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THE

PRINCETON REVIEW.

APRIL, 1 853.

No. II.

9

Article I. — (Euvres divers de F'enelon. — Paris: Chez Le-

fevre, 1844.

We are no friends to Popery; to its doctrines, institutions,
and ceremonies; and hesitate not to regard it as the great
scheme of the evil one for frustrating the leading objects of Re-
velation. We repel with indignation her claims to infallibility;
we abhor her despotism and tyranny; we regard as mere Pa-
ganized Christianity many of her rites and observances; we
esteem, as unscriptural and irrational, much of her theology as
consecrated by the Council of Trent. We have embraced all
proper opportunities to oppose its errors and corruptions, its
false doctrines and evil practices ; and shall continue to do it
as long as we have power to “ contend for the faith once deli-
vered to the saints.”

But while we thus bear our decided testimony against the
Church of Rome, does it imply an excision of all the members
of its communion ? Should there not be a distinction between
the dogmas of a church viewed in its corporate authority, and
the character of its members considered in their private capaci-
ty ? Adopting the test which our Saviour gives, “ by their
fruits ye shall know them,” we ^re bound to admit that many
in that community have “ brought forth the fruits of the Spirit,”
vol. xxv. — xo. ii. 22

166

Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

and exhibited the best attributes of Christians ; that Christiani-
ty, even under Papal corruption, has put forth a divine and
celestial power that has enlightened and purified ; that in that
church there have been men who have adorned the sanctuary of
God, and been shining lights in the days of darkness ; that from
its bosom have gone forth missionaries to distant parts of the
the earth, whose sacrifices and martyrdom have resembled those
of the Apostolic age ; that hooks have been written by its mem-
bers, and have come down to us, the study of which refreshes and
strengthens our piety. Some thus distinguished, remained in
the Papal Church, who failed not deeply to lament its errors ;
and others gave such a construction as satisfied their minds,
to doctrines which we would interpret as unscriptural and
dangerous. It is not for us to say how far individuals thus
united to Christ, might be unsuspectingly fettered in their ad-
herence to the communion in which they were educated, by the
force of early prepossessions ; by respect to ecclesiastical
authority ; by their views of Christian unity ; and by their sense
of the dangers of open separation. It is not for us to say how
the Holy Spirit, by such instances of piety, might indicate the
inefficacy of all human modifications of the gospel, and teach
us that at times he chooses to be independent of the best or
the worst instruments.

While, therefore, we firmly oppose the abominations of the
Romish Church, and exclaim, “ 0 ! my soul, come not thou into
its secret; unto its assembly, mine honour, be not thou united,”
let us avoid that unmeasured and undistinguished sentence of
reprobation which proscribes all its members. While we behold
men there making eminent progress in the most sacred of all
human pursuits ; while we listen to the devout aspirations of
a Ivempis, prostrate at the foot of the Saviour’s cross ; while we
imbibe the solemn and saintly morality of Nicole, breathing
the most heavenly lessons of purity, charity, self-denial, and
devotion; while we hear the voice of Pascal, now uttering with
authority, the existence and attributes of God, and then in mea-
sures awful and piercing as the lamentations of a prophet,
mourning over the corruption and miseries of man, we should
tremble to pronounce an indiscriminate sentence against all the
members even of a corrupt community, lest haply we be found

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

167

1853.]

to “ curse whom God hath not cursed, and to defy whom the
Lord hath not defied.”

To these may be added the name of Fenelon ; a man who
to the highest order of talents, and an inimitable grace of ex-
pression in his writings, added much spiritual and ardent piety ;
a man in whom the gospel liberally diffused its graces, and dis-
played its triumphs ; a man to whom Christianity would have
been much indebted, if any mortal homage could have in-
creased her native dignity and loveliness.

We shall first briefly present the events of his life, and then
consider him in the different relations which he sustained.

Francis de Salignac de Lamothe-Fenelon was born of an
ancient and illustrious family, at Perigord, in France, on the
6th of August, 1651 — was called to preach the gospel at an
early age, and as Abbe, spent twelve years in presiding over
the institution of “ New-Catholics.” In 1682, he was em-
ployed in the distant province of Poictou, as missionary; in
1689, appointed as preceptor to the Duke of Burgundy — then
was engaged in a warm controversy on the subject of Quietism ;
and was removed by death on the 6th of January, 1715.

In considering his education , we learn that Marquis de Fen-
elon, his uncle, a man of accomplished mind and acknowledged
piety, bore all its expenses, having virtually adopted his
nephew, in the place of an only son, who was killed at the
siege of Candia. Having remained under the paternal roof
until the age of twelve, he entered the University of Cahors,
at that time in a flourishing state, affording to its pupils the
highest advantages. Nothing is especially related of his pro-
ficiency, except a profound knowledge in the Latin and Greek
languages, far beyond the ordinary attainments of youth at
that age. It is to his enthusiasm for classical literature, and
his assiduous study of the best models of Athens and Rome, that
he was indebted for that perfection of style which he reached ;
that simplicity and grace, that perspicuity and elegance, that
indescribable charm, which, by universal assent, pervade his
writings. It is related, that in the study of Ilomer, to which
he was devoted, he preferred the Odyssey to the Iliad. While
he acknowledged that there might be higher sublimity in the
latter, in the description of battles, gods, and heroes, in the

163

Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

tumult and terror wliicli perpetually reign ; yet lie regarded the
former as exhibiting the finest lessons of morality, the most
pleasing variety of events, the most natural pictures of domestic
life, the truest representations of the manners and customs of
antiquity: -while he admired the moral of the Iliad, which
displayed the dire effects of discord among rulers, and the best
means of rectifying the conduct of princes, he found in the
Odyssey the patience, prudence, wisdom, temperance, and
fortitude of the hero, affording a model, not confined to courts
and palaces, but extending its influence to common life and
daily practice; he saw (what was so congenial with his dis-
position) universal benevolence inculcated with elegance and
force. “Since it is delightful,” he says, “to see in one of
Titian’s landscapes, the goat climbing up a hanging rock, or to
behold in one of Tenier’s pieces, a rural feast of rustic dances,
it is no wonder that we are pleased with such natural descrip-
tions as we find in the Odyssey. This simplicity of manners
seems to recall the golden age.” This sentiment is connected
with that work which he afterwards composed, and on which
his reputation so much rests.

After remaining at the University until he had finished his
course of literature and philosophy, he was sent to Paris, and
entered the college of Plessis. There he continued his studies
of philosophy; and as his early piety had led him to choose
the sacred ministry as his profession, there he commenced the
study of theology; there made rapid progress in scholarship
and religion; and there gave indications of that celebrity
which he ultimately attained. At an early age, he was admit-
ted to orders, and at the altar, gave a Eolemn pledge of his
determination to devote his whole life to the service of that
religion which he professed. On this occasion he was anima-
ted with all the ardour of devout sincerity ; he went through
the ceremony like a man in earnest; and implored God with
tears that he might be so far honoured as to become, if neces-
sary, a martyr for the sake of religion.

In considering Fenelon as a preacher, it may not be impro-
per to inquire, TF/<af was the state of religion at that time in
France? It was not in a stagnant state, treated with indiffer-
ence and apathy; it was so examined and agitated that it every

169

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon.

where excited attention. The discussions, able and animated,
between the Jansenists and the Jesuits; the controversy between
the Romanists and the Protestants, conducted by men of the
ablest talents and the greatest learning — the works on this
subject which were continually issuing from the press — the
institutions for instruction which were rapidly multiplied, and
in which youth were educated in the peculiar tenets of their
founders — the interest felt in the work of foreign missions,
extending to the most remote parts of the world — the unwea-
ried labours of bishops and other ecclesiastics, “in season and
out of season” — all kept the subject of religion continually
before the public mind — carried it to the army, to the court,
to schools and seminaries, to poets, and philosophers, and men
of science. A Conde could pray in the field of battle; a Tur-
enne ascribe all the victory to God ; a Racine find his reputa-
tion as the author of Athalie and Esther, kindled at the altar
of God, and the odour of his fancy and delight arising from the
sacred incense. Besides, the Roman Catholic Church, at that
period, was in a very different state from what it now is. Its
clergy had elevated thoughts, and an evident desire to rid it of
its gross superstitions; they took pains to acquire solid and
extensive knowledge; they opposed some of its absurdities;
omitted many of its ridiculous ceremonies; and endeavoured to
render Catholicism more rational and intelligent, more scriptu-
ral and pious. We doubt not that France, at that period, had
many true followers of the Saviour ; some in elevated situa-
tions, whose virtues shone like the reflection of the sun from
the lofty mountain — and more of God’s “ hidden ones,” hidden
by the obscurity of their condition, the restriction of their cir-
cumstances, and the mass of their superstitions. We doubt
not that at that time, multitudes whom God had chosen to
wear his image, to maintain his cause, and to be employed in
his service, went up from that country, day by day, to join
“the great multitude that no man can number.”

Fenelon was no sooner in the priesthood than he manifested
the most benevolent zeal for the cause of his Master, willing to
“spend and be spent” in his service. As some of his com-
panions in study had gone as missionaries to Canada, at that
time a French province, he was anxious to follow them, willing

170 Character and Writings of FeneJon. [April

to endure hardships and difficulties in the dreary and unculti-
vated wilds of America, and to spend his life in the instruction
of ignorant savages in the way of life. It was thought that
the rigour of the climate would be unfavourable to his delicate
constitution, and he was persuaded to abandon his design. He
next directed his attention to a mission established in the
Levant, and desired to go to Greece, the country endeared to
him by such classical recollections; and to Palestine, connected
with so many interesting events of sacred history. The letter
which he wrote on that occasion to a friend in Paris, shows his
youthful enthusiasm, his brilliant imagination, his capacity to
present, in lively and animated colours, the impression that
was made, and the hope which was cherished.

“My Fear Sir:

“ Several trivial events have hitherto prevented my return to
Paris ; but I shall at length set out, and instead of delaying,
shall almost fly to the city. But, compared with this journey,
I meditate one far greater and more important. The whole of
Greece opens before me, and the Sultan flies in terror — the
Peloponnesus is again breathing in liberty, and the Church of
Corinth shall once more flourish — the voice of the Apostle shall
again be heard there, proclaiming the truth. I seem to be
transported among those enchanting places, and those inesti-
mable ruins, where, while I collect the most curious relics of an-
tiquity, I imbibe also its spirit. I seek for the Areopagus,
where St. Paul proclaimed to the sages of the world the
‘unknown God.’ I kneel down, 0! happy Patmos, upon thy
earth, and kiss the steps of the ‘ beloved disciple and shall
almost believe that the heavens are opened to my sight. After
a night of such long darkness, lo ! the dayspring dawns in
Asia ! I behold the land which was sanctified by the foot-
steps of the Pcedeemer, and crimsoned with his sacred blood; I
see it delivered from its profaneness, and clothed anew in glory.
The children of Abraham are assembling together from the
four quarters of the earth, over which they have been scat-
tered, to acknowledge the Messiah whom they had pierced ;
and to show forth his resurrection even to the end of time.”

But in this design, also, he was disappointed ; Providence

1853.] Character and Writings of Feneion. 171

had a work for him to do in his native land; and there he was
detained. For twelve years he presided over the institution of
the “New Catholics,” and occupied a situation which until then
had been confided to persons only of long and much experience.
But at the early age of twenty-seven, he was found to com-
bine all those qualities which fitted him for the employment ;
distinguished talents and education, amiable manners, unusual
prudence and discretion, and above all, much love to God and
great benevolence to man. Here, in comparative obscurity, he
cultivated those qualities which fitted him for a higher sphere
and greater usefulness; he acquired that constancy of medi-
tation which continued all his life ; gained that habit of re-
flecting and judging so necessary to restrain an imagination
naturally errant and excursive ; and had full time to become a
philosopher, long before he knew that he was born a poet.

About this time he became intimately acquainted with Bos-
suet, Bishop of Meaux, confessedly the head of the Galli-
can Church; a man who had acquired the most splendid
reputation by his intellectual powers, his varied erudition, his
sublime eloquence, and his skill in reasoning. He took the
deepest interest in the young Abbe, directed him in his studies,
often invited him to his residence at Meaux, and made him
one of the small number of his select acquaintance that met
at his house for the purpose of discoursing on the sacred
volume. Each individual contributed the result of his obser-
vations and inquiries, and Bossuet summed up the whole at
the close.

Having referred to the labours of Fenelon, at the institution
of the “New Catholics,” in imparting religious instruction,
both in public and private, it is the proper place to consider
the character of his preaching. One of his sermons, composed
with care, and designed for a great occasion — the consecration
of Joseph Clement, of Bavaria, as Bishop of Liege, Ratisbon,
and Hildesheim, was published in 1707. It is truly an
elequent production — the first part written with the elevation
and energy of Bossuet, and the second with all the tenderness
and sensibility of Massillon. But this was not in general, the
character of his preaching; he had not the reputation of an
orator , in the sense ordinarily attached to the expression ; he

172 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

never aspired after such distinction. His views on the subject
of preaching may be learned from his “Dialogues on Sacred
Eloquence;” an excellent work, founded on nature and good
sense, and well calculated to guard youth against a vitiated
taste; to lead them to avoid those gaudy ornaments which
serve only to amuse; and to cultivate those higher and solid
beauties which make their way to the mind, and at once cap-
tivate the heart. The maxims there contained he exemplified
by his own practice. A volume has been published containing
the sermons which he wrote when he entered upon the minis-
try, and which, before delivery, he committed to memory ; but
soon afterwards he ceased writing, and, as we learn from his
“Dialogues,” recommended it to others. He had such aston-
ishing facility in collecting and expressing his thoughts, that
he needed not a means which others find not only useful, but
indispensable. These sermons may be read with advantage.
There is in them a sublimity of sentiment, a clearness of
thought, a closeness of appeal, a pathos of address, and a
copiousness of Scriptural language, which will repay an atten-
tive reader, and which, when spoken, must have won the hearts
of the hearers.

An event occurred in 1686, which had the effect of removing
Fenelon from his retired situation, and in some degree, chang-
ing his destiny. In that year, Louis XIY. was prevailed upon
to revoke the edict of Nantz — an edict that was issued by
Henry IV. for the purpose of toleration, and which had long
afforded a degree of protection to the French Protestants.
The revocation of this edict was an intolerant and wicked act;
it was, too, most impolitic, and disastrous to the kingdom.
By that act, France deprived herself of a million of her most
industrious subjects; of a people whose conscientious piety
arrested the growing corruption of the times ; of a number of
pastors whose piety, zeal, and learning, were a continued
stimulus to the national clergy. But when the Protestants
were no longer tolerated, the corruptions of the clergy in-
creased, the impiety of the people spread, the abuses of the
Church augmented, until infidelity and atheism prevailed, and
brought ruin upon the nation. It is said that Louis, on his
death-bed, lamented to his grandson that he had engaged so

173

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon.

much in war, and that many of his national victories had
tended to the injury of his kingdom. If he could then have
foreseen the remote and immediate effects which resulted from
the deci’ee which suppressed his Protestant subjects, which
tended at last to the subversion of the government, and the
ruin of the nation, with how much keener regret would he have
lamented that cruel and unrighteous act !

After the edict of Nantz was revoked, severe measures were
employed to bring the Protestants to subjection, and to lead
them to change their religion; fetters were prepared — the
sword was drhwn — blood was shed — but all was in vain. The
king, bent upon establishing uniformity through his dominions,
wished to add to the arguments of the sword the milder mea-
sure of persuasion, and to send among them religious teachers,
distinguished for their intelligence, mildness, prudence, and
piety. In these circumstances, he fixed his eye on the Abbe
Fenelon, as one well calculated for the work, and sent him a
commission, designating the field and nature of his labours.
We cannot justify Fenelon in the course which he took, the
spirit which he manifested, the opinion which he expressed of
the persecuted Huguenots; (he knew them only by their contro-
versial writings) — yet we admire the means which he suggested,
a3 indicating the benevolence of his nature and the soundness
of his judgment. He consented to undertake the embassy
upon one condition — that the armed force should be removed
from the place where he was to labour, and military coercion
entirely cease. When he arrived at the province of Poictou,
one of the first letters which he wrote expressed the desire to
have sent to him the New Testament, in large numbers, and in
a clear type, to be diffused among the people, as one of the
best means of convincing and enlightening them. The request
was no doubt complied with, and this book, simply explained
and solemnly enforced, was the means employed to bring the
“heretics” to apostolic truth. Who would object to such a
mode of converting Protestants? Who would not rejoice to
see such agency in every nation under heaven ? How different
is the Popery of the present day, which takes away the Scrip-
tures from the people, and imprisons men and women for read-
ing them !

VOL. XXV. — NO. II.

23

174 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

For three years Fenelon was thu3 employed. We learn not
■what effect was produced in advancing Romanism; but we have
reason to think that something was effected in promoting the
cause of Christ; such labours, by such a man, could not have
been in vain. To himself, these missionary toils and struggles
were no doubt useful — the humble theatre of his zeal and self-
denial became the instructive school of his genius and useful-
ness.

Soon after his return to Paris, he published his TraiU de
T education des filles — his treatise on the education of daughters
— a work which he never intended to print, (it was a simple
homage of friendship to a female relative) but which his friends
urged him to make public. It gained him much reputation at
the time, was long a manual of wives and mothers, and to this
day is admired and quoted. Though a small treatise, it em-
bodies many valuable and useful thoughts on the education of
youth of both sexes, from the earliest childhood to greater
maturity, and though originally written for a particular fami-
ly, is well fitted for all families, all ages, and all places. Those
who have since written on the subject, have borrowed so much
from this little work, that it has ceased to be original.*

This work had an influence upon an important appointment
which he received not long after it was published. An event,
to him entirely unexpected, suddenly brought him to the Court,
changed his destiny, and elevated him to a station on which
seemed dependent the hopes and happiness of his country. Louis
XIV. perceiving that the time had arrived when his grandson,
the Duke of Burgundy, required the care of a governor, made
choice of the Duke of Beauvilliers. A better selection could
not have been made. The Duke was a man who, under great
simplicity of manner, concealed the rarest virtues — an enemy
to pomp, hostile to ambition, not unduly attached to riches,
sedate, disinterested, liberal and courteous. Peculiarly consi-
derate and regular in every thing which he undertook, he was
well qualified to govern men. As a minister of state, all knew
that the basis of his politics was the love of justice; this they

* It was in much repute in the time of Addison, and is referred to in the
Spectator, in an article from the pen of Steele.

Character and Writings of Fenclon.

175

1853.]

bad observed as the reigning virtue of all his conduct ; to this
they had seen him sacrificing his inclinations and feelings, his
personal friends, even the interests of his own family. These
qualities received a lustre and perfection from an eminent
piety, which caused him to look to God, as the end to which all
things were to be directed. No sooner did he receive the
appointment as governor of the young prince, than he nomi-
nated Fenelon as his preceptor — a nomination that was con-
firmed by the king, commended by Bossuet, applauded by
France. The royal grandsire said, “we give to you a son,”
and the whole nation added, “return to us a father.”

Fenelon deeply felt the responsible office to which he was
called; from the letters which he wrote on the occasion, we
learn how fully sensible he was of the fearful undertaking; of
his need of a judgment for distinguishing, and an authority
for controlling, which few possess; of a patience and a per-
severance which he was never before called to exercise. His
pupil, in his moral qualities, was far from being promising.
He was proud and capricious, tyrannical to his inferiors, and
disobedient to all who would control him ; furiously impatient
and incapable of enduring the least opposition ; at times so
intemperate in his rage, that it was feared he might expire
under the paroxysm of passion. With such unhappy traits
of disposition were united astonishing powers of intellect, and
such extent of knowledge as had never before been seen in
one of his age. Such was the youth that was the heir-appa-
rent to the crown, and expected to reign over a great and
enlightened people; such was the youth committed to Fenelon,
to be trained, corrected, and reformed. Any other preceptor
would have been discouraged, but he despaired not. He brought
to the undertaking, great intellectual powers, a finished educa-
tion, unusual wisdom and prudence, and above all, the graces
of a decided Christian. It would be interesting, had we time,
to enter into details ; to show what care, attention, and patience,
were employed; what skill was exerted; what varied and deli-
cate means were used in the education of this child — this prince —
this heir of the throne of France. The more we examine his
method of forming the mind and heart, the more are we con-
vinced that it is a model of a perfect education.

176 Character and Writings of Fcnelon. [April

It is generally known how the child was treated, when he
broke forth into intemperate rage. All observed a profound
silence — his governor, his preceptor, the officers and domes-
tics; they asked no que'stion — they gave him no answer — they
carefully removed every thing by which he might injure him-
self or others — they looked upon him with tender pity, as upon
one whose reason was alienated — and thus left him alone to his
own reflections, regrets, and remorse. In these circumstances,
he would return to himself, and see and feel his folly and his
crime. By the use of all these means happily combined; by
the continual exercise of the authority of the tutor, mingled with
all the tenderness of a father, Fenelon succeeded in gradually
subduing his pupil, and calming his impetuous passions.

One means he employed with great success. Knowing the
liveliness of children’s imagination, and the peculiar vivacity of
that of his pupil, he laid hold of it as the instrument of affect-
ing the heart ; assured that the images there imprinted would be
far more effective than the clearest or most forcible reason-
ing. Those interesting Fables, still in existence, he composed
for this purpose; written with a natural elegance that is agree-
able to the ear and taste of a child, and with a moral not vague
nor indeterminate, but so particular, that the youngest reader
can make the application. Who can read the “Young Prince
and Somnus,” “Bacchus and the Satyr,” “The Nightingale
and the Linnet,” “The Bees and the Silkworms,” “The Medal,”
“ The Fantasque,” and others, without perceiving some folly
which the prince had committed, or some virtue which he parti-
cularly needed ; without recognizing the mirror in which he
looked and saw his deformity, and from which he turned away
with aversion and disgust. It was by such means — by convers-
ing familiarly with him — by appealing to his honour — by en-
gaging at times in his innocent sports, and converting his
amusements into study — by seizing the favourable moment to
make an impression on a mind that could easily under-
stand, and a heart that could sensibly feel, that he obtained
over his pupil a complete ascendency, and implanted within him
the principles of virtue.

In instructing his mind, a mind of uncommon clearness and
strength, he was equally judicious and persevering. Here he

1853.]

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

177

had everything to encourage him ; for his pupil had as much
avidity to possess knowledge, as a capacity to receive it; he
had an eager curiosity to know everything, and a desire to be
profound in everything that he learned. He instructed him
thoroughly in the Greek and Latin classics, explained the au-
thors which they read together, showed, when there were diffi-
culties, how they could be overcome, drew his attention to the
beauties continually occurring, the delicacy of the expression,
the vivacity of the narrative, the force of the imagery. As the
mind of the scholar expanded, and his heart aspired after
greater knowledge, he opened to his view the eloquence of
Cicero, the power of Demosthenes, the grace and tender-
ness of Virgil, the expressive delicacy of Horace, the rapid
excursions of Pindar; and he was delighted to see his youth-
ful disciple improving in the delicacy and correctness of
his taste, and able in a little time to appreciate these inimi-
table charms of antiquity. He himself tells us. In his let-
ter to the French Academy, he says: — “I have seen a
prince at the age of eight years, overcome with grief at the
view of the young Joash, and impatient because the high priest
concealed from him his name and his birth.* I have seen him
tenderly moved and melted into tears, by hearing these pathetic
lines of Virgil : —

‘Ah! miseram Eurydicen anima fugiente vocabat.

Eurydiccn toto referebant flumine rips.’ ”

Another means which he employed with his pupil, was wri-
ting letters to him in Latin, and receiving answers in the same
language — several of them have been preserved. f — Under such

* Referring to Racine’s Athalie.

t We insert one of these letters, from the pen of Fenelon, on the death of
La Fontaine, an author whose Fables he and his young friend often read to-
gether ; and who, in the latter part of his life, received a pension from the Duke.

“ Heu! luit vir ille facetus, YEsopus alter, nugarum laude Phadro superior, per
quem bruta animantes, vocales factae, humanum genus edocuere sapientiam.
Heu! Fontanus interiit. Proh dolor! interiere simul joci dicaces, lascivi risus,
gratia decentes, docta camana. Lugete, 6 quibus cordi est ingenuus lepos,
natura nuda et simplex, incompta et sine fuco eleganlia. Illi, illi uni per omnes
doctos licuitesse negligentem. Politiori stilo quantum praslitit aurea negligentia !
Tam caro capiti quantum debetur desiderium ! Lugete, musarum alumni ; vivunt
tamen, aternumque vivent carmini jocoso commissa veneres, dulces nuga, sales
Attici, suadela blanda atque parabilis ; neque Fontanum recentioribus juxta tem-

178 Character and Writings of Fcnelon. [Ai>ril

instruction, the young prince made astonishing progress ; such
as is seldom seen in any country, or in any age.

As he advanced in life, and was instructed in history and
philosophy, Fenelon prepared other works for him. Among
these, was Dialogues of the Dead — written with the ease and
grace that characterize his other works — in which are intro-
duced all the distinguished characters of ancient and modern
times, who, by their rank and actions, have influenced the des-
tiny of nations, or by their talents and learning, have left a
name celebrated and distinguished. The principal object of
the writer is to show that we should not judge of the characters
of men from that kind of eclat which they received on earth;
to dissipate that illusion so common among youth, which leads
them inordinately to admire those wdio have been favoured with
success; whose names have resounded from age to age, and
are indelibly inscribed on the records of fame. The work
shows the most accurate knowledge of history, politics, litera-
ture and philosophy; possesses that delicate perception, and
those shades of colour, which mark the peculiar character of
every speaker; and has that variety of diction which is suited
to the several ages and personages — sometimes, the seriousness
of Plato, and sometimes the poignant humour of Lucian. "When
the author draws back the curtain, and admits us to a familiar
interview with the distinguished men of other times, we over-
hear the conversation, conducted in the recesses of privacy,
with an entire freedom of heart and speech ; we become inti-
mately acquainted, and intensely interested ; and before wre are
aware, the illusion is so great that all is life and reality. We
love to hear Plato and Aristotle, Socrates and Timon, Hero-
dotus and Lucian, Caesar and Alexander, Horace and Virgil,
thus conversing — we especially love, as exhibiting the nature of
true eloquence, the comparison between Cicero and Demos-
thenes. The author represents the former as deeply concerned
for the safety of the republic, but never forgetting that he is

porum seriem, sed anliquis, ob amoenitates ingenii adscribimus. Tu verb, lector,
si fidem deneges, codicem aperi. Quid sentis? — Mores hominum atque ingenia
fabulis, Terentius ad vivurn depingit; Maronis molle et facetum spirat hoc in
opusculo. lieu ! quandonam mercuriales viri quadrupedum facundiam cequipa-
rabunL”

179

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon.

an orator; the latter so transported as to have nothing in view
but his country — the former seeking and attaining beauties of
the highest order; the latter, naturally possessing them, with-
out desire or search — the former using speech for ornament ;
the latter employing it for the mere purpose of covering his
thoughts. He represents the auditors as differently affected.
Those who listen to Cicero are charmed and delighted by the
words which he utters — those who hear Demosthenes are affect-
ed only by the things that are to be done. The former conti-
nually interrupt their speaker by loud applauses — the latter,
under the speaking of their orator, are sad and silent. When
Cicei’O concludes, the Roman Senate and people exclaim, “What
an orator!” When Demosthenes finishes, the Athenians cry
out, “ Come, let us march against Philip !”

As the young prince advanced to manhood, other works were
prepared for his benefit — among them, though not published till
several years afterwards, was Telemachus. It is somewhat
remarkable, that many of those works which have attained the
highest reputation, were composed in the abodes of royalty.
Plato wrote his Dialogues in the palace of Syracuse — Aristotle,
his Treatise on Morals, in the tent of Alexander — More, his
Utopia, in one of the towers of royal residence, under the
eyes of Henry — and Fenelon, his Telemaque, in the court of
Louis. It is not necessary to dwell long upon a book so well
known, and marked by so singular a destiny; which was com-
posed only for the instruction of an heir to the throne, but
which has long been the charm of every condition and period of
life ; which is one of the first books put into the hands of youth,
and which is re-read and enjoyed in the season of age. It
has justly been regarded as an epic poem ; and though not
written in verse, the author gives to prose the colour, the me-
lody, the accent, the very soul of poetry.

Written for the instruction of one who was expecting a
throne, the several parts of the story are appropriate to his
character, and have regard to his duties ; the best political and
moral maxims are placed before his eyes, animated with life,
and heightened by action. The author shows that the glory of
a prince is to govern men in such a manner as to make them
good and happy; that his authority is never so firmly estab-

180

Character and Writings of Tendon. [April

lislied as in the love of his people ; that the true riches and
prosperity of a state consist in taking away what ministers to
general luxury, and in being content with innocent and simple
pleasures.

The author has made a beautiful use of antiquity, and from
that treasure, and the source of his own imagination, brings
descriptions truly rich and touching — sometimes, the sublime
grandeur of great and astonishing events, but more frequently,
an inimitable sweetness and tenderness, in calmer and more
quiet scenes. "We can never be fatigued in reading his description
of Elysium, that abode of happiness, innocence, and peace, where
the immortals dwell. There is employed the same mythology
that was used by Homer and Virgil, but refined by the know-
ledge of Divine Revelation, and adorned by a certain tincture
of Christianity that runs easily through the whole relation.
The description of that pure and gentle light which overflows
these happy regions, and clothes the spirits of the virtuous, is
exquisitely beautiful :

“ The rays of the sun are darkness in comparison with this
light, which rather deserves the name of glory than that of light.
It pierces the thickest bodies in the same manner as the sun-
beams pass through the crystal. It strengthens the sight,
instead of dazzling it; and nourishes, in the most inward re-
cesses of the mind, a perpetual serenity that is not to be
expressed. It enters and incorporates with the very substance
of the soul ; the spirits of the blessed feel it in all their senses,
and in all their perceptions. It produces a certain degree of
peace and joy that arises in them, for ever running through
all the faculties, and refreshing all the desires of the soul.
External pleasures and delights, with all their charms and
allurements, are regarded with the utmost indifference and ne-
glect by these happy spirits, who have this great principle of
pleasure within them, drawing the whole mind to itself, calling
off their attention from the most delightful objects, and giving
them all the transports of inebriation, without any of its con-
fusion or folly.”

We can almost fancy that we hear an angel saying to Paul,
when he “was caught up to the third heavens,” what was de-
scribed to the youthful hero : — “From those seats of tranquillity

181

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon.

which the blessed occupy, all evils fly to a remote distance :
death, disease, poverty, and pain; regret and remorse; fear,
and even hope, which is sometimes not less painful than fear
itself; animosity, disgust, and resentment, are for ever denied
access. The lofty mountains might sooner be overturned from
their foundations, though deep as the centre, than the peace of
these happy beings be interrupted for a moment. They are
indeed touched with pity at the miseries of life; but it is a
soothing and tender passion, that takes nothing from their hap-
piness. Their countenances shine with a glory all divine ; with
the bloom of unfading youth, the brightness of eternal joy; of
joy, which, superior to the wanton levity of mirth, is calm,
silent, and solemn — the sublime fruition of truth and virtue.
They feel every moment what a mother feels at the return of an
only son, whom she believes to be dead ; but the pleasure which
in the breast of the mother is transient, is permanent in theirs ;
it can neither languish nor cease; they converse together con-
cerning what they see and what they enjoy; they enjoy the
remembrance of their difficulties and distress, during the short
period in which, to maintain their integrity, it was necessary
they should strive, not only against others, but against them-
selves; and they acknowledge the Divine guidance and protec-
tion, that conducted them in safety through so many dangers,
with gratitude and admiration. They see, th cj feel, that they
are happy; and are secretly conscious that they shall be
happy for ever. They sing the Divine praises as with one
voice: in the whole assembly there is but one mind, and one
heart ; and the same stream of Divine felicity circulates through
every breast. In this sacred and supreme delight, whole ages
glide away unperceived, and seem shorter than the happiest
hours upon earth ; but gliding ages still leave their happiness
entire. They reign together, for crowns of glory are placed
upon their heads, the symbols and the pledge of happiness and
immortality.”* — What man of genius desires not to write in this
manner ? What man of virtuous sensibility wishes not such a
writer as his friend?

But during this period, was the religious education of the

* Telem. Tom. ii. Liv. xix.
VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 24

182 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

royal pupil neglected? No ! To this Fenelon directed great
zeal and attention, preached trequently before him, and in con-
versation, often dwelt upon a subject which he felt was useful
for kings, as well as for subjects. Besides these advantages,
the Prince was required to study his preceptor’s “ Treatise on
the Existence of God,” a work which had been published for
some years, and which was originally prepared for the Duke of
Orleans ; but which was now put into the hands of another
Prince for his instruction in religious truth. It is a work that
presents a convincing argument in favour of the existence and
perfections of a Supreme Being, derived from the knowledge of
the material world, and in part, from the knowledge of man ; a
work, in which the author thoroughly searches the argument,
and maintains it upon principles of the most exact philosophy,
while at the same time, he lowers and adapts it to the most
ordinary capacity ; a work that shows us, in every part of the
universe, design — uniformity — a workman wise and almighty —
a providence that rules over all. The book must have been
familiar to Paley, and probably suggested his great work on
the same subject.

Besides this treatise, the Prince was required to study the
choice letters of Jerome, Augustin, Cyprian, and Ambrose;
and above all, the Sacred Scriptures, which, as Fenelon writes
to the Abbe Fleury, “had better be explained as they are
read.”

While the preceptor was thus assiduously labouring for his
beloved pupil ; while he desired him to ascend the throne of
France, with all the virtues of Christianity, and all the know-
ledge necessary for the government of a great people, he was
not disappointed : the most signal and striking results attended
his method of instruction : the Prince became completely
changed in character and conduct ; he became mild, benevo-
lent, kind and courteous; more than this — he became truly
pious.

About this period, in 1G05, Fenelon was appointed Arch-
bishop of Camhray , with the privilege of still remaining pre-
ceptor to the Duke of Burgundy, and to two other grand-
children of the King ; and of spending three months in the
year at Versailles. We have a letter to his friend Abbe Fleury,

1853.]

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

183

written soon after he entered upon his diocese : — “I have com-
menced my duties, and preached twice with some prospect of
success. I endeavour to inculcate just views of truth, of which
I fear the people have been sadly deprived. I am acquiring
authority which I hope will not be abused, but be properly ex-
ercised. I give to the preachers an example of avoiding all
subtilty in their sermons, and of speaking directly to the point,
so as to do good. Pray for me, my dear friend, that I may not
be as ‘ sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal.’ ”

We have now arrived at the period when the controversy be-
tween Fenelon and Bossuet took place. The connection that
had been formed between these two eminent men had grown
into an intimacy, notwithstanding the difference in their ages
and dispositions, and had lasted for years without any abate-
ment. Fenelon was continually gaining fresh stores of know-
ledge from his familiar communication with Bossuet ; and Bos-
suet was acquiring spiritual improvement from the temper and
manners of Fenelon. But now an event occurred, which inter-
rupted their friendly intercourse, and at last led to one of the
fiercest controversies of the age. It will be necessary to give
some account of the person who originated the difference, and
may be said to be the cause of it.

Madam Guyon was born in 1648, of a respectable family ;
was married when quite young, and from an early period of
life was distinguished for her piety and elevated devotion.
Left a widow at the early age of twenty-eight, with three chil-
dren, possessed of great wealth, with a high reputation for in-
telligence, and with refined culture of manners, which fitted her
to move in the leading circles of society, she came to Paris.
From her autobiography, her “Short and Easy Method of
Prayer,” and her “Exposition of the Song of Solomon,” we
can learn her religious opinions. Judging by these works, we
perceive her piety, though sincere, mixed with much that was
enthusiastic ; we see her too often drawn away by a fervid ima-
gination, and deriving her ideas of religion from the mere feel-
ings of her own heart. Her system was like the Quietism of
Molinos, somewhat modified, making true and acceptable devo-
tion to consist far too exclusively in the musings of solitude ; in
the raptures of silent contemplation ; in a total abstraction of

184

Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

the thoughts from external objects ; in such a seraphic love to
God, as has reference only to himself and his perfections, with-
out any personal considerations of hope or fear. She chose for
her spiritual director, the Abbe La Combe, a member of the
order of Barnabites, who, though pious, and willing to suffer, as
he did, for the cause of Christ, was not adapted to rectify her
errors, but rather fitted to encourage and increase her extrava-
gance. But with all her mistaken notions, she led a pious life,
and maintained the essential truths of religion. Although her
views of the doctrine of justification by faith were imperfect and
obscure, yet what she expressed in her last hours were no doubt
the sentiments of her whole life — “I rely for my salvation, not
on any good works in myself, but on thy mercies, 0 ! God, and
on the merits and sufferings of my Lord Jesus Christ.” She
maintained the necessity of the Iloly Spirit to renew and sanc-
tify the heart — read the Scriptures much, and urged others to
study them. She evidently encouraged not the invocation of
saints and angels. She says of herself, (and in this as in every-
thing else, she would be an example to her friends) “ The
deep and profound sense which I had of God absorbed every-
thing. I could not see the saints, nor discern the Holy Virgin
out of him ; in him I beheld them, and could scarcely distin-
guish them in any other manner. I tenderly love certain
saints, as St. Peter, St. Paul, St. Magdalen, St. Theresa, and
all who are really spiritual ; yet I could not form any sensible
idea of them nor invoke them out of God.” She had no faith
in the doctrine of Transubstantiation. In one of her letters she
says: “As to what you ask me, if the body and blood of our
Lord are in the bread and wine which are given at the Supper,
I do not believe it — but it would be too long a discussion to tell
you where it really is.”

Believing that she was destined by God for some extraordi-
nary ministry, she had frequent conferences at her own house
of persons of both sexes, and laboured with assiduity to bring
them to her views. Nor was she satisfied with confining her
labours to Paris — she went abroad, fulfilling her ministry, con-
trary to the wishes of many of her friends, who were pained
that she was leading a life that interfered with her duties as a
mother. She visited Geneva, Lyons, Grenoble, Turin, and

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 185

other cities, where she had her meetings, where she was attended
by persons of all ages and classes, by ecclesiastics as well as
the laity, and where, according to her own account, she gained
many proselytes to her opinions. After an absence of five
years, she returned to Paris, and persisted in the propa-
gation of her principles, without any abatement of zeal or
dread of consequences. She was soon silenced by Ilarlai,
Archbishop of Paris — her writings were condemned at a Con-
ference of Bishops; and she herself was treated most cruelly;
confined in a convent — afterwards imprisoned at Versailles, and
at length sent to the Bastile. But under all her sufferings, she
maintained her principles, and lived to convince her enemies of
the purity of her life, and the sincerity of her piety.

Fenelon met Madam Guyon for the first time at the house
of the Duchess of Charost. Having heard much of her
character, and the excellence of her morals, he was prepared
to be interested; he was attracted by the sprightliness of her
conversation; pleased with her spiritual piety; and deeply
affected by the persecutions which had assailed her. Not that
he gave credit to the visions and revelations which her too ele-
vated imagination had indulged — he was possessed of too much
discernment and vigour of understanding for this; not that he
embraced all the peculiar doctrines found in her works — some
of them he rejected as irrational and unscriptural ;* not that
he approved of her public ministrations — he advised her to
retire to a convent, where she could be more useful, in privately
instructing those of her own sex. But he regarded it as a harsh
and cruel proceeding, to treat with such cruelty an amiable and
pious female, whom her worst enemies could only consider in
the light of a visionary, labouring under the influence of a
heated and impetuous imagination. He did more than thus
defend her ; a man of his warm and elevated devotion, would
naturally feel attracted towards one who cultivated to such a

* He united with Bossuet and the Bishop of Chalons, in signing the Articles of
Issy, that condemned several of her opinions. In a letter to Madame de Main-
tenon, written not long after this interview, he says: “ Je ne compte pour ricn ni
ses prelendues propheties, ni ses pretendues revelations ; je ferais peu de cas d’ elle,
si elle les comptait pour quelque chose. II m’ a paru qu’ elle etait naturellement
exagcrante, et peu precautions dans ses experiences.”

186 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

degree experimental religion; he entered into a correspondence
with her, -which continued for two years; freely discussed, in
his communications, the whole subject of inward piety; made
upon her mind a most useful impression; and doubtless re-
ceived himself much improvement from her letters, and the
truths thus examined.

While Fenelon was thus occupied, Bossuet, fearing that error
was springing up in the bosom of the Church, was giving the
most vigorous attention to the writings of Madam Guyon ; he
examined thoroughly her work, entitled “Short and Easy
Method of Prayer,” and, after eight months of intense study,
produced one of the ablest productions that ever came from his
pen ; profound in learning, and brilliant with eloquence — “ In-
structions on the Spirit of Prayer.” Before it was published,
and after he had obtained the approbation of the Bishop of
Chartres and the Archbishop of Paris, he brought it to the
Archbishop of Cambray, to receive his testimonial in its favour.
Fenelon received and examined the book, acknowledged the
ability with which it was written, made no opposition to the
doctrines which were discussed, but expressed the most decided
opposition to its personalities — to the manner in which it spoke
of Madam Guyon. Others, ignorant of her life, might con-
demn, but he could not — he knew her well — he was convinced
of her sincerity, and the purity of the motives from which she
acted — he had conversed and corresponded with her — he had
taken pains to ascertain her meaning in passages which seemed
obscure and difficult ; he had learned from others the history of her
life, and had found it pure and virtuous — he had been made ac-
quainted with those counsels which she gave to others, and was
sure that there was nothing in them wrong or injurious — and
in these circumstances he could not give his signature and ap-
probation to a work which spoke in severely disparaging terms
of one of whom he entertained the most favourable opinion ; he
could not, (to use his own expression,) “strike the final blow at the
reputation of one, whose innocence he had clearly and accurate-
ly ascertained.” This opinion, deliberately formed, he in a
letter deliberately expressed, though he was fully aware of the
consequences; though he was sure that his refusal would give

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 187

offence to Bossuet, and dissatisfaction to his sovereign. How
could one possessing his traits of character act differently ?

Now ensued an open breach between two friends who had
long lived together in terms of the most fraternal intercourse ;
now the two prelates who were at the head of the Gallican
church, were engaged in a fierce controversy, respecting an im-
prisoned female — the one regarding her as a heretic, the other
esteeming her innocent and persecuted.

After Bossuet had published his work, which made a deep
impression upon the public mind, and when all eyes were direct-
ed towards Fenelon, he felt that he must not be silent ; his posi-
tion made it necessary for him to speak boldly and fearlessly.
This he did in the “Maxims of the Saints;” a work in which
he endeavoured to exhibit the sentiments of his friend (though
her name is not mentioned) in an unexceptionable light; to
purge away the dross, and present the gold in a pure and un-
adulterated mass. Never before did a volume of such a peace-
ful title, produce such an explosion of angry controversy. It
was mentioned to the King, as containing heretical opinions ;
he at once applied for information to the Bishop of Meaux, who,
he used often to say, “ had all the wisdom and influence of a
(Ecumenical Council ;” and Bossuet, forgetful of his past friend-
ship, and consulting only his present feelings, fell on his knees
before Louis, and asked pardon for not having before acquainted
him with the dangerous tenets which Fenelon had imbibed. He
lost no time in preparing a reply; and when some other prelates
and theologians saw so much merit in the “Maxims of the
Saints,” as incited a desire to pass it by in silence, he ex-
claimed, “ Take your own measures ; but I will raise my voice
to the very heavens against these errors — I will complain to
Rome — to the whole earth — it shall not be said that the cause
of God is weakly betrayed — though I should stand single-
handed, I will advocate the truth.” He did earnestly advocate
what he regarded the truth, and what he knew was agreeable to
the sentiments of his sovereign. But we cannot enter into the
details of this controversy; it occupied about three years, and
during that period, Bossuet produced such a number of writings
as would fill three large volumes, and Fenelon almost as much.
They both put forth all their strength ; and the conflict display-

188 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

ing the highest theological and literary power, attracted not
only the sight of France, but the eyes of Europe. The one
was advanced in years, but preserving all the vigour of mind
that he ever possessed, and retaining much of the fire of his
early days — the other was in the strength of manhood, enjoy-
ing the highest reputation for the loftiness of his genius, the
pathos of his eloquence, his wisdom and success as the instruc-
tor of royalty. But far different were the tempers of the two
combatants — Bossuet contended earnestly for “ what he be-
lieved to be the faith once delivered to the saints,” but he
contended not “ lawfully;” and why should he “be crowned?”
In his controversy with the Protestants, he kept the limits of
his zeal within the bounds of propriety and decency, but now,
when contending with one of his dearest and most cherished
friends, he betrays an irritation, a rancour, a bitterness of
spirit truly lamentable. We behold him covering his innocent
rival with invective ; resorting to every artifice to degrade him ;
garbling his publications ; violating the secrecy of private let-
ters ; calling him the Montanus of a new Priscilla ; an extrava-
gant fanatic, a champion of errors, towards wdiom should be
exercised no mercy nor moderation. The conduct of Fenelon
forms the most beautiful contrast ; his gentle and purified
spirit, carried him far above such violence. He asserted his
equitable rights, but with undisturbed dignity ; he defended his
own character, and that of female innocence, but with elevated
self-respect ; on all occasions he evinced the urbanity of the
finished gentleman, combined with the graces of the exalted
Christian; he was always calm and modest, yet ever manly;
liis style forcible and pointed, but with no mixture of illiberal
sarcasm. Posterity has done him justice; it has affirmed that
throughout this contest, no stain has rested upon his moral
character ; that he was sincere in what he said to Bossuet,
in one of his writings : — “ Two things only do I desire — truth
and love — truth to enlighten, and love to unite us.”

A final appeal was made to the decision of Innocent XII.,
who at that time occupied the Papal chair, and a letter was written
by the King, urging him to settle the controversy without de-
lay. The tide now ran strongly against Fenelon — Madame
Maintenon deserted the man to whom she was once attached,

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 189

and in whose society she took so much delight. The Pere de
la Chaise, the confessor of Louis, loving the person, and attach-
ed to the principles of the Archbishop, dared not speak in his
behalf — and the clergy of every grade, with but few exceptions,
were united in opposition. The King was decidedly hostile. In
1697, he ordered him to quit Paris, and to confine himself to
his diocese of Cambray, an act intended as a kind of exile
and imprisonment ; and about a year afterwards, with his own
hand, erased his name from the list of the royal household, and
deprived him of the office of preceptor to his grandsons. Would
we know the cause of such banishment from the court? He
“was no flatterer — he sought neither to enrich nor aggrandize
himself — but aided those who were seeking after truth and
virtue.”*

The examination was protracted at Rome, during the period
of nearly two years, owing to the high reputation of Fenelon,
and the reluctance of the Pope and some of the Cardinals to
censure him. At length, after repeated discussions, and innu-
merable delays, thirty-seven propositions in the book were ad-
judged to be erroneous, and the Pope’s Brief was proclaimed at
Rome, on the 13th of March, 1699.

In examining these propositions, we think that the errors con-
demned may all be reduced to the following, viz: — that a state
of absolute perfection, in which there is no desire for heaven,
and no fear of hell, may be attained in this world by the pious
soul, though few comparatively ever reach it — that love to the
Supreme Being should be pure and disinterested, entirely ex-
empt from all views of interest, and all hopes of reward — that
there are souls so filled with the love of God, and so resigned to
his will, that if, in a state of temptation and trial, they believe
that they are condemned to eternal punishment, they make the
sacrifice of their salvation, willingly and cheerfully, for the
Divine glory.

That these are errors, we have no doubt ; and the elevated
virtues of Fenelon should not prevent us from perceiving and con-
demning what is exceptionable. We cannot conceive how we

* These, in his Telemachus, are Mentor’s own words to King Idomeneus, at his
parting.

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. /

25

190 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

can love God, unconnected with benefit and interest to our-
selves ; how in our views of him, we can overlook the im-
portant relations which he sustains to us, as benefactor and
rewarder ; how our hearts can be drawn out to him in supreme
admiration, without a sense of his goodness to us. The sup-
position that it is possible for the pious soul to attain such an
overwhelming desire for the divine glory, as to acquiesce in its
own condemnation, if it be the will of God, is to put a case as im-
possible in fact, as it is absurd in theory ; as derogatory to the
Divine benevolence, as it is destructive of Christian confidence.

Fenelon received the Papal decree on the Sabbath, as he
was going to church — he delayed a few minutes — changed the
subject of his discourse — preached on the necessity of submis-
sion to the “higher powers,” and exemplified the truth publicly
by his conduct. It was an affecting sight. Holding the decree
of the Pope in one hand, and his book in the other, on his
bended knees, and with a firm voice, he pronounced his recan-
tation, amidst the tears and sobs of his beloved people.

From this time he ceased to introduce the subject in his con-
troversial writings. But did he renounce the doctrine ? No !
The Pope had taken pains to say that the propositions were
condemned in the sense which they might bear, or which
they did bear in the view of others ; but not in the sense in
which they were explained by the author. Availing himself of
this suggestion, he carefully avoided those expressions and illus-
trations which were liable to misconstruction, and which had
been condemned at Home ; but he never ceased, in his conver-
sation, in his practical writings, or in his sermons, to inculcate
the doctrine of a pure and disinterested benevolence.

After the termination of this severe conflict, Bossuet was re-
garded as the most orthodox of bishops, Fenelon as the most
mild and amiable of men; the former, the oracle of theological
dogma, the latter, the oracle of piety and virtue. Bossuet con-
tinued at court, admired and revered; Fenelon remained at
Cambray, idolized and adored. But though he was not recalled
to the court, nor to the instruction of the grandchildren of the
king, yet he did not forget his beloved pupil, the Duke of Burgun-
dy, nor was the Duke unmindful of him. The Prince had ten-

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 191

derly sympathized with him in his banishment and persecution;
had deeply regretted his privation of the purest of examples
and the best of preceptors; and felt it a severe affliction that
he was not permitted even to correspond with him. At length,
after a period of four years, he wrote the following letter, which
expresses the tenderest gratitude to him whom he still recog-
nized as his teacher, the religious sentiments with which he
was penetrated, and his anxiety to receive instruction and ad-
vice.

“Versailles, 22d Dec., 1701.

“At length, my dear Archbishop, after four years’ silence, I
have an opportunity of writing. I have suffered many afflic-
tions since our separation; but one of the severest has been
my inability, during all that time, of giving you any proof of
my affection ; and of telling you how much your misfortunes,
instead of lessening, have increased my friendship and regard.
I look forward with great pleasure to the time when I shall
again see you ; but I fear that it is far, far distant. I have felt
most indignant (but could not express my feelings) at the un-
just and cruel treatment you have met with; but (as you taught
me) must be submissive to the divine will, and believe that all
these things are working together for our good.”

The following is Fenelon’s answer :

“Nothing, my lord, ever gave me greater comfort than the
letter which I have just received from you. I render thanks
for it to Him who can do in all hearts whatever he pleases for
his glory. God must surely love you, since he makes you to
partake of his love, in the midst of every thing capable of
stifling it. Love him, therefore, above all things; and fear
nothing so much as his displeasure. He will be your light,
your strength, your life; in a word, your all. 0! how rich is
the heart in the midst of afflictions and sorrows, when it has
this treasure ! Accustom yourself to seek God with the sim-
plicity of a child; with a tender familiarity; with a confidence
that will be most pleasing to so good a father. Do not be
discouraged at your weaknesses; there is a way of bearing
without excusing them ; a way of correcting, without being im-
patient under them. God will show you this way, if you seek
it, distrusting yourself, and like Abraham, walking before

192

Character and Writings of Fen elon. [April

him. 0 ! how strong are we in God, when we feel ourselves
weak! Fear falling into sin — fear it a thousand times more
than death — and if through temptation you do fall, hasten to
the Father of Mercies and the God of all comfort — he will ex-
tend his arms to receive you; open your wounded heart to
him who can and will heal. Be humble and little in your own
eyes. Take care of your health ; be moderate in your appe-
tites; and apply yourself closely to your several duties. I
speak, you perceive, only of God and yourself. It is a matter
of no consequence what I am. Thank God, I have a quiet
conscience. My greatest cross is that I cannot see you; but in
my approaches to God I have you so near, that it seems to sur-
pass the view by the outward senses. I would give a thousand
lives to see you just as God would have you to be.”

The following letter of the Prince, seems to have been written
soon after the receipt of the preceding one of Fenelon.
uMg Dear Archbishop :

“ I will endeavour to make a good use of the advice you give.
I ask an interest in your prayers, that God will give me grace
to do it. Pray to him more and more, that he would grant me
the love of himself, above all things else; and that I may love
my friends, and love my enemies, in and for him. In the situ-
ation in which I am, I am compelled to hear many things un-
favourable. When I am rebuked for taking a course which
I know to be right, I am not impatient, nor disquieted; when I
am made to see that I have done wrong, I readily blame my-
self; and am enabled sincerely to pardon and to pray for all
who wish or who do me ill. I hesitate not to admit that I have
faults; but I may add that I am firmly resolved, whatever be
my failings, to give myself to God. Pray to him, pray without
ceasing, that he would be pleased to finish in me what he has
begun, and to destroy those evils which proceed from my fallen
nature. Be assured that my friendship for you will be always
the same.”

In the year 1702, the Prince received a commission to com-
mand the army at Flanders; and as he had to pass through
Cambray to his place of destination, he asked permission of
the king to visit his former preceptor. Leave was granted, on

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

193

1853.]

the condition that he should not see him alone. The two
friends met, after an absence of many years, exceedingly
enjoyed each other’s society, though restrained by the presence
of a third person; and had much conversation, which they
feared might be the last, and -which they carefully treasured
up during the remainder of life. They never again met.

Not many years afterwards, in consequence of the sudden
death of the Dauphin, Louis associated with him upon the
throne the Duke of Burgundy. This event gave new encour-
agement to the hopes of Fenelon respecting France; he had
consecrated his life to prepare for her such a king as she
needed ; and he had reason to think that he who was thus ele-
vated had the wisdom to conceive, and the energy to execute,
the very best plans of government. With all the fidelity of a
Mentor, he gave him advice in things the most minute ; pointed
out the dangers to which he was exposed, the obligations that
rested on him, the whole consequences of his conduct. In a
letter to another, but intended for his inspection, he says: “he
must become the wise counsellor of his majesty, the father of
his people, the consoler of the afflicted, the friend of the poor,
the defence of the Church, the enemy of flatterers, the patron
of merit, the hearer of everything, but the believer of nothing
without proof. He who conducted David from the sheepfold
to the throne, will give a mouth and wisdom to him who resists
not the Divine will, provided he be humble, meek, distrusting
himself, and confiding in God.”

About this time he wrote the following letter, which was the
last the Prince ever received from him. “ Offspring of St.
Louis ! be like him, mild, humane, easy of access, affable, com-
passionate, and liberal. Let your grandeur never hinder you
from condescending to the lowest of your subjects — yet in such
a manner that this goodness shall not weaken your authority,
nor lessen their respect. Suffer not yourself to be beset with
flatterers ; but value the presence and advice of men of virtuous
principles. True virtue is often modest and retired ; princes
have need of her, and therefore should often seek her. Place
no confidence in any but those who have the courage to differ
from you with respect, and who love your prosperity and repu-

194 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

tation better than your favour. Make yourself loved by the
good, feared by the bad, and esteemed by all.”

He to whom this affectionate letter was addressed, seemed to
promise all that Fenelon desired; his subjects, regarding him
as a father, looked for happiness under his government ; the
nations around anticipated the general happiness in which they
too would participate, and rejoiced in looking forward to the
period when he should be sole monarch. But death, that
destroys so many projects, came, and blasted the hopes of all.
When Fenelon heard of his dangerous illness, he wrote: “I
fear for the sad destiny of the Dauphin. If God is not dis-
pleased and angry with France, he will recover; but if his fury
be not appeased, we have cause to dread for his life ; the Lord
has long stricken us, as saith the prophet, and his hand is
stretched out still.” He heard of the news of his death with
the most lively sorrow, and yet with perfect resignation; he
wept like a disconsolate father, and yet submitted like an emi-
nent Christian; he cried out, “If I could restore him to life by
turning a straw, I would not do it, for it is God’s will. Now
the ties which bind me to earth are broken, and those which
unite me to heaven are strengthened. 0 ! what suffering does
true friendship produce!”

Thus fell, in the prime of life, at the age of twenty-nine, the
Duke of Burgundy, whose death caused many tears to flow,
whose name is to this day mentioned with emotions of tender-
ness. With him terminated the expectations of France; with
him were crushed the fond hopes of the man of God, whose
prayers could not avert the divine judgments.

But Fenelon had more to do than to lament the death of
his friend; submitting to the afflictive dispensation with all the
resignation which his religion could inspire, he “girded up the
loins of his mind,” and performed his Master’s work with still
greater fidelity. The Seminary which he had established for
ecclesiastics, occupied much of his attention. He had sur-
mounted all the obstacles that he met with, and had succeeded
in the execution of his plans; had removed it from Valen-
ciennes, where it was first established, to Cambray, and
placed it under the care of the Abbe de Chanterac, a man of
similar spirit to his own. We can well conceive how such a

195

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon.

man would delight in instructing youth; and we can form some
opinion of his mode of instruction, when recalling his fidelity to
the Duke of Burgundy, and reading his “ Dialogues on Sacred
Eloquence.” He was not satisfied with merely superintending
the institution ; he himself, occasionally gave instruction, and
was always with his pupils on festival days ; assisted at the
examination of those who applied for orders, and thus became
acquainted with all the ecclesiastics of his diocese. Among
other means of instruction, was a conference once a week, at
which he always presided ; resembling familiar conversations,
where the young men were at liberty to ask questions, and to
propose difficulties. None were regarded by him as too minute
or frivolous ; he listened to them with patience and kindness ;
seemed to be struck with an objection, however common ; viewed
it in all its extent ; and in a happy manner led his pupils in
the way, where they themselves could discover the solution
which they asked. He was always most tender and indulgent
to inexperience and youth.

He continued to preach frequently to the very close of life;
the same voice which gave so much delight in the court of
Louis, and which so often gratified the taste of the French
Academy, was heard every Sabbath by the humble rustics of
Cambray. Tenderness and pathos were the qualities which
marked his preaching ; and love, the theme on which he most
delighted to dwell. He used to say: “I must spend much
time in my closet, in order to be prepared for the pulpit ; and
be sure that my heart is filled from the divine fountain, before
I pour out the streams upon the people.”

In the beginning of the eighteenth century his diocese was rav-
aged by the horrors of war ; it was the battle field in which the
armies of Europe fought, and where an opportunity was given
to him for the display of the most eminent virtues. By his
direction, his palace was the residence for the sick and wound-
ed; for the poor who had fled from the adjoining villages; for
the wives and children, whose houses had been reduced to ashes.
All his revenues were given for their aid; his time expended
for their relief ; his personal acts performed for their comfort.
Even among those who were affected with infectious maladies,
he was often present, uninfluenced by the fear of disease or

196 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

death. Among them all, he appeared daily, 'with the kindness
of a parent ministering to their temporal ■wants, and occasion-
ally dropping words of spiritual instruction. Here was the
practical illustration of his doctrines — here was disinterested
benevolence.

He was held in equal veneration by the French army, and
the enemy. The Duke of Marlborough, Prince Eugene, and the
Duke of Ormond, when triumphant with victory, embraced every
opportunity of showing their esteem ; and when the city was
taken, at once sent a detachment of men to guard his lands.
The name of Fenelon was a barrier which the cupidity of the
soldiery dare not remove. His house was guarded by an Eng-
lish sentinel ; and while all around was desolation, his property
was secure, and his family safe. It reminds us of the conduct
of Alexander who destroyed the city of Thebes, and left stand-
ing the house of Pindar. London and the Hague applauded
the homage which was thus paid ; and while his own country-
men refused the admiration that was due to his talents and
virtues, the hostile nations vied in paying honours to the im-
mortal author of Telemachus, and amidst the shouts of victory,
recalled with gratitude the magnanimous conduct of their
generals.

But the enemy not only spared his palace and his lands, but
furnished an escort when he went abroad through his diocese,
and thus prevented the interruption of his pastoral duties. It
is truly refreshing to see him in these visits; entering the cot-
tages of the humble peasants, mingling with them in the most
affectionate manner, conversing with them with unreserved
familiarity, and with the gentlest earnestness, recommending
to them God and the Kedeemer. Thus in the fulness of his
benevolent spirit, he “went about doing good;” and was among
his people, as a father among his children. His happiness
consisted in making others happy. No wonder that he was
everywhere known by the name of “the good Archbishop.”

But we must hasten to the contemplation of a scene which
he often referred to in his letters, and to which he looked
forward without dread. He had seen most of his friends pass-
ing away; the ties which had bound him to them had been
broken; and their removal caused him to direct his thoughts

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

197

1853.]

still more to the objects of eternity. The last stroke of this
kind that affected him was the death of his friend, M. D. Beau-
villiers, with whom he had been so closely associated, when pre-
ceptor of the Duke of Burgundy. It was a stroke that com-
pletely weighed down the delicate and oft-wounded spirit of
Fenelon; the impression of which he could not resist. Most
tender were his letters to the afflicted widow; for he “knew how
to speak a word in season” to the afflicted. — “ Raise your eyes,
my dear madam, to Him who can appease agitated nature;
in whom we can find infinitely more than we have lost; who,
with his own hands, can wipe away our tears. The wound is
dreadful ; but the hand of the Heavenly Comforter has an all-
powerful efficacy. No! the senses and the imagination only
have lost the loved object. He whom we no more see, is
more than ever with us; we constantly behold him in our
common centre; he extends to us his sympathy, knows better
than we do our infirmities, and is tenderly interested in all
our afflictions. As for myself, though I have been deprived,
for many years, of the happiness of seeing him, yet, in the ex-
ercise of faith, I behold him before God; and though I have
wept, and still weep, bitterly, yet I am sure that I have not lost
him.” Three days before he sickened, he again wrote to her,
and it was the last letter that he ever penned. — “ We shall soon,
my dear madam, find him whom we think we have lost — we are
daily approaching him with rapid steps — in a little time, like
him, we shall have occasion no more to weep.”

We love to visit the death-bed of “ the good Archbishop ;”
and while we see some rites of his Church with which we are
not acquainted, and to which we are not reconciled, yet we be-
hold much to instruct and comfort ; we see a heavenly glory
shed, and a Christian influence felt; we see his dying cham-
ber none other than “the gate to heaven.” During the days
which preceded his departure, and when he had death only in
prospect, he wished to be instructed and comforted by the
reading of the Scriptures. Those who were with him repeated,
from time to time, passages on the shortness of life, the hopes
of the pious, and the blessedness of heaven. He was parti-
cularly impressed with the fourth and fifth chapters of the 2d
Epistle to the Corinthians — spoke of “the light afflictions
VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 26

198 Character and Writings of Fejielon. [April

which are for a moment working out the exceeding weight of
glory;” of the dissolution of the “tabernacle,” and of “the
building of God, not made with hands.” Three times, by his
request, these chapters were read to him. He dictated a letter
to Father le Terrier, desiring him to express to his sovereign
his dying sentiments and wishes. It commences: “Reverend
father, in my present condition, preparing to appear before
God, I wish you to represent to the king my true sentiments
and wishes.” He proceeds to say that he never had in his life
felt any thing but gratitude and respect for his majesty ; hum-
bly asks him to appoint an able and pious successor, and con-
cludes by wishing him a long life, and the highest happiness.
After this, his friends and relatives, the students of his seminary,
and the members of his household, including the humblest do-
mestics, came into his room to receive his dying benediction.

On the last two days and nights, he was exceedingly anxious
to have repeated to him such parts of Scripture as were suited
to his dying state. “Repeat — repeat to me the divine words —
I want God now to speak to me.” On the day of his departure,
he suffered much pain, but rejoiced that he was “conformed to
Chi’ist, in his sufferings,” and more than once said, “ I am
crucified with Christ.” His friends repeated to him such pas-
sages of Scripture as expressed the necessity of sufferings, and
the little proportion there is between them and the “ eternal
weight of glory.” They repeated what Luke says of the
Saviour, that he redoubled his prayers as his agony increased.
“Yes!” he added, “he uttered the same prayer three times.”
He commenced — “ Father, if it be possible” — but the violence
of his pain prevented him from proceeding. A pious friend
added, “ let this cup pass from me — but not my will, but thine
be done.” Elevating his feeble voice, he spoke distinctly —
“ not my will, but thine be done.” Joining his hands together^
he laid them gently on his breast, raised his eyes to heaven, and
quietly “slept in Jesus.” Ilis soul no doubt departed to the
mansions of the blessed, to live for ever in the enjoyment of
that pure love on which he so often conversed, on which he
so delightfully wrote, the foretastes of which he had so long
enjoyed.

His funeral obsequies were such as became a man dying in

190

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon.

such circumstances. No splendid retinue accompanied his re-
mains to the tomb; no lordly equipage, with glittering coronets,
was seen; no mitred bishops, or archbishops, graced the fune-
ral procession — all was marked with plainness and simplicity —
the usual service was performed, and his body decently laid in
the vault of the cathedral. No funeral oration was pronounced
— he needed no eulogy; his reputation required no such ex-
pedient to perpetuate it. But we feel indignant at the cause
that was alleged for this departure from universal usage —
it was feared that the discourse would offend his majesty, and
might expose the friends of the departed to his terrible re-
sentment. Something of the same fear influenced the mem-
bers of the French Academy, and prevented Dacier, in his
eulogy, from pronouncing the name of Telemachus. But of how
little consequence were those omissions — they could not prevent
him from being “held in everlasting rembembrance” before
God, nor from being celebrated among men, as long as any
regard is paid to merit and virtue.

Let Louis vilify and attempt to degrade him by listening to
the misrepresentations of his enemies — the spotless character
of Fenelon will stand, in the eye of posterity, conspicuous and
indelible. Let him declare that “he is the greatest, but the
most romantic genius in the kingdom” — his lofty principles
of morality in the government of nations will be as eternal
as truth. Let him condemn to silence the first literary society
in the world, and prevent the name of Telemachus from being
mentioned in any thing that is made public — it will be trans-
lated into all the languages of Europe ; will be regarded as one
of the most beautiful monuments of French literature; will
enter the courts of kings, and be the text-book for the instruc-
tion of all youthful princes. Let him denounce him as an error-
ist in religion — yet in many a house of the unlettered Chris-
tian, his practical works will enter and be read, where the name
of the proud monarch is unknown, or if mentioned, mentioned
only as the persecutor of injured innocence.

Let none suppose that Fenelon died prematurely; he depart-
ed at the very best time. The Supreme Disposer of events
foresaw the dreadful storm that was coming upon his country ;
and before the tempest poured out its fury, he “ took him away

200

Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

from the evil to come,” and laid him in a “quiet resting-
place.”

His nephew, Marquis de Fenelon, raised over him a monu-
ment, on which was a Latin inscription, written by Sanadon,
the fine classical scholar, whose name is associated with the
Odes of Horace.*

To his body, “the temple of the Holy Ghost,” God was
peculiarly gracious: at a time when the ashes of other great

* The following is the inscription:

Hie jacet sub altari principe
Francisccs de Salignac de Lamothe-Fenelon,
Cameracensium archiepiscopus et dux, ac sancti imperii Romani
princeps.

Sasculi litterati decus

Oranes dicendi lepores virtuti sacravitac veritati,

Et dum sapientiam, Homerus alter, spirat,

Se, suosque mores inscius retexit.

Unice patrias bono intentus
Regios principes ad utililatem publicam instituit;

Hinc pio gaudet Iberia Philippo.

Hinc religio, Gallia, Europa extincto illacrimant Delphino.

Veri defensor

Ut Hipponensis olim fortis et suavis,

Libertatem cum gratia eo felicius conciliavit,

Quo debitum ecclesiaa decretis obsequium firmihs astruxit.

Ascetica; vitae magister
De casto amore ita disseruit,

Ut Vaticano obsequens oraculo,

Simu! sponso et sponsae placuerit.

In utraque fortuna sibi constans,

In prospera, aulas favores nedum prensaret, adeptos ctiam
abdicavit ;

In adversa, Deo magis adlnesit.

Antistitum norma

Gregem sibi creditum assidua fovit preesentia,

VTerbo nutrivit, erudivit excmplo, opibus sublevavit.

Exteris perinde carus ac suis
Gallos inter et liostes chin esset medius,

Hos et illos ingenii fama et comitate morum sibi devinxit.

Maturus coelo

Vitam laboribus exercitam, claram virtutibus
Meliore vita commutavit.

Septimo januarii anno M. DCCXV aitatis LXIV.

Hoc monumentum pii ac mcerentes sororis filius ct fralris
nepotes posuere.

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 201

and good men were dishonoured, his remains, by a special act
of Providence, remained undisturbed.

Of all the outrages of the French Revolution, when the fury
of atheism was directed against everything sacred, nothing
seems to us more horrible than the depredations which were
committed, by order of Government, upon the dead; when
men descended into sepulchres, seized the bodies of the great
and noble, the learned and pious, and scattered them to the
four winds of heaven — and this, too, with a wanton cruelty
and brutal merriment. What a picture of depravity! “Let
me fall into the hands of God, for very great are his mercies,
but let me not fall into the hands of men .”

While such scenes of brutality were passing in other places,
an order from Government reached the city of Cambray,
directing all the leaden coffins that were there to be given up,
and sent to the arsenal of Douay, there to be converted into
instruments of warfare. The agents proceeded to the Metro-
politan Cathedral, entered the vault under the altar, took away
the bodies of others, but left the remains of Fenelon — not
designedly, for they had no veneration for the talents and vir-
tues of the illustrious prelate — not accidentally, for what men
call chance is only the providence of God; it was the counsel
of unerring Wisdom that issued the commission — “ Touch not
mine anointed, and do my prophet no harm.”

The traveller visiting the city of Cambray, and asking for
the resting place of him whom men delight to honour, will not
be disappointed; he will see the monument which was erected
in 1805, and the small stone which originally marked the place
where he lay in the Cathedral, with the following inscription!

Hie jacet

Franciscus de Salignac de Lamothe de Fenelon,
Archiepiscopus Cameracensis defunctus die septima Januarii 1715, e
priori turnulo translates
Die 28a Martii 1720.

Such is the history of Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray; a
man who gave lustre to the age in which he lived ; who was
distinguished for the superiority of his talents, the pathos of
his eloquence, the importance of his duties, the fervour of his
piety, the character and peculiarity even of his errors. Whe-

202 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

tlier we follow him into his missions at Saintonge, into the
tumult of the court, into the republic of letters, into his retreat
at Cambray; whether we consider him a poet, an orator, a
metaphysician, a moralist, a politician, an instructor, a bishop,
a friend, or a persecuted Christian; whether we behold him in
life, or view him in death, we find much to interest our feel-
ings and improve our hearts. “Being dead, he yet spealceth;”
and as long as his writings survive, the people will have a pro-
tector, kings a guide, the instructors of princes a model, and
Christianity an advocate. But even his writings do not ex-
press his whole character. One who knew him well, who lived
with him for many years in his family, who was in habits of inti-
mate intercourse with him, says : “ Had he been born, and had
he lived in a free country, he would have displayed his whole
genius; he would have developed all his principles, not gene-
rally known, and not to be expressed in his native land.”* In
England, his virtues attracted more esteem, and his name car-
ried more influence, than in France. f Among all nations, his
readers are not merely his admirers, but his friends. Not one
country, but all acknowledge him — mankind love his memory,
for his heart expanded with affection to the whole human family.
He was sincere when he said, “ I love my family better than
myself — I love my country better than my family — I love man-
kind better than my country.”

Other men of learning, talents and usefulness, we venerate
and esteem, but Fenelon we love; there is a charm in his cha-
racter which excites the tenderest affection. In reading his
writings, and especially his letters, we imagine that we see him,
that we live with him, that his spirit is around us, that he re-
veals to us, though unconsciously, the secret of all his virtues.

* “ S’il etait ne en Angleterre, il aurait developpe son genie, et donne 1’essor
a ses principes, qu’on n’a jamais bien connus.”

+ An instance is recorded. When Chevalier Ramsay, once his pupil and friend,
and afterwards his biographer, went to England in 1730, he applied through his
friends for a doctor's degree at Oxford. Some of the members of the University
opposed it on the ground that he was a Papist, and had been the preceptor of the
children of the Pretender. But opposition ceased, when Dr. King, Principal of
St. .Mary’s, observed : — “I present to you the pupil of the illustrious Fenelon,
and this title is a sufficient guaranty to us.” — “ Quod instar omnium est, Fenelonii
niagni Archi-praesulis Cameracensis alumnum preesento vobis.”

203

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

What is that secret? Where lies his great power which thus
touches our souls ? It is the spirit of Christian love , liberally
shed upon all he did, and wrote, and said.; that love which sub-
dues selfishness; which binds our hearts to our fellow-men,
and unites us indissolubly to God. We love him, because he
is so much like the Apostle John ; because he made his words
the motto of his life; “ Beloved , let us love one another, for love
is of God; and every one that loveth is born of God, and
knozveth God. He that loveth not, knoweth not God, for God
is LOVE.”

Art. II. — The Religious Significance of Numbers.

All that it will be necessary to premise respecting the
authorities referred to in this article, can be stated in a few
words. The symbolical character and use of numbers have
been most elaborately investigated by Bahr. His writings
are classical upon this subject, and no discussion of it can be
considered satisfactory, in which the facts and reasonings that
he has brought forward do not receive their just measure of
attention. In his Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus he devotes
to it an entire chapter of one hundred and thirty-six closely
printed octavo pages, besides many occasional remarks scat-
tered through the rest of the work. It recurs again in his later
publication on Solomon’s Temple, in which he modifies to some
extent the opinions formerly expressed. The views of Bahr
are, with a few unessential alterations, adopted by Kurtz, in an
article in the Studien und Kritiken, for 1844, on the Symboli-
cal Dignity of Kumbers in the Tabernacle. Professor Stuart
has given, in an excursus at the close of his commentary on the
Apocalypse, some fragments of Bahr’s principal chapter in a
diluted state. Hengstenberg’s ideas regarding it appear inci-
dentally in the course of his various commentaries, particularly
those upon the History of Balaam, the Psalms, and the
Revelation. The change of sentiment which Hengstenberg
has undergone in the interval of these successive publications,

204

The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

is very remarkable. From being an opponent of Biihr on the
side of moderation, he has run into an extravagance far beyond
him. Vitringa, in bis Anacrisis Apocalypsios, or Examination
of the Apocalypse, has entered into the question of the signifi-
cance of the numbers which occur in the course of that book.
Winer has also given his views briefly upon it in his Biblisches
Real-Worterbuch, under the word Zalilen. The extended ex-
planations of sacred numbers found in Philo, Josephus, and
other ancient writers philosophically inclined, cannot be ac-
cepted as either rational or consistent, or as anything but
heaps of idle and arbitrary fancies.

There is no small diversity of opinion respecting this subject,
both in the authors named, and in others who have less for-
mally and largely spoken their mind upon it. Such is the
measure of indefiniteness unavoidably connected with symbolic
representation, and so much must be left to be mentally sup-
plied by those who interpret it, that even where there is entire
agreement as to the thing signified in the main, there is scarce-
ly to be expected a complete coincidence in opinion as to the
meaning of its minor features, especially where these are exa-
mined in their minuter details. It is the same even with figures
of speech, metaphors, fables, allegories, and parables. Their
general purport may be plain enough, but there will always be
embarrassment and divergence of opinion, when the attempt
is made to settle with precision all the particulars to which the
significance extends. There is no palpable boundary separating
the significant from that which is not. The former fades away
so gradually and insensibly into the latter, that its termination
cannot be evidently marked, and one w'ill lose sight of it at a
point where it can still, in the imagination of another, be more
or less perceptibly traced.

The numbers are in any case a very subordinate part of
the Scripture symbols. The chief significance resides in the
body of the symbols themselves, and not in their numerical re-
lations. And yet it is not impossible, that these may have
their appropriateness and significance likewise. There have
been not a few to claim that they have, and to imagine that
they could discover a fitness and a meaning in them, such as
would well repay the labour bestowed upon their sttidy. With-

205

1858.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

out placing an undue estimate upon these investigations, and
without putting confidence in all their results, we yet think
them not undeserving of attention, both for the sake of the
history of opinion involved, and because of some aspects of the
subject which have a real importance in the interpretation of
Scripture. Our aim, as we here forewarn our readers at the
outset, is not to propound nor to establish a theory of our own,
so much as to acquaint them with what others have thought
and written upon the matter.

The first questions to be raised concern of course the cha-
racter and the foundation of the alleged use of numbers. What
is meant precisely by sacred or symbolical numbers? And
what proof is there of a sacredness, or ideal significance attach-
ed to some particular numbers rather than to others ? Then
having informed ourselves as to the fact, we shall be at liberty
to ask after its reasons, and to search out the extent of its ap-
plication.

The grounds upon which the existence of numerical symbols
is assumed, are a use of numbers pervading the Bible, which
cannot be otherwise than ideally explained — a marked prefer-
ence, so to speak, a partiality for particular numbers in sacred
connections — a recurrence of the same numbers too frequent
and too uniform to be accidental and undesigned — 'a use of
them which cannot have arisen from necessity, from conside-
rations of convenience or symmetry, nor from the indefinite
employment of them as round numbers ; for why should seven
be a round number rather than six or eight? The force of
these considerations is enhanced by an appeal to the symbolical
use of different numbers in many nations of antiquity, besides
the Hebrews, and by attempts to show how such a use might
readily have arisen.

But in order to exhibit these grounds in a more definite
form, let us follow the leading of Bahr. He first comes in
contact with this subject, in explaining the draught of the
Mosaic tabernacle. He has the advantage in his argument of
coming with a presumption gained from the symbolical cha-
racter of the whole structure, that its various parts were sym-
bolical. Not only the general plan of the building, and its
furniture, but its materials and its colours, have all their signi-

vol. xxv. — xo. II. 2T

206

[April

The Religious Significance of Numbers.

ficance aud their appropriateness. This granted, it is natural
to suppose that the same may be the case with the forms and
numbers likewise. Then, the minuteness of the specifications
is such, that unless explicable from their ideal import they
would border upon triviality. Why must there be just so
many boards in the frame? Why must the covering consist
of precisely such a number of pieces, and these fastened
together by exactly so many loops and taches? This cannot
be accounted for by any reasons of convenience, or of adapta-
tion to the purposes for which the building was erected. It
was not with the sole design of ensuring symmetry of form,
or the preservation of architectural proportions. The religious
structures and symbolic representations of the Hebrews, and
indeed of the East generally, unlike those of Greece, were
governed less by a regard for symmetry and beauty, than by
the desire faithfully to embody the religious conception, and
that, though the resulting form might be inelegant, or even
grotesque. But apart from this, the minuteness of detail in
things which would not in the slightest affect its appearance,
cannot be thus accounted for. This is confirmed by the
detailed measures given by Ezekiel in the closing chapters of
his prophecy, whose occurrence there it would be hard to ex-
plain, even were they literal measures, either reminiscences of
the temple of Solomon, or prescriptions to guide in the con-
struction of the temple of Zerubbabel. But as they demon-
strably were neither, and the building described is an ideal
one, that never in fact was, nor was designed to be erected,
these details must have an ideal significance, or none at all.
Again, in Rev. xi. 1, 2, the measuring of the temple marks its
sacred character : that which was to be given up to profana-
tion was left unmeasured."

If, now, it be conceded that an ideal reason must in all these
cases be assumed, it is not enough to look for that in the bare
fact of measuring by divine authority, while the numerical
relations discovered or enjoined are left out of view as unim-
portant. The whole truth is not exhausted, by saying that it
Avas a matter of indifference what particular numbers were to
have place in the Mosaic sanctuary ; that the total of their sig-
nificance lay in the fact of God’s having directed what they

207

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

should be; that it was of no consequence whether one set of
numbers appeared in the draught of the tabernacle or another,
but only that the numbers, whatever they might be, should be
divinely prescribed. This is part of the truth, no doubt. The
tabernacle was to be a divine structure ; and to mark this more
evidently, the directions given were not merely general, but spe-
cific. The plan was given, not simply in its outline, but in its
minutest details, so that it might not need the most trifling hu-
man addition. All was designed of God. Just as the detailed
prescriptions as to clean and unclean meats, had the same end
in regard to the everyday life of Israel, teaching by symbol
what the apostle has thus translated into New Testament lan-
guage : “ Whether ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to
the glory of God.” But there is a significance, it is claimed, ly-
ing back of all this, back of all considerations of adaptation and
of symmetry, back even of the divine character to be impressed
upon the structure. In the draught which God gave to Moses
of this building, one class of numbers is systematically pre-
ferred to all others. Every other end could have been answered
as well, without so large a use of these particular numbers. But
there was a propriety arising out of the symbolic conceptions of
the Hebrews, to which God adapted himself in this, as in the
rest of the ceremonial institutions, that precisely these num-
bers, rather than any others, should predominate in that sacred
edifice.

A brief survey of the principal numbers of the Levitical in-
stitutions, will put the reader in possession of the facts, and
will enable him to judge for himself of the necessity or appli-
cability of the doctrine of numerical symbols. Some of the
numbers to be met with in other parts of Scripture, for which a
similar explanation is proposed, will be exhibited subsequently.

The sanctuary consisted of 3 parts — the court, the holy place,
and the holy of holies — all quadrangular, and set by the car-
dinal points of the compass; the last a perfect cube, its length,
breadth, and height, each 10 cubits. The tabernacle proper
measured 10 cubits in breadth and height, and 3x10 cubits in
length. There were 4x12 boards in its frame. Over this were
laid 4 coverings ; the lowermost was composed of 10 pieces, 4
cubits broad by 4x7 long, and joined 5 to 5 by 5x10 taches.

203 The Religious Significance of Xumbers. [April

The second covering differed from this, in having its pieces
3x10 cubits in length. In the most holy place were the tables
containing the 10 commandments ; 4 pillars supported the veil
•which separated this from the adjoining apartment. In this
stood 3 sacred vessels, the altar of incense, the candlestick
with its T lamps, and the table of shew-bread with its 12 loaves.
The court was 10x10 cubits long, and 5x10 broad, surrounded
by pillars 5 cubits high and 5 cubits apart, with 4 pillars form-
ing the entrance to it from without, and 5 the entrance from it
to the tabernacle.*

In the temple of Solomon, the same arrangement and pro-
portions were preserved, the measures only being doubled.
The difficult question as to the height of the temple, need not
here be raised. The two cherubim of olive wood, set in the
holy of holies, were each 10 cubits high, and 10 cubits between
the tips of their wings ; 10 candlesticks and 10 tables were put
in the holy place, and in the court 10 lavers, 10x10 golden
basins, and a molten sea 10 cubits in diameter and 5 cubits
high, supported by 12 oxen, 3 facing toward each of the 4
points of the compass. The porch before the temple was twice
10 cubits long, by 10 broad.

The sabbatical system was a complete series of sevens. The
Tth day of the week was to be kept holy; the first day of the
Tth month was hallowed by the blowing of trumpets; the Tth
year was a sabbatical year; and the 7x7th was followed by
the year of jubilee. All Israel was required to appear thrice in
the year before the Lord at the 3 great festivals. The passover
lamb was to be selected on the 10th, and killed on the twice

* Friedericb, in bis Symbolik der Mosaischen Stiflshulte, maintains the idea
derived from some expressions employed by Luther, that the sanctuary symbolizes
man, or human nature, as the dwelling of God’s Spirit; and he accordingly un-
dertakes to make out that the numbers of the frame and its coverings have their
counterpart in man’s anatomical structure. In his view, consequently, they are
significant in this sacred edifice, and contribute to its correspondence with that
which it symbolizes; not, however, ideally, but literally and physically. His pal-
pably strange misconception of the intent of the entire building, and the forcing to
which he is obliged to resort in the details, as well as the fact that there are other
numbers no less remarkable than those of the tabernacle for which not the semblance
of an explanation can be furnished on this method, throw his theory completely out
of the question, and render it unnecessary to give it more than this passing notice.

209

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

7th clay of the month, after which the feast lasted for 7 clays;
7x7 days were numbered from the passover to the feast of
weeks. In the 7th month there was a cluster of sacred services.
Besides the hallowing of its first day already mentioned, the
great clay of atonement occurred on the 10th, and after the
twice 7th followed the feast of tabernacles, which lasted for 7
days. The sacrifices upon this, as upon some other occasions, were
multiples of seven; 7x10 bullocks for the entire feast, and twice
7 lambs for each clay. Children were circumcised after they
had completed their 7th day. Periods of purification from un-
cleanness were according to the nature of the several cases,
7, twice 7, 40, and twice 40 days. When persons or houses
were suspected of leprosy, they were shut up 7 days, in order
to a renewed examination. In their cleansing they were to be
sprinkled 7 times. In sacrifices of more than ordinary solem-
nity, as that on the day of atonement, or one offered for the
sins of a priest, or for those of the whole congregation, the
sprinkling of the blood was repeated 7 times.

There were 3 orders of ministers in the sanctuary, the high
priest, the priests, and the Levites. The priests were distri-
buted by David into twice 12 courses. One 10th of all the
produce of the land was given annually to the Levites, and
every 3d year an additional 10th was bestowed upon the poor.
Of the tithes which they received, the Levites were required to
offer one 10th to the Lord. They had 4x12 cities assigned to
them, with adjoining tracts of land lying 4 square, set by the
points of the compass, and measuring 10x10x10 cubits in
each direction from the cities. Of these twice 3 were selected
as cities of refuge. The sacred vestments of the priests were
composed of 4 pieces ; those of the high priest of twice 4. The
breastplate of the high priest was adorned with 12 precious
stones, set in 3 rows of 4 each. In the consecration of the
priests, which lasted 7 days, they were anointed with the holy

011 of 4 ingredients. The sacred incense was likewise com-
pounded of 4 ingredients. Parts of 4 different creatures made
up the cherubim. The legally prescribed encampment of the

12 tribes in the wilderness, was a hollow square, set by the
points of the compass, with the sanctuary and its ministers in
the centre, and 3 tribes lying upon each of its 4 sides.

210

The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

It is not necessary in order to make out a case in favour of
numerical symbols, that all the members which have been
recited, should have an ideal significance. Many of them may
have been, some very probably were, suggested by considera-
tions of symmetry or convenience. But leaving all such out of
view, there will still remain a frequency and regularity in the
recurrence of a few favourite figures which cannot have been
accidental. From these and similar facts gathered from other
parts of Scripture, two conclusions have been drawn. The
first is, that there are certain sacred numbers, or such as occur
with marked frequency in the religious institutions of the
Hebrews, and to which the preference seems always to have
been accorded, when there was no antecedent reason of conve-
nience, necessity or the like, for selecting another. This
is generally admitted to be the case with 7, 10 and 12.
Bahr contends for more than these; so do others, as will be
seen in the sequel. The second conclusion is, that there are
specific differences and gradations among the sacred numbers
themselves, peculiarities of signification, so to speak, or of
usage belonging to each, which determines with some degree
of definiteness the respective range of their employment, and
make one more suitable than another in its own particular
sphere. As instances may be noted, the tens in the measures
of the tabernacle as contrasted with the fives of the court, and
the predominance of seven in the cycle of sacred seasons.

The complete proof of the symbolical import of numbers can
however only be furnished by their interpretation. If a con-
sistent and rational explanation can be made of them, which
shall be in constant harmony with the connection in which
they are found, the matter is settled. Everything depends
upon whether such an explanation is possible. The proof of
the correct interpretation of symbols, as that of the answer to
an enigma, lies in the appositeness and the adequacy of the
solution itself. This requires, however, that we should first
examine the meanings or ideal values attributed to these
various numbers. And in order to this it will be necessary
to institute an investigation into the reasons of this signi-
ficancy. Upon what is it founded, and whence is it derived?
Here we are met by several different theories. We may name

211

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

them the historical, the typical, the speculative, the astronomi-
cal, the chronological, and the realistic. A formidable list,
truly ! And yet it may prove not to be very difficult, after all,
to select out those of them to which we may most reasonably
look for whatever significance the numbers appear to have.

The historical theory supposes the sacredness of numbers to
rest upon scriptural facts in which those numbers are prom-
inent, and to which there is always a reference more or less
distinct in their religious use. The plainest instances of this
are twelve and seven. It is undeniable that twelve is often
employed with designed allusion to the number of the tribes of
Israel. From the duodenary division of this chosen race,
twelve became the signature, so to speak, of the people of God,
or of the Church. It was this, as is evident, which determined
the number of jewels in the high priest’s breastplate. This is
positively asserted in many other cases, e. g. Ex. xxiv. 4.
Josh. iv. 18. 1 Kings xviii. 31. Under the employment of

this number, was couched an allusion to the twelve tribes.
The loaves of shew-bread were to represent a combined offer-
ing from all the tribes. The oxen under the molten sea, and
perhaps the boards of the tabernacle, numerically represented
the same thing, they marked the sacred edifice in which they
were found as designed for the worship of the twelve tribes.
Bahr, though admitting all these facts, contends that there
must have been some anterior reason for the sacredness of
twelve, some reason other than the bare historical one which
made it appropriate that the chosen people should be a whole
made up of twelve confederated communities. 1. Because a
duodenary division of tribes occurs in other ancient nations ;
also, e. g. the Arabs in Gen. xvii. 20 ; xxv. 16, and in the
time of Mohammed, the ancient Persians, according to Xeno-
phon, and even the ideal state of Plato. 2. Because the
tribes were always numbered twelve, although there were in
fact thirteen. Biihr’s own explanation will be given below.
Here it is sufficient to say that the number of Jacob’s sons
was twelve. And although the two tribes springing from
Joseph, increased this number by one, yet this was balanced
by the singular position occupied by Levi. Twelve tribes only
received inheritance in the promised land.

212 The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

The sacredness of seven is quite as plainly due to the sancti-
fication of the seventh day at the creation. This is expressly
declared in the fourth commandment to have determined the
selection of the Sabbath day; and upon this is evidently built
the -whole round of Sabbatic institutions, governed as they are
by sevens, throughout the whole of which the reference is plain
to the primeval rest of God. Consequent upon this is a farther
extension of its use. As seven marked sacred time, it came to
mark other sacred things. Hence the seven branches of the
candlestick, and other uses of the number detailed above, or to
be mentioned hereafter. And it perhaps deserves considera-
tion, whether out of the employment of this number in the
book of Genesis, may not be derived an argument of some im-
portance in favour of the original institution of the Sabbath
immediately upon the creation. The force of the arguments
can never be successfully set aside, which are drawn from the
almost universal septenary division of time among all ancient
nations ; the importance of a day of religious rest to the patri-
archs, no less than to their descendants, the distinct mention
of the Sabbath before the arrival at Sinai, the word “Remem-
ber” in the fourth commandment, the extended Sabbatic system
of the Mosaic law, seemingly implying a previously existing
foundation upon which it was based, and the explicit testimony
of Gen. ii. 3. But it may be worth inquiring, whether the ante-
Mosaic sacredness of seven is not an additional argument to
be co-ordinated with the foregoing. We shall not dwell upon
this here, but only refer in passing to the ante-diluvian evi-
dence of its sacredness in the sevenfold vengeance to be taken
of the slayer of Cain, and the seventy and seven fold boasted
of by Lamech ; then the septenary division of time in the day3
of Noah, the seven clean beasts and birds he took with him
into the ark, circumcision in the family of Abraham, performed
after the seventh day, seven ewe lambs taken to witness the
oath made with Abimelech, the constitution of the Hebrew
language itself, in which “swear” and “seven” have a common
etymology — not to mention cases in which its religious use is
less apparent, as the seven years which Jacob served for Leah,
and seven again for Rachel, the seven times he bowed himself
to Esau, and the sevens of Pharaoh’s dreams.

213

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

The explication of other numbers upon this theory is less
evident and satisfactory. Ten might be referred to the ten
plagues of Egypt, or the ten commandments; but the sacred-
ness of the number is more easily explained as the cause than
as the effect in these cases. The speculative theory seems to
offer the best solution here. Hengstenberg, after denying in
his Bileam, p. 90, the symbolic character of three, and specifi-
cally that it had such a character in the sacerdotal blessing,
Num. vi. 22, in his later writings finds evidences of its sacred-
ness almost without limit, and makes it the number of the
blessing.* We confess, botvever, that we are unable to see in
the instances adduced by him or by others, the evidence of any
thing more than a rhetorical or a graditative employment of
the number three. And we do not see why his own previous
appeal to Jer. vii. 4; xxii. 29; Ez. xxi. 27, does not remain
valid against his later conclusions. Nor, to our mind, is there
any more proof of the symbolical character of the number in
the three successive compartments of progressive sacredness
forming the sanctuary, than there are in the three ordinary
degrees of comparison. The only cases in which we are dis-
posed to think it significant, are those in which it appears in
immediate connection with the divine names, e. g. in the sacer-
dotal blessing, that pronounced by Jacob upon Joseph, Gen.
xlviii. 15, 16, or the thrice holy of Isa. vi. 3. There may be in
passages like these, obscure intimations of the doctrine else-
where taught in the Old Testament, and clearly revealed in
the New, of a trinity of divine persons. But the proof seems
to be wanting of anything beyond this, of any extended use of
the number with designed allusion, whether to the Divine
Being, (Biihr,) his blessing, (Hengstenberg,) or the secret mys-
tery of his nature, (Lampe,f) or even a more vague and gene-
ral employment of it in sacred connections.

* In his preliminary remarks upon Ps. xxvi. and xxvii., Hengstenberg recites
what he at that time held to be “all the significant numbers of the Old Testa-
ment;” twelve, the number of the covenant people; ten, the signature of com-
pleteness; seven, the signature of the covenant; and three, the number of the
blessing. In his Commentary on the Revelation, he not only adds the number
four, but adopts regarding it the opinion of Babr, which he had before distinctly
repelled, that it is the signature of the earth. See on Rev. iv. 6.

t See Comment, in Joannem vi. 67. In this passage, which we make no apo-

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 28

214 The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

Yitringa may be taken as the representative of the typical
theory. An inordinate fondness for types is a -well-known
characteristic of this learned and able expositor, and it has
frequently betrayed him into extravagant and fanciful views.
The strong conviction -which he entertained of the intimate
connection between the two dispensations, led him into the
belief that everything in the Old Testament bore a designed
relation to something which was to appear in the New. This
same idea governed his explanation of at least one of the
sacred numbers, viz. seven. His views regarding it are
given at considerable length in his comment upon Rev. i. 20.
He contends that there is always involved in it, wherever it
occurs, in the Old Testament and in the New, a mystical refer-
ence to the seven periods through which the Church of Christ
is to pass before the end of all things, as set forth in the seven
mystical churches of Asia, and the seven seals; a view, the
adoption of which, he thinks, will “shed immense light” upon
the typical institutions of the Old Economy, and the various
passages of Holy Writ in which this number is mentioned or

logy for quoting at length, it will be perceived that Lampe gives to both three
an A four ideal meanings. He agrees with Vitringa in attributing to seven a
typical sense, and with Bahr in making the composition of twelve and seven from
three and four significant, while as to the primary sacredness of twelve, he adopts
the historical view stated above. “Collegium Apostolorum frequenter in historia
Evangelica dicitur ci non solum propter numerum quern conficiebant, sed

etiam propter singulare mysterium quod sub eorum duodenario latet, quod ipse
servator innuit Matlh. xix. 28, nempe quod hie numerus respondeat xii. patri.
arrhis, filiis Jacobi, totidem tribuum Israelis capitibus, quorum antitypus erant
apostoli, filii Israelis mystici, fundamenta et capita totius populi Dei in N. T. et
eapropter per duodenarium fontium in Elim, genimarum in pectorali Ponlificis
maximi, duodecim lapides in Jordane erectos, duodecim boves maris aenei etc.
prsefigurati. Unde universa Ecclesia N. T. toties in Apocalypsi per duodenari-
orum duplicationem et in unum corpus cum Ecclesia V. T. collecta per duode-
nar.uin duplicatum seu xxiv. presbyteros respondentes ephemeriis Sacerdotum
et Levitarum, recensetur. Nec sine mysterio esse videtur, quod duodeuarius
constfet ternario per quaternium multiplicato, cum nop solum ternarius et quater-
narius conficiat septenarium, omnes periodos ecclesise connectentem, sed etiam
ternarius respondeat Trinitati, quaternarius Ecclesise per quatuor partes orbis
terrarum disperses. Divisio enim duodenarii in ternarios et quaternaries roysti-
cos fundata est turn in castrametatione Num. ii. turn in portis Hierosolymee
secundum Ezechielem xlviii. 31 — 34, distinctis, quarum Spiritus Sanctus

Apoc. xxi. 13 non obscure innuit.”

215

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

alluded to. He admits that in the Sabbath there is a com-
memoration of the creation, but argues that the Old Testa-
ment, as a whole, is not commemorative of the past, but typical
of the future ; and that every thing centres, not in the old
work of the original creation, but in the promised creation of a
new heavens and a new earth, in the grander work of redemp-
tion to be consummated under the New Economy, and in this
latter, not in the former, he would seek the antitype of every
Old Testament fact and institution. If the basis upon which
this explanation rests were more secure, it might deserve to be
further inquired into. But are any such seven periods certain
ly predicted of the Christian Church ?

Whether Vitringa extends this theory to other numbers, is
not so clear. He says of ten, Rev. ii. 10, that it is a number
“absolutus et perfectus,” but without giving the grounds upon
which, in his view, its perfection rests. It is hard to see what
typical reference it could be imagined to have. Of twelve he
says, Rev. xiv. 1, that it exhibits the church founded upon the
doctrine of the twelve apostles, the true antitype of the old
Jewish church, divided into twelve tribes.

The speculative theory has been most ably presented and
advocated by Bahr, and after him by Kurtz. It proceeds
upon the supposition that there is an ideal signification inherent
in numbers themselves, and not derived to them from any sub-
ject to which they belong, and with which they have been asso-
ciated; one which follows from the universal and necessary
laws of the human mind acting upon simple numerical rela-
tions. This obliges them to seek the same essential ideas in
the numerical symbols of all nations, only modified in their
character and applications by the nature of the system in which
they are each time found. Bahr largely substantiates this
view by the testimony of ancient writers, particularly the
Pythagoreans and the later Platonists, into whose philosophy
speculation upon the abstract nature of numbers so largely
entered. To our mind the scheme is for the most part the
merest fancy, even as regards the explanation of the numbers
of the heathen mythology and worship, and wholly foreign
to the Mosaic system and the scriptural system generally, in

21 G

The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

which its subtleties and refinements find not the slightest coun-
tenance, expressed or implied.*

Biihr’s view of the matter, as nearly as we can state it in a
brief compass, is this. Two awakens the idea of division, of
opposition, of contrast. This duality is removed by the addi-
tion of another unit which mediates, as it were, between the
previously divided parts. Thus arises a fresh unity, not like
that of the uncompounded monad in which there was no oppo-
sition, and no contrast to reconcile, but a higher and more
perfect unity with contrarieties reconciled and differences set
at rest. A perfect whole is conceived as consisting of three
parts, beginning, middle, end. So time has its three divisions,
past, present, future; and space its three dimensions, length,
breadth, thickness. The triangle is the simplest of all recti-
linear figures. Now, as the idea of the Deity is the most perfect
of all ideas, and it is to the Deity that perfect existence exclu-
sively belongs, three is the divine number, the signature of that
Being, who is, and was, and is to come.f This use of the
number he traces not only in the triad of the Hindoos, but
among the Chinese and other Oriental nations, the Egyptians,
Greeks, Romans, Northmen, and even some American tribes.
Compare in the classical mythology, the three-forked lightning
of Jupiter, the trident of Neptune, the three-headed dog of
Pluto, the tripod of Apollo, the three Fates, three Furies, three
Graces, thrice three Muses, &c. In the Mosaic tabernacle,
there are found no triangular forms, as there are again and
again in heathendom, as symbols of the Deity. This would
have been in direct contravention of the Mosaic statute to
make no visible representation of God. It is not until the
times of the Cabbala, that we find this use of the triangle among
the Jews. But things bearing a divine character and specially
devoted to God occur in triplets.

* Vitringa’s pithy reply to this theory is Anacrisis, p. 43. An res sunt propter
numerurn, num potius numerus propter res ? * * * Certe cum numerus inera sit
collectio unitatum, unitas vero unitate non sit perse prrestantior, nulla etiam
numeri hujus (7) per se pras alio erit proecellentia. The arguments by which it
is supported, be calls, ineptas subtilitates, quae si subjicerentur rigidiori examini
vel sanum sensum non darent, vel discuss® abirent in fumos.
t Compare Schoettgen’s Horce Heb. et Talmud, on Rev. i. 4.

217

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

As four proceeds from three, so the ■world from God ; this
therefore is the number of the world. The same appears too
from the constitution of the world, its four elements, four car-
dinal points, four seasons. As the world is that in which the
Deity reveals himself, four becomes the number of divine reve-
lation; hence the four-sided figure of the Mosaic altars and
of the sanctuary, as the seat of revelation, and the holy of
holies, whence God communed with Moses, was a cube, each
side of it a perfect square.*

Three and four combined make seven, the signature of the
union of God and the world. In the heathen symbols this
has to do with mere cosmical relations, and the harmony of
the universe. In the Mosaic system it suggests the covenant
relation between God and his chosen people, and may be affixed
to anything specially belonging to that covenant, its preser-
vation, &c. ; hence its connection with circumcision, the Sab-
bath, sacrifices, purifications. Twelve is formed from the same
numbers, not by addition but by multiplication. It is a four
conditioned, inhabited by the three, a totality in which God is,
and in which he reveals himself. In Scripture symbols it is
the signature of the covenant people, and is best illustrated by
the encampment in the wilderness, in the form of a square with
three tribes on each side, and God’s tabernacle in the midst.

Ten closes the series of units ; all numeration is but a con-
stant succession of decades. Ten thus represents the whole
numerical system, and becomes in consequence the symbol of
completeness. It represents a system of units forming together
one entire, complete and perfect whole. Hence the ten avatars
of India, the ten spheres of Pythagoras, the ten periods of the
Etruscans, the ten sephiroth of the Cabbalists, &c. The ten
commandments form a complete rule of duty; the judgments
upon Egypt ran their fearful course in ten successive plagues.
Hence, too, tithes ; the sum of a man’s possessions is reckoned

* The square figure of the Temple and of the New Jerusalem, according to
Vitringa, p. 899, and Havernick (Comment. Zum Ezech. p. 691,) suggests the
ideas of firmness and regularity. According to Bahr, the tabernacle was set by
the points of the compass, so as to correspond with God’s dwelling in the uni-
verse, which it mediately represented; according to Keil and to Kurtz, to sym-
bolize the future extension of the kingdom of God over all the earth.

218 The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

ten, of which he gives the first part to God in token of grateful
acknowledgment to him from whom he has received the whole.
The explanation which Bahr has given of the significance of
this number is the obvious one, bating a refinement of specu-
lation in which it is impossible to follow him. The decimal
division of numbers prevailing among all nations is the basis
of all that is significant in ten. But as for any “ universal
laws of thought,” which lie behind this, and require that
mankind should count by tens rather than by nines or twelves,
these belong to the “ ineptae subtilitates.” Great as is the
contempt in which the opinion is held both by Bahr and Kurtz,
we shall have to confess ourselves guilty of the flatness of those
who think that the ten fingers of the human hands have deter-
mined the number of the digits, as their very name implies.
We have however, quite as little respect for the notion of
Grotius, for which Friederich who follows him, cites Prov. vii.
3, that the number of the commandments was ten, in order
that the people might recite them upon their fingers, and
thereby impress them upon their memory, as we have for the no
less strange idea of Kurtz, that in the creation of man those im-
mutable laws of thought were regarded, which determine him to
count by tens, and ten fingers were given him to correspond.

Five set over against ten represents perfection, as it were,
half attained. It is the number of relative imperfection. Hence
the fives of the court, as compared with the corresponding tens
in the measures of the tabernacle.

The astronomical view refers seven and twelve to the seven
planets and the twelve signs of the zodiac. The chronological
derives their sacredness from the twelve months in the year,
and the seven days in each lunar phase. The realistic seeks
the meaning of the sacred numbers in the various physical
relations or phenomena, celestial and terrestrial, into which
they enter, e. g. seven is found in the septentriones, the
pleiades, the musical sounds, the Greek vowels, the climacterics,
etc. These three views, either singly or combined, are com-
monly regarded as exhibiting the sources of all sacredness in
numbers among the heathen. Winer would thus explain the
mystic use of seven among the Hebrews, but is prevented
from thus explaining twelve by the indubitable historical evi-

219

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

dence of the existence among them of twelve tribes. If the
seven days of creation had been to him equally indubitable he
would no doubt have felt that it was quite as unnecessary to
assume any other ground than this of the sacredness of seven.

It is surprising to find even Hengstenberg partially falling in
with these views, and claiming that the Hebrews derived their
ideal use of numbers from the heathen. If the historical
grounds of sacredness, in the case of seven and twelve at least,
were not so plain, and were not expressly asserted to be the
true ones; and if symbols drawn from the physical features of
the universe, however familiar to heathenism, were not totally
unknown to the Scriptures, such a view would be more pardon-
able. We cannot but think that in the utterance of such an
opinion, Hengstenberg must have been biassed by the compari-
sons which he had recently been instituting between the things
of Israel and those of heathen Egypt, and the anxiety with
which he had been grasping after analogies as proofs of the
true Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.

It is chiefly the numerical relations of the Levitical institu-
tions, which have been exhibited hitherto. It is time now to
ask what light can be thrown upon this subject from other
parts of Scripture. We have looked a little at the beginning of
the sacred volume; let us now pass at once to its close. That the
book of Revelation is largely symbolical, all admit. Much of
it, most of it, if not all of it, must be so explained. It cannot
by possibility be literal. This creates a presumption that its
numbers, too, may have a mystical value. The symbols of this
book are also, in great part, borrowed from the Old Testament.
Much of its language, many of its ideas, find their basis there. ,
There are no heathen symbols in it, as can be shown, not even the
palms in the hands of the rejoicing multitude before the throne.
There are the mystical tribes of Israel, the song of Moses, the
tree of life, the lamb slain, the ark of the covenant, the feast of
tabernacles. All this favours the impression that laws of in-
terpretation derived from the Mosaic symbols will be valid here.
Still farther, many of the numbers of the Revelation, it must
be admitted, can have no other than an ideal application. The
number sealed of each of the tribes cannot be a literal number,
■whether understood exactly or approximately. If it have any

i

220

The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

signification ■whatever, it must be a mystical signification. The
measures of the new J erusalem cannot he literal numbers. And
even those interpreters by whom the numbers designating time
are subjected to computation, reckon them, not literally as they
stand, but by principles and methods which have quite as much
need of proof to establish their correctness, as the symbolical
view of the subject has.* And that mode of calculating the
number of the beast from the numerical powers of letters, which,
without intending any disrespect, we may call semi-cabbalistic,
has, to say the least, quite as strong a presumption against it,
and quite as little analogy from the Scriptures in its favour,
and perhaps no more that is satisfactory and convincing in the
result, than a symbolic understanding of it would have. The
ten horns of the beast are very commonly interpreted of pre-
cisely ten kingdoms, and yet there is great diversity in their
enumeration. We must not be understood to be the advocate
of any theory. We do not set up to be an interpreter of the
book of Revelation. We have no desire further than to lay the
facts before the reader, unbiassed by prepossessions and fore-
gone conclusions, and to gain for the symbolical system a can-
did hearing.

The prominence of the number seven in this book is particu-
larly marked. There are 7 churches of Asia, 7 stars, 7 golden
candlesticks, 7 spirits of God, the lamb with 7 horns and 7
eyes, the book with 7 seals, 7 angels with 7 trumpets, 7 thun-
ders, 7 vials with the 7 last plagues, the earthquake destroying
7 thousand men, the beast and the dragon having each 7 heads
and 10 horns. The witnesses prophesy in sackcloth the half
of 7 years, and lie unburied the half of 7 days. The half of
7 years also marks the woman’s stay in the wilderness, the

* That even English divines of learning and ability, are not so much at one
upon this point as seems to be commonly taken for granted, at least in this coun-
try, may be seen from the following remarks of Brown, in his Ordo Seclorum, or
Chronology of the Holy Scriptures, p. 24: — “I earnestly disclaim and protest
against all attempts at calculating the times which are yet future. Notwithstand-
ing the deference due to a few venerated names, I am bound to declare my con-
viction that all such attempts are alike futile and presumptuous. The hypothesis
in particular, which makes the periods assigned by Daniel and St. John, of 1260
and 2300 days, to be that number of years, is a mere fiction, proved to have been
invented at first by heretics, and since adopted chiefly as a weapon of contro-
versy.”

221

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

continuance of the beast, and the trampling of the holy city
under foot by the Gentiles. Interpreted symbolically this
says, that the duration of the enemy’s triumph is measured,
and that by a broken number ; the half of 7, after the analogy
of the half of 10, symbolizing what is incomplete and transi-
tory.

Twelve appears everywhere appropriately a3 the number
of God’s people, of the Church. The twice 12 elders before
the throne represent the Church of both dispensations; 12
thousand of each of the 12 tribes are sealed as God’s elect.
The woman symbolizing the people of God wears a crown of
12 stars. The redeemed on Mount Sion are 12x12 thousand.
The New Jerusalem, imaging forth the perfect Church, bears
the appropriate number in every possible way. Upon its gates
surmounted by 12 angels are inscribed the names of the 12
tribes. Its 12 foundations bear the names of the 12 apostles
of the Lamb. Its length, and breadth, and height, are each
12 thousand cubits, constituting it a perfect cube like the holy
of holies, God’s immediate dwelling place in both the taber-
nacle and the temple. Its wall measures 12x12 cubits ; its
gates are 12 pearls; and the tree of life within it bears 12
manner of fruits. On the other hand, the beast which made
war upon the Church is marked with the half or broken twelve,
which is thrice repeated 666, to carry the idea to its utmost
intensity; there is thus intimated, in spite of his seeming
victory, his essential inferiority to the true people of God.*

Other numbers are less conspicuous and pervading in their
use. The 10th part of the great city fell in the earthquake,
the locusts had power to torture men the half of 10 months, the
broken number here again denoting imperfection and limitation.
The number of the horsemen under the conduct of the 4 angels

* This is Hengstenberg’s view as we understand it. It is slightly modified
from that of Vitringa, whom Hengstenberg has yet followed in the main.
Vitringa says, Numerus ccclesi® verse est 12. Numerus ecclesi® fals® et
corrupt® est senarius 6, quia duodenarium dividit in duas partes, hoc est, destruit
et dissolvit. * Regnum besti® destruit, quantum in se est, verum regnum
Christi. * * * Quod autem nuinerum hune besti® Spiritus efferre voluerit tribus
senariis, quippe ex senariis monadum, dccadum, et hecatontadum conflatum,
haud dubie ob hanc factum est rationem, ut senarium nobis exhiberet in omni
sua perfectione.

VOL. XXV. — NO. II.

29

222 The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

bound in Euphrates, is, in the judgment of Yitringa, made up
from a peculiar combination of 10 and 3. Three successive
multiplications, first of ten into itself, then of each successive
product into itself, will yield as their result the number as it
appears in a few manuscripts, or the half of the number as it
is in the received text ; the whole conveying the idea of the
most perfect multitude, an immense innumerable host. The
tail of the great red dragon drew the 3d part of the stars ; 3
unclean spirits issued from the mouths of the dragon, the beast,
and the false prophet; the great city was divided into 3 parts
by a mighty earthquake; the judgments denounced in chapters
viii. and ix. constantly destroyed the 3d part of their respec-
tive objects. The signature of the earth appears in the 4
beasts, symbolizing, according to Hengstenberg, all terrestrial
animated things, in the 4 angels standing on the 4 corners of
the earth, holding the four winds, and in the blood flowing
from the wine-press by the space of 4x4 hundred furlongs.

Our limits compel us to pass more rapidly over the inter-
mediate books of Scripture. It will be sufficient to refer to
some of the more marked examples. In compassing the city
of Jericho, 7 priests, bearing 7 trumpets of rams’ horns, pre-
ceded the ark; they thus marched about the city 7 days, and
on the 7th day 7 times. As a magical charm, Samson was
bound with 7 green withs, and 7 locks of his head were woven
with the web. Hannah sang “the barren hath borne 7.”
God offered to David in punishment for his sin 3 things, 7
years of famine, 3 months of flight before his enemies, or 3
days’ pestilence. Naaman was bidden to wash 7 times in
Jordan. The words of the Lord are as silver purified 7 times.
To wisdom’s house Solomon assigns 7 pillars. Jeremiah fore-
told a captivity in Babylon for 7x10 years, and at its close
Daniel predicted the advent of Messiah in 7x10 weeks of
years. Matthew divides the interval from Abraham to Christ
into 3 periods of twice 7 generations each. We read of 12
apostles, 7x10 disciples, and 7 deacons. The Saviour spake
parables respecting 10 virgins, and 10 pieces of silver, and 10
servants, to whom were delivered 10 pounds. He told Peter
that he must forgive his brother not 7 times merely, but 70
times 7.

223

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

A much more questionable application has been attempted
of the sacred numbers to the history and chronology of the
Bible. This has been done by two entirely different classes of
men, and with exactly opposite ends in view. Sceptical wri-
ters have sought, as a means of bringing the truth of the
sacred history into question, to show that like the mythologies
of the heathen, it is built upon certain favourite numbers, and
is pervaded by an obvious or concealed uniformity of periods.
Mr. Browne, in his Ordo Seclorum, has, on the other hand,
sought to vindicate the truth and the divinity of the Scripture
history by this very means, and to show, by a train of numeri-
cal relations, that “ it must be the Lord’s doing, and ought to
be marvellous in our eyes.”

It is probable, however, that most persons will think neither
party successful. The occasional occurrence of these particu-
lar numbers may have been quite casual; there is, at least, no
need of supposing that God conducted his providence with the
design of weaving these numbers into it.* Their appearance
is by no means so uniform as to create the impression of a plan
consistently pursued. The most remarkable instances which
have been alleged are the following. The antediluvian gene-
alogy embraces ten names, of which the seventh, Enoch, and
the tenth, Noah, have remarkable histories connected with
them. Abraham, again, is the tenth from Shem. Noah had
three sons; so had Terah. Jacob had twelve sons; so had
Ishmael. The life of Moses is divided into three periods of
uniform length, each forty years. Seven years were spent in
the conquest of Canaan ; seven also in building the temple.
David reigned forty years ; so did Saul, as we learn from Acts
xiii. 21, though this is not stated in the Old Testament; so did
Solomon. From the exodus to the building of the temple was
twelve times forty years. Yon Bolden, in his Genesis, p. lxiv.,

* This seems to be the view of Hofmann in his Weissagung und Erfiillung,

I. p. 85. Noah was the tenth in order from Adam and Seth, as afterwards
Abraham was again the tenth in order from Shem. The number ten is in
the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, as it is in itself by reason of the
number of the fingers and toes, the number of the natural of man (des menschlich
naturlichen), the number in which it finds its termination; whilst seven is the
number of divine possibilities and activities, and Enoch was accordingly the
seventh.

224 The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

lias succeeded in picking out seventeen forties, either days or
years, between the first of Genesis and the last of Kings, in a
period of more than three thousand years. And by the aid of
forcing and conjectural emendation, a few more may be
created. Evidently it is only the singling out of these num-
bers, and bringing them together, which produces the impres-
sion of any thing unusual. A little ingenuity can do the same
with any other history. The ages of the American Presidents
exhibit coincidences more striking than any in the sacred his-
tory, and if these are to be taken as proof of mythical charac-
ter, the past period of our government must be set down as
fabulous. Some ingenious person has culled from the life of
Buonaparte instances to show that the same number recurs
with surprising frequency in his history. This deserves to be
added to the proofs by which Whately demonstrated that upon
sceptical principles the Corsican was a fabulous personage.
The numbers in the statement of Job’s family and possessions
form one of the matters in dispute between those who regard
the book in whole or in part as a moral fiction, and those who
take it to be a literal narrative.

A more recondite use of these numbers has of late been
maintained in the constitution of books, the arrangement of
verses and sentences, and even the collocation of words. If
the extreme views of some upon this subject be adopted, it
would almost seem as though the sacred penmen thought of
little else but how they might exhibit these numbers with the
greatest frequency, and to the best advantage. Kurtz insists
upon the significance of the fact, that ten books of generations
are to be found in Genesis, and he makes this an argument in
defence of its unity and its Mosaic origin. His view has been
approved by several able scholars, although we pdrceive in the
Studien und Kritiken of last year, an article by Tiele in oppo-
sition to it; in which he urges that the formula “ These are the
generations, &c.,” occurs eleven and not ten times, and that it
cannot, in all cases, be regarded as introducing a fresh section
of the book. It is not the truth of this view, however, which
at present concerns us, but only the fact of its having been
maintained. Bertheau contends that the legislation of the three
middle books of the Pentateuch is built upon seven groups of

225

1858.] The Religious Significance of Numbers. ,

laws, each containing seven decalogues. It requires some ap-
plication of the higher criticism to exhibit this, and it is not
defensible in all its rigour. And yet he has developed some very
interesting coincidences, and such as are deserving of examina-
tion. The book of Judges, according to the same writer, treats
of its twelve judges in seven separate sections. He divides
Proverbs, likewise, into seven parts, each distinguished by its
separate title, the number being completed by assuming that
xxii. 17 contains such a title, and that the alphabetical struc-
ture xxxi. 10 — 31 renders a title superfluous. The arrange-
ment of the book of Job, it has been claimed, exhibits an appli-
cation of the sacred numbers. Zullig, whom Hengstenberg
follows in this respect, with some little alteration, finds the
Revelation to consist of seven co-ordinate groups or visions.

The ten commandments is an undisputed instance of a sig-
nificant number entering into a composition, and determining
its form. Some reckon seven beatitudes, and seven petitions
in the Lord’s prayer, and think the seven parables in Matth.
xiii. significant. Hengstenberg, (Comment. Psalm iv. 2, p. 242)
finds a mystical import in the number and arrangement of the
verses in Isa. liii., but either he has miscounted, or we cannot
arrive at his meaning. The most extended theory of this
kind, is that of the last named author, who undertakes to show
that the sacred numbers enter generally into the structure of
the Psalms, and supply the place of rhyme and measure in the
poetry of other languages. He everywhere finds the verses
thrown into tens and twelves, and sevens and threes, and
fours; these with the aid of elevens, (half the number of the
Hebrew letters,) and fives ought, one would think, to enable
him to make out a scheme for the most refractory Psalm, espe-
cially as he allows himself the liberty of introducing ones and
twos to serve in occasional emergencies. If we may judge from
its reception thus far, this theory is not likely to meet with
universal acceptance very soon, nor to be considered by many
besides its author, as uncovering the long buried mystery of
Hebrew verse. Even Keil, whom we scarcely remember to
have seen contradicting his preceptor before, refuses to follow
him in this.

A significance in the frequency with which the divine names

226

The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

are used in certain Psalms, is a part of the same theory. Heng-
stenherg refers to thirty-three Psalms, or about one-fifth of the
■whole number, in which he thinks that this is the case. If any one
will take the trouble to examine the table given by Delitzsch,*
of the number of divine names occurring in each of the Psalms,
he will discover anything but regularity and evidence of design.
Following the method thatHengstenberg did, however, sometimes
adding all the divine names together, sometimes reckoning each
separately, sometimes counting them in part of a Psalm, some-
times in the whole, and still again in two Psalms or even more,
the wonder is not that he found the sacred numbers so often, but
that he did not find them oftener. And among 150 Psalms,
it is not strange if there should occasionally be found one,
which seems to him who looks at that alone, to fall in remark-
ably with the theory. To give the reader a better idea of the
theory in operation, we shall here present the numerical scheme
supposed to be found in Psalms xxviii. and xxix. These are in
the judgment of Hengstenberg himself unusually favourable spe-
cimens. The first verse of Ps. xxviii. is the introduction, the last
the conclusion; rejecting these there will remain seven verses for
the body of the Psalm, four contain the prayer, three in the
midst of which the name Jehovah occurs three times, contain the
assurance of being heard. In Ps. xxix., two verses arc lopped
off as introduction, and two as conclusion, leaving again seven
for the body of the Psalm; in these “the voice of Jehovah”
occurs seven times, and Jehovah itself ten times. The sum of
the verses in the two Psalms is twice ten, which just equals the
number of times that J ehovah occurs in them both.

The sacred numbers have also been sought elsewhere in the
collocation of words. The enumeration of the Canaanitish
nations contains sometimes seven names, once ten. The fact
that the number more commonly mentioned is six, would to
some be an argument that the other enumerations were acci-
dental, to others that they were designed. Seven attributes of
the Spirit are by many counted in Isa. xi. 2. In the Revela-
tion groups of three frequently occur, e. g. works, labour,
patience ; lightnings, thunderings, voices, &c. Groups of four :

In his Symbol® ad Psalmos illustrandos isagogic®, pp. 2, 3.

227

1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

heaven, earth, sea, and fountains of waters ; kindred and tongue,
and people and nation. Seven: blessing and glory, and wis-
dom and thanksgiving, and honour and power, and might;
power and riches, and wisdom and strength, and honour and
glory, and blessing. If any have time and inclination for such
learned trifling, they can find any number more of the same
sort in the section on the numerosity of the Apocalypse, in
Stuart’s Commentary, vol. i. pp. 131-150.

It was not until this article had been concluded and
sent to press, that our eye fell upon the closing paragraph in
the supplementary remarks by Delitzsch, in his Exposition of
Genesis, p. 412. He there gives the following summary of
Hofmann’s views regarding the significance of numbers, as
communicated to him in writing by his “ dear friend and col-
league:” “3 ist die Zahl Gottes, sie bedeutet Gott in der
einheitliehen Geschlossenheit seines wesens; 4 die Zahl der
welt, die welt in der einheitliehen Geschlossenheit ihres Bes-
tandes ; 12 (3x4) die Zahl der welt Gottes, der Gemeinde ;
7 die Zahl der gottlichen Moglichkeit, das Gottliche in der Man-
nigfaltigkeit seiner Entfaltung; 10 die Zahl der menschlichen
Moglichkeit, das Menschliche in der Mannigfaltigkeit seiner
Entfaltung; 70 (7x10) die gottgeordnete Mannigfaltigkeit des
menschlichen; 40 (4x10) die weltlich begrenzte Zeit des mens-
chen ; 70 (7x10) die gottliche bestimmte Zeit desMenschen; 49
(7x7) die Zeit Gottes.” Delitzsch himself ascribes to 10 the
idea of perfection, but modified by its being based upon its
constituents 7 and 3. “ Die Zahl 10 bedeutet die vollendete

offenbarung Gottes vor sich selbst und nach der welt bin, die
siebenfache Ausstrahlung des in sich selbst Dreifaltigen.”

In proof of the arrangement of books of Scripture according
to significant numbers, he refers to the quintuple division of
the Pentateuch and of the Psalms, and to the triple division of
the second portion of Isaiah, viz : into three sections of three
discourses each. In the New Testament he alleges, and pro-
mises at some future time to prove, a quintuple division of one
gospel, that of Matthew, and a triple division of another, that
of John.

223

Mercantile Morals.

[April

Art. III. — Mercantile Morals; or , Thoughts for Young Men
entering Mercantile Life. By Wm. Howard Van Boren,
pastor of the Second Reformed Dutch Church, of Piermont,
New York. New York: Charles Scribner, 145 Nassau
street. 1852. 18mo, pp. 437.

The Successful Merchant: Sketches of the Life of Mr. Sam-
uel Budgett, late of Kingswood Hill. By William Arthur,
A. M. New York: . Published by Lane and Scott, 200
Mulberry street. Joseph Longking, Printer. 1852. 18mo,
pp. 411.

We have in these two volumes theory and practice, the
abstract and the concrete. The first furnishes copious illus-
trations of the principles which ought to actuate a young man
just entering mercantile life. The second exemplifies the
practicability of carrying out those principles in actual busi-
ness. If any one should pretend that integrity is incompatible
with success, the career of Mr. Budgett may be adduced as a
triumphant refutation of the position.

Mr. Yan Doren has spent much of his life in the vicinity of
New York, to say nothing of one or two winters in Philadel-
phia in attendance on medical lectures, and consequently, we
may regard him, clergyman though he be, as not unacquainted
with the subject of which he treats. He has used his powers
of observation to good purpose. His work will, we hope, com-
mand the attention of that class of persons for whom it is
designed. Discarding all attempts to prepare a dry abstruse
essay on the morals of commerce, the author has intentionally
indulged in a profuseness of illustration, drawn from history,
science, and every-day life, with a view to render truth more
attractive. We are not therefore to criticise the work as we
would a logical treatise. The topics handled are the follow-
ing : — Wealth not the chief end of life ; the evil of making
haste to be rich; the principles of commercial morality; the
observance of the Sabbath; the advantages of temperance;
and cautions against scepticism, novels and the theatre.
Such a meagre resume as this, however, will give a very inade-
quate conception of the character of the work. If a severe

1853.]

Mercantile Morals.

229

critic were to single out any one thing moi*e than another,
next to an occasional looseness of connection, he would proba-
bly animadvert upon a too great exuberance of detail, some-
times almost fatiguing ; as for instance, in the chapter on the
theatre, where are heaped together over three-score and ten
citations and examples to show the evil tendencies of the stage.
Still, as was intimated above, considering the class of readers
in view, allowance must be made for repetition and redundance
as a possible part of the plan. What enhances the interest of
many of the illustrations, is the fact that they fell under the
eye of the writer himself ; for instance, the anecdote of the par-
simonious suicide, p. 34; the deranged lawyer, p. 39; the
mail robber, p. 76; the young bankrupt, p. 134; the har-
dened sceptic, p. 203; the Sabbath keeper, p. 263; the Sab-
bath breaker, p. 270; the novel reader, p. 373.

The principles which pervade the volume are sound, healthy,
and evangelical. The word of God is faithfully and impress-
ively recommended as a plain, safe, and infallible guide. The
direction of the Psalmist is cordially endorsed, as the surest
method of cleansing a young man’s way. We are happy to
learn that there is a probabilty of the Publishing Board of the
Reformed Dutch Church, if not the American Tract Society,
giving the chapter on the stage to the world in a separate form.

Where there is so much to commend, and especially where
the design is so laudable, it is not agreeable to add any thing
in the way of censure. Yet, we would guard the author against
that tendency to redundance and glitter by which young authors
are apt to be captivated ; and we would recommend a more
logical train of thought, and a less ambitious style. He is
inaccurate in some of his historical instances. Tullus Hostilius,
(p. 17.) was not a Roman Emperor, nor could he have pro-
nounced the Christian religion vulgar, for he lived prior to its
advent; nor did he scout any other God than his good sword.
It was the atheist Mezentius who was guilty of that impiety.
It was not Heliogabalus, (p. 54,) but Caligula, who wished his
subjects had but one neck, that he might strike it off at one
blow. It was not Brutus, (p. 96,) who said female virtue
should be above suspicion, but Julius Caesar, who made the
remark when he divorced his wife.

30

VOL. XXV. — NO. II.

230

The Successful Merchant.

[April

From the broad field of Mercantile Morals we turn aside to
individualize and study the character of “ A Successful Mer-
chant,” as portrayed by the hand of Mr. Arthur, (who is not
to he confounded with the popular American writer of the
same name.) This piece of biography is exceedingly interest-
ing.

Samuel Budgett, born in 1794, was apprenticed, when
fourteen years of age, to his brother, who kept a small general
shop at Ivingswood, near Bristol. He early displayed a turn
for ti*ade in his boyish adventures, and had a keen eye to
business. He seems to have been a horn merchant. In the
course of time he rose to he a partner, and finally sole master
of the concern, when his genius had unrestrained scope. Hav-
ing gradually enlarged the retail to a commanding wholesale
business, he made Bristol the centre of his operations upon the
grandest scale. Yet, large as the concern was, he resolutely
adhered to his original determination, to eschew speculations,
and he content with small but sure profits. He made his
business as near a cash business as possible, no matter whom
he offended, or whose custom he might lose. Order, prompt-
ness, punctuality, exactness, justice, these were the few and
simple principles that governed the establishment. The business
of each day was done up the same day; nothing was ever left
over; the orders of the morning were filled and despatched
immediately. The consequence was, that a vast amount of
business was got through, and yet the men were dismissed to
their homes at five or half past five, instead of being detained
until ten.

To look at this man, pushing, driving, bargaining, with
untiring industry and comprehensive forecast, displaying the
most consummate tact, generalship, and energy, you would
pronounce him decidedly avaricious, and an unscrupulous
devotee of Mammon. Yet no judgment would have been more
erroneous. It was not the love of money, but the love of
trade that possessed him. The motive that urged him on, was
the same that has made heroes, generals, statesmen, poets,
painters; the pride of superior management and skill, the
ambition of preeminence in his particular vocation. His
expenditures were as liberal as his calculations were close.

1853.]

The Successful Merchant.

231

His maxim was to get all be could, to save all he could, and to
give all he could. And he did it. The combination of these
apparently heterogeneous elements was in him perfect. He
not only gave frequent presents to his men, but if any of them
fell into distress, he generously offered them, with good advice,
five, ten, thirty, fifty, or a hundred pounds, a horse, or a horse
and cart, to set them up again. His charities were of the
same unstinted chai’acter. He never looked coldly or askance
at the solicitor who sought his attention, or put him off with
the chilling excuse, “I have had so many calls lately;” but he
seemed glad to have a new opportunity of doing good. “ Well,”
he would say, “what do you think I ought to give?” And
whether the sum named was ten pounds, or fifteen, or twenty,
it was always cheerfully forthcoming. He was also in the
habit of dropping occasionally a five pound note into his
pastor’s hand, to be disbursed by him among the poor and
distressed, who fell under his notice. He gave away annu-
ally one sixth of his income. Good books he distributed in
incredible quantities.

The reader will probably have already anticipated that the
union of so much generosity with so much industry is to be
accounted for by the fact that Mr. Budgett was a sincere
Christian. Indeed, the exercises of his inner life, and his
zealous efforts for the conversion and spiritual improvement of
others, are not the least striking features of his biography.
Besides his anxiety to procure a chapel for the use of his
numerous dependants on the Sabbath, he appropriated a capa-
cious room in his warehouse to a religious use. Here every
morning, about seven, or half past seven o’clock, family prayer
was observed. If one of the heads of the establishment was not
present, some labourer would conduct the devotions, which
consisted of reading the Scriptures, singing, and prayer. Some
fifty or a hundred porters, in their white frocks, would partici-
pate in these exercises, with decorum and interest, invoking
the blessing of the Lord upon the business of the day.

It is gratifying to notice the unsectarian tone of this good
man’s religion. While he was an earnest Methodist himself,
and rejoiced, as well he might, in the abundant fruits of Mr.
Wesley’s labours at Ixingswood, he was ever ready to encourage

232 The Successful Merchant. [April

and aid the Church of England rector, the Moravian minister,
or the Independent pastor.

It is impossible to rise from the perusal of such a man’s life,
•without an increased respect for the commercial body of which'
he was so worthy a member, and a wish that there may be
many like him. IVe rejoice to believe that his was not a soli-
tary instance of the realization of the triplet of duties, “Not
slothful in business, fervent in spirit, serving the Lord.”

That honesty and success are incompatible, is an opinion
which has gained, among a certain class, a wide currency. It
has been boldly and unblushingly asserted, and that by mer-
cantile men themselves, that no merchant who is a strictly
honest man, can succeed in our great commercial emporiums,
and that to act upon the golden rule, will ruin any man’s busi-
ness. It is too probable that numbers act on this persuasion.
The President, in his last message, complains of the frequency
of frauds upon the revenue. “ The reports of the Secretary of
the Treasury, heretofore made on this subject,” he says, “show
conclusively that these frauds have been practised to a great
extent. The tendency is to destroy that high moral character
for which our merchants have long been distinguished; to de-
fraud the Government of its revenue; to break down the
honest importer by a dishonest competition ; and finally, to
transfer the business of importation to foreign and irresponsible
agents, to the great detriment of our own citizens.” This is
not a very flattering picture of the mercantile morals of the
present day.

It would seem as if mankind were still very much the same
as in the ancient times, when prophets and apostles fulminated
the terrors of another world before the iniquitous. Overreach-
ing traders are no novelty. There were those in former days,
of whom the language was used, “he is a merchant; the bal-
ances of deceit are in his hands; he loveth to oppress:” and
although they grew rich by fraud, they used the same pleas of
self- vindication that we find employed now; “in all my labours
they shall find none iniquity in me that were sin.” The very
same pretence soothed the conscience in the old world that
soothes it in the new. Not only are men ready to ascribe
their wealth to their industry, “ sacrificing unto their net, and

The Successful Merchant.

233

1853.]

burning incense unto their drag;” but they go farther, and
insinuate that success sanctifies all the tricks of trade. They
■would have us believe that the ordinary methods of dealing are
not very criminal or reprehensible; either because the practice
is universal, or because they are to be viewed in the same light
as stratagems of war.

It is important that men’s minds should be disabused on this
subject, and that errors so pernicious should be dislodged. The
rising race of merchants, at least, if the veterans are too old to
unlearn, should be accustomed to believe and think that success
is not necessarily divorced from honesty, and that the blessing
of the Lord maketh rich, and addeth no sorrow.

The pulpit should speak out plainly and faithfully on this
point. There is great and pressing need to inculcate the truth
even upon church members. “To the preacher, above all, who
has constantly to deal with men immersed in trade, it is of
an importance not to be calculated, that he should know the
life which all the week long his hearers are leading — its temp-
tations, its glosses, its rivalries, its depressions, its joys; its
anxieties, which cast the care of the soul into the shade; its
ambitions, which outweigh the claims of truth and right. Ig-
norant of these, he must leave many to flounder in temptation,
whom he might be the means of extricating ; many to be wor-
ried with care, when he might win their attention to better
things ; many to sink under their load, to whom he might have
given a timely solace ; many to go on in a course of gainful
sin, whose conscience he might have reached and aroused. Too
often the man of business feels that the remarks from the pul-
pit only show that his case is not at all understood.” — Arthur ,
p. 34. Vague generalities and trite commonplaces are not the
materials with which to rouse and secure the attention of a
class of persons who know the value of time, and who are them-
selves accustomed to come at once to the point.

It is possible that some may think this a descent from the
dignity of the pulpit, bringing sacred things into profane
familiarity. Let such listen to Chalmers, grappling with the
objection in one of his masterly Commercial Discourses. “ It
is not vulgarizing Christianity to bring it down to the very
humblest occupations of human life. It is, in fact, dignifying

234 The Successf ul Merchant. [April

liuman life, by bringing it up to the level of Christianity. It
may look to some a degradation of the pulpit, when the
household servant is told to make her firm stand against the
temptation of open doors, and secret opportunities; or when
the confidential agent is told to resist the slightest inclination
to any unseen freedom with the property of his employers, or
to any undiscoverable excess in the charge of his management ;
or when the receiver of a humble payment is told, that the
tribute which is due on every written acknowledgment ought
faithfully to be met, and not fictitiously to be evaded. This is
not robbing religion of its sacredness, but spreading its sacred-
ness over the face of society. It is evangelizing human life, by
impregnating its minutest transactions with the spirit of the

gospel It may appear a very little thing, when you

are told to be honest in little matters; when the servant is told
to keep her hand from every one article about which there is
not an express or understood allowance on the part of her
superiors ; when the dealer is told to lop off the excesses of
that minuter fraudulency, which is so currently practised in the
humbler walks of merchandize ; when the workman is told to
abstain from those petty reservations of the material of his
work, for which he is said to have such snug and ample oppor-
tunity ; and when, without pronouncing on the actual extent of
these transgressions, all are told to be faithful in that which is
least, else, if there be truth in our text, they incur the guilt of
being unfaithful in much. It may be thought that because
such dishonesties as these are scarcely noticeable, they are
therefore not worthy of notice. But it is just in the proportion
of their being unnoticeable by the human eye, that it is
religious to refrain from them."

The principles of morality, that is, the duties of the second
table of the Decalogue, are as applicable to the every-day
transactions of trade and commerce as to any other relations
of life, and that application should be shown by the preacher.

“ Truth is not local ; God alike pervades
And 611s the world of traffic and the shades,

And may be fear’d amid the busiest scenes,

Or scorn’d where business never intervenes.”

The apostles did not hesitate to reprove the grasping cupidity

The Successful Merchant.

235

1853.]

of their contemporaries, and to warn them that the price of
the labourer kept back fraudulently would enter into the ears
of the Lord of Sabaoth; and to charge the rich not to trust in
uncertain riches, but to do good and communicate of their
superfluity. Our Lord himself has set an example. When
one wished him to interfere in dividing an inheritance, he made
it a text for a sermon against covetousness. “Take heed,”
said he to the listening crowd, “and beware of covetousness.”

There are a variety of maxims that have obtained prevalence
in the mercantile world, which Mr. Arthur has handled at some
length in his rather frequent and by no means incompressible
digressions. Some of these maxims are unsound, and others
have a substratum of truth, but are liable to abuse and perver-
sion.

That one should buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the
dearest, is a principle the propriety of which can hardly be
disputed. Yet it is easy to conceive of grasping men en-
deavouring to affect the state of the market one way or the
other by unfair means. Stock-brokers are accused of publish-
ing articles in the newspapers, or raising unfounded rumours,
calculated to depress or raise stocks in which they are person-
ally interested. Wholesale dealers endeavour to obtain a
monopoly of certain articles, that they may ask exorbitant
prices without fear of competition. Buyers take advantage
of the ignorance or the necessities of sellers, to purchase
at ruinously low prices. It is naught, it is naught, say
they; but when they have succeeded in making a good
bargain, they boast of their cunning. Merchants are in the
habit of exposing certain descriptions of goods or wares at a
low figure, even under cost, and making it up on other things ;
while they create the impression that they sell every thing
equally cheap. But as their rivals soon learn to be no less
expert at underselling, the stratagem loses its effect.

It is also deemed perfectly proper to conceal defects in
goods, and to leave it to the purchaser to find them out. Paul
had reference to a practice of this sort in his day, when he
spoke of human conduct being subject to a sun-trial,

2 Cor. i. 12, such as was employed in regard to goods kept in
a dark corner, in order to conceal their defects. But the cus-

236

The Successful Merchant.

[April

tomer relies on the skill of the seller, and he has a right to do
so. He pays him for his skill and his time, as well as for his
goods, Tully to the contrary notwithstanding. That skill forms
part of a merchant’s capital, and contributes to increase his
profits. No man is expected to sell at what will not yield a
living profit ; hut then he has no right to impose a damaged or
inferior article for a superior one on a customer who confides
in his word. He abuses the confidence placed in him.

But it will be said, every one must take care of himself.
That is the very spirit of Cain. “Am I my brother’s keeper?”
Yes ; in a certain sense I am. Selfishness is put under the ban
by Christianity. “Look not every man on his own things, but
every man also on the things of others.” “Let no man seek his
own, but every man another’s wealth.” When was the golden
rule tabooed from the sphere of merchandize? It will not do
to say, “Every man for himself, and God for us all!” Cer-
tainly it is highly unbecoming for Christian people to adopt
such selfish maxims, or to lower themselves to the level of vul-
gar scrambling. They of all men ought to have some conside-
ration for the accommodation of others. While they show that
they are too wise to be taken in themselves, they ought also to
show that they are too just and too generous to take undue
advantage of others.

It is said, in defence of the vending of intoxicating liquors,
opium, materials of gaming, infidel books, licentious novels, &c.,
If I do not keep them, others will. Here again is an evasion
of the true state of the question. The point to be considered
is not the money to be made, but the amount of benefit or
injury accruing to individuals and society at large. If it is
wrong, or of doubtful propriety, for any one to engage in de-
moralizing pursuits, then it is wrong for all, without exception.
“ The vender of spirits has a right to sell arsenic, prussic acid,
the deadly nightshade, or any other fatal drug, so long as he
endangers nobody’s life or peace. But the moment those arti-
cles begin to destroy the peace, ruin the health, or the souls of
his fellow-citizens, every law, human and divine, unites in cry-
ing aloud, Stop that destroyer!” — Merc. Morals , p. 283.

Another very dangerous policy is the credit system. With-
in proper limits it is laudable, and thousands of energetic

The Successful Merchant.

237

1853.]

young men owe their all to it. Even Mr. Budgett, with his
vigorous adherence to prompt payments, gave credit for a
month. If the bill was not met at that time, no more orders
were filled. But the credit system has been fearfully abused.
Men have not scrupled to contract debts on very slender pros-
pects of ability to meet them. Trade became inflated, specu-
lations multiplied, and the banks expanded their issues, in spite
of the warning voice of our statesmen, until, in 1837, came the
universal crash, the general bankruptcy law, shameful public
repudiation, and untold private misery.

The Scriptures are very explicit, when they enjoin upon us,
“ Owe no man anything, but to love one another.” No one
should permit himself to contract a debt, without a reasonable
prospect of being able to pay it. Not only is punctuality in
meeting pecuniary obligations essential to an unstained reputa-
tion, but it is important to one’s peace of mind. Who can
depict the anxieties, the trepidations, the mental anguish, that
distract the unhappy man who finds his affairs entangled in
almost hopeless embarrassment? He passes sleepless nights,
hears the clock strike every hour, walks the floor in restless
nervousness, desperately revolves how he is to meet his engage-
ments, with an aching head and a throbbing heart, trembling
at the prospect of having his name announced among the list
of bankrupts, dreads to disclose his situation to his wife, and
shrinks from the necessity of curtailing the expenses, perhaps
the extravagances, of his family. Who can adequately describe
the miseries of a person that is plunged in debt ? And it has
happened that the tempter, who is ever on the alert, takes
advantage of the opportunity to suggest horrible thoughts to
the mind, and present temptations his victim may not have
strength to resist.

To counteract the influence of such pestilent errors, the pul-
pit must teach that wealth is not the only object worth living
for. It must remind men continually that we were not created
solely to make money and accumulate property. It must teach
the comparatively little value of mere wealth, and that a man’s
life consisteth not in the abundance of his possessions, but in
the right use of them. It must draw the distinction between a
wise employment of money, and that love of it which (not

YOL. XXV. — NO. II. 31

238

The Successful Merchant.

[April

money itself, as it is sometimes misstated,) is the root of all
evil. It must present the frailty of life, and the solemnities of
a coming judgment. It must impress upon all that they are
hastening to a world where investments and storehouses, and
stocks and railroads, and gold and silver, are at a tremendous
discount.

It needs the presentation of motives like these, it needs the
putting forth of all the moral power which the pulpit can
wield, to stem the popular current, and check, if possible, the
mad haste to be rich.

But if commercial men will not listen to the instructions of
the pulpit, at least they might attend to the warnings of statis-
tics. We are told that an inspection of the Directory of one
of our principal cities furnishes the following result: “Count-
ing the number of firms in 1838, found under a given letter,
and then counting those surviving in 1846, deducting for
deaths and retirements, there were left two hundred and fifty
firms which must have become bankrupt during the short space
of eight years.” — Merc. Mor. p. 133. To this we may add
still more appalling statistics, which we have gleaned from
orher sources.

General Dearborn, of Massachusetts, stated some years ago
in a public address, that he had ascertained, after some re-
search in the city of Boston, that seventy-seven (another para-
graph reads ninety-seven,) out of every hundred persons who
obtained their livelihood by buying and selling, failed or died
insolvent. A memorandum taken by another person in 1800,
of every merchant on Long Wharf, and compared with a list
of 1840, showed that only five in one hundred had not either
failed or died destitute of property. The Union Bank of Bos-
ton started in 1798. A director of that bank stated that on
examination it appeared out of one thousand accounts opened
with them, only fifty remained in 1838 ; the rest, in forty
years, had all either failed or died without property. Houses,
whose paper passed without a question, had all gone down in
that time. Of bank directors, generally the most substantial
men in the community, more than one-third were found to
have failed in forty years. These representations make bank-

239

1853.] The Successful Merchant.

ruptcy almost as universal and inevitable as the advance of
death.

Mr. Cist, the indefatigable editor of the Cincinnati Adver-
tiser, published some years since a variety of houses of for-
tune -which fell under the notice of the United States Marshal.
He knew a man who had once owned a large iron establish-
ment, a day labourer in another man’s foundry. He knew one
of the first merchants of Cincinnati in 1824, whose credit was
unlimited, to die ten years afterward intemperate and insol-
vent. He knew a bank director and president of an insurance
company die in five years in a similar condition. He knew
another individual worth, in 1837, half a million of dollars, to
die insolvent. He knew a judge of a court, and a public man
who was founder of the Penitentiary system in Pennsylvania,
both to die paupers, and to be buried at the public expense.
He knew a man who, in 1815, was worth one hundred and
fifty thousand dollars and upwards, in Pittsburgh, ruined by
intemperance, and subsisting on charity. He knew a lady,
the descendant of a Governor of Massachusetts, and niece of a
Governor of New Jersey, reduced to take in washing. He
knew another, who, thirty years previous, had been the ad-
mired cynosure of every eye, in the first circles of wealth and
fashion, drudging at one dollar and fifty cents a week. He
found the widow of a distinguished Professor, eating her hum-
ble supper with her daughter from a board laid across an old
barrel for a table.

Are not these sad illustrations of the scriptural assertion,
that “riches make to themselves wings and fly away?” The
text is often misquoted, thus : “ riches take to themselves
wings;” but the true language is much more striking. They
make to themselves wings. You may secure your property
ever so well and wisely, you may tie it up ever so tight ; and
before you have turned round, the wings are sprouting — wings
that you never saw nor suspected ; and while you are compla-
cently congratulating yourself on your sagacity, the wings sud-
denly expand, your riches take flight, and away go your
dreams of independence and prosperity.

There is a great temptation with many to dash out beyond
their means, under the mistaken notion that extravagant ap-

240

Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt. [April

pearances will make an impression of a flourishing business.
And there is another irresistible temptation : when a man
finds he is going over the dam, in his despair he stretches out
his hands and clutches at the nearest person, be it friend or
stranger, and drags fresh victims along with him to the bottom.

Men engaged in merchandise should endeavour to unite the
claims of business and religion. Let them be diligent and
industrious ; but let them also be scrupulously honest, strictly
conscientious, liberal, and pious. Let them make honestly,
and give freely. So shall they lay up treasures in heaven,
whose texture no moth shall fret, whose brightness no rust
shall corrode; treasures of happiness, and true wealth, and
glory, which will cast those of earth into the shade.

Art. IV. — 1. Be Caroli TimotJiei Zumptii vita et studiis
narratio Aug. Willi. Zumptii. Berolini in libraria Diimm-
leriana 1851. 8vo. pp. vi. et 197.

2. Erinnerung an Karl Gottlob Zumpt in seiner Wirksam-
keit als Schulmann und fiir die Schule. Yorgelesen in
der herlinischen Gymnasiallehrergesellscliaft am 15 August,
1849, von E. Bonnell.

The life of a scholar is like a deep, wide river flowing
through an extensive plain. Smooth and tranquil, no cata-
ract, no rapids, no sudden bend or change of direction bring
variety into its uniform motion. Silent it creeps along, be-
tween its low grassy banks, with little to diversify the view,
with nothing to attract the painter. But without that river
the commerce of the country would languish; crafts small and
great are gliding on its waters from place to place, carrying
merchandise, facilitating the intercourse of men, and promo-
ting their happiness. And such was the life of Zumpt. Xo
changes, no vicissitudes, no great events or occurrences mark
its course ; there is nothing in it to invite description. But in
its still current it watered the fields of Latin learning, and
dug a deep channel for the gold-bearing streams to come after.

241

1853.] Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt.

Carl Gottlob Zumpt, born at Berlin on the 20th of March,
1792, was the son of a carriage-maker. His father -would
probably have put him to the same trade, but he died when
his son was seven years old. His mother, the daughter of a
clergyman, married a second time, and procured for him the
advantages of a liberal education. He entered the Gymna-
sium Zum grauen Kloster where he was not only promoted at
the end of every term, but received also uniformly a prize
until he reached the third class, where, although he was
promoted at the usual time, he received no prize; this
induced the ambitious boy to leave and enter the Joach-
imsthal Gymnasium. Here he distinguished himself by his
devotion to his studies; when in the higher classes, he was
not contented with the course pursued in the school, but read
privately such authors as he could obtain good editions of:
Henning’s Juvenal, Ernesti’s Tacitus, Gesner’s Claudian, and
others. To the memory of Philip Buttmann, who was then a
teacher in the Gymnasium, he delighted to recur in after days,
and acknowledged many obligations to him. The latter advised
Zumpt, who had now finished his course in the Gymnasium, to
go to the University of Heidelberg, where Fr. Creuzer, A.
Boeckh, and the two Voss, father and son, were professors at
this time; but F. A. Wolf, who had lately visited the Gymna-
sium in an official capacity, and in an examination which he
had held, had become interested in the promising youth, ad-
vised him to remain in Berlin. For although the University
there had not yet been established, several scholars, among
whom was Wolf, were giving lectures privately. But Buttmann’s
opinion prevailed. Zumpt was twenty days travelling from
Berlin to Heidelberg, as he made the journey on foot. This
was in 1809, when he was seventeen years old. Though matri-
culated as a student of theology, philology was his principal
occupation. He remained in Heidelberg only one year, for
want of funds obliged him to return to Berlin. But here, the
splendid libraries of this city, which he knew now how to use, the
friendship of Wolf, and chiefly the University, which had been
established in the mean time, and, through the liberality of the
King, was already uniting the most distinguished talents of
Germany in its faculties, afforded him ample opportunities of

242 Life and Studies of 0. G-. Zumpt. [April

pursuing his studies to great advantage. It -was during his course
there that Wolf, in one of his lectures on Latin composition,
when he had enumerated the best Latin writers of previous
centuries, said that in his own days there were but two persons
that knew Latin, viz. he himself (Wolf) was one, and Zumpt
the other.*

Having completed a two years’ course in the University
at Berlin, he entered upon the main labour of his life, which
was teaching. This career he began in 1812, in the Frederick-
Werder Gymnasium at Berlin. Bernhardi, then Director of
this Institution, had met the young man at the house of Wolf,
and as Zumpt was then unsettled as to what course in life he
should take, the offer of Bernhardi to supply the place of a
teacher who had left on a sudden, came very opportunely.
Zumpt gave great satisfaction, stood the philological examina-
tion in the same year, which consisted in illustrating a poem
of Theocritus with a learned commentary, discussing a pedago-
gical question, and holding a lecture, and received a definite
appointment as teacher in the Gymnasium. The schoolboys
of Berlin, at that time notorious for their ready wit and their
pertness, and sharing with others of their age a quick percep-
tion of the ludicrous, were rather inclined to make fun of their
new and inexperienced teacher, who, only twenty years old,
very tall and very slender, devoid of grace in motion and ges-
ture, wearing a tight-fitting, rather threadbare coat, and his
boots coming up over his yellow nankeen pantaloons, seemed to
present numerous points for attack. But his evident decision,
and his talent for teaching, combined with a thorough acquaint-
ance with his subject, all which boys so soon are aware of, were
not long in procuring for him an authority among his pupils equal
to that of the oldest teacher. In 1813, when the King of Prussia
addressed his call to his people to rise and shake off the yoke of
the foreign oppressor, he was among those that offered their ser-
vices as volunteers, but the government refused him the permission
to leave his post. The rapid change of teachers in the Gymnasium,
caused mainly by the troubles of those times, was favourable to

* In later days, any sentence from Cicero could be mentioned, and Zumpt would
always tell the book or treatise from which it was taken, and the connection in
which it occurred.

1853.] Life and Studies of C. G-. Zumpt. 243

his promotion. When he received his first appointment in the
fall of 1812, it was with a yearly salary of one hundred and
thirty thalers, for eighteen lessons a week. But after a lapse
of six months his salary was raised to three hundred thalers,
in 1816 to five hundred and thirty thalers ; in 1817 he received
the title of Professor, and in 1819 his salary amounted to eight
hundred and fifty thalers a year.

Though he was employed at first in the lowest classes, on ac-
count of his youth, his acquisitions in philology and history soon
procured for him lessons in the higher classes alone. In 1814,
he published (mainly for the use of his classes,) “ Tlie Rules of
the Latin Syntax, ivith two Etymological Appendices.”* Q.
Curtius, which had been rarely used in schools until then, he
introduced there, making this author one of the chief objects of
his study. In 1816, he published an entirely new recension of
Curtius, which was highly commended by some, and utterly re-
jected by others. The lacunm existing in all the MSS. extant,
established the fact that they all proceeded from the same
original, but Zumpt endeavoured to show that all those written
after the commencement of the fifteenth century, were corrupted
and interpolated ; his recension, therefore, was based entirely
on the older MSS. Owing partly to the difficulty of finding a
publisher, the larger edition of the same author, with a com-
mentary, was not published until twenty-three years after, and
did not leave the printer’s hands before Zumpt had left this
earth. Although this is doubtless the best edition of this his-
torian, as a whole, the book does not appear to meet with that
favour which it deserves, partly on account of the ill-advised
superciliousness of Zumpt, who refused to avail himself of the
lesser labours of other critics, that had seen the light between
the two publications from his own pen.

As a teacher, Zumpt was eminently successful. Diligent,
thorough, considerate, impressive, and faithful, as he was, his
acquisitions were not likely to come to a stand ; he showed
moreover, such an attachment to his study, that it became
obvious in every word, feature, and gesture, and that it passed

* Regeln der Lateinischen Syntax mit zwei Anbiingen. Von C. G. Zumpt.
Berlin, bei J. E. Hitzig. pp. viii. et 76.

244

Life and Studies of 0. G. Zumpt. [April

over insensibly on his pupils; and as his character was so
devoid of art, his inclinations so open and harmless that he
entered into all the feelings and notions of youth, and sym-
pathized vividly with each individual, he could not but gain the
confidence and love of all. And as this principle of mutual
regard, when it once lays hold of the minds of pupils, effects
much more than any stimulus ever devised, it was not strange
to find those . whom he instructed of an almost unparalleled
industry, with an earnest endeavour after a classical education,
and an honest zeal for it, such as the philologists of later days
could only sigh for. The department which produced his
principal efforts, in which he laboured most, by which he
effected most, and which can least do without his works, was,
as might have been inferred from his first productions, the
Latin language. For although he also taught History in the
highest classes of the gymnasium, as it was Ancient History,
he lectured and examined in Latin. His delivery was calm
and clear, his Latinity inartificial and correct, frequently
elegant, always classical, and it had the effect of making his
pupils so familiar with the Latin language that they could
express themselves on historical subjects with great fluency in
Latin, and frequently wrote down their notes in Latin on
other subjects on which the professors were lecturing in Ger-
man. It was these historical lectures which originated his
Annales veterum regnorum et populorum imprimis Roman-
orum , published in 1819. In the same year he also finished
and published an edition of Tryphiodorus , with notes, which
his friend Wernicke had commenced.

But the greatest influence upon the classical, and especially
Latin education of his pupils, he exerted by reading Cicero
with them, and by his Latin Grammar , the first edition of
which, originating in those Rules of Syntax above mentioned,
was published in 1818. With this he connected, in the school,
exercises in writing Latin, and published to this end a book
containing such exercises, which were mainly taken from later
Latin writers.* The only grammars then used in nearly all

* Aufgaben zum Uebersetzen aus dem Deutschen ins Lateinische aus den bes-
ten neuern Latcinischen Schriftstellcrn gezogen von C. G. Zumpt. Berlin, 1816,
bci F. Dummlcr.

Life and Studies of C. Cr. Zumjpt.

245

1853.]

the schools of Northern Germany had been those of Broder
and Grotefend. The grammar of Zumpt was rather a small
book when it first appeared; still it distinguished itself most
favourably by the fact that it was an independent system, the
sole offspring from the soil of classical writers ; that it derived
and explained the laws of the language from these alone, and
made an attempt at exhibiting the original and primary powers
of cases and modes, and thus facilitated their use, when differ-
ing from that of the corresponding German forms. Another
feature by which it excelled its rivals, was the clearness and
comprehensiveness of its rules, and the aptness of its examples
and illustrations. It gained the approbation of the Prussian
Ministry of Instruction, was recommended by it, saw many
editions, and was translated into English, French, Dutch, Po-
lish, and Russian.* But as the popularity of the book increased,

* Into English it was translated by John Kenrick, in 1823. This book saw-
four editions, which did not keep pace, however, with the German editions, in
size or value. The ninth German edition was then translated by Leonhard
Schmitz, (a German by birth, and a man of undoubted talent and ability) and
was edited in this country by Anthon. Excellent as this grammar is, and admi-
rable as is the translation, there is a standing objection to all performances of the
kind. Although (to take this concrete case) the principles of Zumpt’s Grammar
are deduced directly from phenomena as presented in the Latin writers, yet he
was a German, and viewed the Latin language from the stand point of one who
Speaks German. The consequence is, that many things are explained, discussed,
and illustrated at great length, merely because there may be nothing analogous
to those particular points in the German language, whilst in those very things
the Latin and English may agree perfectly; and therefore the latter can be satis-
fied with a hint, where the German would need a dissertation. On the other
hand, there may be phenomena in the Latin, so in accordance with the German
idiom, that it needs nothing but the mention of them to be immediately under-
stood by the German pupil, whilst one speaking English would need a minute
and full explanation, his language containing nothing analogous. To give an
instance or two of the former class, we would mention the acc. cum infinilivo,
and the so-called ablative absolute. These are fully discussed in grammars
produced in Germany, because the German language does not often use the acc.
c. inf., and can only use it after two or three verbs, and even then so that it could
not be rendered by the Latin acc. c. inf., whilst the English has almost the same
latitude in its employment, at least after verba sentiendi et dicendi , as the Latin.
To the ablative absolute the German has hardly anything analogous, whilst the
English idiom, in this respect, could be of use to a Roman, even for the explana-
tion of this phenomenon. An example of the opposite kind is the meagre and
unsatisfactory treatment (to an English learner at least) of the genitive with im-
personal verbs, merely because eorum nos miseret may be translated literally into

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 32

246

Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt. [April

so its bulk, for the author, continuing his studies, saw constant-
ly the need of additions and corrections; the latter were also
suggested by criticisms of the literary journals, for in Germany
authors are not easily offended at a critic’s honest opinion, and
hardly ever fail to avail themselves of the lessons thus taught
them. In 1824 it was found necessary to make a separate
abridgment* of the Grammar, in order not to place it beyond
the range of lower classes. This abridgment, though it has
seen six editions, has suffered no material changes, and although
the larger grammar is an invaluable work, and in spite of some
few inaccuracies, and a slight departure from consistency in its
arrangement, still maintains its place by the side of more
learned and more extensive works, the abridgment does not
enjoy, and does not deserve an equal degree of popularity. For
it is a mere abridgment. The rules are given in the same full
and exhaustive style, and, in fact, in the same words which the
larger grammar employs, whilst of grammars adapted for lower
classes, one of the first requirements is that they should give
their rules in such a concise form as to be immediately accom-
modated to the memory of the learner. But it was Zumpt’s
plan that pupils should commence with the smaller grammar,
and having gone through with that, repeat their course in the
larger one, so that they should be familiar with the plan and
arrangement of the latter, even at a time when its size, as well
as its more learned contents, would yet be too formidable and
deterring to their unenlarged capacities.

Before the death of the author, which occurred on the 25th
of June 1849, his Larger Grammar saw nine editions. f From
being merely a grammar for the use of schools at first, it had
become a complete system. Containing formerly merely what
was necessary to be learnt by the pupil as long as he was at
school, it had now become a repertory of all the grammatical
phenomena occuring in the classical writers of Rome, so that
the student of these, at every stage of his advancement, might

German, which rendering would be intelligible, whilst a literal translation into
English would not.

* This, too, is in use in an English dress.

t In 1850, the tenth edition was published under the care of Prof. A. W.
Zumpt, a nephew of the author, the writer of the Latin narrative to which in
part this sketch is due.

247

1853.] Life and Studies of C. Cr. Zumpt.

find instruction and explanation in this grammar. It would
probably have received a still further development, bad not
Zumpt during the latter part of his life devoted himself almost
exclusively to historical and antiquarian studies, and moreover,
the increasing weakness of his eyes limited to a great extent
his literary productiveness.

Whilst teaching in the Berlin gymnasia he directed hi3
efforts mainly to that part of the intellectual training of his
pupils which could he promoted by grammar, or rather by
language alone. Latin grammar and the Latin language were
the field for calling out and exercising the reasoning faculties
as well as the judgment; they afforded the means for cultivat-
ing a sense of beauty as well as a discriminating taste; the
style of writing as well as the mode of thinking received their
due attention, and led doubtless to the desired end much more
certainly than all those means could do which we hear so often
praised as substitutes for the study of language and of gram-
mar.

In 1821 he left the Frederick-Werder Gymnasium for a place
in the Joachimsthal Gymnasium. In 1824 he received the
honorary degree of Ph. D. from the University at Bonn. In
1826 he changed his office as teacher in the Gymnasium for
that of Lecturer on History in the Military School at Berlin;
probably because he had been twice disappointed in the expec-
tation of obtaining the place of Director. The next year he
joined the University of Berlin as Extraordinary Professor,
and in 1836 he became Ordinary Professor of Latin Literature
there, which place he retained to the end of his life. He was
still active, however, for the advancement of pedagogy and
the interests of the school by the education of teachers, in
which he took an active part. With his philological lectures
he joined such as served for directions in the acquisition and
formation of a Latin style, in which latter portion of his func-
tions he did not confine himself to the ordinary duties of a
University-professor, but required his hearers to write Latin
exercises, the correction of which he was always ready to
undertake.

Among the more important works which he has produced,
are a large edition of Cicero’s Orations against Verres, an

248 Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt. [April

edition for schools of the same, a critical edition of Quinti-
lian’s Institutio Oratoria, a large edition of Cicero de Offieiis,
based on that of the Ileusingers, and one in usum scholarum ,
with excellent Latin notes. The series of the Classics pub-
lished in this country by Blanchard and Lea, under the name
of that of Schmitz and Zumpt, is a reprint of part of Cham-
bers’ Educational Course, and originated entirely with the
Scotch publisher. On a journey in Germany, Mr. W. Cham-
bers proposed to Zumpt the plan of publishing a number of
the best Latin writers, for which he should write the notes,
and send them to Edinburgh to be translated into English.
The publisher prescribing the kind as well as the extent of the
notes, the proposition appeared very strange at first to the
German professor; still his eyesight being now very feeble,
unfitting him for almost all serious work, and obliging him to
read and write through an amanuensis, he preferred engaging
in this work to doing nothing. The notes, therefore, in this
series exclude all criticism, and confine themselves to occa-
sional explanations and illustrations, grammatical, historical,
geographical, and archaeological. The only works which he
thus annotated, were Sallust and four books of Livy. The
edition of Curtius is very nearly the same with the school-
edition published in Germany.

His health had always been good ; during his vacations he
generally performed short journeys for recreation; afterwards,
as Professor in the University, he had longer vacations, and
during these he visited France, Holland, and England; he was
twice in Italy, and in Greece. But here he contracted a
disease, which seems never to have left him entirely; he
visited a number of medicinal springs and watering places,
without any melioration in his system, and he was at a water-
ing place in the summer of 1849, when he died.

Specially to enumerate the merits of Zumpt cannot be our
object. As a teacher, his influence cannot be estimated ; his
success depended upon his personal character much more than
upon any peculiar method which he pursued. The best
method, he used to say, is contained in the branch taught,
and he is a good teacher who is never wholly satisfied with
himself or with his method. "What he has done in other

1858.]

Idea of the Church.

249

respects, is known to the world ; for it still lives, and will live,
until it has accomplished its mission. He has done enough to
facilitate the labours of subsequent grammarians.. As a man,
he was firm, persevering, open, affable, and kind. His pupils,
who are numerous, and many of them distinguished in the
fields of science and literature, revere his memory; and from
what we are told of his Christian character, we may hope that
he is now

iiiSa. [/.xxxqt </»

N eiiTov axsayiSs;

Ailment irt^nttovayv.

“Where round the island of the blest

The ocean breezes play.” — Pindar 01. 2, 129.

Art. Y. — Idea of the Church.

In that symbol of faith adopted by the whole Christian world,
commonly called the Apostles’ Creed, the Church is declared to
be “ the communion of saints.” In analyzing the idea of the
Church here presented, it may he proper to state, first, what is
not included in it ; and secondly, what it does really embrace.

It is obvious that the Church, considered as the communion
of saints, does not necessarily include the idea of a visible
society organized under one definite form. A kingdom is a
political society governed by a king ; an aristocracy is such a
society governed by a privileged class ; a democracy is a politi-
cal organization having the power centred in the people. The
very terms suggest these ideas. There can be no kingdom with-
out a king, and no aristocracy without a privileged class. There
may, however, be a communion of saints without a visible head,
without prelates, without a democratic covenant. In other
words, the Church, as defined in the creed, is not a monarchy,
an aristocracy, or a democracy. It may be either, all, or nei-
ther. It is not, however, presented as a visible organization, to
which the form is essential, as in the case of the human societies
just mentioned.

250

Idea of the Church.

[April

Again, the conception of the Church as the communion of
saints, does not include the idea of any external organization.
The bond of union may be spiritual. There may be communion
•without external organized union. The Church, therefore,
according to this view, is not essentially a visible society; it is
not a corporation which ceases to exist if the external bond of
union be dissolved. It may be proper that such union should
exist; it may be true that it has always existed; but it is not
necessary. The Church, as such, is not a visible society. All
visible union, all external organization, may cease, and yet, so
long as there are saints who have communion, the Church
exists, if the Church is the communion of saints. That com-
munion may be in faith, in love, in obedience to a common
Lord. It may have its origin in something deeper still; in the
indwelling of the Holy Spirit, even the Spirit of Christ, by
which every member is united to Christ, and all the members
are joined in one body. This is an union far more real, a com-
munion far more intimate, than subsists between the members
of any visible society as such. So far, therefore, is the Apos-
tles’ Creed from representing the Church as a monarchy, an
aristocracy, or a democracy; so far is it from setting forth the
Church as a visible society of one specific form, that it does not
present it under the idea of an external society at all. The
saints may exist, they may have communion, the Church may
continue under any external organization, or without any visi-
ble organization whatever.

What is affirmed in the above cited definition is, first, that
the Church consists of saints; and, secondly, of saints in com-
munion— that is, so united as to form one body. To determine,
therefore, the true idea of the Church, it is only necessary to
ascertain who are meant by the “saints,” and the nature of
their communion, or the essential bond by which they are
united.

The word «?»<>,', saint, signifies holy, worthy of reverence,
pure, in the sense of freedom either from guilt, or from moral
pollution. The word » means to render holy, or sacred ;

to cleanse from guilt, as by a sacrifice; or from moral defile-
ment, by the renewing of the heart. The saints, therefore,
according to the scriptural meaning of the term, are those who

Idea of the Church.

251

1858.]

have been cleansed from guilt or justified, 'who have been in-
wardly renewed or sanctified, and who have been separated
from the world and consecrated to God. Of such the Church
consists. If a man is not justified, sanctified, and consecrated
to God, he is not a saint, and therefore does not belong to the
Church, which is the communion of saints.

Under the old dispensation, the whole nation of the Hebrews
was called holy, as separated from the idolatrous nations around
them, and consecrated to God. The Israelites were also called
the children of God, as the recipients of his peculiar favours.
These expressions had reference rather to external relations
and privileges than to internal character. In the New Testa-
ment, however, they are applied only to the true people of God.
None are there called saints but the sanctified in Christ Jesus.
None are called the children of God, but those horn of the
Spirit, who being children are heirs, heirs of God, and joint
heirs with Jesus Christ of a heavenly inheritance. When,
therefore, it is said that the Church consists of saints, the
meaning is not that it consists of all who are externally conse-
crated to God, irrespective of their moral character, but that it
consists of true Christians or sincere believers.

As to the bond by which the saints are united so as to
become a church, it cannot be anything external, because that
may and always does unite those who are not saints. The
bond, whatever it is, must be peculiar to the saints ; it must be
something to which their justification, sanctification, and access
to God are due. This can be nothing less than their relation
to Christ. It is in virtue of union with him that men become
saints, or are justified, sanctified, and brought nigh to God.
They are one body in Christ Jesus. The bond of union
between Christ and his people is the Holy Spirit, who dwells
in him and in them. He is the head, they are the members of
his body, the Church, which is one body, because pervaded and
animated by one Spirit. The proximate and essential bond of
union between the saints, that which gives rise to their com-
munion, and makes them the Church or body of Christ, is,
therefore, the indwelling of the Holy Ghost.

Such, then, is the true idea of the Church, or, what is the
same thing, the idea of the true Church. It is the communion

252

Idea of the Church.

[April

of saints, the body of those who are united to Christ by the
indwelling of his Spirit. The two essential points included in
this definition are, that the Church consists of saints, and that
the bond of their union is not external organization, but the
indwelling of the Holy Spirit. These, therefore, are the two
points to be established. As, however, the one involves the
other, they need not be considered separately. The same
arguments which prove the one, prove also the other.

By this statement, it is not meant that the word church is
not properly used in various senses. The object of inquiry is
not the usage of a word, but the true idea of a thing; not how
the word church is employed, but what the Church itself is.
Who compose the Church? What is essential to the existence
of that body, to which the attributes, the promises, the prero-
gatives of the Church belong? On the decision of that ques-
tion rests the solution of all other questions in controversy
between Romanists and Protestants.

The mode of verifying the true idea of the Church. — The
holy Scriptures are on this, as on all other matters of faith or
practice, our only infallible rule. We may confirm our inter-
pretation of the Scriptures from various sources, especially
from the current judgment of the Church, but the real founda-
tion of our faith is to be sought in the word of God itself. The
teachings of the Scriptures concerning the nature of the
Church, are both direct and indirect. They didactically assert
what the Church is, and they teach such things respecting it,
as necessarily lead to a certain conception of its nature.

We may learn from the Bible the true idea of the Church,
in the first place, from the use of the word itself. Under all
the various applications of the term, that which is essential to
the idea will be found to be expressed. In the second place,
the equivalent or descriptive terms employed to express the
same idea, reveal its nature. In the third place, the attri-
butes ascribed to the Church in the word of God, determine its
nature. If those attributes can be affirmed only of a visible
society, then the Church must, as to its essence, be such a
society. If, on the other hand, they belong only to the com-
munion of saints, then none but saints constitute the Church.
These attributes must all be included in the idea of the Church.

1853.]

Idea of the Church.

253

They are but different phases or manifestations of its nature.
They can all, therefore, be traced back to it, or evolved from
it. If the Church is the body of those who are united to
Christ by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, then the indwell-
ing of the Spirit must make the Church holy, visible, perpe-
tual, one, catholic. All these attributes must be referable to
that one thing to which the Church owes its nature. In the
fourth place, the promises and prerogatives which belong to
the Church, teach us very plainly whether it is an external
society, or a communion of saints. In the fifth place, there
is a necessary connection between a certain scheme of doctrine
and a certain theory of the Church. It is admitted that the
Church includes all who are in Christ, all who are saints. It
is also admitted that all who are in Christ are in the Church.
The question, therefore, Who are in the Church? must depend
upon the answer to the question, Who are in Christ? or how do
we become united to him?

Finally, as the true doctrine concerning the way of salva-
tion leads to the true theory of the Church, we may expect to
see that theory asserted and taught in all ages. However cor-
rupted and overlaid it may be, as other doctrines have been, it
will be found still preserved and capable of being recognized
under all these perversions. The testimony of the Church
itself will, therefore, be found to be in favour of the true doc-
trine as to what the Church is.

The full exposition of these topics would require a treatise
by itself. The evidence in favour of the true doctrine concern-
ing the Church, even in the imperfect manner in which it is
unfolded in this article, is to be sought through all the follow-
ing pages, and not exclusively under one particular head. All
that is now intended is to pi’esent a general view of the princi-
pal arguments in support of the doctrine, that the Church con-
sists of saints or true Christians, and that the essential bond of
their union is not external organization, but the indwelling of
the Holy Ghost.

Argument from the scriptural use of the word Church. — The
word ly.xhtirtcc from ixxaXsa), evocare, means an assembly or body
of men evoked, or called out and together. It was used to
designate the public assembly of the people, among the Greeks,

VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 33

254

Idea of the Church.

[April

collected for the transaction of business. It is applied to the
tumultuous assembly called together in Ephesus, by the outcries
of Demetrius, Acts xix. 39. It is used for those who are
called out of the world, by the gospel, so as to form a distinct
class. It was not the Ilelotes at Athens who heard the procla-
mation of the heralds, but the people who actually assembled,
who constituted the \xxXr,<ua of that city. In like manner it is
not those who merely hear the call of the gospel, who constitute
the Church, but those who obey the call. Thousands of the
Jews and Gentiles, in the age of the apostles, heard the gospel,
received its invitations, but remained Jews and idolaters. Those
only who obeyed the invitation, and separated themselves from
their former connections, and entered into a new relation and
communion, made up the Church of that day. In all the
various applications, therefore, of the word Ixx*»<r»« in the New
Testament, we find it uniformly used as a collective term for
the xXijxot or IxXextm, that is, for those who obey the gospel call,
and who are thus selected and separated, as a distinct class
from the rest of the world. Sometimes the term includes all
who have already, or who shall hereafter accept the call of
God. This is the sense of the word in Eph. iii. 10, where it
is said to be the purpose of God to manifest unto principalities
and powers, by the Church, his manifold wisdom; and in Eph.
A'. 25, 26, where it is said, that Christ loved the Church and
gave himself for it, that he might sanctify and cleanse it with
the washing of water by the word ; that he might present it to
himself a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle, or any
such thing. Sometimes the word is used for the people of God
indefinitely, as when it is said of Paul, he persecuted the
Church ; or when we are commanded to give no offence to the
Church. The word is very commonly used in this Lsense, as
when we speak of the progress of the Church, or pray for the
Church. It is not any specific, organized body, that is common-
ly intended in such expressions, but the kingdom of Christ
indefinitely. Sometimes it is used for any number of the
called, collectively considered, united together by some com-
mon bond. Thus we hear of the Church in the house of Pris-
cilla and Aquila, the Church in the house of Nymphas, the
Church in the house of Philemon; the Church of Jerusalem,

Idea of the Church.

255

1853.]

of Antioch, of Corinth, &c. In all these cases, the meaning of
the word is the same. It is always used as a collective term
for the kXyitoi, either for the whole number, or for any portion
of them considered as a whole. The Church of God is the
whole number of the elect ; the Church of Corinth is the whole
number of the called in that city. An organized body may be
a Church, and their organization may be the reason for their
being considered as a whole or as a unit. But it is not their
organization that makes them a Church. The multitude of
believers in Corinth, organized or dispersed, is the Church of
Corinth, just as the whole multitude of saints in heaven and on
earth is the Church of God. It is not organization, but evoca-
tion, the actual calling out and separating from others, that
makes the Church.

The nature of the Church, therefore, must depend on the
nature of the gospel call. If that call is merely or essentially
to the outward profession of certain doctrines, or to baptism,
or to any thing external, then the Church must consist of all
who make that profession, or are baptized. But if the call of
the gospel is to repentance toward God, and faith in our Lord
Jesus Christ, then none obey that call but those who repent
and believe, and the Church must consist of penitent believers.
It cannot require proof that the call of the gospel is to faith
and repentance. The great apostle tells us he received his
apostleship to the obedience of faith, among all nations, i. e ., to
bring them to that obedience which consists in faith. He
calls those who heard him to witness that he had not failed to
testify both to the Jews and also to the Gentiles, repentance
toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ. No one
was admitted by the apostles to the Church, or recognized as
of the number of “the called,” who did not profess faith and
repentance, and such has been the law and practice of the
Church ever since. There can, therefore, be no doubt on this
subject. What the apostles did, and what all ministers, since
their day, have been commissioned to do, is to preach the
gospel; to offer men salvation on the condition of faith and
repentance. Those who obeyed that call were baptized, and
recognized as constituent members of the Church; those who
rejected it, who refused to repent and believe, were not mem-

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bers, they were not in fact “called,” and by that divine
vocation separated from the world. It would, therefore, be as
unreasonable to call the inhabitants of a country an army,
because they heard the call to arms, as to call all who hear
but do not obey the gospel, the Church. The army consists of
those who actually enrol themselves as soldiers; and the
Church consists of those who actually repent and believe, in
obedience to the call of the gospel.

This conclusion, to which we are led by the very nature of
the call by which the Church is constituted, is confirmed by the
unvarying usage of the New Testament. Every IxxXijc-k* is com-
posed of the vMroi, of those called out and assembled. But the
word xA»to», as applied to Christians, is never used in the New
Testament, except in reference to true believers. If, therefore,
the Church consists of “the called,” it must consist of true be-
lievers. That such is the usage of the word “called” in the
New Testament, is abundantly evident. In Rom. i. 6, believers
are designated the x*» itoi inaov Xpio-rov, Christ’s called ones. In
Rom. viii. 28, all things are said to work together for good,
rot; xzTa. to the called according to purpose. In

1 Cor. i. 2, 24, we find the same use of the word. The gospel
is said to be foolishness to the Greeks, and a stumbling-block to
the Jews, but to “the called,” it is declared to be the wisdom
of God and power of God. The called are distinguished as
those to whom the gospel is effectual. Jude addresses believers
as the sanctified by the Father, the preserved in Christ Jesus,
and “called.” In Rev. xvii. 14, the triumphant followers of
the Lamb are called xx» jToi xa.) ixMxTc) xai mc-roi. The doctrinal
usage of the word xX«to! is, therefore, not a matter of doubt.
None but those who truly repent and believe, are ever called
xx»-roi, and, as the ixx^na- ia consists of the xXutoi, the Church must
consist of true believers. This conclusion is confirmed by a re-
ference to analogous terms applied to believers. As they are
xXtiToi, because the subjects of a divine or vocation, so

they are Ix^exroi, Rom. viii. 23; 1 Pet. i. 2; *y nxo-/xeyot> 1 Cor.
i. 1; Jude 1; Heb. x. 10; Eph. i. 11;

1 Cor. i. 18; 2 Cor. ii. 15; 2 Thess. ii. 11 ; riTCtyixsiioi £i;
ccIlhov, Acts xiii. 48. All these terms have reference to that
divine agency, to that call, choice, separation, or appointment,

Idea of the Church.

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1853.]

by which men are made true believers, and they are never
applied to any other class.

The use of the cognate words, xxxiu and xaSck, goes to con-
firm the conclusion as to the meaning of the word xhtjroi. When
used in reference to the act of God, in calling men by the gos-
pel, they always designate a call that is effectual, so that the
subjects of that vocation become the true children of God.
Thus, in Rom. viii. 30, whom he calls, them he also justifies,
whom he justifies, them he also glorifies. All the called, there-
fore, (the x^vToi, the IxxXjjo-**,) are justified and glorified. In
Rom. ix. 24, the vessels of mercy are said to be those whom
God calls. In 1 Cor. i. 9, believers are said to be called into
fellowship of the Son of God. In the same chapter the apostle
says: “Ye see your calling, brethren, how that not many wise men
after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, are called ,”
i. e. converted and made the true children of God. In 1 Cor.
vii. the word is used nine times in the same way. In Gal. i. 15,
Paul says, speaking of God, “who has called me by his grace.”
See, also, Gal. v. 8, 13; Eph. iv. 4; Col. iii. 15; 1 Thess. ii.
12; v. 24; 1 Tim. vi. 12; 2 Tim. i. 9. It is said believers are
called, not according to their works, but according to the pur-
pose and grace of God given them in Christ Jesus, before the
world began. In Heb. ix. 5, Christ is said to have died that
the called, o l x£xX»^£»o*, might receive the eternal inheritance.
In 1 Pet. ii. 9, believers are described as a chosen generation,
a royal priesthood, a peculiar people, whom God hath called out
of darkness into his marvellous light. In the salutation prefixed
to his second Epistle, this apostle wishes all good to those whom
God had called by his glorious power.

In proof that the word x*?:ri? is constantly used in reference
to the effectual call of God, see Rom. xi. 29; 1 Cor. i. 26;
Eph. i. 18, iv. 1; Phil, iii.,14; Heb. iii. 1; 2 Pet. i. 10.

From these considerations it is clear that the x'Kmo) or called ,
are the effectually called, those who really obey the gospel,
and by repentance and faith are separated from the world.
And as it is admitted that the lxx>.»jAa is a collective term for
the xX»iroi, it follows that none but true believers constitute the
Church, or that the Church is the communion of saints. The
word in the New Testament is never used except in reference

258 Idea of the Church. [April

to the company of true believers. This consideration alone is
sufficient to determine the nature of the Church.

To this argument it is indeed objected, that as the apostles
addressed all the Christians of Antioch, Corinth, or Ephesus,
as constituting the Church in those cities, and as among them
there were many hypocrites, therefore the word Church desig-
nates a body of professors, whether sincere or insincere. The
fact is admitted, that all the professors of the true religion in
Corinth, without reference to their character, are called the
church of Corinth. This, however, is no answer to the pre-
ceding argument. It determines nothing as to the nature of
the Church. It does not prove it to be an external society,
composed of sincere and insincere professors of the true
religion. All the professors in Corinth are called saints, sanc-
tified in Christ Jesus, the saved, the children of God, the
faithful, believers, &c., &c. Does this prove that there are
good and bad saints, holy and unholy sanctified persons,
believing and unbelieving believers, or men who are at the
same time children of God and children of the devil? Their
being called believers does not prove that they were all be-
lievers ; neither does their being called the Church prove that
they were all members of the Church. They are designated
according to their profession. In professing to be members of
the Church, they professed to be believers, to be saints, and
faithful brethren, and this proves that the Church consists of
true believers. This will appear more clearly from the follow-
ing.

Argument from the terms used as equivalents for the word
Church.

Those epistles in the New Testament which are addressed to
churches, are addressed to believers, saints, the children of
God. These latter terms, therefore, are equivalent to the for-
mer. The conclusion to be drawn from this fact is, that the
Church consists of believers. In the same sense, and in no
other, in which infidels may be called believers, and wicked
men saints, in the same sense may they be said to be included
in the Church. If they are not really believers, they are not
the Church. They are not constituent members of the com-
pany of believers.

Idea of the Church.

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1853.]

The force of this argument will appear from a reference to
the salutations prefixed to these epistles. The epistle to the
Romans, for example, is addressed to “the called of Jesus
Christ,” “the beloved of God,” “called to be saints.” The
epistles to the Corinthians are addressed “ to the Church of
God which is at Corinth.” Who are they? “The sanctified
in Christ Jesus, called to be saints,” the worshippers of Christ.
The Ephesian Church is addressed as “the saints who are in
Ephesus, and the faithful in Christ Jesus.” The Philippians
are called “saints and faithful brethren in Christ.” Peter
addressed his first Epistle to “ the elect according to the fore-
knowledge of God the Father, through sanctification of the
Spirit unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus
Christ;” i. e., to those who, being elected to obedience and
sprinkling of the blood of Jesus, are sanctified by the Spirit.
His second Epistle is directed to those who had obtained like
precious faith with the apostle himself, through (or in) the right-
eousness of our God and Saviour Jesus Christ.

From this collation it appears, that to call any body of men
a Church, is to call them saints, sanctified in Christ Jesus,
elected to obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Christ, par-
takers of the same precious faith with the apostles, the beloved
of God, and faithful brethren. The inference from this fact is
inevitable. The Church consists of those to whom these terms
are applicable.

The only way by which this argument can be evaded is, by
saying that the faith here spoken of is mere speculative faith,
the sanctification intended is mere external consecration; the
sonship referred to, is merely adoption to external privileges, or
a church state. This objection, however, is completely obvia-
ted by the contents of these epistles. The persons to whom
these terms are applied, and who are represented as constitut-
ing the Church, are described as really holy in heart and life ;
not mere professors of the true faith, but true believers ; not
merely the recipients of certain privileges, but the children of
God and heirs of eternal life.

The members of the Church in Corinth are declared to be
in fellowship with Jesus Christ, chosen of God, inhabited by
his Spirit, washed, sanctified, and justified in the name of the

260

Idea of the Church.

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Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God. That the faith
■which Paul attributes to the members of the Church in Rome,
and the sonship of which he represents them as partakers,
were not speculative or external, is evident, because he says,
those who believe have peace with God, rejoice in hope of his
glory and have his love shed abroad in their hearts. Those
who are in Christ, he says, are not only free from condemna-
tion, but walk after the Spirit, and are spiritually minded.
Being the sons of God, they are led by the Spirit, they have
the spirit of adoption, and are joint heirs with Jesus Christ of
a heavenly inheritance. The members of the Church in Ephe-
sus were faithful brethren in Christ Jesus, sealed with the
Holy Spirit of promise, quickened and raised from spiritual
death, and made to sit in heavenly places. All those in
Colosse who are designated as the Church, are described as
reconciled unto God, the recipients of Christ, who were com-
plete in him, all whose sins are pardoned. The Church in
Thessalonica consisted of those whose work of faith, and labour
of love, and patience of hope, Paul joyfully remembered, and
of whose election of God he was well assured. They were
children of the light and of the day, whom God had appointed
to the obtaining of salvation through our Lord Jesus Christ.
The churches to whom Peter wrote consisted of those who had
been begotten again to a lively hope, by the resurrection of
Christ from the dead. Though they had not seen the Saviour,
they loved him, and believing on him, rejoiced with joy un-
speakable and full of glory. They had purified their souls
unto unfeigned love of the brethren, having been born again,
not of corruptible seed, but of incorruptible, by the word of
God. Those whom John recognized as members of the Church
he says had received an anointing of the Holy one, which
abode with them, teaching them the truth. They were the
sons of God, who had overcome the world, who believing in
Christ had eternal life.

From all this, it is evident that the terms, believers, saints,
children of God, the sanctified, the justified, and the like, are
equivalent to the collective term Church, so that any company
of men addressed as a Church, are always addressed as saints,
faithful brethren, partakers of the Holy Ghost, and children

Idea of the Church.

261

1853.]

of God. The Church, therefore, consists exclusively of such.
That these terms do not express merely a professed faith or
external consecration is evident, because those to whom they
are applied are declared to be no longer unjust, extortioners,
thieves, drunkards, covetous, revilers, or adulterers, but to be
led by the Spirit dbo the belief and obedience of the truth.
The Church, therefore, consists of believers; and if it consists
of believers, it consists of those who have peace with God, and
have overcome the world.

It is not to be inferred from the fact that all the members of
the Christian societies in Rome, Corinth, and Ephesus, are
addressed as believers, that they all had true faith. But we can
infer, that since what is said of them is said of them as believ-
ers, it had no application to those who were without faith. In
like manner, though all are addressed as belonging to the
Church, what is said of the Church had no application to those
who were not really its members. Addressing a body of pro-
fessed believers, as believers, does not prove them to be all
sincere ; neither does addressing a body of men as a Church,
prove that they all belong to the Church. In both cases they
are addressed according to their profession. If it is a fatal
error to transfer what is said in Scripture of believers, to mere
professors, to apply to nominal what is said of true Christians,
it is no less fatal to apply what is said of the Church to those
who are only by profession its members. It is no more proper
to infer that the Church consists of the promiscuous multitude
of sincere and insincere professors of the true faith, from the
fact that all the professors, good and bad, in Corinth, are called
the Church, than it would be to infer that they were all saints
and children of God, because they are all so denominated. It
is enough to determine the true nature of the Church, that none
are ever addressed as its members, who are not, at the same
time, addressed as true saints and sincere believers.

Argument from the descriptions of the Church. — The de-
scriptions of the Church given in the word of God, apply
to none but true believers, and therefore true believers con-
stitute the Church. These descriptions relate either to the
relation which the Church sustains to Christ, or to the charac-
ter of its members, or to its future destiny. The argument is,

VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 34

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[April

that none but true believers bear that relation to Christ, -which
the Church is said to sustain to him ; none but believers possess
the character ascribed to members of the Church ; and none
but believers are heirs of those blessings which are in reserve
for the Church. If all this is so, it follows that the Church
consists of those who truly believe. It will not be necessary
to keep these points distinct, because in many passages of
Scripture, the relation which the Church bears to Christ, the
character of its members, and its destiny, are all brought into
view.

1. The Church is described as the body of Christ. Eph. i.
22; iv. 15, 16; Col. i. 18. The relation expressed by this
designation, includes subjection, dependence, participation of
the same life, sympathy, and community. Those who are the
body of Christ, are dependent upon him and subject to him, as
the human body to its head. They are partakers of his life.
The human body is animated by one soul, and has one vital
principle. This is the precise truth which the Scriptures
teach in reference to the Church as the body of Christ. It is
his body, because animated by his Spirit, so that if any man
have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his, Rom. viii. 9 ;
for it is by one Spirit we are all baptized into one body, 1 Cor.
xii. 13. The distinguishing characteristic of the members of
Christ’s body, is the indwelling of the Holy Ghost. They are
therefore called men having the Spirit. They are

led by the Spirit. They are spiritually minded. All this is
true of sincere believers alone. It is not true of the promis-
cuous body of professors, nor of the members of any visible
society, as such, and therefore no such visible society is the
body of Christ. AVliat is said of the body of Christ, is not true
of any external organized corporation on earth, and, therefore,
the two cannot be identical.

Again, as the body sympathizes with the head, and the
members sympathize one with another, so all the members of
Christ’s body sympathize with him, and with each other.
This sympathy is not merely a duty, it is a fact. Where
it does not exist, there membership in Christ’s body does
not exist. All, therefore, who are members of Christ’s body
feel his glory to be their own, his triumph to be their vie-

Idea of the Church.

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1853.]

tory. They love those whom he loves, and they hate what
he hates. Finally, as the human head and body have a com-
mon destiny, so have Christ and his Church. As it partakes
of his life, it shall participate in his glory. The members of his
body suffer with him here, and shall reign with him hereafter.

It is to degrade and destroy the gospel to apply this descrip-
tion of the Church as the body of Christ, to the mass of
nominal Christians, the visible Church, which consists of “all
sorts of men.” No such visible society is animated by his
Spirit, is a partaker of his life, and heir of his glory. It is to
obliterate the distinction between holiness and sin, between the
Church and the world, between the children of God and the
children of the devil, to apply what the Bible says of the body
of Christ to any promiscuous society of saints and sinners.

2. The Church is declared to be the temple of God, because
he dwells in it by his Spirit. That temple is composed of
living stones. 1 Pet. ii. 4, 5. Know ye not, says the apostle
to the Corinthians, that your body is the temple of the Holy
Ghost, which is in you? 1 Cor. vi. 19. The inference from
this description of the Church is, that it is composed of those
in whom the Spirit of God dwells; but the Spirit of God
dwells only in true believers, and therefore the Church consists
of such believers.

3. The Church is the family of God. Those, therefore,
who are not the children of God are not members of his
Church. The wicked are declared to be the children of the
devil; they therefore cannot be the children of God. Those
only are his children who have the spirit of adoption ; and being
children, are heirs of God and joint heirs with Christ. Rom. viii.
16, 17.

4. The Church is the flock of Christ; its members are his
sheep. He knows them, leads them, feeds them, and lays down
his life for them. They were given to him by the Father, and
no one is able to pluck them out of his hand. They know his
voice and follow him, but a stranger they will not follow.
John x. This description of the Church as the flock of Christ,
is applicable only to saints or true believers, and therefore
they alone constitute his Church.

5. The Church is the bride of Christ; the object of his pecu-

264

Idea of the Church.

[April

liar love, for which he gave himself, that he might present it to
himself a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle or any
such thing. No man, saith the Scripture, ever yet hated his
own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as the Lord
the Chui'ch. Eph. v. 25 — 30. It is not true, according to the
Bible, that any but true Christians are the objects of this pecu-
liar love of Christ, and therefore they alone constitute that
Church which is his bride.

According to the Scriptures, then, the Church consists of
those who are in Christ, to whom he is made wisdom, righteous-
ness, sanctification, and redemption; of those who are his body,
in whom he dwells by his Spirit ; of those who are the family of
God, the children of his grace ; of those who, as living stones,
compose that temple in which God dwells, and who rest on that
elect, tried, precious corner-stone, which God has laid in Zion ;
of those who are the bride of Christ, purchased by his blood,
sanctified by his word, sacraments, and Spirit, to be presented
at last before the presence of his glory with exceeding joy.
These descriptions of the Church are inapplicable to any exter-
nal visible society as such ; to the Church of Rome, the Church
of England, or the Presbyterian Church. The only Church of
which these things are true, is the communion of saints, the
body of true Christians.

Arguments from the attributes of the Church. — The great
question at issue on this whole subject is, whether we are to
conceive of the Church, in its essential character, as an ex-
ternal society, or as the communion of saints. One method of
deciding this question, is by a reference to the acknowledged
attributes of the Church. If those attributes belong only to a
visible society, then the Church must be such a society. But
if they can be predicated only of the communion of saints, then
the Church is a spiritual body, and not an external, visible
society.

The Church is the body of Christ, in which he dwells by his
Spirit. It is in virtue of this indwelling of the Spirit, that
the Church is what she is, and all that she is. To this source
her holiness, unity, and perpetuity, are to be referred, and
under these attributes all others are comprehended.

First then, as to holiness. The Church considered as the

Idea of the Church.

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1853.]

communion of saints, is holy. Where the Spirit of God is,
there is holiness. If, therefore, the Spirit dwells in the
Church, the Church must be holy, not merely nominally, hut
really; not merely because her founder, her doctrines, her
institutions are holy, but because her members are personally
holy. They are, and must be, holy brethren, saints, the
sanctified in Christ Jesus, beloved of God. They are led by the
Spirit, and mind the things of the Spirit. The indwelling of
the Spirit produces this personal holiness, and that separation
from the world and consecration to God, which make the
Church a holy nation, a peculiar people, zealous of good works.
The Church is defined to be a company of believers, the coetus
fidelium. To say that the Church is holy, is to say that that
company of men and women who compose the Church, is holy.
It is a contradiction to say that “all sorts of men,” thieves,
murderers, drunkards, the unjust, the rapacious, and the cove-
tous, enter into the composition of a society whose essential
attribute is holiness. To say that a man is unjust, is to say that
he is not holy, and to say that he is not holy, is to say that he
is not one of a company of saints. If then we conceive of the
Church as the communion of saints, as the body of Christ, in
which the Holy Spirit dwells as the source of its life, we see
that the Church is and must be holy. It must be inwardly
pure, that is, its members must be regenerated men, and it
must be really separated from the world, and consecrated to
God. These are the two ideas included in the scriptural sense
of holiness, and in both these senses the Church is truly holy.
But in neither sense can holiness be predicated of any external
visible society as such. No such society is really pure, nor is
it really separated from the world, and devoted to God. This
is evident from the most superficial observation. It is plain
that neither the Roman, the Greek, the English, nor the
Presbyterian Church, falls within the definition of the Church,
as the coetus sanctorum, or company of believers. No one of
these societies is holy, they are all more or less corrupt and
worldly. Their church state does not in the least depend on
the moral character of their members, if the Church is essen-
tially an external society. Such a society may sink to the
lowest degree of corruption, and yet be a church, provided it

266 Idea of the Church. [April

retain its external integrity. Of no such a society, however, is
holiness an attribute, and all history and daily observation
concur in their testimony as to this fact. If, therefore, no
community of which holiness is not an attribute can be the
Church, it follows, that no external society, composed of “all
sorts of men,” can be the holy, catholic Church. Those,
therefore, who regard the Church as an external society, are
forced to deny that the Church is holy. They all assert that it
is composed of hypocrites and unrenewed men, as well as
of saints. Thus, for example, Bellarmine defines the Church
to be “the society of men united by the profession of the same
Christian faith, and the communion of the same sacraments,
under the government of legitimate pastors, and especially of
the only vicar of Christ here on earth, the Roman Pontiff.”*
By the first clause of this definition he excludes all who do not
profess the true faith, such as Jews, Mohammedans, Pagans,
and heretics ; by the second, all the unbaptized and the excom-
municated; by the third, all schismatics, i. e ., all who do not
submit to legitimate pastors, (prelates,) especially to the Pope.
All other classes of men, he adds, are included in the Church,
etiamsi reprobi, scelesti et impii sint. The main point of
difference between the Romish and Protestant theories of the
Church, he says, is that the latter requires internal virtues in
order to Church membership, but the former requires nothing
beyond outward profession, for the Church, he adds, is just as
much an external society as the Roman people, the kingdom
of France, or the republic of Venice. f

The Oxford theory of the Church differs from the Romish
only in excluding subjection to the Pope as one of its essential
characteristics. The Church is defined to be “ The whole
society of Christians throughout the world, including all those
who profess their belief in Christ, and who are subject to lawful

* Lib. III. c. ii. col. 108. Ccetum hominum ejusdem Christian® fidei pro-
fcssione, et eorundem sacramentorum communione colligatum, sub regimine
legitimorum pastorum, ac pr®cipue unius Christi in terris vicarii Romani Pon-
tificis.

t Nos autem . . . non putamus requiri ullam internam virtutem, sed tantum
professionem fidei et sacramentorum communionem, qu® sensu ipso percipitur.
Ecclesia enim est ccetus hominum ita visibilis et palpabilis, ut est ccetus populi
Romani, vel regnum Galli®, aut rcspublica Venetorum. — Ibid, col. 100.

Idea of the Church.

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1853.]

pastors.”* By Christians, in this definition, are meant nominal,
or professed Christians. According to this view, neither inward
regeneration, nor visible sanctity of life, is requisite for admis-
sion to the Church of Christ.” “ The Scriptures and the univer-
sal Church appoint,” it is said, “ only one mode in which Chris-
tians are to be made members of the Church. It is baptism,
which renders us, by divine right, members of the Church,
and entitles us to all the privileges of the faithful. ”f Again,
when speaking of baptism, which thus secures a divine right to
all the privileges of the faithful, it is said, there is no “ mention
of regeneration, sanctity, real piety, visible or invisible, as pre-
requisite to its reception.”]; Holiness, therefore, is denied to
be an attribute of the Church in any proper sense of the term.
This denial is the unavoidable consequence of regarding the
Church as a visible society, analogous to an earthly kingdom.
As holiness is not necessary to citizenship in the kingdom of
Spain, or republic of Venice, holiness is not an attribute of
either of those communities. Neither Spain nor Venice is, as
such, holy. And if the Church, in its true essential charac-
ter, be a visible society, of which men become members by
mere profession, and without holiness, then holiness is not
an attribute of the Church. But, as by common consent the
Church is holy, a theory of its nature which excludes this
attribute, must be both unscriptural and uncatholic, and there-
fore false.

No false theory can be consistent. If, therefore, the theory
of the Church which represents it as an external society of
professors, is false, we may expect to see its advocates falling
continually into suicidal contradictions. The whole Romish or
ritual system is founded on the assumption, that the attributes
and prerogatives ascribed in Scripture to the Church, belong
to the visible Church, irrespective of the character of its mem-
bers. Nothing is required for admission into that society, but
profession of its faith, reception of its sacraments, and sub-
mission to its legitimate rulers. If a whole nation of Pagans
or Mohammedans should submit to these external conditions,
they would be true members of the Church, though ignorant

* Palmer on the Church, Amer. edition, vol, i. p. 28.
t Palmer. Vol. i. p. 144. t Palmer. Vol. i. p. 377.

268 Idea of the Church. [April

of its doctrines, though destitute of faith, and sunk in moral
corruption. To this society the attributes of holiness, unity
and perpetuity, belong; this society, thus constituted of “all
sorts of men,” has the prerogative authoritatively to teach, and
to bind and loose; and the teaching and discipline of this socie-
ty, Christ has promised to ratify in heaven. The absurdities
and enormities, however, which flow from this theory, are so
glaring and atrocious, that few of its advocates have the nerve
to look them in the face. As we have seen, it is a contradic-
tion to call a society composed of “all sorts of men,” holy.
Those who teach, therefore, that the Church is such a society,
sometimes say that holiness is not a condition of membership ;
in other words, is not an attribute of the Church ; and some-
times, that none but the holy are really in the Church, that
the wicked are not its true members. But, if this be so, as
holiness has its seat in the heart, no man can tell certainly
who are holy, and therefore no one can tell who are the
real members of the Church, or who actually constitute the
body of Christ, which we are required to join and to obey.
The Church, therefore, if it consists only of the holy, is not
an external society, and the whole ritual system falls to the
ground.

Neither Romish nor Anglican writers can escape from these
contradictions. Augustin says, the Church is a living body, in
which there are both a soul and body. Some members are of
the Church in both respects, being united to Christ, as well ex-
ternally as internally. These are the living members of the
Church ; others are of the soul, but not of the body — that is,
they have faith and love, without external communion with the
Church. Others, again, are of the body and not of the soul —
that is, they have no true faith. These last, he says, are as the
hairs, or nails, or evil humours of the human body.* According
to Augustin, then, the wicked are not true members of the
Church ; their relation to it is altogether external. They no
more make up the Church, than the scurf or hair on the sur-
face of the skin make up the human body. This representa-
tion is in entire accordance with the Protestant doctrine, that

t In Brevieulo Collationis. Collat. iii.

Idea of the Church.

269

1853.]

the Church is a communion of saints, and that none hut the
holy are its true members. It expressly contradicts the Romish
and Oxford theory, that the Church consists of all sorts of men;
and that the baptized, no matter what their character, if they
submit to their legitimate pastors, are by divine right consti-
tuent portions of the Church; and that none who do not re-
ceive the sacraments, and who are not thus subject, can be
members of the body of Christ. Yet this doctrine of Augustin,
so inconsistent with their own, is conceded by Romish writers.
They speak of the relation of the wicked to the Church as
merely external or nominal, as a dead branch to a tree, or as
chaff to the wheat. So, also, does Mr. Palmer,* who says : “ It
is generally allowed that the wicked belong only externally to
the Church.” Again : “ That the ungodly, whether secret or
manifest, do not really belong to the Church, considered as to
its invisible character — namely, as consisting of its essential and
permanent members, the elect, predestinated, and sanctified,
wrho are known to God only, I admit.”f That is, he admits
his whole theory to be untenable. He admits, after all, that
the wicked “do not really belong to the Church,” and there-
fore, that the real or true Church consists of the sanctified in
Christ Jesus. What is said of the wheat is surely not true of
the chaff; and what the Bible says of the Church is not true of
the wicked. Yet all Romanism, all ritualism, rests on the
assumption, that what is said of the wheat is true of the chaff —
that what is said of the communion of saints, is true of a body
composed of all sorts of men. The argument, then, here is,
that, as holiness is an attribute of the Church, no body which is
not holy can be the Church. No external visible society, as
such, is holy; and, therefore, the Church, of which the Scrip-
tures speak, is not a visible society, but the communion of
saints.

The same argument may be drawn from the other attributes
of the Church. It is conceded that unity is one of its essential
attributes. The Church is one, as there is, and can be but one
body of Christ. The Church as the communion of saints is

* On the Church. Vol. i. p. 28.
VOL. XXV. — XO. II.

35

t Ibid. p. 143.

270

Idea of the Church.

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one ; as an external society it is not one ; therefore, the Church
is the company of believers, and not an external society.

The unity of the Church is threefold. 1. Spiritual, the uni-
ty of faith and of communion. 2. Comprehensive; the Church
is one as it is catholic, embracing all the people of God.
3. Historical; it is the same Church in all ages. In all these
senses, the Church considered as the communion of saints, is
one ; in no one of these senses can unity be predicated of the
Church as visible.

The Church, considered as the communion of saints, is one in
faith. The Spirit of God leads his people into all truth. He
takes of the things of Christ and shows them unto them. They
are all taught of God. The anointing which they have received
abideth with them, and teacheth them all things, and is truth.
1 John ii. 27. Under this teaching of the Spirit, which is pro-
mised to all believers, and which is with and by the word, they
are all led to the knowledge and belief of all necessary truth.
And within the limits of such necessary truths, all true Chris-
tians, the whole ccetus sanctorum, or body of believers, are one.
In all ages and in all nations, wherever there are true Chris-
tians, you find they have, as to all essential matters, one and
the same faith.

The Holy Ghost is the spirit of love as well as of truth, and
therefore all those in whom he dwells are one in affection as
well as in faith. They have the same inward experience, the
same conviction of sin, the same repentance toward God and
faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, the same love of holiness, and
desire after conformity to the image of God. There is, there-
fore, an inward fellowship or congeniality between them, which
proves them to be one Spirit. They all stand in the same rela-
tion to God and Christ; they constitute one family, of which
God is the Father; one kingdom, of which Christ is the Lord.
They have a common interest and common expectation. The
triumph of the Redeemer’s kingdom is the common joy and
triumph of all his people. They have, therefore, the fellow-
ship which belongs to the subjects of the same king, to the chil-
dren of the same family, and to the members of the same body.
If one member suffers, all the members suffer with it; and if
one member rejoices, all the members rejoice with it. This

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Idea of the Church.

271

sympathy is an essential characteristic of the bbdy of Christ.
Those 'who do not possess this affection and fellow-feeling for
his members, are none of his. This inward spiritual commu-
nion expresses itself outwardly, not only in acts of kindness,
but especially and appropriately in all acts of Christian fel-
lowship. True believers are disposed to recognize each other
as such, to unite as Christians in the service of their common
Lord, and to make one joint profession before the world of
their allegiance to him. In this, the highest and truest sense,
the Church is one. It is one body in Christ Jesus. He dwells
by his Spirit in all his members, and thus unites them as one
living whole, leading all to the belief of the same truths, and
binding all in the bond of peace. This is the unity of which
the apostle speaks: “There is one body and one Spirit, even as
ye are called in one hope of your calling ; one Lord, one faith,
one baptism, one God and Father of all, who is above all, and
through all, and in you all.” Such is the unity which belongs
to the Church; it does not belong to any external society, and
therefore no such society can be the Church to which the attri-
butes and prerogatives of the body of Christ belong.

In proof that spiritual unity cannot be predicated of the ex-
ternal Church, it is sufficient to refer to the obvious fact, that
the Holy Spirit, the ground and bond of that unity, does not
dwell in all the members of that Church. Wherever he dwells
there are the fruits of holiness, and as those fruits are not found
in all who profess to be Christians, the Spirit does not dwell in
them so as to unite them to the body of Christ. The conse-
quence is, they have neither the unity of faith nor of commu-
nion.

As to the unity of faith, it is undeniable that all Christian
societies do not even profess the same faith. While all unite in
certain doctrines, they each profess or deny what the others
regard as fatal error or necessary truth. The Greek, Latin,
and Protestant Churches do not regard themselves as one in
faith. Each declares the others to be heretical. But this is
not all. Unity of faith does not exist within the pale of these
several churches. In each of them all grades and kinds of doc-
trine, from atheism to orthodoxy, are entertained. No one
doubts this. It would be preposterous to assert that all the

272

Idea of the Church.

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members of the Latin Church hold the public faith of that
society. The great body of them do not know what that faith
is, and multitudes among them are infidels. Neither can any
one pretend that the standards of the English, Dutch, or Prus-
sian Church, express the faith of all their members. It is a
notorious and admitted fact, that every form of religious faith
and infidelity is to be found among the members of those socie-
ties. Unity of faith, therefore, is one of the attributes of the
true Church, which, with no show of truth or reason, can be
predicated of any external society calling itself the Church of
God.

The case is no less plain with regard to communion. The
societies constituting the visible Church, do not maintain Chris-
tian communion. They do not all recognize each other as
brethren, nor do they unite in the offices of Christian worship
and fellowship. On the contrary, they, in many cases, mutually
excommunicate each other. The Greek, Latin, and Protestant
Churches, each stands aloof. They are separate communions,
having no ecclesiastical fellowship whatever. This kind of
separation, however, is not so entirely inconsistent with the
communion of saints, as the absence of brotherly love, and the
presence of all unholy affections, which characterize to so great
an extent these nominal Christians. If it be true that there is
a warm sympathy, a real brotherly affection, between all the
members of Christ’s body, then nothing can be plainer than that
the great mass of nominal Christians are not members of that
body. The unity of the Spirit, the bond of perfectness, true
Christian love, does not unite the members of any extended
visible society into one holy brotherhood; and therefore no such
society is the Church of Christ.

Romanists answer this argument by vehement assertion.
They first degrade the idea of unity into that of outward con-
nection. So that men profess the same faith, they are united
in faith, even though many of them be heretics or infidels. If
they receive the same sacraments and submit to the same rulers,
they are in Christian communion, even though they bite and de-
vour one another. They, then, boldly assert that the Church
is confined to themselves; that Greeks, Anglicans, Lutherans,
and Reformed, are out of the Church. To make it appear that

Idea of the Church.

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the Church, in their view of its nature, is one in faith and in
communion, they deny that any body of men, or any individual,
belongs to the Church, ■who does not profess their faith and sub-
mit to their discipline. Thus even the false, deteriorated idea of
unity, which they claim, can be predicated of the Church only
by denying the Christian name to more than one half of Chris-
tendom.

The answer given to this argument by Anglicans of the Ox-
ford school, is still less satisfactory. They admit that the
Church is one in faith and communion, that either heresy or
schism is destructive of all saving connection with the body of
Christ. To all appearance, however, the Church of England
does not hold the faith of the Church of Rome, nor is she in
ecclesiastical communion with her Latin sister. She is also
almost as widely separated from the Greek and Oriental
Churches. How low must the idea of unity be brought down, to
make it embrace all these conflicting bodies ! The Oxford writers,
therefore, in order to save their church standing, are obliged,
first, to teach with Rome that unity of the Church is merely in
appearance or profession ; secondly, that England and Rome do
not differ as to matters of faith ; and, thirdly, that notwith-
standing their mutual denunciations, and, on the part of Rome,
of the most formal act of excommunication, they are still in
communion. The unity of communion therefore, is, according
to their doctrine, compatible with non-communion and mutual
excommunication. It is, however, a contradiction in terms, to
assert that the Churches of Rome and England, in a state of
absolute schism in reference to each other, are yet one in faith
and communion. The essential attribute of unity, therefore,
cannot be predicated of the external Church, either as to doc-
trine or as to fellowship.

The second form of unity is catholicity. The Church is one,
because it embraces all the people of God. This was the pro-
minent idea of unity in the early centuries of the Christian era.
The Church is one, because there is none other. Those out of
the Church are, therefore, out of Christ, they are not members
of his body, nor partakers of his Spirit. This is the universal
faith of Christendom. All denominations, in all ages, have,
agreeably to the plain teaching of the Scriptures, and the very

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nature of the gospel, maintained that there is no salvation out
of the Church; in other words, that the Church is catholic,
embracing all the people of God in all parts of the world. Of
course it depends on our idea of the Church, whether this attri-
bute of comprehensive unity belongs to it or not. If the Church
is essentially a visible monarchical society, of which the Bishop
of Borne is the head, then there can be no true religion and no
salvation out of the pale of that society. To admit the possi-
bility of men being saved who are not subject to the Pope, is
to admit that they can be saved out of the Church; and to say
they can be saved out of the Church, is to say they can be saved
out of Christ, which no Christians admit. If the Church is a
visible aristocratical society, under the government of prelates
having succession, then the unity of the Church implies, that
that those only who are subject to such prelates are within its
pale. There can, therefore, be neither true religion nor salva-
tion except among prelatists. This is a conclusion which flows
unavoidably from the idea of the Church as an external visible
society. Neither Romanists nor Anglicans shrink from this
conclusion. They avow the premises and the inevitable se-
quence. Mr. Palmer says: “It is not, indeed, to be supposed
or believed for a moment, that divine grace would permit the
the really holy and justified members of Christ to fall from the
way of life. He would only permit the unsanctified, the ene-
mies of Christ, to sever themselves from that fountain where
his Spirit is given freely.”* This he says in commenting on a
dictum of Augustin, “Let us hold it as a thing unshaken and
firm, that no good men can divide themselves from the Church, f
He further quotes Irenseus, as saying that God has placed every
operation of his Spirit in the Church, so that none have the
Spirit but those who are in the Church, “ for where the Church
is, there is the Spirit of God; and where the Spirit of God is,
there also the Church and every grace exist. Cyprian is
urged as another authority, who says: “ V\ hosoever, divorced
from the Church, is united to an adulteress, is separated from

* Palmer on the Church. Vol. i. p. 69.

t Inconcussum firmumque teneamus, nullos bonos ab ea (ecclesia) se posse
dividere. — Adv. Parmenian. Lib. iii. ch. 5.

t Adv. Iiiercs. iii. 24, p. 223.

Idea of the Church.

275

1853.]

the Church’s promises; nor shall that man attain the rewards
of Christ, who relinquishes his Church. He is a stranger, he
is profane, he is an enemy.”* All this is undoubtedly true. It
is true, as Augustin says, that the good cannot divide them-
selves from the Church; it is true, as Irenaeus says, where the
Church is, there the Spirit of God is; and where the Spirit
is, there the Church is. This is the favourite motto of
Protestants. It is also true, as Cyprian says, that he who is
separated from the Church, is separated from Christ. This
brings the nature of the Church down to a palpable mat-
ter of fact. Are there any fruits of the Spirit, any repent-
ance, faith, and holy living, among those who do not obey the
Pope ? If so, then the Church is not a monarchy, of which
the Pope is the head. Is there any true religion, are there
any of the people of God who are not subject to prelates? If
so, then the Church is not a society subject to bishops having
succession. These are questions which can be easily answered.
It is, indeed, impossible, in every particular case, to discrimi-
nate between true and false professors of religion ; but still, as
a class, we can distinguish good men from bad men, the chil-
dren of God from the children of this world. Men do not
gather grapes of thorns, nor figs of thistles. By their fruit we
can know them. A wolf may indeed at times appear in
sheep’s clothing, nevertheless, men can distinguish sheep from
wolves. We can therefore determine, with full assurance,
whether it is true, as the Romish theory of the Church re-
quires, that there is no religion among Protestants, whether all
the seemingly pious men of the English Church, for example,
are mere hypocrites. This is a question about which no ration-
al man has any doubt, and, therefore, we see not how any such
man can fail to see that the Romish theory of the Church is
false. It is contradicted by notorious facts. With like assu-
rance we decide against the Anglican theory, because if that
theory is true, then there is no religion, and never has been
any, out of the pale of the Episcopal Church. It is, however,
equivalent to a confession that we ourselves are destitute of the
Spirit of Christ, to refuse to recognize as his people the thou-

* De Unitate, p. 254.

276

Idea of the Church.

[April

sands of Presbyterians, Lutherans, and Reformed, who have
lived for his service, and died to his glory. Here the ritual
theory of the Church breaks down entirely. If the Church is
an external society, that society must include all good men,
all the children of God in the world. No such society does
embrace all such men, and, therefore, the Church is not a visi-
ble society. It is a communion of saints. The very fact that
a man is a saint, a child of God that is born of the Spirit,
makes him a member of the Church. To say, therefore, with
Augustin, that no good man can leave the Church, is only to
say that the good will love and cleave to each other ; to say,
with Iremeus, that where the Spirit of God is, there is the
Church, is to say the presence of the Spirit makes the Church ;
and to say with Cyprian, that he who is separated from the
Church, is separated from Christ, is only saying, that if a man
love not his brother whom he hath seen, he cannot love God
whom he hath not seen. If the Church is the communion of
saints, it includes all saints ; it has catholic unity because it
embraces all the children of God. And to say there is no sal-
vation out of the Church, in this sense of the word, is only say-
ing there is no salvation for the wicked, for the unrenewed and
unsanctified. Rut to say there is no piety and no salvation
out of the papal or prelatic Church, is very much like doing
despite unto the Spirit of God; it is to say of multitudes of
true Christians, what the Pharisees said of our Lord; “They
cast out devils by Beelzebub, the chief of devils.” That is, it
is denying the well authenticated work of the Spirit, and attri-
buting to some other and some evil source, what is really the
operation of the Holy Ghost. "Wherever the Spirit of God is,
there the Church is ; and as the Spirit is not only within, but
without all external church organizations, so the Church itself
cannot be limited to any visible society.

The historical unity of the Church is its perpetuity; its
remaining one and the same in all ages. In this sense, also,
the true Church is one. It is now what it was in the days of
the apostles. It has continued the same without interruption,
from the beginning, and is to continue until the final consum-
mation ; for the gates of hell can never prevail against it.
About this there is no dispute; all Christians admit the Church

1853.]

Idea of the Church.

277

to be in this sense perpetual. In asserting the historical unity,
or uninterrupted continuance of the Church, all must maintain
the unbroken continuance of every thing which, according to
their several theories, is essential to its existence. If the
Church is a visible society, professing the true faith, and sub-
ject to lawful prelates, and especially to the Pope of Rome,
then the perpetuity of the Church supposes the continued exist-
ence of such a society, thus organized, always professing the
true faith, and always subject to its lawful rulers. There must
therefore, always be an external visible society; that society
must profess the truth ; there must always be prelates legiti-
mately consecrated, and a lawful pope. If, according to the
Anglican theory, the Church is precisely what Romanists de-
clare it to be, except subjection to the pope, then its perpetuity
involves all the particulars above mentioned, except the con-
tinued x’ecognition of the headship of the bishop of Rome. If,
on the other hand, the Church is a company of believers, if it
is the communion of saints, all that is essential to its perpetuity
is that there should always be believers. It is not necessary
they should be externally organized, much less is it necessary
that they should be organized in any prescribed form. It is not
necessary that any line of officers should be uninterruptedly
continued ; much less is it necessary that those officers should
be prelates or popes. All that God has promised, and all that
we have a right to expect, is, that the true worshippers of the
Lord Jesus shall never entirely fail. They may be few and
scattered ; they may be even unknown to each other, and, in a
great measure, to the world ; they may be as the seven thou-
sand in the days of the prophet Elijah, who had not bowed the
knee unto Baal; still, so long as they exist, the Church, con-
sidered as the communion of saints, the mystical body of Christ
on earth, continues to exist.

The argument from this source, in favour of the Protestant
theory of the Church, is, that in no other sense is the Church
perpetual. No existing external society has continued uninter-
ruptedly to profess the true faith. Rome was at one time
Arian, at another Pelagian, at another, according to the judg-
ment of the Church of England, idolatrous. All Latin churches
were subject to the instability of the Church of Rome. No

VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 36

278 Idea of the Church. [April

existing eastern Church has continued the same in its doctrines,
from the times of the apostles to the present time. That
there has been an interrupted succession of popes and prelates
validly consecrated, is admitted to be a matter of faith, and
not of sight. From the nature of the case it does not admit
of historical proof. The chances, humanly speaking, are as a
million to one against it. If it is assumed, it must be on the
ground of the supposed necessity of such succession to the per-
petuity of the Church, which is a matter of promise. But the
Church can exist without a pope, without prelates, yea, without
presbyters, if in its essential nature it is the communion of
saints. There is, therefore, no promise of an uninterrupted
succession of validly ordained church-officers, and consequently
no foundation for faith in any such succession. In the ab-
sence of any such promise, the historical argument against
“apostolic succession,” becomes overwhelming and unanswer-
able.

We must allow the attributes of the Church to determine our
conception of its nature. If no external society is perpetual;
if every existing visible Church has more than once apostatized
from the faith, then the Church must be something which can
continue in the midst of the general defection of all external
societies; then external organization is not essential to the
Church, much less can any particular mode of organization be
essential to its existence. The only Church which is holy,
which is one, which is catholic, apostolic, and perpetual, is
the communion of saints, the company of faithful men, the
mystical body of Christ, whose only essential bond of union is
the indwelling of the Iloly Ghost. That Spirit, however, always
produces faith and love, so that all in whom he dwells are united
in faith and Christian fellowship. And as, in virtue of the di-
vine promise, the Spirit is to remain constantly gathering in
the people of God, until Christ comes the second time, so the
Church can never fail. The attributes, then, of holiness, unity,
and perpetuity, do not belong to any external society, and
therefore no such society can be the Church. They are all
found, in their strictest sense and highest measure, iu the com-
munion of saints, and therefore, the saints constitute the one,
holy, apostolic, Catholic Church.

1853.]

Idea of the Church.

279

Argument from the promises and prerogatives of the
Church. — The Scriptures abound with promises addressed to
the Church, and they ascribe certain prerogatives to it. From
the character of these promises and prerogatives, we may infer
the nature of the Church.

1. The most comprehensive of the promises in question, is
that of the continued presence of Christ, by the indwelling of
his Spirit. This promise is often given in express terms, and is
involved in the description of the Church as the body of Christ
and the temple of God. It is not his body, neither is it the
temple of God, without the presence of the Spirit. The pre-
sence of God is not inoperative. It is like the presence of light
and heat, or of knowledge and love, which of necessity manifest
themselves by their effects. In like manner, and by a like
necessity, the presence of God is manifested by holiness, right-
eousness, and peace. He is not, where these graces are not;
just as certainly as light is not present in the midst of darkness.
The promise of God to his Church is, Lo, I am with you always ;
in every age and in every part of the world; so that where the
Spirit of God is, there is the Church ; and where the Church is,
there is the Spirit. The presence promised is, therefore, a per-
petual presence. It is also universal. God does not promise to
be with the officers of the Church to the exclusion of the mem-
bers ; nor with some members to the exclusion of others. The
soul is not in the head of the human body, to the exclusion of
the limbs ; nor is it in the eyes and ears, to the exclusion of the
hands or feet. So long as it is in the body at all, it is in the
whole body. In like manner the promised presence of God with
his Church relates to all its members.

If this is so, if God has promised to be with his Church ; if
his presence is operative; if it is perpetual and all-pervading,
then it is plain that this promise was never made to any exter-
nal society, for to no such society has it ever been fulfilled. No
such society has had the persistency in truth and holiness,
which the divine presence of necessity secures. If in one age
it professes the truth, in another it professes error. If at one
time its members appear holy, at another they are most mani-
festly corrupt. Or, if some manifest the presence of the Spirit,
others give evidence that they are not under his influence. It

280

Idea of the Church.

[April

is, therefore, just as plain that God is not always present with
the external Church, as that the sun is not always above our
horizon. The nominal Church would correspond with the real,
the visible with the invisible, if the promise of the divine pre-
sence belonged to the former. With his own people God is
always present ; they, therefore, must constitute that Church to
whom the promise of his presence belongs.

2. The promise of divine teaching is made to the Church.
This is included in the promise of the Holy Spirit, who is the
Spirit of truth, the source of light and knowledge, wherever he
dwells. Christ, when about to leave the world, promised his
disciples that he would send them the Spirit, to guide them into
all truth. With regard to this promise it is to be remarked,
1. That it is made to all the members of the Church. It is not
the peculium of its officers, for it is expressly said, Ye shall be
all taught of God. And the apostle John says to all believers,
Ye have an unction from the Holy One, and ye know all
things. 2. It relates only to necessary truths. God has not
promised to teach his people all science, nor has he promised
to render them infallible in matters of religion. All he has
promised, is to teach them whatever is necessary to their salva-
tion, and to qualify them for the work to which they are called.
3. This divine teaching is effectual and abiding. “ The anoint-
ing,” says the apostle, “which ye have received of him, abid-
eth with you.” Those who are taught of God, therefore, con-
tinue in the knowledge and acknowledgment of the truth.

That such divine teaching is not promised to any external
society, is plain; 1. Because all the constituent members of no
such society are thus divinely taught. The visible Church
includes “all sorts of men,” good and bad, ignorant and enlight-
ened, heterodox and orthodox, believing and infidel. Of the
members of that society, therefore, that is not true which the
Scriptures declare to be true, with regard to the members of
the Church. They are not all taught of God. 2. Within the
pale of every external, and especially of every denominational
Church, there is heresy, either secret or avowed. But the
teaching of God, as has been shown, precludes the possibility of
fundamental error. There may be great diversity of views on
many points of doctrine, but as to every thing necessary to sal-

Idea of the Church.

281

1853.]

vation, all the members of the body of Christ must agree. It
is, however, notorious and avowed, that in the Church of Scot-
land, of England, and of Rome, all forms of doctrine, from the
purest scriptural faith down to the lowest scepticism, are to be
found; therefore, no such society can be the Church to which
this divine teaching is promised. 3. The teaching of God
being perpetual, securing constancy in the acknowledgment of
the truth, none but those who continue in the truth can belong
to the Church to which that teaching is promised. This fidelity
is an attribute of the invisible Church alone, and therefore
the communion of saints is the body to which this promise is
made.

3. A third promise is that of divine protection. By this
promise the Church is secured from internal decay and from
external destruction. Its enemies are numerous and powerful ;
they are ever on the watch, and most insidious in their attacks.
Without the constant protection of her divine Sovereign, the
Church would soon entirely perish. This promise is made to
every individual member of the Church. They are all the
members of his body, and his body, redeemed and sanctified,
can never perish. No man, he says, shall ever pluck them out
of his hand. They may be sorely tempted; they may be
seduced into many errors, and even into sin; but Satan shall
not triumph over them. They may be persecuted, and driven
into the caverns and dens of the earth, but though cast down,
they are never forsaken.

That this promise of protection is not made to the external
Church is plain, 1. Because multitudes included within the pale
of that Church are not the subjects of this divine protection.
2. The external Church has not been preserved from apostacy.
Both before and since the advent of Christ, idolatry or false
doctrine has been introduced and tolerated by the official organs
of that Church. 3. A society dispersed is, for the time being,
destroyed. Its organization being dissolved, it ceases to exist
as a society. From such disorganization or dispersion, the
visible Church has not been protected, and therefore it cannot
be the body to which this promise of protection belongs.

4. We find in the Scriptures frequent assurances that the
Church is to extend from sea to sea, from the rising to the set-

282

Idea of the Church.

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ting of the sun ; that all nations and people are to flow unto it.
These promises the Jews referred to their theocracy. Jerusa-
lem was to be the capital of the world; the King of Zion was
to be the King of the whole earth, and all nations were to be
subject to the Jews. Judaizing Christians interpret these same
predictions as securing the universal prevalence of the theo-
cratic Church, with its pope or prelates. In opposition to both,
the Redeemer said: My kingdom is not of this world. His
apostles also taught that the kingdom of God consists in right-
eousness, peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. The extension of
the Church, therefore, consists in the prevalence of love to God
and man, of the worship and service of the Lord Jesus Christ.
It matters not how the saints maybe associated; it is not their
association, hut their faith and love that makes them the
Church, and as they multiply and spread, so does the Church
extend. All the fond anticipations of the Jews, founded on a
false interpretation of the divine promises, were dissipated by
the advent of a Messiah whose kingdom is not of this world.
History is not less effectually refuting the ritual theory of the
Church, by showing that piety, the worship and obedience of
Christ, the true kingdom of God, is extending far beyond the
limits which that theory would assign to the dominion of the
Redeemer.

5. The great promise made to the Church is holiness and
salvation. Christ, it is said, loved the Church, and gave him-
self for it, that he might sanctify and cleanse it with the wash-
ing of water by the word; that he might present it to himself
a glorious Church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such
thing; but that it should be holy and without blemish. This
and similar passages, plainly teach that holiness and salvation
are promised to every member of the Church. This is obvious ;
1. Because these are blessings of which individuals alone are
susceptible. It is not a community or society, as such, that is
redeemed, regenerated, sanctified, and saved. Persons, and
not communities, are the subjects of these blessings. 2. This
follows from the relation of the Church to Christ as his body.
The members of the Church are members of Christ. They
are in him, partakers of his life, and the subjects of his grace.
3. It is, in fact, a conceded point. It is the common doctrine

Idea of the Church.

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1853.]

of all Christians, that out of the Church there is no salvation,
and within the Church there is no perdition. It is the doctrine
of all ritualists, that those who die in communion with the
Church are saved. To this conclusion they are unavoidably
led by what the Scriptures teach concerning the Church, as
the body of Christ, and temple of God. Protestants admit the
justice of the conclusion. They acknowledge that the Bible as
plainly teaches that every member of the Church shall be
saved, as that every penitent believer shall be admitted into
heaven. If this is so, as both parties virtually concede, it
determines the nature of the Church. If all the members of
the Church are saved, the Church must consist exclusively of
saints, and not “ of all sorts of men.”

Membership in the Church being thus inseparably connected
with salvation, to represent the Church as a visible society, is —
1. To make the salvation of men to depend upon their external
relation, entirely irrespective of their moral character. 2. It
is to promise salvation to multitudes against whom God de-
nounces wrath. 3. It is to denounce wrath on many to whom
God promises salvation. 4. It therefore utterly destroys the
nature of true religion.

The argument for the true doctrine concerning the Church,
derived from the divine promises, is this. Those promises, ac-
cording to the Scriptures, are made to the humble, the penitent
and believing; the Church, therefore, must consist exclusively
of the regenerated. Those to whom the promises of divine pre-
sence, guidance, protection, and salvation, are made, cannot be
a promiscuous multitude of all sorts of men. That theory of
the Church, therefore, which makes it an external society, is
necessarily destructive of religion and morality. Of religion,
because it teaches that our relation to God depends on outward
circumstances, and not on the state of the heart and character
of the life. If, by an external rite or outward profession, we
are made “members of Christ,” “the children of God,” and
“inheritors of the kingdom of heaven;” if we are thus united
to that body to which all the promises are made; and if our
connection with the Church or body of Christ, can be dissolved
only by heresy, schism, or excommunication, then of necessity
religion is mere formalism, Church membership is the only con-

284 Idea of the Church. [April

dition of salvation, and Church ceremonies the only exercises of
piety.

This natural tendency of the theory in question is, indeed,
in many minds, counteracted by opposing influences. Men who
have access to the Bible, cannot altogether resist the power of
its truths. They are thus often saved, in a measure, from the
perverting influence of their false views of the Church. The
whole tendency, however, of such error, is to evil. It perverts
one’s views of the nature of religion, and of the conditions of
salvation. It leads men to substitute for real piety the indul-
gence of religious sentiment. They expend on the Church as
an aesthetic idea, or as represented in a cathedral, the awe, the
reverence, the varied emotions, which similate the fear of God
and love of his excellence. This kind of religion often satisfies
those whose consciences are too much enlightened, and whose
tastes are too much refined, to allow them to make full use of
the theory that the visible Church is the body of Christ, and all
its members the children of God.

This doctrine is no less destructive of morality than of reli-
gion. How can it be otherwise, if all the promises of God are
made to men, not as penitent and holy, but as members of an
external society; and if membership in that society requires, as
Bellarmine and Mr. Palmer, Oxford and Rome, teach, no inter-
nal virtue whatever? This injurious tendency of Ritualism is
not a matter of logical inference merely. It is abundantly de-
monstrated by history. The ancient Jews believed that God
had made a covenant which secured the salvation of all the na-
tural descendants of Abraham, upon condition of their adherence
to the external theocracy. They might be punished for their
sins, but, according to their doctrine, no circumcised Israelite
ever entered hell. The effect of this doctrine was manifest in
their whole spirit and character. External connection with the
Church, and practice of its rites and ceremonies, constituted
their religion. They would not eat with unwashen hands, nor
pray unless towards Jerusalem; but they would devour widows’
houses, and, for a pretence, make long prayers. They were
whited sepulchres, fair in the sight of men, but within full of
dead men’s bones and of all uncleanness. The same effect has
been produced by the doctrine which makes salvation depend

Idea of the Church.

285

1858.]

upon connection with a visible society, in the Greek and Latin
Churches. Ecclesiastical services have taken the place of
spiritual worship. Corruption of morals has gone hand in hand
with the decline of religion. The wicked are allowed to retain
their standing in the Church, and are led to consider themselves
as perfectly safe so long as embraced within its communion;
and no matter what their crimes, they are committed to the
dust “in the sure hope of a blessed resurrection.”

There is one effect of this false theory of the Church, which
ought to be specially noticed. It is the parent of bigotry,
religious pride combined with malignity. Those who cry, The
temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord are we, are an
abomination in the sight of God. That this spirit is the legiti-
mate fruit of the ritual theory is plain. That theory leads a
particular class of men to regard themselves, on the ground of
their external relations, as the special favourites of heaven. It
is of course admitted that a sense of God’s favour, the assu-
rance of his love, is the fountain of all holy affections and right
actions. Hence the Bible is filled with the declarations of his
love for his people; and hence the Holy Spirit is sent to shed
abroad his love in their hearts. The assurance of the divine
favour, however, produces holiness, only when we have right
apprehensions of God, and of the way in which his love comes
to be exercised towards us. When we see that he is of purer
eyes than to look upon sin ; that it is only for Christ’s sake he
is propitious to the guilty ; that the love and indulgence of sin
are proof that we are not the objects of his favour, the more we
see of our unworthiness, the more grateful are we for his unde-
served love, and the more desirous to be conformed to his
image. But when men believe they are the favourites of God,
because members of a particular society, that no matter what
their personal character, they are objects of God’s special love,
then the natural and inevitable effect is pride, contempt, intol-
erance, malignity, and, when they dare, persecution. The
empirical proof of the truth of this remark is found in the his-
tory of the Jews, of the Brahmins, of the Mohammedans, and
of the Christian Church. It is to be found in the practical
effect of the doctrine in question, wherever it has prevailed.
The Jews regarded themselves as the peculiar favourites of
VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 37

286

Idea of the Church.

[April

God in virtue of their descent from Abraham, and irrespective
of their personal character. This belief rendered them proud,
contemptuous, intolerant, and malignant towards all beyond
their exclusive circle. In the Christian Church we always find
the same spirit connected with this doctrine, expressed under
one set of circumstances by anathemas, enforced by the rack
and stake; under another, by denying the mercy of God to
the penitent and believing, if not subject to “pastors having
succession;” by setting up exclusive claims to be the Church of
God ; by contemptuous language and deportment towards their
fellow Christians; and, as in the case of Mr. Palmer, with the
open avowal of the right and duty of persecution.

Such are the legitimate effects of this theory; effects which
it has never failed to produce. It is essentially Antinomian in
its tendency, destructive of true religion, and injurious to holy
living, and therefore cannot be in accordance with the word
and will of God.

The only answer given to this fatal objection is an evasion.
Ritualists abandon pro hac vice their theory. They teach,
that to the visible Church, Christ has promised his constant
presence, his guidance, his protection, and his saving grace ;
and that in order to membership in this Church, no internal
virtue is required, no regeneration, piety, sanctity, visible or
invisible. But when it is objected, that if the promises are
made to the visible Church, they are made to the wicked, for
the wicked are within the pale of that Church, they answer,
“The wicked are not really in the Church;” the Church real-
ly consists of “the elect, the predestinated, the sanctified.”*
As soon, however, as this difficulty is out of sight, they
return to their theory, and make the Church to consist “of all
sorts of men.” This temporary admission of the truth, does
not counteract the tendency of the constant inculcation of the
doctrine that membership in that body to which the promises
are made, is secured by external profession. Wherever that
doctrine is taught, there the very essence of Antinomianism is
inculcated, and there the fruits of Antinomianism never fail to
appear.

Palmer on the Church, I. pp. 28, 58.

1853.]

Idea of the Church.

287

The same argument, afforded by a consideration of the pro-
mises made to the Church to determine its nature, flows from
a consideration of its prerogatives. Those prerogatives are
the authority to teach, and the right to exercise discipline.
These are included in the power of the keys. This is not the
place for any formal exhibition of the nature and limitations
of this power. To construct the argument to be now presented,
it is only necessary to assume what all Christians concede.
Christ has given his Church the authority to teach, and to bind
and loose. lie has promised to ratify her decisions, and to
enforce her judgments. In this general statement all denomi-
nations of Christians agree. Our present question is, To
whom does this power belong? To the Church, of course.
But is it to the visible Church, as such, irrespective of the
spiritual state of its members, or is it to the Church considered
as the communion of saints? The answer to this question
makes all the difference between Popery and Protestantism,
between the Inquisition and the liberty wherewith Christ has
made his people free.

The prerogative in question does not belong to the visible
Church, or to its superior officers, but to the company of be-
lievers and their appropriate organs; 1. Because it presup-
poses the presence and guidance of the Holy Spirit. It is
only because the Church is the organ of the Spirit of Christ,
and therefore only so far as it is his organ, that the teaching
of the Church is the teaching of Christ, or that her decisions
will be ratified in heaven. It has, however, been abundantly
proved from the word of God, that the Holy Spirit dwells only
in true believers ; they only are his organs, and therefore it is
only the teaching and discipline of his own people, as guided
by his Spirit, that Christ has promised to ratify. To them
alone belongs the prerogative in question, and to any external
body, only on the assumption of their being, and only as far as
they are what they profess to be, the true children of God.
No external visible body, as such, is so far the organ of the
Holy Spirit, that its teachings are the teaching of Christ, and
its decisions his judgments. No such body is, therefore, the
Church to which the power of doctrine, and the key of the
kingdom of heaven have been committed.

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Idea of the Church.

[April

2. As it is undeniable that the visible Church is always a
mixed body, and often controlled in its action by wicked or
worldly men, if Christ had promised to ratify the teaching
and discipline of that body, he would be bound to sanction what
was contrary to his own word and Spirit. It is certain that
unrcnewed men are governed by the spirit of the world, or by
that spirit which works in the children of disobedience, and it
is no less certain that the visible Church has often been com-
posed, in great measure, of unrenewed men ; if, therefore, to
them has been committed this prerogative, then the people of
God are, by Christ’s own command, bound to obey the world
and those governed by its spirit. If wicked men, whether in
the Church or out of it, cast us out of their communion, be-
cause of the opposition between us and them, it is nothing
more than the judgment of the world. It is neither the judg-
ment of Christ, nor of his Church. But if true believers refuse
us their fellowship, because of our opposition to them as believ-
ers, it is a very different matter. It is one thing to be rejected
by the wicked because they are wicked, and quite another to
be cast off by the good because they are good. It is only the
judgment of his own people, and even of his own people, only
as they submit to the guidance of his own Spirit, (*. e., of his
people as his people,) that Christ has promised to ratify in
heaven. The condemnation of Christ himself by the Jewish
Church, of Athanasius by the Church of the fifth century, of
Protestants by the Church of Home, was but the judgment of
the world, and of him who is the god of this world.

3. If the power of the keys is, as ritualists teach, committed
to the chief officers of the Church as a visible society, if it is
their official prerogative, then there can be no such thing as
the right of private judgment. Such a right can have no place
in the presence of the Spirit of God. If the chief officers of
the Church, without regard to their character, are the organs
of that Spirit, then all private Christians are bound to submit
without hesitation to all their decisions. This, as is well known,
is the doctrine and practice of all those churches which hold
that the promises and prerogatives pertaining to the Church,
belong to the Church as a visible society. All private judg-
ment, all private responsibility, are done away. But according

Idea of the Church.

289

1853.]

to the Scriptures, it is the duty of every Christian to try the
spirits -whether they be of God, to reject an apostle, or an
angel from heaven, should he deny the faith, and of that denial
such Christian is of necessity the judge. Faith, moreover, is
an act for which every man is personally responsible ; his sal-
vation depends upon his believing the truth. He must, there-
fore, have the right to believe God, let the chief officers of the
Church teach what they may. The right of private judgment
is, therefore, a divine right. It is incompatible with the ritual
theory of the Church, but perfectly consistent with the Protes-
tant doctrine that the Church is the communion of saints. The
latter is consequently the true doctrine.

4. The fact that the teaching of the visible Church has so often
been contradictory and heretical, that council is against coun-
cil, one age against another age, one part of the Church against
another part, is a clear proof that the prerogative of authorita-
tive teaching was never given by Christ to any such erring body.
And the fact that the external Church has so often excom-
municated and persecuted the true people of God, is proof
positive that hers are not the decisions which are always ratified
in heaven.

There are many difficult questions respecting the “ power of
the keys,” which are not here alluded to. All that is now
necessary, is to show that this is a prerogative which cannot
belong to the visible Church as such. It can belong to her only
so far as she is the organ of the Church invisible, to which all
the attributes, the promises and prerogatives of the true Church
are to be referred. And no more wicked or more disastrous
mistake has ever been made, than to transfer to the visible
society of professors of the true religion, subject to bishops
having succession, the promises and prerogatives of the body
of Christ. It is to attribute to the world the attributes of the
Church; to the kingdom of darkness the prerogatives of the
kingdom of light. It is to ascribe to wickedness the character
and blessedness of goodness. Every such historical Church
has been the world baptized; all the men of a generation, or of
a nation, are included in the pale of such a communion. If they
are the Church, who are the world? If they are the kingdom of
light, who constitute the kingdom of darkness ? To teach that

290

Correspondence between

[April

the promises ancl prerogatives of the Church belong to these
visible societies, is to teach that they belong to the world,
organized under a particular form and called by a new name.

(To be continued.)

Art. \ I. — On the Correspondence between Prophecy and

History.

The argument from prophecy, whatever be its rank among the
proofs of inspiration, is admitted upon all hands to have some
advantages peculiar to itself, arising partly from its very nature,
partly from the form in which it is presented to the mind.
As compared with miracles, it has the advantage of appealing
to a surer test, or, at least, one less susceptible of being tam-
pered with, as well as to a wider sphere of witnesses, the
evidence not only remaining unimpaired, but actually growing
stronger with the lapse of time. Yet, notwithstanding these
advantages, this source of proof is less and less resorted to, at
least in such a manner as to give it its legitimate effect, that
of corroborating and confirming the internal tokens of divinity
with which the word of God is pregnant. This has arisen, in a
great degree, from a twofold perversion of the prophecies, the
first of which consists in bestowing on the unfulfilled predictions
that degree and kind of attention which is due only to those
already verified ; the other in transferring the attention from
enlarged and comprehensive views of the prophetic Scripture
to minute and disputable points, the importance of which bears
no proportion to their darkness and complexity.

Hence, some have hastily inferred that this whole spe-
cies of inquiry is unprofitable, and that it is better to
content ourselves with the historical, and doctrinal, and prac-
tical instructions of the Bible, and let prophecy alone, as a
superfluous, if not a dangerous auxiliary to the other grounds
of our belief in the divine authority of Scripture. This
may be a sound and wise conclusion with respect to cer-
tain forms of prophetical interpretation and dispute. But
we cannot shut our eyes upon the whole range of prophetic

1853.]

Prophecy and History.

291

testimony to the truth of Scripture, without rejecting light
from heaven, without stopping our ears against the voice of
God, in one of its most solemn and significant utterances.
It is this far-reaching foresight, this mysterious connec-
tion of the transient present with the distant future and
the distant past, that seems most clearly to identify the
God of nature, providence, and revelation. As one remote
and half- forgotten promise or denunciation reaches its ac-
complishment, and rolls out to open view, as if from the con-
cealed works of some vast machine, we are constrained to
match the end with the beginning, and to recognize the pre-
sence of the same omniscience and omnipotence in both. In
any clear case of the kind supposed, we can no more doubt
the continuity of the mysterious process, than we can question
that the stream which throws a flower at your feet, has issued
from the spring into which your own hand cast it. The remote-
ness of the points of observation, if you can but identify the
object, only serves to render your conviction of the oneness of
the stream more irresistible. The proper remedy for the abuses
which have been admitted to exist in this department of reli-
gious truth, is not a proud or indolent neglect, but a more pro-
found attention. The remedy, especially for those evils which
have been engendered by infinitesimal disputes upon detached
points, or of things as yet inscrutable, is not to throw them out
of sight for ever, but to bring them into due subordination to
those general convictions of the real existence of prophetic fore-
sight, which may be obtained without logomachies or trifling,
and without transcending the well defined limits of prophecy
already verified.

That such convictions are attainable, may best be shown by
an example, one in which there shall be no room for dispute as
to the meaning of particular expressions, as to the literal or figu-
rative character of the prediction, or as to the reality of the
event; in which nothing shall be taken for granted but what
all acknowledge to be true ; in which nothing whatever shall be
left to depend upon chronological minutiae or rhetorical puncti-
lios. If, in such a case, there can be clearly shown a corres-
pondence between what is passing or has passed already, and
the clear premonitions of this book — a correspondence too exact

292

Correspondence between

[April

to be fortuitous, and too remote for calculation and contrivance
— the existence of prophetic foresight in the sacred writers must
be granted, and a strong presumption raised in favour even of
those prophecies not yet fulfilled, and those involving more mi-
nute details of time and place and other circumstances. In
such a demonstration as the one proposed, the more enlarged
the scope of the alleged prediction and the field of its alleged
fulfilment, the more easy will it be to apply the test of truth or
falsehood ; and the more complete the demonstration of the pre-
sence of the same God in the prophecies of Scripture and the
performances of Providence, the more undeniable the harmony
of all his dispensations and the unity of all his works.

It is clear that the conditions which have been proposed can-
not possibly be answered by any single passage of prophetic
import, or by any prophecy confined to certain texts of Scrip-
ture, for in all such cases it is necessary to descend into verbal
niceties, and weigh the grounds of opposite interpretations, to
determine whether it is literal or spiritual, and to ascertain in
what respects it corresponds to the event; all which is incon-
sistent with the general purpose of proving the existence of pro-
phetic foresight from acknowledged undisputed data. To effect
this purpose it is absolutely necessary to select a prophecy, or
series of prophecies, so frequently repeated, and in forms so
various, as to be wholly independent of precise modes of ex-
pression, because written, as it were, on every page of revela-
tion, so that he who runs may read, and though a fool, need not
err therein.

Such an example is afforded by comparing the actual condi-
tion of the world, and of certain critical events by which it has
been brought about, not with particular predictions of the
Bible, but with its general prophetic intimations. In exhibit-
ing this parallel, it will be unnecessary, and indeed at variance
with its purpose, to insist upon minute points, either of inter-
pretation or chronology. "What we want are those general
impressions, both of prophecy and history, with which all are
familiar, and to which we may appeal without the fear of being
challenged. The objects of comparison are not invisible points
or imaginary lines, which one sees and another does not, or
which one secs here while another sees them yonder, but those

Prophecy and History.

293

1853.]

vast continental shadows which for ages have been silently pro-
jected on the field of prophetic vision, and those massive
substances now rising, many of them for the first time, on the
field of historical experience. The question is, are these indeed
the shadows of these substances, or is their correspondence
merely accidental?

Let us begin then with a fact beyond the reach of ingenuity
or malice, and questionable only by the last degree of igno-
rance ; the fact that there existed for a series of ages, in the
south-western corner of Asia, a people in many points inferior
to their neighbours, and yet an object of surprise and curiosity
to all. Their territory was small, their political influence com-
paratively trifling, their foreign commerce almost nothing,
their attainments in science very humble, their achievements
in the fine arts none, their literature confined to their laws and
their religion.

It has been the policy and the delight of certain writers to
disparage and belittle, by all lawful and unlawful means, the
national character and condition of the ancient Hebrews.
Every deficiency has been exaggerated, every merit pared
down to its lowest possible dimensions, with a zeal and ingenui-
ty worthy of a better cause. Against this ungenerous perver-
sion of history, an opposite party has contended no less zealous-
ly, explaining away every alleged proof of barbarism or mean-
ness, and claiming for the Hebrews a degree of national
improvement and importance possibly beyond the truth.

For certain purposes this vindication, or so much of it as
seems to be well founded, may be eminently useful; but for ours
it is quite superfluous. Let the condition and the character of
this peculiar race be placed as low as its worst enemies can
wish; let its unsocial, misanthropical seclusion from the rest of
men be painted in the colours of a Juvenal or Tacitus; let
worshippers of nature and of art decry the heartless, unimagi-
native race who could submit to the proscription of all paint-
ing and sculpture; let the worst features of the modern Jew-
ish character be traced to its original in that of their pro-
genitors; in short, let Israel stand forth upon the page of
ancient history a stain, a blot, a blank, a hideous impersona-
tion of all national defects and vices — still the labour spent in

yol. xxv. — NO. II. 38

294 Correspondence between [April

thus accumulating curses and reproaches on that hated race
is labour lost. The more completely you succeed in thus de-
grading and defiling them, the more indissolubly do you rivet
the successive links of the chain which you are foolishly
endeavouring to bite asunder, or to stamp in pieces. For
the next link of that chain is the indisputable fact that this
contracted, rude, and feeble race, among their other strange
pretensions, at which neighbouring nations laughed or raged,
believed themselves to be, in some sense, the peculiar peo-
ple of the Most High God, selected by him from among the
rest of men, and distinguished by extraordinary privileges, but
above all, by his manifested presence in the midst of them, and
by his committing to their charge a written revelation of his
will, and of the only method of salvation, with a system of
accompanying rites, intended to illustrate and perpetuate this
revelation through a course of ages.

The point to be insisted on is, not that they were right in
this belief, but simply that they entertained it. You may laugh
at it, with the Roman satirist or the French philosopher, but
you may not deny that it existed, and that it was derived from
those books which they looked upon as sacred. He who can-
not see this there, can see nothing; he who wilfully denies it,
would as soon deny any thing. But none do in fact deny it.
That the Jews, through a course of ages, looked upon them-
selves as the peculiar people of the Most High, and as the
depositaries of an exclusive revelation, is by none more stead-
fastly maintained than by their enemies. This is the head and
front of their offending in the sight of unbelievers, ancient and
modern, who insist on nothing as a more decided proof of
ignorance, and bigotry, and selfishness, than this very fact, that
the sacred writings of this people every where inculcate the
doctrine that the Most High had himself distinguished them
from other nations, and assigned them a secluded yet pre-
eminent position, which was to be and was maintained for
ages. If this required to be established by the quotation of par-
ticular texts, it would not answer the end for which it is adduced.
But there is no such necessity. The doctrine just propounded
is the spirit that breathes through the Old Testament, not
only in the later books but in the oldest, where this expectation

1853.]

Prophecy and History.

295

is expressed as clearly and as strongly as at any later period;
so that it may justly be described as a pervading prophecy,
a kind of standing and perpetual prediction, not confined to
this or that place, but escaping as it were at every opening of
the book, and uttering it at every breath, as a fundamental
doctrine of the Jew’s religion, that Jehovah is God, and that
Israel is his people, just as the Moslems now combine their two
fundamental doctrines in that brief confession ever at their
tongues’ ends — “ There is no God but God, and Mohammed i3
his Prophet !”

Now, that this ancient national belief should be found com-
bined with other doctrines naturally springing from it, might
be expected as a matter of course. But what is very strange
is, that it actually stands connected with a doctrine which, far
from springing from it, seems at first sight inconsistent with it,
nay, subversive of it. This is the doctrine that the Jews’ reli-
gion was designed to be universal, that all nations should one
day embrace it. This is as really foretold as the previous con-
tinuance of their seclusion and pre-eminence. The two things
are completely interwoven in the texture of the Jewish Scrip-
tures. It was not more certainly expected by the Jews, that
they should stand aloof for ages from the rest of men, than it
was that they should afterwards be merged in the confluence of
nations towards the centre of the true religion. This is the
more remarkable for two reasons: first, because it does not
tend to foster national pride; and secondly, because it cannot
be evolved by any imaginable process, either logical or fanciful,
from the original position that their national seclusion and pre-
eminence should last for ages from the time when it began.
The two things must have been believed as independent doc-
trines, equally true, but not deduced from one another.

The remark just made, that this expectation of the final pre-
valence of the Jews’ religion, had no tendency to foster pride,
may possibly seem open to exception, on the ground that they
expected still to be the centre of attraction, towards which all
mankind should gravitate, and that however numerous his
spiritual seed might be, Israel should still be the first-born of
Jehovah.

This might be so, if the two doctrines which have now been

296

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[April

stated stood alone ; but intertwined with these mysterious
threads of national belief and expectation, is a third, less ob-
vious but not less real, the belief and expectation that, when
Israel’s God should thus become the God of the whole earth,
Israel himself, instead of standing at his right hand as his first-
born son, should, by some strange process, be thrust down from
his pre-eminence, and cast out from his father’s house. We have
spoken of this doctrine as less obvious, because there is a singu-
lar reserve and ambiguity attending its expression in some
places, which has occasioned their misapplication to events en-
tirely different. So far as this part of the statement involves
questions of interpretation, it is here irrelevant. There is
enough of unequivocal language on the subject, to establish this
as one of the perpetual predictions of the Jewish Scriptures,
although not so clearly as the other two.

Let it also be observed, that the question here is not how far
the people actually looked for this result, but how far they were
warranted and bound to look for it, by prophecies still extant
in their sacred books. Their national pride would of course
revolt from the reception of this doctrine. Even those who could
persuade themselves to own that Israel’s exclusive honours
should be one day terminated by the gathering of the nations
to his altars and his banners, even these might naturally shrink
from the confession that he should one day not only cease to
hold his present place exclusively, but to hold it at all ; not only
cease to be a first-born, but a child. And yet this repugnance
to receive the truth cannot erase it from the leaves of the Old
Testament. The modern Jews themselves acknowledge that
their present long continued exile and dispersion is a judgment
constantly foretold, and more or less distinctly threatened by
their prophets, and* by none more frequently and clearly than
by Moses, their founder and their lawgiver.

Here, then, are three great prophecies pervading the Old
Testament, three mystic threads, distinct, and yet inseparably
wrought into its texture, the first more obvious than the second,
and the second than the third ; the first more grateful to the
natural feelings than the second, and the second than the
third; the first, therefore, more incorporated with the charac-
ter, and legible in the life of the people than the second,

297

1853.] Prophecy and History.

and the second than the third; but all in existence, all there,
all everywhere ; running through the book from beginning to
end, and constituting absolutely necessary parts of the Jewish
revelation. To convince ourselves of this, we have only to
attempt the elimination of these three great elements from the
aggregate prophetic teachings of the Jewish Scriptures. Spe-
cific prophecies, which occur but once or seldom, might he
struck out, and their absence pass unnoticed by a reader not
apprized of their omission. Even the prophecies of Christ,
the most explicit and most precious of all prophecies, might be
expunged without destroying prophecy itself. The sun would
be quenched in the heavens, but the heavens, although shrouded
in darkness, might continue still extended, and not yet wrapped
together as a scroll. But erase from the Old Testament all its
prophetic intimations, whether more or less explicit, of these
three great providential truths — the segregation of the Jews
for ages by divine command, and for a special purpose — the
ulterior admission of the gentiles to their privileges — and the
exclusion of the Jews themselves from those very honours
which they once monopolized — erase all this from the Scrip-
tures of the Jews, and then determine, if you can, what is left
in the mangled and mutilated system.

And as it may be thus contended that these things are neces-
sary parts of the Jewish revelation, it may also be contended
that they are, in form and substance, prophecies, predictions,
revelations of the future. If these are not prophecies, what
are? Does a prediction lose its character as such by frequent
repetition, or by being wrought into the very substance of the
writing which contains it? Does that which would have been
a prophecy if formally propounded once, cease to be one when
it is so perpetually intimated that it needs not to be formally
propounded at all? Every condition of a prophecy is answered
by these constant and pervading indications of futurity, espe-
cially that great and most essential condition of implying divine
prescience if true, and, if actually verified by the event, estab-
lishing the inspiration of the author.

It becomes an interesting question, therefore, how and to
what extent these prophecies have been fulfilled ; and in
attempting to resolve it, let us not lose sight of the position

298

Correspondence between

[April

which historians and philosophers assign to the people in whose
sacred books these premonitions are contained, and in whose
history their truth or falsehood must be brought to light. Let
us remember what the infidel so often tells us, that it was a
wretched, insignificant, contracted, unrefined, unsocial race of
western Asia, that was thus taught by the books of its religion
to believe itself the chosen people of Jehovah, to which all the
other nations were to flow, and from which He himself would
then take all in which they gloried. From this chosen point of
observation let us trace for a moment the actual progress of
events, and see how far we can account for it upon the supposi-
tion that the claim of the Jews to be in some peculiar sense the
people of Jehovah, was an arrogant conceit, or a fanatical
delusion.

By a singular coincidence we find this vain and self-sufficient
race continuing for ages to sustain itself in opposition to the
interest and influence of all surrounding nations, and maintain-
ing its peculiar institutions and opinions in the face of enmity,
reproach, and ridicule, and in contempt of what might seem to
be the strongest earthly motives for renouncing them. All
this, however, might be laughed at as the freak of an enthusi-
astic bigotry, for which no reasonable cause can be assigned;
but this conclusion is forbidden by another strange coincidence,
viz., that this conceited and absurd race were for ages in pos-
session of the only pure religion, i. e., the only common wor-
ship of one God, that can be traced in history, and that, not-
withstanding their occasional defections, whether personal or
national, they held it fast, refusing either to renounce or to
communicate it, while their sacred books contain a system both
of morals and theology, to which the ancient world besides does
not exhibit even an approximation. All the material facts in
this description are conceded by unanimous consent. TV hatever
men may think of the Old Testament theology or morals, as
compared with their own systems or discoveries, the man is
yet unborn who would venture to deny their measureless supe-
riority to all contemporary theory and practice.

Now this remarkable concurrence of the purest, or, to speak
more correctly, of the only pure religion and morality of an-
cient times, within the limits of that very people who were weak

Prophecy and History.

299

1853.]

enough to look upon themselves as the elect of God; this con-
currence, if an accident, is certainly a very happy and a very
strange one. Let us suppose for a moment, that it had been
the divine intention thus to single out the Hebrews as a deposi-
tary of the truth until the fulness of time should come. It
cannot be denied that the event might properly have been ex-
pected to he just what it was. Particular circumstances might
have been expected a priori to be differently ordered ; but the
main facts could not have been otherwise. If God had really
chosen Israel to fill the place and execute the work in ques-
tion, it is certain, it is necessary that this choice must have led
to precisely that result which all admit to have existed in the
case of ancient Israel, but which some allege to have existed
there by accident. Even such accidents, however, are conceiv-
able among the varied combinations and concurrences of God’s
providential dispensations. It is only when repeated, or com-
bined with other accidental coincidences, that they begin to
draw too largely on our faith or our credulity. To such an in-
convenience the hypothesis of random and fortuitous agreement
is exposed in this case. Let us grant that the pre-eminence of
Israel among the ancient nations, in religion and morality,
proves nothing by itself in favour of the truth of their pre-
tensions to the character of God’s peculiar people, or of the
prophecies contained in their sacred books, that this pre-emi-
nence should not depart from Judah until Shiloh came. Let us
admit that the coincidence might in itself be wholly accidental,
and that this possibility is not disturbed by any circumstances
in the national condition of the Jews, which might be thought
unfavourable to their growth in moral and religious culture,
such as their want of intellectual refinement and of speculative
habits, and of all enlarging and existing intercourse with other
nations. The lower they are put in these respects, the harder
it would seem to account for their pre-eminence upon any sup-
position but the one of special divine favour and communica-
tion, which we have agreed to waive for the present in favour
of the theory that all was accidental.

At length we come to a surprising juncture in the history of
Israel. Its claims to national pre-eminence are suddenly scat-
tered to the -winds, by the destruction of its state and the dis-

300 Correspondence between [April

persion of its people. In this catastrophe appeared to perish,
not only that superiority, in which the people gloried, and which
seemed to be inseparable from their national seclusion, but the
hope of that accession from the Gentiles, which appeared to be
the next best thing for Israel, and which formed the subject of
the second great prediction running through the Hebrew Scrip-
tures. But this first impression is erroneous. When the shock
and tumult of the great concussion has subsided, we perceive
creeping forth, as it were, from under the ruins of the old He-
brew commonwealth, a new form of society, which beginning at
Jerusalem, by rapid marches overspreads the empire. Some of
its conquests are in process of time lost again, only to be more
certainly regained hereafter. But the most important of them
still remain, including the entire civilization of the world. The
history of this new sect, as it was once called, is the history of
human progress for the last eighteen centuries. Now, all this
has come forth from ancient Israel, and from the Jews’ reli-
gion. True, the doctrine thus triumphantly diffused, and thus
identified wfith human happiness and elevation, is not Judaism
in its crude, inchoate state, but it is Judaism in its consumma-
tion. It is the flower of which Judaism was the bud; the fruit
of wdiich it was the flower ; the spreading tree of which it was
the subterraneous root ; the day of which it was the dawn ; the
life of which it was the infancy. Not by forced accommoda-
tion, nor by arbitrary choice, but by a natural succession and
development, “salvation is of the Jews.”

The truth of this representation is established by a single
fact of perfect notoriety, viz : that every nation under heaven
which professes Christianity, and every Christian Church and
sect throughout the world, receives among its sacred books
the Jewish Scriptures, and recognizes them as the foundation
upon which its own more perfect revelation is erected. This is
a fact which, on any supposition but the one of actual succes-
sion and historical deduction, is inexplicable. Great as the
influence of Plato and his followers has been upon the Church
in different ages, even platonizing Christians never dreamed of
making Christianity an aftergrowth of that philosophy. Why,
then, should all, without exception, own its filial relation to the
ancient Jews’ religion, the religion of a people whom so many

1853.]

Prophecy and History.

301

Christians still regard with scorn and hatred, hut because the
fact thus recognized is too notorious to admit of being palliated
or concealed, disputed or explained away? It is true, it is
certain, that in the perfected and sublimated form of Chris-
tianity, the religion of the ancient Jews has overspread the
world.

Here, then, is another strange and troublesome coincidence
to be accounted for. The religious books of an obscure and
hated race, no longer in existence as a body politic, taught
them, thousands of years ago, that the religion of which those
hooks claimed to be the revelation, should be one day universal.
Had this remained a prophecy on paper only, it would this day
have been treated like the dreams of the Roman poets, with
respect to the perpetual dominion of the eternal city. But,
unhappily, this wild dream of the Jewish seers is not so easily
disposed of; for by some strange combination of events, it has
been realized, the prophecy has come to pass, and that not in
a corner. Its fulfilment is written on the face of European and
American society. The record of it cannot be erased from his-
tory, except by tearing out the leaves, and that, however some
may wish for it, is now impossible. The sceptical sneerer at
specific prophecies of doubtful meaning and fulfilment, stands
aghast at this accumulation of incredible accidents, and sees
his theory already vying as to probability with that of the cre-
ation of the world by the fortuitous concourse of atoms. The
Jewish Scriptures promised themselves universal influence, and
after being laughed at for a thousand years, their promise was
fulfilled. They lie at this moment at the deep foundation of
the faith of universal Christendom, that is, of civilized human-
ity ; and all that can be said in explanation of the change, is
that it may be accidental.

But the chapter of accidents is not yet at an end. There
might have been some foothold for the doubter, if the change
which has been just described had pursued the ordinary course
of such events, with no anomaly, no striking violation of ana-
logy, to rouse attention, and recall the premonitions of the
Hebrew Scriptures. But there is precisely such a breach of
continuity, such a departure from the ordinary processes even
of revolutionary change. It is afforded by the fact that, while
vol. xxv. — xo. ii. 39

302

Correspondence between

[April

a doctrine sprung from Judaism has gone forth to subdue and
civilize the nations, Israel himself has been excluded from the
blessings and distinctions of this new economy. This would
be less surprising if the Jewish race had perished with its gov-
ernment and national organization. But, as if to show that
this exception was a marked one, and significant, they still
exist, dispersed, but unmixed with the gentiles, clinging to their
old religion in its unfinished state, and rejecting that new form
of it for which the old, according to its own solemn teachings,
was but a necessary preparation. Now, this exclusion of the
Jews, as a nation, from the triumphs of their own religion, in
its new and perfect form, is certainly no natural or necessary
consequence of the events by which it has been brought about.
And yet it is prophetically intimated, as we have already seen,
throughout the Hebrew Scriptures, continually pointed to, if
not explicitly foretold; and this concurrence of events, and
expectations, and predictions so remote, must either be an-
other happy accident, or another manifest fulfilment of pro-
phecy.

Let these things be placed side by side, and honestly com-
pared. Here is an ancient book, one of the many in which
the nations of the old world sought the records of their faith.
This book is distinguished, among other things, by its constant
reference to futurity, its glimpses of the future condition of the
world and of human society. Among the events which it con-
templates as still future, yet infallibly certain, there are three
remarkable, as well on account of the peculiar prominence
here given them, as because they are precisely such as could
not be inferred by any mere sagacity from the accustomed
progress and succession of events. These are, first, the con-
tinued existence of the Jews themselves as a peculiar people,
and the recipients of an exclusive revelation through a course
of ages; then the subsequent extension of these privileges to
the other nations; lastly, the exclusion of the Jews themselves
from their own privileges thus extended. There is no neces-
sary mutual dependence between these events. Yet the He-
brew Scriptures represent them as connected and successive,
and in this same connection and succession they have actually
come to pass, a fact attested both by history and by the actual

1853.]

Prophecy and History.

303

condition of the Jewish and the Christian world at this very
moment. If these concurrences are accidental, then is chance
as uniform and self-consistent as design itself; or rather words
have changed their meaning, and men call that accidental
which affords the clearest possible evidence of purpose and fore-
knowledge. Let us assume the frequent occurrence of such
accidents, and we have all we need to prove the possibility and
actual existence of prophetic foresight and possession by the
writers of these ancient books, or rather by the author of the
whole scheme of revelation which includes them, and in which,
as we have seen, the most astonishing analogies exist; not
merely with particular occuirences in later history, but with
its whole development, as traceable in books, and in the actual
condition of the world.

The true cause and meaning of some dark prophetic sha-
dows may remain as long concealed from ordinary readers as
the genuine philosophy of an eclipse from the uninstructed
multitude, and in both cases ignorance may engender supersti-
tious terrors or imaginative fictions. But the great standing
prophecies in question, are like the broad and massive shadows
of the Alps, projected on the lakes which they embosom, and
which seem to the eye as well defined and almost as substantial
as the everlasting hills which cast them. There is here no
need of mathematics or philosophy to show the true relation of
the cause to the effect. The sun, the object, and the eye, are
all in harmony. Go tell the boatman, as he rows for hours in
the shadow of Mount Pilate or Mont Blanc, that it has no con-
nection with the mountain beyond that of accidental juxtaposi-
tion, and if he believes you, then believe that the gigantic
figures which are following each other on the theatre of history
have no connection beyond that of a fortuitous resemblance
with their half-seen and mysterious but life-like images, which
passed in the same order centuries ago, across the darkened
surface of this great prophetic mirror. There is something in
the vastness of the scale on which these prophecies were framed,
and of the scale on which they are fulfilled, that almost places
them beyond the scope of our contracted vision, and thus makes
them less effective than if they were more diminutive, but for
that very reason more completely at the eye’s command. But

304 Correspondence between Prophecy and History. [April

when the sight is once adjusted to the object, we are filled with
wonder that we ever failed to see it, and beholding the coinci-
dence, at once so grand and so minute, between the general pro-
phetic teachings of the word, and the actual developments of
Providence, we rest from our abortive efforts to explain it upon
any sceptical hypothesis, and cry out, with the impotent magi-
cians of the exodus, “This is the finger of God!” or with the
Psalmist, “He hath not dealt so with any nation!”

This extraordinary correspondence of the history of Israel,
not merely with particular predictions, but with the entire pro-
phetic drift of Scripture, in relation to the subject, may en-
courage us to look for the analogous fulfilment of a fourth great
prophecy, summed up in that significant expression, “So all
Israel shall he saved.” If the historical reality has hitherto kept
pace with the prophetic shadow, we may confidently look for it
to do so still. We may even calculate upon it as subjected to a
certain law deducible from past events, just as the physical dis-
coverer foretells that certain combinations must exist, though yet
unknown, because they are required to complete a series, all
the previous degrees of which have been determined by a law
of uniform progression ; so, for a very different reason, may we
set it down as certain, that the cycle of prophetical fulfilments
will be yet completed by the re-engrafting of the natural
branches into their own olive-tree. Even the sceptic, who re-
gards the previous fulfilments as fortuitous, may share in this
hope, if he can but believe that an accident, already thrice re-
peated, may occur a fourth time. This will indeed be “life from
the dead,” in view of which the world may say, with far more
emphasis than ever, “He hath not dealt so with any people!”
Another lesson, which we must not fail to learn, however
hastily and briefly, from this interesting subject, is, that the
general conviction thus obtained, of an intelligent connection
between prophecy and history, when viewed upon the largest
scale, should give us patience and tranquillity, in reference to
those minute and disputable points which too much occupy the
students and interpreters of prophecy. A general belief in the
prophetic inspiration of the Scriptures, founded upon such a
basis, cannot be shaken by the hardest questions in chronology
or grammar. Not that due regard to these is superseded by

Short Notices.

305

1853.]

such faith, but because it goes before them and prepares for
their solution. By a further but no less reasonable generaliza-
tion, the confidence created by this process, in the promises and
prophecies of Scripture, may be fairly extended to the ■whole
system of revealed truth, whether doctrinal, historical, or prac-
tical, in form, as being the recorded word of One who “is not
mocked,” who “cannot lie,” who must “do right,” and who
thus far “hath done all things well.”

SHORT NOTICES.

The Grace of Christ, or Sinners saved by unmerited kindness. By William

S. Plumer, D. D. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication.

12mo, pp. 454.

It is important to be remembered, that each successive age
needs the great truths of religion to be presented anew, in the
manner appropriate to its own period, and with variety of
illustration and argument, such as only a diversity of authors
can secure. Hence the existence of standard works, by great
men of a former age, is no reason why we should refuse to
welcome fresh books on the same topics. The production
named above is on the most important subject which can exer-
cise human thought and feeling, and we rejoice to see it thrown
into the channels of our Board of Publication. It is warmly
evangelical and thoroughly Calvinistic. We mean to commend
it, when we say that it is written in the manner of treatises
which appeared two hundred years ago. Were it not for nume-
rous modern incidents and citations, we might suppose it to
have proceeded from the hand of an old Puritan.

The theme is the gospel, or way of salvation ; and this is
treated scripturally, doctrinally, and experimentally. The
main points are strongly argued, but with a constant appli-
cation to the conscience and the heart. We do not remember
to have read a work which more clearly shows itself to have
been prepared for usefulness rather than for show. The
ruined state of man by sin, the awful sovereignty of God, the
work of redemption by Christ, the boundless grace of the offer,
the means of obtaining justification, the influences of the Spirit
in the new birth, and the progress of religion in the soul, are
set forth with fulness, perspicuity, and affection. The whole is

306

Short Notices.

[April

enlivened by a very remarkable array of authenticated narra-
tives. It is, therefore a suitable book to be put into the hands
of those who err or waver about cardinal doctrines ; those who
need light as to the nature of vital piety; and especially those
who are inquiring for the way of life. We are surprised at
the number of theological topics which are included in this
moderate volume. The division into very short chapters tends
much to make it convenient, and to prevent weariness. It is
destined, we confidently believe, to invite and conduct many
into the right ways of the Lord.

The style of the performance is the author’s own, on every
page. It is eminently plain and clear; no one need ever pause
for the meaning. It is, at the same time, nervous and striking,
somewhat at a sacrifice of elegant smoothness. Dr. Plumer’s
mode of expressing himself is remarkably fitted to give impres-
sion and pungency to single sentences. He has cultivated this
rather than the flow of periods and the delicate jointing of the
details. In consequence of this, his short sentences sometimes
seem bald and insulated, and his numerous and apt citations
stand out frequently like great stones with too little mortar.
Even in these cases, however, the attention is arrested, and
there is a vehement strength which carries the truth home.
Unless we greatly mistake, the work will be received with high
approval by Christian readers, especially of the ancient type,
and will hold its place.

Man’s Ability. Old-school Theology. By an Old-school Minister (Rev.

Aaron Church.) Princeton, Illinois. Published at the request of the

Synod of Illinois. Chicago: Whitmarsli, Fulton & Co. 1853.

The doctrine of this sermon is — First, That the work of
regeneration, “at its commencement, progress, and termina-
tion, is the woi’k of the Holy Spirit.” Second, That the divine
efficiency by which this change is effected, is not that providen-
tial agency by which God sustains second causes, and co-ope-
rates with them in the production of effects, but a special and
supernatural exercise of divine power. Third, “That it is not
in the power of the irreligious to renovate and change their
own hearts ; they are not able to awake in themselves the exer-
cise of love to God and penitence for sin.” “I employ,” says
the author, “ the word inability to denote futile and unavailing
endeavours, and so I think it ought to be employed. When we
exert ourselves to the utmost for any purpose, and it is accom-
plished, it is proof of our ability ; and when we exert ourselves
to the utmost for any purpose, and it is not accomplished, it is
proof of our inability. There is a certainty that stones will
not move, and that dead bodies will not restore themselves to

Short Notices.

307

1853.]

life; but as they have no wishes or desires on the subject, and
as there are no unavailing efforts, the term inability , as I have
employed it, can have no application to cases of this descrip-
tion.” Fourth, to illustrate the nature of this inability, the
author refers, first, to the obvious fact that we have no such
control over the affections, as we have over our outward actions.
“If religion consisted wholly in the external discharge of out-
ward duties, the impenitent would be able to do all that is re-
quired of them.” But as the great command is to love God
with all the heart, they are not able of themselves to do what the
law demands. Secondly, he refers to the distinction between
a reluctant and a cordial willingness. We are willing to have
a limb amputated to save our life, but it is a reluctant willing-
ness. We use the word in a different sense “when we speak
of being willing to do what to us is a pleasure and satisfaction.
The one is a cordial willingness flowing from the heart ; the
other an indirect, constrained, reluctant willingness.” The
impenitent may have the latter, but not the former kind of
willingness to love God. The inability of sinners, therefore,
“ consists merely in a want of cordial willingness to obey God
and keep his commands; still it is a real inability.”

This the author himself feels is an objectionable form of stating
the matter. For he says, “Using the term willingness in this
guarded manner for a cordial willingness, there is no impropri-
ety in saying of the unconverted, that if willing, they would be
able to do all that is required of them ; but if it be the habitual
and uniform mode of speaking, it can hardly fail of producing
erroneous views on the subject.” Liability to be misunder-
stood, however, is not the only objection to the above state-
ment. It is inaccurate. The word willingness, however quali-
fied, properly expresses an act or state of the will. But the
author uses it for a state of the affections. By reluctant wil-
lingness he means a preference connected with aversion; and
by cordial willingness a preference connected with love. And,
therefore, to say that a man is able to love God if he is cordial-
ly willing to do so, is only saying he is able to love God if he
does love him, which sheds no light on the subject, and relieves
no difficulty. The expression is inaccurate in another point of
view. It refers the sinner’s inability to the will, whereas it
lies back of the will. The simple facts of the case, as taught
by Scripture, by our own consciousness, and by universal expe-
rience, are, that the natural man, in consequence of his moral
state, cannot know the things of the Spirit, because they are
spiritually discerned; and without spiritual discernment there
cannot be spiritual affections. To talk of a man’s being able

308

Short Notices.

[April

to discern the beauty of a picture, if he was “cordially willing”
to do so, would obviously be absurd. And it is no less inaccu-
rate, to say that the unrenewed can discern the things of the
Spirit, or love God, if cordially willing.

Our objection is only to the form of expression adopted by
the author of this sermon. The great doctrine, that the sinner
has not power to change his own heart ; that this inability arises
from his depravity, and is perfectly consistent with continued
obligation ; and that regeneration is the work of the omnipotent
Spirit of God — this great doctrine, which lies at the foundation
of all genuine Christian experience, the discourse fully and
clearly sustains.

Historic Doubts relative to Napoleon Buonaparte, and Historic Certainties
respecting the Early History of America. New York: Robert Carter &
Brothers, 285 Broadway. 1853.

The former of the two tracts included in this volume, has
long been familiar as a successful yew d’ esprit. The second we
never saw before. Our first impression was that it was a failure ;
but when we came to the “ commentary,” we found the author
was a master of his subject and master of his art. We are dis-
posed to believe that this little volume is worth more as an an-
tidote to the sceptical historical criticism of the German school,
than many a solemn refutation of fourfold the size.

Ancient Christianity Exemplified, in the Private, Domestic, Social and Civil
Life of the Primitive Christians, and in the original Institutions, Offices,
Ordinances and Rites of the Church. By Lyman Coleman. Philadel-
phia : Lippincott, Grambo & Co. 8vo. pp. 645.

Dr. Coleman is thoroughly acquainted with the literature of
the wide department covered by his work. We know of no
book in our language which contains the same amount of infor-
mation on the antiquities of the Church. It is a work which,
we doubt not, will long remain without a rival in that field.

An Appeal to the Churches: or the Cause and Cure of Remissness in the
Support of Pastors. By a Hearer of the Word. Savannah: 1853.

We were so much impressed by the perusal of this pamphlet,
that we are desirous to do our part to bring it to the general
notice of the churches. The author begins with showing that
the salary of the clergy in this country, as a general thing, is
entirely inadequate. His estimate is that the average does not
exceed three hundred dollars. He next inquires into the causes
of this acknowledged evil. These causes are — 1. Hot that the
services of the pastors are of little value; 2. Nor that the clergy
are slothful and inactive; 3. Nor the want of resources in the

Short Notices.

309

1853.]

Church. Affirmatively the author states the causes as — 1.
Custom. The question commonly asked is not, What is needed?
but, What have we and others been accustomed to give ? 2. Ig-
norance among church members as to the proper standard of
giving. 3. Bad management in raising funds. In many con-
gregations there is no financial system at all; in others the
worst conceivable. Having thus stated what he regards as the
cause of the evil in question, he proceeds to propose the remedy.
This consists — 1. In light. Let the people be instructed in
reference to their duty in this matter. Unpleasant as it may
be, “Christian pastors are bound to instruct their congrega-
tions on this subject.” 2. Let “presbyteries positively refuse
to settle any man over a congregation, unless that congregation
shall in its call name a sum adequate, in the judgment of the
presbytery, for the competent support of the pastor elect.”
3. Let some judicious system for the collection of funds be in-
troduced, which shall have the several qualities of scriptural-
ness, equality, and permanence.

There are several methods by which the support of the clergy
has been more or less provided for. It has been attempted by
the State, by the General State, and by each separate con-
gregation. The first is out of the question. To the second
plan, the author objects that the donations are equally distri-
buted to poor and rich churches; that it supersedes the necessity
of congregational efforts; that the support is fluctuating; and
that this method tends to destroy that sense of mutual depend-
ence which should ever be felt between a pastor and his people.

Our author, therefore, falls back on the congregational
mode, which he thinks is the scriptural and the best method.
Under this head he considers the several different plans gene-
rally adopted. As to the pew system, he objects that it has no
scriptural authority, and is unequal, as the man with an income
of ten thousand dollars, pays little more pew rent than a man
whose income is only one thousand. Besides, this system, he
says, converts an act of gratitude and faith into one of barter
and trade. A man rents his pew as he does his house. The plan
of annual voluntary subscription he considers the worst system
of all. It is troublesome, inefficient, and must fail at last.

“We now come,” says our author, “to a plan which we wish
strongly to recommend to our churches. It may, or it may not,
include the pew system, just as individual congregations may
choose. The plan is this: for every congregation to determine,
not what they are able to give, (which is usually tried by a very
low standard,) but ivhat is necessary for the comfortable support
of a pastor in their congregation. This determination should be

VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 40

310

Short Notices.

[April

made, irrespective altogether of the probable incumbent. Whether
a minister is popular or not, has a family or not, has been receiv-
ing heretofore a large salary or not, questions like these should
not be introduced. There should be no jockeying in the call of a
pastor; but the principle should be acted on — “the labourer is
ivor thy of his hire.” Having created a pastoral office, the question
now is, “what compensation shall be annexed to it?” Let this
compensation be a fair and a just one; one, at any rate, suffi-
cient to place the pastor and his family above want, and to free
him from “wordly cares.” The sum thus being determined, let
it be assessed, by a judicious committee, on the members of the
congregation. This assessment should be governed strictly by
the annual income of each member — “the rich giving of their
abundance, the poor of their poverty.” This plan would
equalize the contribution, and place the chief burden of sup-
porting a pastor just where it ought to be, upon the richer mem-
bers of the church. Those congregations that wish to retain
the pew system, could easily do so under this plan. The method
is extremely simple. Let the pews be rented as usual, and the
several amounts considered as a part of the assessment. As a
family regulation in churches the system is excellent, and we
should be sorry to see it abolished; we recommend only its
modification.”

We are not without our fears that the plan from which our
author anticipates so much, would be found very difficult to
carry into practical effect. Men generally dislike very much
to be told what they ought to give. They think they are the
best judges of that matter, and therefore we apprehend it would
seldom happen that an assessment could be made which would
not give offence. Still, the subject is of such vast importance,
the evil and injustice of the present system are so flagrant,
that any well-considered plan of redress is worthy of careful
consideration.

There are two leading principles, of the divine authority and
importance of which ive are thoroughly convinced. The one is,
that every minister of the gospel devoted to his work, is entitled
to an adequate support; the other is, that the obligation to fur-
nish that support, rests not merely on the individual congre-
gation which a minister serves, but also on the general Church.
We admit that it rests in the first instance on the individiual con-
gregations, but, if they are not able to furnish it, the obligation,
the divinely imposed duty, or privilege, rests in the whole
Church. To deny this, is to affirm that the poor and the heathen
shall not have the gospel preached to them. We believe that
no scheme of ministerial support, or of church extension, or of

1853.]

Short Notices.

311

missionary enterprise, can ultimately succeed, -which does not
embrace a fair application of the two principles above men-
tioned. The effort should not be to push our feeble churches
as fast as possible on their own feet, but to rouse the strong to
greater liberality. Our present object, however, is not discus-
sion, but simply to call attention to a pamphlet which bears
clear evidence of ability and Christian zeal. It can be pro-
cured from Messrs. John M. Cooper & Co., Savannah, Georgia,
at the rate of ten copies for one dollar.

An Analysis and Summary of Thucydides. By J. Talboys Wheeler, author
of “An Analysis and Summary of Herodotus, &c.” Oxford: J. L.
Wheeler, Cambridge: J. Talboys Wheeler. London: George Bell,
Fleet Street, 12mo. pp. 376.

An Analysis and Summary of Old Testament History and the Laws of
Moses. With an introductory Outline of the Geography, Political His-
tory, &e.; the Prophecies, Types, and intimations of the Messiah ; Jew-
ish History from Nehemiah to A.D. 70; chronologically added through-
out; Examination Questions, &c. By J. Talboys Wheeler, author of
“Analysis and Summary of Herodotus.” pp. 285, 12mo.

The “Analysis and Summary of Herodotus,” which gave
form and character to this series of books, we have never seen.
In the corresponding work on Thucydides, the author gives, by
way of introductory matter, first, a very brief but carefully
digested outline of the geography of Greece and her colonies ;
and then a chronological table of the principal events in the
history ; thus furnishing the student in advance with a good
coup d'ceil of the volume. Each of the eight books of the his-
tory, is then subjected, in the body of the work, to a careful
and scholarly analysis, exhibiting its principal heads of divi-
sion; followed by a summary of the events, sufficiently full to
give the reader a complete view, in their order, of the contents
of the book. In doing this, the terms employed to designate
distances, money, &c., are reduced to English standards, so as
to make the whole clearly intelligible to the English scholar.
The plan of the book is conceived with remarkable clearness,
and executed very completely.

The “Analysis and Summary of Old Testament History,” is
on the same plan suggested by the success of the other books,
and executed with even more carefulness of detail. The book
is a study in point of form, as a multum in parvo of infor-
mation; the whole so arranged and displayed by its various
typography, as to prevent crowding, and facilitate reference.
The chronology, numismatics, weights and measures, distances,
indexes of names both sacred and profane, with their corres-
pondencies, the analyses of Mosaic laws and ordinances, com-

312

Short Notices.

[April

mercial regulations, &c., are all done with the utmost elabo-
rateness ; and yet so as to admit of easy reference and com-
parison with our most familiar standards. The analysis of each
of the portions info which the history is divided is less satis-
factory in our view, than the other features of the work. It is
too artificial, and does not bring sufficiently into view the causal
relation of the events embraced. It would be more suggestive
if it were more philosophical, and less purely historical.

The reader will see that the plan of the book is never contro-
versial ; and yet the execution of so broad a scope cannot fail
to raise questions, which divide different portions of the Church.
In expressing our admiration of its plan, we are not to be
understood as volunteering a general endorsement of its views.
The author has drawn his materials from a great variety of
sources ; and they are generally those of high and unquestioned
authority in all portions of the Church. His readers will form
their own judgment, how far the mode of treatment exhibits
the subject in its true light. The moral law, for example, is
set forth in its Jewish relations, as furnishing rather the ground-
forms out of which the civil laws of the Jews were evolved by
a series of inspired commentaries, than as constituting the germ
out of which the moral code of the New Testament ought to be
developed and applied by the Church. No question is formal-
ly raised, however, and the object of the book at once carries it
out of the range of controversy.

It ought to be mentioned, that the book was designed, like
the Analysis of Herodotus and Thucydides, primarily, for the
use of the students in the University of Cambridge, (England.)
It is matter of congratulation that such a study of the Old
Testament as is contemplated in this work, and especially in
the University Examination Papers, printed in the volume, is
incorporated into the course of study in that old and influential
seat of learning.

Sabbath Day Headings, or Children’s own Sabbath Book. By Julia Cor-
ner. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication. Pp. 207.

The “ Sabbath Day Readings,” is an attempt to throw the
Scripture history, and other allied topics, into a succession of
brief narratives, sufficiently entertaining to avert the repulsive
associations which cling to the memory of the Sabbath in the
experience of so many light-hearted children. The object
aimed at is one of indisputable importance. The relations of
the Sabbath to childhood and youth, it is no easy task to trace.
The earliest and often most abiding impressions of the spiritual-
ity, or want of spirituality (as the case may be), of the Chris-
tian religion, are no doubt often derived from the answers given

Short Notices.

313

1853.]

to the questions of Sabbatic casuistry, with -which a sprightly
child will flood patient Christian parents. We hold it to be
desirable to prevent these questions, if possible, from coining up,
until there is a reasonable probability of being able to answer
them, without giving a bias to the starting conceptions of the
child to one dangerous extreme or the other. Anything which
will relieve or postpone the difficulties of the subject will be
welcomed by many a parent as well as many a child.

The Faithful Promiser. Pp. 64, 32mo, for the pocket.

A spiritual gem ; containing, in each of the thirty successive
openings of the book, a promise, as of pardoning grace, sancti-
fying grace, dying grace, etc., illustrated from Scripture.
Reprinted from an English edition.

The Mine Explored: or Help to the Reading of the Bible. Philadephia:
American Sunday School Union. Pp. 382, 12mo.

Is substantially a reprint of a well known publication of the
Society for the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge. It is a
compact Thesaurus of information, on all subjects bearing on
the divine authority and the interpretation of the Sacred Scrip-
tures. Sunday-school teachers and students of the Bible will
find it invaluable in the absence of those larger and more pre-
tending works devoted to the same general purposes. There is
scarcely any topic likely to come up in the ordinary intercourse
of teachers and pupils, or in the common line of biblical studies,
which it will not contribute to elucidate. It is chiefly remark-
able for compression, comprehensiveness, and facility of refer-
ence. In addition to full indexes, and a variety of tables, the
volume is furnished with a series of clear, appropriate, and use-
ful maps.

Songs for the Little Ones at Home. American Tract Society.

One of the most attractive books of its class yet published.
It contains the best portions of our older juvenile poetry, from
Dr. "VY atts, Jane Taylor, &c., with liberal additions of a more re-
cent stamp, from Mary Lundie Duncan, and others; beautifully
printed, and plentifully interspersed with spirited wood-cuts.

The Gentle Shepherd. A Pastoral Comedy, by Allan Ramsay. With a
Life of the Author. To which is added a greatly improved Glossary,
and a Catalogue of the Scottish Poets. New York: William Gowans.
Pp. 132, 12mo.

The edition before us of this great English, or rather Scotch
classic, can hardly fail, for all common purposes, to meet the
wishes of its admirers. The text has been the object of the
most scrupulous and intelligent care; while the form has been

314 Short Notices. [April

determined by a regard to convenience and good taste. The
catalogue of Scottish poets, with specifications of the best edi-
tions of their works, forms a very useful appendix to the stu-
dent, as well as a creditable one to the bibliographical know-
ledge of the compiler. For most purposes we should have
preferred a chronological order of arrangement; but we are
thankful for so complete a catalogue in any order.

A Treatise on Biblical Criticism, exhibiting a systematic view of that

science. By Samuel Davidson, D. D., of the University of Ilalle, and

LL.D. 2 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1852. Volume I. The Old Testament,

pp. 446. Volume II. The New Testament, pp. 472.

Dr. Davidson is well known from his previous publications in
this and kindred departments of Biblical learning. Besides his
Lectures on Biblical Criticism, published thirteen years ago,
out of which has now grown the present work, there have ap-
peared from his pen a thick octavo on Sacred Hermeneutics, a
volume of lectures on the Ecclesiastical Polity of the New
Testament, and an Introduction to the New Testament, in three
volumes, as well as several articles in Kitto’s Cyclopedia of
Beligious Literature, and in theological journals. It has been
known for some time that Dr. Davidson was rewriting his Bib-
lical Criticism, with a view of correction and enlargement, and
of bringing it up to the present state of the science. The
result we have in the volumes before us. They contain unques-
tionably a fuller and a better presentation of the subject of
which they treat, than any other in the English language with
which we are acquainted. The author is well read in all the
recent, and especially the German literature of the subject.
Indeed upon this he chiefly prides himself, and there is a magis-
terial air about his decisions, as though his word was that of a
master, and he expected his authority to be promptly deferred
to.

We hail the appearance of these volumes as an advance, a
very considerable advance in this department of English lite-
rature. To our regret, however, we do not find in them all
that we had expected, and we are not able to say in their
praise all that we could wish. The author has the requisite
knowledge and research. But he lacks independence. He
lacks also the power of condensation and of judicious arrange-
ment. The author has presented us with a storehouse of mate-
rials, from which a much better book might be made than he
has made. As it stands, it is a simple compilation, borrowed
it is true, in most cases, from the latest and best existing
sources, but without having been wrought over by himself.
Instead of his mastering his materials, they have mastered him.

Short Notices.

315

1853.]

Consequently, the book is saclly deficient in homogeneousness.
It is not a unity, but a patchwork, the several pieces still retain-
ing their original colour and texture, so much so that they are
readily distinguishable, and the quarter from which each comes
can without difficulty be assigned. Our readers know the story
of the captious hearer of a sermon made up from pieces taken
without acknowledgment from certain masters of pulpit eloquence.
Were we disposed to imitate him, it would be very easy to say,
as we pass along, This is Gesenius — this is Winer — this is De
Wette — and occasionally, perhaps, we would have to say, This
is his own. De Wette, however, seems to have been the chief
favourite. Not only is he very generally followed in his criti-
cal judgments, but he is often paraphrased, and in some cases
whole chapters are literally translated without a syllable of
acknoivledgment. As a specimen, see Yol. I. Chap. 5 entire,
and several pages of Chap. 6. Other authorities are generally
referred to. De Wette himself is often referred to in other
places. But in all the pages named above as abstracted bodily,
liis name does not once occur, although Hupfeld and others are
mentioned, as if for the purpose of calling attention away from
its real source. This wholesale borrowing has more than once
been the occasion of conflicting statements. He has allowed
De Wette to carry him unawares where he has no notion of
going himself. For example, on page 66 of Yol. I., the varia-
tions in 2 Sam. xxii. from Ps. xviii., and in 1 Chron. xvi. from
Ps. xcvi., are put under the head of errors in the text. (This
is De Wette.) On pages 73 and 74, they are denied to be
errors. (This is himself.) We are utterly at a loss to account
for this in a writer of such distinguished reputation ; though we
must confess that the same thing had attracted our attention
before in the articles contributed by him to Kitto’s Cyclopedia.
We hope that there may be some explanation not involving
intentional dishonesty. But Dr. Davidson is the less excusable,
on account of his own sensitiveness in regard to a use far more
inconsiderable of his books, on the part of others without pro-
per acknowledgment.

It is a cause of additional regret, and more seriously impairs
the value of the work, that the author is so much under the
influence of De Wette and others of the same stamp, even
where he does not directly borrow his language from them.
He follows on until he meets something that completely shocks
his theological sentiments, when he suddenly recoils, not per-
ceiving, meanwhile, that some of what he admits flows from no
higher nor purer source than what he indignantly rejects.
AVith the view of being liberal and candid, he makes concessions

316

Short Notices.

[April

■which he need not and ought not to make, to a criticism whose
spirit and tendencies are wholly sceptical. True, he means to
save evangelical truth at last; but he makes the battle harder
for himself than is necessary. We are no friends to that big-
otry which denounces scientific research, no matter in what
direction, or which would ignore its well established results,
and tortoise-like draw itself into the shell of old opinions, re-
fusing to modify them, even though truth clearly demands a
change. But the opposite error is no less dangerous and no
less contrary to the truth. There can be no objection to the
wise, conscientious, and well considered application of just
principles of criticism to the text, whether of the Old Testa-
ment or of the New, with a view to its more complete restora-
tion, if that be possible, to its pristine condition. But there
was no necessity for Dr. Davidson to be for ever reiterating
that there are errors in the text, and that they ought to be
corrected, as though everybody were denying it, or were
ready to pounce down upon him for having the hardihood to
assert it. His whole procedure is calculated to make an exag-
gerated impression, and to lead his readers to suppose the
sacred text to be crowded with errors. He is beyond doubt not
liable to the charge which he brings against Hengstenberg and
Havernick, that of being “too ready to revert to old opinions,
when such men as Gesenius and De Wette have discarded
them.”

It must be condemned, too, as unjustifiable in the author,
when he states a conjectural and doubtful hypothesis, as though
it were an ascertained and established fact; as he does, for
example, when treading in the track of Bunsen, he goes back
for the earliest representative of the primitive language, to
the old Egyptian, or, as he pedantically calls it, “primitive
Hamism.”

These strictures, which we have felt compelled to make, must
not, however, be permitted to draw attention away from the
merits which the book has already been acknowledged to have.
A work truly representing the present state of biblical criti-
cism, has long been felt to be an important desideratum. Here
is an attempt to meet this want, made by a distinguished
scholar. He brings to the task no small amount of erudition,
gathered by the patient study of years. The results are given
of researches made by the ablest continental scholars. And it
has been done by a friend to evangelical truth, and one deter-
mined to hold it fast. While we could have wished, therefore,
that it was in many respects different from what it is, we have
no hesitation in regarding it as the best book now accessible to

1853.]

Short Notices.

317

English readers upon this subject. It is immensely in advance
of those which, like the Introduction of Horne, drift on in pro-
found and self-satisfied ignorance of all the charts and sound-
ings of the ablest explorers of the age, provided they speak
another language than that of the British isles.

This book was, prior to its appearance in Britain, announced
for republication in this country by a firm in Philadelphia. A
Boston house, however, having made arrangements 'with the
foreign publishers to import the sheets, and reissue them under
their own name in this country, the former design was, we
believe, given up. Its usefulness would no doubt be more ex-
tended, however, if it could be made accessible at a cheaper
rate than it is now necessary to pay for it.

Christian Patriotism. : or the Duties which Christians owe their Country.
A Sermon delivered on the 4th of July, 1852, in the Presbyterian
Church at Mordisville, Alabama. By Rev. Robert H. Chapman, A. M.
Published by request.

The Importance of Knowledge to the Sold of Man: An Educational

Discourse, delivered by request, in the Male Academy of Mordisville,
Alabama. By Rev. Robert H. Chapman, A. M. Published by re-
quest.

The importance of the subjects discussed in these discourses,
and the correct views which they inculcate, justify the fa-
vourable judgment indicated by the request for their publica-
tion. Mr. Chapman’s style, however, is so much more of the
oratorical than the didactic character, that his sermons pro-
bably lose much of their impressiveness by passing through the
press.

Memoir of the Rev. John E. Emerson, First Pastor of the Whitefield Church,
Newburyport, Mass. By Rev. Rufus W. Clark. Abridged by the
Author. Published by the American Tract Society.

Mr. Emerson was born in Newburyport, Sept. 27, 1823. He
graduated at Amherst College in 1844. He entered the Theo-
logical Seminary at Princeton, N. J., in 1846. He was ordained
over the Whitefield Church, in Newburyport, Jan. 1, 1850, and
died March 25, 1851. His was a short career. We well re-
member the impression made by his mild, devotional spirit,
during his residence in Princeton, and the high hopes which his
instructors cherished of his future usefulness. God seem3 to
have ordained that his principal work should be wrought after
his death. His memoirs, composed in great measure of extracts
from his journal and letters, we trust will do more good than
many men accomplish even in a long life.

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 41

318

Short Notices.

TApril

Spiritual Religion and Ceremonial Contrasted : Being the substance of a
Discourse delivered in the Presbyterian Church at Barboursville, Ya.
By Rev. J. II. Bocock. Published by request. Richmond: 1852. pp. 29.
Elemental Contrast between the Religion of Forms and of the Spirit, as ex-
emplified in Popery and Puseyism on the one hand, and genuine Protes-
tantism on the other: Being an enlargement of a Discourse delivered

before the Synod of Western Pennsylvania, October 4, 1852. By S. S.
Schmucker, D. D., Professor of Christian Theology in the Theological
Seminary, Gettysburg. Gettysburg: 1852. pp. 58.

These pamphlets discuss with ability and force one of the
great theological questions of the day. The discourse of Mr.
Bocock is far above the ordinary standard of printed sermons.
He shows with great clearness that salvation depends, not on
submission to any external rite, but on vital union to the Lord
Jesus Christ. This is the doctrine of his text: “In Christ Jesus
neither circumcision availeth anything, nor uncircumcision, but
a new creature.” He proves first, negatively, that salvation
does not depend on ceremonies ; and then affirmatively, that it
is secured by an inward change of heart and union with Christ.
While the sermon is full of important and seasonable ti’uth, we
think it is defective in two respects. In the first place, it
takes too limited a view of the doctrine of sacramental grace.
The author considers baptism only in reference to “the re-
mission of sins,” and therefore examines only the three pas-
sages, Mark i. 4, Acts ii. 38, and xxii. 16, where that expres-
sion occurs in connection with baptism. Of these he says:
“This is about all the real evidence. These are about the only
places in the Bible where baptism is even apparently and super-
ficially connected with the remission of sins.” The advocates,
however, of the system which he is opposing, regard baptism
as designed to secure not merely the remission of sins, but
also to convey spiritual regeneration. The above passages are
a very small portion of those on which they rely as the scrip-
tural foundation of their doctrine. They lay far more stress
on such passages as the following: — Mark xvi. 16: He that
believeth and is baptized shall be saved. John iii. 5: Verily,
verily, I say unto thee, Except a man be born of water, and of
the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God. Bom. vi.
3, 4 : We are buried with him by baptism into death. 1 Cor.
xii. 13: By one Spirit we are all baptized into one body.
Gal. iii. 27 : As many of you as were baptized into Christ
have put on Christ. Col. ii. 12: Buried with him in baptism.
Titus iii. 5: Not by works of righteousness which we have
done, but according to his mercy he saved us by the washing
of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Ghost. Eph. v. 26:

Short Notices.

819

1853.]

Where Christ is said to cleanse his Church by the washing of
water by the word. 1 Pet. iii. 21 : The like figure whereunto,
baptism doth now save us, (not the putting away the filth of
the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience toward God) by
the resurrection of Christ. These and other passages have
ever been understood by the great majority of Protestants, as
well as Romanists, to refer to baptism, and ought not to be
overlooked in the discussion of the relation of that rite to grace
and salvation.

The second point in reference to which we think this sermon
deficient, is the exhibition of the true doctrine concerning the
sacraments. The author’s plan did not call for any extended
discussion of that subject, and therefore the absence of such
discussion is not a legitimate ground of criticism. What we
refer to as a defect is, the unsatisfactory nature of what is said
on this point. In the conclusion of his discourse, the author
says: “The proper place of baptism and the Lord’s Supper, is
as outward badges and signs of the Christian profession. In
them God gives a blessing to his own children, by the working
of his Spirit in them that receive them in faith.” The latter
of these two sentences may be construed to teach the whole that
our standards teach on this subject. And we doubt not the
author so intended. All we wish to say is, that the formal
statement that “the proper place of baptism and the Lord’s
Supper is as outward badges and signs of the Christian pro-
fession,” is very far from being a full account of their nature
and design. They are, according to our standards, efficacious
means of grace, which not only represent and seal, but apply
to believers the benefits of the new covenant. By the right
use of baptism, says the Westminster Confession, Chap, xxviii.
6, “the grace promised is not only offered, but really exhibited
and conferred by the Holy Ghost, to such (whether of age or
infants) as that grace helongeth unto, according to the counsel
of God’s own will, in his appointed time.” It is not, therefore,
the efficacy of the sacraments which Protestants deny, but that
their efficacy is due to any virtue in them, or in the adminis-
trator; or that it is tied to the time of administration; or that
it uniformly attends them. They teach that their power, as
means of grace, is due to the attending influences of the Spirit,
and conditioned by faith in the recipient. They go neither with
the Remonstrants, in making them mere badges of profession,
nor with Ritualists, in ascribing to them an objective supernatu-
ral power. They regard them as they do the word, which is
effectual to salvation, neither by its own inherent power, nor to

320 Short Notiees. [April

all who hear it, but only in virtue of the demonstration of the
Spirit, and to those who by faith receive it.

Dr. Schmucker’s pamphlet is more elaborate and extended,
and well deserves to be printed in a more permanent form.
He first shows what is the doctrine of the Church of Rome as
to the Scriptures, the Church, the ministry, the sacraments,
justification, and the care of souls. He then exhibits the coin-
cidence between Romanism and Puseyism. With this ritual
system he contrasts the doctrine of the Protestant Church on
the several points. Much the larger part of the pamphlet is
devoted to proving that the “Religion of Forms,” as exhibited
in Popery and Puseyism, is not, and that the “Religion of
the Spirit,” as exhibited in the Protestant system, is genuine
Christianity.

With the general tenor of his argument, and with the greater
portion of what he says, we cordially agree. On some points
lie goes beyond what we regard as the true teaching of Scrip-
ture, and the general doctrine and practice of Protestant
Churches. In repudiating the authority claimed by Romanists
to decree articles of faith, he opposes all creeds which contain
more than the fundamental doctrines of the gospel. He com-
plains with reason of the “colossal symbols” of the Lutheran
Church in Germany, which, he says, are not enforced either in
Europe or America, very few churches requiring more than
“the Bible and the substance of the Augsburg Confession.”
“And why,” he asks, “should Lutheran ministers rob them-
selves of the liberty wherewith Christ, and Luther, and their
American fathers, made them free? Why should they not
trust themselves with that amount of liberty which the entire
Church of Christ enjoyed for five hundred years?” The author,
as we apprehend, makes here the common mistake of confound-
ing Christian and ministerial communion. Lie quotes, in proof
that nothing beyond fundamentals can properly be admitted
into our Confession of Faith as a test, Paul’s command to
receive those who are weak in faith. This command, however,
relates to Christian communion, and clearly teaches what is so
patent on the face of Scripture, that no Church has the right
to demand as a condition of fellowship any thing beyond evi-
dence of true piety, and consequently, so far as doctrine is
concerned, no Church can make non-essentials a term of com-
munion. This, however, is very far from proving that a man
should be allowed to teach, who is not sound in the faith. More
is in itself necessary, more is required in Scripture, and more
may be justly demanded by the Church to qualify a man to be
a teacher of the faith once delivered to the saints, than is

Short Notices.

321

1853.]

requisite to give him a right to church privileges. Our Church,
therefore, while it demands of its members simply knowledge,
faith, and holy living, justly requires all her ministers to adopt
the system of doctrine taught in the Westminster Confession.

A New Edition of the Authorized Version of the Bible. In foolscap quarto.

Part I., containing Genesis. London: Robert B. Blackader. 1853.

This edition is framed on the model of the Chronological
New Testament, which was issued in 1851, under the convic-
tion “ that something could be done to make our invaluable
English version more intelligible to devout students of the word
of God, by some little helps in arrangement and printing.”
These helps were as follows :

I. The text was newly divided into paragraphs and sections.

II. Dates and places of transactions were marked.

III. The translators’ marginal renderings were given.

IY. The parallel illustrative passages were quoted at length,
with the view of carrying out the words of Bishop Horsley, “It
were to be wished that no Bibles were printed without references.
Particular diligence should he used in comparing the parallel
texts of the Old and New Testament.”

Y. Quotations from the Old Testament were printed in capi-
tals.

And several other useful minor contrivances and arrange-
ments for the full, profitable, suggestive, and edifying use of
the sacred volume.

In the present edition these improvements have been more
completely carried out. And, in addition, the following have
been attempted to be given:

I. The most important Variations of the Versions , viz : — The
Chaldee Paraphrases, Samaritan, Septuagint, Syriac, Vulgate,
Arabic, Persic, and Ethiopic. The ordinary reader is thus put
in substantial possession of all that is valuable in the Polyglot
of Bishop Walton and of Drs. Stier and Theile; and in the
most recent editions of the Versions.

II. Critical Notes from the best sources , Continental and
British. — The object has been to explain, as clearly and
thoroughly as possible, all difficult passages, and thus to put
the English reader in possession of those helps which modern
research and scholarship have produced.

III. ^Elucidations from Modern Discoveries and Travels. — *
Great attention has been paid to the geography and history of
the Bible; and the best and most recent sources of informa-
tion have been consulted — all which sources are carefully
given.

322 Short Notices. [April

Pastoral Theology: or the Theory of the Evangelical Ministry. By A. Yinet.
Translated and edited by Thomas II. Skinner, D. D., Professor of Pas-
toral Theology in the Union Theological Seminary of New York. With
notes, and an additional chapter by the translator. New York : Har-
per & Brothers, 1853. Pp. 387.

Lectures on Pastoral Theology. By the Rev. James Spencer Cannon, D.D.,
Professor of Pastoral Theology and Ecclesiastical History and Govern-
ment in the Theological Seminary of the Reformed Dutch Church, New
Brunswick, N. J. New York: Charles Scribner, 1853. Pp. 617.

There are so few books in our language treating directly of
Pastoral Theology, that the simultaneous publication of two
such important works, and from such different sources, must be
considered as an event of no little interest and significance.
The work of the admired and lamented professor of Lausanne
partakes of the philosophical character which distinguishes his
other well known writings, and is imbued with an elevated de-
votional spirit. The lectures of the venerable Dr. Cannon take
in a wider range of subjects, and embrace many topics which
are usually comprehended in systems of didactic and polemic
theology. This only adds to the value of the woi'k, which fur-
nishes not only wise counsels on the ordinary duties of the pas-
toral office, but also extended discussions on the sacraments.
Both the works above mentioned are highly valuable, and merit
an extensive circulation.

The Bible, the Missal, and the Breviary: or Ritualism self-illustrated in
the Liturgical books of Rome: containing the text of the entire Roman
Missal, Rubrics, and Prefaces, translated from the Latin ; with Prelimi-
nary Dissertations, and notes from the Breviary, Pontifical, &c. By
Rev. George Lewis, Ormiston. Edinburgh : T. & T. Clark, 1853. Two
vols., pp. 809.

It was just as our last sheets were passing through the press
we received the interesting volumes above mentioned. We can,
therefore, do nothing more at present than announce their pub-
lication. The author says in his introduction, “ The object of
this work is not to present Romanism as an ecclesiastical sys-
tem, nor yet as a scheme of doctrine, for this has been done in
a way that leaves little to be desired; but as a system of ritual-
ism, a devotional and religious life. This is the aspect of her-
self which Rome loves to present to inquirers. It is her fair
side, which, along with the educational and benevolent use she
now makes of her monastic orders of both sexes, has done most
*to soften asperities, and to seduce the simple. In estimating
the religious life of Rome, we have allowed her to speak for
herself, and to tell of her own way and manner of life. Our de-
sire has been to furnish a self-evidencing book, in which any

Short Notices.

323

1853.]

plain man may see the Bible and the Breviary, Ritualism and
Scriptural Christianity, confronted.

Reply to the Strictures on the Remarks made on the Translation of Genesis
and Exodus, in the Revision of the Chinese Scriptures. By M. S. Cul-
bertson. Canton: 1852, pp. 25.

Our readers are probably aware that delegates from the seve-
ral missions in China, have for some time been employed in a
joint revision of the Chinese translations of the Bible, with the
view of producing a version worthy of general confidence.
They are also probably informed of the fact that serious diffi-
culty has occurred in the prosecution of this work, arising from
difference of opinion among the delegates ; the Rev. Dr. Med-
hurst and the Rev. Messrs. Stronach and Milne, representatives
of the missions of the London Missionary Society, taking one
view of the proper principles of translation, and Bishop Boone,
Mr. Culbertson, and the other delegates from American Mis-
sions, taking another. This difficulty led at last to the with-
drawal of the distinguished representatives of the London
Society from the Committee, with the view of producing a
translation of their own. Mr. Culbertson was requested by his
associates, to prepare Remarks on the version of the Committee
as far as completed, not for publication, but, as we understand,
principally to bring the points of difference fairly before the
Directors of the Bible Societies, by whose funds and under
whose sanction the revised version was to be printed. On these
Remarks the London Missionaries published “Strictures,” and
to these “Strictures” the pamphlet before us is a reply. It is
written in a dignified, Christian spirit, and effectually rebuts
the charges of unfairness, discourtesy, and improper motives,
which the seceding members of the committee had allowed
themselves to make against the writer of the Remarks. So
far, also, as we can judge from this exhibition of the case, we
fully agree with Mr. Culbertson and his associates as to the
principles on which the word of God ought to be translated.
The main question in dispute is, Whether the translator is
bound to render the original, word for word, so far as differ-
ence of idiom permits? or, Whether he is required simply to
express what he conceives to be the true sense, without strictly
adhering to the phraseology? The American Missionaries
take the former, the English the latter ground. In so doing,
they feel at liberty to omit words and phrases found in the
original, and to introduce others into the translation for which
there are no corresponding terms in the original. And
still further, they do not hesitate to depart entirely from the

324

Short Notices.

[April

language of the Bible, and give wliat they regard as the sense
in their own words. A flagrant example of this is furnished on
page 20 of the pamphlet. “Exod. x. 27 : the expression, ‘Jeho-
vah hardened Pharaoh’s heart,’ is rendered in this version,
‘Pharaoh hardened his heart, and Jehovah permitted it.’”
Such a verson could not be given by men who had any just
appreciation of the difference between a translation and a
commentary. The experience and acquirements of the Lon-
don Missionaries give them great authority as Chinese scholars,
but can give no sanction whatever to the loose principles of
translation which they seem to have adopted.

Two things have been renewredly impressed strongly on our
mind in the perusal of this pamphlet. The one is the great
responsibility involved in the conduct of the work of missions.
Here are a few men, who undertake to tell hundreds of mil-
lions what is the true meaning of the Greek and Hebrew wTords
and phrases in which God has revealed the way of salvation.
The other is the high order of talent and the extent of learn-
ing required for certain departments of missionary labour. All
the appliances of modern scholarship should be at the command
of men who have to discuss such questions as are brought to
view in this pamphlet. This being the case, young men to
whom God has given talents and learning, should feel a special
call* to consider the demands of the missionary enterprise on
them ; and those who are looking forward to this work, should
feel the necessity of making the most thorough preparation
possible for their future labours.

The Lives of the Brothers Humboldt, Alexander and William. Translated

and arranged from the German of Klencke and Schlesier. By Juliette

Bauer. With Portraits. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1853. Pp.

398, 12mo.

We accept with gratitude and pleasure this brief biography
of two of the most remarkable men of this age. It is a stirring
book — how could it be otherwise? For patient grappling with
difficulties which seem insuperable and endless, for enthusiastic
love of nature and truth, for wild and curious adventure, for
lofty, far-reaching generalizations in physical, ethnographical,
and philological science, the whole crowned with honour, repu-
tation, and emolument, this little volume, meagre and insuffi-
cient as it is, will furnish a rare treat, and will set before our
younger class of scholars, models worthy of their imitation.
Of the gigantic extent of the results which flowed from the
researches in South America, conducted by Alexander Hum-
boldt and M. Bonpland, some conception may be formed, from
the fact that the original work, “Voyage aux Regions equi-

1853.]

Short Notices.

325

noxiales du Nouveau Continent,” filled three folio and twelve
quarto volumes, besides the “Atlas Geographique et Physique,”
and a large collection of picturesque drawings. The prepara-
tion of the materials collected in the various sciences, was
worked up with the aid of most eminent philosophers of the
day, each in his special sphere. Among these collaborators
we find the names of Oltmann, Arago, Gay Lussac, Cuvier,
Latreille, Yauguelin, Klaproth, Kunth, &c. Notwithstanding
this array of assistants, the completion of the work ran through
a period of near forty years. Besides the proper contents of
this great work, which we are half tempted to specify, mate-
rials were furnished to men of science, for separate works, on
a scale of no common magnitude. One of the two works pre-
pared from the collections so distributed, by the botanist Kunth,
we believe, reached to seven folio volumes.

Besides the invaluable researches directed to specific objects
in physical science, such as meteorology, volcanic agency, elec-
trical and magnetic influences, isothermal lines, &c., the great-
est of Humboldt’s achievements was the attempt at reducing
and generalizing scientific data, so as to bring the multiform
and perplexing details into the simplicity and unity of nature.
His earliest efforts in this line were in the form of tentative
lectures, chiefly in Paris and Berlin ; and which much of the
subsequent portion of his busy life was employed in moulding
into the great work which may be regarded as an epitome of
Humboldt’s scientific life, the Kosmos. The conception of the
one idea of “Kosmos,” fixes his place in the front rank of
philosophic minds, and the elaborate and varied contributions
to science, evolved in its execution, places him with equal cer-
tainty among the very foremost contributors to science.

William Yon Humboldt was probably a man of greater ori-
ginal endowments, and especially of higher genius and quicker
sensibilities than Alexander, while gifted with at least equal
penetration and breadth of intellect. He early became im-
mersed in politics and diplomacy, to an extent that leaves us
to wonder how he could have achieved so much as a scholar.
Long and intimately associated with Schiller and Wolf, and
others, his cultivation ran in the way of literature and philolo-
gy, until he rose to a rank among the very first linguistic phi-
losophers of the Continent. We cannot dwell on the results of
his laborious and learned achievements. His researches on the
Malay tongues of Eastern Asia, and the Islands of the Pacific,
display that reach of intellect and perception of true analogies,
which at once set the stamp of greatness upon their author,
and leave mankind for ever their debtor. The ethnological

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 42

326

Short Notices.

[April

contributions of Humboldt, may be regarded as settling the
question of the unity of the race, against any possibility of
overthrow, from the side philology or science.

Annual of Scientific Discovery: or Year Book of Facts in Science and Art,
for 1853. Exhibiting the most important discoveries in Mechanics,
Useful Arts, Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, Astronomy, Meteorology,
Zoology, Botany, Mineralogy, Geology, Geography, Antiquities, &c. t&c.
Edited by David A. Wells, A. M. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 1853.
Pp. 411, 12mo.

This annual compilation has passed from the class of luxu-
ries, to that of necessaries of intellectual and scientific life. In
carefulness, completeness, and condensation, in the presenta-
tion of the details which fall within its scope, this volume is
quite equal to the best of its predecessors. We need not say
that it is full of information that will be found invaluable to
thinking men, and especially in the departments of science and
the arts.

The Preacher and the King; or Bourdaloue in the Court of Louis XIV.,
being an account of the Pulpit Eloquence of that distinguished era.
Translated from the French of L. Bungener, Paris, 12th edition.
With an introduction, by the Bev. George Potts, D. D., Pastor of the
University Place Presbyterian Church, New York. Boston: Gould &
Lincoln. 1853. pp. 338. 12mo.

The pulpit eloquence of France is a subject of which more is
said than known among us. The usual mode of treating it is
both tritical and inexact. We want fresh material and unhack-
neyed modes of exhibition, to revive the interest which really
belongs to so important a chapter in the history of homiletics.
Both these desiderata are here furnished, in the facts collected
from original, not second-hand authorities, and clothed in a new
French, not a worn-out English or American costume. The
version is spirited and evidently faithful, as appears from the
occasional retention of French idioms, which, though some-
times puzzling to mere English readers, are, even in point of
taste, decidedly better than the vapid periphrases of what is
praised by some as “free” or “elegant translation.”

1853.]

Literary Intelligence.

327

LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.

GERMANY.

The 11th number of the Condensed Exegetical Manual has
appeared, containing Genesis Explained by Prof. Dr. Aug.
Ivnobel. 8vo, pp. 350. Leipsic. If thaler. He is at -work
upon the rest of the Pentateuch and Joshua. The view taken
of this portion of the Scriptures, in general is very much what
the previous publications of the writer have prepared us to
expect. The Pentateuch and Joshua, according to him, form
one connected body of history. A previous work lay at the
basis throughout its whole extent, whose author was distin-
guished by the exclusive use of the divine name Eloliim. It
was reduced to its present form by a writer employing for the
most part the divine name Jehovah, who drew his materials
from various sources not easily distinguishable at present, and
who lived after the time of David and Solomon. The forty-
ninth chapter of Genesis was the composition of a cotemporary
of David, perhaps the prophet Nathan. The Introduction is
reserved for the close of the commentary. We do not say that
there is anything either especially new or attractive in the way
that this worn out Documentary Hypothesis has been presented
in this volume. Almost every possible change has been rung
upon it already, and the answers to it are abundant and satis-
factory.

The next number of this manual is to contain Bertheau on
Chronicles, which is now in press. It will be followed by a
Commentary on the Psalms, by J. Olshausen, of Kiel.

Job metrically translated (into German), by Dr. Mor. Spiess.
16mo. pp. 211. f thaler.

Hengstenberg on the Song of Solomon has appeared. 8vo.
pp. 264. Berlin. 1 th.

H. A. Hahn, Song of Solomon translated and explained.
8vo. pp. 98. f th.

Bruno Bauer has finished his (destructive) Criticism of the
Epistles of Paul, and published the 4th vol. of his Criticism of
the Gospels and of the History of their Origin, containing the
Theological Explanation of the Gospels.

Privatdocent K. R. Kostlin in his Origin and Composition
of the Synoptical Gospels follows in the wake of Bauer and
Ewald. He finds, as had been found before him, eight or nine

r April

323 Literary Intelligence.

constituents in these Gospels, marking as many stages in their
growth, and is Milling to admit that they may have assumed
their present form in the interval between A. D. 80 and 110.

M. Baumgarten, the Acts of the Apostles, or the Develop-
ment of the Church from Jerusalem to Rome. A Biblico-his-
torical Essay. Part II., Division 2d. From Corinth to Rome.
8vo. pp. 525. 2 th. 12 ngr.

F. Duesterdieck, The Three Epistles of John, with a complete
Theological Commentary. Yol. I. Containing the introduc-
tion to the first epistle, and the commentary on 1 John i. 1 —
ii. 28. 8vo. pp. 392. Gottingen. 2 th.

Ad. Schumann, Christ, or the Doctrine of the Old and New
Testament concerning the person of the Redeemer, biblico-dog-
matically unfolded. Yol. II. 8vo. pp. 443 — 872. Hamburg
and Gotha. 2 th. Thoroughly sceptical, but Mrithout accept-
ing all the results of the higher criticism, and with some pecu-
liarity of theological views.

Neander’s Life of Christ. 5th edition. 3 th. 22 ngr.

The Psalms in Hebrew, with the German translation of Mar-
tin Luther. 12mo. pp. 200. Leipsic. J th.

Psalmi hebraice cum septuaginta interpretum versione grmca.
12mo. pp. 200. Leipsic. J th.

The concluding number of Gesenius’s Thesaurus of the He-
brew and Chaldee language of the Old Testament has at length
been completed by Prof. Roediger, and is in the press. Its
speedy appearance is announced.

C. A. Wahl, Clavis Librorum veteris Testamenti apocrypho-

rum philologica. Sect, prior. 4to. pp. 320. 2 th. 24 ngr.

D. B. Ilaneberg, History of the Revelation of the Bible as
an introduction to the Old and New Testament. 2d edition.
8vo. pp. 792. 24 th.

C. G. Wilke, "Biblical Hermeneutics according to Catholic
principles in strictly systematic connection, and with reference
to the latest approved hermeneutical text books especially
Lib. I. II. De interpretatione scriptur. sacr. of P. Franc.
Xav. Patritius, published at Rome in 1844. 8vo. Wurzburg,
pp. 660. 2f th.

E. Reuss, History of the Holy Scriptures of the New Testa-
ment. 2d greatly enlarged edition. Part I. 8vo. pp. 265.
14 th. The peculiarity of his method, upon which he chiefly
prides himself, is that of throwing the subjects of introduction
more completely into a historical form than is customary. This
volume undertakes to present the author’s vieMs as to the lite-
rary history of the remains of primitive Christianity, including
not only the NeM- Testament proper, but all writings which

1853.]

Literary Intelligence.

329

have ever been attributed to the apostles, and attained, in con-
sequence, any ecclesiastical authority. Reuss belongs to the
hypercritical school, though he does not go quite to the extreme
that some have done.

C. Steiger, The Prayer-book of the Bible, or the praying
persons, the prayei's, and the answers to prayer in the Holy
Scriptures. 2d edition, 8vo. pp. 683. 1 th. 24 ngr.

E. H. Merz, Some Signs of the Times considered, in view of
the words of the prophecy, Rev. i. — vii. Including a sketch
of the economy of a Christian state. 8vo. pp. 399. 1 th.

n ngr.

H. Martensen, Christian Dogmatics. (From the Danish.)
2d improved edition. 8vo. pp. 249. 2 th. 274 ngr.

C. G. Tlieile, For the Religion of the Confession against the
Theology of Confessions. With a triple Appendix. 8vo. pp.
149. f th. The Appendix contains, 1. Outlines of a system
of Christian Rationalism, from the stand-point of Religiosism.
2. Outlines of a criticism of the Augsburg Confession. 3. The
task of dogmatics in the present.

J. Giese, (priest) Discussion of the question in dispute re-
specting the use of unleavened bread as an element of the
Holy Eucharist. A historico-liturgical treatise. 8vo. pp. 111.
12 ngr.

E. Glider, The Doctrine of the appearing of Jesus Christ
among the dead. In its connection with the doctrine concern-
ing the last things. 8vo. pp. 381. 2 th.

C. H. Weisse, The Christology of Luther, and the christo-
logical task of evangelical theology. 8vo. pp. 253. 1 th.

224 ngr.

K. R. Hagenbach, Compend of History of Doctrine. Third
edition. 8vo. pp. 771. 4 th.

T. Tobler, Fountain of Siloah and Mount of Olives. 8vo.
pp. 326. 1 th. 18 ngr.

T. Tobler, Memoranda from Jerusalem. "With three views
and a map. 8vo. pp. 761. 3 th. 18 ngr.

F. A. Steglich, Biblical Geography, with Hebrew Antiqui-
ties. 8vo, pp. 144. ^ th.

J. G. Muller, History of the Christian Festivals, a develop-
ment of their origin and their significance. 8vo. pp. 104.
12 ngr.

J. H. Ivurtz, Manual of Universal History. Third edition,
to be enlarged into two volumes. Vol. I. Part 1. 8vo. pp. 332.

C. Bunsen, Hippolytus and his Times. Beginnings and Pros-
pects of Christianity and Humanity. Vol. I. Criticism, with
a portrait of Hippolytus. 8vo. 3 th.

330 Literary Intelligence. [April

J. Gassman, Champions of the Faith in the Christian Church

of the first six centuries. 8vo. pp. 165. 12 ngr.

K. R. Hagenbach, The Christian Church of the first three

centuries. 8vo. pp. 349. 14 th.

Songs, Ecclesiastical and Religious, from the twelfth to the
fifteenth century, partly translations of Latin hymns (with the
Latin text), partly original pieces from the MSS. of the
Royal Library at Vienna, for the first time published. By J.
Kehrein. 8vo. pp. 288. 1^ th.

E. E. Koch, History of the Christian Church-Poetry and
Church-Music, especially of the German Evangelical Church.
Part I. Vol. I. 8vo. pp. 400. 27 ngr.

F. F. Damberger, Synchronistic History of the Church and
the World in the Middle Ages. From the sources critically
prepared, with the assistance of some learned friends. Vol.
XIV. pp. 963.

J. C. Gieseler, Manual of Church History. Vol. III., 2d
Division. Part I. 8vo. pp. 480. 2 th.

Gregory of Tours, Church History of the Franks, in 10
books. From the Latin. 16mo. pp. 720. f th.

J. Kostlin. The Scotch Church, its inner life, and its rela-
tion to the state from the Reformation to the present. 8vo. pp.
447. 2 th.

K. A. Crener, Hessian Church Reformation-Order of Phi-
lip the Magnanimous. Published from manuscript sources,
translated, and prefaced with relation to the present. 8vo.
pp. cclxxxvi. and 123. 1J th.

D. Schenkel, The Principle of Protestantism, with special
reference to the most recent transactions. 8vo. pp. 92.

Fraternity Book of the Convent of St. Peter at Salzburg,
from the eighth to the thirteenth century. By Th. G. v. Kara-
jan, with two plates of fac-similes. Vienna: 1852. pp. lxii.
and 64. 4 th. This is a list of the friends and benefactors of

the Convent, for whom prayers were to be offered. It is pro-
bably the oldest, and without doubt the largest, of the kind in
existence in any of the convents of Germany. It contains up-
wards of 8,000 names, extending back to the time of Charle-
magne, and not confined to Germany. The original MS. con-
sists of 56 pages, in large folio, twenty of which form the
Fraternity-book; the rest are taken up with records of the
convent. The editor thinks that he has discovered 78 different
hands in the entry of the names, and about 450 names of
princes, princesses, bishops and abbots.

J. M. Jost, Adolph Jellinek and the Cabbala. 8vo. pp. 15.

Adolph Jellinek, Selection of Cabbalistic Mysticism. No. 1.

Literary Intelligence.

331

1853.]

In part after MSS. at Paris and Hamburg, -with historical in-
vestigations and characteristics. 8vo. pp. 87. 5 th.

Midrasch Ele Eskeru, from a MS. of the Hamburg City Li-
brary, published for the first time, with additions. By A. Jel-
linek. 8vo. pp. 23. f th.

Abraham Ben David Halevi, The Book Emunah Ram ah, or
the Exalted Faith, (comp. A. D. 1160.) Translated into Ger-
man and published by S. Weil. 8vo. pp. 238. If th.

G. Julius, The Jesuits. History of the Founding, Spread,
&c., of the Society of Jesus. Continued and completed by E.
T. Jakel. No. 26. 16mo. Yol. II. pp. 821—884.

J. v. Gumpach, The Chronology of the Babylonians and
Assyrians. With Excursus and a table of time. 8vo. pp. 170.
If th.

J. v. Gumpach, Assistant in Calculating Chronology, or
Largeteau’s Abbreviated Tables of the Sun and Moon, for
astronomers, chronologers, historians, &c., extended and ex-
plained, with examples of their practical application. 8vo.
pp. 110. § th.

G. Erbkarn, On the Structure of the Tombs and Temples of
the Ancient Egyptians. Nos. 7 and 8. 8vo. pp. 46.

W. Gentz, Letters from Egypt and Nubia. 8vo. 1 th.

E. Gerhard, Select Grecian Vase Figures, especially those
found in Etruria. Nos. 37 and 38.

W. Zahn, The finest Ornaments and most remarkable Pic-
tures from Pompeii, Herculaneum and Stabise. Third series,
No. 5.

C. Zell, Manual of Roman Epigraphies. Part II. 8vo.
pp. 385.

Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinos. Edid. Theod.
Mommsen, pp. 550, folio. 20 th. This is spoken of as the
most complete and satisfactory work that has yet appeared
upon the subject.

Iv. B. Stark, Gaza and the Philistine Coast. Investigations
into the History and Antiquities of the Hellenic East. 8vo.
pp. 648. 3 th.

Numismatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes, par II. de Luynes.
8vo. pp. 54, with 12 folio plates. Paris. This is an investiga-
tion of some coins and monuments whose legends no one has
yet been able to read. The author thinks that they belong to
Cyprus. The alphabet appears to contain eighty signs, with
signs for numbers and interpunction, and seems to have an
affinity with the Egyptian hieroglyphic and hieratic character,
with the Phoenician and the Lycian. He does not pretend to
have deciphered the inscriptions, but thinks he can make out

Literary Intelligence.

332

[April

the names of Salamis and of Amathus 'with considerable con-
fidence, as well as some others with less certainty.

H. Ewald, Deciphering of the recently found Punic Inscrip-
tions. 8vo. pp. 32. 6 ngr.

II. A. Zwick, Grammar of the West-Mongolian, i. e., the
Oizad or Kalmuck language. 4to. pp. 149. 24 th.

List of the Sanscrit MSS. in the Royal Library, by Dr. We-
ber. 4to. pp. 481. Berlin. 12 th.

The Works of the Troubadours in the Provengal Language,
from MSS. of the Paris National Library. Yol. IV. 8vo.
pp. 254. 2 th.

J. H. Lindemann, Four Treatises on the Religious and Moral
Conception of the World, formed by Herodotus, Thucydides,
and Xenophon, and the Pragmatism of Polybius. 8vo. pp. 94.

J. A. Hausmeister, (Missionary,) Instruction and care of
Jewish Proselytes. 8vo. pp. 124. 16 ngr.

F. Hettinger, Ecclesiastical and Social Condition of Paris.

8vo. pp. 408. 1^ th.

G. Klemm, Universal History of Human Culture. Yol. X.,
or History of Christian Europe. Yol. II. Eastern Europe.
8vo. pp. 396. 2J th. (Complete, 27 J th.)

Monumenta Germanise historica inde ab A. Christi 500,
usque ad A. 1500 : auspiciis societatis aperiendis fontibus rerum
Germanicarum medii sevi ed. Geo. H. Pertz. Tom. XII.
pp. 654.

G. W. Nitzsch, Die Sagenpoesie der Griechen kritisch dar-
gestellt. 1 Abth. 8vo. pp. 294.

E. Curtius, Peloponnesos, a historico-geographical descrip-
tion of the peninsula. Yol. II. 8vo. pp. 639. 4J th.

H. W. Stoll, Manual of the Religion and Mythology of the

Greeks and Romans. 8vo. pp. 327. 1 th.

L. Ranke, French History, particularly of the 16th and 17th
century. Yol. I. 8vo. pp. 580. 3 th.

F. Wiistenfeld, Register to the Genealogical Tables of the

Arab tribes and families. With historical and geographical
remarks. 1st half. 8vo. pp. 192. 1^ th.

F. Harms, Prolegomena to Philosophy. 8vo. pp. 215.

L. Noack, Condensed History of Philosophy. 8vo. pp. 352.
lj th.

M. Steinthal, Development of Writing. 22 J ngr.

Ibn Jubair (al-Ivanini) Travels. Edited from a MS. in the
University Library of Leyden, by William Wright. 8vo.
pp. 398. 34 th.

The Propaganda, its Provinces and its Right. With special

1853.]

Literary Intelligence.

333

reference to Germany, by 0. Mejer, Prof, of Law in Rostock.
Part I. 8vo. pp. 562. 2 th. 20 ngr.

Lettere al Senato Veneto di Giosafatte Barbaro, Ambascia-
tore ad Usun Hasan di Persia. Tratte da un codice originate
dell’ J. Iv. Biblioteca di Vienna e annotate per Enr. Cornet.
8vo. pp. 128. 20 ngr. Giosafatte Barbaro was a diplomatic

agent of Venice in the East, in the 15th century. He is known
to the public already from his accounts of his travels in India
and Persia. He went to Tana (Bombay) in 1436, and remained
in that region sixteen years. In 1473 he went to Persia, as
ambassador to the court of the Shah Usan Plasan, who had
entered into treaty with Venice and some other Italian States
against Mahmoud II. Of this journey and its incidents, Bar-
baro wrote an account at the request of his superiors in 1487.
The present publication contains twenty-nine letters which he
wrote to the Doge of Venice respecting the affairs which he
• was managing. The editor has facilitated the reading of it by
supplying in his remarks the modern and customary words and
names in place of the antiquated ones, and many difficult pas-
sages have been illustrated from the writings of his cotempo-
raries, or those of more modern scholars.

The Akademische Monatsschrift for last October, contains,
among other things, a statistical review of the German Univer-
sities for about 100 years.

Rudclbach und Guericke’s Zeitschrift fiir die gesammte Luth.
Theologie u. Kirche for 1853. No. 1. A. G. Rudelbach, The
Parochial System and Ordination, Part 1. II. E. Guericke,
Conciliatory on Burning Church Questions. (Art. 2d.) Voss,
“Awfkii ysvnSvnu John iii. 3 — 6, exeget. histor. doctrin. C. IV.
Plass, Theses on Diabology. R. Rudel, A Type of the Tri-
nity. Bibliography of the most recent theolog. literature.
Studien und Kritiken, 1853. No. 2 — Bleek, On the position
of the Apocrypha of the Old Testament in the Christian Canon.
Laufs, On the Temptation of Jesus. — Thoughts and Remarks.
— Reviews. — Ecclesiastical. — Miscellaneous.

Dr. J. A. Dorner, author of the History of the Doctrine of
the Person of Christ, and Professor in the evangel, theolog.
faculty at Bonn, has received a call to the University of Got-
tingen, as ordinary professor of theology.

GREAT BRITAIN.

The life of the Duke of Wellington is now occupying the
attention of the literary world. And long before his posthu-
mous papers shall have been issued by Lord Mahon, we may
expect many publications throwing great light upon his history.

VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 43

334

Literary Intelligence.

[April

Three we already notice — “ The Speeches in Parliament
of Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington, arranged with the
Duke’s permission, by the late Colonel Garwood,” and “Three
Years Avith the Duke of Wellington in Private Life, by an ex-
Aid de Camp;” and also the Private Journal of F. S. Larpent,
Esq., Judge Advocate General, attached to the head-quartei'S of
Lord Wellington, during the Peninsular War, from 1812 to its
close.” This is edited, with illustrations, by Sir George Lar-
pent. The best life is said to be by Stoequeler, now just com-
pleted. The press swarms Avith “sermons,” “eulogies,” “li\Tes,”
“scenes,” “reminiscences,” all relating to the old hero.

There have been very few works from the ideal school of
infidelity lately. F. W. NeAvman, one of its prophets, has just
put forth a translation of the Odes of Horace, in unrhymed
metre, which, if well done, will be a desirable work for those
who do not read the original.

“Philosophumena, Origenis? (sive Hippolyti) e codice Parisi- •
no, nunc primum edidit Emmanuel Miller. Oxonii e Typo-
grapheo Academico. 8vo.” This was the basis and occasion of
the elaborate work of the CheA'alier Bunsen, lately published,
and now Dr. WordsAvorth is about issuing “The History of the
Church of Rome in the early part of the Third Century, from
the newly discovered Philosophumena, with a dissertation,
translation, and notes.”

The Recommendations of the Oxford UniA-ersity Commis-
sioners : with selections from their Report, and a history of the
University Subscription Tests, including notices of University
and Collegiate A7isitations. By James Heywood.

“The Second Burmese War:” a narrative of the operations
at Rangoon in 1852. By Wm. F. B. Laurie. With illustra-
tions by the officers of the force serving in Burmah.

“ReATised Statistics of Missions in India.” By Josh. Mul-
len. 8a’0.

“Elementary Grammar of the Greek Language,” by D. L.
Schmitz.

A second letter to the Rev. S. R. Maitland, D. D., on the
genuineness of the writings of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage.

“Researches into the History of the Roman Constitution;”
with an Appendix upon the Roman Knights. By W. Ihne,
Ph. D.

Mr. Layard has published “A Second Series of the Monu-
ments of Nineveh,” including bas-reliefs from the Palace of
Sennacherib, and bronzes from the ruins of Nimroud, from
drawings made on the spot, during Mr. Layard s second expe-
dition. 70 plates, folio.” This second expedition was under-

Literary Intelligence.

335

1853.]

taken for the Trustees of the British Museum, and the “Re-
sults,” “Fresh Discoveries in the ruins of Nineveh and Baby-
lon; with travels in Armenia, Kurdistan, and the Desert,” is
to be issued at once in a cheap, unabridged, and fully illustrated
edition, for popular sale in England and America.

“The fourth volume of Colonel Mure’s Critical History of
the Language and Literature of Ancient Greece,” has appeared.
It comprises historical literature from the rise of prose compo-
sition down to the death of Herodotus.

“Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa,” performed in the
years 1850-51, under the orders, and at the expense of Her
Majesty’s Government. By the late James Richardson, author
of Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara.

“ The Institutions, Politics, and Public Men of Spain.” By
S. T. Wallis, Esq., author of “Glimpses of Spain.”

“ Akerman’s Remains of Pagan Saxondom.” 4to. with col-
oured plates. Parts I. II. III. 2s. 6d. each. Mr. Akerman
is a great antiquarian authority.

“The Castlereagh Correspondence,” edited by the Marquis
of Londonderry. This is the third and last series, and com-
prises the letters written during the Congress of Vienna, Bat-
tle of Waterloo, &c.

The eleventh volume of Grote is announced. It carries for-
ward Grecian and Sicilian Affairs from the accession to the
death of Philip of Macedon.

Also, Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski, and Inci-
dents of an Arctic Boat Expedition in search of Sir John
Franklin. By Lieutenant W. H. Hooper, R. N., with map.

Also “The Personal Narrative of an Englishman in Abys-
sinia.” By Mansfield Parkyns; with map and illustrations.
2 vols.

Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Paci-
fic, including the Feejees. By John Elphistone Erskine, Capt.
R. N.

Siluria; or, Primeval Life. A popular view of the older
sedimentary rocks and their imbedded organic remains. By
Sir R. J. Murchison, F. G. S.

A new work is about to appear, which will be probably of
considerable importance in the history of Napoleon, viz: “The
Letters and Correspondence of the late Sir Hudson Lowe, re-
lating to the Captivity of Napoleon at St. Helena; from official
and other authentic sources, not before made public.”

Stowe, the estate of the Dukes of Buckingham, had been,
during a long course of years, so deeply burdened with debt
that a visit of the Queen put the finishing stroke to extravagance,

336

Literary Intelligence.

[April

and three or four years ago the present Duke determined to
give up the estate, and sell off all the personal property, not
even excepting the ancient heirlooms of the family. Among
these was a great mass of valuable MSS., among which are the
second and last volume of “The Grenville Papers;” the Diary
of George Grenville, during his administration as First Lord of
the -Treasury ; together with his Private and Political Corres-
pondence during a period of thirty years.

The fourth volume of William Jerdan’s Autobiography, with
his Literary, Political, and Social Reminiscences, and Corres-
pondence during the last forty years. This completes the
work.

England is beginning in the number of its organs to rival
Germany, where every clique, however small, must have its
periodical. The Photographic Society have commenced the
publication of a journal, the first number of which appeared last
month.

The first volume of the new edition of the Encyclopaedia Brit-
annica, edited by Dr. Traill, is now out, and the remaining
twenty volumes will be published very rapidly. The first edi-
tion of this work was commenced in 1771, and the seventh
completed in 1842. The aggregate sale of the different editions
has exceeded 35,000.

The enterprise of American publishers, in first furnishing
complete collections of the works of De Quincey, Praed, Proc-
tor, Maginn, and the speeches of Macaulay, is inciting English
publishers to the like. An authorized edition of Praed’s works,
prepared by his family, is announced, and also a selection from
the works of De Quincey.

“Adventures in Australia.” By Mrs. R. Lee.

“Paris after Waterloo. Notes taken at the time, and hitherto
unpublished.”

“A Tour of Inquiry through France and Italy.” By Ed-
mond Spencer.

“ The Fine Arts, their Nature and Relations, with detailed
criticisms on certain pictures of the Italian and French schools.
By M. Guizot. Translated from the French, with the assist-
ance of the author. With seventeen illustrations, drawn on
wood, by George Scharf, Jr.”

Parker of Oxford has commenced the publication of a com-
plete series of Greek and Latin Classics, on better paper than
that of the Tauchnitz edition. To each author a biographical
introduction is prefixed, together with chronological tables, his-
torical indexes, and brief summaries, which are often wanting
in the Leipsic editions.

Literary Intelligence.

337

1853.]

The Scottish Temperance League have commenced the pub-
lication of the “Scottish Review.”

Miss Sinclair is publishing a series of tales and essays, enti-
tled “Common Sense Tracts.”

Lord John Russell’s Life of Fox is expected immediately to
appear.

Rogue has issued an exquisitely printed edition of Longfel-
low’s Hyperion, with one hundred illustrations, taken during a
journey through Germany, Switzerland, Salzburg, and the Ty-
rol, undertaken for the purpose.

“A Catalogue of Greek Verbs, irregular and defective, their
leading tenses and dialectic inflections, arranged in a tabular
form, with an appendix, containing Paradigms of Conjugation.
By James Skerrett Baird.”

“ The Revival of the French Emperorship anticipated from
the necessity of prophecy. By the Rev. G. S. Faber, B. D.”
“Hints for the General Management of Children in India,
in the absence of professional advice. By LI. II. Goodeve.”

“ Manual of Budhism, in its modern development. Trans-
lated from Singalese MSS. By R. Spence Hardy.”

“History of Rome, from the earliest records to the fall of
the Western Empire. By the late Thomas Arnold, D. D.,
Head Master of Rugby School; J. A. Jeremie, D. D., Regius
Professor of Divinity, Cambridge; Rev. J. II. Brooke Moun-
tain, D. D. ; Rev. J. B. Ottley, D. D., M. A. ; E. Pococ-ke,
Esq. ; Rev. G. C. Renouard, B. D. ; the Right Rev. Bishop
Russell, D. C. L., LL.D., and the Hon. Sir T. N. Talfourd,
D. C. L. Illustrated by three hundred and fifty-three engra-
vings on wood. 29s. 6d.

The third volume of Kitto’s Evening Series of Bible Illus-
trations, is the “Life and Death of our Lord.”

“The New Reformation in Ireland. By the Rev. S. W.
Jones, M. A., Curate of Oswestry.”

“ The Mission and Martyrdom of St. Peter. Containing the
original texts of all the passages in ancient writers, supposed
to imply a Journey from the East; with transactions and Ro-
man Catholic comments. With Prefatory Notices by the Rev.
Dr. McCaul and the Rev. Dr. Cumming. By T. C. Simon,
Esq.”

We also notice a carefully revised edition of Landon’s Eccle-
siastical Dictionary. It contains an account of the Sees, Pa-
triarchates, Religious Foundations and Brotherhoods, together
with a list of the Archbishops and Bishops throughout Chris-
tendom, from the earliest times ; history of sects ; explanations
of rites and ceremonies, and of ecclesiastical and ecclesiological

338 Literary Intelligence. [April.

terms ; biographies of eminent ecclesiastical persons, and lists
of their writings.

A Life of Dr. Abernethy, by George Macilwain, with a view
of his writings, lectures, and character, is now in press.

Dr. Cumming manages to keep before the public, in sermons,
addresses, introductions, and in his “Church before the Flood,”
and his two series of “Scripture Readings” from the Old and
New Testaments, which are publishing together monthly.

American Literature is appearing more and more in England.
We notice eight or ten different forms in which “The Wide,
Wide World,” has been published.

/

CONTENTS OF No. II.

APRIL, 1853.

Page.

Art. I. — Character and Writings of Fenelon 165

Art. II. — The Religious Significance of Numbers 203

Art. III. — Mercantile Morals, and the Successful Merchant 228

Art. IY. — The Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt 240

Art. Y. — Idea of the Church 249

Art. VI. — On the Correspondence between Prophecy and History. . 290

Short Notices 305

Literary Intelligence 327