their own country as mis-
sionaries. Accordingly, a missionary society was formed
for this object; and when a collection was taken for its sup-
port, this conscientious man contributed the exact sum
which he had received for a slave which he sold when resi-
dent at Great Barrington, Conn. In the town of Newport
were several Africans, who had become truly pious since
their arrival in this country. These Dr. Hopkins was ex-
ceedingly desirous to educate and send back to Africa, as .
missionaries to their countrymen. For the money necessary
to redeem one of these young men, he became personally re-
sponsible; though always a very poor man. He also made
a vigorous effort to procure the freedom, and provide for the
education of three more. To interest benevolent men in
this enterprise, he wrote letters to the society in Scotland
for promoting Christian knowledge, and to several gentlemen
in England of known benevolence. One of these was Gran-
ville Sharpe, Esq. who was so much distinguished as the
friend of Africa. Dr. Hopkins also endeavoured to engage
his own countrymen in the scheme which he had formed;
and made an earnest appeal to the public for pecuniary aid,
to enable the society to obtain the emancipation of such per-
sons as it would be desirable to send to Africa; and to edu-
cate them at some literary institution. As this paper, dated
August 31, 1773, is preserved, and is exceedingly interest-
ing, we cannot but lay it entire before our readers. It is
proper, however, to observe, that the Rev. Doctor Stiles,
then also the pastor of a congregational church in Newport,
but afterwards president of Yale College, united cordially
with Dr. Hopkins in this enterprise; and we find his name
subscribed to the subjoined circular.
TO THE PUBLIC.
“ There has been a design formed, and some attempts have
lately been made, to send the gospel to Guinea, by encour-
aging and furnishing two men to go and preach the gospel to
their brethren there. A memorial was drawn up about three
years since with this view; and a number of copies were
circulated. It is now offered to the public.
“ To all who are desirous to promote the kingdom of Christ
on earth, in the salvation of sinners, the following narrative
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 213
and proposal are offered, to excite and solicit their charity
and prayers.
“ There are two coloured men, members of the first con-
gregational church* in Newport, on Rhode Island, named
Bristol Yamma, and John Quamine, who were hopefully
converted some years ago: and have from that time sustain-
ed a good character as Christians, and have made good profi-
ciency in Christian knowledge. The latter is the son of a
rich man in Annamboe, and was sent to this place by his fa-
ther, for an education among the English, and then to return
home. All this the person to whom he was committed en-
gaged to perform, for a good reward. But instead of being
faithful to his trust, he sold him as a slave for life. But
God in his providence has put it into the power of both of
them to obtain their freedom. The former is, however, fifty
dollars in debt, as he could not purchase his freedom under
two hundred dollars; which he must procure by his labour,
unless relieved by the charity of others.
“ These persons, thus acquainted with Christianity, and
apparently devoted to the service of Christ, are about thirty
years old: have good natural abilities; are apt, steady, and
judicious, and speak their native language — the language of a
numerous, potent nation in Guinea, to which they both be-
long. They are not only willing but very desirous to quit
all worldly prospects and risk their lives in attempting to
open a door for the propagation of Christianity among their
poor, ignorant, perishing, heathen brethren. The conven-
ience of all these things has led to set on foot a proposal to
send them to Africa, to preach the gospel there, if upon trial
they shall appear in any good measure qualified for this busi-
ness. In order to this they must be put to school, and taught
to read and write better than they now can, and be instruct-
ed more fully in divinity, &c. And if upon trial, they ap-
pear to make good proficiency, and shall be thought by com-
petent judges to be fit for such a mission, it is not doubted
that many may be procured, sufficient to carry the design in-
to execution.
“What is now wanted and asked, is money to pay the
debt mentioned, and to support them at school, to make the
trial, whether they may be fitted for the proposed mission.
(f As God has in his providence so far opened the way to
Dr. Hopkins was the pastor of this church.
214 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
this, by raising up these persons, and ordering the remark-
able concurring circumstances and events which have
been mentioned, and there is most probably no other in-
stance in America, where so many things conspire to point
out a mission of this kind, with such encouragement to pur-
sue it; may it not be hoped it will have the patronage of the
pious and benevolent?
“ And it is hUmbly proposed to those who are convinced of
the iniquity of the slave trade , and are sensible of the great
inhumanity and cruelty of enslaving so many thousands of
our fellow men every year, with all the dreadful and horrid
attendents; and are ready to bear testimony against it, in all
proper ways, and do their utmost to put a stop to it; whether
they have not a good opportunity of doing this, by cheerfully
contributing, according to their ability, to promote the mis-
sion proposed; and whether this is not the best compensation
we are able to make the poor Africans, for the injuries they
are receiving constantly by this unrighteous practice, and all
its attendants.
“But aside from this consideration, may it not be hoped,
that all who are heartily praying, ‘ thy kingdom come ,’ will
liberally contribute to forward this attempt to send the glo-
rious gospel of the blessed God, to the nations who now wor-
ship false gods, and dwell in the habitations of cruelty, and
the land of the shadow of death; especially since the King of
Zion has promised that whosoever parts with any thing in
this world ‘ for the kingdom of God’s sake, shall receive
manifold more in this present time, and in the world to come
life everlasting.
“Ezra Stiles.
“ Samuel Hopkins.
“ Newport, B. I., Jlug. 31, 1773.”
The effect of the above sensible, sober, and pious circular,
was, that contributions, to the amount of more than a hun-
dred pounds, New England money, were sent in; of which
fifty-five pounds were collected in New England; thirty
pounds were granted by the society in Scotland for promo-
ting Christian knowledge; and five pounds, sterling, were the
donation of a gentleman in London.
Several ecclesiastical bodies expressed their cordial appro-
bation of the enterprise; particularly, the presbytery of New
York, and several of the associations of Connecticut.
The answer to the circular from the society in Scotland,
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 215
by Mr. Forrest their clerk, deserves to be preserved. It is
as follows, “ The perusal of this memorial, gave great satisfac-
tion to the directors, while it excited their admiration at the
various secret, and seemingly most unlikely means, whereby
an all-wise Providence sees meet to accomplish his gracious
purposes. At the same time, they rejoiced at the fair pros-
pect now afforded, to extend their Mediator’s kingdom, to
those nations, who dwell at present in the habitations of
cruelty, and in the land of the shadow of death. After say-
ing so much, it is almost unnecessary to add, that the plan sug-
gested in your memorial received the warmest approbation
of the directors of the society; and that they highly applaud-
ed your pious zeal in this matter, which they earnestly wish
and hope may be crowned with success!”
We were, from the first notice which we observed of these
two Africans, greatly interested in them, and the pious enter-
prise connected with their proposed return to their native
country; but when in the sequel of the story we read, that they
had spent a year at this very spot, under the tuition of Dr.
Witherspoon, we felt a thrill of surprise; and the thought
immediately occurred, how little do we know of what was
contemplated and transacted by those who have gone before
us, and often in the very place where we reside! How few
men in New England have been aware, that more than
sixty years ago, a missionary society was formed in Newport
Rhode Island, to send the gospel to Africa, to be preached
by natives of the country? Here truly we have the original
germ of the Colonization Society; and although the pious
enterprise which so warmly engaged the zeal, and for so
many years, called forth the exertions of Dr. Hopkins, was
not permitted to be carried into effect; yet who knows but
there may be discovered a secret connexion between this in-
cipient effort, and the plans of colonization which hare been
more successfully put into execution of late? If we mistake
not, such a connexion may with some probability be traced,
as we shall endeavour to show hereafter. At present we feel
as if this zeal for colonization should be revived in Prince-
ton, where Yamma and Quamine, the first missionaries de-
signed and educated for Africa, studied; and where doubtless
they offered up many fervent prayers for their wretched and
benighted countrymen.
But our readers will be anxious to learn what was the re-
sult of this promising scheme, and what became of these two
African men? With regret we learn, that when they had
216 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
completed such an education as was thought necessary, and
were ready to take their departure to Africa, the coming on
of the war of the revolution raised an insurmountable ob-
struction in the way of sending them. Alas! how often
have wars prevented the propagation of the gospel! 0
that the time were come when men should learn war no
more, but shall beat their swords into plough-shares, and
their spears into pruning hooks! There was also a defi-
ciency of funds for carrying the enterprise into effect.
Dr. Hopkins, having learned that there was, at Cape
Coast Castle, a native of Guinea, who was not only converted
from paganism to Christianity^, but was a preacher of the
gospel, and acted as a missionary, under “ The Society
in London for the Propagation of the Gospel,” wrote to
him, to make inquiry respecting the family of John Qua-
mine; and at the same time, informed him of the circum-
stances of this man’s being sold into slavery, and described
particularly the several members of his family whom he had
left behind, as he had received the account from Quamine
himself. Philip Quaque, for that was the name of the mis-
sionary, upon the reception of this letter, made all the in-
quiries which he was requested to make, and with complete
success. His letter, addressed, we presume, to Dr. Hopkins,
is so interesting that we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure
of laying a copy of it before our readers:
“ It is with inexpressible pleasure and satisfaction, that I
acquaint you that my inquiries after the friends and relations
of that gentleman have met with the desired success. The
minute account he entertained you with, of his family and
kindred, is just. For, by inquiring, I find his father’s name
to be the same which you mention, who has been dead many
years. His mother’s name is as you have written it, who is
still alive, and whom I had the pleasure of seeing. But the
bowels of maternal affection — in truth do I declare it — seem
ready to burst, and break forth in tears of joy, like Jacob,
when he heard that his beloved son Joseph was yet alive.
The joy it kindled, on the occasion, in expectation of seeing
once more the fruit of her loins, before she, with her grey
hairs, goes down to the grave, throws her into ecstasies re-
sembling Jacob’s; and in raptures she breaks forth, and says,
‘It is enough! my son is yet alive — I hope, by God’s bless-
ing, to see him before I die.’ His uncle is called by the
same name mentioned in your favour. In short, every cir-
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 217
cumstance is agreeable to the description given in your
letter.
“ A great personage in his family, whose name is Oforee,
and now enjoys his father’s estate, desires, with great
importunity, that I should certainly petition you that he
may be returned to them, as soon as may be; and promises
that nothing shall be wanting to make him and all about
him, comfortable and happy among his own kindred.
And the whole family join in requesting me to render
you all the grateful acknowledgments and thanks they are
able to return, for your paternal care and affection exercised
towards him; and beg me to tell you that it is not in their
power to requite you for all your trouble; they, therefore,
hope that the good God of heaven will recompense you here-
after for your labour of love bestowed on him.”
In another letter, this same person writes:
“ The mother is still looking with impatience for the re-
turn of her son, once dead and lost. She, and the principal
cousin, who possesses the estate of his father, join in earnestly
entreating you would, in your Christian love and charity to
them, send the lad again, that he may receive their cordial em-
braces— looking upon themselves sufficient to support him.
“ I received the charitable proposals, and sincerely thank
you therefor. And I am joyful to hear there are Africans
with you who partake of the blessings of the gospel, and in
time, may be the means of promoting the greatest and best
interests of Africans here. I wish to God for its speedy ac-
complishment, when the nation who are now not called the
children of Jehovah, shall become the prophets of the Lord,
and the children of the living God.
“ May the benediction of the Almighty prosper all their
undertakings to the saving of many souls!”
It will be cheering to the friends of colonization on the
coast of Africa, and to the friends of African missions, to
learn, that before they were born, there lived, and preached,
and prayed, on the coast of Guinea, such a man as Philip
Quaque, a coloured man, and a native of the country. His
prayers and labours are now coming into remembrance be-
fore God, who is turning the hearts of many of his ser-
vants towards that dark and desolate region; and some have
already taken their lives in their hands, and gone thi-
ther to instruct the ignorant and miserable children of Africa.
Let no man’s heart be discouraged in regard to Africa, on
account of the disastrous result of some of our missions. God
is putting the faith of his people to the trial; but he will
VOL. XII. no. 2. 28
218 History of the. American Colony in Liberia. [April
arise and cause his light to shine upon this dark region.
The time is drawing near, when “ Ethiopia shall stretch forth
her hands unto God.” And we trust, that it will not be long
before Guinea — much injured and greatly degraded Guinea —
shall rise from the dust, and take her stand among Christian
nations. Let the pious reader not cease to pray for Africa,
that the time of her redemption may draw nigh.
Some time after this information, respecting the family of
John Quamine, was received, a native of Annamboe, and a
relation of his family, arrived at Newport, and confirmed all
the accounts above given. He appeared to be a sensible, in-
quisitive man, and of good moral character. He expressed
a desire to learn to read, and to be instructed in the Chris-
tian religion. He appeared sensible that his countrymen
were destitute of the knowledge of the true method of pleas-
ing God, and obtaining his favour; and said, that he had
heard that Christians were in possession of a revelation from
him; and he desired to become acquainted with its contents.
He moreover said that there were many young men in his
country, who had a strong desire to learn to read and write,
and would even come to America, to be educated, if they
were not afraid of being deceived and sold, as was Quamine.
He appeared to be much pleased when informed that there
was a plan in contemplation for sending back some of the
African race, to teach the people.
Besides the two already mentioned, who were now ready
to go on their mission as soon as the way should appear to
be opened, there was a third, named Salmar Nuba, a member
of the Second Congregational Church of Newport, then under
the pastoral care of the Rev. Ezra Stiles, D. D., a promis-
ing young man, of about twenty years of age, possessing
good talents, and apparently ardently pious. This young
man had his freedom given to him, and was greatly desirous
of attempting in some way to promote the spread of the gos-
pel among the Africans. It was desired to prepare this pro-
mising youth to be a school master, or a missionary among
the native Africans; but the funds which the society had
been able to collect were inadequate, and an application was
made to the Christian public for further aid, and another cir-
cular addressed to them, containing the fore-mentioned facts.
There is an expression of so much encouragement and confi-
dence in part of this address, and it is so seasonable in the
present circumstances, that we will again trespass on the pa-
tience of the reader by transcribing it.
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 219
“Since it has pleased God so far to succeed this design in
his providence, and in such a remarkable manner to open the
way from step to step, and give such hopeful prospects, and
good encouragement to pursue it, we think it our duty
still to prosecute it, and we ask the benefactions of all who
shall be willing to promote an undertaking in itself so bene-
volent; and which, though small in its beginning, may
hopefully issue in something very great, and open the way
to the happiness and salvation of multitudes; yea, of many
nations, who are now in the most miserable state, ready to
perish in the darkness of heathenism.
“ We beg leave also to observe that the present state of our
public affairs is so far from being a reason for neglecting this
proposal, that it seems rather toafford strong reasons to encour-
age it. For, while we are struggling for our civil and religious
liberties, it will be peculiarly becoming and laudable, to exert
ourselves to obtain the same blessings for others, as far as it
is in our power. And when God is so remarkably interpos-
ing, and ordering such a series of events in our favour, in
this time of general distress, is there not a special call to pay
this tribute to him, according as he has prospered us, as one
likely method to obtain the continuance of his favour and
protection?”
This circular, addressed to the public, was subscribed, as
was the former one, with the names of Ezra Stiles and Samuel
Hopkins, and bore date April 10, 1776, at Newport, Rhode
Island. Soon after this, the war fell heavily on the town of
Newport, and upon Dr. Hopkins’s church and people. He,
and most of his flock, were driven from their homes, and
his pious Africans from their studies. In addition to all
these discouraging circumstances, one of the designated mis-
sionaries died before a peace was concluded; and by the dis-
asters of the war, not only all opportunity of sending mis-
sionaries to Africa was cut off, but the pecuniary resources
of the society were exhausted, and the members scattered.
Thus this very promising enterprise of piety and benevo-
lence appeared to be frustrated: but the effect produced on
the public mind by this unusual effort, was considerable,
both in Great Britain and America, and has had a real, but
unnoticed influence on the benevolent plans of missions and
colonization of the present day. But we intimated, that
there existed some probable evidence of a more particular
connexion between Dr. Hopkins’s exertions, and the more
modern schemes of colonization. The circumstances are
briefly these. It is an ascertained fact, that Dr. Hopkins
220 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [Apkil
corresponded with Granville Sharp, Esq. on the subject of
sending these missionaries back to Africa, and that this
distinguished friend of the African race highly approved
the plan. It is also well known, that this gentleman acted
a leading part in forming and executing the plan of a colony
at Sierra Leone; and that the original settlers in this colony
had been slaves in the United States, who joined the British
army on a promise of liberty. Now, we say it is probable
that the idea of planting a colony of these people on the
coast of Africa, was suggested to Mr. Sharp, by the corres-
pondence of Dr. Hopkins. Such at least is our conjecture.
After the British had evacuated Rhode Island, and Dr.
Hopkins was permitted to return to Newport, he still re-
tained his zeal for the African cause. Besides publishing a
pamphlet to show that it was the interest and duty of the
American states to emancipate their African slaves, he con-
tinued to foster the society which he had instituted before
the war. And, indeed, his liberality was so unbounded that
he found it expedient to keep some of his principal benefac-
tions secret. At the close of the war, his resources were
much exhausted; but “ when in his old age he received nine
hundred dollars for the copy right of his System of Divinity,
he contributed one hundred from the amount to the objects
of that society.”
In Dr. Hopkins’s life of Mrs. Susanna Osborn, we find
him still encouraging himself and his friends to proceed in
their benevolent enterprise. “The way,” says he, “to the
proposed mission yet lies open, and the encouragements to it
are as great as ever. All that is wanting is money, exertion,
and missionaries to undertake it. There are religious blacks
to be found who understand the language of the nations in
those parts: who might be employed, if they were properly
encouraged. And if they were brought to embrace Christi-
anity, and to be civilized, it would put a stop to the slave-
trade, and render them happy. And it would open a door
for trade, which would be to the temporal interest of both
Americans and Africans. As attention to spreading the gos-
pel appears to be now spreading and increasing in America,
it is hoped that the eyes of many will be opened to see the
peculiar obligations they are under to attempt to send the
gospel to the Africans, whom we have injured and abused
so greatly: even more than any other people under heaven;
it being the best and only compensation which we can make
them.”
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 221
But although Dr. Hopkins was disappointed in his plan of
sending Yamma and Quamine as missionaries to Africa, it is
a remarkable fact that two of those young men of the Afri-
can race, instructed by him, have gone, in extreme old age,
to the colony at Liberia; one of these is the man known in
New England, and especially in Boston, by the appellation
of Deacon Gardner. The history of this man is not only
remarkable, but somewhat romantic. He was a native of
Africa, and brought as a slave to this country, in 1760, when
only fourteen years old. He very soon manifested uncom-
mon talents, and learned to read by his own unaided efforts,
after receiving a few elementary lessons. In the same way
he learned music, in which art he became such an adept, that
he composed a large number of tunes, some of which have
been highly approved by good judges, and was a highly popu-
lar teacher of vocal music in Newport, where many resorted to
his school for improvement in this delightful accomplishment.
But the most extraordinary thing of the kind, which we
have ever heard of, was that though only a boy of fourteen
when he was brought from Africa, he could, at the age
of thirty, speak his native language with fluency. His un-
common powers of mind attracted the attention of Dr. Hop-
kins; and his ardent piety gained his love and esteem. He
therefore marked him out as a suitable person to be sent
as a missionary to Africa, originated a plan for obtain-
ing his freedom, and aided and encouraged him in its pro-
secution. There is a fact connected with this subject, the
mention of which will to some, perhaps, appear to savour
of enthusiasm; but it shall be related, and every one may in-
terpret it as it pleases him. Deacon Gardner was the slave
of Captain I. Gardner, of Newport, Rhode Island, and by the
indulgence of his master, was allowed to labour for his own
profit, whatever time he could save by diligence. All that
he thus gained was devoted to the object of obtaining his own
and his family’s freedom. A deacon of Dr. Hopkins’s church
advised him to try the efficacy of fasting and prayer, and see
if he would not get along further than by labour alone. Ac-
cordingly, having gained a day, he determined to spend it in
fasting and prayer, and communicated his purpose to none
but Dr. Hopkins, and a few pious friends. His master, total-
ly ignorant of his slave’s occupation, sent for him about four
o’clock, in the afternoon; but was told that Gardner was en-
gaged about his own business, this being his gained day.
“ No matter, call him,” said his master; when the slave ap-
222 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
peared, he put into his hand a paper on which was written,
“ I, James Gardner, of Newport, Rhode Island, do this day
manumit, and release forever, Newport Gardner, his wife
and children,” &c. &c. Some conditions were annexed
which could be easily performed. Deacon Gardner of
course felt and expressed warm gratitude to his earthly mas-
ter, who had now become his benefactor, but still greater
gratitude to his Father in heaven, who had so signally an-
swered his prayer for freedom, even before he had finished
his supplication.
During his whole life this man had his heart turned to-
wards Africa, and when the opportunity of returning occurred,
he joyfully embraced it, although he was now advanced to
the eightieth year of his age. With a view to his going to
Liberia, he and several others were in Boston, constituted
into a Christian church, of which he was immediately ordain-
ed a deacon, together with Salmar Nubia, another of Dr.
Hopkins’s promising young men, of whom mention has al-
ready been made-
The solemn exercises connected with the constitution of this
church, were conducted by the Rev. Dr. Jenks, Dr. Wisner,
Dr. Edwards, and Dr. S. E. Dwight. The service was closed
by an anthem composed by deacon Gardner, and set to words
selected from various passages in the Bible, and exceedingly
appropriate to the occasion. On the 7th of January, 1826,
he set sail in company with the Rev. Horace Sessions for
Liberia, in Africa. This undertaking at his advanced years,
was not the effect of a sudden impulse ; it was only the
breaking out of that flame of love to Christ, and to his kins-
men according to the flesh, which had been enkindled by
the fire-side of Dr. Hopkins’s study, fifty years before.
Thus, after an absence of more than threescore years, this
patriarchal man went back to his native shores, to assist in
laying the foundation of an infant colony, which we trust
will be the first step towards a series of efforts in this country
for the redemption of Africa from her deeply degraded and
wretched state; and also of opening a comfortable asylum for
thousands of the African race in this land, who, though free,
are without a country which they can call their own, and
without a standing in society proportioned to their intelli-
gence and moral worth.
What was the close of this venerable man’s career, or
whether he is still living, we have not been informed. In
all probability, however, he has long since finished his pil-
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 223
grimage; and has left his bones in Liberia, a kind of sacred
pledge that the God of all flesh has a purpose of mercy, soon
to be accomplished towards this extended region of darkness.
There also lie the bones of Prince Abdulrahhman, whose
history is as remarkable as that of Deacon Gardner. No
doubt a gracious God is about soon to bless Africa, and only
waits for the believing prayers of his people. Considering the
short time which has elapsed since the discovery of America,
and its distance from Africa, it is a remarkable fact that there
are now resident on this continent and the West India islands
four or five millions of the African race, none of whom came
to this country by their own consent. It is an extraor-
dinary instance of the inconsistency of the most benevolent
men — if the account is true — that the slave-trade was sug-
gested and recommended by one of the most distinguished
philanthropists of the sixteenth century. We refer to the
amiable Las Casas, who devoted his life and all his energies
to promote the welfare of the aborigines of America. The
common testimony of historians is, that to preserve his be-
loved Indians from slavery and oppression by the Spaniards,
he proposed that Africans should be imported to perform the
more laborious works of agriculture. The fact, however, has
of late been called in question, and even positively denied;
but as we are not informed on what authority the denial rests,
we shall follow the common current of history; at the same
time, expressing our sincere wish, that it may be discovered,
that the character of this philanthropist has been unjustly
loaded with this obloquy. The short account of Las Casas,
which we shall now give is abridged from the article, Las
Casas, in the American Encyclopaedia.
This friend of the Indian race was born at Senilla, in the
year 1474. When only nineteen years of age he went to
America with his father, who was one of the companions of
Columbus, in his first voyage. After a residence of five
years in America, he returned to Spain and entered into holy
orders, and then accompanied Columbus in his second voy-
age to America. After the conquest of Cuba he took up his
residence in that island, where he distinguished himself by
his humane conduct to the natives, of whom he became, in a
manner, the patron. When upon a division of the conquer-
ed country, a certain number of the Indians fell under his
power, he gave them all their liberty; and so much was he
interested in their behalf, that he took another voyage to
Spain, to plead their cause at the court of king Ferdinand;
224 History of the American Colony in Liberia. [April
but the death of that prince having occurred before his arri-
val, he was disappointed in his design.
Cardinal Ximenes the regent, however, appointed a com-
mission to examine into circumstances on the spot, and to
determine in the case accordingly, Las Casas was directed to
accompany them, and received from the regent, the honour-
able title of Protector of the Indians. The commissioners,
upon their arrival in Cuba, found it impossible to obtain the
liberation of the natives: they therefore, directed their at-
tention to the means of securing to them more humane treat-
ment. Las Casas, however, continued to remonstrate ear-
nestly against enslaving these unoffending people, and the
planters became so incensed against him, that for personal
safety he was obliged to take refuge in a convent. Upon
the accession of Charles V. he again returned to Spain, and
endeavoured to obtain the liberty, and secure the privileges
of his beloved Indians. And it is said that his zeal for the
liberties of the aborigines of America, led him now to sug-
gest and advise the transportation of Africans, to bear the
heat and burden of agricultural labour in that warm region.
Another plan which he adopted for the improvement of
the natives was to plant a colony of select persons in the
midst of them, by whose example and instructions they
might be civilized and evangelized. That is, he undertook
to do for the Indians what the Colonization Society are en-
deavouring to do for the Africans. This scheme he not only
advised, but carried into effect; for when he returned to
America, he took with him about two hundred colonists,
whom he settled in the midst of the native population. His
benevolent purpose was, however, soon frustrated; for he
and his Spaniards had scarcely arrived before a body of in-
vaders appeared, who ravaged the tract of country selected
by him, and carried off the natives to be slaves in Hispani-
ola; and while he, accompanied by some others, was gone thi-
ther to seek redress and obtain a reinforcement to his colony,
the natives rose up against the colonists, and so completely
destroyed them, that there was not a Spaniard left in all that
region. Las Casas was so much discouraged by the total
failure of this favourite project, that he took up his residence
in a Dominican convent, and assumed the dress of the order.
Being sent by them on an embassy to Spain in 1542, he
again undertook to plead the cause of the natives, about
which time he published a work containing a narrative of
the cruel oppression exercised towards the Indians, by which
1840.] History of the American Colony in Liberia. 225
the race was in danger of extirpation. The title of this
work was A Brief Relation of the Destruction of the
Indians. His efforts were not altogether fruitless, for he
obtained a new set of regulations for the treatment and go-
vernment of the Indians. He was now made bishop of
Chiapa, and in 1544 returned to America. But he did not
continue long there, for in 1551 he returned again to Spain,
where he spent the remainder of his life. He died at Mad-
rid in 1556, in the 92d year of his age. This brief account
deserves to be inserted here, because Las Casas was in his
day connected both with slavery and colonization.
We have said nothing respecting Judge Wilkeson’s His-
tory. It is doubtless drawn from the most authentic sources,
and contains information greatly needed by many of the
friends of Colonization, who have remained ignorant of the
origin, progress, and present condition of this interesting
enterprise. The only fault which we have to find with this
work is, that it enters too little into detail, and is more like a
table of contents than a history. It seems to have been
suddenly produced to meet the urgent demand for informa-
tion, which is heard from all quarters. But a “ History of
African Colonization” is still a desideratum; and from our
knowledge of the facts, we are persuaded that there are
materials for filling an octavo volume, and that the incidents
are of such a character as could not but create a deep and
lively interest in every philanthropic bosom. But until this
is done, Judge Wilkeson’s performance will serve an excel-
lent purpose, by furnishing immediate information.
Art. III. — Allgemeine Geschichte der christlichen Reli-
gion und Kirche. Von Dr. August Neander. Vierter
Band. Achter Theil des ganzen Werks, Hamburg, bei
Friedrich Perthes. 1836. 8vo. pp. 506.
This is what would be called in England or America the
eighth volume of Neander’s great work, though, from the
peculiar manner in which they manage these things in Ger-
many, it is numbered only as the fourth. The period to
which it is devoted falls between the death of Charlemagne
and Pope Gregory the Seventh, or from 814 to 1073. We
vol. xn. no. 2. 29
226
Predestinarian Controversy
[April
are constrained to say that this is a tract of ecclesiastical
story which less awakens our sympathies, and less displays
the genius of the author, than any which he has yet treated.
Instead, therefore, of seeking to characterize the volume, we
shall single out a particular portion of it, relating to a subject
never without its interest in the Presbyterian Church, and
which it is useful to have brought before us by one as little
favourable to the Calvinistic tenets as Neander; we refer
to the controversy respecting predestination, which took
place during the ninth century. Without confining our-
selves to the language of the author, which is often awkward
and circumlocutory in no common degree, we shall endea-
vour to be scrupulous reporters of his opinions; premising
that in many respects they are very different from our own.
The almost constant battling about the true meaning of the
scripture, in regard to predestination, had resulted in a tri-
umph of the Augustinian doctrine of grace over Semipela-
gianism; yet the question of predestination was still unset-
tled. For though the recognition of Augustine, as an ortho-
dox teacher, w’as almost universal, and though his theory of
all-working grace was commonly received, there were some
who stumbled at the naked and fearful avowal of unmitigated
predestination. Not, indeed, that such avowed dissent from
the doctrine of this father, or gave that place to free will, in
relation to divine grace, with which we are familiar in later
days. Such was the influence of Augustine on the mind
and thinking of the age, and such the universal sympathy of
Christian experience with the doctrine of grace, that it would
have been regarded as putting these in peril to attribute any
thing conditional to the free will of the creature. The truth
is, however, they viewed the Augustinian system more on
its practical than its speculative side, and were more con-
cerned with the doctrine of grace than with that of predesti-
nation and reprobation; and the tenet was set forth in
that mild form which appears in the work de Vocatione Gen-
tium* Both schemes, the rigorous and the mild, were
handed down together. The age, if Neander errs not, was
unused to the unfolding of subtile webs of thought, un-
practised in acute and distinguishing thought, and given to a
flow of rhetorical verbosity; hence it was easy for them to
be misled by resemblances, and to mistake verbal for real
distinctions. For the same reason, one who had derived all
* Neaiukr’s Hint. rot. ii. j . 897.
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
227
his theological prepossessions from the school of Augustine
might readily see in milder forms of expressing the doc-
trines of grace, a departure from them towards Pelagianism;
and could scarcely escape giving offence to many by the un-
compromising roughness of his expressions. Such a man,
says Neander, was the monk Gottschalk, or Gotteschalcus,
with whom began the predestinarian controversy in the
ninth century.
Gotteschalcus was descended from a Saxon family, and
was placed by his parents, at an early age, in the monastery
of Fulda, as an oblatus, or one set apart to the monastic life.
Here he pursued the ordinary course of study, and formed a
close alliance with the afterwards celebrated Walafrid Strabo.
But he sighed to be released from these bonds, and, in 829,
received from the council at Mayence a dispensation from
his ties to the monastery. In seeking this dispensation, he
was zealously, though ineffectually opposed by the abbot of
Fulda, Rabanus Maurus. It is not unlikely that this had
some connexion with their subsequent conflicts.
Gotteschalcus, upon leaving this monastery, went to ano-
ther called Orbais, in the diocese of Soissons, in France.
Here he studied, with great zeal, the works of Augustine,
and other theologians of the same school. The doctrine of
absolute predestination became inwrought into his Christian
life, and in his mind was inseparably connected with the
idea of God, and the unchangeableness of the divine will.
He employed himself chiefly with dogmatic and speculative
questions. In connexion with these, he received from his
friend, the abbot Servatus Lupus, some very wholesome
advice. “ Let us expatiate,” said he, in one of his letters,
“ in the open field of scripture, and devote ourselves wholly
to meditation upon them, seeking the face of God, humbly,
piously, and forever. The clemency of God, in condescen-
sion to our weakness, while we attempt not things which
are too high for us, will raise us to higher and nobler views,
and reveal himself to our purged faculties.”
In the system of Gotteschalcus the idea of predestination
regards not merely the elect, but the reprobate. He recog-
nised a predestinatio duplex , agreeably to which the former
are predestined to everlasting life, and the latter foreordained
to everlasting death. He held this doctrine to be important
for vindicating the unchangeableness and independency of
the divine decrees, which, but for this, would seem to de-
pend on events occurring in time. In regard to the works
228
Predestinarian Controversy
[April
of God, to foresee and to foreordain are one, as God’s know-
ledge, like his will, is creative.* And here, according to
Neander, Gotteschalcus departed from the mode of expres-
sion which was usual in the school of Augustine, where it
was common to distinguish between the praesciti, or repro-
bate, and the praedestinati, or elect; no doubt with the in-
tention of removing from God all causality in regard to sin.
Yet Augustine did not always avail himself of this distinc-
tion, and the idea of a twofold predestination had already
been presented by Fulgentius of Ruspa, and Isidore of Se-
ville.!
There would, in the opinion of our historian, be no essen-
tial difference between the schemes of Gotteschalcus and
Augustine, unless the former should be understood, in his
zeal for the consistency of his theory of absolute predestina-
iion, as mounting beyond the fact of the first sin, and regard-
tng the sin of Adam as conditioned not by his own free will,
bjt by the necessary accomplishment of an absolute purpose
oi God, which predetermined the whole history of our race,
and this event in particular. Neander here assumes the in-
compatibility of free action with an absolute decree. Lay-
ing together the positions that prescience and predestination
are identical — and that all foresight of God is creative — Nean-
der concludes that Gotteschalcus made no distinction between
willing, creating, and permitting, on the part of God, and
that his views were identical with those of the school
since called Supralapsarian. Where he speaks of these
points, however, he expressly limits himself to the relation
of God to his own works, and denies that sin is one of the
works of God. “ Sempiterna cum praescientia voluntas tua
de operibus duntaxat tuis, Deum praescisse ac praedestinasse
simul et semel tarn cuncta quam singula opera sua.” He
nowise refers the predestination of God to evil, but only to
good; his prescience to both. “ Credo atque confiteor, prae-
scisse te ante saecula quaecunque erant futura sive bona sive
mala, praedestinasse tantummodo bona. ” He further divides
the good, which is the object of predestination, into the bless-
ings of grace and the awards of justice, gratiae heneficia et
justitiae judicia . Here, with Augustine, he proceeds upon
the supposition, that the evil spirits fell by the lapse of their
* Apud Omnipotentiam idem praescire quod velle.
| Neander’s Hist. vol. ii. p. 912 ; vol. iii. p. 211.
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
229
free will, and that the whole human race sinned in Adam,
and partook of his guilt.*
In the year 847, as Gotlschalk, in returning from a pilgri-
mage to Rome, tarried at a hospitium, or house of entertain-
ment for pilgrims, founded by Count Eberhard of Friuli, he
met with Notting, then newly chosen bishop of Verona, to
whom he made known his doctrine of twofold predestination.
Shortly after, this prelate, at the court of the emperor Louis
the Debonnaire, fell in with Rabanus Maurus, who had recent-
ly become archbishop of Mayence, and acquainted him with the
doctrine. It was highly offensive to the archbishop, who pro-
mised to oppose it in writing. Accordingly he composed two
works, directing one to Notting of Verona, and the other to
Count Eberhard. In these he manifested great warmth against
Gotteschalcus, and pursued the opinions of the latter to remote
and repulsive consequences, so as to justify the suspicion that
he had not forgotten their former differences. It is not to be
denied however that he may have been actuated by regard
for true religion; and he was evidently the rpore hurt by the
boldness of Gottschalk’s positions, inasmuch as his own sys-
tem forced him rather to conceal than to avoid the same odi-
ous consequences. He charged Gotteschalcus with the
opinion, that the divine predestination so constrains every
man, that even if he should desire to attain salvation, and seek
it by true faith and good works, he would labour in vain, un-
less he were foreordained to eternal life. Gotteschalcus, as
a man alive to the interests of morality, was far from admit-
ting any such consequence. He unquestionably treated that
grace, whereby man is converted and sanctified, as the opera-
tion in which the divine purpose of predestination reveals
itself in regard to men. He was also, says Neander, far
from teaching, as Rabanus alleged, a predestination of men
to evil as well as good.
As it regards the scheme of Rabanus himself, he consider-
ed the decree of God concerning the wicked, as conditioned
by his prescience; not making this absolute like the decree
of predestination. The distinction, therefore, between the
praesciti and the praedestinati was in his view of great
practical moment. His expression was that God had fore-
ordained eternal punishment to those whom he foresaw as
wicked, but not that he had foreordained these to eternal
* The words of Neander are remarkable : “ dass das ganze Menschenge-
chlecht in Adam gcsundigt und an seiner Schutd Theil genommen.”
230
Predestinarian Controversy
[April
punishment. It was also with him a matter of practical mo-
ment to maintain, that God willed the salvation of all men,
and that Christ died for the redemption of all: but he con-
nected with this the opinion, that by the sin of Adam, in whom
all sinned, all had likewise merited eternal punishment, and
thus he believed that he effectually vindicated God from the
causality of sin, and the corruption of those whom he left to
their deserved doom. “ Cui nullo modo fas est ea quae ab ho-
minibus male aguntur, adscribi, qui in proclivitatem cadendi
non ex conditione Dei, sed ex primi parentis praevaricatione
venerunt. De cujus poena nemo I i be ratu r, n isi per gratiam Do-
mini nostri Jesu Christi, praeparatam et praedestinatam in ae-
terno consilio Dei ante constitutionem mundi.” Out of this
corrupt mass, it is true, only those attain to happiness, to whom
God, agreeably to hiseternal degree ofpredestination, commu-
nicates the grace which works true conversion. In regard to
the question how the diverse relation of God to those whom
he leaves to their deserved doom, and those whom he res-
cues from the same, can be reconciled with our belief in the
holiness and justice of God; — he resorted to the hidden nature
of the divine decree, and the incomprehensibleness of the di-
vine dealings; maintaining that we must hold fast to that only
which is above all doubt, and not found our belief of God’s
holiness and justice in what is incomprehensible. “Conten-
de,” sajs he, “cum Paulo, immosi audes argue Paulum, qui
dicit, Christo in se loquente, Rom. 9, 30.”
We find Rabanus, therefore, shrinking from every thing,
which, even in seeming, could make God the author of sin,
or could derogate from his holiness; while it nowhere appears
how he avoided these inferences. He did not venture to ex-
press dissent from the Augustinian system, and indeed usual-
ly expressed his opinions in phraseology taken from Augus-
tine or Prosper. In this beginning of the contest, says Nean-
der, we see in prolusion its whole subsequent course, it was
a contest not between opinion, but between harsher and mild-
er forms of expression.
When the letter of Rabanus to Notting was communicated
to Gotteschalcus, it filled him with surprise to find himself
treated as an errorist. Instead of admitting the justice of
the charge, he thought he could succeed in pointing out
Semipelagian principles in the statements of Rabanus, whom
he regarded as a disciple rather of Gennadius and the Mar-
seilles school, than of Augustine. 'In 848, perhaps with
some view to a better understanding with Rabanus, he went
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
231
to Mayence, and without hesitation appeared in a council
held under the archbishop, in the presence of the king of
Germany, and the principal men both ecclesiastical and secu-
lar. He laid before them a book in defence of his opinions.
He combated the opinion, that when it is said, God would
have all men to be saved, the expression is to be taken sim-
ply, and applied even to the reprobate; or that when it is said
that Christ suffered for all men, it is to be taken in an abso-
lute sense. All such expressions he understood as restricted
to the elect; for he held that the will and decree of God, namely
in regard to redemption, must be fully accomplished, and could
be applied to those only in respect to whom they are so ac-
complished.* In all this, Neander acknowledges, Gotteschal-
cus said no more than Rabanus must himself have admitted;
for while the latter often repeated such expressions as that
God would have all men to be saved, and that Christ died
for the redemption of all, he despoiled them again of all fa-
vourable meaning, by teaching that those only were actually
saved on whom God conferred the necessary grace, and that
this was conferred only on the elect. “This contradiction,”
our historian is pleased to say, “ he could attribute to none but
himself, as he referred also to a secret and incomprehensible
decree of God ”
At this council there was little for Gotteschalcus to expect,
in regard to a fair hearing. Rabanus Maurus was here in his
own circle of influence: the opinions of Gotteschalcus were
condemned as heretical. As he belonged however to ano-
ther diocese, Rabanus sent him to Hinkmar, archbishop of
Rheims, his ecclesiastical superior, with a request that this
prelate would prevent the propagation of his errors. Hink-
mar accordingly caused him to appear before a mixed assem-
bly of estates, held at Chiersy, in the king’s presence, in 849.
As he refused to recant, and bolciiy defended his opinions,
he was treated as contumacious towards his superiors, and as
insulting to the bishops; his forsaking of the monastery
* Ap. Hincmar. c. 24. fol. 149: Omnes quos vult Deus salvos fieri sine
dubitatione salvantur nec possunt salvari, nisi quos vult Deus salvos fieri nec est
quisquam quern Deus salvari velit et non salvetur, quia Deus noster omnia quae-
cunque voluit, fecit. C 27. f. 21 1 : IIlos omnes impios et peccatores, quos pro-
prio fuso sanguine filius Dei redimere venit, hos omnipotens Dei bonitas ad vi-
tam praedestinatos irretractabilitcr salvari tantummodo velit ; — and afterwards :
IIlos omnes impios et peccatores, pro quibus idem Filius Dei nec corpus assum-
sit, nec orationem nec dico sanguinem fudit, neque pro Us ullo modo crueifixus
fuit.
232
Predeslinarian Controversy
[April
was not forgotten, and the result was that he was declared to
be a heretic, sentenced to be scourged, durissimis verberi-
bus castigari, and to he cast into prison. The sentence took
effect; he was scourged in an unmerciful manner, and under
the stress of pain, jam paene emoriens, delivered up to the
fire the paper in defence of his opinions; which however
contained nothing but a collection of testimonies from the
scriptures and the fathers. He was then imprisoned in Haut-
villiers, a monastery in the diocese of Rheims. The voices
which were raised in his behalf led the archbishop, Hink-
mar, to allow some mitigation of his punishment: perhaps he
hoped, by milder measures, to render him less troublesome.
At the instance of Rabanus, Hinkmar soon resumed his se-
verity against the poor monk. All attempts to make him
recant were, however, unavailing. In defence of his doc-
trine, he used every means which was accessible to him in
his prison; and in this he found a helper in Guntbert, a monk
of Hautvilliers. This man secretly left the monastery, with
an appeal of Gottschalk to Pope Nicholas, which he carried
to Rome.
During his imprisonment, Gotteschalcus drew up, in vin-
dication of his doctrine, two confessions of his faith, a longer
and a shorter. His tenet of twofold predestination was in
his mind closely connected with the essentials of Christian
faith, as he regarded all who denied the predestination of the
wicked to eternal wrath as making God a changeable being,
and reducing him below the wisdom even of a prudent hu-
man creature. “ Yideant quale sit et quantum malum quod
quum omnes electi tui omnia bona semper fecerint, faciant, et
facluri sint cum consilio, praesumant affirmare, quod Tu qui
totius es Auctor fonsque sapientiae, volueris vel valucris vel
etiam debueris quicquam (quod absit) absque consilio pa-
trare.” No part of his personal sufferings gave him so much
pain as the knowledge that the contempt which was cast
upon himself redounded to the injury of the truth. “Maxi-
mum diu noctuque perfero moerorem, quod propter mei no-
minis vilitatem vilem hominibus video esse veritatem.” And
though he did not claim the power of working miracles,
such was his conviction of the verity and high import of his
doctrine, that he declared his expectation, that in default of
other methods, God would attest his own truth by superna-
tural means. Accordingly, in the spirit of his age, he offered
to undergo an ordeal, in the presence of the king, prelates,
and clergy, by going into four casks filled with water, oil.
1840,]
In the Ninth Century.
233
and pitch, and heated to the highest degree; and if this were
not satisfactory, to complete the appeal by passing through
the fire. And he appealed to God that he proposed this,
not out of foolhardiness, but trusting in divine help. “ Quia
prorsus ausum talia petendi, sicut ipse melius nosti, a me pro-
pria temeritate non praesumo, sed abs te potius tua benigni-
tate sumo.” It is remarkable, that at a time when such or-
deals were accredited, the opposers of Gotteschalcus de-
clined the proffered test.
The constancy of Gotteschalcus continued until his death,,
which took place in the year 868. Hinkmar refused to give
him either the viaticum or Christian burial, except on condi-
tion of an explicit retractation: he refused, and being content
to forego both, died peacefully in adherence to his belief.
The injustice and severity of these proceedings, could not
fail to call forth much sympathy in his fate, and indignation
towards the persecutors of Gotteschalcus. Pope Nicholas,
whose attention had been drawn to the subject, not only by
the above mentioned appeal of the prisoner, but by the ac-
counts of his enemies, seems to have been dissatisfied with
the course of the proceedings. He wrote in this view to
King Charles the Bald, and gave Hinkmar to understand,
that he stood in danger of something which he might not
find agreeable.* The archhishop had, indeed, offered to have
Gotteschalcus brought in person to Rome, or wherever the
pope might command, in order to a thorough investigation:
but it is evident that he was not sincere in the proposal, aed
that he stood in dread of such an inquisition. Neander ex-
presses doubt whether, in this course, Nicholas was actuated
by a regard for the rights of the innocent, which he some-
times was known to uphold, or by opposition to Hinkmar
as a champion of ecclesiastical freedom. It is to be observed,
that he did nothing effectual for the rescue of the persecuted
man.
When Hinkmar discovered the strength of the current of
opinion against his measures, he advised with a number of
leading men as to the course which he should pursue in re-
gard to Gotteschalcus- Among these, was Prudentius, bishop
of Troyes. It is supposed by Neander, that the answer of
Prudentius pointed towards a milder treatment of the ac-
cused, for whose opinions he was not without sympathy.
* Ut pFoviderem (says Hinkmar) ne pro iis tandem aliquando incurrana
quae non opto. Op. ii. 290.
VOL. XII. NO. 2.
30
234
Predestinarian Controversy
[April
Against all such counsels, on the other hand, Rabanus Mau-
rus set himself with violence, and even rebuked Hinkmar in
a letter for allowing Gotteschalcus so much liberty in writ-
ing and speaking, to the injury of many others; exhorting
him to deny the communion to the heretic, unless on condi-
tion of his recantation. “ We must only pray for him,”
wrote he, “ that Almighty God would work the salvation of
the weak brother, and bring him back to the right faith.”
At a later period Prudentius himself espoused the doctrine
of Gotteschalcus, as appears from a letter which he wrote to
H inkmar, and to Pardulus, bishop of Lyons. He main-
tained a two-fold predestination; but represented the pre-
destination of God, in regard to the wicked, as conditioned
by his prescience of the sin and guilt which passed upon all
men through Adam; and explicitly rejected the belief that
God had foreordained any one to sin, admitting, however,
a foreordination to punishment. “He further held,” says
Neander, “ that Christ died for the elect only; drawing the
conclusion from the words, for many (Matt. xx. 28), for
you, in the institution of the Lord’s Supper. And he taught
that God by no means wills the salvation of all, but only
that of the elect; for God would not be the Almighty, if that
which he willed should not come to pass: from the words
of the apostle Paul, (1 Tim. ii. 4), he sought, by various
forced interpretations, to release himself.”
So contradictory were the opinions on this point, that king
Charles the Bald was induced to consult Ratramnus, a monk in
the convent of Corbie, one of the most learned theologians of
the age, on the question how that controversy could be deter-
mined by the opinions of the early fathers. Ratramnus, in his
work on the subject, omits all mention of Gottschalk’s name,
but discusses the doctrine of the two-fold predestination.
He deduces the doctrine of the predestination of the wicked
to eternal punishment, and also that of the righteous to eter-
nal life, as necessary consequences from the eternity and un-
changeableness of thedivine decrees; but he founds the predes-
tination of God in regard to the wicked, upon his prescience;
considering it of great importance to remove from God every
thing like causality in respect to evil; and in this, he ad-
heres to the Augustinian principle.*
* His words respecting the order of the decrees are these : “ Electos divini
amoris flamma succendens, interiora id est spiritalia, et superna id est coelestia
concupiscere semper faeit et sequi, at reprobos justo quidem judicio, mortalibus
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
235
Among all the defenders of Gotteschalcus and his system,
there was none so much distinguished for classical accom-
plishment and gifts of communication, as his friend, the abbot
Servatus Lupus, whom we have already mentioned. He
opened, indeed, no new prospects in theology, but was re-
markable for his clear sight and felicitous representation of
the points in question, and for his exact discrimination be-
tween what was substantial and what was accidental. In his
work, De tribns Quaestionibus, he endeavoured to answer
the questions concerning two-fold predestination, free will,
and the extent of the atonement.
In all that respects the need of divine grace for the recovery
of human nature, he draws from the depths of his Christian
experience representations which Neander justly considers
striking. “ When any one,” says he, “endeavours to fulfil
what is commanded, and is not sufficient for the task, hum-
bled with the vain attempt, he resorts thither, where, by
asking, seeking, knocking, lie may receive what'he desires, and
glories not in himself, but in the Lord, for all his benefits.”
This principle of self-renunciation, this inspiring conscious-
ness of absolute dependence on God, is set by Lupus in strik-
ing contrast with the self-sufficiency and self-confidence
which reign in ancient heathen authors.* In his representa-
tions of the doctrine of grace, he does not abide, with Augus-
tine, by the consideration of man as fallen, but deduces his
doctrine from the nature of creaturely relation to God. He
describes grace as the divine principle of life, which the soul
stood in need of from the very beginning, in order to her
perfection, and without which, even in his primeval state,
man, as confined to himself, could not have been perfect in
holiness. God is to the soul what the soul is to the body.
Neander censures the sophistry with which he endeavoured
to evade the force of such passages as 1 Tim. ii. 4.
From what Servatus Lupus says, it is easy to perceive that
there were many in his day who, in seeking to smooth down
the asperities of Augustine’s expressions, really departed from
tamen occulto, dum desiderio supernae patriae non irradiat, atque eos invisibilis
boni extorres derelinquit, non interiora, sed exteriora, non coelestia, sed terrena
bona diligere sequique permittit. Non enim veritatis quisquam bonum vel
amare potest vel assequi, nisi veritatis luce commonitus.
* For example, the words of Cato, in Cicero de Senectute, c. ii. : “• Quibus
nihil opis est in ipsis ad bene beateque vivendum,” in contrast with “ Omnia
bona a vero Deo non a seipso petere.” Again, the words of Virgil : “ Spes
sibi quisque,” as opposed to '• Cuique Deus vera spes.”
236
Predestinarian Controversy
[April
his doctrine, in regard to grace and free will: for he speaks
of those who founded the decree of election upon God’s eter-
nal foresight of faith and good works: “ Deum propterea
praedestinasse quoslibet, quod praescierit eos devotos sibi fu-
turos et in eadem devotione mansuros.” By such a hypo-
thesis Servatus thought grace was made to depend on human
merit; or, in other words, was made void. He hints that the
doctrine was held by some of great consideration, but Nean-
der has found none such mingling in this controversy. And
he says himself, that predestination was held by most, but
that some — in quibus et quciedam praeclara praesulum
lumina — took offence at the doctrine of predestination to
wrath, and points out the particular in which this was offen-
sive.* ** If these he taught, would only consider, that God
foresaw the sin resulting from the free will of the first man,
but foreordained that which was its consequence, there
would remain no such appalling difficulty. He also notices
the bad practical consequences which could be deduced from
the doctrine of absolute predestination, as, for example, that
many would say, “Why may I not live as I list, seeing I
must be damned at last?” But he replies, that nothing of
this kind can possibly proceed from Christian experience.
Far from the mind of the true Christian be such a thought!
For he knows that he is redeemed by Christ, dedicated to God
in baptism, and that repentance unto life is ever open before
him. Every such suggestion betrays a soul full of insatiable
love for sin; one which, by incurable ungodliness, has plung-
ed itself into the abyss of despair. It is worthy of notice,
that, devoted as Servatus Lupus was to the system of Augus-
tine, he was far from attributing i nfall ib il i ty^to his declara-
tions, or to any thing except the word of God.
At the summons of Charles the Bald, John Scotus took
part in this controversy, and in 851 wrote a book upon pre-
destination, in opposition to Gotteschalcus. He was not a man
however who could judge of his opponent with the imparti-
ality of Servatus; and he gave an odious picture of his heresy,
as he called it. The doctrine, as he thought, involved a de-
nial not only of free will but of grace, by attributing to an
absolute decree both the sins which incur eternal perdition,
and the virtues which lead to eternal life. By an absolute
necessity, therefore, grace as a free gift of God, and also
* Ne credatur Deus Iibidine puniendi aliquos condidisse et injuste damnare
**a, qui non valuerunt peccatum ac per hoe nec supplieium deelinare.
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
237
human liberty were annulled. He indulged in violent re-
proaches against Gotteschalcus, whose confessions above no-
ticed, he set himself to answer. The two-fold predestination
of his opponent, comprising on the one hand the cause of sin
and misery, and on the other the cause of holiness and salva-
tion, he declared to be untenable, as militating against the
simplicity of the divine essence. “ Si autem divina natura
summa omnium, quae sunt, causa multiplex, cum sit, simplex
et una saluberrime creditur, consequenter necesse est nullam
in se ipsa controversiam recipere credatur.” His polemical
views were regularly deduced from the fundamental princi-
ples of his peculiar theory. For according to John Scotus,
all that is predicated of God, is but an anthropopathical
intimation of his incomprehensible essence. Hence even
contradictory declarations may be true of God. In attribu-
ting to the Most High creation, will, foresight, and foreor-
dination, we do at bottom indicate by all these only the one
divine essence. “Quicquid invenitur esse non aliud id esse
nisi unam veramque essentiam, quae ubique in se ipsa tota
est, et quae est ilia nisi omnium naturarum praesciens prae-
destinatio et praescientia praedestinans.” Especially no re-
lations of time can be ascribed to God, in regard to whom
there is neither past nor present. Only by anthropopathy
can prescience or predestination be predicated of him. In
reference to sin we cannot properly speak ofdivine causality,
or even of divine knowledge. In regard to God, evil has no
existence, still less therefore can there be prescience or pre-
destination of evil. And as in regard to God evil has no ex-
istence, we can speak of God’s punishing it, only in an im-
proper sense. The idea conveyed by such expression, is,
according to Neander’s report of Scotus, no other than this:
God has so constituted the universe, that moral evil punishes
itself, and all rational beings find their proper place in the
universe according to their different moral characters. Every
sin carries with it its own punishment; this is manifest in an
obscure manner even in this world, but will be more clearly
so in the world to come. This opinion might be pushed so
far as to lead to a punishment merely moral, a moral purga-
tory and moral hell; and in his work De Divisione Naturae,
John Scotus actually avows this consequence. He taught
moreover that God had formed no part of his creation with
a view to punishment. Those who suffer eternal punishment,
suffer then, fas the diseased eye suffers from the light: “ sicut
una eademque lux sanis oculis convenit, impedit dolentibus.”
238
Prcdestinarian Controversy
[April
“ All,” said he, “ must submit to the eternal and divine law.
And the only difference between the elect and the lost con-
sists in this, that the former submit freely, and the latter by
constraint.” The constitution of the universe has limited
moral evil, so that it cannot stretch itself to infinity. In
attempting to transcend this limit, it labours, and is torment-
ed, and so is punished. “ Praedestinavit itaque Deus impi-
os ad poenam vel interitum, hoc est circumscripsit eos legi-
bus suis incommutabilibus, quas eorum impietas evadere non
permittitur.” Thus as God frees the will of those whom
he has foreordained to grace, and so fills them with his love
that they not only rejoice in abiding , within the limits of
eternal law, but account it their greatest glory to be neither
able nor willing to transcend them, so he constrains the will
of the wicked, whom he has foreordained to punishment, in
such a manner, that every thing which leads in the former
case to eternal happiness, leads in the latter case to misery.
John Scotus came forward as the defender of human lib-
erty, and blamed his adversaries as denying it, and subject
ing all things to a constraining necessity. But he really set
out from a principle common to both sides, inasmuch as he
acknowledged, that the corrupt will could be awakened to
holiness only the by grace which God imparts to the elect.
While he ascribed ability of good to fallen man, he seemed
to teach that this ability could come into action only by the
influence of grace. This is evident from an illustration which
he employs; as a man in the dark, is possessed of the faculty
of sight, and yet sees nothing, until light is introduced from
without him, so is it with the depraved will, until illumina-
ted by the rays of divine mercy. So also in another place,
he says that the human will is endowed not with false, but
true freedom, though this freedom is so disturbed by the
consequences of the first sin, that there is wanting all will to
what is good, or even where good is willed, the power of ef-
fecting it is wanting; yet there still remains a certain natural
liberty indicated by the desire of happiness which is natural
to every man.
Neander concludes, that if this famous schoolman had laid
aside his disposition to push the doctrines of his adversary to
remote consequences, he would have approached very nearly
to the same views of predestination, liberty and grace. His
own positions respecting the divine nature, creation, and
moral evil, forced him to admit, that every thing, both good
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
239
and evil, was a necessary development of God; which how-
ever does not appear to have presented itself to his own mind ;
and the unwieldiness of the then prevalent scientific method,
except in the single case of Servatus Lupus, afforded every
facility for self-deception in this regard. The grand differ-
ence however between Scotus and his antagonists, and even
allies, is to be sought in his doctrine of punishments, and of
final restoration, which however are not so prominent in this
work as in those which display his system of opinion at great-
er length.
It was soon perceived by Hinkmar that he had summoned
to his aid a dangerous ally, and he endeavoured to rid himself
of the connexion. For the abettors of Gotteschalcus took ad-
vantage of the openings made by Scotus, and pointed out
many heresies in his book. Wenilo, archbishop of Sens, ab-
stracted nineteen propositions from it which he denounced
as heretical. Prudentius of Troyes, and Florus, a deacon at
Lyons, employed their pens against it. It was particularly
offensive to Prudentius, that John Scotus should have said
that the essence of God and his works are one and the same.
From this the consequence might follow, that whatever
manifests itself in the universe as the operation of God, is a
part of his essence, which Prudentius regarded as pan-
theistical.* This is to be distinguished from the definition
of those perfections of God which are one with his essence,
as his truth, justice, and goodness; or those which are
merely relative, and indicative of something extraneous,
as prescience and predestination. Prudentius closes his book
by saying, that he refrains from pronouncing an anathema
upon John Scotus, but earnestly prays that he would return
to the purity of Christian doctrine.
The deacon, Florus, enters more into a train of theological
argument than had been done by Prudentius, who confined
himself chiefly to testimonies from the fathers. He admit-
ted that the wisdom of God, and also his knowledge, are the
same with his essence, but considered it dangerous to say the
same of his predestination and prescience. t He rejected,
* Velut Dei essentia praedicantur occisio, in errorem indnctio, morbi, fames,
naufragia, insidiae, et alia complura, quae in divinis elogiis indita prudentium
nullus ignorat.
f Yet between the consistency of his system and the evil consequences
which might be deduced from the doctrine, lie seems to have been somewhat va-
cillating: Utrum vero, sicut dicitur, Deus substantialiter dicipossit praescientia,
judicet secundum rationem et regulam fidei qui potest, nobis tamen videtur,
quod non ita possit dici do illo nisi vcl mendaciter vel nirnis inusitate, non cst
aliud illi esse et aliud pracscire.
240
Predestinarian Controversy
[Aprii
with great indignation, as derogating from the divine glory,
the doctrine that moral evil is a mere negation, and therefore
cannot be an object of divine knowledge. Such an opinion
seemed to him to be of evil tendency, as leading to low
views of the evil of sin. In accordance with Augustine, he
maintained that Adam, even in innocence, needed divine
grace in order to perseverance in holiness.
While Florus condemned the abuse of human science, for
which his opponent was remarkable, he did not allow his
polemic zeal to betray him into a rejection of all such aids in
theology, but admitted a sound and proper use of all intellec-
tual resources. He demanded only that every thing of this
kind should be brought to the test of scripture. But he
maintained that in order to the right interpretion of the Bi-
ble, something more was necessary than the study of the
letter, namely, the inward illumination of Christian experi-
ence. For no one, he held, could rightly understand and
soundly interpret the word of God, unless his heart were pos-
sessed of faith in Christ: “ Nisi aut fidesChristi praecedat in
corde legentis, per quern veraciter intelligantur, aut ipsa
tides Christi in eis fideliter quaeratur et Deo illuminante in-
veniatur.”
Against such opponents, Hinkmar now found it necessary
to seek new helpers. Gotteschalcus had communicated his
views to Amulo, archbishop of Lyons, and requested his aid.
This prelate was, however, incapable of forming a fair esti-
mate of the doctrine, and adhered to the milder representa-
tions of the Augustinian system, or perhaps contemplated the
whole subject through the medium afforded to him by Hink-
mar. He, therefore, imputed to Gotteschalcus all the odious
consequences which were deduced from his tenets by his en-
emies. At the same time, he was distinguished by a gentle-
ness of manner in his treatment of those whom he regarded
as in error. In the composition which he put forth against
Gotteschalcus, in order to reclaim him, he addressed him as
a beloved brother, for whose welfare he was not less con-
cerned than for his own. He sent a copy of this letter to Hink-
mar, and publicly expressed his desire of a reconciliation be-
tween the archbishop and Gotteschalcus; assuming, however,
the very improbable occurrence of a recantation on the part
of the latter. In consequence of this, Hinkmar was led to
regard Amulo as an auxiliary in the contest with his new
opponents. In connexion with one of his diocese, who
shared in his sentiments, Pardulus, bishop of Laon, he ad-
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
241
dressed to Amulo and the church of Lyons, two letters re-
pecting the doctrines of Gotteschalcus; annexing the letter
which had been written by Rabanus Maurus to Notting, of
Verona. But the archbishop Amulo died about this time,
(A. D. 853) and his successor Remigius made it known lhat
he was opposed to the course of Hinkmar. In the reply which
Remigius made, in the name of the church of Lyons, he was
very decided in condemning the unjust and rigorous manner
in which Gotteschalcus had been treated. He calls upon
them to judge for themselves whether they had evinced that
moderation and Christian love which became a spiritual tri-
bunal, and a company of priests and monks. He declared
that their conduct was an object of general abhorrence. “Om-
nes non solum dolent, sed etiarn horrent ” All heretics had
heretofore been overcome and convicted by reason. “ Cum
omnes retro haeretici verbis et disputationibus victi atque con-
victi sunt.” The condemnation of Gottschalk’s tenets, he
added, was really a condemnation of catholic doctrine. “ In
hac re dolemus non ilium miserabilem, sed ecclesiasticam
veritateni esse damnatam.” The true course would have
been to subject his declarations of opinion to a thorough in-
vestigation. If indeed Gotteschalcus had reviled the bishops,
this was an insolence which should be punished; though it
were better that this should proceed from any than the bish-
ops themselves. And he urged it as a duty, to mitigate
the punishment which the poor monk had for many y'ears en-
dured in prison, in order to win by kindness the brother for
whom Christ died, rather than to abandon him to be ‘ swal-
lowed up of overmuch sorrow7.’
In regard to two questions, first, whether the expression
that God wills the salvation of all men, is to be taken with-
out limitation, or with such restriction as is demanded by the
doctrine of predestination; and, secondly, whether Christ|d ied
for all men, or only for the elect; — Remigius avowed his at-
tachment to the particularistic tenet, but claimed, as Servatus
Lupus had done before him, that in regard to this each party
should enjoy freedom of judgment, as the church had not
pronounced definitively upon these points, and as there was
a diversity of opinion among the fathers.
When Hinkmar perceived the array of his opponents to
be increasing, he resolved to avail himself of ecclesiastical
authority, and procured a second council to be held at Chier-
sy, in which four propositions w7ere established against Got-
teschalcus. These proceeded upon the principles of Augus-
VOL. XII. no. 2. 31
242
Predestinarian Controversy
[April
tine. Liberty of will, sufficient for continuance in original
righteousness, was ascribed to Adam. By the abuse of this
liberty, he fell, and thereby the whole human race became a
massa perditionis. Out of this mass, God, according to his
foreknowledge, elected those whom through his grace he
foreordained to eternal life, and to whom eternal life was
foreordained:* as to those on the contrary, whom by his righte-
ous decree he left in the mass of corruption, while he foreknew
their perdition, he did in no way predestinate them to it.
Nevertheless, in his justice he foreordained eternal punish
ment to such. In this way, divine predestination is made
one, referring itself either to the gift of grace, or the reward
of righteousness — and this phraseology, says Neander, is in
a two-fold manner opposed to the doctrine of the duplex
praedestinatio. A second important difference consists in
the principles, that God wills the salvation of all men, and
that Christ died for all men; declarations which receive their
limitation, as our author observes, from their connexion with
the former position, and which, in the system of Hinkmar,
as in that of Rabanus Maurus, are to be understood only with
this limitation.
In opposition to these determinations, the second council
at Valence, in the year 855, agreed upon six capitula- They
established the two-fold predestination, in the sense above ex-
plained, but at the same time declared in the most express
terms, that human sin is founded only in the will of the first
man and his posterity, and is an object of divine prescience
only • “ Nec ipsas malas ideo perire, quia boni esse non potu-
erunt, sed quia boni esse noluerunt, suoque vitio in massa
damnationis vel merito originali vel etiam actuali permanse-
runt.’> This council further condemned the doctrine that
Christ died for the unbelieving. Yet such was their regard
for the objective efficacy of sacraments, that in the fifth can-
on, this determination is appended : “ That the whole body of
believers, who are born of water and of the Holy Ghost, and
who are thereby truly embosomed in the church, according
to the teaching of the apostle, are baptized into the death of
Christ, and hence are cleansed from their sins by his blood;
for their regeneration would not be true, unless their redemp-
tion were also true- It is necessary to hold this, unless
* Aus dieser Masse habe der gute und gerechte Gott nach seiner Praescienz
Diejenigen erwahlt, welche er durch die Gnade zum ewigen Leben, und de-
nen er das ewige Leben vorherbestimmt.
1840.]
In the Ninth Century.
243
we would distrust the reality of the sacrament Yet out of
the mass of the believers and redeemed persons, some attain
to eternal happiness, because by the grace of God they faith-
fully persevere in their redeemed state, while others by no
means attain to the enjoyment of eternal happiness, because
they do not choose to persevere in the saving condition of
faith which they received at the beginning, but have again
made void the grace of redemption by bad doctrine or a bad
life.”
In regard to grace, it was determined, that without it no
rational creature could possibly maintain a life of true hap-
piness. Hence the necessity of grace was deduced, not from
the entrance of sin, but from the natural and necessary rela-
tions of the creature to the Creator. The errors of Scotus
likewise were condemned as frivolous and absurd-* A coun-
cil was proposed to be held at Savonniferes (apud Saponiarias)
near Toul, for the purpose of meeting upon some common
ground, but the plan was never carried into effect. “There
was now,” says Neander, “ no difference between the parties
as to the substantial articles of belief ; so that if another
and deeper cause had not prevented, they must have been
brought to a settlement by a comparison of ideas; for both
parties agreed in setting out with the Augustinian princi-
ples, and their necessary consequences. But as each party
clung to its own formulas as the only correct ones, and
would on no account depart from these, any mutual under-
standing, by means of an analysis of the ideas in debate, was
impossible. Again, each party had its own interest in adher-
ing to its favourite terms: the one being concerned for dog-
matic consistency in the system of absolute predestination,
and the other being no less zealous for universal grace (den
christlichen Universalismus) in regard to the doctrine of di-
vine love and redemption; doctrines which in truth could
be held only in name in connexion with these views, since
they are opposed by the system of predestination from first
to last.” The want of scientific method and logical clear-
ness, and the plan of disputing more by the aid of sentences
from the fathers than by solid arguments, conspired to pro-
long a controversy of phrases, without any real comparison
of views upon the merits of the subject. The last event
worth mentioning in this train of disputations was the publi-
cation of a book by Hinkmar, in defence of the four capitula
Ineptas quacstiunculas et aniles paene fabulas Scotorumque pultes.
244
Education in Europe.
[April
of Chiersy. As the defects just mentioned existed, to no
common degree, in the mind of this prelate, in union
with a verbosity which was peculiar to him, he was emi-
nently successful in writing much upon the questions in de-
bate, without approaching to any resolution of the discordant
formulas into corresponding conceptions; and, as might have
been expected, this diversity was propagated in the follow-
ing centuries.
s~7 —
Art. IV. — Report on Education in Europe , to the Trus-
tees of the Girard College for Orphans. By Alexander
Dallas Bache, LL.D. President of the College. Philadel-
phia. 1839. pp. 666.
Whether the great bequest of Mr. Girard, for the endow-
ment of a College for orphan boys, shall prove to be a bless-
ing or the contrary, is a question of much doubt with those
who understand the will as discouraging the practical religious
instruction of the beneficiaries of the institution. However
this may be (and it would be permature to discuss the ques-
tion before we know what interpretation the trustees of the
legacy have adopted,) this report of President Bache convin-
ces us that the organization and progress of the college will
be of no small importance to the general interests of education.
This document furnishes abundant proof that the critical task
of laying the foundation of a system of instruction and disci-
pline, by which thousands of youth are to be in constant train-
ing, has been committed to a sagacious, comprehensive, judi-
cious and practical mind- The station which the president
holds, with such qualifications, must give great authority and
influence to his views, and every thing in the circumstances
under which he enters upon his office, is favourable to a suc-
cessful debut for himself and the school. A fund of millions,
years of preparation and experiment, and the opportunity of
profiting through actual observation by all the experience and
knowledge of Europe — are advantages which no literary es-
tablishment with us has heretofore enjoyed to such an extent.
Our schools of every grade and name, and most of our col-
leges, have been formed and conducted on the great American
principle of accomplishing in the speediest and cheapest me-
1840.]
Education in Europe .
245
thod, a certain nominal result. Our boys must learn Greek
and Latin, mathematics and natural philosophy, and have a
diploma to certify their erudition. But vve cannot afford
much time for these rudiments. At twenty-one the lads
must be ready for the bar, or to enter into copartnership with
their fathers, or be otherwise ‘ doing for themselves.’ Half
a dozen years at the grammar shool, and three or four at col-
lege are as much as can be spared for study, even with a
learned profession in view. To meet these demands the
course must be superficial and hurried; the duties of a teach-
er or professor become little more than mechanical operations,
scarcely furnishing the necessary stimulus to self-improve-
ment, or exciting an honourable ambition, and the whole pro-
cess of learning and teaching suffers degradation. It is high
time that we were doing better. We ought now to be aiming at
a more thorough scholarship at least for those who are desti-
ned to the liberal professions, and this is to be effected only
by a reform in the whole series of departments through
which the pupil has to pass. We naturally look to Europe
for our excitement, if not for our models, in such an improve-
ment; to their seats of learning, whose date is lost in antiquity;
to their literature moulded from the good old ore; to their men
under the shade of whose names so many ages have been
proud to lie. It is for its contribution to this object that we
chiefly value Dr. Bache’s tour in Europe, and though this
report of his observations is not regularly published, we trust
that the impressions of it will be so multiplied and diffused,
that every part of our country will have the benefit of its
communications. How wide is the scope of the contempla-
ted college, and consequently how extensively its plans may
be studied in their application to other institutions of educa-
tion, may be judged of by the closing paragraph of the re-
port.
“According to the will of Mr. Girard, orphan boys are
to be educated in his College from the age of six years to
fourteen, sixteen, and even eighteen years of age. The ma-
terials of their instruction must be ‘ things rather than words.’
and the degree is to be such ; as the capacities of the several
scholars may merit or warrant.’ The first provision, from
the early age of admission which it enjoins, enables us to
train as well as to instruct; the second indicates that the ten-
dency of our training should be towards practical life. The
age of our pupils embraces the period from elementary to su
perior instruction, and we are expressly called upon to devel-
246
Education in Europe.
[April
ope talent. Our college must, therefore, combine the prima-
ry, secondary, and special schools. The means furnished by
our munificent benefactor to execute his intentions are vast,
and if the benefits thence accruing are not in proportion, the
responsibility must rest with those to whom they have been
entrusted. The trustees of the college have appealed to the
experience of Europe to furnish data necessarily wanting in
a new country, and it remains for them to apply the experi-
mental deductions thus obtained from the old world with the
vigour characteristic of the new. If their spirit be propor-
tionate to the work to be accomplished, there can be little
doubt of the result. Our founder has furnished them the
means of establishing a series of model schools, for moral, in-
tellectual, and physical education, embracing the period of
life from early youth almost to manhood, the importance of
which to our city, and even to the country at large, can hard-
ly be estimated,”
Dr. Bache was appointed to the head of the college in an-
ticipation of the period at which it could be opened for pu-
pils, in order that he might have leisure to prepare a system
of government and instruction to meet the various and pecu-
liar requisitions of the founder. To assist him in this ser-
vice, he was authorized, without restriction of time, to visit
all the establishments of Europe which were likely to fur-
nish any suggestions towards the plan, and to purchase such
books, models, drawings, and philosophical instruments, as
might be immediately required for the use of the trustees or
the college. Two years were passed on this mission, in
which time Dr. Bache visited two hundred and seventy-
eight schools in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Swit-
zerland, Holland, Belgium, Italy, and the principal States
and free towns of Germany. Particular descriptions are
given only of such of these as are distinctive in their design
or system, and they are classified as follows: — Part I. Insti-
tutions for the education of orphans and other destitute chil-
dren. Part II. Institutions for education in general. The
first part includes an account of the institutions in Great
Britain, Germany, and Holland, for the gratuitous education
and care of poor children. The second and larger division
comprises the fulfilment of the following programme in the
introduction:
“After brief notices of certain infant schools, elementary
instruction is considered under two heads: the first, embrac-
ing the schools for general purposes; the second, those in-
1840.]
Education in Europe.
247
tended for special training, as for the education of a rural or
industrious population, and of teachers for the elementary
schools. Under the former head will be given a notice of
the provisions for elementary instruction in Great Britain;
a notice of the primary public instruction in France; a more
particular description of the primary system of Holland, and
of some schools which illustrate its application; a history
and general sketch of the Prussian system, with detailed de-
scriptions and notices of several prominent schools; a notice
of the system of primary instruction in Saxony, and of some
of the schools, and an account of the method applied in the
schools of Bayreuth, in Bavaria. The second division of
primary instruction will comprehend descriptions of certain
rural schools of Switzerland and Great Britain, an industrial
primary school of France, and of some of the schools for
primary teachers in Prussia, France, Holland, and Switzer-
land.
“ Passing to the head of secondary instruction, the report
will include descriptions and notices of schools in Great Bri-
tain, France, Prussia, and Saxony; each chapter being de-
voted to a separate'country, and preceded by general intro-
ductory remarks. I have ventured to propose a subdivision
of this head, which appears to me borne out by reason, and
by the present state of facts in regard to education; the ar-
gument in reference to it will be found among the matter
introductory to that division of the report.
“ Under the division of superior instruction will be given
descriptions of some special schools for the arts, manufac-
tures, and commerce of France, Prussia, and Austria, and the
higher agricultural school of Wirtemburgh, besides brief no-
tices of a few other similar institutions.”
The subdivision of the head of secondary instruction re-
ferred to in this extract is: “First, secondary instruction
as preparatory to the professions usually designated as learn-
ed; second, as preparing for the higher practical occupations
which are rising rapidly with, or have taken their place in
the same rank with the professions.”
Dr. Bache found that the elementary schools of Great
Britain are in general inferior to those of the continent, and
that a greater advance in this department of education has
been made in Holland and Prussia, in practice as well as
theory, than in any other countries of Europe.
“The system of primary instruction in Holland is parti-
cularly interesting to an American, from its organization in
248
Education in Europe.
[Apbil
an ascending series; beginning with the local school autho-
rities, and terminating, after progressive degrees of repre-
sentation, as it were, in the highest authority; instead of
emanating, as in the centralized systems, from that authority.
A fair trial has been given to a system of inspection which
is almost entirely applicable to our country, and which has
succeeded with them. They have tried an important expe-
riment, in communicating religious without sectarian instruc-
tion; another, which has resulted in demonstrating the ne-
cessity of special schools for teachers; and another, entirely
unfavourable to the system of mutual instruction.”
We hope this assurance of the practicability of a course
of religious instruction, without sectarism, will meet with
credence from those extreme parties in our country who
hold, on the one hand, that the Bible had better not be taught
at all than with the least reservation of mooted points, and
on the other hand, that it cannot be used in schools without
the spirit of proselytism. But how is this accomplished in
Holland, and what are the results? The Report states:
“ There is unbounded toleration of religious creed in Hol-
land, and while the necessity of religious instruction in the
schools has been strongly felt, it has been made to stop short
of the point at which, becoming doctrinal, the subjects taught
could interfere with the views of any sect. Bible stories
are made the means of moral and religious teaching in the
school, and the doctrinal instruction is given by the pastors
of the different churches on days appointed for the purpose,
and usually not in the school-room.”
And, on another page:
“The results of the moral and religious instruction com-
municated in and out of school, are fully shown in the cha-
racter of the people of Holland; and these must be deemed
satisfactory. Sectarian instruction is carefully kept out of
the schools, while the historical parts of the Bible, and its
moral lessons are fully dwelt upon. There are various col-
lections of Bible stories for this purpose, which are com-
mented on by the teacher, and all the incidental instruction,
so important in a school, has the same tendency. Doctrinal
instruction is given, according to an arrangement made with
the churches of the various denominations when the school
law was promulgated; this instruction is imparted out of the
school, on the half-holidays and Sundays. Sometimes, when,
as at the Hague, the pupils nearly all belong to one commu-
nion, a catechist attends at the school; but even then, only
249
1840,] Education in Europe.
those children whose parents wish it are present at the ex-
ercises.”
But why do we continue to theorize on this point, in its
relation to the public schools established by our laws, when
our experience, older than the existence of the republic,
shows us that the use of religious instruction is feasible,
without injustice or partiality? We refer to the history of
our colleges, and of a multitude of academies, in which the
practice of daily prayer, and of the reading and study of the
scriptures, has been coeval with their establishment. And
who has found them nurseries of sectarism? Who has dis-
covered that religious impressions cannot be made on the
mind of a youth without their assuming the stamp of a spe-
cial formulary? Our colleges have not been without the
blessings of revivals of religion, their officers and chaplains
have been members of particular denominations, but has it
ever been the subject of charge or suspicion that those deno-
minations have secured or designed the proselytism of the
converts?
It may be alleged with truth that the experience of such
countries as Holland and Prussia is not so complete as is ne-
cessary to establish the theory, inasmuch as in the former the
Protestant church does not exist in so many branches as it
does in the United States, and in Prussia the only ecclesias-
tical division is into the Evangelical and the Roman Catholic
bodies. But no one will be staggered by this exception, who
will examine the points upon which the vast majority of
Christians in our country are united, and compare them in
vital importance with the points on which they dissent, And
if our democratic principle is to have its legitimate influence
in this, as in all other matters of legislation, we see not, un-
less we discard the Bible by acts of Assembly, but that
the views of the majority must establish religious instruc-
tion in the public schools to the extent of their unanimity.
We are speaking exclusively of the legal toleration that may
be demanded for the practical use of the scriptures in the pub-
lic schools of our States; how closely evangelical churches
can unite in diffusing the fundamental doctrines and precepts
of the Bible, has been triumphantly manifested in the publi-
cations of the American Sunday School Union, and of the
American Tract Society, or we might as well also say, in the
works of Baxter, Bunyan, Doddridge, Richmond and a host
of others of all the sections of the Christian family, whose
productions are believed and loved by all.
vol. xii. no. 2. 32
250
Education in Europe.
[April
We have looked to Dr. Bache’s Report with special inter-
est to learn what returns it would furnish to that item of his
instructions which directed him to inquire, as to “ the pre-
cise extent to which moral and religious instruction is pur-
posed to be given, and is actually given, and also by whom
and in what form that instruction is conveyed.” His an-
swers on this point are incorporated with the details of each
school, and are partly contained in the tables of their studies,
and text-books which he furnishes. From our examination
of them in this dispersed form, we gather many interesting
particulars. In the large charity-schools of England, the bi-
ble is taught in common with the formularies of the national
church, or we should more correctly say, (if we do not mis-
understand the report), the doctrines of that church are the
subjects of stated instruction, and the reading of the bible is
appended. One of the excellent characteristics of Dr. Bache’s
volume is his scrupulous adherence to the purpose of making
it a descriptive, and not a critical or argumentative perform-
ance. And we have greatly admired the modest and unpre-
tending form in which he presents the results of his investi-
gation, so different from the course taken by the superficial
and self-important. We irresistibly attach value to the casu-
al opinions and deductions of such an observer, and have
therefore attributed great weight to the remarks which are
dropped in reference to the results of this inverted method
of teaching religion. In the description of the Liverpool
Blue-Coat school, where three hundred and fifty children are
taught and maintained, the Report speaks thus:
One of the things which struck me most on my first visit
to this school, was the extensive acquaintance with doctrinal
religion which the boys of the eldest class manifested. My
surprise was removed, however, on learning the method by
which this result was obtained, and which consisted in devo-
ting the morning hours of winter, and at other seasons when
the weather did not invite to a walk, between rising and
breakfast, to learning commentaries on the doctrines of the
church of England, commencing in the fourth class with the
catechism of the church of England,* the collects, prayers,
&c ; continuing in the third class with the explanation of the
catechism; in the second, with committing to memory the
* “ There is no qualification as to the religious sect to which the parent or pu-
pil belongs, in regard to admission ; but he is required to conform, when admit-
ted, to the forms of the church of England.”
1840.]
Education in Europe.
251
chief doctrines of the church; in the first, with committingthe
references hy which the doctrines are surpported. I felt
bound to examine faithfully the question whether this was a
mere intellectual effort, or whether the Christian truths thus
inculcated, made an impression upon the hearts of these chil-
dren; and I regret to state that I was forced to the conclusion
that, in the greater number of cases, the heart waslittle affected
by what the tongue repeated, and the intellect assented to,
and this conclusion was in accordance with the result of my
inquiries. It is true that the seed thus planted may lie hid
to germinate in after life, and this, no doubt, sometimes oc-
curs; but, as a general rule, the measure is found to be un-
productive as far as its immediate effects have been obser-
ved.”
So must it ever be where ecclesiastical conformity is put
on the same level with loyalty, and where the church and the
throne are combined as joint and equal claimants of the ho-
mage of every subject. It is not to be wondered at that in
the public schools of such a government, the privilege of read-
ing the liturgy in public worship is one of the prizes of good
behaviour; as in the Rugby grammar-school, according to the
report, “ the attendance of the elder pupils on the commun-
ion, is not made a matter of rule, but in general the sixth
form, and many of the fifth, are communicants of the church.
The younger pupils are not encouraged to come forward.”
In the great grammar-schools, however, both of Rugby and
Harrow, it should be remarked that the Scriptures constitute
a regular portion of the studies of each class; in the former,
(according to the syllabus in the report), the several books
of the Bible in course, and at Harrow the same, combined with
such works as Doddridge and Paley on the Evidences, New-
ton on the Prophecies, Watts’s Scripture History, with the
Church Catechism and the thirty-nine Articles.
We believe we are influenced by no prejudice in drawing
from the report a far more favourable estimate of the system
of religious training in the principal schools of Scotland. In
Edinburgh there are seven institutions of charity, or educa-
tion-hospitals as most of them are called, and both in that
city and in Glasgow, there are many schools of the highest
reputation, extending in their series from the infant-school to
the High-School, and University. Some of the general state-
ments of the report respecting the legal provision for ele-
mentary education may be acceptably quoted.
252
Education in Europe .
[April
“The system of parochial schools in Scotland was establish-
ed a century and a half ago, by an act of the Scottish Parlia-
ment. This act provided for the existence of a school in each
parish, for the manner of election of the schoolmaster, and for
his compensation, no mention being made of the branches re-
quired to be taught. The masters have been, in general, se-
lected either from among candidates for the ecclesiastical pro-
fession, or such persons as could not pursue the requisite stu-
dies far enough to reach the ministry, and from persons of
the humble classes who were physically incompetent for
trades, and endeavoured to secure the patronage and instruc-
tion necessary to obtain places as teachers.
“ The General Assembly of the church of Scotland has the
right of inspecting these schools, but not that of displacing
their teachers, and hence the system is wanting in the means
of improvement. It has, in fact, not kept pace with the gene-
ral progress of the country, the schools being deficient both
in number and quality. To remedy this, efforts have been
made by the General Assembly and by benevolent individu-
als, by the erection of new schools, and of model schools, by
endeavouring to improve the condition of the teachers, and
by furnishing those who aspire to this profession the means
of proper training in their art. The sessional school* of
Edinburgh has opened its doors to persons wishing to pro-
cure practical knowledge in teaching, and more lately the
Normal Seminary of Glasgow for training Teachers has been
established and taken under the patronage of the Education
Committee of the General Assembly.!
“ The instruction in the parochial schools is generally con-
fined to reading, writing, and cyphering. Occasionally, in
the higher schools, a little Latin is taught. The Bible and
Catechism frequently constitute the text-books for reading.
In some schools there are spelling-books, with selections
of stories for children. The former collection of reading-
lessons was absurd in the extreme as a book for children, con-
* “ Schools under the charge of the ministers and elders, or church-session of
a parish, are so called.”
! “ The petition of the Education Committee of the General Assembly of the
Scottish Church to Parliament for aid, states, that in the Highlands alone there
were, in 1833, eighty-three thousand three hundred and ninety-seven persons
above six years of age who could neithei read nor write, and twenty-eight thou-
sand between six and twenty years of age in this predicament. One-sixth of
the population was thus without instruction, and means were wanting to provide
them with schools.”
Education in Europe .
253
[1840.
sisting of extracts for the most part above their comprehen-
sion; it has been, however, more recently replaced by a judi-
cious selection. Most of the children who go to these schools
are between the ages of six and twelve.
“Besides the parochial schools, there are, especially in
the large towns, endowed schools, the state of instruction in
which, at any given time, depends much upon the trustees in-
to whose hands the endowment has fallen. The subscription
and private schools have, in general, not been in advance of
the others, and in many of the Highland schools, neither wri-
ting nor arithmetic are taught.
“ It seems to be generally conceded that a great change is
necessary in the character of popular instruction, but the na-
ture of the change is the subject of much keen controversy, in
regard to which I should be going out of my way to speak.”
The author gives a statement of his impressions of the be-
neficial results of the course pursued in one of the large in-
stitutions at Edinburgh, which we trust might be applied to
most of the schools under similar training. In the notice of
Heriot’s Hospital, he says:
“ The positive religious instruction is given by the study
of the Bible, the evidences of Christianity, and the catechism
of the Church of Scotland. Family worship also is held
morning and evening. On Sunday, in addition, the pupils
are occupied one hour in the morning in the study of the
church catechism, or of a Bible lesson or hymn, which they
recite in the evening, and they attend church twice dur-
ing the day. Besides this, the discipline of the school, re-
pressing what is amiss, and encouraging virtue, acts of course
powerfully; the example of the elder boys, and the good
order which prevails, tend to produce regular habits- The
results of this combined moral education are to be found in
the records of the character of the pupils, when they are no
longer under the fostering care of the institution; and the
answers to the queries before referred to, in regard to the
conduct of the young men, given by the masters to whom
they are apprenticed, and by those with whom they lodge,
exhibit these results in a highly satisfactory point of view.
Of forty-seven sets of answers, forty were entirely to the
credit of the young men, on the part of the masters, and
forty-six on the part of the persons with whom they lodged.
Of the seven falling under censure, three had not made satis-
factory progress in their business; two were, in addition, ab-
sent sometimes; one was complained of as not doing his er-
254 Education in Europe. [April
rands punctually, and only one was of the class considered
decidedly vicious-”
We think our own church ought before this day to have
imitated the example of our Scottish parent, in providing for
the gratuitous education of the children of our poor members.
The excellent sessional school of Edinburgh, to which Dr.
Bache attributes the greatest efficiency in improving the
condition of elementary instruction in Scotland, was formed
by the sessions of the churches in that city, in consequence
of the evidence furnished by the applicants for admission to
the Sunday-schools, of their miserable deficiency in common
knowledge- Wishing to confine the Sunday-school instruc-
tion to Biblical knowledge, the sessions established a day-
school, “in which a certain number of pupils sent by the
different sessions, were instructed gratuitously, and a still
larger number from the quarter of the town where the school
was placed, at merely a nominal fee.” Sheriff Wood, having
made some valuable improvements in Dr- Bell’s methods of
teaching, introduced them with great success into this school,
and made it famous for its discipline, and the intellectual
advancement of its scholars. We know of no duty more
imperative than that of giving every means of religious in-
struction to the children of the church, nor of any right more
clear than that of communicating the whole of what we be-
lieve to be scriptural truth, in the course of every-day instruc-
tion. It seems to be an evident duty of our churches not only to
provide alms for the support of their poor members, but to fur-
nish the children the means of a good education, gratuitous if
necessary, cheap (to them) at least. The churches of our cities
by combining for this purpose, could give the means of edu-
cation to all the families who need such aid, and retain within
the influence and voice of the church many youth who now
feel but a feeble bond of connexion with it- Such a provi-
sion seems to be especially called for in those districts of our
country where the children, who are obliged to resort to the
public schools for education, are excluded by law from the
hearing of prayer, the singing of hymns, and scriptural ex-
hortation.
So little encouragement is given to us to hope much for
Ireland under its present political, civil, and religious en-
thralment, that we are glad to find such a gleam as the fol-
lowing page of the Report reveals:
“ The society for the promotion of the education of the
poor in Ireland, established in 181 1, has been of essential
1840.]
Education in Europe.
255
service in that country. At first, they acted as a private
body, but subsequently received a grant of money from the
British parliament. They have a model school in Dublin,
and during the continuance of the government grant, edu-
cated a considerable number of teachers, published many
cheap school-books, and works for lending-libraries. With
them also originated, in its application to Ireland, the admi-
rable system of regular school inspectors. This grant was
withdrawn in 1831, which has reduced very essentially the
scale of their operations.
“The board of national education for Ireland was ap-
pointed in 1831, and is intended as the head of a government
system of elementary instruction for the population of the
whole island. This board has not only greatly increased the
number of elementary schools, and supplied new text-books,
but has established, on a considerable scale, a seminary where
the future teacher is first instructed in the elementary
branches in which he may be deficient, and then is furnished
with the principles of education, and an opportunity to re-
duce them to practice, under superintendence, in model
schools. At the time of my visit to Dublin, these schools
were in the course of organization in a new building, erected
specially for them. The appointment of school inspectors,
a practice followed up by this board, is no doubt one of its
most important measures, affording as it does, in connexion
with the control of pecuniary supplies, the means of contin-
ual improvement in the individual schools.”
This country, however, furnished only one institution for
particular description — an agricultural school, near London-
derry— and we refer to this for the purpose of introducing
a marginal note, in which Dr. Bache says:
“ I am indebted for a most favourable introduction to
this school to Sir R. Ferguson, of Derry, one of its most
active managers, and had the good fortune to meet there
Captain Kennedy, of Lough Ash, the manager of a large es-
tate, in a wild district, where he is pursuing plans for the
elevation of the peasantry, which must produce the happiest
results. The improvement of his tenants is in an increasing
ratio with the time of their residence on his estate. His
school, saving fund, and bazaar, where articles of use are sold
at cost; his arrangements for leases, loans, agricultural in-
struction, and moral and religious culture, are all admirably-
conceived, and executed with a zeal beyond my praise. I
do not know that I have been ever more impressed with a
256 Education in Europe. [April
sense of philanthropic exertion, than by a visit to Lough
Ash.”
In Holland, Germany, and Prussia, we find religion pro-
minent in the tables of studies. The Bible, and Luther’s
Catechism, are the text books in the Protestant schools.
Great use is made of the sacred narratives, biographical and
historical, conveying moral lessons. The geography, anti-
quities, and natural history of the sacred text, are used for
illustration and excitement in the study. Church history,
also, is a usual topic of examination.
Dr. Bache is no friend of the mechanical mode of teaching,
and he was particularly pleased with the methods pursued
in the primary schools of Holland, in which the understand-
ing is developed as well as the mind filled. From his sketch
of a school at the Hague, we must take a few paragraphs, as
furnishing a specimen of what Dutch children are taught
from the age of six to twelve or fourteen:
“ This school, I should remark, though ranking with the
best of those which I saw in Holland, is not distinguished
above several others of its class, and in its intellectual cha-
racter seemed to me decidedly below many of the interme-
diate schools where the pupils are less numerous. It is,
therefore, no exaggerated statement of what is obtained be-
tween the ages of six and twelve and fourteen. The subjects
of instruction, including intellectual and moral, are: Exer-
cise of the perceptive and reflective faculties. Learning to
read according to Prinsen’s method, including the spelling
of words and the analysis of words and simple sentences.
The composition of simple sentences, with printed letters.
A knowledge of the different kinds of printed and written
letters. Writing from dictation, for orthography. Correct
reading of prose and poetry. Grammar of the Dutch lan-
guage. Geography of Holland. History of Holland, in-
cluding its chronology. Writing, beginning and ending
with writing on the black-board. Linear drawing. Arith-
metic by induction. Mental and written arithmetic, with a
knowledge of the Roman numerals. Practical arithmetic,
to decimal fractions inclusive. The theory of numbers.
Moral and religious instruction. Vocal music.
“ As natural history does not appear either in this pro-
gramme or in others of primary schools, I was at the pains
to ascertain if any thing was taught in relation to a branch
so eminently calculated to promote early religious impres-
sions, and found that incidentally information was given on
1840.] Education in Europe. 257
the habits of animals, and some of the phenomena of the
physical world.
“ The exercises of perception and reflection in frequent
use, are those recommended by Ewald, and consist of a se-
lection from various authors, as well as of many subjects on
which the teacher is expected to be informed. The instruc-
tion is given orally, according to the following outline: The
child is taught to observe and to speak correctly, by refer-
ring to objects which are about him. Knowledge of colours.
Of some varieties of form, as round, square, &c. Naming of
words of similar and contrary significations. Meaning of
verbs in common use. Numerating by cubes. Knowledge
of coins of the country, and their relative values. Division
of time. To tell the time by a watch. To distinguish the
true from the false. Questions on nature and art. Qualities
of resemblance and distinction. Compound expressions, as
* good day,’ ‘ besides/ &c. Witty sayings. Points of the
compass. Lessons on weights and measures. On different
metals. Articles of furniture in common use. Different
daily occupations. The four ages of man. Different ranks
of society. Proverbs and phrases. Riddles and charades.
Fables. Honourable and dubious actions. Explanations of
words.”
Much more attention than with us, but not more than is
due, is given to natural history, singing, and drawing, in
the continental institutions, but without neglecting the claims
of ancient and modern languages, geography, and the usual
branches of a full elementary course. It is impossible for us
to mention all the peculiarities which distinguish the differ-
ent countries in these respects, but the work before us is full
of details, which must convince every American reader that
there is much that can be introduced into our prevailing sys-
tems that is far above the visionar}' and empirical level of
the noisy pseudo-reformers who sometimes figure among us,
as “ professors of common school education!”
The attention of Dr. Bache was of course strongly at-
tracted by every thing connected with the practical opera-
tion of the famous education laws of Prussia. His impres-
sions, particularly in regard to the primary schools, were
very favourable, but we cannot enter upon this field. There
is a statement, however, in reference to the honour of esta-
blishing the present system which is curious, and deserves
to be circulated in this country, where it is commonly sup-
vol. xn. no. 2. 35
258 Education in Europe. [April
posed that education has become a subject of interest in Prus-
sia only within a few years.
“ It is a very general impression, that the present primary
school system of Prussia is of comparatively recent date, or
that it has been, within twenty years, recast and moulded into
its present form. The fact however is, that it is a system
composed of fragments of very different dates, beginning in
the Mark of Brandenburg, before the kingdom of Prussia ex-
isted, and variously modified from that time to the present.
It is one of the peculiar merits of the system, that its provi-
sions have, for the most part, been tried on a small scale be-
fore they have been applied to ihe whole country, and that
when a provision has, on trial, proved ill devised, it has been
promptly modified or annulled. Prussia seems, for a series
of years, to have possessed patriotic and enlightened citizens,
who devoted themselves to the cause of public instruction,
and monarchs who have duly estimated and encouraged their
exertions in this cause.”
The contrary supposition, Dr. Bache refers to the authority
attached to the assertion of M. Cousin, of France, in his ce-
lebrated report on the Prussian system, in which a “ legisla-
tive project of 1819” is constantly quoted as the foun-
dation of the system. We understand Dr Bache, in a note
to the above paragraph, to deny that there is any such
law, or any regulations on the subject, excepting such
ordinances as have been enacted from time to time, accord-
ing to exigencies, since the electorate of Joachim II. in
1540.
The Report has an interesting chapter on schools of agri-
culture and industry, and another on seminaries for the edu-
cation of teachers for the primary schools. But we have
already been detained too long by the portions of the report
which relate to the primary period of education. Under the
head of the institutions for secondary instruction, are
classed the academies, and grammar schools, (including
those of Eton, Winchester, &c.), in England; the col-
leges; royal and communal institutions and pensions (board-
ing schools) of France; and the gymnasia of Switzerland
and the German States. In these, the pupils are prepared for
the universities, and they are various in their systems of dis-
cipline, mode of teaching, and the relative proportion of dif-
ferent studies. In England, Dr. Bache, though furnished
1840.]
Education in Europe.
259
vvitli the fullest account of these particulars, found that the
law of custom debarred him from the advantage of a personal
inspection of the system in actual operation, and of putting
its results to a test. The head master of Rugby assured him
“ that he had never heard of such a thing as the presence of
a visitor during the recitation of an English grammar-school.”
One item of the description of Rugby will be a novelty to
some of our readers — the custom known by the term of “ fag-
ging” at other English schools:
“ The most striking peculiarity of the discipline of the in-
stitution, is to be found out of school hours, when the main
body of the pupils are freed from the direct control of the
masters. The whole of the pupils residing in one house are
then under the charge of the boys of the sixth form, or high-
est class, living with them, and are subject to their control dur-
ing both play and study hours. These members of the sixth
form, called at Rugby preposters (praepositi viri), are re-
quired to regulate the rising, attendance on prayers, meals,
and recitations of those under them; to preserve order, and
to prevent absence or visiting during study hours; to aid the
younger members in their studies, and to afford them good
counsel and example. To enable the preposters to preserve
their authority, they are invested with the right to punish,
by setting tasks, by confining to the study room, and other-
wise cutting off privileges. Besides this, they assume the
right to chastise corporally, and have, by usage, many privi-
leges not conferred by the regulations of the school, and
which give them great power over the comfort and welfare
of the junior pupils.”*
An extract from the report, in which the author contrasts
the two systems of Rugby and Harrow, discloses his views
of the expediency of confining the studies of youth to classi-
cal literature, to the neglect of more practical and modern
science:
“ If no literature existed beyond that of Greece and Rome;
if no discoveries in mathematics or physics, in art or nature;
if no nations had, by the advance of civilization, come into
* “ Among these usurped rights, the consequence of the law of the strongest,
are the sending of their juniors upon errands, and imposing certain disagreeable
duties upon them in their games. One of these latter, of which there are many,
was found so injurious, that it was stopped by authority: it was obliging the
lesser boys to leap the line at leap-frog, instead of tho preposter. I mention it
to show the character which this tyranny assumes. ”
260
Education in Europe.
[April
greater relative importance than in the days of Rome’s pros-
perity, the course of Harrow might be well adapted to train up
British youths of the provinces in the learning of the capi-
tal. As it is, the exclusion of all, or nearly all, that charac-
terizes modern civilization, brings discredit upon the system,
and the worst foes of the legitimate use of classical culture
are those who profess to be its best friends. The success
which the pupils of Rugby have had in the universities, the
standard by which all the public schools in England are
tried, proves conclusively that it has lost nothing on the
score of classical instruction by introducing some modern
improvements into its course. The success, in the same field,
of the Edinburgh Academy, which has also adopted, and ac-
tually gone further in these improvements, shows that an
efficient arrangement may carry out the modern courses,
without interrupting the progress of the ancient languages.
When we come to consider the gymnasia of Germany, we
shall have additional examples of the same kind, embracing
a still further extension of modern branches, without injury
to the classical departments. This grade of progress in
England, and even in Scotland, has yet been too recent to
afford the desired experience as to its results.”
As a specimen of some of these practical improvements,
which American schools might well consider, we quote a
paragraph from the description of Mr. Yoelcker’s establish-
ment, near Liverpool:
“The instruction, in regard to the articles of trade and
commerce, is accompanied by a kind of practical exercise in
the system of banking, in the different operations of trade,
in the mode of keeping books, &c., the members of the class
being converted into an imaginary community, carrying on
supposed operations of this kind under the direction of the
teacher. To conduct these exercises properly, requires con-
siderable skill, as well as knowledge, but I was much pleased
to see that sound instruction was actually communicated, and
the details of business, with their general theory, were thus
impressed in a way not easily to be forgotten.”
We make another extract for the same end, from the no-
tice of a school near London:
“ A course of private reading is marked out for the pu-
pils, which they are encouraged to follow. The time re-
quired for an attentive perusal of each work is estimated,
and a number of marks proportionate to this time may be
obtained, provided the pupil passes a satisfactory examina-
1840.]
Education in Europe.
261
tion upon its contents. These books are duly arranged in
the school library, to which the pupils have access under
certain regulations. The course consists of works calculated
‘ gradually to impart a strong taste for private reading — to lead
boy, by easy steps, from the familiar story-books of children
to the standard works of science and literature — to store the
mind of the pupil with the historical facts before exposing
him to the risk of false impressions from the mixture of his-
tory and fiction — to connect the study of biography with
that of the corresponding portions of history — and where
authorities disagree in their views of important events, to
place the works of the different authors as nearly as conven-
ient in juxtaposition.’ This arrangement has been attended
with the best effects.”
And for the sake of comparison with the examinations to
which we are accustomed, of candidates for matriculation at
college, we copy a passage that details the character and
subjects of examination employed in determining the fitness
of a pupil of a Prussian gymnasium to be transferred to the
university:
“ The subjects of the written examination are chosen by
the royal commissary present, from a list furnished by the
director of the gymnasium. These subjects must be such as
have never been treated specially in the class-room, but not
beyond the sphere of instruction of the pupils. All the can-
didates receive the same subjects for composition, which are
given out at the beginning of the examination. The candi-
dates are assembled in one of the halls of the gymnasium,
and remain there during the period allotted for their exer-
cises under the charge of one or other of the examining
teachers, who relieve each other. The only books allowed
them are dictionaries and mathematical tables. The writ-
ten exercises consist, first, in a German prose composition,
the object of which is to discern the degree of intellectual
developement, and the style of composition of the candidate.
Second: of a Latin extempore* and a Latin composition on
some’ subject which has been treated in the course, the spe-
cial reference in this exercise being to the correctness of the
style. Third: a translation from a Greek author, which has
not been read in the course, and from Latin into Greek.
Fourth: a translation from the German into the French.
* “ An exercise in which the master speaks in German to the'pupil, who must
render the German into Latin, in writing.”
262
Education in Europe.
[April
Fifth: the solution of two questions in geometry, and of two
in analysis, taken from the courses in those subjects. Can-
didates who desire it, may be examined further than is re-
quired for passing.
“ Those who intend to study theology or philology trans-
late a portion of one of the historical books of the Old Testa-
ment, or a psalm, into Latin, adding a grammatical analysis.
The time allowed for the several written exercises is as fol-
lows: for the German, five hours; Latin composition, five
hours; Latin extempore, one hour; Greek translation, three
hours; translation from Latin into Greek, two hours; French
composition, four hours; mathematical exercises, five hours;
Hebrew exercises, when required, two hours. Four days
are allowed for the examination in these subjects, and they
must not immediately follow each other. The viva voce
examination is conducted by the masters who have given in-
struction in the first class on the subjects of examination,
unless the royal commissary directs otherwise. The sub-
jects are, first, the general grammar and prosody of the Ger-
man language, the chief epochs of national history and lite-
rature, and the national classics. Second: the translation
and analysis of extracts from Cicero, Sallust, Livy, Virgil,
and Horace; the ability of the candidates to render the au-
thor with judgment and taste being put to the test, as well as
their grammatical and archaeological acquirements; parts of
the examination are conducted in the Latin language.
Third: the translation and analysis of Greek prose and of
portions of Homer, with questions upon Greek grammar,
Grecian history, arts, and mythology. Fourth: translations
from the French classics, during which an opportunity is
given to the pupil to show how far he can speak the lan-
guage. Fifth: questions upon the Christian doctrines, dog-
mas and morals, the principal epochs in the history of the
Christian church, and the Bible. Sixth: arithmetic, the ele-
ments of algebra and geometry, the binomial theorem, sim-
ple and quadratic equations, logarithms and plane trigono-
metry. Seventh: in history and geography, on ancient his-
tory, especially that of Greece and Rome, and modern his-
tory, especially that of the country, on physical, mathemati-
cal, and political geography. Eighth: in natural history, on
the general classification of its subjects. Ninth: in such
portions of physics as can be treated by elementary mathe-
matics, and on the laws of heat, light, magnetism, and elec-
tricity. Tenth: on the elements of moral philosophy, psy-
1840.]
Education in Europe.
263
chology, and logic. The future theological student must,
besides, translate and analyse a portion of one of the histori-
cal books of the Old Testament.”
In his chapter on the Prussian gymnasia, Dr. Bache quotes,
with entire coincidence of opinion, the following expressions
from the book of Cousin:
“There is no class in the Prussian gymnasium which has
not a course of religious instruction, as it has of classical or
of mathematical instruction. I have before said, and now
repeat, that worship, with its ceremonies, can never be suffi-
cient for young men who reflect, and who are imbued with
the spirit of the limes. A true religious instruction is indis-
pensable, and no subject is better adapted to a regular, full,
and varied instruction than Christianity, with a h istory which
goes back to the beginning of the world, and is connected
with all the great events in that of the human race, with its
dogmas, which breathe a sublime metaphysics, its morality,
which combines severity with indulgence, with its general
literary^ monuments, from Genesis to the universal history.”*
In this respect, all the institutions of France are in painful
contrast. In the programmes of many, the Bible or religious
books of any kind, have no place, and where religious in-
struction is at all provided for, the range of inquiry, and the
time allotted for it are exceedingly meager. Other points
of comparison between the British, French and German
institutions of the secondary period of education, are present-
ed in a very valuable series of remarks, in the twelfth chap-
ter of the second part of the Report, but we can only give
space to a few paragraphs:
“In regard to the methods of the British and Prussian
schools in general, the recitation upon a lesson which has
been studied from the text-book out of the school, used in
the former, tends to foster habits of self-reliance, while that
of mingling much oral instruction with the recitations used
in the latter, renders the instruction more interesting to the
pupils. When the latter method is employed, much less ar-
tificial stimulus from hope of reward or fear of punishment
is necessary, and, if I may be permitted to judge from the
examples which came under my notice in both countries,
there is, on the average, more exertion on the part of a class
in Prussia than in Great Britain. The prizes held out at
* Cousin. Memoire sur l’instruction secondaire dans le royaume de Prusse.
Paris, 1837, p. 143.
264
Education in Europe.
[April
the English grammar schools, in the way of scholarships at
the universities, to those who distinguish themselves espe-
cially, insure a great amount of exertion on the part of young
men of talent, whose subsequent success is appealed to as an
evidence of the soundness of the system of instruction, with
which it has little or nothing to do. The students find a
similar stimulus at the university; a scholarship may, if the
time be duly improved, lead to a fellowship, and thus to an
honourable provision for life. With such strong motives to
great individual exertion, a youth of talent might succeed in
educating himself even without aid, or were the school sys-
tem ever so bad.
“The manner in which the same materials of instruction
are combined in the programme of a French college and of
a German gymnasium is so different, that it appears like at-
tempting to compare things not homogeneous with each
other, to bring them together for such a purpose. A glance
at the arrangements of any one class in the two cases will
show better what I mean than any description of this pecu-
liarity. The German programme appears to have been care-
fully studied, the proportion of its parts to have been care-
fully elaborated, the arrangements as to the order of study
and time of study to have been carefully considered, and the
whole presents a better matured and more finished system
than that of the French college. It does net appear in the
recent annals of this kind of instruction in Prussia, to have
been doubtful whether letters and science shall be taught si-
multaneously or successively, or whether natural history
shall be taught in the beginning, middle, or end of the course.
The entire arrangement appears to me to be more compact
and better ordered.
“The government of the French colleges differs essen-
tially from that of the boarding-gymnasia of Prussia. The
question, whether it is advantageous to establish a boarding
system in the midst of the residences of the parents of pupils,
as in France, or to establish day-schools, as the Prussian
gymnasia, is one that depends much upon national manners.
My own convictions are, in the genera], in favour of the
Prussian system in this respect, and of encouraging the
means of strengthening domestic ties, by leaving youth un-
der parental control. The chief officer of the Prussian gym-
nasia, boarding as well as others, the director, or rector, is a
teacher as well as a governor, while the previsor of the
French college does not teach. The former arrangement
I
1840,] Education in Europe. 265
has the advantage of bringing the director into contact with
the pupils more closely; the latter allows a more thorough
superintendence of instruction, discipline, and police.”
One accomplishment is included in the Prussian system
which we must quote for curiosity’s sake: “ At Pforta, danc-
ing is taught as the means of giving an easy carriage, and
with gymnastics and swimming in their appropriate seasons,
as a means of health. So different are the ideas which pre-
vail in Germany from those which have the ascendency
among us, that in this institution, directed by a clergyman,
and under clerical authority in its minuter regulations, occa-
sional balls are given, in which the first class are allowed to
take a part ”
We trust that in the future publications which Dr. Bache
may make (and we are sure that his readers will hold him
pledged by his intimations to give more selections from his
journals), he will furnish those descriptions of foreign uni-
versities which he has omitted, as not so intimately connected
with the primary object of his inquiries. Our desire for
such a detail is rather whetted than discouraged by such re-
marks as the following:
“The field is, however, vast; the varieties in Great Bri-
tain alone would require much space for due description, as
a few words will suffice to show. The Scotch and English
universities differ very much in their organization, disci-
pline, and instruction, and even the several Scotch universi-
ties are not alike. At Glasgow, and the academical institu-
tion at Belfast, founded upon its model, the pupils enter, in
general, in very early youth. The lectures are, therefore,
mixed with recitations held by the professors, which, how-
ever, the large classes at Glasgow prevent from being effica-
cious. The students do not reside in either of these institu-
tions. At Edinburgh, the average age of the student is
greater, and the medical department assumes, relatively to that
of letters, an importance which modifies the character of the
school. The lesser universities of St. Andrews and Aber-
deen differ more from the others in the arrangement of dis-
cipline, resulting from the residence of a part of the students
in the colleges composing them, than in the character of the
instruction. In the larger English universities of Cambridge
and Oxford, composed of colleges and halls, in the buildings
of which the students generally reside, the discipline of each
college may be said to be its own, with a general conformity
vol. xn. no. 2. 34
286
Education in Europe.
[Apbil
to that of the university.* The same is true in regard to the
instruction, with this difference, that as all the courses tend
towards the preparation for university degrees and uni-
versity houours, there is a general conformity in the several
colleges in the subjects taught and methods of teaching. The
instruction given by the tutors in the colleges is upon the
same general plan, a mixture of leeture and recitation; and as
the attendance upon the lectures of the university professors
is not obligatory, forms the real basis of the intellectual part
of the university education. The inducements held out to
exertion in these schools by the rewards which the fellow-
ships and the stations to which they may lead hold forth,
and which bring into them the greater part of the best talent
of England, produce results which are of the highest order,
but which cannot fairly be considered as depending mainly
upon the system of instruction and discipline. It must re-
quire a very accurate knowledge of facts, with an entire ab-
sence of prejudice, to reason as to the general results of the
various parts of the complex system, which has grown with
the growth of these institutions themselves, and is, therefore,,
now very deeply rooted.”
From this point, the Report takes up the superior period,
or final stage of education, comprising the Polytechnic School
of France, with its adjuncts — the School of Mines, and the
School of Roads and Bridges, the School of Arts and Manufac-
tures, at Paris; the School of Arts, of Prussia; Institute of Arts,
at Berlin; Polytechnic Institute, of Vienna; School of Mines,
of Saxony; Institute of Agriculture and Forestry, in Wurtem-
burg; and the Naval School of Austria, at Venice. In these
institutions thorough instruction and practice are given in all
the arts and manufactures which have any connexion with
chemistry, geometry, technology, architecture, geology, &c.
This portion of the work introduces the American to a new
sphere of education. Our artisans are in general mere me-
chanics; they make wheels, and dye, and bleach, and work
mines, and fell trees, and if it is not done by steam, the man-
ual power is directed by little more of intelligence. What
would our “operatives” think of such an elevation of their
pursuits as could he effected by an institution with reauisi-
tioas like these :
4 ' A very arvrj: i. » , • -
be found >i~ iac report - ■
¥y IrtsBrv F NieH.12. » f* «
. a rf ( Cambridge and Oxford is tc
-i. cl trniverti t o' t tr. »*■ i«mi
1840.]
Education in Europe.
267
“ For tradesmen, the two years of the real school, and one
year of the commercial school; or for a more complete edu-
cation, an additional year, embracing the courses of chemis-
try, physics, and technology of the technical school. For
dyers, printers in stuffs, bleachers, manufacturers of chemi-
cal products, of salt, of saltpetre, for miners, metallurgists,
brewers, &c. — special chemistry, physics, and technology,
with some of the courses of the commercial school. For ma-
chinists, hydraulic engineers, mill-vvrights, foremen in manu-
factories, and mining engineers — a course of two years was
recommended, the first to embrace mathematics, physics, and
drawing, and the second, mechanics, machine-drawing, and
technology. As a preparation for agriculturists and foresters
— courses of mathematics, physics, practical geometry, chem-
istry, and book-keeping. For miners — mathematics, physics,
practical geometry, mechanics, drawing, and book-keeping.
For surveyors — mathematics, physics, practical geometry,
drawing, and book-keeping.”
Or take another institute for the benefit of stone-cutters,
carvers, brass-founders, &c. :
“ The general course of studies lasts two years, and the pu-
pils are divided into two corresponding classes. The first
class is, besides, subdivided into two sections. The lower
or second class is taught first; mechanical drawing, subdivi-
ded into decorative drawing, including designs for architec-
tural ornaments, utensils, vases, patterns for weaving, &c.,
and linear drawing, applied to civil works, to handicrafts, and
to machines. Second, modelling in clay, plaster, and wax.
Third, practical arithmetic. Fourth, geometry. Fifth, natu-
ral philosophy. Sixth, chemistry. Seventh, technology,
or a knowledge of the materials, processes, and products of
the arts. The studies of the lower section of the first class
are general, while those of the first section turn more parti-
cularly upon the applications of science to the arts. In the
lower section, the drawing, modelling, natural philosophy,
and chemistry, of the first year, are continued; and, in addi-
tion, descriptive geometry, trigonometry, stereometry, mix-
ed mathematics, mineralogy, and the art of construction, are
studied. In the upper or first section, perspective, stone-
cutting, carpentry, and mechanics applied to the arts, are
taught, and the making of plans and estimates for buildings,
work-shops, manufactories, machines, &c. These courses
are common to all pupils, whatever may be their future de-
stination; but beside them, the machinists study, during the
26 S
Junkin on Justification.
[April
latter part of their stay at the institution, a continuation of
the course of mechanics and mathematical analysis. The
examples accompanying the instruction in regard to plans
and estimates are adapted to the intended pursuits of the
pupils.”
But we must turn to other subjects; only taking space to
assure our readers that we have done feeble justice to this
most interesting and valuable document, and to its indefati-
gable and accomplished author.
Art. V. — o? Treatise on Justification. By George Jun-
kin, D. D. Philadelphia. J.Whetham. 1839: pp. 328.
It is gratifying to find that some of our orthodox Ame-
rican theologians are disposed to become authors, and to
present to the Christian public their own views of important
doctrines. Dr. Junkin undoubtedly deserves to be charac-
terized as an energetic and indefatigable man. It could
scarcely have been expected, that one who was burdened
with the weighty and perplexing cares of a new and rising
college, should have found leisure to compose an elaborate
work on doctrinal subjects; but it would seem as though it
was ordered in providence, that a man’s capabilities should
increase with his exertions.
Our first remark on this treatise, relates to the title. It is
entitled, “ A Treatise on Justification.” This title does not
fairly designate the character and contents of the volume. It
should have been much more comprehensive; for the book
treats of most of the cardinal doctrines of Christianity. It is in
fact a concise system of theology. It might have been called
“ A Treatise on the Covenants;” or, “ A View of the Fall
and Recovery of Man, by Jesus Christ.” The title prefixed
is not only inappropriate because too restricted for the con-
tents of the volume, but because the subject of justification is
not so prominent as several other subjects. Indeed, we were
surprised to find how small a portion of the treatise is devo-
ted to this cardinal doctrine. It is true, justification is a kind
of central point in the system of Christian theology, from
which all other doctrines radiate, and from which they take
their complexion; and as some modern theologians in our
1840.]
Junkin on Justification.
269
country have almost excluded this cardinal point from their
system, Dr. Junkin was probably induced to place it in a
conspicuous light, and to use the term as generic; since, in
a sense, all other important doctrines are included in it, or
depend on it.
The titles to the chapters in their consecutive order, will
at once show the contents of the book, and the plan of the
work. On the moral government, of God — On the par-
ticular modifications of moral government as it was
extended over man in his primitive condition; or the
covenant of works — On the extent of the covenant; or
the representative character of Adam —The definition of
leading terms, just, righteous , righteousness, justify , jus-
tification— On the breach of the covenant, and the con-
sequent additional requisite to Adam's justification —
On the consequences of Adam's sin, to himself and to
his posterity, physically, intellectually , and morally —
On original sin — Exposition of Rom. v. 12 — 21 — Origi-
nal sin proved from the salvation of those that die in in-
fancy— The utter inability of man in his fallen stale to
meet the requirements of law, and thereby restore himself
to the favour of God — The gospel reveals the only remedy
for the evils of the broken covenant — The covenant of
grace — The fulfilment of the covenant — The extent of the
atonement — Objections against a limited and real atone-
ment— Objections founded on particular passages of
Scripture against the doctrine of limited , or definite
atonement — The objection against strict, limited atone-
ment, founded on the general gospel call, stated and re-
futed— The Saviour's intercession — On saving or justi-
fying faith — Justification secures its subjects forever —
Good works, their necessity and true position."
Dr. Junkin is careful to cut off as much as possible all
occasion of logomachy, by taking pains to define, accurately,
the meaning of important terms. This precaution has be-
come absolutely necessary in controversial discussion, as
nothing can be more evident than that the same theological
terms are used by different writers in an entirely different
sense. Unless, therefore, terms are understood in common in
the same sense, those may appear widely to differ who are
agreed; and on the contrary, there may seem to be an agree-
ment, where there is a wide difference. The word guilt
has almost changed its ancient meaning, and we have known
two young theologians to carry on an almost interminable
270
JunJcin on Justification.
[April
dispute on the point, whether a sinner remained a guilty
person after his justification. These ardent polemics, how-
ever, found at length, that they were perfectly agreed, when
they came to understand one another; one of them having
understood by the word guilty , liableness to punishment ;
the other ill-desert or criminality. So the word atonement
is used by modern theologians in senses so different, that
they may seem to be agreed, when in fact they differ from
one another most essentially. The same may he said of the
words, vicarious , substitution, and even justification itself.
The good old orthodox sense of vicarious is, to assume the
law-place of any one, to do what he was bound to do, or to
suffer what he was under obligation to bear; and the same of
substitution ; but in many modern discourses, these words
have an entirely different meaning. They are made to sig-
nify something done or suffered, not as fulfilling the demands
of the law in another’s stead, but as doing or suffering some-
thing which, though no fulfilment of the law, is intended to
answer the same purpose; a meaning totally different from
the old and authorized sense; and this has ever been the
artifice of errorists, to retain the language of orthodoxy, to
which the ears of the people had been accustomed, until they
had fully introduced their new opinions. We said that this
diversity of meaning applied to the word justification; and
we would refer our readers, with pleasure, to the author’s
accurate definition of the terms, just, righteous, righteous-
ness , justify , justification, in the sixth chapter of the work.
There is nothing new in the conclusions to which our
author has arrived; but it must not be supposed that this
is a mere compilation from standard authors, by whom this
subject has been so largely treated, and with whose waitings
Dr. Junkin appears to be well acquainted. The process by
which he comes to his conclusions is his own. This is an
original work. As he informs us, in his preface, his method
is “ synthetic.” He begins with the simple elements of truth,
and ascends to the highest doctrines of the moral system. In
the same place, he says, “ If there is any thing peculiar in
the general design of the work, distinguishing it from other
treatises on justification, it will be found in the identifica-
tion— or at least the attempt to identify the great principles
of God’s covenants with the first Adam and the second, and
their use in man’s justification, with the fundamental prin-
ciples of moral rule, whose application in human govern-
ments will produce the highest measure of human freedom
1840.]
Junkin on Justification.
271
and happiness.” “ Another feature of the plan is its phi-
losophical arrangement. The design has been to connect
the various parts together, in such manner as will be most
easily followed up. For this reason, I have endeavoured to
arrange the matter according to the laws of mind, by which
the train of thought is regulated, so that every preceding ve-
hicle shall have a certain aptitude to draw after it the one
precisely adapted to it, and which will secure a similar se-
quence.” We are of opinion, that this method, however
philosophical, w’ill not be found by experience to be popular
with the largest class of readers; nor well adapted to their
state of mental improvement. This, it is true, is the fault of
the people, but such is the state in which we actually find
them; and, authors, if they will profit them, must descend
from the high ground of metaphysical science, and accommo-
date themselves to the apprehension and the attainments of
the common mind. We are, moreover, of opinion that Dr.
Junkin has entered into too many abstruse discussions and
explanations respecting elementary principles. These had
better, in a work intended for the common people, be
assumed as true and undoubted, than attempted to be demon-
strated by metaphysical reasoning. For example, the author
employs three sections on the subject of moral agency ; and
while we assent to all his reasonings and conclusions on this
subject, we are fully of opinion, that for his purposes three
short sentences would have answered better than this philo-
sophical discussion. People know themselves to be free
and accountable, and yet they do not inquire what is essen-
tial to moral agency, and very little is gained by leading
them through investigations of this sort. Thus also, the
chapter (XI.) on “ ability and inability,” is entirely too
abstruse for nine out of ten, who ought to read this book;
and yet we believe that the views and reasonings of the
author are philosophically correct.
When the author, in his first chapter, makes “the will of
God” the only foundation of moral obligation, of course we
understand him to mean, that the distinction between moral
good and evil is not arbitrary, or might have been the very
reverse of what it now is, if God had so willed it; but as
maintaining, that the will of God, as his nature, is immuta-
bly inclined to good. As there is an extreme opinion on
this subject of the will of God being the ultimate standard of
moral rectitude, it would have been well to guard against
this by an explanatory clause.
272
Junkin on Justification.
[April
But. we come now to the main thing which should claim
attention in this treatise; the soundness of the doctrines in-
culcated. And here we have the pleasure of expressing our
almost unqualified approbation. That Dr. Junkin would
not fall below the standard of orthodoxy, acknowledged by
the church to which he belongs, was a thing to be expected
by all, as he has been conspicuous as a defender of these
doctrines against those who attempted to introduce innova-
tions, contrary to the uniformly received opinions of the
Presbyterian church, in this country, and in Great Britain.
In this respect, there will be no disappointment. There will
be found here no compromise with Pelagian, Arminian, or
Hopkinsian errors. Dr. Junkin does not hesitate to state
clearly and firmly what he believes to be the truth of God,
however unpalatable or unpopular it may be in the view of
carnal reason. He presents the covenant made with Adam
under some new aspects, and maintains, by cogent agu-
ments, the representative character of the first man. His
reasonings on the general principles of representation are in-
genious, and in some respects original, while he comes to the
conclusions commonly received. There was need here of
some more critical inquiry respecting the true import of the
original terms, in both Testaments, which our translators
have rendered covenant. By allowing to the term that am-
plitude of meaning, which belongs to both the Hebrew and
Greek words, and not confining himself to the strict sense of
the English word covenant , the explication of the two cove-
nants would be found much easier. He has, however, in
this followed the common track of orthodox theologians.
As, however, the adversaries of the Calvinistic system have
utterly denied the existence of any covenant between God
and Adam, proof that this transaction was properly called a
covenant, should have been introduced. And the reader
would naturally have expected some explanation of the way
in which the first sin can be accounted for.
Dr. Junkin gives that view of the covenant of grace
which is now most commonly adopted by Calvinistic wri-
ters, namely, an agreement between God the Father and the
Son, in behalf of his chosen people. If we adhere to the
strict meaning of the English word covenant , this view is
undoubtedly correct; for elect sinners, until made partakers
of some of the blessings of the new covenant, by which they
are enabled to exercise a true faith, are incapable of entering
into any stipulations, or performing any conditions. And no
1840.]
Junkin on Justification.
273
other reason can be assigned why Christ should be denomi-
nated the second Adam , but because, in the covenant of
grace, he was the great contracting party in behalf of all his
chosen; as the first Adam was for all his posterity in the
covenant of works.
But it is a remarkable fact, that all sound Calvinistic theo-
gians, until about the middle of the 17th century, uni-
formly represented the covenant of grace to be an agree-
ment between God and the elect sinner, through Christ the
Mediator. Thus we have it in Turretine, Markius, Witsius,
De Moor, Burman, Heidan, Vitringa, Wyttenbach, and
a multitude of others. This diversity in the use of the
phrase has introduced no small confusion into this depart-
ment of theology. You can hardly find two theologians
who agree precisely as to the meaning of these terms; and
yet this diversity implies no real difference in doctrine.
Those who hold the one or the other of these views of the
precise nature of the covenant of grace, are equally firm and
consistent in adhering to all the doctrines of grace. As we
do not find the exact phrase in scripture, and are at liberty
to affix such a sense to it as is consistent with the doctrines
of the Bible, it would perhaps be best to enlarge its mean-
ing, so as to comprehend both the covenant of redemption
between the Father and the Son, and the gracious covenant
which God enters into with each individual believer, when
by faith he accepts the terms proposed in the gospel. And
this general signification would be entirely conformable to
the original terms for covenant both in the Hebrew and Greek
languages; for these terms are not so restricted in their
meaning as the English word covenant, but are used to de-
signate any solemn engagement or institution accompanied
with visible signs and seals, as well as a mutual compact be-
tween contracting parties. And it would seem that the
Westminster Divines intended to give the phrase the lati-
tude of meaning which has been suggested, from their ac-
count of the covenant of grace in the larger catechism
(Quest. 31, 32.) “ The covenant of grace was made with
Christ, the second Adam, and in him with all the elect as
his seed. The grace of God is manifested in the second
covenant, in that he freely provideth and offereth to sinners
a Mediator, and life and salvation by him; and requiring
faith as the condition to interest them in him, promiseth
and giveth his Holy Spirit to all his elect, to work in them
that faith, with all other saving graces, and to enable them
vol. xn. no. 2. 35
274
Junkin on Justification.
[April
unto all holy obedience, as the evidence of the truth of the
the truth of their faith, and thankfulness to God, and as the
way which he hath appointed them to salvation.”
The definition of the covenant of grace, however, as given
in the 7th chapter of the Confession of Faith, seems to agree
more with the views of the older theologians, and was un-
doubtedly penned by another hand. It is as follows: “ Man
by his fall having made himself incapable of life by that
covenant, the Lord was pleased to make a second, commonly
called the covenant of grace, wherein he freely ofiereth to
sinners life and salvation by Jesus Christ, requiring of them
faith in him, that they may be saved, and promising to give
unto all them that are ordained unto life, his Holy Spirit, to
make them able and willing to believe. ”
We fully coincide with Dr. Junkin when he says, “ Due
weight has never been given to the common remark, that
much controversy would be saved by an accurate defini-
tion of terms.” And again, “ But here it is necessary to pre-
mise that although I have placed the English words at the
head of the chapter (iv.), yet it is really the meaning of the
original terms of the sacred writings, after which we must
inquire. Our ultimate appeal is to the language of the Holy
Ghost; and the true and exact sense of that must be attached
to the words of our English translation, however unsuitable
these may be to express that sense.”
On the whole subject of the mediatorial work of Christ,
which makes up a large part of the volume, we have ob-
served nothing in which we do not concur. The author’s
views of the nature and extent of the atonement are in
accordance with the opinions advocated in this work, in
former numbers. We object, however, to the use of the
phrase “ limited atonement :” we greatly prefer “ definite
atonement ,” or the old terms, “ particular redemption.”
The word “ limited” is by many applied to that peculiar
view of the nature of the atonement maintained by the au-
thor of the little work entitled “ Gethsemane,” according
to which the atonement is limited in its intrinsic value, as
well as in its designation and application. This term was
invented by the opposers of the orthodox doctrine, and as it
has a tendency to mislead, should be rejected by accurate
writers. We believe in the infinite value and merit of the
atonement, in itself considered; and we believe, that if it
had been God’s purpose to save the whole world, no other
or greater atonement would have been requisite. Moreover,
1840.]
Juntcin on Justification.
275
it is our opinion, that although millions have already been
pardoned through the atonement, its fulness and value is as
complete now as in the beginning. Though we approve all
that Dr. Junkin has written on this subject, yet we regret
that he had not stated, in a single section, the true grounds
of the necessity of the atonement, since very much of the
stress of the controversy lies here. The distinct notice of
active obedience of the Mediator at this time peculiarly
seasonable, when by so many it is called in question; and
especially as an attempt has been made in a certain con-
temporary journal to induce the belief that this was not the
doctrine of the reformers and their immediate followers.
Nothing but ignorance of the history of theological opinion,
could ever have induced a man who had any regard for his
own reputation, to venture to publish or insinuate such an
opinion. We believe no single instance can be found of any
theologian, belonging to the Reformed churches, or to the
Lutheran churches, in their best and purest days, who
denied this doctrine without incurring the censures of the
church.
In the 20th chapter of this work, by far the most unsatis-
factory to us of any in the treatise, where the author treats
of faith, we find him making a concession, which we exceed-
ingly regret to see. The passage to which we object is
found in the 4th section, entitled, “ Difficulties and Objec-
tions:” It relates to the responsibility of man for what he
believes. There is not at this day a more important princi-
ple in dispute. That faith is an involuntary act, and hence that
man cannot be held accountable for his opinions, has been
inculcated by such men as lord Brougham and sir James
Mackintosh; and is widely prevalent among men of philo-
sophic minds in Great Britain, and this country. Robert
Owen, by going one step further, and denying that man is
accountable for his affections or feelings, subverts the whole
system of morality, and makes man the mere creature of
necessity, influenced necessarily by the circumstances in
which he happens to be placed. There is not, at present,
a more dangerous system of infidelity than this. It is not
as generally known as it should be, that, at this time, this
destructive system is making sad havoc in the manufac-
turing districts of Great Britain, under the name of So-
cialism. So alarming has been its progress, that it has
recently become the subject of an interesting discussion in
the House of Lords, on a motion made by the Bishop of
276
Junkin on Justification.
[April
Exeter, to present an humble address to the Queen, praying
her to have inquiry made into the facts, and to cause the
laws to be enforced against any who should be found trans-
gressing the same. Numerous petitions for the suppression
of Socialism were also sent to the parliament, now in ses-
sion. In the course of the discussion, information was com-
municated of a truly alarming nature. It appeared that
numerous societies had been formed, and that the greatest
exertion was made by the Socialists to extend their system,
and increase their numbers. In the single town of Birming-
ham, their number had so increased, that eight thousand sig-
natures were obtained to a petition in their favour; and in
some places they had erected capacious and elegant build-
ings, in which to hold their meetings. But to return from
this digression. We are sure that no man abhors all such
opinions, as those above-mentioned, more than Dr. Junkin;
and yet he has, in our opinion, made a concession in this
section, which is of dangerous tendency, and which, in our
judgment, he was not in truth called upon to make. Our
readers will pardon us for dwelling on this point, as we
consider the subject to be important in its bearings. The
following objection is introduced by the author, that the
act of believing, if involuntary, can have no moral character.
For it is agreed generally, that volition is necessary to a
moral act. The act which is done without design, intention,
will or choice, cannot be good or bad, in any moral sense of
the words. Consequently, believing, if it necessarily follows
the perception of truth, is without any moral character.
This is the objection; now for the answer. “The conse-
quence I admit; but only you will observe in reference to the
act of believing; not with regard to the principle or habit
of the mind, or to the motive which induced the act. The
possession of capacity to perceive spiritually the truth of
God’s testimony, is a grace and moral excellence; and the
weighing of moral motives and yielding to the stronger, is a
moral virtue. We thank no man for believing that, for the
truth of which there is presented to his mind, overwhelm-
ing evidence.” We are persuaded that the worthy author
here entangled himself in a web of his own metaphysics,
from which he has been unable to extricate himself. Our
first and main objection is, that faith itself, or the belief in
the divine testimony, is the act required by the command of
God, and we have no authority for excluding that act from
the class of those which partake of a moral nature. Dr. Jun-
1S40.]
Junkin on Justification.
277
kin himself, in a previous section of this very chapter, insists
on it, and proves, that faith is a duty; and if a duty, then
surely a moral act; for he taught us that the will of God is
the only foundation of moral obligation. Again, he admits
in this very passage, that the principle of faith is moral; but
if the principle of an action be moral, then surely the act
must partake of the nature of its source. An act is the prin-
ciple in exercise. The motive he admits to be moral, but
actions receive their character from the motives which pro--"
duce them. In the next paragraph he says, in further expla-
nation, “ If then it be asked, where do you connect moral
responsibility with believing ? — I answer, in the preparatory
steps toward the art of believing; not in the act itself. To
give moral character to an act, we have seen that it is requi-
site that it be voluntary; i. e. done in view of motives ope-
rating upon choice; and that the motives be such as to call
into action the moral faculty, &c.” It clearly follows from
this statement, that faith itself is no duty incumbent on any
man, but his whole responsibility rests upon the previous
acts of mind, preparatory to the act of believing. This is a
strange doctrine to emanate from such a quarter. But let us
examine it a little further. In these preparatory exercises,
in which man is admitted to be responsible, belief in some
truth is necessary at every step. Suppose the man believes
that he has evidence enough without impartially considering
the whole subject: well, if he believes so, he is not respon-
sible, and of course he can be under no obligation to make
further examination. Again, if the act of belief has no moral
character, and of course is no duty, then the act of unbelief has
no moral character, and is no sin. Suppose two men hear
the testimony of God from his own word at the same time,
the one believes it cordially because he has a spiritual discern-
ment of its excellency: the other, because of the depravity of
his nature which blinds his mind, disbelieves it, is there no
iniquity in this act, proceeding from such a cause?
We hope that Dr. Junkin will not persist in maintaining such
a position. If this is a specimen of the benefit to be derived
from introducing metaphysical subtleties into the plain doc-
trines of Scripture, we trust that the church will be delivered
from such aid. This method of analyzing, by which an act
is attempted to be separated from its motive and principle,
is unphilosophical, and contrary to every sound principle of
morals. By a similar process of reasoning, it may be proved
that the affections are not of a moral nature, and that men are
278
Junkin on Justification.
[April
not accountable for their love or hatred, but only for the steps
preparatory to their exercise. For the affections are not
voluntary in the sense of the objection under consideration.
We do not love or hate in consequence of a volition, nor are
our affections of the nature of a volition. And when an
object appears amiable to the mind, the affection of love as
certainly follows, as belief when evidence is presented. But
shall we on this account declare that the affections have no
moral character? Thus all morality will be cut up root and
branch. And the process does not stop here, for by the
same kind of metaphysical hair-splitting, we can demonstrate
that no act of the will itself is of a moral nature. The voli-
tion to perform any given act is the same, whatever be the
motive. Take the case of killing a man. This act may be
performed from a good motive, or from a bad motive, or by
an insane person; in each case the volition considered sepa-
rately is the same, namely, the determination to strike a
certain blow. It is evident, therefore, that volition itself,
separated from the motive, has no moral character. The
truth is, that to constitute a moral act, several things must
be taken into view, and not the bare act separated from all
its adjuncts. We are the more surprised at this inadver-
tence in Dr. Junkin, as he had given so full an account of
what is requisite to constitute a moral agent. Now all these
things are necessary to a moral act.
But what shall be done with the principle that every moral
action is a voluntary action? We utterly deny it, in the
sense in which it is used in the objection stated above. That
is, we deny that every exercise of the mind which is moral,
is the effect of a volition; although this is true in regard to
external or bodily acts, because a volition must precede
them if they are properly our acts. But this does not apply
to the exercise of the affections in which morality or virtue
principally consists. We love God, not in consequence of a
volition to love him, but because we see his beauty and
glory; and so of other affections of amoral nature. They
precede the will, and influence it, but do not proceed from
it. There is, however, a sound sense, in which it may
be said that all moral acts are voluntary, that is when by
the will we mean all the active powers of the man; espe-
cially the affections. We hold that the morality of actions
consists primarily in the affections, and the will is only
concerned in moral acts, when some external act is to be
performed, or when we wish to stir up our affections by
1840.]
Junkin on Justification.
279
contemplating distinctly the objects which produce them.
Every moral act must have a motive, and the grand source
of motives to good, is love to God and to our neighbour;
when these are absent or defective, innumerable other mo-
tives operate, arising out of the active principles, passions,
and propensities of human nature, now in a state of disorder,
for want of the regulating principle.
But is not belief necessary, and in such case how can it
be moral? In innumerable instances there is no morality in
the act of believing; but it would be a false inference from
this, that the act of believing in moral subjects is indifferent.
The act of volition, in ten thousand cases, has no moral
character, but it would not do to infer from this that volition
had no moral character when a moral agent was required to
obey the law of his Maker. It is true, that our belief is
always in accordance with the evidence perceived, but we
are of opinion, that in many cases, especially those of a
moral nature, the evidence apparent to the mind will depend
very much upon the moral state of that mind . And however
certain the effect may be, it alters the moral character of the
act no more than the certainty of the exercise of affections,
agreeably to the view which the mind has of objects, takes
away the moral nature of these affections.
Some months since, we perused an article in the West-
minster Review, written by an insidious and sceptical
writer, which, if Dr. Junkin had read, he would never have
sent out to the public the views which we have been criti-
cising. This writer starts on the principle, that, faith being
an involuntary exercise of the mind, man cannot possibly be
held responsible for his belief. From this he infers, that by
faith, in Scripture, cannot be meant the believing any parti-
cular propositions, for this does not depend upon bis will.
What then is the thing required in the gospel? It is
according to this writer a disposition to deal impartially
with evidence. Here man is responsible: and whatever
particular propositions he may be led to be believe, provided
he deals honestly with evidence, it matters not. Hence a
man may have the true faith and believe very little; and on
the other hand, he may believe all that the Bible contains,
and have no genuine faith. And, finally, he comes to the
conclusion that a man may adopt atheistical opinions and be
a true believer; while the orthodox clergy are amongst the
greatest unbelievers; for he says, no sect of men are so dis-
honest in their method of dealing with evidence.
280
Junkin on Justification.
[April
Since the tide of infidelity seems to be running in that
particular channel, let not the friends and advocates of truth
give, by unnecessary concessions, any advantage to this
dreadful and abominable system which threatens so much
evil to the cause of rel igion and sound morals at this very
time. We do therefore sincerely hope, that Dr. Junkin will
expunge this section from his book in the next edition.
We had intended to make some remarks on the section
which treats of assurance being of the essence of faith; as we
had supposed it probable that the author’s views differed
somewhat from our own on this subject. But we are now
rather inclined to believe that the difference is verbal rather
than real. The distinction between the assurance of faith
and of sense, used by the two great theologians, Brown of
Haddington, and Dr. Mason, does not serve, in our opinion,
to cast any light on this question. The true point of differ-
ence does not relate at all to the degree of assent given, or
of comfort attending it, but to the precise propositions which
are the primary objects of a saving faith. According to
Brown’s definition of the assurance of faith , it is, “ The
firm assurance of God’s love to us, founded on his promise;
the assurance of sense is the persuasion that we have already
tasted his love.” Now we maintain that neither of these
is essential to a saving faith in its primary exercise; for we
cannot be assured of the love of God to us personally, from
any promise contained in the Bible, until we have embraced
that promise. Dr. Mason uses the same distinction in the
passage quoted by Dr. Junkin, but not in the same sense.
As he explains the matter, it amounts to much the same as
all sound Presbyterians hold. And we admit that “ the as-
surance of faith” as used in scripture, signifies a firm belief
of the truth revealed, and not any persuasion respecting our
own state.
“ When we speak of assurance as essential to faith,” says
he, “ many suppose we teach that none can be real Chris-
tians who do not feel that they have passed from death unto
life, and have not unclouded and triumphant views of their
interest in Christ, so as to say, under the manifestations of
his love, ‘ My beloved is mine, and I am his.’ But God for-
bid that we should thus offend against the generation of his
children. That many of them want such assurance may not
be questioned. This, however, is the assurance, not of faith,
but of sense; and vastly different they are. The object of
the former is Christ revealed in the word; the object of the
1S40.]
Junkin on Justification.
281
latter Christ revealed in the heart. The ground of the former
is the testimony of God without us; that of the latter, the
work of the Spirit within us, &c.” But in our opinion this
matter is placed in the true stand clearest light in our Larger
Catechism, (Ques. SO, 81,) “ Such as truly believe in Christ,
and endeavour to walk in all good conscience before him,
may, without extraordinary revelation, by faith grounded
upon the truth of God’s promises, and by the Spirit enabling
them to discern in themselves those graces to which the
promises of life are made, and bearing witness with their
spirits that they are the children of God, be infallibly
assured that they are in the estate of grace, and shall perse-
vere therein unto salvation.”
“ Assurance of grace and salvation not being of the es-
sence of faith, true believers may wait long before Ihey
obtain it, and after the enjoyment thereof may have it weak-
ened and intermitted through manifold distempers, sins,
temptations, and desertions; yet are they never left without
such a presence and support of the Spirit of God as keeps
them from sinking into utter despair.”
As to the appropriating act of faith, which Dr. Junkin
makes an essential characteristic of true faith, if it means the
act of receiving Christ and resting upon him, which of
course we do for ourselves, he is right; hut there is no need
of a new technical phrase to express it; and if it be an act
different from this, by which we are assured that Christ and
his benefits are ours, then it is not essential to a true faith.
At any rate we are not convinced of the propriety or need
of this phrase. And we have not found it used by the best
writers on this subject. Still we have no great objection to
it, if it be explained in a sound and orthodox sense. Pro-
perly speaking, the blessings of the New Covenant are
appropriated to us, upon believing, by the free gift of God.
As to our own apprehension or persuasion that we are inte-
rested in them, it must depend upon our evidence of having
truly believe*!; but as to the real title, it is as firm when a
true faith is weak, as when it is attended with the fullest
assurance of salvation.
We have now brought our review to a close, and upon a
survey of the whole work, our opinion is, that in doctrine it
is sound, and that the execution furnishes evidence of a mind
of strong original powers, capable of thinking out a subject
without dependence upon others. But we must protest
against Dr. Junkin’s fondness for metaphysical disquisitions;
VOL. XII. no. 2.
282
Juyikin on Justification.
[April
especially where they are not needed, and where they rather
tend to cloud than to elucidate the subject. Indeed, we are
of opinion, that metaphysics is not Dr. Junkin’s forte. We
willingly award to him great acuteness, the power of nice
discrimination, and a logical faculty; but he is too rapid and
even hasty in running ahead to his conclusions, to be an
accurate metaphysician. No man possesses all mental facul-
ties in high perfection. Another thing, which we think we
have observed in Dr. Junkin’s investigations, is the ability
to discern objects near at hand more clearly than those afar
off. In regard to the former, he may be said to have a mi-
croscopic discernment; but absorbed in these, he overlooks
remote consequences, though they may be essential to a cor-
rect judgment. But although we should be mistaken in this
opinion, we feel great confidence that his method of abstruse
reasoning is not adapted to the capacities or the tastes of the
“ plain reader,” for whom he tells us his book was chiefly
intended. Our opinion is, that nothing will so much obstruct
the circulation and usefulness of this volume as these abstract
disquisitions.
As we suppose that the work will go to a second edition,
we would respectfully suggest that, instead of writing other
books, the author employ his leisure hours in improving
this. The outline given in the contents is ample enough
for the energies of a life-time to fill up and perfect. Cal-
vin continued to improve his Institutes until the year of
his death; At first, we presume it was not larger than the
volume under review. The great mistake of many of our
best writers, has been that of publishing too much. Had Owen
and Baxter and Howe confined their labours within narrow
limits, they would have been able to render them much more
perfect, and they would have continued to be read to the
most distant times. But many of their works are falling into
oblivion.
We take leave of Dr. Junkin with sincere respect for his
talents and indefatigable industry, and cordially wish him
success in his earnest efforts for the promotion of ortho-
dox truth and sound literature. We have used the privi-
lege of critics freely, but we hope not offensively; and we
trust that our remarks will be perused with the same candour
with which they have been written.
1840.] Kenrick's Theologia Dogmatica.
283
Art. VI. — Theologix Dogmalicae Tract at us Tres de Rc-
velafione, de Ecclesia , et de Verbo Dei quos concin-
navit Revmus Dnus Franciscus Patricius Kenrick, Epus
Arath, in Part. Infid. et Coadj. Ep. Philadelphiensis.
Philadelphia;: Typis L. Johnson, in Georgii vico. 1839.
Theologix Dogmaticse, quam concinnavit Franciscus Pa-
tricius Kenrick, etc. Volumen II. Philadelphiae: L.
Johnson. 1840.
An American work on systematic theology, composed in
a dead language, is a thing so foreign from our every-day
associations and experience, that we should feel bound to
take some notice of it, if it were only as a curiosity. It
needed no name upon the title page, to assure our utilitarian
countrymen, that the author was connected with no protest-
ant communion. Indeed, the Latin dress of Bishop Ken-
rick’s work will have this curious effect, that while it seals
the book to the great mass of American readers, it opens it
to the educated world of Europe, and to the Romish priest-
hood all the world over. We can think of no class to whom
it will afford so much entertainment, as to foreign papists,
on account of the frequency with which the author inter-
weaves minute accounts of the opinions and the organization
of our own religious sects. If the secular part of the com-
munity have reason to dread the presence and inspection of
English and French travellers, the religious world ought
certainly to be aware, that there are those among them who
are able and disposed to draw their likeness in imperishable
colours, by the use of a language which is not only still the
learned language of the world, but which is likely so to be
as long as learning shall exist. One impression made upon
our mind, by the inspection of these volumes, we cannot re-
frain from putting upon paper. We mean the impression of
the striking difference between the protestant and popish
method of observing men and manners. The former has,
no doubt, the advantage as to candour; but the latter is, at
least, as much superior in coolness and philosophical compo-
sure. One might have supposed that a secluded ecclesiastic,
whom we never hear of, and who, for any general knowledge
284
Kenrick's Theologia Dogmalica. [April
of him here, might as well be in his titular diocese of Arath
as in Philadelphia, would of course be wrapt in a bigotted
ignorance of our concerns. Such a hypothesis would soon
be destroyed by a cursory glance at these two volumes, in
which not only sects, but individuals, are treated as objects of
familiar knowledge; in which Mr. Barnes and Mr. Furness
figure under the titles of Barnesius and Furnesius. If this
be a specimen of the attention which our popish fellow-citi-
zens are paying to their neighbours, and of their disposition
to record what they observe, we may take to ourselves
Burns’s warning to his countrymen: “ A chiel’s amang ye
takin’ notes, and faith he’ll prent it.”
We shall not take upon us to be critics of a bishop’s Latin,
but shall let it pass with the remark, that it is simple and
perspicuous, not more exempt from vulgar barbarisms than
from the equally offensive affectation of ultra-classical idiom,
which disfigures some of the recent German writers in that
language. The truth is, that in style, arrangement, and ap-
pearance, the whole work bears a strong resemblance to the
old fashioned theological productions of the Church of
Rome. And this antique air, no less than the Latin, helps
to give a very odd look to the names of our contemporaries,
and the account of our religious matters, which attract the
eye at every opening of the book.
It seems that the late Archbishop Marechal, of Baltimore,
while a professor in St. Mary’s College, formed the plan of
a system of theology, which his subsequent promotion hin-
dered him from executing. It has since become a matter of
complaint, that the systematic works upon theology, im-
ported from Europe, have no view to the state of things in
this republic, and to the controversies agitated here. To
supply this defect is the design of Bishop Kenrick’s work,
in writing which he complains that his time was too short,
his books too few, and his opportunity of consultation with
the learned too restricted. His first intention was to publish
a compendious manual for the use of students, but he after-
wards adopted a more copious method, lest from excess of
brevity, he might seem rather to have betrayed than de-
fended the truth. He carefully exonerates the mother
church from all responsibility for his opinions upon doubtful
points; invites the critic and opponent of the truth to turn
their weapons upon him, and manfully exclaims — “Me, me,
(adsum qui feci), in me convertite ferrum” — forgetting, in the
1840.] Kenrick’s Theclogia Dogmatica.
285
warmth of his disinterested zeal, that though the Church
of Rome might be esteemed an object worthy of attack, the
bishop of Arath might be reckoned but small game. We
are not disposed, however, to quarrel with the rhetoric of
Bishop Kenrick’s preface, and shall, therefore, proceed to
give a sketch of the contents and arrangement of the work.
The Dogmatic Theology, properly so called, begins with
the second volume. The first contains the preliminary dis-
cussions as to the source of information in theology, the rule
of faith, authority of the church, inspiration of the scriptures,
&c. The first volume is the most interesting to the protest-
ant reader. In both parts, the subjects are handled in the
good old way of proposition, proof, objection, and reply,
which we think far better than the discursive and diluted
method which prevails in many systems of Protestant the-
ology.
Bishop Kenrick is by no means a profound theologian.
He would perhaps regard it not as censure, but as praise, to
be told that his book contains little, if any thing, which can
be called original or novel, as to the statement or defence of
his opinions. There is the same superficial mode of hand-
ling controverted points, the same unavailing efforts to recon-
cile the semi-pelagianism of the modern papacy with the
acknowledged and revered authority of St. Augustine, and
the same discreet silence with respect to questions where
infallible judgments have unfortunately differed, that may be
observed in other publications of the same school, and with
far less ability and knowledge of the subjects than are exhi-
bited by Peter Dens and other recent writers.
In the first volume we observe, with some surprise, a
rifaccimento of the old exploded slanders against Luther,
Calvin, and the rest of the reformers, which we doubt not,
will be swallowed by the studiosi, for whose sake the book
was written, with as staunch a faith as that which they are
taught to cherish towards the silliest legends of the Breviary.
Our own readers need not to be told that the life and death
of Luther and Calvin are as well authenticated matters of
history, as the life and death of Washington. For the sake of
working upon patriotic feeling, why not get up a story that
the Father of his country was a papist, and received absolu-
tion on his death-bed?
The citations and references, with which the margins are
plentifully studded, embrace, besides the usual patristic and
modern theological literature of the Romish church, indica-
286
Kenrick’s Theologia Dogma/ ica.
[April
tions of acquaintance with some very different branches of
knowledge. A few of the more recent German writers are
quoted, and a great variety of English works. The author
apologizes, in his preface, for having cited heretical authori-
ties, when he had “Catholic” authorities at hand. And as
this apology, with all its implied bigotry, is more than
usually candid and charitable, we extract it.
“Ipsos fidei adversaries stepius testes adduxi, quamvis non ignorarem Patres
Ecclesiae, interpretes Catholicos, vel alios scriptores, posse in eundem finem
allegari, sed placuit quae et illi bene sciipserunt in Religionis vindicias laudare,
licet a nobis discidio funesto heu ! divulsi. Utinain qua pollent plurimi ex illis
erudidonis copia, et judicii acumine totain illam doctrinam quam Apostoli cum
suo sanguine Ecclesi® profuderunt, et ipsi tueri vellent.” Pref. vii.
He also claims the praise of having quoted from original
authoritative documents, in all his statements, with respect
to the government and doctrine of the Protestants.
The typographical execution of the volumes is correct and
scholarlike, except so far as Greek and Hebrew are con-
cerned. In the latter language some portentous novelties have
been brought forward by the Bishop or his printer. See, for
example, pp. 26, 27, 29, 58 of vol. I. It is but just to add,
that in the second volume there is great improvement. As
to the Greek, the fault is in the absence of all rule or unifor-
mity as to the insertion or omission of the accents. The
Latin, English, French, and Italian, seem to be printed with
remarkable correctness.
We need scarcely say that we have no thought of review-
ing Bishop Kenrick’s system. We should, of course, be
involved in controversy at almost every step. It could
give him no surprise to be informed, that we regard his
distinctive tenets as entirely false, and perhaps as little to be
told, that we consider his defence of them as weak. Our
object in calling the attention of our readers to the work,
was merely to present a literary notice of it, as a novelty, and
to amuse them with a few examples of the way in which
American and Protestant affairs are discussed or represented
by a Romanist in Latin. This we shall now proceed to
do, with occasional reference to other topics, as they may
occur.
In treating of the prophecy of Christ, contained in Gen.
49: 10, the Bishop adds the following note, which we extract,
as an interesting instance of the respect which is commanded
by a work of sterling merit among all who hold the funda-
1840.] Kenric/c’s Theologia Dogmalica.
287
mentals of religion, when no sectarian prejudice is called in
question
“ Hengstenberg perdocte hanc interpretationem tuetur in egregio opcre :
‘ Christologie des alten Testamentes, und Commentar Uber die messianischen
Weissagungen der Propheten’ Berlin, 1829, quod ante biennium in Anglica-
nam linguam versum Alexandria, D. C. editum est.” Vol. i. p. 66.
The following picture of the Christian world is interesting
in itself, as well as on account of its American allusions.
“ Ecclesia Catholica, cujus centrum Romana Petri sedes est, tot’am possidet
Italiam, Siciliam, Hispanias et Lusitaniam, Belgium, totam fere Galliam, et
Hiberniam, Bavariam, Poloniam, Bohemiam, Hungariam, et magnam ditionis
Austriac® partem, Helvetiarum plures provincias, plurimosque numerat filios in
Anglia, Scotia, Batavia, Suevia, et Noivegia, Borussia, Saxonia, Russia, et in
insulis Archipelagi, aliisque Graci®, et Turci® Europe® partibus. In Asia
minori, et tota Turcia Asiatica sunt plurimi Catholici, qui magno numero
etiam reperiuntur ubique fere sparsi per Indias Orientales, et insulas plerasque
Asi® adjacentes, in Siam regno et in Sinensis imperii extremis veluti oris.
Apud Sinenses ipsos 60,000 numerantur, apud Indos Orientales 460,000, et in
Australia quamplurimi. In Africa non desunt Catholici in Algypto, in Barba-
ris locis maritimis, jamque erecta est sedes Episcopalis Julia; Caesarea. In
regno Congo, et prope promontorium quod caput Bon® spei audit, est quoque
Episcopus. Tota America meridionalis, exceptis locis aliquibus in quibus syl-
vestres degunt homines, Catholicam profitetur fidem, qu® et Mexican® repub-
lic® communis est. Viget in plerisque locis Septemtrionalis Americ®, qu®
Britannico subjacent imperio, prasertim in provinciis Canada, et in plerisque
insulis utrique America, vel etiam Europ®, vel Asi®, adjacentibus, in quibus
Christi nomen aliquatenus agnoscitur. In his foederatis provinciis ad millionem
fere pertingere censemur. Per orbem 180,000,000 numerantur.
“Graci Schismatici in Russia reperiuntur, sicut ubique fere in Turchia Eu-
ropoea, et Asiatica, et in gyp to. Russi tamen Constantinopolitanum Anti-
stitem, qui plerisque praest, non agnoscunt. 30,000,000 a nonnullis,
41,000,000, ab aliis recensentur, quibus tamen plerumque accensent sectas
alias, nempe Nestorianos, Jacobitas, Armenos, Coptos, Abyssinos, aliosque.
“ Protestantes in innumeras divisi sectas, plures Europ® obtinent provincias,
Angliam scilicet, Scotiam, Daniam, Sueviam, Norvegiara, Borussiam, Bataviam,
pluresque Germani® provincias, et magnam provinciarum foederatarum partem.
In insulis quoque nonnullis Indiarum Occidentalium et Orientalium, et in oris
maritimis Asi® reperiuntur. Lutheranismus in Dania, et provinciis vicinis, in
Saxonia, et in aliis nonnullis Germani® partibus prasertim viget: Calvini
principia in Scotia, Borussia, Batavia, et Anglia potius obtinent. Anglicani
tamen Hierarehi® servant umbram, pluresque ritus fere Catholicos : into plura
propugnant principia, qu® specie Catholica sunt, vel parum a Catholicis dissita.
Nonnulli in Europa numerant 40,000,000 ex variis Protestantium seeds,
11,500,000 in America; sed census nimis auctus videtur. In his foederatis
provinciis Presbyteriani, Calvini principia plerumque propugnantes, numero et
studiis pollent, sed in pluriraas sectas sub-dividuntur, veteris a novae schola, uti
aiunt, sectatoribus, nuperrimme novo dissitlio scissix. Baptist®, immersionis
necessitatem, ut valeat baptismus, statuentes, Methodist®, Episcopaliani, aliique
omnis generis numero haud parvo reperiuntur. Exord sunt ante paucos annos
Movmonitae, aureo libro, Bihliis prastantiori, uti ipsi contendunt, detecto, qui
jam in provincia Missouriensi armis se tuentur. Hac tabula inspecta quisque
statim percipit Ecclcsiam Catholicam omnibus eminere, quam etiam divinis ful-
gere indiciis intelligit, quum in fide semper et ubique sibi con6tans omnem ini
288
Kenrick’s Theologia Dogmatica. [April
micorum superct impetum. De ea igitur cum Augustino dicimus : “ Ecclesia
sancta, Ecclesia una, Ecclesia vera, Ecclesia Catholica, contra omnes haereses
pugnans: pugnare potest, expugnari tamen non potest. Haereses omnes de ilia
exierunt, tamquam sarmenta inutilia de vite praecisa. Ipsa autem manet in
radice sua. in vite sua, in charitate sua. Portae inferorum non vincent earn.”
Yol. i. p. 116—118.
To this may be added a subsequent passage, with respect
to the divisions among Protestants, in reference to the form
and constitution of the Church.
“ Anglicani Episcopale regimen tenent, cui fideles singuli sunt subjiciendi,
qua autem ratione Episcopi per orbem inter se conjungantur, ut in unum veluti
corpus coeant, haud feliciter explicant, charitatis vinculum cum fide dogmatum
fundamentalium sufficere arbitrantes : quod tamen aliquando verbis obscuriori-
bus enuntiant. Episcoporum autem institutionem ab Apostolis repetit White :
Bingham a Christi ordinatione. Methodist® nonnulli Episcoporum regimen
agnoscunt, quod tamen divinitus institutum vix possunt habere, quum Joannem
Wesley, Episcopali charactere plane carentem, Thomas Coke Episcopum
primum sectae ordinasse ipsi referant, et Episcopum ordinari posse a seniori-
bus, praeconibus scilicet, saltern tribus numero, tradant, si temporum calamitate
contigerit nullam in secta superesse Episcopum. Apud c return generalem seu
collationem, Anglice “ General Conference,” praecipuam constituunt potesta-
tem: ea quippe ex senioribus, qui in annuis collationibus eliguntur, constat,
quolibet quadriennio congregatur, ipsosque quos vocant episcopos suae subditos
auctoritati habet. Baptistae consulunt ut data occasione inter se Ecclesiae
locales societatem ineant, communibusque utantur consiliis, sed omntn auctori-
tatis notionem abesse jubent. Presbyteriani comitiis generalibus “ General
Assembly” ex tota America fcederata collectis, piaeconibus et laicis senioribus in
id electis, potestatem summam in suae sectae negotiis tribuunt. Singulas
paraecias apud illos regit praeco cum duobus saltern laicis senioribus, qui tribu*
nal constituunt “ Sessionem” vocatum ; plures sessiones tribunal Presbyterii
efficiunt, in quo conveniunt praecones omnes qui ad eas pertinent, una cum
laico seniore ex qualibet : synodus tria saltern presbyteria complectitur, et ex
praeconibus, et laicis senioribus pari ratione coustituitur : Comitia generalia
fiunt semel in anno, praecone uno ex viginti quatuor cnjuslibet presbyterii, et
seniore uno pariter coadunatis.
“ In ditionibus Angliae rex, vel regina, in omnibus causis turn Ecclesiasticis,
turn civilibus, praecipuam habet potestatem juxta articulos Anglicanos: sed
Episcopaliani Americani profitentur civilem Magistratum nullam habere aucto-
ritatem in rebus mere spiritualibus. Habetur caetus generalis Episcoporum :
“General Convention Ministris cum laicis etiam intervenientibus. Omnibus
praest Episcopus senior ordinatione, qui taman nullam in caetoros exercet auc-
toritatem. Anglicani Episcopum Romanum nullam habere in Angliae ditioni-
bus jurisdictionem affirmant; sed de eo silent Americani Episcopaliani. Me-
thodistae nullam exteram jurisdictionem agnoscunt ; sed Baptistae et Presbyte-
riani in Episcopum Romauum tamquam Antichristum debacchantur.” Vol. i.
p. 140—141.
We are much amused at the frequency and readiness with
which our Bishop pays the high-church prelatists in their
current coin — as for example, when he says — “Anglicani
autem schismatis crimen vehementer exaggerant, sui vnlne-
ris haud memores,” (vol. I. p. 145.)
1840.]
Kenrick's T/icologia Dogmulica.
283
Whatever may be thought of the Bishop’s conclusions in
the following extracts, he is certainly entitled to be heard,
as a witness having no connexion with the parlies spoken of.
“ Presbyteriani in comitiis suis generalibus agnoscunt potestatem judicia-
riam in doctrinae controversiis, sed earn contendunt esse mere declaratoriam,
■adeo ut sanctae scripturae sint unica regula fidei et morum. Destruunt mani-
festo quod aedificant, dum errorem subesse posse hujosmodi judiciis haud gra-
vantur fateri. Deest igitur unitatis principium, nullum enim est tribunal quo
doctrina certo dijudicari valeat.
“ De Ecclesiae potestate in controversiis fidei silent Methodistae, verba arti-
culorum Anglicanorum alioquin plerumque exscribentes.
“ Baptistae supremum controversiarum judicem nullum alium agnoscunt
praeter scripturana a Spiritu traditam.
“ Liquet igitur apud Sectas nullum esse tribunal quo fidei unitas servari
possit, quum summa judicia incerta ab ipsis agnoscantur, et erroris periculo
obnoxia.” Vol. i. p. 182.
“Ex Paley audivimus quae opinionum licentia obtineat apud eos qui arti-
culis A nglicanis subscribunt. Recentissime vero luculentum datum est argu-
mentum confessionem Presbyterianam nullam vim apud sectam obtin ere ; in
ipsis enim comitiis generalibus, singulis fere annis sententiae contrariae obti-
nuerunt, alterna fere vice scholae novae, quae a confessionis principiis longissime
discedit, vel scholae veteri Calvinianae faventes. Quum autum commenta-
tiones in epistolam ad Romanos a Barnesio, Philadelphiae ante paucos annos
«dita, haereseos fuissent insimulatae, ipseque ex Synod i auctoritate a munere
praedicandi suspensus, Comitia Generalia Pittsburgi anno 1836 euin absolve
runt: anno vero sequenti Comitia Generalia Philadelphiae habita, omnes novae
Scholae fautores et Ecclesias in quibus eae circumferebantui opiniones a con-
sortio suo absciderunt, qua ratione sexcenti fere praecones simul abscissi
dicuntur. Haec sane ostendunt confessionem nullatenus idoneam fidei unitati
perpetuo servandae.” Vol. i. p. 184.
“ Re quidem vera Episcopaliani nostrates in baptismi administratione omit-
tunt singillatim interrogare de Svmbuli articulis, utrum scilicet credat baptizan-
dus in Patrem, Filium, et Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam,
remissionern peccatorum, et caetera : substituta interrogatione generali : utrum
teneat omnes articulos fidei Christianae prout in Syinbolo Apostolico continen-
tur. Quamvis haec mutado parvi moinenti possit cuiquam videri, ex industria
facta quum sit, periculum praesefert ne sensim sine sensu a pluribus fidei dog-
matibus recedendi quaeratur occasio. Quod vcrd ad rem magis facit, in visita-
tione aegrotoium olim apud Anglicanos praescriptum est ut minister aegrotum
hortaretur ad specialera peccatorum confessionem peragendam, eique confesso
absolutionem auctoritate sibi a Christo commissa impertiretur: quain absolvendi
potestatem Ecclesiae denegare esset, teste Pearsonio, haeresis Novatiana. Jam
vero omnern mentionem confessionis, et absolutionis, Rituale Ameiicanum
prorsus omittit.
“ Quum Methodistae Episcopalianos imitentur, Baptistae vero et Presbyte-
riani nullam fere habeant formam cultus, sed pleraque praeconum permittant
arbitrio, qui orationes fundere, legere scripturas, hymnos canere, et conciones
facere pro occasione debent, liquet fidei unitatem in cultu et sacramentorum ad-
nrinistratione nullum apud sectas habere praesidium.
“ Nullum est principium apud Sectas quo in regimine servari possit
unitas, vel foveri sacra cum Christi fidelibus per orhem communio: nam nulla
est communis auctoritas qua teneantur. Comitia Generalia in America nullo
auctoritatis ligaraine cum Calvinianii Scotis, Anglis, Genevcnsibus conjungun-
voi.. xii. no. 2. 37
890
Kenrick's Theologia Dogmutica.
[ April
itur, sed sola imitations regiminis, et doctrinae similitudine, plurimis capitibus,
quae odium paritura forent, mutatis, se fratres exhibent. Ipsa comitia non
valent unitatem in sua provincia servare, quum auctoritatem nullarn sacrarn
habere agnoscantur, et oscillatione quadam in varias ferantur partes. Episco-
paliani nullo communi vinculo tenentur, Anglicani enirn regem vel leginam in
omnibus causis civilibus et Ecclesiasticjs, intra suam ditionem, suprema aucto-
ritate pollere fatentur, quod ex Dei ordinatione repetit rex in solemni sua decla.
ratione articulis praefixa. Nostrates autem conventione generali res suas
moderantur, in singulis diopcesibus coetu quodam statute, quo et Episcoporum
sarctetur potestas. Adeo autem carent communionis sax.no vinculo, ut nonnisi
humanitate quadam conjungi cum Anglicanis dici possint, cujus exercitium
leges Anglicanae coercent, vetantes ne exterus quis episcopus in suis Ecclesiis
poncionetur. Anglicani porro cleri comitia, quae Convocationem vocant, ne-
queunt haberi absque venia regia, qualem etiam sanclioncm ejus decreta exigunt
pt vaLeant.” Vol, i. p. 185 — 186.
The following account of Calvinistic strifes is as true as it
is flattering.
“Calviniani, Dordracena Synodo habita, in sectas Gomaristarum et Arminia-
porum scissi sunt, illos hos etiam ad mortem nonnumquam persequentibus.
Nostiis etiam temporibus vidimus scissam sectam, jurgio vehementiori, et
.contumeliis in foliis in se invicem latis.” Vol. i. p. 1S7.
On the subject of Presbyterian intolerance, hear the Bishop
of Arath, the worthy organ of his mild and merciful Mother
Church.
“ Sic Calvinus in Servetum saevit : sic Beza saeviendum docuit : sic foedus
sanguinis inierunt Puritani, rege juramento adstricto se ex suo imperio extermi-
naturum omnes haereticos, et vero Dei cultui adversanos : idque muneris civili
magistratui in secundi decalogi praecepti explicatione haud obscure injungunt,
quam etiam Presbyteriani nostrates retinent, omnibus inculcantes se teneri vi
divini illius praecepti ad sese pro sua conditione omni falso cultui opponendum,
,et ad monumenta idololatriae, qua ratione Catholicum cultum placuit designaie,
tollenda.” Vol. i. p. 194.
The following reference to Dr. J. P. Wilson’s work on
Ruling Elders, is, we think, instructive.
“ Calvinus arguitur a Wilsone, praecone ipso sectae, quod ad optimatum con-
filiandum gratiam, laicos seniores regiminis fecerit participes, contra totius
antiquitatis ©hristianae sensum et morem.” Vol. i. p. 207.
The Bishop is of opinion that Protestant missionaries are
more like travellers than preachers of the gospel, and that
no nation has ever been converted by them to the Christian
faith, (vol. i. p. 222.)
As the apostolical succession is a fashionable topic at the
present time, we think it right to hear the Bishop of Arath
pn the pretensions of the Greek and English churches.
1840.]
Kenrick's Theologia Dogmatica
29 1
“ Quod autem Graeci ordines habeant, non gravamur fateri ; sed Apostolical
successionis jura manifesto schismate amissa Sunt, quum fenim Christus unairf
voluerit esse Ecclesiam, qui unitatis ligamen disrumpit, extra Ecclesiam fit, et
jurisdictionem, quae ab ipsa pendet, amittit. Quod ad Anglicanos attinet,
vitium hoc merito objicitur eorum jactatae successioni, ut interim sileatnus de
ordinibus ipsis, quos ob novam formam sub Eduardo rege invectam, et ob litem
de Parked in Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem consecratione, nihil valere,
magno consensu Theologi existimant.” Vol. i. p. 222.
“ Inde igitur infertur societatem omnem quae caret ministerio, qualis est
Amicorum,'i\i\go Quakers, caetus, nullo modo esse Christi Ecclesiam: nec
societatem quae ministerium habet, sed unitatis sacrum vinculum disrupit,
quod Graeci schismatici fecerunt, veram Ecclesiam esse : nec quae ordinationis
validae defectu, vel schismatis crimine, Apostolicae caret successionis juribus,
quod alterutrum, vel potius utrumque, de Anglicanis affirmari tuto potest, ulla-
tenus posse Sponsae Christi privilegia sibi vindicare. Omni autem umbra
successionis Apostolicae, vel legitimi ministerii carent, Calviniani, Methodistae,
Baptistae, Unitariani, Universalistae, caeterique sectarii.” Vol. i. p. 235.
In the fallowing paragraph the Bishop shows an accurate
acquaintance, not only with the difference between our prin-
cipal denominations, but with the subdivisions which exist
in one of them.
“ Plerique sectarii in hac regione vel Episcopale regimen prorsus rejiciunt,
vel illud ad Ecclesiasticam politiam rfeferunt, quin a Christi institutione deri-
vetur. Presbyteriani contendunt nullam specialem auctoritatem regiminis
Episcopi vocabulo designari, sed de simplici quovis animarum pastore illud
usuipari. Iis Baptistae, ut plerumque, assentiuntur. Methodistae nonnulli
Episcopalis regiminis nomen retinerit, sed illud repetunt ex Wesleyi in hanc
formam voluntate magis propensa, eum Episcopatus sui auctorem agnoscentes.
Episcopaliani eo gloriantur; sed ex Apostolorum institutione illud derivat
White, qui, moderations laudem cupiens, animadvertit Ecclesiafn Anglicam
absolutam ejus necessitatem numquam affirmasse, et Bancroftum ipsum, dutn
ageretur de Episcopis Scotiae dandis, ab ea quaestione dirimenda consult®
abstinuisse, ne omnes pene Ecclesiae reformatae ministerio carere viderehtur.”
Vol. i. p. 246.
The contrast between the Papists and the Quakers is exhi-
bited in very bold relief as follows.
“ Amici, quos Quakeros vocant, tenent universis prorsus hominibus lumen-
interius dari, quo quae ad salutem spectant noscere valeant, et salutem reapse
assequi, etsi ignorent historiam Jesu. Catholica doctrina in Concilio Latera-
nensi III. exposita est his verbis : ‘ Una vero est fitfelium universalis Ecclesia,
extra quam nullus omnino salvatur.’ ” Vol. i. p. 313.-
The following sentence would be rather startling, if the
context did not show that by biblical system, Bishop Ken-
rick means the system of the Bible Society, or the indiscri-'
minate circulation of the scriptures:
“ Callaghan, minister Protestanticus in Hibernia, egregie vitium systemati*-
Biblici exposuit.” Vol. i. p. 431, note.
292
Kenrick’s Theologia Dogmatica. [April
In speaking of those who have denied the doctrine of ori-
ginal sin, our author brings together some who never could
have dreamed of being placed in the same category:
“ Hoc dogma negavit qninto saeculo ineunte Pelagius monachus laicus e
Britannia, Coelestio Scot© assentiente; quibus praeclare restitit Augustinus,
quosque concilia et Fontifices damnarunt. Albieenses in eodem haeserunt
luto, sicut Zuinglius etiam, et Socinus uterque. Illud negant aperte Unitarii
hodierni. Novissime Albertus Birnesius, praeco presbyterianus, illud evellere-
studuit, arte quadem et industria, editis in epistolam S. Pauli and Romanos
commentationibus, quae magnum in secta conflaverunt incendium. Profitetur
quidem se rem ipsam admittere, ex quo peccavit Adam totum humanum genus
in peccatum et interitum prolapsum ; sed theoriam nullam ab Apostolo statu-
tam dicit, a qua igitur statuenda abstinendum est. Re tamen vera ipse suam
mentem prodit, occasionem lapsus caeteris hominibus ex Adae peccato ortam,
sed nullam veram peccati labcm. Latet anguis in berba; de theoria enim sta-
tuenda haud agitur, sed de re ipsa: utrum scilicet peccante Adamo, universi
homines constituti sint peccatores, et idcirco morti obnoxii : non adhuc quaeri-
tur quomodo id contigerit, qua ratione reatus ille transfundatur, quave in re
peccati hujus natura sit posita. Has quaestiones ad theorias relegari patimur
libenter : sed dogma, rem, factum negat, qui dicit homines Adae posteros tunc
primum peccatores constitui, quando suis actibus deliquerunt ; Apostolus
quippe docet omnes Adae peccato peccatores constitutes.” Vol. ii. p. 38-39.
In the following paragraph, too, the Presbyterians and
Quakers are somewhat unexpectedly brought together:
“ Dordracena synodus definivit : ‘ Deus . . . Spiritum Sanctum etiam
in tristibus lapsibus a suis non prorsus aufert, nec eo usque eos prolabi sinit, ut
a gratia adoptionis, ac justifieationis statu excidant.’ Id tradunt aperte Pres-
byteriani hodierni. Quakeri dicunt ad tantam perfectionem perveniri posse,
ut quis in apostasiam totalem haud amplius labi valeat.” Vol. ii. p. 338.
We commend the following statement to the notice of the
Baptists, Presbyterians, and Mr. Barnes:
“ Barnesius, commentationibus in Pauli ad Romanos epistolam plura de
Christo Deo inseruit ; adjunxit tamen eum Filium designari ex tempore quo
humana indutus came apparuit, et scripturas piorsus silere de ulla ejus proces-
sione antequam homo factus sit. Liquet hac ratione distinctionem personarum
tolli, et veterem haeresim sub involucris renovari. Equidem constat Arianos et
Humanitarios in Presbyterianorum et Baptistarum sectis plurimos reperiri.”
Vol. ii. p. 79.
That nothing might appear to have escaped his notice, the
bishop thus alludes to a matter which has recently attracted
much attention in this country:
“ In magnetismo animali, quo quis eorum quae procul sunt conseius fieri
dicitur, spiritu illuc nescio quo pacto se transferente, et uti dicitur, imaginatione
operante extra proprium corpus, nullam daemoniacam operam interesse suspica-
mur, sed vel artem quandam, vel illusionem, quamvis recentissime in hac ipsa
regione, plura miraque relata sint, quibus homines Acatholici judicio graves ad-
hibucruut fidem.” Vol. ii. p. 75.
1840.] Kenrick’s Theologia Dogmatica.
293
With all his variety of knowledge, however, there are
two omissions, which evince that he is still behind the age.
Unless our very cursory perusal does the work injustice, it
contains no reference either to the German Christianity,
now taking root in some parts of America, or to the Oxford
Christianity, already bearing fruit in others. We are, indeed,
inclined to think, after all, that America, to Bishop Kenrick,
means Philadelphia, and that to this circumstance may be
ascribed the unenviable prominence given in his work to
certain writers and preachers of that goodly city.
As the bishop, more than once, rather unadvisedly admits
the great diversity of sentiment existing among Romanists
themselves, the question naturally arises, to which school or
sect of the infallible and only-saved he happens to belong.
At the end of the second volume, he replies to this inquiry,
and asserts his claim to be considered a good “ catholic,” as
follows:
“ Quamvis nulli scholae necessaiio nos addictos profiteamur, in haereticorum
solvendis objectionibus qualibet sententia calholica uti licere existiroavimus.
Placet nobis celebre Augustini effatum : Iff necxssariis unitas, in dubiis
xibertas, in omnibus caritas. Quod si aliquid nobis exciderit, in re adeo
difficili, quod sanae doctrinae haud consonum reperiatur, Apostolicae Sedis ju-
dicio illud revocatum habendum erit: quae enim scripsimas, sicut et quae su-
mus scripturi, summo illi praesuli, qui, Petri cathedram tenens fidei ejus haeres
constituitur, ex animo subjicimus, nullum majus privilegium nobis vindicantes,
quam lidei ejusdem et communionis consortium.” Vol. if. p. 389.
We have suffered the bishop to speak for himself, and for
the most part at our own expense. For after all, what is
there more d'stinctive of the Papist and the Protestant than
this, that while the latter dares to spread before his hearers
the worst that his worst enemies can say against him, the
former, not content with his expurgatory index, is afraid to-
trust his followers with the word of God?
QUARTERLY LIST
or
NEW BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS.
An Historical Account of the First Settlement of Salem, in West Jersey, by'
John Fenwick, Esq., chief proprietor of the same. With many of the im-
portant events that have occurred down to the present generation. By R.
G. Johnson, Philadelphia. Published by Orrin Rogers: 1839. 12mo.
pp. 173.
We hardly knowhow our aged men of leisure and opportunity can render
a better service to the literature of the country than by preparing and pub-
lishing just such books as this. Col. Johnson has here given us a history of
the county of Salem ; an account of its first settlement ; to a certain extent of
the origin of its inhabitants ; of the formation of its churches of different
denominations ; of legislative enactments and judicial proceedings ; and its
sacrifices and struggles in the revolutionary war. It is evident at once that
if we could have similar authentic accounts of the several counties in our
State, wc should have a basis for its civil and religious history of inestimable
importance. It is only in this way that the materials of history can be pre-
served and rendered accessible to the general historian. It is impossible for
any one man to have access to the county records ; to the archives of churches,
to the family traditions over a whole state. The collection and publication of
these materials must be left to the intelligent inhabitants of each particular
district. We tender Col. Johnson, therefore, our hearty thanks for his inte-
resting and instructive little volume, and hope that his example may be
speedily followed by equally qualified writers in every part of the country.
A Sermon on the present crisis in the Missionary operations of the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. By Rufus Anderson, D.D.,
one of the Secretaries of the Board : 1840.
It appears from this discourse that there is great danger of the income of
this venerable Board falling short to an alarming extent during the current
year. The deficiency for the first five months is stated at 38,000 dollars.
Should the residue of the year prove equally unproductive, the receipts will
not exceed two-thirds of what they were in each of the last three years. The
consequences of such a deficiency would be most disastrous. It must occasion
the breaking up of whole missions. The causes of this decline in the resources
of the Board are no doubt various. The most obvious is the general finan-
cial embarrassment of the country. This, however, though it has to a great
1840.]
Quarterly List of New Books.
295
extent diminished the large contributions of the rich, has not so much affected
the numerous and more important contributions of the poor. Another cause
is the dying out in many places of the old organizations for raising money.
Formerly there were sixteen hundred associations, male and female, for this
this purpose ; now there are but six hundred. The place of these associations
is most imperfectly supplied by congregational collections. One of the reme-
dies for the evils under which the Board now labours, is suggested by this
statement. It is a return to the old and more efficient organizations. How
effectual this would probably prove, may be inferred from the case of the
churches of Boston. Last year they raised by congregational collections,
$4,836 ; this year, by even a partial return to the old plan, $9,940. These
organizations may be perfectly simple. They need only a treasurer and col-
lectors. The th in g- to be done is to present the claims of missions personally
to every member of the church and congregation. We are persuaded that
this is the right method for that Board, and for those immediately connected
with our own church. We sincerely hope that Dr. Anderson’s impressive
appeal may be the means of speedily relieving the Board from all its diffi-
culties.
The Polymicrian Lexicon to the New Testament. By W. Greenfield. Phi-
ladelphia: Henry Perkins, 134 Chesnut street. Boston: Perkins &
Marvin, 114 Washington Street.
We are always glad to see our press attempting to rival the English in
the pubhcation and style of standard works. This one we think decidedly
superior to the English edition. The type is larger and more distinct, the
page is a better size and shape, the price is much less, and the proof is more
correct. This latter quality is owing to the indefatigable industry and accu-
racy of Mr. Joseph P. Engles, who acted as editor. This Lexicon is intended
to match an edition of the Greek Testament, published a few months ago,
under the same auspices. We are glad that the scholarship, industry and
accuracy of Mr. Engles has been turned to account in this way, and that we
have at last an opportunity to bear our testimony to qualifications, which have
been so long devoted to the cause of education and religion, privately and
anonymously. For the information of those not acquainted with this Lexicon,
in its English dress, we would state that it is based on Wahl’s Lexicon, as
translated and improved by Professor Robinson. It has all the words in the
New Testament and those in Griesbach’s various readings, with their deriva-
tions, principal inflections, and copious definitions, supported by references to
the passages where the word is so applied. When bound with the Testament
it still makes a very small pocket volume, and is an invaluable apparatus for
studying the New Testament. The enterprising publisher deserves the
thanks of Biblical students; and, what will be as much to their interest as his,
their patronage. The perfect convenience of this arrangement will often
tempt one to look into his Greek Testament, and investigate the etymology or
exact shade of meaning of a word or passage, when he would have neglected
296 Quarterly List of New Books. [April
to do so, if possessed of only the more cumbrous, though more detailed and
perfect books on the subject.
The Great Concern of Salvation. By the Rev. Thomas Halyburton. Phila-
delphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication. William S. Martien, Pub-
lishing Agent : 1839.
Though this work has been published some months, it has not fallen in our
way till recently. We are surely safe in presuming that our readers are
well acquainted with the vigour of intellect, and the deep and scriptural
piety which characterize this great man’s writings. It is only necessary to
say, that the abridgment of the work, (for it has been re-written and abridged
for the Board of Publication, by the Rev. C. Corss,) seems to us to be admi-
rably done. It is difficult to imagine how any one can give this work a
serious and thorough perusal, without a deep and fixed conviction, that sal-
vation is, indeed, the great concern, and a clear view, (so far as spiritual
truth can be made clear without divine influence,) of the nature of that salva-
tion, and of the manner in which it becomes available for sinners.
The Pleasures of Religion. By Henry Forster Burder, D.D. Philadelphia:
Presbyterian Board of Publication. W. S. Martien, Publishing Agent.
The author treats in a truly pleasing and persuasive manner, the following
topics: — The Pleasures which constitute True Happiness : The Pleasures of
a Good Conscience : The Pleasures of an Enlightened Intellect: The Plea-
sures which arise from the Exercise of the Affections in Religion : The
Pleasures of Obedience to the Will of God : The Pleasures of Prayer and
Praise : The Pleasures of the Sabbath : The Pleasures arising from the doc-
trine of Divine Providence : The Pleasures of Hope : The Pleasure of Doing
Good: The Pleasures of the Heavenly State: The Pleasures of Early
Piety. — This is too rich a field for such a mind to fail of gathering an ample
and precious harvest. The book also possesses another quality, with whioh
it is more diffieult to clothe the discussion of such a subject; — it is decidedly
attractive even to those who may not be much inclined to seriousness.
The Spirit of Prayer. By the Rev. Nathaniel Vincent, A.M. Philadelphia
Presbyterian Board of Publication. W. S. Martien, Publishing Agent :
1840.
The language, style and manner of this little work are somewhat old fash-
ioned : but it is, (as old fashioned books generally are,) a rich, scriptural
discussion of the subject. The author treats of the spirit and occasions of
prayer, — “ Pray always of the parts, and different kinds of prayer, —
“ With all prayer ,” the nature of right prayer, — “ Supplication in the
Spirit the duty and necessity of watching along with prayer, — “ Watching'
thereunto the best manner, and the importance of, persevering in prayer, —
“ With all perseverance and the enlarged and liberal spirit of prayer, —
“ Supplication for all saints This little book is highly instructive and
practical ; and breathes a sweet spirit.
1840.]
Quarterly List of New Books.
297
A Sermon delivered to the Presbyterian Congregation of Trenton, N. J., at the
Dedication of their new house of worship, January 19, 1840. By John W.
Yeomans. Trenton: 1840.
This sermon is distinguished by that refinement of thought and polish of
diction for which Mr. Yeomans’ writings are remarkable. The discourse is
founded on a passage in the 66th Psalm, of which a very ingenious interpre-
tation is given, which rests upon the hypothesis of its being a pious contem-
plation of the future grandeur of that temple which the warrior Psalmist was
not to be allowed to see otherwise than in prophetic vision. This forms the
introduction. The residue of the discourse is principally taken up in exhibit-
ing the bfessedness connected with dwelling “in the courts of the Lord;”
with having a family locaiion in a place devoted to the worship of God. A
most appropriate subject for a dedication sermon. And it is treated with a
felicity, good taste and pious feeling which must have rendered it peculiarly
acceptable to the intelligent congregation to which it was addressed.
A History of the Rise, Progress, Genius and Character of American Presby-
terianism : together with a Review of “ The Constitutional History of the
Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. By Charles Hodge,
Professor in the Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J.” By William
Hill, D.D. Washington: J. Gideon, Ji. 1840. pp. 240.
As we have just received this work, we can do little more than announce its
title. This volume is the first of a series which Dr. Hill proposes to publish
on the history of our church. The present number is altogether preliminary,
bringing the history no further than to the formation of the first presbytery in
1705. As we hope to have the opportunity of paying our respects to Dr. Hill
in our next number, we dismiss his work for the present with this slight
notice.
Notes, Critical, Explanatory and Practical on the Book of the Prophet Isaiah.
By Albert Barnes. Three vols. 8vo.
We have not yet had an opportunity of examining this work. But as Mr.
Barnes is so well known, both as a writer and commentator, our readers can be
at no loss to form a probable estimate of its character.
A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life : adapted to all orders of Chris-
tians. By the Rev. William Law, A.M. Carefully revised and abridged,
by Howard Malcom, A.M. Third stereotype edition. Boston : Gould,
Kendall & Lincoln. 1839. 18mo. pp. 336.
As reprints of this celebrated and extraordinary book are continually de-
manded, it is certainly desirable that it should be given to the public, as in
the present instance, purged from those sentiments which are repugnant to
the views of the great bulk of Christians. This expurgation Mr. Malcom
appears to have effected in an honest and laudable manner. But the great
vice of the work is one which no pruning can reach ; its defect, namely, of
the gospel. Admitting to the full the piety, the ascetic fascinations, and ths
vol. xii. no. 2. 38
298
Quarterly List of New Books. [April
cogent eloquence of the work which struck the minds, not only of Johnson
and Wesley, hut of Gibbon, we must still protest against a Christless devo-
tion. No doubt we should agree with the excellent editor in our opinion of
the only way of entering on a life of religion, but we disagree with him in
thinking that it is a sufficient apology for the absence of Christ’s justifying
righteousness and “ the mode of conversion,” that the book was addressed to
pro fusseil Christians. For every chaptei of the work shows that those to
whom it is addressed, whether professed Christians or not, are such as need,
first of all, to be led to Him who is the Way, the Truth, and the Life. If
the beautiful volume can be read, with a due sense of this, it may be’as useful
as it is popular.
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