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BIBLIOTHECA INDICA':
COLLECTION OF ORIENTAL WORKS
FDBLISHKD BT TUB
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
Xbw Series. Nob. 910, 023, 929, 940, 957, 991, 1027 *x(i 1036.
THE AKBAR NAM A
ABU-LFAZL
TRANSLATED FROM THE PERSIAN
BY
H. BEVERIDGE, LC.S. (Retired).
VOL. I. _
CALCUTTA:
I'KIHTED KT TMR BAPTIST HISSiOH PRI8B
AND PUBLISHED BT TUP,
A>-J*Tlr SOCIETY, 57, PAHK STREET.
1907.
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DEDICATION
Ik Mxxobt of
M. T. B.
Jm s» b.
• •
PBiriCK TO TBI riWT VOLOME
PREFACE TO THE FIRST VOLUME.
Wh9n the ABiatio Society of Bengal did me the honour of ixxvij^ji:^
me to tmuilate the AkbamaiQay I replied ihtA I doubted my abiU^ to
make a. complete trap3latipnj and snggeated that I might edit the
manuscript versigp by lieatenant Qhaln^rs. My snggestioq wafi ac*
oeptedf and I accorcUngly obtained from the Boyal.^atic Society the
loan pf the Ghaliiiera' manasoript and permiiuioii to print it. I 90fm
found, however, that the translation was too abridged to be made the
basis of my work, and that it was necessary to ez^cate a new version^
Chalmers' manuscript was of great seryice to Elphinstone and Oonnt
Noer, and it has aUo been of much uefe to my self ^ but Uiere are many
gape in it, and 4bul Fafl's language has throughout been greatly comr
pres494- One gap near the beginning extends to over ninety peg^ of
the printed text, and has the effect qf omittinj; the account pf Akbar's
birt^, with the prognostics and horoscopes appertaining thereto^ af^
w^ as the notices of his ancestors from Adam dpwn to his g^ndr
i9i*kpf (Bibar). The reader may judge of the extent to which abbins*
vii^n has been carried, when I state that the Chalmers MS. consists
of two thinnish yolumes of foolscap, and that the BibUothepa Indica
edition Qt t\e Perrifm text pccupies th^ee large quartoes whic|i a^r
gWg^ 1*900 P»ge8.
.The taslp; of iaranslation l^as occupied me several ypan^, an4 the
wpf k h^ not been very congenial, for Abu} Fafl is not an author for
whoin one can fe^ much sympatjiy or admiration. Se jrf^ a great
flat^Gorer and unhesitatingly suppressed or distorted facts. His style,
too^ seeins-^at least to Western eyes-rr-to be quite detestable, being full
of . cinpumlpculjpns, pad. boft turgi4 and obspure. ?jb is often pnjji^,
^§L 9ft9ft »«i^y poacife »nd darkly allusive. His onp mw^tTss^^
it is one which he specially claims for himself«-is his l^bpriQ^fjf^.
He was an unwearied worker, and when we blanio him and Uunent
his defipienoiea we s|i^ do well to consider wh^t a blf^ik oar knofjr-
ledge of Akbar's reign would have been, had not Abill Fayl exerted
biqiself donng years of strenuous effort to chronicle events and
institutions. His work also has the imperishable merit of ^igg^ a
AraABNlMAi -
record by a contemporaiyi and by one who had access to information
at first hand.
I regret that the work of translation has not devolved upon a better
Persian scholar than I am. I have endeavoured, to do my bestj and I
have sought assistance in many quarters. I now desire to express my
^titude to my friends, Maalvi Abdul Haq Abi^, the iatd' Mr.
3; Bidamibs; Mr.A. O. Ellis of the British Museum^ Mr. Irvine and Mr;
Whinfield, and to the translation of the lin-i- Akbari, by Professor
Blochmann and Colonel Jarrett, and the works of Major Pripo. I am
io^Ifllo indebted for much literary assistance to my elder brotheVi Mr;
David Beveridge. There are, I am sure, many mistakes in my trans*
lation and notes, but there would have been many ^ore but for the
assistance of my friends* I regret that I have been obliged to make
two long lists of Errata and Addenda, In part this has hebn due to the
translations being made in England and printed in India, and in part
to increase of knowledge. The translation of the second volume, which
carries on the history of Akbar 's reign to the middle of the seventeenth
yidar, has been completed by me, and I am about to begin the tratifila*
tion of the third and last volume. The translation has been made f rdm
the Bibllotheca Indica edition of the text, but I have consulted many
MSS.' in the British Museum, the India Office, and the Royal Asiatic
Society's Library, &o. The Bibliotheca Indica edition is by no means
isb good as it might have been, for the learned native editors* were desti-
tute of geographical or historical linowledg^. Hence they have often
made mistakes in the names of persons and place&. They have also no
explanatory notes. In their preface they are severe upon the Lucknow
edition. No doubt that edition has many faults, but it was the first
in the field, and it is on the whole a creditable monument of the enter*
prise of the publisher, Munshi Newal Eishor, and of the liberality of
the Maharajah of Patiala. The editor, Maulv! $fidiq 'All, also deserves
honourable mention. He has added numerous notes, and though
many of these are trivial, yet there are also many which are really
enlightening. '
Since completing the translation, I have aeien a remarkable MS.
of the first volume of the Akbamflma in the possession of Saiyid 'All
r. * . It i9 stated in the Persian preface th%t nine VS9* an^ ^^'^ Iiuoknow litho*
graph were used in the preparation of ihe'e'ditioQ. None of the'MBS. was pi an
early datel . • .. ■;...:...:..
PBVfACE TO THI riBST VOLUMR.
Bilgrfim!. This is evidently a roagH draft and contains severa
things wliioli do not occor in the MSS. of the finished work. Among
them are one or two letters of Humftyiin. I have given an account
of this MS. in B.A.S.J. for January 1908^ p. 115.
4th September, 1902. H. Bevkbibob.
.'« • >
V ^
v . . . . ./
./
' • »
Errata and Addenda.
1. P. 3, n. 3. Ahmad 'All l^in, keeper of the Rfitnpur Library
Bohilkand^ showed me a passage in a commentary on Anwari's
Odes, which offered an explanation of the phrase, 18,000 worlds. It
said that alf had the meaning of perfect, or complete, because one
thousand was the highest number used in abjad, or alphabetical
numeration, and that therefore 18,000 meant only 18. This latter
number was arrived at by adding together the four worlds, viz., the
'Adlam jabarut, ^Adlam maldkut, 'arsh, and kwrsi, the seven heavens,
the four elements, and the three mawdlid^ ^a) ^[^^ i.e., the
animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms. The commentary was by
Abul ^asan Firahanl, and gave as the authority for the statement
'Abdu-r-razz&q K&shi Sultan-al-'A&rifin's Tawil&t. The passage
occurs at p. 826, of the Bgmpur MS. and is an explanation of a
verse where Anwari plays on the two meanings of the word alf,
viz., 1,000 and also the first letter of the alphabet. It also occurs in
B.M. MS., Or. 361 p. 43a Rieu 5566.
2*. P. 5, last line. The best translation of the epithet istlsqd
bahbi^ seems to be " answerer of the prayer for rain/' " See Lane
13556. The reference is to Akbar^s alleged miracle of causing rain
to fall, and also to his satisfying the thirst of all who wander about,
panting after the truth. Blochraann 164.
3. Do., n. 4. See Am text I, 158 where the lover (^Aa^aq)
and the loved (Ma^uq) are described as one.
4. P. 6, n. 2. See Tennyson's paraphrase in his '^Akbar's
Dream."
5. P. 7, n. 2. Several of the lines occur in Faizi's Marka-i-
adwar^ B.M. MS., Add. 7795 p. 25, Canto on Speech.
6. Verse, Delete capital in Thy. Nizami's lines are addressed
to an earthly prince, and A.F. employs them in the same sense.
7. P. 11, n. 3. I.O. MS. 4 has zd.
8. P. 12, 1. 6. Perhaps the following is a better translation :
'' Hather the aim of praise is to place this vain, self -adorning, self-
aactioning, carnal soul on the threshold of submission and the pedestal
of sapplication and humility, and to cast it out of sight so that
inward happiness may be graced by oatward surrender^ and the
inner and outer natures may be decked with lowliness and be fitted
to the modesty of the bosom of purpose and become the praise of the
life-gfiving creator."
9. P. 12, n. 4. See Fai^fs Nal Damans last Canto, p. 188 of
Newal Eishoro's ed., 1898.
" I drew (or erected) this dome on vision^s arch.
To be the glory of the swift-rolling eye.
See also for use of the phrases Jibuddrdi and khweiAtan-gazitii,
A.F.'s description of the initiation of a novice in the "Divine
Faith/' Am, text I, 160 and Blochmann 166.
10. P. 16, 1. 7. These two epithets occur in the beginning of the
'lyftr dftnidl.
11. P. 16, n. 1. Maulv! Abdul Huq Abid informs me that tHe
meaning here is that Akbar provided food for his people. The
phrase '^ servants of God'' means here mankind, or at least all
Mu^ammadans.
12. L. 18. Perhaps the translation, children of Noah^ Mid n. 2
are wrong, for the word in the text is ^^ and not ^y.
18. P. 20, 1. 9. Maulvi A. H. A. informs me that I have missed 4
the point here. The meaning of Id^urda^angez is " to find fault with/^
and the translation should be '* his equity finds defect in the evenness
of Farwardin, his courtesy derides the breeze of Ardibihight," t.6., his
equability surpasses that of Farwardin, and his sweetness smiles
superior to the zephyrs of ArdibihislLt. See for similar hyperboles
the description of Spring in Vol. II, p. 81.
14. P. 21. Notes 3 and 4. R.A.S., MSS., 116 and 117
have tahrir and perhaps this is a preferable reading to tajabbar.
The reference may be to the cancelling of bonds by tearing the top of
the document, or to the shrouds with which malefactors provided
themselves when suing for mercy.
15. P. 28, four lines from foot. The word in text is harfeard
fluent, but this does not make good sense. I should be inclined to
prefer harfaard, which is apparently the reading of B.A.S. MSS.,
Nos. 117 and 119. See Bahfir-i 'Ajam-ed, Newal Kishwar 1894
BRBATA AND ADDENDA. Ill
s.v. harfaard. Harfaard however like the word saMkn-sard used later
on by A.F.^ may mean a word-twitterer, i.e., one who indulges in
empty verbiage. Maulvi A. H. A. thinks that farfsard is right.
16. P. 24, 1. 14. Az rdh-i-mijdz middn-id, etc. Bead, '^ this
follower of the trnth knows from observation of the outer world."
Do. last line. The words " what strength has Saha/' etc., ending
with the word atom, form a quatrain, and should have been printed
as such. The literal translation of the last clause is " less than an
atom.''
17. P. 25, n. 3. Possibly A.P. was thinking of the Anwar
SuhailL That contains 5 or 6,000 verses and A.F.'s chief mode of
abridging it in the 'lyar dini^ is to omit them.
18. P. 26, last line and n. 2. The most correct translation of
Vctzz^-murdd seems to be " with respect to desires.'' A.F. intimates
that he is not ambitious. See also p. 874 of this translation^
note 1.
19. P. 27, n. 2. The expression about wearing the cap on the
crown of the heart may remind us of the passage in the Anabasis
II. 5, where Tissaphemes says to Glearchus that the help of the
Greeks will enable him to wear his diadem lightly on his heart* See
Grote, 4th ed., VII, 240.
20. P. 29, n. 4, 1. 6. For 227 read 247.
21. P. 32, n. 2. Bead SB^ahriatdn.
22. P. 33, n. 3. For Fard5s read Firdus. It may be noted
here that Oltl in Gitisitftni is pronounced Get! in India, and is so spelt
by Blochmann.
23. P. 35, 1. 4. Perhaps tarruz here means, to cleanse.
24. P. 35, 1. 5. Tan-i- Wdhid is perhaps explained by A.N., II,
43, where we have the word abb^ifidn, i.e., possessed by the four
elements. It is applied here to ordinary mortals in whom the consti-
tuents are not fused together and unified, but are at war with one
another.
25. P. 42, second para. According to the Tabaqfiti AkbarT,
end of account of the 23rd year, the dream occurred on the night
of the birth. Lucknow ed. 339. ^Aftrif Qandahari says it occurred
on 4 Bab!'-al-awwal 947.
26. P. 45, last line and n. 5. Perhaps harf-i-namuddr darmydn
had merely means that the subject of the namwdar was under
/
/
/
iv AEBARNlMA.
discussion. C/. text 162^ 1. 5^ where harf-i-ru&fr^o^ dcmniydn award
means he introduced the subject of leave.
27. P. 53^ m. 1. 6. For 43c read 43a. In the same note for pista-
din read pistachio^ and spot for Souths do for Hajri read Qijra and add^
Hijn was the tahiballa^ of a poet. See Bud&uni III^ 386 and Tabaqat
Akbari^ Lucknow ed. 401. He was long in the service of M. Hind&l
and was descended from A^mad Jam, and so would be a relative of
Qamida. His divan is in the A.S.B. library, Cat. p. 117, and also in
the 1.0. library, Eth^ No. 1441 of p. 793. It contains odes in praise of
Akbar and a chronogram for Humiyun's death, but I could not find
any interesting historical allusion in the poems, or any reference to
Hamida.
28. P« 53^ n. I think it clear that A.F. means that K. Mu'azzam
was only the half-brother of Qamida. At p. 55 he uses the word
a'yfini to denote a full-brother.
29. P. 54, n. 2, last sentence. For Procyon read Sirius, and
delete the last four words. The epithet applied to Procyon is ghamiza^^
the obscure (?)
80. P. 55. According to local tradition, Akbar was bom in
the fields about a mile outside of the fort. See a paper by N. Y.
Mandlik read 8th March, 1855, and published in his writings and
speeches, Bombay, 1896, p. 199, and also the Calcutta Review for
January 1900. Possibly the old fort stood where the Akbar memorial
now stands, for Y. N. Mandlik says that the old fort was destroyed
and a new one built by Nur Muhammad Kulhara in 1746.
31. P. 58, second lina Though idila means a peacock it also
means a handsome man or woman and the root is iusj beautiful.
A.F. applies the term to Rupmatl II, 137. It seems to have been a
title in use among the Afghans. See the story of Kftmran's recep-
tion by Selim gl^ah in Budauni (Ranking), and see also Babar's
Memoirs where Taus Khftn is given as the name of an Afghan chief.
32. P. 58, verse third, last line. The correct translation appears
to be : " Easily carried away the hearts of lovers of the difficult,*^
meaning, I presume, the critical and not easily pleased.
88. P. 62 near foot. For " rouse " read " roused/'
34. P. 66, n. Yes ; All§h has properly three Is, so that 66 is
right.
35. P. N^6, n. 1 . For 8436 read 3436.
ERRATA AKD ABDKNDA. T
36. P. 66, n. 2. For Jafar Sadiq read J'iafar Sftdiq.
37. P. 60, n. 2. For Tai|hilit read Tasahilfit. It means, simpli-
fications, or easy lessons.
88. P. 78, n. 1, col. 2, line llth. For 711 read " 7 lines."
39. P. 77, n. 2. Alcochoden is evidently the same word as
Kadhbudd with the article prefixed.
40. P. 82, n. My remark about the Canon Masadicns is, I
believe, erroneous. From Behatsek's description it would seem that
there is no astrology in the work. The copy in the Mulla Firuz
library is in good condition, and very legible. There is also a copy
in the Nawab of Bfimpur's library.
41. P. 8S, n. In last para, delete the repetition of the words
'^ et ex hoc adorogen/' and substitute " dorongen.^' In last sentence
of same paragraph read " A difficulty arises/^
42. P. 91. For Garden read Cardan.
43. P. 92, 1. 1. It seems probable that 22 was regarded
as a mystic number from its being that of the letters of
the Hebrew, Syriac, and, presumably, of the ancient Arabic,
alphabets.
44. End of last para. Substitute the translation " Alas I I have
no brother to rise high in my service,'' delete note 4 and substitute
"jijji is here used in the sense of regret. '^
45. P. 96, n. 1. Delete comma after gl^iras. In this note I have
mixed up two distinct princes. The Buyide 'Azad-ad-daula ruled in
Bagdad. Alp Arslftn whom Col. Jarrett calls 'Azad-ad*daula belongs
to the 12th century. FathuUa whom Budftuni calls g^fth Fathulla
came to Akbar's court in 990 A.H. See Budfiunl, Lowe, 826. There
is a long account of him, taken chiefly from Budftuni, on the Darb&r
Akbarl of Azad.
46. P. ill, n. 3. Humftyun's death and Akbar's accession
occurred when the sun was in Gemini. Can luL^tam-chaharam mean
the 32nd degree 7 B.M. M.P. Add. 27, 247 has hoiktam dar chaharam,
i.e., 8 by 4. In the Bid^ahnftma Bib. Ind. I, 66, Akbar is said to
have been bom when the sun was in Scorpio. I think now that the
proper translation is '* As the 8th and 4th Houses are Gemini with
respect to the degrees.'^
47. P. 112, 1. 18. Delete comma after Mars, and insert one after
Jupiter.
VI akbabnAma.
p. 117, second para. For ''copied in sketch'^ read '' exactlj
copied/*
P. 117, n. 3. The word occurs again in A.N. II, p, 11, 1. 16.
P. 123. The account of Humayun's dancing seems to be taken
from the Tfirikh AlfT, though there the circumstance is said to have
only occurred once. The passage occurs in the description of the
events of 949 A.H. and at page 572a of B.M. MS. Or. 465 and is as
follows : —
48. P. 130, five lines from foot. Daya Bhfiwal means the nurse
Bhfiwal, and the word d&ya is used immediately before with reference
to JijI. Dftya Bhfiwal is evidently the same person as BhSwal Ana.^
who is mentioned soon afterwards, and A.F.^8 meaning is that thong'h
there is a statement that Bhftwal was the first nurse, the ascertained
fact is [iahaqiq dnast) that Akbar was first of all suckled by his
mother, then by Fa^r-i-nisS, then by Bhawal. Bhawal or Behftwal
is probably a form of the Persian word bahdwar precious and which is
sometimes spelt bahdlu. Presumably A.F. by speaking of her as a
special servant, hbidmatgdr-i-Ubd^ of Humayun, means that she was
one of his concubines, and of course she must have been a mother.
Possibly she was Mftham Anaga. Mftham, as I have stated elsewhere,
means '' my Moon " and is a common appellation of women. The
author of the Darbftri Akbari, p. 749, makes the curious statement
that Bhftwal Anaga was the daughter of one Jogft Barhar,^ and that
she was introduced into the harem of Humftyun by his father Bftbar.
There her attractive face and manners captivated Humftyun, but her
star paled before the sun of Miriam-Makini's presence, and the
king made her over to Jalftl Koka (?). Still she remained in the harem,
and became one of Akbar's nurses. No authority is given for these
statements, and I do not know where the author found them. It
• Qu. ParihSr ?
EBBATA AND ADDENDA. VU
looks as if he meant to identify her with Mftham Anaga, and to
represent the latter as a Hindu. This view might coincide with
Bad&uni's remark that Akbar was from his earliest years associated
with low Hindus. I cannot find the tribe or caste Barhir either in
Crookoj or Sherring^ though there are some names nearly approach-
ing to itj and I was told in Upper India that there was such a caste.
A.F. mentions (A.N. 11^ 210^ top line)^ the caste Parihar in describing
Gondwana. He also mentions there one Jogi DSs a younger brother
of Sangrftm S&. The Parihfirs were Rajputs and were rulers
of Bandelkhand before the Candels^ Sleeman's Rambles ed. 1893,
I, 175 note. It is possible that the Jalal Koka of the Darbfiri Akbar
may be another name for Nadim Eoka, and that the facts stated
there may be a solution of the mystery of Adham Khftn's parentage.
There certainly is, as Elliot remarks, a mystery about the paternity of
Adham I^an and it may be that though his mother was married to
Nadim £oka, Humflyun was his father.
49. P. 132, last line. Maulvi Abdul Haq Abid informs me
that the meaning of tlie words sftkinfin-i-majdma-i-uns is ''the
dwellers of the gathering places of Divine love, or, the members of
the congregations of Divine love/' i.e., the angels.
50. P. 134. In an article in the R.A.S.J., for January 1889,
p. 99, 1 endeavoured to show that Maham Anaga was the wife of
Nadim Kokaltfts^. The mention of his name at p. 185 as one of
those left at TJmarkot in charge of Miriam-Makini perhaps supports
this view. It appears from a note by Garcin de Tassy at p. 11 of his
abridged translation of Syed Ahmad's book on the Delhi monuments,
Paris, 1861, that the author of Colonel Hama's MS., noticed in the
article above referred to, was probably Mirzi Hidayat Ullah
for it is stated by Garcin de Tassy that Hidayat Ullah was a
grandson of MlrzS Koka and wrote a Tftrikh or chronicle in 1070 A.H.
or 1659. See also p. 129. Hidayat UUah's chronicle is not in
the B.M. or I.O., and I have been unable to find out where it is,
for Garcin de Tassy does not tell us and there is no reference to the
MS. in Syed Ahmad's book. Hidayat XJUah's name occurs in
Beale's Oriental Biographies. See below p. 475, n. 3. To the remark
about Adham Khftn's age at end of note in p. 134 it may be added
that A.F. describes Adham as taking a prominent part in the
beginning of the seige of Mankot. He could hardly have done
vm akbarnAma.
this if he had been no older than Akbar who vras then onlj
fourteen*
51. P. 139, last lines. The late Mr. Bodgers states, Il.A.S,J..
for 1898, p. 729, that this chronogram is by Faizi,.but this seems to b?
a mistake. A.F. does not ascribe it to his brother, and the latter
was not born till some years after Akbar's birth.
52. P. 154, n. 8. Probably this is the correct translation.
AJP. means apparently that previous works, though voluminoai,
have not treated the subject in a satisfactory manner.
53. P. 166, n. 8. For If an read If in.
54. P. 180, last sentence. The expression dar parda dm
receives elucidation from its recurrence in text I, 347, top line. This,
I think, disposes of the suggestion inserted by Dr. Bloch in a note
at the end of this fasciculus. See also II, 42 of text, L 1 0 and do. 43,
L 10. By the expression, remaining behind the veil, A.F. not oni/
means the period before Akbar's birth, but also the time before lie
revealed himself to the world. Cf. Blochmann, p. 124, n. 1 and p. 13^
line 12.
55. P. 182, verse. These lines occur in gbarafu-d-din's preface
to the Zafarnfima, i.e., in his Tarikh Jahfingir.
56. P. 201, n. 2. There is a mistake in this note. The Prole-
gomena says ten, but only gives five names.
57. P. 204, 1. 10. Bead Sidhni§hdni.
58. P. 217, n. 2. Gauhar ShSd's death is described in tie
Matla' Sa'adain, and the date given is 9 Bamzftn. Sam Mlrzfi in his
anthologfy B.M. MS. Add. 7670, p. 466, says Qatalu-d-dfn Muhammad
Duani was the author of the chronogram. He gives the quatrain.
59. P. 218, 1. 14. For " gave" read " give."
60. P. 222, 1. 6. For " then " read '' these."
61 . Do. gl^ahrbftnu's name is also omitted in gl^TrSzI's text, and
in the Alwar MS. only four daughters are mentioned, g^ahrbanu
apparently means the Moon-lady. For " Bihar's," p. 222, n. 1, read
" 'Umar Sbaikh's."
62. P. 223, beginning of chapter, and n. 2. For ^' king of the
four quarters and of the seven heavens " read king of the throsa ol
the seven worlds." The word cahdr is often used, as Quatrem^re has
shown in his notes to the Majla' Saadain without really njeaning
four. Cdhdr bdliii really only means the pillows of the divan.
I
EBBATA AND ADDENDA. IZ
or the divdn itself. By the haft manstar iu meant here probably the
seven climes^ or the seven heavens, or the seven planets. It is
however worthy of notice that the Qutb of Delhi was known as the
MinSaa-i-haft man^ar, i.e., the minaret of seven stories. See Grar9in
de Tassy's translation of Syed 'Ahmad^s work on Delhi, Paris 1861,
p. 86. As Delhi was Babar's capital, it is possible that here A.F.
in alluding to the Qu1;b.
63. P. 223, n. 4. For Jftni read JftmT.
64. P. 228, two lines from foot. Text and MSS. have Bektub.
Erskine, 170, has Bektob.
65. P. 232, n. last sentence, read Khdlazdld. It means '' full
aunt.'' Babar in the account of his father's children speaks of one
daughter as being hamiiiraz4id, i.e., full sister, of N&^ir.
66. P. 233, line 18. Before 917 read "in the month of
Rajab."
. 67. P. 234, top line and n. 1 . Usually called Najm Sini from
his having succeeded Najm Zargar Gilftni. His real name was Ydr
Ahmad Ispahan!. The Haft Iqlim I.O. copy 3296 says he was put to
death by Ubaid IJllah on 3 Bamzftn 918. These occurrences are
detailed in the T. Alfi B.M. MS., Or. 465, 5146 and also in the
FJabibu-s-siyar, and in the lives of Ismail and Tahmftsp by K^wftn-
damlr's son Mahmud, as well as in the anonymous author of the
life of Ism'ail, B.M. MSS., Or. 2939 and 3248. A.F. is correct in
saying that Bftbar had at first won the victory ; Ubaid UUah lay
in ambush and turned the victory into a defeat. The victories which
Bdbar previously gained occurred near Hi9&r and were won against
Shaibftni's sons ^mza and Mahdi Sulj;ftns. See Shaibani' letter
B.M. MS., Or. 3482 68b where a list of his children is given.
68. Do., n. 1. In the anonymous life of Ism^aTl, p. 215a, it is
stated that one ward of Karshi was exclusively occupied by Caghatais.
and that they begged for Babar's protection. He interceded for them
with Najm Sfini, but it was in vain. On the day of the battle Najm
S&nl put Babar in the reserve. When Bftbar saw that the battle was
lost he fled to Hifar.
69. P. 238, n. 5, for *Haken" read "taker." The derivation
here given seems correct, and is supported by Gulbadan Begam's
Memoirs, p. 8c, where Qssim Beg is described as writing to Babar that
a new prince had been born, and suggesting that his name should be
II
X AKBABNlMA.
made a prognostic of the conquest of India^ ba shctgun fath-i*^ind
u tahbt alimaah. The last word is Turk! and means '^ taking/' In
consequence of this letter Bftbar called his son Hindal.
70. P. 241, top line. Read Biban.
71. Do., n. 3. A.F. is evidently copying g^aiU^ Zain here.
He has B.M. MS., Or. 1999, 516, " ha zinjir u l^m-i-gdo.**
72. P. 243, n. 1. See gl^aikh Zain 88a. The page is misplaced
in MS. and should come after 57&.
73. Do., 1. 14. For tulghdma read tulaqma.
74. P. 244, n. 5. Possibly Bdbar does not name Taimur
because he was not a bddihdh, but only an Amir. But most likely it
is because Taimur did not acquire the sovereignty of Hindustan. He
merely plundered the country and returned. A.F. reckons Taimur^
for at p. 245 he calls Bftbar the fourth conqueror.
75. P. 244. The comparison with Taimur's forces is taken from
Shaikh Zain, B.M. MS., pp. 53& and 55a. Zain has naukar-4ark
Turkish servants instead of naukar-i-naukar. He also gives 18,000 as
the number of horses who can occupy a faraang though he reckons
Taimur's total force at 72,000.
76. P. 246, note 278. More probably the reference is to the
battle of Panipat with Hemu though Akbar had little personal share
in the victory. Instead of " many rebellions chiefs '^ read ''so many
refractory chiefs."
77. P. 247, n. 4. Zain I.e., pp. 63c and b says AlauddTn brought a.'
diamond to India. Mutamed I^an says in the Iqbilnfimathat Alau-d-* |
din got diamond from Vikramadltya. In this he is merely copying A.F.
My opinion now is that it is not certain that Bftbar means that his
son got the diamond from Yikramaditya's heirs. His language is
vague and perhaps all he means is that the diamond was one of the
things that Hum&yun got when he was investing the fort. At any rate
B&bar's account is not that of an eyewitness. Zain makes Hum&yun
the spokesman to his father. He says the diamond was reckoned
worth 2i days of the world's income. The word in Add. 27, 247 is
-t^^ and I am sure that income is a better translation than
expenditure.
78. P. 248, beginning of para. Zain has Tuesday the 29th.
79. P. 249, n. In Persian quotation read in second line
I J u^ J sj^ in third ii*-»ly^ and in fourth line first word ^^y
KRRATA AND ADDENDA.
XI
intead of ^t^ and also ^ji^ for ^y.> and dji f or «^ >t to complete
the sentence shonld be added AfA ^Uifj^^Li tSi ^^)^,
80. P. 257, last para, and n. 4. Shaikh Zain, p. 98b, says that
Ibrahim's mother was sent to Eftbul and the TArIkh Mahmadi B.M. Or.
1 824, p. 57a says that on the road the lady finng herself into the
Indus and drowned herself. The author gives as his authority for this
statement the Iqbftlnama of Mutamed Khan, and I have verified the
reference. It also appears from the Iqb&lnama that the lady's name
was Bava V. But this was only a sobriquet, and perhaps was the
name by which Bfibar called her. It means in Hindi, sister and
paternal aunt.
81. P. 264, verse. For cap read veil.
82. 266, n. 5. It appears from Bftbar's Memoirs, Erskine 274,
that Khan Mirzft was alive on 4th September, 1519, or Ramazan 925,
for the Jftn Nftsir there mentioned as coming from his government seems
a clerical error for ^&n Mirzftn; O, p. 272, we see that Kipak had been
sent to him, and presumably this was to summon him to his presence.
83. P. 272, n. 2. Insert comma after him, and delete comma
after Haidar.
84. P. 273, n. 1. Probably Alwar is correct. The child
probably was born at Alwar which was his brother Hindal's
appanage afterwards, and received his name from the place.
85. P. 277, near foot. Bead " He bade adieu to this faith-
less world on 6 Jamftda-ul-awwal 937 in a garden (cftrbflghe) in
Agra, on the banks of the Jamna, which that springtide of fortune
had made verdant,'^
Add. note 2a. The local tradition is that Bflbar was temporarily
buried in the Rftmbagh (originally perhaps^ irftmbagh) on the left or
east side of the river, about two miles above the railway bridge. Mr.
Keene says in his guide to Agra, p. 1, that according to the Akbarnftma
Bftbar was buried in the Cftrbagh some miles lower down the river
and nearly opposite the T§j. But the Akbamflma says nothing
about where the body was buried, and A.F.'s words are that the
death occurred in a Cdrbdgb' Any laid out garden is called a
Cdrhdgh, meaning perhaps that it is rectangular, or divided into
1 Bam may however be the origi-
nal form. Bam is an abbreviation of
Aram and here haa nothing to do with
Bam the Indian hero. See Hyde,
p. 263 and Steingasa a. v. ram.
xii axbarnAma.
squares by partha. Bdbdr's bodj remained in the garden for seyeral
years, and perhapd would neyer hare beena removed if Hnmftyun
had n6t beto driven 6nt of India. B&bar tells us that the east
bank of the Jamna was called KSbul by the Indians in allusion to
its gardens. Perhaps this gave rise to the story that Babar desired
to be buried in K&bul^ or it may be that his son satisfied his
conscience by thinking that his father's body was deposited in a
place known as K&bul. At all events it seems to have lain there till
after the battle of Kanauj and the consequent flight from India when
Bsbar^s widow Bika Begam performed the pious duty of removing it
to Kftbul. See the story in Jauhar (Persian text) and in Erskine's
History 11^ 325 n. It is clear from JahSngir's reference to Bika
Begam in the Tusuk^ P- &'> lith. ed. that she was Babar's widow and
that conseqilently it was not B&bar's daughter M'asuma^ or Humtyun's
wife Hftjl Begam who removed the bones.
There does not appear to be now any trace of the grave in the
Bam Bftgh. as the Carbfl|^ is now called. The garden seems also to
have been known as the Gul-af^lln. There is a long account of the
making of the Girbag^ in B&bar, Erskine 341^ and also in Shai^
Zftin's TnriUi B&bftri B.M., Or. 1999, p. 836. It was on the east side
of the Jamna^ and opposite the fort. S. Zfiin calls it Oftrbagh-i-haslit
bihisl^t, a name which also occurs in Bflbar. S. Ziin gives a poem
about the garden, ending in the chronogram ^^T ^ aiU.. These
three words jChftna kaaba ftfSq, i.e., house of the Kaaba of the
horizons yield 985.
86. Nizftmu-d-dm calls Mahdi Siwftja " ddmdd, " but " ddmdd '' \
means husband of the king's sister and husband in general as well as
Bon*in4aw. Gulbadan Begam, who is a better authority on the point,
calls MahdT l^wftja izna, i.e., brother-in-law (it may also mean son-in- .
law) of Bibar. In the Babib-as-siyar B.M., MS. Add. 16,679, p. 370a, \
line 16, it is stated that MahdT ^wftja was the husband of Bftbar's \
elder sister ij^dnzftda Begam. The entry refers to the year 922. In
the Bombay lithograph and in B.M. Add. 17,925 the name ]^anzada |
is not given but it is stated that MahdT ^wfija was married to two i
sisters of Bftbar, that he was the son of MQsa and grandson of ||
Mir Murta^, and that on the mother's side he was descended from
Abul I^air ^ftn (g^aibani's grandfather). In the Majalis Nafais
of 'Ali ^er, a {Q^wftja Musft is described as a rich man who bought
ERRATA AND ADDENDA. ZUI
reraes from poor poets and passed them off as his own. Apparently
[br&him Qanuni a famous musician who is also mentioned in the
!kf ajilis as well as in Sim M. Tahfat B.M. MS. 7671, p. 646 was a son
[>f !^w§]a Miisfi.
87. P. 278, Cf. A.N. Ill, 580. The 84th year corresponds to
997-908 A.H. or 1588-89. The Memoirs were partially translated
before this, first by gl^ail^ Zain, and second by Payanda Qasan
Ghaznavi and Muhammad QuK Moghal in 994 et 8eq., i,e,, 1585. It
also seems to me from a MS. in the Alwar Palaoe-library that the
so-called 'Abdurrahim's translation existed in Humayun's time. See
Asiatic Quarterly Review for July and October 1900.
87a. Do., n. 2. For Tempel read Teufel.
88. P. 279, Yerse. This quatrain is given in a Persian MS.
of the Shaw collection in the Indian Institute, Oxford, No. 809 and
called the Jftm'a-al-muqSmfit, '' collection of assemblies.'' The cir-
cumstanoes under which Babar came to compose it are also given there.
We are told that he won the victory over BSnft Sanga owing to
the mysterious aid of Maulftna Owftjaga Ahmad, otherwise known
as Maqdum 'A§zim. So he sent Darvesh Muhammad Sftrbfin to him
at Dahbftd near Samarkand with presents and this verse. The saint
is said in return to have written part of the Bisftla«B§bari. (Bftbar's
Memoirs f )
89. P. 280. Mr. Blochmann has g^ven a translation of this
passage at p. 220. of the Proceedings A.S.B. for 1874. There are
several mistakes in my rendering. For the account of Qjxaikh Zain
this should be substituted. " ^ai^ Zain Sadr, great-grandson of {ba
do iffdeta, two removes) g]^2ikh Zainu-d-din SbwftfT. He had acquired
a knowledge of science, was of quick parts and was skilled in poetry
and the art of letter- writing. He was distinguished by his long
association with His Majesty, and became an Amir in the time of
His Majesty Jahfinbftni Jinnat-X^iyftni.^' See at p. 210 I.e., the
inscription on S. Zain's mosque at Kachparwa.
90. Do., line 12. For " paternal '' read ''maternal."
91. Do., Fftrighi. For an account of him and specimens of his
poetry see BudddnT, Banking 616. Budiiini says that he and his
nephew died in the same year (940 A.H.)
92. P. 281. Mr. Blochmann has '^sur^ widfti kuhnah, a little-
known poet." The word which I have rendered ''inartificial" is
XIV
AKBARNAMA..
be^ta^yin, and should be rendered '' obscure/^ He is menliioned
'All Sixer's Majfilis^ p. 41a, of Persian translation.
93. Do., 1. 6. Insert indefinite article before masnavi^
94. P. 285, n. 2. Mftham most probably means " My moon.*'
It was apparently a common appellation for women. Cf. Maham
Anaga, and the name of Taimur's wife. See Schuyler's Turkistan
II. 97, ed, 1876, where we are told that a beautiful lady who was
executed at Bokhfira was commonly known as '' My moon of Kenin
^n&z" Cf. the proper names Nuram, and 3]^ftikham, i,e,, My lig^hfe
and my ^ai^. If Maham be regarded as a Turkl word it should
from the law of the sequence of vowels be spelt Mfihim as in P.
de Courteille.
94a. The fullest accounts of this worthless character, M. Zamin,
MTrzft are to be found in B.M, MSS., Or. 2939 and 3248. He was
married to Bftbar's daughter in Kabul in 921 or 922, and a few
months afterwards his father-in-law sent him back to Balkh as gover-
nor. He was not a success there, and could not resist the Uzbegs.
In 934 Bftbar summoned him to India and settled a large estate upon.
He ended his days by being drowned at Causa.
95. Do. According to the Mirflt Sikandari four letters passed
between Humfiyun and BahSdur ; verse I, p. 293, belongs to Humay un's
first letter, and verse II to the second, viz., that which was written on
receipt of Bahftdur's first reply. The M. Sikandari Bombay lithograph
237 gives Humftyun's second letter, and at 235 Bahadur's reply. The
latter is very insolent in tone and it is no wonder that it offended
Humfiyun. It blames him for his treatment of M. Zamftn and taunts
him with boasting of the deeds of his seventh ancestor (Taimur) while
having nothing of his own to show. It winds up with a verse to thi^
effect. The translation in Bay ley's Gujrat, p. 374, is very erroneous-
A translation of the M. Sikandari has lately been published at Bombay
by Fa0 Ullah. The correspondence will also be found in B.M.'s MS.,
Or. 3482, pp. 104-106. I do not think Bayftzid was M. Zamftn's cus-
todian. More probably he was his fellow-prisoner.
96. P. 295, Verse. See also T. Alfi, p. 115, of B.M., Or. 465.
The second couplet is from lEjEafi^, Brockhans, p. 141, Ode 220.
97. P. 296, 2nd line. The figure 1 is misplaced. It refers to
" weak head '' on top line.
98. P. 297, n. 4. In a letter to Erskine, MountstQart Elphinstone,
ERRATA AND ADDENDA. XT
see his life by Colebrookei comments on what appears to be Bftbar's
suppression of facts about the Prince of Hind, whose name he seems
bo ha^e ased. I presume Elphinstone refers to Al&uddin whom Bftbar
used as a tool.
99. P. 298, n. second col. For 960 read 96 n.
100. P. 802, n. 1. There were at least three Rumi ]OLfins, viz.,
Its. The man whom the Portuguese called ^wlja Sofar, who built
the fort of Snrat, and whose head was carried off by a cannon ball at
the second siege of Diu in June 1546. 2nd« His son whom the Tftri^
Ma^anunadi calls Khwftja Maham, who was killed in the same siege
just at its close in November 1646. See Tevins, p. 441. 3rd. Bum!
Khan^ Bahftdur's artillery-officer who deserted to Humayun and was
poisoned after the taking of Gunir. Some information regarding
Rumi Khan the artillerist and ]|^wftja Safar will be found in the
Barq-al-Yamftn of Qutbu-d-dm of which De Safy has given an
abstract in N. et E. IV. It appears from it that Rami Khfln the
artillerist's real name was Mastafa Beg and that he was the son of
Bairam and nephew of Sulaiman. He came to India in the Turkish
fleet commanded by his uncle in 9S6. ^waja Safar came at the
same time and both were well received by Bahftdur, Mastafa getting
the title of Rumi ^an and the governorship of Diu, and Safar being
made governor of Surat. The story of Rumi Khdn's being poisoned
is confirmed by Qutbu-d-din. Erskine, Hist. II, 82 n., says that the
first Rumi Oan is buried at Surat, and Tevius, p. 385, of his
commentaries, seems to say that his obsequies were celebrated at
Diu. 'Aarif Qandahari gives the verses in which the chronogram of
the building of Surat fort occur, see Blochmann 354, and says they
were written by A^mad gjt^irfizi known as Razai. The name of the
builder of the fort is given in the verses as Khftn 'Afigim Khin Khuda*
wand Khftn.
101. P. 306, n. 2. Dele din.
102. P. 307, three lines from foot. Read " Aj^azwfir/' (like
Ag^az or Oghuz'). He was Governor of Herat and also Atftliq.
103. P. 309, three lines from foot. Read " Gawars/'
104. P. 314, 11 lines from foot. For " wrong'' read "strong."
105. Do., n. 1. The page reference is wrong.
106. Do., n. 2. For Monday read Tuesday.
107. P. 316, n. 3. After Nariid insert "and Ahmadftbad."
XVI AKfiA&KAKA.
108. P. 317^ (second line $knd b. 1. We are told in tiba M.
Sikandari that QumSy un called him a " black slave " QhiUdm-i-aiuh .
*Imfid-ul-Mulk is stated, Bayley's Gujrat p. 400, to have been the son
of Tawakkal chief of the royal Khdaah Oiaildn. He was put to de&th
at Surat by !^udawand ^ftn Bum! in 1545, l.c , 435 and 486.
109. Do., second last para. For Nans&rl read Nauaari.
110. P. 321, n. 1. Feri^ta calls it Gh&t Karci and an article
by Mohan L&l Yishnu Lai Pandia in J.A.S.B. for 1897, p. 167^ Bta4>^
that Ghat Karci is the name of a town close to the town of BansirAra.
111. P. 323, 13th line for " reporting " read " repenting."
lia, P. 823, n. 3. Sofar or Sofarus of the Portag^uese,
probably the epithet refers to Buml KJian's complexion as the word
means the pale or yellow. Sofar however is a proper name and. may
have been Buml O^ftn's real name or it may have been given to Hizn
on account of his Greek origin, for the Greeks are called the sons of
A^far (the superlative of safar. Lane 16996). According to Danuan a
Goes, who calls him ]^w&ja Coffarus, he was born of a Turkieli
mother and a Christian father in the island of Chios. See Damiazx's
Diensis Oppognatio, Cologpie 1602, published by Birckmann,
p. 279.
. 113. P. 329, n. 2. This genealogy is also given in A.N. II, 64.
I am inclined to think that Nuru-d-dln first married Gul-bargf, su
daughter of Babar not named by Gulbadan, and had by her Sellma.^
and that then in Humftyun's reign, and probably after the death of
her first husband I^&n Taimur, he married Gulrang. It is Paffl^i, nofc
FAshft Begum. Nuru-d-din belonged to the Naq^bandi order.
114. P. 331, second para. Cf. Jarrett II, 122, where it is said
that the Bengalis make boats so high that when attached to the
shore they overtop the walls of a fort. Bum! K^an then seems to
have adopted a Bengali stratagem.
115. P. 338, n. 2. Beale, O.B.D., p. 265, of ed. 1894, says that
Sl^aikh Phul or Bahlul's tomb is on a hill near the fort of Biftna.
Mahommed Bakhsk^ is said to have buried him there. The brothers
were descended from FarIdu-d-dIn-5Att;Sr, and their father's name
was Qiyamu-d-dm, and he is buried at Gbfizipur.
116. P. 841, n. 2, 1. 3. For " East " read " West." Narhan is
probably correct for Bayftzld, 1486, speaks of Narhan as a ferry
near Tajpur where Khwajah Zechariah and others had a Jdglr.
KRRATA AMD ADDSMDA. X\Xk
There is a pai^na T&jpur mentioned in the Ain Jarrott II. 130
as in Sarkftr Tftndlia. Of conrse this is not the Daprbhang^ Tajpur.
117. P. 344, 5 lines from foot. Dele the word ''learned 7
within brackets.
118. Do. n. 2| For Siihna read Siahna.
118a. Do. n! 4. For Boebach read Boebnok. .
119« P. 352, seven lines from foot. For dbruydn read bedbruydm.
120. P. 357, n. 1. A Sftrang ^tn is mentioned in Taimu's.
Institutes, Davy and White, as a brother of Matn ]^ftn and as
ruling in the country of Multan.
121. P. 360. There is an obscurity about Hamfda Bfinu's
parentage. In B.M. M.S. Add. 7688, which is a collection of
letters, there are three addressed by Naw&b Bilqis MakSni Miriam
Beg to her mother and sister. They also appear in the simihir
collection. Or. 3842, 1475. Apparently the writer is Hamlda
Banu, for tiiey belong to her time, viz,, the reign of f ^hmftsp,
and they are such as she might write in a f oreigpi country. They
also immediately follow the correspondence of her husband, Humft-
yun. Bilqis Makftnl is a name given to ^amida in the T. Sindh,
and Miriam Beg may be Miriam Mak&nT. In the first letter the
writer calls her mother Sultfinam and begs her good offices for one
Safi S^an, whom she describes as being the son of her lala or
guardian. The second is to her sister, Zainab Begam, and is to the
same effect. The third is to her mother and consists of inquiries after
her health. It is forwarded by one ^w§ja Bif wfin who had come
to explain his offences. The compiler of the book describes these
letters as addressed to the writer's own mother and sister, and if
so, we learn that her mother was called Sult&nam and her sister
Zainab. But possibly they are addressed to ladies of Tahmisp's
family whom she may have adopted as her mother and sister. Safi
Khfin is described in the letters as a Saiyid of noble family, and
he may be the Amir Safi mentioned in Sam Mirz&'s Tahfat Sdmi
B.M. MS. P. 46, as belonging to a noble family of Saiyids
and as coming from Nl^apur. He was a caligraphist. The
three letters are written in high-flown Persian. It is, however,
possible that the writer was the niece of Tahmftsp and daughter of
M'asum Beg whom Hum2y&n is said to have married in Persia.
Jivuhar 75.
III
137. P. 416^ n. 4. It has been augg'ested toine ttiat Shalirifibn
is a mistake for Shahr-i-sTstan^ the city or capital of Slstan. Bat t
appears from Yaqut^ Meynard 253 and 301^ that the old capital d
Sijistan was called Bfim Shahristan^ and was three farsal^^ fr^^
Zaranj.
188. P. 417, end of first para. For " 'amwSn '' read ^amcdn.
139. P. 427, 1. 8. The Mir&t al 'Aalam has 8§bir DaqSqq, it
a fuller.
140. Do. n. i. For " three " read " two.''
141. P. 443, last line read "For the world's law is sometiiDc^
this, sometimes that.^' Amir Shahi^s ode will be fonnd at p. 18a of
B. M. MS. Add. 7788, and at 376 of Add. 23,612. The lines whicb
follow the last distich quoted by A. F. are not very intelligiblf
Amir Shfihi wsa originally of Sabzawar. There is a full account ci
hiin in Danlfiit S^fth's work, Browne's ed«
142. Do. n. 5. Read p. 198 for p. 19. The word cargdh ^
cdrkdh in Ilminsky. Add. 27,247 of B. M. has Sabir QulT for Ssbir Qiq
and dar muqdm sairgfth, t.d., theatre or place of recreation for aih^dh
QSq seems to be right, for the ^Aftlam ir&I has the jingle Hdfiz Sdbv
Qdq he nddira vfy afdq. * Add. 27, 247, seems to be the only MS
which has aaifff^h, but it also occnrs in the Afzal-at-Tawarikh p. 122<\
of B. M. MS. Or. 4678, and in the Aalam irai Bein, Cat., snpplemeir^
7654, p. 178a. Bee also the dar muqdm panj^dh of Budftuni I^ 481,
where Dr. Banking's translation, p. 622, seems to be wrong.
148. P. 484, n. i. Bead Tate fbr Yates.
144. P. 488, fonr lines from foot. Thongh Barda' or Barza' be
the name of a place in Azarbaij&n, yet the word here probably means
'' packsaddle.'^
145. P. 442, n. 5, 1. 3. For « to " read « of ."
146. P. 444, n, Olearias' account of Tabriz may ako be
consolted.
147. P. 445, n. 8. Probably one of the two daughters who
died in the second year of Akbiar's reign daring Miriam Makinl's
journey from Kabul to India.
148. P. 446, n. 8. See also Ethe's Gat. I. O. MSS., p. 1210,
No. 2219.
149. Do. See Badauni, Banking, 619, for another 'correction
by HumAyun.
SRRATA AKD ADDfiNDA. XZl
150. p. 447, third line from foot. For " forwardness " read
" audacity/'
151. F. 451, line 4 and n. Dele, fignre 1.
151a. P. 459. For Babu Dost readBabft Dost.
152. P. 465, 1. 22. Insert the word " over.''
153. P. 470, 1. 14. Last word. Dele the word " as."
154. P. 475, n. 2. For " as " read " is."
155. P. 477, n. 1. For '' in " read '' near " Babft ^asan Abdfil.
Possibly the place is the Qibcftq pass of Jarrett 11, 400.
156. P. 481. The editors of text point out in a note that both
these chronograms are wrongs one yielding 954, and the other 955
and they observe that 952 as the tme date.
157. P. 491. n. For Istftlftf read " Istfilif."
158. Do.n. 1. For "is "read "in."
158a. 489. note, last line. For I. 46 read II. 46.
150. P. 494. Line 4, and note. The Muln who was Qizi of
Lahore is probably the officer mentioned at Vol. II, p. 163, as appoint-
ed to Malwa, and seems to have been different from Sbarafn-al-din's
father.
160. P. 497 n. For " Leydon " read " Leyden." Deerstalking
is described by Bellew, Journal of Mission to Afghanistan, p. 327,
as a favonrite amnsement of the Afghans.
161. P. 500 line 19. For "this Mirzft" read "the Mirza."
162. P. 502, line 18. For " Zftman " read " Zamln."
162a. P. 504, n. For " Shairbini " read " Shaibanl."
163. P. 505, n. Apparently Junaid was also called Amir Qutlaq
Qadam. See Mahmud's life Of Tahmasp. B. M. MS. Or. 2939,
1296 , and T. Alfi 536a. line 7.
164. P. 508, Z. 5. aqdhain if it is the dnal.
165. P. 521, n. 2. For Hiibak read Heibak.
166. P. 530, text and note 1. cf. Bayley's Gujrat 446 Su(tan
Mahmud had commanded his officers to give np the honse of anyone
guilty of either of those offences to halan, i.e., to plunder. See also
Bombay lithograph of Mirftt Sikandari p. 302. The reference to
Bayftzid is p. 356. of his memoirs.
167. P. 2. 537, n. 2. For " on " read " in ".
168. P. 539, n. Erskine's opinion is confirmed by Hnmiyun's
letter to TahmSsp B.M. MS. Add. 7688 p. 105b.
XXll akbabnAka.
169. P. 545; n. 3. There is a good deal about Bairam C%lil&n
in Mahmud's lives of Ism&il and Tahmftsp. He was an Uzbeg and
governor of Bal^ under Kisten Qara. The Ahsan TawftriUh 1016.
speaks of Bairam's attacking Herat. He had been ruler of Gurjistan
and was eventually killed in battle. See 1. c. pp. 1296 and lS3a.
170. Do. n. 7, Iti Hum§yan's letter to Tahmasp giving an
account of the expedition to Bal^ he is called l^waja BftqT.
171. P. 557. I have not found this story about Ism^airs
handkerchief in the anonymous life of that princci but there is a
sensational account of his crossing with his troops the rivers Kur and
Aras (Araxes); viAe p. 55a. But the story is told at length by
D'Herbelot with only this difference that it was a slipper which
Ism'ail threw into a trench.
172. P. 576, n. 1. For ^^l read c-
ADDITIONAL KBRATA AMD ADDENDA.
XXlll
Additional Errata and Addenda,
1. P. 59, n. 3. For Ilahad Faiz read Ilftlidfid FaizT, and for
No. 1890 read B.M. MS., Or., 1890.
2. P. 117, n. 2. Bajins probably means here ''accurately, in
facsimile."
8, P. 119, n. 8.
P. 160, n. 4.
P. 168, 1. 8.
For Gfaolgil read Gbolgii.
For FarSj read Faraj.
For ''Domes of Haramftn"
read " ancient
4.
5.
domes.**
6. P. 192, 1. 14. " The Jfimuqa tribe '* should apparently be
" JAmuqa's tribe," see p. 193.
7. P. 200, 7 11. from foot. For Isu Manga read Isu Manga.
8. P. 203, last sentence. There is a variant which makes it the
Amir who honoured the saint.
9. P. 218, 1. 8. For Abu Bakr read Abft Bakr.
10. Do., 1. 6. For Bdbi read Bftb&i.
11. P. 225, last line. For " or " read " and."
12. P. 227,1.3. Put comma after " killed."
13. P. 229, 1. 10. See Sftm Mirzft's Tahafat, B.M. MS. Add.
7670, p. 44, for an account of the origin of the name ^wfib-bin.
14. P. 233, n. 1. For Mahmud Hasan read Muhammad tlusain
15. P. 234, 1. 9. Insert figure 5 after Jftm.
16. Do., 1. 13. " The country of Hindustan." Akwardly ex-
pressed, for Babar was not then seeing Hindustan. But the akward-
ness is in the original and is apparently due to the fact that Bfibar
wrote his Memoirs after conquering India. The word both in the
Turk! and the Persian is Nawdhi, and this is rendered by P. des
Cour teille " les abords.''
1 7. Do., n, 4. For Barik-al read Bftrik-ab.
18. P. 236, five lines from foot. For " his six brothers'' read
'* six of his brothers.''
19. P. 237, n. 4. The remark near the end of this note is wrong,
for the Muhammadan Ararat is not what Europeans call Ararat, but
XXIV AKBABMAHA.
is a moanfcain called Judi Dftg^ belonging to a range sonbh of Lake
Van and east of Jasira-b. Omar. It lies a long way S. S. W. of wbal
is now known as Meant Ararat.
20. P. 239| 1. 4 from foot. Akwardly expressed, for of coora
Hamayun arrived before Lahore was taken. There should be a fo]
stop after ''taken/' the word "and'' should be deleted, and ''on'
made On.
21. Do., n. 4. The Ba^^ Wafft was at Admapur (Jalalabid|
the Bfigh Safft was higher up the river near Cftr B§g^ and there wa
another Bag^ Safft in the Salt-Bange.
22. P. 242, top line. For gabions substitute iiirds* They wei
not gabions, but light wattles (?) which the soldiers carried as the
marched. See Bftbar 86, and P. de. Courteille 151.
28. P. 248, 1. 15. The words " according to their rank " ai
misplaced. They should come after " presents."
24. P. 253, 4 lines from foot. Perhaps QazI Zift is the ZiauH
din Niir Beg of ]^wandamTr's Humiyun-nAma, and who, he say
got the title of AmTr-i-Zakftt.
26. P. 254, 1. S. Insert H.M. before JahanbSni.
26. P. 256, 1. 20. Jftjamu'. This town is in Unao, Dude:
26a. P. 260, n. 1. Cancel note. Beg Mirak was not Ni^Smu-i
din's grandfather.
27. P. 262, 1. 8. For Urdu Sbftn read Urdu g^ih.
28. P. 265, 1. 18. For Eram read Earim.
29. P. 267, L 11. Insert comma after QfisTm.
80. P. 277, Verse. The whole verse is given by l^wandam
in his Humayun nama. See translation by Sadu SuUi Lai, p. 45, <
B.M. MS. Add. 80,774.
81. P 281, last sentence. Perhaps this Eicak or Eilcak was tl
brother whom ^wftja Eilftn left in Qandahar, when he deserted h
post, and who surrendered to Tahmftsp. The Afzal Tftrikh B.M. M i
Or. 4678, p. 96a says he was a brother of O^wfija Eilin. The Ahsl
T.B.M. MS. Or. 4184 calls him, p. 107, Each! Khan and Mahmi
Or. 2939, p. 1881 calls him Eechak khftn.
32. P. 285, Verse. For the first two lines substitute
The year of his auspicious {humdymaiX) birth is "May Almigh^
God increase thy stature."
The second line is a chronogram. In n, 4, for qadran read qtuh
ADDITIONAL SKBATA AND ADDENDA. XXV
and for ZddcJcaUdhu read Zfidak Allah. Perhaps Sfimftni only means
that he was a native of S&mfina (in India).
88. P. 293^ 1. 4. Bead Kanfir for Kfinftr.
84. P. 294^ n. 1. Abu Tnrab's account shows that Bahfidur was
present at the battle of Pftnipat, though he did not take part in it.
86. P. 295, Verse II. This comes from ^dfi^ Ode 220. Brock-
hans 141.
86. P. 296j 1. 9. Abu Turab says in history of Qujrfit^ p. 13a,
that the twenty krors of old coinage were equal to 30 krors^ 50 lakhs
murddi. Mn/rddi is explained in dictionaries as meaning small
money.
37. P. 802, n. 1. Abii Turftb, p. 79, also gives the title of Sudi-
wand Sl^ftn to lOiwija Safar.
38. P, , last line. ^windamTr gives his full name, p. 72
or 47, as Maulftnft Muhiu-d-din Muhammad Far|j^firi.
39. P. 315, n. 1. For Kaifu read Kaif. But I doubt if Humfi-
yun suspected any play on the word. The real explanation of Hum§-
yun's anger seems to be that the chapter of the Elephant is a denun-
ciatory and terrifying one, and used in compositions which convey
threats. Perhaps Hum§yun remembered that it was so used by Sllih-
rukh, the son of Taimur, in a threatening letter which he addressed in
833 or 835 A. H. to Barsb&I, the SuUfin of Egypt. See the story in
the extract from Makrizi given in De Sacy's Chrestomathie Arabe II.
84. Instead of the letter beginning with Bismillah, it began with
the Sura of the Elephant, and quoted the whole of it. The rest of
the letter was filled with menaces. BarsabiT replied in similar style.
40. P. 316, n. 4. Apparently the 'Alam Lild] here mentioned is
'Alau-d-d!n, the uncle of Ibr&him SuUftn.
41. P. 317, n. 1. Yes, ^udfiwand ^an was a very old roan.
Abu Tarfib says, 286, that he was A^und of SuUftn Mogaffar and
had been Vizier and Yakil of four SuU&ns. Ferisbta says he was
the father of Gingiz ^an, not the son, and Abu Turfib makes the
same statement.
42. P. 320, 1. 7. As&wal is spelt As^&wal in Sir Theodore
Hope's book on Ahmad&bftd, and is the spot where the original chief-
tain was defeated by Qftsim.
43. P. 324, 1. 10. Abu Turab tells this story, but he does not
give his informant's name. He only says that he was an Akfaund and
IV
XXVI . AKBABKAMA.
had been Bahfidnr^B teacher and that in this i?ay be had -beoome
acquainted with him. Nor does he say anything about his informant's
taking an oath. Qu ? is the Qu);bu-d-dlii of A.F'b story Abu TaraVs
uncle 7
44. P. 825, n. 2. I have seen somewhere that there waa a
mosque in Abmad&bftd called Masjid Safa, but that it was not built
till 994 A.H.'
45. P. 886, L 19. For Bab& ^§n read B§b§ Beg*
46. P. 341. I now incline to think that Narhan is correct. It
is a well-known ford and is mentioned in the 2nd volume. But
though A.F. has written Narhan, it does not seem likely that Hum-
ayun went so far east.
47. P. 359,1. 17. For 'Abdu-1-Mftkri read Abda MftkrI.
48. P. 368, n. 1. gb&b Husain had a son by Grulbarak B. who
died young.
49. P. 396, n. 1. For J. V. read I. O.
50. P. 407, n. 2. See Bumes' Cabool, 1842, p. 115. He says
the correct name is Dingote, and that it is 6 m. above Kfili Bggh>
51. P. 408, L 10. After Kh&wand, for Muhammad read Mah-
mud.
52. P. 416, n. 4. The following note by (reorge P. Tate, Esq.^
of the Indian Survey, has been kindly furnished to me by Mr.
Irvine :—
" Qila'-i-Uk, tJk is the ancient name of a small district to the north
of the Hamun-i-Helmand, and therefore of SeistSn, the chief towns of
which are LS^ and Juwain. The names of these towns are existing
at the present day, but the name of the district has apparently fallen
into desuetude, as it does not seem to be generally known. Qila'-i-Uk
would therefore merely mean the principal fort, or capital of the dis-
trict, the name of which, if it had one, was not generally known. A
similar case can be found not far off from that locality. In the Zafar-
namah the author writes of the capital of SeistSn as Shahr-i-Seist&n^
and does not mention it by name. This practice still holds good.
The word " Shahr '' is used, as we use the word " town,'* with refer-
ence to London. Rarely, or never, is the " Shahr '' or capital, spoken
of by its name of Nasratibad. This is the modern capital. The site
of the ancient capital of Seistan is at a dort distance to the N.-E. of
the modem capital. tJk, judging from its propinquity to Seistfin, pro-
ADDITIONAL KRtATA AND ADDENDA. XXVII
bablywas subject to the (Kaiftm) Maliks of Seistfin, from whose
country it was divided by the Helmand^ if the Helmand at that time
did not find a more southerly outlet for its waters, which seems to
me to have possibly beeu the case.
" Hum&yuD, if he passed through tJk on his way to Persia, took
a route which at the present day lies within the Afghan border, and
the reason of his adopting this route would probably nave been the
evil reputation for lawlessness earned by the inhabitants of the Kohis-
tilD, that is, the country around Neh and Birjand, through which the
trade route (now in use) between Seistin and Mashhad passes. This
would probably have been the shortest route to Mashhad, had it been
safe to use it.''
53. P. 434, n. 3. For Oazargih read Gazargfth.
54. P. 439, last- line. For Zailaq read YaiUq: Tailaq means
summer-quarters, and the translation should apparently be '' first
stage of the summer-quarters ''
55. P. 436, n. 7. For Qad§r read Qidir. See Genesis xxv. 18.
56. P. 440, n. 1. For BaySzfd 176, read Bayftzid 17&.
57. P. 442, n. 2. This identification is wrong.
56. P. 448, n. 2. For Safi read Safi.
59. Do., n. 3. For Saddi read Sadd.
60. P. 445, 1. 6. For Paik Muhammad read Beg Muhammad.
61. P. 448, last para. It would seem from Gulbadan Begam's
Memoirs that either he or his relative Kecak or Kucak wrote an
account of Humayun's adventures in Sind. Kicak is said to have been
a brother of ]^w&ja Kilan, so that ^wfija Ghizi was related to him
also. Note 5 is not altogether correct. ^wSja Qfaazi and Rustam
Koka fell into di^race in Persia for stealing Humayun's jewels, but he
^ot over that and was made accountant when Humayun returned to
Afghanistan. But there he was dismissed for defalcations, see p. 544.
In the passage of the 2]n referred to by me as Blochmann YII, A.F.
is represented as saying that the office of Ma^rifwas higher than
that of diwdn, but surely there must be some mistake, for at p. YI.,
last line, Blochmann translates Ma^rif as clerk, and at p. 544 we ' are
told that Afzal was promoted from being Ma^rif to being diwftn.
Perhaps the word at p. YII is not Ma^rif, but Ma^arrif-i-diwan,
i.e., the exaiter of the diwan or the Diwan par excellence,
61. P. 448, 1. 4. Brother {barddar) seems a mistake here for
XXVm AKBABNAMA.
brother's son (larddarzdda), see p. 542, last para., where Kok! is des-
cribed as the paternal nncle of Qfiji Muhammad.
62. P. 448, 1. 18. The description here evidently refers to Mah-
ram and not to Qasan. ^
63. P. 548, near foot. For BSbft Sihrindi read Bftb£ Sihrindi.
64. P. 460, near middle. For Muhammad M. read Mn^ammadi
M.
65. P. 466, 1. 20. For Kot Laka read KoUakft, and translate
" hill-country." Lakfi means country.
66. Do. 7 lines from foot. For " strive " read '' strove.*'
67. P. 475, n. 3. Nadim Koka is called Nadim Beg by Khwan-
damir in his Humayun-nama, p. 1496, and is described as a Turk and
as in high favour with Humfiyun, and the recipient of a ^ilat. He
calls him jandb amdrat sA' adr farM^andaitwdr Jlsdim 'Beg muhrddr
(sealer).
68. P. 482, n. 2. For " come back to Humiyun '^ read '' gone
back to Kfimrftn.^'
69. P. 520, 1. 7. Insert marginal number 271, and p. 521, L 5,
from foot insert 272.
70. P. 522, n. 2. A.F. calls him Buyat&t at pp. 543 and 565.
71. P. 526, n. 3. For Gulbftn read Gulbfir.
72. P. 529, 1. lO. The word "jamjhama is used again in text
II. 117, and clearly means there a morass or collection of water.
73. P. 530, 1. 11. For Bflbi readBfiba^ and in next line insert
" army " after victorious,
74. P. 534, 1. 6. For Bftrgbegi read Birbegi.
75. P. 540, n. 1. For tamaatogh read tumtatogh.
76. P. 541. For marginal number 248 read 284.
77. P. 543, last para. This is an interesting paragraph and
requires elucidation. It appears from the Xin, Blochmann YI, tbat
the words Yissier and Diwan are synonymous. The meaning, then,
fieems to be that l^wftja Qftsim Buyatftt bad been made the Vizier or
head of the department, and that then Mirza Beg had been appointed
in his room. He was a poet and apparently inefficient and consequently
Khw&ja Ghftzl exercised unlimited power. That he was a dishonest
man is proved by Gulbadan Begam's Memoirs, where we learn
that he stole HumSyun's jewels. Apparently the investigation was
undertaken at the sugg^tion of Mir Barka, who belonged to Sabza*
80.
Jr« d44| X« v»
81.
Do., 1. 11.
82.
P. 551,1. 6.
88.
P. 68,1.16.
»
if
ADDITIONAL KB^ATA i^^ ADDENDA.
wir^ and is called in the lin Sa^yid Barka. ^usain Qnli was made
mnkasni of fhe affair, t.e., aj^pairently reporter of l^e findings of tlie
conimittee. The word muiaf^llib is giren in Steingass as meanitig
victorious or t>owerfal, bat here it seems to be used in the sense of
embez2lingj and it is so nnderstood by the Lucknow editor. Who ImifB
the Qhiwl^as were found guilty of tagballab, ue., embeszlement. I think
we should render the passage here '' the fraudulent clerks/'
78. P. 543, 1. 4 from foot. For S^Swand.
79. P. 544, n. 1. This note is wrong. The Bbsan Qui! meant
is probably the sealbearer often mentioned by Bayftzid. See p. 440,
n. 1.
For " condenmed " read '' defaulting J
Insert ahfinbftni after " His Majesty.^
Dele stop after Muhammad.
Insert on margin 808.
84a n. 2. Dele last sentence. The word in the Memoirs is
Bakhfbi.
84. P. 599, 1. 17. DdZe word '' as/' This last sentence, about
Jog! ^in, has no connection with the account of the Ghkkkars, and
should have been put into a separate paragraph and prefaced by the
words '• In fine/'
85. P. 600, 1. 9. Possible the clause within brackets refers to
Kftmrin and not to SaUm Qj^fin. Substitute at L 11, '' assistance for
his own ruin " for '' auxiliaries for his disloyalty.
86. P. 608, n. 8. For '' Newoomb " read Newoome.
86a. P. 612. According to the Darbir Akbar!, p. 812, it was
' Abdullah Si&l|&npuri who sent the boots and also a whip.
87. P. 614. For Salim SbSh read Salim Q^ftn. A.F. is always
careful not to style gber or his son Salim, gbfth.
88. P. 628. The list is A.F/s not Bayftzid's and should not
have appeared as a note.
89. P. 665.' Feriflbta says that he, after search, found Hnmiyun's
divan, and he gives extracts from it.
Note to Errata and Addenda No. 48
I have since found the source of the author of the Darbiri
Akbari's statement about Bhftwal Anaga. It is the Akblmftma, vol.
III. pp. 742,48 Bib. Ind ed.
AKBABKlMA.
There the death of Bhftwal Anaga is recorded^ and it is stuea
thfit e^e was the daughter of B«iJogiParh§r; (perhaps _^eFani:
or:.^aar of Jarrett 11. 242) and that Hnmiydn after his maniftp
with -Miriam Makftni gave Bhftwal in marriage to Jalftl Gouida {U.
rjo^iter or singer.) It is also said that she was the first to nnis
rAkbar. She .^ed in the 43rd year on 24 Tir (about 4th July 15$«|
so that she most have been well over seventy. She is eviden^
quite a different perspn from M&ham ^Lnaga.
\ -
AKBARNAMA.
In the nahb of God, the Mebcivul, the Compassionate.
Introduction,
Almiglity God ! ^ What a profound thought and glorious idea it 1
is that the subtle apprehenders of truth, whose bright minds are like
the breath of morning, and who are keen-sighted students of the
1 Allah Akbar (Arabic, — Alldhu
Akbar) Ood is very Oreat, This ex-
pression is called the taJehir — the
magnifying — and is often used at
the commencement of undertakings.
A.F. places it at the beginning of the
AJebamdma and also of the Atn,
Blochmann says, (166n.) " The words
f iu Ahhar are ambiguous; they
[ mean, 'God is Great,' or 'Akbar
L'^Lxod.' There is no doubt that
Ficib&r liked the phrase for its ambi-
Z!riCty ; for it was used on coins, the
n^^erial seals and the heading of
:A*oks,/ar«i»an8, etc." He then trans-
^8 from Badaoni, (II, 210) as fol-
jf^a ; " It was during these days
^ (A.H. 983=1676-6) that His Majesty
' once asked how people would like
it, if he ordered the words Alldhu
' Akbar to be cut on the imperial seal
'and the dies of his coins. Most
' said, people would like it very
' much. But 9fijT Ibrahim objected
and said, the phrase had an ambi-
" guous meaning and the Emperor
** might substitute the Koran verse
" Lazikru Alldhi akbaru — To think of
**Ood M the greatest thing — because
" it involved no ambiguity. But His
" Majesty got displeased and said, it
*' was surely sufficient that no man
" who felt his weakness would claim
" divinity ; he merely looked to the
"sound of the words and he had
" never thought that a thing could
''be carried to such an extreme."
Mr. Lowe (230) has copied this trans-
lation but it seems to me that Mr.
Blochmann meant to write "self-
evident," and not "sufficient," for
the Persian is OwMt lHIm ^ja, I^wud
mu'aiyan ast Mr. Behatsek (" Ak-
bar*B Repudiation of Islam," 14)
translates : " But the Emperor was
** not pleased and replied, ' It is self-
' evident that no man can in his per-
'fect weakness pretend to be Ood.
* Our intention is based on the literal
' meaning and there is no occasion
AKBARNAMA.
schedules > of Creation and drawers ' of diagrams on the tablet of
wisdom and perception^ have not^ with the exception of Speech which
is but a vagrant breeze and fluctuating gale^ found in the combina-
tions^ of the elements or in material^ forms^ anything so sublime,
or a jewel so rare that it come not within the mould of price, that
Reason's balance cannot weigh it, that Language's measure cannot
contain it, and that it be beyond the scale of Thought; — and yet, how
should it be otherwise ? Without help of Speech, the inner world's
capital could not be biiilt, nor this evil outer world's civilization be
conceived.
•to transfer it (to my name.)'" I
think the passage might be rendered
thus, " He (Akbar) did not approve,
"and ohserved, *It is self-evident
'that a humble slave cannot claim
' the Godhead ; we are thinking only
' of the verbal coincidence (with our
' own name), there is no sense in put-
' ting such an interpretation (as yon
'have suggested) on the phrase/"
The word o^wluo mcmdaahai'^'which.
I have translated coincidence occurs
thrice in the beginning of the Akhar-
ndma in the sense of connection, viz,,
Bib. Ind. ed. 2, U. 2 and 9 f r. foot
and 22, 1. 6.
The conversation is, on the whole,
creditable both to Akbar and Qajl
Ibrahim. Akbar, I think, admitted
that he chose the phrase on account
of its consonance with his name but
denied that he had any intention of
claiming to be Grod. Probably Haji
Ibrahim's well-meant suggestion
would not have mended matters, for
people would still have remarked on
the double significance of the words.
See further on this point, BadaonI
n. 268 (Lowe, 277). In Fai^i's Di-
todn, there is a long poem in praise
of Akbar, every couplet of which
ends with the words, Allah Akhikr,
^ Jj\ ^ plural of JjA^t jadwal,
a column. The word is often used
to signify astronomical tables or
catalogues.
% ijllli j\i^ lit. : compass-open-
ers.
8 isj'^ vO^, taraJehul 'unpin :
lit. : elemental combination or inser-
tion of one element in another. The
similar phrase iSj*^ VtO^ occurs
in Itn, No. 4 (13, 1 11.) TaraJeJcub
is used in the AkIxMmdma (22, 1. 6)
in opposition to iajarrud, i.e., single-
ness or nudity. It appears that tile
phrase refers to the four coljr^ -'^its
described in Ain No. 13 ai^^\ e
origin of metals. There itpP*^
that the Creator, by calliift
existence the four element^?^
raised up wondrous forms (paif^%
Further on, we are told that^^il •
compounds (tnuraJekah), are ^^} ,
into existence, viz.: 1st, a*ar-ir J
doings from on high, as rain, sSo^y,'
etc.; 2nd, stones; 3rd, plants; 4tli,
animals. (Blochmann 39.)
»
* i^h^ /^^ paikar haiyUlanX
material form. ffaiyUldnl is froz^i
the Greek tJiji, matter. 1 think th.)
expression is synonymous or nearly
so with tarakkub * anfan. The ma*
d
0
3
INTBODUCTION.
a
Vebsb*^
What a Word* Was that whose utterance
Unveiled tlie eighteen thousand !^
No feast equals it in intoxicating power ;
No rival comes nigh it in supremacy.
It is the initiator in the workshop ;
It sits enthroned in the palace.
Whatever reaches the heart of the wi«e^
The heart utters to the tongue and the tongue rehearses to
the ear.
Its path is from the adit to the exit of hearts ;
Expression and audition are its arena.
In reason's observatory^ the tongue and the ear
Are the rising'' and setting of speech's moon.
We cannot reach its sublime foundation by the ladder ^ of the
terial forms must also be combiiia-
i^Ons ol ^^'^ elements.
nes are Faizi's and in
Itodr (Centre of Circles)
in praise of Speech.
No. 7796, 25b. Rieu's
1). The MS. has bar
in the last line in place
rng the word of two letters
tin, i.e., k and n, er » Kun,
i> which Gk>d uttered at the
Crea. '* Zi kc^f toa nun barun
award teunain" Exordium of Oul-
* It is a Mnhammadan idea that
the nnmber of created species was
18,000. See BadaonX II. 320 (Lowe,
330). Also Akhamdma 9, 1. 11. Me-
ninski s.t;. *alam, quoting from the
Turkish says, "Deus oeiodecim millia
mwndorum ereavit" I cannot find
any explanation of the choice of the
number 18,OO0l Perhaps it was
adopted as being a multiple of the
mysterious number 9, and 9,000 was
doubled to allow for male and female
creations.
The Majma*VrUiawdril^ (quoted by
Anquetil du Perron, Zendavesia, II
352n.)> says the first man was called
Gikhah — earth-lord — and that he
had a son and daughter named
Mesci and Mescianeh, and that after
60 years, they had 18 children.
At least this is another instance of
the use of the number 18 and per-
haps a partial explanation of the
« 18,000."
* JRofadgah. Observatories are
described in the Am (II, 266) as
wonderful buildings with upper and
lower windows and placed on elevated
spots where mists cannot reach them.
See also I.e. 266 where the word
rofod is explained.
^ Lit. are its east and west.
* Alluding, apparently, to the
notion that there are nine heavens
one above another.
4
AKBARNAMA.
skies nor can the swift foot of reason plant a step in its nature's
mysterious wilderness. Its disposition^ is fiery^ its constitution
aerial^ its nature earthy but resembling water.* Its fount is the fire-
temple of the heart; its culmination^ the blissful abode of the
atmosphere ; it is as water in the flow of its traffic ; earth's surface is
its place of repose.
Judges of precedence in the ranks of glory, have in consonance
with their knowledge and insight, recognized Speech as Commander-
in-Chief ® of Truth's army, — ^nay, as the true son and heir of the
mind. They have felt it to be the Archimage^ of knowledge, the
fire-temple of the heart, — ^nay, to be the mind's first birth.' Espe-
1 The reference is to the four
elements. MS. ISTo. 564 says that
speech is compared to fire, on
account of its vehemence; to air,
because it is breath; to earth,
because its place of utterance is the
tongue which belongs to the visible
world ; and to water, because of its
smoothness and mobility.
• ^T. dbnumd, showing water
or looking like water. Ab also means
lustre and Chalmers translates "of
liquid purity.*' But A. F. is evident-
ly thinking of the element of water.
See a similar passage in Aln No. 4,
(Bib. Ind. 13), where gold is compared
to each of the four elements. There
is a passage in A. F.'s preface to
the Atn where mankind is divided
into four classes, corresponding to
the four elements.
B Sipah-adlSr, lit : Soldier-Chief ;
but the description in the A%n of
the duties and qualifications of the
Sipah'sdldr shows that he was rather
a Vizier or Prime Minister. Indeed
A. F. begins by calling him the Vice-
gerent of his Majesty. (Jarrett II,
87).
* MuJnd muhiddnUddnitlt.
^ </^^' yi^9 ahU'l'dbdJ, father
of fathers ; but the meaning is not
that Speech is the forefather or first-
parent of mind but that it is the
Adam or primeval ancestor engen-
dered by the mind.
The passage from " Judges " to
" birth " is a military metaphor, for
8ufuf (ranks) means lines of soldiers
and anjuman may mean an army.
The phrase which I have rendered
" true son and heir " is Jdialaf-aS'
aidq or J^laf aidq and means a
successor or perhaps " Vicar worthy
of his proto-type." The taeidld and
article of Text seem uzmecessary,
Lane 795c.
Chalmers translates, "Those who
can appreciate the highest grandeur,
have by means of their sense and
penetration understood this exalted
foundation of the Council Boom of
Beason to be even the son (the MS.
has nin— clearly a clerical error) of
the sincerity of the heart and the
kindred of wisdom have supposed
it to be the furnace of the soul or
rather the Palladium of the afitec*
tions of the mind."
INTBODUCriOH.
ctally preeminent is that Speech ^ which is the ornamented argument
of the splendid volume; adorned preface of the sublime code^
that is, is the praise of the Lord of heaven and earth ; panegyric
of the Distributor of life and Creator of the body ; which is at once 2
a stage of exaltation for the beginning and a heart-entrancing
ornament for the close; at once caravan-conductor* of the elo-
quent and prince of eloquence ; chamber-lamp of the sitters in dark-
ness ; solitude-adorning companion of the recluse ; pain-increaser
of the lovers of the path of God-seeking; ulcer-plaster of the
wounded dwellers in the recess of impatience ; cordial for the drinkers
of BorroVs bitter tears ; embalmer ^ of the broken-hearted denizens
of the hermitage of silence ; marshaller of the brave in the contests
of divine love ; banquet-lamp of the beloved* ones in the palace of
peace ; thirst-increaser ^ of thirsty-lipped inquirers ; hunger-increaser
1 It is difficult to regard all
these expressions as referring to
speech only and Chalmers has,
apparently, considered them as des-
criptive of the Almighty, for after
the words " Creator of the body "
(See infra) he translates, " He be-
stows the basis of exaltation to the
commencement of eternity." But
I think the reference is really to
speech and that A. F. is thinking
of the logo$. I learn from the trans-
lation of the Guliliani'rdz of my
friend Mr. Whinfield, that Safis ren-
dered the Neo-Flatonic logos by the
phrase 'tiql-i'hull, universal reason.
A. F.'s language may be compared
with Nigami's address to Speech
{suJ^cm) at the beginning of the
McMzawu-hasrar. The author of
the Ma'dsir-l-umara (11. 622) says
that A. F. has been called a Nijsaml
in prose.
s The force of this antithesis or
parallelism is not very clear, but
apparently some such distinction as
that between the Church militant
and the Church triumphant is in-
tended. While the eloquent are
travelling, i.e., marching on as prais-
ers of God — and have not yet at-
tained their goal, speech is their
leader and when they have arrived
at their resting place, i.e., at perfec-
tion— speech becomes their sove-
reign. Chalmers translates. "He
leads the Caravan of the Eloquent
and He is the Prince of Oratory."
* Properly, pissasphalt, or, as
Chalmers has it, embalming drug.
The word in the text is momidi from
which comes our word mummy.
We might therefore translate, mum-
m^ifier,
♦ Ma'^uq mizdjdn, perhaps fill-
ed with love or excessively loving.
^ latisqdhal^sh lit. giver of
dropsy. Thirst is often an accom-
paniment of dropsy. Sa'di (Oulistdn
II. Story 33), speaks of a dropsical
person as not being satisfied even by
the Euphrates, and there is a similar
reference in the Bustdn (III, 1. 26) to
the condition of a dropsical person.
6
AKBARNAMA.
of hangry-Iiearted ones in the wilderness of search. Hence it is
that wakeful-hearted sages, — with all their tumult of love and rest*
less longing, — have stayed the hand of contemplation at the hem of
the divine canopy ^ and with thirsty lips, and blistered feet, and the
gulping down of thousands of agitations and cries, have set the seal
of silence on their lips and — wisely wrapping the foot of respect in
the skirt of humility, — have not attempted what has not been
vouchsafed to them from the almonry of destiny.
Verse.
Letters^ and dots are the desert sand in Thy perfect path.
In the universe of Thy wisdom, the city of speech is but some
market-booths.*
The warders of jealousy * at Thy door, smite the understanding.
With blows of astonishment in front, and strokes of ignorance *
from behind.
on the banks of the Nile. The
Romans had a similar notion. See
Ovid's Fasti (1. 1. 215) and Horace's
Crescit indulgena aibi dirtLS hydrops^
Nee aitim pelliU
A. F.'s meaning is that some
knowledge of the Divine praise
makes one thirst for more. Cf.
A. F.'s Inahd' where Sharaf u-d-din of
Manlr is called a thirst-implanter.
Istisqd also means praying for rain,
and thus the epithet may mean that
God puts a prayer for rain in the
mouths of the thirsty, or that he
grants their prayer for rain. The
epithet following —ju'^afza — may
mean appetite-increaser.
^ ^tmdaj (howdah) which also
means a camel-litter. It is probably
used in this sense in the Akbanuimat
I. 14, 1. 12 from foot.
> Lit. poinU cmd letters. By the
dots are meant the diacritical
points. The lines are Fai^I s. See
Ain I. 236, and Blochmann, 550.
Mr. Blochmann renders the linea,
thus ;—
" Science is like blinding desert-
" sand on the road to Thy perfection ;
"the town of literature is a mere
"hamlet, compared with the world
"of Thy knowledge. Thy jealousys
"the guard of Thy door, stuns
"human thought by a blow in the
" face and gives human ignorance a
" slap on the nape of the neck."
Chalmers has, — "The Viceroy of
" dismay spurns our fancy from Thy
"door;— With the blow of stupor
upon its front and the thrust of
ignorance from behind."
* ^JJ rustd, a market-town or
hamlet.
♦ Or perhaps, the watchmen qf
Thy jealousy, A. F. speaks (42, 1. 10)
of the Divine jealousy's preserving
from public knowledge the true
character of Akbar's horoscope.
6 The meaning seems to be
that the human understanding is
<(
((
INTRODUCTIOH.
In other words, praise of the incomparable Deity lies outside
the field of possibility, and the panegyric of the unequalled God is
beyond the field of exi^tence.^
Y aRSB*
Wherever discourse* deals with the knowledge of God,
Our thoughts' praise becomes dispraise.
Behold rashness, how it boils over with daring !
Can a drop embrace the ocean ?
Think not that it is even a single letter of the Book,*
encountered by amazement (Cf.
Gray'fl "amazement in his van.")
when it attempts to fathom the
Pivine mysteries and is also buffetted
by its own ignorance.
1 d\j^\ akvodn. — ^There is a Hindi
word ahwdn signifying calculation
but here, akwan seems to be the plural
of ^ feun, existence or world.
8 i^ijAfi^ had%9y which may either
mean tradition or simply mention or
discourse. It also means new or
recent and perhaps the author of the
lines wished to take advantage of
these meanings. I think the primary
meaning here is talk or discourse for
the lines are Faizi's and we find him
elsewhere using had\9 in the sense
of discourse; e,g,, Akhamdma III.
687, 1. 10, where, addressing himself,
the poet says, " Faizl ! keep silent
from this discourse ! " The lines in
our Text occur (but in other order)
in the selection from Faizi's poems
given in the Akhamdma, III, 684,
1, 2 and 683, last line.)
Chalmers thus translates the
lines: —
** When our traditions could trace
the knowledge of God,
" Our most grateful thoughts be-
come ingratitude.
"Behold our arrogance in the
ebullition of our daring
"When a drop would clasp the
ocean in its embrace,
" Think not any volume contains e^
letter of it ;
" For a letter is but as flax and it
is the shining Moon.
" How long wilt thou arrange the
harness of thy speech,
" Place thy step here with the
offering of helplessness.
8 This difficult couplet receives
illustration from the beginning of
a letter to Shah 'Abbas of Persia in
the first book of the Inshd.* There
it is said that, if all the dots of our
intelligences and all the schedules
of our thoughts were combined with
the armies of knowledge and troops
of sciences, their total would not
represent one letter of the Book of
Praise, or be one ray of the Sun.
And then we are told, in evident
allusion to Sa'dl's famous couplet
about the leaves of the trees, that
the works of creation praise God
with a tongueless tongpie. It is
clear then that the word book {kitah)
is used in the above verse, in a
mystical sense for the mysterious
Becord of the Divine Praise.
8
AITBAEKAMA*
For the Letter is muslin ^ and the Book moonliglit.
How long wilt thou be an embroiderer * of speech ?
Stay thy foot here, with the acknowledgment * of humility.
So long as there is no link between terrestrials and celestials,
and the path of speech between the earthly and the heavenly is
closed, what intercourse can there be between the limited and the
unlimited, so that an atom of the dust can have any lot in the pure,
world-warming Sun f What goal in the boundless plains of necessity
and eternity is possible for a prisoner in the subterraneous vault of
accident and modernity ; and what strength can he have to traverse
them ? What portion can a bewildered, headless and footless mote*
have in the beams of the world-lighting Sun f It can only be tossed
about in the wind. What is a dewdrop to the swelling ocean or to
the cloud surcharged with rain ? 'Tis but the vaunt of a parched
lip. Pity it were that a mote should discourse about the Illuminator
of the assemblage of existences and, though it know him not, and
cannot address him, yet should speak of him and search for him I
What connection is there between the dark defile and the courts
of light ; between non-entity and absolute being ? The creature may
never attain such knowledge of the Creator, as to be able to draw even
a few breaths in the rare atmosphere of the praise of His mysteries
3 {maJcnundt) or to plant some steps in the field of the comprehension
of the wonders^ of His store-houses {mahbzundt). How theft can he
1 li^SS katdn. The Lucknow
editor says katdn is a kind of cloth
that goes to pieces when exposed
to the moonlight. Blochmann (94)
says {katdn) "generally translated
by linen. All dictionaries agree
that it is exceedingly thin, so much
60 that it tears when the moon
shines on it; — it is muslin.*' A. F.
(Aln 1. 106.) calls it katdn-i-farangi,
i.e., European katdn. (See VuUers
a, v., and the Burhdni-qdti'. Appa-
rently katdn is our word cotton.
s cU*^» mahmil, means a camel-
litter. It is also the term for the
cloth which is sent annually from
Egypt, as a covering for the Ka'ha.
The lines are Faizi's. See Akha/T'^
ndma IH. 684, 1. 6.
8 Jjf^i^^^, dastdwXz. This word
which Chalmers translates offering,
is commonly used in India to mean
a document, voucher or exhibit.
* The mote is supposed to be in
love with the sun. Blochmann 597 n.
and 606 n.
* Vi^ar^ 'ajdib does not occur in
the Text after idrdk, but it is found
in No. 564, in three MSS. of the
B. A. S. and in three of the A. S. B«
Chalmers' MS. also seems to hare
had it.
INTRODUCTIOK.
9
be fit to enter the courts of the Creator's praise F For him who has
no right of approach^ to speak of the Sultan's privy chamber, is only
to be exposed to ridicule and to make himself a public laughing-
stock.
Vbbsb.'
Though the foot of Speech be long of stride,
Thy curtain-stone > hath shattered it.
Though Speech be fat and lusty.
It is lean ^ when it reaches Thy table.
0 Thou I Higher than our imaginary^ heavens and more
exalted than the plane of the elements and than the stars, inasmuch
as Thou hast not bestowed on us knowledge of Thy essence and attri-
butes, it is manifest that Thou regardest not thanksgiving as within
oar powers, and seeing that Thou hast conferred on us mercies which
are infinite, it follows that Thou hast not laid upon us the obligation
of adequate gratitude I
When I saw that the door of utterance was closed, I perceived
that of action open and said to myself in ecstacy ; —
" If thou hast not the power of utterance and canst not chaunt
" panegyrics, be not cast down, for it is the smooth-tongued and
empty-handed who, by a fraudulent barter, traffic words at the
rate oi realities. The praise which 'is laid upon mankind^ as a
duty, by the commands of the Understanding, — 'that world-obeyed
€€
t€
t<
^ Both couplets are from the
Jiiayizan/u'Uaarar of Nigami. See
Bland's ed. 3, 1.42 and 21. 1.380.
Nigimt was a fayonrite author with
Akbar. Blochmann, 104
> Qu. a stone placed upon the
edge of a curtain to prevent its
blowing aside. Perhaps simply
stone of the threshold.
* That is, from the length of
the journey.
* KuraX'i-'aqnl u awhdm. The
hwrtH or throne is the crystalline or
eighth heaven and below the *aral^
which is the empyrean — the ninth
heaven or the heaven of heavens. The
2
IcuTsX is supposed to be God's judg-
ment seat and the author's meaning
seems to be that God is higher than
any such imaginary throne. Lane
(8. V, huTii) quotes an authority as
saying that the hursi is the place
of the feet, and 8. v. *ar»li^ quotes
a saying of Muhammad that the
seven heavens and earths, by the side
of the JeursX, are naught but as a ring
thrown down in a desert land ; and
such is the kurai with respect to the
'arsji (the empyrean.)
imJcdni lit the family of contingent
existences.
10
AKBABNAUA.
t(
it
ft
te
tt
sovereign, — ^is that they make the iiight-illuminating jewel of
reason,— one of the bountiful Divine Ruler's greatest gifts, — ^into
a bright lamp, and employ it for sweeping and cleansing the courts
" of their outer and inner man. Should the taskmasters ^ of fate's
<* workshop have attired a son of Adam in the garb of want and
solitude, let him first of all gird up his loins for self-culture and
afterward let him endeavour the improvement of others. Should
*' they have brought him into a crowd of associations and contacts—
'^ as may be inevitable in the arrangements of this evil world, — let
him, if a ruler, prefer the betterment of others to his own ; for
the duty of the shepherd is watching the flock, and the design
of sovereignty is universal guardianship. If he be a subject,
let him, first of all, show alacrity in obeying the orders of his
legitimate ruler,* and then let him cleanse the secret chambers
of his heart from the dust of heavy-pacing sensuality and nimble-
" footed wrath, so that, by his life and conversation, he be a teacher
" and a testimony of the incomparable Giver and Cherisher of his
*' outer and inner man.''
When the communing with my heart bad proceeded thus far,
a resting-stage showed itself afar ofE to my bewildered mind, and my
thoughts were pleasant for a while. My astonied heart was, it is
true, saddened by the length and difficulty of the journey, but waa
cheered by the sound of the machinery of movement,* and by the
good tidings of eventual arrival. Suddenly the thoughtful foot
of my boding spirit came upon a stone ; for the praise of God does
not consist in comprehending His perfect attributes and assigning^
ft
ft
ft
ft
ft
ft
1 Manta^imdn, Ut. arrangers or
managers.
• j^)l\ ^ {j^ ^1)1 1 oAiodmiru tna^
lahu al dmru ; — an Arabic phrase
signifying the commands of him to
whom is command, i.e., who has right
to command. See verse of the Ko-
ran in the document preserved by
BadSonl. (11.271, 1.9. Lowe 279.
Koran, Swra IV. 62.)
* Wj y^ »-^"^ti ahcmg'i'Bat'i-rah.
Ahang means symphony and also
intention or resolution. Perhaps
the expression refers to the tinkling
of the camels' bells. Chalmers has
''the sweet-soanding of the instru-
ments of travel." The meaning ap-
pears to be that, though the way is
long and difficult, the mind of the
pilgrim is cheered by the thought
that he is moving on, and will even-
tually reach his goal.
^ Lit, connect them with His
court.
INTRODUCTION.
11
them to His Essence ; nor is it the reckoning up of His benefits which
are i?rithoat beginning or end, and by dint ^ of these wares of new-
fang^led^ praise, thrusting oneself forward ; nor* should we regard
praise as beyond human comprehension and so, stop short of the
^ Xdit. alongside or abreast of.
« ^T«lj*>^, hctdus'dlud, stained
with, novelty. The text has an i^fat
l>etrween hadtis-alud and the follow-
ing I^udrd which would, I think,
be better away. It ia not in No*
* I read ({ yd, instead of 0 td, as
this seems to me to make the better
sense. It also appears to be the
reading adopted by Chalmers. Most
texts, however, read td. The Elliot
MS. (Bodleian 4a) has yd and the
Walker MS. (Bodleian 115) had yd
also but this has been altered into
td, — I suppose by the copyist. B.M.
MS. Add. No. 6544 has also yd.
B.M. MS. Add. No. 5610 has td.
Td may be right and the meaning be
that the result of attempting to
number the Divine benefits, eto., is
^hat one finds the calculation beyond
one's power and so gives up praise
in despair. The translation, in this
case, would run thus ; " Until " (or
*' with the result that **) " one recog-
nizes that praise is beyond human
comprehension and so joins those
who have fallen short of the portico
of praise." The author's meaning
seems to be that for awhile he
thought he had come to see what was
** the chief end of man," viz., to do
his best in the situation in which he
might be placed. This cheered him
in spite of the path's being long and
hard, but suddenly, a fresh difficulty
presented itself, for he recognized
tiiat the praise of Grod which per*
haps, we should call Theology and
which the author regarded as man's
prime care. Cf. the Shorter Cate-
chism— " man's chief end is to glorify
God and to enjoy him for ever "
did not consist in either of the two
following things ;
1. Attempting to comprehend the
inscrutable.
2. Much speaking about His
bounties, hoping thereby to win
Grod's favour and to have glory of
men.
Nor again was it right to aban-
don the study of Theology as beyond
our powers, and devote our energies
to the improvement of our own
miserable selves, even if such endea-
vour were after moral as well as
material advancement. No! true
Theology or Divine worship con-
sisted in renouncing the attempt
either to fathom the Divine mysteries
or to recount His benefits and to
take refuge in acknowledgment of
our baseness and impotence. The
author^s view, in short, is that ex-
pressed in the parable of the
Pharisee and the Publican, of which
perhaps, he may have heard from his
friend Aquaviva. These reflections
led him to see that he must strive
after worshipping Grod, though in a
different fashion from that of the
theologians, and eventually he found
rest in the discovery that the highest
form of Dozology was to record the
achievements,— spiritual and tempo-
ral—of that Divine master-piece, the
12
AKBARNAMA.
porch of thanksgiving; nor should we style self-calture ^ the recital
of the Divine praise^ and growing wearj-hearted' at tlie darkness of
the road and the distance of the goal, regard such self-deception as a
gain, and with abandonment of thanksgiving, set about whatever the
cheatery of the hour represent as our true aim.
Rather the note of Praise is to lay this praise-loving, self-adorning,
self-auctioning spirit ^^ on the threshold of service, at the base of
supplication and humiliation and to cast it down from the arch* of
Emperor Akbar. Unfortunately we
may say of Abu-l-fazl what has been
predicated of the poet Young — that
he never gets hold of a thought that
he does not tear it to pieces.
As the passage is difficult, I give
Chalmers' translation below :—
"For the meaning of the giving
"praise to the Almighty is neither
" that we should inquire into the
" qualities of His perfection and then
"apply them to His Majesty — ^nor
" that we should reckon up the
"endless bounties of Eternity and
" then offer up in return for them,
"the fabricated wares of our own
" commendations ; nor should we
suppose them too excellent for
human ken and thus despair of
"reaching the portico of gratitude;
" nor should we denominate the adorn-
"ment of ourselves, the recital of
" Qod's praises ; nor become sorrow-
" f ul of heart from the dimness of the
" path and the delicacy of the under-
" taking, and seizing the opportunity
"of empty excuses, refrain from
" shewing forth His praises by com-
" mencing with the evasion which
" may appear most plausible for the
"purpose. But rather the true
" intent of God's praise is this ;—
" that our grateful soul should place
"self-conceit and self -boasting on
«
<i
" the threshold of obedience at the
" footstool of submission and devo-
" tion, and thus expel them from the
" palace of self-interest ; so that our
"real helplessness may be decked
" with the semblance of piety and our
"inward and outward man may be
" adorned with humility and poverty
" which will thus suit the seemliness
" of the breast of our purpose and
"tend towards the praise of the
" bounteous Creator of the Universe."
Chalmers' MS. I. 7.)
1 Khwejbtan-ardt'i-ll^udra. I
think this means self-improvement»
rather than self-glorification. It
refers, as No. 564 remarks, to the
endeavours after a better life men-
tioned above. It may, however, mean
self-advancement, t.a., striving to
" get on " without thinking of any-
thing higher.
• J/gdr-f^dfir, lit, cripple-heart-
ed, thus keeping up the metaphor of
an exhausted wayfarer.
» V^txMt ^jr^f nafs'i-HpdB, Nafg
has many meanings but is generally
rendered spirit or breath. Here per-
haps, it means something more mate-
rial and might almost be translated
body ; else how can the author speak
of its being flung down, etc. P
* (3^> ^t* ^^^h or archway, also
alcove. Jfogi-nan' appears to be »
INTRODUCTION.
13
Belf-consciousnesB and self-regard^ so that its inward poverty may
be adorned by outward submissiveness^ and its inner and outer
nature be decked with humility and lowliness till fitness ^ grace
the bosom of purpose and be turned into praise of the Omnipotent
Creator.
Now as sucb wares' of thanksgiving are abundant in the booths
its purpose."
8 ^JXkm a(X«, matd*'i-8ipd8, mer-
chandise of praise. I suppose that
this praise, like the matd*-i-8itud<ig%
on the previous page, must mean
and prophets. Of* a passage in the
letter to 8hah 'Abbas, already men-
tioned; %all mahdmid hibriyd
^uddwandl, the shadow of the
laudable, qualities of the Almighty.
12
AKBARNAMA.
porch of thanksgiving ; nor should we style self -culture ^ the recital
of the Divine praise^ and growing weary-hearted • at the darkness of
the road and the distance of the goal, regard such self-deception as a
gain, and with abandonment of thanksgiving, set about whatever the
cheatery of the hour represent as our true aim.
Rather the note of Praise is to lay this praise-loving, self -adorning.
i-t
-1^
** a
iAJm
NOTE.
The following passage was accidentally omitted. It should come in at p. 13,
1. 11, at the end of the second paragraph, and immediately after the word
" thanksgiving."
'^ Inasmuch as my aim was lofty, and my intent majestic, my
scheming soul could not extricate herself from confusion and set
free the word-framing tongue. My constitution would not allow
that, like the ignorant and the imitative, I should enter the Praise*
Court of the most glorious God by force of words and ejaculationsj
and be soothed by borrowed metaphor and hackneyed phrase. Nor
yet would my effusive zeal permit that I should, after the manner
of feeble-souled sages, refrain from searching after Him, or stay
my lips from speech concerning him, and thus by a contradictory
confession,^ disparate from one's practice in secular matters, proclaim
inability and simultaneously hold one's self forth as a right-thinking
utterer of verities.*'
' Iqrdr'i'fidqia, The meaning seems
to be that the same person who
excuses himself from praising God
by the plea of inability, yet in other
matters, for instance in returning
thanks to men, claims to be endowed
with eloquence. Chalmers has "a
lame conclusion which obtains not
in other matters." Perhaps he read
qardn.
" may appear most plausible for the
"purpose. But rather the true
"intent of God's praise is this;—
" that our grateful soul should place
"self-conceit and self -boasting on
rial and might almost bo translated
body ; else how can the author speak
of its being flung down, etc. P
♦ 0^» '^i?» *rch or archway, also
alcove, jpaqt-na^ appears to be a
INTRODUCTION.
13
self-conscionsness and self-regard, so that its inward poverty may
be adorned by outward submissiveness, and its inner and outer
nature be decked with humility and lowliness till fitness ^ grace
the bosom of purpose and be turned into praise of the Omnipotent
Creator.
Now as such wares' of thanksgiving are abundant in the booths
of men and are especially plentiful in my own stall, why do I with-
hold myself from Divine praise and why do I delay to laud the
Eternal One 7 Under any circumstances, it is better for me to escape
from this deceiving misery of self-pleasing and to address myself
to the heights of lofty thanksgiving.
I was a long time in perplexity, having neither ability to speak
nor power to remain silent, when suddenly a door of light was
opened by the intellect, that glory of life, and my confused heart
found the neck of hope fitted with the noose of resolution. This
message came to the ear of guidance, ''Artist in Truth's picture
gallery I dost thou not compose a book whose frontispiece thou
mayest adorn with praise ? Thou art inditing the history of the
liord of time and the terrene {eamin u zamdn) and Crown-jewel of
monarchs, and praise to God will come into the writing, and thanks-
giving to the Almighty be part of the picture I praise of praise is
not right ; the works of the Artificer are the perfect praise of the
pure God and acknowledge <^ him with a tongueless tongue.^'
''They (the works of creation) by conferring this knowledge,
grant to the soul-awakened and inwardly-cultured, possession of
Light absolute and bring them into the vast shadow of praise which
together with its delights, is the highest dignity {man^ah) of celes-
" tial existences."*
i€
t€
tl
i€
€€
€C
€€
€€
€t
i€
poetical phrase for the eye, viz., the
arch of sight.
1 I omit the izafai after BbaxBtagX*
If this be retained, the translation
will be " until " (or " and ") " it be
fitted to the fitness of the bosom of
its purpose."
8 ^Um f^y Tnatd'-i-aipda, mer-
chandise of praise. I suppose that
this praise, like the fnatd*'i'8iiudag%
on the previous page, must mean
words, of which the author had no
doubt a great stock.
• Cf. Addison's hymn.
* ^J^J *r>^J> wajub'i-wajiid,
necessary existences. The reference
is to the glorified spirits of saints
and prophets. Of, a passage in the
letter to Shah Abbas, already men-
tioned ; aall mahdmid hibriyd
lAiiddwandt, the shadow of the
laudable, qualities of the Almighty.
14
AKBABNAMA.
i<
it
St
" Now I it is manifest that no nobler impress or sublimer jewel
'' is to be seen in the material world,^ than the exalted presence of
" powerful princes who by their holy energy, regulate the outer world
** and knit it together. And assuredly, to make over a world to one
'^ man and to consign to bim the momentous afEairs of a universe is
to incorporate in him the world of reality, or rather to make him its
soul. Especially if he be a world-adomer seized with the desire
of inhaling the fragrant breezes of Truth's spring-time and is seated
'' on the lofty throne of felicity. Still more if he be the Lord of
'' an Age who in addition to these two^ endowments, has a heart
" and mind fed from a hidden fountain. Above all, if he be that
*' altar of the pious who by the Divine aid, has risen above these
*' degrees and has become colourist of the House of Truth, banquet-
'' illuminator of the Hall of Realities, confidant of the Presence
'' Chamber, intimate of the pure palace of unity, and is by auspicious
'' fate seated on the throne of fortune. Sway over the outer and inner
'' world and unravelment of knots, both spiritual and temporal, are
*' conspicuous in him. Therefore is he the adorner of the imperial
*' throne ; the uplif ter of the banner of God's shadow in our happy
'' age ; aggregation of the artists of thought and wisdom, or rather
^' master-piece of the eternal artificers. With such vast stores of true
" praise in thy keeping, why remainest thou distraught in search ? "
On hearing this soul-refreshing message, the morning breeze
of felicity arose ; the stock of eternal bliss was collected ; the eye
of hope grew bright ; the outer world became current coin ; the
inner world exulted; the skirt of success fell into my hand; the
wished-for countenance came in sight.
Good God I What a strange mystery it is that in historical
1 The line of thought Beems to
be, that the works lof the Creator are
His highest panegyric and that the
greatest of these works on earth is
a king, consequently the description
of a great king is the highest form
of Divine praise. Evidently A. F.
would not have agreed with Pope as
to what was the noblest work of
God.
• wAA^ ^JU, <akim-f-imfttr, the
elemential world, t.6., the world made
up of the four elements. The mean-
ing is that even in the world of
matter, there is no gem so precious
as a king, much grander then is one
who is not only a king but a saint,
etc.
• <' Meaning love of truth and
good fortune ; the latter being con-
sidered a virtue of no mean order in
the East." (Chalmers MS. n.)
INTRODUCTION.
15
writings^ praise of the pure Giver is introduced as an adornment to
the book, whereas here, the book is adorned in order to the praise of
the Creator. In the pages of secularists, praise comes in as ancillary
to the design of the book, but in this glorious history, the design is
Bubservient to the praise. According to the old method, G-od^s praise
was effected by utterance; in this new rendezyous on Beason^s highway,
action is praise. My predecessors relied on speech for God's praise ;
in this exordium of rare writing, recourse is had to the perfect man^
who is a God-worshipping king, viz,, that Lord of the World who,
by virtue of his God-seeking and God-apprehending, has removed
the veil from between the external and the internal and has established
love between the sections of the recluse and the layman' and has
lifted up the curtain from in front ^ of the apparent and the real.
Heedlessness which used to travel on the opposite road to dis-
cretion, has retraced his steps and become one of wisdom's servants.
Formalism^ which had left the regions of inquiry and was stirring
up tumults, has now thrown inquiry's scarf on his shoulder and
become a minister at the shrine. Blind self-worship which had
abandoned the worship of God and adopted the worship of the
creature, has now got eyes to see with and has come, ashamed and
downcast, to the temple of divine worship.
Blear-eyed envy which had megrim' in the head and madness
in the brain, and used to strive against the Allwise Lawgiver, has
now got wisdom for his guide, and, having become enrolled as one
of the pardoned of the shrine of grace,* has been ranked among
the helpers of the kingdom. Painful longing — the health, indeed.
1 Lit lords of abstraction (or
nakedness) and masters of connexion.
s Chalmers has, " from between
the fleshly and the spiritnal" and
this may be the meaning, but the
expression is " in front of both."
8 iMi c)'«*^) insdn-i-kdmil. This
is a Suiistic phrase and is explained
by Jorjanl. {Notices et Extraits X.
386, Silvestre de Sa^y.) The phrase
peffeci man does not mean simply an
impeccable person, in which sense
the expression was used, I believe*
by Whitfield. It rather means the
essence or highest type of humanity.
It is also explained as meaning the
first intelligence, or, — in Arabic
phrase,— the mother of the book.
De Sa^y says " L'homme parfait est
la mdme chose que la premibre intel-
ligence." (See also Badaoni, Lowe
266).
I MM
♦ iXjJJU, t^iqUd, imitation and also
hypocrisy and superstition.
6 y^U, md^oliyd, i,e., the
Greek fi€X,ayxo\ia,
6 ixkp, 'attyat, gift or benefi-
cence.
16
A^BARNAHA.
of Eternity— from being cripple has become a Conner, and appears
both as the runner and the winning-post. And why should this not
be when we have, in this enlightened age, the chamber-lamp of the
universe, the glory of Adam's race, the unveiler of hidden secrets^
the revealer of faultless forms f Or how should these things appear
strange in the eyes of the far-seeing and wise, when he is (at once)
composer {nd^im) of the institutes of sovereignty, distributor^ of the
riches of the servants of God, hairsplitting discerner of microscopic
subtleties, the great lapidary and assaymaster ?
So long as the spiritual supremacy over the recluse which is
called Holiness and the sway over laymen which is called Sovereignty,
wore distinct, there was strife and confusion among the children
6 of Noah* (mankind). Now that in virtue of his exaltation, fore-
sight, comprehensive wisdom, universal benevolence, pervading dis-
cernment and perfect knowledge of God, these two great offices
{man^db) which are the guiding thread of the spiritual and temporal
worlds, have been conferred on the opener of the hoards of wisdom
and claviger of Divine treasuries, a small portion at least,— if his
holy nature grant the necessary faculty, — may be brought from the
ambush of concealment to the asylum of publicity. Knowest thou
at all who is this world-girdling luminary and radiant spirit ? Or
whose august advent has bestowed this grace f 'Tis he who by
virtue of his enlightenment and truth, is the world-protecting •
i The meaning is not that Akbar
was the almoner of God's servants*
in which respect he was indeed,
according to Badaonl, very deficient,
but that he revealed spiritual mys-
teries as well as made rales for tem-
poral administration. The word,
qdsim, lit divider, reminds ns of
St. PauVs phrase "rightly dividing
the word of truth." In this group
of four epithets, the first and the
third relate apparently, to temporal
matters and the second and fourth,
to spiritual.
2 Noah is called by Muhamma-
dans, the second Adam.
B A. F.'s panegyric on Akbar is
an extraordinary production, accord-
ing to our western ideas. Probably,
however, it was thought very fine by
his countrymen. The original is fall
of paronomasia and parallellisms and
these, as also the alliterations and
cadenced clauses, make the Persian
sound much better than the transla-
tion. The composition must have
cost the author immense labonr,
though apparently, the task was not
entirely his own, for in Fai^I's pro-
face to his Diwdn we find the epi-
thets here bestowed on Akbar, from
ffiu^orrai down to 'dlamjdn u jdn
*dUim, i.e , for about eight lines of the
text, and nearly in the same order.
INTRODUCTtON.
11
sovereign of our age, to wit, that Lord (SidhansAdh) of the hosts of
sciences, — theatre of God's power, — station of infinite bounties,—
nnique of the eternal temple, — confidant* of the dais of unity, — jewel
of the imperial mine,— bezel of God's signet-ring, — glory of the
Gurgdn^ family, — lamp of the tribe of Timur,^ — lord of incompara-
ble mystery,— heir of Humaydn's throne, — origin* of the canons of
world-government, — author of universal conquest, — shining fore-
head of the morning of guidance, — focus ^ of the sun of holiness, —
sublime* concentration of humanity, — heir-apparent of the sun, —
anthology of the books of fate and destiny, — protagonist of trium-
phant armies, — quintessence of the commingling of nights and
days, — cream of the progeny of the elements'^ and the heavenly
bodies, — world's eye (sun) of benevolence and bounty, — cheek-mole
In the Fundgrilben dea Orients (II.
271), may be found an interesting
experiment, made by Joseph von
Hammer, at preserving the oriental
cadences in a German translation of
the Turkish Humdyun-ndma,
1 t^jSU^ muqarrah, said to be
from the same root as cJieruh and to
mean, like it, one who is admitted or
near to God's presence, but the pre-
ferable opinion is that cherub is
derived from the Chaldi and means
the winged man-bull.
* Oiirgdn is said to mean son-in-
law or near relation in Mongolian ;
(Blochmann 4G0n.) it was a title
taken by Timur to indicate his con-
nection with the house of Cinglz
Khan. (S^dillot, " Maieriaux/' 261,
and Hyde's preface to Ulugh Beg's
Tables. IV.)
J^dhib't-qirdn, lord of conjunc-
tion ; — a name given to Timur, appa-
rently because the planets (P Jupiter
and Venus) were in conjunction at
his birth, but Hyde says it merely
means dominua potentiae. The three
8
successive epithets are used in order
to indicate that Akbar was, first, the
glory of the house of Cingiz Eh^ii ;
second, the lamp of the house of
Timur; third, the heir of HumayQn;
and they lead up to a description of
what he was in himself.
* The Bib. Ind. ed.' omits this
phrase, but it occurs in Lucknow ed.
and in No. 564 and is evidently
genuine, for otherwise a paronomasia
or cadence would be lost. The Per-
sian is ^tf^^j^^ uH^b'^ f *^f mubdi*
qatvdnin-i'jahdnbdnt and it rhymes
with the next clause which is f^^^
ij\j^ ^jmS «Vp|^, n^u^tari* qawd'id
kial^ioar aiidnl.
6 Lit. eye-pupil.
^ Perhaps, harmonious blend of
humanity. Maulvi A. Haq Abld
tells me it may also mean " exalting
the offspring of Adam" or "elevat-
ing human nature." The original is
gardmi edz-i-guhar-i-adam.
t The elements are called the
earthly mothers, and the planets, the
heavenly fathers.
18
AKBARNAMA.
of sovereignty and fortune, — ^back-bone i of the frame of the Khila^
fat,^ — bosom-joy of justice and mercy, — brightener (farHzanda) of
the jewel of fortune and felicity, — exalter [fardianda) of the throne
and crown, — connoisseur of the gem of the wise, — appreciator of the
pearl of lofty genius, — opening^ the knots of those trammeled in
business, — balm of ulcerated hearts, — clear-thoughted stoic,* — ^world-
adorning life-giver, — a pictured soul and incarnate reason, — world of
life and life of world, — enlightened truth-seer — Clover of the way, —
truth-chooser, — of discreet gait and constant intelligence, — wakeful
occupant of the throne of morning, — sole tenant of light's adytum, —
illuminating the Presence Chamber, — knowing the boundaries of the
paths, — achiever of universal* peace, — site of wondrous gifts, —
grandmaster of the grades of sanctity, — initiated in the mysteries
of light* and darkness, — theatre of Divine and secular truths, —
perceiver of the links between the visible^ and invisible worlds,-—
knowing secrets, spiritual and temporal, — fountain for those athirst
for the sweet waters of communion, — goal of the strayed from the path
of perfection, — theatre of refined subtleties and exalted sciences, —
resting place of infused knowledge and inspired mysteries, — -adorning
the travelling litter® while in his native land, — light of retirement in
I Lit. strength of the back. It
is opposed to the next epithet which
refers to the eadr, breast or bosom.
> i.e., the being God's vicegerent.
8 i.e.t solving their difficulties.
A. F. applies this phrase to Faizi.
(Akbamdma III. 673), saying that
those who were entangled in intri-
cacies of business, were broken-
hearted at Faizl's death because
there was no longer anyone to explain
their difficulties.
* J^dhih'dil, which is often used
to mean a Sufi : lit master of one's
heart or passions.
^ J^fulh-i-kull. The state of being
at peace with every one, which A. F.
regarded as the perfection of virtue.
Cf . Hebrews XII. 14. " Follow after
peace with all men."
• The Lucknow editor renders
this " day and night ; " Chalmers has,
"acquainted with the mysteries of
good and evil." A similar phrase,
vi9., nuktcKldn-i-rafnoz safldi u aiydkx
— occurs in the In§lid\ (Part I,
beginning of letter to Hakim Ha-
mam.)
1 fJ^) J Cf «^j taqidi u itldq%
fixity and freedom, — meaning the
temporal and spiritual world. Aln
III. 246. 1.10.
8 The Bib. Ind. and Lucknow
eds. have fitahfal ami, ornament of
the assemblage, but No. 564 has
makmil, camel-litter, and so had
Chalmers' MS. This epithet and the
next are repeated in the AXn (III.
249) and are translated by Jarrett
(III. 406) " who prepares tho litters
^ T
^r
INTRODUCTION.
19
society, — apprehending quickly, — retaining long, — giving much,
getting little, — pilot of the ship^ of the universe, — ark^ of the
boundless ocean, — keen-sighted guardian of degrees of honour, — •
subtle distributor of dignities, — of fortunate genius and auspicious
glance, — of happy horoscope and exalted star, — bearer of heavy
burdens, — brilliant master of lofty understanding, — ornament of wis-
dom,— cherisher of the wise, — world-adorning conqueror, — support-
ing friends, — scattering foes, — binding enemies, — opening countries,
— exalter* of the thrones of majesty and awe, — uplifter of the
cushions of pomp and prosperity, — warder of faith and state^ —
protector of throne and signet, — beautifier of the seven climes, —
adorner of throne and diadem, — rank-breaking royal cavalier,* —
tiger- thro wing falcon, — champion of the battle-field of the Holy
War,* — combatant stalking over the seven worlds, — bulwark builder
of travel while yet abiding in hie
native land, — a lamp for those who
gather in privacy." In a note to the
first epithet, Colonel Jarrett adds;
** that is, preparing for the world to
come while yet in this, or facilitating
the salvation of others."
A. F. is never tired of insisting
on the dualism of Akhar's nature,
and his meaning here seems to be
that Akbar had all the graces of a
pilgrim while yet in his native land,
and that he had the virtues of a her-
mit while still mingling with society.
There can be no doubt that mah-
mil is the right reading, for mahfal
can have nothing to do with travel.
I find too, that it is mahmil in
the B. M. MSS. Or. Nos. 5610 and
6544.
1 The Persian word is safxna in
both cases, but I take the second use
of the epithet to refer to Noah's ark.
However, safxiia can also mean a
roemorandum book and this may be
its sense in the first clause. In that
case didahhdn would signify inspec'
tor and the phrase be rendered *' In-
spector of the book of the universe.'*
S ^s\^. sd'ad from tyjt^, a'ad,
Chalmers seems to have read <>£ U«,
ad'ad arm, for he translates "brace-
let of the arm of magnificence and
glory." (SbPLi is also a Sufistic
expression for power generally. See
Die. of T. Ts., 640 1.4 fr. foot.
8 In Ain No. 47 (Book 1. Bloch-
mann, 131) Akbar is called the "royal
rider (shdhsawdr) of the plain of
auspiciousness." See also A. F.'s
explanation of the word shdhsawdr
in his preface to the Ain. (Bloch-
mann it.)
* j^^ ^^f^i J^ihdd'i-akhar, the
Greater Holy War, viz., that against
one's lusts ; the Crescentade or war
against infidels being the Jihad-i-
asghar or Lesser War. In the A. S.
B. Per. MSS. Catalogue (170) there
are entries of two treatises, one on
the Jihdd-i-aJcbar and the other on the
Jihdd'i-aagiar. Cf. Bunyan's "Holy
War" and Babar's Mem., Erskine,
356, 1.2.
20
AKBARNAMA.
of sovereignty and dominion, — base of the columns of instruction
and discipline, — holding fast the strong handle of perfect reason, —
riveter of the massy chain of universal justice, — all eye^ in the
banquet-hall, — all heart in the battle-field, — in the joyous festival a
refreshing cloud,* — in the triumphant battle, a blood-drinking sea, —
in the fields of bravery, an unsheathed sword, — in the tournament
a polished lance, — a billowy ocean in the world of giving, — a light-
ning-darting cloud ^ in battle, — his breath, a swaying censer at the
soul's feast, — his pleasantness, the waving fan of opening^morn, —
his justice, equable as Farwardln^ and of minute discernment, — his
temper is like the zephyr of Ardihihishi^ and runs over with smiles,^
— his nature is experienced and disciplined in the solution of pro-
blems,— his flawless intellect is a trusty counsellor in the explication
of difficulties, — externally his splendour is that of Jam^id,7 and his
glory that of Farldun,^ — internally he is Socrates in wisdom, Plato
in perception, — he is trained inwardly and outwardly, — his eye and
heart are sources of liberality, — he has harmonized tongue and heart,
and has made unity • partner with plurality, — his vigilance watches
over appetite, — his genius treads lust under foot, — his fair-dealing
1 Lit in the face of the ban-
queting room, all eye (or glance);
in the heart of the battle-field, all
liver (pluck.) Bar ru-i-hazamgdh
iamdm nogr, dar dil-i-razmgdh tamdm
jigar,
• Lit. ocean-raining.
» Naisdn, a Syrian month, cor-
responding to April, and being the
7th month of the Sjro-Macedonian
Calendar, i.e., Greek Era of A. F. It
is the Nisdn or Ahib of the Jews and
the first month of their sacred year,
being that of the Passover. There
is a saying that when the rain of the
month of Naisdn drops into shells,
it produces pearls, and when it
falls into the mouths of serpents, it
produces poison. See Whin field's
0ul^an-i-rd9 (67).
• The first mouth of the Persian
year, corresponding to March-April*
It begins with the vernal equinox and
hence, perhaps, the allusion to its
equability.
* The second month of the Per-
sian year, corresponding to April -
May.
^ Alluding to the sheet-lightnings
of spring.
1 An early Persian king, cele-
brated for his cup or mirror (jam)
which showed the world.
• Another early Persian king,
son or grandson of Jamshid and
said to have been the first tamer of
elephants.
9 i.e., has reconciled solitude and
society. See opening of tho GhI»
$han'%^rd», 1.27. Cf. also the Wisddm
of Solomon, VII, 22. "Alone in kini
manifold.'*
INTKODUCTION.
21
has overturned the petty stalls of fraud and deception, — the touch-
stone * of his wisdom has separated the gold-encrusted lunjp* from
the solid gold.
He rends the garment of contumacy* which wraps the faces of
debts, * but draws the mantle of forgiveness over the heads of trans-
gressions; the splendour of power streams from the brow of his
benevolence ; the lightning of benignity draws lambent ^ lights from
the fires of his wrath. His fury melts adamantine boldness; his
dread turns to water the courage of the iron-souled ; the shrinking
I 'Aydr-ddnish, test of wisdom.
This is the title of A. F.'s transla-
tion of the Kalilah Damnak or
rather of his revision of the Anwdri
Suhailu {Blochmann, 106 and S.
de Sa^y, "Notices et Eziraiis" X.
197). There is here probably an
allusion to Axn No. 5 (Blochmann,
Book 1. 18), where we are told that
Akbar had invented modes of puri-
fying gold.
* Qalb'i-zar andud az zar-i-gohar'
dmud* The text has an u after the
second zar which would be better
away and which does not occur in
No. 564.
* jiar*, tajahhur. The word also
means restitution or restoration of
property, and we might give this
meaning here and interpret the
phrase to signify that Akbar releases
debtors from the obligation of resti-
tution which lies like a veil over
their faces. But I think that the
translation contumacy is right and
that there is an antithesis between
this and the following clause. A. F.
means that Akbar compelled the con-
tumacious to fulfil their obligations,
?.e., made them pay their fines, taxes,
compensations for injuries and other
debts but that, at the same time, he
was forgiving to offenders. See
Ain No. 2 (Blochmann, Book II. 13).
with the account of the distinction
between exchequer-lands and fiefs.
See also Axn No. 19 (Blochmann
Book II., 268).
* &i}j^t fines or mulcts or debts.
There are two dins devoted to the
subject of fines, viz., Nos. 48 and 57
(Blochmann, Book I. 131 and 140)
one being headed iS«^]^ and the
other (jt^O. No. 564 explains the
word #h!/^ by (^\jft. Even grandees
were fined and for certain offences
elephant-drivers were liable to capi-
tal punishment. See Blochmann 's
note to Ain No. 83 (217). For tajah-
bur, the B. M. MS. Or. No. 6544 has
j\^^ writing, and Chalmers' MS.
seems to have had this reading for
he translates, " He tears the screen
of writing from the face of his
intent." Apparently, as Mr. Beames
has suggested to me, Chalmers read
^1 j^ 'azatnt, intentions, instead of
^tjP ghardxtn,
^ Lit, tongues of light. The two
clauses are opposed ; in spite of his
benevolence, he is terrible ; in spite
of his wrath, he is lovely. Orientals
regard lightning as an object of
beauty rather than of terror.
it
((
22
AKBARNAMA.
of the age is the impress of the wrinkh'ng of his brows; its expan-
sioii the. reflex of his nature's blossoming.
Prayers for his permanence have stationed themselves on the
tongue of small and great; love and belief in him repose in the
hoarts of young and old ; the loftiness of his fame has lowered the
glory of local magnates ; the majesty of his dominion has put away
the rulers of the quarters of the world ; the echo of his fortune has
opened the ears of the princes of the horizons ; the ensign ^ of his
glory has lifted up the eyes of provincial kings;''* his migh^jy fame
has mingled with the spheres ; the sound of his glory has passed
from shore to shore; the proclamation of his bounty has transgressed
the boundaries of the world;* his glorious court has become the
native land of the elect of the seven climes; his daily increasing
dominion has become the masterpiece of epochs and cycles; his
glorious ascension^ the auspicious frontispiece of stars and planets.
Verse.
That King of Kings, prop of the sky !
The umbrella of his fortune is the sky's shadow ;
Adorning the garden-plot of wisdom and knowledge ;
Exalting the throne and the diadem ; —
The seat of his power is rich in liberality ;
His fortune's shape has an open brow;
His proseuce is the truth-seekers* cynosure ;
His pity a founUiiu-head for the thirsty ;
By a single thought,* ho has placed under foot
* **0^» iliitiiliWm* a stool Imll sus-
poiuUnl to a polo and carriod as an
ensigiu (Hlochwaun. oO.)
• Mu}iik'i-UtvKV\f, triluil kinps.
It iniglu bo romlonni kings of iho
liontiUw and was tho namo gnon to
tho satraps, ostabli s)uhI by Aloxanilor
and 'nmar, ( Alblrftnts " Olmum lo
of Anoiout Nations" S^iohau. Ht>
ana lOU Mas'iVU* U, l:*,2, MoNuard
rt 1\ do iVnirtoiUo). Vt l^^liah,
1^ o^'* ^''^i* «i>/««ri €&'*£&
jihai ; lit. the six sidos of the surface,
meaninsT the six sides of a cube, i.e.,
the world. The regular Arabic
expression for this ap}iear8 to be
^U ^^i>w<<, untsfa*hisi ^dlam, the six
sides of the world, rix., up anddoirn«
fore and aft, rij:ht and left. ^Stein-
gass, «. r.V The world is aUo called
tc^AMi.M shashiarj^ six-doored.
♦ Or it may be, *' He has placed
under the fix^i of uuanimiiv.** The
nitNiniug is that he has united sore-
re icniv and Nancliiv.
INTRODUCTION.
23
The royal divan and the dervish's carpet.
The nine heavens revolve for his purpose ;
The seven stars * travel for his work ;
By wisdom, he is the age's provider ;
By vigilance, the world's watchman ;
His love and his hate, in the banquet and the battle,
Are brimming cups of wine and blood ;
The hbdqdn^ fears his wrath;
. Caesar 3 is disturbed at his frown ;
Heaven in glory, Earth in stability ;*
Lord of universal reason,' Jaldlu-d-din,^
Essence of sunlight and shadow of God,
Pearl of crown and throne is Akbar Shah.
May this old world be renewed by him !
May his star be the sun's rays !
This empty-handed one, who, from lack of the capital of praise
had neither room to sit nor a leg to stand upon, became, through
the above excellent idea and firm resolve, a treasury full of the
Creator's praise; a marvellous treasury, — for its store increased by
expenditure and diminished by hoarding. By force of sincerity
I became an alchemist, and enriched my poverty-stricken soul. I put
forth the arm of fortune and opened the door of the treasury.
I was fortunate, I became rich. I was fluent, I became eulogistic.
I crossed the threshold of allegory and opened the door of truth.
I was simple, I became acute. The door of success which was shut
in front of me, was divinely opened. My dejection became exalta-
1 t.e., the five planets, Mercury,
Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, —
and the Sun and Moon. There is a
similar passage in the Ain (III. 249,
1.12).
* Great Khan, the name given
to the ruler of Chinese Tartary or of
China.
* The two titles stand for the
rulers of the East and West. Turk-
ish kings, e.g. Bayazid Ilderim, were
styled QaUar-i-rum even before the
capture of Constantinople. The lines
are perhaps Faizi's. Cf. his Nal
Daman. Bombay, 1831, p. 30. The
literal rendering of the lines is " The
M^dqdn dreads the heat of his sweat ;
Caesar is disturbed at the fold of his
brow."
* A. F. did not know of the
Copemican theory.
* 'Aql'i-kull, the phrase used by
Sufis to express the Logos or first
emanation from God.
* One of Akbar's names, "the
glory of faith."
8
26
AffBARNAMA.
for entering upon this great task/ yet, as my aim was lofty and
ability small, success was not attained nor my desire achieved antil
this light shone on the antechamber of my truth-reflecting heart;
to wit — *^ In this noble enterprise, at the same time that you dis-
charge your duty to the creature, you are also fulfilling your
obligations to the Creator. While you are paying your devoirs of
respect and gratitude, you are in reality, steadfastly engaged iii
praising Grod, the Creiator of the world/' Day by day, my pur-
pose was 'growing confirmed and the tnaterials of success were being
collected, until at length, out of general good-will to the partakers
of his felicity and fi^om- special favour to me, his charmed one,^ a ray
of intimation from the icourt -of liberality reached this — as regards
his sincerity, — forerunner on the highway of loyalty, but — as regards
attainment • of desires,^ — hindermost (member) of the caravans of
ii
€(
{<
ti
attributes ; 2. praise of his majefity
and perfection ; 3. his feasts and his
wars; 4. his holiness and pleasant
ways. But this seems wrbng and to
be partially occasioned by an errone-
ous reading. The text and one or
two MSS. have id hcuiq-Wabudiyai
u irddaUi'Vfall ni'mat gvjfirda
hdihc^m. But nearly all the MSS*
have irddat u ni'mat, missing out
the wall and this appears the. true
reading. We thus have three duties
or points, viz., worship, loyalty and
gratitude which with the duty to
posterity, make up the four points.
The text, however, may be correct
and the points be made up by regard-
ing the " newcomers " and posterity
as two distinct classes. The word
haqqi in the phrase u ham haqqX bar
niinisdn, probably has two meanings,
ri«., duty towards posterity and the
establishment of a claim by the
author to the gratitude of posterity.
The phrase haqql Babii ganldnuia
18 e\ ideutly Uhod iu uutitl)o:»i^ to
the haqq- gusdrda. Chalmers ren-
ders the passage "establish rectitude
in the tender saplings of mortality
and in the travellers of the caravans
of existence." All these, however,
were only duties towards or rights
of the creature and so not sufficient
to excite our. author till he saw
that in performing them, he would
also be doing his duty to his
Creator.
^ In na^rlcarda'i'I^ud, lit this
one upon whom his glance had fallen,
i.e., his gazed one, prot^g^ or client.
See Atn I. 24, for use of na^arlearda,
A. F. (Akhamdma III. 114) describes
how the glamour of Akbar's glance
fell upon him in the mosque at Fat{;L-
par SikrI. Cf. Old English " over-
looked.**
* Perhaps, the grandeur qf his (u-^
pirations, ^J^ 'u»-i-mt4mi. The
meaning may be that his works did
not c<|Uttl his faith, Kt*.. that the spirit
was willing but lUc fic;»h weak.
INTRODUCTION.
27
felicity; and to Abu-1-fazl,. son of Muburak, upon the crown » of
whose heart is the quadripartite cap' of discipleship and whose
seven times embroidered sleeve ^ of devotion is celebrated through-
out the eighteen thousand creations, this sublime mandate was given.
" Write with the pen of sincerity the account of the glorious events
•<
i«
1 " Tdrah, properly the crown
of the head." Blochmann 549n. It
is used here for the sake of the asso-
jiance with iark.
S ^jS^Jijl%t^%3^, kuldh-i'Cahdr'
iarkly the four-segmented cap. The
reference seems to be to the sym-
bolical caps worn by dervishes {" The
Dervishes." J. P. Brown. Triib-
ner, 1868^ pp. 53, 88, 148). Speak-
ing of the order of " Bekicuiheea,*'
Mr. Brown says (148) ** Taj is the
name of the cap which all wear
in common. It is made of white
^ felt and is in four parts. The first
** shows that the wearer has given up
" the world ; the second that he has
"abandoned all hopes of Paradise;
" the third that he disdains all hypo-
^ crisy and (it) means that the der-
" vish cares not whether he is seen or
not, praying, and is wholly indiffer-
ent to public opinion ; the fourth is
" the total abandonment of all the
*' pleasures of life and that he belongs
'* to and is fully satisfied with Allah
** alone. Their names also are She^
ree'at, Tareekat, Hakeekat and Mari-
fat." Tark means a segment, sec-
tion or gore and also a string and a
helmet. The Lucknow editor says
that the four tarka signify the four
elements, but this is doubtful. Tark
has also the sense of abandonment
and dervishes mean, by their larks,
the abandonment of the world, etc.
The sect known as the Qftdiris, wear
a fourfold cap, i,e., one with four
4<
<l
«
44
tarke. This may signify the aban-
donment of this world, of the next,
of resp^t of men and, fourthly,
of every thing except God. A. F.
may also be referring to the four
degrees of devotion mentioned by
Blochmann (A. F.'s Preface vn.) and
by BadaonI (Lowe, 299 and 314) and
which consisted in the surrender of
four things, vt'z.. Goods, Life, Fame,
Faith. Hence the appropriateness
of the word cahdr'tarkJ, as this may
be rendered the four abandonmenia
or aurrendera, Irddat too may mean
desire and inclination, as well as
.devotion and discipleship so that the
.whole phrase may signify the cap of
the fourfold ahandoivment of desires.
It is in such many-sided expressions
that the author delights.
Writing of Manlavis, Kaempfer in
his valuable work on Persian customs,
** AmoBnitatea Exoticas" says, (p. 113),
**In veatitu nil peregrini hahentt nisi
mttrom quatuor conapicuam plicia, ex
faatigio ad oram decurrentibus."
Aatin-i'haft-tardz'i-^a^idat bar ha-
itda hazdr *dUxm afsJadnda, lit., whose
seven-broidered sleeve of devotion
has been shed over the 18,000 species.
Seven is a mystic number and there
may here be a reference to the seven
valleys of the Manfiqu't-1d*ir of
Faridu-d-dm 'Attar. The seven
broideries may mean embroidery in
seven different colours and be typical
28
AKBARNAMA.
and of our dominion-increasing victories/^ What shall I say was tiie
effect of this order for describing the occurrences ?^ Did it grant
permission to undertake the task by bestowing on me the necessary
genius ? or did it, by a grant of felicity to my hearty appoint me the
of the seven Paths, etc. See Brown
1. c. 93. Astin afibflndan means to
applaud by clapping the hands, to
dance, and to scatter gifts. It also
has the contrary meaning of aban-
doning or refusing. See VuUers and
the Burhdn-i'qdiV 8. 9. A. F. seems
here to play upon these meanings,
but his primary intention probably
was to signify that he was renowned
throughout the world for his devotion.
Chalmers perhaps read anif&afida or
niibflmda and translates " who was re-
" nowned among the 18,000 creatures
"for the seven times embroidered
" sleeve of trustiness." Perhaps we
might translate, "whose seven em-
" broidered sleeve of loyalty has show-
" ered gifts over the 18,000 species,"
or, without the inafai — "Whose
" seven-broidered sleeve has showered
" loyalty over the 18,000 species."
It would seem that the language
was originally Fai j^l's, for we find it in
the preface to his translation of the
Lildvaa (B. M. MSS. Or. No. 5640, p.
4). It is also in the printed edition of
his translation. (Calcutta 1828, p. 2).
In the MS. the phrase runs thus ;—
Banda-i-)kafa<ann-t-c{ar|(/a^-i-fa'a(2-
at u gaftt j^aAr-nt«fcf»-i-d«fdti-t-ira({ai
d$i%n-i''haft'tardB'i'*aqidat harha^da
haear *dlam (rfs^nda*
It should be remembered that
Faizi projectod writing an AkhiMr*
ndma on the model of the Bethr%'
nkcmda/rndina of Nicamf and that
he, apparently, had begun its compo-
sition (In^d III). It is probable
that some of A. F.'s most flowery
passages are borrowed from his
brother's incomplete poem.
Possibly the expression about the
18,000 species, has reference to A. F.'s
oft repeated assertions that he had
arrived at the state of pdh-i-hull^
perfect peace with all men. It may
be noted that the sleeve mentioned
is the wide sleeve of the Oriental
which may be opened out and folded
over the face. The expression sleeve
of devotion has nothing in oommon
with Shakespeare's " ravelled sleavo
of care," where slea/ve means an
entangled skein.
The simplest rendering of the
whole passage is something like
this; — "MubSrak's son, Abu-l-faal,
"in whose heart dwell the four
Renunciations, and the praise of
whose sevenfold devotion has gone
" out to the ends of the earth."
^ I think this must be the mean*
ing, though the phrase might mean
"What shall I say ? Was this a
" command for me to compose the
" memoirs P " as Chalmers has
translated it. The objection to this
rendering is that we have just been
told he had received a clear order.
i(
tt
INTRODUCTION.
29
recorder of glorious events ? or did it bestow eloquence on one
rude ^ of speech ? Nay I nay ! it gave wings to my words and feet
to my pen. It was an invisible angel^ conveying from the upper
world, life-giving news of joy. It was the Archangel* Gabriel bring-
ing down a revelation from the antechamber of Omnipotence.
Assuredly, I spent > much labour and research in collecting the
records and narratives of his Majesty's actions and I was a long time
interrogating the servants of the State and the old members of the
illustrious family.^ I examined both prudent, truth-speaking old
1 4j*^l, a*jami. Chalmers 8eemB
to have read i/^^^i 'ojctml and so
translates Kohdn-i-'ajami, the Persian
tongue. This is also the reading of
the Lucknow ed. but a*jam% seems
to be right. A. F. speaks of his
having a stammering tongue, kaj'maj
mihdn» (Atn II, 254).
> ^aTI 4/^1!, namiU'i'dkhar, lit.
the chief confidant of God. (Dozy
27256.) A. F. also uses this phrase
to mean reason. (J.%n I. 13). No
donbt it is used here partly for the
play upon the word Ahbar. In a
Circular Order preserved in the
Infiio* (Part I.) we have the phrase
NamuS'i'akha/r u qdnun-i'd*tiatiP'i'
iultanat.
> See for another account of the
inception of the task and of his
labours, the conclusion of the Ain
(Jarrett, 400-417).
* Princess Gnlbadan, the sister
of Hindal, aunt of Akbar, and widow
of Ehi?!' Khwaja. wrote her Memoirs
in accordance with Akbar's request
and apparently as material for the
Akhamdma (Bieu's Catalogue 1. 227a.
and MS. Or. No. 166). Her little
book, called apparently the Humd'
yunndnM^ gives interesting details
about Humiy&n's marriage with
Akbar's mother and deserves publi-
cation and translation. She men-
tions that she was eight years old
when her father Babar died.
In the India Office, there is a MS.
(No. 216) called the TdriJ^'i-humd-
yun which was composed by Akbar's
orders for the use of A. F. It was
dictated by Bftyazld, who had been
Mtr Sdmdn, steward or superintend-
ent of the kitchen, under Humayon
to a clerk of Abu-1-fazl at Labor.
An examination of the book does not
show that the author called it the
Tdnf^'i'humdyun, and such a title
would be inadequate. Apparently
the only name given to it by
the author is that of MuHAtasar
(Abridgment). It is in fact a book
of Memoirs and comes down to the
date of writing, viz., 999 (1590). It
begins in 949 (1542), with HumS-
yQn's flight to Persia, and is a per-
sonal narrative of events from that
date. Many events in Akbar's reign
are described, e.g., the murder of
Shamsu-d-din by Adham Khan (105
a and h) and Khwaja Mua^^im's
murder of his wife. (1056 and 106a).
A valuable feature of the book is its
lists of officers, especially the long one
of those who accompanied HumayQn
to India. The author was Bakiwal
Begf (Superintendent of the Kitchen)
30
AEBARNAMA.
men and active-minded, right-actioned young ones and reduced their
statements to writing. The royal commands were issued to the pro-
vinces, that those who from old service remembered, wiih certainty
or with adminicle of doubt, the events .of the past, should copy out
their notes and memoranda and transmit them to Court. Inasmuch
as this auspicious invitation was not fully responded to nor my wish
fully accomplished, a second command shone forth from the holy
Presence-chamber; to wit — that the materials which had been col-
lected, should be faired out and recited in the royal hearing, and
that whatever might have to be written down afterwards, should be
introduced into the noble volume as a supplement, and that such
details as on account of the minuteness of the inquiries and the
minutiae of affairs, could not then be brought to an end,' should
be inserted afterwards at my leisure. Being relieved by this royal
order, — the interpreter of the Divine ordinance, — from the secret
in Akbar's time, and his full name
appears to be Bajazld Sult&n (1583
last line). He was attached to
Mun*im Khan and has many details
about Kabul and the war in Bengal.
Nine copies of the work were made,
vi9., two (including one that got mis-
laid) for the King's Private Library,
three for the Eoyal Princes, one for
the library of Gulbadan whom the
author calls the mother of the king's
servants, and two for Abu-l-fazVa
library. The ninth was probably
the original, and remained with the
author.
Bayazld, known as Bayazid Bayat,
is quoted by Raverty (Notes on
Afghanistan) and the B. M. has a
MS. (Add. No. 26, 610) which con-
tains an apparently complete trs. of
BayazTd*s Memoirs by Erskine.
(Rieu's Cat. II. Pref. XX). Both
text and trs. merit publication.
A Apparently /arii gu^ihfo,n here
means to complete or bring to an
end and not, to neglect or pass over.
See Yullers «. v. guzasj^tan^ 9546 and
the quotation there given from the
Burhdn-i-qati', With regard to this
account of the collection of materials,
it should be remembered that the
Atn with all its wealth of tables and
other statistics is part of the Akbar*
ndma and that the author was pro-
bably referring to his difficulties in
getting ' full topographical details.
What he seems here to mean is that
he was disturbed in his mind at not
getting full answers to his inquiries
for local information and that Akbar
relieved him by telling him to set to
work on the material he had, and to
leave other details to be inserted
afterwards. We have (Ain II. 14^
Jarrett III. 23) the skeleton of an
elaborate astronomical table which
appears to be blank in all the MSS.
Colonel Jarrett supposes that the
entries were left to be made at a
later time and that the matter was
afterwards forgotten or the re(|uired
information never obtained.
tNtttODUCTfOK.
31
ftnxiety of my heart, I proceeded to reduce into writing the rough
draughts which were void of the graces of arrangement and style.
I obtained the chronicle of events beginning at the nineteenth yeai* 10
of the Divine Era, when the Record Office^ was established by
the enlightened intellect of his Majesty^ and from its rich pages
I gathered the accounts of many events. Great pains too, were
taken to procure originals or copies of most of the orders^ which
had been issued to the provinces from the Accession up to the
present day which is the dawn of Portune^s morning.* Their sacred
contents yielded much material for the sublime volume. I also took
much trouble to incorporate many of the reports which ministers and
high officials had submitted, about the affairs of the empire and the
events of foreign countries.* And my labour-loving soul was satiated
by the apparatus of inquiry and research. I also exerted myself
energetically to collect the rough notes and memoranda of sagacious
and well-informed men. By these means, I constructed b reservoii*
1 if^ ^^\j e^y^, qdnun-i-wdqi-'
"a-nawwi. (Blochmann 258, An No.
10). There were 14 clerks employed
in the Office, via., two for each day.
It was established in the 19th year,
982 (1574). iAkbamdfna III. 118).
In the same year A. P. entered the
Emperor's service and we may rea-
sonably suppose that the institution
of the Record Office was partly due
to his suggestion.
« Two dastur-uWamal (Circulars)
to the local authorities are preserved
tit- the first volume of Inshd and
muc^ of them (with modifications
and actions) is to be found in the
Itn (Jarrett II. 37, 66, etc.).
8 We might here have expected
A. F. to use this language with re-
ference to the Accession and not to
delay the " dawn of fortune's morn-
ing '* till 40 years of the reign had
passed away. But clearly he refers
it to the time of his writing. There
is a similar passage in Akhar's letter
to *Abdu-l-lah ^an of Turan.
(Akhamdma III. 707, 1. 8) where the
phrase is used with reference to the
41st year and apparently to the
completion of the conquest of the
Deccan and the establishment of
universal peace.
* This passage might be compen-
diously rendered Home and Foreign
Affairs. The phrase used for foreign
countries is Akndf-uwildyat, borders
of foreign countries. Blochmann
says (Prosody of the Persians, VI.)
that toildyat, in Indian prose writers
and poets, means Kabul and Persia,
and it is possible that Persia is in-
tended here. But I should think
Turin and Europe were also refer-
red to, A. F. would not be likely to
speak of Kabul as wUdyat because
he regarded it as part of the empire
and has described it among the
8uha$,
'•It,
""Sir ,1.
"y.
"»oo/;,
» »^ ""*!.
"*ii,
^''^ioTf-i
'4,
4'e,
' o/
■""■<«,■
'is
INTHUl>UCT10N.
an
Mtryam-makSnly^ a majestic epitlict wliich passed into the enlightened 11
mind of his Majesty, the king of kings. I style the revered grandfather
of the Lord of the World, (lazrat Gtti-sitain'i'FardoS'makant^ and thereby
abridge his designations.
NoTB.
R. A. S. No. 117 has a cnrioiis addition to the account of the mandate
(anU 27) which A. P. received to write the history of Akbar's achieve-
ments. After afskanda, it has ** Dar bht'ii-duyam Isfandarmaz wah, svna
sUu-siyum-i'Tlahl ^ukm shud,** etc. "On 22nd Isfandarmaz, 33rd of the
Divine Era, an order was given." Lower down where it is stated that a
second commandment was issued (ante page 29) the same MS. has " Dar ruz
isndd Ardibihisht Sana 8t-u-cahanitn hi sly am Rajah nuh-sad-u-nuwad-u-haft
hukm mtijadd shid" ** On 26th Ardibiliight of the 34th year, or 3rd Rajab
997, a second order was issued." I have not found these clauses in any other
MS., bat they are hardly likely to have been interpolated by the copyist
and the first date appeal's to agree with A. F.'s other statements, for in the
-4?» ( Jarrett III. 416) he says that he was seven years employed on the
hitttory which with the year or so occupied in the collection of materials
might bring the completion of the work to the 41st or 42nd of Akbar.
1 Miry am is Miriam or Mary and
the epithet has been variously ren-
dered— she who dwells with Maryt —
is of the household of Mary, — and
wIm is of equal rank with Mary — viz.,
the Virgin Mary. (The Virgin is
one of Muhammad's four perfect
women). Akbar did not invent the
epithet, for it was borne by his great-
grandmother, the mother of Babar.
(See Khafi Khan I. 35). Jahangir's
wife, Jodh Bai, was called Miry am-
i'Zamdnl, the Mary of the Age. 1
think the word MakdnJ, in Hamida
Banu's title must be translated, rank
or station, and not household, for it
was given to her in her life-time. It
almost looks as though Akbar liked
the title because it agreed with his
resemblance to the Messiah. It was
said that the two resembled one an-
other in speaking in the cradle. See
account of miracle wrought by the
infant Akbar to comfort Jiji Anaga
(Akbanidma I. 187 and Dabistdn III.
60, trs.). With reference to this
incident A. F. calls Akbar Masthd-
war, Messiah-like.
* Conqueror of the world, abidin
in Paradise.
34
iKBARMAMA.
CHAPTER U
Account of sundbt sscbet annuncutions and holy manifestations
WHICH took flack BKVOBB HIS MaJKSiVs A08PICIOU8 BIRTH.
It is not hidden from the mirror-hearts of the qnick^sightod
and far-seeing — who know the mysteries of truths and who show
forth the secrets behind the divine veils^ and are curtain-openers of
elemental {i.e., terrestrial and celestial) mysteries — that the profound
wisdom and secret power of the Creator ordain that it is by the
weddings of heavenly' sires with earthly mothers^ and after various
cycles of lunar ^ aspects, and of applications/ of syzygies and opposi-
tions of the sun and moon, of conjunctions of the superior^ and
inferior planets, risings and settings, appearances and disappearances
of stars, lunar and solar eclipses, qualities of exaltations and falls,*
influences of zeniths and nadirs,^ and the like, (which are architects
in the workshop of production and change, and artists in the picture*
gallery of invention and contrivance) that the unique one comes
forth from the secret inner chambers into the palace of manifestation.
I ChalmerB breaks off here, and
does not resume his translation till
page 102 of the text.
* The author here displays his
learning by giving a string of astro-
nomical and astrological terms. The
planets and other heavenly bodies are
the sires, and the four elements are
the earthly mothers, though the lat-
ter may also be " elect ladies," such
as Alang-goa(Alanqas)andMaryam-
makftnl.
S ^D^» itntieo;, union or mix-
ture; but it appears to be also a
term for the lunar aspects. See Die.
of T. T. 1323.
^ JUui, ittUdl, approximation or
propinquity. It is an astrological
term corresponding to the continu-
ation or application of European
astrologers and is the opposite of
iit^^AJf, insirdf, separation.
• The superior planets are Satu m,
Jupiter and Mars, — as being above
or beyond the orbit of the Sun, — and
the inferior are Venus, Mercury and
the Moon.
* A planet falls when it is in the
house and degree opposite to those
of its exaltation, ».e., is six heavens,
180°, from them. Thus the Sun's
exaltation is 19° Aries and his fall
19° Libra. The Sun is a planet,
according to the Ptolemaic system.
•» u«^-^ J gy, auj u Aa?T|.
This may also mean the apaideif i.e.,
the apogee and perigee or aphelion
and perihelion. Auj (Pers. cmIc or
aug), was used to siguif}* the apogee
of a planet.
CHAPTER I.
35
and tbat Unity emerges from the veiled ones of tbe cabinet of non-
existence and displays its glory in tbe sublime assembly of Beings to
be tbe caase of tbe arrangement of tbe Universe and tbe means of
discriminating between jnstice and oppression tbrongbont tbe world.
How can arrangement result from simple ^ matter ? How will it
make progress wben tbe constitution of every individual is founded
on a collection of opposite tendencies^* wben tbere is colossal
egotism in every brain, wben justice is unattainable, love non-existent,
appetite rampant, and concupiscence daily on tbe increase ?
Tbe wise and far-sigbted man is aware tbat in every period it is
indispensable tbat tbere be a ruler wbo sball be strengtbened by God's
help and made fortunate by eternal blessings. And tbe philosopher
perceives tbat such a power must be spiritual as well as possessed of
^ il^tj ^, tan-i-wahid. I under-
stand this to signify matter only,
i.e., simple matter without the inter-
vention of celestial influences. The
author has been dwelling on the
necessity of all sorts of combinations
and influences to produce the Only
One— the Unique, — and then winds
up by exclaiming about the impotence
of mere matter. In the Am (II. 966)
the author uses ^, tan, in the
sense of matter as opposed to spirit
and has the phrase tan gvddlditan,
to mortify — lit. to melt — the flesh.
I am, however, by no means sure of
the meaning and possibly the phrase
may, as has been suggested to me,
be an exclamation of surprise at
Akbar*s greatness, " What an ap-
paratus of arrangement from one
man I " This rendering of tan-i-wd-
kid receives support from the similar
use of tan in page 4 (line 4 from
foot) ; but then I do not see its con-
nection with what follows. Possibly
the correct reading would be to omit
the i^at after tan and to translate
tcdhid as the Unique One. " What
Cosmos can come out of flesh ?
How can the Unique One issue from
it, seeing that every man is made up
of contradictions P " See the corres-
ponding passage in the Ain (I. 290
1.12, Jarrett II. 51) and also in
the beginning of the first letter to
'Abdu-1-lah Khan of Turan, in the
Inahd, Here we have the expres-
sion qahr-i-wahdat which Jarrett
translates autocracy. Finally I may
point out that there is an Arabic
word 4i;3, tinn, signifying equality,
and that possibly this is what A. F.
wrote. His question then would be,
** How can Cosmos result from equa-
lity (or equals) P How will the
Unique One emerge from it P "
If it be objected that wdhid, aa an
adjective, cannot mean the " Unique
One," we might read wahdatj unity ;
or, with still less violence, take the
letter ti? to be ii, the conjunction and
translate u ahad, "and the Unique
One."
• Alluding to the four warring
and contradictory elements.
na
AKIURNAMA.
Btrength of arm. Tho man of experience knows that many years
iiiiiBt elapse before a ruby^ develop in the embryonic sac of the mine
and arrive at maturity, so as to be fit for a royal diadem. How
many revolutions of epochs then, and how many cycles, are required
before such a priceless pearl and unique jewel,* lacking in naught,
can obtain his special preparation, so that by ascending steps, he
arrive at the fulness of perfection ? Acute and experienced
observers perceive that the length of the period is dependent on the
number of the subjects,^ for the greater their number, the greater are
the opposition and incommensurability. The greatness of the Lord of
an Age is more conspicuous when he takes the burden of the whole
world and of mankind on the head (farq) of genius, and guards the
Hocks ijirq) of the universe from strife, and arranges and completes,
by virtue of his wisdom, the work of the world and of mankind.
J^ut whenever, in the plenitude of His desires, the Divine Work-
man wills, that the arrangement of things spiritual and temporal and
the culture of tho inner and outer worlds be placed in tho hands of
12 one individual of the human race, how can the period of preparation
of such a lofty comprehension and sublime intellect be calculated by
the human understanding, and how can finite cycles contain it ?
Inasmuch as tho enlightened and wise of our time find these two
supreme gifts* in the writing on the luminous forehead of tho
Lord^ of the World (Akbar), they quite justly admit their inability
tn expound his orbit.* To them, this very fact is bliss, that by the
I Alluding to the notion that the
ruby is slowly developed from stone
!»y the action of the Sun. Of. Milton
(Paradise Lost III. (508-12).
" With one virtuous touch
"The Arch-chimic Sun, so far
from us remote,
'* Produces with Terrestrial Humor
mixt,
•* Hero in the dark» so many pre-
cious things
*' ( )f colour glorious and effect so
rare."
8 As the perfect prince.
^ IjU), raVTyri, sn1»j«'cts. Th(Mvnnl
priniiirily signifii^s a flock or licnl
and probably A. F. uses it here with
a reference to this original meaning.
We might therefore translate ** the
size of the flock."
♦ Viz.f the control of the worlds^
etc.
' ^^^j Bixidev, lord or great
king: it is the well-known word
Kited ire.
i^.>x, manaqib pi. of maytqah,
virtues, and also, a mountain-path.
Here. I think, it moans the path of
Akbar's development, though A. F.
probably hji> »n oyi* to tlio doiib](>
mrMiiitip! nf the word, as his tnunrn^r
is.
CHAPTEH I.
37
Divine aid, they have come to know him. For the comprehension of
the stages of development of such a Lord is not within the compass
of human calculation. They know that in venerating this Great One,
they are doing reverence to the Divine power and are worshipping
the very Godhead. They spend all their energies in acquiring his
grace, as that necessarily includes the compassing of the grace
of the incomparable God. What bliss can be greater than this ?
Or what fortune can be more exquisite than this boon ? And
the enlightened and far-seeing man whose visual ray has been
strengthened by the antimony of rectitude, knows from the analogy *
of an auspicious star, it' was after thousands of years had been spent,
womb after womb, in the cradle of preparation, that the broidery of
existence was bestowed on her Majesty ilanqua,* so that she might
become 3 worthy of that world-illuminating Light, which is the
interpretation of that anthropomorphic Sun* which stands at the
1 Lit. by the guidance of an aus-
picious star but, I think, the verse
quoted immediately afterwards,
shows the meaning to be, that the
length of time after which an auspi-
cious star appears, proves how long
a period is rccjuired for the develop-
ment of a Light such as that of
Akbar.
• Her proper name appears to be
Alang-goa. See Ssanang-Ssetzen*s
"History of the Eastern Mongols,"
(trs. J. J. Schmidt, St. Petersburg,
1829, 59). Ooa or Go means white or
shining and is a title given to noble
ladies (I. c. 373). Ssanang-Ssetzen
was a descendant of Cingiz Khan
and completed his book in 1662 (I. c.
299). He describes Alang-goa as
the (Liughtcr of Baraghodschin-goa,
wife of Choritai-mergen. She be-
came the wife of Dobo-mergen and
l)ore him two sons. Then her hus-
band died, and during her widow-
hood, slu? WJis visilrd hy tho Sun
anil becamr by him, tho mother oi*
three sons. She is the mythical
ancestress of the Mongolian race by
her supernaturally-born son, Budan-
tsar Mong Khan. A. F. gives an
account of her (Akbamdma, 64).
Both he and Ssanang-Ssetzen inti-
mate that she was miraculously born
as well as a miraculous mother, and
the latter gives the name of her
mother only.
* Tho word is gardid, became,
but I think tho past tense is used
here for the future as is sometimes
done in Persian. The elements of
humanity traversed armies of mar-
tyrs,— thereby becoming purified,—
and were eventually developed into
Alanqua.
* jlL^jj d-»4^, 9ham8a'i'2)es]itdq.
In Am No. 19, {Ain, Book I. 45),
A. F. treats of the insignia of royalty
and begins with the expression
sliamaa-i'calidrfdq. He then adds
that this shanvsa is a Divine splen-
dour wliicli, without tho intervention
of human effort is the finger- mark
38
AKBAUNAHA.
entrance-gate of ancient tradition and constitutes the basal inscrip-
of Divine power. Blochmann (50)
translates, ** The iftomsa of the arch
of royalty is a Divine light which
God directly transfers to kings with-
out the assistance of men, and kings
are fond of external splendour be-
cause they consider it an image of
the Divine glory." He adds, in a
note, ** SJIk(Mn8a is a picture of the
Sun, affixed to the gates or walls of
the palaces of kings. At night,
these pictures are illuminated." The
expression sj^maa-i-cdhdrtdq must
bo connected with that of ilaamaa-i-
pesl^tdq^ which occurs in the text
(III. 184, 1.4). The expression there
used is iia/msO'i'peihfdq'i-dgdhi —
the solar image of the arch of intelli-
gence— and is applied to Akbar.
Similarly Faizi, in the preface to his
Dlwdn, speaks of the 2^m'-i-2ia2&-
tdq u sJ^dJi'i-nvJi'J^arga — meaning
apparently, lamp of the six sides of
the world and king of the nine
vaults of heaven. CahdHdq which
Blochmann translates arch is given
by Steingass as meaning a kind
of tent. Dozy (Supplement I. 786)
defines «&afii8a as a round orna-
ment or little ball in the shape of the
Sun ; he also says it is described as
a sun-shaped button, by means of
which a door is opened. It may
apparently mean also a curtain or
parasol. I think the fl^amsa'i'j^sli-
tdq in the passage before us, means
in part, the solar images which were
set up at the entrance-gates of royal
palaces and here, we may quote the
words of Quintus Curtius (III. Cap. 7)
noticed in Hyde's "Religion of the
Ancient Persians. "
" Super tabernaculum unde ab
omnibus conspici posset, imago
solis crystallo inclusa fulgebat."
Perhaps, however, this rather re-
fers to the akdsdiya. (Blochmann
60).
The following extract from Kaemp-
fer's Amoenitates Exoticae, (Fasicu-
lus V. 199), gives a nobler idea of
the Siamea than Mr. Blochmann*s
description. Kaempfer is describing
the Gynaeceum Regium or Female
Apartments of the Palace at Ispahan.
"Ambulacri superat4 longitudine
(quam habet 150 passuum) portam
contingimus primariam, extus, Jani-
toribus Sopi, intus, albis munitam
spadonibus. Haec tota caeruleo
imbuta, iconem exhibit Mithrae, i.e.,
Solis (detorta vox est ab obsolete Me-
hiin quod Solem notat) priiegrandem,
auream et apcirso in orbem juhare
radiantem. Sanctitatem loci, non
alii ornamenti species, mystici
gentiu judicio, gravius exprimebat
quam Mithra, sive Sol, qui coelo
decus, universitati lux et vitae focus
praepositus est. Solem igitur pro
summo Kumine (verius pro ]arv&
Numinis) antiquitus colebat, ejusque
simulacrum adoptabat absolutae
potentiae suae insigne, quod et domi
statuebat togatae Majestati praesi-
dium, et in Campo sign is praofercbat
militaribus ita animas accensurum
objectu rei, quae uno quasi complexa
Divini Numinis imaginem, et Majea-
tatis Regiae praesentiam innueret."
But I think A. F. chiefly means to
refer to the solar being who came
into Alang-goa's tent and that he
wishes to indicate as the true cxpla-
CHAPTER I.
39
tion^ of true histories. And he perceives that the same Light
which took shape^ without human ijQstrumentality or a father's loins^
in the pure womb of her M&jesty Xlanqua^ after havings in order to
arrive at perfection, occupied during several ages the bodily wrap-
pings of other holy witnesses, is manifesting itself at the present day,
in the pure entity of this unique God-knower and God-worshipper
(Akbar).
Vbrsb.
How many ages have passed away !
How many planetary conjunctions occurred,
That this happy star might come forth from heaven !
It is an ancient custom and established institute that the mes-
sengers of the eternal city and the heralds of the opening of the
gates' of munificence, before the appearance of an elect one, — such
nation of the mysterious figure
which, according to the old tradition,
came in as an image of the Sun and
disappeared as a wolf, — that Alang-
goa was made pregnant by the
Divine Light, in the same way as the
Virgin Mary, {Akhamdma 64, ff.).
It is believed by some writers that
the story of Alang-goa is an imitation
of the accounts of the incarnations
of the Buddha and of Jesus Christ.
1 i^'f* ^-J^j kitdba-i'tnahdni,
epithet, inscription, foundation of
(true records). I think the allusion
must be to the title Nairun which
was given to Alang-goa's descend-
ants by the Sun. (Akhamdma 67t
1.1). A. F. takes the epithet to be
derived from nur and says it means
light-born; but the word does not
seem to be Arabic and it is not likely
that the rude forefathers of the
Mughals would use an Arabic term.
D'Ohsson (I. 25) says, " Nirun, c'est-
a dire de la cote, pour designer la
puret^ de leur origine." Apparently
then, he does not derijire the word
from nur but connects it with the
TurkI narah, a side or place. The
legend about Alang-goa is men-
tioned in the SBii^jratu-l-atrdk. (Col.
W. Miles' trs.) There may however,
also, be a reference to the J'aha^dt"
i-ndsirt of Minhij-i-siraj, (Section
XXI.) where the word £2am«id is
nsed as a title of a dynasty and
where there is a passage not unlike
A. F.'s. (Baverty 696 and Bib. Ind.
Text 164). Possibly too, the word
tawdrily here means dates or chro-
nology and the allusion (or at least,
one of the allusions) is to the Divine
Era, established by Akbar.
* V^i f^i faihu'l'ldh, I learn
from the Die. of T. T. (1104) that
this is also an astrological term,
meaning the coming together in the
same house of two planets whose
mansions are opposite to one another,
e.g,t Saturn and the Sun and Moon,
Jupiter and Mercury, Mars and
Yenus. Guido Bonatus has a chap-
40
AKBARNAMA.
13
that one only comes into existence after thousands of years, — rejoice
the privileged and wakeful-hearted by the glad tidings of his
approach. For every event is stationed'* behind the veil of a times
and the precise^ moment (of its appearance) is concealed and hiddea.
Yet before it become a certainty, they open a wicket * in the invisiblo
world in face of the senses^ and the window-fronts hold a lattice *
of indications.
Sometimes the manifestations occur in the visible world, and
sometimes their lustre is exhibited in dreamland, — which is an imago
of the world of mortals, — so that the recipients may have hope whilo
on the highway of desire, and may await the wished-for light and
may be observing the ascension of the auspicious star, for expectation
enhances joy, and joy is the ornament of felicity. And whatever
takes form after longing and striving, and obtains its fulfilment after
watching and waiting, has a charm about it which is not met with
otherwise.
An instance of this is the circumstance that his Majesty
Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyan! (Humayun) after receiving an intimation
of the advent of the glorious one {an itazrat) was ever keeping
the dust-stained head of supplication on the earth of humility ;
and placing the apex of beseechment on the threshold of the Ka'ba
of requests, and turning the face of hope towards the altar of
entreaty, used to pray with invocations and longing, for that living
blessing, which in truth, is an auspicious ascension ^ and an increase of
life.
ter headed De apertione portarum.
(8166).
A c^j^^yo, mar Hid. This word,
according to Lane, means lying in
wait. It means also the station of a
star and the act of observation and
of being observed and is used in this
sense in the Ain (II, 1.5 fr. foot.)
« Lit. "the knot (i^ 'uqdai)
of the special time is veiled and
hidden."
fl Da/r%ca, a window or wicket.
4 SS^, fJiabaka, (Dozy, Siippl-
722b). The name given to a part of
the astrolabe known as the cobweb ;
Chaucer's Riet {rete) ; a moveable
metal plate. See also Jarret, III.
315, n.l.
* u^U* C^^Je, fdW-i'humayun,
There is a play here upon the word
Humayan, the phrase being capable
of being rendered the ascenaion or
rising of Humayun : perhaps too,
there is an allusion to the etymology,
real or supposed, of the Persian wurd
/arzand, son, from /(ir, glory.
CHAPTER I.
41
Vebsb.
O Lord, by the lampliglit of Tliy Essence,
By the ocean pearls of Thy Attributes,
By those holy Ones (prophets and saints) who come forth
like pure roses.
Whose souls are washed by the fountains of the sun.
Grant a jewel to my fortune's crown ;
Grant a star to my exaltation's heaven ;
Grant a moonlight to my chamber*.
Which may disperse the darknesses of the Universe ;
Irradiate my existence by a sun.
That' the nine heavens may come within my adoration.
Give perpetuity to my afflicted soul,
So^ that, if death come by a hundred ways, I may not die.
Of a truth, a son who will be one's successor and take one's
place on the glorious throne, is something which is a compensation
for life, — for which there is no compensation, — and is a substitute for
bye-gone years. He is the fruit of life's garden and a celestial
lantern, fed from the oil of the Divine bounty. He kindles the family
lamp of the whole line of ancestors and fixes it firmly on the throne
of fortune. He lengthens and broadens the shades of justice and
glory over the heads of mortals. Especially, if he be such a rare
and exquisite product and so consummately dutiful that, if he be
called jPrimus^ of the Poles of Saints, it is but proper, and if he be
termed the knot in the grand chain of sovereignty,^ Father of
Fathers,^ and Great Ancestor, it is but just and in accordance with
1 c;lju-»iw, §^(ibi8idn. This is
A. F.'s name for the harem or serag-
lio. See Ain 39. The prayer is
that there may be a moonlike son
born in the harem.
t This line is Fai2i*8. See Ah'
hamdma III, 683, 1.5.
8 This line is adapted from one
of Faizl's. Akhamdma III. 683, 1.4.
* Lit. synopsis or title-page of
the Poles of the saints.
6
* The word aaltanat does not
occur in the text (Bib. Ind. ed.) but
is in No. 564 and is probably genuine.
It occurs after ailnla and before
a'gtina. The wofd also occurs in
B. M. No. 1709.
• Ahu'l'dbd u jadd-i-a'ld, Jadd
sometimes means maternal grard-
father or ancestor and perhaps r.as
this force here.
42
AKDARNAMA.
14
tlio real facts. It is exceptionally suitable that a king who in sac*
cession to a line of ancestors is placed on a throne of rule and
sway, and is world-dominating and world-adorning, should have an
illustrious successor} ^nd such an one is of all men, the most eager
in this quest.
At length, on 4th Rabi'u-1-awwai, 947, of the lunar (JJijra) era
(Friday, 10 July, 1540) his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyanT had,
after paying his devotions to the Author of bounty, laid for a time
his head on the pillow of repose and his limbs on the couch of tran-
quility, when, suddenly, under the auspicious veil of sleep, — henco
called the cabinet of secrets— he became aware that God, (Glory be
to Him) was bestowing on him an illustrious successor whose great-
ness shone from his forelock, and the lightniug of whose splendour
was flashing from his temples. From the light of his guidance, the
dark regions of thoughts and opinions were illuminated, and the
glory of his justice was lighting up the fields of night and day. It
is in accordance with the communication which was made by the
messengers of the invisible world regarding his Majesty (Akbar)
that the glorious name of that divine masterpiece exalts at the
present day, pulpits and proclamations. The superscriptions i of the
gold and silver coins also tell of it.
When his Majesty awoke, he first returned thanks to God
for the majestic message and splendid grace and then told the
rircumstaneo to the intimates of his harem and the servants of hi»
threshold.*
i Lit. the faces of the dirluima
and dindra. The dirham was a silver
coin and the dhidr a gold one. They
were in use before Akbar's time.
.Soe Am Nos. 10 and 11 (Book I.
Blochniann). Akbar gave new naxneB
to the coins.
* ThiH dream occurred about a
year before Humayuu's marriage
with Akbar's mother. That raarriago
took place, according to Gulbadan, on
Monday, (Doahamba) 9th Jumada-K
uwwal 918. Gulbadau says the dream
occurred at Labor, and she gives a
more poetical account of it. Sho
says Ahmad-i-jam himself appeared
in a dream, as an old man dressed in
green and with a staff in liis hand,
to Humuyun when the latter was in
great distress on account of the
conflicts with Sher Khan, and bade
him not lose heart, for he would have
a wonderful sou whom ho was to
call Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Akbar.
liibi Konor (qu. Guuawar) was then
pregnant and it was thought tliat
slie would have a son, but she bore a
daughter, BiiJUishl B^uu.
CHAPTER I.
43
Veesk.
Ai sleep which tore the veil from before the eyes of the soul.
Cannot be called sleep ; it was the heart's waking.
Sharif Khan related that when his brother gbamsu-d-dln Mu.
Klian Atga* was in Ghazni, in the 22nd year of his age^ ho dreamt
he saw the moon come into his arms.^ He related the fact to his
venerable father Mir Yar Mu. QhaznavT who was a spiritually-
minded householder,^ and the latter rejoiced at the happy appearance
o£ the auspicious circumstance and interpreted it to mean that God
would, one day, bestow a great privilege upon him which would be
the means of exalting their family. And so it turned out, for by
the blessings of that full Moon of glory of the heaven (Akbar) the
family was raised from the nadir of the dust to the zenith of heaven.
Another circumstance was communicated by religious, right-
thinking persons, viz, that when her Highness Miryam Makani — may
the shadows of her glory be eternal — was pregnant with the holy
elements of his Majesty, a strange light was perceptible from her
bright brows. Often her divine countenance had to observers, the
appearance of mirrors such as are fastened by tirewomen^ near the
temples of secluded chaste ones.
And the star of fortune sang this strain with the tongue of ecstacy.
YlBBSE.
I placed the clouded brow on the path* of fortune,
I hung a thousand mirrors on the forehead.
^ These lines are Faizi's and
occur in his Dlwdn. B. M. MS. Add.
No. 7794, 1916.
8 Blochmann321. HewasAkbar's
foster-father and became a todkil,
minister. He was assassinated by
Adham Khan. The word aiga is
Turkish and properly ^^1 atdgd, the
state of being a father.
• Lit. armpit. '
♦ KadJ^udd'i'darvish'fnanis}^.
This phrase is copied in the Madsiru-
I'Umard (II. 531), and is, apparently,
that which Mr. Blochmann has ren-
dered " a simple farmer." The con-
text here shows its real meaning.
^ Jaffar, Herklots says nothing
of mirrors being attached to the
forehead, but states that they are
placed on the thumb.
• t\ji bardh. Possibly the word is
hurd and the translation should be,
" 1 laid the ornament of fortune on
the clouded brow."
u
AKBAKNAMA.
15
One day, near the time^ of the auspicioas birth^ her Higliness
Miryam Mak&ni was riding* on a camel. On the way^ her eye fell
on a mango-garden. As at such a time, there is an inclination for
Bub-acid drinks and for sour-sweet fruits, she bade her half-brother,*
Khwaja Mu'azzam fetch some mangoes. The Khwaja brought
some, and was giving them into her blessed hand when he saw a
light upon her glorious brows like that from a mirror. He said^
*' Have you put a mirror on your forehead ?" She replied, " I have
not attached any mirror. What are you referring to V* Then the
Khwaja looked narrowly and saw that her Highness' shining fore^
head was lighted by the light of God. He marvelled at the light
eternal and mentioned the circumstance to several of the confidential
courtiers. His statement was to the effect, that the glory of the
divine light so streamed from the shining brows that he had not
strength to gaze steadily at it.
The venerable mother of Khan A'zam Mirza 'Aziz Kokaltash,
who was his Majesty's nurse,* related the following anecdote. " One
morning, before I had the good fortune to hold this supreme office,
a great light approached me and entered my bosom. I felt as if
the world- warming Sun had fallen into my breast. A strange
condition supervened and a great astonishment laid hold of me so
that all the parts and particles of my body were moved and shaken^
(t
i<
It
€C
tt
^ The birth was on 15th October
O.8., i.e., 26th October N.S. There
could hardly have been mangoes on
the trees near that time, nor is it
likely that there were any mango
trees near Amarkot.
> JSaudaj (ho wdah ), bnt here used,
I think, to mean camel-litter.
* iS}^^ ^^\^. ^ckrddar-i'mddari
which can, apparently, mean either a
maternal uncle or an uterine brother,
i.e., a brother on the mother's side.
Here it must mean the latter, for
A. F. (I. 221) speaks of the relation-
ship as aMiuioat-i'al^yqfi which the
dictionaries explain a£ meaning
brotherhood. The Ma^dtir (I. 618)
describes the Khwaja as harddar-
i-a^yani of Miryam Makani, i.e., her
full brother. Its author then, appa-
rently, took al^ydfi to mean full
brother.
Nigamu-d-din (Yahaqat, Luck. ed.
263) speaks of the Ehwa ja as Akbar's
maternal uncle and as the son of
'AH Akbar, a descendant of the saint
A^mad-i-jam. The Khwaja was a
man of violent temper, if not wholly
insane. He killed his wife and was
imprisoned by Akbar in Gwalior.
(Badaonl, Lowe, 71 and Noer's
Akbar, A. S. Bovoridge, 1. 104).
♦ Atagagl. Apparently this ought
to be ana^a/t, if it comes from anutjn
a nurse. (Blochmann 323n.)
CHAPTER I.
45
t€
t(
tt
'' as by excess of joy and ecstacy. And the exquisiteness of that
delight still suffuses me {lit, still possesses every hair of me). And
from the time of that white dawn of the morning of majesty and
beauty and rose-blooming of fortune and glory, I was on the watch,
'' thinking, * O God ! what will be the result of this sublime feeling ? '
'' At length, I was exalted to this lofty service which is the treasure
'^ of realm and religion {din u dunyd) and of trust/'
Hemistich.
" Fortune 1 is what comes to our bosom without trouble."
" God be praised ! What a blessing it was that came to my
bosom and what a fortune was receisred within my breast.
Though externally, I was strongly made for the service of that
sublimely-born pearl, yet in reality, it was Fortune who inclined her
*'face> towards me and supported me and my family. Whenever
'' I took his Majesty on my shoulder, auspiciousness raised me from
'' the dust. Accordingly, by the blessing of this service which was
" destined for me, a great grace and a lucky star were conferred on me.
*' And I and my family became famous throughout the seven climes."
Another story was told by Maulana^ Nuru-d-din Tarkhan and
some others who were in attendance on the Court, tn«., that near the
emergence of the sun of fortune (Akbar), his Highness JahanbanI was
recreating himself in a room* which had latticed windows, and the
formula of the rectification^ of the glorious birth was before him.
t€
ti
it
I This line is in the Anwdr-i-Su'
haili (Cap. 14, Storj 2). The literal
rendering is " Fortune is what comes
into the bosom without the heart's
blood '* (being shed), and the nurse
uses the line to indicate that she had
not to undergo the pain and danger
of parturition.
S There is an antithesis between
her strong back, pusj^t-i-qawi and
Fortune's face.
8 See Blochmann 524 and 541,
also long account in Badaoni (111.
197-200) and the Madsir (I. 478).
He died as custodian of Humayan's
tomb in 994 (1586).
i ^JAmio j(^ J^dna-i-musaqqaf a
roofed apartment; apparently the
word room expresses the meaning.
6 j\ifj^ kJjo^ harf-i-namuddr the
"rectification" of English astrolo-
gers. The namQdar was a device
for obtaining the date of birth.
There is an account of it in Ulngh
Beg's Prolegomena (Part IV. Cap. I.
146 and S^dillot's Trs. 201). The
namudar is also called anitnoder in
European books on astrology. It
was resorted to when the exact date
of birth was not known; that is
when there was doubt as to the cor-
rectness of clocks, etc. Apparently
46
4KBARNAMA.
Suddenly rays of divine light shone from the lattices, so that all who
were privileged to be present, both small and great, perceived them.
Those who were entitled to speak, asked his Highness JahanbanI the
meaning of the phenomenon, and he replied, " A rose of the rose-
" garden of the Khilafat will just now come into bloom, and a child
" of light will emerge from the hidden chamber of magnificence and
*' glory, and from the gorgeous sardi of Honour and Fortune and plant
'^ his foot in the circle of existence. The refulgence ^ of his greatness
" will melt the hearts of the enemies of the State in the crucible of
'^ destruction, and confer new splendour and glory on our race and
family. Nay, rather, the night-chamber of the universe wilj acquire
grandeur and beauty from his world-lighting rays."
Mir ^Abdu-1-hai §adr,* one of the purely-born, related as fol-
lows : — " One morning, his Highness JahanbanI Jannat-ashiyanl was
bowed down in reverie, and seemed much distraught.^ After a time,
he raised his head and exclaimed, " Praise be to God the Gracious, the
lamp of our royal family has been relit." On my asking the meaning
pf his giving thanks, his Highness replied, " While I was in a state of
<c
(t
it is here referred to as something
used to calculate the time when a
birth will take place. Ulugh Beg
gives three nam udurs, viz., Ptolemy's,
Ilermes* and Zoroaster's. Vullers
(g. V. 1352a) gives a quotation from
the Ba}idri'*ajam, mentioning five
namudars. The phrase harf-i-namu-
ddr probably means the formula of
the namadar. It would seem that
the namudar was also used to dis-
cover the nature of the coming child,
e.g., its sex.
^ Kaukaha means a star and is
also the name of one of the royal
ensigns, viz., a polished steel ball
suspended to a polo. (Blochmann,
Plate IX).
• BadaonT has an account of him
(HI. 273). He calls him Maihhadi,
i.e., from the town of Maghhad
(Meshed) in Eastern Persia. He was
a skilled penman and his brother.
Mir *Abdu-l-lah was a performer on
the qdnun (dulcimer). He is, ap-
parently, the caligraphist mentioned
in the Aln (Blochmann, 101 and 103),
but though Mr. Blochmann identities
him with Mir 'Abdu-l-^i Mir 'Adl,
this seems doubtful. (Blochmann,
468, 471 and 480). The man who told
the story of Humay nil's dream was
that monarch's J^adr, — Lord High
Almoner. This office was higher
than the Mir 'Adl's (Blochmann
268) and it is not likely that a man
whom Badaoni praises for sanctity
would take part in a drinking bout.
(Blochmann 46 S). However, this is
not impossible, for Badaoui tells us
(Lowe, 319) that the New Year festi-
vities were too much for the sobriety
of the Qazis and Muftis (Judges) and
even of pious men.
B Lit. it appeared as if )iis blessed
eyes hud bvcome red (or inflnmed).
CKAPTER !.
47
" wakeful * sleep, a brilliant star emerged from a certain quarter (here
bis Highness pointed to the region where the glorious parturient was)
" and rose higher and higher every moment. And as it ascended, its
** size and brilliance increased, until its light had embraced the greater
" portion of the world. I asked a holy man what the luminous body
" was, and he replied that it was the light incarnate of my successor,
*' and that whatever part of the earth had been shone upon by this
" world-illuminating ray, would come under his dominion, and be
*' civilized by the light of his justice." Two days after this vision,
the news came of the ascension of the auspicious star above the
horizon (9f hope, and when the period of the spiritual manifestation
and holy vision was compared,* it appeared that the auspicious birth
and the delivery *of the miraculous message had occurred at one and
the same time." When such an illustrious progeny is the lot of an
eminent man,* why should such a communication not be vouchsafed ?
And when such a boon followed, why should there not have been
such a reverie-, and such an interpretation ? Such things may appear
extraordinary to superficial observers and to materialists, but the
pure-minded and far-seeing conjectured before the event, and knew
with certainty afterwards that this was the shining of the world-light-
ing star and that the message betokened the darkness-destroying sun.
And to those who have had the bliss of being long in the service of
this Lord of the World and of understanding his glorious qualities,
the appearance of such portents is no stumbling-block.
Nor is it hidden from the acute and scrutinising that though
Maulnna gharafu-d-din ^Ali-i-Yazdi has in the Zafamdma* taken a
superficial view of tilings and stayed Qaculi Bahadur's^ true vision
and Tumana Khan's interpretation at His Majesty the Lord of Con-
junction (Timur) and has explained the eighth shining star that issued
16
1 Meaning that his body was
asleep but his soul awake.
« With tliat of the birth.
• Buzurg. This word often
means a saint or holy person and
may have that sense here.
♦ Bib. Ind. I. 11 and 12, but the
full account of the dream is given
in the Mnqiuhhuna or Preface to
the Zafarnama which has not been
published in the Bib. Ind. edition.
It is to be regretted that this Pre-
face which Sharafu-d-din refers
to at page 11/ has not been printed.
See Bieu's Catalogue I. 174, Add.
6538.
6 See later on, in the detailed
account of Akbar'*j ancestors.
4.?
AKBARNAMA.
from Qaculi Bahadur's breast^ and lighted up the world, of the
appearance of his Majesty the Lord of Conjunction who is the seventh*
ancestor of his Majesty (Akbar), yet it is clear to the minds of those
far-sighted light-dwellers who understand hermeneutics and the secrets
of the dream-world that to explain seven stars as seven persons whose
heads were not exalted by the diadems® of rule, nor were seen on the
dominion-adorning Divan of excellence, is remote from the principles
of interpretation and the significance of dreams. Rather those seven
stars are seven world- adorning potentates, and the world-irradiating
light is the holy personality of his Majesty the King of Kings who
hath by the light of his Being illumined the terrene and terrestrials.
It is the auspicious Akbar^ who was the resplendent light which
arose from the breast of that Jupiter of good fortune (Qaculi Bahadur).
Although the latter be, numerically his Majesty's fifteenth' ancestor,
yet among those there are seven stars of the zodiacal Sign of
greatness and having the light of this world-illuminating King of
Kings emblazoned on the foreheads of their biographies. These seven
W out of the fifteen* have been distinguished for greatness and world-
adornment, and the eighth of the noble band is his Majesty the King
of Kings. The light of their rectitude has made the horizons brilliant,
and in the noble series of the fifteen* great ones, there has been given
the glorious vesture of spiritual and temporal sovereignty to this per-
fect witness of Divine Power, and he has been made light-bestower of
the inner and outer worlds. This explanation is not hidden from the
subtle investigators of real significations. On this account a synopsis
of the perfections of this series will be found in this noble volume, and
I The word in the text is jlh or
jaih. Later on (p. 68) the word used
is garihdn,
S The text has eighth, but accord-
ing to oar idiom at least, the word
should be seventh. Nor is A. F. con-
sistent, for at p. 81 he calls Timur's
son the sixth ancestor of Akbar.
S The author means that none of
Qac all's immediate descendants was
a king. The first monarch of his
race was Timur, and the seven stars
are interpreted b}* A. F. to mean
Timur and the six descendants who
intervene between him and Akbar.
♦ Sa*d-i'Akbar. The auspicious
conjunction, i.e., the conjunction of
Jupiter and Venus, but here used
with a play •upon the Emperor's
name. See the heading of next
chapter and the horoscope Chapters
paBsim.
^ It Lb sixteenth in the Text.
^ It is eighteen in the Text, but
this, I think, must be a mistake for
sixteen or rather for fifteen.
CHAPTER I.
49
tben the prudent and alert of mind will get proof of these words.
Whoever at the present day shall perase with the eyes of discernment
and knowledge^ the account of these illustrions magnates and under-
stand the office of the Caliph ^ of the Age^ and become acquainted with
the stages of the degrees of greatness of the Lord of the Worlds will
applaud the exposition. Away, Away I I am no word-seller,* seek-
ing for approving glances from men. What more choice blessing can
there be than this, that my truth-electing heart has been made a fount
of true impressions,^ and that my scrutinising reason has become an
alighting-stage^ for these divine subtleties f With these night-gleam-
ing jewels^ I frame glorious earrings as abiding ornaments for the
understanding ears of the fortunate lovers of wisdom.
^ I am not sure if this expression
applies io Akbar or to his predeces-
sors. A. F. seems to regard Akbar
as something higher than the Caliph
or Vicar-General of the Age. He is
the Khudev-i-jahan. ue., the Lord or
Khedive of the World.
* The reproach of A. F. against
Firdausi. Jarrett III. 401.
8 o^ nikdt. Apparently pen-
marks, i,e,, dots.*
4 La^a maMit a place where one
alights. Often, the descent of an
angel.
* Alluding to the phosphores-
cence of diamonds, etc.
• [ |V*«^ Ci'w nihdl'i-haqqdnl means the same as ^5*0 (3^'*«> daqtViq %-rahh4ni
in the next sentence, t.e., 'diTine sabtleties.' The above translation, no doabt, is
wrong. T. B.]
CHAPTER II.
Account op the rise op the Great Luminary (the Sun) and op thb
DIFFUSION OP THE GREATER FoRTUNE (JuPITBR) PROM THE SKY OP
AU8PICIOU8NES8 THE NATIVITY, TO WIT, OP HiS MaJESTY,
THB EiNQ OP Kings and Shadow of God.
The apparition of the result of hopes from the embryonic sac of
desire, and emergence of the light of fortune from the auspicious
ascension-point, — the most holy nativity,^ to wit, — of his Majesty
from the sublime veil and consecrated curtain of her Highness,
cupola of chastity, — screen of modesty, — saint of seclusion, — scion
of austerity, — holy one of the age, — dawn> of epochs, — ^mistress of
the world, — perfect teacher,* — paragon of purity, — pattern of limpi-
dity,— chosen one of pure disposition, — abounding in trustworthy
fidelity, — pure-principled princess, — queen of celestial graces, — elect
lady of time and the terreno; — world's bliss, — wave of eternal ocean,
— mothor*-o'-pearl of the ocean of bounty, — lamp of the holy family,
— glory of the house of guidance, — lantern of the wall^ of worship, —
bridal chamber of the auspicious harem, — forefront of obedience to
I The sentence of which the word
'* nativity " is the subject, is conti-
nued after a series of epithets, by
the verb " occurred," on page 54.
S aijb Idzigha beginning to
rise or conio forth, (Lane). The
Luck. ed. and No. 564 have ^jli
hdri* excellent. The Muntal^abu-
I'lngjidi (Taylor 51a) says that
hdzigha wa.s the name of a woman
of the tribe of Ad who listened to
Joseph and thereby attained great
sanctity.
• Amosgdr also means pupil, but
hero probably teacher. It is used in
the latter sense in the Aitit I. 202,
1.2.
* iJOmd aadaf pearl-shell.
8 yj^'^ hafXm, properly the
west wall of the Ka*ba.
GHAPTftR Ii;
51
God, — eye of eternal empire, — pillar of the celestial tlirone, — pedestal
of the sublime seat, — lady of the exalted marriage-dais, — princess of
fortune's alcove, — chosen curtain of honour's litter, — exalter of chas-
tity's coiffure, — glorious gift of heaven, — treasure of Divine mercy, —
prime dainty of the Divine table, — supreme boon of heavenly gifts, —
revolving-point of bounties and graces, — glorious pearl of dominion
and prestige, — spring-flower of justice, — tablet of the gorgeous
picture-gallery, — splendour of sanctity and love, — fire-flame of majesty
and exaltation, — cream of abilities and accomplishments, — choice one^
of the secrets* of hand and heart, — central node of wisdom and
wakefulness, — linking the divine and the human, — goodly tree of
peace and purity, — generous fruit of liberality and election, — truth-
showing mirror, -T- countenance of certainty, — staircase of majesty, —
ladder of realm and religion, — tap-root of the umbrageous trunk of
happiness, — noble palm of the garden of excellence, — veiled matron 18
of meekness and modesty, — screened and curtained one of honour and
greatness, — glorious medium between hidden and revealed light, —
opener of the morning of fortune and favour, — enveloped in celestial
veils, — her Majesty Miryam MakanT, chaste one of church and state,
^amida BanuBegam — (may her glorious shadow be perpetuated !) —
pure scion of that pattern of eminent saints, ^ — pole of the poles of
greatness, — wanderer in the wilderness of humanity, — swimmer in
the ocean of divinity, — lamp of spiritual secrets, — key of the trea-
sures of conquests, — rose-gatherer* of the gardens of revelation, —
garland-twiner of the fragrant herbs of truth, — abbot {imam) of the
monastery of asceticism, — cup-bearer of the tavern of abundance, —
ocean-hearted one of the baiting-place of privation, — ocean-drinker
of the tavern of unity, — immersed in the seas of holy conflicts, —
consumed by the lightnings of contemplation, — torch-bearer of the
chamber of the Path, — caravan-conductor on truth's highway, —
supreme theatre of the epiphanies of the divine essence, — illumination-
i Axar*, nal^ha. This may also
mean bumper or copious draught,
• j^, aiVr, has for one of its
meanings the lines of the palm of
the hand or uf the forehead. I think
this is the meaning here.
* The author here leaves Miryam
MakanI and proceeds to eulogize he .
remote ancestor, Ahmad-i-jara.
♦ Oulcm; also a gardener.
52
AKBARNAUA.
Bpot^ of the rays of the AttributeB,^-cambiBts of the secrete of the
masters of revelation and manifestation, — assayer of the hearts of the
lords of divine transports, — observant traveller over hearts and
spirits, — scrutinizer of the interiors of moulds and forms, — disperser '
of the clouds of darkness, — procuring the blotting-out of the
writings^ of transgressions, — knowing the links between the seen
and the unseen, — revealer of the splendours of the secrets of mani-
festation and concealment-—
Yersb.
Pole^ which salutes the two poles of heaven,
Bridling by discipline the tigers of lust.
Stalking as a lion in the forest of the heart,
Ocean-drinker of love, the premier elephant, Ahmad-i-j§m,^
1 AoiA^ j\y} ^is^ ^^1,
ijld'i-majdli'i-amodr-i'fifdtXya, The
l^ifdtlya or Attribatists were a Mu-
\^Tnmadan sect. (See Hughes' Diet,
of Islam ;— Koran, Sale, Preface;—
and the Dahiatan, trans. II. 324 and
830). But I do not think A. F. is
referring to them here. The occur-
rence of the word s^tiya in the pre-
vious clause seems to show that
flifdiXya is here used merely in the
sense of attributes or of belonging
to attributes. Ahmad-i-jdm was a
BafI but it is not stated that he
belonged to any particular sect. In
the Dahisidn (II. 270) we are told on
the authority of the commentator on
the G^iiZg^n-t-raz that there are four
kinds of manifestations, and that
'*the third is J^ifdtl, belonginfi^ to
attributes,— when the contemplative
person sees the Absolute Being en-
dowed with the attributes of his own
essence such as science and life,
and sees himself a real being or
endowed with these attributes."
• ^J/-*, farrdf, shroff or motif y-
ohanger, one who puts philosophy
into current coin.
• ^^^l, injild, may also mean
brightening. Cf. text 46, 1, 7.
♦ Cf. Isaiah xHv. 22 ; and Colos-
sians ii. 14.
* wJi^) 9^^> ^^® P^^®* ^ common
name for distinguished saints.
9 Jam is a town in Khurasan (N.-
E. Persia) and near Herat. (" Jam-
very near Herat^" says the Ddbietdn
II. 334). For an account of Ahmad-i-
jam, see Bieu's Catalogue I. 5516,
and the Nafahatu-l-unB, He is a
very famous saint of the 11th and
12th centuries. His full name is
Aba Na^r A^mad ibn Abu-l-^san.
He bore the titles Zhanda-pil. Rag-
ing, or perhaps Mighty, Elephant,
and Skoil^U'l-isldtn, He is called
Ndmaql from bis having been born
in or at least, from his family's
having sprung from the village of
Namaq in the district of Jam. Ho
was bom 441 H. (1049), and died in
536 H. (1141). (Dr. Rieu states that
according to the Jawdhini'l'Osrdr
CHAPTER IT.
63
Holy be his tomb^ {i,e., B. L P.)
(loL 148) the date of his death is
fixed by the chronogram 4^^ ^*^\
i^ c^«^9 Ahmad Jdm% quddiaa SW'
ruhu, (See Richardson 718a.) The
passage occurs at 148a. of Add. 7607,
Bien's Cat. 1. 43c. and the words are
^y|.>x« %jm^j0^^y j^U lUa^t olij ^;U
The letters give the date 536, viz. ;—
A= 1 J= 3 q=100 r=200
h= 8 5= 1 d= 4 h= 6
in = 40 m=40 s= 60 —
d= 4 1=10 s= 60 636Total.
There is an acconnt of the saint in
Dara Shikah'e J^afinatu-l-cmliyd and
there the writer — the eldest son of
Shah Jahan — refers to his great-
great-grandmother, j^mlda Banu's
descent from Ahmad-i-jam. But
the fullest account of Ahmad is in
Jami's NafahatU'l-unSf Jami being a
townsman of the saint. The life will
be found in Lees* ed. of the Nafahdt.
(Cal. 1859, 405-417) A^imad-i-jam is
said to have converted 300,000 per-
sons, and to have had 42 children, of
whom 1 7 survived him. His Diwdn is
in the B. M., and he wrote other
works. There is an explanation of
the term Zhanda'pll by M. Pictet,
in the Journal Jsiatique for 1843,
(Series IV., Vol. II., 141). He derives
it from the Sanscrit canda. Ac-
cording to Fraser (Journey into
Khorasan, Lond. 1825, App. B., 39), ifc
means Elephant-reviver or animator,
and was given to the saint because he,
at the cost of his own life, restored
to life the Governor's elephant.
Fraser describes his tomb as a rough
slab of marble, situated in a grove
of pistadin trees, at Turhat-i-jdm,
half way between Magjbhad and Herat.
According to A. F. A^mad-i- jam was
the ancestor of Humay tin's mother
as well as of his wife (Hamida Band).
Humayun visited the South in 1544
and put up an inscription which
still exists. (J. B. A. S. Jan. 1897).
Apparently the father of Hamida
Band was named *Ali Akbar, for
Ni|samu-d-dlnsays, KhwajalMu'azgam
(whom he calls Akbar's maternal
uncle) was the son of *Ali Akbar.
According to A. F. the ]^waja was
only uterine or half-brother of
Hamida Ban a, but it seems probable
that 'All Akbar was also her father,
for Nigamu-d-dln goes on to say that
'All Akbar was descended from
^azrat Shaikhu-1-islam. ^anda-pil
A^mad-i-jSm. Gulbadan calls Hami-
da Banu, the daughter of Mir Baba
Dost. Apparently Mir Baba is the
Maulftna Baba Dost Sadr mentioned
{Akhamdma I. 315) as a servant for
whom Hindal had a special regard.
Perhaps Mir Baba Dost is not his
full name — though it occurs in the
Akhamdma — and he may also have
been named 'All Akbar. Gulbadan
says that Mir Abu-1-Baqa took part
in the marriage and that two lakhs
of rupees were paid (or promised) as
dower by Humayiin. Abu-1-Baqa
is referred to in the Akhamdma (I.
172). In the same volume, (I. 174,
1.15) mention is made of Khwaja
Hajri JamI (qu. the Superintendent
of Ahmad Jami's cell P) as having
been forward in promoting the mar-
riage. Gulbadan's account of the
marriage negotiations is minute and
interesting.
54
AKBARNAHA.
occurred ^ when the altitude of Procyon* waa
38^ and when 8hs. 20m. had passed from the beginning of the night
of 8th Aban** 464, JalalT era, corresponding to 19th Isfandarmiz 911,
of the old era,* and to night of Sunday {iiab-i-yak-siamba) 5th
Rajab, lunar era,^ and to 6th Kartik* 1599, Hindu era, and to 16th
1 See Note 1, page 50.
8 ^Cm ^jAm, ilii'rd'i'^dmiya,
the Syrian Dog-star, i.e., Procyon or
the Lesser Dog-star; Sirius or the
Greater Dog-star being called ShVra'
l-yamdni or Dog-star of Yaman, i.e.,
S.-W. Arabia. Procyon is called also
8hVra'l'*ahur, the Little Dog-star.
B Aban is the eighth month in the
Persian year. The Jalall era is also
called the MalikI because established
by SultSn Jalalu-d-din Malik Shah
Seljukl. ' TJmar Khayyam was one of
the astronomers employed in settling
this calendar. (Jarrett III. 29.)
The era began on 5th Sha'ban, 468
(15th March, 1076,) according to one
account and according to another,
on 10th Ramazan 471 (15th March,
1079). Ulugh Beg says. " This is a
difference of 1097 days, the cause of
of which is unknown to us, but as
the second is that generally adopted,
we shall follow it." (S^diUot, Prole-
gomena, 27). The cause of the dif-
ference is explained by S^dillot at
page 235. The initial date, 15th
March, 1079, is that adopted by
Gibbon and appears to be that fol-
lowed by A. F. for 1079+468=1543
or nearly October 1542.
♦ This is the era of Yazdajird, so-
called because it dates from the first
year of his reign, in«., A.D. 632.
The era, however, began long before
his time, and according to A. F.
dates from the accession of Jamohid.
It began afresh with the accession
of each king, and it has receired the
name of the Tazdajird era because
he was the last king of Persia, he
being great-grandson of the famous
Noghirwan, and being vanquished by
the Muhammadans. (Jarrett III.
28.) A. F. makes the difference be-
tween the two eras 447 years. The
Yazdajird era began on 16th June,
632 A.D. Isfandarmisj is the 12th
month in the Persian year.
* A. F. here calls the Hijra era
Haldll, lunar, but in the Ain, he
calls it Hijra. The date corresponds
to Sunday, 15th October, 1542 O.S.
and 25th October N.S. Gulbadan
gives the date as 4th Rajab, but this
must be a mistake, for 4th Bajab, 949
was a Saturday, and the birth took
place on a Sunday. S^dillot (Prole-
gomena 240) says that 5th Rajab is
the day of Muf^mmad's conception,
but Ulugh Beg makes it 15th Rajab
and calls it the feast of victory. It
is possible that Akbar got his name
of Muhammad from his having been
born on this festival.
• This era is the Sam vat or Vik-
rEmaditya era. It began B.C. 57 so
that its 1599=1542 A.D. The Bibl.
Ind. ed. has 1519, but this is clearly
wrong and for nuzdahum — wo*should
read nuwad u nuhum — as in the Luck-
now ed. and No. 564 and all the
other copies which I have consulted.
According to Cowasji Patell's tables
the Sam vat year 1599 began on 10th
October. The year began apparently
with Ist Kartik so that 6th K&rtik=
15th October.
CHAPTER II.
55
Ti8hrlnu»-l-awwal 1854, Greek era; — 4hs. 22m.« of the said night
(that of Saturday, or rather Sundays) were remaining. The place
was the auspicious city and fortunate fort, Amarkot,* which belongs
^ Tighrin, the Tigiri of the Jewish
Calendar, was the first month of the
Syrian year. It corresponds to our
October. The era is that of the Seleu-
cidsd and is also called Syro-Mace-
donian. It began 1st October B.C.
312, so that 16th Tiahrinu-l-awwal =
16th October, 1^42. It appears from
Cowasji Pat ell's Chronology (162)
that the Syro-Macedonian year of
1854 began on 2nd October so that
16th Teghrlnu-l-awwal corresponds
exactly with 15th October. A. F.
calls the era Bum% (Greek). In the
Am (I. 279) he calls it the era of
Alexander of Greece, but at p. 274
I.e. he calls it Bumi, He says it
took its origin from the death of
Alexander II. Bicomutus, but that
it did not come into effect till 12
years after his death. Ulngh Beg
treats it as a Christian era and gives,
under it, the dates of the Christian
festivals. (See S^dillot, Text 54 and
Trans. 62). Mas'udi, writing in the
10th century, does the same thing.
(See French trans. III. 405)). Al-bi-
runi {jChronology of Ancient Nations,
282) also gives the Christian festivals
and says that the Melkites, Nesto-
rians and Jacobites observed them.
In Golius* notes to Al-fargidni (19)
it is stated that the Jacobites and
Nestorians use this era, but that
the Malekites begin their year in
January.
s A. F. g^ves two statements of
the number of hours — one taken
from the beginning of the night and
the other from its end. Probably he
used two records. The sum of the
two sets of figures, 8hs. 20m. and
4hs. 22m. is 12hs. 42m. which agrees
with what apparently, would be the
length of the night at Amarkot on
25th October, 1542 (25th is the true
date allowing for the difference be-
tween Old and New Styles). Accord-
ing to a communication with which I
have been favoured by the Meteoro-
logical Department, Calcutta — sunset
on 25th October in lat. 25 N. is at 5-23
and sunrise, on that day at 6*6. I
presume there would be little differ-
ence between sunset on the 25th,
and sunset on the 24th. The length
of the night, then, on 24th October,
would be from 5*23 p.m. to 6*5 a.m.
or 13hs.-8m.= 12h8. 42m. exactly!
On 15th October, sunset occurred at
5*59 P.M. and sunrise at 5'32 a.m.
The 8th Iban of the Persian era
apparently corresponds to 26th
October. It will be remembered
that this era anticipated the correc-
tions of the Gregorian Calendar.
Apparently there is some mistake
about the years 464 H. and 911 H.
for when reduced to Christian years,
they give 1543 and not 1542.
* Properly Saturday, the birth
occurring early on Sunday morning.
Muhammadans count their day or
nycthemeron from sunset.
^ Amarkot is a town in Scinde
lat. 25° 21' N. and long. 69° 46' E.
(Greenwich). Gulbadan spells it
Amarkot and in the Imperial Oazet-
teer of India, it appears as Umarkot.
The u is short. Its latitude and
56
AKBABNAMA.
to the second climate and lies in latitude 25 N. and longitude 105
E. of the Fortunate Isles. At that time^ the imperial army had
marched to subdue the country of Tatta (Scinde) and the litter of
fortune had been directed to halt in the pleasant country and fortu*
nate fortress^ on account of the timers drawing nigh for the appear-
ance of the light of the world.
Among the strange circumstances which occurred near the time
of the appearance of the light of fortune, there was this, — that
before the auspicious moment above-mentioned, the mother felt a
pressing urgency to bring forth the child. Maulana Cand, the
astrologer, who by the king's order, had been stationed *by the chaste
threshold in order that he might cast the horoscope, was perturbed,
19 as the moment was inauspicious. ''In a short time,^ a glorious
moment will arrive, such as does not happen once in a thousand
years. What an advantage if the birth could be delayed." Those
who were present made light of it and said, '' What is the good of
*' your agitation ? Such things are not under control."
At this very instant the impulse to bring forth passed ofE and the
astrologer's mind was set at rest somewhat by the transit of the
unlucky moment. The ostensible cause of this supreme blessing was
that a country midwife had been just brought in to perform her office,
and as her appearance was repulsive, the holy soul of Miry am Makanl
felt disgusted and her even temper was rebuffed and so the urgency
for parturition left her. But when the chosen time came, the Maul&na
{(
it
longitude are also given in the A%n,
( Jarrett IV. 69 and text II. 32). The
latitude there given is 24P and longi-
tude 100^. In Gladwin's trans, the
longitude is omitted, and the latitude
given as 20^4(y. The statement in
the Akhamdma is more to be relied
upon, as giving A. P.'s figures cor-
rectly, because the degrees are ex-
pressed in words. The Fortunate
UIm are called by Ulugb Beg and
A. F. the Eternal I»le», ol^i*^ ^i)^*
Jatd^ir-i'I^dliddt. There is an account
of the Amarkofc (Oroercotc) district
by Sir Bartle Frere. Bombay Selec*
tions XXI. 1855.
^ The text has ba*d at cand •o'al.
after some moments. The Luck,
ed. and No. 564 have ba*d as soman?,
after some time. This is a con*
sidered reading in No. 564 for some
other word has been erased and
tamdnl substituted. Probably sa-
mdni is right for the next word to
it is 9d*al and it is not likely that the
author would put two 9d*at{s) in jux-
taposition.
ti
CHAPTER II. 57
became disturbed^ lest it should accidentally pass by. The confidants
of the harem said to him, " Her Majesty,^ has after mach sufferinpf,
got an interval of relief and is now slumbering. It would not be
right to waken her. Whatever Almighty God, in His good pleasure,
'' has determined, must happen.^' Just as they were speaking, the pains
of travail came upon her Majesty, Miryam Makani, and awoke her
and in that auspicious moment, the unique pearl of the viceregency
of God {Khildfaf) came forth in his glory.
They spread the carpet of joy under the canopy of chastity and
curtain of honour, and made ready a feast of joy and exultation.
The veiled ones of the pavilion, and the chaste inmates of the royal
harem anointed the eye of hope with the coUyrium of rejoicing and
coloured the eyebrows of desire with the indigo » of merriness. They
decked the ear of good tidings with the earring of success, painted the
face of longing with the vermilion of pleasure, encircled the fore-arm of
wish with the bracelet of purpose, and donning the anklet of splen-
dour on the dancing foot, stepped into the theatre of delight and
joy and raised the strain of praise and gratulation. Fan-wavers
sprinkled otto of roses, and winnowed the air with sandal-scented
arms. Dark-haired maidens freshened the floor by rubbing it with
perfumes. Rose-cheeked damsels gave a new lustre to joy by
sprinkling rose-water. Red-garmented, sweetly-smiling nymphs
enveloped the silver-bosomed ones in gold, by scattering saffron.
Rose-scented, jasmine-cheeked ones soothed the rapid dancers with
camphorated* sandal-wood. Gold in thuribles on the borders of
the carpet, gave o£E fumes of incense.* They uncovered the stoves
which were filled with lign-aloes and ambergris. Musicians created
enchanting ecstacy^ and melodious minstrels breathed forth magic
strains.
1 ffa^s^^t'i-mahd^'ulyd lit. her
Highness of the sublime couch (or
eradle).
« *4-»j, waama, woad or indigo.
In Zenker's Turkish Diet, this is
described as a black dye made from
indigo leaves, with which women
colour their eyebrows. The dye is I hne.
8
indeed of such a deep blue that it
may be called black.
ft See the recipe for the powder
called argaja, Blochmann 74.
♦ jj^', haJ^ur, A. P. gives a
recipe for it. Blochmann 74, la«t
58
AKBARNAHA.
Yebsb.
And softly oiced Indian maids^
Glorious ^ as Indian peafowl,
And light-fingered Chinese mnsiciana
Produced intoxication with wineless cups ;
And dulcimer-players from Khurasan
Brought ease to laden breasts^
And singers from the land of 'Iraq,*
Everlasting capturers* of joy.
In truth there was an assemblage like the communion of saints
and recluses in the exquisiteness of its repose, and a carousal like a
feast of spiritual beings in the absence of wine and cup. Celestial
spectators took part in the rejoicings without the aid of bodily organs
20 of vision, and sightseers from the upper world poured forth this
strain with tongueless tongues :
Yersb,
What is this intoxication* without wine or bowl ?
The wine which is drunk from cups is illicit here.
Trays of variously coloured fruits were spread, and tables laid
out with different dainties. Robes of honour of divers colours were
bestowed, and hbil'at^ upon khil'at was presented. What shall I say
of the hilarity and rejoicing, for there is no need of explanation or
description ? Were it possible to give any idea of the completion of
1 Probably the meaning is not
that peacocks are melodious, but that
the Indian maids were in beauty like
peacocks and had the additional
charm of being soft-voiced. The
Mu^mmadans have a tradition that
the peacock was deprived of his
voice as a punishment for having
conducted Eve to where the forbid-
den fruit {i»e,, wheat) was. See Ja-
bari's Chronicle, Zotenberg I, 82.
When the peacock was expelled from
paradise, he fell upon India.
• 'Iraq is a Persian province. A
mode of music takes its name from
it. Gulistdn 11. Story 19,
• Or it may be, "Song-makers
for the banquet of everlasting life,"
or, " Oapturers of joy for the rest of
life."
^ I suppose the reference is to the
intoxicating power of music. See
Blochmann 612» where A. F. speaks
of the wine of harmony causing
intoxication.
* A MbiVai is more than a robo,
for it consists of at least three
articles, riar., the turban, the robe and
the girdle.
^ ■>
;^?
the designs of iLe c>c!tr>tia!>, I ii::rf;i u^l hew, afic^r IvTiT o-<^r,^
and searchii!^, ihej clothed, wiih the gloricus Tvrbe of eJtis5«ei>vV^ tfe«*
Arranger of die world of reality and the Dispenser c^ tie vs;:ior
world, and how ther bronsrht him from the hiddeix cradle cvf woa-
droos woris and from the holy inner chambers, to the wvi^ars»;:$^
bridal-chamber of manifestation and splendid nuptial bed. Bui tie
description of hearenly exultation and of the joys of purs spirits is
beyond tbe range of speech.
As soon as the light of glory deigned to emerge from the one:jt
of fortune^ they despatched swift couriers ^ and haxd--riding hv>rs^^mon
to conTey the life-increasing nei^ and the heart-expaundiug tivlings to
the tents of fortune and encampment of glory. This had been
sixteen* miles off, but on the morrow of the night which had been
pregnant with the day of auspiciousness, the army marched at dawn
from that station, and encamped about midday at a spot^ which ^ras
very churning and salubrious, with clear water and delightful trees.
There his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat A^yanl had halted and a
nimiber of courtiers were assembled and in attendance.
^ Though A T. speaks both of
coiuriers and horsemen, I do not sup-
pose he means that there were both
foot and horse messengers.
« " Four fanMr ^--y», Arabic
form of *-^**^, fanang, the para-
aang of Xenophon ; about 4 miles.
< Jauhar, according to Stewart's
trans. (44) says that after leaving
Amarkot, Ham&yan marched 24
miles the first day to the banks of
a large pond, and that the next day
while the king was encamped there,
a messenger arrived with the news.
But according to A. F. Humayon
did not arrive at the pond in one
day. His camp was 16 miles off
from Amarkot and on the morning
of the birth, he marched again at
dawn and arrived at the halting
place where the water was, at about
midday. Apparently he did not
get the news till the third day. for
we are told that he heard of it
two days after his vision which
was simultaneous with the birth.
Jauhar cannot be relied on. Ho
began his Memoirs 45 years after
Akbar s birth (995-1687) and he in-
correctly states that the birth wiw
on 14th Sha'bin. In Ilhihad Fiiif
Sirhindl's rescension (No. lS9i)),
this is altered to 14th Rajab. The
late KabI Raj ^y^tnal Das wrote a
paper in the Asiatic Society's Jour-
nal (J. A. S. B. LV., Part 1. 1886,
80) to show that the date given by
Jauhar was the correct one. I do not
agree with his conclusions, but his
paper is — like all the Kabl's produc-
tions— carefully written and inter-
esting. He translates Jauhar from
MSS. and his rendering is closer
than Stewart's. He mentions that
60
AKBARNAMA.
Vbesb.
Verdant trees with heaven-brushing tops,^
Casting shade o'er the head shadowed by the bird of
paradise.'
The melodious singing of the birds of the meadow
Poured joyous notes over the banquet.
Suddenly a blackness was caused by the hoofs of galloping
horses. Mehtar Sumbul,3 an old slave (gbuldm), of his Majesty
there is a stone two miles N.-W.
of Amarkot which professes to mark
the spot of Akbar's birth, but the
date on| it (963) is that of the acces-
sion.
Stewart's trans, makes Jauhar's
account more discrepant from A. F/s
than it really is, and Erskine has not
fully amended Stewart here. On
referring to the original, I find that
Jauhar says nothing about " the first
day " or the " next day." What he
says is, that they marched thirty
miles (12 koa) and then encamped on
the bank of a pond {hau^). No
doabt» this place could be identified.
It must lie between Amarkof and
Jan, S. W. of the former (W. S.
W. is perhaps more correct). The
B. M. MS. is worm-eaten at the im-
portant place, but the words seem to
be du 2&a(, two nights. It is not
likely that Humayan would march
30 miles in one day and it is probable
enough that he made his marches
by night. Jauhar says that the
news was brought by a qdfid at
early morning, viz,, at prayer-time.
He gives Saturday, 14th Sha'ban as
the birthday and says that Badru-
d-din and Jalalu-d-din have the same
meaning. But this is hardly correct
and 14th Sha'bSn 949, appears to
have been a Thursday. Gulbadan
says the birth took place three days
after Humayon left AmarkSt and
adds that the moon was in Leo and
that the birth occurred under a fixed
sign.
^ Lit, rubbing their umbrellas
against the sky.
' (j^U* lUp zill-i-humai, the sha-
dow of the HtMnd, a fabulous bird
from which the name Humdyun ia
derived. The Humd was supposed to
prognosticate a crown to every head
that it overshadowed. (No. 564 B. M.
MS. Add. Noft. 5610 and 6544 have
fLill-i-yiuddl, the shadow of God,
which the Bib. Ind. gives as a variant).
The meaning is said to be that the
trees were so high that they even
overshadowed the Humd or phoenix,
high-soaring bird though it be.
B Sumbul means hycidnth. The
name looks like that of an eunuch.
Bumbul is mentioned in the Akbamd'
fna (I. 224) under the title of Mir
Atidk (Master of Ordnance) and also
(263) as commanding a party of
musketeers. Mtr J[h'«& means Artil-
lery OflScer or Head of the Ordinance
Department, like the Corps of Fire-
workers of the H.E.I.C.'b army,
but it may also mean, head of the
musketeers or marksman. (The
Atisi Sarkdr or Fiery Department
was one of the divisions of offices
CHAPTER ir.
61
JalianbanI and who was, subsequently raised by the kindnesses of his
^^j^ty^ the King of Kings, to the title of ^afdar Khan (rank-break-
ing chief), having perceived that blackness, in which the white sheen
of two worlds was enveloped, reported the matter to his Majesty
who said, '' Should these horsemen bring tidings of the birth of the
" light of the eyes of sovereignty, we will make you ruler over a
" thousand."
Yjbsbv.
Kings of the earth might well give the seven climes as
a reward for such good news.
On that side too, the swift horsemen gave rein to their horses
and galloped forward, and the riders^ of the steeds* of auspicious-
made by Homayan, in accordance
with the number of the elements.)
Mehtar Sumbol was perhaps called
Safdar ^Sn because of the destmc"
tive effects of his muskets. (See
also 1. c. 266). He is mentioned by
Bayazid (I.O.MS. No. 216, p. 186) as
Sambul Mir Qazar and as Safdar
^an Mehtar Atigh- This was in
HamayQn's reign, which might be
taken to indicate, contrary to the text,
that he got the title from Humayan.
In his first volume, A. F. does not
give him the title of Safdar Khan
but calls him Khan and Mir Atigh*
He was one of those who accom-
panied Humayan to Persia. He is
mentioned, as Safdar JO^an, in the
3th year of Akbar and as taking
part in the siege of Bantanbhiir
{AJehamdma II. 330). We are told
(1. c. III. 772) of a Safdar Khan's
being promoted to the command of
1,000 in the 45th year. He is also
mentioned 1. c. 184. Blochmann ( 532)
notices a Safdar Khan Kh'sa Khail
as entered in the J'ahaqat list, but as
Commander of 2,000. He does not
apoear in the Am list.
The title Mehtar is of common
occurrence in Persian histories. In
modem Persian, it is used to mean
a groom, but in India it is the desig*
nation of a sweeper. In Meynard'a
Turkish Diet, it is explained as
** Officier remplissant les functions
de chambellan ou huissier ; le Grand
Vizier avait dans sa suite quarante
mehtar faisant fonction de Suisses
de son palais." D'Herbdlot (a. v.
Sanbal) says, " Ce mot est aussi uu
nom d'homme, et se donne plus ordi-
nairement aux esclaves noirs, par
ironie, comme ceux de Jasmin et de
Caf ur qui signifient le jasmin and le
camphre dont la blancheur est par-
faite.''
1 Gulbadan says, as also does
Ni^amu-d-din, that the news was
brought by Tardi Beg and that
Humay un rewarded him by forgiving
his past offences. See Jauhar for an
account of his overbearing manners.
He was afterwards put to death by
Bairam Khan.
9 cr^J* raJAalij the famous horse
of Bustam.
64
AEBARNAMA.
22
Philosophers worthy of Alexander's approval, and astrolabe-
knowing observers who were always seated in the coancil of mysteries
and were confidants of the secrets of the heavens, made the horo-
scope of the aaspicions birth a mirror for their enlightened intellects,
and reported that the aspects of the planets and their complete or
partial applications^ prognosticated length of life and the high
ascension of the Native on the steps of sovereignty and the degrees
of the Hbfildfat^ as witness the scheme* which has been taken from
their tables and exhibited on a page of abridgment.
Likewise his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-as^iyani who held high
rank in mathematical sciences and had a heaven-embracing mind, and
whose acute intellect was the heart-expanding mirror^ of Alexander
and the world-displaying cap of Jamshid, made by his own lofty
understanding, wondrous deductions and calculations from the indic-
ations of the horoscope of the divine masterpiece. He compared
them with the results obtained by the other sages from the marks on
the plains of the heavens, and the significations of the terrestrial and
celestial bodies. He found that they all agreed and corroborated one
another.
When the sublime festivities were over, he (Humayun) named
that holy pearl — in accordance with the secret message and divine
intimation already described, ^by his lofty title and majestic appella-
tion and caused it to be inscribed in the lists of auspiciousness and
records of fortune. Thus the interpretation of the veracious vision
was fulfilled after an interval of two years* and four months I
the birth was brought to the camp,
there was no money to give away in
presents, and Humayon sent for a
pod of musk and broke it amongst
his followers, saying it was all he
had to bestow, and uttering the prayer
that the child's renown might one
day so fill the world as the per-
fume of the musk was pervading the
tent. This story is worth all A. F/s
fustian.
1 ci'ilUit, iUisdldi, This is a tech-
nical word and corresponds appa-
rently to the astrological applica-
tions. (Die. of T. T. 1508, near foot.)
Gaido Bonatus has a paragraph en-
titled De alitUal pUmatarum, (Basle
1550, p. 132). He says alitisal sive
continuation I omit the i^qfat after
tafd^il. The technical words for con-
junction are ijtimd* and qirdn,
* Referring to MaulanS Cand's
horoscope, exhibited below.
^ Blochmann (553n). Alexander's
mirror is a fable arising out of the
Pharos at Alexandria.
♦ From 4th RabVu-l-awwal, 947 to
5th Rnjab, 040.
CHAPTER 11.
65
God be praised ! Hail ! celestial name and sublime talisman
which came down from highest heaven and the realms of light and
glory, whose splendour and whose rays have taken possession of the
Orient and the Occident.
Among the excellencies of the name— which is full of wonders
—there is one which my honoured elder brother, an encyclopaedia
of inward^ and outward perfections, the poet-laureate, i Abu-l-fai?
Fai?i has brought out in various admirable writings, namely, that
by the mysterious connections of letters which are lofty vocables «
and which,— whether separately* or in combination,— display their
influences, it appears that the indicatory letters {baiyindt^i-j^uruf)^
of the word aftdb (Sun) make the humber 223 and thus correspond
to the numerical value of the letters of the word Akbar.
1 FaizT, the elder brother of A. P.
was Maliku'ih'a^'ard or Poet Lau-
reate; lit. Prince of Poets. Bloch-
mami 401 and 548, and Akhamdma
III. 635.
« KalimdUi-'dliydt A cabalistic
expression. See Die. of T. T. 320,
1.8.
8 Bar *dlam'i'tajarrud u tckrakhuh,
lit. world of solitude and combina-
tion. I think it means separate
letters and letters in combination,
and not the spiritual and temporal
worlds.
4 kJ^js^ CfUjJ, haiyindUi'hurvf, in-
dications or evidences of the letters,
A. F. here enters on cabalistic lore.
The Die. of T. T. (Calcutta 1853.
128 ei seqJ) gives twelve 6a«ajf or
modes of manipulating letters. (See
also I. c. 156, 1.3). Faizi's seems to be
the second mode, called the basat-u
talaffu^ and the hasat-i-hatini and the
hasat'i'^dhirl (l c. 128, 1.7). It pro-
ceeds by pronouncing the letters and
dividing them into zahar and hanlydi.
Thus dfidh (the Sun) is composed of
9
^W* fa, id, alif and 6d. The first
letter of each of these words is called
s^bar and is discarded ; thus, (a)lif,
(f)a, (t)d, (a)lif, (b)d. The remain-
ing letters are the haiyindt or hanx-
ydt and their value is calculated
according to ahjad as follows :—
I = 30 + f = 80 = 110
a = 1
a = 1
1 = 30 -f f = 80 = 110
a = 1
Total ... 223
The Editor of the Luck. Akhamdma
says there are nine letters in dfidh,
ie., alif, fe, ie, he = 9. He cuts'
ofp the t as being over 100 in value
(its numerical value is 400) and the
remaining eight give 223 ; viz., alif
= 111; /e = 90; c = 10; and ie =
12; total 223. Thus he arrives at
the same result, by a different road.
Blochmann (237, Book II. Am No. 3)
gives apparently another illustration
of this process.
The word Jaldlah is, I think
made to yield 66 by cutting off th6
66
AKRARNAMA.
Vbrsb.i
That very light which fs yielded by the world-adorning Sun,
Is produced from the brows of the sublime Shdhanshdhy
That Akbar is allied to Aftdh (the Sun),
Is proved by the evidence (baiyindt) of the names.
Another of the delightful things about this glorious name is
that those who are acquainted with the secrets of cabalistic* lore and
who know the influences and combinations of letters, who are cogni-
sant of the hidden stations of the divine essence* and of revelations,*
first letter of Ja and then count-
ing the others ; viz., a = 1 ; Z = 30 ;
a = 1 ; Z = 30 ; and fc = 6. I do
not see how the word Allah could
make 66 by abjad for a doable letter,
t.6., one with ta§iid%d, is, according
to rule, counted as one only. Per-
haps, however, Allah is regarded as
containing three lama.
The Lucknow editor says also that
the words c{ftdh and nul, i.e., Nawal
(Kishor), (his printer and publisher)
harmonize if similarly treated; both
yielding 612 ! See his note p. 19
folio ed. and pp. 9 and 10 (preface)
ed. 1284 H. (1868 A.D.)
^ This quatrain occurs on p. 3436
of Faizi's Diwdn (B.M.MS. Add.,
No. 7794) and is preceded by the
following note by Faizi.
"Among the strange mysteries
"which have been revealed to me,
" who have placed on the head of my
"heart the four-gored cap of four-
" fold sincerity, there is this that the
" haiyindt'i'aamd'ukur^f (evidenti-
" ary letters) of the sun {dfidh) agree
" in number with the numerical value.
" of the word Akbar, which is 223.". , . .
Probably Fai^X plays on the double
meaning of the word aimd which
stands both for ' names ' and ' attri-
butes.' He has.many other quatrains
on the same subject.
* ^HS-^ J j^ jy^Ji rumue-i-jc^ar
u takair, Jafar means cabalistic
lore or the art of the mysteries of
letters. It is said to take its name
from Jafar Sadiq the 6th Imam, but
no doubt, the art is much older and
was in great vogue among the Jews.
There is a learned article on the
Kahhala by Dr. Ginsburg in the Ency .
Brittanica. The literal meaning of
takair is breaking in pieces, it com-
ing from the root kaar. It is applied
to the cabalistic science apparently
because that partly consists in break-
ing up words into their component
letters, which again are allocated to
the four elements. The word seems
to be often used as synonymous with
Jafar. See Die. of T. T. 1251, «. v.
takair and Ibn KhaldGn, Notieea ei
ExtraiU, XXI, 189.
'i^, hu/wlyat, ipseity. See
Whinfield's Oula]ian'i'rdz, 31 and
Die. of T. T. 1539.
* o]!>ii, tanaaKuldt, lit. alightings
or descendings.
CHAPTER U.
67
aud are aware of the illumination ^ and obscuration of alphabetical
letters^ according as they are with or without diacritical points^ have
assigned seven out of the twenty-eight letters of abjad* to each
element. Now the equably-proportioned letters of this august name
are a collection of the four-fold degrees {i.e., the four elements), and
tell of the collection of the four stages of Beauty, Majesty, Bounty
and Perfection. Thus alif is Fire, kdf Water, bd Air and rd Earth.
Whenever a name, by reason of the equality of its composition, is so
made up of letters that no element is wanting in it and no element
ifi redundant, that name is perfectly equipoised between its limits.
This equipoise results in the name-bearer^s being possessed of excel-
lent qualities, bodily health, length of life, exaltation of sovereignty
aud lasting joy.
Another point in this matter becomes conspicuous in the window
of intelligence, viz., that although this Greater Fortune {Sa'd-i-
akbar, — meaning Jupiter, and here taken for Akbar) may have
enemies on various sides, yet they will be scattered and annihilated.
For in the composition and arrangement of the letters of the name,
there are two medial letters — viz., kdf and bd (k and b) ; kdf is watery*
hwnif the universe of the lucidity
and darkness of letters. These are
divisions of letters made by prac-
titioners of the art of Jajar. (Die.
of T. T. 320, 1.6.) Apparently the
mysterious letters which head most
chapters in the Qur'an are called
wwrdnx, lucid. Here, however, A. F.
bases the distinction upon letters
being with or without diacritical
points. His brother Faizi wrote a
commentary on the Qur'an in which
he used undotted letters only.
(Gladwin's Diasertation on Persian
Rhetoric, etc. 19. Blochmann 540 and
Die. of T. T. 8. V. harf, 312). Com-
position without diacritical points is
called ta7i/ and the opposite is man ^t<j!.
I conjecture from the arrangement of
the words in the text and from the
fact that Faizi called his undotted
composition fhu^d'U'l-iUid'm, rays of
inspiration, that the lucid letters
are those without diacritical points.
Perhaps the name was given to them
because they do not require to be
lighted up or explained by dots.
Dotted letters are styled also mu'jama
and undotted muhmala.
* Abjad, the employment of the
28 letters of the Arabic alphabet as
numerals.
B The letters of the alphabet are
divided into four classes, corres-
ponding to the four elements and k
(kdf) belongs to the class represent-
ing water. See Die. of T. T. 128.
The Lucknow editor points out that
haf has also the meaning of cleaving.
es
AKMRKAMA.
and carries away the supernaU enemies^ who are firej and bd which ia
aerial^ scatters the nether enemies^ who are earthly. It is right that
those who know the subtleties of secrets^ should become cognisant
of the mysterious minutiae of the import of the wondrous Name^
and partake of the bounty of its auspiciousness and beneficence.
I The "supernal enemies" are
apparently, the ji/MM or demons who,
according to Mu^mmadan cosmog-
ony, were made out of fire. They
are represented by a {al\f) which is
a fiery letter. B (ra) is an earthy
letter according to some classifica-
tions (Die. of T. T., watery) and so,
represents earthly enemies. In the
I.O.MS. No. 3330, (which is a copy
of AkhotAmdma, Vol. I., given by
Colonel Kirkpatrick), the explanation
of the numerical value of the letters
of afiahf which I have already given.
is stated in a marginal note. The
annotator also arranges the 28 letters
of the Arabic alphabet in four
classes, as follows : —
Fiery :— a, % (sflX)t fiL t, f, m, h ... 7
Aerial. — ^b, t, s, 9, n, w, y ^.7
Earthy : — \t khi r, d, 'ain, gb^iu, 1 7
Watery :— §, 3, z, 9, z, q, k ... 7
Total ... 28
The Die. of T. T. gives a somewhat
different classification.
CHAPTER III.
Description of thi auspicious hoboscope which was cast at the 23
TIME 01* the glorious BIRTH IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE
ALTITUDES OF THE GrEEE ASTROLABE.
Verse.
Approach heayen-weighing observer^
Regard with understanding the connexion of the spheres^
Look at the beantifnl horoscope of the Lord of conjanction^^
Behold the auspicious charter of two worlds^
Contemplate this glorious rescript^
Fortune upon fortune^ light upon light.
When the victory-grasping standards were leaving the fort of
Amark5t, Maulanft Cand^ the astrologer^ who was possessed of great
acuteness and thorough dexterity in the science of the astrolabe^ in
the scrutinizing of astronomical tables^ the construction of almanacs,
and the interpretations of the stars, — was deputed to be in attend-
ance at the portals of the cupola of chastity (Miryam Makani,
Akbar's mother), in order that he might observe the happy time
and ascertain exactly the period of birth. He* reported in writing
to the exalted camp that, according to altitudes taken by the Greek
I J^dhih-qirdn. This title which
properly belongs to Timflr and was
afterwards bestowed on Shah JahSn,
seems to be applied here to Akbar
because, according to the Indian
horoscope (viz.. No. 2.), Jupiter and
Venus were in conjunction at his
birth. (See text 28, L6.) The title
may however, mean only Lord of
epochs.
* MaalanS CSnd also cast the
horoscope of JahSnglr (Salim) in
the 14th year of Akbar, 977 = 1670.
Text n. 846.) He is mentioned in
Jai Singh's preface to the Mu^m-
mad Sh&hl Tables, under the name
of Mulls CSnd, and as the author
of the TaahlldUi'AJchcir g&a&t. (Dr.
Hunter, Asiatic Bescarches, Y. 177.)
70
AKBARNAMA.
astrolabe^ and by calculations based on the Gurgdnl tables (Canon
of UlnghBegh the figure of the nativity was as follows : —
FIGURE « I.
AKBAR'S HOROSCOPE.
E.
8.
Mercury.
Jupiter.
III.
Sun. X LIBRA.
Saturn.
SCORPIO.
IV.
I.
Tail of Dragon.
Venus.
VIRGO.
SAGITTARIUS.
Mars.
V.
Natus.
Sunday, 5 Rajab, 949
A.H. = 16th October,
1542, O.S., Circa 2 a.m.
GEMINI.
VII.
CAPRICOR.
NUS.
Moon.
VI.
AQUARIUS.
Head of Dragon.
TAURUS.
PISCES.
w.
N.
1 Ulugh Beg Mirzfi was a grand-
son of Timar and son of Shabrnkh.
For information about his Tables
see the works of Hyde, Greaves and
S^iUot. He was bom in 1393 and
put to death by his own son in 1449.
His Tables were first published in
1437. See Jarrett II. 5n., and an
interesting paragraph and note in
Erskine's Babar (61.)
* I have added the numbers of the
Houses to the diagram, and have
inserted the date of birth. It will
be seen that there is a difference of
form between the horoscope as here
given aud the more elaborate dia*
CHAPTER III.
71
Although Virgo is a Bioorporal^ Sign, partly Fixed and partly 24
Tropical, yet in this frontispiece of felicity, the fixity of the horo-
scope is, on close observation and careful consideration, indicated by
grams to be found in European
books. In the latter, the observer
is supposed to be looking south and
the First House or Ascendant is on
his left hand. In the horoscopes of
the text, the observer appears to be
looking east, for the First House or
Ascendant is in front of him.
Although I have used capital letters
for the designation of the Signs, it
should be remembered that the
Houses are those of the figure and
not of the heavens, i.e., they are
mundane and not celestial. They do
not correspond exactly with the
celestial Houses, for the First House,
i.e., the Ascendant or horoscope, and
which is that of life, begins at 7° of
Virgo.
1 This is the Greek Surii^Tof . The
signs of the Zodiac were divided
into three groups, vi».. Tropical,
Fixed and Bicorporal. Each group
contained four Signs and the list is
as follows '.—
Tropical. Fixed, Bicorporal.
Aries. Taurus. Gemini.
Cancer. Leo. Virgo.
Libra. Scorpio. Sagittarius.
Capricornus. Aquarius. Pisces.
Astrologers also divided the Signs
into three groups of four each,
thus: —
Tropical. Aries. Ctneer. Libra. Capricomiit.
Fixed, Taumg. Leo. Scorpio. Aqnariot.
Sievrfwrol. GemiDl. Virgo. Saf^itta- Piscet.
rios.
A. F. seems to say that the term
hieorporalt like common^ meant that
A Sign possessed the properties of
the Signs on either side of it ; e.g.,
Virgo was bicorporal because be-
tween the Fixed Leo and the Tropi-
cal Libra.
The Signs were also divided into
Tropical, Fixed, Equinoctial and
Bicorporal : and into Moveable, Fixed
and Common. Acccording to Lilly's
** Christian Astrology," the Bicor-
poral Signs were those represented
by two bodies, such as Gemini and
Pisces. Sagittarius is bicorporal
because a centaur. But Virgo is also
bicorporal, as may be seen from the
table in AlbirilnT's India (Sachau,
II. 218). Apparently this is because
the figure was regarded as that of
a hermaphrodite. Lilly (86. 2nd. ed.
1659) says " Signs are constituted
between moveable and fixed and
retain a property or nature partak-
ing both with the preceding and con-
sequential Sign." So also Ptolemy
says, " The Bicorporal Sig^ sever-
ally follow the Fixed Signs; and
being thus intermediately placed be-
tween the Fixed and Tropical Signs,
they participate in the constitutional
properties of both from their first
to their last degree." (Teirahihlos,
Ashmand, 35.) This explains A. F.'s
description of Virgo, for she is be-
tween the Fixed Leo and the Tropi-
cal Libra. Lilly (96) describes Virgo
as a " barren Sign, but also human,"
and as " an earthly, cold, melan-
choly, barren, feminine, nocturnal,
southern (northern ?) Sign, the
house and exaltation of 9 (Mer-
cury), of the earthly triplicity."
72
akbabnIma.
two circumstances. One is that the cusp ^ of the Ascendant is T'^,'
and so belongs to the first third ^ (decanate) of the Sign which^
astrologers are agreed^ denotes fixity. The other is that Yirgo is an
earthy^ Sign^ and fixity^ is the property of the earthy element.
These are two proofs of the fixity of the throne of sovereignty and
of the stability of the cushion {masnad) of the KhildfaL Moreover,
Mercury, the Lord of the Ascendant, is in this glorious nativity
posited by the Greater Fortune,* for Jupiter, i.e., the Greater For-
tune, is beside him, and Mercury is a planet who makes good luck,
better luck. Yenus, the Lesser Fortune, is in Mercury's^ House
(Virgo) and Mercury, in hers, w«., Libra.^ He signifies wisdom.
I ^Ih jj^j jutnO'i-tdli*, i,e., part
or degree of the Ascendant or horo-
scope. I think it here means cusp,
i.e., the place where the House be-
gins. The phrase occurs again in
the text, 30. 1.2.
> Badaoni (Lowe, 269), mentions
that on the festival of the 8th of
Virgo, Akbar used to show himself
marked on the forehead like a Hindu,
and had strings of jewels tied on
his wrists by Brahmans. Appa-
rently this was because it was the
anniversary of his birth. The 8th
degree of Virgo might correspond
to 8th Aban.
8 Each Sign contains 2(P and is
divided into three parts of 10° each.
It may be noted that 7® 7' Virgo is
said to be Mercury's term. A.F.
here calls these parts thirds, but
they are commonly called decanates
or faces.
* The Signs are also divided into
four groups or triplicities, corres-
ponding to the four elements.
Taurus, Virgo and Capricomus
constitute the earthy triplicity.
^ Referring to the Ptolemaic no-
tion of the earth's being fixed and
in the centre of the universe.
> Jupiter is called Sa^d-i-Akbar
or the Greater Fortune (Fortuna
Major) and Venus SaH-i-Asghar or
the Lesser Fortune (Fortuna Minor.)
Saturn and Mars are cabled the
Infortunes.
'' Mercury is regarded as a
planet of mixed disposition and the
character of his influence depends
on his associate. Here, because he
is near Jupiter, he is benefic. Virgo
is his House and place of exalta-
tion. According to the Lucknow
editor, his culmination or highest
point of exaltation is 7° 4' Virgo,
but according to the JyoiUa-Prakd^
it is 15°. Haly in his De judieiis
aairorum says (16), Mercuriua fortu-
natue est cumfortunatia, et infortuna'
tus, cum irtfortunaiU.
^ Libra is the diurnal House of
Venus, while it is the hubut or fall
of the Sun. Hence the distich in
tlie Anwdr-i'SuIiaili (Cap : IX. Story
3. 417. Hertford ed.) "Libra is
the mansion of the star of amuse-
ment and joy, but the fall of the
king of the planets." (sc. the Sun.)
There is another astrological allu-
sion in the same story, (416) where
it is said that certain sailors made.
CHAPTER III.
73
knowledge, dexterity and ingenuity, and both by equal distribution
of (mundane) Houses and by Sign, he is in the Second House which
is connected* with the means of livelihood and the support of life.
He bestows on the Native > amplitude of perfect reason and under-
standing, so that he adorns the universe with the light of intellect
in the affairs of this life and the next, and opens knots, whether
spiritual or temporal, with the very finger-tips of his understanding.
like the Moon, their mansion in a
watery tower (hutj), I believe this
refers to the fact that the Moon's
mansion is Cancer which is a watery
Sign, t.e., belongs to the watery
triplicity of Cancer, Scorpio and
Pisces.
1 AjytJ taewiyat In the dic-
tionai'ies, this word is defined as
meaning making equal or pa/ralleL
Here it refers to the division of the
horoscope into twelve parts or
Houses. "There are two kinds of
Houses in astrology," says Wilson
in his Dictionary of Astrology,
" mundane and planetary. Mandane
Houses are each a twelfth part of a
figure (a horoscope) and begin their
number at the east angle which is
the First House (Ascendant), and
proceed according to the order of
the Signs. The Second House is
the left, under the Earth, and is
what they call Succedent, because
it succeeds to the angle. The Third
is to the left of the Second and is
called Cadent, because it falls from
the angle of the Fourth. The
Fourth is the north angle or Imum
Ooelir
The full expression appears to be
c^^f &r^ iamaiyaiu-Uhwyut — and
not fkierely tatwiyat a« in the text.
Chapter XII of tJlugh Beg's Prolo-
gomma (Part III. S^dillot 141) is
10
headed o^jf^l ^j^ iiyuo j^ and
S^illot translates this (198), " D^-.
terminer la distribution r^guli^re
des douze maisons celestes.'* It
appears from Bieu's Catalogue of
Arabic MSS. (Suppl. 519a), that
there is a chapter in Albiruni's
Canon MasudicvA (Fol. 2425), on the
Tatwiyaiu-l-huyut. See also, for
the full expression, Akbamdma 11.
711. 2 and 4 fr. foot. Cf. also
Bddshdhndma of 'Abdu-l-hdmid (99
1.4 fr. foot), where reference is
made to the two hisdba or modes of
calculation. But taswiyat alone also
occurs there. (I. 103, 1.9.) Of
course the Houses of a horoscope
seldom or never exactly correspond
with the Signs, for they are counted
from the degree and minute which is
ascending at the time of birth. The
author means here that Mercury is
in the Second House of the figure
and also, in the Second Sign count-
ing from Virgo, viz., Libra,— for, as
the mundane and celestial do not
correspond. Mercury might have
been in the Second House of the
figure and yet in the Third Sign,
counting from the Ascendant.
> The Second House is that of
fortime* wealth, or property, the
First being that of life.
B The technical name for the sub-
ject of a horoscope.
74 AKRARXAMA.
As Venus who is renowned for auspiciousness and prosperity and
who signifies joy and pleasure, — is in this horoscope, (i.e., the
Ascendant or First House) she keeps ever ready the things of joy
and gladness and the materials of magnificence and glory. It is a
remarkable circumstance that whilst the lord of the Ascendant
(Mercury) is in the House of wealth (the Second), the lord of the
House of wealth (Venus) ^ is in the Ascendant (the First or Honse
of Life.) Thus the two together signify personal and circumstantial
felicity, and bestow a life of power and pleasure. Jupiter — the
Greater Fortune — who signifies justice, integrity, magnanimity,
firmness of soul and civilization,^ is also in the Second House and,
as he is in sextile^ to the Fourth House which is that of finality, he
keeps perfection of power and pleasure closely associated with the
glorious condition of his Majesty, down to the very end. The
double-natured {dipsychus) Mercury has acquired extreme auspicious-
ness, by reason of his vicinity to the Greater Fortune, and has
heaped felicity upon felicity. He signifies that the Native will, by
greatness of genius and loftiness of development, become the apex of
mankind, and he indicates assemblages of the masters of understand-
ing and reason and of the lords of perception and penetration.
The philosophers of the age and sages of every sect will attend the
wisdom-protecting Court, and ingenious wits of all countries will
forsake their native lands, and donning the pilgrim's garb, will
circumambulate his sublime threshold. Whatever the ray of illumi-
nation shall have darted into his inspired soul, will be consonant with
25 reason and reality. Having opened the gates of justice and equity to
all mankind, he will in every action hold fast by the principles of
rectitude and protection (diydnat u ^iydnat). He will apply his
genius to founding magnificent buildings such as have rarely been
constructed in the times of former princes, and in those choice man-
sions he will pass his time in varieties of joys and happinesses and
in all manner of ease and independence.
Among remarkable* circumstances we have this, — that Venus
^ Though Veuus be feminine, she
is spoken of as J^dhib, t.e., lord or
master.
* Lit. building up of the world.
^ Sixty degrees or two Houses,
i.e., one-sixth of the heavens, apart.
* The author seems to have for-
gotten that he had already men-
tioned this circumstance. See 9upra.
CHAPTER III.
75
is in the House of Mercury and Mercury in the House of Venus.
Thus three happy influences are combined; — viz,, 1°. the happy in-
fluence of Jupiter, — 2®. the happy influence of Venus; — 3**. tlie
happy influence which Mercury has imbibed from the fortunate twain.
This is something very uncommon.
The Great Light (the Sun), the benefactor of the universe and
moderator^ of the affairs of mortals, and the special bestower of
glory, power, pomp and prestige is in the Third House and in a Fixed
Sign (Scorpio), signifying the grant of dignity, glory, greatness and
magnificence. As he has come out of his fall* and his face is set
toward his exaltation, he has made the Native's glory increase, day
by day, and as he is in aspect* to the Ninth House (Taurus) which
is that of travel, the standards* of victory and conquest will always
be upraised on the march,* while he himself protects mankind from
1 Referring to the Sun's control
of times, and seasons.
• -t^ huhutf fall, i.e., the House
opposite to, or six Houses apart
from, the House of exaltation. Libra
is the House of the Sun's fall, as
being opposite to the House of ex-
altation, viz., Aries. The author
says that, as the Sun has emerged
from Libra and entered Scorpio, he
has left his fall and is procepding
towards his exaltation in Aries.
* j^^ Na^ir. The aspect is one
of opposition or 180® which is re-
garded by astrologers as malefic.
I do not therefore see the appro-
priateness of A.F.'s remark unless
indeed, he is using the word na^ir
in a non-technical sense and merely
as meaning one who beholds or in-
spects. There is a reference to the
aspects in Paradise Lost X. 656.
To the blanc Moon
Her office they prescribed, to the
other five
Their planetary motions and
a8p*»ct«
In Sextile, Square, and Trine
and Opposite
Of noxious efficacy.
♦ I do not feel sure of the
meaning here. It is perhaps, the
standards who arc represented as
illuminating the world,— the allu-
sion being to the royal flag or
standard's bearing a picture of the
sun. See Blochmann Sayyid Ahmad 's
Plates, IX. Figure I. ITie kaukabah
(fig. 2) has a sphere suspended from
it which apparently represents the
Sun. See Blochmann's quotation
from Terry IX.
6 jAm, safar. This word, like the
German Eeise, means both travel
and war and A.F. probably intended
to take advantage of the equivoque.
There seems also an antithesis in-
tended between the words safar and
kanaf, ^-A*^ region or country. The
standards of victory are abroad on
the march while the Sun (Akbar)
remains in the region of light-giving
and protecting. The literal tranti-
hitiou i« *• he (i.e.. the Sun or Akbar)
76
iKBARNAMA.
the confusions and calamities of the age and is the light*giver of the
world.
As the Third House which is that of kindred^ is Scorpio^ it is
significant of Scorpion-kinsmen. ^ (^)^ *T*)^t aqdrib-i-'aqdrib,) Saturn
there sends those alien relatives (distant-near ones) by calamities
and disasters^ to the nethermost hell of destruction and perdition.
The Fourth angle' is Sagittarius and is the House of the
final issue of things. Jupiter, its lord^ is in sextile to it and is
contiguous* to the ameliorated Mercury,* and in his own term* and
triplicity.* Whatever the Native deigns to undertake, will be accom-
(is in) the region of protecting and
guarding and is giving light to the
world." There is a similar passage
in the BddsJ^dhndma (102 top line et
Beq^.) but there is an interesting dif-
ference in the mode of treatment.
The Ninth House is also that of
religion. A.F. passes over this point
but the caster of gh&h Jahan's
horoscope lays stress on it and in-
fers from the fact of Venus (whom
he calls the planet of laldm) being
in aspect towards the Ninth House
that Shah Jaban will be an upholder
of religion and a faithfal follower of
Muhammad. In Shah Jahan's horo-
scope, the position noticed in Akbar's
is reversed, the Third House being
Taurus, i.e., that of Venus, and the
Ninth being Scorpio.
i There is a similar play on the
two words in Badaoni. (Lowe 71.)
The expression is used there with
reference to Akbar's maternal uncle,
^hwaja Mu'as^^sam who certainly
was a scorpion-relative.
* There are four angles or cardi-
nal points, viz., the First, Fourth,
Seventh and Tenth Houses of a
horoscope. The Arabic name is ^j
watad lit. : tent-pole. They are the
most important houses in a figure,
the First being the Ascendant, the
Fourth its nadir, i.e., the north an^Ie
or hypogeum ; the Seventh, the west
or descendant angle, being opposite
to the First, and the Tenth being the
Mid-heaven. Sagittarius is Jupi-
ter's House and gaudium.
ft MuIUmU. This is perhaps a
technical term and refers to a pla-
net's applying io another planet.
* *Vidrid'i'm<k8*ud. Mercury is
called maa'ueZ, benefited or auspicious^
because he has become benefic by
proximity to Jupiter and Venus.
See Albirunf (Sachau II. 212.)
» «**► hadd. The degrees of each
sign are divided among the five
planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars,
Venus and Mercury, and those
assigned to each are called its term
(terminui). The term is one of a pla*
net's essential dignities and tables
of terms, showing the degrees
assigned to each planet, are to be
found in all astrological books.
» This is the fiery triplicity, con-
sisting of Aries, lieo and Sagit-
tarius. Jupiter is lord of this tripli-
city during the night and so, was its
lord at the time of Akbar's birth.
CHAPTBR in.
77
plished with the greatest ease^ and the terminations of his works
will be prosperous.
The Fifth Hoase is that of offspring and is Capricornas^
a sign indicative of many^ children. Mars^ the soldier's planet^
is there and is a kadhiiudd^ of the Ascendant which is the
centre^ of the laws of life. It is a glorious thing that this
warlike planet is in his House of exaltation^ and by face>^
A According to Haly (p. 2) Capri-
corn is a sign of few sons. It is
Mars* House of exaltation. Haly's
words are : Signa multorum filiorutn
Piaees, Oancer, Scorpio; paucorum
filiorum, Aries, Taurus, Stigittarius,
Capricomus et Libra.
S ^ ij\^A^ Jcadl^udd'i'taU'.
The word kad^vdd perhaps has the
sense of the Alcochoden of me-
dieval times. It seems to mean the
planet in a horoscope which has most
dignities in a hylegiacal place.
Alcochoden is sometimes defined as
the Arabic word for hyleg. (See
note infra on hyleg.) According to
VuUers* Dictionary, a. v., kadf^tida
means, in astrology, the soul or
vital principle in opposition to kad-
bdnu, the body. See Mafdtiku-U
'uliim, 331. It would seem that kad-
Viudd corresponds to the term " lord
of the geniture," and means a planet
in possession of all its dignities,
essential and accidental. Such a
planet is said to be muhiazz (from
ibiitdz), Yelschius in his Commen-
iarius in Bozndma Naurus (1676)
identifies kadl^udd with hyleg. The
Burhdn-i-qdii* states that kadhdnu
is equivalent to the Greek haildj
(hyleg). KadJdiudd means pater-
fa/milias and kadbdnii, fnaterfamilias
and so, Yullers suggests that haildj
may be the Greek aAo^os, but I
believe the derivation from vAocos is
correct.
Apparently what is meant here,
by the Ascendant's being a centre
of the laws of life, is that the
Ascendant or First House is the
House of Life.
' I take this expression to mean
merely that the First House is that
of life, but there may be an allusion
to the Fardars,— the Alfridaria of
CardRn, and the true translation may
be, " a lord of the geniture who is the
centre of the code of life,"~alluding
to the fact of Mars' governing the
years from 28 to 35.
♦ '^ tcajh. This is the Greek
irpo&wrov. It is the third part of a
sign (10°) and thus corresponds to
the decanate. The word /ace is also
commonly used in English books on
astrology. Dozy (II. 7852) says, s.v.
wajh, " Les astrologies partagent
chaque sig^e du zodiaque en trois
faces, de dix degr^s chacune. Les
trente-six faces sent assignees, cha-
cune a une des plan^tes ou au soleil
ou a la lune." Salmon, however, in
his Horae Maihematicae divides each
Sign of the Zodiac into six faces of
5° each. See Tetrahiblos, Ashmand
28n. The above is what is meant
by the term facefts applied to a Sign,
but the word has another meaning
as applied to a planet. Ashmand
78
AEBARNAMA.
triplicity/ darijdn,^ adarjchi^ and dodecatemorion* lias endowed the
Native with long life, and has given him the enjoyment of many
sons and grandsons. His sons, too, will be fortunate and capable.
He will also have world-traversing, victorious soldiers. It is a
beautiful coincidence that in the horoscope of the Lord of Con-
junction, (Timur) Mars is in the Fifth House, as mentioned in
the Zafamdma} Experienced philosophers have laid stress on the
(1. c. 54) says, ** Each planet is said
to be in its proper face, when the
aspect it holds to the San or Moon
is similar to that which its own
House bears to their Houses, for
example, Yenus is in her proper face
when making a sextile aspect to
either luminary, provided she be
occidental to the Sun, but oriental
to the Moon, agreeably to the pri-
mary arrangement of her Houses.
And it follows that Saturn is in his
proper face when he is five Signs,
or in quintile, after the Sun or
before the Moon ; that Jupiter is so
in trine ; Mars when in quartiie ;
Venus when in sextile ; and Mer-
cury when only one Sign (or, in
modern phrase, semi-sextile) after
the Sun or before the Moon.*' Simi-
larly Wilson (Die. of Astr.) says,
" a planet is in its fac<^ when it is
at the same distance from the Sun
or Moon as its House is from their
Houses and in the same succession
of Signs." Probably when A. F.
speaks of the wajh of a planet, he
means this kind of face and not the
third part of a Sign, which he desig-
nates by darljdn decanate.
1 The earthy triplicity, consisting
of Taurus, Virgo and Capricornus.
• On the meaning of this word,
see Noie\. at the end of this Chapter,
page 82.
B On the meaning of this word,
see NoteJl, at the end of this Chapter,
page 82.
♦ ^.jfi^^\ asnd'a^rXah^ a
twelfth part or two and a half
degrees of a Sign ; the 3u)^Kan;/Ao/>«>i'
of the Greeks. Scaliger refers to
it in his notes on Manilius (Ley-
den ed. 179), and a table of Twelfths
is given in Bengali books on astro-
logy. The planet which rules the
Sign is lord of the First Twelfth ;
the rulers of the two following Signs
are lords of the second, and third,
and so on. Thus Mars is lord of the
first dodecatemorion of Aries, he
being regent of Aries; Venus lord
of the second, as being ruler of
Taurus ; and Mercury is ruler of
the third, as regent of Virgo. The
expression tv^elfth part is explained in
Diet, of T. Ts. (I. 185). Ashmand
(60) says the Twelfth of a Sign is
technically called a place. The Per-
sians call it 5;4^ l^jfj^ duwdzda balira,
' Bib. Ind. ed. 1.14. The Fifth
House is that of children. The Fifth
House of Tim fir's horoscope was
Taurus, and Jupiter was there as
well as Mars, while Venus was in the
Third House (Pisces.) Timur, like
Augustus wus bom under Capricorn.
His nativity, as cast by Ashmole, will
be found in Hyde's Syntagma (II.
466) ns pointed out hy flililion.
CHAPTER lit.
79
power of Mars in the horoscopes of princes. The present powerful
and holy horoscope excels that of the Lord of Conjunction in that
this majestic planet is in his House of exaltation (Capricorn us) and
has the other dignities mentioned above. This signifies glory and
greatness, lofty rank^ victory and dominion, and that yet his glory
will be greater and better from his youth upwards. The Moon
who is the intermediary^ between the celestial influences and the
terrestrial elements, having come as an increaser' of light, points the
way to daily increasing dominion.
She is also the hyleg,^ which is the tabernacle of the soul and
^ The heaven of the Moon is that
nearest the earth, and therefore she
is regarded as d. link between the
heavens and the earth. She is also
the distributor of light from the
heavenly bodies to the earthy ones.
See Akhamdma II. 8, 1.14. Haly calls
the Moon, the Alguazil, i.e., the Vizier
or Prime Minister of the Sun.
« j^\ «>j|J zd'tdu'-n-nur. This is an
epithet of the Moon. She is also
called the swift-goer, sarVu-s-sair, in
opposition, perhaps, to Saturn who
is called the slow-goer. (Akhamdma
II. 10 1.8.)
Hyleg is a word well-known in
European astrology and comes from
the Greek vXiko«. It signifies the
foundation or beginning of life and
also the duration of life. S^dillot
says (Prolegomena, Text 149). " Ce
mot signifie le lieu de la vie ; il est
pris dans le sens de dur^e de la vie."
Hyleg is also defined as the Moder-
ator, Significator or Prorogator of
life.
Moxon says (Mathematical Diction-
ary). " Hyleg or hylech, an Arabic
word signifying the Giver of life ; a
planet or part of heaven which, in a
man's nativity becomes, in an astro-
logical sense, the moderator or signifi-
cator of his life; hence hylegiacal
places are such as when a planet hap-
pens to be posited therein, he may be
said to be hyleg or to have the
government of life attributed to him ;
which places are commonly reckoned
five, viz., the Ascendant, the Mid-
heaven, the Seventh House, the Ninth
and the Eleventh House. Also the
Sun, Moon and Part of Fortune.
The question of hylegiacal places
is one much discussed in astrological
books. In the text the word is per-
haps used as an equivalent for had-
hdnu, the body as opposed to the
soul, kad^udd. Sachau (Chrono-
logy of Ancient Nations) has trans-
lated it by mateffamilias. There is
a curious note in Schefer*s Chrestho^
matie Peraane (I. 102) where he says
that hyleg is the Arabic form of the
Persian ^iZo; which signifies master
of the house or head of the family.
And he mentions a book by Abu
Mashar of Balkh bearing the title
KitdbU'l-HaildJ. M. Schefer sup-
poses that this book must have treat-
ed of domestic economy, but it is
almost certain it was an astrological
work. Haly says (147) that Ptolemy
established five hylegs, viz., the Sun,
the Moon, the Ascendant, the Part of
80
AKRARNAMA.
26 guardian of the body^ and is in the Fifth House. As she is separat-
ing (mun^arif) from Mars and is in trine to Yenns^ she is a cause of
continaal healthy soundness of constitution and bodily strength.
The Sixth House is Aquarius and signifies armies. Satam is
the dominant and he is in the Third House which is that of alliea
and helpers. The Dragon's Head {Bda^ Or Anabibason) is there
and signifies soldiers of loyal and devoted clans.
The Seventh angle {i.e., the Descendant or west angle) is Pisces
at the seventh degree^ which is the term^ of Yenus and belongs to
her triplicity^ and ddarjan.^ She gives ^ chaste veiled ones v^rlxo are
constant in pleasing service and respects ; and she makes the If ative
happy and prosperous by their good offices.
The £ighth House is Aries ; Mars is its lord and his benefic
influences have already been described. He is in trine to the Ascen-
dant and signifies the Divine protection ^ in positions of fear and
hidden dangers.
The Ninth House (Taurus) is that of travel. As its regent
(Yenus) is posited in the Ascendant — Virgo, she holds in readiness,
tranquillity and pleasure in distant journies and makes them a cause
of increase of territory.
Fortane and the Place of Conjunc-
tion or Opposition of the Sun and
Moon prior to the birth. The Moon
was probably the hyleg in Akbar's
horoscope because his birth took
place at night.
The hyleg was also called a^KSta and
was opposed to anaireta, destroyer.
^ Anabibazon, the ascending node of
the Greeks and Rdhu of the Hindus.
* Cardan (Dejudioiie geniturwrwn,
Kuremburg 1547. 79b.) gives the
first seven degrees of Pisces as the
term of Yenus.
I Yenus is the noctural lord of the
watery triplicity or trigon, ri«., Can-
cer, Scorpio and Pisces, for the last
is her House of exaltation.
* If ddarjdn be the same as decs-
nate, I do not see how the seventh
degree falls within the ddarjdn of
Venus, for the rule is that the firs 6
decanate of a Sign belongs to the
lord of that Sign and the lord of
Pisces is not Venus but Jupiter.
Pisces is, however, the House of
Yenus' exaltation, and its 27th degree
is said to be the v^^tafia, auj, of Yenus.
Perhaps the reference is to this.
Possibly A. F. used the word ddarjdn
without understanding it.
'The Seventh House is that of
marriage.
* The Eighth House is one of mis-
fortune and danger. Hence the need
for the Divine protection. To be in
trine is to be 120^, four Houses, a]>nrt.
CHAPTER ni.
81
The Part of Forfcane {Para Fortunae i) is in the Tenth angle which
is that of dominion and prosperity [iqhdV). Its lord^ the auspicious
Mercury, is in trine to it. As the Greater Fortune (Jupiter) is also in
trine to it, this signifies majestic sovereignty, perfect reason and justice,
and brings the world's treasures into the powerful grasp of the Native.
The Eleventh House (Cancer) is that of Hope. Its lord is the
crescent Moon. She is in the Fifth House of the horoscope, and as
she is in trine to the Ascendant, she is a cause of safety and of
the attainment of desires.
The Twelfth House (Leo) is that of enemies. The Dragon's
Tail^ (Zanab) being posited in it, makes the enemies of eternal
fortune downcast and contemptible. It turns every wretch who
averts his face from the altar of obedience, topsyturvy into the
wilderness of annihilation. Its lord, the Sun, being posited in the
Third House, viz., that of allies and helpers, will bring many oppo-
nents to repentance and the path of submission and devotion. A
wonderful thing in this horoscope is that the Tenth House, that of
dominion and sovereignty, is in Gemini of which the lord of the
Ascendant, (Mercury) is the regent. It is established that every lord
of the Ascendant desires to promote his own signification [or perhaps,
what is committed to him), but that he may be frustrated by obstacles
to his power. Now in this auspicious horoscope. Mercury's House
is also that of dominion and sovereignty. Seeing that dominion
(daulat) is posited in his own (Mercury's) House, why should he
(Mercury) hold back from carrying out his own signification (or, from
what has been committed to him) ?
1 " An imaginary point in the
heavens supposed to contain equal
power with the luminaries." (Wilson,
306). In the Teirahibloa (Ashmand)
we read that the Part of Fortune is
calculated by counting the number
of degrees between the Sun and
Moon.
> Katabibazon, the descending Twde
of the Greeks ; Ketu of the Hindus.
It is where the Moon crosses the
ecliptic on her way south.
11
82 akbarnAma.
NOTE I. (from page 78.)
u^lc^j,) danjdn. Yullers describes this as an astrological rule according
to which a Sign is divided into three parts and a planet assigned to each.
The original Persian form is ci'^'i darigdn. It is the dreshkdna or drekkSnd
of the Hindus. Alblruni (II. 222) says, " Further, there are the triangles*
called drekkdna. There is no use in enlarging on them, as they are sixnplj
identical with the so-called draijdnat of our system." Unfortunately AIM-
runl did not foresee a time when Arabian and Persian astrology would be
forgotten and his Oanon Masvdictia a sealed book. Sachau speaks of it (there
are four copies in Europe and one in the Mullft Firoz Library at Bombay) a«
awaiting the combination of two editors a scholar and an astronomer, but
probably, a third, an astrologer, would also be required. Colebrooke says
(Asiatic Researches IX. 367) that the dreshkdna answer to the decani of
European astrologers. The decani also correspond to the wajh of Arabian
astrologers and according to the Lucknow editor of the Akhcmidnui^ are called
by Hindus suratt face. Decanu8, according to Scaliger's notes on Maniliosy
(329) comes from the Latin and not from the Greek. The Luck. ed. g^ves
an explanation of the word da/njdn (27) and the corresponding term drekkdna
is explained in Bengali books on astrology. It seems that every sign is
divided into three parts each of 10^, that the planet who presides over the
sign, is lord of the first 10^, that the next 10° are ruled by the planet who
presides over the Fifth Sign from that under division, and that the third 10^
or drekkdna is ruled by the planet presiding over the Ninth Sign from that
under division.
(With reference to the " triangles " in the above quotation from Sachau.
it should be observed that the word in the original is lii^llt alasldi, the plural
of fidlifi and should be translated thirde and not triangles. The dr^ekdna are
not triangles but ten degrees or thirds of a Sign.)
NOTE II. (from page 78.)
is)^jd^ dda/rjdn. This word puzzled me for a long time. It is not to
be found in the dictionaries except under the form tt;^«>)f or Mf^^ji^ They
however do not explain even this word ; saying only that it means " certain
figures and mysteries in astrology." (See Vullers 78 and Steingass.) The
Lucknow editor (27) says that ddarjdn is the same as tvdbdl, and he repeats
this explanation at page 30. He there says also that ddarjdn, is a fortitude
or dignity superior to that of the darljdn, but inferior to that of the wajh
face. It is clear therefore that it cannot bear the same meaning as wahdl
which is a debility and corresponds to the English detriment Perhaps the
editor connected it with auj, ap$i» or exaltation. Another explanation was sent
me from India, to the effect that when two planets were in the same muaaUaiat
CHAPTER III. 88
or triplicity* each was said to be the ddarjdn or partner of the other. If this
were so, the word might be connected with the Arabic ^ jdl or ^tj^t idraj
or idrdjf a fold or folding ; but I now believe this explanation is quite incorrect.
The fact seems to be that adctrjan or ddarajdn is merely a form of the word
darijan and is probably nothing bnt that word with the Arabic article al
prefixed. The word occurs in the Mc^dtthu-Wulum (ed. Yloten, Leyden 1895,
226) under the forms aldaJiaj and alda/raj and is there explained as synony-
mous with wajh, furat and ddrtjdn. The editor says it is the same as the
Greek Scicas. That this explanation is correct appears from the Latin trans-
lation of an early treatise on Astrology by an Eastern writer, commonly
known as Alchabitius, but whose real name was ' Abdu-l-'aziz ibn 'U^man
Aiqabisl and who, according to the Biographie Univeraelle lived in the 10th
century. He wrote a Mad^i^l or Introduction to Astrology which was trans-
lated into Latin by Johannis Hispalensis and was several times reprinted.
Its Arabic title is given in Ha jl S^alfa's Lexicon (Y. 473) as Mad^^l f%
*ilm-al'Wkjtm, In the Differentia Quarta (Gap. lY. The pages are not
separately numbered, but this chapter is a few pages after (2c24) of this work,
there is the following passage :—
**Modu$ inveniendi dominwn deccmi»**
** Et esy hoc adorogen, hoc est ut dividaa CMcendene in tree fo/rtee ; et eii
omnia divieio 10 graduum ; dabisqiie divisionefn primam domino aecendentie ; et
eeoundam domino quinti eignidb eo; ettertium domino noni; nam ascendens,
5, et 9 una semper sunt iriplicitas. Verbi gratid, ah initio Arietis usque in
decimum gradum ejus est dorogen i. (i.e.) deeanus est Mcyrtis. Et si fuerit ex
to gradu tisque 20 gradum erit ejus dorongen sol, dominus Leonis, Et si fuerit
20 usque infinem ejus erit dorongen Jupiter, dominus Sagittarii"
The same volume contains a commentary on Alchabitius by John of Saxony
and at M.M. 3, we have these words, " Et ex hoc adoringen. Hie docet invenire
decanv/m" This commentary, it seems, was written in 1331, though apparently
not printed till 1485.
The book is in the British Museum, and there is another copy of Alchabitius
and of John of Saxony's Commentary which was printed at Yenice in 1521.
In this, too, we have the expression, " Et e» hoc adorogen " and " et ex hoe
adorogen" This is the passage according to the Yenetian editions of 1485
and 1521. In another edition, printed at Bologna in 1473 (B.M. press-mark
8610 d. 10.) we have the form abdorungen, but otherwise the wording is the
same. It begins, ** Et ex hoc abdorungen " and lower down has the important
expression "ejus abdorungen, id est, deeanus, est Mars." The occurrence of
the letter b certainly seems to favour the supposition that the first syllable
is merely the Arabic article, the b being a misprint for L As for the expression
et ex hoc, the explanation is that the Differentia Q/uarta is a glossary of astro-
logical terms and that et ex hoc seems a literal rendering of the Arabic i^j
wa'minhu* The difficulty arising from A.F.'s using the word as if it were
of different meaning from darijan, his speaking, for instance, both of the
darijan and ddarjdn in the same passage.
84 AKBAliiNlMA.
This is due, I think, to the fact that each House of a horoscope consists
of about 30° i.e., of three decanates or darijdna, Heace, in mentioning the
dignities or properties of a House, instead of saying darijdn and darijdn
or using the word wajh (face) three times over, he varies the expression for
the sake of euphony. What the exact etymology of the word adarjdn or
darijdn is, I am unable to say. The varieties of spelling lead one to suppose
it a foreign word. It is clear from Alchabitius, that ddarjdn or ddarajan
is the proper spelling, and that the form aradjdn of the Bdd§lidhnMna and
the Dictionaries is incorrect.
Most probably the word comes from the Greek T/atywvov, a triangle. I do
not think it can come from Scxavo?, for I do not see how the letter r came to
be inserted. It appears, from Sachau's Albiruni, that the word which in
our dictionaries is spelled darijdn is in Arabic draijdn, I have suggested
above that the first syllable or letter of ddarjdn is the Arabic article, but
there may be another explanation. As Persian does not admit of conjunct
consonants at the beginning of words, it is possible that when the word was
borrowed from the Arabic or the Greek, the dr or the tr of the Greek necessi-
tated either a prosthetic or a medial vowel. Thus trlgonon or draijdn became
in Persian, either adrajdn or darijdn. In a similar manner we have both
Iskandar and Sekandar as transliterations of Alexander and dwham for the
Greek drachme, Firangi for Frank, etc. But if ddarjdn comes from trigonon
and not from decdnvSf it must still be acknowledged that it came to have
the same meaning as decanate in English or drekkdna in Sanscrit, and is
stated by Alchabitius to be the equivalent of decdnua.
If anything were necessary to prove that the word ddarjdn is identical
in meaning with wajh, faciea, 1 think it is furnished by the fact that Ha1y>
(i.e., Abu-l-^iasan * All ibn Abi-'l Bajal al-Shaibani) in his elaborate work on
astrology, says nothing about darijdn or ddarjdn, though he has a chapter
De Faciehus or, (as the Arabic has it) Fi-l-toujuh,
Moreover Guide Bonatus has this passage (ed. Basle 1550 825) De d(yrunges
non dico hie (the passage occurs in a chapter on the triplicitios) aliqaid
quoniam videtur specia/re ad considerationem facierum, de quibua latius a,c
mfficienier dictum est auperitia in Tractatu primo in cap. ed Faciebtu.
Scaliger has yet another spelling of darijdn ; he calls it dorogen and says
the Arabs apply the term to the dodecatemoria. (Notes on Manilins 179
1.36.) This seems to be a mistake.
CHAPTER IV.
Scheme of the set-adorning nativity of His Majesty^ the Kino of 27
Kings ; and summabt of the stellar influences/ according to
THE methods of THE ASTROLOGERS OF InDIA.*
By the calcalations of the Indian astrologers^ his Majesty's
auspicious horoscope falls under Leo which is a Fixed Sign and is
significant of perfect supremacy, victory, energy and superiority.
The Sun, which takes more note^ of kings than of all the other
objects in the universe, is the dominant, and this is a clear indica-
tion that the Native will be victorious and paramount over famous
sovereigns and mighty rulers.
The pillars of his sovereignty and government will gain stabi-
lity and strength, day by day, and the regulations of his exaltation
and glory will be carried out firmly and with permanence. The
rays* of his wrath will* consume the fore-arms* of stiff-necked,
evil-disposed ones, and the beat of his war-drums will turn to water
the courage of rank- breaking, tiger-hearted men.
The scheme of the holy nativity is hereby set down in accord-
I This appears to be a translation
of the Greek airorcAea/iaTcu It may
be rendered judgments,
s Later on, we find the horoscopes
of the three princes, Salim (JahSn-
gir), Murad and Danyal, cast both
according to the Greek and the
Indian rules. There is also a horos-
cope of the Accession.
^ Akbar said that the Sun speci-
ally favoured kings and that this
was why they worshipped it, — there-
by scandalizing the shallow-minded.
(Jarrett III. 388. Blochmann 155.
Text 154 1.16.)
panja. There is a play on
the double-meaning of this word,
panja meaning both rays and paws
and also footprints, viz., those of
Leo. Punja also means, in Hindi, a
cluster, e.flf., of stars.
^ Lit have consumed, the past
tense being used for the future in
accordance with the Persian idiom.
^ Perhaps this is an allusion to the
story of Krsna's having burnt off
998 of the 1,000 arms of BSnasura
at the place called Kardaha.
86
▲KBARNAMA.
ance with the writing of the foremost of Indian astrolog^ers^ the
Jotik ^ Rai who was one of the servants of the royal thresbold.
FIGURE II.
II.
VIRGO.
I.
LIBRA. \
Jupiter.
Sun. N
Venus
Mercury.
\^
III. Saturn.
\
LEO.
XII.
CANCEB.
IV.
SCORPIO.
X.
TAURUS.
SAGITTARIUS
Mars.
VII.
AQUARIUS.
28 Notwithstanding* the perfect simplicity and unceremoniousness
^ This seems to be a title and not
the name of an individual. See
Blochmann 404n. where he compares
the title of Jotik Rai — Court Astro-
loger, to Birbal's title of K(ib Bai
—Poet Laareate. The Sanscrit
word is Jyautifika-^ one who knows
the Jyotifa. The expression Jyo*
tUh Rai is used in Jai Singh's pre-
face and is translated A$tronomer
Roydl by Dr. Hunter.
* Or, alongside of, or, together
with.
CBAHeR IV.
6?
of his MajeBty^ the King of Kings^ such rays of glory and power ^
stream from the forehead of his might as to indicate that the Indian
astrologers are not far from truth when they assert that his noble
horoscope belongs to Leo. In their books of stellar influences^ it
is laid down that the Native of this Ascendant is wealthy, victorious
over enemies^ forgiving towards offenders^ ruling according to just
and equal laws^ and accomplishing his purposes by force of his own
reason and by firmness in his own opinions. He will be fond of
travel^ and will reap benefit from it. And he is lord of excellent
and obedient children. The meeting* of Jupiter and Venus in the
Second House makes the Native a guide in various arts and sciences.
As the Greater Fortune (Jupiter) is in the House of Mercury,
he (the Native) will be endowed with beauty of form, proportional
admixture of the elements, gravity of speech, social graces, lofty
understanding, and sublime apprehension in theology and divine
worship, and will be adorned with well-doing, and with ability to
accomplish everything in accordance with propriety.
Venus in Virgo, takes charge of the adornment of virtuous veiled
ones and provides for the increase of beauty^ and elegance. As the
Sun is in the Third House,^ he (the Native) will accomplish whatever
great undertaking he desires to compass, without reference to any
other person. He will be powerful and his brethren will not attain
to him. Indeed the star of the brothers' horoscope is occulted.^
Men will be united and agreed in love of him. As Mercury is in
the Third House, he (the Native) will be talented, versed in
business, and disliking idleness, a subduer of difficulties, and
a slayer of enemies {maiiaqqat-kaiA u du^mmi^kuii) . His acute
thoughts will revel in theology and other philosophies and will attain
^ ^Ji^^ jckbrut, omnipotence, etc.
It is a word used by §iIfiB.
s jk*» aafar. It is probably in-
tended that this word should have
its Sofistic meanings also, int., self-
examination and thinking of the
other world.
s Faraham dmada. This may mean
conj auction or only that both planets
are in the same Sign.
* There is here a sketch of Akbar*8
personal appearance but it is very
vague. See later on in Amir Fat^u-
l-lah's horoscope.
^ Apparently because the Sun is
regent of the First House or Ascend-
ant.
• The Third House is that of
brethren. The meaning is that as
the Sun is in the Third House, the
star of brethren is occulted or com-
bust.
88
AKBARNAMi.
the rank of ecstacy. And as (Mercury) is in Libra> he will be famed
throughout the world, and his good deeds wiU be widely known.
He will be world-conquering and world-ruling for lengthened
periods of time, and excellent contrivances and ingenious plans are
indicated. As Saturn is in the Third House, he (the Native) will
enjoy repose and much tranquility, and will have attached servants
innumerable, but he will act according to his own personal courage
and his own ripe reason. As (Saturn) is in Libra, and in exaltation^'
he (the Native) will be master of the treasures of the world, and as
Saturn is under the shade of the venerable, world-warming Sun, his
boundless treasures will last for lengthened periods and will remain
unaffected by prolonged usage of them.
He will make delightful journeys with success and accomplish-
ment of his objects. And there will not be a greater than he upon
earth. Mighty* black beasts (elephants) will await at his gate. As
he grows in years, his power will increase, and he will, without
trouble or pains, acquire great armies and perfect dominion and
glory. His power and his felicity will be lasting, for there is no
slower s planet than Saturn, and among his gifts are extent of fortune,
permanence of sovereignty, and length of days. The Sun, Saturn
and Mercury are in one Sign. He will, therefore, be friend-cherish-
ing, foe-subduing, well knowing the laws of amity and inimity.
Mars being in Sagittarius, mankind will glorify him. For Mars is
in the triplicity* of the ascendant; and in the house of his friend.^
29 This powerful friend is the Greater Fortune and puts away the
sorrows and the apprehensions of the nations. And he will be happy
and joyful. And by power visible and invisible, essential and acci-
dental, he becomes Great of the Great and King of Eangs. The
glory of his renown embraces the world and the fame of his majesty
A Libra is Saturn's House of exal-
tation.
« The nigri harri of Horace. (Am
III. 241 and Jarrctt III. 395.) Akbar
said that when be first carac to
India he looked upon his liking
(tawajjvh) for elephants as a prog-
nostic of his universal ascendency.
• Alluding to the extent of his
orbit which wass then the largest
known. Qani or ^anai^cara, the
Sanscrit name for Saturn means the
slow (goer).
♦ I.e., apparently the fiery triplicity
to which both Leo and Sagittarius
belong.
* According to Cardan. Jupiter is
not friendly to Mars ; but accordin*»
to the Jyntim Prakdfa, they are
friondK.
*- I
CHAPTER IV. 89
extends from sliore to shore. Many princes and rulers will be
subject to him^ and^ being afraid of him^ will be obedient and sub-
missive. And as Mars is in the House of Jupiter and the Sun is in
sextile to him^ the princes throughout the world will place their
heads on the line of his command and make the dust of his threshold
the adoration-spot of their obedience. The Moon is in the Sixth
House ; he may have powerful enemies but they will not reach him,
nor be able to withstand the scorching lightning of his wrath and
might, and they will always endeavour to gain his friendship so that
by borrowing ^ the lights of his alliance, they may be in safety from
evil.
As the Moon's detriment * is in Capricorn, the weakness of his
enemies is signified. And there comes a sweet reasonableness to the
Native which enables him to decide disputes according to equity and
the real merits of the cases.
And having examined contradictory faiths, and different dis-
positions, he guides every sect in the way of good works. His
desire is that men should leave the hollow of imitative routine, and
emerge into the straight highway of inquiry. And as Jupiter is in
aspect towards him,^ the royal power and might will be beyond cal-
culation. He will become possessed of tractable children and, as
Venus is in aspect, high-minded chaste ones of excellent actions will
serve him for long periods of life and he* will have obedient and
amiable children.
SUNDBY BULBS OF INDIAN ASTBOLOGT.
There are certain principles, too, to be found in the books of
Indian philosophers which prove the grandeur of this holy nativity.
If a planet occupy the twelfth (dodecatemorion) of the Moon, the
Native will have pleasure throughout a long life, and the dust of
sickness will hardly touch the garment-hem of his health and, while
in the fullness of his powers, and having become a manifestation
1 Iqtibda, According to Sylvestre
de Sacy, it originally meant to bor-
row fire from another's hearth.
> Being the opposite of her man-
sion which is Cancer.
12
B Apparently referring to the fact
that Jupiter and Yenus are in the
House next to the Ascendant.
4 Perhaps ^j^, they will have.
90
akbabnIma.
of planetary dignities^ and having attained the acme of felicity,—
he will obtain a great kingdom, and will have long life and abundant
blessings, and will be joyful in sublime stations and lof tjr palaces.
Now, as in this horoscope Mars occupies the dodecatemorion of the
Moon, all these things are fully proved and established. Se -will be
lord of victorious armies, and be line-breaking and foe-acattering
on the battle-fields, and everyone on whom the glance of bis w^rath
shall fall, will be melted by his terrible majesty. And if an auspi-
cious planet be in the dodecatemorion of the Sun, the bonoared
Native will be a mild prince, eloquent and wise, firm and fortunate.
And in emergencies when the brave in battle and men of men may
hesitate, the owner of these happy omena will never swerve^ but will
keep a steady foot on the skirt of fortitude and g^reat-heartedness,
and the trace* of doubt and the smallest vestige of change iTvill not
reach the court of his circumspection. Now in this holy horoscope,
the meeting* of the two Fortunes in the dodecatemorion shows
abundant auspiciousness. If the Sun be lord of the Ascendant, and
be in the Third House, the noble Native will be advanced to lofty
sovereignty. Now this glory is visible in the fortunate frontispiece
(the diagram of the horoscope). If Jupiter, Mercury and Venus l>e
30 all three in aspect to the Moon^ this signifies that the Native will
open up countries and will rule over them. Now in this embellished
tablet (the diagram) they (the three planets) are kindling the lamp
of dominion.
If the cusp of the Ascendant or the Moon be in the nuKbahr* of a
1 yjii\ ihtizdz, A friend saggested
to me that this was a mistake for
}]y^ ihtirdx, superiority, and this
view appeared to be confirmed by
the fact that ibtvrdz is the reading of
MS. 664. It turns out, however,
that ibtiada is correct, it being an
astrological term signifying a planet
possessed of all its dignities and
appearing in the horoscope (or per-
haps in the First House). (See Diet,
of T. Ts. I. 224 «. V. and the Mafd-
tViU'Wulwn 229). The next clause
of the text is also an astrological
1 A
term, o^ aharaf, a planet in exalta-
tion. The whole phrase is ^akddai'
uibtuKUS u $a*ddai-irilt(Mraf.
s The text has Md*icat horoscope,
bat the list of errata shows that this
is a misprint for *«^b to'iAai, li^»
odour or smell.
ft Apparently Jupiter and Venas
are meant. They have already been
spoken of as meeting in the Second
House, viz., Yirgo.
* Nuhhahr, nine parts. It means
the dividing a Sign into nine parts
of 3° 20' each, and assigning a pkuct
CHAPTER IV.
91
Sign and fonr planets or more are in aspect to the Moon^ the Native
to each part. AlhirunX (Sachau. II.
222) gives a rale for calculating the
nuhbahraU
Nuhhahr is the Sanscrit navaffaa.
The Luoknow editor gives (27) a
table shewing the arrangement of
the wuJibahr, It seems to have been
a refinement of Indian astrologers
and is not, I believe, referred to by
Ptolemy. Garden in the peroration
of his work on Astrological Aphor-
isms, takes credit to himself for dis-
carding nuhhahr, etc. His words are
" AhjeeimuB partes, facieB, noiwtaria,
dodeecUemoria, haras planetarias, atque
caetera id gentu wikgamenta"
The Indian book to which A.F.
refers, appears to be the Bfhai
Jdtaka of Vardha Afi^iro. In N.
Ghidambaran Iyer's translation,
thereof, I find the following pas-
sage. (Madras, 1885, 114) "The
Lagna (Ascendant) or the Moon,
being in Va^gottama position of
(sic) all the planets, excepting the
Moon, by the several groups of four,
five and six planets, aspecting the
Lagna or the Moon, the nnmber of
Toga (s) obtained is 22." See also
the BrhajjdtaJca^n (Basik Mohan
Chatterji's ed. Calcutta, 1300 B.S.
79a.) An explanation is there given
of how the number 22 is arrived
at and the floka is explained as
giving a total of 44 kingdoms or
rdjayoga{8). There being seven pla-
nets,— the Sun is one of them, — and
the Moon being excluded, we get
the number, 6, mentioned above.
Monier Williams' Sanscrit Dic-
tionary defines rdjayoga as " a con-
stellation nnder which princes are
bom, or a configuration of planets,
etc,, at the birth of any person, in-
dicating him to be destined to
kingship."
The Vargottama above referred to
is defined as follows : (Iyer 10). " In
the moveable and other Signs, the
first, the central and the last" (i.6., the
First, Fifth and Ninth) " navdnisa (s)
are known as Vargottama posi-
tions. Planets in such positions
will produce good effects.'*" The
chapter in which this passage occurs,
is that dealing with rdjayoga or the
birth of kings. Yoga^ however, also
means conjunction.
Blochmann (105) has the follow-
ing passage : — " At the command of
his Majesty, Mu^nmiad Khan of
Gujrat translated into Persian, the
Tdjih, a well-known work on astro-
logy*" C^^® original is at page 116
of the Bib. Ind. ed. and the notes give
the various reading ndjak). Gladwin
similarly read tdjik, but in a copy
of his translation in the British
Museum, Sir W. Jones has written
the marginal emendation jdtak.
Probably this is correct. There is, it
is true, a book or a — Qdstra on Hindu
astrology, called the Tdjik-grantha,
but this was, as its name implies, a
translation from the Persian. See
Weber's Indische Stiidien II. 247.
Dr. Weber is inclined to derive the
word from Tdjih — Arabian— and to
suppose that the original language
was Arabic, but there seems no
reason to go further back than to
Persian. Tdjik is a well-known
92
AKBARNAMl.
will have 22 Kingdoms ^ and many countries will be permanently in hia
possession. Now, in this horoscope, not only are the cusp of the
Ascendant and the Moon in their nuhbahr, but five planets are in
aspect to the Moon, viz.j the Sun, Jupiter, Venus, /Saturn and Mercury.
name for a Persian, hence probably
the title of the Indian book. It is
not likely that any Persian would
take the trouble to translate from
the Sanscrit a work which was itself
a translation from the Persian. I
therefore think the proper reading
must be Jdtak. The two words
might easily be confounded in writ-
ing.
With reference to A. F.'s remark
about the five planets being in aspect
to the Moon, it may be pointed out
that they are not aU in one house,
BO that they all cannot have the
same aspect. It will be remembered
that the Sun was regarded as a planet
by the ancients.
1 It does not appear that Akbar
ever possessed 22 kingdoms. His
8uhaJi8 (provinces) were originally
twelve and became fifteen by the con-
quest of Berar, Khandesh, and
A^madnagar. (Jarrett II. 115).
However on the same page, A. F.
speaks of hoping to add Central Asia
and Persia, etc., to the list. It is
curious that under Shah Jahan, the
provinces numbered 22. (Tieffentha-
ler Berlin, 1786. I. 66). Bernier's
list makes the number 20 only, but he
includes Bengal and Orissa as one.
In the Brhajjdtakam referred to
in the previous note, the Sanscrit
floka is thus given :—
This may, apparently, be translat-
ed as follows : — " If the Ascendant "
(i.e., the horoscope or point on the
eastern horizon) " or the Moon be in
Vargotiama, and four or more planets,
exclusive of the Moon, be in aspect
thereto, the Native will be king of
two-and-twenty kingdoms."
The editor proceeds to explain in
Bengali, how this figure is arrived
at ; vis., by making different com-
binations of the planets. The figure
44 is reached by counting 22 for the
case of the Ascendant's being in
Vargottama and being aspected by
the planets, and 22 for the similar
case of the Moon.
We are told that by some other
manipulation of the figures, the
number of kingdoms may rise to
528, i.e,, 22x24. Apparently A.F.
claims more than 22 for Akbar and
reaches at the least 44, — for he says
that both the Ascendant and the Moon
are in nuhbahr, though, to be sure,
he does not say that both are aspect-
ed by five planets. Apparently he
shrinks from specifying the number
of the kingdoms just as he shrinks
from telling us anything about the
time of Akbar's death. It is a case
of Imperium sine fine dedi. Nor
does A.F. take notice of the fact
that the ^loka speaks of " Vargoi
tama," — a word which means chief
of a class and is only applied to three
out of the nine navdfiisa positions.
CHAPTER IV.
93
And in this holy nativity^ the lord of the ascendant (the Snn)[i8 in tile
Third House. If the Native have a brother^ the latter will *not be
long-lived ^ but many devoted friends will gather round him (the
Native) and he will be beneficent^ bounteous (or forgiving) and
powerful and will enjoy sovereigfnty, free from calamity, and pros-
perity without end.
The lord of the Second House (Mercury) is in the Third and so,
he (the Native) will do great things and will bring wondrous works
to pass. He will devise laws of dominion and wisdom and be a
terror to the evil-minded, and no alarm on this account will touch
the hem of his lofty spirit.
The lord of the Third House is in the Second. The Natiye will
assist the helpless and downcast, and deal benignantly with well-
disposed kindred. And all those who walk rightly will experience
his bounty and benevolence, and will gather fruits from the gardens
of his bounties and liberalities. It is certain tliat if the lord of the
Third House be auspicious, the Native will attain great sovereignty.
Now in this holy nativity, the Lesser Fortune* (Venus) is lord
1 See to this effect the Bengali
astrological work, Jyotieh Parkdsh,
Part II. 55.
• The text has j*^ *>**• aa'd-i-
ofghar, 1.6., the Lesser Fortune or
Yenas, but the editors admit that
eight out of their nine authorities
read Ba'd^i-ahbar (Jupiter.) They
have adopted the reading of a single
MS. because Yenos and not Jupiter
is lord of Libra, i.e., the Third
House. I think this reason suffi-
cient for the emendation, although
A. F.'s language where he speaks of
the planet's signifying a "great
Khildfat and majestic Government "
agrees better with Jupiter and would
seem to imply that Jupiter was in
his thoughts. However Yenus is a
much more respectable and important
divinity with Orientals than she is
in the West. She is called the
planet of Islam (Bdd§Itahndma 102,
1.2) and she ruled over Arabia — so
the reference to theKhilc^fat may not
be inappropriate. According to the
DdbUtdn (III. 107 trans.) Mu^m-
mad worshipped Yenus and for this
reason, fixed Friday for the sacred
day, "as he would not reveal the
meaning to the common people, he
kept it secret." This explanation of
the choice of Friday for the sacred
day is contrary to that commonly
received, which is that Friday was
the most excellent of days because
the last of Creation and that on which
man was made. Shfih. JahSn's horos-
cope was under Libra and also Jahan-
glr's. It is just possible that A. F.
may have been thinking of Saturn
who is in his exaltation in Libra.
CHAPTER V.
Bescbiption of ths horoscope of auspicious chabactbbs which was
CAST BT THS BBUDITB OF THE AQB^ 'AzUU-D-DAULAH ^ AmIB
Fathu-l-lAh of 351BAZ.
In the year in which the pattern of natural philosophers, sifted
flour of erudition-amassing doctors, delicate balance of sciences,
key of the locks of opinions, raised to lofty dignities^ expounder
of material truths, assayer* of the jewels of verity, solver of
Greek problems, render of the curtain between light and dark*
ness, discerner of the stations and motions of earthly and heavenly
bodies, soaring phoenix {^ anqd), very learned of the Age, *Azdu-d-
daulah Amir Fathu-1-lah of ghiraz, under the guidance of good
fortune, was elevated to the pedestal of the lofty throne and obtained
a robe of honour, together with degrees of exaltation and steps of
advancement, — the writer of this noble volume one day remarked to
him that the horoscopes of the auspicious nativity were discrepant, and
expressed the hope that he would examine them according to the true
namUddr, and weigh them in the trutine of inquiry. The honoured
Mir, having after complete investigation, dqduced the horoscope
from the Persian rules and the Greek canon, found that the birth
was in Leo. As in the opinion of the writer, this is the most reliable
horoscope, he gives its figure here, together with some specimens of
the prognostications.
I Arm of the State. From Shiraz.
be went to the Deccan and joined
Akbar's Court in 991=1583. We find
Akbar consulting him as an astrolo-
ger, about the troubles in Gujr&t
(Akhamdma III, 431). Perhaps the
title ' Azdu-d'daulah was given to or
assumed by Fat^u-1-lfih in allusion to
the Buyido prince, ' A^du-d-daulah
Alp Arslan, who reigned in Khurasan
in the 10th century and was a pat-
ron of astronomers. (See SMillot).
There is a Canon (Set of Tables)
named after him, '^?adt. (See
Jarrett II. 8 and Blochmann d3n).
1 He arranged the coinage in the
29th year, 1585 (Blochmann 33).
\
CBAPTER T.
97
PIGURE III.
32
\ 11.
I.
XII. y/
\. Jupiter.
\. Venus.
Ascendant.
Dragon's TaD. y
Sun. ^v Mercury.
/
\ VIRGO.
Saturn. X
LEO.
CANCER /
LIBRA. ^v
/ GEMINI.
in. \^
/ XL
SCORPIO.
*Hyleg; antecedent
Conjunction ; then
TAURUS.
IV.
Jupiter ;lthen Saturn.
X.
Mars. V. /
VII.
N^ IX.
SAGITTARIUS /
\^ ARIES.
/
AQUARIUS.
>v
Moon. /
N.
/CAPRICORN.
N.
/ Dragon's Head.
PISCES. N.
/ VI.
viii. N.
1 At first sight, it appears as if the entries in this diagram were not
correct, for Mercury is set down as being in Virgo, whereas the text (33 1.7.)
describes him as in 25° 24' Libra. Similarly the Dragon's Tail (Katabibazon)
is in Leo, and not in Cancer ; and the Sun (Text 33 1.9. fr. foot) in Scorpio
and not in Libra.
But it should be remembered that the Houses or compartments of the
figure are mundane Houses (Houses of the horoscope) ana so, overlap the
Signs. All that is meant by putting the name of a Sign into one of the
Compartments is that the cusp or boundary of the House is in that Sign.
The First House for example does not begin till nearly the last degree (tna;.,
28^ of Leo. Apparently the entries in the figure misled Kavi Raj Shyamal
Das, for he speaks of some of the horoscopes as marking the Sun in Libra
and others in Scorpio. But three out of the four put the Sun in Scorpio and
probably the fourtn (Jotik Rai's) does. so, although details are not given. It
is indeed stated in this that the Sun, Saturn and Mercury are all in one Sign,
and we are told that the latter two are in Libra but perhaps all that is meant
is, that the three are in the same House, vi%.^ the Third.
8 oUI^I Haildj awwal juzu-i-ijlimd*. Apparently this means that the first
hyleg is the degree or 7)lace where the conjunction of the Sun and Moon took
13
'I
98
AKBARNAMA.
The cusp I of the glorious Ascendant in this holy horoscope
which is a masterpiece of the revolutions of the stars and planets, is
28'' 36' Leo. The angles* are in Fixed Signs and as the cusp of the
fortunate-starred Ascendant is in the Sun's House, no planet is its
dominant. It is the term of Mars, and Jupiter is lord of the tripli-
city ^ in companionship with the Sun and with Saturn in attendance.
ft
rt
place before the birth. Perhaps
hyleg is here to be taken to mean
duration of life. The Lucknow ed.
and MS. 564 contain more details in
this compartment and also in the
other squares of the figure.
They write "Hyleg; first, the
"degree of anterior conjunction;
" then the Part of Fortune ; then
the degree of the Ascendant's
Icadkhudd ; with reference to the
" hyleg, Saturn is first, then Jupiter;
"and with reference to the Part of
"Fortune, Mercury, then Jupiter,
" then Saturn : and with reference
" to the degree of the Ascendant,
"first the Sun, then Mars, then
" Saturn.** In fact they insert here
the words of the beginning of p. 38
of the text. Perhaps A. F. or
Fathu-1-lah was referring to the
namuddr of Zoroaster. (See ProU-
gomena text 149 and trans. 204).
The central entry in the diagram
of our text appears inconsistent
with the description at page 38
where Saturn is placed before Jupi-
ter as regards the hyleg.
The horoscope diagrams in the
Lucknow ed. and in some of the
MSS. contain many abbreviations.
The Lucknow ed. explains some of
them, but the best account of the
subject that I have seen is the tract
entitled " Anonymua Peraa de Siglis
Arahum et Persarum aatronomicia "
which was found at Constantinople
by J. Greaves {Oravius) the Oxford
Professor and published in 1648, at
the end of his Persian Grammar.
The tract might well be republished
for it is rare. Dr. Weber was unable
to meet with it.
^ J(yo marJeaz. This ordinarily
means centre. Mardkaz-i-muhaqqaq^
true centres, is the name given to a
method used by Albiruni for deter-
mining the limits of the twelve
Houses. (See Ulugh Beg's Prolego-
mena 142, S^dillot 198.) But here
the word means, I think, ctwp, the
boundary of a House. (See Diet, of
T.Ts. I. 111. 1.4.) MarJeaz is derived,
from rakz and, according to Lane
means " a place where a spear or
other thing is stuck in the ground
upright." Apparently the word cusp
which comes from cuapis, the point
of a spear, is a translation of the
Arabic term. There is no Greek
astrological term corresponding to
it, so far as I know.
S Qd'imU'Uauidd ittifdq uftdda.
The meaning is, apparently, that the
four angles or cardinal points of the
horoscope {viz., the First, Fourth,
Seventh and Tenth Honses) are Fixed
Signs, viz,, Leo, Scorpio, Aquarius
and Taurus.
• Apparently Jupiter and not the
Sun, is lord of the triplicity (it is
the fiery one) because the birth took
place at night.
^
CHAWER V.
99
There are the face and darljdn^ of Mars, the nuhbahr of Jupiter, ddar-
jdn and haftbahr^ of Mars, twelfth of the Moon and detriment^ of
Saturn. The degree is masculine and lucid, free from misfortune.
The Sun is dominant over the Ascendant with intent towards an
alliance with Satnrn. Venus is in 26^ 23' 37'^ Virgo. Admittedly
the Part* of children is 24' 23 (Virgo); that of wealth, 25'' 7'; that
of father's death 24** 23'; that of brethren 8* 47'; and that of the
number of brethren 14* 12' Virgo.
The cusp of the Second House is 28' 43' Virgo ; it is the House
and exaltation of Mercury, and term of Saturn. The Moon is master
of the triplicity in companionship with Venus and the doryphory^ of
Mars. There are the face and nuhbahr of Mercury, dart jdn of Venus,
ddarjdn of the Moon, twelfth of the Sun, haftbahr and fall of Venus
and detriment of Jupiter. The Moon is dominant over the House.
The degree is masculine, void of darkness or light, of good or bad
fortune. Jupiter is posited in 1 5' 13' 37'' and Mercury in 25^ 24'
Libra. The J*art of hope is 12° 53'; that of victory and conquest is
1' 17' Libra. The place of anterior conjunction is 24' 50' Libra.
The cusp of the Third House is 28'' 1' Libra. It is the House
of Venus, exaltation of Saturn, term of Mars, and Mercury is lord
of the (aerial) triplicity in companionship with Saturn and attended
by Jupiter. There are the face of Jupiter, the darljdn, nuhbahr ,
^ This is the third darljdn or dreJc"
Jcdna (dccanate) of Leo. A Table in
the Bengali astrological work VardJia
Mihira (38) gives a list of all the
drekkdna.
> This is the Sanscrit aaptdm^. It
is described in Bengali books on
Astrology and is, apparently, an
arrangement of the hours of the
week. It is thus a form of the
dhargana,
* J^i? wahdh When a planet is in
a Sign opposite to his House, he is
said to be in his detriment. Thus
Leo is the detriment of Saturn,
because it is opposite to (six Houses,
180^, away from) his House, Aquarius.
That Kobdl corresponds to delrimeni
appears, among other things, from
the fact that the letter lam denotes
the opposite aspect in astrology. This
is because the Arabs use tlie last
latter of a word as its abbreviation
instead of its first ns with us.
* fY** sahm, pi. f^ sahdmf
properly means an arrow, 8c. a divin-
ing-arrow, and hence, a lot or part.
European astrologers portion out
the Signs of the Zodiac into Parts.
Haly and Guido Bonatus have much
to say about the various partes and
especially about the Pars Fortiinae.
(See Diet, of T.Ts. 698, 8. v, Saham,)
6 I borrow this word from Ash-
mand. It seems to correspond to
l^idmaf.
33
100 akbakkIma.
twelfth and hafthahr of Mercury^ ddarjdn and fall of the San, and
detriment of Mars. Saturn is paramount over this House. The
degree is feminine, lucid, and void of good or bad fortune. Saturn is
in 10** 40' 33'^ Scorpio. The Part of Fate is 17° 50' Scorpio. The
Part of good Fortune, according to Ptolemy ^ and Mutyi'u-d-dm
Maghrib!. * is 18** 9' Scorpio. The Part of true friends and of
welfare^ (?) and that of servants are admittedly 28'' 12.' The Part
of ailments is admittedly 17° 21'. The Sun is 0° 45' 57" Scorpio.
The cusp of the Fourth House is 27° 21' Scorpio. This is a
cardinal point (angle) and is the House of Mars, term of Saturn,
face, twelfth and detriment of Venus. The Lord of the triplicity
is Mars in companionship with Yenus and attended by the Moon,
and there are the darljdnoi Mercury and the nt^/i&a^r and hafthahr oi
Jupiter. Mars is paramount over this House. The degree is mascu-
line, fixed (qayyima) and void of good or bad fortune. The Part of
land journeys is 12° 28' Sagittarius. The Part of law-suits is 28° 82
Scorpio.
The cusp of the Fifth House is 27° 11' Sagittarius. It is the
House and nuhbahr of Jupiter and the exaltation of the Dragon's Tail
(Eatabibazon), the term of Mars and face of Saturn ; the lord of
the triplicity is Jupiter in companionship with the Sun and with Saturn
in attendance. There are the Sun's danjdn, the ddarjdn of Venus,
34 the twelfth of Mars, the nuhhahr of Jupiter and hafthahr of Saturn,
the fall of the Dragon's Head (Anabibazon) and the detriment of
Mercury. Jupiter is paramount over the House with an inclination
for the alliance of Saturn. This degree is masculine, fixed and void
of good or bad fortune. The Part of sovereignty and territory is
28° 39' Sagittarius. Cygnus and Aquila are in 25^" Capricorn and
Mars is in 10" 48' 23". The Moon is in 19° 48" 14' Capricorn.
The cusp of the Sixth House is 26° 46' Capricorn. It is the
House of Saturn, exaltation and term of Mars and face of the Sun.
The Moon is master of the triplicity in companionship with Venua
^ It is stated, later on, that most
authorities put it in the 10th House.
• (See Jarret III. 20n.) Though
originally from the West and hence
called Maghrihi, he eventually set-
I
tied in Persia and assisted Na^Tru-d-
dln TQsI. He belongs to the latter
half of the 13th century.
• The Text is doubtful here.
CHAPTER V.
101
and attended by Mars. There are the darijdn and nuhhahr of Mer-
cniy, ddarjdn and twelfth and fall of Jupiter, the hafihdhr and detri-
ment of the Moon. Mars is paramount over this House in companion-
ship with Saturn and the Moon. The degree is masculine, lucid
and unfortunate. The Dragon's Head is 2T 29' 13'' Aquarius. The
Part of war i and of captives is 24** 44' Capricorn. The Part of the
deaths of brethren is 2® 1' Aquarius.
The cusp of the Seventh House is 28'' 86' Aquarius. It is the
House and twelfth and term of Saturn. The lord of the triplicity
is Mercury in companionship with Saturn and attended by Jupiter.
There are the face of the Moon, the darijdn of Venus, ddarjdn and
nuhhahr of Mercury, haflbahr of Jupiter and detriment of the Sun.
Saturn is paramount over this House in companionship with Mercury
and with inclination to the companionship of Jupiter. The degree
is masculine, dark and void of good or bad fortune. The Part of
friendship, constancy, firmness and love is 20° 8' Pisces.
The cusp of the Eighth House is 28'' 43' Pisces. It is the House
and mihhahr of Jupiter, exaltation of Venus, term,* face, darijdn and
ddarjdn of Mars who is lord of the triplicity in companionship with
Venus and tlie doryphory of the Moon. It is the term, haftbahr and
twelfth of Saturn and the fall of Mercury. Venus is paramount
over this House in companionship with Mars and with inclination to
alliance with the Moon. The degree is masculine, fixed, and void
of good or evil fortune. The Part of excellence is 20® 8' Aries and
the Part of valour 2° 53' of the same.
^.
^ C/4i?^t aljai^. The Lucknow
ed. reads ^jri^ hahs, * prison/ So
does MS. Ko. 5(34, and this is, per-
haps, the correct reading, it being
coupled with prisoners (alasdrd).
However, prisoners in the sense
of captives or prisoners of war, may
be meant and the reading in the text
be right.
s There appears to be a mistake in
the text, for this same degree is said
to be both the term of Mars and the
term of Saturn. This coincidence
is, I believe, impossible. Probably
the second statement is wrong for,
according to Bengali books on astro-
logy, 28° Pisces falls within the
term of Mars. The confusion may
perhaps be due to A.F.'8 use of
two classifications of terms. Accord-
ing to the old classification, quoted
by Cardan, the last two degrees of
Pisces belong to the term of Saturn.
102
AKBARXAMA.
The cusp of the Ninth House is 28** V Aries. It is the House
of Mars, the exaltation' of the Sun, the term,* falP nnd ddarjdn of
Saturn, and face and detriment of Venus. The lord of the tripli-
city is Jupiter, in companionship with the Sun, and the doryphoiy of
Saturn. It is the darijdn, nuhbahr, twelfth and haftbahr of Jupiter.
35 Mars is paramount over this House in companionship with Jupiter
and with inclination towards alliance with Saturn. The degree i»
masculine, light and belonging to the deep or pitted* degrees. The
Part of male children is admittedly 23° 49 Taurus. The Part of
sea- voyages is 2'^ 36'. The Part of messengers* is 5'' Taurus.
The cusp of the Tenth House is 27° 2V Taurus. It is the House
and ddarjdn of Venus, the exaltation of the Moon who is master
1 Aries is the exaltation of the
Sun, hut it does not occur in this
Ninth House which hegins at 28°
Aries. The Sun's exaltation is 19°
Aries (according to Bengali books,
it is 10°) and his fall is 19° Libra.
i The last five degrees of Aries are
the terra of Saturn, according to
one classification and according to
another, they are the term of Venus,
* There is some doubt what planet
these designations are to be assigned
.to, but it is certain that Aries is the
fall of Saturn as being opposite to
Libra — his House of exaltation — and
that, for a similar reason, it is the
detriment of Venus, as being oppo-
site to her Mansion, viz., Libra.
♦ The text has ^^1 ahdr. MS. 564
reads j^T dbdr and explains it as
the plural of ^ biV, 'awell.' Either
reading is right; Lane (140) gives
l)oth forms J^\ and jl?T as plural of
J^. See M('fdnhu-l'*ulum, 227, 1.4,
(C'f. the Heljrew Beer^liehay i.e., the
well of the oath.) It is difficult to
see the connection of wells with
degrees, but Wilson (Astrological
Diet.) says that certain degrees are
called deep or pitted because they
subject the Native to deep marks of
small-pox or scars, or, according to
others, cause an impediment in
speech, troubles and disputes in
which he is sunk as in a deep pit.
Lilly (Christian Astrology 116, 2ud.
ed. 1659), gives a table of the various
degrees, viz., masculine and feminine,
light, dark, smoky, void, deep or
pitted, lame or deficient and says
(118) that deep or pitted degrees
" show the man at a stand in the
" question he asks, not knowing
"which way to turn himself and that
"he had need of help to bring him
" into a better condition for as n
" man cast in a ditch cannot easilv
get out without help so no more
can this querent in the case he is
" without assistance.*' In the Astro*
nomia (Guido Bonatus, 50) there is
a table of kinds of degrees ; pitted
degrees are there called gradi^
putcalcs.
6 ^j\ itMfn, * mosscngrrs' and* mcfi-
sjigos.' (i. Hoiuitus mentions (64<'i
«
((
CHAPTER V.
103
of the triplicity in companionship with Venus, and with attendance of
Mars, the darljdn of Saturn, the nuhhahr and hafthahr of Mercury,
the twelfth terra and detriment of Mars. Venus is paramount over
this House in complete companionship with the Moon and in com-
panionship with Mars. The degree is masculine, lucid and void of
good or bad fortune. The Part of good fortune is admitted by all
with the exception of Ptolemy and MuhyT'u-d-din Maghribi to be 9°
22' Gemini. The Part of reason and of speech is O'' 51' Gemini.
The Part of disease is 25*^ 27' Gemini. The Part^ of male offspring
is admittedly 29° 40' Taurus. The Part of abstinence (temperance)
is 4" Gemini. The Part of possessions is 19° 36'. The Part of
enemies is admittedly 25" 27' Gemini.
The cusp of the Eleventh House is 27° 11' Gemini. It is the
House and nuhhahr of Mercury and he is lord of the triplicity in
companionship with Saturn and with attendance of Jupiter. It is the
exaltation of the Dragon^s Head {Anahihazon) and the term and
darljdn of Saturn, the face of the Sun, ddarjdn of Jupiter, twelfth and
hafthahr of Venus. This degree is feminine and fixed, and void
of good and evil fortune. The Part of the conclusions of actions and
the Part of marriage are 14° Cancer. Mercury is paramount over
this House in companionship with Saturn.
The cusp of the Twelfth House is 26° 46' Cancer. It is the
House and face of the Moon and the exaltation,* nuhhahr and the
darljdn of Jupiter. It is the term and detriment of Saturn. Mars
is lord of triplicity in companionship with Venus and with the Moon
in attendance. It is the ddarjdn, dodecatemorion, hafthahr and fall of
Mars. The Moon is paramount over this House with Jupiter, Mars,
Venus and Saturn. The degree is feminine, lucid and void of good
or evil fortune. The Dragon's Tail is in 27" 29' 13" Leo. The
Part of knowledge and clemency {aWilm wa-Uhilm) of superiority
and victory is 18" 22'. The Part of offspring is admittedly 2° 49'
The Part of fear and pain is 22° 15'. The Part of life is 2° 49'
The Part of the father is 18° 22' Leo. 36
that the Seventh Part of the Ninth
House is that of Bumores.
I There is, apparently, some mis-
take here for just above, in the
account of the Ninth House, we are
told that the Part of male children
is 23° 49' Taurus.
* Cancer is Jupiter's House of
exaltation.
104
AKBARyXMA.
The hyleg» in this hoi*o8dope is ;— ^-firstly, the point* of anterior
dohjtilidtion; secondly, the Part of Fortune; and thirdly, the Ascend*
ant. As regards the hyleg, the kadldtudd^ is Saturn and then Jupi*
((
fi
^ Apparently there may be more
than one hjleg or prorogator of life
in a figure, and the meaning of the
text seems to be that the first or chief
hyleg is the point of anterior con*
junction; that the Part of Fortune
is the second hyleg ; and that the
Ascendant, lit, the degree of the
Ascendant, is the third.
The meaning, however, may be
that the hyleg is the first or most
important thing in the horoscope.
This agrees with the remark in the
Tetrahiblos (Ashmand, 129.) "The
inquiry into the duration of life
takes precedence of all other
"questions as to the events subse-
"quent to birth." Obviously until
it is known whether the Native will
grow up to maturity, it is useless to
inquire what his career will be in
other respects.
• ^ W^f 4)^ juzu'i'ijtima, " point
of conjunction." See the term ex-
plained in Diet, of T. Ts. 187 1.4,
where the phrase is written »Ui^Jf| *J^
and where there is a quotation
from MuUa 'Abdu-1-lah Barjandi's
Commentary on the Tables of Ulugh
Beg. One of the hylegs in use was
the last conjunction of the Sun and
Moon (syxygy) before the birth, and
another was the last antecedent op-
position of the Sun and Moon, The
full phrase in astrological books, as
I find from a MS. in the B.A.S.'s
Library called the Jawdmi* ahJedmu-
n^nujum was JtjftWt (^ » Ul^t j^
^st^ijji f^^ juzU'i-ijtimd* yd isiiqbdl
tnuqaddam bar ioilddat, ' the point
to conjunction for opposition an-
tecedent to the birth.' The point of
conjunction was presumably, the
hyleg in Akbar's case, because his
birth took place on the 4th day of the
month and consequently shortly
after a conjunction, for the Mu^m*
madan months are lunar and begin
with the new Moon, i.e., conjunction.
The phrase awwal jvMu-i-ijtifnd* also
occurs in the diagram (Figure III.)
(36 1.9. fr. foot and 37 1.3.). SMillot
(202) translates the phrase juzu-i-
ijtimd*, (which occurs in Ulogh Beg's
Prolegomena text 147 1.1.) by le degrS
de la conjonetion, and the word ^m>aX«
mutaqadda^n for which muqaddam
is a variant, by antMeure d la nati-
vile.
The point of anterior conjunction,
we are told, is posited in the Second
House of the horoscope, being 24^
50' Libra and, as both Jupiter and
Venus are in this House, it is pos-
sible that the conjunction referred
to is that of Jupiter and Venus, t.e.,
the two Fortunes, and not the con-
junction of the Sun and Moon.
According to the second or Indian
horoscope, Jupiter and Venus were
in conjunction in the Second HouBe«
(text 28 1.6.)
> The meaning seems to be that as
regards the duration of life, Saturn is
the kad^tuUi 'lord of geuiture,'
as he is the planet with the largest
orbit and his cycle is that of long-
evity, being a return to the Ooldcn
Age when men lived for centuries ;
(See BadaonI, Lowe 335.) but that
as regards fortune and sovereignty,
Jupiter is first ; and as regards the
Ascendant, the Sun is preeminent.
CHAPTER V. 105
ter; as regards ^ the Part of Fortune, Jupiter comes first, then
Saturn ; as regards the Ascendant, the Sun comes first, then Mars.
^ j*^ j\ az maniarr. Mamarr h&s | but apparently not here,
the technical meaning of Iransit,
14
106
akbarnIma.
CHAPTER VI.
Explanation or thb judomints contained in this wondbous
HOSOSCOPB which IB A BRACHIAL AMULET OF THI 8TABS
AND HEAVENS^ AND THE CBOWN-TALIBXAN OV
GENERATIONS AND CTCLBS.
As the fonndation of the holy horoscope has been firmly laid^
it is indispensable that an explanation of a few out of its many
wonderful judgments should be given.
Judgments ov the First House {ahJcdm).
As the cusp of the Ascendant is Leo which is the San^s Hoose^
this signifies lofty genius and excellence^ and that the holy frame ^
will be strong and athletic^ with a large head^ broad forehead, wide
chest, strength and length, courage, majesty, gravity, beauty of
feature and powerful brain. As most of the degrees of the Ascend-
ant (First House) belong to the Sign of Virgo, which is the House
and exaltation of Mercury who is in the House of Venus (Libra)
or Second House of the horoscope, and is near* Jupiter and in his
own term and triplicity, it is fitting that the Native should faU back
upon his own exquisite intellect in all affairs of finance and state,
and should accomplish his momentous enterprises by his own excel-
lent plans. As the Sun is regent of the noble Ascendant in alliance
with Saturn, the Native will have complete sovereignty over all the
countries of India and over part of the fourth^ climate. And as^
I See JahSnglr's Memoirti, Price
45. Jahinglr states that his father
was tall, and remarkable for the
length of his arms and the breadth
of his chest.
t cLaLo mutiofil This word, which
occurs again a few lines lower down,
appears to hhve a technical meaning,
signifying that the planet is within
the power of the rays of another
planet. See Diet, of T.Ts. 1508. t.r.
ittisal.
BThe San is supposed to have
special sway over the fourth climaie to
which Kashmir, Kabul and Badakh*
eh&n belong. Saturn rules the first
climate and' India. India belongs
mostly to the second and third cli-
CHAPTER VI.
107
with reference to positiony^ the San comes after Satanij the empire
of Hindustin will precede that of the fourth climate. And aa the
lord of the second cusp, viz,. Mercury, is near the lord of the Ascend-
ant (the Sun), this is a proof that prosperity and principality {mdl
u mulk) will be easily acquired. As the Ascendant, the Part of
Fortune and the place of prior conjunction of the Sun and Moon
belong to Signs possessing many planets,* there is strong evidence
of length of life and duration of sovereignty.
JUDOMENTS 07 THE SbCOND HoUSB.
As the cusp of the Second House belongs to Virgo, which is
the House of Mercury who is near the Sun, and most of it belongs
to Libra, the House of Venus, and as Venus is in the Ascendant^
which is the House and exaltation of Mercury, — this signifies that
wealth and territory will be acquired by means of excellent con-
trivances and perfect reason, and that the Native will obtain the
office of king. And Jupiter^s being in this House in his own term,
and Mercury ^s being near him, are a strong proof of this and
mates, though A. F. says it is an
aggregate of the first four climates.
Jarrett HI. 44.
The first four climates extend
from lat. 12°42' to 39° N. In India
A. P. includes Ceylon, the Moluc-
cas, Malacca, etc. (Jarrett III. 7.)
Babar says India belongs to the
Ist, 2nd and 3rd climates. (Erskine
312.) A.F. has no Indian places in
his list of the countries of the fourth
climate (Jarrett lU. 76) though he
makes it begin at 33^43' N. The first
climate must be held to beg^ much
further south than 12° N. if Ceylon,
etc., are to be included.
1 Apparently the meaning is that,
as in this horoscope the position of
the Sun is posterior to that of Saturn
(the latter being in Libra and the
former in Scorpio), the empire of
India will be acquired before that of
the fourth climate. It may, however,
refer to the circumstance that ac-
cording to the arrangement of
heaxfens, Saturn has the first heaven
and the Sun the fourth.
s The translation is doubtful ; the
literal rendering seems to be, ** Signs
having many risings" (of stars and
planets?). The Ascendant is Leo;
the Part of Fortune is in the Tenth
House, viz : in 9^ 22' Oemini and the
degree of prior conjunction is in
Libra. As according to Ptolemy
and Mu^yi'u-d-dTn Maghribi, the
Part of Fortune is 18® 9' Scorpio and
so is in the Third House, A.F.'s
meaning may possibly be that the
three things referred to all occur in
the early Houses of the horoscope.
» Venus is in 2e? 23* 37" Virgo but
as this part of Virgo falls into the
First House of the horoscope, Venus
is said to be in the Ascendant.
108
AKBARNAMA.
also that tho Viziers will manage affairs by tlie abounding reason*
©f the Native and not by their own plans. On the contrary, their
ideas will not endure in the presence of the designs of the Lord of
the Age. And as the lord of the Second House (Mercury ^) is in the
Ascendant, he (the Native) will collect countless treasures ; and as
Jupiter is in this House, he will spend his wealth in ways pleasing to
87 God, and will walk in God's paths and his property will increase daily.
And the fact of Jupiter's being in his own term, is a proof of
long life, so that he will have honoured grandchildren and these
fortunate ones will grow up under his discipline.
As Saturn is in the Second House and in exaltation, harm will
never come to his (the Native's) treasures. The hyleg which is the
•degree of first conjunction (qu. conjunction prior to the nativity ?)
is in this House and is a strong proof of the above statement.
The hadJdmdd (lord of the geniture) which is Saturn and is in
exaltation, and his companion Jupiter having come into this HousOj
give to the holy life the influences of two Jeadhbudd{8), Mars is the
third (kadkhudd) so that the Native will exceed the natural period of
life, viz., 120 years.* The Moon's being paramount over this House
is another corroboration of the well-groundedness of this blessing.
1 Perhaps Saturn is meant ; Libra
is his House of exaltation. If so,
the word tali* must be taken not to
mean ascendant but the whole of the
horoscope. It may also be the Moon,
as she is described as being para-
mount over the Second House.
S 120 years was considered by as-
trologers and doctors the natural
period of a man's life. See Ibn
Khaldan's Prolegomena^ (Notices et
Extraits.) XIX, 347, " Selon les
m^dicins et les astrologues, la vie
naturelle de Thomme est de cent
vingt ana, de I'espece que ceux-ci
nommcnt grandes ann^es humaines."
Similarly A. F. says, (Blochmann 121)
" The elephant, like man, lives to an
age of one hundred and twenty
years." A. F. seems actually to have
hoped that Akbar would outlive 120
years and that he himself might
have the honour of recording the
events of that period. (Jarrett III.
416.) Kislyioar^udd, * world's lord/
(Jarrett II, 258, 1.3) seems to mean
Akbar himself and not his dynasty.
Vardha Mihira says (Bfluit Jdtaka
I. ver. 63) that 120 years and 5 days
is the maximum of the life of men
and elephants. Badaoni tells us
(Lowe 335) that the Jogis promised
Akbar he would live three or four
times as long as ordinary men. No
doubt they referred to the three
kadl^udd(8) spoken of by A. F. (Seo
also Albirunl on the length of human
life. Chronicle of Ancient Nations,
90.) The three kaflf^iidd(,8) might
give a total of nearly a thousand
CHAPTER VI.
109
Judgments of the Thied Houses.
As the lord of the Ascendant (the Sun) is in the Third House,
this signifies perfect mildness, sedateness, constancy and reverence
and the succouring of kinsmen. But this tribe, out of short-
sightedness, will not be single-minded. However as that centre
(markaz) where the lord of the Ascendant (Scorpio) is, is the
House of Mars and also his triplicity, term, decanate, ddarjdn and
dary'dn, and as he himself is in the Fifth House which is his House
of exaltation^ and his gaudium {fara^) and is the tripliciiy and face
of Jupiter, and the ddarjdn of the lord of the Ascendant, — the
improper tlioughts of this faction will become a cause of increased
glory and enhanced dominion to the Native. And as the beginnings
of the Third House which have to do with brethren, are a station*
of the Sun's majesty^ this signifies that brethren will be of no
account alongside the glory of the holy being (Akbar) and that they
will quaff the cup of anguish to the dregs. The middle and last
portions of the Third House, which signify allies and helpers* are,
according to Ptolemy, the Part of Fortune and they are also the
face of the Sun and he is co-partner with the hadhhudd (Saturn).
This signifies that friends and loyalists will be on the carpet of union
(lit : one colour) and devotion, and be steadfast in respect, and will
be advanced by the Native to prosperity and wealth. And as this
place of the Third House has connection with Mars who is in his
exaltation, and that House is the gaudium and House of Saturn who
years, according to Badaoni, one of
the periods mentioned by the JogU,
for it appears from the Lihellus
Isagogicua of Ale habi tins, that the
maximum of Saturn's years, {FridO'
rid) is 465, of Jupiter's 264, and of
Mars', the same; 465 -<- 264 +264=
993. 120 was the maximum of the
Fridaria bestowed by the Sun- As
a matter of fact, Akbar did not
reach even the Scriptural three-score
and ten, — dying on 13th October,
1605, (Elphinstone), in his climacteric
(63 years,) just before the anniversary
of his birth 15th October, 1542.
1 VU., that of Capric9rnu8 into
which the Fifth House of the figure
extends.
* Maurid'i'Satwat'i'naiyir'i -a'^cwi.
The Third House begins at 28° 1'
Libra, but the allusion is probably
to the Sun's being in the first degree,
0° 45' 67" Scorpio ; for the entry of
a planet into a new Sign is a time of
special power and auspiciousness.
See Akhamdma I, 55, 1.2 fr. foot, in
the account of Enoch.
d The Text and all authorities read
tj^j^\ iJ^wdn, 'brothers,' but the
editors propose to read a*wdn, * al-
lies or helpers,' and no doubt this is
the true reading. See Akhamdma
110
AKBARNAMA.
38
is a foremost kadhbudd and who is also in his exaltation, — friends
will always be in honour and glory. And as Saturn who is a kad-
hbudd and is in exaltation, is paramount in the House, this is a
convincing proof of these things. And the lord (Mars) of the Third
House being in the Fifth, is a proof of the establishment of noble
children, and also signifies that there will be travelling and short *
excursions* which will be provocative of joy.
One of the wonderful things is that the part of the other world,
according to all, and the Part of Fortune, according to Ptolemy and
MuhyT'u-d-din Ma^^ribT, are in one^ place ; to wit, 18** Scorpio in the
Third House. This rarely occurs in horoscopes, and forcibly indicates
that good fortune upon good fortune will come in succession from
the other world, and is also strong evidence for information about
hidden matters, so that the enlightened mind of the Native will be
a rendezvous of mysteries.
Judgments of thk Fourth House.
As Mars is lord of the cusp (markaz) of this House, and he is
in his exaltation,* face, and his own trigon {mu§alla§a) and is dominant
26 11.3 and 17 and 'Abdu-1-^mid's
Bad§]idhndnia 25 and 27.
' Abdu-l-^amid of Labor is said
to have been a pupil of Abu-l-fa^ 1
(See Bieu's Catalogae I. 260, quoting
8akli^U&fxd certainly has done his
to imitate A. F.'s turgidities. He
himself tells us that he was chosen
by SUiah Jahan to be his Court
historian on account of his being
a proficient in the style of Abu-1-
fazL It goes without saying that
writing under Shah Jahan, he is a
much straiter Mnsulman than his
master. The lengthy account of
Sfrah Jahan's horoscope which he
gives, was drawn up by Mull&
'Ala'u-1-mulk of Tun in Ehurasan
who afterwards got the title of Fazil
Khan. {Bads^hndma 13). Appa-
rently the conjunction of planets
which led to Shah JahSn's receiving
the title of Second Lord of conjunc-
tion (the first being Timor) took
place in 991 (1585), nine years
before Shah Jahan's birth. Great im>
portance was attached to Shah JahSn's
having been born in the thousandth
year of the Hijra. He was born under
Libra the sign under which the Pro-
phet was bom.
1 Naql means also 'zest to wine,' etc.
S See Shah Jahan's horoscope for
a similar expression. Badftdhndma
20 1.5.
* This does not seem quite accur*
ate. In the previous account of the
Houses, we are told that the Part of
the other world is 17° dCV Scorpio and
that of Fortune, according to Ptolemy
and Mu^yi'u-d-dln is 18° 9' Scorpio.
* We are told above that Mars
is posited in 10° 48' 23" Capricorn
which is bis House of exiJtation.
The Fourth House begins at 27° 21'
Scorpio which is Mars* mansion*
CHAPTEB VI.
Ill
over this House and it is tlie term of Jupiter^ what is Bignified is
that in the beginning of his (the Native's) career territory will come
into possession through the exertions of military officers. And as this
House is a Fixed Sign^ and its lord (Mars) is in exaltation and has a
beneficent ( aspect, territory will continually be coming into the pos-
session of the King's* servants and whatever so comes will remain
there permanently.
As the 8th and 4th ^ of the degrees which belong to the begin-
ning of Scorpio are Gemini {Jauzd') whose lord (Mercury) is occulted
by the Sun's rays, this signifies that when the Native shall arrive at
years of discretion, the might of his intellect will become displayed.
1 Apparently the meaning is that
Mars is in the Fifth House, in Cap-
ricorn, and so has the beneficent trine
aspect to the First House, that is,
the House of the Native's life.
^ Auliyd'i'dauUU. This seems an
honorific circumlocution for the king
himself, but may mean that Akbar
was then a minor, and that conquests
were made by his regent, Bairam
Khan.
8 This is a difficult passage, and
I am imcertain of the meaning.
Perhaps the text is corrupt, but all
the MSS. I have examined give
the same reading with the apparently
unimportant difference that sqme
omit the conjunction ia between
hasl^tuin and cahdrum. The diffi-
culty lies in understanding how the
constellation Gemini comes in* here.
Jauza means Orion as well as Gemini,
but the latter seems intended here,
for A.F., goes on to speak of its
lord being occulted by the Sun
and this can only refer to Mercury
who is the lord of Gemini. It is
possible that the meaning is that
Gemini is the Eighth and Fourth
House from the beginning of Scorpio,
i.e., is Eight Houses apart on one
side of the Third House, to which
the first degrees of Scorpio belong,
and Four Houses apart on the other.
It is also possible that A«F. has con-
founded JoMzd*, Orion, with Jatizd\
Gemini. But I rather think that by
Jauzd^ may be meant the "lesser
Twins," viss., the stars P and 5
Scarpionis. See Sayce's "Higher
Criticism and the Monument8,"p. 69n.
where Professor Hommel is quoted
as stating that there are three sets of
Twins, vt»., Castor and Pollux in
Gremini, the lesser Twins in Scorpio
and the lesser Twins in Aries.
Mercury is in 25^ 24' Libra of the
horoscope, and so is occulted or
immersed in the rays of the Sun
which is posited in the first degrees
of Scorpio. But I do not see why
the first degrees of Scorpio are re-
ferred to by A.F., in his description
of the Fourth House, for that begins
near the end of Scorpio. Perhaps
avovoal is a mistake for aldivr. The
Fourth House is that of the father
and so may deal with his death. It is
also that of lords and states.
112
AEBARNAHA.
and that his honoured ^ father will at this time, have his face tamed
towards the hidden and inner world and will depart to the eternal
citj. As most of this House belongs to Sagittarius and the lord of
the term (Jupiter) is in the Second House of the horoscope, the
Native will be affectionate and grateful to his father and will receive
an appanage s from his dominions.
Judgments of thb Fifth Houss.
As the lord of most of the Third House which is connected
with lovers and sincere friends and helpers, to wit, Mars, is in the
Fifth and in exaltation, this signifies the glorious condition of the
sons of the Native and their sincerity and affection. And as Saturn
is paramount over this House, is in exaltation and in his own tripli-
city and is a kadhbvdd, — and as Jupiter is in his face and triplicity
and is associated with the iadhhudd (Saturn) and is lord of the cusp
of this House, — this signifies that the sons of the Native will be for-
tunate and be defenders of the State and that they will not remove
the head of respect from the plane of well-pleasing. Aquila, who
is of the constitution of Mars, and Jupiter and Cygnus, who is of
the constitution of Jupiter and Venus, are in this House and
forcibly indicate an abundant catch (§aicl) of pleasure and auspi-
ciousness.
JUDGMBNTS OF THB SiXTH HoiTSB.
As the master (Saturn) of this House (Capricorn) is in his exal-
tation, and the Dragon's Head is in this House, they signify the
lasting sovereignty of the Native and the acquisition of abundant
I Humayan was killed by an acci-
dent when Akbar was little over
thirteen. I suppose the meaning is
that when Akbar was born his in-
tellect, represented by Mercury, was
subject to his father, but that when
he came to the ago of puberty, it
emerged.
t This refers to the fact that Jalal-
abad was assigned by Humayan for
Akbar's maintenance. See quotation
from the Mirdt iftabndma of Sh^b
Nawaz ^h<^n in Kani Lai Das' paper
J. A, 8. B, for 1886, p. 83. See also,
what is more to the point, Akhar-
ndma 1, 315, where we are told that
the servants and properties of his
deceased uncle Hindal, including
Ghazni. &c., were made over to
Akbar when he was ten years old.
Jalalabad used to be called Jul
Shahi and was named after Akbar
(Jalalu-d-din). See Akbamdnia I. 200
1.8 from foot.
CHAPTER Vr.
113
wealth and property, and permanence of elemental health, and equa-
bility of disposition. Should a little sickness affect the hem of his
holy constitution, it will speedily terminate in perfect health. And
as Mars is paramount over this House, in co-partnership with Saturn,
and both are in exaltation, there will be numerous auspicious
servants^ and attendants*
JUDGUBNTS OF THE SEVENTH HoUSE.
As the lord of the cusp of the Seventh * House is Saturn ^^ and
he is in exaltation, the Native will in his first youth, marry ^ chaste
veiled ones from the ruling families of India. And as Saturn is in
the Second House,^ this may indicate that those chaste, curtained
and holy ones will belong to his tributary and wealth-increasing
princes. And as the Part of friendship and love is this House, this
signifies increasing relish of friendship and love, especially as the
Part of affection is in Pisces which is the House of Jupiter and the
exaltation of Venus.
JtJDOHBNTS OP THE ElOHTH Hot7SB.
As the cusp of this House belongs to Pisces and its lord, Jupiter,
is in the Second, in his own term and triplicity and the Part^ of
excellence is in this House, and as Venus is paramount over this
House in co-partnership with Mars who is in exaltation, — this signi-
fies the absence of fear^ and danger, and the being rendered safe
by the protection and defence of God.
JfTDOMENTS OF THE NiNTH HoUSE.
As the cusp of this House is in the Sign of Aries and its lord,
Mars, is in his exaltation and gaudium (Jdrah) and is dominant over
I The Sixth House is that of ser-
vants.
BThe Seventh is the House of
marriage.
B Saturn rules India.
♦ In 969 (1662) i.e.. when Akbar was
in his twentieth year, he married
Biharl Mai's daughter. We do not
hear of anj other marriages in
early youth with Indian ladies, but
BadaonI (Lowe 211) tells us that
Akbar said he had on coming of
15
age, married many wives, both free-
born and slaves, and had not res-
tricted himself to the legal number
of four.
^ The Second is the House I of
wealth.
^ Perhaps this is the pars nohilitaii§
of Guide Bonatus and which appears
to be 19^ Aries i,e., the Sun's exalt-
tion.
"f The Eighth House is a House of
misfortunes, death, etc.
80
114
AKBARNAMA.
this Honse^ the Native will reap benefit from travel,^ and the jonrnieB
which take place^ will be accompanied by acquisition of territory •
Judgments of the Tenth House.
As the cusp of this House belongs to Taurus^ which is the Honse
of Yenus^ and she is dominant oyer it and is in the Ascendant^ this
signifies perfect felicity and general superiority, which is an ex-
pression for a great kingship ; also that this sublime dignity will
long be in the possession of the Native, especially as this House is
the exaltation of the Moon. And the Moon is in an aspect* towards
this House and towards the Ascendant which is one of entire friend*
ship. And as the Part of Fortune is, by the opinion of the majority^
in this House, this signifies perfect fortune and increase of Btate^
and that the Native will spend most of his days in managing and
arranging the affairs of Church and State. And as the Part of
reason and speech is in this House, it signifies that his reason and
speech will be king of reasons and at the head of utterances. Much
too of the specialities of Venus, who is lord of pleasure and joy, will
be bestowed on him.
Judgments of the Eleventh House.
As the cusp of this House belongs to Gemini and its regent
(Mercury) is in the Second House, which is that of wealth, this
signifies that the hopes which he forms with regard to fortune and
territory will be realized to his heart's desire. It also proves that
he will have sincere friends and that the masters of wisdom and
knowledge will arrive at high rank in his service. And as the Part
of the conclusions of actions is in this House, this signifies that his
hopes* and desires will have a happy termination.
Judgment op the Twelfth House.
As the cusp of this House belongs to Cancer and its lord, the
Moon, is in detriment^ and gaudium (farah), this proves that the
1 The Ninth is a House of travels.
* The Moon is in the Fifth House
tns., 19® 48' 14" Capricorn and so she
is in trine to the First and Tenth
Houses.
B The Eleventh House is that of
hopes.
« The Moon is in the Fifth Honse
in 19° 48' 14" Capricorn and so is in
detriment as being in the Sign
opposite to her Mansion, vi»,. Cancer.
The Twelfth is the House of private
enemies and a Honse of misfortune.
Had the Moon been in it^ this would
CHAPTER VI.
lU
enamieB of the State will be constantly in adversity and distress to
whatever extent may be agreeable to the Native. And the fact of
the Dragon's Tail ^ (Katabibazon or Zanab) being there in the first
degree^ is strong evidence of this. And as the Part of knowledge
and clemency is in this HoasOj it signifies that the Native will^
together with his insight (into character), be clement and forgiving
to the short-sighted and cross-grained ones. And patience, breadth
of view and' general benevolence will be among his necessary attri-
butes.
May Almighty God prolong the life of the Lord of Fortune for
generations and cycles, since the attributes of greatness, — which are
the root and flower of universal sovereignity and world-adornment,
and are a cause of capturing the hearts of friends and foes, and
attract souls and knit together the thoughts of high and low, — are
revealed in all their perfection and (as it were) on an open highway
(Praise be to the gracious God for it) in the* aggregation of refined
qualities of this Doctor of the High School of Unity; and have
made >^iTn by his idiosyncracy and fundamental nature, sole owner
of sublime dignity and peculiar grace. And of a certainty, all those
admirable qualities and dispositions have, without efEort or vaunting,
become the blissful possession of this celestial Being, so that from
this fountain-head of justice, they are distributed by the garden-
channel of the lords* of liberality.
Verse,
For ever, and so long as there are stars in the firmament.
For ever, and so long as there are bodies with souls.
May there be no revolution of the spheres without thy pleasure,
No movement of the heavenly bodies except according to thy will.
have been a bad omen. I do not
understand how the Moon is said to
be mfarah, i.e., joy ; but apparently
the author draws from this the in-
ference that the enemies will be dis-
tressed and the Native will be glad-
dened. Possibly it refers to the
Moon's being in the Fifth House and
80 in trine to the Ascendant. Per-
haps the word is a mistake for ^
fargh, emptiness or disengagement.
^ The Dragon's Tail is a cause of
misfortune and increases evil influ-
ences. Apparently aimjoal 'first/
must be a mistake for dJ^ir, * last/
for the Dragon's Tail is in the last
degree of the Twelfth House vim.,
27^ 29' 13" Leo. rSee 8upra,)
S vk)' f^bdb, Blochmann says
(563n.) that this word, which is the
plural of rckbb, is used in Persian as a
singular to mean a headman or nuigis'
116
AKBABNAMA.
40 This is a sketch of the judgments of the anspicious horoscopes ;
but if the gifts of the stars^ the blessings of the aspects^ and
the significations of the Houses, were fully set forth, registers would
be compiled and books composed.
VerseA
His exquisite exaltations cannot be reckoned up,
Star-gazing mathematicians can but adumbrate them.
traie. Perhaps then the expression
arhdb'i-istifd^ refers to Akbar him-
self. Otherwise, it refers to his
ministers.
1 The couplet is Faizi's and occurs
with slight variation in the preface
to his Lilavati. Calcutta 1828 p. 2.1.4.
CHAM'BR VII.
11?
CHAFrER VII.
^DlAGBAM OP THE HOLY H0B08C0PB, CAST BY MaULANA AlyAS OP
Abdabil/ in accobdanc£ with THE Ilsb^^I Tables.
Atr the time of writing these pages which are a record of aus-
piciousness, a horoscope came under mj view which had been drawn
by the very erudite Maulana Alyas of Ardabil who held high rank
among mathematicians and was one of his Majesty JahanbaniJannat-
agbiyanrs courtiers.
This horoscope also has been copied in sketch* but without
details of the influences of the Houses and the Judgments. It has
been copied partly in consideration of the repute of the drawer,*
and partly because, unlike the others, it is based on the Il^ani
Tables.
1 A town in Persia, west of the
Caspian. It was the capital of the
province of Asarbaijan. (See Mey-
nard's Ydqut, Paris, 1861, 21 and
Jarrett III, 81). Maulana Aly&s
would naturally follow the IlU^ani
Tables, for he belonged to the country
of Tabriz or Maragba where Na^iru*
d-dm Tasi had his observatory.
8 ^jr^ bajifiB apparently means in
genere or in gross, i.e., without de-
tails.
m
* S ^***** muataf^rijt lit. ' ex-
tractor.'
U8
▲sbabmIua.
FIGURE IV,
LIBBA.
SCOBPIO.
Sun
Saturn.
SAGITTARIUS.
\
Venus.
VIEGO.
Dragon's Tail.
LEO
CANCER.
/
GEMINI.
Moon.
CAPEICORN
Dragon's Head.
AQUARIUS.
HSCES.
TAURUS.
ARIES.
ORAPTCR TTII.
119
CHAPTEB VIII.
Account of thk dibiqn of Psotidbnci {HiJemat) m thi diffibenci 41
BBTWSSN THE GrEIE FHILOSOPHIBS AND THI INDIAN ABTA0L0GSB8
IN THI HATTBB OF HIS MaJISTT's AUSPICIOUS HOBOBCOPB.
Some scientific men used to think that the disagreement
between the Indian and Greek astronomers^ — ^the former placing the
horoscope in Leo and the latter in Yirgo^ was due to a difference
of opinion among philosophers about the movement of the Zodiacal
Heaven. A crowd ^ of ancient* philosophers, including Aristotle,
were agreed that the Eighth > Heaven had no motion. The philoso-
pher HipparchuB contended that it did move, but he did not ascer-
tain the rate of progression. Ptolemy said the motion was one
degree in a century and that the revolution was completed in 36,000
years. Most philosophers hold that the rate is one degree in seventy
years and that the revolution is completed in 25,200 years. Another
school say that a degree is traversed in sixty-three > years and that
the revolution is completed in 22,680 years. The cause of such
1 This passage is substantially re-
peated in the Aln {111, 11 ; Jarrett
m. 20.)
* This is the Heaven of the Fixed
Stars. In the Atn (III, 34 ; Jarrett
III, 38) this is numbered as the
Second Heaven, — the Eighth being
that of Mercnry. Here the author
counts them in reverse order, begin-
ning with the lowest, vis., that of
the Moon,— and by thus counting
upwards, the Heaven of the Fixed
Stars becomes the Eighth. It will
be remembered that the ancients
attributed motion to the Fixed Stars,
or at least to the sphere in which
they were supposed to be placed.
''Hie Ptolemaic astronomy attri-
butes motion and a regular course
to those stars which we now call
Fixed but which the Greeks merely
called ^irXoycls undeviating." (Ash-
mand 4n.)
ft I do not know what school is
referred to here. In the Aln (II, 11
1.7 fr. foot) Ibn A' (A*Um) (cir. 985
A.D.) and Na§Tru-d-dIn Jilsi (cir.
1272 A.D.) are mentioned as holding
that the rate is one degree in sixty
solar years. Perhaps the sixty-three
are lunar but these are equal to
more than 60 solar years,— for at the
rate of eleven days a year, we get
only 660 days or not quite two years.
According to S^illot (Notes et
Aclaircissements. Prohgomena, 289)
120
AKBARNiMA.
diflorepanoieB is a difference in the equipment and instruments of
the observatories and difference in the profundity and subtlety*
of the observations.
The fact is, the earliest philosophers did not suspect the motion
of the Fixed Stars, on account of its exceeding slowness. For this
reason, they did not get sufficient time to observe it.^
At the time when the Signs of the Zodiac were determined,
the figure Leo which was regarded as a constellation of sevei'al fixed
stars, was opposite to and in front of a (certain) part of the Heaven
of Heavens,* and now, owing to the movement of the Zodiacal
Heaven,^ it has moved from that part and is in the station where
Na^iru-d-dln as well as Ulugh Beg
held seventy years to be the time.
Bat he refers to his Materiaux (481)
as showing that Arzachil knew of a
movement as correct as that of oar
modem Tables. Arago, in his lec-
tures, says that the movement is
5(y''103 a year, and that the revolu-
tion is completed in 25, 867 years.
In the AstronGmioa quaedam e»
traditione Shah Cholgll published by
Greaves (Gravius) about the middle
of the 17th century, we are told that
according to observations made in
the time of the Khalif Al-Mamun
(813-34 A.D.) a degree was passed
in 66 years and 8 months. Perhaps
these were lonar, and if so, they
woald correspond nearly to the 63
(solar) mentioned in the Text. Ma-
^ammad Shah Qalji wrote a com-
mentary on the Tables of Na^lru-d-
dln Tasi in 866 (1461). A. F. per-
haps copied from him, for the passage
in the beginning of the Ain (Jar-
rett 6) aboat the explanation of the
term si/, etc., is very similar to one
on Mu^^mmad ghSh Qaljl, as given
by Greaves and also it appears, by
S^dillot. But Oriental writers copy
80 mach from one another that it is
difficult to know who was the origi-
nal source. Shah Quljl also gives
seventy years as the rate of pre-
cession according to the' Maragba
Tables; and says that the annual
rate was 61" 26.'"
1 The text reads vsJ; time, bat
MS. 564 has ^^ which I have
adopted.
s I suppose the meaning is that
the motion being less than a minute
a year, it could not become percept-
ible unless after a lifetime of obser-
vations or unless the observations
were continued for generations.
8 1.6., the Ninth or Crystalline
Heaven.
* The Penny Cyclopaedia (Art.
Astrology) says : " The astrologers
never made any allowance for the
precession of the equinoxes. Thus
though the constellation Aries is
now in Taurus and the influences
of its stars ought to have moved
with them, we find that the astro-
nomical Aries or first 30° of the
ecliptic, is used for the constellation.
Under the circumstances, this is of
little consequence, but such a prac-
tice would be fatal to astronomy."
CRAPTBB tin.
121
Yirgo then was. Similarly Virgo has moved to the station of
Libra, Libra to Scorpio and so on, up to the last Sign. Now the
calculation of Indian astrologers' is in accord with the observa-
tions of the ancient philosophers which were based on the notion
that the Fixed Stars did not move. The calcnlation of the new
observations* is founded on the movement of the Zodiacal Heaven
which has caused the constellation Leo to move to the House
Ashmand (Preface and p. 82) de-
fends astrologers against this charge
and says, " We should rather say that
the stars have changed places than
that the parts of heaven in which
they once were situated have done
so.
1 The author does not mean that
the Indian astronomers were ignor-
ant of the movement of the stars, i.e.,
of the precession of the equinoxes.
The account in the Ain ( Jarrett III.
19) shows that they held the move-
ment to be 54" a year. But they
thought that the (westward) move-
ment only extended to 27^ Aries and
that then the stars retrog^raded to
27^ Pisces and afterwards recom-
menced. In other words they held
that the stars librated between 27°
Aries and 27° Pisces.
B By the " new observations " those
of TTIngh Beg are commonly meant,
and it must be those which are re-
ferred to here, for A. F. is dealing
with the horoscope of Maulana
Cand which, we are told, was found-
ed on the Gurg&nt Tables, i.e., those
of Ulugh Beg. According to Babar
(Erskine 51) the tables used by the
Indian astronomers were those of
Vikram&ditya and he says that 1584
years had elapsed from the building
of Vikramiditya's observatory. Ap-
parently Bibar was writing this in
16
1527-28, =1584 Vikramaditya Era
(which began B.C. 57.) But his state-
ment in no way coincides with A. F.*s
for Ulugh Beg's Tables were drawn,
up in 1484 and published in 1437
and if we deduct 1190 from 1434,
we get 244 A.D. as the date of the
Indian Tables.
(S6dillot gives the epoch of Ulugb
Beg's Tables as 841 H. = 1437 A.D.)
Nor can we reconcile the state-
ments by supposing that the " new
observations " mean those of Nasiru-
d-dln TAsi which were made at
Maragha in the latter part of the
13th century. According to the
Am (Jarrett 4) Na^iru-d-din's obser-
vatory was built 362 years and Ulugh
Beg*s 156 before A. F. wrote his
book. Now the Ain was composed
in the 40th year of Akbar, Le.,
1596, so that 1234 would be the date
of the Maragha observations and
1434 those of Samarqand (Ulugh
Beg*s). The date 1234 is, however,
certainly wrong, as it is nearly a
quarter of a century before the des-
truction of Baghdad (1258) and we
know that it was after this that
HulagQ Kh>n installed Nasiru-d-
dln at Marftgha. According to
D'Herbelot, Nasfru-d-din was estab-
lished at MarSgha iu 657 (1259 ) and
published his Tables in 668 (1270).
Perhaps *fi*A»>» fj^ast, sixty, is a
122
akbarnIha.
of Virgo. The difference between the two calculations is 17®,* each
Sign having moved 17® from its place. From this it may be known
that 1 1 90 years have elapsed from the observations of the Indian
philosophers to the new ones, assuming that a degree is traversed
every seventy years, and most philosophers are agreed that we
should multiply 17 by 70. On the view of Ptolemy that the move-
ment is one degree a century, the interval between the two sets
of observations is 1700 years.
Keen-sighted inquirers after truth and subtle perceivers of the
secrets of the skies fell into the valley of perturbation on account
of these discrepancies. Now that the pattern of the philosophers
of the Age, 'Azdu-1-daulah Amir Fathu-1-lah of Sl^iraz, has shewn
by the Greek Canon and the Persian rules that his Majesty's auspi-
42 cious horoscope is in Leo as has been stated above, it clearly appears
that the explanation of the disagreement is not, as was commonly
supposed, that the Indian philosophers deny the existence of the
spheres, as has been set forth in the Second Volume.^ Rather it
was the Divine wisdom (hikmat-i-ildhi) and the Divine jealousy which
demanded that the description of this cavalier^ of the plain of majesty
copyist's error for ^■s****^ hist, twenty
which would yield the date 1274.
A. F., however, with all his industry,
is not to bo trusted about dates as
Silvestre do Sacy has shewn with re-
ference to a statement in the Aydr-i-
DdniaJi about the poet Radagl. Even
if we deduct the 1190 years from
1272, the date of the Maragba obser-
vations, we do not get back to Vik-
ramaditya s era, though we get very
near that of Salivahana, viz., 78 A.D.
The most probable explanation is
that Babar was mistaken in suppos-
ing that the Yikramaditya of the
Tables was the Yikramaditya of the
Era. The Indian Tables were pro-
b*ibly composed in the time of the
second Yikramaditya and in that of
Yaraha Mihira, though this date is
also inconsistent with A. F.'s calcu-
lation.
1 It would seem (Text III. 440 1.6
f r. foot) that the exact difference was
a little more than 17^, for we aro
told that Ban a Aram, Akbar's daugh-
ter, was born under 19° Sagittarius
or 1° 54' according to Hindil calcu-
lation.
• The Lucknow ed. has " last
volume,*' and this is probably correct,
the reference apparently being to
the concluding volume of the Ain,
viz,. III. 8. (Jarrett III. 13.)
• urJ^ fdris. It also means a lion
and so there may be an allusion to
the constellation Leo. Akbar ia
called {Aln I. 139) ahdhBuwar-i'^arsa-
i'i'lbdl, ' the royal rider of the plain
of fortune.*
CHAPTER vm. 123
and confidant of the snblime cabinet, should remain hidden from the
gaze of keen-sighted, penetrating, minute inquirers, as well as from
the eyes of the evil-disposed and inwardly blind.
It was from this cause, that his Majesty Jahanban! Jannat-
S^yanT, who in astrolabic investigations and studies of astronomical
Tables and observations, was at the head of the enthroned ' ones of
acute knowledge and was a second Alexander, — in spite of his per-
fect labours and exertions in the matter of the horoscope of the
Lord of the Age, did not attain to the truth (did not reveal the
whole truth). And likewise all those others who were versed in
the secrets of astrology, remained within the curtain of contra-
diction and did not arrive at a perfect knowledge of the mystery.
And notwithstanding the identity of the canons of calculation
and the inquiries of right-thinkers, — for natural philosophers do
not materially disagree in these matters, — owing to the jealousy
of God, the truth of the holy nativity remained under the veil of
concealment and was hidden behind the curtain of contradiction.
But on the whole, if each of the horoscopes be looked at with
the eye of judgment — and a sketch of each has been given, — it
becomes plain that in the matter of power, dignity and sublimity,
external and internal, there is nothing equal to them. Though the
horoscopes are discrepant, they agree in external and internal
splendour and congratulate the Native as supreme over the visible
and invisible worlds. And those intimate friends of his Majesty
Jahanbani Jannat-ishiySni, whose outward and inward beings were
clothed with truth and righteousness, have been heard to tell that
when his Majesty bad the auspicious horoscope shewn to him and
had considered it, it happened several times that when in his private
chamber and with the doors all closed, he fell aMancing, and from
excess of exultation, revolved with a circular motion. Why indeed
should not sitters in the front ranks of the pavilion of true glory,
and tasters of the trays of eternal knowledge — who have partaken
of the sweets of ecstacy and the knowledge of God, indulge in
transports of joy at the sweets of this revelation, and why should they
not chaunt strains of rapture ? For these perfections are steps or
1 The author seems to refer to the been princes, e.g., Alexander, Al-
fact of eminent astrologers, having phonso of Castile and Ulngh Beg.
124
AKBARN.IMA.
stages of exaltation and are the essence of Divine knovrledge. And
his Majesty Jah&nbanT Jannat-a^iydnl was by the perfection of his
personality^ enlightened by flashes of forthcoming events and glimp-
ses into the future, and his senses were warmed by the aaspicioua
advent of his Majesty^ the King of Kings. And all these lighta
were seen^ before realization in the ranks of actions^ in the mirror
of the wondrous horoscope. And he many times said to those who
were privileged to converse with him, that the horoscope of this
Light of Fortune was superior, in several respects and by sundry
degrees, to that of his Majesty, the Lord of Conjunction ' (Timur)
43 c^ indeed clearly appears to the scrutinizing students of the prog*
nostications. And when these two auspicious documents are com-
pared, and the gifts of the planets and the blessings of the heavens*
are weighed in the balance of reflection, it will be seen what are the
communications of the horoscope of the Lord of Conjunction, and
what are those of the holy horoscope. Praise be to Grod ! notwith-
standing the remoteness of the horoscopists in time, place and con-
dition, and the discrepancy of their canons, every one of the glorious
schemes agrees — as has been shewn — in this, that the Native
will attain lofty, spiritual and temporal rank, and that his holy
personality will be a collection of inward and outward excellencies
and will be possessed of various perfections and will have sway over
the visible and invisible world. He will have various kinds of sove-
reignties and various degrees of rule, and will attain lofty rank in
worship of the Truth and in theology. He will befriend the poor
and humble, and will have long life and soundness of body and
an equable disposition and will be praised by high and low and
thnnked by great and small. He will have perfect knowledge of the
world, and will rule countries and guard the paths of righteousness.
1 The horoscope of TlniQr is given
in the Zafamoma but without much
detail. There is alao one, as noticed
by Gibbon, in Hyde's Syntagma
(Dissert : H. 466) which was cast by
Ashmole.
I oti >JU < alwXydt. Perhaps this
word has a technical meaning here,
vi»., the superior planets, Mars*
Jupiter and Saturn, which were so*
called because their orbits were
supposed to be higher than that of
the Sun. See Mafmhu-UulUm, 229,
top line. Mercury and Yenns and
the Moon are called hawdkahU'B^
iifilych inferior planets.
CHAPTER Tin.
125
aud will pei*forin the duties of government aiid of the administra-
tion of the world.
It is a remarkable circumstance that all those qualities which
astrologers have come to know by toil and meditation, are read by
simple-minded persons who know nothing of the diagrams of stellar
mysteries, by dint of their own insight, on the forehead-page ' of
his Majesty^s career, though they have humbly to acknowledge the
inability of language to expound them.
Verse.
Thy attributes have made tongues incoherent,
Thy glorious personality has changed certainty into conjecture.
NOTE ON THE HOROSCOPES OF AKBAR.
Abu-l-fazl gives four horoscopes. The first and fourth however appear
to be substantially the same. Both were made by Mu^mmadan servants
of Hamayan, — the first by Maulana Cand and the fourth by Maulana Alyas
of Ardabil. Maulana Cand's was drawn up according to the " New Tables/'
f.0., those of Ulugh Beg Mirza who was Timar's grandson. These were
calculated for 1437. Maulana Iljas' horoscope was cast according to the
IlJlJ^ini or Imperial Tables, t.e., those made by Na^iru-d-dln Tusi at Maragha —
about 60 miles^S. by W. of Tabriz — in the reign of Hulaga Kban cir. 1272.
Abu-1-fazl, writing in the 40th year of Akbar, (1596) says (Jarrett II, 4.)
that 362 years had elapsed since Na^Iru-d-din built his observatory and 156
since Ulugh Beg built his at Samarqand. This gives a date of 1440 for
TTIngh Beg's Tables and of 1234 for NasTru-d-din's, but the latter is certainly
wrong, and probably there is some clerical error in the text. If HulagQ
Khan first established him in Maragha, it is assuredly wrong, but A. F.
evidently thinks he was there earlier. (A\n II, 11.)
The second horoscope was made by Jotik Bai, Akbar's astrologer. We
do not know its exact date but it was, of course, drawn many years after
Akbar's birth and after the construction, by HumayOn's orders, of the first
and fourth horoscopes.
The third was made by Fathu-1-lah of Shiraz and could not have been
drawn earlier than 991 (1583), for this astronomer did not come to Akbar's
Court till that year. Indeed A. F. tells us that it was in the first year of
Fat^u-1-lah's service that he asked him to compare the horoscopes and
reconcile their discrepancies.
1 The meaning is, that the actual
facts of Akbar's life exhibit all those
wonderful qualities which astrolo-
gers have found by painful investi^
gation of his horoscope.
1*26 AICBARKAMA.
Both Maulana Cand and Maulana Alyas put the birth under Virgo and
there is no doubt this is correct, — if correctness can be predicated of such
matters. The Indian astrologers probably put the birth in Leo because that
Sign is the House of the Sun, between whom and Akbar there was supposed
to be a mysterious connection. Possibly however, the earlier date of their
Tables warranted them in putting the birth under Leo, as A. F. has ex-
plained in his chapter on- the discrepancies. But granting that this was so, we
are not told why their Tables should be preferred to those of Naslru-d-dfn
and niug^ Beg. And indeed Abu-1-fazl does not prefer them. He telLi as
that Indian Tables agree with the observations of those philosophers who are
not aware that there was a movement of the Fixed Stars. In other words,
he admits that they are wrong.
If the precession of the equinoxes account for the difference between the
Tables, why stop short at the Hindu observations P A. F. calculates that
these were made 1190 years before IJlugh Beg*s, i.e., about 1336 before
Fathu-1-lah cast Akbar 's horoscope. According to Babar (Erskine 51.) the
Hindu Tables were made at TJjjain in the time of Vikramaditya, i.e., cir. 57
B.C. According to Tod, (Bajputana) Hindu astronomers now follow the
Tables of Jai Singh which were made in 1728. (See Dr. Hunter's paper.
Asiatic Researches V, 177.) But why did not he or Fathu-1-lah carry the
calculation further back and ascertain the position of the constellations of
the Zodiac at the time, say, of the birth of Adam or at least, of Enoch or Idris
who, according to Mu^ammadans, is the father of astronomy P Some astrolo-
gers professed to know the position of the stars at the time of the Creation
and held that Adam was bom under 1° Capricorn (See infra for A. P/a
account of Adam). And at all events A. F., who seems to have accepted the
chronology according to which Adam was born about 7000 before his own
time, could have had no difficulty in calculating the position of the constella-
tions at that period, allowing one degree for every seventy years.
According to A. F. the difference between the Indian astrologers and
Maulana Cand amounts to 17^. But apparently Fathu-l-lah did not adopt the
Indian calculations, which indeed he probably could not read. (He was
a Persian apd we are told in the Aln (Blochmann 104) that he superintended
the translation of part of IJlugh Beg's Tables, though, if as has been sup-
posed, these were originally written in Persian, one does not see what
necessity there was for translating them. There is however a doubt on the
point and A. F.'s remark implies that Ulugh Beg*s Tables were written in a
foreign language, e.g., Arabic or Turkish. According to D'Herbelot, thej
were first written in Arabic but S^illot has no doubt that Persian was their
original language). Fat^^u-l-lah, we are told, based his calculations on the
Grreek and Persian Tables, not on the Indian, and found the cusp of the
Ascendant to be 28^ 36' Leo.
Leo is the Sign immediately preceding Yirgo, and if the difference of
the Hinda and Persian calculations be 17^, the cusp according to the former,
should apparently be 20^ Leo, for Maul&uS C&ud*s horoscope brought out
CHAPTER VIIT. 127
the cusp of tlie Ascendant as 7^ Virgo. We are not told what Tables
Fat^u-l-lih used and are left in the dark as to his modua operandi. The
difference between his calcnlations and those of Manlana Cand was apparently,
about 8i° vifi., from 28° 36' Leo to 7° Virgo. If, as A. F. does, we take the
rate of precession to be one degree in 70 years, Fat^n-1-lah must have
used Tables made about 600 years before Ulngh Beg's. This would give a
date of about 830 A.D., which approximates to the Baghdad observations of
the KhalTf Mamun referred to in the Ain (Jarrett II. 3.)
If we take the more correct rate of precession, vim., one degree in 72
years, we get a still closer approximation for 8^^=612 years and this, de-
ducted from 1434=822 A.D.
I regret that I have not been able to translate the four horoscope chapters
in a satisfactory manner. They are difficult, for several words of frequent
use in them, are not to be found in our dictionaries, at least not with their
astronomical meaning. Dozy's Supplement is of little or no use for astro*
logical terms, and Lane appears to ignore them altogether. Unfortunately
with all his amplitude of detail, A. F. fails us at the very pinch of the case.
That is, he gives no explanation of Fati^u-l-lah's modus operandi and does not
tell us how he managed to bring the horoscope into Leo.
It is probable that in places, the text is corrupt.
Books on astrology are very numerous. One of the best of the old
treatises is De Jtidiciia Astrorum by 'All Abu-l-(^asan (Albohazan Haly Aben
Bajal). He, it appears, was born in Spain, for he is styled Ash-Shaibani and
Aflh-Shablll (Hispaliensis) and his full name is Abu-1-^san 'All Ibn Abi-r-
raj alu-gh-fihaibanl.
In Hammer-Furgstall's History of Arabian Literature, (6436) he is styled
'All Ibn Bajal and we are told that Europeans called him Aben-Bagel and
that he was born at Cordova and lived in the beginning of the 5th century
of the Hijra.
His work on astrology, " Opus magnum de astrologia, octo partilms compre-
hensum" was first translated from Arabic into Spanish by order of Alphonso,
the king of Castile, and afterwards from Spanish into Latin. He appears also
to have been a poet, for a poem of his on astrology is mentioned in Casiri's
catalogue of the Escurial Library I, 128 and 344. The best edition of Haly's
work appears to be that by Anthony Stupa, Basle, 1551. There is a copy of
this in the British Museum and bound up with it, is an elaborate treatise on
astrology by Guide Bonatus and also a commentary on the Tetrahiblos.
Guide Bonatus, also called Guide Bonatti and Bonati, was a noted as-
trologer of the 13th century. He was a native of Florence, but is commonly
called Foroliviensis or De Foro lAvii, the modem Forli, a town on the eastern
side of the Appenines and not far from Ravenna. He is said by his astro-
logical skill to have saved Forli from a siege. Eventually he became a
monk and died in 1296.
Lilly quotes Abu-l-^asan under the name of Haly and Sir Walter Scott
makes Guy Manneriug refer both to him and to Guide Bonatus. D^lambre
128 AKBlRNlUA.
says, in his History of astronomy in the Middle Ages, that Abu-l-^asan's book
" est Tun des plus clairs, des plus m^thodiqnes, and des plus completes que
nous ayons. C'est une compilation de tout ce que les sages de diff^rents
pays et de diff^rents si^cles avaient 6crit sur ce sujet futile." It appears
that Haly was a Christian. There is a MS. copy of his work in the British
Museum written in beautifully clear Arabic characters. It is numbered
23,399. See Codices Arabici 6236. It is to be hoped that some day an
Arabic scholar will print and edit it.
Lilly's Christian Astrology and the works of Zadkiel are useful and so
also are Wilson's Dictionary of Astrology (London, 1819), and a work by
E. Sibley in two quarto volumes and published in 1817. For HindQ astrology,
I can recommend two Bengali books kindly sent me by Dr. Grierson, viz,, the
Jyotifa Prdkd^ (Beni Madhab De A Co., Calcutta, 1882, Sak. 1804) and the
Vardha MUdra of Kali Prosanna Chattarji (1891, Fasli 1300). I have also
found the notes of Mu^mmad Sadiq 'All the Lucknow editor of the Akbamama
very useful and I have obtained some light from the two elaborate horos-
copes of Shah Jahan, — one of bis birth and the other of his accession, — which
are given in 'Abdu-l-l^amld's Bddsiahndma,
Mr. Behatsek's Catalogue of the Mulla Ffroz Library in Bombay shews
that it is very rich in Persian works on astrology.
To the useful books on Astrology may be added the treatise of Julius
Firmicus Matemus, a Latin writer of the 4th century A.D. A good and
cheap edition of this work is in course of publication at Leipsic under the
editorship of Charles Sittl. Firmicus describes the Dodecaiemoria^ p. 48,
the Decani, p. 41, and has a chapter, p. 233, on empty and full degrees, the
full being degrees where the Decani are found, and the empty where their
influence does not operate.
n
€HAPTRR IX.
^29
CHAPTEB IX.
8tAT£MSNT of THS HONOUBBD MAXKS or THB BLISSFUL KUBSIBS AND
6PIBITUALLT-M0ULDBD CHBBiSHBBB* (qawdbil^ru^ni-qawdUb)
OF HIS MaIBSTT, THB KING OF KINGS.
When the lightsome day of his creation arrived^ at once was
Heaven envioas of Earth for his passing,* and Earth exultant o'er
Heaven for his august advent. The status of knowledge and in-
sight became exalted, and with rites which are the glory of the
ministers of outward show, was that holy essence and pure pearl
— already washed and cleansed at the fountain-head of Divine Light
and in the ocean of infinite knowledge {ma'rifat) — bathed and com-
posed by the hands of shade-loving, radiance-darting, chaste, rose-
bodied nymphs. Even-tempered, spiritually-minded nurses swathed
the divine form and heavenly body in auspicious swaddling-bands,
purer than angelic veils, and laid him with respect and reverence
in the sacred arms and bosoms of pure-dispositioned ones. And then
his honied* lips being brought in contact with the benign breasts,
his mouth was sweetened by the life-giving fluid.
I J*!^ pi. of *A*UI. The word
seems properly to mean a midwife,
but, as it comes after ddya and as
no midwife is mentioned by name —
unless Ddya Bhdwal be one, — I have
rendered it cherisher. The word
'jtd means both a midwife and a
wet-nurse.
i Farr-i-wilddat. There is a play
here on the two meanings of farr.
Farr in Arabic means flight, and is
here used in the sense of departure
or passing, being contrasted with
maqdam, advent or coming. The
birth or vital principle of Akbar left
Heaven and came npon Earth, there-
by making Heaven envious and
Earth leap for pride. But farr or
17
far means in Persian, light or splen-
dour, being etymologically the same
word as the Greek wvp and the
English fire and so, farr'i'toilddai
also means the light or splendour
of the birth. Farr is often used by
A. F. to mean the sacred light which
belongs to a king. Thus at the be-
ginning of the Ain, he speaks of king-
ship as a light emanating from God,
which light modern language calls
the farr'i'XKodt or Divine light and
which in ancient times was called
the snblime halo. (Kiydn-I^ura.)
(Blochmann iii.)
B The word in the Text is not
honied but only sweet. However
there is perhaps an allusion to the
180
AKBARNAMA.
Verse.
He drew forth milk by the bounty of his lips.
Milk and sugar were commingled.
It was not milk he drank from the breast of hope,
'Twas water from the Sun's fountain that he imbibed.
44 As the nobly-born gi^amsu d-din Muhammad of GhaznT had done
a good service at Kanauj/ his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashyani,
shortly before the rising of this light of fortune, (Akbar) in magnifi-
cent recompense of his deed, made him hopeful of eternal bliss by
promising him the majestic boon, that his high-souled, chaste-natured
consort — who has now the lofty title of jTji* Anaga — should be clothed
with the glorious head-dress [mi' jar) and mantle of distinction, by
obtaining the auspicious service of nursing this new fruit of the
spring-tide of sovereignty and fortune, and should have the blissful
charge^ of the nosegay of the house-garden of greatness and g\ovy.
Accordingly her Majesty, Maryam-makani, Qadasi-arkanT (Pillar
of Purity) having sent for that adomer of Heaven's table (i.e., celes-
tial caterer) placed in an auspicious moment, the child-treasure in
her hopeful bosom. But as the period of pregnancy* of this purely-
framed nurse was not yet fulfilled, her Majesty ordered that recep-
tacle of chastity, Daya Bhawal — a special servant of his Majesty
Jahanbani, and distinguished for ^virtue and purity — to suckle the
infant. It appears that first of all, he accepted the milk of his royal
mother. Then Fakhr-i-nisa,^ wife of Nadlm Koka was honoured by
the charge, then Bhawal Anaga, then the wife of Khwaja Ghazi,*
practice of putting honey into the
mouths of the newly-born.
1 Spelled here Qanauj. Shamsa-
d-din helped Hamayan up the steep
bank of the Ganges, after he had
fiwum across on an elephant when
defeated by Sher Sl^h. (Bloch-
mann 321.)
s According to Meninski (1698)
Jf jl, in Turkish, means a child's play-
thing. It also, in Turkish, means
handsome.
8 %£^Xk^ hi^dnatt the technical
word for the charge of a child.
(Baillie's Mu. Law, 429.)
* The child to whom she after-
wards gave birth was 'Aziz Koka,
the later Khan A's^am. He was thus
only slightly younger than Akbar
who used to say that a channel of
milk conuectod them together. (Afa-
*diir I. 675). JijT is said to have
died in 1008 (1599). See I.e. 685
where she is called Blca Jiii.
( Gulhadan (26) speaks of Fakhr«i>
nisa Anaga as the mother of Nadlm
Koka and wife of Mirza Qull.
^ There is an account of him in
Text (I. 222) and he is mentioned in
Bayazid Sultan's list of the officers
I
CHAPTER IT.
131
then Hakfma. After these^ the chaste Jiji Anaga^ in accordance
with her wish^ obtained external and internal felioil^. After her^
KokT Anaga^ wife of Togh Begi^ and after her, Bibi Bupa^ had
their turn of this auspicious service. Then Eh&ldfir {i.e., the mole-
marked) Anaga^ mother of Sa'adat Yar Koka,^ was selected for
this great boon. And at last, that chaste matron, Pija Jan Anaga,>
mother of Zain ^an Koka, acquired a stock of everlasting greatness
by obtaining her wish for this great blessing. Many other fortunate
cupolas of chastity were exalted by the excellence of this service.
It was as if there were Divine wisdom in thus implanting varied
tempei'aments^ by this series of developments {i.e., the wet-nurses)
BO that the pure entity/ advancing by gradations, might become
familiar with the divers methods of Divine manifestation. Or it
who came to India' with Haniayan.
A. F. calls him Khwaja Ghazi Ta-
briz! and says that he was distin-
guished for hid knowledge of
accounts and made a dlwdn by
Hamayiin, and was subsequently, for
a long time, excluded from Court
and only returned at the end of his
life to the Court of Akbar and when
his intellect was enfeebled by age.
Bayazld calls htm Khwaja GhazI
ShirazI and says Ham ay an made
him a diiodn when he was in the*
Ta^t-i-8ulaimau country. The fact
of his long exclusion from Court and
of his not being entered in the Gran-
dees of the Aln or of the 'J^abaqdt,
might explain, supposing him Maham
Anaga's husband, (see note at end of
chapter) why no mention is made of
him in that relation.
^ Mentioned in BSyazId's Cata-
logue as Toq Begi SaqI, i.e., page or
cupbearer.
S Apparently a Hindastani and
possibly a Hind a.
> Sa'adat Yar Koka is mentioned
three times in the Akbamdma, in
the third volume, vis, : (192) where he
is one of those sent on pilgrimage to
Mecca; (579) where we are told, his
brother's daughter was given in
marriage by the Emperor to A. F.*s
son * Abdu-r-rahm5n (see Blochmann,
Life of A. F. XXXV.) and lastly
(656) where we are told of Sa'adat
Yar's death in the 39th year (A^ar
1003, November 1595), from exces-
sive drinking and of the Emperor's
sorrow for this and of his paying a
visit of consolation to the house of
his sister, H&jl Koka.
* Called by the Ma'dsir and
Blochmann, Picah Jan Anaga. She
was the wife of £hw^aja Maqf ad of
Herat.
^3fa2&ari6, dispositions, but also
beverages, and tahaqdt, dishes or
trays as well as stages or degrees, so
that apparently one of the intended
meanings is " divers beverages in
divers vessels," signifying the va-
ried nature of the nurses' milk.
^ The text has Ufuhud, unity, but
I presume this is a mistake for
wujudf which occurs in No. 564.
132
AK BARN AHA.
migbt be designed tbat the acute and discerning shonld perceiTe
that this nursling of fortune belonged to the limpid streams of Dmne
bounty and was not such as to make spiritual progress by outward
nutriment^ for as to the spiritual nature of this company (of narses).^
it is evident to all of what kind that was^ as also are the lofty
degrees of the holy stages of this chosen one.
Among other wondrous indications there was this^ that contrary to
the way of other infants^ his Majesty^ the king of kings^ at his
birth and at the first opening of his eyes on the visible world, re-
joiced the hearts of the wise by a sweet smile.' Penetrating phy*
fiiognomists recognized the smile as the herald-augury of the smiles of
the spring of dominion and fortune and saw in it, the opening bud
of hope and peace.
After that {i.e., the suckling), in a cradle lighter than a phantom
(which the carpenters of the throne of sovereignty had framed of
sandal-wood and lign-aloes, and where they had, as it were, commingl-
45 ed civet ^ and rose-leaves, and on whose comers and sides they bad
hung rubies and pearls of price) was laid with gentlest movement
that unique Pearl of nine mothers o'pearl,* and then they softly
swayed and rocked him. For cheer and soothing, they chaanted
with musical {mUsiqi) rhythm the name — auspicious to begin with and
fitting as a close— of the Creator, the Lord of Glory and Bounty. The
inmates * of holy hermitages and those who live in the throng of
I This seems rather nngracious,
especially after such complimentary
expressions about them.
s This is a trait mentioned of
Zoroaster. (See Dahisidn trans: I.
218). Only be is said to have laugh-
ed aloud when he was bom. An-
quetil du Perron (Life of Zoroaster
13n.) quotes Pliny who, in his Natural
History, says, " Risisse eodem die
quo genitus esset, unum hominem
accepimuB Zoroastrum." The ac-
count of Solomon in the Apocrypha
is more touching. "When I was
"born, I drew in the common air
" and fell upon the earth which is of
"like nature, and the first voice
" which I uttered, was crying, as all
•• others do."
* The Lucknow ed. says that this
means the Nine Heavens, ^adc^
means the oyster-shell and also the
vault of heaven. It is also a name
given apparently to the two cons-
tellations of Ursa Major and Minor.
See Burhdfi'Uqdti*.
^ Z^ fi&^j^» i^lso called wibad^
whence civet. (Blochmann 79.)
^ * dk\fdn»i»9awami*. This phrase
occurs in one of Faizf's odes (A\n I.
240) and is translated by Blochmann
(559) 'those who constantly worship
CHAPTER IX.
J33
men who are tlie stewards of time and the terrene and hold to-
gether the spheres of the universe, attained their desires and thas
were benefits bestowed on the world and on mankind. They sang
this gratalatory strain to the darling^ of the skies.
Verse.
Hail to thee to whom is committed reason's exaltation.*
The kingly revolution of the universe is for thee.
Like thee, the earth has no garden ;
Like thee, heaven's vault no lamp.
Creative ocean rolled many a wave
Till it cast ashore a pearl like thee.
Fate's pencil drew many a sketch
Till she made a portrait like thee.
The world's book is but an allusion' to thee.
Heaven's volume but an analysis^ of thee.
in oloisters." The next expression
$3kindiv-i--fnajami*'i'iiM may mean
*' dwellers in mosques " as the note
to this passage in No. 664 seems to
hold, but I am inclined to think that
here it means laymen or those who
carry on the affairs of the world, in
opposition to the solitaries and ascetic.
What A. F. intends to say is, I think,
that by Akbar's birfch, everybody
attained their desires, that is both
the lonely ascetic and the worldling,
and thus the whole universe was
benefited. It may however be that
the two classes of holy men are, in-
tended via ., anchorites and men who
live in monasteries or congregations
of saints. I admit too, that this inter-
pretation seems to agree better with
what follows, vis., the description of
such persons " preserving the stars
from wrong." But see Text (87) where
we are told that the preparations
for the revelation of the unique
Pearl (Akbar) were completed, as
now the stages of solitude and
society had been traversed.
' Jigargodkci' lit : liver-lobe.
* Sh^raf, an astrological term
signifying the exaltation of a planet
or star. This first couplet is adapt-
ed from Faizl. (Akhamdma III,
678.)
I -xaJ •• TalmXh " says Gladwin
(Dissertations on Persian Rhetoric
53.) " literally signifies using some-
" thing savoury and is employed
"when the author alludes to some
" popular story or verse, e. g., ' O light
" ' of my eyes ! when the garden of
"*my condition is deprived of the
" ' rose of thy countenance, my state
" ' becomes like Jacob in the house
" ' of mourning.' "
♦ ^j^ ta^rXh. This is from
•Itarh and seems primarily to mean
dissection. (Diet : of T. Ts. 735.)
134 AKBARNAMA.
MAHAM ANAGA.
It is singular that this name does not occur in the list of Akbar*s nurses.
This may be due to Mdham Anaga*8 being a title and not a proper name,
and it is possible that the lady who was afterwards thus designated, is ineci-
tioned in the list under some other appellation. She may, for instance, be the
nurse described as the wife of Khwaja Ghazi and whose own name is not given.
But even if the title were not bestowed till a later period, one would have
expected A. F. to have added it to his description, just as he mentions Shamau-
d-dln's wife by her title of JijI Anaga. The true explanation of the omission
probably is that Maham Anaga means Head or Superintendent of the nurses
rather than chief nurse and that the Maham Anaga of the Akbamdma was not
a wet-nurse. She certainly was not the chief nurse in the sense that the
child Akbar drew most of his nourishment from her, for we are told
that Jlji Anaga was chief in this respect, so much so that the other nurses
accused her of practising witchcraft in order to prevent the infant prince from
accepting any breast but her own.
Though Anaga seems primarily to mean a wet-nurse, it has not always
this meaning. Pavet de Courteille says (Turkish Dictionary, 67) " « ^1 et
«^i nourrice, sage-femme, gouvernante; on donne aussi a la m^e du B^k^n
le titre de ^ Ji/' We find also that the mother of Gingis Kb&n had this
title, her name being given in the Akbamdma (I. 72, top line) as " Olun Anaga *'
though Erdmann spells it Eke» Apparently the Turkish pronunciation is
Enge. See Bedhouse s, v. He states that it means a sister-in-law, the wife of
an elder brother or lady-relative of a bridegroom who is sent to fetch the bride
home. A. F. sometimes calls Maham Anaga, Mftham Bega and M&ham Agha, and
it is generally by the title of Bega that Bayaeld Sultan speaks of her in the
so-called TdriiA'i'humdyun. (h O. Ms. No. 216). He calls her (15) Maham
Bega and adds the explanation ke dffba anaga Naiodh'i'ii^n hud, i,e., who was
head of the Prince's nurses. And then follows the statement that she was
accompanied by Jiji Anaga, i^ife of gj^amsu-d-din Mu. Ghaznawi who was the
Prince's nurse (ona^a), (Unless indeed the word is aigah and refers to Shamsn*
d-din.)
In the Ahbarndftia (II. 55) we are told that Maham Anaga had served the
prince from his cradle, but it does not follow that she first did so in the capa*
city of wet-nurse. It may be remarked too that the fact of our not hearing
that she had a husband or a child of about Akbar's age militates against the
notion that she was his wet-nurse. Though her son, Adham Khan was a young
man at the time of his death, he was probably several years older than Akbar
as otherwise Bayazid would hardly have named him in the list of servants in
Akbar's train at the time when HumSyOn marched to India.
CHAPTER X.
135
CHAPTER X.»
Account of the arrival of his Majesty at the world-travbrsino
CAMP> of his Majesty Jahanban! Jannat-as^yIn!^ frok the
FORT OF AmARKOT AND OF THE AUSPICIOUS^ CONJUNCTION.
As the world-seeing eye and auspicious glance of his Majesty
Jahinbam Jannat-a|hyani was looking for the glorious vision of the
king of kings^ a gracious order was issued that he should be brought
to the curtain* of honour and encampment of fortune^ in charge of her
Majesty Maryam-makSni. ^waja Mu^azzam^^ Nadim Eiikal-tash and
Sl^amsu-d^din Mu. of Ghazni were sent to be in attendance on the
auspicious litter. Accordingly his Majesty left Amarkot^ on the 11th
gl^a^ban^ in a fortunate hour^ under the care and in the arms of her
Highness Maryam-makanl and departed in a travelling litter.*^
I The heading of this chapter is
omitted in the text and the account
of Akbar's visit to his father is made
part of Chapter IX. Bnt the
heading is given in No. 564 and
other MSS. and is clearly required.
The Persian is as follows ;
In the Lucknow ed. *?*^->^ hamu-
jihiB, apparently by mistake, sub-
stituted for *-*0^ hamaukib.
* According to Nis^amu-d-dTn, the
meeting-place was in pargana Jan.
A. F. also states that it was in
Jan. (1.184.)
t^^yJ^AMM$ cJjt/^, a phrase applied
to the conjunction of the two For-
tunes, Jupiter and Venus. It is
the title of a famous poem by Amir
Khusrau on the meeting of Kaiqu-
bad and his father Na^ira-d-din.
(Stewart's Bengal 78).
. 4 c!*>* (3<)t|M surddiq-i-'itssat Dozy
says (6476) "Dais (an-dessus d'un
tr6ne.) Ce qa*on nomme en persan
*^l^ (dont ij^l^ est peutStre une
alteration) ou •^^tj*» c. a. d. T^norme
enceinte de toile que dans les pays
musalmans, entoure la vaste ten to
du souverain."
* Apparently he had previously
left his sister and joined Humayan's
camp.
• 20th November, 1542 O. S., Ac-
cording to Jauhar (trans. 45) the
day was 10th Bamct^n,
T TaJAt'i-rawdn, See Ives* voyage
to India (278) for a representation
of this conveyance. It is usually
carried on mules.
136
aebarnAma.
46
Verse.
Ere the cradle had fulfilled its season^
His exalted fortune (ba&&^) sat on a throne^ (taW)^
Eye unopened^ but with the eye of the mind,
He looked to the ordering of religion and realm ;
Hand unopened, but his heart desiring
To put the world 'neath his signet-ring.
Of his thousand roses, not one in bloom.
Yet the world was culling flowers from the garden of his fortune.
When the travelling litter of his Majesty, the king of \dngs,
the ambulatory treasury of Divine knowledge, had nearly arrived and
but two stages remained, a world-obeyed order was issued tliat the
chief officers* and pillars of the State and the general public, small
and great, should turn towards the altar of fortune and go to meet the
ha^ha of hopes. A.vant-courier3 of good tidings were arriving Bvory
minute and bringing, from time to time, the news of the appro-
pinquating of the glorious tidvent.
Verse,
The cavalcade approaches with the king of both worlds in Its
wake,*
The caravan of joy goes forth to meet him.
And on the last day of . gl^-Si^hftn which was the day for the
glorious alighting, and when the camp of good fortune was only one
stage distant, his Majesty (Sumayun) was pleased to observe
" Assuredly the child is compact of auspiciousness, of potent horos-
cope and has the good fortune of the two worlds enfolded in him, for,
as he draws nigh, there is another^ assemblage of spectators in the
upper world who exhibit a virgin joy." What marvel is it that the
pure soul and illumined intellect of his Majesty Jah&nbani Janaat
^ Meaning the taf^t'i-rawdn (tra-
velling-litter.)
* Lit : eyes of the SuH&nat.
There is a play on the original mean-
ing. The eyes were to be turned
tow^ards the qibla, etc,
* J^^^ dafnbdl From lin IV.
438 (Jarrett IV. 393) we learn
that Akbar objected to the use of
the word dambdl in poetry as hoing
proaaic. It literally moans fc»i'.
♦ Meaning that there was a second
assemblage, vi»., one in addition to
that upon earth.
ORAPTIB X. 137
-ft^yini should be cognizant of the Divine secrets and be aware of
the traths hidden in celestial treasuries ? Or how is it strange that
there should be an epiphany on the apparition of his Majesty, the
king of kings, the shadow of God, the archetype of the strange
frontispieces of the universe, and collection of the catalogues of the
perfections of the sons of Adam 7 And in an hour which held the
auspicious influences of the conjunctions of the two Fortunes ^ and
of the two luminaries (the Snn and Moon), his Majesty (Akbar)
alighted with felicity and dominion at the majestic and glorious
enclosure, and became fortunb>te by arriving at the station of light
and took repose under the shadow of the phoenix {humd) of eternal
prosperity. The blessed crown (tdrak, i.e., crown of the head] of his
Majesty, the king of kings, was made fortunate by touching the
throne-brushing feet of his Majesty Jahanbftni and by becoming
united to a perfect saint (pir). The latter took him lovingly in his
arms and kissed him on the luminous brow, the tablet of the
fortunes of the two worlds and title-page of happiness everlasting.
Verse.
Whiles he held him to his lip, whiles to his heart, and whiles
to his head.
After gazing on this holy light, the inspired tongue engaged
in returning thanks to the Lord God, Most High and Most Glorious,
and the pole-star-like* head was lowered in supplicating prostration
at the portals of the All-sufficient One.
Verse.^
Not only was the head ever bowed.
Each hair of his body also bent in adoration.
The guardians of the Divine bounty and the treasurers of
infinite auspiciousness delivered that deposit of eternities — ^past and
t Japiter and Yenas ; bat perhaps
this is only a rhetorical waj of
describing the Tneeting between
Akbar and his father or his arrival
in his mother's company. The time
being the end of the month would
be that of the conjunction of the Sun
and Moon.
18
.1 •
> ^^ /(urqad, a bright star near
the Pole. The word is often written
{:}*^j9 and applied to two bright
stars, P and y, in the Little Bear.
(Lane 2387a.)
* These lines are Faint's.
138
lEBAKNAMA.
47
fatnre — into the king's gracioos bosom and warbled, sweet and low^
this strain of thanksgiving.
Verse,
This is the Divine deposit.
Ask of this treasury whatever thoa desirest^
This is he in whose heart they placed
Essential sabstance, verity absolute.
This is he whose threshold's ka'ba^
Is seized upon by kings as their altar {qibla).
This is he who hath the foot of dominion,
Enlightener of the throne royal.
Readers of the page of the human countenance beheld him with
the eye of meditation and reflection and physiognomists perused
him with the glance of consideration and contemplation.
Verse.
What did they see 7 A picture such as never
Did they see in Creation's tables.
From astonishment naught did tbey say, save
Hail, Light of Wisdom, Eye of Insight, hail.
Kingly lights shone from his lustrous brow. The letters
" Shadow of God " were apparent in the lines of his palm. The
witnesses of Season were visible in the composite of his substance.
The notes of Theosophy were manifest in his whole being. Justice
was demonstrated in the evenness of his temperament. Proofs
of beneficence were revealed in the essence of his nature. The
characters of a Lord of Conjunction shone out from the fair schedules
of his ephemeris. Knowledge of occult sciences was evidenced in
the illumined records of his constitution. Remote mysteries were
revealed by his keen sight. Far-reaching thoughts streamed oat
from his lofty glance.
1 The allusion probably ia to the
threshold of the Caliph's palace at
Baghdad which contained a piece of
the famous black stone of Mecca.
Sec Richardson's Diet. a. v. dar and
D'Herb^lot art. Bab,
CHAPTER XI.
139
CHAPTER XI.
Account ot bomb of the wonderful eteostics on the auspicious
BIRTH OF HIS MaJESTT, THE KINO OF KINGS.
Ingenious men made eteostics in prose and verse on the noble
nativity and composed gratulatory odes. They tendered them for
acceptance at the Court of his Majesty Jahanbani which was the
assay-room of human jewels^ and received glorious gifts.
Among them^ this chronogram by Maulana Nuru-d-din Tartan ^
received the palm of applause and approbation.
Quatrain.
When the fateful pen of destiny wrote the record.
It added a comment to the immortal verse
And wrote, " From the birth-boon of the world's king of kings
"The date is ghahinshah Jahangir.*'* (World-seizing king of
kings.)
And this wonderfully apposite chronogram was discovered by
one of the learned of the Age.
Verse.
Laus Deo ! there has come into being '
He who is the world's epitome,
A king greater B than the kings of the Earth,
I For an account of bim, see
Blochmann No. 55, (541) and Badaoni
III. 157 and especially 197. He ended
his days as guardian of Humayan's
tomb.
^ Tbese words make 949 as follows.
6h=300 ali=300
b= 5 h= 5
n= 50 j= 3
b= 5
5= 1
n= 50
g= 20
i= 10
r=200
Total ... 949
• AkbaVf comparatiyo of KoMr.
140
▲TBARMlMA.
Akbar his name^ Jal&I (Glorious) his title.
The year^ the month, sycthemeron of birth
Are '' Sunday night, five Rajab."i (949 H.)
I
I
ydk'Sbqminhr pcmj rajah. The text
has an u and the editors remark
that this makes the number of
years six too much, m's. : 955, but
that if the ii be excluded as in one
of their MSS. the letters giye the
correct date, 949. I find that the
Lacknowed. andNo.564 omit the u.
The letters give 94B thus :—
Ih— 300 flh = 300
b= 2 n=. 50
1= 10 b = 2
ks 20 h = 5
P= 2
r=200
n= 50
i= 3
i= 3
b= 2
Total
... 949
According to Mu. calculation Akbar
was bom on Sunday night, for they
count the night first and then the
day, beginning at sunset, bat accord-
ing to ordinary parlance, he was
bom on Saturday night, t.e., early on
Suiiday morning.
CHAPTER XII.
141
CHAPTEE XII.
ThANESQIVING of Ast^L-FAZL^ THE AUTHOR OF THIS NOBLK VOLUMS^
FOB HAVING BEHELD THE TIME OF THIS SOYEBEIGNTT AND FOB
HATING LONG SERVED HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF KINGS.
Altliongli it be a heavy sorrow thatj at the rising of the Lumi-
nary of Fortune^ the author of this noble volume was in the abode of
non-existence,i without being or the adornment of Divine worship,
yet how can he discharge his debt of thanks for the grand mercy of
his having witnessed the era of the subjectively and objectively Great
One, the ruler of the visible and the invisible ? and of having been
one on whom has fallen the glance of his favour and guidance ? And
hundreds more of thanks for this, that, ere he had seen the holy
horoscope, or its noble secrets and wondrous glories had been revealed
to him, he had understood that perfection of sanctity and sovereignty 48
which is beyond the reach of the astrologer's science, and was a
slave of the Divine power.* And praise upon praise be to God that
I am not, like Imamu-1-kalftm, Qassanu-l-'ajam, Lisanu-1-haqTqat,
Qaklm ^Sqani,* sighing for the Lord of the Age who is indispens-
able for the control of the visible and invisible worlds. For instance
he has written thus :^*
1 Aba'1-fazl was bom 14th Jan.,
1551, 80 that he was 8 years and 3
months younger than Akbar.
* The author is referring, in part,
to the supposed fact that the true
horoscope of Akbar was not known
until 1583.
' S^aqani is a famous Persian
poet who died at Tabriz in 580
(1185), according to one account and
in 595 (1199) according to another.
The lines quoted by A. F. are to be
found in BJiaqani's Quatrains, (St.
Petersburg ed. 1875) p. 26, Ruba'l
145 and p. 18, Buba*l 101. See also
J. A. S. B. New Series xxxvi. Oct.,
1841, 156. For account of KhaqanT.
see M. Khanykov's Memoir, Jowmal
AsvatiqtM, Sixth Series, 1864, iv, 137
et aeq. and 1865, v, 298.
142
akbabnIma.
Qiuitrain.
They say that every thousand years of the world
There comes into existence a true man.
He came before this, ere we ^ were bom from nothingness.
He will come after this when we have departed in sorrow.
Elsewhere he says.
Every now' and then, the world is saturated with wretches.
Then a shining soul comes down out of the sky.
Ehaqani I seek not in this Age for such a thing.
Sit not by the way for the caravan will come late.
By auspicious good fortune, I obtained the service of this issuer of
universal orders and explicator of the ways, and by the favour of his
patronage and exalted kindness, conifort was brought to my soul, —
perturbed by the deceptions of the day and dumb-founded in a wilder-
ness of wants, — and no connexion with the world nor anxiety
remained save to acquire his favour which indeed is tantamount to
the pleasing of God. And my mind being freed from the bondage
of secularity and the restraints of the world, was neither agitated ^ by
regret for the past nor longing for the future. Hereafter* there will
be given in its proper place, an account of my obtaining the blessing
of his service, of my reaching the shade of favour and kindness, and
of my being exalted above the apices of honour and eminence to the
Seventh^ Heaven of cognition {ma^rifat) .
1 1 adopt tho reading of the St.
Petersburg MS. and No. 564, of ^
ma instead of the k ya of the Text.
« See text, p. 61, 1.6 fr. foot, for
the word har-ydk-chandi.
8 The allusion is to KhaqSni's
quatrain. A. F. means that having,
like Raphael in Hypatia, found the
true man, he neither sighs for a past
appearance nor longs for a future
advent. Cf . Wordsworth's " The past
unsighed for and the future sure."
♦ See Text III. 83fE. A. F. was
introduced to Akbar in the 19th
year. 981 (1574).
k Qjuirfat, paradiBc. It means first
an upper chamber and hence is
used to denote the Seventh Heaven
or highest place in Paradise. (Lane
2249c.) A. F. means that, by acquir-
ing Akbar's intimacy, he has risen
higher than if he had had high office
and distinguished outward rank.
Blochmann remarks (xxviii) that
A. F. "never ciccepted a title,"
But this is rather a question-begging
phrase. He is No. 71 in the list of
ManBahddrs, being a Commander of
Four Thousand and he had the title
of 'Allami. Bayazid calls him
Nawab.
CUAPTBR XIII.
143
CHAPTER XIII.
Abbangement of the lofty-titled line and list of the noble
NAMES of the EMINENT ANCESTORS OF HIS MaJBSTT^
THE KINO OF KINGS.
The following list gives the excellent appellations of the heaven-
descended forefathers of bis Majesty, who are linked to celestial^
ancestors by degrees of exaltation and gradations of greatness^ and
all of whom came as kings^ kings of kings^ kingdom-bestowers and
king-makers, and governed the world by God-given wisdom and true
insight, such as justice and equity require, so that they have left
behind them on this earth the reverberation of a good name, which
is a second life, or rather, is life eternal.
List.^
1.
Adam. Peace be upon him.
2.
Seth. (Text, §il§.)
3.
Enosh.
4.
Kenan.
5.
Mahalalil. (Text, MahalSTl.)
6.
Jared. (Text, Yarid.)
7.
Enocli. (Ikhnukh, Text.)
8.
Metlinsalah.
9.
Lamecb.
10.
Noab.
11.
Japbetb. (Text, Yafii.)
12.
Turk.
1 LC9^ C5^f dbaX 'aUol, sublime
fathers, i.e., the seven planets.
> The original gives the list in an
ascending order, beginning with
Akbar. I have taken the names of
the patriarchs from the revised ver-
sion of the Old Testament.
144
AKBABNlMA.
(Text, Gayuk.)
(Text, Aifeur.)
13. Alinjai ^fin.
14. Dib Baqui.
15. Kayuk !^an.
16. Alinja l^an.
17. Mu^^al Kban.
18. Qara ^an.
19. A^uz iOian.
20. Kun SiSn.*
21. li :^an.
22. Yalduz l^m.
23. Mangali ^an. (Text, MankalT.)
24. Tingiz Khan.
25. II Khan.
26. QiySn.
(Here there is a break.)
Of the descendants of Qiyan are ; —
27. TTmur Tasb.
28. Mangali ^Otwaja.^
29. Yalduz.
30. Ju^ina Bahadur.
31. Alanqu^a, daughter of the preceding.
32. Buzanjar Qa'&n/ son of the preceding.
33. Buqa Qa*an.
34. Zutamin Khan.^ (Also Dutamin.)
35. Qaydu Khan.
1 Major Raverty (Jfa&aga^-i-na«irf,
873n) prefers Alminja. Sir H.
Howorth has lltchi. Apparently
Alinja is the grandson and not the
son of Tnrk, his father's name having
beenTutak. Probably "Alinja" is
wrong for we find this name a little
lower in the list. Col. Miles (Gene-
alogical Tree of the Tarks) has
Obluchi.
• Major Barerty (880) says that
Kun means the Sun, Ai the Moon,
and YaldCLz a star, and that the three
were brothers. A. F. in his account
of Oghuz Khan makes them brothers
and also mentions Tingiz (Le., the
sea) as one. (Text, 60 1.2 fr. foot.)
* It appears from D'Herb^lot that
this is the Turkish form of Michael,
hence its frequent recurrence.
* Qddn, KhaklLn. i.e.. Great Khan.
* Variously written in the text. In
one place it is Damanln. Howorth
has, after Erdmann, Dutam Menen.
(I. 39.)
CHAPTER lux.
U5
36. Baysang^ar Khftn.
37. Tamana O^an.
38. Qaculi Bahadur.^
39. Iradam-ci Barlfis.
40. Sughnj-ci.g
41. Qaracar Nayfin.s
42. loal Nayan.
43. Alankir Balildar. (Yar. tn/ra, Ailanyar ^an.)
44. Amir Barkal.
45. Amir TargghaT,
46. ^ahib Qarfin Qu|bu-d-dany& wa-d-dm^ Amir Timur Gurgan.
47. Miran S^ili.^
48. Sultan Muhammad Mirza.
49. Sultan AbQ Sa'Id Mirz§.
50. 'IJmar gl^ai^ MirzS.
51. Zakira-d-din Mul^ammad Babar Pftdsb^ih.*
52. NaQiru-d-dm Muhammad Humayun Pad^fih.
53. Abu'l-Mueaffar^ Jalalu-d-din Mul^ammad Akbar Psdsh&h.
^ Here, for some time, the list
ceases to record the names of kings.
Q&G&Ii is also spelled QajSlI. He
was twin-brother of Qabal Khan, the
ancestor of Cinglz Eh&n. In ac-
cordance with his father, Tumana's
interpretation of his dream, he
became Commander-in-Chief. (See
his biography infra.)
* Spelled also Sughn-jijan. It
means wise, according to Baverty
(898).
• Spelled also Nu-yln. The word is
explained as meaning, in Mongolian,
king's son or prince and also a chief
or general. See Jarrett III. 344?i.
where it is transliterated Novian.
See bIbo Fao'hang'i'BasItidX II. 277.
Qaatrem^re {Basiidu'd'dtn, Trans.
76.) says, " Le mot noian c;by on
noin qui appartient k la languo
mongole, d6signait le chef d*an
19
toman, c'est k dire d*an corps de dix
mille hommea."
* Blochmann (Grenealogical Table)
calls him Jalalu-d-dln Mir&n Shah
and A F. does so too. (Text 81.)
* Galbadan mentions that Babar
took the title of Padfihah after the
birth of Hnmayan. PadfiJiah was
changed to Badghah in India because,
s^jB Blochmann, Fad means orepitut
ventrU^
< In the preface of the Persian
translation of the MdhdWharat, (B.M.
No. 5638, p.8.) A F. calls him Aba'l-
fat^ and this is the name given in
the document drawn up by A.F.*a
father, Mubarak, and others and
preserved by Badaouf. (Blochmann
185 and Lowe 279.) There too he
is styled Qtkazl. A.F. also uses the
title Aba-l-fat(i in the introductory
verses of the TafBir^i-Akharl or Groat
146
▲KBARNAlll.
49 Let it not be concealed that the aaspicioas record of these higb-*
bom ones is implanted and contained in the breast-pages^ of the
transmitters of words^ and recorded and expressed by the conserving'
tongues of the writings of epochs^ as far as Yaldiiz who is the 25th*
{i,e,f counting upwards) in ascent from his Majesty and that for the
period from Mangali !^waja to II ^an^ which may be reckoned
as 2^000^ years^ nothing has come to light. The cause of this will
be explained hereafter.
From II ^an to Adam there are 24 ^ persons. These hare
Commentary which he presented
to Akbar on his second introduction
to him in 982 (1574). (The abjad
value of the words TafB%r-i'Akhar% is
983, but the introduction took place
in 982 H. See InaJid, III.) The full
name of the Emperor as there given is
Abu'1-fath Jalalu-d'dln Muhammad
Akbar Sh^l^ Al-Ghazi. and it would
seem that the Commentary which
A.F. then presented was on the
opening of the Suratu-1-fath, in allu-
sion to Akbar's name and also to his
recent victories in Bengal. On the
other hand, Faizl (Nat u Daman
Calcutta ed. 1831. 24.) calls Akbar,
Ab&*l-mu2affar Jamalu-d-daula Q
Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Akbar.
Perhaps Mus;affar was the original
name and was changed to Fat^i,
after the victories in Bengal and
to assimilate it to the name of
Akbar*s favourite residence, FathpQr
SikrT. The words Mu^affar and
Fatl^ are nearly synonymous, one
meaning a victory or victorious, and
the other victory.
This seems a fitting place, for
noting that the first letter of the
word Akbar is short and the Em-
peror's name should not be pro-
nounced Akbar but Akbar. Hence
the word used to be written in
English Ukbar or Ukber. The word
Akbamdma has a double meaning;
it may signify the History of Akbar
and also the Great or Supreme Book.
It is perhaps rather significant that
both A.F. and his brother should
omit the title of Ghaxi which was
given to the young Akbar after the
defeat of Hemu.
' Or, pages issuing from.
* That is counting Akbar as No. I.
According to the series given by the
author, Yalduz (it is Yalduz, No. 2,
and the No. 29 of the English list),
is the 24th. jadd or ancestor of
Akbar. Either on this account or
because he found four in his MS.
Chalmers has 24th ancestor.
* Apparently this should be Qlyan
E^an for he is described as the son
and not merely as the descendant
of II Qian. For a similar reason,
it should be Timur Tash and not
Mangali Ql^aja.
* It will be pointed out hereafter
that A.F. has greatly overstated the
time during which the Mughals were
in Irganaqun. Other historiaas
give the time as between 400 and
500 years.
* Chalmers makes this 25, and this
is correct, unless one exclude Tl
Khan himself.
CBiPTKB lilt.
147
beun described by hiatoriaiiBi and a brief account of tbem will be
given.
Far'^sighted pbilosophera who with ripe judgment and God-given
wi8dom> have investigated the records of the past^ and who have
made the recognition of truth a sacred trusty and who exhibit research
in the weighing of facts, are aware that the hearsay reports and
traditions about man's origin occurring 7,000 years ago is a thing not
to be accepted by sages who contemplate the rise^ and decay of the
world and (can appreciate all the tones) of the seven climes.
In these matters^ right-thinking and far-seeing Reason, after true
and just investigation^ sometimes answers in the negative, and some-
times, out of caution — that baiting place of tranquillity and station of
wisdom — delays either to admit or to deny.
By help of Reason— -the glory of the world, — and the assistance
of trustworthy records and reliable statements about the world, such
as the ancient books of India and Cathay (^ij^a), etc., which have
been preserved from the agitations of accidents and with which agree
the principles of astronomy and the conclusions of astronomical obser-
vations, (and such things yield trustworthy evidence) and also from
the successive series of the biographies of the sages of those coun-
tries and the catena of opinions of this disciplined body (philoso-
phers), it appears that the beginning of the world and of mortals and
the source of the manifestations of the Divine attributes has not
been discovered. Either it is eternal, as was the opinion of many
ancient philosophers, or of such antiquity as to approximate to
eternity.
The sect of Siurha* (Jains) who are preeminent in all the
countries of India for austerity, asceticism and science, divide time—
50
1 LU. observe the spring and
autumn of the four-fold garden (t.e.,
the world) and know the gamut of
the seven assemblages from the
highest the lowest notes— anjuman,
which I presumes here means climes
and not the planets.
* Colebrooke says (As. Res. IX.
291.) " In Hindustan, the Jains are
usually called Syauras but distin-
guish themselves into Sravacas and
Yatis." The name does not seem
to be in use now. I do not know
its origin unless it be a corruption
of 9^^tSmbara. [See Jarre tt IV,
210n.)
The name Syaura was evidently
in common use in S&rat in the
middle of the last century for An-
quetil du Perron refers to it and
SI
148
akbarnIsi.
called kdl in the Indian language— into two parts. One is Avaaarpini
(descending cycle) ^ i.e., the period whose beginning is joyful and end
grievous^ and the other is TJtsarpini (ascending cycle) ^ i.e., the oppo-
site of the first. Each of these periods is divided into six parts,
called draa.^ Each dra has a distinct name in accordance with ita
speciality.
The first dra of the Avcaarpi^ is called BuWimdn^sukhmdn, the
meaning of the reduplication being that this portion brings joy upon
joy and happiness upon happiness. The length of this happy time is
four hOrdhf^'Sagar. The name of the second dra is Sukhmdn, i.e.9
a time of felicity and joy. Its duration is three kfirdkOr'Sdgar* The
name of the third dra is Sukhdm [Suhhrrutn) Dukhmdn, i.e., sorrow
and misfortune crop up in the time of joy. Its duration is two
kf^rdkOT'edgar. The fourth dra is called Dukhmdn-gukhmdn, i.e., joy
and freedom from care rise up in the time of grief and sorrow. Its
duration is less than one klh'dkor by 42^000* years.
The fifth dra is Dukhmdn being, the opposite of the second which
was Sukhmdn. The duration of this dra is 21,000 years. The sixth
dra is Dukhmdn^dukhmdn being the opposite of the first. Its length
is likewise 21,000 years. The names of the dras of the second period
{Utsarpifii) are the same but the first of them corresponds to the
sixth dra of the first period, the second to the fifth, the third to the
fourth, and the fourth to the third, the fifth to the second, and the
sixth to the first of the first period. Their opinion is that at the
Bays, (Diteours PrSliminair^ 365),
thftt the two leading classea of
Hindus at Sftrat are the Brihmaos
and the Scionras. He calls those,
Hinda priests, and says that they
also go by the name of Djettis (ToUb).
They seldom marry, he sajs, dress
in white and hare the head un-
covered and wear their hair short,
*«like the Abbe9 in Franoe.** They
carry a "halUH" (brush) to clean
the places where they sit down* lest
they should crush an insect. In a
note, he says that the Scionras call
the first man Rikaba DeTa and his
mother, Mam Devi, and that they say
these beings were created by God
in Aiodha, «^ the north of Delhi
(OndhP). Probably, however, Aio-
dha is a misprint for Agroha or
Agaroa. (See Tieffenthaler L 13S,
where Sarang is probably a miatake
for Scionra). Perhaps thia is why
they compared {See Text) the hair of
yw^cJa infants with that of Delhi
children.
I Sanskrit ^ifC Sra, a spoke in
time's wheel.
* So also As. Res. IX. 258. Major
Mackenaie's account of the Jaina.
CHAPTER XIII.
]49
present day^ two thousand and odd years of the fifth dfa of the first
period have elapsed.
Beit known ^ that the arithmeticians of India call 100^000 a
laTc; ten laka a prayut, ten prayHts a krOr, one hundred knyra
an arhj ten arba a hharba, ten hharba a nihharbf ten m^Aarb^ a
inahdaaruj or padm, ten j!>a<Im« a aankha, and ten aankhaa a tfammlr
or Z?0ra&:(>r.
Be it known also that their opinion is that in a former period^
in a particular place^ a son and a daughter were bom at each birth,
a notion also prevalent amongst ourselves.*
This sect thinks also that the hair of the infants of the district
of Delhi is 4096 times coarser than the hair of those beings whom
they cBlljugli^ [yugala).
1 As to these numbers, see Jarrett
ni. Ill and Faizl's Lilavath Cal.
1828, 7 and 8. The statement in the
text may be put into tabular form
as follows .—
100,000 = laJe.
1,000,000 =prayut.
10,000,000 = hror.
100,000,000 = arh.
1,000,000,000 = kha^.
10,000,000,000 = nihharh.
100,000,000,000 = fMhdsaruJ.
or padm,
1,000,000,000,000 = sankha.
10,000,000,000,000, = samudr or
koraJeor.
In Text it is stated that 100
krore, t\d., 1000 millions = an arh but
this is probably a mistake for 10
krare. (See the scale in Atn, Jarrett
III, 111.) Cf. mrra^tmr- Mahdearvj
Qreat Lake-bom, i.6., the lotus,
Monier Williams (Dictionary 761a);
says it is equal to makdmhujc^ ue.,
a billion.
SA.F. is apparently referring to
the Mu. tradition that Eve produced
twins at every birth, vie,, a boy and
a girl. He may also be referring to
the views of the Oerbanites as given
by Abraham Ecchellensis (Principles
of Geology, Lyell, Chap. II). In that
case, the words son and daughter
should be translated male and
female.
B (Jarrett lY. 196 and 200.) Sansc.
yugaJa, a pair. I do not know why
the number 4096 has been selected ;
4696 is given in the ^«nas the period
that had elapsed from the reign of
Yudhi^thira to 40th Akbar (Jarrett
n. 15) and also as that from the
Deluge to the time of writing the
Iln, i-e., 40th Akbar (1596 A.D.).
Perhaps 4096 is a mistake for 4696.
The passage (about the hair) occurs
also at lln II. 104 (Jarrett III. 200)
but there seems an error in the Ain
(Text) inasmuch as it represents the
hair of a yugala child as 4096 times
thicker than that of a Delhi child.
The point, however, clearly is that
the chopped hair (See Text infra)
used for filling the cavity, be exces-
sively fine, to wit, that of a yugala
150
akbibnIma.
51 And they say that if the hair of a seven days old ju^U infant^
which is excessively fine^ be subdivided to the uttermost and an abyss
(lit,, a well) ten miles ^ in depth, breadth and lengthy be filled with
such particles and after a lapse of a hundred* years^ one segment be
taken out^ the time in which^ at this rate^ the abyss will be emptied
is a palupam {J ^^ paly a). And when ten samvdr, — anexplana*
tion of which term has already been given^ — of palupa7n{H) have
elapsed^ the period is a adgar. The durations of the aforesaid cycles
transcend^ in their opinion^ the power of calculation or description.
Their opinion also is that for the management of the visible and
invisible world, twenty-four venerable men {ddam) come forth from
the hidden universe into the apparent one, every six dras and then
passim away. The name of the first of these is Adinath and they call
him also Baghunath. The sway of this chosen one of God lasts fifty
krdrs of laks of adgaraa. The name of the last is MahftvTra.^
His sway lasts for 20,000 years, of which 2,000 have elapsed at the
present day. And the belief of this sect is that these twenty-four
have come into existence many times and will come again many
times.
child, which is 4096 times finer than
that of a Delhi child and that of a
seven days' yugala child being still
finer. Golebrooke (As. Res. 1. c. 313)
quotes HSmacandra'a Yocabulary,
and says, "I do not find that he
"anywhere explains the space of
" time denominated Bogara or ocean.
" Bat I understand it to be an extra-
" yagant estimate of the time which
'' would elapse before a vast cavity,
*' filled with chopped hairs, could be
*' emptied at the rate of one piece of
** hair in a century ; the time required
" to empty such a cavity measured by
" yojofnM every way is a palya and
" this repeated ten eoiia of eoiU times
" is a 9dgaTa 1,000,000,000,000,000 pair
"y(W=one Bogara or adgaropcMta"
1 Fonr Jcd$, but the Indian word is
yojana.
> The Ain has 100 years, and this
seems the correct reading here for
B.M. MSS. Nos. 5610 and 1709 have
har 9ad sal, every hundred years.
In the text is tad hoMdr, a hundred
thousand.
>This is, apparently, differently
stated in the Atn (Jarrett HI, 192),
but perhaps the meaning of the
Aln (Text) is only that 24 demiurges
appear in each dm and live for three
or four difxu,
• * The text has MahidSo, but this
is clearly a clerical error. (See AXn
II. 99, 1.4), where the spelling is
given. The error is apparently re-
peated at U. 106, 1.3 f r. foot.
CHAPtER Xnt.
151
Opinions or thb Bbahxa.
The Brahma of India whose teachings nnd practices are
observed by the majority of Indians^ are agreed that the revolutions
of the world consist of four Ages. The first, the period of which
is 1,728,000 years, they call the Sat Tug. In this Age every single
action of mankind is right, and high and low, rich and poor, great
and small make truth and uprightness their rule, and show a walk
and conversation pleasing to God. The natural life of man in this
Age is 100,000 years.
The second Age is called IVitd and lasts 1,296,000 years. In it,
three-fourths of mankind follow ways well-pleasing to God, and the
natural duration of life is 10,000 years.
The third Age is called the Dwdpar and lasts 864,000 years. In
it, one-half of mankind speak and act rightly, and the natural life is
1,000 years.
- The fourth Age is the Kal Yug. Its period is 432,000 * years.
During it, three-fourths of mortals follow ways of falsehood and
unrighteousness, and the natural life is 100 years.
This school firmly believes that every now and then the Life-Giver
of mankind and producer of beings, brings an ascetic and sage' from
the veil of concealment and non-existence to the palace of manifes-
tation and existence and makes him the instrument for the creation of
the world. This mighty one is called Brahma. Their belief is that a
Brahma lives 100 years, each consisting of 360 days^ and every day*
I Anqnetil du Perron remarks
(Tieffenthaler II. XXI), that the
fourth Age has served to form the
first three hy adding Buccessively
432,000.
S TajcLrrud^ihdd u danisj^-nizhad.
•The word day is used here in
two senseSy first as the nycthemeron
or day of 24 hours and then in its
ordinary sense, as opposed to nightK
There seems to be an error in the
Text J jij^ kazdr u, "a thousand
and" being a mistake for iSX^\jf^
hfisdrun, a thousandfold. The mean-
ing is " equal to a thousand of four
Ages, ».c., Mahdyug(B)" The " 1,000
MoJidyttgis) " is apparently a state-
ment in round numbers, the more
exact figures being 980, for each Manu
existed for 70 kcUpcu (71 according
to another account) or Mahdyiig^B)
and as there are 14 successive Manus
in a day of Brahma, the length of it is
70x14 = 980. Firiihta has copied
A.F. (he acknowledges this, stating
that he is epitomizing A.F.'s transla-
tion of the Mahdbhdrat), but he has
gone to A.F.'s preface rather than to
the AJehamdma, See his Introductioi^
152
AKBAKNilfA.
62 and every night is equal to a thousand times four Ages (Mahdyug.)
In their opinion^ the number of Brahmas who have come into existence
cannot be known by the human intellect^ but they say that according
to what has been received from authorities^ on the subject of Brahmft^
the present Brahmd is the thousand and firsts and that fifty years and
half* a day of the life of this wondrous being have elapsed at the
present time.
The writer of this divine masterpiece has written the account of these
two doctrines according to the translation of learned and pious Indians*
from their venerated books. Also in the writings of gbai^ Ibn 'Arabi^
(Elliot-Dowson's trans. YI. 532 E. n.
E.) A.F.'s preface to the Persian
translation of the Mahdhhdrat is to
be found in the B.M. Add. No. 5638.
It was written in the 32nd Akbar
and contains an accoont of the four
Ages corresponding to that in the
Text. (See 1. c. 12a).
I find in the ^dntiparvaiv^'
(Twelfth Book of the Mahdbhdrai)^
(II, 237, Pratab Chandra Rai's tran.)
that the four Tugs (Ages) contain
12,000 years of the gods, i.e,, 432,000
-T-360 ; and that this period is called
a Devayug. " A thousand such Fii-
gas (i.e., Devayuga$ or Mahayttgcu)
compose a single day of Brahmi.
The same is the duration of Brah-
mS's night."
I oQb Hqai, " trusty friends or con-
fidants." For use of this word, see
Text 121 1.12, A.F. probably means
here Mann or the Manus. Firifthta
has copied the expression and Pro-
fessor Dowson (Elliot YI. 563) trans-
lates, " I have heard from my BrSh-
man friendB, etc."
i It would seem from the Aln
(Jarrett II, 15) that the half day has
not fully expired, for we are told
that 14 Manus appear in each of
Brahma's days. When A.F. was
writing, 50 years had elapsed, and
consequently 360 X 14=5,040 Manus
had appeared. But instead of 7 Man ub
of the first day of the 51st year's
having appeared, t.6., the number
that appear in half a day, we are
told that only 6 Manus had appeared
and departed, and that only a portion
of the time of the 7th, vis., 27 IxUpot,
3 yugou and 4,700 years ' of the 4th
Tug had elapsed. If this be correct,
the 7th Manu had then more than
half his time to run, vi»., 43 kalpoA
out of his 70.
B 8ee Jarrett III, 210 where A.F.
speaks of having got his information
about the Jains from learned men
of the fvetdmbara order, and says
that he could not get exact informa-
tion about the tenets of the Digamy
hcuroB (sky-clad.)
* Apparently the writer referred
to is Mu^yT'u-d-dln Ibnu-l-'ArabI,
author of the Fueusu-hhikam (Hftjl
Ehalfa IV. 424). See Bieu's Cat. II.
8315, item III. and 8326, Item XYII.
and Ar. Cat. No. 233. He was also
the author of the Fuluhat-i-mak'
Idydh (sea Bieu II, 8746) and of a num-
ber of definitions appended to Jor*
xin.
158
and 3ba^]^ Sa'du-d-dm^ l^amui wlio were great saintB and masters
of exposition and ecstacy^ it is sfcated in the explanation of Divine
{Ildhi) days and of Bdbbdni^ days that each Babbdm day is made
up of 1,000 years and every Divine day of 50,000. And the author
of Nafd^iwrUftmnfi^ has related that in the histories of Cathay, it
janl in Flugel's ed. The latter gives
the name as ^'Mohjied-dln Moham-
med b. Ali Hatimi Tajl vulgo Ibn
Arabi dictus," and says he died in
638-1240. A.P. refers to Mn^yl'a-d-
dln in the A%n (II. 221 and Jarrett
in. 873.) 8ee also Badaoni, Lowe,
265.
^ Apparently Sa'da-d-dln Mu. B.
al-Mu'ayyad Qamnt who died 650
H. (Bieu 755a and 1095a.) He is
referred to in the Aln (Jarrett III.
390), and ther^ is a short notice of
him in Prince Dara Shikoh's Safi'
naiU'Utiuliyd' where it is stated that
he died in Shurasan 650 H. (1252
A.D.)
t ^y^j rdbhdnt. Lane defines this
as meaning one who devotes himself
to religious services or exercises, or
applies himself to excess of devotion.
He does not give the meaning of " a
period of time," but states that ra&bl,
the sing, of rubub, means thousand,
and that some say it means 10,000.
Richardson gives ribbt as meaning
thousands, a myriad. In the second
Epistle of St. Peter ii. 8, we have
the expression (as pointed out, I
believe by Sale) " One day is with
the Lord as a thousand years and a
thousand years as one day-" See
also Psalm xc. 4. In the preface
to the Mdha^hdrat, A.F. refers to
the views of Ibn 'Arabt and Imam
Ja'far Sadiq.
20
B See Bieu II. 435a for an account
of this work. It is an encyclopsedia
written by Mu. B. Matimadu-l-&muli.
I have not in B. M. MS. No. 16827,
been able to find the passage referred
to by A. F., but the volume is thick
and has no index. See Jarrett IL
19, where we aret old that 8,884 wcmi
60 years, have elapsed up to the date,
of the Atn. These figures seem in-
consistent with those of the Text,
and apparently both are wrong.
D'Herb^lot (art. Van,) states that the
Mughals reckon that 874 H. corres-
ponds to the 8863rd. van of 10,000
years each, and then adds that 874 H.
corresponds to 1443 A.D. In the
end, the figures will come out nearly
as A.F/s if we substitute a six for
an eight in the Aln figures, making
them 8864 and insert an eight in our
text so as to read 8863 instead
of 863.
Here we are told that 863 wan8,
9,800 years, had elapsed from the time
of Adam to 735 H.= 1 334 A.D. Con-
sequently, 1003 H., 1594 A.D. the 40th
Akbar and the date of the Atn would
correspond with 864 wane, 60 years,
for 1594— 1334=260 years.
874 H. is 88,639,860 years from the
Creation. 847 H.= 1440 A.D., so that
this calculation agrees pretty nearly
with that quoted by A.F. for 1334
A.D., rtz., 8863 toans 9800 years, the
difference being 109-60=49 years.
S^dillot refers to a passage of
l^
AKBAniVA.
IB written that from the time of Adam Abfi-Ubasbar (Father of-
mankind) till now {i*e., the date when the aathor of the Nafd'ia waa
writing) which is 735 H., (1334 A.D.) 8863 wcms^ (Text, 863) 9,800
years have elapsed.
A wan with them is 10^000 years. Such is the wide expanse of
God's kingdom that it is not improbable that these tales and tradi-
tions may be true. There may have been many Adams. Indeed it
is stated by Imam Ja^far Sadiq, (Peace be on him I) that there have
been thousands upon thousands of Adams before the Adam who waa
pur father. And Shaikh Ibn 'Arabi says it is not improbable thai
after a Divine {Rabbdni) week, which is 7^000 years and the period of
the cycle* of the sovereignty of the seven planets, one race is termi-
nated and another Adam puts on the robe of existence.
And now, giving truce to length of words and littleness of
inatter, I proceed to sketch in this glorious record, without converting*
it into extensive histories, the blissful biography of those fif ty*two
persons who extend^ from Adam down to his Majesty, the king of
kings, BO that it may be a cause of increase of knowtedge. As I
know that this exposition of grandeur will be a complement to tho
account of his Majesty, the king of kings, I shall treat it with the
concision which is the adornment of an author.
D'Herb^lot which, he says, is derived
from Greaves. S^illot conBiders
that the true figures are 8863 wana^
9860 years ; or 9820 according to one
MS. This last figure agrees best
with A.F., for in the Aln ( Jarrett II.
19) he says that according to the
Khatdi Era, 8884 wans fiO years have
elapsed up to the date of his writing,
i.6.. 40th Akbar=:1596 AD. 1596-1443
= 158, and this does not differ
materially from 9864 toona 60 years
^8863 vxmt 9820 years = 140.
1 The Text has htur before unmi
which aeems a mistake.
s There is probably some mistake
here. The cycle of the planets was
generally reckoned as much longer
than 7,000 years. See amongst other
places. Principles of Greology, Lyell*
Cap. II. Quotation from Abraham
Ecchellensis. Perhaps A. F. means
that each Bahhanl day is 7,000 years
long and that thus a Rahhani week
is 49,000 years. If ao, the trs. should
be " After a week of Rabbani days/'
* Perhaps "not being satisfied with
big books." The Persian is ikiifa'
for use of which see Text 10, 1.2
fr. foot. A.F. may mean that cer*
tain voluminous histories do not gire
the facts properly.
* A.F. tells us later that these 52
persons do not fill the gap between
Adam and Akbar. There is no re<>
cord of some 25 generations.
CUAfTIS XIT.
15(
CHAPTBR XIV.
AccouKT or Adam (Pbacb bi upon him I)
It iB well-known that he came into existence about 7^000^ years
ago through the perfect power of Grod, without the intervention of
a father's loins or a mother's womb and that he was equably com-
pounded of the four elements. His soul emanated from the fountain
of bounty in perfection proportionate to his body. He was entitled
man {insdn) and received the name of Adam.
At that time the first degree of Capricorn* coincided with the
eastern horizon, and Saturn was in that Sign, while Jupiter was in
Pisces, Mars in Aries, the Moon in Leo, the Sun and Mercury in
Virgo, and Venus in Libra. Some have said that at that time, all
the planets were in their degrees of exaltation, but clearly this does
not accord with astronomy for there is a difficulty about Mercury, — 53
the Sun's exaltation being in Aries and Mercury's in Virgo. But
Mercury can never be more than 27^ distant from the Sua, how then
ean he be in exaltation when the Sun is in exaltation, or how can tha
Sun be in exaltation when Mercury is so f And reflecting on the
astrological principle that Mercury takes the nature of whatever
planet he be associated with, it has occurred to me that Mercury may
have been in the condition of applying^ to some other planet which
was in exaltation.
1 The Era of Adam is described
in the A\n. (Jarrett II, 2.) All the
periods given there are under 7,000
years. The " 7,000 years " of A-F/s
authorities are probably lunar and
about 211 have to be deducted to con-
vert them into solar. Many dates
of the Creation, etc., are given in
the pahlhu-i-Biyar.
* Capricorn is Satom's nocturnal
mansion ; Pisees the nocturnal man-
sion of Jupiter, and Aries the diurnal
house of Mars. There does not
seem to be any special connection
between the Moon and Leo but
perhaps she is there as Vizier or
deputy for the Sun, who is in Virgo,
—the nocturnal house of Mercury,—
but whose mansion is Leo. Libra is
the diurnal house of Venus.
S Ittifdl, This is the technical
meaning of the term but A.F. may
only intend that Mercury was near
some other planet.
156
akbarnIma.
Adam was of loftj stature^ of a wheaten colour^ had carling
hair and a handsome countenance. There are different accounts of
the stature of this patriarchy but most agree that he was sixty cabits
high. Almighty God produced Eve from his left side and gave her
in marriage to him^ and by her he begat children. Historians liave
told many strange and wondrous things about this hero and though
there be no difficulty about the extent of God's power, yet experi-
enced and practical men of the world, on looking to the course of
nature, rather hesitate about accepting them. It is said that at the
time of his death, he had 40,000 descendants, and that his immediate
children were 41, viz., 21 boys and 20* girls, but some say there were
19 girls. Seth was the most eminent of them all.
Some have said that Adam wrote about elixirs* (?) {ta^ftndt) and
^ The Mu^mmadan tradition is
that Eve, at every parturition pro-
duced twins except at Seth's birth.
He was born alone,— hence the
numbers 21 males and 20 females.
See account of Seth, infra,
* The Text and No. 564 have
c^U^Aaj ta'findi. Ordinarily this
teems to mean evil smells or putri-
dities, but Steingass gi^es also the
meaning tincture — "(^:^4•** ta^ftn
V. n. 2 of u^ tincture)." If this be
taken in the sense of elixirs or
efficacious drugs, it may be that
ia*findt is right and it agrees with
the statement in the ffabthu-B'Siyar
that Adam's book dealt, among
other subjects, with the properties
of medicines. Yet A.F. would
hardly class medicine among the
occult sciences. In the sense of
tincture, possibly ta'flndt has refer-
ence here to the tradition mentioned
in the Prolegomena to the Zofar-
ndma, that when Adam was cast
out of Paradise, he fell upon the
mountains of Ceylon, and spent 100
years there in prayer and penitence.
During this time, he wept so much
that plants grew up out of the pools
of his tears, and all of these wero
medicinal or aromatic like cloves*
cinnamon, etc.
In B.M. No. MCCCVI, (p. 19)
(Bieu, Ar. Cat. 601,602) which is the
Ar. Text of ghahrazurl's Tdnjfjy-w
hukamd, the word is not ta'findt but
apparently, alba'qindt, which does
not seem to have any meaning. The
passage is cs#UaAiia/| ^ uaSI* u'^'4
ba'^i kutuh fi-Uba*qindt, Perha|Ni
the word should be ciUuSJf alyaql-
nlydt, "certainties" such as articles of
religion. In I.O. No. 1579, (Per.
trs. of Sh&hrazuri by one Maqfad
'All of Tabriz) we find (16a) that
unfortunately the alba*q%ndt or alya*
qlniyat of ghahrazurl's Text ia re-
presented by a word without dia-
critical marks. The passage is u
didam man ba*3fi az k^Uubhd^^'^rd dor
oUaiu goWr imam. Taking the
illegible word to be ta*BXbat f r. to'f I6»
the appointing a man as chief and
OHAPTRR XIV.
157
other occult sciences. For example the very learned Sliahrazuri ^
has BO stated in his *' Lives of Philosophers/' It is said Adam died
which with ftakir, may mean the
external marks or indications of
Buch a person, this may be rendered,
" And I saw yarious books about the
marks (or notes) of an Imam*' (P
anamt mankind.) Some countenance
is given to thi^ view by finding that
Seth, a son of Adam, laid down 16
rules or marks of a true believer
(mu*min) as if the father had laid
down those of an Imam (apostle) and
the son, those of a disciple.
Another suggestion which has
occurred to me is that the word is
oUW) al'hayyindt, demonstrations,"
and which has also the technical
sense of " cabalistic interpretations of
the meanings of letters." This word
occurs in Hsji Khalfa's account of
the Sifr-irddam (Book of Adam)
(Fluegel's ed. III. 599,600.) Here
we are told that Adam's book was
written on 21 olive leaves of Paradise
and its gates (?) and dealt with the
properties of letters, etc.
One more suggestion remains, vis.,
that A.F/s word is tajtlndt, i.e., Heb.
iephillim, "amulets or phylacteries."
The variants in the notes to our Text
do not seem of value, and MSS.
which I have consulted, throw no
light on the point. Evidently the
word is used in an unusual sense and
the copyists have been unable to
understand it.
The n of ia^flndt does not, I think,
occur in the MSS. I have consulted.
In the beautiful MS. of Halhed
(No. 6610, 81 1.8 fr. foot) the word
appears to be ia»tfti«5 ia'fiyat, " obliter-
ations, amendments." In B.A.S. Na
116 it . is clearly written va»UiW
ia*qliydt, and this might yield a good
sense for ia'qliydt (fr. *aqT) seems to
mean abstruse points in philosophy.
(Lane 2114 a and h.) R.A.S. No. 117
has eiUtoi ia*JiydL
^ This is the Imam Shamsu-d-din
Muhammad Shahrazuri referred to
by Amir Khwand (Khondamir) in
his Khald8€Uu4-aJi^hdr, (Persian
Munshl, Gladwin, 1801, Fart II.
265,266.) The Bau^tU'S-safd (Re*
hatsek ll. Part I.) states that he was
the author both of the TdrtH^-uhuka'
md and the NcuihaiU'4»qulub (Hearts'
Delight), but if so, the latter is ap-
parently not the work described by
Bieu (I. 416a.) Shamsn-d*dTn is also
mentioned in B.M. Ar. Cat. 209, 601,
602. The book there described is
anonymous and entitled NaahaiU'U
a^rtoah u Bau^at-l'trfrdh, ''Delights
of Souls and Gardens of Joy, 06-
leciamen Spirituum ei Viridarium
Oa/udiarum" but Dr. Bieu observes
that it agprees almost entirely with
the work of Shamsu-d-dfn ash-Shah^
razdrt described by Qiji Khalfa
(Fluegel YI. 821.) It is in two parts,
the first, an account of ancient
philosophers, the second, of those
subsequent to Mut^ammad, and it
contains 108 Lives (that described
by Ha ji Khalfa had 111 .) Apparently
TdriV^'i-hulMmd is the secondary
title. It seems to have been
written at Bafra in 995 (1587).
Its anthor wrote a commentary on
Shahrawardl. a philosopher who was
158
AKBABNAHA.
in India and was buried on a mountain in Ceylon i (an island) which
lies towards the south and which is now known by the name of
Qadamgdhrd-ddam (Adam's footprint^ i.e., Adam's Peak.) He was ill
21 days and Eve died, according to one account, a year, according
to another, seven years and according to a third, three days after
him. Seth, his successor and administrator, buried her by Adam'a
side, and it is reported that Noah brought their coffin on board the
Ark at the time of the Deluge, and afterwards buried them on
Abu qubaia.^ According to another account, they were buried in
Jerusalem, and according to a third tradition, in Najf-Kuf a.^
Seth — Pbacb bb upon him
Was the most excellent of Adam's immediate descendants, and
was born after the catastrophe of Abel. It is said that whenever
Eve became pregnant, she gave birth to a son and a daughter, but
that Seth was born alone. IqlTmlya,^ the (twin) sister of Cain was
put to death at Aleppo by Saladin in
S87 (1191). (D*Herb^lot 8.v. Scheher-
▼erdi.) There is a Per. trs. (T.O.
No. 1579) of the TSntA-i-hukamd by
M aq^iid 'All of Tabriz, begun under
the orders of Akbar and completed
under Jahingfr. The translator
calls the author that pattern of
writers Shamsu-l-mnlka wa-d-din
Manlina ShamBa-d»dln Muhammad
ShahrazUrl. A.F. seems to have
made considerable use of therorl j|^-i«
hMkamd; his account of the three
Hermes in the notice of Enoch
agrees closely with the Persian of
Maq^ad 'All.
Shahrazflr is a town in the hill-
country of Persia and apparently
near the battle-field of Arbela.
(Jarrett III. 80,81.) A.F. gives
Shahrazflr as tha name of a district
also. (Meynard's Ywfii, 856.) The
name is said to mean the city of
Zar,-^the son of ^o^ a Persian
king and founder of the town.
1 A.F. includes Ceylon in India
(HindilstSn.) The Arabs call the
mountain on which Adam waa
buried, BShnn.
' Richardson spells AbU Kaisi«
after D*Herb^lot, and says it is 8 m.
from Mecca. (D*H. 9jv. Abu Gaia
Mecca.) AbU qubais is a mountain
n. of Mecca. Abraham is said to
have proclaimed from it, the insti*
tution of pilgrimage.
i Nedjif about 1| m. (2 hiX,) w. of
Kfifa. (B^clus IX. 458) (Kufab.
Jarret III. 64.) Najf means high
land and tumulus. A.F.'s account
of Adam's burial-place is perhaps
taken from the NafSi9Url-fwMb^
(B.M. No. 16,259a 827.)
* Much of A.F.'8 account of the
Patriarchs seems taken from tha
i2att|uUa-«-f €(/(£ of Mir Shwind (Mf r-
Uiond) and the ^a}X,hvr^'9iyar of his
grandson, Khwind Amir (Khonda*
mir) or from their sources. The
£aMvatu-i-fc(^a has been translated
CHAPTER xnr.
159
given in marriage to him (Seth.) When Adam reached the age of a
thousand^ he made Seth his succefisorj and enjoined all to submit to
him. In succession to Adam, he carried on, by his weighty intellect
the administration of the temporal and spiritual worlds. He always
conducted himself with outward composure and inward efficiency, and
his were the only descendants who survived Noah's Flood. He
is called the first Uriay^ a word which in Syriac means teacher. He
occupied himself with the medical,' mathematical and theologpical
sciences, and spent most of his life in Syria. Many of his descend-
ants abandoned secular affairs and practised asceticism in hermitages.
He left the world when he was 912 years old. Some say that he was
Adam's grandson and that his father was Sulha,* but this tale is
without foundation.
64
in part by Mr. Behatsek, and his
translation published by the Or. Trs.
Fund. This work may advantage-
etisly be consulted in connection
with A«F. See also Persian J^barl»
Zotenberg's trs.
The story of Iqllmlyft is given in
Xabarlf (Cap. XXX.) and in the
12au9aiu-f-«a^. According to one
tradition, Cain murdered Abel on
her Bcconnt, as he was not willing
that she should marry Abel. Her
name is variously written IqlimlyS,
Iqlfmi {fiwrhcM^dti* <• v.) and by
Bayloy Calmana. Iqllmlja means
litharge, foam of silver. After
Abel's death, Iqllmiya was married
to Seth.
^ Mntammadans spell this name
like that of Bathsheba's husband,
but there is no connection between
the two persons. Uriah means
"Light of Heaven." (Ox. "Helps
to the Bible.") D'Herbelot, Art.
Uriai says : " Les Arabes se senrent
do ce mot, qui est tir^ du Chaldajujne
et dn Syriaque Owraui et OurcHo^
pour signifier un Maltre ou Docteur
de la premiere classe, tels qu'ont M'^
Edris, Sliedher, Hermes, qai portent
les titres de premier, second et troi*
si^me Maitres on Docteurs de
rUnivers." Chwolsohn in his work
on the Sabasans, gives the variants,
Ardnt and Arc^ and comes to the
conclusion that the word is noi
Syriac but merely a corruption of
OrfheM. See 1, 782 and 800 where
he says, " sammt und senders cor-
ruptionen aus Orpheus." But may
it not be connected with Ur, ^'O*, the
?r of the Chaldees or with the ur
which means light P The form
Ardnl is given by Mas'adf (Book of
Indication and Counsel, deSacy
IX. 342 n.)
^ This is the Mu^mmadan division
of the sciences. (Blochmann 279 n.)
It is derived from Aristotle.
B The J2<Hi9a<tt-f-s^f(3 (Trs.) has
9uplu^ but is unlikely that Mr.
Behatsek spelt an Ar. word with a jp.
160
AKBABHlMA.
Enosh. "^
Enosli was born when Seth was 600 years old. A nnmber of
writers say that his mother was an immaculately-born^ one whoj
like Adam, was clothed with the garment of life without the instra-
mentality of father or mother. He succeeded his father in accord-
ance with a testament, and was the first who in this cycle^ laid
the foundations of sovereignty.* They say he reigned 600 years.
According to Jewish and Christian* traditions, he lived 965 yeara,-^
according to Ibn Jauzi,* 950, — and according to Qazi Baizftwl,^ 60O.
He had many children.
Kbnan.^
Kenan was the most enlightened, fortunate and sagacious of the
sons of Enosh. After his father's death, this hero, in accordance
with a testamentary disposition, swayed the affairs of mankind and
walked in the ways of his illustrious ancestors. He erected the
buildings of Babylon and founded the city of Sus.'^ They ascribe
to him the first establishment of houses and gardens.
The numbers of mankind greatly increased during his time.
By his wisdom, he distributed them (over the earth), and himself
^ The Baua^iu-a'aafd says his
mother was a houri. (Behataek
I. 67.)
t t.6., he was the first monarch.
He is also said to have first planted
palms.
* According to Genesis, Enosh.
lived 905 years.
« The Aba'l-faraj of the Ain.
(Jarrett 33.) His full name is
Aba'l-faraj 'Abdn-l-ra^man b. 'All
Ibna-l.jaazi*l-bakrf. He died 597
(1200). His work is called the Mun-
taifl/m. (Biea, Ar. Gat. No. 460.)
Quatrembre speaks of Ibn Jaazi as
author of the Mirdlu-a-zamdnf but it
appears that this was written by
Ibn Jauzl's grandson, Aba'l-mus^ffar
Yosuf b. KizaghH who died 654
(1256). (Bieu 1. c. No. 465.)
5 Q5?i Na^fru-d-dln 'Abdu-Mth
b. IJmaru-l-baiz&wf. (Jarrett II.
36n. and Rieu 11. 8236.) His work
is called the Nif^dmU't-tawdriM^, and
is a general history from Adam to
674 (1275). He is best known as a
commentator on the Koran.
^ Text, Qaindn,
T A town in EJhazistan, ancient ly^
the capital of Persia ;— the Sasa of
Herodotus and Shusan of Scripture.
According to the Persians, it was
founded by Hufibang, grandson of
Kaiumara (Gayomars). Mir Khw^nd
ascribes the building of it to Kenan's
son, Mahalalil and says that before
the latter 's time, men lived in cares.
CHAPTER XI?.
161
settled with the descendants of Seth in Babylonia. He lived 926
years^ but some say he drank the water of life, (i.e., lived) 640 years,
and one school says that he consoled the sorrows of the world, (i.e.,
reigned) for about a century.
Mahalalil.
Mahalalil was the best of Kenan's sons. Kenan placed him on
the throne when he himself had attained the age of 900. He ruled 66
for 300 years. He lived either 928 or 840 or 895 years.
Jabbd (Text, Trad.)
Jared was the most right-minded of the sons of Mahalalil and
by his honoured father's orders, he administered the affairs of the
world. He made canals and conduits, and attained the age of 962 or,
according to some, of 967 years.
All these magnates of the household of fortune came into
existence during Adam's lifetime.
Enoch (Text, Ihbnuib.)
Enoch is generally known as Idris, and was the distinguished
son of Jared and bom after Adam's death. Though the last-born
of Jared's sons, he was, in wisdom and intelligence, older than all of
them, and was before them all in felicity and understanding. He is
the first lawgiver since the time of Seth. Some say that Idris was
100 years old at the time of Adam's death and some that he was
860 years. He was unrivalled in his knowledge of the science of
government and the refinements of contrivance. Though some assign
all sciences and arts to Adam, yet, according to most, astronomy,
writing,' spinning, weaving and sewing were introduced by Enoch.
He learned wisdom from Agathodaemon* of Egypt whom they call
Uria the Second.
Among his lofty titles is that of Harmasu-l-har&masa^ (Hermes of
Hermeses or Trismegistus) and he is also called the third Uria. He
^ Blochmann (99) mentions Idris
as the inventor of the Hebrew al-
phabet.
* Text, Aghwtmun, See Al-btr-
21
llnl's India and Chwolsohn on the
Sabseans. Seth is the first Uria.
B A%n II. 49 1.4 fr. ft. Jarrett
III. 109 n.
162
' AKBASNlMA.
attained high rank in theology and sammoned^ mankind to worship in
seventy-two languages. He founded 100* oities, of which Madina-i-
roha* was the least. It was a city of Mesopotamia (Jazft'ir) thong^h
some place it in the ^ijfiz (Petroea Arabia). It was inhabited np to
the time of Hulftku Khan who^ it is said, destroyed it for the sake of
the honour of the country and the well-being of the people.*
He (IdrTs) instructed every tribe and every rank of mankind by
a special procedure in accordance with their capacities. They &&y
that he guided men to the reverence of the Great Light (the San)
for most of them, before his time, were without his abounding
wisdom and did not give thanks for that light of lights. He re-
garded it as the stock of visible and invisible fortune, and prescribed
a great festival at the time of its passing^ from one Sign to another
which is a special time of glory, and above all when it enters Aries.
i The phrase for *' summoned " is
da'imtfa/rmud. The Tdrtli^irhukamd
(Per. trs. 176, foot) has u fiiala'tg-i-
rah'-maakun bahaftdd u du zahdn
da*wat numud u Him u adab
dmoJ^t Mr. Behatsek remarks that
72 is a common number in Mu^am-
madan theology, etc., and that David
is spoken of as having 72 notes in his
voice. Mas'udl says (Meynard, 78)
that after the Deluge, the 72 lan-
guages were divided as follows r—
Shem 19, Ham 17, Japhet36; total
72.
s The Tdnl^'irhuJMmd has 108.
(17& foot.) Aba'l-faraj (Pococke) ed-
1663, p. 6 has 180.
t Text, Zoha, but there is a var.
Boha which I adopt, for the city
meant is probably Edessa, the Roha
of the Arabs and the modern Orfa.
It is in Asiatic Turkey, east of the
Euphrates. (Rdclus IX. 445 and
Lectures on the Jewish Church*
Stanley, 6.) If, however, A.F. means
Edessa, there must be some mistake
on his part, for Edessa was not, I
believe, taken by HulakQ KtAn and
it certainly was not destroyed, for
it still exists. See Quatrem^re'a
Baeh^du-d-din (334) for a note (128)
on a Boha mentioned by Bafih^da-d-
dfn as having been taken by Hul&ko
Khan. In the Persian it is spelt
^jj and Quatrem^re translates
"Houlagou en personne se dirigea
vers Bouhah dont il se rend it
mattre." The note says " J' ignore
quelle est la ville que notre historicn
a voulu indiquer, et si le nom est
oorrectement ^crit." Possibly the
town is Biha or Biah S.W. of Aleppo.
(B^clus IX. 765 and 772 n.)
♦ A.F. here refers to the destruc*
tion of the Ismailians by HnllkQ,
the gp-andson of Cingiz Khan, in the
middle of the 13th century. Cf.
Gibbon's remark that the eztirpa*
tion of the Assassins or Ismailians
of Persia by Hulak^ may be con*
sidered a service to mankind.
^ Lit. alighting of glory and reno*
vation of felicity, — nuzul^i-ijlfH u
tahwtUuiqhdl,
CHAPTER XfV.
163
And whenever the planets^ who are fed from the bounteous table of 66
its rays^ entered their own Houses or attained their exaltation, he
regarded them as of special dignity^ and gave thanks for the wonders
of creation. Such seasons he looked upon as stations and mani-
festations of the favour of Ood^ and he spent all his days in the
service of holy spirits and pure forms.
He also built the pyramids of Egypt which are known as the
Domes of Haraman {Grumbaz-i^haramdn). And in those lofty build-
ings^ all the arts and their tools have been depicted^ so that if the
knowledge of them be lost, it may be recovered. It is recorded that
he deputed one of his nobles to lay the foundations of these pyr-
amids whilst he himself traversed the entire world, eventually re-
turning to Egypt.
Abu Ma'oh^^^ o^ Balkh relates that there have been many
Hermes but that three were preeminent; — (1). Harmasi-haramasa
(Hermes of Hermeses) or Idris whom the Persians call the grandson
of Kayumarg.* (2). Hermes of Babylon who built Babylon after the
Deluge. Pythagoras was one of his disciples. By the exertions of
this Hermes of Babylon, the sciences which had been lost in Noah's
Flood were resuscitated. His home was in the city of the Chaldeans
(KaldSnTn)s which is called the city of the philosophers (wise men)
of the East (Madina-i-filftsafa-i-mashriq). (8) The Hermes of Egypt
who was the teacher of Esculapius (Asqlinus).^ He too excelled in
all sciences, especially in medicine and chemistry and spent much
time in traveL
The birth-place of Harmasu-1-haramasa (Idrls) was Manif
(Memphis) now known by the name of Manuf/ in the land of Egypt.
Before the founding of Alexandria, it was called the city of philo-
i (Jarrett IT. 10. No. 43.) He was
known in the Middle Ages as AI-
bumaser. This passage closely re-
sembles the TdnJ^'i'hukamd (166-
ft. ff.)
S This IS Hnshang. (Tabarl, Zoten-
burg, 1. 100.)
» Mas'adf, de Sa^y. Paris 1877,
IX. 324 n. Their city was KalwS-
dha.
♦ The author of the Tariit-i-tiuka-
ma distinguishes between Escula-
pius, who he says is the son of
Amur, and Asqlinus.
h yjjkfo Manaf, but the a seems
wrong ; the Ain gives Manf or Minf .
(Jarrett III. 75.) It is the Noph of
the Bible. The Text here agrees
closely with the Tdrtfdi'i'hukamd.
164
AKB.4RNAMA.
67
sophers, but when Alexander built that city^i he brougrh^ tlie f >2
Bophers of Memphis and other places to Alexandria.
Among the sayings of Enoch is this> '^The three' most Gjccell
things are tmth when angry, bounty when poor and meircy tt]
strong/' Wonderful stories are told in histories about his depart i
from this world, which wise men hesitate about acceptizigp. CJ
tradition is that he was then 365, another that he was 40o and
third that he was 365.
Methusalah.
Methusalah was the son of Enoch. He had many children, s
that it is difficult to enumerate them. After his father^ lie "was th
head of his tribe and called men to Divine worship. When he wa:
000, he had a son whom he called Lamech. . After that ho lived 2i^i'
years.
Lamech.
Lamech was the unique of his time for lofty character and
exalted virtue. After his father, he became firmly seated on tiie
throne. The period of his life was 780 years. And some call liioi
Lamkan, Lamak, and Lamakh.
Noah (NCh).
Noah, the son of Lamech, was bom under the Sign of Leo,
126 years after Adam's death. He was strong in the ways of reh-
gion and firmly based on the foundation of justice. The story of his
calling^ mankind to the worship of God, the disobedience of Ins
people and the event of the Flood, etc., are well-known.
Historians have mentioned three floods. First, a flood which
^ The Ain gives this name to
Athens. (Jarrett III. 78.)
* This passage occurs in the
Tdril^'i'kukamd. (MTr Ehwind,
Kehatsek I. 72.) The first of these
three things receives explanation
from another remark of Enoch (Mir
Ehw&nd, Behatsek, II. Part I.) to the
effect that a man should beware of
uttering in the time of anger, words
which will be a cause of disgrace to
him. It may be noted here that MTr
Khw&nd's account of some of the
patriarchs is to be found in two
places, — at the beginning of his
work and again among the biogra-
phies of the philosophers.
* Koran, Sura 71. Noah is said
to have invented the ndqui ifji^
s: wooden gong.
CHAFIBR XIV.
165
occurred before our Adam came into existence. Thus ^ the very learned
Sliahrazurl says, " Adam belongs to the first cycle which commenced
after the world had been devastated by the first flood." The second
flood was in the time of Noah and began at Kufa, in the oven" of Noah's
house. It lasted six months, and there were eighty persons in the Ark
{kisAti). On this account the place where they disembarked and settled
was called the Eighty-Market* {8uqu-§-sa7ndntn), The third* flood
was in the time of Moses and was confined to the Egyptians.
Although romancing historians/ in treating of the floods, make the
last two also extend over the whole world, it is evident that this was
not so, for in India,* where they have books many thousand years old,
there is not even a trace of these two floods. To be brief, in a short
space of time, all the eighty occupants of the Ark died except seven,
viz., Noah, his three sons, Japheth, Shem and Ham, and their wives •
Noah assigned Syria, Mesopotamia, 'Iraq and l^urasan to Shem ;
the western countries, and Abyssinia, Indian, Scinde and the Sudan ^
I This passage occurs in the
TdrlJ^i'hukamd (Maqsad 'All).
> This is the Ma^mmadan tradi-
tion. (Xabarl, Zotenberg, I, 108
and Koran, Sale, Cap. XI). "And
"the oven poured forth water, or,
"as the original literally signifies,
" boiled over, which is consonant to
" what the Babbins say, that the
" water was boiling hot." (ilcm?a<'W-
S'Safd, Behatsek I, 90).
ft Ar. Suqu'fi-samdnin, It was at
the foot of the mountain Al Jndi,
I.e., Mount Ararat. (D'Herbelot art.
Th(Mnanin). D'H. states that it
is called also Jazira Bani 'Umar
(in Mesopotamia). Mas'udi says
(Meynard, 74) that Al-Jadi is in the
country of Ba^ra and in Jazira ibn
'Umar, that the eighty persons were
40 men and 40 women and that
8amanin existed in his day, 832 H.
* Referring apparently to the
hailstorm — the seventh plague of
^^yp*^» or perhaps to the overflowing
of the Red Sea.
* Shahrazuri describes Noah's
Deluge as universal (176).
• It is curious that A.F. should
assert there was no trace of Noah's
Flood in the Indian annals for Satya-
vrata and his Flood have often been
identified with Noah and the Deluge.
Probably A.F. identified Satyavrata's
Flood with that which occurred be-
fore the birth of Adam, for Satya-
vrata belongs to the beginning of
the Satya Yuga and apparently A. F.
assigned Noah's Flood to the com-
mencement of the Kali Yuga and the
beginning of the reign of Yudhisfhira,
for he gives 4696 years as the inter-
val between these events and the
40th Akbar. (Jarrett 11-15 and 22).
*> Or, "country of the blacks."
(Jarrett III, 108 and 109. Apparent-
ly A. F. includes the Arabs among
the descendants of Ham.
J 66
AKBARNiMA.
to Ham ; and Chiua^ Sclavonia' and Turkistin to Japheth. And in
the opinion of historians^ the aboriginal inhabitants of those coantries
at the present day^ are descended from these three^ and the lineage
of mankind from the days of the Flood is derived from them. Noah
died when he was either 1600 or 1800 years old. There are other
stories too about his age^ such as that he lived for 250 or 350 years
after the Flood and that he was born either 126 years after Adam's
death or in Adam's last days^ and that he sat upon the throne of
68 guidance^ (i.e,, became a prophet) when he was 50^ or 150^ or 250, or
850 years old, and that he was a guide to mortals for 950 years.
Ham* had nine sons, msr.. Hind, Sind, Zanj (Zanzibar), Nuba,
Canaan, Eus^, Qabt (copt),* Berber, Qabsh (Abyssinia), and some
have written that Ham had six sons. They omit Sind and Canaan
and make Nuba the son of ^ab8b.
Shem also had nine sons, viz., (1) Arfakh^ad,* (2) Kayumar§
/ho is the progenitor of the kings of Persia, (3) Asud^ who founded
Mada'in^ (the twin-cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon), etc., Ahwaz''
and Pahlu (? Peleg) are his sons and Fars is the son of Pahlu, (4)
Ighan ' the father of g^am (Syria) and Biim (Aeia Minor), (5)
Buraj,^ of whom historians tell nothing except the name, (6) Laiiz
(f Lud) from whom the Pharoahs of Egypt are descended, (7) Elam
who built the cities of Khuzistan ; ^urasan and Tambal '^ are his Bonsj
I w^U^ J^faqldb, — the original
Sclavonia, between the Oxus and the
Dnieper, (Jarrett III, 104.) In the
Ain (Text) Saqlfib is described as a
city of Earn which must be a mis-
take for Bus. It seems that SaqiSb
and Chaljbes are the same word.
« Jarrett III, 327. There A.P.
apparently repudiates the idea that
the Hindus are descended from Ham.
* Corresponds to Mizraim of the
Bible.
« Arpachshad of Genesis 10, 22.
* Ashur.
* Ahh Mada'in of Chosroes.
(Jarrett III, 6b and 96. Also III,
32G.)
^ Ahwaz, a town in B[haziatfai
(Persia) on the Karun, (Jarrett III,
65) famous for its weir. (B^lus
IX, 287 and Curzon Pro. G. 8. 1890.)
I Yar. If an and Iqfn and (^a6i6«<>
$»8iyar) Iqan. Probably the last is
correct for the name seems con«
nected with Iconium (Koniah) an^d
to be that of the eponymoas hero of
the city.
' So too ^ahtbu-s-Biyar but it
calls him Naraj.
10 Tubal. Miles calls him Hakyi^l.
Perhaps the same as TQmhel.
(Jarrett II, 245 and 250.) Tambot
appears as a person's name m tb*
Tdril^'i'Raihuli and Babar*a Mc
OHAPTBR XfY.
167
and 'Irftq is the son of ^^araeftn^ and Kirmftn (Carmania) and
Makr&n^ are sons of Tambal^ (8) Aram from whom the tribe of
'Ad is descended^ (9) Buzar whose sons are Azarbaijan, Arfin^
Arman and Far^^n.
Some say that Shem too had only six sons and omit Kayumarg^
Buraj and L&iiz. In shorty there is much discrepancy about the
descendants of those two (Shem and Ham).
Japheth. (TiFiS.)
Japheth was the most just of Noah's sons. The lofty line of his
Majesty^ the king of kings^ is linked with him^ and the Khans of the
eastern cities and of Turkistin all derive from him. He is called
the Father of Turk {Abu'l-turh) , and some historians call him
Alunja Khan. When Japheth left Suqu-s-samftnin with his wife and
family, to go to the eastern and northern countries which had been
assigned to him, he begged his father to teach him a prayer by
which he might have rain whenever he wanted it. Noah gave him
a stone which had the property of bringing rain, and indicated that
he had pronounced over it the Ineffable Name* {lit. Great Name)
with the design that the foolish should not comprehend the matter
and transgress his precepts, or perhaps he really recited the Ineffable
Name over it. And at present there are many of these stones among
the Turks which they call yedatdsi- The Persians call them aang-u
yada^ and the Arabs hajarurUmaiar, (rain-stone). And Japheth, on
I
moirs. TemhcU'liJ^dna was also a
name for Far|^ana, Babar, 196.
1 D'Herbelot art. Macran. Mekran
here appears to be the well-known
maritime province of Baluchistan.
* The passage is obscare and per-
haps there is an error in the Text.
Maulavl 'Abdu-1-^aqq 'Abid, to whom
I referred the passage, writes : " The
meaning is not clear. There may be
some misprint in the Text. As the
passage stands, it may be translated,
' I have uttered over it the Great
Name, in order that the simple, not
getting clue to it, maj not depart
from his (your) command (or counsel),
or he actually uttered the Great
Name over it." The usual account
is that Noah engraved the Great
Name on the stone, and possibly we
should read •^"engraved," for AJj^
"uttered," in the last clause. A
friend has referred me to the passage
in Revelations II, 17, "I will give
him a white stone, and upon the stone
a new name written, which no one
knoweth saving he that receiveth it."
* Babar, Erskine xlvii. Baai^idu-
d-din, Quatrem^re*s elaborate note,
428, and Vullers II, 334a.
168
AKBARNAMA.
59
going to those regions, became a dweller in deserts, and wheneTer
he wished, the cload of God's bounty, came down in rain throagh
the virtue of that stone. In course of time, children were bom
to Japheth and he established excellent laws among them, which
were at once comforting to the short-thoughted and joy-increasing
to lofty minds. He left eleven sons, viz., 1, Turk, 2, Cin, 3, $aql§b^
4, Mansaj,^ also called Mansak, 5, Kamari,* also called Eaimal,
6, S^alaj, 7, ]^azan, 8, Bus, 9, Sadsan, 10, Ghaz,* 11, Yaraj>
Some books mention only eight sons, omitting ^halaj, Sads&n and
Ghaz.
Tube.
Turk was the eldest son of Japheth, and the Turks call him
Yafis 0{^lan.^ He excelled all his brothers in wisdom, management
and care for his subjects. On his father's death, he sat upon the
throne of sovereignty and dispensed gentleness, manliness and relief of
the oppressed. He settled in a place which the Turks call Sll-uk^ or
Salikal and which had hot and cold springs and delightful meadows.
He made dwellings of grass and wood and constructed tents, and
made clothes by sewing together the skins (and furs) of beasts of
burden and of prey. Salt 7 was discovered in his time. One of his
laws was that the son should inherit naught but a sword and thai
whatever was wanted should go to the daughter. They say he was
contemporary with Kayumars, and that as the latter was the first img
of Persia, so Turk was the first sultan of Turkistan. He lived to
the age of 240.
1 The reputed father of Gog and
Magog and, apparently, the Scrip-
tural Mighegh-
• Gomer of Genesis. Probably the
Text k IS the MS g.
. • Guz in VuUers II, 609a. Gozz
in Mas'adl I, 212. The supposed
ancestor of the TnrkomSns.
« D'Herbelot calls him Taraga and
the ninth son, Isan.
^ A note to Text states that
Oghl&n means Hon in Turkish.
• P Issigh-kul. Text, Stlul Per-
haps the river Selonga, but the des-
cription better applies to the lake
of Issik-kul (Hot Water) which is
said to be ten times the size of Lake
Geneva. lUclus YI, 350. It lies K.
of Yarkand. Its waters do not
freeze. The ^Jj^o/amfu-I-atfaA calla
it Jaeelgan. (Miles 25).
"V The diucovery is said to have
been made accidentally by his son
Tdnag or TStak.
CnAPTBR XIY. 169
Alinja Sban.l
Alinja Kh§n was the best of Tark's sons. When the measure
of Turk^s years was fulfilled^ Alinja l^fin was placed on the throne
by the will of the chiefs. He made far-sighted wisdom his rule^ and
spent his days in the administration of justice. When he became
old^ he went into retirement {i.e,, became a hermit).
D!b BlQtJ!.»
Dib Baqui became king on his father's retirement and in accord-
ance with his appointment.
Kiyuk was the worthy son of Dib BHqui. When the father bade
adieu to the worlds he made over the throne of the Khanate to Kiyuk
who, knowing the duties of sove eignty, acted up to them.
Alinja Esan.
Alinja ^iSn was the son of Kiyuk and became heir-apparent in
the end of his father's days. He was extravagant in his liberalities,
and in his reign the Turks became intoxicated^ by the world and
strayed from the path of wisdom. After a long time, twin-sons were 60
boru to him. One was named Mughul and the other Tiltar. When they
came to years of discretion, he divided his kingdom into two portions
and gave one half to Mughul and one half to Tat&r. When their illus-
trious father died, each of the two sons reigned in his own territory,
in harmony with one other.
As this lofty line (Akbar's) has no connection with Tatar and
his eightfold^ branches (i.e., generations) I pass them over and
proceed to relate the history of Mughul and his noble descendants.
Mu@uL SfAN.
Mu^^ul !^an was a wise prince. He so conducted himself that
the hearts of his subjects were attached and obedient to him and
^ ^ajrcUu-l^irdk, Abluchi KhSn.
« D'Herb^lot, " Great Dignity."
& This refers to their becoming
idolaters. (Kh?ifi Khan I, 3).
* /.e., eight in all, Tatar being one.
22
(^a/m<u-{-atra/p. Miles 29). Accord-
ing to D'Herb^lot (Art. Tatar) Alinja
Eh^n, the father, is required to make
up the eight.
170
AKBARNAMA.
all tried to serve him properly. The generations of the Mnghnla are
nine in number^ beginning with Mughal Khan and ending witb II ^
Khan. The Mughuls have taken the usage of Tvquz^ (nine) from
this^ and thej consider this number most excellent in all matters.
The Creator bestowed on Mughul '^^n four sons^ Qara ^fin^ X^ar
Khan^ Elar Khan and Uz l^an.
QaBA SslN.ft
Qara Kh§n was both the eldest son and preeminent in jastiee
and the art of government. He sate upon the throne in succefision
to his illustrious father and made his summer (aildq) and winter
(qishldq) quarters in Qaraqum* near two mountains called Irtaq^
and Kirtaq.
T Vullers 4816. Tho generations
are said to end with II Khan because,
in his time, the Mughal race was all
but extirpated. If the statement of
the Turks, mentioned below, that this
catastrophe occurred 1000 years
after Aghuz's death, be correct, it is
evident that far more than nine
generations must have intervened
between Mufitkul and II Eh^n.
» SteingasB •.r. ** Nine, hence pre-
sent, gift, such being offered to
kings, etc., bj nines, as a sacred
number."
B I.e., the Black Prince. A.F. omits
to mention that he was put to death
by his own son, AghQz* (Eh&fl Ehan
1,5.)
* J.e., black sand or dust. The Text
wrongly has fj* ]j^ Qaraqara/m. The
Aln mentions the place as belonging
to the Sixth Climate. (Jarrett III,
102). The A%n (Text II, 46), des-
cribes it as a mountain in Turkistan
(not Kohistan as Jarrett has it)
and the editor says (l.c.n.) that
many M8S. read ^j* I/* QfLrdqum*
This is the correct reading. (Vul-
lers «.t?. II, 717b, and D'Herb^Iot
art: Caracum.) In Gladwin's Aln
the lat. and long, of Qaraqam and
of E[hanbaligh which immediately
follows, are given; the long, for
Qaraqum being 115^ and for Q^an-
baiigh 124°.
N.B, KhanbSligh is described in
Text as the capital of Cathay, not of
China.
* Erdmann, o^J^ J cS'^Jjl Urtaq
and Qaztaq. D*Herb^lot calls thezn
Artak and Ghertak, and says they
are part of Mount Imaus (Paradise
Lost III, 431), and that the city of
Caracum lies between them, Artak
being N. and Ghertak S. He gives
the long, as 116° which agrees very
well with Gladwin. Of course both
longs, are calculated from the For-
tunate Isles. Greenwich long, is
between 72° and 80.° The lat. of
the Karakoram Pass (Imperial
Gazetecr, Hunter), is 35° 33*' or
about 11° less than that given in the
Aln, (46 N.). This would imply
that Qariq&m and QarSqaram are
totally different names and places.
CHAPTKR XIV.
171
Aghuz K^an was tlie worthy son of Qara Khan^ and was born of
his chief wife daring the time of his rale. Romancing story-
tellers relate things abont his naming himself and aboat his progress
in the path of piety^ which a jast-jadging intellect is not disposed to
credit. He was admittedly an enlightened^ pious and just ruler and
framed excellent institations* and laws whereby the varied world was
composed and the contrarieties of the Age conciliated. Among
Turki kings, he was like Jamshid among the kings of Persia. By
his ripe wisdom, lofty genius, felicity and native courage, he brought
under his sway the countries of Ir&n (Persia) Tursn,^ Rum^ (Asia
Minor), Egypt, Syria, Europe (Afranj),^ and other lands. Many
nations came within the shadow of his benevolence, and he estab-
lished titles among the Turks suitable to their ranks and which
but on the other hand, D'Herb^lot
gives the lat. of Caracum as 36^
36''. There is an account of the city
of Karacum (Caracorum) in Gibbon
who (Cap. 64) makes it about 600
in. N.W. Fekin. It was also called
Holin.
^ Text, Aghur. For account of
him see Khafi Khan I, 4 and 5,
D'Herbdlot a.v. Ogouz Khan. SBk^J'
ratu-l-airdk (Miles) 30. The story
is that Agh^z refused immediately
after birth to take the breast, and
that his mother had a dream in
which he told her that he would not
permit her to suckle him until she
became a belierer in Islam. A ccord-
ingly she secretly embraced that
faith. Also, when he was a twelve-
month old, he told the conclave
assembled to decide upon his name,
that it was Aghuz (Khafi Khan Lc).
These things occurred long before the
birth of Mu(iammad, but the latter
was only the Seal (last) of the Pro-
phets, and the religion of Islam is
considered to have existed from all
time. Hence the Mu. formula of
" Peace be upon him " is applied to
Adam and others of the patriarchs.
^^^ydsd. Text, frayM^a/iai which
is an error. The best known ydsd
are those of Cingiz BIhan. (Miles
1. c. 90 and Gibbon and D*Herb^lot
art. Jassa).
• Turkistan or Transoxiana. It is
said to have been named after Tar,
the son of Farldun (D'H. art. Mogal),
but if so, A.F.'s use of it here is an
anachronism, for he describes Tur
as nearly exterminating the Mughuls
about a thousand years after Aghii?;
Khan's death.
♦ This may mean the whole Greek
Empire or " only Asia Minor
(Boumelia).
^ Afranj is properly the name of
a people, viz,, the Franks. llauzaiU' .
8'8a/d, V, gives a .similar list.
172
iKBAKMlMA.
are on men^s tongues to the present day^ sucli as AT|^ar,i Qanig^If ,
Qibcfiq^ (Kipc&k)^ Qfirligh^ Kbalaj^ etc. He had six sons, vig.j Kun
(sun), ii (moon), Yulduz (star), Kok (or (Jok) (sky), Tfigti (mountain >,
and Tangiz (sea). The three elders were called Bazmaq * and the
61 three others Ujuh, His sons and sons' sons became 24 branches,
and all the Turks are descended from these magnates. The term
Turkoman did not exist in old times, but when their posterity came
to Persia (Iran) and propagated there, their features came to resem-
ble the Tajiks. But as they were not Tajiks, the latter called them
Turkomans, i.e., Turk-like. But some say that the Turkomftns are
a distinct tribe and not related to the Turks. It is said that after
A|^uz !^an had conquered the world, he returned to his own aettle-
ment (yurat)^ and seating himself on the throne of dominion^ held a
!l^uBru-like feast and conferred royal gifts on each of his fortunate
sons, faithful officers and other servants, and promulgated lofty ordi-
nances and excellent canons as guides for the perpetuation of prospe-
rity. He laid it down that the right wing, which TurkomSns call
BuTdnghdTi and the succession should appertain to the eldest son and
his descendants, and the left wing, i.e., the Jardngbdr and the exe*
cutive [wahdlat) to the younger sons. And he decreed that this law
should always be observed, generation after generation; — hence at
the present day, one half of the twenty-four branches is associated
with the right wing and one half with the left. He ruled for 72 or
73 years and then bade adieu to the world.
Kun KhSn took his father's plsice, in accordance with his testa-
ment and acted in administration and government by his own acute
i The meanings of this and follow-
ing terms are given by Mfr Khwand
and Miles. Erdmann, the authority
often quoted by Howorth, writes
«J^jti q^arluk, and says it means
snow-lord. Qipcak is said to mean
a hollow tree.
s Said to mean "Broken" and
"Three arrows." The legend of
origin is given by Miles. Text,
Bijuq for Ujaq. Uq is an arrow,
and uc means three. The etymo-
logies are also given in Aba-1-
ghftEl Des Maison 24. The name
Buzmaq or " Broken " was given to
the three elder sons because they
brought in three pieces of a golden
bow. The three yonngor brought in
three golden arrows.
OHAFTBR KIT.
17S
understandings and^ the sage counaela of Qabal* !^w§ja who had
been Vizier to Aghaz El^ftn. He so arranged abont his brothers^ his
children and his nephews — who were 24 in number^ for each of the
six brothers had four sons ^ that each recognized his position and
assisted in the management of the State. Haying reigned for 70
years^ he appointed Xi !^&n his successor and departed.
Si Khan observed the laws of his illustrious father^ adorned
justice with amicability^ and combined wisdom with good actions.
Tulduz ^Sn was the eldest* son and successor of Xl ^Sn.
He attained high rank in world-sway and in the dispensing justice.
Manqaij £sAn (Mighasl).*
Mangali I^an was the beloved son of Yulduz l^Sn and sate
upon the throne in succession to him. He was distinguished for devo-
tion to God^ and for praising the pious.
Tanqiz ^^[1n.
Tangiz ^JLn conducted the afihirs of sovereignty after his
honoured father's death and wore the crown of dominion in Mughu*
listan for 1 10 years.
Il EsIn.
Il KhSn was his noble son. When the father became old and
weak; he gave II !^an the management of affairs^ and alleging the
number of his years as an excuse^ went into solitary retirement.
QlYAN.*
Qiyftn was the son of II ^S^an and^ by the mysterious ordinances
of Divine wisdom^ he became a resting-place (maurid) of adversities.
1 The conjunction u has dropped
out of the Text, but occurs in the
Lucknow ed. and in No. 564
> Text, Irqil, but admittedly this
is against all the MSS.
ft Apparently he is Kan's brother,
and the "illustrious father" must
bo Agb^>
* According to another account,
he was Al Khan's brother.
^ Mangala may also mean sun,
or the forehead, (Tar. Bash 7n.)
s Though this name is the head-
ing of the Text, the narrative is
in part that of II Kl^an's reign.
62
174
akbarkIma.
When the God of wisdom desires to bring a jewel of hamanity to
perfection, He first manifests sundry ^ favoars nnder the cover of dis*
favoara of misfortune, and grants him the robe of existence aft&r
having made some great and pure-hearted ones hia ransom and
sacrifice {fidd). There is an instance of this in the story of II Khaa
whoj after the turn of sovereignty came to him, was passing his life
according to a code which provided for the control of the outer world
and the contemplation of the world of reality, and was binding ap the
hearts of the distressed, until that Tur, the son of Faridun, obtained
sway over Turkistfin, and Transoxiana (Md-wdrdu n-nahr) and in con-
junction with Sunij ^&n, the king of the Tatars and Aighars, made a
great war upon II ^in. The Mughul army, under the excellent dis-
positions of II I^an, made a desperate struggle, and many of the
Turks, Tatars and Aig^drs were slain. In the combat, TQr and the
Tatars were unable to resist and fled. They took refuge in stratagema
and vulpine tricks and dispersed. After going a little way, they hid
in a defile, and then at the end of the night, suddenly made an on*
slaught on II Khan's army. Such a massacre took place that of
II Khan's men not one escaped except his son Qiyan, hia cousin
Takuz* and their two wives^ who had hidden themselves among the
slain. At night, these four withdrew to the mountains and with
many troubles and difficulties, traversed the valleys and ravines, and
came to a meadow which had salubrious springs and fruits in abun-
dance. In their helpless state, they regarded this pleasant spot as
fk godsend and settled in it. The Turks call it Irganaqiin and say
that the terrible calamity happened 1000 years after the death of
Aghuz ^an.
The sage knows that in this wondrous destiny there lay the
63 plan for the production of that all-jewel, his Majesty, the king of
kings, so that the status of sacrifice might be attained and also that
the ascents of banishment, seclusion, and hardship might, in this
strange fashion, be brought together to the end that the unique pearl.
i There is perhaps a play on the
words mirdd and murdd; the first
meauing a precious stone possessed
of wondrous qualities, the second
success.
* Probably NaqQz is more correct.
t The Text does not distinctly say
that the women were wives, the word
used being Aomm. One account says
sisters.
CHAPTER XIY.
175
his Majesty^ the king of kings^ — who is the final cause of the crea-
tion of the glorious series {iahaqa) and also the material for this record
of Divine praise^ — might become the aggregate of all the stages of
existence and be acquainted with the grades of humanity, which
might thus arise,— and should achieve spiritual and temporal success,
and that in this way there be no defective round (girdi) on the
periphery of his holiness.
In fine, after Qiyftn and his companions had settled in that place,
they begat children and grew into tribes. Those who sprang from
Qiyan were called Qiyat and those who descended from Takuz were
called Darlgin. No account is forthcoming of the descendants of
Qiyan while they were in Irganaqun-— a period of about 2,000 years.
Presumably in that place and age reading and writing were not
practised. After the lapse of about -2000 years and in the last
period of Nushlrwan's^ reigpi, the Qiyat and Darlgin desired to leave
the place, as it was not large enough for them. A mountain which
was a mine of iron barred their way at the beg^ning. Able minds
devised deer-skin bellows {gawazn, perhaps elk) and with these they
melted that iron mountain and made a way. Then they rescued
their country from the hands of the Tatars and others, by the sword,
and contriving vigour, and became firmly seated on the throne of
success and world-rule. From the circumstance that in four* thousand
years previous to this event, (i.e., the emigration from Irganaqun) there
1 NQshlrwan, a king of Persia,
celebrated for his justice, reigned
531-579 A.D. Muhammad congratu-
lated himself on having heen bom
(578 A.D.) in his reign.
* I do not understand the principle
of this calculation. Yulduz B[han.
under whom the Mnghuls emigrated
from Irganaqun, is the 29th ancestor,
reckoning from Adam, and the total
of 28 must be made up of 25 who
lived previous to the flight to
Irganaqfln plu$ three, ins., QiySn,
TimQr Tagh aiid Mangall, who are
the only three denizens of that
settlement whose names have been
preserved. The period after the
exodus (cir. 579 A.D.) up to the date
of A.F.'s writing, was about 1,000
years, and in it there were 25 rulers
including Akbar. But how do cal-
culators reckon, upon these data,
that the number of ancestors who
lived in Irganaq&n for 2,000 years,
was 25 P One would rather expect
the figure 50. But perhaps the cal-
culation is based on lives twice as
long as later ones. (Gibbon Cap.
42n.) Apparently it is roughly
based on a progressive diminution of
the period of human life. A.F.
reckons that 7,000 years more or less.
176
akdarnAha.
were twenty-eight lofty ancestors and twenty-five in the milleniam
after it^ sagacious calculators conjecture that during these two
thousand years (spent in Irganaqun) there were twenty-five ancestors.
Be ^ it remembered that Mughulistfin is to the eastward and far
from civilization. Its circuit is seven or eight months' journey. On
the east^ its boundary extends to Cathay (IQiita) and on the west^ to
the country of the ATghurs ; on t}ie norths it touches Qargaz and
Salika (? Kirghiz and Selenga) and on the souths it adjoins Tibet.
The food of its people is the produce of hunting and fishing and
their clothing the skins and fur of wild and tame animals.
TiMtTB Tlss.
Timur Tft^ is of the auspicious stock of Qiy&n. He was exalted
by sovereignty and command.
elapsed from the birth of Adam to
40th Akbar (1596). From Adam to
the death of II Khan. 4,000 years
are comited, and in this period, were
25 generations. (A.F. speaks of
28, but this is inclnsive of II Shftu*s
son, Qiyan and TimGr Tigh and
Mangali Ehwaja, vie., the grand-
father and father of the Yuldoz who
came out from Irganaqan). In the
thousand years between the emi-
gration and 40th Akbar, there were
also 25 generations, and so, appa-
rently, it was calculated that for
the intervening 2,000 years (required
to make up the 7,000) there must
have been 25 generations. In other
words, there were 4,000 years in
which the length of a generation
was 160 years, 2,000 in which it was
80 and 1,000 in which it was 40.
I do not, however, know what au-
thority A.F. had for his 2,000 years.
"The tradition of the Mnghuls/'
says Gibbon (Cap. 42n.) ** of
'* the 450 years which they passed in
"the mountains, agrees with the
" Chinese periods of the History of
" the Huns and Turks. " (De Onignes
" Tom. I, Par, II, 376), and of the 20
"generations from their restora-
"tion to Gingis." (Cingiz K^in),
Howorth (I, 35) puts the period at
400 years. Raghidu-d-din mentions
a period of 2,000 years, but this is
the interval from the destruction of
I] ^Sn and the Mughuls by the
Tatars up to the date of Baghidu-
d*din's writing, consequently the
former event occurred about 700
B.C. D'Ohsson says (I, Cap. II, 21)
that according to Maghul traditions,
their defeat by the Tatars occurred
2,000 years before the birth of
Cingfz ShSn. (Jan. 1155 A.D.)
D'Herbdlot (art. Genghiz Khan)
says that the Mughuls remained in
Irganaqun for several generations,
and that the period was over 1,000
years. None of these statements
supports A.F.'s chronology. Possibly
he wrote one and not two thousand.
^ This description is taken from
Zafamdma, Prolegomena.
CHAPIBK XIV.
177
Manqaij Sswaja.
MangalT Khwaja is the worthy son of Timur Tftsh. He exalted
the crown of dominion and anspiciousness and possessed the divan
of power and justice.
YuldCz KhAn.
Yulduz !^an was the high-thoughted successor of Mangali
Khwaja who at the coming out of the Qiydt and Darlgln was the 64
cliief and leader. From the time of Qiyan, his (Qiyfin's) descendants
had reigned generation after generation in Irganaqun. Yulduz Khan^
by the help of the fortunate star of his dominion, gradually emerged
from the horizon and civilized the tribes of the Mughuls. He was
powerful and magnanimous and among the Mughul families, he is
counted of good blood and fashion who can trace his origin up to
Yulduz Khan.
JOiNA^ Bahadur.
JuTna Bahadur was the worthy son of Yulduz Khan and when
the cup of his father's years was full, sate on the throne of world-
government.
^ Also spelled J&bina and Ciibina.
For further information regarding
the Mutiamniadan accounts of the
descendants of Japheth, I beg to
refer the reader to the full and inter-
esting note of Major Raverty which
begins at p. 869 of his translation
of the J['abaqdi-i'nd9iri,
23
178
AKBARNAMA.
CHAPTER XV.
Heb Majesty AlamquwI, thb cdfola of chastity and tbil
or PUEITY.
Whaterer, God, the wondrous Creator, brings forth from the
hidden places of secrecy to the light of manifestation, is attended by
extraordinary circumstances. But the sons of men fail to perceive
these, from the heedlessness which has its props and foundation in
fulness of life and the wrappage of worldliness. Were it not so,
man would be ever standing at gaze and not applying himself to
action. Hence the world-adorning Initiator hides most of the
wonders of His power from the sight of mortals, but lest they should
be entirely shut out from the extraordinary spectacle of the Divine
decrees, He raises this veil from before a few of the holy hiding
places of His secrets. And again, after much seeing, a heedlessness
which fate has made a constituent of their natures, causes this very
sight to become a screen against perception. And again ^ after that,
the universal benevolence of the Deity, for a thousand diverse pur*
poses — one being the instruction of the minds of negligent mortals,—
brings forth a new creation, and raising the veils and curtains some*
what, displays a wondrous picture.
The extraordinary story of her Majesty is a case in point. She
was the happy-starred daughter {duMptar'i'qudsl'aJdptar) of JuTna
Bahadur of the Qiyit tribe and Barlas'^ family. Her physical and
1 The passage is obscure, but I
think the sense is that men get ac-
cuHtoracd to the wonderful and so
their very seeing becomes blindness.
The B.M. No. 5610 (Halhed's) omits
the aa after hi$yar, thus making
giaflati (heedlessness) the nomina-
tive. I have adopted this reading
OH I think it makes the better sense.
• Khaft Ehan Bib. Ind. 1, 7n. Ac-
cording to one copy of the Zafamd'
ma — Prolegomena, Jabfna was a
woman and a daughter of Yuldaz
"Khan.
* Erdmann says she belonged to
the tril)C of Qarulas ij^}^- Sec also
rdrlj^-i-rafilrfi, l^K^y Eliob and Ross
51, where the uuthor .states tliut siic
CHAPTER XV.
179
mental beauty went on increasing from her earliest years, until by
loftiness of thought and sublimity of genius, she became the Unique
of the Age, and by acknowledgment of friends and foes, rela-
tives and strangers, was magnanimous, pious, and a lover of wisdom.
The lights of theosophy shone from her countenance, the Divine
secrets were manifested on her forehead. She sat secluded behind
the screen of chastity and abode in the privy chamber of meditation
on the Unity, was a theatre of holy epiphanies and an alighting-
stage of Divine emanations. When she arrived at maturity, she was,
Biccording to the custom of princes and the practice of great ones of
Church and State, given in marriage to Zubun Biy§n, king of
Mughulistan and her own cousin and (thus) they joined that unique
pearl of purity with a temporal ruler. As he was not her match, he
hastened to annihilation and her Majesty Alanquwa who was the repose 65
(dsdyisk) of the spiritual world, became likewise the ornament
{drdyisA) of the tempoi*al world and, applying herself of necessity to
outward acts, she became the sovereign of her tribe {alus).
One night this divinely radiant one was reposing on her bed,
when suddenly a glorious ^ light cast a ray into the tent and entered
the mouth and throat of that fount of spiritual knowledge and glory.
The cupola of chastity became pregnant by that light in the same
way as did her Majesty {Hazrat) Miryam* (Mary) the daughter of
'Imran (Amram).
Praised be the God who maintained holy human souls from
Adam down to this child of light, in prosperity and adversity, abun-
dance and want, victory and defeat, pleasure and pain^ and other
contrasted conditions, one after another, and made them partakers
of emanations of the holy light. Before this holy light made its
fortunate alighting from high heaven, Qiyftn was withdrawn from the
associations of climates and cities and supported in a solitary wilderness,
and many ancestors were given to her (Xlanquwa), generation after
was a Kurkluk {?). In B.M. No.
7628 of Raahldu-d-din's great work,
4^566, the name of the tribe is wrif-
ten \j^3)j^ QarQlas. Barlas then
must be a copyist's error.
1 Cf. Shaft Khan I, 8. He says
the light was like the sxin's disk, and
that it entered Alanquwa's mouth
which was open (from astonishment
apparently, at the spectacle).
• The Virgin Mary whom Muham-
mad calls the daughter of 'Amran,
apparently because he confounded
her with the sister of Moses.
180
AKBARNAUA.
generation^ for two thousand years in these Highlands (kokistdn),
thereby purifying her and familiarizing her with the land of holiness
and converting the human element into a collection of all degrees^ Divine
and earthly. When the spiritual preparation was complete, Yolduz
Khan was brought — for the ends of Divine wisdom — from the
mountains to the city, and seated on a throne, till the turn of the holy
series reached her Majesty Alanquwg and that divine light, after passing
without human instrumentality, through many eminent saints and
sovereigns, displayed itself gloriously in the external world. That
day ' (viz., of £lanquw&'s conception) was the beginning of the mani-
festation of his Majesty, the king of kings, who after passing through
divers stages was revealed to the world from the holy womb of her
Majesty Miryam-mak§ni for the accomplishment of things visible and
invisible.
It needs a Plato of abstract thought to comprehend the saying
" The Lord* of Time {zamdn) remains behind the veil whilst Time's
products {zamdniydn)y i.e., mortals, rend it with outward sorrow and
inward anguish.^'
1 I should have been inclined to
read nuvt light here, instead of ros,
day, bnt all the MSS. seem to have
roz.
* I do not fnlly understand this
passage. ' It seems to be a quota-
tion, a sort of Sjbilline utter-
ance, and is naturally dark, since we
are told that it needs the utmost
meditation of a Plato to understand
it. The Lucknow editor says the
meaning is that a master of wisdom
should study with might and main
how the veil may be rent for suffer-
ing humanity, but I do not see that
this sense can be got out of the
words. The translation which I
have given is the result of a good
deal of reflection and of a consult-
ation with my friend Mr. Beames.
Mr. Beames has given me the follow-
ing note. "Though the construction
14
<«
II
II
II
If
II
(I
II
II
II
II
l<
II
II
II
¥
II
II
II
II
of the sentence is somewhat harsh
and irregular, yet the general mean-
ing of the passage seems clear from
the context." " A.F. starts (Luck-
now ed. 52 1, ^) by the amazing
assertion that the beginning of
the manifestation of Akbar, dated
from the day of Alanquwa's
miraculous conception by the Sua
and continued through many gene-
rations till he ultimately saw the
light from the womb of Miryam-
makanl."
" Then it evidently occurs to him
that this is rather a hard saying
and that some one might object.
' How could Akbar be conceived in
'the womb of Alanquw&, seeing
'that she lived so many centuries
'before him?' To this he replies
that only a sago who devotes him-
self to profound thought and medi-
CHAPTBR XV.
181
Bafc DOW returning to the beginning of the story, I repeat that
the holy abode of that cupola of chastity was continually at auspi-
cious times and seasons, made resplendent by the brilliance of that
If
«
" tation can understand this mystical
"saying, via., that while ordinary
" mortals rend the veil (pardck-dar),
" i.e., are born, in due course, Akbar
" was miraculously held back from
*' being born, he remained behind
the veil or, in courtier-like phrase,
adorning the veil (porcla-aral)— for
" many ages till his full time arrived.
"The passage may therefore be
" translated as follows :^
" It requires a Plato of deep medi-
" tation to accept this statement
" with the ear of his understanding,
" that the Prince of the Age is in
"the condition of adorning the veil,
" while (ordinary) mortals rend the
" veil with visible pain and inward
" groaning.'*
" The grammatical awkwardness
"lies in A.F.'s putting ast after
" parda-da/r instead of and (they are)
" which would agree better with the
" plural subject zamdniydn ; and in
"leaving out ast after drai. But
"this kind of construction is not
" unusual. The substitution of the
" uncouth phrase dar parda-dral * in
"veil adorn ing-ness* for the simpler
" parda-drd, * veil adorning * is per-
" haps due to a desire to play upon
the two meanings of dar (1), in
and (2) tearing; contrasting the
"lot of Akbar who remained for
" some generations miraculously re-
" served behind the veil, t.e., in the
" womb of successive females, with
" the lot of ordinary mortals who
" when they are conceived and de-
*• velopcd, rend the veil, t.c., are born;
(1
<i
"a contrast which, as he justly
" observes, it takes a Plato, at least,
" to grasp."
I have adopted Mr. Beames' note
with some modifications. My idea is
that A.F. means to say it is so extra-
ordinary that the Lord of Time or
Prince of the Age should remain
behind the veil (i.e., continue unborn),
while wretched mortals come into
existence to their own loss as well as
to the detriment of the epoch, that
only a Plato can comprehend the
mystery or final cause thereof.
Perhaps A.F.'s thought is illustrated
by the words of St. Paul, " For we
know the whole Creation groaneth
and travaileth in pain together until
now." See also Cap. XI where A.F.
speaks of ElisqanT. a poet of a for-
mer age, vainly longing for the
appearance of a (lahib-i'Waqi, a Lord
of the Age or Time.
I think too that he, as usual, has a
double meaning, and that he plays
upon the double sense of parda-dar
which means both to rend a veil and
to be dissolute, thus corresponding to
the double meaning of the Latin
profanuss I have consulted a num-
ber of MSS. for variants but without
success. Several e.g., I, 0. 664 and
Add. B.M. No. 4044 have parda-
dost, veil-loving ( ? loving blindness).
But this seems no improvement.
Parda-dar IB probably right as ena-
bling A.F. to take advantage of the
twolwords(2ar fr. daridan, to tear,
and dar, within, and to contrast dar
parda-drax with parda-dar.
182 akbarnIma.
light and from time to time, her moral and material natare bright-
ened by its effulgence. Those who by a soaring flight on the wings
of genius, have passed beyond the worship of materiality and can
behold the Causer, do not think occurrences like this strange or
wonderful in the wide domain of Divine power, and the incredulity
of worshippers of routine and superficiality is of no weight in their
esteem. As for those who have remained among secondary
causes and have not advanced their foot further and cannot, by
auspicious guidance, forego superficial computations, they too do not
abide by their first principles, (i.e., are not consistent). For instance
they admit there was a child without father or mother, viz., the first
man or Adam, and they accept a child without a mother, whom they
call Eve. Why then not admit a child without a father ? Especially
when they are fully assured of such an occurrence in the case of
Jesu3 and Mary.
Verse.
If yon listen to the tale of Mary,
Believe the same of Alanquwa.
66 But the world-fashioning Creator who from their inception
brings all his works to their final accomplishment, effects- His purposes
by means of the contradictions and oppositions of His beautiful and
His terrible Attributes [asmd, lit, names). Accordingly there is a
section of mankind of lofty intelligence, right judgment, exalted
thought, sublime power and correct thinking, whom He hath placed
apart and whose condition He advances day by day. So also there
is a multitude of human shapes, purblind, feeble of apprehension,
crooked in thought and of evil imaginations, void of usefulness,
whom He hath marked out and whom He keeps in a state of per*
tnrbation. And although the cup of His designs may be filled iu
either of these ways, yet there are many contrivances involved in the
combination. Accordingly darkness is united with light, bad fortune
with good, adversity with prosperity and the wicked and black-
hearted are always putting forward stones of stumbling. But soon
they are disgraced spiritually and temporarily and depart to tlio
street of annihilation.
This brilliant event is an illustration of the above, for when such
a wondrous thing occurred, evil thoughts arose in the hearts of the
short-sighted dallards and worshippers of externals who had no
share in real merit and were alien from the grace of Divine know-
ledge. That enthroned vestal (Jilanquwa), out of her perfect
benevolence^ did not desire that these blind wretches should remain
caught in the slough of this thought and so apprized her nobles of
the matter. She intimated that '^ if any dullard or simpleton^ un-
aware of the wondrous power of Ood and the forms of Divine
decrees^ fall into the misfortune of evil thoughts and sully his mind's
mirror with the rust of wicked imagination^ he will for ever and ever
abide in distress and loss. It is better then that I clear the courts
of their intellect of such confusion. For this purpose^ it is necessary
tbat awakened -hearted truth-knowers and trusty persons of sincerity -
watch by night around the tent^ so that the darkness of suspicion and
doubt caused by the blackness of their hearts may by the light of
Divine events and the bebolding of hidden radiances^ be changed into
illumination and that evil thoughts may pass from their turbid minds.''
Accordingly several wakeful and prudent^ keen-sighted watchers
were placed around the tent and like night-burning stars^ they closed
not their eyes. Suddenly in the middle of the nighty — which is the
time for the descent of Divine mercies, — a shining light, like bright
moonlight, — just as the lady, the curtain of chastity, had said, —
came down from on high and entered the tent. A cry was raised by
the watchers. For a little while, people were stunned and then their
vain thoughts and evil imaginations were exorcised.
When the period of pregnancy was fulfilled, Alanquwa bore
three noble sons. The first was Buqun QanqT from whom the Qanqln
tribe is descended ; the second was YusuqT Salji from whom the
SaljTuts are sprung. The third was Buzanjar Qftan. The descendants 67
of these nobly-born ones are called Nairun, i.e., light-produced and
are considered to be the noblest class among the Mughuls.
Bt^ZANJAR QlAN.
Buzanjar Qa§n is the ninth ancestor of CingTz Kban and Qaracar
Nuyan, the fourteenth of his Majesty, the Lord of Conjunction, and
the twenty-second* of his Majesty, the king of kings. When he
came to years of discretion, he adorned the sovereignty of Turan,
1 So Text, but apparently it should be twenty-first.
184
akbarnIma.
and the chiefs of the Tst&r and Turk tribes^ etc.^ who were like
satraps {Muluk'i-iawd'if, i.e., the Arsacidse) bound the girdle of
service on their waists. He composed the distractions of the time
by the vigour of his administration^ distributed justice and bene-
volence and^ for a prolonged period, soothed and adorned the world
by his nobility and wisdom. He was contemporary with Abu Muslim
Marwazi.t When his existence closed, there remained two sous,
Biiqa and Tuqaba (? Tuqta).
BCQi EsAn.
Biiqa Khan was the eldest son of Buzanjar Qaan and the eighth
ancestor of Cingiz !^an and Qaracar Nuyan. He ascended the
throne in accordance with his father^s testament and adorned the
royal divfin by justice and equity. He devised new regulations for
world-ruling and world-subduing and framed the code of the Khaqans
of the world. He so carried himself towards his subjects that one
and all were rendered happy by him.
DCtamin E^An.
Zutamin* Kh§n was the upright son of Buqa Khan. When the
father perceived his own life passing away, he appointed him his
heir and successor. Zutamin exerted himself in controlling the
administration and in increasing the prosperity of the kingdom. He
had nine sons, and on his death, their mother Maniilun who was
unique in wisdom and management, went into retirement and devoted
herself to their upbringing. One day, the JalaTrs who belong to the
Darlgin tribe, laid an ambush » and killed Manulun and eight of her
sons. Qaidu Khfin, the ninth son, had gone off to China (Macin) in
order to become his cousin's* son-in-law and so escaped. With the
i Aba Muslim 'Abdu-r-ra(imSn,
son of Muhammad and called the
missionary of the 'Abbasides, i.e.,
(fdkih-i'da'vxxi or author of tho call
of the 'Abbasidea, (Gibbon cap. 52.)
and also called okj^ Jaryan. He
was a general of the 'Abbasides and
the origin of their power but was
put to death 136 H. 753 by Khallf
Maii^fir. (Mas' ad!, Mcjnard. VI,
58, I7t>, etc.) Mcrv was one of the
four chief cities of Khuraaau and
its inhabitants were called Marwazi.
(D'flerbdlot art. Merou.)
» The Text follows the MSS.
which spell the name in two ways.
■ The Sl^ajrcdU'l-atrdk has a long
story as to the cause of these
murders.
♦ Tho S}i,ajral makes Macin his
grand-uncle's son, viz., son of Taqtii
or Tuqaba the brother of Bucja who
was Qaidii'a grandfather.
CHAPTER XV, 185
help of MficTn^ the Jalaira were brought to rae their folly and induced
to put to death seventy men who had been engaged in the murder of
Manulun and her children. They also bound their wives and children
and sent them to Q&idu ^an who marked their foreheads with the
token of servitude. Their descendants remained for a lengthened
period in the prison of slavery.
Qaidu ^an after many adventures^ sat upon the thone of
sovereignty and supervised the world's civilization.^ He founded 68
cities and had a following of many clans. He warred with the
Jalfiirs and firmly established his power. When he passed away^ he
left three sons.
BlTASAKGnAB SfiAN.
Bayasanghar Kh&n was the eldest son and the unique of his Age
for administrative capacity and for the management of subjects and
soldiers. He sat upon the throne agreeably to his father's testa-
ment.
TOmana KhAn,
Tumana was the worthy son of Bftyasanghar ^an. When his
father was departing from this worlds he made over the kingdom to
him. The dTvftn of sovereignty and world-rule gained lustre during
his reign. He graced it by his courage and wisdom, and augmented
the glory of the Age by his magnanimity and bearing of burdens. By
strength of arm and vigour of mind, he increased his hereditary
kingdom by adding to it, much of Mongolia (Mughulistfln) and
Turkistftn. There was not his like for might and prestige in all
Turkist&n. He had two wives by one of whom he had seven sons
and by the other twins. One of the twins was named Qabal and was
the great-grandfather* of Cingiz Sh&n and the other was named
Qaculi.
1 The ^ajra^ says he dug a
canal.
> Though he was only the third in
ascent from GingTz Khan, the latter
was fourth in succession for Qftbila,
the son of Qabal was succeeded by
his brother BartSn Bahadur and he
by his son Yasfika the father of
Cingiz. This accounts for Cingtz
being the fourth star which emerged
from Qabal's bosom. (See infra).
186
AKBARNAHi.
69
Qac(^li BA.HiDaa.
Q&cull Bahidur is the eighth ancestor of his Majesty the Lord
of Conjanction (Timur). He was a theatre of the lights of dominion
and a station of the impressions of auspiciousness. The refulgence
of greatness radiated from his countenance and the glory of fortune
shone from his brow. One night he beheld in a dream ^ a shining
star emerging from Qabal Khan's breast. It rose to the zenith and
then was extinguished. This happened thrice. The fourth time^ a
wondrous bright star arose from his (QabaFs) breast and took the
horizons with its light. The rays thereof reached and enkindled
other stars^ and each of them lighted up a region, so that when the
globe of light disappeared^ the world still remained illuminated. He
awoke from his vision^ and loosed the bird of thought that he might
interpret the strange augury. Suddenly sleep again^ overcame him
and he saw seven stars rise in succession from his own breast and
disappear. The eighth time^ a mighty star appeared and lighted up
the whole world. Then some small stars branched off from it so that
every corner of the universe was illuminated. When the great star
became invisible^ these other stars shone forth and the universe
remained bright as before. At daybreak^ Qficull Bahadur reported
the occurrence to his honoured father Tumana Khan. The latter
gave the interpretation that from Qabal Khan there would come
three princes who should sit on the throne of the Kh&nate and be
lords of lands. But the fourth time^ a king would come after these^
who should bring most of the earth under his sway and should have
children^ each of whom would govern a region. From Qaculi would
come seven dominant descendants^ bearing on their brows the dia-
1 Khafl Khan (I, 9) makes each
brother have a dream but says that
the stars seen by Qacall were less
bright than those beheld by the
elder brother Qabal. Apparently he
either rejects the application to
Timur or holds that he was descend-
ed from the elder brother (through
Cinglz KhSn). D'Hcrb^lot has a full
account of the dream. (Art. Tonma-
nah Kh&n). See also Sharafu-d-dln's
Zafamdma, (ProlegovMna), and Babar
and Humayiin, Erskine I, 70 and
Sh^jraiU'l-aiTdk (Miles). There is a
good deal about the dream and the
covenant between the brothers in the
Bo-called Memoirs of Timur.
* There is a play on the word 6a«,
the other meaning being " the hawk
" (6a«) of his sleep snatched at " the
bird of thought.
CHAPTER XT. 187
dem of primacy and the crown of rule. The eighth time a descen-
dant would arise who should exhibit world-wide sovereigntj and
exercise sway and chiefship over all mankind. From him would
come descendants who should each rule a division of the earth.
When Tumana Khfin had made an end of his interpretation^ the
two brothers^ in accordance with his orders^ made a mutual league
and covenant to the effect that the throne of the Khan should be
committed to Qabal l^ftn and that Qaculi should be Commander-in-
Chief and Prime Minister. And it was established that the descen-
dants of each should^ generation after generation^ observe this
arrangement. They drew up a solemn compact ('ahd-ndma) to this
effect in TJighur (Turkish) characters and each brother put his seal
to it and it was styled the " Altamgba of Tumana Khan." The
illustrious ancestors of his Majesty^ the king of kings^ — who is the
final cause of the series having been set in motion — were^ from Adam
to Tumana Khan^ distinguished by absolute sovereignty and by
independent sway, and so established the throne of justice. Some
members of the glorious company also attained to the spiritual world
and so weroj both outwardly and inwardly^ plenipotent^ as hath been
set forth in ancient chronicles.
The Divine strategy — in providing for the apparition of the
consummation of all degrees^ spiritual and temporal^ by the inter*
vention of so many rulers of the visible and invisible worlds^ — was
awaiting the birth-time of his Majesty^ the king of kings^ — for^ as
being the quintessence of humanity^ his robe must be gorgeously
embroidered, — and so was day by day, accomplishing the prepara-
tions. Hence in order to completeness and to cause appreciation of
the glory of service and the sweets of management, QaculT Bahadur
was arrayed in the disguise of vicegerency {waJcdlat) so that the
grades of this status too might come within the purview of this
glorious company and a provision of every stage of development be
accumulated for his Majesty, the king of kings. Thus, notwith-
standing the guiding power, dexterity, greatness and high-minded-
ness of Qficuli Bahadur, Qabal Kh^n became the heir. Though in
the external point of age, — which is not regarded by the wise, — he
was greater, yet in reality, the controlling power of the Divine
wisdom was engaged in completing the work (of preparation for
Akbar). When Tumana Khan's star set in the west, Qabal Khan
188
akbarnama.
became established on the throne of rule and Qftculi Bahadnr^ in
accordance with that fidelity to his promise which is the material of
eternal bliss^ undertook with concord and singleness of aim^ the
management of the State in conformity with the rules of loving^
mindedness and king-making.
And when Qabal Khan went from this world of troubled exis-
tence to the peacefal home of nothingness^ QQbila^ Kh&n who out of
six sons was the one worthy of the tht^ne and crown^ obtained the
70 sovereignty^ and QaculT Bahadur remained engaged in the same high
office of Gommander'^in-Chief^ observed his compact and, by help of
wisdom and courage^ carried on the affairs of the State. Qubila
!^an with the support of such a grandee^ who was possessed both of
God-given wisdom and a world-conquering sword, took vengeance for
his brother from Xltan ^an {i.e., the Golden Khfln) the ruler of
Cathay and having made great wars which were masterpieces of men
of might, inflicted a heavy defeat on the army of Cathay.
The abstract of this affair is as follows :— The rulers of Cathay
always were in dread of this noble race and always kept on friendly
terms with it. When 2.1t§n I^an was confirmed on the throne of
Cathay, he became much alarmed at hearing of the bravery and
ability of Qabal Stan. By means of skilful embassies, he established
concord between them to such an extent that he invited Qabal Khan
to Cathay. The ^an with the sincerity and honesty which are the
characteristics of this family, made over the care of the kingdom to
Qaculi Bahadur and went to Cathay. His reception was very friendly
and after indulging in pleasure and enjoyment,* he set his face
homewards. Some of fltfin !0^an's grandees of base and ignoble
nature^ disturbed his mind with improper words so that he repented
having said adieu to Qabal Khfin and sent a message to recall him.
Qabal Kh§n saw through the plot and replied that as he had left in
an auspicious hour, it would not be proper to return.^ This enraged
Altan Khan who sent troops with orders to bring him back by hook
or by crook. Qabal Khan caused the officer in command to alight
1 Text, Qiilla, hut a note says that
the Zafamama (Prolegomena) has
QQbila and this appears the correct
reading.
■ Tlio Prolegomena I.e. and tho
S&o/mi say that Qabal got drunk
and insulted AltSn.
^Prolegomena I.e. has S^ngunnu
mtddnam ** I do not regard it as of
good omon (to return)."
CHAPTER XV.
189
at the house of a friend of his named Saljuqi who had his dwelling
by the way-side^ and agreed to tnm back. S§ljuqi secretly told him
that to return was not advisable and that he had a swift and enduring
horse which no one could come up with and that the proper^
thing for Qabal !l^an was to mount this horse and get away aa
quickly as possible from this dangerous neighbourhood.
Qabal Khan acted on this advice and getting on the horse^
proceeded to his own camp -yuri). When the Cathay messengers
heard this, they pursued him with all rapidity but did not come up
with him till he was in his own camp. Qabal Ehnn seized these
wicked people and put them to death. Meanwhile his eldest child
tJ^qin s Barqaq who was matchless for beauty^ was keeping company
with the gazelles on the borders of the wilderness when a party of
TStnrs surprised him and took him to j^ltau ^§n. The Khftn put
this delicate fawn> to death* in satisfaction for those dog-souled
wolves.
When Qubila ^&n who was the second son, came to the throne^
he collected an army and marciied against ilt&n Bbiin to revenge his
brother's^ death. A great battle ensued and the Gathaians suffered
a sore defeat and were plundered of their property.
When the onset of the army of death fell upon Qubila IQ^Sn^
his honoured brother Bartan Bahidur, was established on the throne,
agreeably to the counsels of the nobles. He preserved the institu-
tions fydadq, i. e, ydad) of his father and brother and as in his time, he
71
1 The meaning apparently is that
when Qabal was on his way back
with Altan's officer he got the latter
to halt at the hoase of a friend by
the wayside. The Prolegomena (l.c.)»
tells the story somewhat differently,
stating that Qabal evaded his pur-
suers by entering the house of a
friend bat was inclined to give him*
self up and return with them, etc.
s The ificifat of the Text after
kaJdn is wrong. See D'Herb^lot art.
Elil Sl^an and Prolegomena l.e.
* OKaadl'i'dnmishdd, " a milk-
born gazelle." Cf. Dryden's milk-
white hind.
* It is said that AltSn nailed or
sewed him to a wooden ass in revenge
for the death of his messengers. One
account says he was hunting bnt
A.F.'s words seem to imply that he
was too young for this, that ho was,
as it were, a fawn himself and so,
sporting with the gazelles. The
Prolegomena seems to say that the
child had strayed into the plain.
* The word birddar is loosely used
and for the sake of assonance with
hahddur, Qacoll was really uncle of
Bart&n.
190
AKBABNlHA.
had no rival who could contend with him in war^ the title Ehan was
marked in people's mouths by that of Bahadur and they stamped
the coin of his courage with this awe-augmenting appellative. At
this period^ Qaculi Bahadur who was at once a life-sacrificing brother
and a Commander-in-Chief Bahadur^ departed to the eternal world.
Ibadah-ci BablIs.
Iradam-cT Barlas was the upright son of Qaculi Bahadur and was
distinguished for his wisdom and military talent. On bis father's
deaths the patent (iugbrd) of the Commander-in-Chiefship was exalted
by the entry of his name and he managed affairs according to the
rules which his father had made illustrious. He was the first who
bore the title of Barlas^ the meaning of which fine word is brave and
of noble lineage. The whole Barlas clan traces its origin > from him.
When Bartan Bahadur died^ Yesugai^ Bahadur^ the third of his
four Bons^ and father of CingTz Khan^ and who was adorned with the
cuirass of wisdom and tiie helmet of courage^ placed the crown of
the Khanfite on his head and graced the throne of world-sway.
At this time Iradam-dt Barlas died^ leaving twenty-nine sons.
StJGHO CicAN (The Wise).
Sughu Clean was distinguished among the noble sons of Iradam-ci
Barl&s for courage, wisdom and administrative ability. He was also
the eldest son. He took the place of his honoured father ; osten-
sibly he was Commander-in-Chief, in reality he was sovereign.
Yesugai Bahadur, by the world-adorning advice of Sughu Clean
marched against the Tatars and trod under foot their glory and their
grandeur. When he had^ by God's help and the might of good
1 If 80, it seems an anacbronism
to speak of Alanquwa as belonging
to the Barlas family in the way A.F.,
(according to the MSS.,) has done in
his accoont of that lady. And in-
deed there seems no doubt that
Barlas is a clerical error for QOralis
which is the word in Ba^tdu'd^n,
The Text has laf^'umu'cdld "lofty
word/' but Quatrem^re {Boiitdu'd'
din 250n.) thinks that mu*alld is a
clerical error for mugialt and trans-
lates "on homme brave et d'une
naissance illastre ; " and adds " le
mot barlda dans la langue des Mon-
goles d^Big^ait un homme brave et
d'une naissance illastre."
* Text, BlsQkS, but a note states
that many MSS. have YasakiL It
is YasQkS in the Prolegomena I.e.,
Yesugai or Jesugai seems to be the
correct form.
CHAPTER XV.
191
fortane^ overcome the Tfitfirs^ he Bet out for Dllun^ Buldaq. When
he arrived there, his chief wife (^§tun) OlQn Anaga* whom he had 72
left pregnant J gave birth to a noble son on 20th zi-Uqa^da 549 ^ (26th
Jan., 1155), in the cycle-year of the Hog {Tankiiz). Yesugai Bahidur
called him TemucTn> Sughu Clean, who possessed lofty intelligence
and exalted understanding, told Yesugai Bahadur that by the secrets
of calculation and the favourable aspects of the heavens, it was clear
that this was the very star which had emerged the fourth time from
Qabal Khin's breast.
GiNQiz^ EsAn.
Though in the noble line of his Majesty, the king of kings,
which in this book of Divine praise is the starting-point^ of utter-
ance, it is unnecessary to mention TemucTn who is a branch of the
holy tree, yet as he was a ray of the divine light of Alanquwa, a
brief account of him is indispensable. The horoscope of Temucin
was in Libra and the seven planets 7 were in it. The Dragon's
1 Text, Dilan Yuldaq. Howorth
(I, 47) says the place is called Deli-
gun Buldaghai near the Onon by
Ssanang Ssetzen and that it is still
known by the same name, tn«., Delan
Boldaq. It is in northern Mongolia,
near the Russian frontier and on the
right bank of the Onon. D'Herb^lot
art. Genghiz Khan calls it Diloun
Joloun.
* Called by Hammer 'Plan Ike and
by Erdmann Ulun Egeh. Apparently
the Turkish pronunciation of cmaga
is enegeh. The a is not long.
* Chinese historians put his birth
seven years later, via., 1162 A.D. for
they say he died in 1227 at the age
of 66 and not of 72, as Muhammad-
ans state. D'Herb^lot, Supplement,
(Yisdelou) art. Granghiz ]^ftn. Ham-
mer-Furgstall (56) prefers the date
1165.
* Howorth, Temudjin and Temu-
jin. The word is said to mean
" finest iron." It may be noted here
that the best biography of CingTz
appears to be Prof. Tranz von
Erdmann's Temndschin der IJners-
chiitterliche. (Leipsic, 1862.) There
is a Chinese Life of Cingiz trs. by
Prof. B. R. Douglas, Lond., 1877.
8 Gibbon, Zingis ; Howorth, Jingis.
0 Meaning, I suppose, that the
book is called the Akbamdma.
'^ i.e., the five known to the an-
cients ^7tc« the Sun and Moon. Their
conjunction is supposed to indicate
a cataclysm. (D'Herb^lot art. Keran).
According to the HaJnburS'Siyar, the
seven planets were in conjunction
in Cancer — the horoscope of the
world — at the time of the Deluge.
See History of the Golden Horde,
Hammer-Purgstall, 75 n., for state-
ment of position of five of the planets
on 6th Jan., 1155, i.e., shortly before
Temacin's birth.
192
AKBARNAHA.
Head^ was in the Third House and the Dragon's Tail* in the Ninth.
Bat some say that in 581* (1185)^ when he became head of the Nairun
tribe and family^ the seven planets were in conjunction in Libra.
QarIcab NOyah.
QarftcSr Nuyan t/as the noble son of Sughfi Cijan and was of
kingly mind and princely^ bearing. In the year of the Hog 562
(1167)^ Yesngai Bahadur died and in the same year, Temucin became
thirteen and Sug^u Cljan, the centre of the sovereignty and adminia*
tration and leader of the armies, marched nearly contemporaneously
with this, to the camp of annihilation. QarScSr* Nuyin was then of
tender age. The Nairun tribe left Temucin and joined the TaljmtB ^
so that Temucin was in difficulties and entangled in misfortunes. At
length, by heaven's aid, he was rescued from these whirlpools and
terrible dangers and waged war with the Jamuqa, TsTjut, Qanqarit^
Jalair and other tribes. When he was over thirty, he became head
of his own clan and family (the Nairun). On account of the opposi-
tion of various rulers of Turkistftn, he went in his fortieth year, by
the advice of Qarficar Nuyan to Avang^ Khdn, the chief of the
Kerayat tribe and who had an old friendship with Yesugai Bahadur.
Temucin did good service for him and displayed pre-eminent excellence*
His favour and intimacy with him and the loftiness of his rank came
^ Anabibazon and Katabibazon.
They are evil influences. The Third
House is that of brethren and short
journeys. D'Herb^lot says that
Libra which is regarded by us as
the Sig^ of Justice, is considered by
Orientals to be that of winds and
tempests.
* I do not find this date in any of
the lives of Cingiz Khan. He as-
sumed the name of Cingiz, which
apparently means the Powerful or
Unshakeable, in 599 (1202). The
period 581 seems again referred to
a little lower where we are told that
Ginglz became head of his tribe
when over thirty. A.F.'s date does
not differ greatly from the 1187
given by Marco Polo as that of
Gingiz', recognition nor from the
1189 given by Ssanan Ssetzen.
^ Sff^ahryar-nUhdn, Qu. kingma-
ker.
* If A.F.'s other dates are right,
Qaraeir must have been an infant at
this time for,— if he died in 652 at
the age of 98, — he must have been
some 12 years younger than Cingiz.
^ Text, TSljat and another form i^
Tin j at. It seems a different word
from Tangat.
• Or Wang, — the Prester John of
medisBval writers and travellers
D'Herb^lot art. Kerit and Supple-
ment (Ylsdelou) 279. Hammer-Purg-
stall says Toghril was the proper
name of Avang or Owaiig.
CHAPTER XY.
193
to such a point that the sweet savour of his sincerity was made fra-
grant by the paatile of friendship' so that the great officers and
relatives (of ivang !^&n) became jealous.
J&mQqa^ chief of the Jajarfit tribe^ joined with Sanku,* the son
of Xvang ^&n, to speak evil of him and they devised falsehoods
against him whereby the heart of ivang Kbfin was drawn away from
the right path and he began to entertain evil thoughts. Temucin
became alarmed and escaped from that*danger by the counsels and
assistance of Qarficir Nuyan. Twice were great battles fought be- 73
tween them in which Temucin was victorious.
When in his 49th, or as some say^ his 50th year, he, in Bamazdn
599 (May-June 1203), attained the rank of a sovereign and ruler
of the world. When three years of his reign and rule had passed
But Tengri,^ a seer of the invisible world and herald of the Divine
Court, was inspired to give Temucin the title of Cingis lO^ftn or
king of kings. Day by day, the star of his fortune rose higher
and higher and year by year, the lightning of his majesty became
more vivid. He acquired sway over all Cathay, ^otan. Northern
and Southern China {Cm u Mddn), the desert of Qibcaq, Saqsin,*
I According to one account,
noticed by D'Herb^lot, Ginglz mar-
ried a daughter of Avang.
* Also ghankn and Shakfln.
» Text, TabTengri; but ladopt the
variant of But Tengri, given also in
No. 564. Hammer-PurgBtall (65)
calLs him Buttanri, the son of Itschke
and says he was step-brother of
Cingfz, being son of Ginglz's mother
by her second husband.
♦ Text, LHi*** Safin, but the notes
give variants, Saqfn andSabaqlnand
the Ain (Jarrett III. 100, where see
note) Saqsln. It is the Sacassin men-
tionedin D'Ohsson. (1. 346 n.) ''Sacas-
8in,dit leg^graphe de Bacu, ^taitune
grande ville du pays des SLazares.
Sacassin est h pr^ent submerg^e."
As D'Ohsson remarks it seems con-
nected with the Sakae or Scythians.
25
Apparently it was a place or country
near the Caspian and is used by
A.F. to indicate the extent of Cinglz'
conquests in the West. The Zc^ar-
ndma Prolegomena says, in reference
to Cin^iz' conquests, that they ex-
tended ast ihiidd'i Bulghdr u Saqin
id intihd*i Gin u Saqsln (?) ^ ^dcin
where apparently Saqsfn denotes an
eastern country. YuUers s.v. Saqsln,
says ** nom. regionie ignotae" and
refers to the Burhdn'i'qdti* and the
Farhcmg-i-Basli%dt. The latter says
it is a country of Turkistan and
quotes a line of Nigftml which con-
tains the expression "from Saqsln to
Samarkand."
In 1652 Greaves published two
Geographical Tables one by Na^Iru-
d-dln 7u8l and the other by Ulugh
Beg. These are in great measure
194
AKBARNAMA.
Bulgaria^i Xs,^ Russia^ Xlan^f etc. He had four sons, Ju]T> CagbataT.
Okada!^ TqII. He placed with Jdji the management of feasts and
hunting. Judiciary matters {ydrghu) and the carrying out of punish*
ment^ in which administrative government is involved^ were commit-
ted to the wisdom of Caghatai. Grovernment and political matters
were assigned to Okadai. The management of military affairs and
the protection of the camp were made over to Tuli.
In the months of 615 (1218)^ he marched to Transoxiana against
Sultan Muhammad^ l^ing of !^warizm* and the people of that country
received the chastisement of capital punishment.
When he had finished the affairs of Transoxiana^ he crossed the
Amu (Oxus) and turned his world-opening reins towards Bal]^. He
despatched TulT !^an with a large army to ^urasan and after
conquering Iran and Tur&n, he came from Bal)^ to Taliqan.^ From
thence he went off to put an end to Jal&lu-d-dm Mangbami^ and in
identical and perhaps the repetitions
in Ain ( Jarrett III. 47 et seq), are
due to indiscriminate copying from
both. In Greaves' Tables, Saqsin is
given in Long. 86° 36' and Lat. 43°
and as belonging to the 5th climate ;
Bolgar, Long. 90° and Lat. 49° and as
belonging to the 7th climate.
Quatremfere (Hist, des Mongoles)
states that Klaproth has treated at
great lengfth of the subject of Saqsin.
I Bular, t.e. Bulghar, (Ain. Jarrett,
etc.) III. 103) a town on the Caspian.
This is therefore not the European
Bulgaria to the west of the Black
Sea but Great Bulgaria on the Volga.
« VuUers (34a) gives As as a town
in Qibcak from which the Osseti
took their name. But the As of the
Text appears to be the Crimea or its
neighbourhood. See Jarrett III. 102
where it is spelled Af a form not
given by Vullers. Quatrem^re (Hist,
des Mongoles, Pref. 70n. 87), says
"Le mot As ou u*' dosigne les
Alains qui portent encore aujoor
d'hui le nom de Oaaets"
• See Vullers and D*Herb. Alan is
said to be a town in Turklstan but
apparently the Alan of the Text is
the Allan of D'Herb^lot which was
in the Caucasus and the home of the
tribe known as the Alant, and which
occupied country between the Cas-
pian and Black Seas.
• The modern Khiva. The citizens
were all massacred.
( X>^liqan, a town in Klhurasan,
E. of Ballfct. (Jarrett III, 87). The
Siur&san and BadaU^an ^aliqans
seem to be identical. See Howorth*a
map.
• Text, Manklrni, but Ain (11. 204
and Jarrett III. 843) has MangbarnI
or Mankbardi, Jarrett observes that
Hammer-Purgstall says it should be
written MankbamI but that on Jal&lu-
d-dln's coins it is Mankbarln. If
as Hammer states, (74) the term
means short or flat-nosed {stumpf-
CHAPTER XY.
195
Ramazdn^ 624 (Aug. 1227)^ defeated him np to the banks of the
Indus. From thence he went to Transoxiana towards his permanent
encampment (Karakoram). He died in the year of the Hog which
was also that of his birth and accession, on 4th §afar^ 624, in the
borders of the coantry of Tang&t.*
Before his death, he directed that when the inevitable event
occurred, they should keep it secret until the affair of the people of
Tangut was completed and that there might be no commotion in dis-
tant countries. His sons and officers carried out his instructions and
took steps to conceal the event till the people of Tangut had come
out^ and been made the forage of the sword. Then they marched
off bearing the body (of CingTz) m a chest, putting to death every-
ndHg) we should hardly expect to
find such a nickname on coins.
VamWry (Hist, of Bukhara, 1842)
says the word is Mengberdi, (heaven-
sent); Raverty (Tahaqat-i-ruiairt, 285)
that it means having a mole on the
side of the* nose. (See also 299n.)
Mwng is given as meaning a mole in
Shaw's Vocabulary of Eastern Tur-
kish. The epithet would thus be
equivalent to KhdlcULr, and, — a mole
being regarded as a beauty ^ — the
sobriquet is honorific*
For an account of the gallant
Jalalu-d-din see Gibbon Cap. 64 and
D'Herb^lot art. Jelaleddin and Ain
l.cr.
^ This date is wrong as perhaps
the copyists might have inferred
from the fact that just below Cingiz
is described as dying in J^afar, the
2nd month of 624, whereas Bamaisdn
is the ninth. Jalalu-d-din's defeat
really occurred in Rajah 618 (Aug.-
Sep. 1221). It was therefore the
time of the rains which enhances the
splendour of Jal&lu-d-dui's- feat in
swimming his horse over the Indus.
> D'Herbelot. 4th Ramadan, This
agrees with Howorth and Hammer-
Purgstall who also give the corres-
ponding European date as 18th Aug.
Apparently A.F. had inadvertently
written the date of death as that of
the defeat of Jalalu-d-din. 4th
JS^afar is 24th Jan. (1227). Safar is
given in one place by Baghidu-d-dTn
whom A.F. copies. (See Hammer-
Purgstall, G. Horde 92 n. 4.) But
see Erdmann I.e., p. 573.
^ Text, Tankaqot. It seems to be
the Tunkah of the Am (Jarrett III.
98) in 5th climate and belonging to
Taslkand. See D'Herbelot art. Tan-
gat where it is stated that the Arabs
call the town Tanghikunt a form
which approaches that in Text. The
country is also called Hia. (See
Howorth I. 4 on Hia or Tangut). It
lies north-west of China and west of
the Yellow Biver. On some modern
maps the country is marked as that
of the Tangats. See Supplement
(Visdelou, 802), for remarks on
Scheidercou and Tamghoul.
♦ They came out under their king
Shfdaqu (called by Minhaj, Tingii
E[hftn) to treat with Cingfz who had
196 AKBABNAHA.
body whom they inet> so that the news might not be quickly con-
veyed to the different countries. On 14th Bama:^n of the same year^
they brought the body to the great camp and proclaimed the death.
They buried OingT2S at the foot of a tree which he had, one day when
74 huntings approved as a site for his grave. In a short space of time^
the branches became* so thick that the tomb was hidden by them and
no one could ascertain the spot. There is a strange mystery in this
which cannot be understood, except by the wisdom of the wise and
far-seeing, to wit, that as in life he was under God's protection, so
also in death did he come under God's supervision, in order that the
short-sighted might not put forth hands of disrespect against the
place. Though to take much thought about a tomb is to make one
self ridiculous to mankind, yet as rulers have to deal chiefly with
the superficial-minded, this providential guarding (of CingTz' tomb) ia
a great blessing. And why should not the Divine protection watch
over one who was so great that an universe abode in the shade of his
guardianship ?
Though this great man be in the eyes of the vulgar and even
to the dite,^ at first glance, a leading exponent of Divine wrath, yet
to the far-reading view of the wise, ^ite of the elite, he is an
emanation of Divine blessings. For in the kingdom of Divine
justice of which human government is a ray, there can be no
injustice or oppression, and everything which comes into existence
in the world of evil is based on certain spiritual principles, the real
nature of which the superficial cannot perceive and which cannot be
comprehended save by the intellects of the far-seeing and awakened-
hearted.
His years were seventy-two complete and most of the seventy-
third had also elapsed. Of them, twenty-five were spent in reigning
and conquering. If we look to the dates* of his birth and his death.
promised them safety, but as he was
dead, his heirs, I suppose, did not
think themselyes bound by his pro*
mise and put them all to death.
Apparently it was to give a loophole
for this that Cingfz bade the fact of
h 18 death to be concealed . ( ydbiiqdt'i'
naflrl, Rarerty 1087>».)
1 Minhaj always calls CingiB the
accursed.
s i^., reckoning the death as in
flafcir. If Bamatan be taken, the
age would be 74, there being 10 solar
months in a lanar year.
CBAPTKB lY.
id7
as stated in higtories^ his age comes to seventy-foar years and three
months. Apparently the discrepancy is due to the difference between
lunar and solar months and yearsj or it may be owing to some cause
other than the ostensible one. Daring this period^ the high matters
of government and administration were made illustrions by the
world-adorning counsels of QarftcSr Nuyan. Why should not a
potentate who hath such a kinsman {birddar) in blood and in spirit
by his side as his director to dominion and f ortune^ brush with the
head of majesty the highest zenith of conquest and rule ?
Verse.
Qarficir and Cingiz are cousins {Hm-i-^am and).
In conquest tooj they are allied {qarinruham and)^
When the drum of death was beat^ the I^anship was made over
to Okadai. The gist of this distressful occurrence is that when on
the China expedition^ he (Cingiz) had one night an intimation by a
vision^ that the time of leaving this mirage-like world was at hand.
He called his sons^ Qaracar Nuy&Ui the Commander-in-Chief, and the
other nobles and pillars of his empire and after imparting to them
counsels which might dominate mankind, he appointed Okadai as
!^an. He sent to the treasury for the covenant which had been
executed by Qdculi and Qabal !^an and which was the Altamgha of
Tumana ^O^fin and which his high-souled predecessors had succes-
sively signedi and had it read before the noble assembly. He
observed, " I swore to this deed together with Qarflcar Nuyan, do
you also fulfil its conditions.'' He also had another deed drawn up 75
between Okadai and his other sons and his kinsmen and made it over
to Okadu.
Transoxiana, Turkistdn, the borders of ^wSrizm, the cities of
the XJig^urs, KSshghar. Badakhshan, Balkh and ^aznih as far as the
Indus, he assigned to CaghataT !^an. He also made over the cove-
nant of Qabal lO^in and QSculi Bahadur to Caghatii and said to him,
" Depart not from the counsels of Qaracar Nuyan and regard him as
your partner in rule and realm.'' He also established between them
the bond of fatherhood ^ and sonship. In this way the noble line
1 According to a MS. of Tlmar's
Memoirs Cingiz did this by marry-
ing Qaracar to a daughter of Cagha-
tai. If 80, Qar&car must surely
198
AKBABNiMA.
(Akbar^s) came to be called Caghatfli;^ otherwise the relatioosbip of
Caghatai and bis ancestors with his Majesty^ the king of kings. Is one
of glory and superiority not of propinquity and similarity.
The Princes and Nuyans acted according to the testament.
Good God ! could there be such a breach • of covenant by an emi-
nently wise man like CingTz Khan ! The covenant which had been
adorned by the seal-royal (Altamgha) of Tumana l^kn should have
been given to Okadfii Qa'an and he should have been made over to be
educated and succoured by the weighty counsels of Qaracdr Ntiyan
so that the provisions of the compact might be carried int-o effect ; or
did they not produce* that covenant till he (Cingiz) was carried
have been many years younger than
Cingfz and hardly fitted to be his
counsellor. The passage in the
Memoirs is duJ^tar-i- CaghataiKhdnrd
hd Qardcdr Nuydn *aqd Jeard u har
do Ourkdn ndm nilidd. But A.F.'b
view and that commonly accepted
is that Qaracar acted as a father to
Caghatai. (ShairatU'l-cUrdk, Miles
344.)
I This does not seem quite correct.
Babar's mother was a Caghatai be-
ing a daughter of Tonus Kh&n, a
descendant of Cingiz, — a fact which
A.F. notices later on in his account
of Babar.
« A.F. holds that Cingiz broke the
compact by not attaching Qaracfir
to the Khaqan (Great Khan). But
Caghartal was the elder son though
passed over in favour of the younger,
Okadai and thus ; in one sense, the
assigning of Qaracar to him was right.
The Prolegomena l.c. states that
CingTz made the arrangement be-
cause Transoxiana had been assign*
ed to Cagh&tai and as Jalalu-d-din
Mangbarni was still alive, it was
necessary to have Caghatai support*
cd by an experienced general like
Qaracar.
Timilr does not seem to hskve
thought there was a breach of agree-
ment for he tells us that when
Taj^aq Timar shewed him the agree*
ment— which had been written on
a steel plate and sigpied by Qjibal
and QacQli, — he acquiesced and ac-
cepted the Commander-in-Chief ship.
(Timur's Memoirs, Stewart 12.) See
too page 22 (Stewart) where TTmiir*s
father tells him that he had beea
Sipdh-adldr, Apparently if there
were a breach of compact, it occurred
when Tlmar's grandfather. Amir
Barkal gave up his duties as Sipah^
sdldr and retired into private life.
^ I am not sure of the meaning of
this passage. My friend Mr. Beamed
thinks it is that the courtiers should
not have produced the deed before
Cingiz so that posterity might havo
ascribed his conduct to ignorance
and not to a deliberate design of
breaking the compact. But Ciog1»
had asked for the deed, so that they
could not well have evaded its pro-
duction, and it is difficult to see how
an intentional omission to consult
the deed could make Cingiz's conduct
or that of his courtiers any better.
Apparently the words " hd^ir namX^
CHAPTER XV.
199
away by the inbred forgetfulnesa ^ of human nature^ and thus the
i^ark of censure in the book of his knowledge was obliterated by the
line of obliviousness. It is strange too that old writers while treat-
ing of this subject with verbiage, cavilling and equivocation have not
come to a right determination about it. It appears as if the world-
adorning Deity desired to remove from the frame of this lofty lineage,
the disguise of the Commander-in-Chiefship which Tumana ^ftn had
imposed but which had really been fashioned by the Divine artificers
while completing the evolution of his Majesty, the king of kings,
(and that so) a forgejbf ulness ensued which surpassed in excellence
thousands of good designs. Inasmuch as the Divine protection
was ever guarding this lofty line, no failure in the compact and agree-
ment occurred on the part of Qaculi Bahadur's descendants so that
when the turn of sovereignty, which was due to their innate and
acquired power of direction, arrived and they attained the divan-
adorning Caliphate, there could be no reproach brought against them
by the wise. Likewise this was the beginning « of the rise of that
sdyttand " must refer to the officers
and not to Cinglz for they are com-
monly used of the act of inferiors
in bringing something before their
superior. I am inclined then to
think that A.F. means to suggest as
an excuse for Cingiz, that he was at
death's door and incapable of recol-
lecting the contents of the deed. Or
it may be that the important word
is an (that) and that A.F. means to
{suggest that possibly the courtiers
did not produce that deed, i.^., the
real deed, but some other.
The Sliajrat (344) remarks that
Cingiz exceeded in recommending
Qaracar to Caghatai. Probably this
remark is based on A.F. and indi-
cates that the Qkajrat was written
after the Akhamdma,
^ Alluding to the Arabic proverb
(Aba'I-ghftzi» D^smaisons, Preface)
aimvalu n-ndai awvoalu n»nd$, "the
first forgetter was the first man."
This again, I believe, refers to
the tradition that Adam surren-
dered 40 years of life in favour of
his descendant, King David but re-
pudiated or forgot having done so
when the Angel of Death came to
him at the close of his 960th year.
In consequence of this forgetf ulness
by Adam, it was laid down in the
book which Seth received from
heaven, that all promises or agree-
ments should be ratified by the pre-
sence of two witnesses.
* Timar is regarded as a lineal
descendant of Qaracar Nuyan,
though according to Vamb^ry, the
claim is without foundation. It
seems that Ba&hid^-d-d^a says no-
thing about Qaracar's being Cagha-
tai's generalissimo. (D*Ohsson II.
109 n.) But he is mentioned in the
J^abaqat'i-naairi b> Minhaj who was
200
%hfc of fortnae I.- ^r *'*'*»*'»*•
^oiy existence wL fc. ^*^"''*^' '^^ t'ord of Tn •
^^'\ • ^ ftr ^■"««-
«^ obedience 1?? """^ '° P«rfo,^in!^f ■ T^°"°^' ^''"i
When o ,, '"^'^^^ obeenred^i"* *"" '^""^^ »«d « tie «
*he year of ^. "'• ^« '^"^ «eiren !„ '^fj^'^^^o- »nd Jd
»«ndfather'« H **^°'' «"> of C^',""^^ ^ver to Q,ri E.
After so 'r°'^''-- ^*^'' '*« ««-«"--» o|
concealed that SrT' '"° o^ Cagha^ff \S^'« H«%uS.„,.
^- -West. sr^''^«^'*° had, d^^^^ Let..o,.|
lifetime. He ffc "" ^« ^eir, but JT- *°^®™^^t7, nomii>a«
lifetime. He ,/' "^^""^ « h« heir, bu6 R-- ^""^^ignty, nomia
^--•te, S he-: Xl ''' (^^oa':'lT£'^^^rin,t,My
"» fiassia, Cirppo • ^®'' *^« Qa'Sn (f^lr ^ , "*™fin vrho was ki
*^e ^eat' ^"r^r,;:^ f » Wa ,: '^^^^ fed, Gi^i n^ .
_____^J»^tie capital) ti^^**^"'8*ria) and came .i
j'*^*- Qar,ot teTr '■" "''**^
.••onbt that Qar.cirt ^""""^ »>« »o
"•J-oagreatdeauCT" "^"-^
f '^feyo-wna which - ^ ^ **•«
822 (UI9). '''^'' »»« written in
^^'^^'S:^.l?J^'^' ^^enta.
»'«»» to the rarti* r. " '"t^duc.
•«»«* 8«4) hat
(ffoworth 1. 158 n,_^
-tateatharoi'^ff';:!'^^^"*'^'
«*^«inst;C!?'*^«r'*'^"
presented that a '^"^^ '^'^ **"
■noceed b«fn» i. • ^*'"'«on could nrt
• Third. flo^jr^^fC-a l^g«-
Chaucer and iinto^ ^^amWn of
CHAPTBB XV.
201
established justice and the cherishing of subjects. When
^(u Mangu was covered with the veil of annihilation^ Qarftcar Nuyan
, ;ain appointed Qard Huligu to the government of the country and
^^^Se»ied during his reign in 652 (1254),^ full of honours and success, at
i^ooatW^heageof 89.
AiJAL NOtAk.
Aijal Nuyftn was the most distinguished for wisdom and godliness
of Qaricir Nuy&n's ten * children. During the reign of Qara Hulfigu
. ^ , he took, on account of his wisdom and vigour, the place of his father
I . ; V(Qarficir). In 662 (1264) he was confirmed on the divan of dominion.
' ^The CaghataT tribe {alas) was prosperous in his time, but as there was
^ ^"' much opposition and strife among the descendants of CaghataT Khan,
F^
son -r .
• Film
'erci:r^^
dan-.
ij a:-:
esKT
si' •
<l
"r'
he got disgusted with affairs and settled in his ancestral city of Kesh
until the time when Mangu Qfi'an, son of Tuli Khan, son of Cingiz
K}^&n, sent his brother Hulagu to Persia (Iran) and attached to him
officers and men from each of the four tribes {alils) of Juji, CaghataT^
Okatai (5kadai) and Tuli, By universal request, Aijal Nuyan was
selected from the Caghatai tribe and appointed as companion* to
HuUgu E^Sn. That iO^an treated him with great respect and as-
signed Maragha-Tabriz* to him.
1 D'Obsson (II. 109 n.) quotes Mir
Khwand as saying that QaracSr
died at the age of 79 but the litho-
graphed ed. of the Rau^tu^-fafd
(Part Y. 69) gives 89 as the age and
Mir Khwand'a source, the Zafamd'
ma. Prolegomena, gives also 89. He
died in the year of the Hare in the
Turkish cycle.
s Five, Prolegomena Le. gives their
names.
• Text, bi-raem-i-Bolbuft SdUmr
does not occur in the dictionary and
is perhaps ealar-i'hdr, (princepa aulae
regiae)—'for which, see Vullers «.v.
aaldr. Possibly the true reading is
(^^ idioari, a present. For an ac-
26
count of this word, see Quatrem^re^
Notices, etc., XI Y. 27n. The meaning
would then be ""He was sent as a
na^r or present to Hulaka." I ob-
serve, however, that edlhuri occurs as
a title in the Zafamdma, (See
extract therefrom, Tdrtlgi-i-^raiiidi,
26, where we have £hwaja Salibarl.)
A MS. however of the Zafamdma
gives the word as Salbarl. So too.
Bib. Ind. ed. I. 88 and II. 23 1.5 fr.
ft.). Sdlbar occurs in the Burhdn-i'
qdti* but only with the meaning of
a tree which bears every second
year.
^ Jarrett III. 81n.
k.
202
▲rBlRRAJIA.
Amib Ailaxoab KhAh,
Amir Ailangar ^an was the most distingoislied son of A.ijal
Nuy§n. When Aijal departed from Taran with Haligu ]^S]i to
77 Iran^ Ailangar was made his father's representative in the Ca^^atH
tribe and when Aijal left this deceitful world in Iran^ Davi j^an, son
of Baraq !^an^ son of Bisutava^ son of Mawatkan^ son of Ca|^atai
EhSnj son of Cingiz O^an who bad become Saltan ^ made him Amtru^
Uumard > and gave him his father's rank and assigned to him powers
of binding and loosing. And being fall of wisdom and insight, he
undertook the management of the affairs of the kingdom. He em-
braced the glorious Mnhammadan religion.
AmIb Babkal.'
Amir Barkal was very high-minded and when his noble father^
Amir Ailangar Nuyan left this comfortless worlds in the time of
Tarmashirin Khan^ son of Dava ^in^ he was the only surviving son*
As he was always occupied with the care of his own soul^ he had no
leisure for other things and so^ abstaining from the companionship
of Kh&ns, he transferred the paternal avocations to his cousins and
remained independent in Kesh. He was assiduous in seeking God's
favour and in acquiring virtues. He spent his life in that neighbour-
hood and provided for his daily sustenance from the various estates
and villages which belonged to his old possessions and was content
therewith till he went to the holy kingdom and the eternal country.
AmIb TabA@1!.
Amir Taraghai was the distinguished son of Amir Barkal and
is the father of the Lord of Conjunction (Timur). From early years
and the flower of youth^ the lights of dominion and fortune shone
from the court of his nature and the notes of greatness and glory
illuminated the antechamber of his ways. That noble-minded man
had a younger brother, Haibat * by name, who was a perfect paragon
i B.A. S. MS. No. 114 has U salt^x-
nat before ha 5 ra»%da bud and they
teem needed.
* This is regarded as the third
renewal of the compact between
Qabal and Q&calT. (Miles 381).
> A^mad b. 'Arah 8h^ gives
Abghai as the name of TlmHr'a
grandfather.
^ In the Prolegomena Ix, the name
seems to be Salhita or Malbita, and in
the 2i«^at««-<-ftHparIjgj^ to be Bita
CBAPTBR X7.
203
of trutli and truth-seeking. Bat the lot of spiritaal and temporal
eminence had fallen on the elder brother. Like his honoured father
A
(Barkal) he always kept his face on the threshold of the lords of holi-
ness and was favoured by the associates of the portals of eternity.
Especially that pattern of the masters of ecstacy^ Sl^aikh g^amsu-d-
din KalSl^^ greatly honoured and respected the Amir and by his
spiritual insight apprized him of the advent of the star of the Lord
of Conjunction.
I do not find his name in Tlmflr's
Memoirs. A.n uncle, Qajt BarlSs
and another, Aidkn, are spoken of,
but they were probably his maternal
uncles. They were unfriendly to
him (Stewart's Tlmar, 55).
«
^ The Prolegomena Ix. and Kl^ula-
fat call him Shamsu-d-din Kalar, and
the former describes him as a suc-
cessor of Shaikh Shihabu-d-dTn
ShahrawardI (perhaps the famous
ShahrawardI of Baghdid). The Pro2e-
gomena states also that in 775 (1374),
KmUr removed his father's body to
near 8hamsu-d-dTn's shrine beside
the chief mosque. Probably KalSr
is right for the Amir Kalal whom
Ttmnr often mentions seems a dif*
ferent person. (Price and Davey
(TtmQr*8 Institutes) call him Gulil,
a word which signifies red powder,
i.e., abtr).
An Ami r KalSl is described in the
SttfinatU'-l'^kuUyd also. D'Herb^lot
mentions a Shamsu-d-din al-Fakh'
aur-who lived in Kesh and was con-
sulted by Tlmilr, but Tf mar's special
Fir seems t^ have been Qutbu-I-
aqtab Shaikh Zainu-d-din Aba
Bakr. (Davey and White's Timur
4n.) Apparently Ai^mad b. 'Arab
Shah is the authority for this, who in
the beginning of his Life of Timur,
speaks of a Shaikh called Shamsn*
d-dTn Al Fakhuri whom Tf mar con-
sulted.
A.F.'s reference to Shamsu-d-dln's
foretelling the greatness of Tlmar
to his father is interesting because
it seems to be an allusion to Timor's
Memoirs where the story is told. If
this is so, it goes to support ihe
genuineness of the Memoirs by
showing that they were in existence
before, at least the reign of Shah
Jahan. The story, however, about
Shams U'd-dTn's prophecy also ap-
pears in the ffalUhu-a'Siyar.
The Ain (Jarrett III, 358) men-
tions an Amir Kalal who was a saiikt
of the Naqsbbandi order.
204
AKBABKlMA.
78
CHAPTER XVI.
The Loed of Gkkat Conjunctions, Third Pole i op the Hkiysbsv,
Pole of Realm and Religion, AmIb Timue G^EoiN.*
The eternal decree and unchanging will of God hath adorned
the world by assigning thousands of designs to everything. Thus
the Almighty, by implanting in the fifty-two persons who form the
lofty line of the king of kings and who are the instruction of the
wise, — command, wisdom, soyereignty, guidance, favour, bounty and
other glorious graces and illustrious qualities, fashioned and finished
the unique pearl of the Imperial Vicegerency (Khildfat). And from
and after Qaculi Bahadur, He caused seven heroes of the sacred line
to descend from the position of visible sovereignty and awarded
them the status of Commander-in-Chief and king-making {iAdhin^
shdhi) so that by experiencing the stage of subjection in the garb of
obedience, they might in an admirable manner, set forth to the
apparatus of the universal laboratory. And as for the exalted an-
cestors who spent their days in Irganaqun, albeit we have no record
I SdlitU'l-quthtn. Probably this
means that he is a Pole snpplemen-
tal to the two Poles, making with
them a Trinity. But it may mean
umpire or arbitrator between the
two Poles, or that ho was three
kinds of Pole, viz., quthU'l-millai
(religion), quthu-d-dunyd (the world)
quibu'd'dtn (faith), us Tlmur is
styled in the Prolegomena {ZtrfoT'
ndma). Buy Gonzales de Glavigo
(Clements B. Markham trs. 124)
says, " The arms of Timur Beg were
three circles like " o "s drawn in this
manner ^o^ and this is to signify
that he is lord of three parts of the
world." He adds that TTmUr ordered
this device to be stamped on his |
coins and on everything that he had
and that he ordered his tributaries
to use it on their coins. Possibly
the epithet in the Text alludes to
this device.
• Timur, we are told, never took
any title higher than that of Amir
(officer) which is an allusion to the
Commander^in-Chiefship held by
his branch and was accordingly a
title hereditary in his family. The
title Ourgdn (son-in-law) refers ap-
parently to his ancestor QarScir
NnySn's marriage with a daughter
of Caghatal, son of Cinglz. But it
may also refer to his own marriage
with princesses.
CHAPTER XVI.
205
of them^ yet they too^ generation after generation, were seized of
greatness. Though the name of sovereignty was not, they possessed
the reality and shewed it forth by preserving their honour while shut
out from the haunts of men. And now that the stages of solitude
and society had been fulfilled and a complete preparation had been
made for the coming forth of the unique pearl of his Majesty, the
king of kings, God, the Creator of the world, stripped off the dis-
guise of dependency which had seemingly been imported into the
line by the counsels of Tumana Khan, and displayed a hero fit for
and capable of a great sovereignty. Such was the appearance of his
Majesty, the Lord of Conjunction, Adomer of the Seven Climes,
Exalter of Throne and Diadem, Amir Timur Gurgftn. This great
one came forth and planted his foot in existence in the environs of
Kesh,^ commonly known as the Siaf^f-irsabz (Green City) and one of
the towns of Iran,* on the night of Tuesday, 25th Sha'hdn, 736 > (9th
April, 1336) in the Mouse Year (First of the Turkish cycle) under
the Sign of Capricorn, from the fair womb and pure veil of her
Majesty, the perfection of modesty and blessedness, glory of choice-
ness and purity, guardian of realm and religion, Tagina ^ !^atun*
This axis of the sphere of the great vicegerency and ocean-centre
of sublime sovereignty is the star of fortune which arose eighth from
out the bosom of Qaculi Bahadur.
According to the view of one historian,^ the true vision of Q&culT
Bahadur was fulfilled thereby but, as has already been indicated, this
1 About 40 miles S. by E. of Samar-
qand. It was called the Green Citj
on account of the verdare of its
gardens. (Zc^amdma I. 301.) It
has been described by Babar (Ers-
kine, 54) P. de Courteille (1. 106) and
E. Schuyler. It is also mentioned
in the Ain (Jarrett, III. 97) as in the
5th climate and in BadaJshahau ( I )•
It is generally reckoned a day's
journey from Samarqand.
t One MS. has TarSn and so has
Abdu-l-(LamId (Bddihdhndma, Bib.
Ind. I. 43) Iran is perhaps right, for
the word is vaguely used. (D'Her-
belot «. v.). Kesh is in what is usually
called Transoxiana and a variant
gives Mav)ard*U'n'ndhr (Transox-
iana) instead of Iran.
S Gibbon quoting Hyde says 1336,
9th April, 11-57 p.m., lat. 36.
* Sometimes Naglna, e, g., in
KhafI Shan.
» Sharafu-d-din 'AH YazdT (Za-
famama). The Pahlhu'S-siyar says
the same thing. A.F. has already
censured 8harafu-d-din (Cap. I. near
the end) for identifying the seven
stars which emerged from QSc fill's
bosom, with the seven descendants
^6
AKBARNiVA.
day was^ according to the profound inveBtigationfi of tHe wise and
far-seeing,i only the beginning of the ascent of the constellation and
the flashing of the first star.
In the fortunate Age in which the Lord of Conjunction was bomj
Tarmashinn* ^ftn^ son of Dava !^an^ son of Baraq Oiftn^ son of
who intervened between Qacalt and
Timur. A.F. says it is wrong to
take for stars, men who did not rule,
and holds that Tlmclr was the first
of the eight stars and not the last.
But his interpretation is liable to
the same objection. It is true that
Akbar was the eighth in descent
from Ttmiir, but this was through
a younger son of the latter, via.,
the third, Miran Shah, and neither
Miran nor his son, Mu^mmad
Mirsa (who also was not an eldest
son) were ever kings. Certainly
they were never what A.F. calls
world-adorners and cannot for in-
stance, be compared for kingly qua-
lities, extent of dominion and dura-
tion of reign with Shahrukh, Mlrzi
(Timdr's fourth son) or for intel-
lectual eminence with Shahrukh's
illustrious son Ulugh BSg. Indeed
of the six who intervened between
TlmQ.r and Akbar, only three were
kings, v%»., Aba tia'Id, Babar and
Humayan.
1 This is singnilftr and perhaps re-
fers to Amir FatJ^u-1-lah of SMraa.
' This seems a mistake. Tarma-
fiblrln was killed in 1330 according
to D'Ohsson (IV. Table II.), and
Mr. Oliver (B. A. S. J. XX New
Ser.) thinks he died in 1334. It
would seem that he was living in
1333, for Ibn Batata apparently
visited him in that year and Mr.
Oliver (J. A. 8. B. 1891, II. eleven)
gives one of his coins dated 733
(1333). Both D'Herb^lot and Miles
speak of Amtr Kazgan as rnltxig in
Transoxiana at the time of Ttmlir s
birth but Amir Kazgan was only
a rebellions subject. According to
ShArafu-d-dln— who ought to be a
good authority and whom Mas'ndi
servilely copies, — Sultan Qazan
the nominal ruler when Timur
bom and his reign lasted from 73^
747 (1332-1346) but the real aatho-
rity was possessed by Amir Qasin.
(Bib. Ind. ed. has QarSn Saltan
^^an and Prolegomena (A. S. B. M^
Oa, 26, p. 69a) Qara Sultan MazL
F^tis de la Croix has Cazan. See
also Miles 374. Sharafn-d-dfn
dilates in the ProhgomenOf on the
birth of Timar in this reign).
Later on, (I. 43) Sharafu-d-dln
states that TugUaq TimSr, a grand*
son of Dava and nephew of Tarma-
ei^Irln, came to Transoxiana in Ba^
hVu-i-adnt 761 (February 1360) and
that in the 33 years previous, dating
from the death of Tarmaahirin»
there had reigned eight kings of the
Caghatal line. This would fix Tar-
mafihlrln's death in 728 (1328;. This
is also the date expressly stated in
the Prolegomena (A. 8. B. MS. Oo,
26, p. 68b) as that when Tarmafibt-
rln was put to death by his cousin
Far&n.
The evidence of Ibn Ba|fl(a against
this is perhaps not of overwhelming
CBAPTIR XTI.
207
BiaQtawij son of BisukaD^ son of Caghatfii ^Sn was raling in Trans-
oziana. In Irftn four months had passed since the death of Sultan
Abu Sa'id ' and there was on that account universal confusion in that
country.
Ainir SShib Qarfin from his earliest years up to the flower of his 79
youth^ was occupied in practising the art of hunting* and the methods
of war and battles. In the Mouse Year 762 > (1361) Amir Tarfighai
departed from this world. He had four sons and two daughters^ viz.,
9&bib QarllnT, 'ilam g^ai^^ Siyurg^tam^^ Juld^ Qutlam^^ Tarkan
Agha and S^irin Begl Aghfi,
weight for he is always confiiBed
and vagae about dates and he seem-
ingly never clearly states when he
saw TarmafihirXn. But the eyidenoe
of the coin is more difficult to get
over. It is not however quite con-
clusive for apart from the fact that
posthumous coins are not unknown,
we have the fact that there was an
apparently fictitious claimant to
the title of Tarmagh^rin and the
coin of 733 might have been struck
by him.
Mr. Oliver's opinion is that Jink-
fihl or Jinikighai was reigning in 736
and he doubts that Buzun ever
reigned. This is the statement in
the B. A. S. J., but in the subse-
quent list in J. A. S. B., Buzcln is
put down as having reigned from
742-44. On the other hand, Mr.
Stanley Lane Poole, as quoted by
Mr. Key Elias, g^ves Buzun as reign-
ing in Transoxiana at Timor's birth
{ranM-t-ra»fti(K, Intr. 40.)
I The Aba Sa*Id "b. Algiaptou (i.e.,
son of Oljaitu)" of D'HerWlot who
gives a long account of him and states
that he was the last prince of the
house of Cinglz whom the Mughals
recognized. He was descended from
Hul&ga Sh&n. The £ia;raiu-^aeraib
(Miles 309) says he died at the age of
32, childless, on 13 BaHVu-UdlAar 736
(D'Ohsson and Beale, 30 Nov., 1335;
Gladwin 1 Dec). It was Abd Sa'id
who put to death the famous his-
torian and minister Bafih^du-d-
dln. D'Herb^lot mentions that as
the year 736 was full of calamities,
it was designated ip lausi. This word
both gives by ahjad the figure 736
{via., Z=:30, to=6, and s=700), and also
indicates by its meaning of " taking
refuge," the necessity for a protector
of the Age, viz., Timur.
• This is from the Zafamama (15)
which states that Tim£Lr practised
hunting and the art of war from 10
years of age.
• Apparently he died in 761 or
very early in 762, otherwise the cor-
responding cycle-year must have been
that of the Ox. The Zafamama too,
although not explicit, seems to say
that Tlmar's father died in 761, — ^the
year in which Tughlaq Tim fir invaded
Transoxiana and TTmfir's uncle, Hajl
BarUs fled to BZhurasan. However
the Tdril^'i-Jahdngir (the Proh'
gomena, of the Zafamama) gives
(near the end) the date of 7&x*&Sh>^^'s
death, 762.
« She died 785 {Zafamwma I. 355).
208
AKBARNAMA.
When ^ihih Qarinl arrived at the age of 34 1 solar years, he
with auspicioas horoscope and lofty fortune and by the counselling of
his Ood-giyen wisdom which is a station of Divine inspiration, placed
on his head on Wednesday, 12 Ramazdrij 771 (9, April," 1870), corres-
ponding to the year of the Dog (It) the diadem of rule and the crown
of world-conquest and made lofty the throne of sovereignty and world-
government. And for 36^ years which was the time of his supre-
macy and world-adornment, he brought under his control and into his
permanent possession, the countries of Transoxiana, Khwarizm^ Tar-
kistan, J^urasSn, the two 'Iraqs,^ fzarbaljan, Persia, Mazindar&n,
Kirman, Diyarbakr, Khuzistan, Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor (Rdm)^ etc,
by means of his world-conquering courage and his capacious intellect,
and uplifted the banners of authority and sovereignty in the four
quarters of the world and in the seven climes.
Whosoever was befriended^ of Salvation, came forward to meet
him with the foot of obedience and for such an one, the rose of anspi-
ciousness bloomed on Fortune's pinnacle. Whoever had misfortane
and eventual destruction enfolded in his skirt, and disengaged his head
from the collar of submission, arrived with tearing of hair^ at the
Judgment-seat of the Dispenser {Qahramdn) of Justice and beheld in
his own bosom the thorn-brake offspring of his acts.
On Monday of Zi-l-qa'da? 789, he massacred the inhabitants of
I Abfi-l-^amld (Badfl^hndnia, 43),
gives Timor's age then as 35 yrs.
17 dys.
s Apparently on his birthday.
S Aba-1-^mld says for 35 yrs.
11 ms. 5 dys.
^ This might mean either Media
and Babylonia or the cities of Kofa
and Basra but here it is the former
for AbQ-1-^mid who copies A.F. says
(43) the 'Iraqs ef Arabia and Persia.
^ Lit to whomsoever Salvation
was the friend of his fortune's day.
Four MSS. have daulaiofi instead
of daulat as in Text.
* Mui'kashdn lit, hair-dragging
bat here perhaps " dragged by the
hair."
t It was 6 2M-qa'da (6th NoTem-
ber, 1387), according to Price (Re-
trospect III. 72.) The inhabitants
rose against Tlm^r while negocia*
tions for the surrender of the city
were going on and killed many of
his soldiers. Tim&r thus alludes to
the affair (Institutes, White and
Davy, 119) "And I conqnered the
city of Ispahan. And I trusted the
people of Ifpahan and I delivered
the castle into their hands. And
they rebelled and the Darogha whom
I had placed over them, they slew
with 300 of the soldiers. And I
also commanded that a general
slaughter should be made of the
people of Ifpahin."
CHAPTER XVI.
209
Ispahfin on account of their sedition and rebellion. Thence he turned
the reins of resolution towards the capital (g^Irftz) of Persia (Fars)
where the MuzafFar^ family (£l-i-muzafFar) became his servants.
When news came of the opposition of Tuqtami^ ■ ^&n the ruler of
Da^t Qipcfik' (the desert of Qipcftk^ i.e., the Khirgiz Steppe) and one
of those who had been supported* by his Majesty (Timur), he twice led
his army against him and having exalted the banners of victory, he
returned. He traversed Dasht Qipc&k which is a thousand leagues
(faraanga) long and six hundred wide and cleared it of the rubbish of
strife.^ A second time he marched against Ir&n in 795 (1893) and
brought death to gl^ah Man^iir^ who had cocked^ the bonnet of
f rowardnesSj and he extirpated the Muzaffar race.
And in that country, he performed feats which obliterated those
of Rustam^ and Afrasiab^ and for the sake of the repose of the
ministers '^ of his victorious dominion, converted the country of Persia
into a thornless garden {gulzdr-i-blUhdr). After '^ that he conquered
Baghdad by the strength of his dominion and fortune. He went
several times into Georgia and brought there as his companions^
victory and conquest. In 12 Muharram, 801 (23rd September, 1398),
1 D'Herb^lot art. Madhaffar, and
Eieu's Cat. I. 82 and 168a. The
dynasty was known by the name of
Al-i-mujfafEar. It began in 718
(1318) and was overthrown by Timur
in 795 (1393). It ruled over Kirman.
• D'Herb^lot art. Toctamish,
8 Jarrett III. 102.
• Taqtamigb at one time owed his
kingdom to Timiir. He was a des-
cendant of Gingiz through his son
Jaji.
^ EicLa u lAdsIfik "weeds and
briars."
• D*Herb61ot art. Mansor; ga-
farnama Bib. Ind. I. 608, and Gib-
bon Cap, 65. Man§ur was killed by
Shahmki and Gibbon says Timur
declared his esteem of the valour of
27
his foe by extirpating all the males
of so intrepid a race.
7 Cf. Macaulay*s account of Sir
John Fen wick cocking his hat in
Queen Mary's face.
* Alluding apparently to the taking
of the famous White Fort (QiZ'o-i-
8(\fid) 45 miles N.W. of Shiraz and
which was taken by Bustam also.
(Hist, of Persia, Malcolm I. 27 and
46.)
^ Af raslab, t.e.> conqueror of Persia.
He was afterwards killed by Zal and
his son Brustam.
10 Auliyd-i-daulat, but this phrase
is often only a respectful way of
mentioning the king himself.
11 This was the first taking of Bagh-
dad, in Sep. 1393. It was taken again
20th June, 1401.
210
AKBARMAMA.
he made a noble ^ bridge over the Indas and by dominion and fortuiie
conquered Hindustan.^ In 803 (October 1400) he made an expedi-
tion against Syria^^ and then raised the morning-breeze of forinne.
80 The lights of celestial victories illumined that world-conqueror. On
that occasion Aleppo was taken and then the army went to Damascus
and shed the blood of the rulers of Syria who were confined in the
wretchedness* of prison.
Next year he raised his standards for the purpose of sttbdning
Rum and on Friday, 1 9 ^ Zi-l-hij ja, 804 (20th July, 1402), having arrayed
his army and adorned the flag of contest with the crescent of viptory.
^ The bridge was of boats and
rafts and made in two days and hardly
entitled to be styled a jasr-i-'dti
Timar crossed where Jalalu-d-din
Mangbarnf swam the river.
> A.F. has a short notice of this
expedition in the Ain, under the head-
ing "Comers into India." See
Jarrett 349, where instead of " the
booty obtained was not considerable"
we should read "they did not value
it " (the conquest of India). Sir A.
Cunningham (Indian Eras) gives the
date of the capture of Delhi as Wed.
18th Dec, 1398.
B The reference appears to be to
the slaughter of prisoners from Alep-
po, etc., after the first battle before
Damascus (Zafamama II. 314).
Among them were Shadun, governor
of Damascus and apparently many
other rulers of Syrian cities. These
had all assembled at Aleppo under
the orders of the king of £gypt
(1.C.II. 287.) A^mad 'ArabShSh tells
how a number of the chief men of
Damascus surrendered themselves to
Timnr after the Sultan of Egypt had
deserted the city and that many of
these were afterwards put to death
(Manger, II. Cap. VI and XIII).
Timur killed them and also the
prisoners taken in the battle, appar-
ently because the king of Egypt bad
tried to have him assassinated and
because he (the king) had put one
of his ambassadors to death and im-
prisoned Altamah Qnjin (Lc. II. 275).
But the Text may also refer to Tf mar's
severities against the principal men
of Damascus after he had tcJcea
the city. He was incensed again^c
them because they were Sunnis and
belonged to the house of Yazid, the
slayer of Husain, and because they
had neglected the tomb of the Pro-
phet's widows.
^ I am not sure of the meaning of
i'lll-i-qaid. Several MSS. write it
without the i^fai and as if it were
the name of a place. There is a town
and fortress of Zillah in Asia Minor
(near to which Csdsar gained hia
Veni, Vidi, Fioi victory) but I cannot
find that the Syrian Ami rs were con*
fined there or that Tfmnr was ever
there. Possibly stall is a variant for
%ill, shadow.
6 A^mad 'Arab g^ah, Thursday,
27 Zl-l-^ijja {Thamu9). (Manger, II.
256.)
CflAPtBA XVL
211
lie fought near Angora (Ancyra), a glorious battle with Ilderim
(Xhunderbolt)^ the Csesar of Rim, and by the secret aids which rode^
a.lway8 beside this royal cavalier of the plain of supremacy^ the
a.ssembled armies of victory and conquest became his stirrup-holders^
CLnd the proclamation* of success was issued in the name of that
world-subduing lord. Ilderim BayazTd (Bajazet) was made prisoner
mid when they produced him at the foot of the lofty throne^ he was^
out of perfect kindness and chivalry^ given a seat above the princes.'
From thence^ Timur went to Izarbftijan and spent there eighteen
months in the administration of justice. Kings and kings' sons from
^ jETam-'tndn, lit equal-reined.
* Beferring to announcements of
victory sent to Persia, Tartary, etc.
{Za/amama II. 447).
& Text, BlT'i'^aat'i'Slidhaada but
most MSS. have §idhzadahd and no
doubt this is the true reading. I am
also convinced that sTr is a mistake
for tahar which I have fonnd in one
A.S.B.MS. See Yullers 9.v. nabardasi
where the meaning prior locus in
consesau is given and also the phrase
Bohardast nt^&oftan, locum aliioretn,
i.e., magi$ honoratum occupare, to-
gether with a very apposite Persian
couplet.
I do not know whether A.F. was
justified by his authorities for the
statement in the Text. The Zafar-
ndma merely says Timar gave
Bayazld a seat near himself and the
Bau^tU'8'8afd that Bayazid was
given an honourable seat (ii^ara/'i-
julu$),
A.F. knows nothing or says no-
thing about Bayazid *s subsequent
confinement in an iron cage (Gibbon).
The story isy however, now
regarded as disproved. The Eau^
states that according to the testi-
mony of an eye-witness, Tlmar at
first spoke roughly to Bayazid and
reproached him for his obstinacy
and folly. The Zafamdma admits
this but represents the reproaches
as given after the removal of his
chains.
BSyazId was restored to his king-
dom and allowed the place of a
subject or vassal prince (Zafamdma
II. 461). Accordinp^ to Hammer, the
" cage " was a woman's litter. But
a recent writer in the Z. D. M. G. ha»
refuted Hammer and has, apparently
unconsciously, vindicated the acumen
of Gibbon.
* This statement is misplaced..
Timor went to Ajarbaljan before-
the battle of Angora and the "IS
months" referred to seems the
interval between the taking of
Damascus in January, 1401 and the
battle of Angora in July, 1402. A.F*
says nothing of the capture of
Smyrna from the Knights of 8t^
John which occurred after the battle
of Angora in 805 (December, 1402)
and was one of Timar'isi greatest
ftcbierements. The whole of A.F.'s-
accoont of TTmSr is very poor and
bears marks of haste.
212
A^BABNAHA.
various countries came and did homage. The i*nler of Egypt coined
much red and white money in his name and sent it to the world-
protecting Court. Other rulers of the surrounding countries raised
the flag of well-wishing on the plain of obedience. And from the
pulpits of Mecca^ Medina and other holy places^ the kbtitba waa reud
in his name. In Zi-1-qa'da^ 806 (May^ 1404), he marched agaiiist
Flruza-kuh' and having won victory there that very day, he,
without delay, turned towards KhurSs&n. In the beginning' of
Muljiarram 807 (9th. 10th July, 1404) he went by Nl^apur to Trans-
oxiana and there in his native country inaugurated a great feast '
such as astonished the lords of greatness and splendour.
After gratifying mankind with largesses and favours, he set
forth to subdue the territories of China IKhitd).
On the night of Wednesday, 17 Sl^a'bfin, 807 (18th February,
1405) in the village {mauza') of Utrar^ which is 76 leagues {farBatsb)
from Samarqand, he, by the irresistible order of Ood turned his face
towards the eternal city and rode the steed of life into the spacioas
abode of the everlasting world. They brought his sublime corse to
Samarqand with the respect due to so great a man. The following
lines record the years of the events of this world-adorner.
Quatrain.
Sultan Timur is he to whom no king was like ;
In 786, he came into existence ;
In 771, he ascended the throne.
In 807, he bade the world adieu.
1 A town in MSzindaran, on the
Caspian. It takes its name from a
neighbouring moantain which yields
turquoise or according to another
derivation, is the " Hill of Victory."
(D'Herb^lot art. FirouzcouH and
B^clus 242.) It was seen by Clavigo
who calls it Berescote, when on his
way to visit Timar (Markham,
101).
• The Diet and entertainment des-
cribed by Clavigo and Gibbon and
at which six marriages of Timfir'a
grandchildren were celebrated. It
took place September^ 1404, at Sa«
marqand.
> Lat. 44 N. Long. 67 E. and about
300 miles N. by E. of Samarqand on
right bank of the Sihan (Jaxartes).
Babar (Erskine I. lln.) says it was
called also Yenghi* Hence it is the
Yonghi-kcnt (New Town) of Turkis-
tan mentioned in the A\n (Jarrett,
III. 101).
c^APTCB xn.
213
This aUBpiciouB Lord of Conjunction had four sons. (1) Ghiyasu-
d-din Jahangir Mirza. He died in Samarqand in 776 ^ (1375) in the
early part of hia father's reign. He left two sons^ Mohammad Sulj^n 81
whom Tfmur made his heir bat who died after the conquest of Asia
Minor (Rum) on 17 Sba'bfin, 805, at Suri> a fort of Bum; and P!r
Muhammad who was made his heir after his brother's death and in
whose favour his Majesty Sihib QaranI made a will at the end of his
life. At that time he (Pir Muhammad) was ruler of Ghaznin and the
borders of India. But he was martyred on 14 Bamasftn, 809 (22nd
February, 1407), by Pir 'All Taz,^ one of his ofEcers and thus the stain
of an eternal curse was affixed to the brow of that disloyal one.
The second son of his Majesty ^ubih QarSni is Mirzg 'Umar
Shailcb who ruled over Persia. He too died in his father's life-time
in Babi'n-l'awwaJ, 796 (January, 1394), below the fortress of |^ar«
matu.^
1 Tlxnar's Memoirs and Zafar*
noma, 777. See Zc^amdma I. 271
where it is said that 777 corresponds
with the Crocodile Year. The death
was in the beginning of 777 and so
about June 1375.
s I do not know the authority for
this statement. Sorl Hi^Sr is men-
tioned in the Zafamdma (II. 448)
and P^tis de la Croix says it is a
fortress between Angora and Kutaya
(Cotyaenm). See also Retrospect,
Price, III. 397. In B^lus' map it is
Sivri Hissar.
But the Zafamdnia does not say
Ma^mmad Sultan died there. What
it says is (II. 492) that he died three
stages from Qar& Qi^ar (Black Fort)
while his father was haying him
conveyed in a trayelling-litter,— *ap-
parently from Qari Qisar for change
of air. (See for account of his ill-
ness and death, Zafamdma II. 490.
Also Price Lc. III. 424.) The Za^
famdma gives date of death 18
Sha'ban, (11th March, 1403), and thus
about a fortnight after BSyazTd's;
according to Hammer, four days
only — he putting Bftyazid's death 14
Sha'ban, 803 (8th March, 1403). Ac-
cording to A(imad 'Arab Shah
(Manger, I. 147) Mu^mmad SnltSn
died in Aq Shahr where died also
Bayazld.
One MS. (B.M. Add. 27, 247) has
dar aawdri for da^ riiri and possibly
this is the true reading, for apparent-
ly Mn^mmad Saltan died in his
travelling-litter.
B D*Herb^lot and several MSS.,
Ydr, Taz appears right. For account
of the murder (which was commit-
ted near Shibargh^n, W. of BalJsh)
see Hist, of Bu^harS, Vamb^ry 215
and 'Abdu-r-razzak, Qnatrem^re,
Notices et ExtraiU XIV. 101. Pir 'AH
was afterwards put to death by
Shahrukh.
* Also Kharmana. It is a petty
fort in Kurdistan. The prince had
been sent for by his father from
Persia and was on his way to join
216
AKBABMAMA.
QTya. The MirzS always lived with his brother Mirza ^alil in Samar-
qand and when the latter proceeded to ^ IrHq, Mirza g^ihrukh told Mlrsl
Ulugh Beg (his son) what he knew of Muhammad Mlrza^s good qualities
and praised his noble character ; and the Prince (Ulugh. Beg) always
shewed him brotherly {i.e., cousinly) kindness. Muhammad Mirza had
two sons. Sultdn Abu Sa'id Mirza and Manucihr Mirza. When he was
ill and about to die^ Mirza Ulugh Beg came to inquire after him and the
latter strongly recommended his son Abu Sa'id to Mirza Ulugh, Beg.
Accordingly Abu Sa'Id was brought up with all enjoyment under the
care of Ulu(|^ Beg and daily moved upwards on the steps of dominioii
and fortune under his guidance. One day/ one of Ulugh Be^a
intimates observed to him ^^ Your cousin (Aba Sa'Id) is serving joa
very zealously/' to which the Mirza replied, '^ He is not serving us but
is learning the arts of conquest and victory from our companionahip."
And in this the Mirza was speaking from his perfect insight and per*
ception,
SuL^lN ABt^ Sa^Id MlBZA.
Sulj^n Abu Sa^id Mirza's auspicious birth was in 830 (1427) and
he became Sultan when he was 25. For 18 years he ruled Turkistan^
Transoxiana, Badakhsh&n^ K&bul^ Ghaznin, Qandah&r and the borders
of Hindustfin and in the end of his reign, 'Ir&q too came into his
possession. And with this prosperity and extent of territory which
might become a thousand-fold source of intoxication, he was discreet
and open-minded and sought for enlightenment from dervishes and
ascetics. In 872 (1468) Mirza Jahan S^ah, son of Qara Yusuf, the
ruler of Azarbaljftn, had marched to put down Jzun Hasan Xq*
quy anlu * but owing to his great carelessness and complete want of
full brothers. Clavigo (147) calls her
Hansada. He says " She was of the
lineage of the old emperors and for
this reason, Timnr Beg treats her
with great respect." This points to
her identity with Mihr Nfish to
whose lofty lineage A.F. refers. Qly&
seems the same as QiySt mentioned by
A.F. in the account of IrganaqQn but
I do not know the tribe FQlEd (steel).
1 Babar, Erskine, Introduction
LIV.
• White sheep. (Price I.e. III. 608).
The proper spelling appears to be
Aq-quyan-lu, The Black sheep are
the QarSquyanla. A^Qn Hasan, i. e.,
Qasan the Long, was maternal grand*
father of Sh&h Ism&'ll §afavt, king
of Persia.
CHAPTER XVI.
217
management, was killed by him.^ The Saltan (Abu Sa'id) led an 83
army against him (Xzun Qasan). Though £zun I^asan preferred
peace, it was not accepted and being driven to extremity, he cut off
the supplies of com. Consequently a great famine arose in the camp
(of Abu Sa'Td) so that for 14 days the royal horses had no barley and
as a result of the famine, the soldiers dispersed. XzQn ^asan gained
the victory and on 22 Rajab, 873 (4th February, 1469), the Suljfin fell
by fate into the hands of £zun ^asan's men. Three days afterwards
ho was made over to Ysdgftr Muhammad Mirzfi, son of Sult&n Muham-
mad Mirza, son of Baysanghar Mirza, son of gj^ahrukh Mirzft who was
an ally of Xznn Qasan. This worthless inauspicious one slew that power-
ful king on the pretext* of the murder of Gkiuhar ghad Begum who was
the wife of g^ahrukh Mirza. The words Maqtal-i'Suljtdn Abu Sa'id
(the slaughter-spot of Suljan Abu Sa'id) give the date (873 = 1469).
^IJmab Shaiss MiBZA.
^Umar Si^aikh Mirza was the fourth^ son of Abu Sa^Id Mirza, being
1 This is the occurrence referred
to by Herb^lot in his notice of
Aba Sa'id. He says that in 861
(1457), Aba Sa'id was in a bad
humour owing to having failed to
capture the citadel of Herat and
that at this time, some evil -disposed
persons told him that Sultan Ibra-
him Mirza (a grandson of Baysan-
ghar and great-grandson of Shah-
rukh) had sent messengers to Sul-
tana Grauhar Sh^d and that he had a
secret understanding with her. In
consequence, Aba Sa'id hastily or-
dered her to be put to death. She
was the widow of Shahrukh. the
great-grandfather of Tadgar and
had been living in Herat which had
been her husband's capital and wbere
he had died in 850 (1447). Aba
Sa'id had taken the town but had
failed to get possession of the citadel. ,
' Gauhar Shad (Jewel of Delight)
seems to have been Shahrukh's
28
favourite wife, and yamb<$ry states
(Hist, of Bukhara, 236) that some
of his verses about her are still re-
membered by the people of Herat.
Babar speaks of visiting her tomb.
She must have been an elderly
woman when put to death, and the
vengeance taken by her descendant
was not excessive and was in accord-
ance with the Muhammadan law of
retaliation. She was put to death
on 10 Ramazan, 861 (31st July, 1457.
Price I.e. IV, 598.) See inscription
on her tomb in Cap. Yates "Notes
on the City of Herat." (J.A.S.B. 1887,
Vol. 56, p. 98.) She is there called
Grauhar Shad Agha and the date of her
death is given only as the middle of
Ramazan, 861. Yadgar was only a boy
at the time, for Babar (88) speaks of
him as an inexperienced lad of 17 or
18 when he was killed at Herat in
the following year, 1470.
» A. F.'s list of Aba Sa'id's sons
I
I
I
218
AKBAKNAMA.
younger tjian Sulj^an Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Muhammad and Sal^n
Mahmud Mlrzft and older than Sultan MurSd MirzS^ Suljtan WsJad
Mirza^ Ulugh Beg Mirza^ Abu Bakr Mirzd^ Sultan l^^U Mirza and
g^ahrukh Mirzl. He was born in Samarqand in 860 (1455). Saltan
Abu Sa'id Mirzd at first gave Kabul to the Prince and sent him off
under the guardianship of Baba Kabuli^ but he recalled him from
Dara-gaz ' for the purpose of a festival.*
After it was over, he gave him the country of Andijan and the
Takhti-Ozjand* and after providing him with o£5cers, sent him to that
country under the guardianship* of Timur Tas^^ Beg. The reason
for giving this country to the best of his sons was an exceeding* desire
to preserve his ancestral territory and as his Majesty Sahib Qaram
gave it to his son ^Umar Shaikh Mirza who was of singular ability, so
did Abu Sa^Td on account of the sameness of name, gave it to his boq
^Umar ghaikh. Sahib QaranT is reported to have repeatedly remarked,
" We conquered the world by the might of 'Umar Shaikh Mir35§'s
sword, by his staying in Andijan and being a strong barrier between
our territory and the desert of Qipc&k and by his guarding the
*' passes, the people of Qipcak were not able to rebel or be turbulent
*' and we could in security brace ourselves up for the conquest of the
" world."
And this wise ruler ('Umar Shaikh the Second) also took extreme
precautions that no hostile army should be able to cross this territory
t€
€(
does not agree with E[hwandamir
and is incorrect. S. Ma][^mad was
the second, and S. Muhammad the
third son. Abu Sa*Id left eleven
sons, and it would appear in spite of
Babar's own statements, that his
father was the 6th and not the fourth
son, the 5th being Ulugh Beg. The
11th son was apparently a Sultan
'Umar, who was distinct from 'Umar
Shai^.
I "The valley of Gez or Manna
which lies on the Dihas or Balkhab,
south of Balkh." (Erskino I. c. 7n.)
According to Sir H. Bawlinson, (R.
G. S. Pro. 1876, 170n.) Daragaz means
valley of the tamarisk. As Aba
Sa'id had sent 'Umar Shaikh from
Samarqand, the latter would pass
Dara-gaz on his way to Afghanistan.
* Abu Sa'id's famous six months'
festival which he celebrated at Merv,
in 1465 and in honour of the cir-
cumcision of his sons.
^ Apparently Ozkand in Eastern
Farghana.
* *Umar Shaikh was then only ten
years old. Much of this is from
Babar's Memoirs.
^ His full name is Khndabandl
Timur Tagh* (Babar, Erskiue 8 and
14.)
CHAPTEB XVI.
219
whicli was the boundary of Mongolia. And though Yiknus * (Jonas)
Khan tried, he could not get possession of it and not the slightest
injury happened to its tranquillity. That fortunate and lofty-starred 84
Prince was one who weighed his words and was eloquent ; he had a
^reat liking for poets and could recite poetry,. He had a poetical
temperament but was not solicitous of writing verses and spent most
of his time in reading books^ historical and poetical. The Skdhndma
was often recited before him and he was an excellent companion ; of
open brow and good disposition and fond of quoting good poetry. A
lofty genius warmed his soul and the beauty of fortune was manifest on
his brow. He had no equal among his contemporaries for adminis-
trative ability, care of his subjects and dispensing of justice. His
courage and generosity were on an equal footing and his genius was
companioned by his energy. He adorned the throne of sovereignty •«
For example, once a caravan from China (Khita) had come to the
hill-country east of Andijan. There was a heavy snow-storm and the
caravan was overwhelmed so that only two persons escaped. When
this just man heard of the catastrophe, in spite *of his necessities at
the time, he did not touch any of the goods but appointed trust-
worthy persons and attached the property until the heirs were collect-
ed from their native country to receive the goods, the rights of each
being ascertained.^
This king was always of a dervish mind and inclined to the
society of religious persons and asked for wisdom at the doors of the
hearts of the God-knowing. Especially the holy Nasiru-d-dln*
KhwsLja 'Abidu-1-Ifih, known by the name of Khwaja Ahrar.
I This is hardly a fair descrip-
tion of Yanns Khan's proceedings.
'Umar Shaikh made over his capital
Alshs^ to YQnus and then repented
and made war on him. He was de-
feated and taken prisoner and owed
his life to Yiinus* generosity. (Tar,
BoBhUi, 96.)
* All this is from Babar. (Erskine
8 and also Pav6t de Courteille.) " But
the Turkish seems more concise
than the Persian. A.F. probably
used the latter for his account is in
closer accord with Erskine than with
De Courteille.
^ This story is told in Babar'a
Memoirs (8). The stress laid on this
simple act of honesty by Babar and
A.F. is rather significant of the
morals of the time. Probably *Umar
Shaikh's self-denial on this occasion
inspired his son Babar to similar ac-
tion towards the Hindustani mer-
chants at Kilat-i-ghilzfti* (Memoirs
225.)
^ For references to this saint, see
220 AEBARMAMA.
In succession to his father^ he ruled in Andijin^ the capital '^'
Farghana and also Ta^kand^ Shahrukhiya and Siram were in his
possession. He several times led an army against Samarqand SLud 1.^
several times brought to his help Yunus Khan who possessed ih.
dominions of Caghatfii Khan and was !^an of the Murals a»iid w:&a
nearly related to him. Whenever he brought him, he assig'ned sonit
province to him and then as occasion served, Yunus Khan would g*
back to Mughalistan. On the last occasion 'IJmar Mirza gave hm\
Tas]jkand and up to 908 (1502-3) this and Si^ahrukjjiya were in the
possession of the Caghatai rulers. At this last date the ^^analiip of
the Mughal tribes belonged to Mahmud Khan, eldest son of Yunn«
Khan. This Mahmud Kfcan and Sultan Ahmad Mirza brother of
'tJmar §haikh ruler of Samarqand, having concluded an alliance^
marched their forces against the Mirza ('Umar g^aikh). Sultan
Ahmad Mirza proceeded from the south of the Khajand river and
Sultan Mahmud Khan from the north of it. Just at this crisis an
85 extraordinary thing happened to the Mirza. The brief account of it
is as follows.
Akhsikat which is known as Akhsi, is one of the seven towns of
Farghana. Mirzg ^Umar §haikh had made it his capital. The town
was on a precipitous ravine and all the buildings were on its edge.^
As fate would have it, on Monday 4th Bamazan, 899 (9th June, 14941
he was sitting near his pigeon house which was one of these buildings,
watching the motions of his birds, when an attendant reported that
the precipice was breaking away. The Mirz& at once got up and had
put one foot into its slipper but had not had time to put in the other,
when the whole precipice gave way and the terrace fell down. The
Mirza's outward form fell to the bottom but in reality, he ascended
to the zenith. He waa then 39 years old, having been born in 860,
at Samarqand. (This last fact has been mentioned already.)
Be it known that FarghSna belongs to the fifth climate and is on
Tar, Bashidl 97, etc., and NafahdtU'
Uuns, Lees, 465. Ho lived in Samar-
qand. ' Dr. Bicu gives the date of his
death as 29th RabI' 1. 895 (2nd March,
1400), (Pera. Cat. Ill, 1086a). See
also Blochmann 423.
' Apparently only the fort was on
the edge of the ravine and the town
some distance ofE. The fort looked
down on the Sihan and 'Umar Shaikh
had increased, the steepness of tbo
precipice by scarping the rock of the
ravine. Perhaps this partly caused
the accident.
CHAPTER m. 221
tlie borders of the civilized world. East of it is Kashghar and west,
Samarqand j south, the mountains on the borders of Badakhshan, To
the north, although formerly there were cities such as Almaligh,
Almafcu, TangT, known as Utrar, but at present no traces or ruins
even of them remain. In the west where are Samarqand and
Khajand, there are no mountains. Except in this direction, there is
no entry for foreigners. The river Sihun, known as the Ab-i-khajand^
coming from the north-east flows west. It then runs on the north of
Khajand and south of Finakat which is known as giahrukhiya. Then
iuclining to the north, it flows towards Turkistan and meeting no other
river in its course, it disappears beyond Turkistan in the sands. In
this country there are seven towns, (qasha) five to the south of the
Sihun and two to the north. The southern towns are Andijan, tJsh,
Marghlnfin,! Asfara (var, Isfaraj) and ]^B.jand. The northern are
Al^si and Kdsan.
This unique pearl of sovereignty had three sons and five
daughters, the eldest son being his Majesty Firdus-makani Zahiru-d-
dln Muhammad Babar Padshah. Jahangir Mirza was the next and
younger by two years and was the son of Fatima Sultan who belonged
to the TomSn officers (i.e., chiefs of 10,000 men) of the Mughals. The
third was Nasir Mirza younger than Jahangir by two years. His chaste
mother was from Andijan and was a concubine named Ummed. The
eldest daughter was Khanzada Begum, full sister of his Majesty Gltl-
sitani Firdus-makam and older than he by five years. When g^ah
Isma'il l^afawl defeated the IJzbegs (S^aibam) at Merv, that chaste 86
one was in Merv and Sbah Isma'il sent her with all respect to his
Majesty GifcT-sitani Firdus-makani at Qunduz.*
After a lapse of ten years, an interview took place between them,
and his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makani says, "When they
came I and Mahmudi KokultSsh (foster-brother) went to meet them
but the Begum and her attendants did not recognize us, although
*• we made ourselves known. After a while they recognized us." *
1 The modem name is Mai*ghllaii
(Erskine I.e. 3n.) It is west of
Andijan.
S A town north, of Kabul and east
of Balich- Sometimes spelled Khun-
duz. {J'dri^'irraBhidit 239.)
^ Perhaps the meaning is that she
could not distinguish Babar from his
foster-brother. (See Erskine, 10 and
P. de Courteille, 17). The non-re-
cognition of her brother is curious
considering that she was about 24
222
AKBARKlMA.
The next daughter was Mihr Banu Begam^ full sieter of Xj-
Mirza and eight years younger than Pirdus-makanT. The next ^
Yadgar Sultan Begum. Her mother was a concubine named 5x
Sulfcan. The next was RasTya Sultan Begum. Her motiier T^i
Ma^duma Sulfcan Begum known as the Qara-guz (Black-eyed) Ba«:ii-.
Then two daughters were born after *Umar Sl^aikh's deatli. Thi?-
was also a daughter born of Anu^ ^i^a^ daughter of ^L.wSja ^osx:
who died young. ^
when separated from him and also
that Haidar Mirza saja (Ney Elias
239) that Shaibanl divorced her on
account of his suspecting her attach-
ment to her brother. When Babar
left her she became the wife of Shai-
banl and had a son by him. The
Shaihani-ndma says her marriage
with Shaibanl was a love-match and
It seems probable that Babar has not
mentioned the whole of the circum-
stances and that her being left be-
hind was a part of Babar's agree-
ment with Shaibanl. Haidar Mirza,
Babar*s cousin, distinctly states
ITdrvkh-i-rashtdh Ney Elias, 175, 196
and 239) that Babar gave his sister
to Shaibanl. Babar*s own daughter
Galbadan mentions the arrangement
in her Memoirs, so that there can
be no doubt as to the fact. When
Shaibanl divorced Pbianzada. he
gave her in marriage to a Sayyid,
but he as well as Shaibanl. was killed
in the battle of Merv.
I A.F.*s account of *Umar Shaikh's
family as well as of Farghana
(Khokand) is taken almost verba-
tim from B&bar, Memoirs. He
omits the name of Babar's third
daughter, ShahrbanS BSgum, from
the list, nor can she be the nameless
daughter mentioned at the end of
his account by A.F. for her mother
was Anush Agha whereas Shahrtii ^
was full sister of Nasir Mfrzi i -
of a concubine named Uzamed. li
fact A.F. has confused Mihrb^ri
and Shahrbanu. The former w-.
two years older than Babar and *\
was Shahrbanu. misnamed MibrbSt.^«
by A.F., who was eight year-
younger than Babar. Babar ^^^^
the youngest daughter's nazne as Ru-
qlya and not Baciya as in A* F.
The Turkish version of JBabar't
Memoirs gives, apparently wrongk,
Qara-guz as a sobriquet of Babar' <
sister instead of his step-mother.
The nameless daughter mention«d
by A.F. is referred to later by Bab&r
(Erskine 14 and P. de Conrteille 2<r>>
so that in fact 'Umar Shaikfe had
six daughters. The wife whom the
text calls Aniigh Agha w called by
Babar, fi^las Agha and a note to the
text states that this name appears
in many MSS. She was removed
from the harem a few months after
she had given birth to a daughter.
With reference to A.F.'b omission
of the name of the third daughter
Shahrbanu. it is curious to note that
a similar omission occurs in two
MSS. of the Persian translation of
Babar's Memoirs, B. M. Add. 24, 416
and 26,200, though No. 26,200 has a
marginal correction giving her name.
«
CHAFTSB XVII«»
223
Cf*T:
CHAPTER XVII.
His Majesty Oiti-sitAni FibdOs-kaean! Zahibu-d-dIn Muhaumap
•• •
Babab PAdsbAh QiiAz!.^
King of the four qaarters^* and of the seven heavens ; celestial
sovereign ; diadem of the sublime throne ; great of genias and great-
ness-conferring ; f ortune-increaser ; of excellent horoscope ; heaven
in comprehensiveness; earth in stability; lion-hearted ; clime-captarer;
lofty in splendour ; of active brain ; searcher after knowledge ; rank-
breaking lion rampaot; exalter of dominion; ocean-hearted; of
illustrious origin ; a saintly sovereign ; enthroned in the kingdom of
reality and spirituality^ Zahiru-d-din Muhammad B&bar Pad^ah
Ghazi. His pearl-like nature was a station for the marks, of great-
ness and sublimity ; freedom and detachment together with lofty
restraint and majestic power flashed forth in his nature ; in asceticism
and absorption {faqr ufand^) a Junid^ and Bayazid ; while the magni-
-"\
I "World-gripper, Paradise-inhabit-
ing, Defender of the Faith, Muham-
mad Babar (Lion), the holy warrior-
king. Babar is commonly said to
mean lion or tiger, but this seems to
me a little doubtful, for the word
for lion is habr, not hdbar. Besides
why should the Turks use a Persian
word? May it not be connected
with the Caghatai word hdbari or
bayaf^ old or primitive. See P. de
Courteille, Turc Diet. 156.
* Car hdlish-i-haft man^a/r, lit.
four cushions or elements, seven
scenes or theatres. The four cush-
ions mean four thrones and so four
quarters of the world.
& Another favourite expression is
fand u haqd for which see Notices et
Extraits, S. do Sacy, XII., 327n.
Fand is used by mystics for the
Stiff's relation to externals, viz. his
dying to them and baqd for his re-
lation to God.
* Usually Junaid but here Junid,
unless Bayazid be written Bayazaid.
Junaid was a famous ascetic known
as Al-Baghdadi and is said to have
performed the pilgrimage to Mecca
thirty times, on foot and alone.
(Beale art. Junaid). He died about
909 A.D. See Nafahdlu-l-une, Lees,
89, No. 81 and Jarrett III. 352, where
however A. F.'s account is only an
abridgement of Janl« S. de Sacy
has translated Jaml's life of Junaid.
(Notices et Extraita XII, 366 et seq.)
Bayazid is Bayazid Bistami, also
known as Xay^ur b. *Isft. He, as well
as Junaid, belonged to the Naqgh-
224
AKBARMAlfA.
ficence and genius of an Alexander and of a Farldun shone from La
brow. The holy birth of this majestic one was on 6 MaharrcLin Sr-^
(14th February 1483) from the holy womb and pure veil of tbt"
gloriously chaste and nobly-born^ Qntlaq Nigar Khanum. That jewe.
of fortune's ocean and sparkling star {durrl) of the heaTon of glorv
arose from a happy quarter. She, the coiffure of purity aud scarf of
chastity, was the second daughter of Tunus (Jonah) !^aii and elder
sister of Sultan Mahmud ICban. Her lineage is as follows : — daa^hter
of Yanus Khan b. Vais Khan, b. ghir 'All Ogblan, b. Malianuna<i
Khan, b. H^izr Khwaja ^an, b. Tughlaq Timur Qian, b. Istn Bogba
l^an, b. Dava Khan, b. Baraq O&n^ b. Isun Tava,* b. Mutakan, b.
Caghatai Khan, b. GingTz Kban. MaulanS ^isami^ Qarakuli recorded
the date of the noble birth as follows.
Verse.
Since on 6 Muharram was born that bounteous king.
His birth's chronogram is also 6 Muharram {sAasA-i-MukarramJ)
87 Though the chronogram be of marvellous coincidence and un-
fathomable in its significance, there is something stranger yet, viz., the
chronogram is in six letters which are reckoned by the masters of
bandi order and ho was Junaid*s his
predecessor and teacher. According
to the Khaiinatu- l-aul iyd (I, 519)
Junaid said, " Bayazid among us is
like Gabriel among the angels."
Bayazid was descended from a family
of fire-worshippers and was a native
of Bistam in Persia. (S.S.E. of the
Caspian and 3 m. N.E. of Qhahrud.)
He died 261 A.H. (874 A.D.) and is
buried in Bistam. See Meynard's
Yaqut 104, Jarrett III., 352 and 359
and Curzon's Persia I.,283 who spells
the name of the town Bostam and
notices the saint's tomb.
i Text, Bisun Tava.
« T. R. 173, calls the author of the
chronogram Muuir Marghlnaul and
describes him as having been one of
the 'ula'ind of UlughBeg. The Luck.
ed. calls him Jam! Qarakiili. I have
consulted the B. M. MSS. of T. R,.
the name is not clear, it may }h?
Munlr or Muahlr, Erskine (MS.
trs. Add. No. 26, 612) calls him
merely Maulana Marghinanl. Mu-
nlr means illustrious in Arabic an<l
may here be descriptive, so that the
difference between the two names
may be only as to that of origin^
viz., Marghinan or Qarakal.
QarakQl (Black Lake) is about 28
miles S. W. of Buk^arS. (Babar,
Ers. 54.)
^ Babar, Ere. Litro. LXI.
1
CHAPTER XVII,
225
computation as a lacky number^ and also the phrase (lafz) shash f^arf
and the pips {naqsh) ^adad^hbair both indicate the date. Another
wonderful thing is that the units^ tens and hundreds of the date are
all the same (8-8-8), thus pointing to equability of dispositions. His
life corresponded to these mysteries of birth. That exemplar of
high saints, ^waja AhrSr himself with his own bounty-shedding
tongue gave him — the auspicious one — ^the names of Zahiru-d-din
Muhammad, but as this weighty appellation with its majesty and
sublimity, was not readily pronounceable or current on the tongues
of the Turks, the name of B§bar was also given to him.
His Majesty was the eldest and straightest of the sons of 'Umar
Shaikh Mirza. In his twelfth year, on Tuesday, 5 Bamazan, 899
(10th June, 1494), he sate upon the throne in Andijan. Few kings
have encountered such difficulties as he, and the courage, self-reliance
and en durance which he displayed in the battle-field and in danger
were superhuman. When the inevitable accident of 'Umar Shaikh
Mirza occurred in AkhsT, his Majesty Glti-sitani Pirdus-makanT was
in the Carbagh (Palace) of Andijau. Next day, viz,, Tuesday, 5
Ramazan, the news was brought to Andijan. In a moment he mount-
ed his horse and proceeded to the fort of Andijan. As he was alight-
ing at the gate,^ Shlram^ Taghai seized his bridle and carried him
towards the namazgah (place of prayer) in order to take him to
Ozkand and the foot of the hills. His idea was that, as Sulj^an
Ahmad Mirza was coming with great power, the treacherous officers
might make over the country to him ; if out of disloyalty, they did
so, his Majesty's sacred person might be saved from this danger and
be conveyed to his maternal uncles Ilanja* Khan or Sult;an Mahmud
I Referring to throws at dice, I
suppose. Shadi-harf and ' adad-U
M^air both yield 888, viz., 22^=600,
A=8, r=200 and /=80, total 888.
Again, a=70, 2i=8, 5^=600, i=10,
r=200, total 888. The great standard
was called shaah iughjX. {T, R.\.c. 93.)
llie chronogram is in six letters,
viz.^ eh, gh, m, ^, r, m.
* Babar, Ers., Mirza's Gate.
^ Apparently the Shirun T^gh^i
29
mentioned in T. B. 1. c. 228, as ma-
ternal uncle of Babar and as a pillar
of the State. See too Babar, Ers.
59 and 94 Apparently he was
Babar's grand-uncle, being Lis
mother's uncle. (Erskine, B. and H. I,
334) Taghai or taqai means mater-
nal uncle in Caghatai and Firishta
calls him the taghai of *Umar Shaikh
Mirza.
* P. dc C. (I. 32), AlaJH and Babar,
226
AKBARNAMA.
]^an. The officers, on becoming aware of this intention^ sen!
Khwaja Mul^ammad Darzl to dispel anxieties that had arisen in his
mind. The cortege had reached the namdzgdh when Kliwaja Ma^tam^
mad came up with it. He calmed his Majesty and induced him to
88 return. When he (Bibar) alighted at the citadel of Andijan, all the
officers came to wait upon him and received marks of f avoor from
him. It has already been mentioned that Sull^&n A^mad Mirzft and
Sultan Mahmud ^an had united and come against 'Umar Sl^aijch
Mirza. Now that by the decree of fate, an inevitable accident had
occurred, all the officers, small and great, united to defend the fort.
Sultjin Ahmad MlrzS had taken possession of Uratippa, Khajand and
Marghinan which are districts of Far|^flna, and had encamped within
four ko8 of Andijan. Though they sent ambassadors and knocked a4
the door of peace, he did not listen but continued to advance. Bnt
as secret aids were always in attendance on this family, on account of
the strength of the fort and the unanimity of the officers and of a
pestilence which broke out in the camp and of the deaths of the
horses,^ SuUfin Ahmad got into difficulties and came to despair of his
former designs. He therefore came to terms and returned without
effecting anything. Coming from the north side of the river of
Khajand, Sul);fin Mahmud !^an invested Akhsi. JahangTr Mirza,
brother of his Majesty, and a large number of loyal officers were
there. The Khan made several assaults, the officers made a spirited
resistance, and so the Khan also did not effect his purpose, and being
attacked by a sickness, had to give up his vain enterprise and turn
his reins towards his own country. For eleven • years, his Majesty
waged great wars in Transoxiana against the Ca^atai princes and
the Uzbegs. Thrice he conquered Samarqand, viz., once in 903 (end
of November 1497) when coming^ from Andij&n, he took it from
(Ers. 18) Ilchch. His real name
was Sultan A^mad BIhan and Ilcheh
is a sobriquet meaning slayer. f'Ers.
1. 0. 13). He was a son of Tanus
Khan and half-brother of Babar*8
mother.
. * Many horses wore drowned in
croHHing tlic Kaba and many died of
disease.
• Apparently a clerical error for
18, rt»., for the period from 899 to
917. Some MSS. seem to have 15
(which is easily confounded with
1 1) and Price has 15. (Ret. IV, 666.)
s The Text reads as if it wore
Bayasangbar who came from Andi-
jan but Babar's Mem. show what i.«
meant.
CHAPTER XVII.
227
Bayasangfaar Mirzd^ son of Sulj^n Mahmud Mirzft ; secondly, from
g^aibak (ghaibfinl) O^n in 906 (aatnmn of 1500) ; and thirdly, after
gt^aibak Khin had been killed in 917 (October 1511). As God's
plan was the revealing of that nniqne pearl, his Majesty the king of
kings, and designed that the country of Hindustan should be acquired
and that his Majesty should proceed to a strange land and there
arrive at greatness and felicity ,-^he caused the gates of trouble to be
opened in his own native land which is the meeting place of faithful
servants, so that in no way could that be fit for him. He was com-
pelled to proceed with a small force towards Badakhs^an and Kabul.
_ ft
When he reached Badal^shan, all the people of Khusru SJ^uh who
was ruler there, accepted his service. And the ruler himself was
compelled to do so, though this wretch was ring-leader of the unjust
ones and had martyred* BSyasanghar and blinded Sulj^fin Mas^ud 89
Mirzft, which two princes were his Majesty's cousins. He (Khusru)
also showed signs of pitilessness and inhumanity when at a time of
calamity,* his Majesty's army was pasding into Bada^shftn.
Now when he beheld the face of his deeds in the mirror of recom-
pense, and fortune had turned away her countenance from his
worthless self, his Majesty from perfect humanity and excessive
generosity, did not exercise retaliation,^ but gave orders that he
should carry away as much of his property as he desired and go off to
Khnrftsan. So he took five or six strings^ of mules and camels, laden
I (Babar, Era. 73.) Bayasanghar,
who was a poet, was second son of
Saltan Mnhammad Mirza of Herat,
the second son of AbQ Sa'id. He was
put to death on 17th August, 1499.
(B&bar, Ers. 72.) Mas' ad was his
brother. See account of his being
blinded 1. c. 63. It was in 14^7
that Babar drove Bayasangbar oat of
Samarqand.
S Text sdkihqaranl which does
not make sense. Luck. ed. and
several MS 8., qardni, calamity or
crisis. cJj^i qairdn seems to be Tur-
kish for breaking. This passage
must refer to Khiisra Shah's treat-
ment of Babar when he came to
Hisar (Hisar-i-ghadman) on his flight
from Samarqand in 907. Babar says,
(Ers. 126), "Twice did my course
"lie throagh the country of this
" BJmsrfl Shah, so famed for his
"liberal conduct and generosity,
" and that humanity which he dis-
" played to the meanest of men, he
"never showed to me." See also
T. R. 175. See Ers.'s remarks on
Babar's behaviour to KhusrQ Shah
(125).
» Babar, Ers. 131 and 132. T. B,
176.
Leydeu states that seven mules
228
akbarnIma.
with jewelry and gold ornaments and went off to KhurSsan. And his
Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makani having put Badakhshan into order,
went to Kabul.
At that time Muhammad MuqTm^ son of Zu-n-nun Arghun had
taken Kabul from ^Abdu-razzaq Mirzi^ son of XJlngh Beg Mirza^ Bon
of Suljan Abu Sa'Td Mirza^ who was his Majesty^s cousin. On hear-
ing the noise of the coming of the victorious standards^ he fortified
himself^ but after some days he sought for peace and obtained permia-
aion to go to his brother Shah Beg in Qandahar with his property.
Kabul fell into the hands of his Majesty's servants in the end of
Rabru-1-awwal 910 (beginning of October 1504). After that his
Majesty proceeded in 911 to capture Qandahar^ and Qilat (Khelat)
which is a dependency of Qandahar was conquered. After that, for
reasons of state policy, he abandoned the taking of Qandahar and
went south and having attacked the Af^an tribes of Sawasang and
Alatag^,* returned to Kabul.
In the beginning* of this year there was a great earthquake in
Kibul and its environs. The ramparts of the fort and many build-
ings in the citadel and city fell down. All the houses in the village
of Pemg^an ^ fell down and there were three-and -thirty shocks in
one day and for a month the earth shook two or three times day and
night. Many persons lost their lives, and between Pemghan and Baktnb
a piece of ground a stone's throw* in breadth separated itself and
go to a string {qafdr), (Babar 132)
but A. F. (Blochmann 152) gives five
as the number.
I Babar, Era. 171n.
• The year 905 began 4th June
but the earthquake must have been
in July. From Babar's Memoirs, it
appears that it occurred about 40
days after his mother's death which
was in the beginning of the year.
^ Also Pemgh^in- Babar, Ers. 146.
It is S. or S. W. of Kabul.
♦ Text, yak kata hasi anddz which
is unintelligible. I have examined
the two B. M. Persian MSS. of
Babar's Memoirs. In both, the pas-
sage is the same but in the nungin
of Add. No. 26, 200— the copy used
by Erskine — we have hit kaia fa«4
aiiddz. No doubt idf}^ (Turk, stone)
is correct. Kata is Turkish for
large but its use here in that sense
is not apparent unless we take
tdaj^anddz as one word and say "a
great " or *' long stone-throw."
Neither Erskine nor P. de Courteille
translates kata by great. I should
be inclined to regard it as the Hin-
dustani/tif^a and as pleonastic; yak
kitta tds]^ might then mean merely
a stone. The passages in the B. M.
MSS. are p. 1356 of No. 24,416 and
p. 141a of No. 26,200.
CHAPTER XVII.
229
descended the length of a bowshot and springs burst out from the
breach. From Istirghac * to Maids n/ a distance of six faraangsy (cir.
24 m.) the ground was so contorted that part of it rose as high as an
elephant. In the beginning of the earthquake, clouds of dust rose
from the tops of the mountains. In the same year there was a great
earthquake in India.^
One of the occurrences of this time was that g^aibak (g^aiban!)
^&n collected an army and proceeded towards Ehur&san. Sultdn
Qusain MTrzft assembled all his sons and marched to oppose him.
He also sent Sayyid Afzal, the son of Mir Sultan 'All Khwib-bin
(vision-seer) to urge on the advance of his Majesty Firdus-makunT.
Accordingly he proceeded towards !^urasan in Muharram 912 (end 90
of May 1506). On the way he received at Eahmard ^ the news of
Sulj^an Qusain's death. His Majesty Firdus-makani, thinking it still
more necessary * to advance, went on towards Khurasan contrary to
the calculations of politicians. Before his army reached !^uras&n,
short-sighted^ and inexperienced men had placed jointly on the
throne the Mlrzd's sons, Badi'u-z-zaman and Muzaffar Qusain MirzSs.
On Monday, 8th Jumada-1-akhar his Majesty met the Mirzas
at the Murghab and at their request came on to HerSt. But as
» Now Sirghac. BSbar, Era. 146n.
« Era. (Biibar, 170) haa "to the
plain" (maidan) but P. de 0. (I, 349)
seems correct in taking it as the
name of a place, Maidan. His trs.
completes the deacription by aaying
there were holes large enough for a
man to hide in.
> Era. (B. and H. I, 229) notea that
there was an earthquake at Agra on
5th July, 1505. Elliot (V, 99) gives
Sunday, 3rd Jgafa/r (6th July).
♦ P. de C, Kahmard. Wood (Jour-
ney to Source of the Oxua, 132), Kam-
rad. It ia in Afghanistan. N.-W.
of Kabul and according to Babar
(Era. 199) in a valley not far from
the Dandan-ahikan (tooth-breaking)
Pass.
K Babar (Era. 200) aaya that he
went on " from a regard to the repu-
" tation of our family though I alao
" had other motivea," apparently to
try conclusiona once more with
ShaibanT.
• The folly conaiated in the dual
appointment for A.F. and hia achool
held that kingahip, being the ahadow
of Godhead, muat be aingle. Babar,
referring to the joint appointment,
aaya, (199) "Thia waa a atrange
"arrangement. A joint kingahip
"waa never before heard of. The
" well-known worda of Shaikh Sa*di
** in the Qulutdn (1, 3) are very appli-
" cable to it. Ten dervishea aleep
"in one coverlet (galvm) but two
"kinga have not room in one clime
" {jiql%m)r See also T. R. 196.
230
akbarkAma.
he did not perceive in tbem signs of guidance and dominion, he set
out on his return to Kabul on 8th g^a^bftn (24th Dec.^ 1506). While in
the Hazara Hills, news arrived that Muhammad Husain Mirza Dag^liit *
and Sultan Sanjar Barlas had drawn over to their side all the Mnghals
left in Kabul and had raised up Khan Mirzi* and were besieging Kabul.
They also spread among the commonalty a report that the sons of
Sultan 9usain Mirza were meditating^ treachery against his Majesty
Firdus-makfini. MuUa Babai* Bashagharlj Amir^ Muhibb 'All Kha*
lifa, Amir Muhammad Qasim Kohbar^ Ahmad Yusuf and Ahmad
QSsim to whom the protection of Ksbul had been entrusted^ were
looking after the defence of the fort. As 7 soon as he heard this
news, he made over the baggage to Jahftngir Mirza who was some*
what ill,^ and accompanied by a few men crossed the passes of the
Hindu Koh which were full of snow, under great difficulty, and des-
cended one morning early upon Kabul. The rebels all crept into
concealment at the news of his Majesty's approach. He first went
to his step-grandmother (mother's step-mother) ghah* Begum, who
1 Text, wrongly, wafdt hard ogblat
(Babar, Era. 214). This Muhammad
^asain was the father of Babar's
cousin Haidar, author of the T* B>
> Babar*8 cousin; being son of
Sultan Mul^ammad Mirza, third son of
Sultan Aba Sa'Id and Sultan Nigar
KhAuum, danghter of Ynnus Khan
and Shah Begum. He was thus
doubly Babar's cousin, being son of
Babar's father's elder brother and
of his mother's half-sister. MirzS
Khan's proper name was Sultin
Yais Mirza. Khusra Shah killed his
brother Bayasanghar and blinded
his brother Mas'ud. He afterwards
became king of Badakhfihftn.
* The report was that they had
imprisoned Babar in the Eagle Cas-
tle, near Her&t. (Mem. 214).
♦ T. B, 1. c. 356. Both Babal and
Muhammad A^mad Kohbar after-
wards rebelled against Babar.
6 Babar, Ers. 214, Ehalifa Muhibb
'All Qurca.
« Price (Ret. IV, 67) renders this,
mountain-piercer, but it probably
comes from the town Kohbar, in
Sind, mentioned by Jarrett, (II»
387). Kohbar appears also to be
the name of a Cantata! tribe (Bloch-
mann 613n.) Mr. Blochmann quotes
the name of Mu^amnuid Q&sim Koh-
bar as that of a poet ; perhaps this
is the Kohbar of the Text.
1 Taken from T, R. 1. c. 200.
8 Apparently from excessive drink-
ing.
• Daughter of the king of Ba-
daU^an and widow of Tanus.
Babar's maternal grandfather. Bi-
har's own grandmother was A is or
IsSn Daulat Begum. (Memoirs. Ers.
12.)
i
CHAPTSR XVII.
231
had been the cause of the patting forward of Kh§n Mirzfi, and ad-
dressed her after kneeling down before her. Knowing well what her
state of mind was^ he spoke to her with modesty and magnanimity,
and with soothing words observed to her, '^ If a mother have special
^'affection for one child, why should another child be aggrieved ?,
" there is no limit to her authority." Then he said, " I have been
'' up long and have come a long way," and laying his head on her
lap, he went to sleep. Thus in order to reassure the Begum who was
very uneasy, he behaved in a very kind manner^ to her. Ere he had
fully fallen asleep, his aunt, Mihr* Nigar Khanum, came in and his
I Era. B. and H. I, 253 and T. B.
200. The Text is not quite clear.
* Eldest daughter of YOnus Khan.
She was first married to Snltan
A^mad Mirza, uncle of Babar, and on
his death, to Sh&ihani. (T. B, 96
and 196). Babar, in order that he
might escape from Samarqand, gave
his sister Sh^t^zftda in marriage to
Shaibanl and as she was niece of
Mihr Nigar, Shaibanl divorced the
latter " as it was unlawful for both
to be married to the same man."
Mihr Nigar died childless. (T. B,
155).
A.F. has apparently taken his
account from the T&rTUk-i-raghldi
but has altered its language.
Erskine who, I believe, had not read
the T. B. when editing Leyden's
Babar, makes some mistakes here.
(Babar, 217 and 218). It is clear
that the Kh&num was Mihr Nigar,
Babar's maternal aunt. She was
probably called Khanum because she
was the eldest daughter and indeed
eldest child of Yanus Khan, by his
chief wife, IsSn Daulat BSgum. {T. B,
86). She was also the only surviv-
ing daughter of that marriage, for
her younger sister, Babar 's mother,
had lately died. The Eh^num was
certainly not Sh^h NigSr for she
had died some years earlier. (Babar,
Ers. 99 and T. B. 157 where we are
told that Eh^b Nigar died a year
and a half before 907=1500 or 1501).
Nor is it correct to say that A.F.
speaks of Mirza jQ^an's being
brought by his mother Sultan Nigar.
His mother was the daughter of
Yonus Q^an by 8h&h Begum but, as
Erskine correctly states, she does
not appear to have been at Kabul at
the time. (It should, however, here
be said that Gulbadan, in her Me-
moirs, describes Khan Mirza as
having been brought before Babar
by his mother. Sultan Nigar. This
must be a mistake, I think). She
was first married to Sultan Ma^-
mnd, son of Sultftn Aba Sa'id, and
had by him one son, vi«., the Mirza
Khan or Sultan Yais of the Text
and afterwards king of Badakhfihftn-
Sultan Ma^^ad died in January, ^
1495, and some years later (Babar
13) she was married to 'Adil Sultan
(Ers., XJzbak Sultan) and when ' Adil
died, to his brother, Qasim Khan
(the famous ruler of the Kirghizes
who defeated Shaibanl's troops, T. JR.
232
AKBARNAMA.
Majesty hastily arose and saluted her {ishdn-rd darydftand) . They
arrested Muhamniad IjLusain Mirza and brought him in. His Majestjr
being a mine of kindness^ gave him his life and gave him permission
to go to Khurasan. After that the Khfinum (Mihr Nigar) brought in
!^ftn Mirza and said, " O life of your mother ! I have brought
373). Haidar Mirza's account, from
which A.F. has copied, may be
seen in Ney Elias and Ross' trs.
(200) but the word grandson is there
a mistake for nephew. The MS. of
Haidar's Text has apparently not
ruibtra but yugan or ** yezneh^*
nephew, as Erskine has written in
the margin of his MS. trs. of T. R.
B. M. Add. No. 26,162. Erskine
has apparently written yezneh but the
right word seems to be tr^ yugan
which like the Latin nepoa, means
both a nephew and a grandchild.
Perhaps nabira has a similar double
meaning. ^J the yezneh of Erskine
is given by P. de Courteille as
brother-in-law or son-in-law. A.F.
calls Mihr Nigar theKhalazada. i.e.,
cousin of Babar and the same word
appears in the T. B. Erskine in a
marginal note (B. M. Add. No. 26,
612, 192) observed that this word
which signifies cousin, seems an
error. I am not sure that the origi-
nal word is not I^dkizdid which
perhaps might bo held to mean a
birth-aunt or full-aunt. Or per-
haps it is J^dnazdda, home-born in
allusion to her being his mother's
full sister.
The discrepancies in the three
accounts, viz., Babar's (Ers. 217, etc.)
Haidar*s and A.F.'s, are curious.
Babar is presumably most correct,
for ^aidar was but a child at the
time, but Haidar's account, derived
presumably from his father, is the
most graphic. He says that ju^t
after Babar had laid his head in hui
grandmother's lap, the aunt Mihr
Nigar Khanum came in. He saluted
her and then she bade him go to the
castle and see his family and that
she would come there after him.
He went and she followed, bringing
with her, her nephew (Mirza Khan)
and Haidar's father, Muhammad
Husain. Babar advanced to meet
her and she said, "0 life of your
" (dead) mother, I have brought your
"guilty nephew and your unfor-
" tunate cousin." {Ai jdn-i-niddar
yezneh (or yugan)'i-gundhgdr u hi^
rdda/r-i-ndsdzhdr bar dwurdamJ)
" What do you say to them ? " A.F.
has altered the words which Babar
used to his grandmother. Shah
Begum and Mihr Sultan afterwards
went towards Badaihshan with Khan
Mirza but the ladies were caught
on the road by Aba Bakr and taken
to Kagi^^iar where they were im-
prisoned and eventually perished
miserably. Evidently Mihr Nigar
was strongly attached to her step-
mother and her nephew and perhaps
she was displeased with Babar for
having contributed to her divorce.
Babar expresses himself as vexed
at her leaving him for Badajsiishan.
"It would have been better and
more becoming for her to have re-
mained with me." (Er^. 232).
CHAPTEK XVII.
233
*' your guilty couBin (birddar), what is your pleasure ? " His Majesty
took him in his arms and spoke kindly to him. After that he left 91
it to his option to go or stay. The !^an MTrza was so ashamed that
he could not make up his mind to remain. He took leave and went
to Qandahir*^ This happened in the same year.
Next year he (Bibar) proceeded to Qandahar* and fought a great
battle with S]]^ah Beg, son of Zu-n-nun Arghun and ACuhammad Muqlm
his younger brother. The Kh&n did good service here. His Majesty
presented Qandahar to Nftfir Mirz&^ the younger brother 3 of Jah&ngir
Mirza and returned to Kdbul. He permitted Sl^ah Begum and Khan
Mirza to proceed to Baday^shsn. After many adventures Khan Mirza
put Zabir Raghl ^ to death and became confirmed in the dominion of
Badakhshan. He always retained his loyalty (to Babar).
In 916 (early in December 1510) an express ^^ brought the news
that S^aibani K^an was killed and that it was proper for Babar to
move in that direction. Accordingly in Stawwal, he proceeded ^ there
and fought great battles with the TJzbegs. He was ever victorious
and took Samarqand for the third time^ in 917 (Oct. 1511). He ruled
there for eight months but in ^afar 918 (April 1512) he h^d a great
battle at Kul Malik with 'Ubaidu-1-lah O^an. Though he had won the
victory, suddenly by the jugglery of the heavens, he sustained a
defeat and proceeded to Qif ftr.
1 This is in accordance with T. B.
201, but Babar says he got leave to
go to Khurasan. It would seem
from T. IL that both Mirza Khan
and Mahmud Hasan got leave to
go to Qandahar but that the lat-
ter went as far then, while Mirza
Khan stayed. IJaidar says his father
went on because he wished to go to
Mecca. He, however, accepted an
invitation from Shaibanl and was
killed by him.
* T. R, 357, Babar besieged Qan-
dahar for 5 years and 5 months.
S Half-brother only of Jahangir
and Babar, his mother being a con-
cubine. (Babar, Ers. 10).
* Probably Ragh a hill-district in
30
N.-W. Badal^shan and not the Rag
which is the Rhages of Tobit and
lies south of Teheran. See T. R,
203n.
^ The express was sent by Mirza
B[han from Badaj^hih^n. The courier
had traversed the Hindu Kugh in
the snow and got frost-bitten. He
arrived early in Ramas^n which in
that year began 3rd December. Ers.
B. and H. I, 306 and T. R. 237).
* Lit. turned the reins of his
world-traversing steed. Ers. B. and
H. I, 322 and T, R. 260 for account
of battle. *nbaidu-l-]ah, called also
Sultan, married Mtrza Qaidar's sis-
ter and became king of BuJshara,
He was Shai haul's nephew.
234
AKBABNAMA.
On another occasional he along with Najm Beg, had a great
battle below Fort GhajdiwSn with the Uzbegs. Najm Beg 'was killed
and his Majesty went towards Kabul.* Moreover by secret inspira-
tion^ he was led to lay aside marching to Transoxiana and to press
forward to the conquest of Hindustan. Pour times did he turn
towards this enterprise and as often did he^ from stress of circum-
stances^ retrace his steps. The first ^ time was in S^a'ban 910
(Jan. 1505) when he went by Badfim Ca^bma* (Almond Spring)
and Jagdalik^ passed through the Khaibar and halted at Jam
(Jamrnd). In the Wdqi'dt-d-babari^ a Turkl book written by his
Majesty himself^ it is stated that when in six marches^ he went from
Kabul to idlnapur,^ he had never before seen the Oarmsir^
(warm regions) nor the country of HindustSn. " Immediately on
reaching them, I beheld a new world. The grass was different^ the
trees different^ the wild animals of a different sort, the birds of a
different plumage, the manners and customs of the people {utj^Sj cJft ^
ail u dins) of a different kind. I was struck with astonishment^ and
" indeed there was room for wonder/' ^ Nasir MirzS came to this
stage from Ghaznln to pay his respects. He (Babar) halted at Jam-
tt
€C
a
ti
» Ers. B. and H. I, 325 and T. E.
261. Ghajdiwan is north of Bu-
khara. The battle was apparently
fought on 3 Ramaifdn 918 (12th No-
Tember, 1512). Najm means star and
the real name of the general was
Yar Mu^mmad. He is said to have
been Finance Minister. He seems
to have been put to death in cold
blood and in revenge for the mas*
sacre of Kargh^.
* He did not go direct to Kabul
but first to ELisar and was there
nearly murdered by the mutinous
Mughals. Thence to Kunduz and
"at last, despairing altogether of
"recovering Hisar, he returned to
"Kabul." The date of his return
does not seem known but probably
it was in 920, (1514). Ers. B. and
H. I, 329n.
8 Babar, Ers. 156. Babar (309)
seems to reckon the expedition of 925
as the first of the five, and Firishta
and Khaft Khan take the same view.
Ers. B. and H. I, 41 7n.
* Jarrett II, 399 and Babar, Ers.
141n. Badam Caghma is a pass S.
of the Kabul River and between
Little Kabul and Barlk-al.
^ From Jamrad, Babar rode out
to Bikram (Peshawar).
* Now Jalalabad. Ers. (B. and H.
I, 233. Jarrett IF, 405). But Adania-
par lay about a mile south of the
modern Jal&labad.
•J Aln V. Jarrett II, 394,
* The change here described oc-
curs at Gandamak. Babar *8 Mem.
157 and Erskinc's note.
CHAPTER XVII.
235
rfid and consulted about crossing the river Indus known as the NTlab. 92
Owing to the avarice of BSqi ^ Caghana^TanT the crossing of the Indus
was postponed and he proceeded against Eoh§t. After taking Kohat^
they attacked Ban gash and Naghz.* Then they went to the country
of the ' Isa Khail and halted in the environs of Tarbila > which is a
village on the Indus and in the country of Multan. Then he made
several inarches down the river. From thence he came to the bor-
ders of Duki^ and after some days to Ghaznin. In the month ZT-
hajja (May 1505) he returned to Kabul.
The second ^ time^ the illustrious army proceeded in the month of
Jumada;.l.awwal 913 (Sep. 1507) by way of Little Kabul (Khurd
Kabul) to the conquest of Hindustan. They went first from Man-
draur ^ by 'Atar and g^i^oh and then returned owing to difPerences
of opinion among the officers. They crossed by Kuner* and NurgiP
and from Kuner he (Babar) came on a raft (jdla) ^ to the camp and
then by way of BfidTj' to KftbuL By order of his Majesty, the date
I Text, "some Caghataia." The
Luck. ed. is right. (Babar Ers. 156
and 256). The "avarice" refers to
Baqi's love of plunder. He was
younger brother of ^^usra Shah,
Babar's Memoirs, 128, Caghanian was
in Transoxiana. T, B, 177n.
« Text, Newar. Jarrett II, 389,
399 n. 6.
a The Belah of Ers. p. 163. Appa-
rently the Darbelah of the Ain Jarrett
II, 334. Caghanian is a name given to
Hisar. Babar. Ers. Intro. XXXV.
♦ Jarrett, II, 397. Duki means a
hill or hill-country. Text, Kl. Luck,
cd. ^^^. See Babar 164». and 149
where the expedition is described.
* Babar, Ers.. 232.
« Jarrett II, 406.
'' Babar, Ers., 143. The two places
are on opposite sides of the river
of Ca^anserai or Kamch, Jarrett
II, 392».
8 Abo ^\j ihdla. {Farhang-i-ra-
sj^idl 8. V,). The Burhdn-i-qafi* des-
cribes a raft as a thing made of
wood and grass on (P under) which
inflated mcuadka are laid and which
is used for crossing deep streams.
Probably Babar used one only for
crossing the river. Raverty (Notes,
34) quotes a description of a raft
from Jahangir's Memoirs. This
kind of raft is still in use. " From
Jalalabad we embarked on rafts of
inflated skins and dropped down
with the stream to Peghawur."
(Journey to the source of the Oxus.
Wood, 280). See too " At the Court
of the Amir," Gray, 12.
• This name does not seem known
now. Era. (Babar, 142n.) suggests
Badpash. Price remarks (173n.) that
he has not been able to find in the
maps any of the places mentioned
in this expedition. I have altered
the names of the Text so as to accord
with Erskiue.
236
akbabnAmi.
of his crossing was engraved on a stone above B&dij. This won-
drous * writing still exists. Till fehis time, tlie noble descendants of
the Lord of Conjunction were called Mirzas. His Majesty ordered
that in this inscription,* he should be styled Padshah.
On Tuesday, 4 Zi-1-qa^da of this auspicious year (6th March, 1508)^
occurred, in the citadel of Kabul, the fortunate birth of his Majesty
Jahanbani Jannat-asbiyani (Humayun). Of this an account will bo
given hereafter.
The third time, on Monday,* 1 Muharram 925 (3rd Jan., 151^,
while the army was marching against Bajaur, there was a great
earthquake which lasted for half a sidereal hour. Sulpn 'Ala'u-d-dln
SiwadT (of Swat) arrived as an envoy on the part of Sultan Vais
Siwadi. In a short time, the fort of Bajaur was captured and was
presented to Khwaja ^ Kilan Beg, son of Maulani Muhammad l^adr,
who had been one of the great officers under Mirz§ ^Umar gj^ai^. This
Khwaja was related to his Majesty in a singular manner for his six
brothers had given their lives in his service. He himself was a
special "protege of his Majesty on account of his wisdom and sagacity.
When his Majesty was contemplating the Siwad (Swat) expedition
and the conquest of the Yusufzais, Taus Khan, the younger brother
I One MS. has " This writing has
not yet disappeared."
The pass was east of Kabul and
near the Lamghan (Laghman) dis-
trict. (Babar, Era., 142). Accord-
ing to Raverty, (Notes, 100) the
proper spelling is ^^^, Badpaj ;—
had meaning wind and :paj or fajj
Ar. for pass. " Thus Badpaj means
the Wiudy Pass, the name being
given on account of the strong wind
generally blowing there and which
at times, renders its passage im-
practicable." Probably then this is
the pass described by a friend (P Alex-
ander Bumes, Erskino Hist. I, 517)
of Mr. Erskino as Badpash. (Babar,
Ers., 142n.) ** Badpash is a steej)
koial (pass) half a day's journey to
the north uf Audioi* ou thu Kabul
River and about 16 or 18 miles
west of Targari where the streams
of Alingir and Alishang join." (I. c.
142n.)
• Babar merely says that the
change took place at this period but,
by the word /ariM, A.F. seems to
mean that the title was adopted in
the inscription. It would be inter-
esting to know if it still exists.
Babar complains that it was not well
cut.
* Text, Saturday but Monday »
MSS. and Babar's Memoirs? dc
Courteille II. ^ note.
♦ T. i?., 468. According to Babar's
Mem. Bajaur was taken before Sultan
•Ala'u-d-diu's arrival and not after,
as A. F.'s account iuiplifjs.
CHAPTKB XVII.
237
of Qhah Manfur^ who was chieftain of the Yusufzai tribe, brought the
latter's daughter ^ and uttered words of humility and submission.
There was also a difficulty about supplies of com in that country of
wild beasts. His (Babar's) fixed determination too was to undertake
the expedition to Hindustan. He turned his rein from Siwid. AI«
though the preparations for the march to India had not been made
and the officers were not in favour of it, he lighted the torch of
courage and set forth for the tenebrous regions* of Hindustfin. On
the morning of Thursday, 16 Muharram, he crossed the river (Indus)
with horses, camels and baggage,' while the camp (tirdi) baz&r was
floated across on rafts. They encamped at Kacakot.
Seven kos from Bhira,^ towards the north, there is a mountain,
called in the Zafamdma and other books, the hill of Jud and there
they encamped. His Majesty writes in his Memoirs (Erskine, 254V
'^ At first I was ignorant of the origin of its name, but afterwards
'* discovered that in this hill there were two races of men descended
'* of the same father. One tribe is called Jud, the other Jenjuheh.^'
He sent ^ Abdu-r-ra^im Shaghawal to Bhira in order to reassure the
people and prevent anyone from committing violence. At the end
of the day, he halted east of Bhira, on the bank of tbe river Bihat
93
I BEbar married her. (Ers., 250n.)
Her name was Bibl Mubarak ac-
cording to Raverty. (Notes, 234).
Erskine, Babar's Memoirs, 251n.
calls her Bibi Macherikah.
* Si wad means also blackness.
® Text, partdl but the word is
HiudastanI and spelt partcU.
^ Perhaps there are two Bhiras.
(Babar, Ers., 253».) Babar speaks
(253) of J ad as 7 kos from Bhira and
(255) of the middle of J ad's being
10 koa from Bhira. J ad evidently
belonged to the Salt Range. Erskine
remarks that Babar's account of it
is not very exact and that he con-
sidered all the rough and mountain-
ous country between the Khaibar
and Salt Eangcs to be one hill.
Erskine or rather Leyden (for the
latter's translation comes down to
this point) says (254) "This hill
got the name of J ad from a sup-
posed resemblance to the celebrated
hill of Jud (Ararat)." This makes
Babar and A.F. more intelligible
but the passage is not in the Tur-
kish (P. de C. II, 54) and has the
air of being a marginal note which
has slipped into the text. Moreover
Ararat is Jadi or Jada and not jQd.
Nor does it seem likely that there is
any resemblance between the lofty
isolated Ararat and a spur of the
Salt Range. Jud is probably Sans-
crit ytuldha ' war.* The reference to
the Kuh-i-Jud in the Zafamdma is
at 11, 48, 1. 1.
238
aebarnAha.
(Jhelam^ the ancient Hydaspes). He levied 400^000 sAdhruhbts^ from
BhTra as the price of protection^ and presented the country to Hindu
Beg^ assigning the revenues of it to him as a maintenance. Khnsliib
he made over to g^ah Hasan ^ and arranged that he should assist
Hindu Beg. He sent MuUa Mursj^id^ on an embassy to Sul(Sn Ibra-
him^ son of Sulj^an Sikandar L5di^ who had- succeeded his father five
or six months previously^ in the kingdom of Hindustan^ in order to
convey to him salutary counsels. Daulat S^Sn, the governor of Lahor,
detained the ambassador and with utter foUy^ sent him back without
having fulfilled his mission. On Friday^ 2 RabT'u-1-awwal (4th March ^
1519)j the news came of the birth of an auspicious son. As the ex-
pedition against HindustSn was then in progress^ he was by secret
inspiration and augury^ named Hindal.^ On Monday/ 5 Babi^a-1-
awwal the administration of Bhira was given to Hindu Beg and he
^ About ten or eleven pence each,
(Babar, Ers., 254n. and 335) so that
the sum levied was some £20,000.
The Text might read that this money
was given to Hind a Beg and has
been so understood by Price (Ret*
IV, 674), but if so, AF. seems to
have mistaken his authority (Babar,
256, 258 and 309) where Babar says
he divided the money among his
troops. P. de C. (II, 64) does not
mention the sum 400,000 ffts. but
represents Babar as stating that he
assembled the headmen of Bhira
and fixed their ransom at a thousand
2&d^ru^i« apiece. A.F.'s Text has
cahdr sad sj^dhrul^i mdl and which
is unintelligible. The MSS. give the
correct mdl-i'd/mdn^ price of peace.
* Incorrect. Babar says (Ers.,
260) that he bestowed Khufili&b on
Longer Khan who was the prime
cause and adviser of the expedition
and that he left him behind to sup-
port Hindii Beg. Khushab is on the
right bank of the Jhclam while Bhiru
is on the left.
» P. de C. II, 62 gives Thursday
1 Rabi'u-1-awwal (8rd March, 1519).
Apparently the ambassador was sent
partly to claim some portions of the
Pan jab which had been held by the
Turks from the days of Timur.
* Erskine considers the date of
Sikandar*s death uncertain but would
put it in 1518 (B. and H. I, 407w.)
but there does not seem suCBcient
reason for doubting Firighta'a state-
ment that he died in November 1517.
Babar 's statement (Ers., 257) is
too loosely expressed to be relied
on.
6 The affix dl is Turkish and means
* to take,* so that Hindal would mean
"taken of India." According to
Babar, P. de Courteille II, 46 (the pas-
sage is not in Erskine) the name was
given by Mahim the wife of Babar
and adopting mother of Hindal.
• Text, Sunday, 1 5th, but vide Bal>ar,
259. One MS. liaH 11 (eleventh)
which is the right day of the mouth
for Sunday.
CHAPTER XVII.
239
(Babar) for state reasons^ proceeded to return to Kabul. On Thurs-
day, the last day of RabT'u-1-awwal (31st March) he arrived at Kabul.
On 25 Babi'u-1-akhar (April 25th) Hindu Beg who^ out of careless-
ness,^ had left BhTra^ came to KSbul.
The date of the setting out of the fourth expedition has not come
to light but it appears that he (Bftbar) returned after the taking of
Dahor and from the chronogram* of the taking of Dipalpur, which
will be stated hereafter, it appears that the expedition was in 930
(1524). As every event has its special time, this splendid project (of
conquering India) was postponed. The ostensible cause of this was
the sluggishness of the officers and the non-co-operation of his bro-
thers. At last, on the fifth time, by the guidance of God and the
leadership of Fortune, on Friday, 1st Safar 932 (17th Nov., 1525), when
the Sun was in Sagittarius, the standards of light were unfurled,
such as might disperse the darkness of an universe, and placing the
foot of resolve in the stirrup of reliance on God and of abstention from
sin,* he proceeded towards the conquest of India. Mirza K§mrSn
was left in QandahSr and the care of Kabul was also entrusted to
him. When this expedition was made, victory followed on victory
and fortune upon fortune. Lahdr and some other large cities of
India were taken and on 17 Safar (3rd Dec.) his Majesty Jahanbini,
Jannat-Ssbiygnl, Na^iru-d-din Muhammad Humayun arrived from Ba-
da^shan with his army, at the camp which was in the B§gh-i-wafft*
94
I Babar does not blame him but
says he was left without sufficient
means. (267).
' This is explained by Babar (Ers.,
368) where Wdsit ahahr BabVu-U
awwal is given as the chronogram of
the taking of Dipalpar. These words
yield " Middle of Rabr u-l-awwal 930 "
and so the conquest occurred about
22nd Jan., 1624. See AJchamdma
1, 110 where the reading is Wasat.
This seems the more correct as TVcUit
would yield 931. Babar thus alludes
to this expedition (Ers., 141). " In the
year in which I defeated Bahar Kh^n
and conquered Labor and Dlbalpar,
I brought plantains and planted them
here," (in the Bagh-i-wafa, near Jala-
labad). Dipalpur is in the Montgo-
mery District, Pan jab, and formerly
on the Beas. It is now in a state of
decay owing to its distance from the
river. Text, Dibalpar and according
to Raverty, this is correct. (J.A.S.B.
1892, Part I. 376n. 380) Khafl Khan
(1, 47) has a good deal to say about
this expedition.
* For Babar's vows of penitence, see
Memoirs, Ers., vJ92.
* Babar made this garden in 914,
(1508). It was opposite Adinapar
which was south of the Kabul River
242
AK6AHNAMA.
riages tliere were placed six or seven gabions ^ so that the matchlock
men might fire their pieces from behind them in securitj. In a few
days these arrangements were completed.
At length on Thursday^ the last day of Jnmada-l-S^ar (12th
April) the phoenix (hnma) of victory made a shade with his wings at
the city of Panipat. The ranks of the army were arranged in an
excellent manner. The right wing rested on the city and environs^
and the carriages and gabions were placed in front of the centre*
The left wing was defended by trees and ditches. Snltan Ibrahim^
with a large army was drawn np six Jcbs from the city and for a week
the yonng men and the veterans daily engaged nnmeroos bodies of
the enemy on the borders of the hostile camp and were always victo-
rious. At length on Friday, 8 Rajab (20th April) Sulj^ Ibrahim
marched against the camp with a mighty army and an array of ele-
phants. His Majesty Giti-sit&ni also drew up his forces and adorned
the battle-field in the following manner. *
Battle between his Majesty GitI-sitan! Fibdus-makIn!
AND Sultan Ibrahim and account of the aebay.
As the Protector and Doer desired to repair old defeats and to
convert past afflictions into felicities, He arranged the preliminaries
for this, and set things in order. Among such arrangements were
the advancing of Sul.t;an Ibra him for the purpose of giving battle and
the drawing up of the army of his Majesty Gitl-sitanT. As the
Divine aid was accompanying the latter, and ever-increasing fortune
was in his van, he, in spite of a plenitude of difficulties and a pau*
city of favouring circumstances, had recourse with a tranquil mind
and firm soul to the inalterable Arbiter and addressed himself to the
marshalling of his troops.
The centre was adorned by the presence of his Majesty in person.
In the right centre which the Turks call unlc-ghul,^ Timur Sultan,
96 Sulaiman Mirza, Amir Muhammad! K5kultash, Amir g^ah Man^ur
Barbs, Amir Yunus 'All, Amir Darwes^ Muhammad Sarban, Amir
1 Turd, (Vullcrs a. v. and Qnatre-
mfere, Hist, of the Mongols, 337».
130). The latter qaotcs the passage
from the Akbamdma.
8 Text, sD^iji which may be in-
tended for cuirasses but the true
word seems ancundn, as follows.
ft Text, tin. Erskine ung. See
BSbar, Ers., 227 where this and other
terms are explained.
— .
CHAPTER xvn. 248
'Abda-l-lah ItitabJSi* wdVe stationed. On the left centre vvliich tlie
Turks call auUgbul, Amir Khalifa^ Khwaja Mir Miran Sadr, Amir
A^madT Parwanci^ Amir Tardi Beg^ brother of Kuc Beg^ Mu]|^ibb 'All
]0^alifa^ Mirza Beg Tartan were stationed. The right wing was in
charge of his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-asj^iyani ; Amir Khwaja Kalan
Beg, Sultan Muhammad Daldfii, Amir Hindu Beg, Wall Khazin, Pir Quli
Sistfini were in attendance on him. On the left wing were stationed
Muhammad Sultan MirzS, Sayyid Mahdi KhwSja, 'Adil Sultan,
SultSn Junaid Barlfts, ^wSja Sbah, Mir ^usain. Amir Qutlaq Qadam,
Amir Jan (text. Khan) Beg, Amir Mu1]tammad Bak^^sliI and other heroes.
In the vanguard were Khusru Kokultas^ and Muhammad 'All Jang-
jang j 1 Amir 'Abdu-l-'aziz had charge of the reserve. At the flank
of the right wing. Wall Kazil,> Malik QSsim, Bfibfi Qasbqa with their
Mug]^als, were appointed as a flanking-party {tulgbdfna)* At the
extremity of the left wing, were stationed Qar&qQzi, Abu-1-Mu]|^am-
mad NTzab&z (lance-player), Sbaikii 'AH, gj^aik^ Jami&l, Tengri QulI
Mug^l, as a flanking-party. Accordingly the brave swordsmen
stood with firm foot on the battle-field and with life-taking arrows
{sahdm) and blood-drinking scimitars {^am^dm) displayed bravery
and daring.
Verse,
The brave stood with firm foot,
Trees learned from them how to stand.
At length after great contest, the heavenly aids accompanied
the centre and wings of the army and by the Divine aid, there
ensued victory and the defeat of the enemy. A great victory for the
servants always taking refuge in God became manifest. Sultan
Ibrihim was slain unrecognised and in a corner, and numerous
Afghans were the harvest of the royal sword, and the caravans of
the city of destruction were conducted to the rest-house of annihi-
lation by the escort of victorious soldiers and the flambeaux of
world-opening swords. Near the body of Sultan Ibrahim, there lay
^ (Ers. 305) states that this officer
was wounded on the day before and
unable to take his place in the battle.
But in S. Zain's recension we are
told that though wounded he con-
triyed to take part in the great
battle.
9 Text, Sharmal.
246 akbabnAma.
accomplished. Men of judgment and. experience feel powerless to
panegyrize properly this masterpiece of the Ages. Hailj Holy One,
carrier of the world illuminating light of his Majesty^ the king of
kings^ what marvel if such feats were wrought by Thee I In
98 shorty his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-mak&ni^ on the rising of the
lights of victory glorified his forehead-mirror with the dust of
thanksgiving prostration* He proclaimed presents to all mankind
and sent his servants to all countries and regions.
But a deed fit to surpass the lofty designs of those world-opening
princes who conquered HindustSn^ was the victory of his Majesty
JahSnbanI Jannat-asjhTyfini which by the blessing of the existence of
his Majesty^ the king of kings (Akbar) took place in the plain of
Sibrind.^ Accordingly an account will hereafter be given of how with
3^000 meuj he delivered India from Sikandar Sur who had more than
80^000 men. Still stranger is the masterpiece of fortune of the
. Shadow of God (Akbar) who by the Divine aid so rescued India with
A few men from the hands of many rebellious* chiefs that the tongue
of the Age becomes dumb before it. An abridged account will be
given in its proper place.
Verse,
Should Fortune grant me hope.
Heaven, leisure and opportunity,
By the kindling society of the truthful,
I shall embroider tale upon tale.^
On this tablet of immortals^
1^11 draw a picture for posterity's behoof.
On the very day of the victory, his Majesty JahSnb&ni Jannat-
asj^Tyani, Amir !^w&ja Kal§n Beg, Amir Muhammad Kokultash, Amir
Yunus 'All, Amir g^ah Manfur Barlas, Amir 'Abdul-1-lah EitabdSr,
Amir 'All Khazin were by orders of the king sent with a force to
Agra, the capital, the seat of Sul);§n Ibrfthim's government, to take
possession of the treasure. They gave confidence to the inhabitants—
1 22nd June, 1555. (B. and H.
Era. II, 618).
> Beferring apparently to the re-
bellion of 'All Qull and others
the Rebellion of Jaunpar. (Emperor
Akbar, Von Noor, A. S. Beveridge,
I, 106 et seq).
* Text ddaidn dastdn. One MS.
against Akbar which is known as | has ddstdn daroBidn.
CHAPTER XVn.
247
who are trusts from Ood — ^by diffusing the lights of justice. Sayyid
Mahdi !^wajaj Mal^ammad Sulj^n Mirza^ ^Jidil Sulj^fin, Amir Junaid
BarlaSj Amir Qatlaq Qadam were sent to Delhi, to preserve the trea-
sures and secret stores of that place and to acquaint the subjects and
inhabitants with the royal graciousness. On the same day proclama-
tions of victory were written and sent by couriers to Kabul, Bada^-
shin and Qandahfir. And he himself, on Wednesday, 12 Bajab, (25th
April, 1526), alighted at Delhi. On Friday, 21 1 (4th May) he unfolded
the umbrella of fortune in Agra and dispelled the darkness of the
land.
Everyone,* small and great, in Hindustan experienced the royal
kindness and balminess. Out of his comprehensive kindness, the
mother, children and dependants of Sulj^n Ibrahim were made par-
takers of his bounty and special stipends were assigned to them. An
allowance of a property worth seven lakhs of tankas was made to
Ibrahim's mother. Similarly pensions were bestowed on his other
relatives. The distracted world was soothed. His Majesty Jahfin-
bflni Jannat-a^iySni who had previously arrived at Agra, presented
a diamond eight miaqdls^ in weight and which was valued by jewel-
lers at one-half of the daily expenditure of the inhabited world.
They said that this diamond had belonged to the treasury of Sultan
'Ala*u-d-din (Oiilji). He* (Humayun) got it from the family of
99
I Babar, 22, bat if Wed., 12 Bajab,
be right, Friday was the 21st.
s Mirza Gaidar remarks that all
the world, from Turkey to China,
benefited by the expedition, for the
treasures obtained by the army,
enabled them to buy the goods of
these countries. An interesting
allusion to the effects of commerce !
> 320 meM=279VV carats. (Babar,
Ers., 308) Erskine (B. and H. I, 438)
inclines to identify this diamond
with the one shewn by Aurangzeb to
Tavornier and valued by him at
£888,000. By some it is regarded as
identical with the Koh-i-nur. For
full discussion of the question, sec
Tavemier's Travels trs. Valentine
Ball, II, 431 et acq.
I have treated of this subject in
the Calcutta Bevieto, &c., and my
conclusion is that the Babar diamond
is the Koh-i-ndr. Humavun car-
m
ried the diamond away with him
and gave it to Sh&h X^hmiisp who
sent it to the king of A^madnagar.
* The text seems to say that 'AJa'u-
d-dfn got it from Vikramaditya's
heirs and has been so understood by
Price. But both Ers. and P. de C.
make it Babar's statement that
Humaylln got it from V ikramaditya's
heirs. How 'Ala'u-d-din got it is not
explained. B[hafi Khan says *Ala'u-
d-din got it in the Dcccan.
248
AKBi^BNAMA.
Bikram&jit^ the R&ja of Gwsliar. His Majesty^ from the nobilifcy of
his nature J first accepted it and then returned it to him (Humfijran)
as a present.
On Saturday/ 29th Rajab^ he began to examine and distrlbate
the treasures and hoards^ the collections of many kings. He g^ve
his Majesty Jahanbftni^ 70 lakhs of Sikandarl tanker and a treasure*
house of which no account or inventory had been taken. To the
Amirs^ he gave in accordance with their rank from five to ten lakhs
of tanhaa and to every soldier and servant he gave presents superior
to their position. All the man of learnings small and great, were
made happy by gifts. No one^ either in the camp or the canton-
ment (wrdu'hazdr) went without a share in the good fortune. The
scions* of the royal family in Bada^sh&Uj Kftbul and Qandahsr also
received presents, viz., Kamran Mirza, 17 lakha of tankas ; Muhammad
Zamftn* according to their rank 15 lakhs and similarly 'Askari Mirzt^
Hind&l Mirza and all the ladies of the harem and shining stars ^
of the KhUdfat and all the offers and servants who were absent
from the dais received in accordance with their degree, jewels and
rich varieties and also gold and silver money. Also to all the relatives
and dependants, of his Majesty in Samarqand, !^urasan, Kashghar and
'Irfiq, there were sent valuable gifts. Presents too were despatched to
the holy sepulchres {maihahid) and blessed shrines in !^urfisaa,
Samarqand, etc. And an order was issued that to every inhabitant of
Kftbul, Saddara,' Waraek, ^ust, and Badakhsl^an, male and female^
i Saturday, ErskiQe (Babar, 334)
tajs the date is wrong, for 29th Bajab
was a Friday and suggests that the
distribution of treasure on a Friday
might have interfered with Babar's
religious duties. P. de C, Monday,
29th Bajab, Price, "30th of the
month."
s Lit. trees of the garden of suc-
cess. The reference is to the pre-
sents sent to Kimr&n and others.
(Babar, Ers. 335).
* Son of Badl*u-z-zamin MirzS,
son of SuItSn ^usain Mlrzft of Herftt,
but the gift was probably made to
him as being the emperor's son-in-
law. He served under Bibar and
HamSyiin and was drowned in the
Ganges at Causa in 1539. (Elliot, Y.
203).
♦ DarrdrX, pi. of Ar. durH, a
sparkling star or gem.
^ There are some unintelligible
words here. P. de C. (II, 233) has
'' Dans toute la circonscription de
" versek et la principaut^ de Kabul,
" il n'y eut pas une Ame vivante,
'' maitre ou dame, esclave ou homme
" libre, adulte ou non adulte qui ne
"reyut un hdheri de gratification,"
CHAFTBB XVII.
249
small and groat^ a s&^hrulsbi should be sent. Thus all and sundry^
the elite as well as the commonalty, were fed from the table of his
Majesty's bounty.
and adds in a note to " circonscrip-
" tion," " Le mot que je traduis ainsi
'*par conjecture est soda que la
'* version persane se contente de
" r^produire sans rintrepr^ter." To
*'b4beri," he has the note, " Un
'^chakrokhi suivant la version per-
''sane et la traduction anglaise."
Erskine (Babar, 335) seems to have
considered that soda u rasak should
bo read ba sadur ra^, (for produc-
ing emulation), for he translates,
''To the country of Kabul, as an
"incentive to emulation, to every
" soul, man and woman, slave or free»
" of age or not, I sent one «&a/»ru^I
" as a gift I " I have examined the
passage in the two B.M. MSS. Add.
Per. of Babar's Memoirs, vim.. No.
24,416, p. 2696, and No. 26,200, p.
285a. The latter was used by Ers-
kine and the passage is as follows i-^
There is nothing in either MS. about
Bada^^an or Khiist.
The explanation of their mention
in the A.N. however seems to be
that A.F. used Shaikh Zain's trs.
of Babar's Memoirs. This was made
much earlier than *Abdu-r-rahim*s
for Shaikh Zain was one of Babar*s
courtiers and wrote for him the
pompous firmans given by Babar.
( Grs., 355 and 359). He is also men-
tioned in the Akbamdma (I, 119) as
Shaikh Zain, the JSfadr and grand-
son of Shaikh Zainu-d-din Khwafl
32
(Blochmann, 592n). There arc two
fragments of this translation in the
B.M., viz,, Add. No. 26,-202 (Bieu,
I, 246) and Or. No. 1999 (I. c. UI,
926) Shaikh Zain*s version is written
in an ornate and rhetorical style and
in the third person. Both fragments
contain the transactions of 932 and
both speak of Khost or Khwast Ba-
daU^an in describing the sending
of the s^ahruldkls. The passage in
Add. No. 26,202 occnrs at 70a, and in
Or. No. 1999 at 706. It runs thus,
(s/ib^ (>«'<»3 ^ «£a^ J3'^^ \:)^y }
c^yo y ]) dj^ j^ ^J:> fU j'jXoi ^f^
— ^JJ
*' A nd an order was passed that all
"the inhabitants of the capital
(P Kabul) and the dwellers in Sada
Darask (or Warask) and Khust Ba-
dakl^shan. who were distinguished for
religion and piety, should each get a
aJidhruX^V* Apparently then, Sada
Darask is some hamlet of Khust in
Badakhflhan. All the other B.M.
MSS. of * Abdu-r-rahim's trs. agree
with the two already named in omit-
ting any mention of Badakhghau.
The Saddara of the Text might
mean the hundred valleys and ac-
cording to Steingass Dara is a dis-
trict in Badalshaiian. Sada is given
by Vullers, on the authority of
Notices et Emtraits, (XIV, 771) as
meaning a company of 100 men and
possibly it may be the title of a divi-
250
akbarnA»a<
Verse,
From the shawering of the jewel-shedding hand,
Joy burst out afresh in the world.
Pleasant is the gift that cometh from afar^
As the Moon sheds light on earth from her sphere.
»ion of a country, e.g., the English
hundred. I can find no such district
as Warsak or Versak but possibly
Wakhsh or Vakhsh is nteant. (T. B.
N. E. & E. 263, asd Babar, Ers.
Intro. XXX).
"Ehi^st or Khogt is a district on the
northern slope of the Hindfl Kugli,
between south and south-east of Kun-
duz and lies very near the hill tracts
known on our tinte as Kafiristan.''
T. R., trs. 103n.). Khust is given, in
Baverty's Pushtu Dictionary, as a
province in Afghanistan. (See Babar,
Ers. 151, 268 and 270.) It lay in the
west of Badakhshan. Mr. Ney Elias'
map marks it as north of CSrIkar and
west-north-west of Citral.
On the whole it appears that Ers-
kino's rendering " to excite emula-
tion " cannot be correct though he
adheres to it in his Babar and Hu-
mayun (1, 440) adding that perhaps
Babar 's object was to assist in re-
cruiting his army, but Mr. Erskine
had not then probably examined
Shaikh Zain's translation. It ap-
pears to me that Babar*s motive was
rather to enable the people ol Af-
ghanistan to defend themselves
against the Uzbegs and to strengthen
their loyalty. It is probably to these
presents that he alludes when he
says (Ers. 310) that Badakhshan,
Kunduz, Kabul and Qandahar were
dependent on him, but that instead
of being a help, he had to send ex-
tensive i)U|)plies to some of them, on
account of their being near the
enemy. This enemy can only mean the
Uzbegs. I should note that the last
uoi the Text, viz. that between Khast>
and Badakhshan does not occur in
all the MSS. Pnce (Betr. lY, 684)
has ''at Kabul and the neighboor-
hood." Firighta too has nothing
about Badalslighan and merely speaks
of the inhabitants of the 'city of
Kabul, adding that Babar received^ on
account of his improvidence, the title
of- Qalandar. Nor does Kliafi ^h^n
(Bib. Ind. 1, 53) speak of Badakhsh&n.
Babar sought afterwards to recoup
his extravagance by adding 30 per
cent, to the taxes (Memoirs, 387).
There is stil! another trs. of Ba-
bar's Memoirs, that by Mtrza Pay-
anda Hasan Ghaznavf and Muhd.
Qull Mughal Hisarf. Bleu, II» 799&.
Since writing the above note I have
seen Wood's Journey to the Source
of the Oxus (Lond. 1872) and am now
inclined to think that Sada ia a
•
mistake for the Arabic t^^ 8<idda, a
gate or pass. Sad or Sadda seems a
common name of places in Badakh-
ohs^ii and in one of Wood's maps (p.
XC) there is a pass marked Sad-ish*
tragh or Ishtrakh which may be the
Sada or Saddara rasak of the Text.
It is north of Citral and perhaps
recent expeditions to that neighbour^
hood, have thrown or will throw light
on the locality montioued in the Text.
i^ad seems to be used in Badakhshin
as equivalent to (fam.
CHAPTSR XTIt. 251
Tt is a fixed law that when the world-adorning Creator designs 100
to reveal a unique jewel from its casings, he brings strange things to
pass so that a man being tried in such ways by word and deed may
become glorious in the minds of all for firmness and foreseeing.
Among these, there was this strange circumstance that with all this
victory and largesse, there was a defect of similitude {qillat-i^
mujdnaaat) which worked a want of intimacy (^tZZa^^i-'ooJaw-i-mttwa-
nasat) with the people of India.
The soldiery and the peasantry (of India) abstained from inter-*
course (with the invaders). Although Delhi and Agra had come into
possession, opponents held the country. Many of the neighbouring
forts were held by rebels. Qasim Sanbali held Sanbal (Rohilkhand)
and in the fort of Bigna (Bhartpur) Nizam ^§n was beating the
drum of opposition. Hasan ^gn Mewati had established himself
in Mev^fit (south of Delhi) and raised the standard of revolt. Muham*
mad Zaitun had established himself in Dholpur (Bajputanft) and was
breathing opposition. Tfttftr !^ftn Sarang^ani (Firis^ta, son of
Sftrang Khan) was holding Qw&llir ; ^usain KhSnfLohani, Bapri (on
the Jumna); Qutb iO^an, Et§wa, 'Alam Khftn, Kftlpi. Mar^^ub, a
slave of Sul);&n Ibrahim^ held Mahgwan (Mathuri) which is near
Agra. Qanauj and the other cities beyond the Ganges^ were in the
hands of the Afghans^ under the headship of Nasir ^Sn Lohani and
Ma'ruf Farmuli who had contended also with Sultan Ibrahim. After
his death, they had acquired many other countries and having ad-
vanced some stages, had made Bahfir Kbfin, son of Darya Khan, king
and styled him SultSn Muhammad.^
During this year, while his Majesty had his head-quarters in
Agra, the hot winds were very oppressive. An impure samum and
sickness were added to the pusillanimity of the camp. A large num*
ber absconded out of senseless imaginations. Owing to the rebels,
the inclement weather, the impassableness of the roads, the delay
of coming by merchants, there was distress for food and a want of
necessary articles. The condition of the people became bad. Many
ofiicers resolved to leave Hindustan for Kabul and its neighbourhood,
and many soldiers deserted. Though many old officers and veteran
soldiers used improper language in the Presence, and also secretly
I B. and H., Ers, I, 412.
252
AKBARNAMA.
used language disagreeable to his Majesty, yet his Majesty Gitl-
sitani who was unique for far-seeing and endurance, did not heed
this but set about the administration of the country. At length on
the part of the elite and those who had been trained by his Majesty
and from whom different things were to be looked for, there were
stale movements of old times. ^ Especially was this the case
with Ahmad! Parwanci and Wall Ehszin. Still more astonish-
101 ing, Khwaja Kaldn Beg, — who in all the battle fields and occasions,
especially in the expedition to Hindustan, had always spoken gallantly
and given such opinions as befitted a brave man — ^now changed his
views and was the foremost in advocating the abandonment of the
country, both openly and by covert hints. At length his Majesty
summoned his officers and spoke wise words of counsel to them^
unveiling their secret imaginings {makbt^rdt) and forbidden [mahiurdt)
ideas. He announced his firm determination, saying, '' We have
won this fine country by labour and hardship, to give it up for a
little fatigue and contrariety^ is neither the way of world-conquerors
nor method of wise men. Joy and sorrow, comfort and distress are
" linked together. Now that all those labours and troubles have
" been brought to their end, assuredly rest and smoothness will ap-
pear in like degree. You must lay firm hold on the strong cable
of reliance on God and not utter any more vain and factions words.
^' Whoever has a mind to depart to Kfibul {Wildyat) and to exhibit
his own worthlessness, it matters not, let him go. But we, relying
on the lofty courage which rests on the Divine help, have fixed
'^ India in our heart.'' At last all the officers, after consideration
and meditation, agreed and confessed that what his Majesty said
was true and that " the king's word was the word-king.'* With
heart and soul they placed the head of submission on the ground of
command and bound themselves to remain. Khwaja KaUn who was
keener than the others about leaving for Kftbul {Wildyat) received
permission to depart and the presents for the princes and others
were sent with him.* Ghaznin, Gardez,^ and the Sulj^n Mas'udI
€(
t(
CC
((
<(
i<
f<
^ The meaning is not clear, but I
think A.F. is sneering at the pre-
sumptuous ways of old servauts, Cf.
text 133, seven lines from foot.
• He received money also for re-
pairing a reservoir at G^aznlu. (149).
• Cir. 65 m. south -cast of Kabul.
Jarrctt 11, 407. Babur, Era., lltO).
CHAPTER XVII.
253
Uazarca » were given to him in fief. In Hindustan too the pargana of
Ghurftm' was given to him. Mir Miran also got leave to go to Kabul.
The Khwaja got leave to depart (to Kftbnl) on Thursday's
20 Zi'kijja (28th August). It is manifest that every right-minded^
fortunate one who conducts business with subtle prudence, is more
and more snccessful in proportion as he arrives at high positions.
A mirror of this is the grand story of his Majesty Glti-sitan! Firdiis'-
makanl who in such a commotion of the soldiery and in presence of
much opposition, had recourse to world-conquering courage, and
who, relying on the Divine protection, set his face to accomplish his
work and achieve Hb desires and made the city of Agra, which is the
centre of Hindustftn, his fixed residence and with strength of counsel
and courage and abundant liberality and justice, composed the dis-
tractions of the country. Accordingly many of the oflScers of Hin-
dustan and rulers of the country gradually entered his service.
Among them was ghaikh Ghuran^ who brought with him as many as
3,000 men of mark.^ Everyone of them received favours above his 102
condition.
There were also Firuz Ehftn, gli.aikh BSyazid, Maljimud !^3n
L5|^fini,Qazi Jia, who were amongst the famous sirdars, and who entered
the service and obtained their desires. Firuz Khan received a jdgtr
from Jaunpur of one hror odd^ of tankas. Shaikh Bayazid one
hrar'^ from Oudhj Mahmud Oifin 90^ lakhs from Oh&zipur. Q§zi
Jia had an assignment of 20 lakhs from Jaunpur. In a short
time, there was peace and comfort and joy and pleasure and such
prosperity as belongs to a permanent government. Some^ days
I Babar, Ers., 151 and 156. Jar-
rett, 401n.
• Guhram, Jarrett II, 296. As my
friend Mr. Beames has pointed out to
me, this is Ghuram in Sihrind. It is
now in the native State of Patiala
and on the Ghaghar (the old and
famous Saraswati), about 25 miles
south-west of Ambala and 24 miles
due west of Shahabad.
B Babar, Ers., 341.
« Ers. audP.de C, Karen. BadaonI
I, 337, Khuran. Badaoni speaks of
him as unrivalled in his knowledge
of music.
fi Babar calls them bowmen (tar-
kasltband) from the DUab.
« I kr., 46 lakhs, 5,000, P. de C.
T I kr., 48 lakhs, 50,000, P. de C.
8 90 lakhs, 35,000 P. de C. See also
Ers. B. and H. I, 416»., correcting
trs. of Mem.
» About 11th July, 1526.
254 akbarnAma.
after the 'Id of ^awwalj there was a great feast at Agra^ in
the palace of Saltan Ibrahim when a treasury of gifts was showered
into the lap of the public. Sambal was assigned to Jahanbani, in
addition to Sarkftr ^i8fir-flruza which formerly had been given
him as the reward of valour. Amir Hindu Beg was appointed as his
deputy to preside over that district. As Biban had besieged the
fort of Sambalj the aforesaid Amlr^ Kita Beg, Malik Qisim, Baba
Qashqa with his brothers and Mallft Apaq, ^aikh Grhuran and
his soldiers from the middle Du&b were rapidly sent there. Biban
engaged them and was defeated and as that seditious and disloyal
one {iardm-nimak) after having experienced the sweets of service,
had out of evil nature turned his back, never again did he behold
fortune's facei
CHAPTBR XVIII. 255
CHAPTER XYIII.1
Dblibbbations of his Majbstt GIti-sitIni (Babab) and undebtakino
by humattn of the expedition to the eastward.
As his Majesty Olti-sitfini Fird&s-makfini was now victorionsly
established in Agra, the capital of the kingdom, and as the rainy
season, — which is the spring of India and the period of freshness
and verdure, of enjoyment with one's friends, and of garden de-
lights,— ^had passed away and the time for expeditions had arrived,
he consulted with his ministers as to whether he should proceed to
the east to quell the Ldb&nis who had advanced with nearly 50,000
cavalry beyond Qanauj and were meditating hostilities, or should
march westward against BSna Sfing&' and subdue him, as he was
very strong and had recently got possession of the fort of Ehandftr^
and was cocking the cap of disobedience. After consultation, it was
decided that as R&nft Sftnga had repeatedly sent representations to
Kabul and had made protestations of loyalty, the facts of his not
having done so since and of his having taken the fort of Khandar 103
from Qasan, the son of Makan, who had not yet done homage, — ^were
not sufficient evidence of disloyalty, and that it was not advisable to
proceed against him at present. The proper course was to send
capable men to ascertain his dispositions and that until the truth
about him was known, the first thing was to march eastwards and put
down the L5h§nis. The Emperor intimated that he would attend
to this matter in person, but meantime his Highness Jah&nbanT, —
the plant of whose greatness had grown tall in the garden of hope, —
represented that if this weighty affair were committed to him, he
would by the help of the royal fortune, bring it to a successful ter-
i Chalmers resumes his translation
here after missing out from p. 112,
p. 102 of the text.
s According to Tod, Sanga is a
contraction of Sangram Singh, " the
lion of battle."
8 Kandar is a strong hill-fort a
few miles east of Bantanbhar. Ba-
bar, £rs., 339. Text and Jarrett II,
275, Khandar.
256 aebabnAma.
mination. The Emperor greatly approved of this request and gladly
accepted the offer^ and his Highness Jahanbani girded himself for the
task with energy and good fortune. Orders were issued that there
should join themselves to Hum&yun^ '£dil Sul(an^ Muhammad Kokul-
tash^ Amir S^ah Man^ur Barlds^ Amir Qatlaq Qadam^ Amir 'Abdu-1-
lah, Amir Wall, Amir Jfin Beg, Plr QulT, Arair SJ^ah ^usain, — who
had been deputed to take Dhdlpur and its neighbourhood from
Mul^ammad Zaitun and to make it over to Sulj^fin Junaid Barlas and then
to march against Blana. For this purpose Kabul! Ahmad Q£Laim was
despatched in all haste to direct these officers to meet Humayun at
Candwar. Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja, the jdgirddr (fief -holder) of Etawa,
Muhammad SuUfin Mirza, Sultan Mult^ammad Duldi, Muhammad 'All
Jang Jang and 'Abdu-l-'azTz,^ Master of the Horse, with the rest of
the army which had been sent to subdue Quj;b Khan Afghan who
had raised the standard of revolt in Etfiwa, — were also appointed
to serve his Highness (Humayun). On Thursday, 18 Zilq'ada (21st
August, 1526) he came out from Agra at an auspicious moment and
encamped at a distance of three kos from the city. He marched on
from there, accompanied by the breeze of victory. Naflr Kbs^a
who had collected an army in Jajam&S fled while Humayun was 15
ko8 distant, and crossing the Granges went to the territory of ^arid>
Humftyun also went in that direction, and having brought that regioa
into order, partly by severity and partly by gentle measures, turned
the reins of eaterprise towards Jaunpur. Having reduced Jaunpur
to order by justice and equity, he administered the country with the
wisdom of age and the energy of youth. When near Dalmau, Fath
Khan SarwdnT, who was one of the great nobles of India and whose
father had received from Sulj;an Ibrfihim the title of A'^am Humfiyuui,
104 came and did homage to his Highness Jah&nbftni. He (Jahanbani)
sent him to the imperial Court under the charge of Sayyid Mahdi
Khwaja and Muhammad Suljb.§n Mlrz§. There he was royally ^ treated
and received a robe of honour. He received the allowances of his
father and also a kror and six lakha in addition. Though out of aim-
» Text, 'All, but this is wrong as tho district of Balia, N.-W. P. Jarrott
Babar's Mem. and A.S.B. MS. C. 27 . II, 163.
and Text 107 and 108 hHow. I » Cf. Babar, Ers., 3U. Tho total
* Mentioned also in Babar's yin»a». amount of the allowances is thcro
Eva., U<>0. It i» a large partjana in Mtatod as one kror and 1»0 lakhs.
CHAPTKR ZVIII.
257
plicity he wished for the title which his father had possessed^ he re-
ceived that of Khan Jahan and was dismissed to his estates. His son
Mahmud !^an was exalted by obtaining permanent service. His
Majesty Giti-sit&ni was both in appearance and in reality successful
and munificent in the capital.
In Muharram 938 (Oct. 1526) the joyful news came from Kabul
that Maham Begam^ the mother of his Highness Jahanbani^ had given
birth to a son. His Majesty Giti-sitani named him Muhammad Farilq.
His birth occurred on 23 Shawwal^ 932 (2nd Aug., 1526), and he died
in 934 before his father had ever seen him.
DfiSCBIPTION OF VARIOUS AUSPICIOUS EVBNTS IN THIS YEAR (933), OF
THE NEWS OF THE BE6ELLI0N OF BANA SaNGA AND OF THE HEKT-
INQ OF HIS HlQHNESS JaHANBANI WITH HIS MAJESTY GiTI-SITAnI.
On Wednesday, 24 Safar* (30th Nov., 1526), orders were issued
to his Highness Jahanbani that he should make over Jaunpur to some
officers and himself return with all speed, as Rana Sanga was advanc-
ing with a large army of Hindus and Muhammadans. The convey-
ance of this message was given to Muhammad ^Ali, son of Mihtar
^aidar Bikabdir.
In this year Nizam Khan, the governor of Biana, did homage
through the instrumentality of that fountain of blessings BafT'u-d-din
Safavl,' and made over the fortress of Biana to the imperial officers.
Tgtar IQian also tendered Gw&liSr and kissed the threshold ; and
Muhammad Zaitun made over Dhdlpur and submitted himself. Every-
one received royal favours corresponding to his sincerity and loyalty
and was secured against calamities.
On 16 Babi'u-1-awwal (2l8t Dec.) of this year, the mother of
Sultan Ibrahim formed a plot^ by the means of the cooks which had a
happy* issue, — the crude imaginings of evil-disposed persons coming
to nothing and they themselves meeting with punishment.
* 24 Muharram, Ers. and P. de C.
This is probably correct. A.F. has
probably written Safar because that
month appears in a preceding entry
in Babar's Mem. 24 Mu(iarram=
31 st October.
* A native of Tj near the Persian
33
Gulf. He was a teacher of A.F.'s
father and was buried opposite Agra.
Blochmann, Preface ii and 523 and
Jarrett II, 180 and III, 423.
V She attempted to have Babar poi-
soned. Babar, Ers., 347.
* Bafdiair gusa^l^t, qu. turned out
258
ilEHABNlfflA*
When the orders were received by his Highness JahanbanT, lie
appointed Shah Mir I^usain and Amir Suljbfin Junaid Barl&s to the
command of Jaunpur^ and leaving Qazi Jia who was one of those
trained up by his Majesty Giti-sittoi, to assist these two officers^ he
set out for the capital. He also appointed Shaikh Bayazid to Oadh
and as 'Alam Khiln held Kalpi and it was necessary to dispose of him,
either peaceably or by force, he led his victorioas army thither. B7
working on his hopes and fears, he brought him inta the path of
105 obedience, and taking him in his train, presented him at the world-
protecting Court. On Sunday, 3rd Babi^u-s-sani, he arrived at the
Carbas^,^ known later as the Has^t Bihis^t (Bight Paradises) and
which was by its verdure the spring of power and fortune, and pre^
sented himself before his Majesty Glti-sitam. On the same day
Khwaja Dost Khawand arrived from Kabul, and was received with
honour.
At this time representations were continually arriving from
Mahdi Khwaja wl)o was in Biana, about the rebellioQ of Rana Singd
and his warlike preparations.
well. Price (IV. 691) seems to have
read hu^tr gu^asl^i, went into dark-
ness, i.e., was killed. But it would
seem from the Memoirs that she was
only put into, confinement. See too
Firiflhta.
1 Now called Bambagh; A. P.'s
birthplace and opposite Agra.
Blochmann, ii and Jarrett II, 180
^nd 423.
t!lIXl^BR XtX.
259
CHAPTER XIX.
Dp his Majesty GM-sitani Fied^s-makAni's drawing xjp
diS FORCBS AGAIN8T BAnA SInqI^ AND tPREARING
T&B S1?ANDAM8 Ot VlCtORt.
Whene'er a design takes root in the bosom of an anspicioils one,
Dn whose honoured head God^ the world-arranger^ hath placed the
diadem of true sovereignty, and whose lofty intellect is set on obey*
ing the behests of the Lord of Lords, his action rises above the petty
views of the vulgar, and he achieves success in realm and religion
(din u dunyd). The wondrous deeds of his Majesty Giti-sitani
Firdus-makani are an instance of this, for as his felicity increased
so also did his wisdom, and in proportion as the causes of dizziness
augmented, so also did his prudence become enhanced. He ever
took refuge in the Divine Unity, and in the administration of justice
and the management of State affairs, never deviated a hair's breadth
from the highway of reason. And at this time when Bana Sanga,
in the pride of his numbers and courage and with his brains full of
boastful madness, began to act presumptuously, and to remove his
foot from the circle of equanimity, and was drawing nigh with the
stride of boldness, he (Babar) made the favour of God his strong-
hold, and gave no admission to the attacks of dismay but proceeded
to quell that ill-fated disturber of the Age.
On Monday, 9 Jumada-1-awwal (11th February, 1527), he
marched out from Agra to extirpate this sedition, and pitched his
camp in the neighbourhood of the city. Beports were continually
arriving that the ill-fated one (Bana Sanga) had attacked Biana with
a large army, and that the troops who had come out of that town,
had not been able to withstand him and had turned back. Sankar
Khan Janjuha was killed on that occasion, and Amir Kita Beg^
wounded. Having halted four days, he (Babar) marched on the fifth
and encamped in the plain of Mandhakar' which lies between Agra
i T.R, 313ff. He was brother of
» Perhaps the Mandawar of the
MTr A^mad Qasim Kohbar. Ain. Jarrett II, 182.
260
AKBARNAMA.
and Sikri. It occurred to him that there was no water-supply for
the troops except in Sikri — -(which after returning thanks for his
victory, his Majesty Giti-sitani, by giving diacritical points, named
Sbukri (thanksgiving) and which is now by the auspicious felicity of
106 the king of kings, known as Fathpur, from its giving victory to
hearts) — and it might happen that the hostile army by using des-
patch, would get possession of this. In consequence of this just
thought, he proceeded next day towards Fathpur and sent Amir
Darve^ Muhammad Sarban in advance in order that he might find a
proper ground for encampment. The said Amir fixed on an eligible
spot in the neighbourhood of Fathpiir Lake {Kul) which is a broad
sheet of water and an ocean-like reservoir, and that was made the
pleasant ground of encampment. From thence messengers went to
summon Mahdl !^waja and the other officers who were in Biana.
Beg Mirak^ who was a servant of Jahanbani and a number of the
Emperor's special attendants were sent to collect information. In
the morning intelligence was brought that the opposing army had
advanced one kos beyond Bisawar and were eighteen kos distant. On
the same day Mahdi Khwaja,* Muhammad^ Sul1;an Mirza and the
other officers who had been in Blana, arrived and did homage. During
this time, daily skirmishes took place between the outposts in which
gallant soldiers distinguished themselves and received the royal ap-
probation.
At length on Saturday, 13 JumSda-l-akhar 933 (16th March,
1527), Rana Sanga advanced with a large army to a hill near the
village of Khanwa* in the Sarkar of Blana and about two ko8 from
the imperial camp.
His Majesty states in his Memoirs that according to the Indian
calculation by which territory yielding one lakh of revenue furnishes
JOG horse, and one of a kror of revenue, 10,000 horse, the dominions
1 Possibly the grandfather of
NisSmu-d-dln A^mad, the author of
the JaJxiqdL
• Babar's brother-in-law. The
statement that he was a son-in-law
is a mistake of Erskine. KhwRnda*
mir tells ns near the end of the
Uabiba-s-siyar that Mahdl Khwaja
was married to Babar's sister
EHianzada.
8 A grandson of Sultan Husain of
Herat. Babar made him governor
of Kananj, Mem. 181.
♦ 37 miles west of Agra, in the
Bhartpnr State.
Cfi AFTER XIX.
261
of Rana SfingS^ as yielding ten hrors of revenue, furnished 100,000
horse. Many chiefs also, who had never served under him before,
gave in their allegiance and increased his army. Thus Sila]^u-d-din,^
the ruler of Bdisin and Sarangpur, etc., supplied 30,000 horse ; Rawal
tJdi Singi of Nagaur, 12,000; Hasan ^an Mewati, ruler of Mewat,
12,000; Bihari* Mai Idari,M,000 , Nirpat HadS, 7,000; Sitarvi Kaci
(of Cutch), 6,000; Dharan* Deo, ruler of Mirtha, 4,000 ; Narsingh
Deo Cuh§n,^ 4,000 ; Mahmud Oan, son of Sikandar Sultan, though
he had no territory, yet* in hope of regaining his ancestral throne,
brought with him 10,000 horse; so that the whole force amounted to
two Idkha and 1,000 horse.
When his Majesty heard of the arrival of the enemy, he set about
arranging his forces. The royal station was in the centre. Cln
Timur7 Sul^n,Mlrza^ Sulaimdn, l^wfija D5st ^awand, Yunus 'All, 107
Si^ah Mansur Barlas, Darvesh Mul^iammad Sarban,^ 'Abdu-1-lah Kitab-
dar, D5st Ishak iqa and others of the great officers were stationed in
the right. On the left were 'Ala'u-d-din,^^ son of Suljan Buhlul Lodi ;
S^ai^ Zain KhwafT, Amir Muhibb 'Ali, son of Nizamu-d-din 'Ali
Khalifa ; Tardi Beg, brother of Que Beg; gi^ir§fgan, son of Que Bgg ;
ILraish Khgn, Khwaja ^usain and many other servants of the Sulfon-
ate and pillars of the State.
The right wing was adorned by the fortunate presence of his
1 Text, Silhadl. See Erskine's
B. & H. I, 471n.
« Erskine, Bdrmal (360).
A Idar or Edar in Kathiawar,
Gnjrat.
* Text, Farm and also in fragment
of Babar's Mem. trs. by P. de 0. II,
445.
B This passage occurs in the re-
port of the victory drawn up by
Shaikh Zainu-d-din (Babar, Ers.,360).
There is some discrepancy about the
proper names and I have corrected
some of those in the Text.
» Copied from Babar (Era., 360),
but the meaning there is that 10,000
horsemen followed him because they
hoped that he would recover his
ancestral possessions.
"I The eighth son of SultSn ALimad
Khan and grandson of Yanus ^an,
so he was Babar's cousin, i.e., his
mother's nephew. He died of dysen-
tery at Agra. (T.R. N. & R., 161).
^ Son of Mfrza £han and after-
wards ruler of BadaJshshftn*
• A disciple of Khwaja Ahrar.
^^ Brother of Saltan Sikandar and
uncle of Ibrahim Sultan who was
killed at Panlpat. Ers. B. & H. I
423 and 421n. According to an-
other account, 'Ala'u-d-din was
Ibrahim's brother. He was gener-
ally known as 'Alam Khan.
262 AKBARl^iMA.
Highness Jah5nbaiii and on his right were Qasim Husam Sultailj
Ahmad Yfisuf Og^laqu, Hindu Beg Qucln, Khusru Koknltish, Qawam
Beg, Urdu-shan, Wall la&zin, Qaraqu*i) Pir Quli STstani, Ehwaja
Pahlwan Badakhshi, 'Abdu-1-shakur and many other gallant men.
On the victorious left of his Highness Jahanbani, were Mir Hama,
Muhammadi Kokultash, and ^wajagT Asad Jfimdftr.
And on the right wing there were nobles of India such as the
IQLan-khanan, Dilawar Khan, Mulkdad Karftrani and Shaikh Ghuran.
On the left wing were Sayyid Mahdi ^O^wftja, Muhammad Suljt.tii
Mlrza, 'idil SultSn, son of Mahdi Suljjftn, 'Abdu-l-'aztz Mir Attur,
Muhammad 'All Jang Jang, Qatlaq Qadam Qarawal, S^ah ^usain Bar*
begi, Jan Beg Atka. And of the nobles of India there were Jalal
Kh&n and Kamtl !^an, sons of Sult&n 'Ala'u-d-din, 'All i^an gl^ai^-
zada Farmuli, Nizam Kh&n of Biina and many other brave warriors
who girt the waist of service with perfect loyalty. And as a flankinpf
party, there were Tardi Ikka, Mulk Qssim, brother of B§ba Qushqa
and many Mughals on the right wing. Muman Atka and Bustam
Turkaman with many of the Emperor's special dependants were
stationed on the left wing.
For the sake of protection, the practise of the holy warriors of
Bum was followed and a line of carts was arranged and connected by
chains so that there might be cover for the matchlock-men and canno-
niers, who were in front of the soldiers, — and Nizamu-d-dm 'Ali
^alifa was appointed to command this line. Sultan Muhammad Bakh-
shl, after arranging the commanders and officers in their posts, stood
near the Emperor to hear his commands which were allied to Divine
inspiration, — ^and despatched adjutants (tawdctdn) and couriers to all
sides who conveyed the orders to the officers. When the pillars of
108 the army had been arranged in this excellent manner, a command
was issued that no one should stir without orders from his position,
nor without permission advance his foot into the battle. A watch of
the day had passed ' when the fire of war was kindled.
Verse,
The soldiers bestirred themselves on each side.
Day and night were commingled.
I About |9 A. II.
CHAPTIR XIX. 263»
On eacli side arose a war-cry.
Two seas of hate foamed at the lips.
The steel-shod hoofs of the chargers
Reddened the ground with the blood of the brave.
The world-holder mid his glorious camp
Moved exultant on his prancing steed.
Such a battle raged on the right and left wings that the earth
quaked and the universe resounded with the clangour. The left wing
of the enemy moved against the imperial right and fell upon Etusrii
Kdkulta^, Mulk Qasim and Baba Qushqa. Cin Timur Sul|;an was
ordered to go to their assistance and by his intrepid aid he drove the
enemy nearly to the rear ^ of their centre. A noble reward was as-
signed to him for this. Mustafa Bum! brought forward the carts
from the centre of his Highness Jahanbani's division and by his match-
locks and culverins (zarbzan) so broke up the ranks of the enemy that
the rust was scoured oS from the mirror-hearts of the brave combat-
ants, and many of the enemy were laid level with the earth and were
annihilated. And, as from time to time, the hostile troops advanced,
so did his Majesty Giti-sitani send on picked men to succour his vic-
torious soldiers.
At one time orders were given to Qasim Qusain Sultan, Ahmad
Tiisuf and Qawam Beg ; at another to Hindu Beg Qucin ; at another
to Muhammad Kokult&sh and Khwajag! Asad. After that Ynnus
'All, gliah Mansiir Barlfts and 'Abdul-l-l5h Kitabdar received orders.
Then D5st I^ak Aqa, Muhammad ^alil Akhta Begi were sent
to assist. The enemy's right wing repeatedly attacked the left
wing of the victorious army but every time the loyal souled GhazTs
affixed some of them to the ground by a rain of calamitous arrows, and
slew many of them with the lightning of daggers and scimitars. Muman
Atka and Bustam Turkaman acting according to orders, attacked the
benighted bands from the rear, and MuUa Mahmud and 'All Atka
B^sbllq who were servants of Khwaja ^allfa went to their assistance.
Muhammad Sul(An MirzS, 'Adil Sultan, 'Abdu-l-'aziz Mir Akhur,
Qatlaq Qadam Qarawal, Muhammad 'All Jang Jang, gl^ih Qusain
Barbegi and Mughal Gh&njI engaged in action and maintained a firm
position. Khiwaja Qusain went with a body of the household troops
1 Babar, nearlj to their centre.
£64 AKBABNAMA.
109 {dlwdnldn) to their assistance and all tlie victorious warriors,— who with
jeopardy of their lives devoted themselves to service, — ^made loftj the
standards of toil by taking vengeance on the enemy, and ohoked the
springs of the enemy's hope with the dust of failure.
Verse,
The hands i of the javelin-throwers were knot upon knot
{girth bar girih),
The backs of the brazen-bodied ones were cuirass upon
cuirass {zirih bar zirih).
On each side, the rock-piercing spears
Closed with thorns the path of safety.
The shining of caerulean scimitars
Deprived eyes of sight by their gleaming.
The dust of the earth put a cap on the Moon
And stopped the breath in the throat.
As the engagement was long, owing to the numbers of the enemy^
orders were issued to the household troops, who were behind the
carts like chained tigers, — ^to emerge from the right and left centre
and after leaving a space in the middle for the musketeers, to charge
from both sides. In accordance with the noble call the gallant
youths and valiant warriors, like tigers breaking from their chains
and gaining their liberty, dashed forward. The clashing {cakdcdk)
of swords and the whizzing {sAipdsidp) of arrows reached the
heavens, and that rare one of the Age, 'All Quli,* stood with his fol-
lowing in front of the centre and performed wonders in discharging
stones B and in firing of culverins and muskets. Just then orders
were issued for moving forward the carriages of the centre and his
Majesty himself moved against the foe. When this was perceived by
the glorious army, they became agitated like a billowy sea and all
at once made an assault on the hostile ranks. At the end of the day
the flame of conflict so blsized up that the right and left of the vic-
torious army forced and drove the enfeebled left and right of the
' The meaning seems to be that
the opposing soldiers were locked
together in flight. The phrase bra-
diyar, a Persian hero killed by
Rustam.
> Ustad 'All Qui I the cannon icr.
zen-bodicd was an epithet of Isfan- | * Sang. It may also mean cannon-
' balls.
CBAPTBR ZIX. 265
enemy into one mass with their centre, and so beat npon that wretched
body that all those ill-fated ones washed their hands of life and rashed
upon the right and left centre of the imperialists. They approached
very near but the high-minded Gh^zis stood firm and quitted them-
selves like men. By heaven's help, the opponents were unable to
abide the contest and those ill-fated, wretched ones were compelled
to loose the rein of firmness from the palm of contrivance and to take
flight and to regard as meritorious their escaping half-dead from such
a courage-testing contest. The breezes of victory and success blew
on the grove of fortunate standards, and the buds of strength and
help blossomed on the branches of faith and exertion. Many of the 110
hostile troops became the food of the blood-drinking sword and of the
hawking arrow. And many wounded, the remains of the sword,
turned the dust-stained cheek of courage, and the besom of dis-
may swept away the rubbish of their presence from the field of battle,
quivering like moving sands, they became a Sahara of wretchedness,
liasan Khfin M^w&ti was killed by a bullet and Bawal Uday Singh, ^
Mauik Cand Cuhsn, BSi Candrabhin Dilpat B&i, Gangu, Kram Singh,
Rao NagarsT^(?) and many of their great chiefs were slain. Many
thousand wounded were destroyed by the hands and 'neath the swift
feet of the victorioas army. Muhammad! Kokultdib, 'Abdu-1-^azTz
Mir AU^ur, 'All Khan and some others were sent to pursue Rana
Sanga.
His Majesty GltT-sitam Firdus-makani having become victorious
returned thanks for this great victory and sublime blessing to Al-
mighty God, Glory be to His Name, (who arranges the series of
fates by re-setting the openings and shuttings of things visible and
invisible) , and pursued the enemy for one Itos from the field of battle,
till at length night fell ; that day was black for foes and that night
joyful for friends. Then he recalled his lofty spirit from the enemy
and beating high the drum of success, turned and reached his camp
some hours after night-fall. As it was not ordained of God that that
abandoned one (B.an^ Sanga) should be taken, the men who were sent
in pursuit of him, did not manage well. His Majesty observes thereon,
" The time was critical, I should have gone myself and not have trust-
JB— »»
I Tod, " of Dangarpar.
s Text, pangarBl. Erskine, Bao
34
Bikersl with the variant Nagarsl.
P. do C, Rao NigucTsi.
266
A&BABNltfA.
ed to others/' SJ^aikh Zain the Sadr who was possessed of distin-
guished qualities, found the date of this great victory in the words
Fath-^'BddshdhA'Ialdm ^ and Mir Gesu sent the same chronogram from
Kabul. His Majesty writes in hie Memoirs that there was a similar
coincidence in the chronograms of the former victory of Dipalpfir
when two persons found the date Wasai-i-sAahr'i'Rabi'ur-UawwaL*
When BO great a victory had been gained, the pursuit of Rani
Sanga and the attack on his country were postponed and preference
was given to the conquest of Mewat. Muhammad 'All Jang Jang,
111 Shaikh Ghuran and 'Abdu-1-Muluk Qurci were sent with a large force
against Ilyds Khan who had raised the head of sedition in Koil ^ in
the Duab and had imprisoned Kacak 'All the governor of that place.
When the victorious army approached, he was unable to resist them
and retired. After the victorious army had reached Agra, that rebel
was produced before the royal Court and met with capital * punish-
ment.
As the conquest of Mewat had been determined upon by the
world-adorning soul (of Babar), he proceeded to that province. On
Wednesday, 6 Bajab (7th April, 1527), he arrived at Alwar which
is the capital of Mewit. The treasures of Alwar were bestowed on
his Highness Jahanbfini. And when this territory had been annexed,
he returned to the capital in order to undertake the reduction of the
eastern territories.
DCPABTUBB OF HIS HlQHNESS JahAnbIn! FOB KAbUL AND BaDASB^An,
AND THE MABCH OF THE BOTAL ABMY TO AOBA.
As it was necessary to arrange for the administration of Kibul
and Badakhshan, and as the time was exigent, and as Badakhsh§n
had been committed to Humftyun since 917' (1511) when Mirza Khan
1 The letters make 933.
S The letters make 930. See
supra. Babar (Ers., 368) says that it
was the same persons, Shaikh Zain
and Mir G^sH, who found oat the
Dlp&lpQr chronogram.
» Jarrett II. 188. Text, Kol. It is
in 'Allgarh.
♦ He was flayed alive. Ers., Babar,
368 and P. do CourteiUe II. 310.
* As pointed out by Ers. (B. A
H., I. 341) and Blochmann (311n.)
and Mr. Key Elias (T. R. 373n.), this
date \rhich is also given by ^aidar
MirzS, mast be wrong and is per-
haps a mistake for 927 (1521). In
917, HumSyan was only three^Qr four
years old, and in the T. B. (353)^ we
have an account of MlrzS E^in
as reigning in BadakhshSn in 924.
CHAPTER ZIX.
267
had died^ and afi tnany servants were employed there, his Highness
JahanbinT, ornament of world-subduing, jewel of the sword of fortune,
forehead of glory, frontispiece of splendour and glory, preamble of an
incomparable model, pupil of the eyes of sovereignty and the Khildfat,
the fiather of victory (abu-n-na^r), Na^Trn-d-dln Mu|^ammad
Humgyun was, on 9th Bajab of this auspicious (humdyuiv-fdl) year
(11th April, 1527), at 3 koa from Alwar despatched to that country.
At the same time, the Emperor swiftly applied himself to the reduc-
tion of Biban Afghan who during the Kana^s disturbance had besieged
Lakhnaw and taken possession of it. Qasim Qusain Sul);fin, Malik
Q§sim Babli Qai^qa, Abu'l-Muhammad Nizabfiz, Husain Khan, and
— ^from among the Amirs of India, — 'All Kh&n Farmuli, Mulkdad
KararanI, Tatar Ehftn and !^Sn Jah&n were sent along with Muham-
mad Sultan Mirea against him. That luckless one, on hearing of
the approach of the glorious army, left all his goods behind him, and
fled with naught but the coin of life in his palm. His Majesty at the
end of this year, visited Fathpur (Sikri) and Bari * and then proceed-
ed to Agra. In 934 he visited Koil and went from thence to Sambal'
to hunt, and after viewing these delightful Highlands, returned to 112
the capital. On 28th Safar (23rd Nov.) Fakhrjahin Begam » and
Accurdiiig to P. de C.'s fragment
of Babar'a Mems. (II. 452) Mirza
Kbau did not die till 934. This
must be wrong, for Babar speaks of
Badakhshan as belonging to himself
at the time (932) of his conquest of
India, and it is plain that Mirza
Khan was not alive after 927.
(Babar, Ers. 286 and note.) Most
probably he died in 926, as Firighta
miys and as is in accordance with
Haidar MTrza's statement (Elias &
Ross 387) that Humajan*s reign in
Bada^ishan began in 926. The
events of this year, with the excep-
tion of those of the first month, are
not recorded iu Babar's Memoirs
which are blank for the six years
from Safar 926 to 932. Gulbadan
does not give any precise date for
the death but says that ambassadors
from BadaUkslxan brought the news
about the time of the Bajaur cam-
paign. Apparently they brought
Sulaiman, Mirza Khan's young son,
with them. Gulbadan says that
thereupon, Babar sent Humayan to
Badal^sh&n and she adds the inter*
esting circumstance that Babar and
Maham (Huraayiin's mother) fol-
lowed him there and stayed a few
days.
i In Dholpur, Rajput ana and 44
miles south-west of Agra.
* Or Sambhal. See Jarre tt II,
281, where A. F. states that the rhi-
noceros is found in Sambhal.
s B&bar's paternal aunts; they
seem to have made a short stay only
with liim and then to have returned
268 aebarnAma.
Khadija Sultan Begam arrived from Kibul^ and his Majesty embark-
ed on a boat and went to meet them and behaved with liberality
towards them, ,
As news was frequently brought that MedinT Kai, the ruler of
Canderi ^ was collecting troops and that the Rana also was preparing
war and putting together the materials of his own destruction^ the
Emperor marched in a fortunate hour against Canderi and also sent
6,000 or 7,000 gallant men from Kalpi under Cm Tlmur Sulfcan to
Canderi. On the morning of Wednesday, 7th Jumada'l-awwal (29th
Jan., 1528), a splendid victory was gained at Canderi. Fath-i-ddru-U
iarb (Conquest of the hostile country, i.e., of the country of the infi-
dels s= 934) is the chronogram of this Divine aid. After this Canderi
was made over to A^mad S^ah, grandson of Sultan Nasiru-d-din and
then the Emperor returned on Sunday, 11th Jumada^I-awwal v2nd
Feb.).
It has been stated by trustworthy annalists that the Bana (Sanga]
had meditated revolt and been collecting an army before the Emperor
marched against Canderi, and that when the former came to Irij,*
if aq, * a servant of his Majesty Giti-sitanT Firdus-makani, had put it
into a condition of defence. That black-fated one came and besieged
the place, but one night he beheld in a dream an ancestor of his
under a dreadful appearance. He awoke in terror and horror and
began to tremble in all his limbs. After this he immediately set about
his return and on the way, the forces of death attacked him and he died.
The victorious army crossed the river of Burhanpur and it came to the
ears of the Emperor that Ma^ruf , Biban and BayazTd had gathered
their forces and that the imperial servants had abandoned Kanauj
and come to Baberi and that the enemy had taken the fort of Shams-
ftbftd from Abu'l-muhammad Nizabaz. Accordingly the reins of
resolution were turned to that quarter and a number of heroes were
sent on in advance. Merely on seeing the soldiers, the son of Ma^ruf
became dumbfounded and fled from Kanauj ; and Biban, Bayazid and
Ma'ruf having heard of the royal army, crossed the Ganges and re-
to Kabal. (Babar, Krs. 382 and 387.)
Gulbadan says there were seven of
them, all daughters of Aba Sa*Id
and 8he gives some of their names.
1 Jarrett II, 196. It is inGwalySr.
« Jarrett II, 187.
A Babar, Ers. 387, Mulla Afiq.
<
CBAPTER XIX. 269
tnained on the east side, opposite Kanauj, with a view to dispnte the
passapfe. The royal army continued to advance and on Fridaji 8rd
Muharram^ 935 (18th Sept., 1328)^ Mirza ^Askari who had been sent
for from Kabul before the Canderi disturbance, to advise (with the
Emperor) on the affairs of Multan, arrived and entered upon auspi-
cious service. On Friday next, the 'A$Aurd, (10th Muharram) Ins Ma-
jesty halted at Gwalyar and next morning surveyed the palaces of
BikramajTt and Man Singh and then proceeded towards the cnpital. 113
He arrived there on Thursday, 25th Muharram.
On Monday, 10th B-abi^u-l-awwal, couriers arrived from his High-
ness Jah§nb&ni in Badakhsh&n and brought several pieces of good
news. It was written that a son had been bom to his Highness
Jahanbim by the chaste daughter of Yadgar TaghaT and that he had
received the name of Al-aman.^ As this name was equivocal and had
an improper meaning among the generality, it was not approved of.
It was not acceptable also because it had not received the assent of
his (Bfibar^s) holy heart. The pleasing of the father, especially such
a father and such a king, is fruitful of blessings, visible and invisible,
and the displeasing of him is the cause of a hundred evils, external
and internal. What marvel then if men of experience regard the
rapid disappearance of this first fruits of sovereignty as a mark of
this displeasure.
When his Majesty had been settled in the capital, he convened
the Turk! and Indian nobles and had a splendid feast and held a
consultation about the settlement of the eastern districts and the
extinguishing of the flame of rebellion. After much discussion it was
agreed, that before his Majesty took the field, Mirza 'AskarT should
be sent to the east with a large force and that when the trans-Gange-
tic Amirs had joined him with their forces, some great expedition
might be undertaken. In accordance with this determination, MTrzft
^ Al-a/mdn, in Arabic, means peace
or protection; also the protected
one, the trnsty. But Babar did not
like the name because people in gen-
eral pronounce it alaman or ila/man,
^ and these words in Turki have bad
meanings, viz., alaman is a plunderer
or runner, and ilamarif " I do not
feel." (P. de C. II, 363n. See also
Diets. 8. V.) Babar's objections to the
name are given in his letter to Hu-
mayan (Ers., 391). Besides the am-
biguity mentioned above, he objected
because it was unusual to place the
article al thus before a name.
270
AKBABNlMA.
114
' Askari departed on Monday^ 7tb Rabi'u-1-aUbar^ while tlie Em.peroT
himself went for a visit and for hunting towards Dholpur,
On 3rd Jumada^l-awwal news came that Mahmud,> tlie son of
Iskandar^ had taken Bihar and was raising the head of rebellion. His
Majesty returned from hunting to Agra and it was settled that he
should proceed in person to the eastern districts.
At this time^ couriers came from Badakhshan with the intelii-
gence that his Highness Jahanbani had collected the troops of tKose
provinces and accompanied by Sulfcan Wais,* had set out with 40 or 50
thousand men on an expedition against Samarkand. It was also re-
ported that there was talk of a peace. In an auspicious moment a
message was sent that^ if the time for negociations had not passed^
he should make peace until the afEairs of India had been cleared off.
The letter also summoned Hindal Mirza and mentioned that Kabai
was to be a royal domain. He (Babar) also wrote " God willing^
" when the afEairs of Hindustan which are near settlement^ shaU foe
finished^ we shall leave these faithful servants and ourselves Tisit
our hereditary kingdoms. It is proper^ that all the servants of
these countries should make preparations for the expedition and
await the arrival of the imperial army.^' (Babar's)
On Thursday, the 17th of the said month, he crossed the Jamna
and went towards the eastern districts.
In these days the ambassadors of Nu^rat gl^ah/ the ruler of
Bengal, brought valuable presents and did homage.
€€
€(
€€
if
i
^ Brother of the Ibrahim slain at
Panipat.
« Ers., B. A H., I. 609. He was
an Amir of Khatlan (T.B. 21n.) and
is often called Sultan Awais or Uwais.
He was Sulaiman's father-in-law.
(Blochmann, 311.) Babar refers to
him in a letter to Humay&u (392).
Apparently he was at one time king
of Swat. (Babar, Ers., 249).
* In this and other passages of
this chapter, describing the events
of 935, A.F.'s abstract agrees with
P. de C.'s trs. (Vol. II.) rather than
with Ers. The meaning is not clear
in the text, but seems to be that the
army to be awaited is Babar*s. The
corresponding passage occurs in a
letter to Humajan -(P. de C. II, 456)
and refers to Babar 's desire that all
his subjects should assist HumSyan
in his projected expedition against the
Uzbegs. P. de C. has, " En attendant,
il est ndcessaire que tous nos sujets
se joignent k Humaiun dans cette
Expedition et le servent avec fid^Ht^,*'
♦ Son of *Ala'u-d-dIn9usainShah.
Biibar has a short notice^judwhinr
(Ers., 311). He was also called
and apparently reigned 151^1532.
CHAPTER XlX.
271
WliM
ll L'
On Monday, 19th Jumada'l-akhar, Mii^za 'Askar! arrived on the
banks of the Ganges and tendered his duty. He was ordered to
march with his army down the opposite bank of the river. Near
Karra* news came of the defeat of Mabmud Khan, the son of SuU§n
Sikandar. Having advanced near the borders of Ghazipur, he stop-
ped at Bhojpur « and Bihiya.> In that place BihSr was bestowed on
Mlrza Mabammad ZamSn.^ On Monday, 5th Bamazin,^ being set at
ease with regard to Bengal and Bihar, he proceeded to Sirwftr ^ to put
down Biban and BayazTd. The enemy engaged with the victorious
army and was defeated. After visiting Kharid * and Sikandarpur
and being satisfied with the state of things there, he rode post^
towards Agra which he reached in a short space of time.
His Highness Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyanT had spent one year
pleasurably in Badakhshan. Suddenly a desire for the society of
his Majesty Giti-sitanT, — who was a world of internal and external
perfections, — ^took possession of him and being unable to restrain
himself, he made over BadakhshSn to Suli;§n Wais, the father-in-law
of Mirza Sulaiman, and proceeded towards the Qibla of fortune and
Ka'ba of hopes. Thus in one day he arrived at K&bul. Mirzfi Kam-
ran had come there from Qandahar. They met in the ' Idgah^ and
I 42 miles north-west of Allahabad
and in AllahabSd district. Jarrett
II, 167.
« Towns in ghShabad.
B The Mems. say (418), that the
government of Jannpar was con-
ferred on Muliammad Zaman but he
also held Bihar (409 and 410).
• Should be 15th (24th May). (Ers.,
419).
* So in Text, but in Mems. (Ers.,
419) instead of Sirwar, we have the
river Sarju or Gogra mentioned and
are told that Babar marched from
his station on its banks to put down
the rebels. But A.F. is nearly in
accord with P. de C. II, 456, where
Babar says that on Thursday, 7th
Ramadan, he marched towards Sirwar
to repulse Biban and BayazTd. Sir-
war is also mentioned in Mem. (Ers.
420) and appears in the list of Babar's
provinces. (Ers., B. & H., I. 541).
See Blochmann, 381n. where it is
stated that Sirwar got its name from
the river Sarwa.
0 In Jaunpar. Jarrett II« 163 and
164.
7 Probably because his family had
just arrived from Kabul. He met
Maham, his favourite wife and
Humayan's mother at midnight on
Sunday, 27th June, 1629.
8 P. de C. (II, 457) has " lors des
ceremonies du Bairam." Probably
Kamran came there for this festival.
There are two Bairams (Vullers
8. v.), one on 1st Shawwal and one on
272
akbabnIma.
Ktoran being surprised to see him^ asked him the cause of his jour-
ney. Humayun replied it was a desire to see his sovereign^ and that
though he was always seeing him with his mind^s eye, yet this was not
equal to a personal interview. He ordered Mirza Hindal to proceed
from Kabul for the protection of Badakhshan and putting the foot of
purpose in the stirrup of courage^ and ui*ging along the charger of
joy on the highway of determination^ he in a short time reached Agra
and was rewarded by tendering his service.
A wonderful thing was that his Majesty Giti-sitani was sitting
at table and talking with his (Jahanbani's) mother about him when
suddenly ^ the shining star emerged from the ascension-point of
Badakhsj^an. Their hearts were rejoiced and their eyes brightened.
115 Each day of princes is a feast but that day^ by the advent of his
Highness Jahgnbani^ was made a feast such as cannot be described.
Mirz§ Qaidar writes* in his Tftrikh-i-rashTdi that his Highness
Jahanbini came to Hindustan in 935 (1 528-29) at the summons of
his Majesty OTti-sitani and that he left Faqr ^Ali in Bada^^§n.
At this time the darling (lit. eye-pupil) of the Sultanate^ Mirzi
10th 2i-l-tiiJ8" Probably the latter
is meant. On the other hand Babar
(Era., 428) seems to imply that Hu-
mayan was at Agra on 8th July,
1629. If so the Bairam referred to
must have been that of let Shawwal
(June 8th) and HumayQn must have
reached Agra at about the same
time as his mother. This too would
harmonize with A.F.'s story that he
appeared all of a sudden when his
father and mother were talking of
him. It agrees better too with
Gaidar's statement that Sa'id Khan
left Kaghgh^r for BadaJshshan in the
beginning of Mu^arram 936 (Sept.
1629). If Humay un only left Badaih-
Shau in the middle of August, there
was hardly time for the BadaU^ghTs
to send to Sa'Id Khan for help and
for him to get his army together by
the beginning of September. Ac-
cording to P. de C. (II, 457n.) and
Ers., (Babar, 426) Humayun did not
leave Badaktshln till 936 (1530).
1 We are not told the date of his
arrival but as he was at Kabul
during the Bairam and reached Agra
in a few days (Babar, P. de 0. II,
467) he probably arrived at end of
August, 1529. His mother had come
about two months before, for Babar
met her on Sunday night, 27th June.
She had been six months on the
journey.
« T.R.. B. & R., 387. Ers. (B.
& H., I. 608) has given good reason
for doubting the statement. Very
probably Humayun gave out that his
father had sent for him and Haidar,
who was in Badakhdl^n shortly
afterwards, may have recorded what
he heard then.
CHAFTEB XIX.
273
Anwar ^ had just died and his Majesty was deeply grieved on that
account. The coming of his Highness Jahanbani was therefore a
great comfort to his heart. His Highness Jahanbftni remained for a
while in attendance on him and the Emperor many times declared
that HnmSyun was an incomparable companion. In fact the name
of Insdn-ukdmil (Perfection of Humanity) might well be applied to
that majestic one. When he left BadakhAan for India^ Sultan
Sa'id S^an^ who was the Khfin of Kashghar and was related * to his
Majesty and who^ moreover, had been in his service and had received
favours and instruction from him^^being stimulated to crude imagin-
ations by messages from Sul);an Yais and other Amirs of Badakhsban,
left Rasbid T^in (his son) in Yftrkand and marched against Badakh-
iban. Before he arrived there Mlrza Hindal had reached Badakhshan
and established himself in Qil'a Zafar.^ Sa'id Khftn besieged the
1 Gulbadan calls him Al&r or
Alwar Mlrzi and he appears in her
list as the yonngeBt child of her own
mother, Dildar Begam. He must
have been quite a child when he
died in 1529, for his elder sister
Gulbadan was only eight when Babar
died in December 1530. She de-
scribes Alar's illness and death. He
was bom at Kabul. Babar says
(Ers. 250) that several children were
bom to him in 925 (1519) but none
of them lived. See in P. de C. (II. 45)
a paragraph on this snbject which
is not in Ers. Its language causes
confusion about the birth of Hin-
dal for it would appear from Babar
(Ers. 250 and P. de G. II. 45) that he
was bora in 925. But if so, how could
Babar make over the infant to his
mother (P. de G., II. 46) who had
died in 911. The explanation is that
there is a mistake inP.deG.'s trs., and
that the child was made over to Ma-
ham, Babar*s wife, and not to his mo-
ther and thus became at once a son
to Babar and a brother to Humayun.
35
* Babar's cousin, being the son oi
Sultan Ahmad, the brother of Babar's
mother. He was indebted to Babar
for hospitality at Kabul and for the
government of Farghana (Mem 8., Ers.
217). It was Babar who suggested
to Said Ehan that he should call
his son "Abdu-r-raghid. (T. E., E.
& B., 140). The account of Sa'id's
raid into Badakhghan is given in the
T. B., 387. It began at the com-
mencement of 936 (about 5th Sep-
tember 1529 ; I. c. 388).
8 The old capital of Badajghshan.
It was on the Kokca and was built
by one Mubarak Shah about the
beginning of the 16th century. Ho
called it Qil'a-safar on account of
a victory which he gained there over
the Uzbegs and because he belonged
to the Mufsaffar tribe (qu. the Ahl-
i-mu^ffar of TimQr's day?) The
ruins of the fort still exist but the
modem capital is Fai^abad. (T. R.
220 and n.) The old name of Qil'a-
isafar was Shaf-tiwar. (Babar, Ers.
167).
274
AKBABNilCA.
116
fort for three months and ^ then returned^ re infectd to Eft^^ar.
His Majesty Giti-sitdnT heard that the KashgharTs had taken possea-
sion of Bada^^an and he directed !^waja !^al!fa to go and put
the afEairs of that country in order. Bat the !^waja in his f oUy
delayed to obey. Then his Majesty asked JahanbdnT who by his
fortune had come to reside with his Majesty,—- what he thought aboat
going there himself. He represented in reply, that he had suffered
affliction by being debarred from the blessing of his Majesty's pre-
sence, and had vowed that he would never again voluntarily exile
himself but that there was no help for it, if he were ordered to go.
Accordingly Mirza Sulaimfin was despatched to Badal^sbfin &nd
a letter written to Sultan Sa'id saying, '' Considering > my numerous
claims on your consideration, this afbir seems strange; I have
recalled Hinddl Mirzfi and have sent Sulaiman. If you have any
regard for hereditary rights, you will be kind to Sulaiman and
" leave him in possession of Bada^d^n, for he is as a son to us
both. This would be well. Otherwise I, having given up my
responsibility, will place the inheritance in the hands of the heir.
The rest you know.''*
a
i€
€C
€€
it
1 Babar says (Era. 217) " Sultan
"Sa*ld Ehan, the Eh^n of Eagb-
" ghar " (he was not so then which
shows that Babar did not write his
Memoirs year by year) " came to me
'* with five or six naked followers on
" foot. I received them like my own
" brothers and gave him the Twman
"of Mandraur."
> I hare substituted Mr* Boss'
trs. (T.B., 389) for A.F/s abstract.
The meaning of the last sentence in
the letter, is more clearly brought
out by £rs/ paraphrase (B. & H. I.
512) " If not," (i.e.. if SultSn Sa'Id
did not yield), " the Emperor, having
resigned to him (Sulaiman) his own
claims, would know how to sup-
port him against the pretensions of
others." It seems evident that Ers.
is right (508) in rejecting jyiaidar
«f
ti
u
u
Mirza'fi statement that HumSyan
left Badakhfihan in obedience to his
father's commands. Perhaps he is
confounding 935 with 932, when
Babar summoned Humiyibi to help
him in the conquest of India. It is
clear that Hum&yt&n's abrupt depar-
ture in 935, deranged Babar's pro-
ject of reconquering his ancestral
kingdom and also that it led to dis-
asters in Badakhfll^* Bat Babar
was probably too near his end and
too fond of Humay&n to quarrel
with him for leaving his post and
coming to Agra. As Ers. remarks,
the visit was probably arranged
between Hum&yUn and his mother.
See F. de C. II. i57, for the passage
which A.F. must have had before
him.
CHAPTBB XIX.
275
Before Mirzft Sulaimftn had reached Kabul^i Badakhsh&n had
been freed from the oppression of evil-thoaghted men and been made
an abode of peace, as has been already stated. When he arrived at
Bada^dltoj Hindftl in accordance with orders (from Bftbar) made
over the country to him and proceeded to India.
After some time spent in attendance, his Majesty sent his Highness
Jahfinbani to Sambal * which was his fief {jdgtr). He remained happily
there for six months and then w^ suddenly attacked by fever. The
malady gradually increased and his Majesty G-itT-sitftm Firdus-makfini,
growing disturbed at the alarming news, ordered, in his affection for
him, that he be brought to Delhi and thence by water to Agra, in
order that he might be treated by skilful physicians under the
Emperor's own eyes. A large number of learned doctors who were
always in attendance at the royal Court, were directed to employ
their talents in effecting a cure. In a short space of time, he was
conveyed by boat. Though physicians used their skill and exhibited
Messiah-like science, he did not get better. As the sickness was
prolonged, the Emperor one day wAs seated with the wise men of the
Age by the Jumna and considering about remedies. Mir Abu
Baqfi* who was one of the most distinguished saints of the Age,
represented that it had been received from the ancient sages, that in a
case like this, when physicians were at a loss, the remedy was to give
in alms the most valuable thing one had and to seek cure from God.
His Majesty Oiti-sitaui said, '' I am the most valuable thing that
Humftyun possesses; than me he has no better thing; I shall make
myself a sacrifice for him. May Ghod the Creator accept it.''
E^wija l^allf a and the other courtiers represented that Humayun
would, by the grace of Gx>d, recover and attain to the limit of his
a
€f
1 Meaning that 8a^d Eh^n had
already retreated. Mr. Ney Ellas
(d89n) Bupposes that Kabul is a mis-
take in the T.B. for BadalshahaD,
but no correction seems needed, for
SulaimSn would go by Kabul from
India to BadakhshSn. (Price lY. 715)
Salaiman was then 16, having been
born in 920 (1514). In the passage
already referred to, (P. de C. II.
457) '* Sulaiman" must be a mistake
for SultSn Wais and the meaning
be that the latter was Solaiman's
father-in-law.
* In the Muradab&d district; north
of Agra and east of Delhi. It was
given to HumSyfln in fief in 1526
(Babar, Ers., 338).
« T.B. (£. & B.) 478. Be was ap-
parently related to EJiwSja Khwand
Mahmfld also called Khwaja NQra.
27G
AKBARNAMA.
natural life under the shadow of his Majesty^s fortune. Why had
such an expression come from his tongue ? The meaning of the say*
ing of the great men of old was that the most valuable article of
property should be given in chariiy, consequently the priceless
diamond which had in a mysterious way been obtained in the war
with Ibr&him and had been presented to Humayun^ should be sacri-
ficed. He replied, " What value has worldly wealth ? and how can
'' it be a redemption for Humdyun ? I myself shall be his sacrifice.
'' He is in extremity and I have lost the power (^^^a^) to behold his
117 ** powerlessness {bH'idqaiVjj but I can endure all his pain/' There-
after he retired to his oratory and having performed such special
rites as befitted the occasioUj he thrice walked round his Highnesa
Jabanb&ni Jannat-a^iySni. When his prayer bad been beard by
God, — Glory be to His name ! — ^he felt a strange effect on himself and
cried out, " We have borne it away. We have borne it away."
Immediately a strange heat of fever surged upon his Majesty and
there was a sudden diminution of it in the person of his Highness
Jahfinbani. Thus in a short time he entirely recovered, while Giti-
sitani Firdus-makani gradually grew worse and the marks of dissolu-
tion and death became apparent.
Then out of bis active mind and truth-seeking soul, he summoned
his officers and nobles and making them place the hands of homage ^
to the empire (Khildfat) in the bands of Humgyun, appointed him his
heir and successor, placing him on the throne of sovereignty, wbile he
himself remained bed-ridden {tdhih^'-fard^ at the foot of the throne.
Khwija Khalifa, Qambar 'AH Beg, * Tardi Beg, Hindu Beg^ and all the
others were in attendance. Lofty counsels and weighty mandates,
such as might form a stock of lasting fortune and eternal auspicioua-
ness, — ^were imparted. Advice was given about munificence and
justice^ about acquiring the favour of God, cherishing subjects, pro-
1 «Auuj— .This Arabic word is de-
rived from »^ a contract or sale.
In swearing allegiance it was usual,
says Lane, for the person making
the covenant to place hia hand in
that of .the prince in confirmation of
the covenant, as is done by the seller
and bayer.
» T. R. (E. & H.) 307, 367, 422.
He belonged to a family of Barki
and was a son of Mir Kaka also
called, apparently. Amir Qasim
Kncln. Perhaps he is the Qambar
'All Mughal of Babar's Mem. (Era.,
17).
CHAPTRB ZIX. 277
tecting mankind^ the accepting of apologies of those Vfho had failed
in duty and the pardoning of transgressors; abont the honouring of
those who did good service and the casting down of the rebellious
and the oppressors. And he exclaimed " The cream of our testament-
^^aiy directions is this^ 'Do naught against your brothers even
"'though they may deserve it.V In truth it waja owing to his
observing the mandates of the Emperor that his Majesty Jahflnbani
Jannat^^ftg^iysni suffered so many injuries from his brothers without
avenging himself^ as will clearly appear from this history.
When his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makfim was at the height
of his disordet*^ Mir !^allfa took a short-sighted view — as is the
nature of mankind — and from a suspicion that he entertained
about his Highness JahftnbftnT wished to place Mahdi ij^wfija on the
throne.^ The ]^wfija too^ from his evil disposition and wickedness
and foUy^ gave way to vain thoughts and coming every day to the
Darbdr, made a disturbance. At last by the intervention of right-
speaking, far-sighted meuj l^r j^alifa was brought to the true
path and passing from such thoughts, forbade the !^wSja to appear
at the Darbdr, and also prohibited anyone from visiting him. Thus,
by the Divine aid, things came to their own place, and Bight was
fixed in its own centre.
He (Babar) left this world on 6th Jumfida'l-awwal,* 987, in the 118
Cah&rbS{|^, on the banks of the Jumna in Agra. The eloquent of
the Age composed chronograms and elegies about his Majesty.
Among them was this chronogram by Maulftn& g^ihfib Mu'ammft'I
(the Enigmatist).
Verse.
Hum&yun becomes his kingdom's heir.^
It would be impossible even if volumes were employed to
detail the perfections of this Holy One. Among them he possessed
^ For an account of this intrigue
see £rs. (B. & H., I. 515 and Elliot,
y. 187). Mahdl ElkW&ja was Babar's
brother-in-law. Perhaps Mir Ehalifa
was afraid of HomayQn's addiction
to opium (T. R. E. & B. 469). Hu-
mayun's sudden leaving his post in
BadakhahSu must have given the old
man a bad opinion of him.
^ Firighta, Monday, 5th Jnmada'l-
awwal (2lBt December, 1530). Ers-
kine B. & H., I. 517.
B Hwmdyiin buvoctd tcdr^-t-mii{A:-t«
wai.
278
AKBABNiKA.
the eight essentials of empire^ tnz, (1) high fortune; (2) great
designs ; (3) conquering power ; (4) administrative capacity ; (6) civi-
lizing faculty; (6) devotion to the welfare of Grod^s servants;
(7) the cherishing of the army; (6) the restraining it from evil.
And in acquired accomplishments^ he was at the head of his Age.
He held high rank as a poet and a prose-writer^ and especially in
Turk! poetry. The Turk! diwdn ^ {dSwdn^turH) of his Majesty is
of great eloquence and purity^ and its contents are charming. His
book of Ma§nawi which has the name of Mubin^ (clear) is a famous
composition and is mentioned with great applause by critics. He
versified the BtsdlcL-i-^dUiUya^ of ^waja Ahrfir which is a pearl from
the ocean of knowledge^ and very excellent it was. He also wrote
his Acts (Wdqi^dt) from the beginning of his reign to the time of
departure with fidelity and in a lucid and eloquent style. It is an
Institute for all earthly sovereigns and a manual for teaching right
thoughts and proper ideas. This Institute of dominion and fortune
was^ by the world-obeyed commands of the king of kings, translated
into Persian by Mlrzi ^Sn ^fin-^finftn, son of Bairam ^an, in
the 34th year of the Divine Era, at the time of the return of the
standards of glory from the roseate vernal abode of Kashmir and
E&bul, so that its exquisite bounties might moisten the lips of all the
I Probably A. F. could not read
Tnrkl and has copied Qaidar Mirzi's
panegyric (T. B. £. A B. 178) for
he seems only to use the Persian trs.
of the Memoirs.
* Perhaps, Mubayyan, It was in
Persian and Erskine says he has
never met with it. According to
BadaonI (L 348) it was a versified
treatise on Mu^iammadan law or
Theology according to the l^anafl
school and Shaikh Zain wrote a com-
mentary on it which he called MutHiu
See also Dr. Banking's translation,
450. There are two excellent ar*
ticles on Bibar and Abdl-fafl by
Dr. Tempel in the Z. D. M. G. In one
he mentions that a poem by BSbar
has been published by Ilminsky.
B BSbar, Ers., 888 and P. de C, II.
858. The WdKdiya or Wdlidiya was
a treatise in honour of Ehwija
AJbtrir's parents. BSbar put it into
verse about two years before his
death, in hopes that the Khw&ja
(then dead) would cure him of hia
fever, in the same way as the author
of a Qoftda had been cured of his
paralysis. The trss. differ here.
P. de C. says it was Sharafn-d'din
al-Bftsirl, the author of the Borda,
who was cured. He wrote an Arabic
poem in praise of Mu^anunad and
died in 694 (1294-5). But if the cure
was effected by the Eltwija, it must
have been for another Qharaf a*d-
dln, possibly of Bukh^rfi.
CHAPTKR XIX.
279
tliirsty and tbat ite hidden treasares might be beheld by those whose
hands were empty of learning.
His Majesty was also eminently skilled in mnsic and composed
charming verses in Persian. Among them the following quatrain is a
product of his bounteous muse.
Though I be not related to dervishes^
Tet am I their follower in heart and soul.
Say not a king is far from a denrish ;
I am a king but yet the slave of dervishes.
The following two Maihf are also sparkles from his enlightened
mind.
Mathf I.
Parting from thee were perdition,
Else could I depart from this worid.
Whilst my heart is bound with her cypress locks,
I am free from the griefs of the world.
His Majesty was also famous for treatises on prosody, and among
them is a book called Mufa^^al which is a commentary on the science.
His Majesty left four sons and three daughters :— (1) His Majesty
Jahanbani NafTru-d-dm Muhammad Humayun P&d^^h, (2) Kamran
MirzS, (3) 'Askari Mirza, (4) Hindal MTrzfi.
The daughters were : — Gulrang Begam ; Gulcihra Begam ; Oul«
badan Begam, all three by one mother.*
119
i I have in part copied Era.' trs.
(Babar, 431).
> Dildar Begam who was also
Hindal's mother. A. F/s list of
Babar's children is very imper-
fect. According to Oulbadan, her
father bad eighteen children, all of
whom were born at Kabul except
two daughters, born at Eh^st. Ap-
parently she docs not reckon the
FaJshrn-n-nisa, who was born at
Samarqand and lived only some 40
days. Her list is as follow :
I. Maham BSgam's children :— -
Hnmay eUi, Barbal, Mihr Jah&n, Ighan
Danlat, Farflq.
II. Gnlrulsb's children: Kamran,
'Askari, Saltan A^mad, Gal'a^ar.
III. Dildar's children : Gulrang,
Gulcihra, Hindal, Gulbadan, Alar.
280
akbarnAma.
Among the illustrious men^ courtiers and companions wlio
attained to felicity in the field of honour of his Majesty Firdus-makdni^
there were : —
(1). Mir Abu-1-baqa ^ who was of lofty rank in learning and
wisdom.
(2). 31^aikh Zain Sadr, grandson of Sl^aikh Zainu-d-din !^wafi.*
He had acquired practical sciences (^ulum-i-muta^drtfa^) and had
distinguished abilities. He was skilled in prose and the art of letter-
writing. He was distinguished by his long association with his Ma-
jesty. He* was also noted in the time of his Majesty Jahanbani
Jannat-a^iyfini.
(3). Sl^aikh Abu-1-wajd Farighl/ paternal uncle of gj^ikh
Zain. He was a pleasant companion and of good disposition. He
wrote poetry.
(4). Sultan Muhammad Kusa (beardless.) A pleasant man and
a critic of poetry. He was a companion of Mir 'All St^Tr ^ and lived in
the glorious society of his Majesty.
(5). Maulanfl gl^ih&b Mu'ammai? (the Enigmatist) whose poetical
name was Haqiri.^ He had an abundant share of learning, eloquence
and poetry.
(6). Maulftna Yusufi the physician. He was sent for from !^u-
ly. Ma'^ama's child, Ma'^Qma.
These do not bring up the number
to eighteen for Mihr Jan and Gul-
rang were the daughters bom at
KliSat ; perhaps 18 is a mistake for
16. Gulbadan says the taking of
K&bul was clearly a good omen, for
Babar, then 23 and without a son,
had many children bom thereafter
and she g^ves it as a reason for his
liking Kabul that it was their birth-
place. His attachment to it is also
proved by his choosing it as his
place of burial.
I T. R. E. & R. 478 and A. N. I.
128. The learning {'ilm) meant is
probably religioas learning. He
was a brother of Khwaja Dost.
> Blochmann, 592n.
B Perhaps, the science of exposi-
tion and arrangement. Diet, of T. T.,
1066.
* Ho was the first to translate
or rather to paraphrase Babar's
Memoirs into Persian. Badaoni, I.
341, 471, and Elliot, IV. 288.
B Wahidf in corresponding pas-
sage of P. de C. (II. 463). He made
chronograms (Babar, Ers. 389).
« Babar, Ers. 184 and Elliot, IV.
App. 527.
7 He came from Herat with
yhwand Amir in 1528. Babar, Ers.
382.
8 P. dc C, Faqirl.
OBAPTBB XlX.
281
rasan. He was dis(;ingm8lied for good quaJities^ for dexterity as an
operator ^ and for assiduity.
(7). Surkb Wida'L An old and inartificial poet. He wrote in
Persian and Tnrki.
(8). MuUft Baqai. He had a correct taste {saliqa-i'darast) in
poetry. He composed masnatol in the metre of the maj^an^ in the
name of his Majesty.
(9). ^waja Nisama-d-din 'All K^alifa.^ On arccount of his
long service^ trustworthiness^ soundness of understanding and stead-
fastness of counsel^ he held high rank under his Majesty. He pos-
sessed various qualities and excellences and in particular was a suc-
cessful physician.
(10). Mir DarwTs^ Muhammad SSLrbaUy* a favourite pupil of 120
Na^iru-d-dln Khw^ja Ahrar. He was distinguished for learning and
social qualities and was much relied upon at Court.
(11). Khwand Mir/ the historian. He was learned and an
agreeable companion. His writings are well known, e^g.^ the Habibu"
e^aiyaTy KhuldtatvrUakhhdT^ ^ Dasturu-lnwuzardyf etc.
(12). ]^waja Kilan Beg^ one of the great officers and who was
allowed the honour of a seat.^ Distinguished for gravity of manners
and discretion. His brother Kicak IGbiwaja ^ was keeper of the seals
and was especially trusted and was allowed a seat.^
<«
u
1 " Tr^s habile dans Tart de t&ter
le pouls et de faire le diagaostic
des maladies," (P. de C. 1. c. 463,)
He is Y asof bin Mu)^ainmad Harati
and the author of several medical
works. Bieu, Pers. Cat. II. 4756. and
Browne, Cat. Pers. MSS. Camb. 278.
* The MaJ^zawvA-aardr of Ki|sa*
mu-d-dln.
> Commonly known as Mir Kha-
llfa.
4 Babar, Ers. 273. Honourably
distinguished for temperance,
i> Joined Babar only two years
before the death of the latter. See
account of meeting, Elliot, IV. 143,
155.
36
• Text, al^ydr,
1 Contains the biographies of fa*
mous ministers. Elliot, lY. 148.
^ Ahhi-ni^iltMU This epithet is
generally applied to hermits, but I
think it means here that BThwaja
Kilan and his brother were allowed
to sit in Babar's presence, Khwaja
Kilan was a poet and composed an
elegy upon Babar's death. BadaonI,
1. 341.
* A Kacak BSg, an elder brother
of Khwaja Kilan, is mentioned in
theMems. (Ers., 171) but he was killed
in 911. Apparently there were
seven brothers and all were killed
in Babar's service except KhwiJA
282
AKBAKNAMA.
(13). Sultan Muhcammad DuldSi^ one of the groat officers and
of excellent morals.
I refrain from mentioning others as the design of this glorious
work is to describe the lofty lineage of bis Majesty, the king of kings^
and I proceed to the holy traits of his Majesty JahanbSni Jannat-
ashiyani. And in completing the accounts of those ancestors {buzurgdn)
I prepare myself for the description of the great one of realm and
religion and lord of the visible and invisible.
Kilan (2iSn.) There is a Kocak
^waja mentioned in Babar, Ers.,
420. Possibly A.F. means ^wa-
ja Mulla, also an elder brother
of Khwaja Kilan. He was a JSladr
(Chief Judge), and BSbar's father
made him keeper of the seals. Ho
was killed by an arrow in 902.
(Babar, Ers. 43.)
CHAl>TER XX.
283
CHAPTER XX.
His Mubstt JahanbAn! Jannat-AseiyIni Na$ibu-i)-dIn
Muhammad HuMlTt^N PAD3i{iH-i-(iHAz!.
Theatre of great gifts ; source of lofty inspirations ; exalter of
the throne of the ^ilaf at of greatness ; planter of the standard of
sublime rule ; kingdom-bestowing conqueror of countries; auspicious
sitter upon the throne ; founder of the canons of justice and equity ;
arranger of the demonstrations of greatness and sovereignty ; spring
of the fountains of glory and beneficence ; water-gate for the rivers
of learning ; brimming rain-cloud of choiceness and purity ; billowy
sea of liberality and loyalty ; choosing the right, recognizing the
truth ; sole foundation * of many laws ; both a king of dervish-race •
and a dervish with a king's title ; parterre-adorning arranger of
realm and religion ; garland-twiner of spiritual and temporal blos-
soms; throne of the sphere of eternal mysteries; alidad^ of the
1 Perhaps codifier or reducer into
unity.
> Alluding to the circumstance
thut Humayan^ as well as his' wife,
was said to be descended from the
famous saint A^mad-i-jam.
» »,iU» *u:sdda. The alidad or
alhidada of English dictionaries is
a corruption of this word with the
prefix of the Arabic article. It
meant the index or fiduciary of an
astrolabe. In Murray's English Dic-
tionary, we are told that the alidad
is the revolving radius of a gradu-
ated circle and that in the astrolabe,
it revolved at the back and was
called by Chaucer, the Bale. The
statement, however, that it revolved
at the backj seems not quite correct.
In the astrolabes that I have seen,
the index — it has two limbs — is on
the face of the instrument. Per-
haps the explanation is that the
astrolabe had two limbs or indices
attached to it, one called the Rule
and attached to the back of the
instrument and another in front and
called the Label. (See Prof. Skeat's
Chaucer, III and the plates there
given.) According to Moxon's Diet,
it is the Label which is the alidad.
Whitney (Century Diet.) quotes in
part an interesting passage from the
Ency. Brit. (X. 181, col. 2). The whole
of it is as follows : " The astrolabe
(used by Vasco de Gama) was a metal
circle graduated round the edge
with a limb called the alhidada, fixed
to a pin in the centre and working
round the graduated circle. The
instrument had two sights fitted
upon it, one at each end and was
284
AKBAKNlHA*
astrolabe of theory and practice ; in atisterities of asceticism and
spirituij transports, a Grecian Plato ^ (Afidiun-i-Yundnl) ; in execu-
tive energy and the paths of enterprise, a second Alexander (lakan-
dar-i-^dnl) ; pearl of the seven oceans and glory of the four elements ;
ascension-point of Suns and dawn of Jupiter ; phosnix {Humd) tower-
ing to the heights of heaven, — Naisiru-d-din Muhammad Humayun
Padshah-i-ShazT,^ — May God sanctify his soul !•
Great God I 'twas as if the veil of humanity and the elemental
screen had been cast over a holy spirit and a sacred light. The open
plain of language narrows in the quest of his praises, and the parade-
ground of indication remains league upon league distant from the
city of his virtues. God be praised that the time is nigh when I
may withdraw my hand from lofty genealogy and plunge it in the
121 skirt of my real intent. I now essay an abridged account of the
astonishing actions of his Majesty JahanbinT Jannat-ashiyani for this
is at once a preliminary nigh to my far-seen goal and a commentary
forming part of the history of my saint and sovereign (Fir u Padshah).
By unveiling the reflected godhead^ of the divine lord, I shall
satisfy the thirsty-lipped ^ with the sweet waters of knowledge and
bring my own parched heart near the shore of the sea of the com«
suspended by a ring so as to hang
vertically on one hand, while the
alhidada was worked up and down
until the Sun could be seen throngh
both sights. It then gave the Zenith
distance." (See Littrdj a.v, Alidada,
Lane, s.v. and Diet, of T. Ts., I. 291
and II. 952.) According to the last
named book, the alicUid was at the
back of the instrnment as stated in
Murray's Diet. A.F. applies the term
to Humayan on account of his
attainments, real or alleged, in mathe-
matics.
^ Orientals seem to have regarded
Plato as a great ascetic. See account
of him in Gladwin's Persian Munahl
(37) where we are told that he spent
much time in the mountains and
deserts.
' Andrcb-lldhuhurhdnahUtWt. "May
God illuminate his proof " or ** God
taught him his proof." Lane, 2865a.
B A. F. means apparently that
Humayan is the reflected or derivative
glory of his son but the exact force
of his blasphemous language is hard
to discover. Certainly he carried
his adulation higher than any other
Mu^mmadan writer. Had A . F. been
a good Musalman, he would have
been a better man, for then he ne^fer
would have confounded the Cremator
and the creature as ho so oj^ien
does.
♦ Several MSS. have dildn, h earts,
and this is probably the correct read-
ing as being in antithesis to h' jv^na-
jigar, lit. thirsty -liver in the\ next
clause. \
\
CHAPTER X:eC.
285
prehension of the holy virtues of the exquisitely perfect one.
Avaunt ! Avaunt ! How may the praise of the perfections of this
unique pearl come from one like me ? It behoves his panegyrist to
be like himself but alas^ alas I where is anyone like that unique pearl
of the ocean of knowledge ? I confer a lustre on my own words
and I compass an achievement for myself inasmuch as I make my
heart familiar with sacred knowledge and give linto my tongue the
glory of spirituality.
O searcher^ after the knowledge of events^ arouse thyself^ and
receive the announcement that the auspicious birth of his Majesty
Jahanbani Jannat-gfibiy^nl occurred on the night of Tuesday, 4th Zi-
qa'da, 913 (6th March, 1508) in the citadel of Kabul and from the
holy womb of her chaste Majesty Maham Begam.^
That pure one .was of a noble family of ^Oiurasan and related
to Suljtan 9usain Mirza. And I have heard from some reliable
persons that just as the honoured mother of his Majesty, the king of
kings, was descended from his Holiness Shaikh (Ahmad) Jam, so also
was Maham Begam connected with him. His Majesty Glti-sitani
Firdus-makani married her when he was residing in Herat to condole
with the sons of Sultan Husain Mirza. Maulana Masnadi found the
date of his Majesty's birth to be Sultan Humdyun Khan : and
Shdhri-firuz-qadr (Victorious Prince) and Pddshdh-i'^af'§hikan (Rank-
breaking king) and also the saying ^' Khuah had'* (May he be
happy) give the date of this fortunate epoch, as discovered by the
learned of the Age.^ i^waja Kilan Samani^ has said : —
Verse.
It is the year of his fortunate birth.
May God increase his glory.
I've taken one alif from his date.
That I may blind two evil eyes.
' Here A.F. addresses his readers.
S Maham is evidently not her full
name. Erskine asks if Maham be not
a term of endearment used by Babar
and signifying " My Moon."
* The first, second and fourth
chronograms yield 913, the true date,
but the third, 853 only. If we read
pddsJ^ah'i-saf'Bl^ikan'ln (l» = he) the
chronogram will be correct.
* Apparently meaning that he
was of the race of the Samanidse,
ancient princes of Transoxiana.
His chronogram is enigmatic. The
286
AKBABNiMA.
The accession of bis Majesty took place in Agra on 9th Jamada'l-
awwal^ 937 (29th December, 1530), and Khairu-l-muluk (Best of
kings) ^ is the chronogram. A few days later, he made an excursion
upon the river and placing the barks of pleasure in the stream of
joy, gave away on that day » a boat full * of gold, and by the largesse
122 laid a golden foundation of dominion. Bravo I the first grace bestowed
on him upon whom is conferred the sovereignty of the world, is
munificence and liberality.
Verse.
Not every man is exalted.
He becomes hesbd who is kind to men.
The lion became king of all beasts
Because he was hospitable in the chase.
And one of the learned found the date of this wave of giving
in the words kiiitui^zar (boat or tray of gold =987).
From the commencement of his career till his accession when
he had arrived at the age of 24,^ the notes of success and fortune
were conspicuous on his destiny's forehead and the lights of glory
and empire streamed forth from the tablets of his greatness and
glory. How should not his lustrous temples radiate greatness and
magnanimity when he was carrying the light of the king of kings
and was the custodian of the granary of Divine knowledge ? It was the
same light which was shewn forth in the victories of his Majesty Olti-
sitani Firdus-makanT and that gloriously appeared in the dawnings
words of tho socond line, ZadaJea-'
lldku ta'dld qadran yield 914 which
is one too much. So the composer
Fays, he takes away an cdif which
represents the figure one and also,
from its shape, resembles a bodkin
or the fine pencil (mil) used for
blinding. Or it may perhaps be bet-
ter to take burda am to moan " I
have added," e.g., that he has added
tho al\f at the end of qckdran bnt in
that case, the preposition az con-
stitutes a difficulty. I should state
that the word AlWh in the chrono-
gram is reckoned as 66, being con-
sidered to contain three Is, only two
of which however are counted.
1 Badaonl (1. 344) gives the coaplet
ending in the chronogram. See Dr.
Banking's trs. 4^1.
* Ki^ti means both a Y>oat and a
tray but here A.F. seems to mean
the former. But see Elliot Y. 188
and BadSoiiT, Ranking, 451.
* Gregorian Calendar, 22 years,
10 m. only.
^/
CHAFTfiR tX. 267
of the workl-cotiquering rays of his Majesty Sahib Qarftnl. And
it was this same light which from the timo of the ocean pearl-shell
Alanquft^ displayed itself from the royal shells and pearls nnder the
reils of women in trarail. It was the same light by whose splendour
Ughaz Khdn was made glorious, and it was the same light which was
preparing and increasing from Adam till Noah. The secrets of the
revelation of this light, and the atrange notes of its manifestation
are beyond the circle of restraint and limitation, nor is every one
capable of recognizing this secret substance or of understanding its
subtleties. To sum up ; His Majesty Jahanban! was illuminating the
world with the power of this Divine light, which through so many
cycles and epochs had been concealed under various garbs, and the
time of its apparition was now at hand. Accordingly the glory of
spiritual and temporal greatness was radiating from the arch of his
Majesty's shining forehead. Perfect modesty and exceeding courage
were conjoined in his holy nature, and all his lofty energy was de-
voted to fulfilling the desires of his great father; and the excellence of
intrepidity being united with consummate majesty and dignity, out
of his magnanimity and high-thougbtedness, he paid no regard to self
and held himself of no account. Consequently he was glorious for
right-mindedness and lofty courage in every enterprise that he en-
gaged in and every service that he undertook. In the whole of his
auspicious life, he adorned the world by joining knowledge with
power, and power with compassion and clemency. In many sciences
and especially in mathematics, he had no rival or colleague. His
noble nature was marked by the combination of the energy of
Alexander and the learning of Aristotle. He displayed great justice 123
in carrying out the provisions of the will for the distribution of ter-
ritories and exhibited thorough equity or rather exceeding kindness
and beneficence therein. But superiority in spiritual perfections (which
is real sovereignty), that was his own by God's grace ; none of his
brothers shared in the dainties of that table of inheritance.
Everyone connected with the Court received offices and pensions.
Mirza Kdmran obtained KSbul and Qandahar as his fief : Mirza
'Askari, Sambal; Mirza Hindal, SarkSr Alwar. Badakhshan was
made over and confirmed to Mirza Sulaimftu ; and the nobles and
great officers and the whole of the victorious army were brought into
obedience by proper measures. Everyone who breathed disaffection,
288
AEBARNiMA^
e.g., Muhammad Zamdn Mlrza^ son of Badi'u-z-zam&n Mirza^ eon of
Sulj^n Husain Mirea (who had been in the service of hia Majesty
GitT-sitani Firdus-makani and been distingnished by being made hia
son-in-law^ ^ bat who had from short-sightedness and deficiency of
judgment opened the sleeve of contumacy), bound the cincture of
service on the waist of obedience. Hia Majesty, after five or six
months, turned his attention to the conquest of Kalinjar^ and
besieged that fort for about a month. When the people within
became distressed, the governor submitted and sent twelve mafM'
oE gold with other presents. His Majesty had regard to his auppli*
cations and entreaties and forgave him. From thence he proceeded
towards Cunir and besieged it.
Let it not be concealed that this sky-based fortress was in the
possession of Sul);an Ibrahim and was held for him by Jamal Khan
KhSssa ^ail Sarangkhanl.* After the catastrophe of Sultan Ibrahim,
Jamal Khan^s life came to an end from the evil design ^ of a worth*
Iqpvs son, and gherJ^an sought the widow (who was called Lad Mulk,
an^.was adorned with beauty and charm) for his wife and by this
contrivance got possession of the fortress. When g^er Khsn beard
of the approach of the conquering army, he left his son, Jalftl Khan^
with a number of trusty persons, in the fort, and came out himself.
He sent clever ambassadors and wove crafty speeches. His Majesty,
recognizing the circumstances of the time, accepted his proposals
and g^er ]^an sent Ms son, 'Abdu-r-rasjbid 7 to serve his Majesty
Jahanbftni so that he might himself remain guarded from the blows
of the imperial armies and ini^ht arrange the materials of pride and
124 presumption. This son was for a long time in the service, but when
hia Majesty came to Malwa, to subdue Sulj^an Bahadur, that worth-
1 He married Babar's daughter
Ma'sQma whose mother (also called
Ma' sum a) died in childbed. £rB. B.
& H. I. 525 and 526 n.
S In Bundelkhand.
> Akbar's man was apparently 34}
fts. (Wilson's Glossary) but Price
(Retrospect, IV. 713) estimates it at
28 lbs.
« Tai ikh-i-Sh^r Sh^hl, Tftj Shan.
Elliot, IV. 343. See also Babar's
Mem., 406. Babar visited Cunar.
^ See the story in Elliot, 1. c. and
Ers. B. A H. IT. 132.
^ Also called Isl&m Khan and his
father's successor on the throne of
India. ^^
1 Also calle^^n^b yiian. Era.
1. c. II. 12 n.
CHAFTXa XX.
289
less one fled from the imperial army. In 989, when Biban and
Bayazid the Afghftna rose in rebellion, his Majesty proceeded to the
eastward. Bayazid was killed in battle against the warlike heroes
and this rubbish was cleared away, and Jannpur and* the neighbour-
ing territories, having been given to Sul];fin Junaid Barlfts, his Majesty
returned to the capital.
As the echo of his Majesty^s victories and conquests was high-
sounding in various kingdoms, Sult&n Bahidur, the ruler of Gujrat,
sent, in 940, experienced ambassadors bearing valuable presents
to him and set in motion the processes of friendship. His Majesty
received his overtures with imperial kindness and set his heart
at rest by sending him diplomas of amity. In the same year, a
city was founded on .the banks of the Jumna, near Delhi, which
received the name of Dinpanah.' One of the learned of the Age
found the chronogram ^a^r-i-padjAa^t-dinpanaA (City of the King,
Defender of the Faith =940). After that, Muhammad Zaman Mirza
and Muhammad Sulj;an Mirza with his son, TJlugh Mirza, took the path
of hostility and rebellion. His Majesty turned the reins of resolu-
tion against them aud encamped on the Gtinges near Bhujpur.
Yadgar Na^ir Mirza was sent across the river with a large force
against the rebels, and by Divine help, he gained a victory. Muham*
mad Zaman Mirza, Muhammad SaU§n Mirza and Wall Ehub MirzS
were made prisoners. Muhammad Zaman was sent to Blana and the
other two were blinded and thereby cast down from the pillar of
respect. Muhammad Zaman Mirza did not recognize the kindness
with which he had been treated, but got out of prison by presenting
a forged order.* He then fled to Gujrat to Sul(an Bahadur.
Many of the delightful countries of India which had not been
conquered in the time of his Majesty Oiti-sitani Firdus-makan! on
account of want of leisure and shortness of time were subdued by
Lis (HumayQn^s) arm of dominion and strength of fortune.
' See Khwaiid Aflr*s account of
the foandiDg of this city. Elliot,
y. 124. It was Shih&bu-d-dln who
discovered the chronogram.
% According to Era. (II. 13 and
42) he won over his castodian
Tadgar TaShSI who was goremor
of IK&na Fort and, I presume,
HamSyan's father-in-law. (Yidrn
nupra).
37
290
iffBAKNlVA*
CHAPTER XXU
Account of Mirza KAmban's coming to the Fanjab.
When Mirza Kamran heard of the demise of his Majesty
Giti-sitani Pirdus-makani, he, out of an inordinate spirit, made over
Qandahar to Mlrza ^Askar! and proceeded to India in hope that some
126 advantage might accrue to himself. But whene'er felicity's diadem
hath exalted the head of a fortunate one and the Divine protection
is watching over him, what save evil (tabdhi) can happen to the
evil-disposed [tahdh) ? It is stated that at that time Mir Yunas '
'All was, in accordance with the orders of Gitl-sitani Firdus-makani,
Governor of Lahor. Having laid his plans, Mfrzd Kamran one ni^bt
pretended to be enraged with Qaraca Beg^ and used violent langaage
towards him. Next night Qaraca Beg fled with his soldiers from the
Mlrza's camp to Lah5r. Mir Yunus ^Ali regarded his coming as of
much importance and received him with great kindness and frequently
invited him to his own quarters. They were on friendly terms but
Qaraca was watching his opportunity, till at length on one night when
there was a convivial party, and Yunus 'All's best soldiers were away
at their quarters,^ he seized him and, putting him in prison, placed his
own men in charge of the Fort gates. He then hurried off a message
to Mirza Kamr§n. The Mirza (who was in expectation of this), came
post to Lahor and took possession of the city. He released Mir
Ydnus 'All, apologized to him and said that if he would remain, he
i This chapter ia a parenthesis
and should apparently have been
inserted by A. F. before the latter
part of the preceding one. It relates
to the years 938-939 (1532-33).
> Mentioned several times in Ba*
bar*s Mem., e.g., 365, near top and 382
where he is said to be a friend of
Khwand Amfr, the liistorian. He
died in 952 (1515-6). A. N. T. 245.
* Killed by a musket ball near
Kabul in 958 (1551-2) when loading a
charge of cavalry against Ham&y On.
(Janhar, Stewart 101 and A N. I.
304).
* Jalgir, perhaps should be Jalgdh,
B. M. No. 4944 has Jdidigar else*
where. I do not think it can mean
estates. Ers. II. 7 translates it as
quai*ter8.
OHAPTKR XXI. 201
T^iight continne to be Governor of Lahor. MTr Yunus 'AH did not
consent to serve him and takinpf leave, went off to his Majesty Jahan-
ban! Jannat-asbiyaul. Mirsa Kamran appointed his own creatures to
the pargands of the Sirkar i of the Panjab and took possession up to
the Satlaj (which is known as the Water of Ludhiyana). Then he
craftily sent skilful ambassadors with protestations of loyalty and
sincerity and begged that he might be confirmed in the province.
His Majesty JahanbanT^ partly because the sea of his liberality had
been set in motion, and partly from a desire to observe the precepts
of bis Majesty GitT-sitaui Firdus*makanT, made over the province to
him and issued a decree appointing him to the charge of Kabul,
Qandahar and the Panjab. The Mlrza returned thanks for this un-
expected favour and sent presents to the Court. He followed this
up by opening the gates of correspondence and by sending
eulogiums of his Majesty Jahanbani. Among them was the follow-
ing ode : —
Ode,
May thy beauty increase each moment ;
May thy star be splendid and fortunate ;
May every mist which rises on thy way,
Be the dimming of the light of my own eyes.
Should dust arise * on Laila's path,
May its place * be Majnun^s eyes.
Whoe'er moves not round thee like the limb of a compass, 126
May he be ejected from this sphere.
Be victorious* while this world endures,
May Humayun be the Cyrus (Khusru) of epochs.
And in truth his prayer was heard, for by reason of his dis-
loyalty, he was ejected from the sphere of respect or rather from the
sphere of existence, as will be stated in its own place. In short,
1 More generally, ^Sluba Labor.
» Price (IV. 717) seems to have
read the words gird Jean, i.6., should
dust, as gar dukan, if moss (or
touchwood) ; for he translates, " Does
the moss and the thistle overgrow
the path of Laila."
* No. 4944 seems to have jdfT,
injurious.
* Kdmrdn, There is a play on the
author*s name and the words may
also be rendered, " O Kamran."
292
Al^BABNAMA.
his Majesty out of his magnanimity^ looked to his outward loyalty
and made him the recipient of princely favours and from exceeding:
kindness^ rewarded him for the ode by bestowinpf upon him Hisar
Firuza (Hissar). The MlrzS always kept up appearances and con-
tinued in obedience and became the receptacle of many favours. In
939^ ^ (1532-33), Mirza Kftmran made over the government of
Qandahar to Ehwgja Kilto Beg. The cause of this was that when
MTrz& 'Askari was coming to Kfibul he encountered the Hazaras on
the way and was defeated by them. Mirza K§mran was displeased
by this and took away QandahSr from him.
I The Text and several MSS.
have 933 which must be wrong.
No. 4944 B. M. has 939 ^which is
no doubt correct and which Price
must have found in his MS. {Vide
IV. 718).
CHAPTRR XXTI.
293
CHAPTER XXII.
March of ths abhy of His Majrstt JahAnbAni jANNAT-lsinYANl
FOR THR BUBJUQATION OF BrNOAL^ ABANDONMRNT OF THR
DRSIONy AND BRTURN TO THR CAPITAL.
When the mind of his Majesty JahanbSni was at leisure from the
afFairs of his dominions, he, in 941 (1534), turned the rein of intent
towards the eastern quarter and the conquest of Bengal. The
standards of felicity had reached the town of Kanir,^ within the
limits of Kalpi, when it came to the royal hearing that Sultftn Baha-
dur, under the pretext of besieging Citor, had gathered a large body
of men under Tatar !|^ftn, son of Sultan ^Ala'u-d-din, and that he was
entertaining wild projects. His Majesty after an enlightened consul-
tation, despatched, in Jumada'lawwal 941 (Noyember-December,
1534,) a force to quell the enemy, and himself beat high the drum of
return.
It is not unknown to the circumspect that Sultdn Bahadur was
ev^er engaged in high-flying imaginings, and was always holding in
his palate the bruised thorn* of evil wishes. But as, before he be-
came the ruler of Oujrat and was but a private individual, he had seen
with the eye of warning a specimen of his Majesty Gltl-sitani Firdus-
mak&nl's way of fighting in the campaign against Suljtan Ibrahim ; he
could not bring himself for any consideration to resolve on encoun-
tering the victorious soldiers of that illustrious family. And this
view he repeatedly expressed to his confidants. When Tatftr Khan
1 KinSr of Erskine, II. 16. See
Jarrett, II. 184 and B&bar's Memoirs,
Ere. 374^ 375 and 379. It is mention-
ed there as a ford on the Jumna, two
or three miles below the junction of
the CambaL It is described in
Atkinson's Gazetteer, N.-W. P., 1. 217
as an old pargana in Jalann. The
town, on the west bank of the Jumna,
is now in rains. Elliot, Supp. Glos-
sary, 315.
* Cf . Spenser's description of envy :
" And still did chaw
Between his cankered teeth a
venomous toad
That all the poison ran about his
jaw."
294
AKBARNAITA.
came and waited upon liim^ lie was continually filling his mind
with vain propositions and was representing that it was easy for him
127 to advance beyond the sacred ground of respect. For a time Suljt&n
Bahidur was not caught^ but at length he one day laid bare the
truths and said to Tatar KhSn ; *' 1 have been a witness^ of the
superiority of those splendid soldiers ; the Gujrfit army is no match
for them, so I shall by craft and contrivance win over his (Ha-
mayun's) army to myself." Accordingly he opened the doors of his
treasuries and lavished gold and thereby gained over as many as
10,000 men, who had the skills to appear as soldiers without being
in reality such. Daring this time Muhammad Zaman Mirza escaped
from confinement by the connivance of his custodians,* the servants of
YadgSr Beg TaghaT> and came to Gujrat. The lord of that country,
on account of the crude plans that he was concocting, regarded the
arrival of the Mirza as a gain and treated him with great consideration.
His Majesty Jahaubdni wrote to Sultan Bahadur that treaties and
engagements required that all who had turned obligations {i^uquq)
of service into disobligations {'uquq) and had fled to his (Bahftdur*s)
dominions, should be sent back or at least be driven out from his pre*
sence, so that their unanimity (his own and Bahadur's) might be evi-
denced to the world. Suljan Bahadur, either from inexperience or
the intoxication of the world, wrote in reply " Should a high-born
man take refuge with us and be treated with consideration, there
could not be in this any breach of good feeling or of sincerity, nor
any detriment to treaties. For instance, in the days of Sikandar
LodT, there was perfect friendship betwixt him and Sultan Muzaffar
(Bahadur's father), yet his brother Sultan 'Ala'u-d-din and many
Sultfins' sons came upon occasions from Agra and Dehli to Gujrtt and
1 Babar's Mems, Ers. 343. Bahadur
had quarrelled with his father and
taken refuge with Ibrahim, and was
with him at about the time of the
battle of Panlpat, though apparent-
ly he left before the battle. BSbar
calls him a bloodthirsty and un-
goremable young man.
* This, I presume, is the meaning
of the phrase hi huJnn-i'Wfmiid'i-bt-
bud da ait, i.e., had they been real sol-
diers they would not have deserted.
* Erskine, II. 4Q, speaks of his es-
caping along with his keeper Yadgir
TaghaT. According to the Sikandar-
nania, Bay ley 'a Qujrit, 37^ Mu|^m*
mad ZamEn was under the charge of
Baytzld Khin Afgh&n.
* Humly tin's father-in-law ? Ba-
bar's Memoirs, 388.
CHAPTER XXII.
295
were received with kiuduetis. Never did this cause a breach of
friendship ! " His Majesty Jah&nbani sent a suitable missive in reply,
to this purport, " The note of steadfastness in the path of obser-
vance of treaties is simply this, that any act which can shake the
pillars of loyalty be utterly eschewed so that the cheek of concord
be not scratched by the nail of enmity/' He also enclosed these two
couplets in the rescript.
Verae I,
0 Thou who vauntest a loving heart
Hurrah a million times, if heart and tongue accord.
Verae IIA
Plant the tree of friendship that the heart's desire may
bear fruit,
Uproot the sapling of enmity that yields countless ills.
" Beware, a hundred thousand times beware; listen to my advice
with the ear of understanding and send that abandoned one {makbiul)
to the foot of the throne, or withdraw the hand of favour from
him and let him not abide in thy dominions. Else how can reliance be
put on thy friendship ? Strange it is that you liken this matter to those
of ' A.la'u-d-din and others like him. What analogy is there between the ^8
cases? That afFair was one thing, and this is another. Mayhap
you have learnt from books of history that in spite of the refractori-
ness of Ildarim BayazTd, his Majesty SShib Qarani (Timur) was
constitutionally indisposed to invade Bum, inasmuch as Bayazid
was engaged in a war with the Franks. But as QarS Yusuf Turk-
mfin and Sultan Ahmad Jalair had fled to him, his Majesty by sundry
good counsels forbade him to entertain them. When Bayazid refused .
to accede to this, his Majesty showed what his might was." *
^ According to Firighta (see his
account of Babar's reign) this couplet
was sent by gh^h Isma'il to Shaibani
to warn him against attacking
Persia.
* Two of the letters which passed
between Humayun and Bahadur are
given at greater length in the Mirdt
'i'SikiXtidarl B.xM. Add. 26,277, 1330.
See also Bay ley's GujrSt ; the letters
are also given, as Sir E. C. Bay ley
has pointed out in the collection of
letters B.M. Add. 7688 ; Eieu I. 3905.
Timar's letter to Bay&zid is given in
the Zafamdma, II. 256, and the
reasons why he made war on him are
stated at 389 1. c, Bib. Ind. ed. But,
as Bayley has pointed out, Tlm&r only
296
AKfiABNAMA.
Salj;an Bahadur out of a weak head and foolishness did not
write a sensible repl j. Meanwhile Tatar Eh&n kept saying vain thingB '
to SuUan Bahadur^ calculated to deceive narrow intellects^ and kept
urging that he himself might be sent towards the imperial dominions,
representing that the royal army had grown pampered and comfort-
loving^ and was no longer such as the Sulj^dn had seen. In conaeqaence
of the misrepresentations of strife-mongers^ Sultan Bahadur made
preparations for despatching Tatar Khan and sent to the fort of
Ranthanbhur twenty hrora of the old coinage of Gujrfit* — equal to
forty krors of the current Dehli coinage — to be used under Tatar
Khaa^B instructions for the hiring of new soldiers. He also sent
Suljan 'Ala'u-d-din, father of Tatar Khan^ with a large force towards
Kalinjar^ to stir up a disturbance in that quarter. Likewise he
deputed Burhanu-1-mulk Banydni ^ and a body of Gujrfitis to proceed
to Nagor and make an attempt on the Panjab, dividing his forces
with the idea that the imperial army would thereby be thrown into
confusion. Though able and experienced men told him that his forces
"
Bpeaks of Qara Yusof Turkman.
A^mad Khan Jalalr was the Sultan
of Baghdad and was driven out by
Timur. He was a friend of Qara
YflHuf, but afterwards behaved
treacherously to him and was defeat-
ed and put to death by Qara Y&suf
in 1410. Apparently Sultan A)^mad
took refuge with the king of Egypt,
and not with Bayazid. There is a
long account of him in D'Herbelot,
under the head, Avis Af^mad Ben
Avis or Virs. According to the
Mirdi'i'Sikandarl Bahadur did not
know how to read and write, and so
depended on a Munglil who had de-
serted from Humayilii and took the
opportunity of revenging himself by
writing disrespectfully to his old
master. .
^ Tang^rdbl, lit. easily becoming
drunk.
> Zar, gold ; but apparently silver
coinage is meant. Erskine in his
MS. translation of the jUcbamdma (in
the British Museum,) seems to regard
the money as silver, but in his History »
II. 44, speaks of it as gold, and says
A.F. estimates the Gujrftt gold coins
as double that of his own time. But
surely A. F. would never admit that
the Gujrat gold coins were as fine
as or finer than Akbar's! See Aln
Blochmann, 18 and 81. In Firiahta*s
account of Bahadur Shah. (His-
tory of Gujrat,) the amount is
spoken of as thirty krors of muio/**
/aria, though Briggs seems to ha^o
had three and not thirty in his M^.
Ni^amu-d-dln, from whom Firifiht*
probably borrowed his figures, has
thirty in his account of Gujrat.
B MuUdnl Text, but it is clear from
the Mirdt'uSikandarl that BauyftuT,
given in the Bib. Ind. as a variant,
is the true readiog.
OHAFFIB XXII.
297
ahonld march in one direction^ they were not sucoeaBful, and though
both by hints and plain speech they delineated on the board of mani-
festation the inanspiciousness of treaty breakings it was of no avail.
He gave way to the vain thought that as the Ludiyan party claimed
the sovereignty of Hindustin, the supporting of them {taldiA-i-
t^dn) did not interfere with his promises^ and that the consequences
of a violation of engagements would not recoil upon himself. He
sent Tfitar IQbfin on a bootless quest towards Dihli and, keeping both
aloof from and in touch with him, addressed himself to the siege of
Cltor' so that he might both capture the fortress and be an inter-
mediary for helping the Ludiy&ns when occasion ofFered. Be it known
that Sul(an 'Ala'u-d-din bore the name of 'Xlam ^an. He was
brother of Sikandar L5di and paternal uncle of Sultan Ibrahim.
After Sulj^n Sikandar's death he contended with Sultan Ibrahim,
and in the territory of Sihrind set up a claim to the sovereignty and
giving himself the title of Sultan 'A1a'u-d-dTn, marched towards
Agra with a force of double-faced Afghans. Sultan Ibrfthim came 129
out to fight, and the two factions met near Hodal.' Snlj^an ^Ala'u-d-
din not finding himself strong enough to engage in a pitched battle
made a night attack, but was unsuccessful and had to return with
loss. Fraudulently and with evil intent he went to Eabul,^ and in
the war with Ibrahim he was with the victorious army. After the
conquest of India his Majesty Gitl-sitani Firdaus-makini became
cognisant of his hidden motives and sent him to Badakhshan.^ With
1 This must be the second siege of
Gitor by Bahadur. On the first
occasion the Rani bought off the
attack. It is to Bahadur's wars with
the Hindus and Portuguese that
Hum ay an refers when speaking of
Timiir's abstention from invasion
whilst Bayazid was making war on
Constantinople.
> In Sarkar Sahar, Sfibahof Agra,
Jarrett II, 96 and 195. In the Persian
text of the A%n 1, 357 and 455, it is
spelt Moral J;^. and Tief en thaler
1,169 and 207, spelU it Ilorel and says
it has many brick houses, and lies on
38
the road from Mathura to Dihli. It
IB about 80 miles south of DihlT.
Hunter, I. Q., has Hodal and des-
cribes it as in the Gurgaon district,
Pan jab.
* This is a mistake. ' Ala'u-d-dln
went to Kftbul before his defeat and
after it he met Babar in India near
Pelhar. Babar 's Mem., 297.
* Qil'a ^afar seems to have been
nsed by Babar as a state-prison. He
sent Shah B8g, the son of Z^-n-nnn,
there before the final capture of
Qandah&r, but Shah Beg managed to
escape by the help of a slare, Sumbul
298
AKBABKAHA.
the help of Afghan traders he escaped from Qil'a Zafar and came
to Afghanistan^ and from thence to Balucistanj and finally reached
Gnjrftt.
In short, when the armies set out Tfttar !Qan laid hold of the
treasure and set about recruiting soldiers. Nearlj 40,000 cavaliy,
Afii^ans and others, gathered round him, and he came to Blana
and took it. When this news was brought to his Majesty JahanbfinT,
who had marched to subdue the eastern countries, he turned the
reins of attention, and with the greatest rapidity arrived at Agra,
the capital. He despatched MTrz& 'Aekari, MirzS Hindal, T§dg§r
Nasir Mirzfi,* Qasim Husain Sultfln, Mir Paqir 'All,* Zahid Beg and
D5st Beg with 18,000 horse to put down this disturbance. His
Majesty remarked that the putting down of this large army, vrhich
was approaching Dihli with evil designs, would be in reality the
extirpating of the other armies; it was therefore best to address
one's efforts to the subduing of it. When the victorious army drew
near the opposing force, fear fell on the latter and there were daily
desertions, so that it gradually decreased and in brief space dwindled
down to 3,000 horse. As Tatar Khan had obtained his army by
Mihtar. The story is told in the
TarlJU^-i-sind. Babar does not men-
tion it, but with an evident reference
to SambuVs subsequent achieve-
ment he speaks with regret (p. 230),
of Sambul effecting his escape after
Qandahar was taken.
As pointed out by Erskine II, 58,
and 44»., there were two 'AlamE[hanB.
(Bayley 276n., says there were
three), and there is considerable con-
fusion between them. The one who
called himself 'Ala'a-d-dln, and was
the brother of Sikandar, had a com-
mand at the battle of Ehanwft in
1527 (Babar 363), and his son or sons
were there also, 1. c. 364. He was pat
to death in GujrSt in 950 (1543).
Bird, 260, 261. See Dorn's Hist, of
the Afghans and Babar *s Memoirs,
295, for accounts of his defeat by
Ibrahim (his nephew). Erskine, Hist.
I, 422n. remarks on the great age
of 'AliQ'd-dfn as shown by the state-
ment in Firifihta. He is apparently
the man whom the Portuguese saw
at Diu in 1535. See Rehatsek,
Calcutta Review, 1882, No. 147, p. 73,
where it is said that one of those pre-
sent was a brother of the Emperor of
Dihli and apparently seventy years
old. He is also probably the 'Alam
KhSn of the same article, pp. 960 and
99. The other *Alam Sli<in appears to
have been a nephew of Ibrahim, and
consequently a grand-nephew of the
*Alam Shan who was *Ala'u-d-din.
1 Humayiin's cousin.
' Later on, the name is spelt Faqr.
Possibly it should bo FaJshr, and it
is so spelt in BadaonI I, 352.
CHAPTER XZII.
299
great importanity and had spent vast sums of money on it^ lie
neither could make up his mind {rdi) to retire^ nor could he make
head {riii) in war. At last he washed his hands of life^ and came
to an engagement at Handrail.^ After having for a while struggled
hand and foot, he became handless and footless and was made the
target of fatal arrows, and the harvest of blood-shedding heroes.
On the dispersal of this army what the inspired mind had foreseen
came to pass, for the two other forces broke up of themselves on the
report of the victory and felicity of the conquering army.
1 Apparently this is the Man^IaSr
of the Ain^ Jarrett U, 190, and the
Mandalayan or Madrael of Tiefen-
thaler 1, 174. It is in Sarkar Man^-
laer, and is, according toTiefenthaler,
two miles west of the Cambal. He
describes it as 12 miles S.S.E. of
Karauli in which BftjpQtan& State it
seems to be situated. It lies south of
Agra and apparently not far from
Biana. According to Nigamu-d-din
and Firifihta, Tatar Khan's force was
reduced to 2,000 men, and he
perished with 300 of his officers after
a very gallant fight. The author of
the Mirdt'i'Sikandari gives an ac-
count of his struggle.
300
akba^rnAma.
CHAFrER XXIII.
AcCODNt OF THE JeXPKDlTION Of Hl9 MaJBSTY JahIHbANI JaNNAT-
ASfilTlNI fOB THB 8VbJ00ATlON OF Gu^BAT, OF XHB
DBFBAT OF SuL^AN BahADUB^ AND THB
CONQUEST OF THAT COUNTRY,
130 Though the world-conquering heart (of HumSyun) was void of
the thought of the conquest of Gujrat so long as its ruler trod the
path of harmony and sincerity, yet when the Creator wills to adorn
a country with the splendour {far) of a lawgiver's advent. He in-
evitably prepareth the means therefor. The actions of the raler of
Gujrat are a proof of this, for he, out of native arrogance, the
assaults of flatterers, abundance of intoxication and intoxicated men,
poverty of prudence and of the prudent, broke without object,
treaties and visible ties, and became author of many improper acts.
Thus it grew imperative for the lofty spirit (of Humayun) to march
his army towards GujrSt. Accordingly in the beginning of Jumada-
1-awwal, 941, (8th November, 1534), the foot of determination was
placed, in a happy hour, in the stirrup of felicity, and the reins of
prowess were directed to the subjugation of GujrSt. When the
army approached the fortress of BaTsin,^ the garrison submitted
entreaties together with rich presents, representing that the fort
was his Majesty's, and themselves his Majesty's slaves, and that as
soon as the affair of Sultan Bahadur was settled, of what use would
the fort be 7 In fact, as the object in view was the conquest of
Gujrfit, the army did not delay here, but marched on towards M§lw&.
When the army had encamped at Sarangpur • the news of its arrival
reached Sultan Bahadur who was then besieging Citor. He awoke
from the sleep of carelessness and sought the advice of his followers.
I Fort in Bhopal, I. G. and Jarrett
IT. 199. It was taken by gher Shah
in 1545.
s On the Kail Sind, Dewas State
of the Central Indian Agency, 80
miles from Indore, I. G., Jarrett II,
203, and Tiefenthaler I, 351, irho
describes it as ruined.
CHJLFTBB XXUI.
301
Moat were of opiniou that as the matter of Citor could be settled
at any time and the garrison was not giving anj annoyance at
present^ the proper course was to put off the reduction of the fort
and to march against the royal army. But Sadr ^an^ who was
prominent for knowledge and eloquencOi and who ranked high in
tlie congress (jirga) of soldiers and was renowned for wisdom
and counsel^ said that the proper thing was to finish the matter
of the fortress^ already nearly acoomplished^ and that as they had
come oat against infidelsj the Eling of Islam would not come against
them. Should he do so, they would then be excused if they aban-*
doned a holy war (0&du?i) and attacked him. This view commended
itself to Snl(an Bahadur, so he went on wiUi the siege, and on 3rd
Bamaaan, 941, (8th March, 1535), subdued the fort of Citdr. Thereupoa
he marched against the illustrious army which was then encamped
at Ujjain.^ When the news of Sult&n Bahadur's audacity reached
the royal bearing, his Majesty also accelerated his movements, and
the two armies encamped in the territory of Mandasor,^ belonging
to Malwfi, on the opposite banks of a lake which for greatness and
breadth vras a sea. An engagement took place between the van 131
of his Majesty Jahanbani's army commanded by Bacaka Bahadur,
and Sultan Baliidar's van nnder Sayyid 'AB ^han and Mirza Muqim,
who had the title of ^nrasan Khan, in which the latter was
worsted. Sulj^n Bahidur too was worsted {ikikasta) in his heart,
Taj Khan and §adr !^in said to him " Our army is flushed with
the victory of €it5r and has not yet greatly felt the force of the
royal army ; it will address itself to battle with a stout heart. We
1 In text without ta^ld, but see
lin Bib. Ind. I, 457.
« Now in Gwaliir. In Jarrett II,
208, spelt Manosor. It is about 80
miles north-west of Ujjain and on the
north bank of the Sea, a tributary of
the Cambal. There is a plan of the Bri-
tish encampment near Mandasiir in
Blacker'^ MahrattaWar, Londonl821,
but no lake or tank is shown there.
Possibly the lake has dried up since
A.F/s time as had happened with the
Kinkaria reservoir near A^madabad,
Tief enthaler I, 378 ; or perhaps A.F.
means Lake Debar which is not very
far off and lies between Citor and
nj jain. See the Bajpatana Grazetteer
III, 12. It is true this lake is said
to have been only niade in the end
of the 17th century, but it may have
existed before this. Neither Firighta,
Nisamu-d-din nor the Mir^dt-i-Si'
kandari refers to any lake.
804
AnABVAMA.
of the victorions army came to the camp of Snltin Bahadnr and set
about plandering it. A qaantity of spoil, inclading many elephants,
and horses fell into their hands. Shadawand ^an ' who had been
both preceptor {ustdd) and finance-minister (wazir) of Sultan Ma^afEar
was made prisoner and was treated by his Majesty with great fayoor
and made one of his servants. Yadgar Nagir Mirzfi, Qftsim Saltan,
and Mir Hindu Beg were despatched with a large force to pursue the
routed army.
Verily, whoeyer consorts with men of darkened understanding,
become darkened. Especially shall an evil day come upon the man
who violates treaties and engagements, and comes forward as a juggler,
and plays the game of deception against such a world-lord who
is the cynosure of sincerity and rectitude. In fine, after Sadr
Khan and 'Im§du-l-mulk had departed, his Majesty's army went
straight to the fort of Mandu. His Majesty followed in the wake
of his troops, and halted at NaHca, * and drew his camp round the
133 fort. Bum! !^an^ deserted the hostile army and entered his
Majesty's service and received a robe of honour. On the 14th day *
Sultan Bahadur after passing by circuitous routes entered the fort of
Mandu by the Cull Mahesar ' Grate. A talk of an agreement took
place, according to which Gujrat and the recently acquired Citor
should remain with the Sultan, while Mandu and its territory should
belong to his Majesty Jahftnbani. Maulana Mui^ammad Pargj^ali ^ on his
1 This was an old man, and quite
different from the two Rami Ehai^s.
His proper name was apparently
5aji Mii^mmad ; Bayley, 312.
* The text has Ghalca, but this is
corrected in the Errata. It is men-
tioned, (Jarrett II. 112 and 207) as a
ninhcil in Sarkar Mandfl and is des-
eribed in Dr. CampbelFs accoant of
Mandu, Journal Bomb. R. A. S. XIX,
154 for 1896. He spells it Naalcha
and describes it as three miles north
of the Dihll Gate of Manda.
> It will be seen from this that
Khiidawand Khan, the waztr, and
Kuml Khan are different persons.
According to the Mir*di4-8ikandari
(Bayley's Gujrat, 386), Rami deserted
at Mandasor. The author tells an
amusing story, on the authority oi
his father, about Rfiml Ehaa's being
abused by Bahadur's parrot.
* The month is not given, but it
must be 2i-l-qa'da, so the date
corresponds to 19th May, 1535. Pos-
sibly however what is meant is tKe
14th day after Humay&n invesited
the fort.
^ Mentioned as a mehdl of AIUndQ,
Jarrett II, 206.
• Text Pir 'All,
I
CHAPTER XXtlt.
305
Majesty's fiide and Sadr Kh§n on behalf of Saltan Bahadur sat
down together in the Kill Sabil ^ to make arrangements. At the end
of the night the sentinels of the fort left ofE pacing to and fro, and
about 200 soldiers of the victorious army entered at the back^ some
by placiag ladders and some by ropes. Then throwing themselves
down from the wall, they opened the fort gate there and brought in
their horses and mounted them. Other soldiers entered by the gate.
The news was brought to the officer in charge of the works, • Mallu
Khan of Mandu, who had the title of Qadir gj^ah. He got on horse*
back and galloped to the Sul1;an who was still asleep. He (Bahadur)
was awakened by Qadir Shah's cries and, between sleeping and waking,
took to flight, and rushed out with three or four others. On the
way Bhupat RST,^ son of Silhadl, who was one of his companions,
came up from behind and joined him with about twenty horsemen.
When they got to the gate opening on the esplanade, about 200
horsemen of the victorious army came forward to intercept them.
The Sultan was the first to attack them and he was seconded by some
others. At last he and Mallu ^han and one other follower cut their
way through and reached the fort of Sungad.* Bahadur lowered
down horses from there by ropes, and then letting himself down he
after a thousand troubles took the road to Gujrat. Qasim Husain
Khan was standing near the Fort. An Uzbak named Burl who had
deserted from the Suljan's service and become the servant of Qasim
I Blue road. Perhaps this is the
Nilkanth celebrated by Jahangir
and which was visited by Akbar.
See Dr. Campbell's article already
cited. I do not however find the
name Nilkanth in the TQzak. See
p. 181 of 'Sayyid A^imad's ed.
» murcal, battery or earthwork.
Nisfamu-d-dTn in his history of Guj-
rat calls it the battery of 700 steps.
* According to the Mirdt-i'Sikan-
darl, lithog. cd. 279 and Bayley, 388,
Bhapat betrayed Mandu to the
enemy in revenge for his father who
had been killed in 938 (1532), when
fighting against Bahadur. Silhadl
39
or Sulhu-d-din, his father, was a
Hindu and prince of Malwal He
fought against Babar at the battle
of Kh^nwa. Bahadur attacked him
and deprived him of Raisin, Ac, be-
cause he kept Musalman women in
his harem. He was induced to turn
Mu^mmadan and his name was
altered to Sulhu-d-din. But he
recanted and died a Rajput's death,
a circumstance which may remind
us of Cranmer's end. See Bayley,
364.
♦ It is the inner part or citadel of
Mandii. See Dr. Campbell's article.
In text it is written Scinkar.
806
akbarnAma.
Husain Khan, recognised the Suljan and informed the Khfin. But
the latter, owing to his length of service/ treated what he heard as
nnheard and so Bahadur carried off half-a-Hfe into safety, and was
joined by 1,500 men by the time he had reached CampanTr. When
he got there, he sent as much of his treasures and valuables as he
Could to the port of Diu.»
Now that the narrative has come so far, we cannot avoid giving
some account of the beginning of this auspicious .victory. As the
victorious heroes were so rapid in getting into the fort of Mandu and
in performing prodigies of valour there, no authentic news of their
success emerged in the early morning. When two hours of day had
134 elapsed his Majesty Jahnnbnni heard of the entry, &c., and mounting
his horse proceeded towards the fort and entered by the Dibit
gate.**
Sadr Khan and his men were meanwhile fighting at the entrance
to his house, and though he was wounded he continued firm. At
last, the nobles seized his rein and conducted him to Sungad. Many
people went with him and took refuge there, and among them was
Sultan 'flam. The victorious soldiers plundered the houses of the
enemy for three days, and then an order was issued for restraining
the spoilers. Reliable persons were sent to Sadr Kh§n and Suljtfin
'Slam, who inspired them with confidence. After long parleys of
little moment, they gave the besieged quarter and brought them out,
but as Sultan 'flam had several times committed sedition and rebel-
lion, he was hamstrung * and let go. To Sadr Khan royal favours
were shown. Three days after this victory, his Majesty came down
from the fort and proceeded by forced marches to Gujrat, accompanied
^ Fts., kuhna-'amalagl. This is a
sneer at old servants whom A. F.,
being himself a new man, did not like.
See a similar nse of kuhna-'amala
at 157 L 9, and also see 139,1. 3.
• Text, Dip din hut spelt Dia in
Mir*at'i' Sikandari.
• The northern gate.
• l^ai karda. See Mir*nt-i'Sikan-
darif 2r>8, for account of this man, and
also Bay ley, 366». Apparently he was
Sultan Ibralnm*K nephew and con-
sequently grand-nephew of the 'Alam
Shan who called himself SultSn
'Ala'u-d-dTn. He was the son of Jalal
Khan, and at one time was governor
of KalpT. Perhaps Humayan was
incensed against him because he had
proved ungrateful for Humayon'a
kindness in introducing him to
Babar. Babar's Mem. . 349, 875,
According to Bayley, 388, he was
put to death at Mandfi.
CHAPTEB ZXlir.
307
by 30^000 chosen horsemen^ while the camp was ordered to follow
stage bj stage.
When the victorious troops came near Campanir they halted^ and
drew up by the side of the Pipli Gate near the tank of 'Imadu-1-
mulk which is three k^s in circumference. When Sultan Bahadur
heard of this^ he strengthened the fort and went out by another gate,
on the side of the g^ukr tank, and fled to Cambay. By his instruc-
tions the town (Campanir.) was set on fire, but when his Majesty
Jahanbgni arrived, he directed the flames to be extinguished. Leaving
Mir Hindu Rq^ and the rest in Campanir he took about a thousand
horse and set off rapidly in pursuit of Sultan Bahadur. As soon as the
Sulj^^n came to Cambay he hastened to Din, after setting fire to a
hundred warships (Qhardh)^ which he had prepared against the Portu-
guese, lest the soldiers of the sublime army should embark on them
and pursue him. On the same day that he left for Diu, his Majesty
JahanbanT reached Cambay and encamped by the seaside. From
thence he despatched a force in pursuit of Suljan Bahadur. When
the SuljL^n reached Diu, the victorious soldiers returned from its neigh-
bourhood with abundance of booty. By the favours of heaven were 136
Mandu and Gujrat conquered in 942 (1535). Whoever is stayed upon
God and whose standard is a good intention, will assuredly have his
desire placed within his bosom.i
In the beginning of g^'ab&n of this year, (25th January, 1536)
Mirza Kamran marched from Lah5r to K^bul, and after a great
battle won a victory over S&m Mlrza,* the brother of g^ah Tahmasp
SafavT. The short account of this is as follows. Sam Mlrza came to
Qandahar with a large body of Qizilba^is {Persians). Khwaja
Kilan Beg had strengthened Qandahar and defended it for eight
months. Meanwhile Mirza Kamr3.n marched from Lah5r with a full
equipment. A great battle took place between him and Sam Mirza.
Aghziwfir Khan, one of the great officers of the Qizilbashis and Sam
Mlrzi^s tutor, was taken prisoner and put to death, and many of the
Qizilbashis perished.^ Mlrzft Kamran returned victorious to Lahdr,
1 Of. the line in preface of Anwar-
i-Suhaili' "No seeker leaves that
door without obtaining his desire."
> Then about 20 years of age. He
afterwards wrote biographies of
Persian poets. Bien's Cat. I, 3676.
B There is an account of this
victory in the Tar. B<xah. Ross &
Elias, 468. Haidar attributes the
victory to Shwaja Kilan.
30S
akbarnAma.
and the disturbance caused by Mlrza Muhammad Zaraan was put down.
'J^he explanation of this is briefly this. It has been already mentioiK'J
that after the defeat of Sultan Bahadur. M. Muhammad Zaman marched
against Labor with the idea of stirring up strife there. When he came
to the borders of Sind, Shah Husain, the son of ghah Beg Arghun and
the ruler of Sind, did not give him a place in his own territory, but
. pointed out Lahor to him as M. Kamranhad gone towards Qandahar,
and suggested that as such a rich country was unprotected he should
go there. The ill-fated Mirza came to Labor, thinking he had got au
open field, and besieged it. Meanwhile M. Kamran arrived near Labor
and beat the drum of superiority. M. Muhammad Zaman was dis-
concerted, and saw no resource except to return to Gujrat. Driven
out and abandoned, he went there. In this year Mlrza Haidar
Gurgan came from Kashghar ^ via Badakhshan and joined M. Kamran
in Lahor. Next spring Shah Tahmasp came in person to the district
of Qandahar, and Khwfija Kilan Beg put all the wardrobes, pantries
and other offices in order and sent the keys of the store-houses and
of the fort to the Shah, saying that he had no means^of holding the
fort and was unable to give battle, and that it was inconsistent
with loyalty and his duties as a servant to bis master that he should
come and do homage to the Shah. Hence he thought it proper to
set his houses in order and to make them over to his guest and
for himself to withdraw. He then went by way of Tatta and
Ucc • to Lahdr. M. Kamrfin for a month would not allow him to
136 pay his respects, saying " Why could you not have waited till I
arrived ? " After various transactions M. Kamran made his prepara-
tions and marched against Qandahar for the second time, leavinir
M. Haidar in charge of Lfihor. Before this Shah Tahm&sp had pu^
Bidagh KhSn Qajar,^ one of the great officers, in charge of Qatida.liac
1 Tar. Raaji., 467. He came from
Tibet and Badakhshan.
* In Bahawalpar, Fan jab, 10 miles
8. S. W. Multan. Spelt Ach in text
but corrected in errata,
* Qacar in text, hut with variant
Qajar. It is the present royal family
of Persia. It is curious that X&hmasp
should have, apparently, employed
the same Bidagh KhSn again anil
sent him with his infant son to iio
company Humayan. ^aidar ^M.Jx-zM
(Tar, Ba^., 405), remarks oxi tK
curious readiness with which Biciaj^j
Khiin surrendered to Kamraj:!, «xri!
he does not seem to have been. ni< »t
efficient when attacked by Huma.^- Cl :i
CHAPTKIt XXIII.
309
'"l
ii>
iU^'
■3!" '
cr
. B:>
and bad departed. M. Kainran arrived and laid siege to Qandahdr^
and Bidagh Khan capitulated and retreated. The Mirza got possea-
sion of Qandahar^ and after putting it into a condition of defence
returned to L&hor.
Whither have my words strayed ? It is certainly better that I
withdraw my hand from these affairs and attach myself to the thread
of my design.
When his Majesty Jahanbani was encamped at Cambay with a
small force Malik Ahmad Lnd and Rukn Daud who were officers of
Sultan Bahadar^ and leading men in KolTwara^ arranged with the KdlTs
and Gawars i of that country that as there were few men with his
Mujesty Jahanbani there was a suitable opportunity for making a
night attack. They accordingly made preparations. By good for-
tune an old woman who had|heard of this came to the royal enclosure
and told one of the attendants that she had urgent business and
wished to have a personal interview. As she was very impor-
tunate and appeared to be honest she was admitted to the presence^ and
communicated the plot of the night attack. His Majesty said '' Whence
comes this well-wishing of yours." She replied " My son has been
confined by one of your servants and I want him released as a reward
for this well-wishing. If I have spoken falsely, punish both me
and my son." In accordance with orders, her son was produced,
and a guard placed over them both. As a measure of precaution
the troops were got into readiness and drawn off. Near dawn 5 or
6,000 Bhils and Gawars fell upon the royal enclosures, his Majesty
Jahanbani and the troops having retired to a rising ground. The
Gawans came and proceeded to plunder, and many rare books, which
were real companions and were always kept in his Majesty's personal
possession, were lost. Among these was the Timur-nama,* trans-
* Text Kawaran, but corrected in
errata.
' Era. II. 62n. supposes that this
was the Zafamdma of 8haraf u-d-din.
This may he so hut Timur-ndma
is properly the title of a poem by
HatifT, i.e., 'Abda-l-lah, the sister's
son of Jami. See Bieu II, 652
and Babar's Memoirs, 196. Ers.
takes A.F. to mean that the very
copy that was lost was recovered,
bat A.F. does not clearly say so, and
the words " having been recovered "
quoted by Ers. do not occur in
the text. Probably all that A.F.
means is that there is now a Ttmur^
nama in the imperial library. It is
rather grotesque that A.F. should
310
akbabnAma.
cribed by Malla Suljan 'All andillustratedby UatadBihzad,andwliich
is now in the gb^binshah^s library. To sum up in a short space of
time the breeze of salvation's morn breathed from fortune's ascension,
and the brave warriors turned upon that mob and discomfited and
scattered those hapless wretches by discharges * of arrows. That
old woman's face was brightened^ and she gained her desire. The
majesty of the royal wrath, and the onslaught of overmastering rage
boiled over and an order was issued for plundering and burning
137 Cambay.s After that the pursuit of Sultan Bahadur was abandoned^
and the army returned to Campanir. The fortress ^ was besieged for
four months. Ikhtiyar Khan, who was sprung from a family of Qazis
in Nariad * which is a town in that country, and who was, for his
justice and ability one of the Sulj^an's, confidants brought great exer*
tions to bear on the defence of the fort.^ In addition to all these
call books Humajun's companions
just at the time when he left them be-
hind to be plundered. In Blochmann,
108, mention is made of an illus-
trated Zafarndma, but this was
one executed in Akbar's reign, and
from the remark on the preceding
page that Akbar had pictures worthy
of BihzAd, it would appear, that he
had not any by Bihzad himself.
Bihzad was a famous painter of
Sultan Husain HeratT's Court. See
Babar, 197, who criticises his style
of pourtraying youthful beauty.
Blochmann, 1072, eays that Bihzad
lived at the Court of Sh^h Ismail
SafT, and he may have done so
subsequently. Sultan 'All MashhadI
was, according to Babar, 197, the
best writer of the nastalTq char-
acter. See also Blochmann, 101.
It aeems probable that HumSyfln
inherited this book from his father,
for he had not yet been to Persia
himself. The Timamama of Hat if I,
it may be remarked, is a poem in
imitation of one of Niyaml's and
more likely to be illustrated that
the somewhat ponderous and pro*
saic Zafarndma.
* Sjilba, unnecessarily corrected
in Errata to shapa, i.e., whizzing.
See Richardson I.e. 559a and Y uUers
490a.
* See Elliot Y, 193 and Erskine
II. 62n. Sadr ^^sa was killed in
the attack by the Gawars.
* See description of fort by Col.
Miles, Bom. L. S. Transactions T.
160 (reprint of 1877). He spells
the name Champaneer.
* Nirbad in text, but corrected
in Errata. It was a district
in A^madabad Sarkar, Jarrett 11,
253, and is now a station on tho
A^madabad railway. Also a plaoo
on the sea-shore in the Surat
Sirkar, Jarrett, I. c, 257.
Erskine understands A.F. as
meaning that this arrangement
about drawing up provisions was
made by Ikhtiyar Sh^n* But I
doubt if this is correct. A.F. seems
to mean that in addition to all
L
CHAPTEB XXlir.
811
protections ^nd precautions it happened that from time to time sundry
mountaineering (kuh-naward) woodcutters entered by rayines^ which
from the density of trees and jungle were difficult for foot passengers
to traverse^ and of course impracticable for traffic^ and for the sake
of gain brought corn and ghee to the foot of the fort in order to sell
them at a high price^ while men in the fort let down money by
ropes and drew up the goods.
As the siege was long drawn out his Majesty Jahanbani would
sometimes visit the different sides of the fort and search for a pos-
sible entrance for his army. On one occasion he went forward from
the side of Halul^ which is a garden^ and fell in with the people who
were coming out of the jungle after selling their corn and butter.
An order was giren to find out what their business was. They said they
were woodcutters^ but as they had no axes or hatchets with them^
their story was not accepted. They were told that they would not
escape punishment unless they told the truth. Being helpless they
confessed the truth. Upon this they were bidden to go forward and
to point out the place. When his Majesty saw it he recognised that it
was 60 or 70 yards ^ high and very smooth,* so that it would be very
difficult to climb. By his Majesty's orders 70 or 80 iron nails were
brought, and driven into the precipice right and left at distances of
one yard. The young heroes were bid climb these degrees of daring
{mi'rdj'i'marddnagl). Thirty-nine had ascended when his Majesty
himself wished to climb. Bairam ^§n begged him to delay till the
men ahead had got higher up. Saying this he himself stepped up,
his Majesty Jahanbani followed him and was the 41st. Standings
I^tiyir's plans there was this fa-
vourable circumstance that the gar-
rison were supplied by the Kolls.
Both Firishta and the Mir'at-i-Sikan-
darf,Bajlej, 391, represent that there
was plenty of food in the fort, and
the former evidently takes the view
that the fort was captured owing
to the greed of the Kolis in selling
provisions to the garrison and which
led to Hnmayun's exploit, A.F. is
favourable to I^ttiyar Khan, per-
haps on account of his literary
abilities, but Bahadur is said to have
had a very low opinion of him,
Bayley, 391.
^ Gas. The exact length does not
seem known, but probably was about
33 inches, Jarrett II, 58, and Wilson's
Glossary.
S Hamtodrx. The Brit. Mus. MSS.
have the opposite of this, viz., ndhcum'
wdri, but hamwdri is probably
right.
^ i.e., about 300 in all, not 341,
Bee what follows.
312
Alt1!ARNAl«r.V.
there he had about 300 men drawn up by this lt*on ladder. An
order was given that the victorious army, which was stationed at
138 the batteries, should attack the fort. The garrison were thrown off
their guard, and addressed themselves to repel the men from without
and were looking down from the battlements when suddenly the 300
braves came from behind, and overwhelmed the garrison with,
showers of arrows. And when they t^alised the fact that hia
Majesty Jahanb&nT in person had ascended the stairs of victory, the
bewildered foe crept into hiding-places* The drum of victory beat
high, and Ikhtiyar Kban went off to a higher point called MulTya ^
and there took refuge. Next day they gave him quarter and sent for
him. Together with his practical knowledge [ddnish] and his manage-
ment of state affairs he was fully possessed of sciences, especially
mathematics and astronomy. He was also skilled as a poet and
composer of enigmas. He was honoured by being allowed to sit in
the assembly of the learned, and was distinguished by princely
favours, and was admitted among the ititimates of the threshold of
sovereignty. One of the eloquent found the date of this victory
" Awwal hafta-i'Mdh-i-^afar/' ^ i.e., first week of Safar (943) = l(*th—
26th July, 1536.
As the country of Gujrat was in the possession of the servants
of the empire up to the MahindrT,'^ and as no one was appointed to
administer the territory on the other side (the West), the peasantry
wrote to Sultan Bahadur and announced that the collections were
ready and that a collector of these was necessary ; if one were ap-
pointed, they would discharge their obligations. All the ofiicers to
whom the Sul);an spoke on the subject remained silent. 'Imadu-1-Mulk
however had the courage to come forward, and he agreed to accept
the office on condition that there should be no questioning afterwards
* In Jarrett II, 256, the upper fort
is called Pawah, but according to
Miles Bom. L, S. T. I. 152 (reprint)
the proper npelling is Pavanagada,
wind-fort.
• The text has mah, but unless
we read mah the abjad seems to be
incorrect, being 942 instead of 94.3.
Erskine VI, tU. Badaoni, Brit. Ind-
1, 347, has another chronogram " Niih
Shahr-i-J^afar bud " according to
which the fort was taken on 9 Safar,
942, or 9th August, 1535. But Safar
is only the second month of the Mu-
hammadan year, and the operations
at Cambay, and the length of the
siege seem to require 943.
8 Also oulk-a the Mahi i. G. T. V.
CHAPTBB XXIII. 813
as to any land or authority that he should give to any one in order
to execute the work of the collection. He proceeded with 200 horse
towards Ahmadabad. On the way he gave written grants^' of land to
those whom he knew. When he arrived at Ahmadabftd he had col-
lected 10,000 cavalry. He gave everyone who possessed two horses
a lak of gujrdtis. In a short time he had gathered 30^000 cavalry.
Mujahid O^an, Governor of jQnagadh joined him with 10^000 horse.
At this time his Majesty Jahanbftni on account of the conquest
of the fort of Gampanir and of the falling of abundant treasure into
his hands was holding magnificent banquets and was constantly
arranging royal entertainments on the banks of the Du Ruya tank.
One of the paramount conditions of authority is that special servants
and those in near attendance should have certain fixed rules to abide
by, and that in every section of them there should be some discreet
and prudent person appointed who may continually look after their
rising and sitting, their going and coming, and take precautions
againsit evil companionship, which is the father and mother of wrong
ideas. Especially is this required at a time when details are veiled
from a Lord of the Age by the multiplicity of business. It is fitting 139
that in such circumstances he should appoint right-speaking, right-
acting intelligencers who may always bring him correct informa-
tion of the real state and of the gist of the doings of this body of
men. Otherwise many of the narrow-minded become from length
of service less susceptible of the prestige of royalty, and the wine
of familiarity carries them out of their senses, and leads them into
the stumbling of eternal ruin. And great seditions emerge from
this intoxication. Accordingly they became apparent on this occa-
sion. The story of this is that on the night of the rejoicing and
banquetings on account of the marvellous victories, some feeble souls
who were fated to be admitted to the verge of the sublime assem-
blage, viz,, book-bearers, armour-bearers, ink-horn-bearers and the
like, happened to have gone to the gardens of Hfilul,' the scent of
whose flowers might cure the melancholy, and whose heart-expanding
breeze might give motion to concealed ' blood, and to have started a
* Matodjib fiefs. For this use of
the word see text 154 1. 15.
• Four m. from the modern city.
Miles.
40
* Produce a ferment in sleeping
blood or perhaps, blood of a mur-
dered and unregarded man. See
VuUers I. 759.
314
akdarnAma.
wiiiofeast. In tliis state of exultation which had put to flight sense
and reason, they took up the Zafarn&ma and read of the beginnings
of the victorious career of his Majesty Sahib Qirani (Timur) —
how that prince had with him, in the vernal prime of his glory,
forty chosen companions, and how one day he took from each a
couple of arrows and after tying them all together, gave them to
* each companion to break. Though each put the bundle across his
knee and exerted all his strength, it was of no use. But when
he opened the bundle, and gave each two arrows every one broko
them. His Majesty had then observed " we are forty persons, if
we are united like this bundle of arrows victory will attend us
wherever we go." In accordance with this right thought and lofty
idea they girt up their loins of courage and went forth to conquer.^
Those ignorant fools when they heard this story did not reflect
that each one of the forty was a heaven-aided host. They thought
merely of the external circumstances and so fell into ruinous
imaginings. When they reckoned themselves up they found they
were four hundred, and in their madness and folly they conceived that
unanimity among 400 persons must be exceeding wrong, and formed
the notion of conquering the Deccan. Under this hallucination they
proceeded to tread the broad and downward path to destruction.
Next day though search was made for those near yet so far {tiazdi'
Icdn-i'dur) , no trace of them could be found. At last an intimation
of their wild idea was obtained, and a thousand men were sent to
seize them. They soon brought to Court those fortune-buffeted and
doomed men, bound neck and hand. It was Tuesday,* a day when
his Majesty wore the red vesture of Mars and sate on the throne of
wrath and vengeance. The crowd of criminals were brought forward,
140 section by section, and each of them received sentences fitting
A I have not found this story in
Sharafu-d-dln though at I. 75, Bibl.
Ind. ed. thero is an allusion to
l*Tmur'8 having forty followers. The
same story is told of Cangiz Khan
who when on his deathbed used
the illustration of weapons tied
together and separate, to teach the
necessity of union to his sons. See
Petit de la Croix's life, quoted by
Erdmann 639, and 442.
■ Humayan assigned particular
days of the week to certain duties.
Thus Monday being Mars-day, was
one of that assigned to the admin-
istration of Criminal Justice. See
extract from Khwand Amir in Elliot
V. 121 and A. F.'s text I. 358 and 36 1
CHAPTER XXIII.
315
their destiny, and the requirements of complete jnBtice. Some tbey
bound and made trodden under the feet of mountain-like elephants.
Many who had carried their heads beyond the line of respect received
distinction by the removal of the burden of their heads from
their bodies. A number who, not distinguishing between their feet
and their hands, had clapped their hands at seditious thoughts wore
made handless and footless. A set of them who from arrogance
{kbud'bini lit. self-contemplation) had not kept their ears for the
royal commands found ears and nose gone from their places, others
who had laid the fingertip of intent on the edge of misfeasance saw
no more the figure of a finger in their haud.^
After executing these judgments and orders the time of evening
prayer arrived. The Imam, who was not void of obtuseness, at the first
genuflection recited the Sura ' A-lam tara Jcaifa ' " Hast thou not seen
how." After the conclusion of the service the order of vengeance ■
was issued that the Imam be thrown under the foot of an elephant
because he had designedly and allusively recited the chapter of the
elephant, and had degraded justice to tyranny, and had uttered an
evil presage.^ Maulina Muhammad Parghali * represented that the
Imam did not know the meaning of the Quran. But as the fire of
wrath was darting tongues of flame lie got no reply except abusive
1 Erskine justly remarks that
these details are very disgusting,
and exhibit the wretched punning
propensity of our James I., but on
an occasion when it is not ridicu-
lous but revolting. The sentences
pronounced depend on idiomatic
Persian phrases, hardly translatable.
A. F.'s poor wit may be paral-
lelled by a too-famous passage in
Paradise Lost, B. YI, but at least
it may be said that Milton puts his
jests into the mouths of devils.
' Hukni-i-gardun-iritiqam, lit, the
order of the sphere of vengeance.
Yullers 8. v, quotes the Bahar-i-'Ajam
as giving gardun the meaning of
executioners.
8 Apparently the fdl-i-had was
that Humayun would be destroyed
like the impious king of Yaman.
Is it possible that Humayun thought
the Imam was playing on the word
kaifat which in Persian means intox-
ication, and was suggesting that he
was drunk P As Erskine remarks,
the SQra does not seem to contain
much matter of offence. Probably
however the reference to the ele-
phant was enough.
* It is pleasant to find this man,
of whom Qaidar Mirza speaks so
ill, Tar. Bash. 398, acting properly
and courageously. He was after-
wards drowned at Causa.
316
AKRAEHAMA.
epithets. After a time when the light of the Imam's eimplicity slione
on the m&rge of his holy heart and the conflagration of the flames of
wrath was Btayed, he expressed much regret and spent the whole nigrht
in sorrow and weeping.'
After the completion of this affair I'ardi Beg Ehfin was left in
CSnip9nir, and the royal standards proceeded towards A^madSbad,
and encamped on the hank of the Mahindri.> ' ImSdn-I-MuIk had
the courage to advance, and to make a march for each one that the
royal army made. Between Nariad and MahTnQdfibSd* he encoun-
tered MirzS 'Askari who was in the van and seveml Btagee ahead (of
the niain body). A great battle ensued, and the MirzS was worsted
until Tsdg&r Nisir Mirz9, Qasim Husain Khtn and Hindu Beg arrived
with a large body of men and unfurling the flag of fortune proclaim-
ed to the enemy the approach of the imperial ensigns with a " Lo.
the sublime army has arrived." The utterance of this word, and ite
sound reaching the ears of the enemy were simultaneous with Yndgtr
NSfir Mirz&'s victory and the defeat of the foe. As Tadgfir Nasir
Mirz3 was ahead of all, the brunt of the battle fell upon him. On
the side of the enemy 'Jiam l^5n Lodi* and some others offered
opposition till 'Imftdu-1-mnlk retired half dead. Darwe^ Muhammad
QariL^ir, father of gl^uja'at Khfto,' obtained martyrdom in this en-
gagement. Meanwhile the flashing of the royal standards appeared
and victory upon victory disclosed itself. After the arrival of the
111 sublime army 3 to 4,000 of the enemy were slain. His Mujeety
' A.F. doeH not clearlj eaj that
the order to trample the Imam to
death was carried out. but Erskine
eajB it was, and A. F.'a silence im-
pliea this. Had Hum&jltn repent-
ed in time, we should have had a
flourish of trutnpeta about the im-
perial clemency.
■ Or Mahl. Cimp&nlr ia up>
wards of tiO miles E. S. E, A^madS-
bid, but is visible from the minaret
of the Jama' Mosjtd, Miles.
* Jarrett II. 241, now a station on
the Bomb. Baroda and Central I. By.
It lies south-east of AVmadabad and
is. as A.F. stat(^B, nearly lialf-ira_v
between Narl&d (spelt Madisd in
time-tables) being 11 miles from
Narlid and 10 from A^madsbad.
* It does not appear who this
'Alam Ehao is. He can hardlj be
the man who was mntilated at Cam-
pinTr and jet possibly he is. If
he was the No. Ill of Bajloy Ihrn
his real name was Safdnr lQt<ui and
he was perhaps not a LodI at all.
t Also called Mnqtm-i-'Arab.
Btochmann, 371.
I
CHAPTffR XXin.
817
asked Khadawand ^&n ^ if there was likelihood of another battle^
and he replied that if that leprous slave, meaning 'Imadu-1-mulk,
had been personally in the fight, it was over, and if he had not been
there was likelihood of another bloody bout. Men were appointed
to inquire into this matter, and from two wounded men, who were
lying half dead among the dead, it was ascertained that 'Imadu-1-
mulk had commanded in person. Next day the grand army marched
on and then halted, M. 'Askari going on as before in front. When
the army had encamped on this side of the KankSriya* tank M.
* AskarT represented that if the whole camp entered the city, the
inhabitants would be harassed. An order was given that provost-
marshals {yasdwaldn) be stationed at every gate of the city and that
they should admit no one except M. 'Askari and his men.
The army encamped on the delightful spot of Sarkaj, and on
the third day his Majesty, attended by many of his courtiers, came
to the city. After that he gave his attention to the affairs of Gujrat
and settled them in a proper manner. Hindu Beg was stationed
there with a large force in order that he might go wherever he was
required. Pattan was given to Mirzd Yftdgar Nasir ; Broach, Nansan
and the port of Surat to Qasim Husain Suljan ; • Cambay, and Baroda
to Dost Beg Is^ak Xqa ; and Mahmudabad to M!r Bucaka.
When the affairs of Gujrat had been settled his Majesty pro-
ceeded towards the port of Dlu. When the army was leaving
Danduqa, which is 30 kds (W. S. W.) from Ahmadabad, representa-
tions came from Agra, the capital, to the effect that as his Majesty
was far from the seat of Government rebellious men had raised the
head of disaffection, and extended the arm of strife. Couriers too
1 This is probably the Wazir and
not Rami Shau. The expression
used by him about 'Imadu-1-mulk
may refer to his being a Circasisan
(according to FirigJ^ta) and to his
grandfather's having been a slave.
Bayley 233, 235. Firighta says he
was the son of a Cangiz £han.
« See Tiefenthaler I. 378, who
states that in his time the tank was
nearly dried up. It was cleared
out by Mr. Borrodaile in 1872.
Bom. Gaz. IV. 17 and Hope's Ahma-
dabad. It lies north of AhmadabSd.
In text the name is wrongly spelt
Kangareya. It means the limestone
or pebble tank. It is also called
the Qauz-i-QQJ and was made in
1451. It covers 72 acres.
9 A grandson of Sultan J^usain of
Herat, fiabar's Mem. 353.
818
AKBARNAMA.
arrived from MdlwS and reported that Sikandar Khan ' and Malu
Khin had sallied forth and fallen upon Mihtar Zambiir the Jagirdir
of HindifiS and that he had taken his property with him and cckme to
Ujjain^ and that all the soldiers who were stationed here and there in
that province had collected there, that the authors of strife bad
assembled in great numbers and were besieging the city, and tlu^t
142 Darwesh 'All Kitabdar (librarian) had received a gunshot wound and
had died^ and that the rest of the besieged had asked for quarter and
had submitted. His Majesty thereupon determined to return and to make
Mandu his capital for a time, so that Malvva might be cleared of rebels,
and also that the newly conquered Grujrat might be brought into order,
and also that the flames of disaffection which had blazed forth ia
the settled portion of the empire might be extinguished. Accordingly
having made over Gujrat to M *Askari and a number of officers be
turned his rein and halted at Cambay. From thence he vrent to
Baroda and Broach and from thence to Surat, and from thence to
Aslr^ and Burhanpur. He stopped seven days in Burhanpilr and
then marched on and passing under the fort of Asir established bim*
self at Mandu. As soon as the disaffected heard the sound of the
return of the royal standards, they were troubled and crept into cor-
ners. His Majesty found the climate of Malwfi agreeable to his consti-
tution and made many of his servants jagirdars thereof. And the
gates of success and satisfaction of desires were thrown open to the
world.
1 Apparently the Governor of
Siwas who was afterwards killed
with Bahadur at Diu, Bayley 849,
s In Hoshangabad, Central Prov.
I. G., S. V. Handia and Jarrett IT.
207 where it is spelt Hindiah.
* Aslrgarh in Nimar, Central Pro-
vmces.
CHAPTER XlClV. 319
CHAPTER XXIV.
MiRZA 'ASKARl LEAVKS GuJBAT WITH BRBELLIOUS DESIGNS.
Of a surety, a grandee who does not recognise the force of kind-
ness and prestige, and takes the road of ingratitude, smites his own
foot with a hatchet,' and of his own act falls into the hell of ruin.
The story of the doings of Mirzi 'Askari and the oflBcers of Gujrat
is a proof of this, for owing to the smallness of their capacities a little
success made them give way to rebellious thoughts. From im-
moderate living there arose the beginnings of mutual strife and their
actions were darkened by the mist of dissimulation. Accordingly after
about three months the enemy stirred up commotion. Khan Jahan
of Shlr&z and Bumi Khan, who had the name of Safar and who is
the builder of the fort of Surat, united and took possession of
Nausuri which was held by 'Abdullah Khan, a relative of Qasim
Husain Khan tJzbeg. 'Abdullah Khan left that quarter and came to
Broach. About this time they also took the port of Surat. Khan
Jahan marched by land to Broach, while Rumi Khan came there by
sea with warships carrying guns and muskets. Qasim Husain Khan
lost his head (lit. lost hands and feet), and hurried to Campanlr,
and then from there went on to Ahmad abad to Mirza 'AskarT
and Hindu Beg in search of help. Sayyid Ishaq who had received 143
from Sultan Bahadur the title of ghitab !^an (the swift Khan)
took possession of Gambay, and Tadgar Nasir Mirza went off from
Pattan to Ahmadabad at the summons of 'Askari Mirza. Darya Khan
and Muhafiz 'Khm set out from Raisin and were going towards the
SuUan at Diu, when finding Pattan empty (i.e., undefended), they
took possession of it. From want of union and want of counsel
things came to such a pass that one Ghazanfar^ (the lion), a
I A proverbial expression. See
Roebuck's Oriental Proverbs, Part I.
No. 103.
8 Blochmann. 348 and Elliot. V
197. He was brother of Mnhdi
Qasim Sh^n and foster-brother of
'Askari.
820
AKBARNAMA.
3->
Borvaut of YadgSr NS^ir Mirza deserted with 300 horse and joi»=-
' Suljtun Bahadur. He invited the Sultan to oome (to Ahimadabad)
fetters of loyalists followed in succession^ so that Sulj^n Bahidui
marched towards Ahmad^bad^ and soon halted near Sarkej. ^^sk&:
Mirza^ Yfidgfir Na^ir Mirzfi^ Hindu Beg, and Qasim Husain Khan pn>
ceeded with nearly 20,000 horse and confronted the Sultan in tlie re^T
of Asawal. They faced him for three days and nights^ and tHen, as
they were neither loyal to his Majesty Jahanbani nor clear-liea<d<?d
they, out of a darkened understanding and evil thoughts^ went of
without fighting to Capipamr. Much mischief ensued.
'Tis evident how far they carried the eating of the salt and the
breaking the salt-cellar on the table-top ^ and how in the domain oi
thanksgiving they trod the arena of crime and the field of littJe
service. Good God, I understand their lack of fidelity, which is &
priceless jewel and of rare occurrence in this wicked world, but why
should they drop from their hands the coin of common sense which *>
negotiable every where 7 In fine, Sultdn Bahadur who had been in &
thousand anxieties, grew bold and pursued them. Sayyid Mabfirak of
Bukharfi was at the head of the vanguard and came near the imperial
army. Yadgar Nifir MirzS who commanded in the rear turned and
fought bravely with the result that many of the Sultan's van^nard
were killed, while the MTrzfi was wounded in the arm. The enemy
halted at Mahmud&bad, and the Mirzft joined the main army. As M.
'Askari had lost heart he incontinently crossed the MahindrT which
was in front of him^ and many of the soldiers lost their lives in its
floods. The Sulj^n arrived at the edge of the river and the Mirzi
went on to Cftmpdnir. Tardi Beg Khan made arrangements for their
entertainment, and then went back to his post.
Next day the MirzSs sent a treacherous message to TardT Heg
Kh&n to the effect that they were in distress, and their army in evil
case, and begged that he would send them by way of assistance a
portion of the fort treasures in order that they might give it to their
soldiers. When they had refreshed themselves, they would nee
144 diligence to attack the enemy. They were reporting to Mftndu^
where the imperial camp was^ but it would take a courier six days to
' A proverbial expreasion. Cf.
Roebuck, 1. c. p. 377, No. 2023 aud
p. 392, No. 2129 and Vullers, s. v.
namaJe 1351a.
CHAPTER XXIV. 321
get there. TardT Beg Khfo did not consent to this, and the Mirzds
plotted to seize him so that they might get hold of the whole of the
treasure, and establish the sovereignty in the name of M. 'Askari. If
they defeated Sult§n Bahadur so much the better, but if not, as
his Majesty Jahanbnni liked the Malwg climate, and the territory
of Agra, the capital, was undefended, they would. go there. Tardi
Bog Khan came down from the fort and was going to wait upon the
Mirzas when he got wind of this plot. He hastened back to the fort
and sent word to the Mirzfts that it was not fitting for them to remain
there. They sent back a message that they were leaving, but asked
him to come that they might discuss sundry matters with him
and bid him farewell. He knew their design and returned a suitable
answer, and next morning opened fire on them. The Mlrz&s went off
with evil intentions and proceeded by Ghat Karji ^ towards Agra.
So long as the victorious (?) army was in the neighbourhood of
Campanir the Sull;an did not cross the Mahindri which is 15 kOs from
Campanir. But when news came that the Mirzas had retreated and
gone off towards Agra with evil designs, the Sulj^an crossed the river
and came to attack Cimpanir. Tardi Beg Kh§n, in spite of the
strength of the fort, and the store of preparations there abandoned
the fort and took the road of safety. He reached MandQ and bad the
honour of paying his respects. He made known to his Majesty the
Mirzas' evil intentions and his Majesty on being apprized thereof
hastened by way of Cltor so that the Mirzas might not get to Agra
before him. By good fortune he came up with them on the way, near
Cltor. The helpless Mirz§s submitted to his Majesty and he out of
innate kindness and clemency did not regard their offences and made
universal forgiveness, the intercessor for their faults. He made
liberality to supplement forgiveness and distinguished them by
princely gifts.
One of the evils of the time which were the cause* of his
Majesty's returning from this country to Agra was that Muhammad
Sul^n Mirza and his son Ulugh Mirza, who had deviated from the
^ I havo not found this place.
* Khafi Khan, Bib. Ind. I, 80, and
Ferigjita give the real reaHon of the
disastrous change in Humayan's
41
affairs, vis., that he had been living
at MandQ or Shadiabad (abode of
joy) as it was called, and had been
enslaved by opium.
322
akbarnIka.
highw^ay of obedience and become rebellious^ as has been alrEji'
mentioned; emerged at this tirae^ owing to their constitational wor*
lessness, from the comer of contempt and raised the head of molt-v-
tion. Thus did those who had been appointed to blind him reeeivr^ _
146 lesson.^ They now attacked pargana Bilgram' and then proceede*i '■
Qanauj. The sons of Khusrau Kokaltash^^ wlio were there ae'.r-,
quarter and yielded up Qanauj to them. M. Hindal who waa in Ai^'
went forth to quell this disturbance^ and the two armies met afrr*
he had crossed the Ganges at Bilgram. A battle ensued^ and as :sc
vogue of rebels and strife mongers is like a grass-fire the flames we^f
extinguished in a moment by the blowing of Fortune's gale. Tu
north* wind of victory blew and the victorious army parsued v.1
came to Oudh.^ There Uluo^ Beg M. and his sons had gathered ai
army and again offered battle. Meanwhile the news came of the
arrival of the victorious army from Gujrat to Agra. The w^retcheJ
enemy again fought and were again defeated. Mirzft Hindal retaro*
ed victorious and kissed the sublime threshold. When the grai#i
army of his Majesty JahanbanT arrived at Agra Bhupal Rai, governor
of Bljagada (in Nimar), finding the fort of Mandu undefended boldl*
entered it^ and Qadir Sl^ah returned to Mnndu, and also Mirin
Muhammad FaruqT came there from Barhanpur. Sultan Bahadar
after staying about two weeks in Campamr returned to Diu. Whea
his Majesty Jahanbani and the invincible fortune of his family ha/J
turned away from Bahadur with glories of power and majesty^ an event *
which he thought to be to his advantage became the cause of his^
ruin. For after being routed by the victorious army, and after
1 At p. 124 of text A.F. says thi^t
M. Sultan was blinded, but here he
seems to imply that the operation
was not effectual. See Erskinell,
14. M. Sultan is a different person
from M. Zaman though both were
grandsons of Sultan Hasan of Herat.
M. Sultan was a daughter's son,
Blochmann, 462.
> In Hardoi, a district of Oudh,
Jarrett 173, 178 and 145 and I. G.
II. 455.
» Babar'8 Mem. 363 and 364.
* It appears from Jauhar, Stewart
8, that A.F. is here referring to
the fact that a North- Wester blovrini;
in the face of the rebels was the
cause of their discomfiture. See
also Erskine II, 90.
* Qr. the town of Ayodhya.
* Apparently the meaning is that
HumajQu's departure which Bahadur
might think an advantage eventu-
ally turned out to be his destruction
by leading to his death at the hands
of the Portuguese.
CBAPTKB XXIV.
328
beholding the impact of the majestic troops he sent persons with
presents to the PeringhT Viceroy * who was the Warden of the Ports,
and invited him to come to him. At the time when M. 'Askarl went
off from Gujrat and the Sultan had come to Din, the Viceroy arrived
there by sea with ships and soldiers. When he learned the state of
affairs he grew apprehensive^ lest now that the Salj^n was independent
of his help he would act perfidiously after an interview. He therefore
feigned illness and sent messengers to the Sultan to say that he had
come in compliance with his request and would wait upon him as soon
as he was better. The Sultan left the highway of caution and on 3
Bamazan 943 (13th February^ 1537)^ at the close of the day^ went by boat
to inquire after the Viceroy's health. As soon as he arrived he saw that
the illness was feigned^ and reporting that he had come he immediately
proceeded to return. The Feringhis thought that " when such a
prey has come into our grasp it will be well if we get some harbours
out of him.'^ The Viceroy intercepted him and requested him to stay
till some presents should be brought before him. The Sult;an said
'^ send them afterwards/' and saying this he hastily went towards his
own vessel. The Feringhi Qazi' stopped him and bade him wait
and the Sulj^an impatiently drew his sword and clove him to the
waist. He then jumped from their vessel on to his own. The
Portuguese boats which were round about closed in upon her and st 146
fight began. The Suljtan and Bumi Khan ^ flung themselves into the
sea. A Feringhi acquaintance of Rumi Khftn drew him out, but the
Sultan was drowned/ and his attendants also perished. The chrono-
I C£)i^ representing the Portuguese
YiBerei. His name was Nuno da
Cuiiha.
* Apparently Manuel de Sousa,
Governor of Din. Qazi seems used
here for Magistrate or Governor.
* This Rami Kh^u was himself
an European, which may account
for his being saved by a Portuguese.
Barros says he was the son of an
Albanian father and an Italian
mother and was born at Brindisi,
and first came to the east on the
fleet of the corsair Sulaiman in
1516 (Conti says his birthplace
was Otranto). He built the fort of
Surat, apparently in 947 and not
in 930, as stated by Anquetil du
Perron. See Blochmann, 354. The
Portuguese called him Khwaja
Safar and Safar Aghft* He was
killed at the siege of Diu in 1546.
* The accounts of Bahadur's death
are very conflicting, and it is diflicult
to decide how he came by his death.
My friend Mr. Whiteway has refer-
824
akbarnAka.
gram is Faringiydn'i'Bahddur'kMsA ' (943=1531). And some ased c<^
say that he (Bahfidur) came to the surface and reached the shore in
safety. And subsequently there were reports in Gujrdt and the Oeccac
of his having been seen by people. For instance, on one oceaeion ^
person appeared in the Deccan whom the Nizamn-1-Mulk acknowlede*
ed, and played Caugdn (polo) with. A crowd gathered round hiw,
and the NizSm perceiving this resolved to put hini to death. On that
same night he disappeared from his tent, and people concladed that
the Nizftm had destroyed him. One day Mir Abu Turab* who is one
of the GujrSt grandees, related that MuUa Qntbu-d-dm of Shiraz,
who was SuUnn Bahadur's preceptor, was at that time in the I>eccan
and that he took an oath that the man was certainly Sultdn Bahadur,
and that he had spoken to him of certain matters only known to
themselves, and had received intelligent replies. It cannot be said
that in the wide kingdom of God's power such things are impossible.
In fine, when Sultan Bahadur had thus disappeared in the sea.
and his officers were sitting in the dust (i.e., were in mournin>r>*
red me to a long and interesting
account by Correa. Naturally this
man pnts the blame on Bahadur.
It would be more satisfactory if
we could get the official report on
the occurrence which must surely
be somewhere in the Portuguese
archives. No doubt the responsibi-
lity of explaining Bahadur's death
rests on the Portuguese for he was
their guest or at least visitor, and
was killed among their ships. There
is a long account of the affair
in the Mirat-i-SikandarT, p. 28 et
seq. See also Bayley's Gujrat.
There is this to be said for the
Mufiammadan chroniclers that they
do not represent Bahadur as guilt-
less in the matter. They represent
him as trying to outwit the Portu-
guese and anxious to get the viceroy
into his power. They are therefore
niore honest than the Portuguese
who try to make out that Bahidnr
went on board to kill the viceror
and that the Portuguese were alto-
gether blameless. Probably th**
truth is that Bahadur went on bourti
in order to induce the viceroy to
return with him, that the vicerov
on the other hand wanted to detain
him, and that then a scuffle aroM*
in which Bahadur was slain. It i.«
curious that the Mirat-i-Sikandari
does not mention Safar Agti& iu faix
list of Bahadur's companions, aiui
that he says they all likewise
perished.
* " Feringis, slayers of Bahadur **
(or "of heroes"). A more poetical
chronogram was devised by IlLhtiya**
Kh^n, viz., Sultdnu-l'har — ShtJitiitt-
Ubahr: "Monarch ashore, Mart\r
asea." This also makes 943.
■ Blochmann, 50G.
OBArTER XXIV.
825
Muhammacl Zaman Mirza put on bine clothes as monming for the
Sultan, and by hypocritical means got a portion of the treasures of
Oiijrat into his possession, while another portion fell into the hands
of the Peringhls, and some was plundered. He also called himself
the son * of Suljan Bahadur's mother, and sometimes demanded from
the Peringhls satisfaction for the murder, and sometimes secretly sent
them large sums of money in order that they might use their in-
fluence in having him acknowledged as sovereign (lit. recite the
Khutba in his name). So that for some days they read the Khutba
in his name in the Safa* Mosque. And he for some time went about
as an adventurer till at last 'Imadu-1-mnlk brought an army against
him and defeated him. From thence he being helpless and ashamed
cast a glance of hope, towards kissing the threshold of his Majesty
JahanbdnT, as will be hereafter related in its proper place. But leaving
such matters, to speak of which is to indulge in amplifications and
rhetoric, I proceed to my proper subject.
When his Majesty JahSnbanT Jannat-ashiyani arrived at the
capital the audacious spirits of that neighbourhood who had raised
the head of refractoriness, and extended the neck of dispute came
into subjection and obedience, and made tribute the material of their 147
own peace and safety. The dominions became adorned with repose
and steadfastness.
i See Mirat-i-Sikandari 293.
* 1 do not know where this is. The
Mirat-i-Sikandari lith. ed., p. 293, says
that M. Zaman was near Uuah which
18 3 kos from Diu, and that he there
set himself up as Saltan. Unah is
referred to in Jarrett II, 244 and
247 and 258. See also I. G. art.
Una. The Mirat says *Imadu-l-
mulk defeated M. Zaraan-at-Zamar in
Surat (Kdthidwdr) near Unah.
Probably the mosque in question is
in Diu for Mr. Whiteway tells me
that the Portuguese authorities say
that the ^{luiha was read for a time
in M. Zaman's name in Diu.
326 akbartiAmi.
CHAPTER XXV.
March of His Majbbtt JahanbAn! Jannat-asbitAn! to bubduv
Bengal; his conqokst of that countbt and bbtukm
TO the Capital^ and what happened in
THE meanwhile.
When the world-adoming mind had finished the affairs of tho<e
regions, (i.e., Agra and the territories referred to at end of last chap-
ter) his princely genius addressed itself to the arrangements for as
expedition to Gujrat, so that he might again turn the reins of hi^
intent towards that province and might, contrary to former dis-
positions, make over its management to men whose behaviour should
show steadiness in administration, and whose proceedings should not
be characterised by mutability and confusion. He purposed th;it
when his mind was at ease with regard to the settlement of the
province, he would return to the capital. Meanwhile news came
of the emergence of Sher Khan and of his commotions in the
eastern provinces. Hence the design of subduing Bengal^ which
had entered his Majesty's heart before the affairs of 6ujr&t and had
been put off on account of the latter now revived, and orders were
issued to make preparations for an expedition to Bengal. It was
decided that gl^er Kh§n should be put down and the territories of
Bengal subdued.
Account of flafiR KbAn.^
This Sher Khan belonged to the AfgJ^an tribe of Sur. His old
name was Farld, and he was the son of Hasan, the son of Ibrahim
Slierakhail. Ibrfihim was a horse-dealer, nor had he any distinction
aiuong the crowd of tradesmen. His native country was the village
I A. F*8. account 18 inferior to
Nij5amu-d-d!n'8 (copied by Firiihtft)
and to Kh^^ Khan'a. See also Dorii's
History of the Afgha^iUi P* 80 et seg,
and Garvin do Ta8sy*8 translation oi
the Chronicle of Sh^r Shih,
CHAPTRR XZV.
327
of Si^amla < in the territory of NdrnuL* His son Hasan developed
some nobleness ' and from trading took to soldiering. For a long
time he was in the service of BaTinal, the grandfather of Balsftl
Darbarl,* who is at present honoured by being in the service of hia
Majesty the gl^ahinshah. From there he went to Caund ^ in the
territory of Sahasram and became a servant of Nafir l^§n Luhini who
was an officer of Sikandar Lodi. By service and ability he sur-
passed his follows, and when NasTr Khan died, he entered the service
of his brother Daulat !^Sn. After that he was enrolled among the
followers of Baban who was one of the grandees of Sultan Sikandar
LodT, and achieved a certain amount of distinction. Many things 148
were accomplished by his management. His son Farid pained his
own father by his arrogance and evil disposition, and separated from
him. For a time he was in the service of T^j KhSn LodT and for
a while he was in Oudh in the service of Qasim Husain Uzbak.
For a long time he was servant of Sultan Junaid Barlas.^ One
day Snlt^an Junaid Barlas had taken occasion to introduce him and
two other Afghans who were in his service to his Majesty Glti-sitfini
Firdaus-makanT. As soon as the farseeing glance of his Majesty
fell upon him he remarked *' Suit to Barlas, the eyes of this Afghan,
(pointing to Fand) indicate turbulence and strife-mongering, he
ought to be confined." He received the other two favourably.
Farid got apprehensive on seeing his Majesty Giti-sitini^s look,
and fled before Sultan (Junaid) could make him over to his men.
Meanwhile his father died and his property fell into his hands. In
the territory of Sahasrfira, and in the jungles of Caund, which is
a pargana of Bohtas, he began to give trouble by practising theft,'
I Or Simla, according to some. A
pencil note to Chalmers' MS. transla-
tion has Shanily 55 miles N. of Dihli.
> In the district of Agra. J^irrett,
I [, 193.
> Ba qadr raiJidi paidd harda*
♦ Blochmann, 419.
* The text has JQna. Caund or
Cand is correct. See Beames J.A.8.B.
for 1895, p. 81. It was in Sarkar
Kohtas.
* He was governor of Kara MSnik-
par (in Allahabad) under Babar and
was younger brother of Babar s Vizier
Ni^Srau-d-dTn. Dom I.e. 92. He
died in 94^, (1536-37). See Firishta.
1 These charges may be exaggera^
ted, but they are corroborated by
ShSr SbSh's alleged confession to
Malla ShKn, Elliot IV, 393n.
828
akbaunIma.
robbeiy and mnrder. In a short space of time He hy craft &r. '
unrighteousness surpassed the rebels of the age. Accordini^ly Saltxm
Bahndur of Gujrat sent him a subsidy by the hands of merch&Dt-
and summoned him to his side. Farid made the money into capital fj-
sedition, and sent excuses for not going. He occupied Himself i-
usurpations, attacks nnd in plundering towns and villages. Id »
short time many rascals and vagabonds gathered round hiin. Meio:'
Tvhile the governor * of Bihar who was one of the Luh.aaT noblt^*
departed this life^ and there was no one left to take up the thre^i
of his duties. Sher Oidn and his vagabonds made a raid and ^.'i
hold of much property. Then he returned to his own place, *nii
suddenly attacked Ulugh Mlrzi, who was near Sirwa (Siru). By crafi
he got the better of him. From there he turned aud attacked Benares,
and when he had acquired troops and property he went to Patna au<I
took possession of that country. He fought a battle at Sorajgarh*
which is the boundary of the territories of the ruler of Beugai,
and won a victory. That country also came into his hands. For a
year he carried on war against NuQrat gtah,* the ruler of Bengal,
and for a long while he besieged Gaur.*
One remarkable circumstance was that S^er Khan came to hear
of an eminent astrologer in the service of the Eaja of Orissst. As
he had vain and rebellious thoughts he sent for this astrologer to get
information about his success. The Rajft would not let him go, but
the astrologer wrote to ^er Khan that he would not prevail over
Bengal till the lapse of a year, and that he would prevail on a par-
ticular day> on which the Ganges would be fordable for an hoar.
149 By fate, what was written came to pass.'
I This is Sultftn Muhammad, son of
Paryi La^'^nl. Stewart's Bengal 131.
Khttf^ Kh*" <-'«^l^« 1**"* Bahadur Khan
LntatiT, Bib. Ind. cd. 1. 89. In Dorn'a
History and in Stewart ho is called
• In Monghyr and at the oast end
of that diHtriot. But apparently this
in li Nlip of tlio autlior for Till&garhl
in IIhi Hoiithal rurKauaa. Sco
Jurn«lt 11, Ihi and nuto.
B Text, noflh but this is wroiiir.
See Jarrett II, \47n. and Riyd»u-a*
9aldtXn, Bib. Ind. text 139.
* The text has Gorakhpar, but a
note says that many M8S. ha\ o
Gaur. The context and history shovr
that Gaur is right. See Stewiirt's
Bengal, 120. Gaur capitulated in
1537 to Sh^r Shah's son.
^ See Erskine*H note on this pn*.
dicion II, 135». Apparently the pre*
OHAFTBB XXV.
829
Verse*
1 heard from a sage that wisdom is plentif al|
But that it ia scattered about among mankind.
During the time that the royal standards were engaged in con-
quering Mftlwft and Gujrit^ g^er IS^ka seized his opportunity and
made great progress. The above is a sketch of the beginning of his
career. The remainder of his story^ the last of his actions, and his
wretched end will be narrated in a parenthesis of the account of
Lis Majesty JahanbanT, so that the authors of strife and contention
may take warning therefrom.^
In fine, as the idea of an expedition to the eastern provinces
had become fixed in the mind of his Majesty Jahanb&ni, Mir Faqr
'All, who had been one of the great officers of his Majesty Flrdaus-
makani Giti-sitanT was appointed to the charge of Dihll while
Agra was entrusted to Mir Muhammad BakhshT, who was one of the
trusted servants of the State. Yidgfir Na^ir Mirza, his Majesty's
cousin, was sent to Kalpi which was his jdlglr in order to manage
that quarter. Nuru-d-din Muhammad Mirza ■ who was married to
his Majesty's sister Gulrang Begam and was the progenitor of
Salima Sulj^n Begam, was appointed to the charge of Qanauj. His
Majesty having in this manner arranged the officers of his kingdom
went ofE to the eastward by boat, along with his chaste and veiled
diction must refer to something that
occurred at the siege of Graur, which
was situated on an old channel of
the Gauges, for we do not hear that
the real Granges became fordable on
the days of Causa and Qanauj.
I A.P's moralising is rather mis-
placed. Was Sher Khan's death
when engaged in a holy war and in
the hour of victory, as pitiable as
the slip on a stair which ended
HamayUn's days P
s The MaMXT-i'Tahiml (MS. A. S.B.
194a) says that Kilru-d-dTn was the
son of Mirza 'Ala'u-d-daula who was
related to Shwaja Qasan 'Attar who
again was son of Ehwaja 'Ala'u-d-
42
din who was the first Khalifa of the
Naqghbandl order. The Gulrang
BSgam whom NQru*d-dfn married
was Humaydn's half-sister, being a
daughter of Dildar Begam and full-
sister of Hindal and Gulbadan
Begam. Her daughter Salima was
first married to Bair&m and after-
wards to Akbar. Bairam received
Salima in marriage as a reward for
his helping Humaynn to conquer
India, and also perhaps because they
were related. Sallma's great-grand-
mother, Paeha Begam being a
daughter of Bair&m's ancestor 'AH
Shnkr who belonged to the Turko-
mans of the Blaok Sheep.
880
akbabnIma.
cotiBorts. MTrzfi 'Askarl and Mirzi Hindftl aocompanied him, wL
among the officers were IbrihTm Beg Cabuq,^ Jahan^r Qali Bl:
Khnsrau Beg Kdkaltash, Tardi Beg Khan, Que Beg.s Ta.rdi Beg
Etavva, Bairam !^§n, Qasim Qusain Ki^ftn Uzbak, Bucaka Be^, ZiU-
Beg, Dost Beg, Beg Mirak, Haji Mahammad (son of) Baba Qo^'^p
Ya'qub Beg, Nihal Beg, Bdsj^an Beg, Mugful Beg and a large niimK'*
of other distinguished men. The army proceeded by land anJ
by water whilst his Majesty, sometimes sitting in a boat and son:^
times riding on horse-back, deliberated on the affairs of state a>.
proceeded towards the fort of Canar where was S^er Khan. Wlifi
the army drew nigh to Cunar, M. Muhammad Zaman came fn^r;
Gujrfit with the dust of confusion on his forehead and the drop« 'V
shame on his cheek, and had the happiness to be permitted to ki>«
the lofty threshold. The brief account of this occurrence ia as fc>
160 lows. His Majesty's dear sister Ma^^uma Sulj^an Begam,* the Mlrsi •
wife, had in Agra petitioned about the Mirza's guilt and had i^
ceived an order of reconciliation. His Majesty from his innate
goodness, drew the line of forgiveness over his offences and directed
that he should be sent for. When the Mlrzi arrived near the ^rand
army, a number of high officers were sent to meet him, and mrhen he
was a day's journey off, M. 'Askarl and M. HindSl went oat iu
accordance with the lofty commands and embraced him. M. 'Askarl
saluting him by raising his hand up to his breast, while M. Hindal
saluted ^ by putting his hand on his head. They brought the Mlrzi
with respect to the camp and that day the Mlrza, in accordance with
the king's command, was conveyed to his own tent. Next day he
was brought to the lofty pavilion and. having done homage, was
treated with royal favours. Twice was he exalted in one assemblage
by a special kbil^at^ a belt, a sword and a horse. Bravo I At the
1 Blochmann 332, who writes
Jabaq. Probably edhuk 'celer,' is
the correct reading. Perhaps he is
the Ibrahim BSgcik of the Tar. Badk.
Elias and Ross, 470, and described
there as father of Jahinglr Qull
> Blochmann 455, Bfibar 95 and 363.
* Quahqa is a Turkish word meaning
the star on a horao'a forehead. B&ba
Qufihqa was a servant of B&bar, 364.
* Half-sister of HamayQn, being
the daughter of Ma'^ama, the
daughter of Saltan Ai^mad and who
married her cousin B&bar. Babar 208.
» See Blochmann 158 for A.F.'s
account of the taalim, 'Askarl being
the elder brother did not lalataao
humbly as HindiL
I
CHAPTBB xxr. 831
Ifate of God's electa bIds are requited (liL bought) by beuefits, and
'wickednesses are reckoned as virtues. There is such plenty in the
Btore-house of divine grace that His peculiar mercies are co-ordinate
vritb offenders ; in proportion as they increase their crimes and sins
do they obtain increase of grace and forgiveness. This attribute
is tlie more appropriate to princes in that they are the shadows of
6od^ BO that by passing over ofiEences no harm is done to the breadth
of their mercy and the amplitude of their power ; and the wretch
who is ashamed of his evil deeds, obtains an order of release from
the pit of torture. In short his Majesty Jahfinbani Jannat AshySnij
in spite of rebellion so great that (even) to pardon it were improper,
became an expounder ot the Divine ethics and returned good for
evil. God be praised I His Majesty, the ^ahins^ah of the Age,
( Akbar) hath these noble qualities and weighty ethics ; they are part
of his nature and of the essence of his holy soul,^and in the meting
out of punishment he practises a consideration and hesitation such
as no other king has been adorned with from the cycle of Adam
until now. In this book a few instances will be given out of many.
May God Almighty increase daily this family and may He, in reward
of this generous nature bestow plenteous blessings on his Majesty's
life and dominion 1
In short when g^er Khan was apprized of the uprearing of the
victorious standards, he left his son Quj^b Khtn and many others in
Cuu&r, and after strengthening the fort, departed to Bengal. He
conquered that country in war and obtained much booty. When
the world-conquering army of his Majesty JahSnbinl Jannat-ashi- 161
yam encamped near Cunar, he applied himself to the taking of
the fortress. Hum! Khan who was the paragon of the age for over-
coming grand forts and sky-high castles, and who had left Su].tan
Bahadar after the victory of Mandasor, and been enrolled as one
of his Majesty's servants, and exalted by the office of Mir Ata§k
(Director of Ordnance) constructed a covered way (sdhat) upon
boats and arranged such a roof (sati^a) with strong partitions (?) on
the top of a platform of planks that the ingenious and skilful bit
the finger of astonishment in admiration of the workmanship.^ And
I See Ni{;aina-d-din's account,
Elliot y, 200. It is more detailed
and more intelligible than A.F.'8. Ap-
parently Bam! ^an built a wooden
tower so lofty that when placed on
boats and conyejed across the river
83i
akbarhIha.
he carried such'mines under the walls that when they ifn
Time and the Terrene {zamin u zamdn) were shaken. Qajtb K3ur
fled^ and the remainder of the garrison asked for quarter uiil crli-
out. The fort fell into the possession of the king's servajits. !-•
for those admitted to quarter, they were about 2,000 in namb^
though his Majesty JahanbanT had ratified Kumi i^hsn's pronii-c
and had pardoned ( f ) them, yet Mu'ayyid Beg Diildai,' wlio ^iras 03=
of the confidential officers, added to the order that their hand*
should be cut off, and represented that this was the king's comiiian<]
such was the usurpation* of authority that he displayed ! Hf»
Majesty Jahftnbfini censured him for this. Bum! I^an l^ceived rojsi
favours, and his influence and renown were increased. In retura
for his services the fort was made over to him, but in a few dzp
he became by destiny an object of envy to the world and pesse^l
away, poisoned.
When his mind was free of this affair, the expedition to Bengal
J)resented itself before him. Nai?!b Stfth,^ the ruler of Bengal, came
io the foot of the hill, it enabled the
assailants to get to the wall under
cover. See also Janhar, Stewart 10,
and Tiefenthaler's plate I, 450,
No. XXIX which shows a wall
coming down to the water's edge.
1 Dom's History of the Afghans,
p. 112, calls him the son of Sul-
tftn Mal^mad, and the Chronicle of
gj^Sr Sh&b says the same thing but
adds the epithet Daldai. Garcin de
Tassy, p. 84. Duldai is a division of
the BarlSs tribe. Blochmann 388n.
Niyamu-d-dln says that only the
artillerymen had their hands cut off,
and that this was done by Humayfln's
orders. It is impossible that 2,000
men- could have their hands cut off
without Humiyfln's becoming ac-
quainted with the fact while the
brutality was going on. Jauhar,
(Stewart 10), who is perhaps the
most to be trusted, as he was with
HumiyQn at the tim«, says that
BSmT Khan caused the hands of tk*
artillerymen to be cut off, and tha(
HumayQn was very angry with him
on this account. The same anthorit?
says that Bumi BIhSn's float ire
battery, &c., did little execution.
Bayazld 216. tells us that Mn'ayjid
died in Kabul shortly after the first
taking of it, to the unixersal joy of
the army, who regarded him as a
Satan and as the cause of the loss
of India, &o.
s I am not sure Of the meaning
but think that iahakhtim is used in
the sense of fancied or slf-assumed
authority. B. M. MS. has a ki at
the end of the words which perhaps
is an improvement, the meaning
then being that M. BSg so far
usurped authority that HumayOn
had to rebuke him.
ft Naslb is apparently intended
for Nu^rat, but both names appear
%b be wrong. Nu^at died in 943
CHAPTRB ZXT.
888
vrounded to the world-protecting Conrti and implored help against
aKer Kb&n. This was an additional reason for conquering Bengal^
and another call to him to proceed there. His Majesty comforted
Yiiux by his princely sympathy^ and distingaished him by royal
favours. As the expedition had now been determined upon^ Jaun-
piir and its territory was made over to Mir Hindu Beg who was one
of the great officers, while Gunar was given to Mirak Beg. Pre^
parations having been made, the army proceeded by land and water.
When Patna became the camping ground, the loyal servants of the
Court represented that the rainy season had arrived, and that if
liis Majesty delayed the Bengal expedition until this season had
passed over, this would be consonant with the rules of conquest,
sinoe the passage of cavalry into Bengal at this season was very
difficult, and would be productive of destruction to the soldiers.
The ruler of Bengal looked to his own interests and represented that
S^er ^&n had not yet confirmed himself in Bengal, and that to
march speedily against him would be a means of extirpating him 162
with ease. His Majesty out of consideration for this oppressed one,
and from the plausibility of his statements, gave orders for the
advance. In Bhagalpur he divided the army, sending M. Hindil
across the river with 5000 or 6000 men to march along its banks on
that side. When the army had encamped at Monghyr, news came
that Jalal Oian, the son of gi^er ^&n, who after his father^s death
took the name of Sallm ^an,L with Khawa^? Khanj Barmazid,'
Sarmast O^an,^ Haibat K^an Niyazi,* and Bahar Khan ^ with about
15,000 men had come to Grarhl which is, as it were, the gate of
Bengal, and that having strengthened it they were meditating strife
and sedition.
A.H., or earlier, and the King of
Bengal who fled, wounded, to Hu-
mayan, was Ma^mAd or Saltan
Ma^mild g^ah, another of the 18
sons of the famous ^nsain Shah.
No Naslb appears in the list of
kings of Bengal, but probably there
was such a name for there is a
quarter of the town of ^urflhida-
bad called Naf ibpftr.
1 Elsewhere A. F. calls him Islam
Shan.
• BarmazTd Goor, Dom, 128.
• An Afghan tribe, Jarrett II. 403.
• This according to Dom, 93, was
a title given by gher Khan to ^abib
E^an Kakar.
' Or Pahar.
834
AXBARVlVA.
The account of this affair is ad follows: When Sier K
heard of the approach of the imperial army he coald not r*'
himself to fight but went off hy way of Jhirkhand,^ so tbat wb?r
grand army came into Bengal^ he might go to Bihfir and sr.:
commotion in that province^ and also that he might place the sp: :
Bengal in safety. He left Jal&l l^&n and a large body of men i
Garlil and arranged that when the conquering army approached :
he himself had got to Sl^erpur^* they should make haste to join h
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from Shagv.'
Ibrftlum Beg C&buq, Jah&ng!r Qui! Beg^ Bairfim Beg^ Nahil K:
Roshan Beg, Gurg 'All Beg, Bacaka Bahadur^ and a largB L:
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arriT.
in the neighbourhood of Gafhl, Jal&I Khan departed from his fatht-
instructions, got together his army and attacked the <»kmp. P.
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting^ ao as :
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the enenj
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Bairi^
Ktftn turned several times and attacked the enemy, and dispers^J
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management ht
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactoriiT.
'All O&n MahftwanT,* Haidar Bakhs^i and several other ofiicerr
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to tbt
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On the '
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was snnk at
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans,
the wretches fled. MirzA Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhnt
163 and Purniyfi was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new
i JhSrkband is sometimeu identi-
fied with ChatiaNagpar. It also
represents the jungle mahaU of
MidnapSr. It seems to me not im-
probable that the name here is a
mistake for Bharkflndi» in BlrbhUm.
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's 5ar-
kdr$ J., R. A. S., January, 1896. p. 97
and Jarrett II, 139. Bharkanda was
inaarikar.BhArlffibSd. Dorn p. 107,
speaks of Qh^r Sh^'a retreat-
ing to the mountains of Bercund,
and Garcin de Tassy's ChroniciV
of ShSr Sh&h {76) is to the same
effect. If the gh^rpftr mentioned
later be Qh^Erpur AtaT, BharkOnda i>
more likely to be right than Jhir-
khand.
* There are several Sh^rpttrs, hot
Sl^Srpar Atil is probably the one
meant. Blochmann 341, Jacrett II,
140, and text Ain I, 407.
• Possibly the name is Mahiwatl.
CHAPTBR XZY. 835
ef , BO tliat he should come from thence with a proper equipment to
(eiig^a.1. His Majesty Jah&nb§ni proceeded from there^ march hj
aarcli^ to Bengal^ and bj the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^
^er !Sb.&n and the other Afghans having taken the choicest treasures
Df Bengal* went off by Jharkhand towards Boht&s^ and got possession
of it by means of stratagem,
8s£b Edam's taking of Fort Rohtas.
The short account of this is as follows : When S^er ^an
arrived in the neighbourhood of Bohtas^ which is a very strong fortj
he sent messengers to Raja Cintaman^^ a brahman, the owner of the
f ort^ reminding him of past favours^ and after making a foundation
of friendship^ he represented to him that he was in a difficulty^ and
begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and
dependants into the fort, and thus make him (gher lOian) pledged
to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the
simple-minded Raja was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He^
a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and
placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed
on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his
soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers
there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to
Bengal.
History of HumayGn (besumbd).
His Majesty JahinbanT found the climate of Bengal agreeable
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country
jgathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hinddl
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with-
out permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were
1 30th May, 1538. to 18th May, 1 539.
Apparently Gaur was taken during
the rains and probably in June, 1538.
s Bangala. Probably here and else-
where Gaur, and not the province, is
meant.
& KiKamn-d-dfn and Qi&fi Kh&n
call him Ear Kisban. Dorn, 93,
speaks of the BajS of Bohtas'
having a brahmcun named Chnra-
man who had much influence with
him and who was won over by Sher
B[han.
♦ According to Dom, 110, the
story of the litters is false.
834
AXBARKlVA.
The acconnt of thia affair is ad follows: When Sb^^* £
heard of the approach of the imperial army he coald not ^^ ~
himself to fight bat went off hy way of Jharkhand,^ so tliat whec
grand army came into Bengali he might go to Bihfir and slv
commotion in that pro vince^ and also that he might place the Bpc*v
Bengal in safety. He left Jalil ^an and a large body of men c.
Garhi and arranged that when the conqnering army approached »
he himself had got to Slierpuri* they should make haste to join t
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from BhagB/
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, Jahangir Quli Beg, Bairfim Beg^ Nahal K.
Rdshan Beg, Gurg 'All Beg, Bacaka Bahadur, and a lar^ f -
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arrn
in the neighbourhood of Garhl, Jalal Khftn departed from hia fatb*
instructions, got together his army and attacked the camp. T.
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting^ so ae '
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the ener j
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Bains
Khan turned several times and attacked the enemy, and disperk i
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management b.
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactorily.
'All Khan Mahfiwan!,^ Haidar Bakhs^i and several other officers
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to ih-:
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On tL:
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was sunk at
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans,
the wretches fled. Mirz& Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhot
153 and PurnTyft was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new
^
I JhSrkbaud is BometimeB identi-
fied with Ghatia NagpcLr. It also
represents the jungle mahals of
MidnapQr. It seems to me not im*
probable that the name here is a
mistake for Bharkandi» in BlrbhUm.
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's Sar*
JcdrB J., R. A. S., January, 1896, p. 97
and Jarrett II, 139. Bharkanda was
inforJkdr.QharlfftbSd. Dorn p. 107,
speaks of QhSr Shin's retreat-
ing to the mountains of Beround,
and Garcin de Tassy's Chronicle
of ShSr Sh^ (7^) is to the same
effect. If the ShSrpilr mentioned
later be Sh^rpQr Ataf, Bharkanda i^
more likely to be right than Jhir-
khand.
* There are several Shirp&rs, but
gh^iT^^ ^t^^ ^B probably the one
meant. Blochmann 341, Jacrett II,
140, and text Ain I, 407.
s Possibly the name is Mahiwati.
CHAPTBR XXY.
835
^f , BO til at he should come from thence with a proper equipment to
en^^l* His Majesty Jah&nbani proceeded from there, march by
larcb, to Bengal, and by the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^
iher Khan and the other Afgh&ns having taken the choicest treasures
»f Bengal^ went off by Jharkhand towards Bohtfts, and got possession
>£ it by means of stratagem.
85EB SslN^S TAKING OF FOBT ROHTAS.
The short account of this is as follows : When g^er ^an
arrived in the neighbourhood of Bohtas^ which is a very strong fort^
he sent messengers to Raja Cintaman^^ a brahman, the owner of the
f ort^ reminding him of past favours^ and after making a foundation
of friendship^ he represented to him that he was in a difficulty^ and
begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and
dependants into the fort^ and thus make him (S^er !^an) pledged
to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the
simple-minded Raja was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He^
a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and
placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed
on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his
soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers
there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to
Bengal.
HiSTOBY OF HCMAY^ (BESUMBD).
His Majesty JahSnbani found the climate of Bengal agreeable
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country
jgathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. HindSl
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with-
out permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were
i 30tli May, 1638, to 18th May, 1 539.
Apparently Gaur was taken daring
the rains and probably in June, 1538.
s Bangala. Probably here and else-
where Gaur, and not the province, is
meant.
> Ni0mQ-d-dTn and Sh&fl Eh&n
call him Ear Kishan. Dorn, 93,
speaks of the Baj& of Bohtss'
having a brahma/n named Chnra-
man who had much influence with
him and who was won over by Sher
♦ According to Dom, 110, the
story of the litters is false.
834
AKBARVlVA.
The acconnt of this affair is aft follows: When ^^er \
heard of the approach of the imperial army be coald noi ^
himself to fight bat went off by way of Jhirkhand^^ so that when
grand army came into Bengal^ he might go to JBihSr and 9n:
commotion in that province^ and also that he might place the epoi!:
JBengal in safety. He left Jalfil ^an and a large body of men n
Garhi and arranged that when the conquering army approached .
he himself had got to gl^erpur^* they should make haste to join L.
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from Bhftgai
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, Jahangir Qui! Beg, Bairftm Begj M'ahal K'.
Rds^an Beg, Gurg 'All Beg, Bacaka Bahadur^ and a lar^ f.*
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arrfr'
in the neighbourhood of Garhi, Jalal Khin departed from his faik*-
instructions, got together his army and attacked the oamp. T.
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting so as *i
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the enecj
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Batii:
Khan turned several times and attacked the enemy, and disperst:*.
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management hi
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactorilT.
'All Khan MahftwanT,* Haidar Bakhshi and several other ofiice:^
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to tK
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On th^
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was sunk s!
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans,
the wretches fled. Mirza Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhnt
153 and Purniyfi was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new
I JhSrkband is sometimea identi-
fied with Ch&tia Nagpar. It also
represents the jungle mahala of
MidnapQr. It seems to me not im-
probable that the name here is a
mistake for BharkQnda in BlrbhUm.
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's Sa/r-
hdr$ J., R. A. S., January, 1896, p. 97
and Jarrett II, 139. BharkiLnda was
in farjtar. Sharif ibid. Dorn p. 107,
speaks of Sh%r Sll^^'s retreat-
ing to the mountains of Beroond,
and Garcin de Tassy's Chronicle
of Sh^r gh&h (76) is to the same
effect. If the ShSrpflr mentioned
later be Sh^^p^r At&I, Bharkfinda h
more likely to be right than Jhir-
khand.
* There are several Sh^i'pArs, bat
Shgrpfir Atal is probably the one
meant. Blochmann 341, Jatreit II,
140, and text Ain I, 407.
• Possibly the name is Mahiwatl.
CHAPTBR zxy. 835
^f , BO tliat be should come from thence with a proper equipment to
eni^l. His Majesty Jah&nb&ni proceeded from there^ march by
larcb^ to Bengal^ and by the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^
•her KTiftn and the other Afghans having taken the choicest treasures
«f Beng^al* went off by Jharkhand towards Bohtds, and got possession
>f it by means of stratagem.
8S&B KhAn^s taking of Fort Rohtas.
The short account of this is as follows : When gher ^an
arrived in the neighbourhood of Rohtas^ which is a very strong fort^
lie sent messengers to Bajg Cintaman^^ a brahman, the owner of the
fort, reminding him of past favours, and after making a foundation
of friendship, he represented to him that he was in a difficulty, and
begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and
dependants into the fort, and thus make him (Sl^er ^an) pledged
to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the
simple-minded Rajg was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He^
a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and
placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed
on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his
soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers
there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to
Bengal.
History oi HumatGn (resumed).
His Majesty JahSnbanT found the climate of Bengal agreeable
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country
jgathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hindal
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with-
oat permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were
I 30th May,1538, to 18th May, 1539.
Apparently Ganr was taken during
the rains and probably in June, 1538.
> Bangala. Probably here and else-
where Gaur, and not the province, is
meant.
> Ni^ann-d-dln and ]S^&fl Ehau
call him Ear Kishan. Dom, 93,
speaks of the Baja of Bohtas'
having a brahmcm named ChnrS-
man who had much influence with
him and who was won over by Sher
Khan.
♦ According to Dom, 110, the
story of the litters is false.
834
AXBARKiVA.
The account of this affair is ad follows: When Sjter Khan
heard of the approach of the imperial army he could not bring
himself to fight but went off by way of Jharkhand^^ so that when the
grand army came into Bengal^ he might go to Bih&r and stir up
commotion in that province^ and also that he might place the spoils of
Bengal in safety. He left JaUl ^§n and a large body of men near
Garhi and arranged that when the conquering army approached and
he himself had got to gherpur,* they should make haste to join him,
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from Bhagalpur
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, Jahangfr Qull Beg, Bairftm Beg; Nahal Beg,
Rofhan Beg, Gurg ' Ali Beg, Bacaka Bahadur, and a large force
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arrived
in the neighbourhood of GrarhT, Jalal Kh&n departed from his father's
instructions, got together his army and attacked the camp. The
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting so as to
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the enemy
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Bairam
!^an turned several times and attacked the enemy, and dispersed
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management he
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactorily.
'All Khan MahftwanT,' Haidar Bakhs^i and several other officers
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to the
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On the
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was sunk at
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans^
the wretches fled. Mirza Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhnt
153 and PurnTyfi was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new
1 JhSrkband is sometimeH identi-
fied with ChQtia Nagp&r. It also
represents the jungle mahah of
Midnapor. It seems to me not im-
probable that the name here is a
mistake for Bharknnda in Blrbhilm.
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's 8ar-
Jedr$ J., R. A. S., January, 1896, p. 97
and Jarrett II, 139. BharkOnda was
in f orArdr. Sharif fibSd. Dom p. 107,
speaks of gh^r Khtn's retreat-
ing to the mountains of Beround,
and Garcin de Tassy's Chronicle
of ghSr 3h^ (76) is to the same
effect. If the Shgrpflr mentioned
later be Qh^rpfir At&l, BharkQnda is
more likely to be right than Jhar-
khand.
* There are several Sh^rpfirs, but
Shgrpflr Atal is probably the one
meant. Blochmann 341, Jairett IT,
140, and text Ain I, 407.
i Possibly the name is Mah&watl.
CHAFTBR XXY.
835
fief, BO that he should come from thence with a proper equipment to
Bengal. His Majesty Jah&nbdnl proceeded from there^ march by
march, to Bengal, and by the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^
S^er ^an and the other Afghans having taken the choicest treasures
of Bengal > went oS by Jhirkhand towards BohtSs, and got possession
of it by means of stratagem.
QSER ^An's taking of Poet Rohtas.
The short account of this is as follows : When gher Khan
arrived in the neighbourhood of Bohtas, which is a very strong fort,
he sent messengers to Raji Cintaman,^ a brahman, the owner of the
fort, reminding him of past favours, and after making a foundation
of friendship, he represented to him that he was in a difficulty, and
begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and
dependants into the fort, and thus make him (§^er Khan) pledged
to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the
simple-minded Rajft was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He,
a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and
placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed
on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his
soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers
there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to
Bengal.
History of HumatOn (bbsumed).
His Majesty Jahanbani found the climate of Bengal agreeable
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country
gathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hindal
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with-
out permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were
A 30th May,1538, to 18th May, 1539.
Apparently Ganr was taken during;;
the rains and probably in Jane, 1538.
s Bangala. Probably here and else-
where Gaur, and not the province, is
meant.
> Nisamu-d-dfn and Eh^H Eh^n
call him Bar Kishan. Dom, 93,
speaks of the Baja of Bohtas'
having a bnihma/n named ChnrS-
man who had much influence with
him and who was won over by Sher
Ehan.
* AccordiDg to Dom, 110, the
story of the litters is false.
836
AKBABNlUA.
sent to him they were without effect. After some days he
at the capital and arranged his seditious plans* In the inner-
chamber of his brain^ which was void of the divine halo^ ho
concocted the desire of sovereignty. Slier Kban, seeing the pro-
pitiousness of the time, extended his strife and sedition. He came
and besieged Benares ; he soon took it and put to death Mir Fa^li
the governor. From there he went to Jaunpur which was held by
Baba Beg Jalair, the father of gi^dham Khan, he having been appoint-
ed after the death of Hindu Beg. Bftba Beg brought Jaunpur
under discipline and sedulously strengthened it. Yusuf Beg, son of
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, was marching from Oudh to Bengal. He joined
Bfiba Beg, but was always scouring the country with an advanced
154 guard and was ever in quest of an engagement. Jalftl Otftn got
news of this, and made a rapid march with 2,000 or 3,000 men. Yusuf
Beg saw the dust of the army and was eager to fight. Though his
comrades pointed out to him the largeness of the enemy and the
smallness of his own force, it was of no avail, and he bravely drank
the last draught in the neighbourhood of JaunpQr. Next day the
enemy invested Jaunp&r. Bfibfi Khfin Jal&ir gave proof of courage
and skill in defending it, and sent off reports to the Mirz&s and
officers. He also made repeated representations to the Court (at
Gaur]. Mir Faqr 'All came fromDihli to Agra, and proffered sound
advice to M. Hindal. After much discussion he brought away the
Mirzfi from Agra to the other side of the river. He also appointed
Mubammad Bakhs^T to give what help the time allowed of, in des-
patching Mirza Hindfil quickly «to Jaunpur. Mir Faqr 'All then
went off from there to Kalpi to get Yadgar Naijir Mirza equipped for
the army, and to arrange for a meeting of the Mlrzas in the territory
of Karra,^ and for a march onwards from there. At this time
Khusrau Beg Kdkaltasb^ HdjT Muhammad (son of) Babft Qu^qa,
Zihid Beg, MTrz& Nazar and many others, out of crookedness and
fitrife-mongering absconded from Bengal and came to M. Nuru-d-din
Muhammad who had been left in Eanauj. The Mirzd reported their
arrival to M. Hindal, and requested that they should be personally
^ Agra in text, but Lucknow ed.
and Price have Karra (4 miles
W.N.W.All&h&bad)aadthisi8 clear-
ly right. Tiefenthaler I. 285 haa
plan of Karra.
GHAPTKR XXV. 837
received. M. Hindal sent friendly letters to them by Mul^ammad Ghaz!
Tughbaij^ who was ope of the Mirzd^s confidants. He also wrote ex-
planations of their arrival to Yidgar Nafir MirzS and Mir Faqr 'All.
The oflEicers who were with M. Nuru-d-din Muhammad^ did not wait for
an answer but came on to Kul (^AlTgarh) which was in Zahid Beg's
fief. Hindal's messenger heard of this on his way and hastened to join
them. These short-sighted disloyalists opened their raving moaths and
plainly said, '' Henceforth we do not serve the king; if you, as you
have already purposed, will have the hbuiha read in your own name,
we will enter into your service and render you faithful allegiance ;
otherwise we shall go to Mirza Kamran where happiness and a wel-
come are waiting for us (lit, are in our bosom).'' Muhammad GhazT
Tughbai returned and secretly delivered the officers' message and said,
that one of two things was inevitable. Either Hindal must have the
hb^tba read in his own name and send for and caress the officers, or
they must be laid hold of by stratagem and be confined. M. Hindab
whose head was always itching after folly, looked upon this opinion
as a valuable find, and with promises of kind treatment sent for those
irreflecting traitors and spoke soothingly to them, and confirmed
them in their evil imaginings.
When the alienation of Benares and Jaunpur was reported
to his Majesty Jahanbani and the deceitful designs of M. Hindal
became known to him, he despatched ghaikh Buhlul who was one
of the great g^aikhs of India and the recipient of royal favours, 166
from Bengal that he might proceed quickly to the capital, and by
sage advice restrain the Mirza from evil thoughts and induce
him to act with one accord in extirpating the Afghans. The
Sl^aiUb arrived post-haste, just when the officers were propounding
their wicked schemes and were near drawing M. Hindal away from
the straight path. M. Hindal went out to welcome him and brought
him with honour and respect to his own house. The Shaikh's
weighty words strengthened M. Hindal in the intention of serving
with which he had gone forth. Next day Muhammad Bakhshi was
brought in order that all the preparations for the army — gold,
camels, horses, accoutrements — might be made. Muhammad Bakhshi
represented that there was no money for the soldiers, but that there
* Or Taqbal. It is the name of an Afglian tribe. Jarrett II, 403.
43
888
AKBARKlHA.
was abundance of materials and stores^ and that he would carry out
everything as was desired. Four or five days had not passed
since this conversation when M. Nuru-d-din came in haste from
Qanauj. And apparently all that the officers had plotted together
was strengthened by his coming. Muhammad GhazT Tug^bai was
sent a second time to the officers and they reiterated what they had
said before, and made this condition, that^ as an indication that their
proposals had been accepted, ghaikh Buhlul, who was the king^s
envoy and was confounding their schemes, should be publicly pat
to death, so that everyone might be assured that M. Hindal had separ-
ated himself from the king, and that they (the officers) might serve
him with minds at ease. The Shaikh was engaged in arranging
for the march of the army, and was looking after the ordering of
the accoutrements, when the messenger * returned. In accord with
M. Nuru-d-dTn Muhammad the unbecoming proposal was ratified,
and M. Nuru-d-din Muhammad seized the Shaikh, by M. HindaFa
orders, in his house and taking him across the river, ordered him to
be beheaded s in a sandy spot near the Royal Garden. The aban-
doned officers came and did homage to the MTrza, and in an inaus-
picious hour and in a time of confusion the M^utba was read in
M. HindaVs name. The troops then marched ^ on. Though the
chaste Dildar 5ghaca Begam, M. Hindftl's venerable mother, and
the other Begams counselled him, it was absolutely of no avail. The
tongue of his actions uttered this verse.
«
Advice of man is wind in mine ear.
But 'tis a wind that fans my fire."
I I.e., Tughbal. He had gone to
'AlTgarh wlierethe oflScers still were,
being afraid to come on until Hin-
dal bad proved his adhesion to their
Bchcmos.
* Badaoni describes this occur-
rence and gives the chronogram
" Assuredly he died a martyr,"
faqad mdta 9}iahidan^=9 Hy {lhl\H).
Hhaildi Hubliil or Pul was one of
the great naints of India and older
brother of Muhammad Ghans of
Gwalyar. Badaoiit I. 4. M. Uaidar
speaks disparagingly of him as
merely a sorcerer, (p. 398,) but
apparently never saw him, and was
prejudiced against him because
Humayun's attachment to Buhlal
had made him neglect KhwajaNQra^
Haidar's patron saint.
* Presumably towards Dihll.
CHAPTBB ZXT.
339
When M. Hindfil had the hbufi)a read in his name and came
before his mother^ that cupola of chastity had a blue ^ cloth over her
breast. The MTrza said^ ^' What kind of dress is that yon have
donned at such a time of rejoicing T '* That cupola of chastity
replied, out of her foresight^ "Why do you regard me? I am wearing
mourning for you ; you are young (he was only 19) and have^ from the 166
instigation of irreflecting sedition-mongers^ lost the true way ; you have
girded your loins for your own destruction/' Muhammad Ba^^T*
came and said, '^ You have killed the gl^aikh ; why do you delay about
me ? " The Mirza treated him kindly and took him with him. When
Yadgar Nasir Mirza and Mir Faqr 'All heard of this bad business
they made a rapid march from Kdlpi vid Grwalyar, and coming to
Dihll took measures to strengthen the city and to provide for the
fort. The Mirza had reached Hamldpur^ near Flrozabsd^ when the
news came that Y&dgar Nasir Mirza and Mir Faqr 'All had
arrived at Dihll. The Mirza and the officers consulted together and
proceeded to invest Dihll. Many of the petty jdglrddrs round about
came and did homage to the Mirza, and he made march after march
and besieged Dihll. Yadgar Nasir MlrzS and Mir Faqr 'All exerted
themselves in holding the fort, and sent an account of affairs to
M. Efimran and begged him to come and quell the sedition. He set
out from Lfthor and when he came near Sonpat,* M. Hindal hurried
off to the province of Agra without having accomplished his purpose.
When M. EamrSn approached Dihll Mir Faqr 'All came and had
an interview with him, while Yadgar Nasir Mirza continued to hold the
fort as before. Mir Faqr 'All induced M. Kamran to proceed to
Agra, and M. Hindal not having the resolution to remain there went
off to Alwar. M. Kamran, after he came to Agra, desired that cupola
of chastity, Dildar Ag^aca Begam to soothe M. Hind§l and to
1 kahud the sign of mourning.
> Also called Saltan Muhammad,
(A.N., I. 269,) and perhaps the
BaJiiiih^ called Sultan Muhammad of
BadaUighftn- Blochmann 528. He
was a servant of Babar. (348 and 364.)
* 24 miles east of Agra. A pencil
note toChalmer's MS. suggests either
Umldpur 8 miles W. by N. Firoza-
bad, or Mu^ammadipur, Smiles S. B.
Ffrozabad. Y. Nasir Mirza and Faqr
*A1I went by the West of Dilili
and Hindal by the East, but he must
have been very remiss to let them
get from Kalpi to Dihll before him.
♦ I. G. 28 miles N. N. W. Dihll.
Jarrett II, 287, where it is spelt
Sonipat.
840
AKBAKNlWii.
recall tim to obedience. That matron (kadbdnu), the pavilion of
chastity^ brought M. Hindal from Alwar and introduced him to
M. Kamran with his shroud (futa ) round his neck. The Mirza (Kamrftn)
behaved with propriety^ and next day he forgave the seditious
officers and held a levee for them. The Mirzds and officers joined
together and crossed the Jumna in order to put down the rebellion
of gher !Oifin. But as auspiciousness did not guide those biglibom
ones they did not obtain the blessing of such a glorious service.
In fact when by celestial aid the country of Bengal had come
into possession of the imperial servants, and its capital had become
the headquarters of the army, and the great officers had obtained
large territories in fief, they gathered the materials of enjoyment
and pleasure and opened the gates of negligence in the front of their
lives. The pillars of sovereignty paid less attention to administration^
and strife-mongers, of which wretches this wide world is never free,
raised the head of discord and sedition. The time was at hand
when slumbering strife should lift up her downcast eyelashes.
Fissures found their way into the foundation of circumspection.
157 Information such as could be depended upon did not come to head-
quarters, or if one thing out of many became known to any of the
confidants, he had not the courage to communicate it, for the
arrangement then was that no particle of unpleasantness should be
bruited in the august assemblage. When by degrees the truth
about the rebellion in Hindust&n was conveyed by real well-wishers,
who, in disregard of their own advantage, represented the true
facts, his Majesty Jahfinbani called together the pillars of the state
and determined on the return of the Grand Army. Though from
excessive rain the country was under water, and the rivers were
tempestuous, and it was not the season for campaigning, yet on
account of the emergency it was considered that a return was
necessary for the preservation of the empire. The charge of Bengal
was ordered to be entrusted to Zahid Beg,< but that worthless one
took up the presumptuous ways of an old servant, and having given
^ He was married to a sister of
Ham&yOn'B favourite wife Begha
BBgam otherwise Qajl B^gam and
presumed thereupon. Jauhar, 13«
Some years afterwards he was
governor of Ghaznin and was pat
to death by K&mran.
CHAPTBR XXV.
341
way to evil desires^ abBconded and joined Mirzft Hindi!. His
Majesty* made over Bengal to Jahftngfr Qali Beg and left a large
force to support him. He then in the height ' of the rains turned
his bridle and set out for the capital (Agra) .
When S^er Khan heard of the returning of the royal army, and
of the departure of the Mirzis from Agra he withdrew from Jaun-
pur and proceeded towards Bohtis. His plan was that if the sub-
lime standards should come against him, he should avoid a battle
and return by the Jharkhand route, by which he had come, and aim
at Bengal, (qr. Qaur the capital) . And if this should not happen
(that Humfiyun's army should follow him) and if the imperial army
should proceed towards Agra and an opportunity offered itself, he
would follow in its wake and attempt a night attack. "When the
sublime army of his Majesty Jah5nbfini arrived at Tirhut,* gier
!^8n came to know the smallness of the force and the disorganiza-
tion of the royal camp, and waxed audacious (iAzrak) ^ and advanced
with a large and fully equipped army.
He got under his control all the country round about the army,
and no one was able to procure infdrmation about the enemy^s
manoeuvres. Ibn 'All Qarawalbegi (chief scout) went and brought
authentic news which were communicated to his Majesty through
* This is not very intelligible. The
rains of 946, (1539,) cannot be meant,
for the battle of Cansa did not take
place till 27th June, 1539, and after
Hnmayun had been encamped in the
neighbourhood for 2 or 3 months. I
suppose Hamayan must have left
Gaur in the end of th& rains of 1538,
t.6., in September or October, and
before the country was sufficiently
dried up. But if so, he must have
marched very slowly indeed not to
get to Causa till March or April.
The Hindustani chronicler of 8her
Shah. Garcin de Tassy, saysHumayun
left Bengal when the sun was entering
the sign of the Bull («.«., in April).
The same phrase 'adu'i'hdrdn,
height of the rains, has been already
used at p. 151, with reference to
Hindal's departure, though that must
have taken place a considerable time
before Humayun left Gaur.
* There is the variant Narhan, but
neither form seems correct, both
being too far east. Price has Purtuh
which he conceives may be Patna,
and a pencil note to Chalmer's
suggests Pumiya. This last seems
most likely. Humayun does not
seem to have advanced on the N. bank
of the Granges beyond over against
Monghir.
* A pun, iilrak meaning a little
i&«r tiger.
842
asbarnIma.
M. Muhammad Zaman. Though the grand army had orosaed the
Ganges^ and was marching to the capital^ yet when news was brought
of S^er Khan's arrival and of his being close by^ the flames of the
royal wrath were kindled^ and out of his perfect majesty and
dominion he turned his reins towards him. Though it was represented
to him that at such a time^ when the army was in the highest degree
without equipment — it having travelled such a distance through
168 mud — it was improper to march against the foe and to hasten to
the field of battle and that what was proper was to halt soniewhere
and recruit the army and then to undertake the crushing of the
enemy, — such views were not acceptable to his Majesty and so he
crossed the Ganges and marched against the foe.
It behoves us to know that it is an ancient canon and fixed
principle that, when the stewards of the kingdom of' Divine destiny
assign to an individual an article of price, they open beforehand the
gates of failure and cast him into a tumult of anguish, so that felicity
may not remove the unique pearl from its place, and that hy this
experience sorrow may be fulfilled and things brought to an equili-
brium. Accordingly, — as the apparition of the light-increasing* star
of mortals, which by showing itself in dreamland from out of QacQlI
Bahadur's bosom had exalted the vigilant by the blessing of ex-
pectation, was drawing nigh, — the countenances of the thoughts of
the meditative and farseeing are not scarred if before this there
appeared some misfortunes. Thus did such things happen at the
hands of sundry black-hearted, unwashed Afghans^ to a force
which might have conquered the universe. Thus was it that, con-
trary to the advice of ministers, the army marched against the
Afghans, and came face to face with 3]^er !^an at the village of
Bihiya ' which is a dependency of Bhojpur.* Tl^ere a hlack * river
called the Earmnasa (Text, Eanbas) flowed between the two armies.
The royal army made a bridge over it and crossed. Though the
royal army was small and many were without equipments, it was
victorious in every skirmish, and the Afghans were slaughtered on
every side. But the period of encountering and slaying was pro-
^Fat^pilr Bihia. Beames J. A. S. B.,
1886,6; Jarrettll. 157.
B In ah&habSd.
* An allusion to the evil reputation
of the KarmnasS* or Destroyer of
merit, among the Hindas. See B&bar,
408.
CHAPTBR XXV.
843
longed, and the great brethren, (Hnmayun's brothers), each of whom
could have conquered a clime, placed, out of shortBightedness, a
Btumbling block iu the way of their own fortune, and did not act
harmoniously. The blessedness of learning what service was at
such a crisis did not help their destiny. Though admonitory res-
cripts were sent to them, the impressions on these inspired tablets
took no form in the minds of those iron-hearts. S^er IQian, out
of craft, sometimes sent influential persons to the sublime porte to
knock at the door of peace, and sometimes cherished wicked thoughts
of war. At length he deceitfully and fraudulently left a body of
infantry and inefficient men, together with his artillery, in face while
he himself marched two stages to the rear and then encamped. The
royal army, which had all along been victorious, did not understand
the craft of that trickster, so they followed and encamped. When
an event is going to happen in accordance with destiny, carelessness 169
on the part of the sagacious comes in to help. In this way great
remissness ensued in keeping watch. At length Muhammad Zaman
Mirza showed utter negligence on a night when it was his watch.
That fox (Sher Khan) who was waiting for an opportunity, made a
night march and in the morning presented himself at the rear of the
camp. His army was divided into three bands (^Op), one led by
himself, one by Jalil Khan^ and one by l^awasf Khan. The royal
troops had not time to buckle their saddles or to close their cuirasses.
His Majesty Jahanbanl when he became apprized of the army's
negligence. Was confounded by this specimen of fate's workshop, and
the thread of resource dropped from his hand. As he was mounting,
Baba Jalair and Que Beg ^ arrived, and he bade them go quickly and
bring away the noble lady Haji Begam.* Those two faithful and zealous
servants drank the wholesome sherbet of martyrdom at the door of
honour's enclosure. Mir Pahlwan Badakhshi also and many others
obtained the blessing of offering up their lives around the enclosure
of chastity. The time was very brief ; her Highness could not come
out, but as the Divine protection and defence was her surety and safe-
1 See Errata, hut according to
some MSS. Tardi Beg Qac Beg is one
man's name.
' Daughter of Yadgar Tagbaii uncle
of Humayun's mother. She was, in
her youth, his chief wife, and was
greatly revered by Akbar.
344
aebabnIha.
guards the boisterotts blasts of the evil-minded could not impinge ob
tbe sanctuary of the harem of chastity, nor the mists of black-heait-
ed men touch the hem of the curtain of the illustrioaa recluses.
Divine * spirits from the glorious sanctuary of sublimity defended
the veiled ones of the chamber of chastity with the wands of the
door-keepers of * jealousy ; wicked thoughts did not find their way
into the hearts of those wretches, and Sljer Khan sent ^ off with all
honour that cupola of chastity in perfect security and observance of
seclusion.
In fine, when his Majesty came to the bridge, he found it broken.
There being no other resource he plunged with his steed into the
water like a river-traversing crocodile. By fate he got separated
from his horse. Just then, as Providence was watching over his
Majesty, a water-carrier became the Elijah^ of his course^ and by
the help of his (the water-carrier's) swimming, he emerged from that
whirlpool to the shore of safety. On the way his Majesty asked him
his name. He answered, "Nizam." His Majesty replied, **A very
Niz&m Auliya.^' ^ He showed him kindness and favour and promised
that when he safely sate upon the throne, he would give him royalty for
half a day. This anguish-fraught affair {qi^^a-i-pur-ghu^^a) occurred
on 9th Safar, 946, (7th June, 1539), on the bank of the Ganges at the
Causa^ ferry. M. Muhammad Zamftn, MauUnft Muhammad Parghalij >
160 Maul&n& Qasim 'All Sadr, Maulana Jalal of Tatta and many officers
and (learned) learned men sank in the waters of annihilation. His
Majesty in company with M. 'Askari and a few others rapidly pro*
ceeded to Agra. M. K&mran was exalted by kissing the threshold,
and after some days, M. Hindal was brought from Alwar by the
intervention of M. Kftmr&n and his (Hind&rs) mother, and did homage
1 Kufu8'i-ndniUB-i'ildh%.
» This recals the expression jiiAna-
%-ghiiiratt p. 2 of text.
* aher Eh&n eventually sent her to
Humajnn in Afghanist^&n, when the
latter returned from Persia.
♦ ^iyr or Elijah is said to have
discovered the water of life. A. F.
however distinguibhos between Khif i*
and Elitts. Jarrott 111, 375 and 377.
It is mentioned in Rocbach's Oriental
Proverbs, Part II, Sec. I, 91, that
Qiwaja Shizr is considered in India
to be the guide of those who have
lost their way.
' A famous Dihli saint.
^ In Shahabad. Beamcs, J. A. S.B.
1.0.
^ Sec Tar. Raa^. 398 and 469 for
some severe remarks on this man.
i
i
I
CHAFTBE XXT» 845
Trith shame and downcast looks. His Majesty from his innate
clemency forgave Ids offences and made many inquiries abont his
iFrelf are. When from canses beyond control a destined event suddenly
made its appearance, he at once sought to remedy it. He engaged
himself in collecting arms and in retrieving the position, Officera
and soldiers came from the provinces and had the honour of per-^
forming their obeisances. At this time the honest water-carrier pre-^
sented himself at the foot of the throne in reliance on the great
promise. His Majesty Jah&nbani, who was the crown*giver and
throne-conferrer of the land of generosity and urbanity, when he saw
the friendless water-carrier afar oS, immediately gave his Gyrus
(iebii^rati) -covenant a place on the throne of fulfilment, and having
vacated the seat of sovereignty in favour of the Elijah ot the path,.
he set the water-carrier, in accordance with his fMromise, upon
the throne for half a day, thereby equalling him to the monarch
of midday. Having excepted sundry kingly powers and functions
which his capacity could not have comprehended, he exalted hioto
by conferring on him the dignity of command, and wiped away,
with the swelling sea of munificence, the dust of want from»
the conntenance of his condition and of that of his .tribe. Every
order which during that incumbency on the kingly throne, issued
from the water-carrier, was executed forthwith. M. KSmran on be-
holding such Ic^tiness of soul displayed the wrinkle of cavil on the
forehead ot criticism, and a pretext (for displeasure) was furnished to>
his trouble-seeking heart.
After this affair of deceit (that of Causa) g^er K^n made an
attack on Bengal. He came to the extremiity of Bihar, and then halted
there and sent Jalal ^&n with a force of troublers against BengaL
In a short time there was a battle with Jahan^r Quli Khan who
bravely maintained the contest. Inasmuch however^as the design of
Providence was otherwise, the Bengal officers did not act harmoniously
in patting down the rebellion, but sought their own comfort and did not
combine in this war. After struggles and trials Jahangir Quli waa
unable to keep the field, and had to retreat and take refuge with
the landholders {zarmnddrdn). He came forth thence on a false
' The FersiAQS call the sim
Pdd^ioh-i'Nimrust, and A. F. fieems
to pun upon thifi and also ou thp
44
circumstance that Nimroz is a name
for Sistan and Mekran.
346
AEBABNAMA^
'treaty and engagement and was despatched, along with maTty oiben,
to the plains of annihilation, g^er IQian being at ease aboat Bengai
161 went towards Jannpur. This he subdued and made long the arm of
strife. He sent his younger son^ Qutb ^an^ with a larg'e body d
vagabonds against KalpT and Etawa. Whea news of this readied the
august earsj Yadgar Nasir, M. Qasim Husain Khan Uzbak, i^bo held
these parts in fief, and Iskandar ' SuljLan, who had chargpe for M.
Kamrgn of some estates in KalpT, were sent against Qutb Kh&n.
These lions of bravery's 6eld encountered the foxy tricksters and
fought a great battle. By the Divine aid, they gained the victory
and Qutb Khan was slain.
His Majesty Jahanbani stayed for a while in Agra^ the capital,
arranging his troops, and conciliating his brothers and relatives and
amending their secret dispositions. Though he washed the dust-
stained cheek of Kamr§n with the limpid waters of counsel, he could
in no wise cleanse it, and however much he scoured the rust of con*
trariety with the burnisher of advice, the brightness of concord conid
by no means be developed in the mirror of his fortune. And in such a
crisis, when, even if there were internal dissension, outward concord
was necessary to safeguard his own fortunes, and at such a time, when
together with other resources he had 20,000 tried soldiers with him,
and when by the abounding and beneficent favours and prestige of
his Majesty Jahanbani, territory from Kabul to Dawar Zamin * in the
north, and to Samaua^ in the south was in his possession, he, being
contentious and wanting in his duty to so eminent a king, elder
brother and benefactor, alleged illness and with abundance of care-
lessness and absence of circumspection, held himself aloof from such
important service. Almighty God returned to him in this workshop
of recompenses (this world), the fruit of his deeds and in the fore-
front of life he beheld by his own* eyes the punishment of his actions.
Some of these results will be briefly described with the pen of mani-
festation in their proper place.
I
» Probably the son of Sa'ld Khan
referred to in the Tar. Rash., 340, 4S7,
* D&war Zamtii, or Zamf ii Dawar
in in AfgL&tiist&n, N.-W. (jaudaliar.
^ In Sihrind, Panjab. Jarrott II.
206.
♦ Alluding to Kamrau's iM^iug
blinded by llumayun.
I
CHAPTRR rXY.
347
Hemistich.
When his fortune was departed, the omen came true.
He had some chronic diseases, and instead of being aroused by
those secret monitions, he out of perversity, grew stubborn * in the
path of discontent against his benefactor, and in the displeasing of his
superior. First he sent Khwaja Kalan Beg with a large force to
Labor, and then turning away from the qihla of fortune, himself
followed him. He became an author and architect of destruction
and detriment, drawing ■ evil on friends and attracting good to
foes. Though his Majesty Jahanbani said, " Prince, if you may
not give the blessing of companionship and must throw away such
an opportunity, make your men join me,'' the MlrzS in direct oppo-
sition to his Majesty's desire perverted even the king's men and took 162
them with him. Mirza Haidar, son of M. Husain 6urg§n,^ who was
the cousin^ of his Majesty GitT-sitani Firdaus-makani, had come
with M. Kamran to Agra, and had enjoyed the privilege of serv-
ing his Majesty Jahanbani, and had been treated with abundant
favours. Mirzd Kfimrfln made his own ailment an excuse and laboured
to induce him (Haidar) to accompany him. The Mirza showed
himself favourably inclined towards M. Kamran and proceeded to ex-
cuse himself (to Humayun), and out of want of consideration brought
forward the matter of leave. His Majesty observed, " If kindred be
the point for consideration, you are equally related to us both ; if
loyalty and truth be regarded, the tie to me is closer. If glory and
manliness be sought, you should accompany me for I am marching
against the foe. As to what M. Kamran is representing about his
illness, you are not a physician nor a druggist, that you should go
with him. What the Mirzg imagines about Lahor's being a place
of safety, is idle for, if anything is clear as the result of his holding
back from this expedition, it is that he will not find a corner of
safety in India. Tour action cannot be divested of two diflSculties.
Should I succeed, what face can you put on the matter or what
I Kamran persuaded himself that
Hnmayaa had tried to poison him.
« Cf . Tar. Baai„ 4174, ; " giving
strength to the enemy, and prepar-
ing defeat for his friends."
^ Or KarkSn, t.e. son-in-law. See
Tar, Boilk-, 278 and Mr. Elias's note.
* Khdlazdda. maternal aunt's son.
His mother was younger sister of
Bahar's mother.
848 ikbarkAma.
respect will you have ? Tou will not from shame be able to lift jaar
head from the ground, so that death will be preferable to life. If,
which God forbid, the result be otherwise, it will be impossible for
you to remain in Labor. Whoever has suggested such a thing to
M. K&mrgn is either wrong in his brain, or he is treacheroas and
has concealed the truth and entered on the path of flattering'/' > In
fine, M. Haidar happily found the path of good counsel and glorioaslj
associated himself with the army of honour. M. Kamr&n oat of his
abundant forces contributed 8,000 men under the command (JbdMAKgi)
of M. ^Abdu-1-lfih Mughulj and did not himself obtain the bleaaing
of service.
i This account ia abridged from
the Tar. Ra^. See Elias & Ross,
472 9i Buq*
r
CHAPTIR XXT1.
34»
CHAPITER XXVI.
M ABCH OF HIS MaJBSTT JaHANBInI JaNNAT-A^CTANI's AKlfT fHOU
AOBA, THIS CAPITAL^ TO THB RASTBRN PrOVINCKS FOR BUP-
PBKSSINO SSfiB Span's BEBKLLION ; THB RETUBN AFTBR
CONTSBTBj AHD THB ADMONITOBT BVBNTR WHICH
FOLLOWED.
As tlie wondrous artists of fate's picture gallery pursue divers
metBods of painting and decoration^ it is matter for thanksgiving
and not for complaint if their workmanship on this occasion be not
in accordance with desires. Hence God the world'artificer removed
concord from the illustrious brotherhood and converted combination
into separation. His Majesty went with few forces against many 163
enemies^ and out of a stout heart and native courage heeded not
the paucity of friends and the plurality of foes.
When the sublime army reached Bhojpur/ S^er Khan came
with a numerous force to the other side of the Ganges and encamped.
His Majesty determined to cross the river with his small array, and
in a short time a bridge was put together at the Bhojpur ferry.
About 150 heroes made themselves ready for the fray and plunged
into the river like sea-lions, heedless of the waves and whirlpools.
Like river- traversing crocodiles they rushed into the treacherous
deep and crossing over^ routed the numerous enemy. After giving
proof of their courage and accomplishing their object^ they were re-
taming to the camp, and when they came near the bridge the Afghani
brought forward the elephant Girdbilz^* which had remained with
the enemy at the battle of Causa^ to break down the bridge. That
enormous elephant approached the head of the bridge and broke*
I This is the Bhojpur in SarkSr
Qananj. Jarrett II, 184. It is in the
Fanikhibid District, 8 miles south-
east of Famkh^bid and 31 miles
north-west (upstream) of Qananj.
t Chahnera' MS. has Girdb&d.
S50 AKBARNAMA. >
its supports. Jnst then a cannon ball from the royal camp ampiitn*
ed * the legs of the elephant Girdbaz^ and the enemy which ^--
pressing on^ was put to flight. The gallant men who had sigTiit* :
. their devotion returned in safety.* The plan of campaign Avas t*.
the army should march along the river bank to Qanan j. They pr •
ceeded warily and slowly, march by march. On the way the enemy -
boats came in sight. A gun was fired from the royal artillery, and "i
large boat of the foe was broken to pieces, and was shivered by th»<
dashing of the waves of vengeance. For more than a month the armi» •
confronted one another near Qanauj. At length Muhammad Sultau
Mirza and his sons* Ulugh Mlrzg and Shah Mlrza — who traced their
genealogy up to Sahib QiranT,and were daughter's* grandsons of Saltan
Hiisain Mlrzi and had been exalted by serving Glti-sitani Firdau>-
makani, and who, after his death, had set themselves in opposition to
his Majesty JahanbanI Jannat-a^iyanl, (as has already been allude^i
to) — finding neither glory nor profit in vain strife, and that strife-
mongering against their benefactor was unsuccessful, returned to the
threshold of his Majesty Jahanbfini and proffered the prostration of
obedience. His Majesty from his perfect kindness and liberality
regarded their committed offences as uncommitted, forgave them and
treated them with royal favours. But as they were radically bad
and ungrateful, they again out of worthlessness and inaptitade took
to flight at such a crisis and withdrew their feet from the sphere of
164 constancy and patience. They also pointed the way of desertion to
other wretches, so that many took the path of disloyalty and with-
drew themselves. To his Majesty JahanbanI it appeared the proper
course to cross the river and to engage at any cost, so that any form
which was to emerge from the screen of secrecy might show its fall
face. If they delayed, things might take another (t. e. adverse) turn
and a large number might desert. With the view then of putting an
obstacle in the way of desertion, a bridge was made and a crossing
1 Chalmers is probably right in
translating this "deprived the ele-
phant of one of its legs."
s If would seem however that
Hum&ytln did not succeed in cross-
ing the river with his main army,
though presumably that was the
reason for making this bridge.
> See Errata to text.
^ Sultana BSgam, the eldest
daughter of Sultan Jusam of Her&t,
Sultin Mu^mmad Mlrza was her
grandson, B&bar 181 and Tar. Ra§i,
474.
CHAPTER X3CVI.
851
.ordered. A trench was dug in front of the army, and the artillery
carriages were put into position and redoubts {murcalhd) constructed.
Opposite to this^ gher ^an drew up a crowd of rebels and encamped
after digging a trench. Every day the young men on each side came*
out and engaged. Meanwhile the sun entered Cancer, ' and the rainy
season began. The clouds gathered with tumult^ like rutting'
elephants^ and distilled moisture. The encampment became flooded^
and they were compelled to seek for high ground which should be
free from water and mud, and where the tents, the artillery-park,
&c. might be placed. It was arranged that the army should be drawn
out on the morning of the 'Sshar day, (10th Muharram) and that if
the enemy should come out of his trenches and advance, they would
fight, and if he remained stationary, they would encamp in the
selected spot. With this view they mounted their horses on 10th
Mubiarram 947 (17th May, 1540), and drew up their lines. Muham-
mad Kh§n Bum! and the sons ^ of Ustfld 'AlT Quli and Ustad Ahmad
Bdmi, and JSasan ]^alfat, who were the directors of the artillery,
arranged the gun-carriages and mortars, and stretched chains accord-
ing to rule. The centre was dignified by the presence of his Majesty ;
M. Uindal had the fore-centre ; M. ^ Askari the right wing, and Yadg&r
Nasir Mirza the left.
M. Gaidar writes* in his Tdrildhi-rasMdi ''His Majesty on that
day stationed me on his left so that my right was close to his left, and
from me up to the end of the left centre there were twenty-seven
bannerets.^ Sher Kh5n arranged his forces in five divisions, two,
which were the largest, stood in front of the trench, and then advanc-
ed. Jalal Khnn, Sarmath Khan, and all the Niyazis faced in front of
M. Hindal. Mubaraz Khan, Bahadur Khan, Bai Husain Jalwani and
1 This is a mistake. The sun does
not enter Cancer till after the mid-
dle of Jane, and the battle was
fought on 17th May. It is true
this is old style, but even then the
ordinary beginning of the rains had
not arrived. Perhaps it was only a
May storm.
* A. F. hero alludes apparently to
tbo moisture which exudes from elc*
phant's foreheads when they are in
heat. Blochmann, 120.
* Apparently it should be M. K.
£ami, son of Ustad 'All Quli. Ustad
'All Quit was Babar's artilleryman.
^ The quotation is not exact. See
Tar, Roii. 475 et 8eq» and Erskine's
Hist. II, 187.
'^ Lii, Tiigb-bearing Amirs.
S52 AKBABNlMA.
all the EararSn! faced Y&dgftr Na^ir Mlrzft and Qasim Qasain ^on.
^awa^B ^fin, Barmazid and many others came opposite M. 'Afikari.
165 The first encounter was between M. Hindfil and Jalal Khan. A
wondrous hand to hand fight occurred and Jalal O^iin fell from his
horse. The royal left wing ^ drove back the enemy to their centre*
When Sh^r l^to saw this^ he made an onset in person with a larga
force, while i^awafs Khgn and his companions fell upon M. 'Askari.
As soon as the Afghans attacked, many officers did not stand their
ground but gave way. His Majesty twice attacked the foe and
threw them into confusion. Though it is not reckoned that the king
himself should share in a fray, yet at that time of testing manhood,
how could rules be adhered to ? Hence two lances were broken in
his Majesty^s hands on that occasion and the claims of endeavour
and courage were satisfied. But the brothers did not show brother-
hood, and the captains did not keep the foot of fortitude in the circle
of steadfastness, but from superfluity of naughtiness were negligent,
and brought disaster on their lord. It would seem as though when
this externally and internally great man, who saw with the eyes of
truth and was capable of contemplating mysteries, went on this ex-
pedition with such a small army, full of hypocrisy, empty of sincerity,
it had crossed his lofty mind that it was many degrees better to hasten
to the city of annihilation on the steed of valour and to urge on the
horse of his life to the goal of nothingness, than to be courteous to
friendship-affecting enemies, to league oneself in hypocrisy with them,
and to play the game {nard) of altercation {radd u badl) with unfair
gamesters. Better a mirage {aardb) than a river (dbi) which must be
drunk* in company with those wretches {dbruydn) ! Such to men
of the world clearly appeared to be the case from his method of
personal onset. Some of the loyal and single-hearted smote the hand
of intercession and solicitude on the stirrup of dominion and forcibly
withdrew him. This I say looking to the processes of the world of
secondary causes. But in the world of reality, it was God, the world
adorner, who withdrew him ! Inasmuch as the ascension of the
1 Text, Jardngidr probably for
Jawdnghdr, Apparently however the
word should be vardnghcir for it
was the right wing under Hindal
which was successful. Janhar 21,
S Khurda in text, but see EmUaf
Of. with this about the mirage, text»
p. 182, top line.
GHAFTVB XXVI. 353
birth-star and the glorious celebration of the apparition of his
Majestyj the king of kings (Akbar)^ were drawing nigh^ the wondrous
Creator manifested such strange marvels ! One school of sages con-
siders that sach events are intended to quicken the attention and to
arouse the noble-minded, and are not of the nature of recompense for
actions. Accordingly it was held by ancient philosophers that world-
ly calamities were a process of polishing for the electa and of rusting
for the crowd. A number of the enlightened and pure-hearted are of
opinion that such occurrences are a process of education. When the
stewards of fate's workshop are advancing a chosen vessel to a lofty
rank, they first make him compact of all worldly states, of joy and
sorrow, health and sickness, ease and labour, expansion and contrac- 166
tion, so that he may be fitted for the lofty rank of sovereignty. And
many of the swift traversers of the fields of contemplation are
agreed that the reason of such trials is because it is God's will that
whenever the boon of greatness is to be bestowed on an auspicious
one and the time of attaining that blessing be close at hand, there
should be in that period's antechamber a station of labours, and a
vent of trials; and that the dust of blemish should mark the skirts
of his grandeur and glory so that when he hath ascended to the
perfect stage and the most distant height, this mole-stain may prove
his charm ^ against the fatal * eye. To speak more clearly ; as the
times of the appearances of the Holy Light in mortal manif esters
and human ascension-points — such as was the holy office of her
Majesty Alanqua — were made resplendent in mysterious withdrawals
and apparitions of divers individuals, and so planted themselves in
the visible* world, and were acquiring, under God's special super-
vision, the acm6 of development, so, — now that the period of the
showing forth of the final cause of that Light, to wit, the holy incar-
nation of his Majesty, the king of kings, was at hand, — untoward
occurrences were made the prophylactic charm of this great blessing.
^ 8ipand, wild rue. Blochmaxm
139n. and 677» and Cf. Jarrett III,
425 and note. Herklots in his
Glossary says Ispand is the seeds
of the Mehndi or Lawsonia inermis,
fTciierally thrown into the fire along
with benzoin and mustard seed.
45
^ 'Ainu'l-leamdl, the perfect eye,
or an eye capable of killing by its
glance. Lane 2211a and 2423a.
s The text has 'dlam-i-mulk-i'S^'
JuLdat but 3 B. M. M. S. have mulk u
aliahddat.
35i
AEBABNAMA.
Such was the beauteous fashioning of Creation's workshop ! Ac-i
now I return from the unveiling of mysteries to the thread of wj
narrative.
In fine, when defeat {iiikasti), which was to lay the foandatian
of the righting [durustt) of the world, made its appearance, the
oflScers fled without fighting to the bank of the (Janges, 'whicli wa?
about four miles (a farsahh) distant, and as the requital of their
disloyalty and ingratitude, sank in the whirlpool of disappointmenr,
giving the vessels of their lives to the boisterous waters of annihila-
tion in recompense of their unrighteousness. His Majesty Jahdnbaa?
mounted with firm foot on an elephant and proceeded across the river.
He descended from the elephant at the water's edge and was looking
around for an exit. As the bank was high, no way out presented
itself. One of the soldiers who had been saved out of the whirlpool
came there and seizing his Majesty's sacred hand drew him np. In
truth he then, by help of heaven's favouring hand, drew to himself
fortune and power. His Majesty asked him his name and birthplace.
He made answer "My name is ghamsu-d-dln Muhammad^ my
birthplace is GhaznT, and I am a servant of M. Kamran.'^ His
Majesty made him hopeful of princely favours. Just then Muq*
addam Beg,^ one of M. K§mrfin's officers, recognised his Majesty and
enrolled ^ himself among those who had received the gospel of good
fortune. Acting upon this, he brought forward his horse, and
obtained the news of distinction from royal promises. His Majesty
proceeded from there towards Agra, and was joined on the way by
the Mlrzas. When they came to the environs of BhangSpur * the
villagers closed the market against the king's men, and behaved in an
167 unruly manner, attacking every one who fell into their hands. When
the august mind was informed of this, M. 'AskarT, YadgSr NSfir M*
and M. Hinddl were ordered to attack the villains and to chastise
them. Nearly 3,000 horse and foot of the insolent knaves had
gathered together. When the royal order arrived, M. Askari delayed
1 Apparently all that is meant is
tliat ho entered Huraayan's service.
> Probably the man mentioned in
Bubar'H Mem. 400 and 401 as a ser-
vant of Khwaja Kalan.
» Sec Erskinc, Hist. II, 192n. The
place meant is BhangSon in the
Mainpuri district, and on the Grand
Trunk Road. Jarrett II, 184, where
it is spelt BhagSon (note by Hr.
Irvine.)
CdiLPtER Xttt.
855
to proceed and Yftdgar Nifir Mirzd gave him some strokes with his
whip, saying that it was from his discord that things had come to
Bucli a pass. Still he did not take warning, and Yadgir NS?ir Mirza
and M. Hindal obeyed and went against the crowd. A great fight
ensued, and a large number of the ill-fated villagers (guwdrdn)
were killed. The Mirzas after giving them a lesson returned, and
M. 'Askari who had come to complain, was reprehended. His
Majesty JahanbSni hastened on to Agra, The provinces were in
confusion and sedition raised* its head on every side. Next morning
his Majesty proceeded to the dwelling of that great exemplar, Mir
Rafr,! who was sprung from the Safavi Sayyids, and was incom-
parable for knowledge and wisdom, and was the choice favourite
of princes. He took counsel with him, and the final conclusion of
his Majesty was that he should go towards the Panjab. If M. Eamran
were helped by the sovereignty of reason and auspiciousness, and
should bind on himself the girdle of good service and come actively
forward to help, the rift of strife might still be closed. With
this right intention he proceeded to Labor. M. 'Askari went to Sam-
bal and M. Hindal to Alwar. On 18th Muharram (26th May, 1540)
Qasim l^usain Sultan joined the king near Dihli through the influence
of Beg Mirak, and a large body of men collected for the king's
service. On the 20th he again set out, and on the 22nd M. Hind&l
and M. Haidar joined him in Rohtak.s On the 23rd his Majesty halt-
ed there. The garrison shut the gate of the city in his face, thereby
opening the doors of disgrace for themselves. His Majesty addressed
himself to the attack and in a short space of time chastised the garrison.
On 17th Safar the army arrived at Sihrind and on the 20th Mir
Faqr 'All closed life's litter while on the march. When the army
approached Labor and were near Daulat Kh§n*s sardi, M. Kamran
came forward to meet him and did homage. His Majesty alighted in
the garden of Khwaja D5st Munshi which is the most charming spot
1 A. F/s mother belonged to this
family. Cf. Jarrett III. 423, where
Mir Rafi* is called Mir Raf i*u-d-dTn
SafavT of Ij (Shiraz). See also
Babar'a Mem. 346, 349. A. F. speaks
in the Ain of his being one of the
Hasan and Husainl Sayyids. He
died in 954. Jarrett I.e. Rafi' was
one of the doctors who encouraged
Sher Shah to break his word to
Puran Mall and the garrison of
Raisin.
« In the Panjab, 42 miles north-
west of Dihli.
35G
AKBARKllfA.
168 i^ Lahor^ wLile M. Hindal took up his quarters in the garden of
^w&ja GhSz!^ who was then M. K&mran's diwdn. After that
M. 'Askarl came from Sambal and settled himself in the house of
Amir Wall Beg. At this time the fortunate g^amsu-d-din Muhammad
who had given his hand at the river-bank, arrived and was exalted
by princely favours. On the 1st' Rabi^u-1-awwal, 947, all the noble
brothers and Amirs and other servants collected but in spite of so
many lessons and celestial warnings, these fine fellows ('as;ezan) were not
taught and did not bind the girdle of sincerity on the waist of resolve.
Several times they gathered together on his Majesty's service, and
deliberated and made vows and promises of unity and concord, and
took the great and godly as their witnesses. Khwdja Kh&wand'
Mahmud, brother of Khwaja 'Abdu-1-haqq and Mir Abu-l->baq§
frequently took part in the deliberations. At length one day all the
MirzSs, nobles and grandees having been assembled, wrote out a deed
(tazkira) of concord and unanimity, and to this auspicious minute all
the officers gave their signatures.
When this record of confidence had been executed, the deliber-
ations began. His Majesty gave lofty counsels and uttered excellent
words. With his pearling tongue he said,^ '^ The miserable end of those
who deviate from the straight highway of concord is known to all.
Especially since not long ago when Sul^in Husain Mirza beat the drum
of death in KhurasSn, he left eighteen ^ capable and fortune-favoured
sons and yet, in spite of all their array of wealth, in consequence
of fraternal discord, the kingdom of lO^nrasan (which for so many
years had been a centre of peace), became in a short space a centre
of calamities and was transferred to g]i&hi Beg. No trace remained
of any of the sons except of Badru-z-zaman who went ^ to Turkey,
and all the sons of the Mirza had been reviled and reprobated by
1 Three days after this HumayQn
had a vision in which the coming
birth of Akbar was announced. A.. N.
13. Cf. Gulbadan's account, f. 39&.
• See Tar. Easi,, 395, where he
is called Qazrat Ma]s;hdumi Kara.
Abdu-1-^aqq was his younger brother.
'^ An exaggeration, which occurs
also in the Tar. liadi^ (B. M. Ms-
Or. 157, S4Sh) SI. Husain had four-
teen sons and of these, seven (ac-
cording to Ehwand Amir) died be-
fore their father.
* A. F. gives Humaynn the credit
of this speech, but the Tar. 12a2&.,
from which he no doubt copied it,
ascribes it to Haidar. See p. 478.
* He too, it seems, went there as
CHAPTKR XXTI.
357
liigK and low. With what difficulty had his Majesty GltT-sitanT-
Firdaus-makani conquered a Hindustan — so vast a country ! If
through your disunion it pass from our possession into the hands of
nobodies {ndkasdn) what will the wise say of you ? Now is the time
to sink the head into the bosom of good counsel and to exsert it from
jealousy's collar, so that you may attain headship among mankind^
and be a means of gaining the favour of 6od/'
Every one of the authors of compact and of the lords of con-
federacy forgot the recent agreements^ and each declaimed accord-
ing to his own good pleasure. M. Kamran said, ^' What occurs to me
is that the king and all the Mirzas should spend somo days unencum-
bered in the mountains while I take their families to Kabul. When I
have put them into safety, I shall return and join you/' M. Bindal and 169
Yadgar Najir Mirza said, '^ At present we cannot fight the Afghans
The thing to do now is to go to Bhakkar and to subdue that country.
By its means we shall conquer Gujrat^ and when these two kingdoms
have fallen into our hands and we have brought the business to an
end, the deliverance of this country (India) will be effected in an
admirable manner.'^ M. !Qaidar said, " It is proper that all the
Mirzds should settle down after securing the slopes from the mountains
of Sihrind to those of Sarang.^ I engage that with a small force
I will in two months get possession of Kashmir. When that news
comes^ let every man send his belongings to Kashmir, for there is no
safer place. It will take gher Khan four months to arrive and he
will not be able to bring into the hill country the gun-carriages and
a prisoner, having been taken by
Sultan Salim. He died many years
before this speech was made, of
plague, in 926. Possibly the reference
was to his son Muhammad. Zaman,
who served Babar and survived till
the battle of Causa in 1539.
i See Tar. RasJi., 479n. Mr. Elias
is no doubt right in considering that
Sarang is not a place-name. There
is an Afghan tribe in the Salt Bange
called the SarangzaT, (Temple, J. A-
kS. B., 1880, pp. 101 and 106), and
perhaps Haidar M. referred to them
rather than to an individual. His
idea was that the Mughuls should
occupy the lower ranges between the
Indus and Kaghrair, i.e., from Sih-
rind in the S. E. to R&walpindl
on the N. W. For Sultan Sarang.
see Blochmann 456 ; and Delmerick,
J. A. S. B. 1871, p. 87. He was Sul-
tan Adam's brother and must have
died in Sher Shah's time, for it was
Sultan Adam who delivered up
Kamran to Hnmayan.
358 AKBABNlHA.
cannon which are the support^ of his warfare. In a short time
the Afghan army will be ruined."
As their words and their hearts were not in unison^ the meeting
ended without any conclusive speech. Whatever proposals were
brought forward^ and whatever sound advice his Majesty communi-
cated in the hope that perchance the lamp of wisdom might be light-
ed for M. Kimran and that he would turn away from his dark ideas
and come to the abode of candour^ the Mirza did not alter what he
had said. All his endeavour was that every one should be ruined^ and
he counted it a gain that he himself might go to Kabul and secure a
corner for his own enjoyment. He was perpetually occupied with
evil thoughts^ and fortune-conferring words did not arouse him.
Ostensibly he breathed unanimity and would say^ ''I shall come
forth in some fortunate hour and shall gird on the belt of courage and
fight the foe with singleness of heart." But secretly he was strength-
ening the foundations of opposition^ and this to such an extent
that out of wickedness and blindness^ he privately sent QasT
'Abdu-1-lah his ^ad/r to g^er !|^Sn^ that he might establish friendly
relations with him, and made a contract of affection with him. He
sought the fulfilment of his desires from the help of enemies^ and he
wrote a letter to the effect that if the Panj&b were secured to him as
f ormerlyi he would soon bring affairs to a successful issue I
After these occurrences g^er ]^ftn came to DihlT^ but did not
advance further. He saw that what had happened was due to his
good fortune^ and was apprehensive lest if he went on further, his
affairs would retrograde. He was extremely frightened al)out the
combination which he heard was making progress in Labor. Mean-
while the seditious ^adr {fadr-i-pur-ghadar) who added vile malice to
natural basenessj arrived, g^er Khan whose centre was pivoted in
170 craft, warmly embraced him, and was a thousand times emboldened *
by the good news of disunion. He gave him an answer in accordance
with the Mirza's requests. That wretch (the ^adr) instigated him
to make a hostile advance, and held out prospects of desertion, g^er
Khan sent a crafty fellow along with him to ascertain the real state
of affairs and then return. M. Kftmran received gjjer Khan's am-
i Bab&r's Mem, 416, mentions that
the Bengalis, i.e., the Afghans, are
famous for their skill in artillery.
S Lit. one heart became a thousand.
CHAFTBB XXVI.
359
^ T?*^-
h ^'r-
••-i- J_
j^r
Sir,
r •)•
bassador in the garden at L§hor^ and held a feast on that day. He
also by entreaties induced his Majesty JahanbSni to come there.
<^That crnde^ short-sighted Mirzi again sent the same wretph (his
sadr) to g^er ]^in. On this occasion the betrayer of his salt came
to the bank of the Sul1;ftnpur river, and brought forward disloyal
proposals and encouraged Sher !^Sn to cross the river. Thereupon
Muzaffar Turkman, who was stationed on outpost duty near the Sul-
(anpur river, came and reported to his Majesty that the enemy bad
crossed the river (the Bias) and killed his brother^s son Junaid Beg,
who from his qualities of mind and body was a persona grata at Court.
In the end of Jumdda-1-akhir his Majesty Jahanb&ni and the
Mirzfis crossed the L&hor river (the Bavi), which was fordable, and
inarched stage by stage to the Gin&b. As his Majesty Jahanban! was
resolved to attempt Kashmir, he sent a body of troops in advance
with M. Qaidar to that province. For, when M. Kamran made a
rapid march to Qandahftr to contend with S§m Mirza, he left M.
l^aidar in charge of Labor, ©waja ?ajT, ^Abdu-l-makrT,* Zangi Cak,
and many of the nobles were opposed to the ruler of Kashmir and
came to Labor in order that by tbeir intimacy with M. ^aidar they
might obtain an army from M. Kftmran and so get possession of
Kashmir. Though M. I^aidar exerted himself, their wish was not
fulfilled. When M. Hindal raised a disturbance by having the hbut-
la read in his own name, and M. KSmran marched from Labor to
Agra, M. ^aidar by great exertions contrived to raise an army and
to despatch it from the capital' under the charge of Bfiba Jujak* who
was one of KamrSn's superior officers. His design was that this force
should proceed to Kashmir under the guidance of the Kashmiri
nobles aforesaid, and take possession thereof. Baba Jujak was neg-
ligent in setting out and meanwhile the disaster of Causa ferry,
which was a blow to eternal dominion, came to be known. He gave
1 Text, Bakri, but the variant
MakrI is right. ZangI is Bumkl in
text.
« Agra. See Tar, Baab^. 482.
B Tar. Ea^., Cacak Qaidar does
not say he was an officer of KamrSn
and apparently he was a Kaehmirl.
It appears from ^Ni^amu-d-din and
from Jarrett II, 390, that there was
an expedition before this from the
Panjab and that Kamran sent one,
Muhammad Beg into Kashmir but
that after plundering he had to re-
turn. Apparently this was not long
after Humayun's accession.
860 AKBARNAMA.
up the expedition^ and the Kashmiri noblea tarried in Nan^ahr,'
RajanrT and the hollows of the hills in the expectation of some event.
171 But they were continually writing letters to M. Haidar full of the
advantages of conquering Kashmir, and the Mirza used to bring those
to his Majesty Jahinbanl's notice. His holy heart grew daily more
and more eager to visit the charming country of Kashmir, and mean*
while he gave permission to the Mirzft to proceed in the first place to
Nansb^'hr with a body of troops. If the Kashmiri nobles, who were
always urging the expedition, should come forward, Sikandar Tupci,
who was a fief -holder in that neighbourhood, was to join him with
his troops. When he got to the passes. Amir Khwaja Kalan, who
was one of the high officers of his Majesty Criti-sitani Firdaus-ma-
kani, and of whom some account has already been given, was to
come and help. As soon as the news of Khwaja Kalan Beg's arrival
should reach his Majesty Jahanbani he would proceed in person
towards that province. His Majesty was on the bank (the right or
west bank) of the Cinab when M. Kfimran and 'Askar! Mirzil went off
to Kfibul with Khwaja 'Abdu-1-haqq and lOtwija Kh§wand Mahmud.
Muhammad Sultan Mlrza, TJlugh Beg MlrzS and ShSh Mirza on hear-
ing, in the territory of Multan, about the separation, joined M. Kamran
on the bank of the Indus. In the beginning of Rajab, 947, M. Hind§),
Yfidgar Naf ir Mirza and Qasim Husain Sul^Sn succeeded by importunity
in taking his Majesty Jahinbani off to Sind, though his intention had
been to march to Kashmir. Khwftja Kalan Beg, who had promised
to accompany his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyanT, went off from
Siyalkut and joined M. Kamran. Sikandar Tupci withdrew to the
Strang hills. In the same Rajab, after his Majesty Jahanbfini had
gone towards Sind at the Mirz&'s instigation they, after going some
stages, left him out of thoughtlessness and the suggestions of Beg
MTrak, who had abandoned his service and joined them. Meanwhile
QSzi 'Abdu-1-lah arrived with some Afghans. M. Hindars scouts seized
them and brought them before him. The ill-fated Af^ans were put
to death, but the wretch 'Abdu-1-lfih having still some breaths of his
life remaining, escaped punishment at the intercession of Mir Baba •
1 In the Peshawar district.
« I believe this to be the father of
Haraida, Akbar's mother. See Gul-
bjiduu who ciiUb Hamida's father
Mir Baba Dost. As he was a teacher
in Hindal's service he might natur-
ally intercede for a Icaruod man.
CHAPTEE XXVT.
861
Dost. For twenty days the MTrz§s wandered in the desert of astonish-
ment. They had no idea what to do or where to go. They were
severed from fortune and auspicioasness^ and having left dominion's
f ello^wsliip^ they had lost their object. As they had not followed the
patli of purpose^ they were astonished and confounded. His Majesty
Jah§nbdnrhad gone by way of the desert towards Bhakkar^ and
-was wending his way according to guess and conjecture. They found
no water^ and there was no grain^ but went on under the guidance of
endurance and with the rations (zdd) of reliance upon God. At
length, one day they heard the sound of a kettle-drum. On inquiry,
it was found that M. Hindal and Yadgar Na^ir Mirz& were three hiis 172
away and were pacing the valley of search. His Majesty Jahanbani
sent Mir Abu'1-baqa, who had left the society of M. Eamran, and
become a companion of the sublime army, to the Mirzas to give them
information about the camping ground, and to speak wise words
and advise them to come and kiss the sublime threshold. The Mir in
accordance with these instructions counselled the Mirzas and acted as
their guide to the blessing of service. They proceeded in harmony
towards Bhakkar. Khawa?? Ij^&n and a large army of Af^ans
was coming up in the rear, but though the imperial army was very
small, the former had not the courage to give battle. In the end of
S^a'ban (last days of 1540) when the camp reached tic ' the AmTr
Sayyid Muhammad Baqir HusainT, who was the frontispiece of Sayyida
and of the 'Ulama of the age, expired and was buried there. His
Majesty grieved much f or'his death, but as this evil earth is a scene of
departure and dismissal {guzasAtani u guzdsAtam), he displayed that
resignation to the Divine command which is the ornament of those
whose regard is fixed on the station of submission (maqdm^taaUm) .
When they had encamped near the residence of Ba^sbui Langft one
of the landholders and grandees of that part, an order of grace and
a mandate of favour was sent together with a glorious 1dl>il'at by Beg
Muhammad Bakdwal, and Eacak Beg, and hopes were held out that
he should receive the title of TS^§,vl Jahin, a flag and a kettle-drum,
and he was invited to do loyal service and to send corn to the camp.
He came forth to meet the envoys, saluted them, and behaved with
I That is, arrived opposite Cc for
tUey were travelling down the west
46
side of the Cinab and between it and
the Indus.
862
AKBABNAVA.
respect. Though lie had not the good fortane to come and kiss the
threshold^ yet with regard to what was ordered^ he showed obedieisoe
and alacrity, and also sent a proper present. Likewise he arranged
for traders to bring articles for sale at the royal camp, and he proTid£^l
many boats for crossing the river on the way to Bhakkar. T^Sdgir Ki<>r
Mirzft went on with the advance guard, and on 28th Ramadan {26th
January, 1541), the army reached the neighbourhood of Bhakkar.
Two days before this Qdzi Ghiyasu-d-dln of Jam, who was connected
with the illustrious family,^ and was adorned with gifts and graces,
was raised to the office of ^adr.
When by God^s help they had passed through so many perils on
the way and had reached the territory of Bhakkar, they pitched
their tents at Luhri (Ruhri) which is on the river bank > and opposite
Bhakkar. His Majesty took up his quarters in a garden on the
173 environs which was unequalled for pleasantness and delight. Charm-
ing houses had been erected there and were made illustrions hy his
presence. The other gardens and houses were divided among^ his
followers. M. HindSl went four or five kfis and encamped, and some
days afterwards made his station on the other side of the river.
Yadgar Nft^ir MirziL also settled afterwards on that side. Snll^
Ma^mud of Bhakkar, who was a servant of Mirz§ S^&h Husain Beg
Ar^un, laid waste the Bhakkar territory and strengthened the fort.
He also took away the boats from this (the east) side of the river,
and anchored them under the fort. This Shah Husain Beg was the
Bon of the Mirzft g^ah Beg Arghun who, when his Majesty GltT-sitSni
Firdaus-makanT took Qandahar from him came to Tatta and Bhakkar
and brought all that country into his subjection.
When the majestic army established the light (far) of its rendez-
vous at Luhri, a lofty mandate was sent to Sultfin Ma^mud calling
upon him to pay his respects and to deliver up the fort to the royal
servants. He represented in reply that he was the servant of Mirzi
g]^ah Husain, and that so long as the latter did not come, it would
not be consistent with loyalty for him to present himself, nor could
I
I
^ Hum&yQn's mother was con-
nected with A^mad Jam, and so was
hi a wife, the mother of Akbar.
Qhiy^9^i'<l'^^n wrote a Mauladndma,
or account of Akbar *8 birth. Bloch-
mann 382, and MaiQir III. 231 in
account of Ml r 'All Akbar. Ghiyisu-
d-dln afterwards deserted Hums J fin.
' On the east bank.
CHAPTER XXVI.
363
le make over the fort without g^ah Qusain's permission. Such and
such like were the expressions of inability that he ased. His Majesty
accepted his excuses^ and sent Amir Tahir §adr and Mir Samandar^
two of his confidential servants^ to M. g^fih Qusain at Tatta, and
diguified him by promises ot favour. M. 3l2.ah Husain received the
envoys with respect^ and sent g^aildh Mirak, the flower of the des-
cendants of g^aikh Puran whom all the Arghuns reverence and rely
upon from old times^ as a messenger^ and with a suitable present^ to
accompany the royal ambassadors to the Court. He represented that
the district of Bhakkar yielded little^ while that of |;lSjkan ^ was *
rich and populous and possessed much corn ; that it was fitting that
his Majesty should turn his reins towards it and take it into his
possession^ and that in that way the army would be comfortable^ and
also he (S^ah Ij[usain) would be at hand with his service. It was a
fortunate and auspicious circumstance for him that his Majesty should
now come to those parts^ and that in course of time his fears and
apprehensions would disappear and he would do himself the honour
of paying his respects. He also represented that after he had had
the gratification of paying his respects, his Majesty would, with a
little exertion, be able to bring Gujrat into his possession, when the
other territories of Hindustan would fall into his hands. That sordid 174
one converted duties (^uqiiq) into disobediences ('uqiiq) and coming
forth by the door of deceit and dissimulation, made a display of false
though fair-seeming expressions. His Majesty appointed M. Hind§l to
Patar* and its territory, and himself spent five or six months in the
I Jarrett II. 340.
8 In Sarkar Siwasfcan (Sehwau)
and lower down the Indus then
Bhakkar. Jarrett II. 340, where it is
spelt Batar, but with the variant
Patar. Ni^amu-d-din says it is 50
Jko« f rom Luhri. Jauhar, 30, says it
is 20 miles west of the Indus. It is
perhaps the Pir Fatta of Barnes's
journey to Kabul, p. 10. The best
account of it is in Major- General
Haig's Indus Delta (1894), p. 91,
note. He says "The ruins of the
town of Pat, where in August, 1541,
Hnmayun married l^mlda, and
where some time later (since 1545)
his brother Kamran married the
daughter of Sh^h Huseyn lies a little
to the east of the present village of
that name in the Kakar Pargana,
and bears the name of Pat-kuhna (old
Pat). On the west side of the old
site, and separating it from the new
village, is an old channel, now con-
taining standing water. In this
channel, says a local chronicle re-
lating to that part of the country,
the river ran at the time of
364
AKBABMAMA.
pleasant spot of Luhri in the hope that the ruler of Tatta wnif
enter on the right path. Daring this internal he honoc&red M . Hindis
by visiting him in his camp at Patar.
Ab the period of the appearance of the light of forl;aoe and tl-r
rise of the star of glory and grandeur, — which should give grace r*-
spiritual and physical beauty and be the perfect beautifier of tL?
world and the next, — were approaching, so did the appara^oa for the
attainment of this grand blessing and the notes of the e:xistence «^i
this supreme gift become more and more prepared. Tlie Traidnr
eyes of the heavenly saints of many thousands of years w&re brig'b!-
ened by the bounteous advent of that nursling of light, aii<I the dim
evening of earthly hopes assumed the beauty of the morning' from
the glory of the coming light of that great pearl of the CskliphHte's
diadem. For it was on this expedition and in a most excellent season
and point of time, that in the year 948 ^ he brought Her Highness
Maryam-makdnT, the sacred and noble lady, the glory of whose cliastity
and purity and the light of whose sovereignty and sainthood^ show
forth from her lustrous brow, into the bond of matiimony, wth lordly
ceremonies and royal rites. A festival of fortune was arranged, and
coins from the treasury of gifts were showered on the head of the
world, and hearts were rejoiced by blissful favours. EhwSja Hijri •
of Jam rendered good service in this auspicious affair. Thereafter
the yoke-fellows of blessing and fortune proceeded towards the camp.
For a time the territory of Bhakkar was their place of residence. Gra-
dually, owing to the disloyalty of the landholders, corn became dear
I
HumSyun's visit, so that coming
from Babarlo (a little to the south of
Eohrl) by BhetanI in EandhlSra
and Darbelo, he had no water to
cross. The river now runs (or did
a few years ago) 5 or 6 miles east,
and also 3 miles south of Paf. The
place gave its name to an extensive
and very fertile tract of country in
former times."
. & A. F. does not give the month
and day. Gulbadan says, p. 43h,
that tlie marriage took place at
midday on a Monday iu the begin-
ning of Jumadal-awwal, 948, and that
Humayan himself took the astrolabe
and calculated the ausiHcioos mo-
ment.
s See Badaonf III. 386. Hajriwas
a religious poet, and apparently
the meaning is that he celebrated
the marriage in verse. He was a des-
cendant of A(imad Jam. He called
himself Qasan Hijrt, the last being
an assumed name and signifying
apparently that he was one who
lived apart*
cHAprsR xxn.
365
utid the country was made desolate. Imbecile apprehensions and
niproper schemes passed into the minds of the Mirzas who were his
^rlajesty^s companions, — such thoughts as might be entertained and
impressed on the minds of the insincere — till at length M. Hindal,
at the instigation of Tidgfir Nasir Mirzd who was always secretly in
opposition, and by the stirring up of QarSca Khfin who held the
government of Qandahar on M. Kamrfin's behalf, set off and went to
Qandahar. He also sent a man to Yfidgar Na^ir Mlrz§ to tell him of
bis own departure, and to call upon him to do likewise.
When his Majesty heard of this he went on Tuesday, 18th Juma-
da'1-awwal, 948 (September, * 1541), to the quarters of Mir Abu^I-baqa
and held a conference with him. He then sent him, under the most 176
respectful circumstances, as an envoy to Yadgar Na^ir Mirza, that he
might bring him from the danger-spot of error to the straight path
of rectitude. The Mir went and by judicious counsels brought the
Mirza back from the path of opposition to the highway of concord,
and by his faithful and truthful utterances withheld him from im-
proper schemes. He settled that the Mirzfi should cross the riyer
and acknowledge service, and should henceforth remain steadily
in the fore-court of submission and devotion. The conditions were
that when Hindustan should be conquered, the MTrzi should get one-
third, and that when they arrived at Kabul, he should have ^aznf,
Gar]^ and Lohghar.' which his Majesty 6itT-sitanT, Firdans-makgni
had given to the Mirza's mother.* On Wednesday the Mir proceeded
to return after fulfilling his mission. The men of the fort of
Bhakkar got news of his departure and sent a force against his boat,
and discharged a shower of arrows on the Mir. He received several
dangerous wounds, and died next day. His Majesty JahanbSni
was exceedingly grieved at this, and said with. his truth-speaking
tongue, that the oppositions and contumacies of brothers, the in-
gratitude of those whom his salt had nourished, and the helplessness
of comrades and friends whereby the kingdom of India had been
lost and many troubles had appeared, were all but one side to {i.e.,
1 18th Jamada*l-awwal would ap-
parently be 11th September, 1541, but
then the 18tb was a Saturday, not a
Tuesday. Perhaps A. F. wrote 13th.
« B&bar's Mems. 148, Jarrett II.
406.
* Babar's sister-in-law, widow of
his youngest brother Naeir Mirza.
366
AKBiRNlMA.
were all equalled or balanced by) the loss of the Mir ; nay^ tho8«
calamities did not equal this one. And in truth the Mir^s eminence
was such as he in his appreciation declared it to be.^ But inasmuch
as passing wisdom and right-thinking were rooted in his Majesty
Jahanb&nl's sacred person and were supreme there^ an event like
this^ which might have been a place of stumbling to the saints of
faith and might, made him draw nigh to perfect wisdom and swayed
him to submission and resignation. Even in such a wisdom-robb-
ing catastrophe^ which might have displaced many a man's foot
of patience^ this wise and God-fearing one took counsel with God-
given reason and submitted to the Divine will. Or if by reason of
the onsets of circumstance^ and the constraining power of his tern-
peramentj he could not attain to this blissful retreat^ he put aside
sighing and crying, as is the manner of those whose hearts are tied
and bound to outer things^ and was contented with the narrow pass
{tangndi) of long-suffering patience. Praise be to God that though
his Majesty was at firsts owing to his humanity, somewhat overcome
by cares and afflictions, yet under the guidance of right reason he
became cheerful under worldly troubles and recognised good in the
Divine decrees, according to the fashion of the pious and steady of
eye who bind nosegays and gather fruit in the rose-garden of sub-
mission and resignation, and who come to contemplate with truth-
176 discerning eyes the flowers of such gardens. Five or six days after
this presaging disaster, Yadgftr Naf ir Mlrza crossed the river and had
the good fortune to do homage to his Majesty Jahiubfini, who gave
him a gracious reception. Meantime ^aikh Mirak, the ambassador
from Tatta, received his congS and a rescript was sent to the ruler of
Tatta, to the effect that his representations were accepted on condition
that he faithfully came and did homage. The ruler of Tatta for a
time gave out that he was coming. As his words were unillumined
by sincerity's lamp, they did not attain the glory of performance. At
length his Majesty Jahfinbani granted Bhakkar and its territory to
Yadgar Nasir Mirza and in the beginning of Jumida'l-ftt^ir, 948^
1 It was the Mir who made the
remark which led to Babar's devot-
ing himself for Humiyun's recovery
from sickness, so HumSyan may have
thought he was indebted to him for
his life. The Mir is mentioned in
the Tar. Roii. 478. It was he alao
who arranged about the marriage of
Humayan and 9am!da. See Gul-
badan's Mems. p. 436.
CHAPTER xxvr. 867
(latter half (of September^ 1541)^ marched against Tatta. Having
given to the Mirzathat bad country which by the benediction of
kingly justice had turned its face towards civilization and became
rich in corn and vegetables^ he moved forward. Near the castle of
Sehwan^ Fazll Beg the brother of Mun4m l^an^ Taras^ Beg, elder
brother of g^&ham Odn> B'Ud others, to the number of about twenty
were proceeding by boat when a party came out from the castle and
attacked them. They disembarked and assaulted the foe who fled
into the castle. Some of these tigers of valour's forest went up
to the fort, but as they were not supported, they withdrew and joined
the camp. On 1 7th Bajab his Majesty Jahanbani reached Sehwan and
invested the castle. Previous to this, the garrison had laid waste the
buildings and gardens in the environs. During the siege the ruler
of Tatta advanced, and blocking the way, prevented com from
reaching the camp. Owing to the protracted siege and the scanty
supplies of com, the base and dishonest began to desert and even the
feet of great men, whose notions of rectitude had departed, came
to slide from their places. For instance, Mir Tahir ^adr, !^wfija
6hiy§su-d-din of Jam, and Maulanft 'Abdu-1-baqi went off to the ruler
of Tatta's camp, while Mir Barka, MirzS Hasan, Zafar ^AlT^ son of
Faqr 'All Beg, and S^wija Muhibb 'Ali BahbiM hastened off to
Yadgir Nafir Mirzi. At this time it came to his Majesty's ears that
Mun'im !|^&n, Fazil Beg and many others had joined together and
were intending to withdraw. His Majesty as a precautionary measure
imprisoned Mun'im ^Sn, their ringleader. I shall now stop this 177
part of the narrative, and give some account of Yadgar Nasir Mirza.
Account of Tddgdr Nd^ir Mirzd,
He madeLuhr! his residence when his Majesty left him atBhakkar.
Twice did the garrison attack him by surprise, and, willing or unwill-
ing, the MTrzfi showed courage in these engagements. Muhammad 'All
Qdbuci (i.e., door-keeper) and gt^r-dil, both of them related to Mun'im
!^an, bravely drained the wholesome cup of martyrdom. On a third
occasion, they (the enemy) had the daring to leave their boats and
draw up their forces on the sands. On this occasion the Mirzft's men
showed such superiority that nearly 300 or 400 of the enemy were killed,
and the hot sand was saturated with the evil blood of those victims.
Such fear fell upon the enemy that they did not again venture to come
8G8
AKBARNAMA.
out. JVfTrzS Shall Husaiu increased his craft and led the Mirza out of the
straight path. He sent his seal-bearer^ Babar Quli^ to him, represent*
ing that he was old and had no sympathiser,^ that he would give him
his daughter in marriage and make over his treasures to him, that he
did not wish to spend uselessly the few remaining days of his borrowed
life, and that they two together might conquer Gujrat. In fine
he deceived that simpleton by lying promises,* and the latter being
void of understanding and crooked in thought, stained his forehead
with disloyalty. If he had had a particle of magnanimity or a glim*
mering of discernment, be would never even for valid promises have
planted his foot in the circle of disloyalty, nor have hearkened to the
interested representations of the perfidious, but would have practised
honesty and kept his head erect !
When his Majesty Jahanbani saw the straits to which the army
was reduced, he sent a messenger to Yadgar Nasir Mirzd requesting
him to fall quickly upon the ruler of Tatta, who was blocking up the
way, so that the army might emerge from the strait of difficulty into
ample space. Though the Mirza had in his heart became alienated,
yet he preserved appearances a little by sending out an advance*
camp. But with the same crudity of thought, he delayed and loiter-
ed in marching out. Thereupon his Majesty Jahanb&ni sent Shaikh
'Abdu-l*g^af ur, who was sprung from the g^aikljs of Turkistfin, and
whom his Majesty had made one of his intimates^^ to contrive that
1 Sh&h Qusain never had more
than two wives, and from the first he
soon passed. He never had a son.
• " The lying promises of *Urqab."
See Lane, 2032n.
* Takl aa muqarrahdn-i-l^tid saf^-
ia hiidand. There are three variants,
from tnuqarrahdn : Muldzimdn, Mir
M dldn 'and Mtr Pdldn, Apparently
MTr Mal&n is right for Erskine has
it in his IMS. trs. B.M. Add. 26.607,
and Ni?amu-d-din describes 'Abdu-
1-ghaf Qr as Humaynn's" Mlr-i-mdl,
i. €., (according to Blochmann VI),
keeper of the privy purse. Sgp. -^^^^
D'Herbelot s. v, A/m-^^tV 'Abdu-l-
gbafar is perhaps the man men*
tioned in Blochmann 538, and whom
Nizamn-d-dln also names in the list
of learned men and of whom he says
that he for a long time taught in
pargana 'A^Tmpar. See also Bad&onf
III. 42. Evidently his language was
unbecoming because he frightened
YadgSr by giving him a bad account
of HumiyQn's position. NiBim*2t^d>
dfn says that •^feiu-1-ghafar gave
such a do«ij{fiption of the Emperor**
<l\9Sl*aitie8 that YadgSr and his men
thought it best to await the takin
of Bhakkar.
f
CHAPTER XXVI.
369
the Mirza should advance quickly. But that worthless fellow walked
crookedly and as the saying is^ —
VerseA
This very road on which you are going leads (also) to Turkistan.
He perverted his mission and by his improper language so affected 178
the short-sighted Mlrz§ that he even neglected appearances and
recalled his advance-camp. When his Majesty Jahanbani perceived
that the times were so unpropitious^ and that the army's difficulties
were beyond conception^ he saw that it was useless to remain longer
near the fort (Sehw^n) , and proceeded on 1 7th Zi'l-qa'da(23rd February,
1542), towards Bhakkar and LuhrT. At this juncture one of Yadgar
Nasir Mirzg's censurable acts was, that at the instigation of the ruler
of Tatta, he seized and sent to him Gandam * and Hala, who were loyal
zamindars, and had shown their loyalty by collecting boats, &c. That ^
unrighteous one put them to death in punishment for the meritorious
act of this service. His Majesty passed over this vile act and a
hundred like it and was always for conciliation, thinking that per-
chance he (the Mirza) would write words of regret on the page of his
actions and come into the house of amendment. When the sublime
standards reached the borders of Luhrl, Yadgar Nfisir Mirza came out
with a body of men to attack the camp. His Majesty on hearing
I OulUtdn Book II, Story 6. The
whole verse is^
" O Arab, I fear you'll never reach
the Ka*ba,
The road you're on leads (also P) to
Turkistan."
The meaning is not very clear,
but I think it is, that all depends on
how the face is set. The road leads
to the Ka*ba, but also to Turkistan,
i.e., in the opposite direction. I do not
know if A. F. means to charge ' Abdu-
1-ghaf ar with treachery, or only with
awkwardness. Probably the latter is
meant, the envoy having by his bad
driving, made the Mirza go back
instead of forward. Perhaps there
47
is a point in the envoy's belonging to
Turkistan.
• This story is told at greater
length by Nisjamu-d-dln. Elliot V.
210. Hala is the name of a division
in Sind (Hughes' Gazetteer, 185) and
perhaps Gandam is a place name
also. The Zamindars' offence was
that they enabled Humayun to cross
the river from Bhakkar by raising
some sunken boats. Oandcun means
wheat and Price so renders it, but
here it seems to be a person's name.
* The clause begins with td and
perhaps what is meant is that they
were sent in order to be put to dcatli
and not that this actually occurred.
870
AEBlBNlMA.
this immediately got on horseback. Hashim Beg, who was one of
the Mlrza's right-thinking confidants^ on hearing of this shamefol
proceeding, went quickly to him and violently seizing his rein, turned
him back. He chided and reproved him, and speaking bitterly and
harshly, said " Apparently gentlemanly feeling, shame, respect and
reverence have left the world. In what religion and by what canons
of reason and sense, is it allowable to exhibit such levity and to set
oneself up against one's benefactor ?"
Verse.
Good was that commander's saying.
Watch the measure of thy work.
Plant thy foot on the pedestal of thy ability,
So that thou make thyself a place on the sky-top.
Whoever does not quit his own afEairs,
Eats the fruit of whatever he sows in this world.
By such wise counsels he brought the MTrza back to Bandar ^
Laharl. Meanwhile many, such as Qasim Qusain Suljan, followed
the path of error, and separated from his Majesty^ and came over to
Tadgar Nosir Mirza's side.
Return to the main narrative.
When by the requirements of the mysteries of Divine wisdom and
by the subtleties of eternal counsel, which arrange within the cover of
every failure (ndmurddi) many materials of success (arsbdh-i-murdd) ,
there was no form of success in Sind and when the decisive test for
179 man's unmanliness had been applied, and the disloyalty of the army,
the unhelpfulness of brothers, the folly of kindred and the unfavour-
ableness of fortune had been revealed, his Majesty desired to don the
dress of the recluse and the ascetic and to strike with the foot of
longing into the desert path of the travellers on God's way, and to
take up the circumambulation * {halqa) of the Jea'ha of purpose and
1 This is either a mistake, or an
unusual expression. Bandar Laharl
is not Lahrl or Bahrl on the Indus,
but a seaport at the mouth of the
river and in aarkdr Tatta. Jarrett
II. 339. Bhakkar is placed by A. F.
in Mult&u. Jarrett. 327.
' fial qa-i-ka^ba-i-mur dd. flalqct
means a ring and also a doorknocker
but I suppose the meaning here is
that HumayCin thought of going to
Mecca and making a devotional cir-
cuit round the ka*ba.
OHAPTRR XXVI.
871
tlie thread of the skirt of resolution, or to retire into a hermitage^
preferring the cell of ease to the beholding of his contemporaries,
and wishing to be far removed from this world fall of care {dslb)
and worldlings full of craft (fartb). All his right-thinking comrades
who in weal and woe had waited on his stirrup and kept close to the
reins of his society, besought him to abandon this idea and repre-
sented that the thing to be done now was to cast the shadow of
fortune^s Humd ' on the country of Mfildeo and there to recruit his
spirits, for M&ldeo had repeatedly sent representations of devotion and
made protestations of loyalty ; that he had an army and an arsenal ;
that evidently he regarded this as a favourable opportunity and that
when he was at the stirrup of good fortune, he would become a spring
of good service, and that by degrees, the secret hopes and wishes of
his Majesty's well-wishers would be fulfilled. His Majesty from a
regard to the ideas of these faithful ones ordered a march towards
that country. He sent a gracious rescript, together with salutary
counsels, by Ibrahim Beg Ishak Aqa to Yadgar Na^ir Mirza, for per-
chance he might become conscious of his base acts and come to tread
the path of repentance, and might depart from villany and display the
grace of propriety. The following verse was endorsed on the letter :
Verse.
0 thou moon-cheeked one, others' eye and lamp,
1 bum ! How long wilt thou plaster others' scars ?
As the slumbrous-witted Mlrza did not possess an awakening
spirit, the expostulation made no impression on him. With the same
old vain hopes he took the road of disloyalty and stayed behind in
Luhri. His Majesty Jahanbani proceeded to tJc on 21st Muharram
949, and from thence went towards Maldeo on 18th> Rabi^u-1-awwal,
and on the 14th idem halted at the foot of Dilawar.^ On. the 20th
I Cf . Ta/r, Baslk' 399, where Ehwaja
Nar bids Hnmay^n not to throw his
shadow in a country where the parrot
was rarer than the kite. Probably by
this the saint meant Gaur where Hu-
mayun was wasting his time. The
saying is a common one, and is to
bo found in the Anwdr^i-auliaiti,
s A note to text suggests that 18
is a mistake for 13. Possibly the
dates 18 and 14 have been trans-
posed.
B In Bahawalpur, Pan jab. I. G-.
Text, Dlwarawal. See Jarrett II.
331, where it is spelt Diwar-i-awwal.
See Raverty J.A.S.B. 1892, p. 184,
note 74, and id. Extra No. 1897, 428,
and note 463.
372
AKBARN4MA.
he encamped at Hafalpur,^ and on 17th Babru-l*&khir he encamped
twelve kda from Bikanir, On the way the far-seeing members of his
retinue became apprehensiye of the deceit and perfidy of M&ldeo and
represented this to his Majesty. They continually suggested that
cautious action which is the illuminated border of f ortune^s rescript.
At length Mir Samandar, who was at the head of men of sense^ was
180 Bent on rapidly to Maided. He returned when he had penetrated the
secrets of his hearty and represented that though Maided was making
protestations of sincerity, it was evident that he did not possess the
true light. When the standards of fortune approached his territory^
Sankai (or Sang&i) of Nagor, who was one of Mfildeo*8 confidants,
came to the camp under pretext of trade and sought to purchase a
valaable * diamond. As his demeanour did not savour of rectitude,
his Majesty Jahanbani bade them impress on this (would-be)
buyer that such jewels were not to be obtained by purchase. They
either fell by the shimmer of the flashing sword into the hands of
him for whom Providence destined them, or were obtained by the
favour of great monarchs. In fine, his Majesty was rendered even
more cautious by the arrival of this cheat, and applauded the
acuteness of Samandar. Again acting on vigilance and prudence
which are the net with which princes work, especially in times of
trouble and difficulty, he sent BaT Mai Sum with instructions to go
quickly to where Malde5 was and to report what he discovered. If
unable to write, he was to communicate by means of a pre-arranged
signal. That is, the signal of Mftlde5's faithfulness was to be the
messenger's clasping all his five fingers, and that of opposition and
hypocrisy was to be the clasping of his little fipger. The camp
moved on two or three stages from Phaludi * which is thirty hoa
I Text, Wasilp&r, but see Errata.
It is however Wa^ilpQr in three
B. M. MSS.
9 This seems to be an allnsion to
the stone known as Bfibar's Dia-
mond but which should be rather
known as HumEy fin's. Humaycln
carried it with him in his wander-
ings, and presented it to 8h&h
Tahm^sp. In HumSy&n'a remarks
there is a play on the word jauhar
which means both a jewel and the
wave-markings or lustre of a sword.
Jauhar Aftiibci, p. 88, mentions that
two of HumSy&n*s attendants told
MaldSS that Humaydn had valuable
jewels, and instigated him to demand
them.
s Jarrett II. 276. " Phalodi, a salt
marsh in the north-west corner of the
State, near the Jesalmlr frontier.**
R2jpilt&nt Gazetteer II. 224, also
CHAPTEB XXYI.
373
from Jodhpur^ the abode of Maldeo^ and stopped at the Kul-i-jogi
(the recluse^B pond), Bai Mai Sum's ooarier arrived there, and
clasped his little finger. This signal explained the state of matters^
and afterwards it clearly appeared that the thoughts of this black-
fated scoundrel were deceit and perfidy^ and that he had an evil
intention in sending a large body of men under pretence of setting
off the welcome. His Majesty turned his reins towards PhaludT.
Yet many people are of opinion that Maldeo was in the first
instance well-intentioned, and desirous of doing service, and that
afterwards he was diverted from the right path either by learning
the distressed condition of the troops and their small numbers, or
by the false promises of ^er Kh&n and by perceiving his ascen-
dency. Or he was withheld from help and service by his (S^er
Khin's) threats. In any case he abandoned the path of counsel
and auspiciousness and turned the page of loyalty. The general
opinion, however, is that from beginning to end his protestations of
service and his sending petitions of obedience were all based upon
hypocrisy and hostility,'
In short, as at that time the adorners of the pinakothek of 181
fate were engaged in decoration of another sort, nothing that his
Majesty undertook came to any result, and trouble and wickedness
appeared in every place when there was a prospect of good and
of welfare. When the gilding of those counterfeit troops * was sub-
jected to the test, and the perfidy of Maldeo's unrighteous thoughts
had been revealed in the ante-chamber of his Majesty's sacred heart,
he ordered Tardi Beg Khan, Mun'im Khan and a number of his other
servants to go out and stop the advance of the evil-minded ones
and prevent them from putting foot in the sublime camp. After
thus keeping them in check, they were to return but if an oppor-
tunity offered, they should defeat them. His Majesty marched on
with a few devoted followers and with his veiled ladies. Among
the soldiers were gjb^i^ 'All Beg Jalair, Tarsun Beg, son of Baba
" Phalodi is a large town to the north-
west of Marwar near the borders
of Bekanir and Jesalmir/' L c, p. 263.
1 A. F. probably expatiates on the
subject of Maldeo, because he had
heard a good deal about it from his
father who was then at Nagor.
* Probably the troops who were
ostensibly sent to welcome him.
374
AKBARNAMA.
Jalair^ PazTl Beg and otherSj the total number being abont twenty.
There were also some domestic slaves and some faithful menials.
Of learned * men there were present Mulla Taju-d-din and Mauland
Cand the astrologer .>
When the camp had left Phaludi and arrived at Satalmir,'
Mildeo^s army appeared in sight, whilst the officers who had been
despatched to check them, had lost their way and gone off in another
direction, so that there was a passage for the enemy to the royal
standards. His Majesty, who was a rock of power and a world
of courage, placed the foot of steadfastness on the skirt of resoln*
tion and dignity, and turned against them with God-given reason
and innate understanding. Many of the ladies were dismounted
and their horses given to fighting men, and the troops having been
distributed into three ^ bands, were sent against the foe. ghaikh 'Ali
Beg with three or four trusty brethren advanced and attacked the
enemy, who were huddled together in a defile. To attack them and
to put them to flight was one and the same thing. A large number
of them were killed, and by the Divine aid the king's servant<a
obtained the victory. His Majesty Jahanbam after returning thanks
to God proceeded towards Jesalmir, where he encamped in the
beginning of Jumada'l-awwal. At this stage the officers who had
lost their way and whose minds had been distressed by agitations *
experienced the blessing of service, and made the dust of the royal
camp the coUyrium of fortune's eye. The Rai of Jesalmir, who was
1 AhUi-sa'ddat, good or anspicious
men. See Humaynn's classification
of the people, Elliot Y. 120 and text,
infra I. 857. At p. 9 of text the
phrase arbah-usa'adat has a similar
meaning and should have been so
translated by me. A. F. there repre-
sents himself as the last or hum-
blest of the learned men who adorned
Akbar's Court.
s He afterwards cast Akbar's horos-
cope. Mulls Taju-d-dIn is perhaps
the T&ju-d-dln of Dilhl mentioned
by BadSonT, Blochmann 181. But
more probably he is the Shaikh
TSju-d-dIn Lahri whose death at JUn
is recorded soon afterwards. Text,
p. 185.
8 Jarrett II. 276. " Satalmir was
built by Satal, the eldest son of Rao
Jodha (after whom Jodhpur is nam-
ed) on the top of a low ridge of
hills, there is nothing left but the
ruins of an old Jain temple.**
* The three seems doubtful. In
two B. M. MSS. the word is more
like Bar and the correct reading is
perhaps Bar-i'fauj,
* Andjirt perhaps false reports of
disaster.
I
CHAPTER ZXVI.
375
called Rfii LSnkaran^^ took up^ out of wickedness^ the position of
hostility and set gaards over the water-pond^ so that the royal army
which had experienced the toils of the desert and had come from a 182
wilderness of mirages to this evil halting-place^ was put to trouble
from want of water. The tigers of fidelity's forest advanced and
showing their superiority, defeated that vile crew. Prom thence they
proceeded on towards the bounty-encompassed fort [hi^dr-i-faiz^
inkisdr) of Amarkot on 10th Jum&da'l-awwal (23rd August, 1542).
After difficulties from hunger and thirst, the glory of arriving at
that guarded fort (ha^n-i-hafin) , which is the ascension-point of
glory and storehouse of fortune's jewel, was conferred upon them.
The ruler of the fort, who was called Ban& Pars&d, regarded the
sublime advent as a glorious adornment and tendered acceptable
service.
One of the marvels {barakdt) resulting from the sacred existence
of his Majesty, the king of kings, which moved the wonder of the
acute of the time, was that in that propitious period when her
Majesty Maryam-makani was pregnant with that Unique of creation's
workshop, she one day when she had been rapidly traversing the
desert, had a longing for a pomegranate. In that waterless and
grainless Sahara where it was difficult to find any trace of com, the
caterers for the holy court were in despair, when suddenly a man
brought a bag {anbdn) full of millet (jawdr) for sale. When
they took him into the tent and were emptying his bag, suddenly
a large, juicy pomegranate emerged. 'Twas a cause of joy and
gladness, and an astonished world ascribed it to a miracle.
Some ' days were spent in that delightful spot, and it was there
that Tardi Beg Khan and many others who had accumulated goods
and wealth— all of it acquired by the abiding good fortune (of the
royal house) — grudged giving it in such a time of distress and
difficalty, even when his Majesty asked for it ! By the help of the
Rsi of Amarkdt his Majesty got possession * of the goods, and out
of his perfect kindness, liberality and justice, distributed a portion
among his followers for their expenses, but returned the bulk of it to
1 The Nooukarn of Todd. A Raja
Lonkaran is mentioned in Nijfamu-d-
dlu as one of Akbar's nobles. Bloch-
mann, 531.
I About six weeks.
» Cf. Jauhar, 43.
376
AKBABNABIA*
those low-minded; narrow-souled ones. Ood be praised I How have
the necks of contemporaries — from the blessing of his Majesty
the king of kings and shadow of God^s holy essence — come into the
noose of zeal and loyalty^ so that whilst in that past age great officers
and those holding high trusts did not ascend to even a low stage of
loyalty, and were at such a crisis niggardly of wealth which they
had gathered by the blessing of their master's favour, at the present
day the despised and they who stand a great way off from devotion's
court, have with respect to self-sacrifice, a delight in climbing to the
loftiest stages of perfect loyalty, even though they be in the position
183 of being abused and reproached ! How much more then they who
are the ^lite of the court and bystanders of the pedestal of the
sublime throne I May Almighty God hold aloft, for epochs and
cycles, this chosen one from eternity on the masnad of bounty, and
on the throne of the hbildfat, that he may conduct the affairs of
the world and of mankind.
As ^ his Majesty Jah&nbani had in his mind the firm intention
of marching forwards and as the time of the appearance of the Lord
of Time and the Terrene was at hand, he, having ascertained the
propitious hour, committed, on Ist Bajab, 949 (11th October, 1542),
the litter of her Majesty Maryam-makani and some faithful followers to
the world-upholding Creator, and with fortune and prestige set out
on his expedition.
1 According to the text this sen-
tence closes the chapter, but I think
it would have been better to end
with the preceding paragraph. The
headings are probably not by the
authors and are often arbitrary.
The Lucknow edition has not a new
chapter here.
CHAPTER XXTU.
377
CHAPTER XXVII.
Rbcbipt of thb news of thb auspicious birth of his Majesty
THE kino of KINQS^ BY HIS MaJESTY JaHANBAKI JaNNAT-
ASHYANI^ AND OTHER DETAILS.^
At this time^ when the hoping eyes of the watchers of the
night of expectation were opened and the door of hopelessness was
closed for the world, the exaltation-point (iiaraf) of the birth of his
Majesty, the king of kings and shadow of God, displayed its
countenance. As has already been stated, that nursling of Divine
light emerged from the womb of concealment into the world of
manifestation on the night of Sunday,* 5th Bajab, 949 (15tlL
October, 1542), in order that all the sorrows of mortals might end
in everlasting joy; that the sorrow-pelted heart of his Majesty
Jahanbani might receive the balm of assuagement ; that the perturbed
outer world might assume kosmoa and the rent-spiritual world be
composed ; that the spectators of Divine power (i.e., the angels)
might rejoice over the spectacle of the accomplished fact and the
expectants of the spiritual and temporal world have their desire
satisfied ; that to Wisdom there should come a master, to Justice a
gracious father, to Perception a wise friend, to Law a righteous king,
to Love an acute appreciator ; that universal peace might have a wise
daysman ; that an adorn er of the outward and a shewer-forth of the
inward might appear. God be praised that in adequate correspon-
dence with hope, there shone a dawn of union after a dark night of
distraction, and that a morning of joy succeeded an evening of gloom.
The desire of celestials was accomplished, the glory of terrestrials
revealed. When this darkness-destroying refulgence and universe-
lighting flash came from holy heaven and unveiled itself in that land
^ A better snb-heading would bci
" Some account of Bairam Shin."
48
* Saturday, according to our
reckoning, the birth being early on
Sunday morning.
378
AKBARNlMA.
of roses,! swift messengers hastened to convey the good news. While
they were yet on the way, the heart of his Majesty Jahanbani, — for
his far-seeing eye was on the watch on account of the secret inti-
mation,— became a thousand hearts from the life-giving good news.
He prostrated himself in thanksgiving to Providence who had made
fortune^s rose bloom in the thorn-brake of misfortune, and had
in the emptiness of failure, cast thousands of fruitions into his
bosom. Within and without, there was a feast of joy, and all
addressed themselves to enjoyment. The noble and the humble, the
rich and poor, the small and great, opened the hand of rejoicing,
184 and beat the feet of delight in that feast of fortune, and secured
endless favours. An account of this sublime feast, which was the
celestial 'Id and the world's New Year, and of the arrival of the
honoured cradle of his Majesty, the king of kings, at his Majesty
Jab&nbanl's sublime camp, and of other occurrences which are the
adorning frontispiece of this auspicioas rescript and the illuminated
border of this mandate of fortune, has been incorporated in the
beginning of this lofty-titled volume ; for this real Pinacothek,'
^ wherein are depicted the wondrous events, noble deeds and glorious
victories of his Majesty, the king of kings, is fashioned in accord
with the initiative of the exaltation-point {iAaraf) of the holy
nativity, and whatever else has been traced by the pen of supplica-
tion is but ancillary to this and but a diluent ^ or vehicle of the
t Oul'Zamtn, Perhaps Mary am -
makani's bosom is meant.
* Ariang or ilrs&an^, the house
of the painter Mani and also his
albam. D'Herbelot «. v, Ertenk k
Jarrett III. 336, 387. Man! ia the
supposed founder of Manicheism.
* Sirdhl'i'tuHa/nt lit. irrigation of
words. A. F. here explains why
he began his work with the horos-
copes of Akbar and the details
of his birth althongh this causes
some repetition in his account of
Haraftyun's reign. It may be worth
while noting that A. F. divided his
history according to qarant or periods
of thirty years, of his 'hero's life.
Thus his first volume embraced the
first thirty years of Akbar 's life,
viz,, from his birth to the end of
the seventeenth year of his reign,
for Akbar ascended the throne when
he was 13. The next book was to
contain the history of the reign up
to the end of the 47th year, but was
not completed because A. F. was
killed in that year. Apparently he
had carried on the history till the
end of the 46th year. His hope, aa
he tells us in the ^tn, Jarrett III.
416, was that he might write fonr
volumes, i.e., the history of four
CHAPTER XXVII.
379
discourse, and has a real connection with that subject. God be
praised ! The imposing record of this ever-during progression has
been accomplished even from Adam, down to this period (Akbar*s
birth), generation after generation. That it may go on, the veil is
being withdrawn from the countenance of narration.
In short, as his Majesty Jahanban! Jannat-ashyani was a
world of urbanity and generosity, he had stayed his desire of
retirement for the sake of his loyal companions, and with his far-
seeing eyes had set about the ordering of the world of interdepen-
dencies, as is the special purpose of the existence of princes, and
had proceeded towards Maldeo's country. Mdldeo that ravening
demon (div-madl-i'dad^sirat) did not comprehend the magnitude of
the blessing — such as he could not see even in a dream, and behaved
in an unworthy manner. Of necessity and at the request of his
devoted followers, his Majesty proceeded back to Sind on the chance
that the rulers of that country might awake from the slumber of
negligence, and amend the past. Though the world-adorning mind
did not approve of this, still in accordance with fate he agreed to
return. When the sublime army came near the boundary, it became
known that the Arghunians were assembled in Jun and were pre-
pared to fight. His Majesty Jahanbani sent forward ghai^ 'Ali Beg
Jalair, whose ancestors were of hereditary devotion and loyalty from
the time of the uprearing of the standards of glory of his Majesty
^dhib-qirdni (Timur), together with a body of brave men. He
himself followed. As Shaikh 'All had at his back the victorious
qarana (120 years). The third
volume which he refers to in the
passage mentioned above is the Ain,
which was finished, in a manner,
in the 42nd year, t. c, 1597-98. No
donbt, however, he intended to add
to it from time to time according as
new regulations were issued by
Akbar, and new territories added
to his kingdom. The Aln is gener-
ally called the third book of the
Akharnamat but it should be re-
membered that it is not a continua-
tion of the first two, and that it
was completed (in a manner) before
the historical part of his work was
finished. It is in reality an ex-
cursus or side-piece to his history.
A. F.*s division of his work has
not been preserved in the Bih. Ind.
edition which is in three volumes,
the first ending with Akbar *s ac-
cession and not with his 17th year
as A. F. designed. The expression
Birdhl'i'Su^ian above referred to is
used again by A. F. at p. 195 of text
when he digresses into accounts of
Sher Khan, Haidar Mlrza and others.
380
AKBARNllfA.
army^ he went forward bravely with a few men and soon scattered the
foe. The breeze of victory's morn blew from the orient of the sword
and the horizon of the bow^ and the sun of fortune burnt up the
darkness of that field of nemesis. The army encamped near Jun. ^
To that town of lofty threshold {qa^ha-i-rafi^-^ataba) there came
from Amarkot^ the birth-place^ the honourable litter of her Ma-
jesty Maryam-makani and the sublime cradle of his Majesty^ the
186 king of kings^ attended by fortune and happy augury. Accord-
ingly a detail of the circumstance has been made an adornment to
the Introduction. As this spot was on the banks of the Indus and
was eminent among the cities of Sind for its many gardens^ streams,
pleasant fruits and amenities, the army stayed there for some time.
There were continual fights with the Arghunians who were always
defeated. Shaikh Taju-d-dm Lari,* who was one of his Majesty
Jahanbani's favourites, became a martyr here.^ One day SJbaikl^
'All Beg Jalair, Tardi Beg JQian, and a body of men were despatched
to attack the neighbouring district. Sultan Mahmud of Bhakkar
and a large number of people fell upon them. Tardi Beg was re*
miss in fighting, but S^er 'All Beg stood firm and in that battle-
field {razm) which is the banquet-table (bisat^i-bazm) of the brave,
quaffed with unaltered mien the sherbet of martyrdom. The
heart of his Majesty JahSnbinT was grievously wounded by the fate
of so faithful a follower, and some other untoward circumstances
having occurred, his heart cooled towards the country of Bhakkar
and he determined to go to Qandahar. Just then, on 7th Muharram
950 (13th April, 1543) Bairam Khan arrived alone from Gujrat and
laid a balm on the wounded spirit of his Majesty, and was a cause
of cheerfulness and joy. One of the wonderful things was that as
1 As Stewart remarks, JiSn is not
marked on the maps. A. F. puts it
in Hajkan. Jarrett II. 340. Appar-
ently it was on the east bank» be-
tween Tattah and Sehwan. General
Haig, (1. c, p. 92) says " JUn, the chief
town of a fertile and populous dis-
trict, was situated on the left bank
of the B9n. It is 75 miles south-
west of Umarkote and 50 miles
north-east of Tattah." A note adds
that the ruins of Jan are to bo seen
two miles south-east of the present
Tando Ghulam Haidar.
* Lar or L&ristan is a maritime
province of Persia. D'Herbelot 8. v.
Lar.
* Perhaps all that is meant Is
that he died a natural death.
CHAPTER JLXTII.
381
he was coming to the camp^ he bad first to pass over a battle-field.
Before he could make his obeisance or reveal himself^ he had to
prepare for war and to fight bravely. The victorious soldiers were
amazed^ and thought "he comes from the secret army (of God)."
When it transpired that he was Bairam i^an, a shout was raised
by those standing in battle-array^ and the heart of his Majesty
JahSnbani rejoiced. On account of this arrival^ they continued for
some ^ days to halt in that land of roses {gulzamin) .
Account of Bairam Khan.
The brief account of Bairam O&n is as follows. After expos-
ing his life in the unfortunate affair of Qanauj^ he went to Sambal.
There he took refuge with Baja Mitter Sen^ one of the great land-
holders of that country^ in the town of Lakhnur > and for a while
remained there under protection. When ^er!^an heard of this,
he sent a messenger for him, and the Baja being helpless, sent the
Khan. They met on the road ^ to Malwa. At the beginning of the
interview, gher Khan rose up to receive him and in order to attract
him, spoke crafty words to him. Among his remarks was this, " Who- 186
ever keeps his loyalty, stumbleth not." " Yea," replied Bairam Khan,
" whoever keeps his loyalty, shall not stumble." He contrived, after
a thousand difficulties, to escape from near Burhanpur in company
with Abu'l-qfisim, the governor of GwSliyar, and set out for Gujrat.
While they were on their way, gher Khfin's ambassador who was
coming from Gujrat, got information about them and sent people
who arrested Abii^l-qasim, — who was remarkable for the beauty of
his person. Bairam Khan out of nobleness and generosity stoutly
asseverated that he was Bair&m Khauj while Abu'l-qasim heroically
said, " This is my servant ; he would sacrifice himself for me, beware
and witlidraw your hand from him." Thus it was the case of
I Three months according to
A. F/s own chronology, for they did
not leave J An till 11th July. It is
more probable that it was Bairam's
arrival and energy which made
HumiyQn take such a decided step
as that of leaving Sind.
» Jarrett II. 298. There is a fuller
account of Bairam's visit to Sam-
bhal in ' Abbas ' chronicle.
^ At U j jain, according to the chro-
nicle of Sher Shah.
382
AKBAHNAMA.
}9
Verse, ^
^^ Leave me, seize the hand of my friend.
In this way Bairam Khan escaped and went to Saltan Mahmud
in GujrSt. Abu'l-qasim was taken before Sher lO^an, and from
failure ^ to appreciate him, that mine of magnanimity was martyred.
§jber !^an used frequently to remark that '^as soon as Bairim
Khan said in the assembly ' Whoever keeps his loyalty shall not *
stumble,' we gathered that he would not come to terms with ns."
Suljtan Mahmud of Gujrat too, though he tried to induce him to stay with
him, could not succeed. He (Bairam) got leave to go on pilgrimage
and came to Surat. Thence he hurried off to the country of Hardwar*
1 Gulistan V. 20.
s Az nd'Hdnmi ; this cannot mean,
owing to his not being recognised,
for Sher Khan had seen the real
BairSm.
& I adopt the variant na Wiwahad.
♦ Corrected in the Errata to
Marwar, but apparently on the
authority of one MS. only and I
suspect that MarwSr is merely a
guess devised to get rid of the im-
probability of Bairam's having gone
to such a distant place as Hardwar.
The Jlfa'a«Ir-i-wnara has Hardwar and
so has the Jtfd'agtr-i-raAml. It does
not agree very well with A. F.'s state-
ment that BairSm joined Humayan
from Gujrit, but then neither does
Marwar. Though Hardwar be very
far it is not impossible that Bairam
who was trying to hide, went the
distance in order to escape Sher
Kh&n and Saltan Ma^imud. He
may have done so in disguise and
in company with Hind& pilgrims.
Possibly too he went there because
it was not far from his old refuge of
Sambhal. At first I was inclined to
accept M&rwftr and to suppose that
A. F. wrote it in the form Mara war
or Maruwar ( jhjj>^ ^^JJJJ^) which
according to Tod, is the original
word and which might easily enough
be read by a copyist as Hardw&r. It
might also have been supposed that
Bairam went to Marwar, i.e., Jodh-
pur, in pursuit of Humayan of whose
expedition into MaldSo's country he
may have heard. A pencil note in
Chalmers' Ms. suggests Dwarka
(in Gujrat) which would do very
well if we had any evidence that
Dwarka was ever called Hardwar.
On the whole I think that we must
hold that A. F. wrote Hardwar. The
Ma*d8ir-i'rahiini has a biography of
Bairam taken apparently from a
work called the Tdritik-i-akhari by
Muhammad 'S-rif Qandaharl who
had been Bairam's steward. It uses
the word Hardw&r twice apparently
without any suspicion of mistake. It
describes Bair&m's parentage, bin
birth in Qil'a Zafar in Badakhsh&n,
the death of his father, Saif 'Ali
at Ghaznin, his entering HumSyQn's
service, and becoming his muhrddr
(chancellor), and finally, with refer-
CHAPTER XXVII,
383
and from there he came to the feet of- his own master {^dkib) and
the benefactor of mankind in the village of Jun.
ence perhaps to A. F.'s remarks
on the thousand difificulties which
BairSm experienced in making his
escape to Gujrat, — it tells us how
he in the course of his wanderings.
fell in with a party of Gflwaras who
were drinking and dancing, and how
they constrained him to take part
in their merry-making.
384
AKDAKNlMA.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Singular maiiifbstation bt his Majbstt^ thb Kiko of Kings, ik tbb
BIGHTH MONTH FROM HIS NATIYITT^S BXALTATION-POINT {sharaf), BBINO
THB ILLUMINATED BOBDEB OF MIBACLB8 {Jcardmdt), AND FBBSAGB
OF HIS CABEBB {maqdmdt, lit. stages or stations).
In tlie pages of Divine knowledge, whicli are " the guarded
tablets " ^ from and for eternity, it is laid down that when the diadem
of distinction is set on the marvelloas head of a world-adorning
creature in the temporal and spiritual enthroning-room, there are
emitted, from the auspicious birth-hour of that glorious one, flash-
ings and wonders {bawdriq-i-l^dldt'ii'hl^wdriq'i-'dddt) from the folded
pages of his record, each of them a mysterious herald loudly pro-
claiming in the reason's ear of mankind the glorious progression of
his power, and by such revelations augmenting the felicity of mortals.
One of the marvellous proofs of this is that when seven months
complete had elapsed from his Majesty, the king of kings', auspicious
birth, and when he had in his fortune and felicity entered on the eighth,
a strange circumstance occurred. On an evening which was seized
of the light of fortune's mom, JTjI Anaga — that cupola of chastity—
187 was nursing the first fruit of the garden of holiness, and grieving
over the opposition to her by that veil of chastity — Maham Anaga,
and by many others. She was very sad because they had repre-
sented to his Majesty JahanbcLni Jannat-&sby&ni that Mir Ghaznavrs
wife (t. 6., herself) was practising incantations so that his Majesty,
the prince of mankind, should not accept anyone's milk but her
own. At this time, when none else was present, his Majesty,
seeing that there was privacy, became vocal, and Messiah-like *
I LauA-i-fna/^l, Book of Destiny.
D*Herbelot «. v. 0mm AlkUdb, A Lane,
26800.
* Mu^^^mmadans believe that
Jesus Christ spoke in the cradle.
CHAFTBB zzyni.
385
opened his wondrous mouth to comfort Jiji Anaga's afflicted heart.
'^ Be of good cheer/' he said^ " for the celestial light of the hbildfat
shall abide in thy bosom and shall bestow on the night of thy sorrow
the effulgence of joy. But see that thou reveal this our secret to
no oncj and that thou dost not proclaim untimely this mystery of
God's power, for hidden designs and great previsions are infolded
therein/' Jiji Anaga declared, " This life-fraught intimation brought
me into rapture, and sorrow's knot was at once loosed from off
my heart. This portent which gave me from the eternal throne
the sole and undisputed charge of a child of light, expanded my
heart, one becoming a hundred and a hundred a thousand. > Day
by day the doors of joy and gladness opened wider and wider before
me, and having established myself on thanksgiving for this great bless-
ing, I addressed myself to my duties, heart and soul. The glory and
dominion of two worlds were revealed to me. But I kept this
mystery sealed up till that nursling of dominion became the throne-
adorner of the regions of world-conquest. One day he had gone
forth from Dihll to hunt in the district of Palam,* and there an
enormous and terrific serpent, such as might move the heart of
the daring,^ appeared on the line of road. On this occasion his
Majesty exhibited the miracle of Moses, and without the hesitation
which comes even to generous hearts, put forth his white * hand and
approaching the serpent, courageously and . in the strength of a
sacred intimation, seized its tail with his holy hand and quelled
it. Yusuf Muhammad Khan, ^ brother of Mirza 'Aziz Kokaltas^
beheld this token of power and in his astonishment came and told
me. On that occasion I told my dear son that sealed and hidden-
away mystery which I myself bad seen and heard, and said, ' His
Majesty did that wonderful thing in his tender years, 'tis not strange
1 Text, S^dtirihl, but it should be
SJajftr yakl.
> Jarrett II. 286. In the Dihll
district, and so apparently y'^ifferent
from Palam in KSngra.
B Arhdh-i'iahawumr, Taha/wumr
means, according to Lane, a state
in which one enters on rash enter-
prises, such as fighting with un-
believers more than double the
49
number of the Muslim. Diet. 2906e.
* An allusion to the Muhammadan
story of the white band of Moses
cf. Exodus iv. 6. The miracle of
Moses above referred to seems to be
the conversion of Moses* rod into a
serpent.
^ Blochmann 323. Son of Jiji
Anaga. He was the elder brother.
886 AEBARNAMA.
if in his maturity he has performed this miracle^ for every act
hath its time and every speech its season. The reason of my not
mentioning this marvel till this point is that no one to whom I told
it^ would have believed it^ but on the contrary would have taxed
me with weakness of intellect. The taste of such a story would
have been bitter to their wishes' palate. Moreover I was not at
liberty to reveal it. Now^ my son^ that I have heard from you the
story of the serpent, I have opened my lips to tell of the mystery
which marked his tender years, while the other is a sample of his
riper age. My honoured son I in that exhibitor of miracles such
indications and stages of development {'aldmdt u maqdmdt) are not
188 surprising." Though Abu'l-fa?l, the composer of this noble record
had heard these two anecdotes from a person of veracity, yet he also
received tliem direct from that receptacle of chastity (Jiji Anaga). Bat
what the writer has seen with his own eyes and has understood by
his own contemplation, concerning the perfections and miracles of
this nursling of Divine light, exceeds mortal conjecture and human
comprehension. In truth what was recounted by the venerable
mother of M. 'Aziz K5ka is astonishing to the exoteric {a^hab-i-^hir) ,
but what this humble one hath witnessed is awe-augmenting to the
esoteric (arbab-i-bi/in).
CHAPTBB XXIX.
887
CHAPTER XXIX.
Dbpabtubb of his Majbstt Jahanbani Jannat-Isstani fob
Qandahab^ with thb dbsiqn of ooinq thbncb to thb
J^IJAZ AND of his BBSOLUTION TO BNTBB PbBSIA.
It is the Eternal will and the Divine design that when the
glorioas robe of a king's fortune is being embroidered with the
fringe of perpetuity and the props of his throne of greatness and
sovereignty made strong and glorious by the pillars of fixity and
permanence, sundry accidents which have the appearance of retro-
gressions and withdrawals are brought in front of his path. In
truth these are apparent and not real, and the impediments are in the
end subjects of thanksgiving. The short-sighted regard such as de-
fects and become astonished. But they of uplifted eyes recognise them
as the mole on Fortune's cheek, and regard them as a note of the
subjugation of the evil eye. The fortunate man regards every evil
which comes in his way, as the complement of perfection, while the
unfortunate man regards them as his destruction, spiritual and tem-
poral, and collapses into the collar of lamentation. The retrograda-
tions of the planets — the regents of the seven ^ celestial climes — are
an illustration of this and typify the design. Though the world-
illuminating sun be hid from sight by cloud and vapour, yet in
truth 'tis no mighty screen which has been lowered over mortal eyes,
nor has any defect reached those glorious halls (the sun's). When
it seemeth to be a cause of concealment, the strong blast of Divine
power casts the vapour headlong and relegates it to the black earth.
The phenomena of sunrise and sunset too are torch-bearing indicators
of this. For the status and condition of the Treasury of Light
when in the East are identical with his status and condition when
under the veil of the West. And the condition which he hatli when
^ The son and moon were recognised
as planets, thus making seven in all.
888
akbarnAma.
in the zenith and when in declination from the meridian, is abso-
lutely the same as his condition when in the nadir of mid-night.^
The difEerence is in the earth-bom beholders* and in the imagina-
tions of the dwellers in a handful of clay. Assuredly the pinacles
of his glory is all the holier because the thoughts of detrimental
have touched its fringe. In accordance with these propositions,
whoever cherisheth evil thoughts against tiara'ed lords of bliss,
189 and diademed lords of fortune, is caught at last by the exemplary
punishment of his deeds, and becomes a primefactor of his own
destruction. These truths are mirrored in the presage-full history
of his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashyani for in brief space was
the skirt of his Majesty's fortune, which had been sallied by
misfortune, washed and cleansed at the fountain-head of fruition,
while all the ingrates received the punishment of their designs and
deeds. The stack * of their lives and fortunes was consumed by
the lightning of Divine wrath, and the note of the existence of
those wretches was erased from the Book of Time. Accordingly the
difficulties {ma^d'ib) and fatigues [matdHb), of adversity (^usr) and
the stations [mawdrid) and ascensions {maidW) of prosperity {yusr)
are being set-forth in the order of their time and place.
In fine, as his Majesty Jahfinb&ni Jannat-ashyanf s holiness-ex-
pressing soul had grown aweary of this world's vain show, and had
turned away her lofty contemplation from the territory of Sind, it
occurred to his sanctified mind to offer peace to the ruler of Tatta
and to march to Qandahar. When the sublime cavalcade should arrive
there, he would commit his Majesty, the king of kings, and the elect
ones of his Court to God's protection, would plant his own foot on
the highway of asceticism and retreat and ascend the steps of
ecstacy and rapture and phoenix-like {humdwdr), pet the pinnacle
of love 'neath the wings of genius. As he had gained spiritual
abundance by circumambulating the altar of the heart, he would^
by conveying the sacred litter {ma^mil) ^ to the ka'ba of clay at one
semblance and substance. As the spiritual pinacothek had been
constructed, he would also adorn the visible temple. Thus would
1 Watad'i'ruh*'i^i9fu'l'lail.
s Khirman. It also means parhe-
lion or halOi and probably A. F*
wished to take advantage of thia
double meaning.
» See Lane's Diet. 650a.
CHAPTBR XXIX.
389
htorts be conciliated and a method of truthful gaidance be famished
to the simple-minded followers of forms.
He was occupied with these thoughts when the ruler of Tatta
on understanding his intention^ recognised his own gain therein and
despatched a petition for peace. As the soaring falcon of his
Majesty's genius had spread her wings for the chase of the phcenix
{'anqd) and had withdrawn her far-seeing gaze from lower game and
let it fall on lofty eyries^ his petition reached the place of accepta-
tion. The Arg^uniftns whose affairs were in distress^ tossed the
cap of joy to the skies on hearing the gladtidings of peace^ and .
regarding the project as the goal of desire and as an unlocked for
boon^ forwarded a large present i and made various apologies.
His Majesty auspiciously and prosperously left Jun for Qandahar
via Siwi (Sibi) on 7th Rabi^ul-akhir, 950 (llth July, 1543). M.'Askar
on hearing of the approach of the royal cavalcade, and acting by
M. Kamrsln's orders and from his own wickedness, strengthened
the fort (Qandahar) and proceeded with evil intentions with a large
body of troops towards the sublime camp in order that he might
by help of villainy take his Majesty prisoner. Meanwhile Amir
Alldh Dost, one of the learned of the age and who had on several
occasions acted as M. Kamran's Agent * {vakil) and ghaikh 'Abdu-1 190
wahhab ^ a descendant of Puran * were coming to solicit, in mar-
riage on Mirza Kamran's behalf, the daughter of ghah IjEusain Beg
Ar^un. On hearing of the approach of the sublime army, they
took refuge in the castle of SiwT. His Majesty Jahanbani sent
an exalted mandate to Mir Allah Dost, summoning him to his pre-
sence, but he out of worthlessness, chose exclusion from the honour
^ Shah Hnsain on the principle
of making a golden bridge for a
flying enemy, sent HumajQn 80
boats and 300 camels. Badaoni I.
442. See also Gulbadan 526 ff.
* This may be compared with Tar,
Bind. Bab a Cacak is also mentioned
there as one of Kamran's ambassa-
dors.
S The Tar. Sind has a good deal
to say about this man. He was
descended from Abu Sa'id PurSnf,
and was of an Arabian family, set-
tled in Sind. He was a distin-
guished lawyer and perhaps A. F.'s
remark about the eminence of Allah
Dost was intended for 'Abdu-1-
Wahhab.
♦ Possibly Jalalu-d-dln ParanI
is meant. But more probably the
reference is to a descendant of his,
Shaikh Mirak Purani who was
Shaikhu-1-islam of Tatta. See Tar,
Sind,
390
AKBABNAMA.
of service and made the excuse that the garrison would not let him
leave.
When the army came to the territory of Sji^al^ which is about
30* farsakb (150 miles) from Qandahar^ Jalalu-d-dm Beg, an officer
of M. Kamran and who had a fief in the territory, had left
people to capture any scouts and by them two of the royal
servants who had gone on in advance to Sar-casj^ma^ were
arrested and brought in. One of them managed to escape from
their clutches and came and reported what he had learnt of
their evil designs by observing their ways and language. His
Majesty Jahanbani, on perceiving the ingratitude of this crew, gave
up the idea of proceeding to Qandahar, and turned off towards
Masbtang ; ^ Payanda * Muhammad Waisi took leave and went to Qan-
dahar. With him was sent an autograph letter to M. 'Askarl, strong *
in expressions such as might appeal to a little-loving, disloyal
brother, and containing warnings and instructions. But where was
the reason-harkening ear, and where the heart of right understand-
ing? Treating these remonstrances as unheard, he continued to
go on in his villainy. Qasim ^Jusain Sultan,® Mahdi Qasim ^ftn
and many others of 'Askari Mirza's servants remonstrated against
his going lest his Majesty should grow desperate, and out of dire
necessity proceed to Persia, and less great calamities should occur.
Abu'l-khair and a number of wicked men uttered flattering, house-
subverting words, outwardly specious but inwardly productive of evil
and ruin, and confirmed him in his faulty resolves. On that day's
^ 8th in text, but the variant 8% is
right. S^ftl is Quettah which is by
compass about 130 miles south-east
of Qandahar.
S I presume this is the place
marked on the survey map as about
60 miles N. by W. of Quettah.
* See Errata of Text. Ma§htang
or Mastang lies about 30 miles,
S. 8. W. of Quettah and is between
it and Ehilat. Both Mastang and
8hal are referred to in the Aln, Jar-
rett II. 396, where they are described
as east of QaudahSr. .
♦ Apparently Payamda Khan Mu-
ghal, nephew of HSjI Muhammad
Koka, and perhaps the part-author
of one of the translations of Babar'a
Memoirs, (Blochmann 387 and
Ma'a^ir 394.)
^ Text, jA*Ajo musaddar, but most
of if not all the MSS. I have coa>
suited write jOma^ without tasbdid,
and as if the word was mofdar,
theme or source.
6 Blochmann 348.
CHAPTBB ZZIX.
391
morning which was his downfall's evening,* the Mirza proceeded
with evil intent towards Mad^tang. When he had advanced one or
two &o«, he asked his servants, if any of them had been that way.
Jai Bahadar Uzbak, who was Qasim Qnsain Suljtan's servant and had
on this expedition taken service with the Mirza, said, " I know this
road thoroughly, and have repeatedly gone and come by it ! " The
MTrz§ replied that he was speaking the trath for he had been a 191
jdgirddr » there, and he bade him go on ahead and lead the way. He
objected that his pony was knocked op, and the MirzS signed to
Tarsiin Barlas, one of his servants, to give him his horse. He
objected about his own necessities but had to surrender the animal.
Jai Bahadur, who had served the king in India, advanced a little by
auspicious guidance and then putting his horse to the gallop, went off
to Bairam !^an's tent, and unfolded^ the facts of the case.
Bairam ^an went with him to his Majesty Jahanbani, whom he in-
formed of the evil intentions of that ingrate ('Askarij. His Majesty
sent to TardI Beg and some others for horses. Those base, narrow-
eyed men turned away from the perception of their good fortune (in
thus having an opportunity of serving Humayun) and refused to give
them. His Majesty wished to mount his horse (perhaps Jai Bahadur's)
and go and give them a lesson. BairSm Khin deprecated doing
this, as the moment was critical and there was no time for dallying.
'^ Let the ingrates be left to Grod's vengeance, and let his Majesty
follow his own course.'' On hearing this representation his Majesty,
attended by a few devoted followers, took the road of the desert.
He gave up the idea of Qandahar and Kabul and proceeded towards
Persia ('Iraq) with the intention of going to the Hijdz (Mecca, &c.),
and as a desert-traverser, entered on the path of separation (firdq),
Khw§ja Mu'azzam, NadTm Kdkalta^, Mir Ghaznav!, and ]^waja
^Ambar Nazir were directed that his Majesty, the king of kings, was
in the cradle of guardianship and under the protection of the
1 A. F. plays on the double mean-
ing of §l^dm, evening and un-
lucky. 'Askarf advanced in the morn-
ing, but this was in reality the retro-
gression (idbdr) of his fortune.
' Probably what is meant is that
his master had been jdgirddr.
^ Parda^uttdy-i'haqtqat'i-hdL A.F.
seeks to convey the double meaning
that Jai Bahadur opened the fold
of the tent (as he is said by other
authorities to have done) and also
disclosed the truth.
392 AKBABNlHA*
Divine love^ and that affliction's dnst could not reach his fortune's
skirt^ but that they should by every possible means bring her
Majesty Maryam-makani to the king. Those right-minded ones
made haste and performed acceptable service. After going a little
way^ night came on darker than the hearts of unacknowled^ng
ingrates. Bairam !^§n represented that bis Majesty was aware of
Mirza 'Askari's lust for gold and property ; that at this time the
Mirza would be secure and at ease^ and be sitting in a tent with two
or three clerks^ and looking at the list of the goods and cbattels
in his Majesty's camp. The proper thing for them was to rely
upon the Divine favour^ and to come suddenly on that tent, and
settle his business. That though the Mirzfi had become alienated,
all his servants had been brought up on his Majesty's salt, and
that they would inevitably come forward and serve him. His
Majesty approved of this proposal from the practical point of view,
192 but out of his pure nature and well-meaningness he declined to
adopt it, and said they had now set out for a foreign land
and had entered on a long journey, and that he would not give op
his plans. ^ Once more he committed his Majesty^ the king of kings,
to the protection of the God of Glory, the repeller [ddji') of evils,
and supporter (ro/i') in dangers, and taking the eternal counsels
as his guide and the everlasting favour as his helper in place and
out of place, he fixed the saddle of dominion on the steed of enter*
prise, and the foot of forward-faring in the stirrup of trust and
proceeded on his way.
When Mirzft ' Askari with his evil intentions approached Mashtang^
he sent on his ^adr Mir Abu'l-hasan that he might go to bis Majesty
Jahftnbani, and that if the latter was meditating departure, he might
by trick and stratagem detain him. The Mir arrived just when his
Majesty Jahanb&ni was mounting his horse, and sought to turn
him by alleging sundry messages from the Mlrzi. His Majesty, by
God's guidance, did not listen to his vain words, but rapidly went
off. M. 'Askari came up afterwards and sent S^fih Walad, Abu'l-
khair and many others of his men to guard the camp and not let
any one go out of it. He heard from the ^adr Mir Abu'l-husain
^ The meaning is that HumijQn
had begun his pilgrimage to Mecca
and 80 would not turn back.
CHAPTVR XXIX.
393
fte storjr of Jai Baliddar's warning and of his Majesty Jahanbanr»
departure. Tardi Beg Khan and the other faithless- servants came
and' paid! their respects to the Mirza who made tliem all over to trusty
men of his own.
A short-sighted man, who doe» not reflect on hher evil day or on a
bad end and who enters on the path of wicked designs and of shame-
lessness, in reality strikes an axe into the foot of his own wen4)eing,
and prepare for hriraeelf mkfortunes and heaven-sent adversities.
These tlHiigs are not hidden from the readers of the pages of the
world's history! When Mir GhaznavT came and paid his respects to M»
'AskarT, the latter said^ ^ We came to do homage to the king, where-
fore has bis Excellency gone off by the desert ? ^'^ Then he inquired
where the Prince was^ meaning his Majesty, the king of kings* Mir
Ghaznavi said he was in his quarters. The Mirza said " Good, let a
eamel-lo€^ of fruit be taken to him from the commissariat (nfczb-
hbfana) > I armr coming too.'^ At night he and one or two clerks-
examined 1 in his tent some of the things whicE had been< brought
from the* royal stores- (aavkdr) > they wrote them down and the
state of affairs was exactly aa> RairSm Khan had conjectured and
had represeuted. Next day at breakfast time (about & a. m.) he
had his drums beaten and moved from his quarters to the royal
encampment. He alighted at the door of his Majesty Jahanbani's
residence (daulatkbctna} and had all the men, one by one> small and
great, arrested. Be made over Tardl Beg Khan to ghah Walad,.
and he put all the unfaithful servants in charge of his own inea^
and took them off to Qandahar. Many of them he destroyed by
hardships and torments, and from Tardl Beg Khan he toek all his 10S
hoard so Uiat he soom got the retribution of his deeds. But no,
no I how could this be retribution for such crimes ? if we called
this typhoon of evils ene revolution (girdi)^ in the descending of
retribution, it would still not be appropriate-.^
1 Jaahar, who remained in the
camp, describes how disappointed
'Askarl was to find that a heavy
chest contained only stMiesv
« Of. text I. 63; 1. 5 where th«
same word girdi is used. But
several MSS. have nazl Jy instead
of nnrStI Jjgy as if tho plirn^o was
50
an atom (girdl) out of the abun-
dance. Typhoon, ttifdn, means etymo-
logically a turning or revolving (c/..
whirlwind) and hence is appropriately
used here.
» Tardl Beg was eventually put to
death by Ba'i a n Khan>
394
akbabnAma.
Verse.^
If a wicked and ill-fated man
Become good by a teacher's instruction.
In the end the mystery is explained
For tlien his true nature is revealed.
It is clear to those who can discern the mysteries of fate, that
when the fortunate hand of an eternally elected one be decked with
sovereignty's signet, and the dominion- head be exalted by the
yhildfaVs diadem, the rays of glory are ever shining on the forehead
of his career. One of the wondrous indications and celestial por-
tents which occurred at this time in relation to his Majesty, the
kin^ of kings, was as follows. When Mirza *AskarI came to the
royal camp and began his improprieties, Mir Ghaznavi and Maham
■Sgha * brought his Majesty the king of kings before him on the
shoulder of honour and in the bosom of security. Though the Mirza
directed his countenance towards him and had a jubilant ^ air and
wore a forced smile, his Majesty, even then an aggregate of the
perfections of a mature man of the world, spite of his tender years,
was in no way elated [shigufta]. Restraint* of spirit was mani-
fested on his brow. The Mirza changed his tone * and said, " We
> The text has in the first line
kunad instead of kuniaji and con-
sequently is unintelligible. Most of
the I. O. MSS. have kuniali i^fi^
and I think this is unquestionably
the right reading. The meaning is
that the coltish nature will break
through some day, or as Babar ex-
expresses it, that everything returns
to it» original. It corresponds to
the Herat ian maxim about nature's
returning even if expelled by a pitch-
fork.
^ So in text instead of the Anaga
sometimes used. Probably Agha is
right for it is also a term applied to
a woman.
• Dar ntaqam-i'Siiif/flvftngi n zahr-
ijkand dttuid. Zahrf^nnd is said
by the Bahdr-i-Uxjam to be the op-
posite of shukr^cmd. It means
smiling or laughter out of anger
or recklessness, lit. a poison-smile.
A sardonic smile perhaps expresses
the meoning.
♦ Qabz'i'^dfir, repression or de-
pression of spirit ; U^ and Au-j^ says
Lane 2ft826, are terms applied by
the investigators of truth among the
Sufis, to two contrary states of the
heart, from both of which it is
seldom or never free; the former
being an affection of the heart with-
holding it from dilatation and joys.
Sec also Diet. T. T. II. 1198. There
A. P. uses it in opposition to §iigtt/U
agi which literally meaud oxpuu-
sion.
' Turiq ahuda. This term is ex-
plained l»y the Buhar-i-'njam to mettii
CHAPTRU XXIX.
395
can see whose this child is. Why should he be elated at seeing us ? ''
The Mlrza's ring was hanging from his neck by a red ribbon and
after a little while the child in accordance with infantive ways —
no ! no ! by Fortune's guiding hand, put his hand to the ribbon and
sought to take it. The Mirza immediately took the ribbon from his
oeck and gave it to his Majesty, the king of kings. The acute in
the assembly saw in this an auspicious prognostic that bye-and-bye
the seal of dominion and the ring of sovereignty would bear his
Majesty^s name, and that water flowing from the fount of Divine
bounties would become a river. From thence his Majesty the Shahan-
fi^ah went, protected by the Divine aid, in company with M.
'AskarT towards Qandahar. Standing and sitting, sleeping and
waking, rays of greatness and command streamed from his Majesty's
forehead, and the lights of God's knowledge were manifested. On
the road Kokl Bahadur, one of M. 'Askari's confidants, came near
his Majesty's (Akbar) camel litter and said to Mir Ghaznavi that if he
made the prince over to him he would take him to the king. The Mir
replied that as the king himself had not taken him, 'twas evident
there was a reason for leaving him ; nor could he venture without
high authority to take action. Bahadur said, ^' I've formed the desire
to serve his Majesty and hence I come at such a time of desolation 194
to do so. I wanted to perform this service and now that you don't
exalt me by this blessing, give me a token from his Majesty, the king
of kings (Akbar), that I may give it to his Majesty." Mir Ghaznavi
gave to Bahadur his Majesty's cap,* the diadem of the moon of
auspiciousness, and thereby exalted him.
M. 'AskarT brought his Majesty, the king of kings, to Qandahar
on 18th Bamazan, 950 (16th December, 1543), and assigned him a
residence in the citadel near himself. Maham 5gha, JTji Anaga and
Atka ^^an were made eternally fortunate by serving him, and longed
for the diffusion of the light of holiness. The Mirza made over
this nursling of fortune who was growing up in the shadow of the
hanging down the head, or the
reversal of a former condition. He
quotes p. 2166 A.F. for such use of
it.
The taqlya is properly the skull-
cap worn under the turban, but per
baps this was all the child was
wearing. It is very ridiculoas that
A. F. makes Bahadur speak of the
infant as his Majesty Shahanshrih,
a title not invented for him till long
afterwards.
396
aebarkXmi.
Divine protectioD^ to his own wife Sult&n > Begam^ and iiiat cupoln
of chastity out of her abundant wisdom^ lovingly and devotedly
tended him. To appearance she watched over him, bat in reality
ahe was keeping herself alongside of light absolute, and so reoeiviD>^
illumination, and day by day she was beholding more and more the
glory {farr) of greatness proceeding from the light-increasiug browb
of that world-blessing.
Evil thoughts respecting one who is God-supported and in
whose person 6od-nourished light exists, can only terminate in g^ood,
and out of contrariety nothing can come except sei*vice and benefit.
Accordingly Eternal Providence was tending him at that time when
paternal affection and maternal love should have been responsible
for his needments {takafful-i-fnuhimmdt) and be was in the hands of
deadly enemies, so that the foot of loyalty of the far-sighted of
wisdom's kingdom might be the more established, and that a gniding
lamp might come into the hands of the short-sighted and simple,
and that the facts of the Divine watchfulness and of heavenly
guardianship might be manifest to friend and foe. I have heard from
the sacred lips of his Majesty, the king of kings, as follows : ** I
perfectly remember what happened when I was one year old, and
especially the time when his Majesty Jahanbani proceeded towards
'IrSq and I was brought to Qandahar. I was then one year' and
three months old. One day Maham Anaga, the mother of Adham Khan,
(who was always in charge of that nursling of fortune), represented
to M. 'Askari, " It is a Turkl ^ custom that when a child begins
to walk, the father or grandfather or whoever represents them, takes
off his turban and strikes the child with it, as he is going along, so
that the nursling of hope may come to the ground («. e., may fall
down). At present his Majesty JahanbSni is not here ; yon are in
his room, and it is fitting you should perform this spell which is
1 This lady went, after her hus-
band's death, to Mecca in company
with Gulbadan Bcgam and others in
1674.
S Fourteen months, viz,, from 15th
October, 1642, to 16th December,
1643, or 14| Ma^ammadan months.
^ Text, raifn-i'luHirgan, anceBtral
custom, but I. y. MS. A. 664, and
3308 and 3330 have TnrkSn, and this
is most likely to be correct. Maham
Anaga being a Turk or UEbak might
speak of TurkT customs to 'Askarl^
but would hardly refer to ancestr
cuBtoms.
1
CHAPTER IZIZ.
397
I .
like sipand ^ against the evil eye. The Mirza immediately took off
his tarban and flung it at me, and I fell down." '^ This striking and
falling," his Majesty deigned to observe, " are visibly before me. Also
at the same time they took me for good luck to have my head shaved « 1^
at the shrine of Baba ^ Qasan Abdal. That jonrney and the taking
off my hair are present before me as in a mirror."
What is there extraordinary about this or a hundred things like
it, to any one in the blissful chambers of whoso heart there is an
enkindled lamp ?
As the thread of the narrative has extended so far, it is unavoid-
able that for the moistening of discourse {sirdbl-i'suhban), I say
something about the remaining events of §ier Khan, about Mlrza
l^aidar^s going to Ka^mir, about the condition of M. Ksmran who
went to Kabul, and M. Hindal who hurried off to Qandahar, and
Yadgar Nfifir Mirza who made opposition and remained in Bhakkar,
o that the searcher after instruction may take warning, and by the
strengtb of a happy fortune, spend his days prudently and right-
eously.
I Apparently sipand is not wild
me, but mehndx, i.e., Lawaonia
inermia, which yields henna.
s Probably what was cut off was
a cunti, or tuft. See Herbelot, pp. 21
and 180.
& There is a famous shrine of
l^asan Abdal in the Attook tahsil
of the BSwal Find! district. See
Murray's Hand-book for the Fanjab
268, the Tusak-i-jahdngiri 48 and
Blochmann 575. JahangTr says that
Shamsu-d-din Atka made a reser-
voir at Qasan Abdal, and as he
was Akbar's guardian and foster-
father, it is possible that it was to
this ^OBBkix Abdftl that the child
was taken. But the shrine is a
long way off from Qandahar and
it is doubtful if 'Askari would
have allowed Akbar to be removed
so far. There is a shrine called
Baba Wall, and also Hasan Abdal, in
the outskirts of Qandahar (to the
westward). It is mentioned infra
text I. 238, eight lines from foot,
and it is probably to this place that
Akbar was taken.
I may note that there is a long
account of the saint Hasan Abdal
in the Ta^. 8ind. Ma's^m was a
descendant of his, the saint's original
home being Sabzwar in Fersia.
398 akrarnIha.
CHAITER XXX.
ft
Brief account' of the EviL-ENDiNa caueer op Sher KsrlK.
It is known that Sher Khan after crossing the Blah (Beaa) ad-
vanced slowly, and in spite of all his warlike eqnipraent acted with
great circumspection. He was greatly afraid lest the heroes of the
royal army should coalesce and advancing into the field of warfare
should exact vengeance from him and bring to nothing all his treach-
erous machinations. He had sent a large force ahead, but was
very cautious aboub engaging. After some days, when the defection
of M. Kamran, and the opposition of the other brothers became
known far and wide, he came to Lahor. From thence he advanced
as far as Khushab,* and was for some days in Bhera^ and its neigh-
bourhood. He sent a summons to Suljtan Sarang* Ghakkar and
Sultan Jdam who were leading landholders in that neighbourhood,
but as they had been clients of his Mftjesty Gltl-sitani Firdus-
makanl, and had prospered by the favour of that exalted family they
did not listen to his overtures. He advanced to Hathiapur^ in the-
Ghakkar territory and sent a large force agaiust them. The Ghak-
kars fought bravely and defeated the Afghans so that many of them
were captured and sold, gher Khan wished to march against them
in person. He consulted his followers and they advised that as this
tribe had strong mountains and remote {zamlnhd-uqalby heart, i.e.,
internal) territories, they should be dealt with by degrees and by
1 This and the two following head-
ings do not occur in seyeral MSS.
« Jarrett II, 323. In Qhahpar,
Fan jab v. bank Jehlam, W. N. W.
Lah5r.
• Also in Shahpur. North- West
Khuflhab.
* Seo Dolmerick, 1. c. and Bloch-
mann, 486.
* Perhaps Hatiyar Lang, Jarrett
IT, 325. Named after HatI Ghakkar ;
Babar, 259, and Tuzak-i-JahingirT,
8. A^mad ed. 47, where the place ia
called Hatlya. It is between BohtSs
and Rawal Pindi, and near a river
called the Kast. Delmerick apud
Blochmann, 4S7n.
1
CHAPTBB XXX.
899
policy. The proper course was to leave a large army in that
neighbourhood which could both watch the royal army and also
devastate the country of the Ghakkars. It was also desira^ple that
a strong fort should be built for the carrying out of these two
objects. Thus by a counter move these men would be impeded by
their own impediments {az tangandlA-M^ud batang dmada) and their
stubborn heads be brought low. For himself > the proper course was to
turn back and apply himself to the administration of the vast country
of India. In consequence of this advice he laid the foundations of 196
the Fort of Bohtas * and having left a large force there he marched
back and came to Agra. From thence he came to Gwalior where
Mir Abu-1-Qasim was sheltering himself^ but was obliged by want
of provisions to surrender, gher Khan became supremoi and divided
all India^ except Bengal^ into 47 divisions. He introduced the
branding' of soldiers' horses and carried into effect some of the many
plans of Sultftn ' Ala'u-d-dln which are set forth in the Tarikh-i-Flruz-
shahi^^ and which he had heard of. After that he proceeded against
Puran^ Mai the Raja of Raisin and CandirT. He got the Baja out of
the fort by a dishonest treaty and promises and by the efforts of
sundry misguided lawyers^ and wretched ignoramuses he destroyed
the very men to whom he had given quarter. Thence he came to
^ I. G. s. Y. Botas. Named after
Bobtaa in Bihar ; on the Kahan and
in the Salt Bange. For description
see Murray's Hand-book, Panjab, 237.
See also Tuzak-i-Jahangiri, pp. 46,47.
* According to the Chronicle, 8h8r
Shah claimed this as his own inven-
tion.
» Elliot in, 197 and also 179.
4 According to one account de-
scended from the Salliadi of Babar's
Mem. But 'Abbas calls him Bhala
Paran Mai and says ho was only an
officer under Salhadl's family.
* A. F.'s indignation is very cre-
ditable to him and he is apparently
the only writer who oxproHHCs it,
Nizamu-d-dln, BadaonI and Fcriahta
tell the story without censure, and
'Abbas Kh^Q seems to exult in it.
Elliot IV, 402. But A. F. draws
a veil over the fact, mentioned by
the other historians, that the leading
instigator or ratifier of Sh8r Shah's
shameless breach of faith was a
lawyer or rather theologian named
Bafln-d-dln Safavt of whose wisdom
and learning A. F. speaks so highly
in Chapter XXVI and in Jarrctt,
III. 423. Probably the reason for
this reticence was that A. F.'s
mother was the daughter or other
near descendant of Kafl-ud-dln.
See Jarrett L c. The reason the
lawyers gave for the breach of tho
safe-conduct was that PQran Mai
had Mu^mmadan women in his
Jiarem and hml oven made some of
y^
400
akbarnIma.
£gra and after the manner of the governors ^ {^ukkdm) of Bengal
esfcablished serais on the roads at the distance of every kos,
Af tier a dangerous illness in Agra ^ he marched against Maldea
the lord of Ajmir, Nagor and many other cities. When he had
by fraud and guile ^ disposed of that territory he hastened to Citur
and Ranthanbur. There too he practised his juggleries so that the
custodians of the forts sent hira the keys. Having got rid of every-
thing there he entered the territory of Dhundira.* Prom there he-
went to the fort of Kalinjar and laying siege to it^ he made eovered
approaches (sdbdthd) and drove mines against it. On 10th Mnbarram^^
them into dancing girls. In a foot-
note to the text there is a passage
which is too interesting to be omit-
ted, supported as it is by two M8S.
It is to the effect that on account
of the breach of faith Qutb Khan
left Sh8r Shah's service and became
a hermit. It is not clear who this
Qutb Khan was, but he could not
have been Sher Shah's son for he
had been shortly before killed in
battle. 'Abbas Khan. Elliott, 1. c.
calls him Qutb Sh^n Nabit and says,
as also does Badaoni, that he was
one of the negotiators of the
treaty. The word which I have
translated ignoramuses is sc^hdn,
Gould A. F. possibly mean to pun
on Bafiu-d-din's title of SafaviP
For definition of safa, see Lane's
Diet. 13776 and Diet. T. T. I. 724.
' Referring to Hnsain Shah of
Ganr, Stewart's Bengal 109.
S According to Abbas the illness
occurred on his way to Bihar and
Bengal.
^ Alluding to the stratagem of
the forged lettered by which he is
said to have deceived Maldeo. See
Elphinstone's History. This is pro-
bably the QadiQa-i-Maldeo, Maldeo'8
catastrophe, to which A. F. refers
in the Atn, Jarrett III. 421 and note.
It was this affair that drove A. F.'s
father from Nagor.
* This is Jaipur in Ambar, the
old name of which was Dhllndar.
See Tod's Bajasthan.
^ This month and day are wrong.
The date given by Ferigbta and
Ehafl Qian is 12 BabI'u-1-avrwal.
A. F. says Sher Klhan reigned 5
years, 2 months, 13 days, which does
not agree with the date 10th Mn-
^arram. Sher Shah is sMd to have
assumed the title and to have struck
coins after the battle of Qanauj.
This occurred in the beginning of
947, 10th Mu^iarram, whence perhaps
A. F/s date 10th Mu^rram 952^
in order to make it an anniversary
and point a moral. If we reckon
that he ruled five years, tn«., 947-51
and died 12 Babf-'ul-awwal we get
the figures 5 2 12 or almost exactly
A. F.'s. Indeed if he did not die till
after sunset the 13 is right. A. F*
refers to Sh^r Sh'^h's death in
the Am, Jarrett II, 159, 160. As
pointed out by Erskine, A F. later
on, p. 336 of text gives another date
for the death, viz., 11 Rabi-'ul-awwal.
CHAPTER XXX.
401
952^ or Sth Marcli, 1545^ he was consamedby flames af fire which had
spontaneously arisen out of the smoke-sighs ' of the oppressed. The
chronogram of his combustion was found in the words ^' {a)z dtisl
murd ;" " Died from fire (=952).'' Though in taking this splendid
citadel his life came out of its elemental quadrilateral^* yet the fort
came into possession. He governed Hindustan by fraud and craft
5 years, 2 months, 18 days. Eight » days afterwards his younger son
Jalal Khan took his place, and calling himself IsUm ^an took the
title of Shah. He surpassed even his father in wickedness. As the
sway of those two seditious impostors was alongside of the crescent-
moon* world-lighting splendours of. the standards of th& everlasting
dominion like the light of fireflies,^ semblance without substance, th&
mysterious design of God for the sake of some purposes, which
were infolded in His wisdom's ambushes, let it prank for a few days
and then levelled it with the dust of ruin, and so the world escaped
from the grip of tho existence of those tyrannous m^ischief -makers.^
1 The allusion seems to be to the
Galistftn I, 27. Dud means smoke,
bat is used metaphorically for the
sighs or exhalations of the heart.
s A. F. plays upon the supposition
that the human body is made up of
four elements, and compares this
quadrilateral to the four walls of
Kalinjar.
* According to Nif amu-d-dfn and
Ferifibta Islam Sl^an succeeded on
15 Babi-'ul-awwal, or the third day
after the death.
* Mdhca, a crescent, or perhaps
a ball representing a moon which
was carried on the standards.
K Kirfnakdn-i-^liabtab, tiny, nights
gleaming worms, but apparently fire-
flies are meant. I do not remember
to have seen glow worms in India,
and the reference to the falling to
the ground shows that fireflies are
intended, and Chalmers so translates
the passage.
* MtL^arbiddn-i^atizaJedr, Mu^arbid
is properly one who does not carry
his liquor well, and so annoys hia
I boon-companions. Lane 199Qa
51
/^
402
AKBAfiNAMA.
CHAFrEB XXXI.
Brief account of M. Qaidar.
The story of M. Haidar is as follows : — ^When he had got
assistance from his Majesty Jahanbani^ he proceeded towards Eai^mir,
197 HrS already related. When he got to Nau^ahr/ the officers whose
names have already been given^ loyally came forward and did hom-
age, and again showed him how he could enter Ka^mlr and take
possession of it. The Mirza advanced by the passes in reliance on the
Divine aid and the royal fortune. Meanwhile a schism occurred in
the Emperor's army. As has been already stated, l^waja Kilan Beg
either from his own inclination or at the instance of M. Kdmran, aban-
doned the enterprise and joined M. Kamran, while MuzafEar Tupci *
went off to the Sarang^ hills. None remained with M. Haidar save a few
old servants and the troops whom his Majesty Jahaubani had deputed to
his assistance. But as there was much strife and dissension and confu-
sion and anarchy in Kashmir, he was warmly supported by the eager-
ness of the Ka^miris, and on 22nd Bajab, 947 (22nd November, 1540),
he entered by the pass of Punc* and conquered Kashmir without a battle
or a struggle. For at that time it had been long without an estab-
lished ruler, and the ministers tyraunously held the country in their
own possession, and while giving to one of the claimants the name of
monarch, themselves exercised the authority. At that period a per-
son called Nazuk gj^fth — having a name that was no name ^ was tbe
I Tar. R<t§i. 483. Naafihfthr is in
Kaah^li' and W. N. W. of JammQ.
It is not given in the Ind. Gaz. It
was the old capital.
s Tar. Rasli* 488, Iskandar. And
B. M. Add. 27, 247, Iskandar.
8 The Ghakkar country S. W. of
Kashmir. Pauuc.
* Texti but there is a variant
Pflno and Nifamu-d-dln so writes
it.
> A. F. puns on the word Nazuk
which means slight or slender, and
calls it an ism-i-bi-musammal (like
the *outis' of Ulysses). There is the
variant Barak (qu. Narak), and the
coins give Nadir. See Mr. Bodgera'
paper, J. A. S. B. 1885, p. 114.
ii
I
CHAPTER XXXI.
403
reputed sovereign. Under BncH circumstances in whatever direction
there might not be union^ or plan^ or counsel^ or judgment^ to that
quarter did the affairs of the country drift. It was the winter-
qnadragesima ' and there was heavy snow. When Kfici Cak saw * that
M. ^aidar was disposed to make himself independent, he^ using the
craft and perfidy which are indispensable to Kashmiris^ left Kash-
mir and went before SJ^er Khan. For his object in bringing in M.
Haidar was his own aggrandisement and when that was not achieved^
but when on the contrary things assumed a different shape^ he withdrew
Ills hand and entered on another scheme. Ho now tried another
course and gave Sher ^an the sister of Isma'il^ the son of Muham-
mad Sl^ah.^ When he had made himself acceptable by this means he
took ' Alawal J^an,* l^asan Khan BarwanT and others to the number of
2^000 men and came to Kashmir. Meanwhile Abdal Mdkri, who
was his backer, died of dropsy, and M. Haidar having left his family
in Andarkot,^ which is a very strong place, was in a protected posi-
tion. The people of Kasj^mTr all deserted him and but few persons
remained with him. He spent three months in the mountain defilesj
and then on Monday, 20 Babru-s-s&ni, 948 (16th August^ 1541), a
battle took place, and by God's help he gained the victory. Though
the enemy, consisting partly of Afghan auxiliaries and partly of faith- 198
less Kashmiris was more than 5,000 horse^ yet as their action was
based on faithlessness and disloyalty^ it did not succeed and they
were defeated. Many of the enemy were slain, and a party of them
were made prisoner. Kashmir came absolutely into the possession of
the Mirza, and the Kashmiri preacher (hhattb) Maulana Jamalu-d-din
Muhammad Yusuf found the chronogram fath'i-mukarrar (victory
repeated ==948). Though the use of the word " repeated '^ (takrdr)
1 CiUa-i-dai, the forty days of Dai^
a Persian month corresponding to
December. Here Dai must be taken
to mean winter as the month has 30
days only. The text has hardn, rain,
but Tar, Ba§lk- 485 shows that snow
is meant.
s Lit read on the brow of M.
Gaidar's conduct the writing of inde*
pendence (or absolute sovereignty).
I
> A former ruler of Kaflhmfr.
Apparently he reigned four times
and NSzuk three. Jarrett II. 879,
380.
* Variant 'Adil Qi&n and so
in Firiahta, but Nifamu-d-din has
*Alawal.
^ See Tar. Rafi. 485 n. and Jarrett
11. 370, but perhaps ludrakot is the
true reading.
404
AKBAnKlMA.
might be applicable to tbe present expedition of the Mirzi, yet as
he himself has pointed ^ out in his history, the reference is to
the fact that he once came* to Kashmir by the pass of Lar^
as the agent of Sa'id Ehftn, the mler of Eashg^ar, and got possession
of it on 4th gba'bfin/ 939 (1st March, 1538). Bat towards the end of
g^awwal of that year, (May 1533), he made peace with the Kashmir
ministers, and with Muhammad S^ah who was then the nominal
ruler. The g^fih^s daughter was given in marriage for Iskandar
Sultan, the Mirz&^s son,* and the Mirzft returned by the way he had
entered.
When on this (last) occasion a providential victory was gained,
and Ka^mir was conquered, he for ten years zealously applied
himself to its administration and clothed that charming bind, but of
desolated ^ appearance, with cities ^ and civilization. He sent for
artists and craftsmen from all quarters and laboured for its renown
and prosperity. Especially was music 7 in brisk demand and varieties
of instruments were introduced. In short, the outward condition ot
that country, that is, its worldly state, acquired solidity. But owing
to the Mirza's frigid ^ and insipid bigotries, the result of imperfect
1 Tar. Bali. 423.
* Tar. Rai^. 423 and Jarrett II.
363. Qaidar on that occasion entered
Kashmir from BaltistSn, i. e., from
the N. E.
* Apparently this is not the date
of the victory, but of occasion on
which the Kafihmirls rallied after
their defeat, {Tar. Ea«4. 437-39,) but
^aidar is not very explicit. In the
Ain A. F. wrongly gives the date as
930. Jarrett II, 390.
« Iskandar was not Gaidar's son,
but Sa'id Khan's, (T. R.) 341, though
5aidar at Sa*id Kh»n*s request
regarded him as his own. In the A%n
A. F. correctly calls Sikandar (or
Iskandar) the son of Sa*ld Sh^n.
See also Ahha/mdma III. 552, 1. 8.
Probably pt<ar-i-jg^i«<i is a copyist's
error ior pisar-i-Jj^xodrkda, i.<., adop*
ted son.
* ^tJcm-uHardha, da^t Puhm
seems to be used here in the sense of
appearance, cf. p. 127, 1. 4 and 196.
1. 5 from foot.
* Apparently an adaptation ol
the phrase used by Qaidar aboat
his predecessor Zainu-l-'abidln.
1 Lit for music there was a bazaar
(hat),
8 Ta'a^auhlid'i'Ii^unuk-i-JnfkamaiL
Ta'asstib has etymologically nearly
the meaning religion. Cf, p. 334.
1. 9. Kkuwuk : A. F. in the Jtn use*
the word with reference to Saltan
Sikandar, another ruler of Kafibmlr.
He seems to contrast his bigotry
and that of Haidar with the liberal
spirit of his son Zainu^l-'Ebiduk
CHAPTER XXXI.
405
development^ the essentials for Ka^mir, viz.y nnanimitjr and fidelity,
f oand a bad market. And to this day there is an odonr of bigotry
about the Kashmiris, for there is a powerful inflaence in association,
and especially is a strong impression prodaced by the ways of princes
who are yigorous. It is to be hoped that by the blessing of his
Majesty, the king of king's truth and chastity {haqiqat u ^aqqdniyat)
Kashmir, spiritual and temporal, may attain unity, and that the
articles of worship and religion may become current, unadulterated
by hypocrisy and bigotry.
One of the capital and most inauspicious mistakes of the Mlrza
was that in spite of such victory he read the hhutha and struck the
coin in the name of Nazuk Shah after the fashion of the Ka^miri
ministers. He should have fulfilled his duty of loyalty towards his
Majesty Jahanbini and have impressed the dardhim and dandnir and
tbe pulpit rostra with his Majesty Jahanbani^s sacred name. Appa-
rently he was temporising and was not giving currency to disloyalty,
for when Kabul ^ was taken he honoured himself by having the
Wkuft)a read in his Majesty Jahanbani's sacred name.
In 958 (apparently October, 1551) he became, in a night attack 199
by the Kashmiris, a traveller to the region of non-existence. The
short account of this is as follows : —
The Mlrza transgressed the law of justice, — dominion's watchman,
— «nd took to living for his own lusts and pleasures. He let fall from
his hands prudence and the bearing of burdens, those two arms of
felicity. The fraud and seditiousness o^ the Kashmiris which had
been subverted by the Mirza's skill and sagacity, again stood up and
the hypocritical and wicked faction took the road of deceit and in
See Jarrett U. 387, 388. It is clear
from the Tar, Bcts^. that Haidar was
a rigid Mn^mmadan of the Sunnl
school and a persecutor of Snfis,
&c. See Elias A Boss, p. 436. He
there takes exactly the opposite view
to that of A. F. with regard to Sik-
andar and Zainn-l-'ibidln.
i There are Kaflhmli* ©oi^ hear-
ing Hmnayan's name and dated
either 952 or 953. Tar. Bofk. 24.
ICr. Bodgers gives representations
of three, of which one. No. 33, bears
the date 950. Kabul was twice taken
by Hnmaynn, once in Bama^Sn 952,
(November, 1545), and again in Bajab
955, (August, 1548). A. F. appar-
ently refers to this second capture
for he mentions that after this event
an embassy arriyed from Qaidar.
(A. N. f I. 284).
406
AKBARNAMA.
friendly garb did the work of enemies. Their best stroke was tlie
separating his army from him by stratagem^ and the scattering of
his capable servants. Some were sent towards Tibet, some to
Pakti, and some to Bajanri. 'Idi Rina and Husain Makri, son of Abdal
MfikrT, gained over Khwaja ^ Haji, the Kaflhralrl pedlar (baqqdl), who
was the manager of the Mirza's affairs* They drew a great many
to their side and marched against the Mirza. Ghazi ]0^dn and Malik
Daulat Cak also joined them. Near Ehanpur, between Hirapiir and
Srlnagar, which last is the chief city of Kashmir and the seat of
government, they made a night-attack on the MTrz§. He had
approached the quarters of Khwaja ^JajT to release Qari « Bahadar,
who was a prisoner. Suddenly he lost his life at the hands of
Kamal DubT/ though some say one of his own servants unknowingly
hit him with an arrow.*
1 Tar. Radk' ^^ and 482.
> Qaidar'e second cousin. See
his biography in the Ma^dfir III. 48
and in Blochmann 460.
• Text, Dult, but the variant DuhX
is right, for Nife&mu-d-dln speaks
of Kamal Diibl as one of the persons
who is supposed to have killed
Qaidar.
* See Tar, Raik. App. A. 487 and
Calcutta Beview No.
A. F.'s account of Qaidar should be
compared with Nis^amu-d-dTn's and
Firiahta's and also with the Tar,
i2a|2^. and A. F.'s own statements in
the A\n. In the latter he is more
favourable to ^aidar than in the
Akhamdma, The translation, (Jar-
rett II. 340,) does not seem quite
correct. What A. F., text 584, 685,
says, I think, is that the Kaohuilrls
read the Miuiba in NSzuk's name
and that ^aidar at one and the same
time recognised Humayan. The
introduction of arts into Kashmir
which A. F. ascribes, in part, to
Qaidar, is modestly attributed by
the Mirza himself to Zainu-l-'ftbidln.
Tar, Raai. 484.
CHAPTKB XZXII.
407
CHAPTER XXXII.
Bribf skictch of Mibza Kamran's career.
As a short account of Mirza ^aidar has been giv^en^ I shall now
record the actions of M. Kamran. On that ill-omened occasion
when M. Kamran chose separation from his Majesty Jahanbam
and proceeded towards K&bul, he on arriving at Khushab treated
chiefship and pre-eminence {sari u sarwarl) as an affliction, and
time, I the gamester, as his ally and had the hbutba read in his own
name. Improprieties of this kind will ever be manifested by him who
maketh not far-seeing wisdom and instruction his counsellor and
beloved associate. He knoweth not the duties of love nor the paths
of generosity. He regardeth others' bane as his good, and scattereth
evil seed in good men's fields. It is manifest what sort of crop will
spring from such a sowing and tilling. And how shall the tree
of his hopes yield the wished-for fruit ? There is no permanency
for him who takes no thought of the issue of things, nor any
bond in fortune fastened to oneself by violence. What stability is
there in a lofty palace wanting foundation ; it soon falls to pieces
like a minaret of ice I What fixity has a first night's moon which
like a blinding flash of lightning vanishes in the twinkling of an
eye ? M. Kamran's sovereignty was quickly gone, like the freshness 200
of a rose, and his fortune departed like the soon-dying breeze of
spring I
To be brief ; he came by way of Dhankot ■ to the bank of the
Indus. Muhammad Sult.^n and Ulugh Mirza who had gone into the
Multan territory but had been unable to maintain themselves there.
I That is, he regarded the whirl-
igig of time whereby Humayun had
been dethroned &c, as an advantage
for himBolf.
> Jarrett II. 401 and note, and
Babar'u Memoirs 140 where it is
called Dinkot.
408
AEBABNAMA.
came and saluted M. Kfimran on the river-bank. The Mirzi tarried
there for a while^ and when the rebels fell into difficulties about
corn, he made a bridge and crossed the river. Thence he came to
Kabul and there he opened the gates of enjoyment in front of his own
existence and spent his days in the indulgence of his pleasures and
lusts. And Jams]^id ^ of Merv's sayings *^ Until the tiger leavo
the jungle^ the pasturage is not open for the deer ; nor till the falcon
seek her *nest^ has the partridge freedom to fly/' was verified in
this instance. M. Kamran gave Ghaznin and its territory to 'Askarl
M. and sent l^w&ja Khawand Muhammad on an embassy to
Sulaiman M. in Badakhshan with the request that he would sub-
mit and make M. Kamran's style and coinage current in Badakh^in
also. M. Sulaiman sent back the ambassador re infectd and M.
Kamran got enraged at this and led an army into Badakh^Sn.
Near the village of Bar! > an engagement took place and when M.
Sulaiman saw his own weakness and M. Kamrftn's strength he
sent an envoy to knock at reconciliation's door. He caused the
hbuiba to be read and coinage to be issued in M. KamrSn's name ;
and the latter also took some BadaU^s^Sn territory from M.
Sulaimftn and gave it to his own men and then returned full of suc-
cess. Meanwhile news came that M. Hindal had taken possession
of Qandahfir. M. Kamran collected an army and marched against
the city and besieged the fort for six months. M. Hindal's supplies
falling shorty he asked for quarter and delivered up the fort. M.
K&mr&n gave Qandahar to M. ^Askari and returned to Kabul^ bring-
ing M. Hind§l along with him. For some days he treated M. Hindal
with severity but afterwards out of brotherhood and from hypocrisy
in the guise of concord^ gave him the fertile tract of Jul S^fthl,
which now bears the name of his Majesty the king of kings^ and is
called JaJalabfid. The ruler of Sind also submitted ^ and now fortune
was ministering the materials of negligence till M. Sulaimftn broke
his compact and seized of the territories which M. KamrSn had
^ Apparently the riddle-maker
mentioned at text, 221 and Bloch-
mann, 102.
< Chalmers, Marl and Narl in
variant. Perhaps it is Paryan or
it may be Barah which is marked
on the map half way between Parjin
and Chitral.
i Probably this refers to fib^
Qusain's giving his daughter in mar*
riage to Kamran after refuaing
her to Humayon.
CHAFTBB ZZZII.
40»
deiaclied from Badakh^nw M. Etmrta a second time led his
army thither and a battle was fought near Andarab.^ M. Salaimta
was defeated and took ref age in Fort Zafar. M. Kimran followed
liim and besieged the fort. He stopped the coming of supplies and
many of the inhabitanta of Badaj^f^n came and did homage to
him. As M. Sulaiman despaired of his soldiers, who were only
eye-servers [coitm-i-'mafd dd^f) and afso as the fort was in
difficulties from want of supplies, he was obliged to submit. M.
Kftmrftn left Q2isim Krlfis, Mirz& 'Abdu-I-Ifih and many others of his 901
partisans under the charge of the said Birlffs in BeuiaU^Aftn, and
himself went back (to K&bul). ^wfi ja ^usain * of Merv found the
date of this occurrence in the words ** ^mn^a hafdahum^mdh-i'
Jumdda'iridmJ^ (Friday, Jumftdall, I7th, 94ffs October 8th, 1546).
He kept M. Sulaiman and hia son M. Ibrahim in <)onSnement.
When he returned, he put the city into fSte for a monA, and
spent his days in insoaciiBiicev He remembered not his GTod, nor
did he deal justice to the oppressed. Till at length the fortune-
star of his Majesty JahfnbSni^s gracious heaven ascended, and coming
with dominion and auspiciousness, lodged his punishment in his bosom^
as will be related hereafter*
(H. HiNnlLv)
Whoever behaves improperly to his benefactor and advances
along the path of insincerity, receives the punishment of his actions
in this worid {JiiL in the same condition). The account of M. Hiadal
is of this tenor. He, at such a crisie and time oi strife and sedition,
left the service of bis Majesty Jtthanbani,. aod: taking the road of
faithlessness proceeded towards Qandohftr. When Qaraca !^an,
who was goveming^ QaodahSr for M. Kdmrftn, heard of the Mirzft's
arrival, he came out of the fort and^ respectfully embraced him. He
made over the territory to the Mirzii. Many days had not > elapsed
when M. E[£mrftn came and took possessictt' there^. He imprisoned
f Jarrect, III. 88; IT. of Hindb
Kush, South West Badakhabin.
^ Blochmaan, 574 A. F.'b some-
what disparaging remark about htm
there, may perhaps be dYie m part
to his having celebrated a victory
5a
of Ksmran. His odes on the births
of JahingTr and Mnrid will be
found at pp. 125 and 136 of Lowe'a
Badaont.
^ Kftmrin took Qandahir after a
siege of six months.
410
AKBABNAHA.
the Mirza and treated bim with severity^ as has already been brieflj
stated.
(Yadqar NlflR MlRZi.)
It is certain that the end of the unfaithful^ like the commence-
ment of their deeds^ is rejection by every heart {mardud-i-dUhd)*
The wise do not place reliance {i'tibdr) on unstable reliability {iHibdr)»
They wait in expectation of these ingrates receiving their portion so
that they may be thankful and rejoice at their getting the punishment
which is due for transgressions of rectitude, inasmuch as this will
be a warning to mankind, and also an adminicle of the repentance of
the wicked. Accordingly when Yadgar Nagir M. had been led from
the right path by the deceit and perfidy of the ruler of TaUa and had
remained in Lohri (Rohri), he stayed nearly two months there aftor
the departure of his Majesty Jahanbanl. At last it became clear to
him that the proposals of the ruler of Ta(ta were all pretence, and
his representations based on lies. Being helpless he abandoned
his projects and proceeded towards Qandahar, though Hdshim Beg
who was one of his truth-speaking well-wishers and well-pleasing
{rizd'jm) followers, told him that his joining M. Kamrfin and his
leaving the service of his Majesty JahanbUni were not approved of, and
that the world was a place of retribution, and that he should reflect
upon this. And it is a thing certain that the mind of him whose day
of calamity is at hand, becomes darkened, that he displays audacity
in injuring his benefactor, and that he reckons the advice of the
right-thinking as wind and does not admit it into the ears of his
understanding, and that he regards the weighty words of the wise
as fables and fictions.^ Accordingly Yadgar Na^ir M. being un-
blessed, went toward Qandahar. He arrived at the time when M.
Kamran had brought the fort of Qandahir to extremity, and did
202 homage to him ; and accompanied him to Kabul. M. Kimran sent a
person to the ruler of TaUa and requested him to send with all res-
pect her Highness BilqTs-makanl ghahrbanTi ' and her son M. San jar,
for they had separated from Y&dgar Na^ir M. and had remained
in the Bhakkar territory. The ruler of Tatta sent them in a suitable
1 This is singu'larly like the quem
deuB vuU lierdcrc, 4rc.
* Of the household of Bilqls, i.e.,
Queen of JSheba.
CHAPTBU XXXII.
411
maimer J together with a large number of persons who had separated
from his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashyanT and were in that territory.
By mistake or design it occurred that these people were sent by the
route of the waterless and forageless desert. Many of them perished
and when the remainder came to g^dl^ fever broke out among them.
Her Highness BilqTs-makani * died. Out of 2000 or 3000 men who
were wandering in that caravan, only a few escaped with their lives
and reached Qandahar.
1 Younger half-sister of Babar and
fall -sister of Yadgar's father Na§ir.
She married Junaid Birlas, and bore
him Sanjar.
414
akbabnAma.
king of kings, to wit^ hath attained such sway in full measure. In
spite of the cares of conquering and upholding the visible world, he
hath attained complete immersion in the billowy ocean of the empy-
real and divine universe. And the step of his genius on the towering
ascents of sublimity is firm and assured.
In fine, his Majesty determined, in accordance with the Divine will
and his native nobleness to write a loving letter to the ruler of Persia
and to turn the reins of intent towards that country. Should the
ruler of Persia recognise hereditary right and show love and liberal-
ity, he would again give his attention to mundane matters and secure
the hearts of his faithful band. Should it turn out otherwise he
would in the liberty (ikbtiydr) of a hermitage, devote himself with-
out liberty (bi'ihhtiydr) • to his generous nature. Accordingly on
Thursday, Ist^ gtawwfil, 959 (28th December, 1943), he sent a letter
by Cull Bahadur ' to the effect that by order of the superintendents
of destiny, who have attached so much deliberation and knowledge
to every act, an urgent cause had arisen for procuring a speedy
interview. After a brief sketch of his adventures this line was
written under the cover.
Verse.
What has passed over our head, has passed.
Whether by stream, or hill, or wilderness.
His Majesty desired to spend some days in the Garmsir but
Mir 'Abdu-1-hai of Garmsir sent to represent to him that it was
rumoured that M. 'Askari had despatcbed a large force, and that possi-
bly— which God forbid — they might come there, and things thus be-
come irretrievable. If he went to the country of Slstan, which belonged
1 The letter is given in full in
the ambassador Khur Shah's history
B. M. MS., No. 153, 58a, and the
date of despatch stands there as 7th
Shawwal, 950 (3rd January, 1544).
Perhaps A.F. did not quote the whole
because, some phrases might be
regarded as too abject. After the
lines above-qaoted Humaynn wont
on to say that now the bird of desire
was spreading his wings in order that
he might be rewarded by beholding
the sun of greatness and glory, vis.,
XS'hmasp.
« Perhaps the Jai Bahadur for-
merly mentioned. As we have seen,
Humaynn gave the name of Cull
to all who accompanied him across
Balucist&n.
\/^
CHAFTBB XXXIII.
41&
to the King of Persia^ he would be protected from that reckless crew. 204
His Majesty reflected on the paucity of the sincere, and the plurality
of the lords of opposition and discord, and recognised the fact
that to stay in that country was to act carelessly, and so he
proceeded towards Sist§n. He crossed the Hirmand (Halmand)
and halted at a lake > into which its waters flow. Ahmad Sultan
• ••
giamlu, the governor of Sistan, recognised the advent as an unex-
pected blessing and tendered acceptable service and showed alacrity
in offering hospitality. His Majesty spent some days in that
pleasant country, the arena of the cavaliers* of fortune's plain, in the
sport of catching waterfowl.s And in order to comfort his faithful
comrades he busied himself with worldly matters and was a spectator
of the wonders of destiny. Thence ho proceeded to (the city of ?)
Sist&n> Ahmad Sul1;an sent his mother and his wives to wait on
her Majesty Maryam-makanT, and tendered all the revenues (amwdt)
of his district as a present. His Majesty accepted a little of these in
order to do him pleasure, and returned the remainder. In this halt-
ing place EEusain Quli M. the brother of Ahmad SultSn, who had
come from Mashhad to pay his respects to his mother and brother, in
order that he might bid adieu to them before he went on pilgrimage,
was honoured by an audience.^ His Majesty questioned him about
A Lake Haman. See Recliia 47
and 48. It is also called the Sea of
Durra, or Zereng. Elphinstone's
Caubul 11. 219.
> Alluding to the fact that Sistan
was Kastam's country. See Elphin-
stone's Caubul II. 219.
s Sltikdr-i-qasl^qalddgi, This ap-
pears to be the coot (fulica atra).
See Scully's App. to Shaw*a Turk.
Diet. p. 213 s.v. qdaj^qdlddq. Sec
also P. de Conrteille's Diet. s. v.
qasqdlddgb where it is translated
"jilongeon noir" and is said to be equi-
valent to Persian mdgb- In Baya-
zid's Mems. 2 h. the word is spelt
qasJi^qaladdgit and wc are told that
tho shikar or sport was carried on
ha-larkdz, Erskine in his MS.
translation queries if this be stubble.
Perhaps we should read tirgaz or har-
poon, the gaz being a double-headed
arrow, and suppose that the sport was
carried on in the manner described
by fiabar, (pp. 153, 154) by means of a
harpoon.
♦ I presume that this must be a
city of that name for he was already
in the district. Probably it is the
place mentioned by Elphinstone
under the name of Jalalabad. Baya-
zTd has Qa|ba-i-Sistan, the town of
Sistan. Eaverty {Tahaqat-irndsiri
1122n.) speaks of Zaranj as being
called the city of Sistan.
^ By the distinction of kissing the
carpet.
416
AKBARNlUA.
religion and faith. He submitted that he had long stadied the
creeds of the S^T'as and SannTs^ and had perused the books of both
seekL. The g^i^as maintained that the reviling and cnrsing of the
Companions was meritorious and a means of religious progress, where*
as the Sunnis held that to blaspheme the Companions was an act of
impiety. After consideration and meditation he had satisfied himself
that no one can become impious by thinking he is doing right.* His
Majesty much approved this remark, and with great kindness and con-
descension offered him the honour of service. As be was about to go
on pilgrimage and had made his arrangements accordingly, be was de-
barred from this boon. Here also Qftji Muhammad (son of) BabaQft^qa^
and Qasan Eoka left M. 'Askari and joined the noble army. They
recommended that his Majesty should proceed towards Zamin Dawiv
because Amir Beg> the governor^ thereof was coming to serve, and
Calma' Beg^ govemoi* of the fort of Bast, was also solicitous of th#
honour of employment ; (and said also) that soon many men of M.
205 'Askan would separate from him and enter his Majesty's service ; and
that QandahSr and its territory would come into the possession of the
royal servants. When A^mad Sultan heard that they were giving
this advice and were deterring his Majesty from going to Persia, he
came to his Majesty and submitted, out of well-wishing and affection!,
that the expedition to Persia was worthy of his genius and that the
faction which was dissuading him from gciug, was only actuated by
fraud and treachery. As Ahmad Sulfian had by his devotion and
sincerity established himself in his Majesty Jahinbfini's heart, his
representations were accepted and acted upon. The Emperor deter-
mined to proceed to 'Iriq. On account of this afhir Qftji Mu^. K5ka
was for some days excluded from the presence. Ahmad Sultta
attended on the stirrup, and wished to be a guide for the road, by
way of Tabas* Kilaki. As his Majesty had set his heart on visitinfp
Herftt, he took the road by the fort of tTk.^
I This story and much of the
narrative of events in SlstSn are
taken from BSyazld. See I. O. MS.
No. 216. p. da.
* Afterwards a very distinguished
officer. See Blochmann, 368.
S A town in ^hnrasan. Jarrett
III. 67. I insert the name Tabas in
accordance with a variant and witb
Nizamu-d-dln. For Tabas or Tubfaas
see Macgregor's Shnvisin 1. 125.
It lay on the road from Slstftn t»
Qaswf n (then the capital) and was m
long way west of Her&t.
* See Raverty trans, f a(a^f-i«
ndsiri, 34 and 1122f». He says ?k liea
CBiFTBR SXXIII.
41 r
When the loving letter of his Mnjesty JahBDbfini Jannat-syiyanr
reached Sljih Tahmasp, he regardud liis Majestjr'a auapicions advent
as an unlooked for bleasing and felt delighted. He wished that the
glonons shadow of the auspicioDS humd (kuTnd-i-aa'ddat^kumdyini)
might fall on the crest of his own fortune, and that the experience
of this grace might form the inframiag border for the record of the
splendoar of his family.' In acknowledgment of the blessing he
bade the drums of rejoicing beat for three days in QazwTn.' And
he wrote a reply full of respect and veneration and of wishes for his
Majesty's speedy arrival, with thonsanda of lands and encomia, and
sent it along with varions gifts and rarities by his special coartiera.
This verae was written on the border ('amwdn) of the letter.
Verse.
" A humd of auspicious soaring falls into our net.
If for thee there chance a passage to our abode.*
He sent back the messenger after doing him special hononr,
and expressed all manner of thankfulness and gratitude, and recalled
old friendship. He also wrote to the governors of the cities and towns
that at every city and halting-place where the august progress should
rest, the leading men and the inhabitants, high and low, should keep
the occasion as the fete, day of the royal family, and should go out to
welcome his Majesty and should engage in royal feastings ; also that
they should provide at each stage proper materials and furnishings*
food and drink, and fresli fruits, snch as might be worthy of his
Majesty's ref^rd. An ezact copy of the ordinance which was addressed
to Muhammad K^an, the governor of Herat, is here set forth that it may
be a code of regulations for the intelligent and that those alive to the
ways of humanity may, by looking at this frontispiece of arbanity, act
with philanthropy, honouring and reverencing the unfortunate who 206
between Farah and Zaranj and has
been in rntns for many years.
N&firl deacribea Ok as N. E. of Qka.h.
ristSn, wbich is apparently the same
as Zaranj.
I X^hmup wu only the second
of his line.
■ D'Herbelot a. r. Cazwin. Jar*
rett III. 83. It is 90 miles weet-
north-west a! ^ahrin. Milton refers
53
to it in Paradise Lost X. 435 :—
— or BactrianSophi.fnHn the horns
Of Turkish creacoit, leaves all
naste beyond
The realm of Aladnle, in his re-
To Tanria or Cosbeen.
> This couplet is the beginning of
an Ode of ^i&t : No. 217, Vol. II.
p. 138 £d. BrockhauB.
418
AKBABNAMl.
hare experienced fate in its heights and depths^ and may not abate one
jot of kindness towards them.
Order {fanndn) of QSAh TahhAsp to thb Gfovkrmok
OP K£E(7rab1n.
This august order has been issued so that the a^iylum of dominion^
workshop of Majesty and sun of power and prestige, Muhammad
Khfin ' Starafu-d-dm Ughli Taklu, tutor • of our precious and upright
8on,s governor of Herat, — the seat of sovereignty, — ^and mir dlwdn,^
who hath been exalted by divers royal bounties and benefits, might
know that the contents of his report, lately despatched to the coart,
the asylum of glory, — through Kamalu-d-din g^ah Qull Beg, the asylam
of nobility and brother of QarS Sultan S^§mlu,^ amved on 12tb
Zri-hijja^ (8tb March, 1544), and that its distinguished purport has
become known and understood from beginning to end.
I Blochmann, 426, and Ma'djiiru-l'
umard* I. 507, under title of J'afar
E[han. his grandson who came to
India and Berved under Akhar.
s Ldla, Blochmann, 426, remarks
that the word does not occur in our
dictionaries. Apparently it is a
form of IdlSf a major-domo, tutor, &c.
Wollaston gives both laid and lallah,
i. v., tutor, but marks the last as
vulgar.
^ Sultan Mu]|^. M. eldest son of
Xahmasp, and often called Mu^. Kl^u-
dabanda. He became king in 1578,
but was a weak and unworthy ruler
and soon disappeared. See Oliver.
J. A. S. B. 1877, Vol. 66, p. 43.
* Appareutly a translation of the
Turkish title heglar-hegt which occurs
in the letter as given in B. M. MS.,
Or. 4678.
( According to Malcolm, Sfatolii
means a son of Syria and refers to
the fact that the tribe was brought
from Syria by Tlmftr.
A Price points out that there ie a
difficulty about this date, for A. F.
describes HumayHn as reaching
Herat on Ist Z^l-^a'da, or about 1^
months before Mu^. Qi^an's letter
was received by X^'hrnasp. He sug-
gests that the names of the months
should be transposed. Probably the
date in A. F.'s copy of the letter is
altogether wrong, and the true
date is that given in B. M. MS. Or.
4678, vi»,, Tuesday, -oth Shawwal»
950 (1st January, 1544). In the copy
there given X^hmasp describes him*
self as answering the letter on the
same day. It was brought to him
by ^san Beg Taklcl. Hnmaydn
wrote to Xahmasp, according to A. F.»
on Thursday, 1st Shawwal, 950, and
probably Mu^. Khan, the governor
of Her&t, would write about the same
time to his master. If Thursday was
Ist Shawwal, however, the following
Sunday would be the 6th, not the 5th,
unless we count, as the Mu^m-
madans do from sunset to sunset.
I have liowever found in the ifa'd-
I
I
CHAPIEB XXXIII. 419
As to what has been written coucerning the approach of the
fortanate vicegerent {nawvidb-i-kdmyab, i. e,, Humfiyun), sphere- rider,
BUD-cupola, pearl of success and sovereignty's ocean, goodly tree orna-
menting the garden of government and world-sway, world-illnminating
light of the portico of sovereignty and glory, soaring cypress of the
stream of auapiciousness and fortane, aromatic tree of glory and ma-
jesty's rose-garden, frnit of the tree of the i^ldfat and of justice, king
of land and sea [harrain u bahrain), world-warming sun of felicity's
heaven, exalted full-moon of the zenith of the MUlafat and world-mle,
altar and exemplar of just princes, greatest and best of the Wydqdns,
the lord of majesty, high-born sovereign of sopremacy's throne,
exalted king of the kingdom of the dispensation of justice, khflqin
of Alexander-type, glorioue potentate, an enthroned Solomon, lord of
guidance and assurance, world-guardian, lord of diadem and throne
{taj u taWit), fdi^ib-qirdn (lord of conjunction! of the world of fortune
and prestige, crowning diadem of famous Ichaqdns, the aided by Grod,
defender of the Paitli (NafTr-nd-din) Muhammad Humayun Pid^^h.
May the Almighty grant him greatness in accordance with desire until
the last day ! How may it be told what joy and delight have been
caused by this.
Verst.
Good news, 0 courier of the mom,' thou bringest of the
friend's advent.
May thy tidings be true, O thoo ever tJie friend's intimate.
May that day come when, in the feast of meeting,
I shall sit, having my heart's desire, breathing in unison
with the friend I
tir-i-rahlml (A. S. B. MS. p. 1706),
a reading which seems to me to
remove some difficulties and to be
perhaps the right one. This ia, that in-
stead of ^Vl-hijja ne have Day-i-Miu-
jitla,— not *^* 1^ but *i-^^ j^ji
The date thus would be the 12th of
the Persian month Dai, which corres-
poDda to December. But if this ia
so the governor of Herit must have
written to his sovereign before
HniUBfilD actuftUy entered Persia.
Bilj-nztd has ^'l-tiiija 949 ! 1 must
admit here that though the i^ujttfa
is plain enough in the Ma'iifiir yet
the ddl of Dai is dotted ( is^ ) as if
the copyist, at any rate, meant it for
Z>1.
' i^abS, rising ; also esst wind.
Perhaps used here because HuraSySn.
was then in eastern Persia, and
Xahm&spwas in the west, in Qaawla,
420
AKBARNAMA.
Recognising that the untroubled progress and approach of tliis
king^ the angel of honour, are a great boon, be it known thjBLt, in
guerdon of the glad tidings, we hare bestowed the territory of
Sabzwfir ^ on that asylum of dominion {i. e., Muhammad Khan the
addressee) from the beginning of Aries* of the year of the Hare. X^et
him send his ddrdgbaB.nA vizier there, that the regular revenue and tho
extraordinary civil receipts thereof may be perceived from the beg-in-
207 ning of the current year, and be expended for the requirements of the
victorious troops and his own necessities. Having acted, paragraph
by paragraph, and day by day, in accordance with the procedaro set
forth in this edict {niskdn), let there be no remissness concerning the
paramount instructions.
Let him appoint five hundred prudent and experienced men,
each of whom shall have a led ^ horse, a riding mule, and the
necessary accoutrements, that they may go forth to meet the king,
the lord of fortune, — with one * hundred swift horses which have been
sent from the sublime court for the use of his Majesty, together with
golden saddles ; and let the asylum of dominion select from his own
Bta.b1e six swift horses, quiet, of good colour and strong, and such as
may be fit for the riding of that royal cavalier of the field of gloiy
1 A town in Khuraaan. west of
Klfik&pQr and between Maghhad and
the Caspian. Blochmann, 55n. and
Jarrett III. 85. Sat there is also a
Sabzwair, south of Herfit, and probab-
ly this is the place meant. This Sabz-
wBr is properly Aepck-zdr or horse-
meadow, and is so written in the copy
of the 3hfth*s letter in the Ma^'dfiir'
i-rahiml.
» Text, 'atnal, but the Lucknow
edition and three B. M. MSS. have
htMnal, and this seems correct. The
Turkish, or Aigburian, cycle seeins
to have been nsed in official docu-
ments, Ac., and began in Aries, as also
did the Persian year. Tufbqdn, or
the year of the Hare was the fourth
of the cycle. Jarrett II. (1) 21.
i Aip-i'kutal Kutal, or kiital, is
used to mean a second or substituted
article. (Blochmann 109, 115.) The
BcLhdr'i-'ajam explains it, when
applied to horses, as meaning an
animal strong enough to form part
of the procession before a king's
carriage, a processional horse in
short. Such horses formed part
of the istiqhdl which met the Per-
sian-Afghan Mission on its approach
to Maghhad. (Eastern Persia. Gk>)d-
smid and others. Macmillan, 1876.
p. 357.)
4 Bayazld has three only and this
is probably correct. X&hmSsp wonid
hardly send 100 horses with golden
saddles, nor if he did, would he be
likely to tell Sharafu-d-dfn to add
six. The six were probably added to
the three to make the mystic nine*
—\
CHAPTER XXXIII.
421
nnd success J and let him pFace od them azure and embroidered
saddles, with honsinga of gold brocade and gold thread, bucIl a& may
befit the riding-horses of that majestic king; and let him make over
each horse to two of hia own servants,, and despatch them. A splen-
did, special side-dagger ornamented with exqnisite jewels which
came to us from the fortunate vicegerent, the pardoned prince of
snblime seat, the king onr father — May God make his proof clear I —
together with a golden scimitar (aiamsiir) and a jewelled girdle,
have been sent to the Alexander-principled king, for victory and
conquest and good augury. Four hundred pieces of velvet and
satin from Europe and Yezd have been sent, so that one hundred '
and twenty coats may be made for the king's special nse, and that
the remainder may be for the servants attached to the victorious
stirrup of that fortunate prince ; also two-pile gold-brocaded velvet
carpets and coverlets (namad takya*) of goat's hair with satin lining,
and three pairs of large carpets twelve cubits (square ?), four Goak-
kdni ■ of fine silk,* and twelve tents, crimson, green and white, have
been sent. May they arrive safely t
Let arrangements be made day by day for sweet and pleasant
drinks, with white loaves kneaded with milk and butter and seasoned
with fennel seeds and poppy seeds. Let them be well made and be
sent to his Majesty. Let them also be sent for each member of his
staff and for his other servants. Be it also arranged that at the
places where his Majesty will halt, there be arranged and pitched,
on the previous day, cleansed, pleasant, white, embroidered tents and
awnings of silk and velvet, and also pantries and kitchens and all
their necessary ont-officea, so that every requisite apparatus be in
readiness. When he, in hie glory and fortune, shall direct a halt, let
rose- water-sherbet and wholesome lemon-juice be prepared and pour-
ed out, after having been cooled with snow and ice. After the sherbet
1 120 were perhaps intended as
B OSshkAn, or JoabaqSn, a town
a supply for a twelvemonth. Ct.
half-way between Kiftl^n and Ispa-
Blochmann, SO, where it is stated
han, famous for carpets. (Bloch-
that Akbar had 120 suits in his
mann, 55n).
wardrobe, made up into twelve
* KMTgi, fcwrt. or kurg. U the
bundles.
fine short, wool of the goat, nearest
the skin. It also means fur. (Bloch-
namad.
mann, 616).
422
AKBARNAHA.
let conservos of maskdn * apples of Masbhadj water-melons^ grapes,
&C.J with white loaves made as already directed^ be tendered ; and
let care be taken that all the beverages be examined hj the protect
tor of sovereignty ,• and that rose-water and grey ambergris be added
to them. Each day let five hundred dishes of varied food be present*
ed, together with the beverages. Let the asylum of dominion, Qaz-
Bftq* Suljt&n^ and the acme of nobility, J 'afar Sul (in, together with
your (other?) descendants and your clan to the number of one
208 thousand persons, go forth to offer welcome three days after the five
hundred shall have set out. And during those three days let the
said officers and the various troops be inspected. Be careful to give
your servants tipucdq and Arab horses, for there is no finer decora-
tion for a soldier than a good horse ; and let the uniforms of the one
thousand be coloured and smart. And be it arranged that, when the
officers come to wait upon his Majesty, they kiss the ground of service
and honour with the lip of respect and render their service one by
one. Be it seen to that, on the occasion of riding, &c., there be no
altercation between the officers' servants and his Majesty's,* and that
no annoyance of any kind happen to the king's servants. During
the time of riding and of marching, let the officers remain with their
own* troops and serve the king from a distance, but at the time
of being on guard/ let each officer display his alacrity in the vicinity
of the quarters which shall have been fixed (for the Emperor) ;
and let them, having taken in their hands the staffs of service,
serve in the manner that one would serve one's own king, and
let them adopt and bring into practice the utmost attentiveness. Let
this mandate be shown to the governor of every territory to which
1 Text, fnasl^hdn. The editors
suggest mof^in, but according to
Bahdr-i-'aja/m. MoiJ^kdn is the name
of a kind of apple grown in T^i ^- 0*
Mashhad.
* SaUanat-pandh, BayazTd has
aydlcU'pandh and in both cases
Sharafu-d'dTn is the person meant.
The special watch over the drinks
of kings is characteristic of the
East.
* QazzSq Sultan was Muhammad
Khan's son, and J'afar was his grand-
son. Qazziq, called in the Ma'dgir,
Qazzaq Khan, rebelled against T^h-
masp in 972, and his son Ja'far
emigrated to India. (Blochmanu,
426).
* Lit. on no account let there be
any unfriendly glances. Wujuh not
wuhuh as in text.
^ I adopt f^ud after fauj, from
B&yazld.
4 Kai^dJc or ka§hxk.
CBAFTBB XXXIII.
423
ri.
he (HumSyun) may come^ and care be taken that that officer render
his eervice. Let entertainments be so condncted that the total
of the foodj sweetmeats and liquids be not less than 1^500 dishes.
The service of^ and attendance on the asylum of sovereignty, will
be in charge of the asylum of dominion up to &f a^had, the pure and
holy. And when the officers aforesaid come to serve, every day
there will be produced in the sublime banquet of that king, 1,200 dishes
of varied food, such as may be fit for a royal table. And let each of
the aforesaid officers, on the day when he is host, tender a present
of nine horses, of which three will be for the king^s special use, one
for the chief amir Mu(^. Bairam Ehftn Bahadur, ^ and the five
others for such of the select officers as may be fitting. Let all nine
horses be produced for his auspicious inspection, and mention which
of them are for the fortunate Nawwdb, and also mention which is for
such and such an officer, — that having been previously arranged by
you, — for such statement, though it may appear improper, is right and
will not look wrong ; but by every possible means keep the servants
in attendance pleased, and show the utmost sympathy and assiduity.
Soothe the hearts of this body of men which have been clouded
somewhat by the revolutions of unequal fate, with affection and sym-
pathy, as is proper and pleasing at such seasons. Continue this
practice throughout till they come to our presence. Thereafter, what
is proper will be executed by ourselves. After food has been par-
taken of, let sweetmeats and comfits * prepared from candy (qand)
and refined sugar {nabdt), and various conserves, and risita-i-MHitdi *
(Chinese threads), which shall have been perfumed with rose-water, 2109
^ B&jazTd has Bahirl Q, which seems
preferable.
s Fdluda or fdluda^ the same as
halwd, except that the $ufl is boiled
in milk. Herklots. App.
ft China or Cathay threads, ap-
parently resembling vermicelli. See
YuUers II. 39, and Bahdr-i-*ajam,
Steingass says they are a kind of
paste lozenge eaten in soup, but
this hardly agrees with the long
description quoted by Yullers.
They were made of rice flour, were
very thin, like silk threads and were
flavoured with almonds, pistachios,
rose water, Ao. In the B. M. Sloane,
^1093, (Bieu 1, 891a), which is a similar
letter of T^hmSsp, but addressed
to <A1I Qull Qian ShAmlQ, the
governor of Sistan, the expression
ri§ita'i-f^aia% is not used, but we
have the apparently nearly s3mony-
mous phrase d^'i-mdhca. VuUers
1132a.
424
AKBARNAMA.
musk 1 and grey > ambergris^ be brought in. The governor of the
province * (wildyat) after performing the duties of service and hos-
pitality, shall put his mind at ease about his provincOj and escort (his
Majesty) up to Herat, the capital, not omitting the most minute points
of service and attendance. When he shall arrive at twelve farsald^
from the said province,* the asylum of dominion (t. e., the governor)
will leave one of his experienced officers ^ in charge of our dear and
excellent son, that he may take care of the city and wait on the son.
The remainder of the victorious army from the city and province, and
its boundaries, consisting of the Hazara, ^ Nikodarl and others, to
the number of thirty thousand, which number must be exact, shall ^o
forth with the asylum of dominion to offer welcome. Tents, awnings
and necessary furnitures will be conveyed by strings of camels and
mules, so that a well-ordered camp may come under the Emperor^s
auspicious glance. When (the governor) is honoured by attendance
on his Majesty he will, before making any other remarks, convey to
him many prayers for his welfare on behalf of ourselves. And on
the same day that he be distinguished by service he will halt in accor*
dance with the rules {tuzah) and regulations of an army in camp.
The asylum of dominion, when he has come on duty, will request
leave, in order that he may entertain his Majesty, and will establish
himself for three days in those quarters. On the first day he will
invest all his (Humftyun^s) troops with handsome W^iVata of satin and
brocade {hamWifdh) from Yezd, and of silk {ddrd'ihd) of Ma^had
and Kh&f, and let them all have velvet cloaks (})dldpOsA)P and let
there be given to every soldier and servant two Tabriz! tumdiis^
1 The musk here referred to seems
to be a vegetable prodact.
s 'Amhar-i'dslihah, This was the
best kind. Blochmann 78.
s Probably a general order for the
governors of all the provinces passed
through.
^ Apparently meaning, when Hu-
mayan arrives within 12 leagues,
or about 50 miles, of the city of
Herftt.
* Uimdq. Blochmann 371n, where
it is stated that the word was origin-
ally the name of a Turkish tribe.
See also Jarrett, II. 401n. 4 and 111.
117n. The meaning here seems to be
a confidential subordinate. Is Aimiq
the right reading P Shaw gives this
as a tribe near Herat.
• Jarrett II. 401n. 4
7 The word also means a qailt,
but here probably a cloak or upper
garment.
s WoUaston, (App.), says the
iumdn is a gold coin worth about
eight shillings, but that it used to
CHAPTKR XXXTII. 425
for his daily expenses ; and provide varied food in accordance with
the rules already prescribed. And let there be a royal assemblage^
BO that tongues may speak in praise of it and shouts of approbation
reach the ears of mankind. Let there be made a list of his troops,
and let it be sent to the sublime court. Let 2,500 ^ Tabriz! tumdns
be taken from the funds of the Privy Purse which are coming to
the said capital, and let them be spent for necessary purposes. Let
the utmost zeal be displayed in service, and let the march from the
eaid quarters to the city occupy four days, and let the entertainment
of each day be the same as on the first. And it is proper that
at every entertainment the honoured sons of the asylum of dominion
bind, like servants and waiters, girdles of service on their loins
and perform worshipful ministration, and that, in thanksgiving that
such a king, who is a gift from the gifts of God, has become our
guest, they display the utmost alacrity in service ; and do not let
there be any failure, for the more zeal and deTotion are displayed
in respect of his Majesty, the more will be the approval by us. And
on the day before he will reach the city, let there be erected at the
head of the avenue (hbiydbdn) of the Bijg^ 'Idg§h tents with crimson
satin on the inside, fine ' linen between, and Ispahan linen (miaqdli)
on the top, which, during these days, was reported as being pre-
pared. And let care be taken that at every place where his 210
Majesty ^s gracious heart may take pleasure, and in every flower-
garden that may be remarkable for its air, its streams, its amenities
and delights, his Majesty be approached by you in an agreeable
way, with the hand of respect placed servant-wise on the bosom,
and that it be represented to him that that camp and army and
all its paraphernalia are a present (piiAkaiA) to the fortunate
Nawwab. Also, while on the march, do you continually keep him
pleased by conversation of a reassuring character. And do yon your-
self on the day before he will arrive at the city, leave that station
be worth much more, and in the time
of Shah *Abb&s I. was worth £3.
JahSngir, quoted by Blochmann, 486,
makes the Persian tumdn abont
equal to Bs. 33. If so, it might be
compared with a gold mohur. Bat
probably it was a silver coin that the
54
soldiers received.
1 The MS. has 10,500. The letter
in Or. 4678 says that from first to
last 10,000 iumwM are to be expended.
S Taiyabl, One MS. has Jabasi,
t. 0., of the town of Tabas, and per-
haps this is correct.
426
AKBABKAUA.
after obtaining your dismissal^ and proceed to serve our son« Next
morning bring out the dear son from bis residence for the parpoee
of giving a welcome. Put on him the suit which we sent him last
year on New Yearns day, and leaving one of the grey -bearded con-
fidential oflScers of the Taklu family {Uirndq-i-taklu) who may be
approved of and trusted by the asylum of dominion, in the capital,
mount the son on horseback. And, for the time that he is proceeding
to the city, let the asylum of dominion place Qazzaq Sultan on dnty
(with Humayun), and let^ tents and camels and horses be presanted, so
that, when the fortunate Nawwab mounts his horse next day, tlie camp
may also march, and let the aforesaid* asylum of dominion be the
guide. When the son shall come out of the city, strive 'that all the
troops mount in the prescribed order ,^ and that they proceed toifvards
the welcoming. When near that king, the Court of Majesty^ v^h.,
when the space intervening be an arrow's flight, let the asylam of
dominion advance and beg the king not to dismount. If he a^ree,^
let him return immediately and dismount the happy son, and let the
last go quickly and kiss the thigh and stirrup of that king of Solo-
mon's Court and show all the points of service and respect and honour
which are possible. Should the fortunate Kawwab not agree^ and
should he dismount, let the son dismount before him and do homagpe
and, his Majesty having first mounted, let our son kiss the king's
hand and mount, and proceeding on thus, ride according to etiquette
to the camp and the fixed quarters. And let the asylum of dominion
be in attendance on the king, and close to the son, so ihat> if
the king should put any questions to the son, and the son, out of
bashf ulness, be unable to reply, the asylum of dominion may make
a proper reply. And in the quarters aforesaid let tliat son show
hospitality to the king according to this routine, vtz., at about
9 A.M. let 300 dishes of varied foods be at once presented by way of
refection. Between the two prayers (at midday) let 1,200 conrses
of varied foods be presented on langarl dishes known as mui^ammad
> Cddar, perhaps veils or canopies
for the women ; as one does not see
why tents should be required for the
inarching.
s B&jazid has "the asylum of
the aforesaid, viz., Qazzaq Sultan, and
this is probably correct.
* Text, fi&dn, but most MSS. have
sdn, order or procession.
♦ Bayazid inserts here the word
dominion " (i.«., SQtarafu-d-dTn) and \ fahihd, t. e., " good " or " Be it so.**
CHAPtEB XXXIII.
427
kbdnt, and also on other plates of porcelain^ gold and silver^ placing
covers of gold and silver over them. After that^ let sweet conserves^
such as may be available^ and sweetmeats and comfits — ^be pre-^ 211
sented. After that let seven handsome and good horses be taken
from the son's stables^ and velvet and satin trimmings be placed on
them^ with girths of fine linen woven with silk^ and let white girths
be placed on red, and black girths on green velvet housings. It is
proper that Qafiz Sibir Qftq/ Maul&na Qasim QanunT^ the harpist^ Ustad
S^ih Muhammad^* the hautbois player^ Qafiz D5st Muhammad Khftfi^
Ustad Yusnf Maudud^ and other famous singers and musicians who
may be in the city, be always present, and whenever his Majesty
desire it, please him by singing and playing. And let everyone
from far and near who may be worthy of that assemblage be in at-
tendance so that he may be present when called upon, and that they
may by every possible means make his hours pleasant to him. Further
let gerfalcons* (iiv,nqdr)y and hawks, saker^ {cavgh\ sparrow hawks ^
{bdiha)y royaP falcons {^dhln), peregrine* falcons {bahtl) and the
like which may be in the son's establishment, or that of the asylum
of dominion or his sons, be presented, and let all his servants have
silk IsbiVaU of every kind and colour suitable to each — coloured
velvets, waved silks (&&ara *)and takma-haldhattun^^^ and gold brocade.
And on arrival at the quarters, let his servants be brought before our
son, who shall, with the munificent ways which are hereditary with
him from his ancestors, entertain them, giving each a suit of clothes
and a horse befitting his condition, and let not the largesse (to each)
exceed three tumdns. Also let twelve times nine pieces of silk, includ-
1 Bayazid has Sabir Qaf . Does this
mean one who has control over the
Koran, ue,, who knows it off by
heart. The last three names in this
list, t.e., Q&fis Dost, &c., are not in
Bayazid.
> Blochmann, 613.
* Apparently a nom de plume and
meaning the beloved or the ecsta-
tic : — from wadd.
♦ Also spelt ahunqar, — the Falco
Hendersoni, (Scully, App. 2, Shaw's
Vocabulary.)
» The Saker, or Cherugh of
Jerdon.
* Aecipiter ni9ti$ ; it is the female.
7 Falco peregrinator of Jerdon I.
25 ; it is the female.
0 Scully 1. c. See also list of hawks
in Barnes' Travels, and the account
of hawking in the Axn. (Blochmann,
293, ei 8Bq.)
9 Moir^e antique. Blochmann, 92n.
10 Kalahatun of Blochmann, 91n.,
who says it is a stuff with gold and
silk threads.
428
AKBABNAHA.
ing velvety Batin^ European and Yezdi kamM^b, and hdfia-^hdmi (Sjimbui
cloth) and other choice materials (be taken)^ and let three hondn^d
gold tuindna be placed in thirty parses^ together with the ailk af ore»
said^ and let there be given to every soldier and servant ' thie«
TabrizI iiimdna, which are equal to 600 ahdhi,^ Let him spend three
days in the Avenue and in the underground-channel country
(kdrizgdh). And order that, during these three days, various arti-
ficers make a cdhdr'tdq-handl ^ from the gate of the Cahftr Bagh which
is a royal palace, to the Avenue which is in the Bfigh 'Idgah. And
let one of the officers aforesaid be a coadjutor with each artificer, so
that by their mutual rivalry every craft and excellent device may be
executed. This is excellent that, as the king hath exalted this
country by his distinguished advent, he should first come to a city
which is the light of the eyes of mankind. Let there then be brought
before his alchemic eye genial and sweet-spoken persons, such as are
in this city, so that he may have cause for cheerfulness. On the third
day when your mind shall be at rest with regard to the cahdr-tdq, the
City- Avenue, and the brightening up of the Cahar Bfi|^ let heralda
212 be appointed in the city, its wards, and the environs, and the neig^h*
bouring villages, to proclaim that all the men and women of the city
ahall assemble on the morning of the fourth day in the Avenue
(khiydbdn), and that in every shop and bdzdr, where carpets and cloths
shall be spread in order, the women and maidens ^ will be seated,
and, as is the rnle in that city, the women will engage in pleasant *
^ The text does not seem quite
correct here. All the I.O. M8S.
have laalikari and not merely la^
kar and the proper reading seems
to be lasl^arl u ba har nafar. The
account about the iumdns is not
clear. Perhaps the 300 gold tumdiu
were a special present to HumayQn.
And perhaps the 30 purses were to
be made of the silk.
> The §hdhl is worth about a half
penny, so that if the tumdn be
reckoned at 8/8 three would be about
equal to 600 $haht The figures in
tbe text are, however, doubtful.
* An erection with four domes ; a
quadrangular tent, or canopy, appa-
rently.
* Text, heghd, i. e., chiefs, bat I
take the word to be haikahd^ tu e.,
maidens from *^ heka which P. de
Courteille renders/enntie non flion^*
* Diir maqdm-i-shlrln kdrl u $hir%n
gul dar ay and. One of the meanings
of maqdm is a musical tone, and kdr
and kdihd are used by Babar to
mean airs or melodies. See his
Memoirs, Erskine 197 and 198. and
notes. So possibly all that is meant
here is that the women were to recite
CHAPTBB XXXIII.
429
Bayings and doiDgs with the comers and goers. And from every
ward and lane let the masters ^ of melody oome forth^ so that the
like of it will not be seen in any other city of the world. And bid
all the people come forth to offer welcome. After all this has been
arranged^ let the king be respectfally asked to put the foot of
dominion in the stirrup of auspiciousness^ and to mount on horse-
back. Our son will proceed alongside of his Majesty^ but so that the
head and neck of the latter's horse be in front.* You^ the asylum
of dominion^ will follow close behind^ so that^ if he should put any
questions about the buildings^ the palaces, and gardens^ you may
make suitable reply. And when he shall oome with auspiciousness
to the city, he will visit the Cahar Bfi|^. And let him alight in the
small garden which was made at the time of our residence in that
delicious city for the pcrrpose of our living there and of reading and
writing, and which is at present known by the name of BS|j^ Sl^ahi.
And make the baths in the GahSr Ba^ white and clean, and also the
other baths, and make them fragrant with rose-water and musk, so
that, whenever he is inclined, he may have a place for bodily repose.
On the first day our son will show hospitality with abundance of
provisions, and when he shall have gone to his repose, you, the
asylum of dominion, will display hospitality in the manner that will
be described below.* When he (Humayfln) enters the city, you will
and sing to the passers by. Most
likely, however, the word hart refers
to dancing. See Yamb^ry's History
of Bokhara, p. 242, note, where he
describes a dance known as the
Herat!. Mohan Lil, Burnes* fywn-
2&i, rather maliciously observes that
all the women of Herat know how
to sing and dance, bat show these
accomplishments neither to their
husbands nor to their relations, bat
merely to their friends.
1 This might mean women as well
as men*
S The letter in 6. M. MS. Or. 467
is still more explicit. The head of
the prince's horse is to be on a line
with HamSyan's stirrup, and the
head of the tutor's horse on a line
with the prince's stirrup.
B A F. appears to have missed out
some words here. In Bayazld 96,
we have " On the first day oar son
will show his Majesty abundant and
excellent hospitality, and at night
when he (the son) shall have gone
to rest, the asylum of dominion
(Qharafu-d-dln) will call the great
officers into his presence and direct
that each one of them shall entertain
the king who is favoured by God,
one day in one of > the gardens. On
two other days, the son will entertain
him, and after that the asylum of
430
AKBARNAMA.
make a report on tlie same day and despatch, it to the snblime court*
And let it be arranged that Ma4zzu-d-din Husain kaldniar (ma^is*
trate)^ of Herat^ appoint a good writer who is a man of experience,
to write a full diary from the day that the 500 make the reception
{iatiqbdl) to the day that he comes to the cityj and let it be sealed
and despatched by the asylum of dominion^ and let all the atories
and remarks^ good or bad^ which pass in the assemblage^ be reduced
to writing and be sent by the hands of trusty persons^ so that we ^
be fully informed of all that occurs.
The entertaining by the asylum of dominion will be as follows :-^
Three thousand dishes of food^ sweetmeats^ syrups {iiira) and fruits
will be prepared^ and the necessary furniture will be arranged
as follows :-^J^V8^^ fifty tents and twenty awningSj and the large
store-tent* which was reported to have been prepared for his
Majesty's special use^ with twelve pairs of carpets of twelve cubits
and ten cubits^ and seven pairs of carpets of five cubits^ nine
231 strings of female camels, 250 porcelain plates, large and small,
and other plates and pots, all with bright covers, and also tinned
{qalqaVi karda), and two strings of mules let the asylum of domi*
nion present on the occasion of his entertainment; and let the
ofiicers conduct their entertainments as follows : — Let them present
food, sweetmeats and comfits to the extent of 1,500 plates, and also
three horses, a string of camels and a string of mules, which shall
have first been seen and approved by the nsylum of dominion.
The governors of Ghuriftn, Pusbanj,* and Karshu will show hospit-
ality in their own country. The governor of Bakharz,* in Jam,
and the governors of Khaf, TarshTz,^ Zawaha and Muhawwalat^
dominion will himself entertain him
according to the method which will
now be described. When he (Homa-
yfln) enters the city, Ac."
I The i^at after ott?a* in text
seems wrong. By the phrase Nawwdb
humdyun-i-md Xahmasp means him-
self. See text 207, 1.10.
s Cddar-i'luzurg aldbaia. Qa.ahtai
or ahtdi, Persian hatdt, provisions.
See Lane 148c. Perhaps it is what
AbU'l-fazl calls in the Aln, (Bloch-
mann, 48.) offices and workshops
(buyutdt).
* Bushang of Yaqat. Jarrett III.
87.
4 Maegregor*s Khurasan I. 253 and
II. 146.
^ Blochmann 605n. and Macgre-
gor*s map, Jarrett III. 86n. It is
a dependency of Niahapar.
* Macgregor II. 145, Mn^wwal&t
ctymologically means barren tracts.
CBAPTBR XXXIII.
431
IV ill entertain at Sarai Farhad which is fire parasanga i from
Maslbhad.*
1 Written farsangi here. It is
farsa1^% earlier in the letter.
* This letter seems to haveheen
greatly admired and appears in
several collections of letters. It
also appears in the Ma^dsW'i'rahxmi
but merely as a copy from the AJc
hcbmdma. Erskine thinks that A. F.
copied it from Bayazld, and this
is very likely. There are occasional
omissions and alterations in A. F.'s
transcript which were probably
made by him as improvements, or to
show that he was not a servile
copyist. Thus A. F. omits in one
place the title Jarmat-dihiyd^^ which
in Bayazld is given by Tahmasp
to his own father, Isma'il, but
which perhaps A. F. considered too
sacred to be applied to anybody
but Humayun* Then in the list of
Humayan's titles at the beginning
of the letter we have in B&yazid
after the words " 'adUguatan" (dis-
penser of justice), and before the
words I^dqan-irsikandar'niiidn^ the
jingling addition of edhib^i-deV'U*
pari, lord of demons and fairies,
which A. F. perhaps omitted as not
being sufficiently dignified. On the
other hand, A. F. gives the names
of three persons who are to enter-
tain HnmayQn, which do not occur
in Bayazid.
Bayazld says the document was
produced on 20th Bajab, 1000 H.
by Mir MirdSd Juvlnl, ddrogha of
the records, and that he made an
exact copy of it. Probably he did,
for at the end he seems also to have
copied an endorsement or other
writing on the document to the effect
that in 990 A. H. a copy was taken
for the 7arfM-i-a2/f, (Record of a
thousand years). Possibly, however*
this was an endorsement made simul-
taneously with Bayazid's copy and
meant to show that the copy was
made for Bayazid's use in connec-
tion with the TdriWi-i-alft, The 990
may be the era of the riklai or
death of Mu^mmad which was
adopted by Akbar for this work, and
which began ten years after the
Hijra. I have examined the copy
of the second volume of the Tar.-t-
alfl in the B. M. Or. 465, but the
letter is not in it. Indeed the events of
Humayan's reign are very cursorily
referred to, and as if it was contem-
plated that they should be dealt with
separately by A. F.
In his introduction to the letter,
Bayazld tells us that Humaynn took
counsel with A^mad Sultan about
visiting the 8hah. and that Ahmad
recommended him to go by Tabas-
kilaki as being the shortest, but that
Humaynn said that life was un-
certain, and that as he had heard
much praise of Herat (perhaps from
his parents) he would like to go that
way. So he went by C^k and there was
met by 'All Sultan, a relation of
Sharafu-d'din. Both Ahmad Sultan
and Sharafu-d-din wrote to X^hniasp
and received replies.
In B.M.MS. Or. 4678, Bieu's Gat.
Supplement, there is at p. 1176 et
aeq., a letter from Tahmasp to
Sharafu-d'din which closely resem-
bles that given by A. F., but still is
432
akbarnAha.
When his Majesty Jahdnbfini Jannat-&sbij§ni came near Farah^'
the Sl^ah's ambassador and his Majesty^s messenger arrived, and bis
Majesty was made aware that the king of Persia regarded hiB adrent
as a great gain and was delighted at it. His Majesty, being a mine
of courtesy, could not resist going to ' Iraq and so pleasing his faith-
ful companions. He placed the foot of resolve in the stirrup of
dominion and went on with a firm determination towards Herat. At
every stage some one of the notables and grandees of Khurftsan came
out to meet him, and waited upon him as if he had been one of his
own confidential courtiers. The sound of the royal cortege opened
the gates of joy for the inhabitants, and the people of many towns,
such as J&m,* Turbat,^ Sarakhas,^ Isfardin,^ came to Herfit in ex*
pectation of the sublime advent. When the couriers of Tfttar • Sultdn,
and of the nobles of Khurasan, who had gone forth to welcome him,
reported to Muhammad Kh&n that the sublime procession had come
near the Ziy&ratgSh 7 the latter himself came out, accompanied by the
nobles such as Wais Sultan, Sllfih Qui! Sultan and the distinguished
men of learning such as Mir Murta^i Sadr, Mir Qusain of KerbaU
and other excellent persons, and by the people generally. At the
head of the Bridge of Mfilan,^ which is a famous resort in Hertt, they
far from being the same letter. It
seems to be dated Wednesday* 5th
Shaww&l 950, unless indeed that be
the date of Sharafu-d-dln's letter
which is being replied to.
I Or Farrnh, 164 miles S. of Herat.
See Tar. Ra^. 205 and Meynard's
Yaqui, 420. It is in Slstftn, and is
now under Afghanistan. Hunter's
I. G. I. 85.
• Halfway between Herat and
Mafthhad.
» Probably Turbat-i-fl[aidarl, S. of
Mafihhad.
♦ N.-N.-W. Herat, on road to Merv
and a long way from Herat. Per-
haps GaraishB is meant.
t This too is a remote place S.
of Burjnaid and N. W. of NfshapHr.
Also called MihrjAn, Jarrett III. 65.
^ Not mentioned in X^^hmisp's
letter as given by A. F., but in the
copy in Or. 4678 Tatar Beg is direct-
ed to be sent out to welcome Hami*
yiln.
7 There are many shrines near
Herat. I do not know which tbtB
is. See Yates's Notes on Herat, J. A.
8. B. 56 for 1887. p. 84.
> Bftbar's Mem. 207n. Erskine says,
Mfilan is the name of the river that
passes Herat coming from the east.
If so, it is another name for the
Harl R&d. It is also spelt Mftlfn,
Jarrett III. 87. Gonolly II. 51 says,
" Four miles from the city we crossed
the Herirood by a long bridge of
brick called Pool-i-Monlaun, which
gives a name to the river. So mnch
of the water had been drawn off
CHAPTRR XXTIU.
433
met him and conveyed to him the Sl^ah's felicitations and those res-
pectful greetings which are magnanimity's essence. It had already
been arranged that the roads should be swept and watered from the
Mftlin Bridge up to the Jahanftr§ Grarden^ and that the gprandees
and the ingenious men {zurafd) ^ of the city should come from either
Bide and wait upon him. When the royal party arrived at a certain *
stage Sul^ftn Muhammad Mirza came and welcomed him^ and paid his
reverential respects. That fortunate Prince and the other great
officers treated him with all honour and respect. From tlie Ziyftratgfth 214
to Pnl-i-Malfin, and from thence to the JahSnar2 Garden — a distance
of three or four leagues^ the whole plain and the heights were filled
with spectators from the city and the villages, and the crowd and the
rejoicings were such as never occur but at the ^Id and on New Year's
day. On Ist Zilqa'da,^ 950 (27th January, 1544), he alighted atBag^
Jahftnftril. Muhammad ^an gave a royal feast and tendered large
presents. At the first assembly S&bir Qaq, the foremost reciter in
iJO^urfisan and 'Iraq, chanted an ode of Amir ghaliT* to the air
Sihgdh ^ so that even rapt devotees were moved by it. In truth it
was very appropriate and affecting. It began thus —
'' Blest the abode to which such a moon hath come,
August the world where there is such a king/'
When he came to the verse
'' Be nor grieved nor glad at terrestrial pain or pleasure
For the world is sometimes this and sometimes that''
above, that the stream here was
inconsiderable, but it was swift, and
clear as a diamond." Mohan Lai says
it had 33 arches, but now only 27.
1 I adopt the variant. The text
has iiurafd nobles.
< Perhaps it should be " the stage
of Darqara."
I I have- already remarked that
this date seems wrong. It is also
inconsistent with A. F.'s statement
that the Persian New Year was near
at hand for that occurs in the middle
of March.
* A Persian poet of the first
55
half of the 15th century. Bieu
640a.
^ Sih hah in text. Sihgdh, i. e,,
three times, is the name of an air.
Vide YuUers II. 3545. and theBurhan-
i-Qati'. Babar p. 19 speaks of the
Cargah key. I think the reference is
to a musical air, but the words, which
are darmaqdm-uHh kdh, may mean a
place, viz,, the KahdastJin, Tdr, BaH,
206n., and Babar 207 who mentions
both the bridge of Kah and the Kah-
dastan. For the use of the words
dor nutqam, to mean in the manner
or fashion, see above p. 428, note 5.
434
AKBARNAMA.
His Majesty Jaliaiibfiiu was touched and deeply affected^ and poured
presents into the skirts of his hopes.
As Herat and its sights pleased him nrach^ and the New Tear
festival was at hand he stayed several days there. Whenever he rode
oat sight-seeing Muhammad Oian was in attendance and paid hia
respects and scattered gold on each side of his Majesty. Every
day he visited some famous spot^ and on each occasion there was m
joyous assemblage. Everything was managed on a prescribed plan.
Sometimes his heart was solaced with the Karizgah, (the place of
underground channels) and sometimes the Bagh Murad, the Ba^
Khiyaban, the Ba{^ Zaghan/ and the Bdgh Safed* were visited*
In every flowering spot there were particoloured assemblages. Also
on these days he visited the shrines of the great saints, especially thai *
of Khwaja 'Abdullah Ansari, the Saint of Herat. May his grave be
holy I Ascetics, religious persons, lofty-souled men and famous men
of learning were honoured by his company.
When the festivities of the New Year were over and the places
of recreation had been visited, he proceeded towards Holy Ma^had
by the way of Jam. At this time Ahmad Sul(;an, Governor of Sistdn,
215 who had accompanied his Majesty hitherto, took leave to go to hia
own province. On 5th Zilhajja * he reached Jam and visited the shrine
of His Highness Zhinda Pil Ahmad-i-Jam. When be approached
Mashhad ^ah Qnli SultSn Istajlu who was the governor of the
province, came out to welcome him, accompanied by the leading
I
I
I
1 Babar 207, Tar, Badk- 83.
> Babar 1. c.
S Tates 1. c. p. 100, &c. It is at
a place called Gazargah (Bleaching
ground) which is said by Major
Baverty to derive its name from
being a graveyard, i. 0., a place where
bones are bleached. It is at the
foot of the hills and some two miles
north-east of the city. Tates, 83 and
Conolly II. 24.
« =29th Febmary, 1544,bat I think
this must be a mistake for 5th Ma.
^arram =29th March, 1544. We are
told immediately below that Hu-
mSyiln arrived at Maohhad on 15th
Mu(iarram, and surely he woold
hardly have taken sis weeks to get
there from J&m. Besides we are told
that he spent the Persian New Year
at Herat which he could not have
done if he had left it in February.
If the date given in J. E. A. S. for
January, 1897, p. 47, be Correct, Hu-
mSyan must hare paid a second visit
to Jftm some ten months later, for
the date of the inscription put up
by him there is 14th Shawwal. 951^
29th December, 1544.
CHAPTJCB XXXIII.
435
Saiyids, and all paid their respects. On 15th Muharranij 951^ he
reached Holy Mashhad and visited the shrine of (Im&m) Bizavi^— '
may the blessing of Gk>d be upon him I He spent some days in the
precincts of that noble building. Thence he went to Nishapur.
3bamsu-d-dln 'All Sultan^ who governed there^ cnme with great and
small and paid his respects^ and was prompt with various services.
His Majesty visited the turquoise ^ mines in that neighbourhood,
and from thence went to Sabzawar and from thence to DamaghSn.
Among the marvellous things of that place is an ancient fountain *
which has a talisman from of old, to wit, whenever any dirty thing
falls into the fountain a storm arises, and the sky grows dark
from the force of the wind and the dust. This too he examined
with the eye of prescience. How many things are there not in the
wondrous workshop of the Creator, the understanding of which does
not come within the scope of our thoughts and imaginings 7 From
Damaghau he went on to Bistam ^ and as the shrine of Bahrtami *
Shaikh Bay&zid Bistftmi (may his grave be sanctified) was not on the
line of road he turned aside to visit it. From thence he proceeded
t These still exist. Beclus ix. 225.
Thej are at a place called Ma'diD,
i.e., the mine, N.-W. Nishapar
> D*Herbelot s. v. Badkhaneh. In
Eastern Persia by Goldsmid and
others, p. 381. We find the following,
"Ferrier has written of the high
wind so prevalent here. The Per-
sians say that it is occasioned by a
mystic spring in the mountain about
two faraaldia off which, the moment
anything dirty is thrown into it^
causes a tremendous gale to blow,
which lasts several days, till the
spring is purified, and a sentry is
always kept at the well to prevent
tampering with its waters. It is
said that when the Shah passed
through Damghan sn route for
Mael&had, being incredulous of the
story he ordered some of his suite
to throw dirt into the spring when
immediately such a wind arose that
the royal camp was rolled up like
so much paper, and the §^ah was
compelled to have the cistern com-
pletely cleaned out and purified be-
fore the wind would cease." Dama-
gh&n is supposed to be the old capi-
tal of the Parthians, the Hccatom-
pylos of the Greeks. It may be
noted that Babar, 149, tells a story
about a fountain in Ghazni. similar
to that about the one in Damagh^n.
* Jarrett III. 85n. and Meynard
104. It is N. Sh&hrad.
* i, 6. swelling ocean. Bayazid
belongs to the 8th and 9th century
A.D. Jarrett III. 352 and 359, and
KhA zi na-al« A sfiy a I. 519. He was a
very famous saint and the founder
of a religious order.
486
AKfiARNlMA.
towards Samnaii ^ and halted at Safiabad> where is the tomb of
Shaikh 'AlSa-d-daula Samnanl (may his grave be sanctified ! ).
Whether on the march or when halting^ it was his Majesty's
excellent practice to visit the shrines of Divine worshippers and to
seek inspiration from the mental and physical circnmambulation of
the awakened of heart.^ At every station that he reached the
governors and grandees came forward to do him homage and on
many occasions there came from the S^&h affectionate messages and
splendid presents.
As the cavalcade reached Rey * the g^ah left QazwTn with the
intention of going into summer quarters and proceeded towards
Sul^aniya ' and Surliq. His Majesty Jahanbtol halted at Qazwuij*
which was at that time the g^ah's capital. The grandees and in*
habitants generally came out to welcome him. He remained some
days there^ visiting the remarkable buildings and holy places in the
city, and taking up his abode in the house of !^w§ja 'Abdnl^ani
who was the city Magistrate [Kaldntar) and where the g^ah had for-
216 merly resided. From there he sent BairSm Khan to tbe 3bSh> whose
cortege had nearly reached its destination when Bair&m Khan arrived.
He coaveyed his message and then returned from that stage ^ with
joyful foot. Thereafter his Majesty proceeded to Sul(&niya. The
Sttah was encamped between Abhar^ and Sul^aniya. When bis
Majesty arrived near that residence the great officers came^ one after
the other^ and paid their respects. After that Bikhrftm MirzS and
' Jarrett III. 85 and Meynard 317.
* Apparently there is some mis-
take here. 8afT&had lies far to the
east of SamnSn and Bist&m, and
would naturally be reached by Hu-
may an before them. It is N. Sab-
zawar and N.-W. NishapQr.
ft Jarrett III. 376. He was a
famous Safi and author of a book
on religion, and also of one on
general history. He died 736 A.H.
(1336) ; see Bleu Cat. I. 413a.
4 Meynard 273 ^d Jarrett III.
84. It is the BSgas of the Book of
Tobit.
» Jarrett IH. 83.
^ Meynard 441.
1 Firifihta calls the place Bll&q-
i-Qadar (the name of the son of Ish*
mael). There is unconsoioas irony
in A. F/s remarks. If Jauhar's
account, Stewart 62, is to be trusted,
Bair&m had cause to be glad thai
he got away safely from the gh^'s
presence.
8 Bayazld says the meeting iraa
in Zangan. BadS5nI I. 444^ calls
it Ilaq Sartaq. Abhar is W. (Jaswln
and is described by Chardin. See
also Meynard 11 and Jarrett IIL 68,
CHAPTICB XZXIII.
437
Sftm Mirzft^ the Sbah's honoured brothers came and welcomed him.
In Jumada-al-awwal, 951 (July, 1544), the Stfth himself welcomed I him
with all the observances of respect and honour, and had an interview
with him in which all the conditions of reverence and veneration
were fulfilled. In 'a noble palace, on the gilding of which skilful
artists had long been engaged and in which they had displayed
miracles* of craftmanship, an enchanting picture-gallery received
its inauguration by the interview with his Majesty Jahanbani. A
regal assemblage took place, and in accordance with the canons of
magnanimity and the requirements of condolence and exalted in-
quiries after welfare there was sympathy and mutual discourse. The
gates of sincerity and honouring having been unclosed, those of
sociability and gaiety opened of themselves, and high converse
ensued. Mirza'Qasim ' of Gun&bad in his book of poems (Magnavi]
in which the g^Sh is celebrated has spoken as follows of the interview
between those two illustrious potentates : —
Verse.
Two Lords of Conjunction in one banquet-hall
Made a syzygy like the sun and moon.
Two lustrous visions for Fortune's eye.
Two blessed 'Id for month and year.
Two stars making heaven resplendent
Side by side in one spot like the Farqadain, ^
Two ej^s of the world in companionship
Joining in courtesy like two eye-brows.
Two auspicious portents in one sign {burj),
Two glorious pearls in one casket {darj).
^ latiqhdl farmuda, as if X^hmSsp
had gone forward to meet Hum&yan,
but according to Jauhar, who was
probably an eyewitness, the only
Utiqhdl made by X^hmasp was his
advancing to the edge of the carpet.
* Yad't-bai^idf lit. a white hand, the
reference being to the transfigured
hand of Moses.
^ A Persian poet with the title of
Qasiml. Rieu Cat. 660a and 6616,
and Blochmann 591. Gdnabad is the
j£Ui&biz of TaqQt, Meynard 165.
It belongs to the province of Nisha-
par. The form Ganabad is said to
be wrong. It lies S. Nishapclr and
nearly due W. Herat. Qasimi wrote
a poetical history (Shahnama) of
Shah Isma'Il and another of his son
Xahmasp.
* The two calves, the name of two
bright stars near the Pole, /9 and 7
of Ursa Minor. Lane 2387a.
438
AKBlRNlHA.
The gtah observed " The glorious Creator and Bestower of Worlds
made the conquest of India^ achieved by his Majesty Giti*sitinl
Firdus-makani^ the key of the treasure-house of universal sway^
for your world-compassing sword. Every failure and infirmity which
hath in these days appeared in administration aitd world-rule arose
from the disservice and discord of disloyal brothers. Over this
you had no control. In mundane affairs fraternal unanimity is
217 of high import, and is a disentangler of perplexities. In this present
regard ourselves as your younger ^ brother and know us to be a helper
and a supporter^ for — our life on it — we shall succour you to the
height of your desire. We acknowledge old tieSj and shall fulfil
whatever assistance may be necessary. Should we be required to
go in person as your auxiliary we will go.'' He spoke many sincere
words and such as bore the impress of magnanimity. For several
days they held Cyrus-like festivities. His Majesty the gh^b entered
personally into all the arrangements, and every day had a novel
entertainment. There was increase of formal and spiritual beauty,
and day by day he waxed more and more friendly and affectionate.
How can feasts be described when so great a ^&h was in his own
person the caterer? What gold-embroidered velvet and silken*
canopies there were and what numbers of wrought pavilions and lofty
tents there were !
Far as the eye could reach, silken rugs and precious carpets
were laid ^ out and thereby were spread pleasure .and joy. What
account can be given of how in the important matter of the distribu-
tion of presents and rareties he gave his personal attention to the
subject ? How tell of the choice horses of Media with embroidered
and golden saddles and the splendid housings and trappings, of the
adorned mules of 6ard%^ of the strangely^ shaped camels^ male or
female, with valuable coverings, of the many scimitars and daggers
set with jewels and the like, of the fine linen, and the robes (pOstln)
of the marten (keii) and the red^ fox, the ermine {sanjdb), and
^ X&hmasp was about eight years
younger than Hum ay fin.
S Tdja bqf, a kind of silk, Bloch-
mann 93.
» There is a play on words here.
Joy was spread out like a carpet.
* Apparently the name of a dis-
trict in Persia.
^ BadV paikar. In Aln, text I. 146,
Blochmann 143, A. F. calls the camel
ikigarf paikar.
* Jdlghdvoa in text, and there is
CHAFTVB Xmil.
439
tbe squirrel < {tin), nnd nlso the drosses of gold brocade^ velvety silk
itdja), satin, figured silks from Europe (muahajjar-i-Firingl), and
Yezd, and Kashan ? Many bflsins, ewers, nnd candlesticks of gold
and silver set with rubies and pearls, many gold and silver dishes,
ornamented tents, grand carpets, the marvel of the age for size and
beauty, and other regal articles were brought one by one before his
Majesty's holy glance. Money and goods were distributed to all the
followers, and royal courtesies were interchanged.
His Majesty Jahanb&ni on the day of the great festival presented
to the Sliah as the gift * of a traveller a diamond ' of great value —
worth the revenues of countries and climes, together with 250
Badakha^in rubies. Without a doubt, all the expenditure which the
S^ah, whether from his privy purse, or through his officers, incurred
on account of his Majesty Jahfinbgnl from the time of his entering
the country to his exit therefrom was hereby repaid more than four
times over. Prom thence they went to SuUftnTya and there held
Cyrus-like festivities. In the intervals between these glorious seasons 218
of fortunate conjunctions a cloudiness of heart was created on both
sides through the instigation of sundry strife-mongers,* but the
tnrbidifcy did not last long, and was washed away by the waters of
cleansing. His Majesty the S^ah made every day new arrangements
for pleasure and joy. Among other things he ordered the amuse-
ment of a hunting-drive {ikikdr-i-qainargha) , and his army drove the
beasts of the plain a ten days' journey up to a spring known as the
Savuq Bulaq' which is the first stage of the Zailftq Bilaq.* His
the variant chalghSwa. P. de Conr-
teille has in his Diet. I^^&l^ and trans-
lates "renard rouge, pelisse faite
avec sa pean."
1 In Shaw's Tnrkl Diet, ^g^ tiyin
is given as a KazzEk word for a
squirrel.
* Ba rasm-i-armagidni. See Bar-
h&n-i-Qati*.
B No doubt this was Babar's dia-
mond and probably tbe Koh-i-nar.
B. M. MS. Or. 153, p. 686, says it
was Babar's diamond, and that it
weighed 6\ mi^qals, and that Shah
Xahmasp afterwards sent it to Ni^am
Shah rnler of the Deccan.
* Bef erring to Bah ram Mirza, the
ghah's brother and also to some
disloyal servants of Hnmayfin. See
Ni^amnddTn, Ferighta, Jauhar and
also Badadnl I. 444.
^ Bnlaq means a spring in TarkT.
Perhaps the correct name is Saj
Bnlaq, i. e., the cold spring. This is
near the Ta^ht-i-Sulaiman which is
mentioned by Janhar as the scene of
a hunt.
tt Bilaq means a garden and also
440
akbabnIma.
Majesty JahanbiuT and the SJ^ab entered the hnnting-gronnd to-
gether and gave new lustre to the arts of horsemanship and game^^
slaying. After that Bahram MlrzS^ Sam MTrza> and after theni
Bairfim Khan^ HajT Muhammad Koki, ghah Qui! ' Snlt^n Mohrdar
(seal-keeper^ or chancellor), Boshan K5ka^ Qasan Koka^ and many
otliers of his Majesty Jahfinbani's trusty followers were permitted
to enter the qamargha. Several of the g^ah's officers were bidden
to enter^ such as 'Abd§lla ^§n Istajlu^ son-in-law of the great
Sibftb Isma'il^ Abul Qasim Khalfft^ Siundak* Sul$;an, Qiirci Bfi^i
Afsh&r^ Badar l^^n Istajlu and some others. After a time a general
permission to enter was given. Everyone of the soldiers and troopers
engaged in seizing and binding & the game. Meanwhile Bahrtm
Mlrzi; who had a grudge against the lOialf a intentionally ^ shot an
arrow at him so that he died. Out of consideration for the Mirza no
One mentioned this to the S^ah. After this troops were sent away in
order that a fresh qamargha might be made at SulaimSn's ^ Pool
{HauZ'i'Sulaimdn). When they assembled^ huntings more majorum,
was resumed, and here they spent some time also in playing^ polo
and in archery .7 On this day as the archery was keen (lit. the qabaq*
an underground building used to
avoid the heat.
1 There seems some mistake here,
for this man is mentioned by BayazTd
as a servant of the Sh&h. Bloch-
mann has several Sh&h Qulis, but
none of them is entitled Sultan. A. F.
however later on, I. 266 gives this
title to the Sh^h Qull who was Bai-
rSm's sister's son and became JOian
Jahan. But he can hardly be the
Shah Qull of the hunt for he had
not then come from Qandahar. It
would seem from Bayazid 176 that
the person meant is Qusain Qull
brother of the Governor of Sistan.
BayazTd states that Humayun made
him his seal-keeper when at Qan-
dahar.
> Bayazid calls him Sundak.
* The Lucknow ed. has kutitan,
" killing."
* Cf, Elliot V. 219. Considering
how easily an accident could occur
(vide the story of Adrastus in Hero-
dotus), and the dislike of Humayan's
party for Bahram, who seems to
have given his brother good advice
about Humayun, one feels inclined
to think this charge of murder un-
foimded. Bayazid does not tax the
Mfrza with it. Nor apparently did
Xahmasp suspect his brother, and
yet he must have heard of the
occurrence.
^ See B.ec]u8 iz. 185 and 252.
• CaugdnhdzX. See A. F.'s account
of the game in Blochmann 297.
'^ Qabaqanddzt, A kind of tilting
at the ring, but the weapon used was
an arrow. There is an allusion to this
game in the Gulistan III. 27. See
Yullers II. 710 for a full description
of it, and also Dozy's Diet. s. v.
CH^HPTBE XXlftll.
441
hdzdr was hot) Bftifftm Beg received the title of Qififi anii Ijlftji Maham-
mad Koki tliat of Sultan. At the dose of this reunion the list ^
of the 12,000* horse who had been designated to march with the
abaVs son Prince Murad as the king's auxiliaries was presented to
his Majesty together with the list of supplies which were to be des-
patched along with his Majesty Jahanbani. The following is the list
of the exalted persons who were appointed to take part in the great
expedition ;—
Lid*
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7,
8.
Mirza Murad.
Badagh Khfin Qajar,* the Mirzfi's tutor.
atah QulT Sultan Af^§r, governor of Kirman. ,
Ahmad Sultin gb^i^l^, son of Muhammad HtalTf a.
Sanjab Sultan Af^r, governor of Farah.
Yar 'AU Sultan Taklu. .
Sult&n 'All Affdb&r.
Sultin Quli ^ Qurcibfishi a relation of Muhammad Khan
(governor of Herat).
9. Ya'qub Mirz§, iaghdi ^maternal uncle) of Sultan Muhammad
Ehudabanda (Tahmasp's eldest son).
10. Sultan Husain Quli Sbamlu, brother of Afcmad Sultan
governor of Sistan.
11. Adham Mirza, son of Deo^ Mirza.
12. Tahamtan Mirza, son of Deo Sultan. 219
13. Qaidar Sultan ghaibanl.^
14 & 15. His sons 'AH Quli and Bah&dur.
16. Maqfud Mirza Ij^ta BegT, son of Zainu-d-din Sultan
§ba^lu-
803a. Qfibaq, it seems, properly
means a gonrd. Hamayun's servants
would be proficient at the game for
they played it in India before the
days of Sher Khan. See Khwanda-
mlr's Humayannama 14I9&, of B. M.
MS. Or. 1762 Rieu Gat. 1024a.
1 ftimar. Possibly it here means
review. BayazTd says that the tnmdr
of the stores was made over to Hu-
56
I mftyan's lieatenants (wukald),
s 10,000 in Bayazid.
» Text QScdr,
* The *AII Sultan of Bayazid.
6 11 and 12 -were brothers accord-
ing to Bayazid so that DS5 Sultan
and DSo Ml rzS are one and the same
^rson.
< Seterikl MSS. hive SistanT.
442
JkKBABMlMA.
1 7. Muhammadr Mirza^ grandson of Jahan Siah Mirsa/ known
as Sl^dh Yezdi * Beg.
1 8. Kacal Istajlu.
^Ali Saltan Culfiq,« sister's son of Muhammad i^an.
Abu'l-fatfe Sultan Afsbar.
Hasan Sultan gj^amlu.*
Yadgar Sultin Moflu (t. e., of Md^ul).
Ahmad Sulfcto AlSs^ Aghli Istajlu.
Safi Wall Suljtan, descendant » of the Sufis, Khalifa of the
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
Rumlu.
25.
26.
'Ali Beg Zulfiqarkus^.tt
Muhammad i Beg EitSbdar (librarian) QfijSr.
Likewise there were nominated 800 cuirassiers of the gUifili's
bodyguard 7 with fitting equipments. After the conclusion of this
reunion an order was given that there should be a third hunt « in
Jq-i-Zijr«rat which is the last stage before the summer-quarters of
Surlik.» Various rejoicings and festivities occurred, and all the para*
phernalia of delectation were gathered together. In the charming
1 BayaKld has Badihah instead of
Mlrza after Jahan Shah's name, no
doubt because he was the son of Qara
Yasaf of the Black Sheep. He was
kiUed in 1467. See D'flerbelot art.
Jehan ShSh.
• Apparently Bird! or Bardt is the
true reading, Erskine II. 294. If so
he was apparently Qiah BirdI Bayit
the brother of Biyazld, and the man
who renounced the world and be-
came a religious poet under the style
of Bahram SaqqS. See BSyasId 19a.
* Juldq in text, but culaq, which
means "one-handed," is probably
correct.
4 Rumlu in Biyazld.
6 TFa2ac2.i.^itftan g^alifa Bumlu.
The passage is not clear. Bflmla
seems to mean the people to Bdm
or Asia Minor» but the iiame does
not appear among the seven Turkish |
tribes whom TimUr released at Sad-
ru-d-dln*8 request.
• " The slayer of Zalfiqir." galfi-
qSr was a Kurd who became Sultan of
Moful and took possession of Bag-
dad. T&bmasp when about 14 made
war upon him in 1527, and during
the siege 'All Beg murdered him.
See Malcolm's Persia 1. 566 and B. M.
MS. Or. 153, Bieu 110a and 406.
f Qurct'i'iiidfa, The Qiircf were the
Shah's household cavalry, and were
descended from the 2,000 prisoners
released by Timftr to §adm-d-dln.
See Denison Boss J. A. S., April '96,
p. 292, and YuUers 748a.
s S^ikar-i-qamargia. SeeBadS5nf»
liowe's translation, p. 93 for a gra-
phic description of such a hunt.
* Surlaq in text but clearly the
S&rllq of p. 215 and of the TWbaqftt.
CHAPTER XZZkll.
443
spot of Miy ftna^> which is famous for its salubrity^ the ^ih came to
his Majesty JahinblLni^s quarters^ and wished him god-speed and
the two sovereigns bade adieu to one another with mntoal respect
and in an auspicious hour.
His Majesty Jahftnbftni proceeded from thence to Ardabil and
Tabriz in accordance with the precedent* set by his Majesty Sahib
Qirdni. The litter of her Majesty Maryam-Makfini^ together with her
attendants^ was sent by the straight road towards Qandahftr^ HijI Mu-
hammad ^fin being put in charge of the troops and sent to wait on the
litter of the cupola of chastity. The 12^000 horse who had been appoint*
ed to attend on the victorious stirrup were sent away to get their ac«
coutrementS; Sdc., so that when his Majesty Jahanbini arrived at the
Hilmand the Prince (Murad) might join him there with the army.
His Majesty Jahfinb&ni first proceeded to view Tabriz^ and when he
came near it the governors and grandees came out to welcome him
at a dam > which Mlrzfi Mirfin g^dh had constructed on the stream
which comes to Tabriz from the slope of the Sahand.* In accord-
ance with the Sl^ah's orders the governor put the city in fdte^ and
decked^ her for his Majesty's enlightened gaze^ and himself per-
formed the rites of hospitality. The games of hockey^ and wolf
running 7 for which Tabriz was famous^ but which had been inter-
1 Jarrett IIL 82. The Mianah of
Beclus who gives it a very bad char-
acter for salubrity. This is taken
partly from Col. Monteith's account
in the B. Geo. 8. J. for 1883 who
speaks of Miana's being infested by
a poisonous bug. The famous travel-
ler Thdvenot the younger died here
in 1667.
* Alluding to the visit paid by
Timor to Sadru-d-dTn S&ft, the
founder of the Sufi dynasty, at
Ardabil.
i 8add%, Miran Sh&h was a son of
Tfmar. The dam was probably
made to supply Tabriz with water,
and the stream either the MahrUd of
Meynard IdSn. or the Ajf Cai (river).
* A mountain south of Tabriz and
11800 feet high. The itafai after
Sahand in text seems wrong.
* Jilvoa dad. Cf. Bevelations zzi.
2, " The holy city made ready as a
bride adorned for her husband."
A Gaugdn, but in Tabriz played on
foot, for A. F. adds the word piyada,
1 Ourg^dawdni. The dictionaries do
not make it clear what this sport
was. Ourg-daw means trotting or
running like a wolf, and Ourg-hdzl
is explained as a game current in
Kafihan, and consisting in letting a
wolf loose. Sec. Bayazld speaks of
Ourg-dawdni and also of as port called
Armanl-Musalman, apparently Arme-
nians against Mut^mmadans. From
44i
AKBARNlMA.
dieted oib accoatit of riots, were revived by the gbih'a orders for Iiis
Majesty's delectation. His Majesty visited the splendid buildings^
the memorials, of ancient kings— and the pleasnre-parks of the city.
Fresh illustrations were thereby brought to his mind of the bypast
{guzagAtagdn) ippnnments of the earthj of the revolutions {sargaiAta*
gdn), of the mansions of the skies^ of the passing away (gugaiitcLgi)
of the inconstant universe^ and of the breaches {gusiatdgihd) ^ of the
220 unstable earth, and they brought to his lips truthful words about
compassing the favour of the Creator. He became wrapt in some old
verses, and in ecstacy he recited aloud this quatrain :—
Qtiatrain,
Alas that substance hath slipped from the palm.
And that many hearts {tit. livers) have bled at death's hand ;
None Cometh * from that (other) world that I might inquire
How it fared with the travellers thereto.
Mu]l& Qu$bu-d-din,J^ Jalanju of Bagdad waited upon him in this
illustrious city and attended him as fa.r as Holy Madtihad. The exr
qnisite and magical Khwaja ' Abdu-f-^amad * iblrinqalam (sweet pen)
the followiug passage in Chardin it
appears that the pastime in question
was really that of dancing wolves: —
"La place de Tanris est la plus
grande place de ville que j'aye vue
an monde, elle passe de beauconp
celle d' Ispahan. Les Turcs y ont
rang^ plasieors fois trente mille
hommes en bataille. Le soir cette
place est remplie de menu petiple,
qui vient se divertir aux passe-tems
qu' on y donne. Ce sent des jeoz,
des tours d' addresse et des bou-
fonneries, comme en font les Saltim-*
banques, des luttes, des combats de
taureaux, et de beliers ; des recits en
vers et en prose, et des dances de
Loups. Le penple de Tauris prend
son plus grand divertissement a voir
cette dance, et Ton y am^ne de cent
lienes voir dea loupe qui sav^t bien
dancer. Les mienx dressey (?) bo
vendant jusqa'a cinq cent ecus la
pik». II arrive souvent pour ces
loups de grosses emeutes qn' on a bien
de la peine a appaiser. Voyages I.
184v ed. of 1741.
& Alluding to the earthquakes by
which Tabriz has been so often
shattered.
* *' That bourne whence no travel-
ler retumeth."
* We learn from Bayazld 24a that
this Mnlla was the father of Qaii
'All Bakhabi* Blochnmnn 411 and
528, and that HnmiyUn sent him an
invitation from Badakhsh&D* but that
be was unable to accept it.
* Famoas as a painter and call!-
graphist. Blochmann 107 and 495.
He afterwards joined HnmayUn at
Kftbnl. He was a poet and a mem<
CHAPnE xxxnt.
44S
also entered into aerrioe in Uiis city, and wms nnch eeteemed bj
that connoiasenr of exceOenoe. Bat from the hindrances of fate ha
oonld not accompany him. One of the wonderful good omens waa
this that when his Majesty came to Tabris, as he was Teiy keen
about astrolabes, spheres ^ (ium) and other instruments of observa*
tion, he bade his equerry Paik Muhammad search diligently in the
city for spheres (Jtuma). That simpleton brought some colts (torm)
with their mothers ! * His Majesty was pleased and purchased them
as a good omen. After leaving TabrTs he went to ArdabTl. Wtien
he arrived at Sh&mroasi ^ all the gbfiilchzidas and the other grandees
and nobles came and paid their respects. He stayed a week in
ArdabTl and then went to Mialkhal * and from thence toXftrara ^ and
from thence to KharazbTl> As the air and fruits of that place
were remarkably excellent, especially the seedless ^ pomegranates,
he remained there three days. In Sabzawftr he rejoined his camp.
Here her Majesty Maryam-MakanT gave birth to a daughter.^ From
the beginning of his march towards Kftbul and Qandahir, at every
stage that he came to, the rulers and grandees tendered presents and
exercised hospitality. At this stage Mir St^amsu-d-din 'All Sultftn
performed acceptable service, and on the day of the entertainment
rope^ancers exhibited their skill. When he came to Ma^had the
ber of the Divine Faith. Blochmann
209. There is an account of him in
Bayazf d 24a et seq.
^ Apparently celestial globes and
not armillary spheres. Jarrett II. 2.
* Mddiydnhd, lit " mares. "
ft Samdai in some MSS., evidently
a place in the environs of Ardabii
and occupied by descendants of the
6afl saint. See J. B. A. S. for April
1896, p. 262, where Sh&mmasl is
mentioned as a village near Ardabil.
* Two days' journey from ArdabiU
Meynard 210.
ft Tar&n in Jauhar, 75. Apparently
the Taram pG of Yaqat who de-
scribes it as a large district between
Qazwin and Gilaiit Meynard 131.
ft Khardabyl of Jaahar, 75.
7 A. F. notices seedless pomegra-
nates as one of the productions of
the TQman of Neknihal near Jalala-
bad, Jarrett 11. 405. Chardin, speak-
ing of pomegranates, says " II y en a
dont le pepin est si tendre qu'on
ne la sent presquepas sous le dentet
il y en a qui n' ont point de mem-
brane ou pellicule entre les grains.
II vient des g^nades de Yezd qui
pesent plus d'une livre. At p. 97
of Vol. II. he says he has never seen
pomegranates better than those of
Miyana.
ft I have found no further mention
of this child. She was not Bajghshl
or Tajdishi Banu.
446
AKBABNAMA..
Holy the Governor and nobles strove to do him honour. ' He waited
some time in this titj to allow for the gathering of the Slash's army;
From here he sent on6 ' Abda-l-f attah Kurkiraq ^ to demand the sub.
sidy s («a^ar») which had been assigned upon Herat^ and the latter
died on his way back. From the same place he sent Maulanfi Nara^
221 d-din Muhammad Tarl^an to summon gl^aikh Abu'l-qasim Jurjanf
and Maulina Uyas of Ardabil who were adorned with external and
internal excellencies. At Kabul they came into his service. Ha
was greatly pleased by the arrival of these two distinguished men
with whom he discussed the Dnrratu-1-T§j.& And during the time
he was in Mad^had he continually held discourses with the learned
and eloquent who waited upon him and were benefited by the alchemy
of his companionship^ Maulana Jamfbid* the enigaaatist^ who was
an aggregate of excellencies^ repeatedly had the honour of visiting
him. One day Mullft l^airati ^ presented the following to the amend-
ing glance of his Majesty :—
Verse.
Whiles my hearty whiles my liver is consumed from love of
the f air^
Every moment love makes a fresh scar ;
My state is like that of the moth and the lamp^
For if I approach my wings {bdUH-param) are burnt away.
His Majesty who was a genuine artist (Mtalldq'i'ma^dni) and a
paragon of acuteness^ gave this excellent turn {ta^arruf) to it :-— >
I This is the word which Bloch*
mann was unable to explain satis-
factorily, 72n. and 616. Here it is
used as a title. Kurk means fnr and
Iraq accoutrements. A. F. gives
few dates in this part of his history.
We learn from Bajazid that Hu-
may&n reached Ma^hhad at the end
of Bamaf an, t. e., 15th December, 1544.
From the inscription furnished by
the lamented Mr. Ney Elias J. R. A. S.
for January 1897, p. 47, it appears
that HumayQn was at Turbat-i-Jama
few days later, vii., on 29th December.
* " Present dont en fait homaje.'*
See VuUers and Quatrem^re, Kot. et
Extraits XIV. 27.
* ** Pearl of the diadem. " It is
an encyclopsedia of philosophical
sciences by Qutbu-d-din ShTrjgl a dis-
ciple of Na|tru-d-dTn T^sT. Bieu
434a. The parenthesis is rather
out of place if they did not come
till he was in Kabul.
* Blochmann 102.
* A Persian poet. He died at
KSfih&n in 961 A.H. 1554. Bloch-
mann, 187n. Bayasld tells the story
\
CHAPTSB XXXIII.
447
Verse.
I go forward though my wings be burnt.
The Maalina sincerely prostrated himself before his Majesty's
exquisite emendation. From Ma^had he went to the caravanserai
of Tarq * and from there he went by way of the fort of Gah « to
Slstdn. Here the Prince and the gli^Sh's officers joined him. From
thence they went to Garmsir. Mir 'Abdu-1-Hai of Gtirmsir came out
of the fort of Laki > with a quiver bound round his neck and did
homage and excused himself for his offences and for his shameful con-
duct in remaining aloof from service on the occasion of his Majesty's
march (into Persia). As his Majesty's disposition was forgiving
and benevolent, he accepted his apologies and encompassed him with
favours.
Since the narrative has proceeded so far, it is indispensable that
something should be said of the officers who served the State during
their exile.
The head of the faithful servants was Bairam Khan, who through-
out waited on the stirrup of his Majesfcy Jahinbam Jannat-§shiy&ni
as if he were his good Fortune {cun sa^ddat). The second was
Khwftja Mu'a^zam who was the uterine ^ brother of her Majesty
Maryam-Makani. From the beginning of his career he was not free
from turbulence of brain and heat of disposition. Gradually his for-
wardness {Jlnbdkl) and bloody-mindedness (eaffdkl) increased beyondi
bounds. His last action will be described in its proper place. The
third was '£qil' Sul1;an XJzbeg, son of 'Jldil Sul(&n, who by his
and calls Humiyan's emendation a
dal^l which is a tecbnical term for a
repartee or antistrophe.
I The Bant Tarq of Jauhar 76.
Tiqat describes it as 10 /ctraa^fl
from Ispahan, Meynard 392.
s Janhar 76. The place seems to
be KakL Beclns IX. 227. It is des-
cribed by Macgregor 1. 155.
* On right bank of Helmand,
Erskine II. 304.
* UI^wmoat4^1^ycifl, brother by
the same mother but by a different
father, Lane 832c. Other writers ap-
parently regard him as the fall bro-
ther of Akbar's mother, Ma&Qin^-l-
Umara I. 618 and Blochmann 524«
One would be glad to think that he
was not the full brother.
^ His mother was Shad Begam, the
daughter of Sultan l^usain of Herat
by PSyanda Saltan Begam. B2bar,'
180. 'Adil Saltan was son of Mahdl
Saltan. Babar 363. 'Aqil Saltan
is mentioned by B&yazid, 18a as one
of the officers Who marched with
Ham&yfln from Qandahar to Kabul.
y
448
akbabnIha.
mother's side was a grandson- of Sultan Husain MirzS. Thoagh in
the beginning he was among the subsidised officers^ in the end he
was named among the excluded {bai^irmdn matisum gaiit).
The 4th was Haji Muhammad ^ KdkT^ the brother of K5ki who was
222 one of the great officers of his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makani. Haji
Mufjiammad was of singular courage and the Sl^ah often said that
kings stood in need of such a servant. On the day of the qahaqan*
ddzi he hit the qabaq and received a {jaldu) present from the 3]^§h.
5thj Bu^an K5ka^ foster-brother of his Majesty Jahftnbani Jan-
nAt*ashiydni. On the journey the jewellery was entrusted to him.
As he proved unfaithful in this trust it was necessary to put him in
prison for some time. He was pardoned and released.
6th^ 9asanBeg^ brother of Ma|? ram EokT. Though he was f oster«
brother of Kamrftn Mirzft he wa.a long in the service of his Majesty
Jahanb&nl. He was of generous nature, affable, and a confidant.
He was drowned at the Causi ferry.
7th, iOiwaja Maq§ud > of Herfit — a man of pure disposition and
of integrity ; he was noted for his trustworthiness and sincerity, and
was one of the tried servants of her Majesty Maryam-Mak§ni. He
was ever assiduous in her service. He had two auspicious sons who
were foster-brothers of the king of kings. One was Saif * Khan^
who drank the wholesome cup of martyrdom in the year of the con-
quest of Gujrat. The other was Zain^ !^an Eoka, distinguished
for fidelity and intelligence, and who became the object of the
favour of the king of kings and one of the great officers.
8th, Ehwfiija GhazT of .Tabriz. He was a skilful accountant and
also acquainted with histories and chronicles. When the sublime
army left Lahore for Sind he separated from M. Eimrin and joined
his Majesty. He was appointed Musbraf-i-dlwfin * (accountant).
A In spite of his seryices, Hu-
mijfln eventually put him to death.
Jauhar 109 and A. N. I. 311.
* Po88iblj the Maulana Maq^&d
the engraver of filochmann 52, who
in index calls him Khwaja.
S Blochmann 350.
* Blochmann 344.
^ Blochmann 263, Blochmann VII.,
describes the office as higher than
that of the Dlwan but lower than
that of the Yakil. Jauhar 88 refers
to Shwaja $2b^I M Dlwan. He
fell into disgrace on account of
his conspiring with BOflhan Koka to
steal Humljlln's jewels. Jauhar 68
and 72 and Gulbadan's Memoirs,
CHAPTER XXXllI.
449
After thafc he was for a long time exclnded from the Court. At the
end of his life, when the vigour of his understanding was impaired,
he was admitted to the Court of the king of kings.
9th, Khwaja Aminu-d-dm ^ Ma^mud of Herit who surpassed all
the world in the science of accounts (fanrir-uaiydq) and who also
wrote in ^ikcutta admirably. He was very subtle {wu^igdf, lit. hair-
splitting) in matters of business and knowledge of arithmetic.
His Majesty made him for some time Ba^^ to the kiiig of
kings. At the time of the latter's sovereignty he attained to high
office and was exalted by receiving the title of KhwSja Jahan.
10th, B&bi Dost Bakh^. He also was distinguished for his
knowledge of accounts and always displayed great aptitude iu the
affairs of the diwinL
11th, Darvesh Maq^ud Bangali. He came from the Ziyaratgah dt
Herftt and was a man of integrity. He was left behind with Jahangir 223
Quli ' Beg in Bengal and was the only one who escaped. His Majesty
Jah&nbanI Jannat-ashiyini was especially gracious to him, and after-
wards his Majesty the king of kings showed him great favour. He
spent a long life in the ranks of offerers up of prayers (for Akbar).
12th, I|asan& ^AU Ishak Iqa. He was distinguished for courage
and activity. He had done good service, but one Ya'qub * by name who
was a favourite of his Majesty Jahanbftni having used improper lan«
guage^ some evil-disposed Qizilbasj^is (Persians) laid an ambush for
the young man in a deserted ^ village near Tabriz and assassinated
him. As there was a coolness between him and Hasan 'All it was
I Blochmann 424 and 528 and
Elliott V. 384. It is curious that A. F.
does not mention aliikasla in his
chapter on writing in the Aln. Ba-
daoni calls him Wazir-i-m/usteiqaU (ab-
solute Vizier) and speaks much of
his influence. Lowe's trans. 189-90.
M. Quatrem^re has a note about the
precise meaning of the word slyaq
and refers to this passage in the
A.N.
« Killed in Bihar when fighting
with 8 her Khan.
* He had a BalucT wife who was
5/
one of the two women who accom-
panied Humayan in his flight to
Persia, and she was useful on the
desert journey as an interpreter.
Jauhar, 52 and 53.
♦ He was Humayan's butler. An
account of this murder is given by
Jauhar 76.
* Mau^'-uldiaraba, According to
Jauhar, Ya'qab was killed a long way
from Tabriz and between QazwTn
and Sabzawar. Erskine calls the
place Kila Dors. II. 29tin.
450
AKBABNilfA.
reported that the latter had instigated the murder. On this accoanft
he could not accompany the sublime army but remained in Persia.
When Kabul became the royal residence he was allowed to kiss the
threshold.
13th, 'Ali Ddst Barbegi,i son of the aforesaid ^asan 'All. He
came afterwards and joined in Holy Mashhad. From first to last he
was distinguished in HerSt (?) for service and devotion.
14th, Ibrahim Is^ak iqa. He was a devoted servant of the
Court.
15th, Shaikh Yusuf * Culi who called himself a descendant of
ghaiUi Ahmad ^ Tasavi. He was a humble-minded man of agreeable
qualities.
16th, ghaikh Buhlul ^ who claimed to be descended from the Turki
Sl^aikhs. He was a good servant.
17th, Maulana Nuru-d-din.^ He was acquainted with mathematicR,
astronomy and the astrolabe. He had entered into the service of his
Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makSni along with Qa^i Burhan ^ of Kh§f .
He was one of the courtiers of his Majesty Jahanb&ni. His Majesty
the king of kings exalted him by the title of Tarkhan.
18th, Muhammad Qisim Mauji. He enlisted into the service of
his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-§shiyani in Badakhshan. He was
related to Mir Muhammad Jalabau,^ and in Badakh^an he acted
as a raft-conductor {jdlabdni). In India in the reign of his Majesty
t The 'All Dost Sh^n of the Taba-
qat, Blochmann 533 and n. The
reference to Herat is not intelligible.
Perhaps the word is hardt and means
in all matters. One MS. has deruB-
tayin, i.e., well-principled. He also
served under Akbar.
* Perhaps the Shaikh Yfisnf Har-
kan of Blochmann 539.
8 A^mad Yasavi belonged to the
Naqglibandl order and was one of
the great saints of Central Asia,
Vambdry's Bochara 246n. There are
short accounts of him intheKhazinatu-
l-A^fiya I, 531 and in the Saflnatu-l-
Auliya, Newal Kishore ed. Lucknow,
7f). Ho was born at YasT now known
as Turkistan, Reclns YI. 553 and
which is a town in Turkistan aboat
150 miles north of Tashkend. He
died in 562 A. H. or 1176 A. D. See
also A. F.'s account of the Yasavi
sect. Jarrett, III. 858.
A Perhaps the Buhlal of Delhi men-
tioned in the 7abaqat lith. ed. 392.
6 Blochmann 541, BadaSni III.
157 and 197.
• Qu. The Shaikh Burhan of
Blochmann 539 P
7 Babar, Mem. 395 refers to Mir
Muhammad Jalaban as deserving
g^eat rewards for the skill with
which he had constructed a bridge
over tlie Ganges. See also ibid, 417.
CHAFTBB XXXIII.
451
the king of kings he was admiral? He had a charming residence on
the bank of the Jumna, and there too he brought the ship of his
life to the shore of extinction.
19th, Haidar* Muhammad ikfeta Begi, (in charge of the geld-
ings). He was an old servant.
20th, Saiyid Muhammad Pakna^ (the stout ?). He was a brave
man and good at his hands {^dJ^ib-i-qabza). In Herftt he carried oS
the qabaq.
21st, Saiyid Muhammad ^ Qali. In Bakkar he was for some time
Mir 'Adl. He had the right to sit in the illustrious assembly.
22nd, Qafiz Sul);an Muhammad Rakhna. He came to Bakkar in
the garb of a faqir and entered into service. He recited touching
verses.^ Gradually he was numbered among the envoys ^ and obtained
honour in the time of his Majesty the king of kings. At Sahrind ^^
(Sirhind) he made a charming garden worthy of being celebrated.
23rd, Mirzi Beg Baluc, whose father had been in Khurasftn
hazara-i-Baluc.
24th, His son Mir Husain. Both were excellent servants.
25th, Khwaja 'Ambar Nazir, * a confidential eunuch of his Ma-
jesty Gitl-sitani Firdus-makani. From his Majesty the king of kings
he got the title of I'tibar IQian (the trusty ]^Sn). He was attached
to the litter of her Majesty Maryam-makani.
I Blochmann 384 and432n. MaujT
means whimsical or emotional but
was perhaps assumed with refer-
ence to his naval daties, mauj mean-
ing a wave. Mauji waQ his poetical
name and under it he is described
by BadaonI III. 324 who gives ex-
tracts from his poetry and says he
died in 979H. or 1572 A. D. See also
Maagiru-l-Umara III. 203.
' Apparently also known as Sher
Mu^mmad because he had killed a
leopard. A. N. I. 287. He took part
in the blinding of Kamran.
* Blochmann 438. If so, he was
of Amroha. Possibly iSJj^ (haravi)
which occurs in one MS. is a mistake
for <^4/^- Badaoni, Lowe, 214 and
224.
* The Lucknow ed. reads du bait,
two quatrains. In Ain A. F. speaks
of the garden of Hafig Rakhna as the
delight of all beholders, Jarrett II.
281.
' Ileiydn, but the reading is very
doubtful. Some MSS. appear to
read yakjihatiydn, i.e., single-minded
or loyal. One MS. has yaljicakiydn
and another has ddf^il-i-mahafil.
Bayazfd 39a mentions him as a
goyindd or reciter and as present
at the interview between Humayan
and his brother at Taliqan.
* Blochmann, 403.
452
akbarnAha.
26 til, 'irif TushakcT. He was on tlie list of purchased (or cap-
tured) slaves, but claimed ta be a Saiyid. By favour of his Majesty
the king of kings he obtained the title of Bahar < ^an and rose to
high office.
Among the faithful servants and slaves were Mihtar KhSn,
treasurer {hbazinaddr) , Mihtar Fakhir Tiishakci, Mulla Balal, librarian,
Mihtar Taimur in charge of the sharbats (sAarbatci), Mihtar JauharT '
ewer-bearer, Mihtar WakTla, treasurer {hbazdnci)^ Mihtar Wasil, and
Mihtar Sumbul Mir Ata^ (Master of Ordnance). Others were Sul-
tan Muhammad Qarawal-begi (huntsman), ^Abdu-1-wahhib in charge
of the pantry, Jabai Bahadur, Tulaq Yati^navTs.*
Bravo ! Oh fortunate ones of lucky star who with good inten-
tion and firm foot came forward in the paths of testimony and in
stations of Divine trial, and served their benefactor.
Verse,
I know not why helpers are backward.
For by service men attain to position.
I Apparently the Bahar E^an Mu-
hammad Afghar of Blochmann 405.
B. M. MS. Add. 6544 calls bim
Bahadur S^l^an.
• Hhe writer of the memoirs.
^ Writer who keeps the lists of the
night-watch ; generally spell ydtXf^,
See P. de Coarteille*B Diet.
CHAPTRR XZXIV. 453
CHAPTER XXXIV.
RvTaRN OF HIS Majesty JahInbani Jamnat-aseiyIn! from Persia^
AND THB COMINO OF HIS MaJKSTT THE SSAHINSBAH FROM
Qandahar to KIbul.
When the grateful {liL shade-scattering) * report of the approach
of his Majesty JahanbanI became vivid^ and the news of his army
was spread in Kabul and Qandahar^ the blowing of these spring-
breezes of victory caused the hope-buds of expectants to open and a
current to set in the resolution-stream of the irresolute.
Verse.
Eternal bounty from measureless store
Cast to the city a report of his advent.
The hope-field of the hopeless smiled^
The success-garden of the success-less grew verdant.
The loud reverberation overset M. Kamran^ and as the season
of awakening and of contrition was past, he advanced further in evil
ways, and gave way to wicked thoughts. In the first place he sent 225
Kj^izr Khan Hazira's brother and Qurban Qarfiwalbegi (head of the
vanguard) to bring the nursling of light, to wit, the gitfihinshah
from Qandahar to Kabul. When they arrived M. 'Askari took counsel
with hia associates about sending his Majesty. All who were of
sound sense said it was not right to send him and that when his
Majesty Jahsnb&nl Jannat-ft^iyani approached the proper thing to
do was to send to him with all reverence the child of dominion so
that by means of this fair nosegay of fortune's parterre he might
obtain for himself forgiveness of his offences. Some others said it
was proper to send him to M. Kamran so as not to lose his favour,
for, as regarded the other suggestion, it was too late now for a
reconciliation with his Majesty Jahanb§ni. In the end the Mirza
^ There is a play here on Hu-
mayan's name. He is represented
as casting his shadow over Afghanis-
tan like the Huma or phoenix.
454
akbarkAma.
put aside the sound advice and sent his Majesty S^ahinshah in
the depth of winter^ and in snow and ice to Kabul. His sister Bakhahi
BSnu Begam ^ was sent with him^ and also Shamsu-d-din of Gfaaznm
who had received the title of Atka ]^an, Maham Anaga^ mother of
Adham ]^an^ Jiji Anaga, mother of M. ^Azlz Kokaltash and a number
of other servants. In order that they might not be recognised^ the
nursling of light was called Mirak on this journey^ and his sister
Bija.* When they arrived at Qilat {Kelat-i-Ghihai) they put up at
night in the house of a Hazara. Owing to the radiance (far) and
majesty which were manifest on his Majesty's forehead^ men
recognised him as soon as they saw him, and in the morning there
rose to the lips of the master of the house the statement that the
prince had been brought there. As soon as Khizr Khan's brother
heard this remark he set off at once, and hurried on to GhaznTn. The
attendants beheld, hour by hour, and moment by moment, notes of
greatness in the prince from his earliest years and marvelled at the
Divine Creation while watching the wondrous lights of his develop-
ment. Among them was this that when they had marched from
Ghaznin and had come to their halting-place, the lamp in the house
went out and the place was in darkness. His Majesty, the essence of
whose nature had affinity with light, fell a-weeping from horror of
the darkness and though Anagaa and nurses did their best they
could not succeed in soothing him. But as soon as they brought a
lamp his heart grew pacified, and the lights of joy showed themselves
226 in his cheeks. This was a clear proof of light-augmenting and dark-
ness-dispelling, both internally and externally. When his Majesty
the S^ahinshah came to Kabul from Qandahar, M. Kamran brought
that nursling of fortune's garden to the house of the cupola of
chastity Khanzada Begam, sister of her Majesty Gitl-sitani Firdus-
makani. Next day he held a grand assembly in the gl^ahr-ara garden
and did homage to his Majesty.
1 Half sister. She was first mar-
ried to Ibrahim, son of M. Sulaiman,
and afterwards her brother gave her
in marriage to Sharafu-d-din ^usain,
Blochmann, 322.
^ There is a variant, Blca, but
apparently Baca, child, as the true
reading. Mirak means princeling.
CHAPTKB XXXV.
455
CHAPTER XXXV.
VlCTOBT OF BIS MaJESTY THR 3sAHIN9B1h IN A WBB8TL6 WITH
IbbAHIM MIBZA^ and his FBLICITOaS BBATINQ OF THE
DBUM OF PBESTIGE.
When M. Kamran beheld that true cypress of fortune^s rosarium
in the g^ahr-firg garden he was^ from the lucklessness of his fate^
confused and astonied at the sight of that lustrous forehead whence
streamed the glory of eternal dominion and success. And as Ood
the world-adorner was willing the joy of the lord of dominion and the
spiritual and temporal defeat of the Mirzd^ whatever the latter
thought to be matters of his joy^ proved to be materials of vexation.
For instance^ on a day when the Mirza held a feast and had for his
own glorification sent for his Majesty the ^ahinshah^ it chanced that
on the occasion of the SJiab-i-Barat* they had^ according to the
custom^ brought a decorated kettle-drum for his son Ibrahim Mirza.'
His Majesty the g^ahin^ah took a fancy to it^ in accordance with
the principle that the orchestra of world-conquest must strike up in
his name^ and the drum of world-rule and universal adornment must
give forth a loud sound on the roof of his residence. The uncom-
prehending Mirzii did not wish to let him have it^ and reflecting that
M. Ibrahim was the elder of the two^ and apparently the stronger^ he
made the taking of the drum a pretext for a trial of strength and a
I The night of record, 14 8ha*ban=
for 962, 22nd October, 1546. Ap-
parently the wrestling must have
taken place long after Akbar was
removed to Kabul for that was in
winter and so presumably in end of
1544 or beginning of 1545. But
possibly S^a'ban 951 is meant, in
which case the wrestling took place
on Ist November, 1544. If this be
so, however, Akbar must have been
removed to Kabul long before Hu-
muyan had left Persia. There is an
account in Herklots of the feasting,
&c., on the Shab-i-barat.
* One MS. has Aba'l-qasim, and
Ferishta, lith. ed. p. 264, states that
Kamran had one son Aba'l-qasim,
and that Akbar imprisoned him in
Gwalyar in 964 (1556), and afterwards
put him to death at the time of the
rebellion of Khan Zaman in 1567.
456
akbabnAma.
wrestling-matcli. Whoever conquered was to have the drum. Hi^
Majesty who was aided by heaven, and sustained from all eternity
and who regarded not the pomp of M. Kimran nor the superior
age of Ibrahim Mirza, rejoiced on hearing the condition, imposed by
the Mirza for his own enjoyment, and became a means of augment*
ing the Mirzfi's sorrow. Despite his tender years, which made such
actions very surprising, he, by Divine inspiration, and celestial teach-
ing, without hesitation girt up his loins, and rolled up his sleeves,
and with strong arm, which was strengthened by eternal power,
stepped bravely forward. He grappled with Ibrahim Mirza accord-
ing to the canons of the skilful and of the masters of wrestling* and
227 pntting his hand before his waist so lifted him up and flung bim
on the ground that a cry burst forth from the assemblage, and that
shouts oE Bravo arose from far and near. This was the beginning
of the beating of that drum of victory and conquest of his Majesty
the g^§hinshah, the Shadow of God, which came to be beaten above
the loftiest pinnacles of earth, and beneath the green vault (sipihr^i"
hhazrd) of heaven. M. KamrSn who had thought of this wrestling
bout as a test of the issue of his contest with his Majesty Jahanbftni
took a bad omen from the result and became dejected, while the
well-wishers and intimates of his Majesty the S^ahinshah expanded
with joy and exulted at the happy omen. His Majesty beat the
drum which he had gained by the strength of his arm, and the
joyous sound gladdened the hearts of the royal servants. The Mirzfi,
as things had turned out adversely,^ and the throw of the dice
revealed an omen contrary to his desire, gave way to evil desi^s
against the altar of fortune (Akbar), one of these being that he
ordered his Majesty, who was still sucking,* to be weaned. He was
oblivious of the fact that he who drew milk from the breasts of the
Divine favour and obtained nutriment from a celestial nurse could
come to no harm from such acts, and that he who had the True Pro-
tector for liis guardian could receive no detriment from these evil
imaginings.
^ Az ha$]ei t^rtq ej^udn hnd. For a
similar phrase see p. 193 of text, 1. 14.
> Akbar must have been then two,
if not three years old, and surely it
was time to wean a child who could
lift up another child older and bigger
than himself and cast him to the
earth.
CHAPTER XXXVr.
457
CHAPTER XXXVI.
AftBivAL 09 ms Majesty JahAnbAn! Jannat-asbitanI's armt at the
Gabmsir and the taking or the fort of Bast.
It is not unknown to the observers of facts and contemplators
of occurrences whose watchful eyes are open^ and have been smeared
with the antimony of alertness that when the lofty standards of his
Majesty Jahanb&ni and his Persian auxiliaries arrived at the Garmsir,
'All Sultan Taklu and a number of devoted men were sent to take
Bast * which belongs to the Garmsir and appertains to Qandaliar.
Sl^dham 'Ali Jalair^ father of Tlmur Jal&ir^ and Mir Khalaj who
were there as feudatories of M. Kamrgn had strengthened the fort
which was now besieged by the royal army. In the course of the
siege a musket ball from the fort struck 'All Sull;an and deprived
him of life. His soldiers appointed his twelve years old son in his
room and pressed forward the sie<j;e more and more. These facts were
reported to the kiug of Persia and after some time there arrived a
rescript ratifying the arrangement. Gradually the garrison got
into straits and no help coming to them they begged for quarter.
Owing to the imperial clemency they received this, and delivered up
the fort. When it had come into the possession of the royal servants
his Majesty JahanbanI encamped in the neighbourhood, and S^aham 228
'All and Mir Khalaj tied quivers round their necks and came out and
did homage. His Majesty in accordance with his innate benignity
forgave their offences, and enrolled them among his servants. At
the same place a report was spread that M. 'Askari was about
to fly with his treasure to Kabul. A number of the Persians and
> Jarrett III. 68n. Meynard 100
" Near the confluence of the Arghan-
dab with the Helmand/' Erskine II.
804. It is on the east side of Hel-
mand and is marked on map as Kila
Bist, in ruins. Yakut says Bast be-
58
longs to Kabul and Meynard remarks
that he and the author of the Lubb-al-
lubab are the only writers who say
this. Ibn Uaukal (Ouseley 207)
places it in Sijistan and A. F. does
not put it in Qandahar in the Ain,
458
akbarnAma.
of the king's servants pressed for leave to pursue him. Though
bis Majesty Jah&nbani had ascertained by truthful scouts that the
report was false^ and that M. 'Askan meditated to fight and to
defend the fort of Qandahar^ and moreover even on the supposition
that the report was true his Majesty from his innate kindness was
unwilling that 'Askari should be pursued, yet they brooked * not
restraint and having obtained a sort of permission to go they hurried
off lest the Mirza should escape them. When after making great
haste they arrived in disorder at the environs of Qandahar^ they found
that the report of the Mirza's departure was false. A large body
came out and fought with them^ while cannon and muskets were
discharged from the fort. A large number of Persians and others
were killed, and many were wounded. ^O^waja Mu'af^zam, Qaidar
SuU.to, ^aji Mul^ammad, son of B&ba QuB^qa^ 'All Qull, son of ^aidar
Sultan^ S^ah Qull Naranji * and a number of the Caghatais and Per-
sians gave proofs of their courage and drove the enemy back to the
Fort. Although Jamil Beg,* one of Mirza 'Askari's trusted servants,
sent a message to the Mirza to come down in person as but a small
force remained and that it would be easy to dispose of those who had
once already been defeated, the Mirza did not assent, and despatched
a message to the effect that *' they know the numbers and quality of
our men, and will not restrict their troops to the same number as
before, on the contrary they probably have a reserve in hiding by
whose help they will do for us. We shant let ourselves be gulled,
but will make the fort strong, and not give battle till M. Kimran
arrive." As God befriended the army of his Majesty Jahanbdni,
M. Kamrdn did not make his appearance, and some victories were
obtained which were the prelude of countless successes. In these
daysBaba Sihrindi who was one of M. Kamrtn's distinguished ofiieers,
and who belonged to the Qandahar garrison was killed.
I he jalui karda, not heeding the
rein?
» Blochmann 480.
8 Bajazid tells us that he wa8 a
younger brother of Bap as and that
be was killed by a musket shot at
the second siege of Kabul.
CHAPTSB XXXVII.
459
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Arrival or thb army or uis Majbstt JabInbAn! Jannat-I^itanI
AT QandahIb^ its bibqb and captubb.
When the heroes had gained sach a victory his Majesty Jahan-
bani Jannat-ashiyani returned thanks to God, and reached Qandahar 229
five days after the joyful event on Saturday, 7th Muharram, 952 (2l8t
March, 1545), in an auspicious hour which was compounded of favour-
able aspect. He halted by the side (dar zila') of the gate Mashur '
and encamped in the garden of SJ^amsu-d-din 'Ali the Qazi of Qanda-
har. The batteries were allotted and the captains distributed. There
were daily combats between the bravo men on both sides. One day
Ilaidar Sul);&n and his two sons ^Ali Qu]i Khan* and Bahadur Khan,
and Khw§ja Mu'aza^am drove the enemy from the front of ^waja •
Khizr to the shrines near the old city and the barricade * {kuca band),
and displayed great deeds. Haidar ^ Sultan was in advance of all the
others and the leader in the attacks. A remarkable circumstance
was that Babu Dost Yasawal was standing with a number of men
among the shrines and was shooting arrows. Haidar Suljban thought
to slay him with his lance and raised his arm to do this, and at the
same moment an arrow reached his armpit. Isma'il ^ Sultan of Jam,
whom M. Kamran had sent as an auxiliary, was standing on the white
(dqca) Tower which faces the tombs, beside M. *Askari and was
' Apparently the weavers' gate,
nvdsliur or mdeur meaning a weaver's
reed or spindle.
^ Afterwards the famous ^an
Zaman, Blochmann 319 and 328.
> This seems to bo the name of a
shrine. Sec Jarrett II. 404. B&yazld
speaks of the daman-i-Q^waja Khizr.
* Perhaps what is meant is that it
Tfas a cul de sac.
• Apparently he was not severely
wounded for we find Iiim taking part
in the expedition against Rati*.
He died of the pestilence on the
march to Kabul.
« Apparently the Tsma*!! Quli Beg
Duldai of Blochmann -WS and Ma'asir
I. 64, He deserted to HumayOn at
Qandahar (BayazUl).
460
IKBABNAMA.
230
watching the fight. Though he was too far off to disting'uish the
features^ lie remarked that '^ the man from whose hand the lance
has fallen may be Haidar Sulj^an for once I went with 'Ubaida-l-Iah
Khgn 1 to the city of Tus^ and ^aidar Salj^an and I were comrades '
in an attack and I lost these two fingers. From the mode of
fighting I guess that this is he.^' When they brought in the lance
afterwards his (Haidar's) name was found written on it. When thej
read it^ they praised Isma^il's conjecture. In this engagement many
men of rank were wounded^ the first of all to be wounded being Khwaja
Mu'azzam^ but who succeeded in returning. About this time news
was brought that Bafi' Koka^ the foster brother of M. Kamran, wa«
stationed ^ behind a hill towards Zamindawar on the bank of the
Ar^andab with a force of Hazaras and Nakodars.^ Bairam ^bati,
Muhammad Mirza^ ^aidar Suljtan, Maqeud Mirza Akhtabegi, the son
of Zainu-d-din Sultan Sh^nilu and a number of others were sent
agaiust him. By good fortune Bafi' K5ka was made prisoner, and
great store of provisions^ cattle and weapons was seized and the
scarcity in the camp was changed to plenty. Other battles were also
fought by the brave warriors with successful results.
As M. 'Askari had from his own backsliding let the thread of
performance fall from his hand, and was persistently contumacious
it occurred to his Majesty on account of his genei'al benevolence
and his fraternal affection that he should send to M. KamrSn the
Shah's^ letter together with an admonitory firman of his own.
Perchance he would awake from the sleep of neglect and take the
straight road and by dint of good acts make reparation for his
offences. In this way many persons might escape from unnecessary
1 The great Shaibanl's nephew and
Paidnr M.'s brother-in-law. See Tar,
Maeh. 283. The battle was probably
that fought between the Uzbega and
Persians at Zurabad near Jam op
25th September, 1528. Babar, Mem.
390 and 397 and Erskine s Hist. II.
401.
* The text has hamrdh, but per-
haps it should be hatnru and the
meaning be that Isma'U encountered
Haidar as an opponent. It is hardlj
likely that Haidar would be on the
Uzbeg side. Bat perhaps the text
means that Isma'll was opposed to
•Ubaidu-l-lah.
' BayazTd has sangar (in an) en-
trenchment.
* Jarrett II. 401n.
^ It appears from BSyazfd thac
Bairftm took to K&mrfin letters both
from Sh&h Xc^bmftsp and Humiyftn.
CBAPTBR XXXVII.
461
destruction^ and brotherly concord might result in great deeds which
were brooding in his right-thinking soul. Accordingly Bairflm
Khan was despatched to Kfibul as an ambassador. When he reached
the pass of Rughni * and the JLb-Istada/ which is between Qandahgr
and Ghaznin a number of Hazaras blocked the way. At the close
of the day there was an engagement and the king's servants were
victorious and chastised the worthless Hazaras. Many of them
were slain. When BairSm Kh^n arrived near E§bul^ Babus and
many others came and welcomed him and took him with them. M.
Kamran held a reception in the Cah&r Bagh and sent for BairSm
Khan. The latter rightly thought that it would not be proper to
give the two rescripts to the Mirza when he would doubtless be sit-
ting down^ and it was very unlikely that he would stand up and
pay respect to them as was proper he should do. Having considered
the matter^ he took the Koran in his hand and tendered it as an
offering. The Mirzft on seeing the Koran stood up out of reverence
towards it, and at this moment Bairdm Khan presented the two
rescripts. Thus the device procured respect for them. The king's
and the grab's gifts were duly presented and Bairam sitting down
beside the MirzS uttered words of truth and sincerity. At the close
of the meeting he took leave to pay his respects to the Shahinshah.
He also obtained permission to see M. Hindal, M. Sulaiman, Y&dgir
NaQir Mirza and Ulugh Beg Mirza. The Mirza (Kamrgn) dismissed
him and appointed BabQs to accompany him at the interview. Bairam
^an first went to kiss the* threshold of his Majesty the king of
kings who was in the bagh-i-maktab (school-garden) with that cupola
of chastity Khanzada Begam, elder sister of his Majesty Oiti-sitani
Firdus-mak^ni. Maham Bega who was his Majesty's nurse (anaga)
brought out the nursling of Divine light from the inner chambers.
The visitors performed^ their obeisance^ and acquitted themselves
of their embassy to him. It was a great joy to Bairam Khan and
his companions to have the privilege of beholding his auspicious
Majesty. The witnessing of the divine lights which were manifest on 231
I I cannot find this pass.
* I. e., standing or stagnant water.
It is a salt-lake south of GhaznT.
I. G. 1. 33 and Babar's Mem. 149.
The lake is 7000 feet above the sea.
* The account of Bairam's visit
to Kabul, Ac., seems taken from Baya-
zid. He gives more details* for ho
was one of the party.
462
akbabnAma.
his Majesty's forehead glorified their vision, and they returned
thanks to Providence. Taking leave from them they w^ent and
visited M. Hindal who was in the house of his respected mother
Dildar Begam and was under surveillance. They presented to hi in
a gracious firman, a robe of honour and a horse. With like cere-
monies they next day visited M. Sulaiman ^ and M. Ibrdhim who
had been imprisoned in the fort in the house of Qasim* Mokhlit,
On that day they were by M, Kararan's orders brought ont from
there into the garden of Jal&Iu-d-din Beg which is near the Shahr*
Ara^ garden. Bairam Khan embraced these two grandees iu that
garden and gladdened them by conveying to them the gifts and
favours of the king and the Shah, Taking leave from them he went
to jalka* Siyah Sang, where Yadgar Na^ir had settled^ and gave^
him hopes of the pardon of his ofFenceSi and the forgetting of his
faults, and of his receiving various royal favours. In like manner
he visited and conveyed hopes to Ulugh * Mirz§ and other grandees,
and gave them, as was proper, soothing messages. M. Kamran kept
Bairam Khan under surveillance for more than a month, baving
neither the strength to resist, nor the grace to submit. He remained
in these perplexities, until after hundreds of solicitations he let him
(Bairam) go after a month and a half. He also by entreaties prevailed
upon her Highness ^tnzada Begam to go to QandahAr ostensibly
to persuade M. 'Askaii, who, he pretended, was not under his in-
fluence, to make over Qandahfir to his Majesty Jahanbanl's servantHy
but in reality in order that if things shonld go ill with him, who was
holding out, and was maintaining the fort under M. Kamrau's orders,
and he should have to give up the fort, that cupola of chastity might
^ It appears from BayazTd that one
reason for visiting Sulaiman was
to give him a letter from the king
of Persia, and ako to explain the
fate of the horse which T^hmasp
had sent him.
• Kamran's artillery -oflScer (Baya-
zTd).
« Jarrett, II. 404.
* See VuUers 525a. Siyah Sang, i.e.,
Blackstone, is an dlang or meadow
ea.st of Kabul, Babar, 139.
' BayazTd says Bairam was with
Yadgar till 3 watches of the night
as they were old friends in India-
If Bairam spoke soothingly to him
with HuraayQxi's consent, it sceroi^
base and treacherous of the latter to
have put Yadgar to death shortly
after his submission.
^ Blochroann, 461, 462. He wak a
Timuride, a son of M. Sultan Mtrza
and grandson of Sultan Husain of
Herat.
CHAFTRR XXXVIl. 463
be an intercessor for M, 'Askari and might procure him his liberty.
As M. ^Askarl had left the right path and in his devotion to M.
Kamran bad given np the rein of intention to the hand of rebellion
and hostility^ he applied himself to strengthening the fort, and placed
guns and mnskets all over it. The fort too was very strong, for it was
of mud and so the breaching (qiW u qama') of it was very difficult.
The breadth of the wall was sixty yards ^ (gaz). Though the heroes
of the victorious army were few in number^ yet they strove manfully 232
so that the Turkomans were astonished^ and became jealous of them.
One day his Majesty Jahanbani had a select party, and tit ere his
confidential intimates opened the door of recitals and took into their
hands the thread of narrative. The assembly became delightsome
from the flow of pleasing anecdotes and joyous tales. By the elixir
of the words of the brave the coin of the courageous was tested and
increased, and a stock of valour accrued to those whose supply was
small. On this occasion there came to his mind the loving remem-
brance of his Majesty the Sl^ahinshah. What may be the condition
of this young cypress of the stream of the Caliphate, separated
now from friends and surrounded by foes ? And what are the
thoughts of the envious, the foolish and the evil-minded about this
auspicious rose-bush ? With a heart rent in twain and a soul divided
' twixt hope and fear, he opened the hand of supplication before
the great Temple which granteth the desire of the afflicted and
distressed and prayed for the happiness and long life of that goodly
tree of the Sultanate. In this way he relieved his blistered heart.
Verse,
Lord : keep Thou this royal pearl
Far from the molestation of the wicked,
Grant him water from wisdom^s stream.
Grant him heat from perception's sun.
The sun hath trod many circuits in heaven
That this Light might issue from the veil.
Many a star hath displayed benign aspects
That this Moon might put aside his locks.
ITS"
^li^' 1 So in all MSS. apparently, but perhaps A. F. wrote §^0^ (6) and
ii: not siof f (60).
}''■
464 akbarnIma.
High Heaven trod many a round
That the horizons might share in this lights
May eternal splendour be his portion
May his lightsome heart ne'er be darkened !
And in order to comfort his capacious soul he called for the
horoscope which is the guarded tablet of mysteries of the fortune-
favoured one and carefully perused it. In that frontispiece of aop-
piciousness he read personal safety^ long life^ ascension of the
grades of fortune, ruin of enemies, and failure of the evil and
crooked though ted. Joyfully lifting up his head he exclaimed *' God
be praised, my heart is wholly at rest from these anxieties. There
is hope that bye and bye I shall be made happy by a sight of that
divine nursling, and shall, by the star of that auspicious one become
victorious over all my foes." Having returned thanks to God he set
himself to conquer the fort. M. 'Askari used all diligence in hold-
ing it, and made changes in the garrisons of the batteries every
233 day and every night, lest proffers of reconciliation should be made
by the besiegers ' and there should thus be less vigilance on the part
of the defence.
As the siege was protracted, and none of the king's servants
came and joined him, the Persian officers relaxed their exertions and
meditated a return home. His Majesty Jahanbani read this design
in their demeanour, and redoubled his efforts to take the fort. One
night he moved out from his battery, and approaching the gate from
the side of old Qandahar — the place is called Cahar Dara — he came
within a stone throw of it, and there established a battery. Next
morning when the Turkomans saw this, they felt encouraged to take
the fort, and they all moved forward ; and narrowed the lines of
circumvallation. M. ^Askarl was astonished, and showed si^s of
despair, and besought with many entreaties that as the cupola of
chastity (Khanzada) was approaching^ he might have a respite till
hor arrival so that he might be reassured by her and might be
enabled to serve (Humayun). He sent his petition through Mir
i The passage is rather obscare,
but I think the word mureal in the
laBt part of the sentence roust refer
to the siege-batteries. The expres-
sion har^yakjikafi damiiyan on-
ddl^ta may be compared with that
at p. 153, 1. 8 of text.
CHAPTXB XXXVII. 465
Tahii% brother of Khwftja Ddst !^§wind. His Majesty Jahanb§nT^
who was a mine of liberality and clemency^ accepted his prayer and
stayed the siege-operations for some days. The wicked Mirza out-
wardly assumed the airs of a suppliant^ but secretly exerted himself
to strengthen the fort^ and when her Highness and Bairam ^an
arrived he renewed his opposition. Though the noble lady en-
deavoured to restrain M. 'Askarl from evil designs and to induce
him to kiss the holy threshold, he from his disordered brain would
not accept her counsels, but continued obdurate and would not suffer
her to leave the fort and go to his Majesty^s camp. Thus the Mirza's
contumacy and villainy were revealed even to his Majesty Jahanbanl.
Relying therefore on the favour of 6od, who is the surety of those
who commend themselves to Him, he strenuously endeavoured to
take the fort. Meanwhile Ulugh Mirza, son of Mul^ammad Sultan
Mlrza, who was descended from Sulj;an (lusain through a daughter,
S^er-afkan^ Beg, son of Que Beg, and Fazail Beg, brother of Mun'im
Khan> Mir Barka and Mirzd Hasan ^ Khan, sons of Mir 'Abdullah, who 234
belonged to the Saiyids the Bani-mukhfcars of Sabzawar, and many
others came from Kabul by the guidance of a happy star and did
homage. The cause of their escaping was this. M. Kamr&n was
keeping niu|^ Beg in confinement, and out of precaution he made
him to a different custodian every week. When it came to Sher-
afkan's turn, it happened that he too was afraid of the Mlrz§. He
joined with the others and brought out TJIu^ Mirza, and enjoyed
the blessing of service. His Majesty Jahanbani received this party
with favour and gave them robes of honour, and assigned Zamin
Dawar to M. TTlugh Beg. Though Qasim l^usain Suljtan came out
with them, he lost his way one night nnd fell among the Hazaras.
After some days and after being robbed he arrived on foot and with
blistered soles. His Majesty remarked to him ^' There must have been
something wanting in your loyalty for you to have lost your way
and become involved in such troubles.'^ After that Dawa^ Beg
Hazara came in with his tribesmen. Petitions too arrived from the
Kabul officers. The arrival of this party, and the receipt of petitions
from officers and nobles caused great joy in the camp. The QizilbasM,
^ Blochmann, 455.
s Blochmann, 439.
59
^ See Erskiue, the text has Dada.
4«d
akbaknAma.
(Persians) who bad been uneasy in their minds, became tranquil and
displayed alacrity in carrying on the vrar while the leaders of the
garrison began to waver, and the foot of firmness slipped from the
battlement of defence. The dwellers in the fort wrote daily accoants
of M. ' Askarl and shot ^ them down from the walls. Their purport was
that the garrison was in difficulties, and that the besiegers should
press on, and not relax their efforts. At last it came to this that the
officers of M. ' Askarl's army flung themselves out of the fort one by
one, and that the gunners and infantry did the same. First,
^i^r^ O^waja Kban threw himself down from the fort in the vicinity
of his Majesty's battery, and seizing the collar of supplication with
the hand of contrition fell at the holy feet of his Majesty JahanbanL
After him Muayyad ^ Beg let himself down by ropes from the tori,
and was exalted by doing homage. Then Isma'il Beg, who was one
of Glti-sitani Firdus-makani's officers and was distinguished for
counsel and courage arrived, and Abu'l-Husain Beg, brother's son of
Qaraca Khan, and Munawwar Beg, son of Nur * Beg, came with him.
One night Khi^r ^&n Hazara flung himself down from the fort,
and two or three Haziras took him on their backs and went off with
him towards Kot Laka (?). Inasmuch as the work of defence had
got out of hand, and M. 'Askari could neither make up his mind to
remain in the fort, nor had he the face to come to the world-protecting
Court, O^i^r Khan Hazara desired to betake himself to the cell of safety
236 Biid to come to strive out of these dangers. In the morning news
came to the camp that he had left the fort and taken to flight. A
number of people hastened to search for him. He had gone some
distance and then hidden himself behind a rock. Some reliable
persons relate that Khizr Kh&n Hazara used to tell how the men who
had been sent to catch him passed close to him and how once a man
touched the skirt of his garment and thought it was an animal, while
1 Bartdftandf explained by Erskine
as meaning the fastening of letters to
arrows and then shooting them down.
* Also called Khizr Khan Sultan.
He was husband of Gulbadau the
daughter of Babar and authoress of
Memoirs.
* According to Nigamu-d-din he
was a prisoner in Qandahar. He
died shortly after the taking of
Kabul to the great joy of every-
body, sajs Bajazid, as they regarded
him as a Satan and the cause of
Homayan's losing India.
* One of Babar'e officers. Mem.
424, 425.
CHA.PT1R XXXVIf.
407
Kbizr Khin held his breath from fear. When night oame on he
emerged from under the rock and reached a place of safety.
As the daily increasing sucoesa of his Majesty Jahanbani waa
patent, and it became clear to the garrison that owing to the good
fortune of his Majesty Jahanbani and the zeal of his devoted servants it
would be impossible to maintain the defence, M. 'Askari awoke from
tlie sleep of carelessness and became disturbed in his mind^ and could
neither advance nor stay where be was. At first he asked to be
allowed to surrender Qandahar and to proceed to Kabul, but his
Majesty Jabanb&ni did not agree to this, and the Mirza^a crude idea
came to nought. Out of necessity he had to send her Highness
]^anzada Begam to his Majesty to beg forgiveness of his offences.
At the request of that cream of chastity's family the writing of forgive-
ness was drawn over the register of his offences, and on Thursday, 25th
Jumada-1-a^ir (3rd September, 1545), of that year (952) he came out
of the fort> contrite and repentant, and in the train of the cupola of
chastity. His Majesty JahanbinI had formed an assemblage in the
diwan^fina and the Caghatal and Persian officers were drawn up in
line according to their rank. In accordance with the royaJ ordera
Bairam ^an hung the sword round M. 'Askan's neck and introduced
him. His Majesty Juhanbdni, in spite of all the mortal injuries which
he had received from him, put aside the canons of sovereignty and with
native kindness and excessive clemency accepted the intercession of
the cupola of chastity and drawing the pen of forgiveness over the
schedule of his deeds, he encompassed him with the curtains of favour
and with exceeding affection. After returning thanks to God for
this beginning of success, he gave orders for the removal of the
sword from the Mirz§'s neck, and after he had paid his respects bade
him be seated. After that Muhammad ^an Jalair, ^aham Khan,
Muqim Khan, gl^ah Qull Sistani, Tulak Khan Qurci and others to the
number of thirty persons were brought forward with swords and
quivers round their necks ^ to make tlieir obeisance. Out of these 236
Muqim ^^an and Shah Quli Sistani were ordered into confinement
with fetters^ on their legs and wooden boards on their necks.
^ Nisamu-d-din Bays they caiTied
their shrouds in their hands.
2 Zaiana i. q.» sawaUna. See
Burhin-i-Qati* under Zalaiia and
Yullers under zawalana.
468 akbarnIma.
From the close of day up to early dawn^ which is the time of the
arrival of the glory of heaven^ there was a delightful assembly.
Instructive events were described^ and Mir Qalandar and other
reciters and players discoursed excellent music^ thereby removing the
rust from his Majesty's world-adoraing soul. During the assembly they
in accordance with his Majesty's orders presented M. 'Askari with an
exact copy of the letter which he had written to his Baluci followers
at the time when his Majesty was proceeding to a strange land by
way of the desert. The Mirza's life was embittered^ and mirth
became melancholy. At last^ out of necessity an order was given
that he should be kept under surveillance, and that he should be
brought from time to time to make his obeisance so that while hia
offences had^ out of innate kindness^ been forgiven^ he might for some
days take counsel with himself in bondage. Next day the night-
illumining crescent of victory lighted up those who sat darkling in the
citadel. Muhammad Murad MirzS and the Caghatai and Persian
officers came to the city in attendance on his Majesty. For three
nights and days the city was brightened by the light of his Majesty's
august advent, and was in peace and tranquillity. On the fourth
day it was, in accordance with the secret workings of his Majesty's
comprehensive mind, presented to Muhammad Murad Mirza, and his
Majesty took up his quarters in the Car Bl^ of his Majesty Firdua-
makani, which is on the bank of the Argfaandib, and was refreshed
by its pleasant groves. In that charmini; spot the official accountant
laid before him a detailed list of the properties of M. 'Asktiri, which
had been brought together from all quarters, but his Majesty did not
regard them as worthy of consideration and distributed them among
those of his brave soldiers who were in want.
When M. Kdmran heard of the conquest of Qandahfir and of
his Majesty Jahanbani's coming against K&bul, he was agitated
and troubled, and had his Majesty the S^ahinshah brought from
the house of the cupola of chastity KhSnzada Begam to his own, and
made him over to his chief wife Khanam Begam. He also confined
Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Ghaznavi, commonly called Atka Khan,
in an unworthy place, and took counsel with his officers as to what
he should do with M. Sulaiman. Mulla 'Abdu-1-Khaliq, who was
Kamran's teacher, and Babus, who had charge of political affairs,
advised that the Mirza should be dealt gently with and be allowed
CHAFER XXXTII.
469
to go to Badakhshfih bo that he might be useful in time of need.
Fortunately for M. Sulaimfin it happened that Mir Nazar 'Ali^ Mit
Hassar Teflhkftni^ Mir ^Ali Baluc, and others had combined a few
days before and had seized Fort Zafar, and put Qasim Barlis and 237
other officers into confinement. They sent a message to M. KSmrSn
that if he sent M. Sulaimftn^ they would make over Badakhshan
to him^ otherwise they would put their prisoners to death and
hand over the country to the Uzbegs. Accordingly Mirzas Sulaiman
and Ibrahim and Haram^ Begam were sent off to Badakhshan. When
they had got as far as Pal Minar and Ma^mura village^ M. Kamran
repented of having let M. Sulaimto go and sent persons to recall him^
alleging that he had something to say to him. M. Sulaiman suspected
this message and wrote a letter of excuse in reply to the effect
that as he had taken leave in an auspicious hour^ it was not proper
to return^ and that he trusted M. Kamran would be so kind as to
write to him what he wished to confer about and to send the letter
by a confidential servant when he would act in accordance therewith.
Meanwhile he hastened on to Badakhshan. As soon as he reached
Badakhshan he broke his agreement. At this time too Yadgar Nftsir
Mirza fled from Kabul towards Badakhshan. And as fate desired that
M. Kfimran should receive the recompense of his deeds^ the materials
for this were being prepared daily. Of the Mirz&s no one remained
with him except Hind&I. Him he flattered and appointed to pursue
and capture Yadgar Nafir, promising him that he would give him
one-third of all he now possessed or should afterwards acquire^ on
condition that he should not deviate in any way from loyalty and
fraternal feeling. Having made this compact he sent off the Mirzfi
whom he had kept under surveillance. M. Hindal^ who had been
brought into difficulties by KamrSn's ill treatment verbally agreed for
he regarded his escape from his claws as a great relief. But when
he came to Pal Minar^ he under a wise guidance proceeded towards
his Majesty Jahanbani. M. Kamran was astonished on hearing of
this affair, and lost the thread of his counsel. He had no servants
or companions who would consult his welfare or tell him the truth.
I According to Bayazld, p. 16a,
Sulaiman was released before the
fall of Qandahar. He also says that
his wife ^ram or Khnrram Begam
bribed the officers with her jewels to
advise his release.
470 akba^rnIma.
Most of his servants had their eyes veiled^ and the virion of their
intelligence was troabled by the ophthalmia of neglect. They
beheld not the way of salvation nor the straight path. Those who
did see what was proper^ had not the power to express their senti*
ments. This was due to two circumstances : — (1) Some had not the
courage to make representations. (2) Some were of such a nature
that they studied the temper of the Mirzg, and did not consider
truthful representations advisable, for they were certain that from
238 his self-sufficiency he would not accept good advice, but wonld be
displeased on the mere mention of it. And his displeasure woald
cause injury to the influence and position of the speaker. The con*
dition of fidelity is that in such matters one should not delay or
have regard to one's language, nor spend one's time in negligence
or d^lay. For the evil of this falls in the end upon all, and is aa
ruinous to the general prosperity. And the results of treacherous
counsel, which is the greatest and worst of treacheries, come forth.
And the mole of untruatworthiness and flattery, which is the
blackness^ of disloyalty and unpropitiousness, reveals itself on the
cheek of their procedure. It behoves such men, if they feel afraid
of not suppressing the truth or of uttering honest but disagreeable
remonstrances to recognise the fact that such opportunities are part
of their good fortune, and to rejoice thereat, and not to let the
wrinkle of contraction form in the forehead of frankness. For
though in appearance the great may be disgusted, yet in realitj
the noble mind approves of hearing both sides. And though snch
advisers may appear to run counter to the opinion of their masters^
yet in fact they will at once be relieved from responsibility and hare
discharged the duty of good service, and also be lauded in word
and deed by those who consider the end and regard the final ter-
mination. M. K&mr^n, in fact, went from blunder to blunder from
want of warning wisdom, and the absence of sound counsellors. (
1 2^. lit blueneas, blue being the colour of mourning and misfortnne.
CHAPTCR XXXVIII.
471
CHAPITER XXXVIII.
MA.BCH OF HIS Majksty JahIkbIvI Jannat-asbiyAni's army fkoh
QaNDAHAR to CONQITBR KABUL^ AND VICTORY OVER THAT TBRBITORY.
When hia Majesty was freed from anxiety about Qandahar he
placed before himself the conquest of Kabul^ and with this intention
left his Majesty Firdus-makanrs garden and halted at the Gumbaz
Safed (the white dome) above the shrine of Hasan Abdal. The
thought of the expedition continually occupied his mind, and he
was perpetually holding conferences about it with far-sighted loyalists
and devoted friends. Many of the Persians were wearied of their
long expatriation and went off without leave, while some departed
after obtaining leave by importunity. Budagh Kh§n and the others
who were in attendance on the gj^dh's son opened^ from want of con-
sideration, the hand of tyranny and oppression over the subject
population, and thought of increasing their own substance by such
unhallowed proceedings. High and low used to come from the
city, imploring justice, and his Majesty Jahaub§nl was in a difficulty
for if he were to rebuke the oppressors, the S^ah would be vexed, 239
while, if he did not execute justice, the hand of the unjust
would not be withdrawn from the subjugated, and this would call
down the Divine displeasure. As the time was not convenient, he
remained perturbed, and put off remedying the evil till another
season.
When the expedition to Kabul had been determined upon he
was compelled to ask Budagh Khan ' for accommodation for some of
his ladies and for his goods and chattels. He candidly acknowledged
that in accordance with his promise he had made over Qandahar
to the Persians, but said that he could not sot the foot of resolve
I The name seems Turkish and is
also spelt B&daq. See Blochmann
371, bat the person there mentioned
is probably not the Bndigb Klyan of
the text.
472
aebabnAha.
ia the stirrup of toil until he had disposed of his people^^ and his
mind were at ease concerning them. Budagh Kh§n in his ig^norance
of affairs made objections and unlike a wise man was neither alert
in carrying out the gJ^aVs orders^ nor in obeying the king's mandate,
which was the root of the matter. The chief officers represented
that they had a great enterprise in hand^ and that there was nothing
for it but to seize Qandahar. They would thus undertake whatever
was before them with a light heart. His Majesty referred to the
kindnesses of the g]iah and declined to vex the latter's servants, and
thought they must submit to their unreasonable conduct. He began
to consider if he should go to Badakhs^an and should join M. Sulaimia
to himself before attacking Kabul. But as a strong motive for
haste in conquering Kabul was his desire to behold the Shahinsliah
and to share to the full in that light of the garden of the Kliilafaty
knowing that by heaven's decree all providential victories depended
on the auspicious existence of that splendour^ his eager desire to
attain that object revealed itself from time to time. Just then the
grab's son became a beholder of the gardens {riydz) of mercy, and
a visitor of the pools [i^iydz) of pardon {i,e,, he died). The confi*
dential officers represented that winter was at hand^ and that it was
impossible for them to convey the women and children and the
baggage (partdl) along with them into the hill-country.* The S&ah's
son was dead^ and it was not right to leave Qandahar to the
Turkamans^ especially when they were so headstrong and were by
their tyranny ruining the country and casting down the pillars
of peace. Moreover, though they had been commissioned to bind
constantly the girdle of service on their souls' waist, and to serve
continually the sublime expedition they had been perverse and
been drunken with the wine of negligence^ and had not shown
zeal in submitting to orders. On the contrary they had transgressed
the supreme commands, and had openly and secretly gone into
opposition and had suspended over their countenances the veil of
240 shamelessness. It behoved his Majesty to shorten their oppressive
1 Marddn-i-I^ud, meaning liis
harem.
^ Perhaps referring to HumSy fin's
project of marching into BadaU^-
fih&n» but more probably to the hilU
north of Qandahar through which
«
they would have to march to Klibu]
as Ghaznin was still in the hands of
the enemy.
I
CHAPTSB ZXXYIII. 473
arms so tliat tlioy slioald not reack the skirt of tho poor aud needy
iu this city which was the first fruit of the Divine favour. God
forbid that such a proper design should produce a cloud in tlie mind
of the ^ah. Inasmuch as it was a long march to K&bul and the
Ilaaara and Afghans were more numerous than ants or locusts^ and
as they (the Persians) were stumbling-blocks in their path^ and above
all^ as they were intriguing^ with M. Kamran, the first thing to do
was to get hold of a refuge so that their minds should be at rest.
At this moment there. was no place better for this purpose than
Qandahar. It was therefore in accordance both with reason and
justice tliat Bndagh Khan be told that he must^ nolens volens, give
np Qandahar. If he did not comply^ the city must be besieged and
taken possession of ; and let a loving letter be written to the S^ah,
explanatory of tho facts of the case and the necessities of tho
position, and replete with candour and friendship. As the noble
Shah was a mine of wisdom and justice he would regard the transac-
tion as one to be approved of. The leading spirit in this matter
was ^aji Muhammad, the son of Bdba Qnsbqa. His Majesty Jahan-
bfini said '' I admit it all, but ^twere base to lay siege to the place,
to unsheath the sword of battle, and to put a whole party to death.
Though they 've left the path of moderation {iHiddl), I do not
approve of immoderation {be-i' tidal) on the part of my servants.
If this course be taken Budagh KhSn's men will perish, and such
a result will look ill in the eyes of good men. It is much better
that you devise some plan whereby we may get possession of the
fort without war or tumult." Accordingly he sent a messenger to
Budagb Khan, with the request that as they were marching against
Kabul he would keep M. 'Askari in prison in Qandahar so that
his Majesty's mind might be at rest. Budagb Khan thought tho
proposal advantageous to himself and agreed to it. It was arranged
that the courageoas heroes of the battlefield should proceed to tho
environs of Qandahar and lie in ambush there and then suddenly,
when they got an opportunity, should enter the fort. Bairaui
Khan and a body of troops were told off for the Gandigan^ Gate,
^ I thiuk these two clauses must
icftT to the I'crBiuus though there
does not appear to bo any evidence
that they were plotting with Kamrau.
GO
* The text has Kandikau but pro-
bably the gate was named after the
village of Gaudigan W. of tlie modern
city of Qandahar, antl tlie btittle-fald
474
aebabnIma.
while Ulugh Mlrzd, Flaji Muhammad and another body of troop?
were deputed to the Mashur Gate^ and Muayyad Beg and others yv^ere
stationed near the New Gate. Those tigers of the jangle of courage
made a rapid night-march and lay in ambnsh near Qandahir. When
the "true dawn" appeared Haji Muhammad presented hinaself
before all the others at the Mashur Gate. By chance ^ some f oragpe-
camels were going in ; he advanced under their cover, and tiger-
like^ suddenly entered the gate. The warder saw him and chal-
lenged him. He said that he was bringing M. 'Askari by Budagh
Khan's orders so that he might be confined in the Fort. This pretext
241 did not avail, and the warder was about to shut the gate when Qaji
Muhammad severed his arm with a blow of his sword. Some others
came up from behind, and. all the Persians who were there, and
offered battle, were killed. Bairam Khan entered by the Gandigau
Gate, and the Fort came into the possession of the King's servants.
The Persians fled and took refuge in the citadel. At midday his
Majesty Jahanbaui arrived and having entered by the Gandigan Gato
took post at the 5qca (white) bastion. Thus that fortunate city
became by the glory of his arrival an alighting stage of peace and
tranquillity and a station of justice and beneficence. All, small and
great, raised paaans of joy at this happy advent. Budagh Khan
came forward, through the intervention of ELaidar Suljan, and paid
the homage of ashamedness and apologised for his offence. His
Majesty encompassed him with princely favours and dismissed
him. He made over the city to Bairam Khan and wrote to the
Shah that as Budagh Khan had acted contrary to the S^&h's
orders, and been slack in his duty, he had taken Qandahar^ from
of 1st September, 1880. Lord
Roberts* 41 years in India II. 368,
Map.
* Khafi K!han. I. 130, has a more
detailed account of the stratagem.
^ A. F. compares Haji Muhammad
to a tiger stalking his prey.
8 Elpliiustoue has some just re-
marks on Humayun's treachery and
A. F.'s canting defence thereof. But
ho is not correct in saying that the
people of Qanduhar had never been
subject to Humayun. He was cer-
tainly their suzerain through his
brothers, and he was justified in re-
garding all Afghanistan as belonging
to his family from the day of his
father's conquest. BadaonI I. 4ti7
gives four reasons for taking Qanda-
har from the Persians, and as may
be supposed, he is more vigorona
and more to the point than the
lumbering A. F.
CHAPTRR XZXVIII.
475
him and made it over to Bairam Khau who was a dependant' of
tho Shah.
Meanwhile M. 'Askari, unmindful of the royal clemency, and
of his life's having been spared made his escape. After some days
an Afghan came and reported that the Mirza was in his house, and
asked that some one might be sent to seize liim, bat without letting
it be known from whom the information came. His Majesty Jahan-
bani appointed ghih Mirza and Khwaja 'Ambar Nazir and they
brought him out of the Afghan's house from under a woolen carpet
{palds), and conducted him to the Presence. His Majesty from his
innate clemency, and his observance of his Majesty 6iti-sitani Firdus-
makani's testament^ which was made for all mankind and especially
for the brothers, forgave anew his crimes and faults and made him
over to Nadim^ Eokaltasb who was one of his Majesty's special
confidants. He divided the territory of Qandahar among his officers.
TlrP he gave to IJlug^ Mirza, and the parganas of Lahu he assigned
to Haji Muhammad for his maintenance. Zamin Da war was given
to Isma'il Beg, Qilat^ to g^erafkan,^ ghal to Gaidar Sult§n. In this
manner all the officers got jagirs appropriate to their positions.
Khwaja Jalalu-d-dTn Mahmud, who had committed extortion'' in the
city on M. 'Askari's men and on others, was delivered over to Mir
Muhammad^ 'All.
i Ta'cdluq haaJidh ddrad. Bairam
was a Turkoman and a persotia gruia
with ']L^ahmasp. But perhaps the
meaning is " the city remains depend-
ent on the Shah."
2 The reference as to Bahar*s
dying request that Hum ay fin would
ahvays forgive his brothers.
^' The author of a MS. life of
Akbar in the possession of Colonel
Hanna, and who, as a grandson of
'Aziz Kuka and great-grandson of
Jiji Auaga, was likely to know,
states that NadTm was the husband
of the famous Maham Annga.
* N. Qandahar, on tho Helm and,
the Tarin of the Ain, Jarrett, II. 398.
The text has Tipri.
• Probably Qilat Banjarah, Jarrett,
II. 397.
• Bayazid, 176, says it was given
to Qasim Husain Ei*^ ShaibanT.
f Tama* karda hud, lit., had be-
haved avariciously. The allusion
to Jalalu-d-din is puzzling for he
was in Humay tin's service. But he
had once been *Askari's servant and
perhaps ho abused his opportunities
when the troops entered Qandahar.
Erskine's paraphrase of the passage
in his history hardly agrees with
the text.
• No doubt Muhammad *A1T
TaghaT, the maternal uncle of Huma-
yun, and who afterwards was go-
vernor of Kabul.
476
IKDAUNAVA.
When the lioly lioart was relieved of the affairs of Qandaliar,
and wliou, by tlie blossiug of Divine aid, and by the royal efforts,
destiny and deliberation had come into accord (taqdir muofiq-i-tadblr
dviad), he in an auspicious hour left her Majesty Maryam-makanI
in Qandaliar and addressed himself to the subduing of KSbul. One
242 of the endless bounties and unexpected favours was that a large
caravan liad come from Hindustan and the merchants had made
good bargains by purchasing 'Iraq horses from the Turkomans (the
Persian auxiliaries of Humayun). As the lights of prestige were
streaming from the cheek of circumstance, the lejvders of tlio caravan
came and represented that if their horses were taken into the
service of the grand army and an order be given for payment after
the conquest of Hindustan they would bo greatly pleased and would
feel that they were fortunate, " Glorious will be our fortune," they
said, " if by giving this aid we may come to be numbered among
tho loyalists of the sublime dynasty." His Majesty Jahaubani
regarded tho proposition as a heavenly aid, and a providential con-
tribution, and having acceded to 'their request, ho ordered that
purchase-bonds for tho horses should be written out at the rates
desired by tho vendors and be given to them. He himself came to
the ridge near Bfiba IJasan Abdal and ordered Ulug^ MirzS, Bairam
Khan, Sherafkan and Haidar Muhammad ^khta Begi (master of tho
horso), to set apart the horses for the royal stables, and tiien to select
those for the officers and others according to their rank. One
thousand horses purchased by the privy purse {sarJcdi'-i-ldl^is^a) were
given away in accordance with each one's requirements. The hearts,
both of the merchants' and the soldiers, were soothed and gladdened.
Dawa Beg Hazai*a, wishing to be distinguished for serving botli in
person and property, led^ the way by night to the fort of Tin,
where his clan was. When the army arrived there, the headmen
brought according to their ability horses and sheep as presents.
They did good service, and as the place had pleasant pastures
(alanghd) his Majesty remained there for several days to recruit
and to enjoy himself. Her Highness Khinzada Begam fell ill here.
1 Jauhar gives another and more
probahlc account of this affair.
^ Udh sarkarda hard, perhaps
tho meaning is that he went by
night iu advance of the army.
CHAPTER XXXTIII.
477
and the illness laaicd, and she diod.* His Majesty performed the
rites of mourning, and grasping the strong ropo of patience^ tho
glory of the awakened of hearts and the mark of the intelligent,
lio engaged in charities and works of beneficence such as befitted
a princely family and might be a sweet savour to the soul of that
penevous matron. He then marched under the guidance of a lofty
fortune towards Kabul. Near Qandahar M. Hindal did homage
and was received with unbounded kindness. His Majesty was much
delighted at his coming, which was the preface to the advent of many
others. Officers hastened from Kabul in troops. But by reason of
contrariety and mingling of air-currents a sickness and pestilence
broke out on the march in the camp, and there were many travellers 243
to the city of annihilation. Among them was Haidar Sultan. As
the untownrdness of the atmosphere was great, and the force became
small M. Hindal represented that they ought to return to Qandahar
for the winter and march against Kabul in the beginning of spring
and after making the army efficient. His Majesty said nothing
to his face, but when the meeting was over he sent him this verbal
message by Mir Saiyid Barka : " When I did not know that you
would come, or that Yadgar Na^ir Mirza would leave ^ (Kamran) I
proceeded towards Kabul in reliance on the Divine favours, why
should I delay now because an unforeseen circumstance (the pesti-
lence) has occurred ? If this thought has come into your mind on
account of the fatigues and pains of your men you can go and repose
this winter in Zamin Ddwar which I have given to you, and when
1 Galbadan Begam says she died
after three days' illness. She calls
the place Qabal^ak (?) and says the
body was buried there but removed
three months afterwards to Khan-
zada's brother's (Babar) sepulchre.
In all probability Qabalhak is a
copyist's error for Ghilcak (i.J[«**)
in Baba Hasan Abdal. Bayazid» p. 69,
says that there was a garden there
which Humayan visited several
times.
> It would seem from Jauhar,
Stewart 81 and Erskino II. 322 that
it was only at Tiri that Hindal joined
Humayun. Erskine says Yadgar
Ka$ir also joined here, but from the
text and also from A. N. I. 248 and
Bayazid 216 it would appear that
Yadgar though he left Kamran did
not immediately join Humayun. Ho
went to Badakhsh'^n, and then to
Qandahar (after Humayun had
marched) and did not join Humayun
till at Kabul when ho came along with
Humay un's harem. No doubt he went
to Qandahar because his old friend
(see Bayazid) Bairam was there.
478
AKBARNAHA.
tho knot of Kabul has bc«n untied you can rejoin our sorviee.
Tho Mirza was greatly ashamed on getting this message and beggpetl
forgiveness. His Majesty advanced with good intent and a confident
hope, and braced up his heart to carrying through the business. On
the march Jamil Beg, brother (younger) of Bfibus, whom M. Kamrin
had made guardian of £q ^ Sultan his son-in-law and had placed in
Ghaznin, came and kissed the threshold, and begged the forgiveness
of Babus' offences. His request was granted.
When the army halted at the station {yurt) of Shaikh 'All,
which is in the neighbourhood of PaghmSn (na'mdn in text) and
Arqandi, M. Kamran became disturbed at the approach of the world-
conquering standards and sent forth Qasim Barlas with a body of
troops. He ordered his artillery-officer, Qasim Mukhlif Tarbati
to take his arsenal to Jalka Dauri near Babus Beg's house, and to
draw it up there. He also brought inside the fort all the men's
families who were living outside. When he had strengthened tho
fort he came out from Kabul with pomp and insouciance and encamped
near the quarters (yn^rt) of Babus Beg. He employed himself
in reviewing and marshalling the troops. Qasim Barlas had pro-
ceeded with a body of troops to Takiya Khimar^ when Khwaja
Mu^azzam, Haji Muhammad and Sherafkan hastened from the royal
camp and displayed their superiority. By the Divine aid — which
was the vanguard of conquering fortune — Qasim Barlas could not
withstand them and turned to flee. When only a small space
remained between the two forces M. Hindal was at his own request
appointed to the vanguard. The army had passed the defile of the
"Khwaja's ridge '^ and had halted in the neighbourhood of Arqandi
244 when Babus and Jamil Beg and a number of their men, and
with Shah Bardi^ Khan who held Gardez, Bangash and Naghz camo
1 Younger brother of Khizr
Khwaja the husband of Gulbadan
Bogam. Aq Sultan, the White
Prince, is his sobriquet, his name,
according to Bayazld 196, being
Hasan Daulat Sultan. He was mar-
ricd to Habiba one of Kamraii's
daugliters. But he afterwards
olTciulcd his lailicr-iu-law who had
liis wife taken away from him. Sw
Gulbadan's Mem.
* Camdr in text. Khimar means
vintner. StevTart road hi mar, an
ass, and tliis is a more likely uam»\
8 This is the man wlio afterwards
became a saint and water-carrier and
wrote poetry under the style of
Bahrum Saq<ia. He wab elder brothtr
CHAM'Btt XXXVni.
479
and submitted. They were received with uubonnded favours. After
that, MuBahib Beg, sou of Khwaja Kalan Beg, came with many men
and enjoyed the fortune of service, and was exalted by princely
favours. Meanwhile Babus represented that it was no time for
dallying and that his Majesty should mount his horse as all the
men were coming over. His Majesty Jahanbani mounted the swift
steed of fortune. On this occasion he sent for ^Ali Quli Safarci
and Bahadur the sous of Haidar Sultan who were in mourning for
their father and loaded them with favours and kindnesses. After a
time Qaraca KhSn came and did homage. M. K to ran read his own
downfall in the pages of the royal fortunes and sent Khwaja Khawand
Mahmud and Kbwaja ^Abdu-1-Khaliq to apologise for his offences.
He made sundry requests through the Khwajas, who arrived when
the two armies were less than a mile apart. His Majesty accepted ^
his homage and postponed decision on his petitions. He promised
further favours to the Khwajas and dismissed them with honour.
Out of humanity and kindness he ordered a suspension of hostilities.
The object of the MirzS in sending the Khwajas was to cause delay
and make the king's soldiers slacken their march and to get time
for himself, and he was waiting for the darkness of night so that he
might by making a long night-march remove himself to a distance.
When then the veil of nocturnal gloom had darkened the earth he
from an obscured understanding and a benighted soul could not
resolve upon experiencing the pleasure of doing homage and with-
drew in all haste into the citadel. Then he took his son M. Ibrahim
and his wives and went off to Ghaznin by Bin! ^ Hi^ar. When his
of Bayazid the memoirs-writer. His
proper name was Shah Bardi Biyat.
M. Kamran had by this time taken
his districts from him, and given
them to Khizr Blhwaja Hazara. Kam-
ran gave him in exchange Qhorband,
&c., Bayazid 196.
^ I think the meaning is that he
postponed decision on Kamran's re-
quests until he came forward and
did homage in person. According to
Bayazid Humayun rejected all Kam-
rau's proposals. Gulbadan Begam
says Humay&n made presents of food
and clothes to the Khwajas.
* See Jarrett II. 404n. and Ain
text I. 692. The words in Bayazid
21a appear to be Bini-Kohi. Lord
Roberts in his " Forty -one years
in India," II. 223 says " Beni Hissar,
a considerable village, surrounded
by orchards and gardens, and only
two miles south of the far-famed
citadel of the Bala Hissar." The
name means " nose (or ridge) of the
fortress."
480
i^KiiAKNAMA.
Majesty Jahanbam heard of his flight he sent Babus with a nutiibor of
trusty men to Kabul to prevent any molestation of the inhabitants
or sepoys^ and to make them all hopeful of the royal favonr. Ho
appointed M. Hindal and a body of troops to pursue the Mirzi and
proceeded himself to Kabul with victory at his foot and fortune aa
his stirrup-companion. In an auspicious moment the drummers of
dominion beat high the great drum {kurdka) of prestige and the
standard-bearers of victory advanced the stelliform ^ standards of
glory to the starry sphere. On the night of the 13th of the Jalali
month of Azar corresponding to the night of Wednesday^ 1 2th '
Ramazan^ 952 ^18th November^ 1545)^ the conquest of Kabul^ the begin-
ning of countless victories^ was accomplished by heavenly aid, and the
gates of joy and success opened to the hearts of mankind. Two
1 Karikaha. This is a play on
the double meaning of the Tvord
kaukab, meaning both a star and
the globe surmounting the standard,
and this is all the neater from the
fact that the march was at night.
> There is a good deal of confusion
about the year. See Erskino II.
325n. Nigamu-d-din prefers 953,
though some, he says, give it as 952.
As pointed out by the Bib. Itid.
editors the first chronogram given
by A. F. yields 954, and the second,
or metrical one, 952. I am of o])inion
that 952 is right. 12th Ramazan, 952,
appears to be a Wednesday and cor-
responds to 18th November, 1545.
Other authorities give the date as
10th Ramazan. A. F. gives the date
of the commencement of the siege
of Qandahar, 7th Muf^arram, 952, or
2lHt Marcli, 1545, but docs not give
itH termination. The omission is
supplied by the Badgh&hnama I. 64,
which says that Qandahar was taken
on Tliursday, 25th Jumada-l>akLir.
1>52, or 4th iSuptomber. 1545, and that
Kabul was taken on Wednesday, 12th
RamazSn, of the same year. The idea
that the year wtis 953 seems to have
arisen from supposing that Ak1>ar
was over four when Kabul was taken.
Bayazld and Ferishta say this, bat
he was just over three if the capture
was in 952. We know that Humajan
was at Maghhod on the day after
the Ramazan of 951 and at Jam on
21st Sbawal (see inscription in R.A.
8.J. for 1897). He was then on HLa
way to join the Persian army and so
he might arrive at Qandahar in the
beginning of 952 and take Kabul
about 9 months later. The difference
between the authorities as to the
day of the month of the capture of
Kabul may be due to some reckoning
the day of Kamran*s flight as that of
the capture, while others have takeu
the date of Humayun's triumphu]
entry. G ulbadau Begam who was iu
Kabul at the time gives the night of
12th Ramazau as that of llumayun '»
entry. Tcrhaps A. F. copied this.
CHAPTS& ZXXVIII.
481
hours of the night had passed when his Majesty exalted the plaia
of Kabul by the radiance of his advent. Navldi ^ found the chrono- 245
gram of this viotory to be Kdbulrd girift, He took Kftbul. Another
is the hemistich " be jmig girift mulk-i-Kabul az we" " without a
battle he took the country of Kabul from him/'
When the gates of joy and gladness opened at the glorious
indications of the personality of his Majesty the Sfcahinshahj and
the foundations of dominion were thereby renewed^ his Majesty
Jahanbanl regarded not the defeat of M. Kamran^ nor the conquest
of Kabul^ but abode in expectation of the blissful footsteps of his
Majesty the ghahinshah until they brought to him^ in an auspicious
moment^ that world-intelligence who at that time was^ so far as
regarded the existence of his bodily elements aged three years ^ two
months and eight days. His Majesty obtained spiritual and temporal
felicity by beholding that blisful nursling of light divine^ and pros*
trated himself in thanksgiving for the safety of the young shoot of
fortune's garden, and for the glorious acquisition of the lamp of the
family. In the presence of this glorious fortune^ and before this
abundant bliss he opened the gates of liberality and beneficence for
all mankind. On the morning after that world-illuminating day his
Majesty Jahanbanl sat on the throne of fortune and attainment^ and
received the homage (Jconiiii) of the pillars of the state and of the
soldiery and servants, while at the same time tbe nations were made
fortunate by kissing the threshold, and raising the hands of suppli-
cation implored from God the enduring glory of the Khilafat, and
the uprearing of the standards of empire. His Majesty threw open
the gates of justice and beneficence before all people and tranquilly
spent the winter aloft in the citadel in serving the Creator and in
1 Apparently this is the nom-de-
plume of £hwaja Zaiii-al-*AbidTn,
a .Persian poet. Bleu Supplement
No. 307. He afterwards called him-
self 'Abdi and died in Ardabil 988.
Perhaps he is the Bahft 'Abdl men«
tioued in the Haft Iqllm as having
settled at Qandahar. See Eth^*s
Cat. 470, art. No. 1222.
« The text has 2 years but this is
61
clearly wrong. Akbar was bom on
5th Bajab, 949, or 15th October, 1542,
and Kftbnl was entered on 12th Rama-
dan, 952, so that according to the
Mn^mraadan calendar Akliar was
then 3 years 2 mouths 8 days old, or
3 years 1 month according to the
solar calonchir. Btyazfd says he was
then between 4 and 5 which would
make the year of the capture 953.
482
akbabnAma.
1^
comforting His creatures. Of the eventB whicli happened about this
time there were the deaths of Yunus ^Ali and Muyid ^ Beg who were
leading officers of the Court. At the same time it came to the ears
of his Majesty that Khwaja Mu^a^^am was plotting to run away in
company with Muqaddam Beg^^ and to convey themselves to M.
Kfimran. This vexed greatly his noble heart. He exiled Muqaddam
Beg to Kashmir and discarded l^wfija Mu'azzam. By the felicity
of his Majesty's presence and his bounteous shade the country of
Kabul became an abode of security and peace and a resting-place of
Divine mercy.
1 BayazTd 216 says that the death
of this man caused universal joy.
^ He did good service by facilita-
ting Humayto's escape after the
battle of Qanauj, and probably for
this reason he was only punished by
banishment. He was a Koka or
foster-brother and had been one of
Kamran's officers. He seems to have
afterwards come back to Humayun.
Text I. 296 and 300.
CHAPTER ZXXIX.
488
CHAPTER XXXIX.
CbLEBBATIOV OT the SslHINaSiH^S CIBCUHOISION, ILLUMINATIONS ; 246
AND MANIFESTATION OF MARVELS BT THE TENDER
PLANT OF glory's GARDEN.
'Tis ever the way of noble grantors of desires and auspicioas-
minded lords to seize opportunities for liberality^ and to falfil a
choice worship^ whose acmd is the conquest of affections, under
the guise of Use and Wont — a course whereby they are protected
from the dulled vision of blear-eyed mortals. Accordingly now that
fortune's breeze was blowing afresh^ and the rose-garden of attain-
ment had bloomed anew, the custom of circumcision, as applied to
the new growth of fortune's garden, and fresh offshoot of the palm
of glory and grandeur, was made an occasion for the contentment
and enrichment' of mankind. In the prime of spring, when the
spirit of plants was in motion and the nightingale of delight was on
the wing—
Verse,
'' Violets raised their head from the stream's lip
Earth was ambergris-perfumed from the fragrance of flowers.
The fragrant breeze of mom, let us say
Carried a thousand musk-bags in her bosom."
He ordered that an encampment should be made in the XJrta'
Bft^, a most delightful spot, and that affection might all the more
be won — and this in truth is the giving of thanks to the Almighty,
he threw open the gates of joy and pleasance, and in renewal of tho
splendours of Kaikaiis and of Kaiqubad it was directed that their
1 Galbadan Begam describes Ha-
ni aj tin's bounties on this occasion to
the widows and orphans of those
who had fallen at Causa, &c.
» SJjI, The word is Tttrkl and
more commonly written ^jji. It
means middle so that Urta Bagh
might mean the middle or inner
garden.
484 AKBAEHAMk.
Highnesses the Begams should grace the entrancing garden with
their presence^ according^ to their ranks and conditions, while the
Amirs and the city-magnates shonld occnpy the Cir Bigh. All the
Amirs bound the girdle of endeavour on the waist of joy and noder-
took these arrangements. The city magistrates, and leading men
exerted themselves in an admirable fashion, while the artists and
craftsmen vied with one another in decorating the shops, and in
promoting the briskness of the bazar. Soon there was such orna-
mentation as exceeds description. Every day his Majesty Jahanbam
came and adorned the banquet, and he distinguished everyone by
sympathetic expressions suitable to their rank and condition. Before
the festival (of the circumcision) took place Qar&ca Khftn, Musi^ib
Beg, and other familiars of the Court, who had been sent to convey
her Majesty Mariam-Makdni, arrived from Qandahir, and her blissful
advent increased the rejoicings.
247 It occurred to his Majesty Jahanbam that he should make
manifest to great and small the touchstone-capability (Sydr-t-
ddnisi) of the g^ahingbah, from whose brow there streamed while
yet of tender yeai*s, thousands of rays of light divine. He therefore
arranged a princely festival in the pavilions of chastity. All the
great ladies attended in the gynaeceum.^ For the instruction of
the spectators his Majesty the gbahinshah was brought in on the
shoulder of respect and placed on the auspicious Divan, and in
conformity with orders her Majesty Mai*iam-Makanl entered in the
train of the other ladies, and without being distinguished in any
way. The design of the king was that the prince {lit. the light of
the eye-papil of the Su1|;anaie) should single out his honoured
mother from the crowd of ladies. By light divine his Majesty,
without difBculty, hesitation, or mistake, and in virtue of his abiding
intelligence and innate discernment took refuge with his saintly
mother, and put himself into her arms. On beholding this glorious
act — surprising to the minds of the superficial and to persons who
i The meaning seems to be that
the ladies' tents were arranged in
order according to their ranks.
* Bdrgdh-i'harlm, which, pcrliaps,
only means private andienoe-hall.
It is not clear to me from A.F. s
language whether the ladies were
veiled or not, but presumably this
would make little difference to Akbar
who had not seen his mother since
he was an infant.
CHAFTIB ZXZIX.
485
are swayed by what is usual— a shout arose among the spectators,
and they recognised the power of the eternally-noarished one, and
prodigy of fate's worship. All perceived that this was not the work
of the bodily senses which put a difference between childhood and
adolescence. Bather it was nought but spiritual intuition and Divine
teaching. 'Twas holy light breaking forth from its ambushes by the
instrumentality of this nursling of Fortune's garden.
Of a truth, the veU of distance can be no hindrance to what
is eternally conjoined, nor apparent remoteness any impediment to
spiritual propinquity. And when we consider the matter what room
is there for remoteness 7 For, in this firstling of Life's rosebush
there is perfect contact with the PrimsBval, and the diffusive lights
of being, the perfecting {takmll) of the bodily frame, and the
burnishing {ta^qil) of the senses assume form pari passu {darja
ba darja). And there is close relation with the glorious world
of the Holy and the Absolute to whose verge there is no entrance
for the darkness of ignorance, or the plethora of heedlessness.
Nor is it hidden from those who can look far into the world of
mystery that though this sublime Master seemeth to have been
engendered amid bodily elements and from .protoplasm [mawadd-
{•hayyuldnl) yet as regards the source of his nature and the root of
his being his forefathers and f oremothers have been procreated from
him so that spiritually and in an esoteric sense he is the Father of
Fathers. And to his Majesty Jahanb&nT — that curtain-raiser of
celestial mysteries — it was manifest that the Cosmoplast of the outer
world had brought this nursling of * Creation's Spring into the field
of actuality in order, firstly, that he might experience the stages
of mortal life, and secondly, that he might bring together and
compose the distractions of the world. In shorfc he (Uumiyun)
under the guise of the rite of circumcision offered thanksgiving to
the Bestower of spiritual and temporal blessings. Each day there 218
was a novel, royal feast, and thanks were returned to the world-
adorning Creator. The great ones of realm and religion came from
all parts, and were made happy by royal gifts. Among these,
Y&dgar Nafir Mirzft had the honour of performing obeisance. The
brief account of him is that on the first ^ uprearing of fortune's
I If this means that Yadgar Na^ir
deserted Kamran on HumSyfln's first
appearance before Qandahar, it is
wrong, for we know from Bayazld,
486
AKBABNlMA.
standards on the borders of Qandahir lie separated from M. Kamr&n,
as has already been described^ and proceeded to Bada^^&n. Aa
he could not succeed there^ he set off in order to enter his Majestj
Jahanbani^s service. At the time that the sublime army proceeded
from Qandah&r to conquer Kabul^ the Mirza after experiencing the
world's hardships arrived at Qandahar. Bairam ^an showed bim
every hospitality there^ and then in accordance with orders he had
the felicity of paying his respects to his Majesty Jahanb§ni at that
joyous time (the circumcision festival). He had the good fortune
also to do homage to the gb&hins^ah and to be made fortunate by
the glances of favour.
During this joyful season^ which was the time of the adorning
of pleasure's springtide^ and the period of decking the garden of
dominion and prestige, at a moment when the constellations were
shedding light from favourable aspects upon mortals the meeting
for the decorating of the young plant of the Divine rose garden,
to wit, for the circumcision of his Majesty the Sb&hinshah, was held
with thousands of rejoicings. The materials {aabdb) for the joy of
mankind were brought together, the gates {ahwdb) of joy were
opened for mortals. Small and great shared in the princely gifts,
and high and low experienced the royal favour. The world's pains
{kulfathd) ended in pleasure {ulfat) and the world's differences
changed into unison. The captains presented their gifts, and were
exalted by grand favours. In the midst of these celebrations his
Majesty for the cheering of hearts, which is a great buttress of
sovereignty, proceeded towards Khwaja Reg Rawfin,^ and ordered
festivities. A world obeyed order was issued that the amirs should
wrestle* with one another. His Majesty himself by means of the
balance of inspection picked out equally-matched antagonists. His
Majesty wrestled with Imam' QuH Qurcl and M. Hindftl did so with
whose statement A.F. has elsewhere
copied, that Yidgar was at Kabul
when Bairam went there on a mis-
sion.
1 Moving sand. See Babar 146 and
Jarrett II. 409 and especially Wood's
Joamey to the source of the Ozus,
p. ] 15. The moving sand is in the
upper end of the Koh Daman» and
on its eastern side.
* The account of the wrestling in
taken from BayazTd 216.
ft Perhaps the Imam Qulf ghighall
of Blochmann, 512. The word Shi*
gb&ll is probably derived from 81^1"
ghawal. Shaw's TQrkl Diet. 134.
CHAFTKB ZZXIX.
487
Yadg&r Nafir *M. After that lie went to Ehwfija Se ^ Y&r to visit
the arghawdn groves. Then he returned and bade preparations be
made for a great feast. He distributed fiefs, presents, and robes of 249
honour to the servants of the threshold in accordance with their
deserts. M. Hindal obtained Gfaaznin and its dependencies while
Zamin D&war and Tiii were given to Ulugh Mirzft. All those
connected with the Court received gifts in proportion to their con-
ditions, and the tribes of mankind abode with tranquillity and ease
of heart in the shade of abundance, and the light of favour.
Among the events which occurred during the festivities was
the arrival of the ambassadors of g^ah Tahmftsp. They brought
congratulations on the victory and delivered suitable gifts. At their
head was Walad Beg whom his Majesty welcomed with princely
favours. Another was the arrival of Sb&b^ Qasim Taghai who
brought a petition and gifts from M. Sulaiman. But the Mirza's
excuses for not coming in person had not the honour of being
accepted by his Majesty, and a peremptory order was issued for his
attendance and he was informed that his reputation for sincerity and
loyalty depended upon his appearing in person^ to do homage.
Another thing which happened about this time was the arrival of
Mir Saiyid 'AH who was eminent in Afghanistan and Balucistan for
his possessions and for his honesty. He resided near Duki which
is an appurtenance of Bind.* He greeted the threshold with the
foot of integrity and the head of sincerity, and became a recipient
of royal favours. DukI was awarded to him. About the same time
Lavang Baluc, who was a leader among his people, came along with
his brethren and did homage. His Majesty received him likewise
with favour and granted him 3bal and Mastang. These visitors
were granted their desires and dismissed rapidly lest the wild nature
^ The fountain of the Three friends,
Babar 147 and Jarrett II. 409n.
s Solaiman's maternal uncle, BSya-
zid 22a.
8 Jauhar, Stewart, 83.
* The text has Hind but I adopt
the variant of Sind as Dftkl is used
by Babar, 152 and 8, for the south-
eastern hills of Afghanistan which is
near Sind. In the Ain, Jarrett II.
397, D&kl is given as the eastern
division of Qandahar. Erskine, Hist.
II. 327, accepts the Hind of the text
and remarks in a note that DakI was
probably dependent on Multan.
488
akbabnAma.
of sach dwellers in clachana (ruatd parwarddn) should prove too
strong for them^ and delay be inimical to their constitutions.
Among the things which happened about this time there was
this, that Yadgar Na^ir Mirza from an ill-fatedness and an inward
wickedness made a confused jumble of all favours, past and subse*
quent, and placed them in the alcove of oblivion and contumaciouslj
took his stand on the path of wickedness and perversity. He gave
ear to wretches of whom Mugaffar the foster-brother of M. 'Askari
was the ringleader, and continually harboured evil thoughts. When
these facts came, one after the other, to the knowledge of his Majesty,
260 and were confirmed by honest intelligencers, especially when 'Abdul
Jabbar ghaikh^ who was a most trustworthy person, and was intimate
with one of the plotters and shared his counsels, came and detailed
the circumstances after inquiry, the holy heart of his Majesty
Jahftnbani Janna-t-ashiyanI became disgusted and he had MuzafiEar
Koka seized and put to death. Then he sent for Yadgar Nafir M.
and reproached him by the mouth of Qaraca !^an. The substance
of the rebuke was as follows : " We thought that when we had
passed over your grievous offences, and had bestowed boundless
favours on you, you would take warning and atone for your trans-
gressions, past and present, and that even the ungrateful might have
a limit and some discretion.^' The Mirza cast aside shame, and
sometimes was silent and sometimes denied or feigned ignorance.
His Majesty, after making categorical ^ statements (of his offences)
and after royal reproofs, directed Ibrahim Ishfik £qa and others to
confine him in the Kabul citadel (the Bala Hi^ar) near the room
where M. 'Askari wgls imprisoned.
One of the things that happened at this time was the death
of Caghatfti Sultfin, who was a young Mogul prince and the unique
of the age for beauty and character. His Majesty Jahtnbani
regarded him with affection and distinguished him by favours. He
felt his loss deeply, but refiecting on the Divine decree which hath
assigned existence absolute to the other world, and to this world
1 This expression (hi$abi) seems to
refer to the statement in Bayazld
22a, that nearly 30 charges were for-
molated against Y&dgar, one being
an act of disrespect committed by
him so long ago as at the taking of
CampSnir.
OHIPTSB XZZIX.
489
only contingent exiBtence^ he wisely took refuge in sabmission and
self -surrender. Mir Amfini attered this chronogram.
Verse,
Sultan Caghatai was the rose of Beauty's rosarium^
Of a sudden^ Death led him to paradise^
In the rose-season he designed leaving this garden^
Hearts were ingulphed in blood from grief for this likeness of
a rosebud^
I sought his date from the bereaved nightingale,
Sighing he said '^ The rose hath left the garden.'' ^
1 Qui az bdgh hirun s^ud. BAgh=
1003 and giil=50 so that 1003 — 50=
953, which is the date of the death.
Am&ni composed an equally ingeni-
ons chronogram on the death of
Hindal. See infra. According to
Eieu, Tiirki Cat. 301, there were five
poets of this name. The one in
question is probably the second on
Bieu's list, Mir Aminl of Herat who
according to the Bodleian Gat. of
Persian MSS. p. 219, used to live at
Kabul and was killed at JaunpOr by
a fall from his horse in 981 A.H.
A.F. his apparently taken the lines
from Bayazid 22a, but the third line
there is
BadaonI has a similar chronogram
about Bairim Qi^an's death. Lowe,
14 and text I. 46.
08
490
akbarnAma.
CHAPTER XL.
March of his MaJBBTT JahINBAMI jAKNAT-AS^lTANf s asmt iob
THE COHQUKST OF BaDASSQSAN, THE YICTORT GYBE THAT
COUNTRY^ AND WHAT HAPPENED DURING THAT TDUB.
When the disaffection of M. SulaimSn became confirmed^ and it
was made certain that he had twisted away his head from the bnrden
of commands^ and that the idea of soYereignty waa paining it^ and
that he was inwardly troubled by this Yain imagination, his Majesty
261 Jahanbanij in the beginning of 953 (March 1546), turned the rem
of intention towards Badakh^an. One of the Mirza's rebellioaa
acts was that after the taking of Kabul he laid hold of ^jOiust and
Andargb^ which were in the possession of M. Kamran/ and had been
assigned to one of the royal serYants. As moreoYer, by theory and
practice the whole of Badakhsban did not belong to M. SulaimaUj
his Majesty desired also to take away Qanduz and its dependencies
and to make them OYer in fief to one of his followers, and bade him
be contented with what his Majesty Gitl-sitani Firdaus-mak&ni had
giYcn to his father. YiThen his Majesty's dominions should be
enlarged, bis fief too would be increased. In consideration, howcYer^
of the Mirza's circumstances Qanduz was left as it was. The Mlrsft
ignorantly aYerted his face from his benefactori and openly smote
the door of opposition, and had the ibutba read in his own name.
His Majesty resolYed to extinguish the flames of disaffection. He
left his Majesty the gbahinsj^&h under God's protection and set out
in a propitious hour, and halted at Yurat Calak.' He took M*
'Askari along with him. He had anxieties about Yadgar N§|ir Mirz&^
and when the army reached the UlaDg of Qara BSjj^^ he determined
I 1 Kamrftn is not mentioned, but I
think he must be meant. All the
MSS. however have only the word
(Mirz& so that perhaps A.F. really
meant Sulaim&n.
> BayazTd seems to make Kliw&JA
Biw&z the first stage.
^ There is a Qari Bftgh west of
Q^aznln called by A.F. in the Atn
the Qandahar QarS Bigb, but the
d^APTER XL.
491
that he would relieve him of the pangs of existence and thereby
giye peace and seonrity to the State. For the match of his strife^
and the spark of his contentiousness were like to consume all the
families. An order to this effect was sent to Mnl^ammad 'All Tag^ifi
who had charge of Kabul. He out of complete simplicity and want
of perspicuity returned for answer, '' I have never killed a sparrow,
how can I achieve the killing of the Vllrz^" His Majesty passed
over his simplicity and charged Muhammad Q&sim Mauji with this
most proper service and he in the night-time sped the arrow of death
by a bowstring.^ When the holy heart was at rest from the male-
volence of the Mirzfi, his Majesty marched under the Divine
guidance towards the Bada^shfins {Badahbii^ndi), When he
arrived at Andar&b and had encamped at the garden of ^Ali Quli
Andar&bi, M. Sulaim&n owing to his evil fortune advanced to offer
battle and drew up at the village of Tirgiran^ which is a dependency
of Andarab. When his Majesty heard this, he sent forward M.
Hindal, Qar§ca !^an, Htji Muhammad !^&n and a number of other
brave men. A great battle ensued between the royal army and the 2S2
Mirzg. The latter protected himself by a trench and stood firm, while
Ifirzi Beg Barlas and a body of archers discharged their arrows
from behind it. M. Hindfil, Qarftca l^sn and Hftji Muhammad "l^^n
displayed their valour and !^wdja Mu'azgam and Bahftdur l^Sn were
wounded by arrows, and had to dismount. Walad^ Q&sim Beg,
Ja'far Beg and the bodyguards, and Ahmad Beg, and Du^an^ Beg
who belonged to the g^ah's special bodyguard and who in company
with the ambassador served his Majesty in this fight, came to the
ground in consequence of their horses falling. The result hung in
QarS BSgh of the text must be the
place about 25 miles north of Kabul
and near Ist&laf.
1 In plain language the unfortu-
nate Mirza was strangled. A.F.'8
account seems taken from Bajazld
who gives specimens of the charges
brought against the Mirza. He says
Mun'im 'Shf^ suggested the employ-
ment of Mu^jAmmad Qasim. Bayazld
represents the execution as taking
place before Himiayan left Kabul
and this seems probable. The Mlrza's
body vfaa buried is a high ground
opposite the citadel-gate and near a
pond, but was afterwards removed
to Qhaznin. to his father's sepulchre.
^ Bayazid 256.
s Bayazid has DalU Qasim, brother
of WaladBeg.
* Tagb&u in Bayazid.
492
AltBABNlHA.
the balance till a body of devoted servants such as gbaikh BuUuIr
Salj;§n Mul^ammad Fawriq^ Laj;Ifi of Sahrind^ Sulj^n Hasaan ^^lIb.
Muhammad !^an^ Jalair^ Muhammad Khan Turkaman^ M. Qua
Jalair^ M. Qui!/ brother of Haidar Muhammad ^an^ and S^afa QoH
Naranji* relying on the invisible Opener attacked M. Be^. And
having by God^s help crossed the trench, they raised their svrords
and briskly attacked the foe. The latter could not maintctin them-
selves or abide the onset and fled^ reckoning dispersion and roate
as a gain. On every aide the braves of the field of action and lions
of battle's jangle advanced on the plains of victory. Gre his
Majesty had mounted his swift steed the reverberation of victory
sounded in his ears. The voice of exaltation burst forth. M.
Sulaiman did not remain firm but went off towards the defiles of
!^ost by way of Narln^ and I^kamis^. Tulak of Tallqan^ M.
Beg Barlas/ and Avis Sultan who was a scion of the kings of
Moghulistan separated themselves from M. Sulaiman and did homage*
M. Hindal and a body of heroes were ordered to seize the fugitives
and his Majesty himself took part in the pursuit. Many Badakh*
^anl horses fell into the hands of the brave warriors^ and his
Majesty arrived by the Pass of Sl^as^an^ at the valley of Ki^gst
M. Sulaiman fled miserably with a few followers to Kulfib.^ The
Badakhs^an nobles and soldiers came in crowds and did homage and
everyone of them was treated with consideration and with favours
suitable to their position. On account of the abundance of fruito
his Majesty remained several days in ^ost^ and was the aocom*
253 plisher of the wishes of the people. For the purpose of hunting
waterfowl and partridges and for fishing he proceeded to Waraak.^
1 Blochmann 411.
2 Blochmann 385.
^ Blochmami 480.
* NSrI in text.
^ BSyazId calls him the ruler of
Ghorl (gn. Qhor).
^ SSs&n in text, but the variant is
right. It was north of TirgirSn and
Andarib.
■^ Beyond the Oxus.
^ It would seem that Maham, the
mother of HumEyftn, came from
Khost. for Bayazld, 26a says that
Humay an stayed in Shost for several
days in the society of his maternal
grandparents. The Khwaja Muham-
mad 'All mentioned in BSbar's Mem.
as the ruler of Sh^st, is prohably
either Maham's father, or her brother.
If the latter he must be the Hlr
Muf^Ammad 'All whom HumayOn
put in charge of KSbul.
0 So in B&yazld. Text has Dar-
ask. The place has already been
I
'^As.
OHAPTKR XL.
498
^ t
m Tnrioss:
tacteJ 1, i
' FJCtay. :
kisi r
ris ik :'
r 0/ K-
of i- i:
Jercfi
» 1
ir^i
I .'
There he practised the netting^ of birds {ganji^k) which is a special-
iiy of that place. From thence he went to Kala5gan^ and from there
to Kiihm.^ M. Sulaiman did not think it advisable to remain in that
neighbourhood and so had crbssed the Amu and was there in
perturbation with a few followers. One thing that happened at
Ki^m was that a servant of g^ah Tahmasp named Ousru^ had
fled and entered his Majesty Jahanbam's service. He had used some
improper language about the ^ih, and Duj^an Beg^ Qusain Beg
and Ja^f ar Beg of the gb&h's bodyguard and who were in attend-
ance on his Majesty, on hearing of this met l^asru in the Kiibm
bazaar and killed him. His Majesty disapproved of this lawlessness
and imprisoned them^ but after some days he^ at the intercession of
^usain Quli Sultan Muhrdar, drew the line of forgiveness over their
offence.
When the affairs of Badakh^an had been settled, Qanduz and
its dependencies were given to M. Hindal, and much of Bada^^ah
was divided in fiefs among the officers. Mun'im T^sn was made
tahi|Ildar of S^ost, and Babus was sent to collect the revenues of
Taliqan.*^ His Majesty resolved that for the better management of
the affairs of Badakh^an and for the comfort of the subjects and
soldiery he would make Qil^a Zafar his winter-quarters. He there-
fore proceeded in that direction ; but when he came to gjt^a^dan,
between Ki^m and Qil'a Zafar, he fell ill and so had to halt there
for nearly two months. At the beginning of this illness he lay
unconscious for four days, and on this account unpleasing rumours
became rife, and men left their fiefs and came in. M. Hindftl left
his post with improper ideas and in concert with other officers came
as far as the bank of the Eokca, and the partizans of M. Sulaiman
raised their heads here and there. But Qaraca i^an came with a
number of loyalists and pitched his tent in the royal courtyard and
if-
Cr.
mentioned as Warask in text I. p. 09
near foot. It is probably the Yarsack
of Wood, 160n., and if so, is the river
on which Kiflhm stands.
^ See Bijazld, 26a & h, and Babar,
Mem. 153.
s The Kalagan of the maps. It is
west of Kiahm.
^ Bayazid says HumSyan stayed
3 or 4 mouths in Kifihm.
* Bayazid calls him Sh^sf^ Tld-
fihah and says Qasim Jangf was his
slave.
5 X^^qSn in text, but see Bayazid
27a.
i&4
akbabvIilL
confined JiL 'ABkarf Who Was likely to be aed^ons, Imnging him
into his own tent. Qaraca acted as a personal attendant, and waited
on bis Majesty daring his sickness. No one entered the Presence
except ]^w&ja ]OL&wand Mahmud^ and ^waja Maln.^ On the fifth
day, which was the beginning of the convalescence, his Majesty
showed signs of improyement, and Mir Barka entered and paid his
respects* When his Majesty's glance fell npon him, the MCr became
agitated and showed a desire^ to sacrifice himself as a thanksgiving
2M for his Majesty's recovery. His Majesty said '' Sfir,^ God hath
spared (bahbiJUd) me.'' The Mir gave some hints of the confusion
of affairs and of the rectitude of Qarfioa !^&n. His Majesty had
him called, and spoke benignantly to him, and expressed his sense
t>f his services. At the same moment he sent a Rescript of favour
to the ornament of dominion, the tender plant of the stream of
sovereignty, the head and trunk of fortune's springtide, to wit,
his Majesty the gbfthin^ah, by the hands of Fa^l Beg, lest any
evil tidings should have reached there and have dimmed the radiant
heart of that nursling of Divine light, or should have caused commo*
tions in that country. By a happy coincidence Fasll Beg arrived
with the firman of favour on the morning after the night on
whidi the distressing news of his Majesty's illness had reached
Kibul. The coming of the glad tidings dispelled grief and was
productive of universal order and steadfastness. The flames of
discord died down, and M. Hindftl hastened back to his place, and
everyone else went back to his jdigir.
^ They were father and son. There
la an account of Mntn, the son, in
Blochmann. He is perhaps the same
as the Muln who was Qif t of Lahor,
Blochmamii 546. Hu'fn's son was
aharafu»d»dSn who married Bakhfihl
Bins, Akbar's sister, and became
afterwards a rebel. The family was
descended from Ehw&ja A^ir the
iamoos saint of Samarkand.
* Perhaps the meaning is : Changed
his intention of devoting himself
into thanksgiving for Hnmlyan's
recovery.
< Mir Barka was the son of Mir
'Abdullah and is several tiroes re*
f erred to in the Akbam&ma. Accord*
ing to Jaohar it was CScak Begam
who waited on Humiyftn daring Ins
illness and was rewarded by seeing
him open his eyes when she squeeaed
some pomegranate juice into his lips*
Biyazld praises the attention of
Fitima Begam the Urda Begi whose
daughter married S]^wija Mn'asfam
and was killed by him. Perhaps ii
was the same Fitima who
BSqlShin. BadftonI, II. 61.
OOAPTIB XL. 495
Among Ike ooeamnoM vt tbk year wtm fche killtog of ^vlja
SDlma Mn^Bmmad Ba^iU ' «Iu> Iteld tiie office of Vizier. The sltort
liiiioiy of this event ia bb followB : ^w&ja Ma*K£{am ia oonjuoctioa.
with anndiy v^fabondfl, wfaoie braiiiH were miaod, sdopted soma
bigoied^ phrases of the religioiu viewi ol eome heretical, worthies!
fotds who had no pover of reflectioa in their natures, and were
entangled in wordy wranglings, whose nostrils took in naught of
the fragrance of truth and justice and in the tree of whose nnder>
standing there was no fruit prodnoed by the flowdra of knowledge,
and having conceived faithless bigotry to be faith he came into the
quarters of the^wija on the niglit of ^st Rama^n, 16th Norember,
1646, }ast as the day's fasting was over, and brt^ his fast by giving
him of the water' of the sword of ignorance for his final draught.
Then fearing the wrath of the king, which is typical <^ Divine
chastisement, he took to flight. When this news came to the ears
of hia Majesty he sent men to seize him uid his companions, and
a strict order was despatched to the anthorities in Kibnl, which was
the residence of those ill-starred ones. Mnhatnmad 'Alt Ta^^al,
FafU Beg and othera, who were in the service of his Mnjesty the
gjlihin|b&h, and were mansgii^ the affairs of EiLbnl, on recnving
tiie command seized ^wfija Mn'a^tam and hia companions and
imprisoned them.
When there appeared at gl^i^dln signs of convalescence in 2
the burning frame (mizSj-i-wahhaj) of hia Majesty Jahfinbinl
he seated himself in the guarded litter of the Divine favour and
proceeded towards Qil'^ Zafar. ManUnft B&yaud who was an
emineat physician and had been nominated as tutor to hia Majesty
' Biyaald Mils him in his lisk
" Dlwin," and ihen BpsDs his name
* BXjuld 276, desorlbM the mur-
der, bak Mf I notiiiag <rf bigotry's
haviog been ths motive. It mw
cODunitted hy anadrr Peraiaiui in
oiMKwrtwithUa'aiRam and apparent-
ly eapjditj had to do with it for
vrhea tbej &ed thej carried off sosm
of y^ iTahaOBp'a preMote fnun
TaUtb-i-Snlaiinin ({w. tlie plaea
mentioned by Wood 160). Ntf faon-
d-dln mentions tbst the dwija
oame with HnmirBn from Persia,
Probablj therefore he wu a 31^'a
aad this maj have made him obnozi-
oua to QiwijR Mn'aiiam.
> Ji meaning both water and
glitter and applied to the wav»
ranrkiags on a sword.
496
akbabnAha.
the Sbahin^abj and whose grandfather had been in the service of
that Alexander^ and Aristotle (Sikandar-Makani Aris|^5-Ni^m)
Mrza TJlagh Beg^ and had been distinguished among all the mathe*
matical observers^ performed excellent service daring this illness.
When his Majesty reached Qil'a Zafar he soon recovered his healthy
and his equilibrium was restored. By the completion of the recovery
of his Majesty Jah&nbfini joy and delight came into the hands of the
desires of mortals. In accordance with orders a grass ^ house was built
and he often distributed justice and happiness therefrom. From it
SJierafkan^ the son of Kuc Beg^ received investiture of Kahmard,
Zuhik and B&mian. And from excess of kindness his Majesty
announced that when the army arrived at Kfibul he would add
Qh5rband to his fiefs. His Majesty took the pleasure of taaqdvsal^
— ^hunting which in the Badakh^an language is called iiikdr-i-nihilam.
^ The epithet Sikandar-Makani
may aerve to illustrate that of
Mariam-Makanl applied to Abkar's
mother. Ulugtt Beg's real name
was Mu^mmad Turghal according
to Yambery. The two astronomers
who helped him in the composition
of his tables were Ghiyaau-d-din
Jamahid and the Qa^IzSda (Sala^u-
d-din). One of thdm was perhaps
Bayazld's grandfather (see D'Her-
belot's articles, Ulugh Beg and Zig,
and Jarrett II. 12, No. 85). The
person meant may however be 'All
Koshji, said by D'Herbelot to be
the QSzIzada's son. See Erskine's
B&bar 51n. 4.
> Sidnori'kdn, the ](hana-i-kSnI of
B&yazld. Bijazld, from whom A.F.
borrows, tells us that the house was
built by Jal&ln-d-dtn Ma^mfld who
was then Mir BayQt&t or Barrack-
master. The time was winter. Biya*
zld tells a story in connection with
this house, of HumSyUn and some inti-
mate courtiers (oM-i-ni^^t) having
cooked hughrd (macaroni P) there.
He also tells of Sherafkan'a visit.
When he first came he was drunk
and HumSjan seeing his state from
behind the screen (cigh), ordered him
off. When he came again some
days afterwards, Humayun behaved
with great delicacy towards him and
granted him certain districts. K&n
means a mine and also a sheath, and
so may mean a screen, but I in*
cline to think that the iM kSnt of
Bayazldisa copyists' error for 4-^
kaklf made of thatch or straw.
s Neither tasqdwal nor nikiiam
occurs in the dictionaries. A.F.
here copies BiyazXd wha describes,
p. 286, an expedition to the moun*
tains on the other side of the Kokca.
They arrived at the hiUs, which were
excessively steep, at midnight^ and
hunted the deer next morning. They
passed so near and so quickly that
they could not be shot with arrows
and had to be caught by the hand.
The word nihUam is used by Bibar,
I
CHAPTKB XL.
497
The dread residence of his Majesty in Badakhs^an wronght
dismay in all Taran. The Usbeks gathered together and were full
of apprehension^ and could find no suitable remedy for their fears.
Mem. 28, and Erakine (or Leydon)
says that he does not know what
animal it is. In reality nihilam is
not the name of an animal, but of a
method of hunting, ins. y driving. Its
synonym taBqdioal is Tcirkl and the
last part is perhaps Jj^ awal, mean-
ing an enclosure. (Bedhouse).
63
498 AKBARNillA.
CHAPTER XLI.
nMVBlLINO THE MYSTSBIKB OT DeSION IN THE 8TBIVE-8TIBBIMOS OF
M. KlMBlN^ AND ACCOUNT OV HIS BULB OYEB EABUL.
'Tis an ancienfc canon and an established ordinance tliat when
God the Creator of the world wills to set an elect one on the throne
of sway over mortals and by establishing him on a kingdom-adorning
seat to place in his mighty hand the bridle of men's hearts, He
maketh him in the beginning of his course the alighting-place of
divers difficulties and the receptacle of sundry afBictions to the end
that he may the more fully appreciate the force of the unending
favours which stand ready for him in the hidden world ; so that by
becoming conversant with the varied stages of existence he may
come to know personally Grace and Wrath, expansion aod con-
traction, joy and sorrow. All this is clear to those who are familiar
with ancient records, and are cognisant of old stories. But inas-
much as the personality of the holy product of the meeting ^ of the
two seas of the Divine Power {Jaldl) and the Divine Beauty (Jamdl),
his Majesty the g^ahiaB^ah, to wit, is by virtue of the Eternal
Decree designated for all the stages of knowledge, and as the world-
25g adorning Deity created him a wise-hearted^ Teacher and an illumina-
ted, farseeing soul needing not the instruction of any of the sona
of men, the apparition of those calamities was not to acquaint him
with Grace and Wrath, nor to bum away carnalities and mortalities.
Bather did the order of the manifestations of the glories of opposing
qualities and the notes of conflicting attributes unveil themselves aa
of course and in their full perfection. And there was an illustration^
^ Mujma'-i'hahrain, Explained as
meaning the meeting of salt and
fresh water. It was the title given by
the ill-fated D&ra Shil'oh to his book
which was intended to reconcile the | See wrfra, p. £19.
Hindd and Mu^mmadan religions.
s O/. Fai?I*s verses, BadSonT, 11.
261 and Lowe, 277.
* Eeferring to Akbar'a ref asal«
when a child, to learn his leasonB.
OHIFTIB XLI. 499
of ibis in his early years^ for at that time his holy sonl kept aloof
from inappropriate teaching. These truthful remsirks will make it
clear to the wise and the admonished that it is in the eyes of
the superficial that such facts ^ are regarded as arising from abun-
dance of instruction and a surplus of knowledge, while in the eyes
of those who see the truth they are but the inevitable refulgence of
a personality imbued with wisdom from of old. And whenever the
bitter' waters of afSiction are to be poured into the lips of one who
stands afar oft from the courts of Unity, and is a bewildered wan-
derer in the desert of astoniedness, there is in the first place a curve
{UL a fold or wrinkle) of magnificence cast into his forehead^ of
acceptance and he is made the originator of divers act of ingrati-
tude, and the shower-forth of varieties of injustice and tyranny, till
he be flung into eternal wrath and everlasting punishment. This
is a figure of the condition of M. Kamran who fell out with his
benefactor and elder brother, his eternal superior, chosen one of Gk>d,
king of the age, and just ruler, and wrought the destruction in life,
estate and honour, of many a servant of God.
In fine, a strange disaster occurred during this time of enjoy-
ment, when the capacious soul of his Majesty was a palatial garden
of mirth and rejoicing. A desolating report came that M. Kamrfln
was strife-mongering and that he had suddenly fallen upon the city
of E&bul and brought it into his possession, and that Sherafkan had,
heedless of the end of things, gone over to the Mirzft. His Majesty
Jahftnbini's sanctified heart was troubled, firstly, by the fate of his
Majesty the 3b&hinsh&h ; secondly, by sympathy for the citizens and
subjects, who are a trust from the Creator, and who should be tended
not less carefully than the children ; thirdly, by the rebellious pro-
ceedings of the Mirz& and the results thereof. He addressed him-
self with celestial genius to the remedying of these disturbances,
and displayed suitable solicitude for putting an end to the outbreak.
1 Apparently the fact referred to
in Note 3.
* Referring to the bitter lakes
suppose, that KSmrSn was offered
the choice of greatness, and that his
wickedness was enhanced by his mis-
met with in a desert, the Marah of I use of his opportunities for well-
the Hebrews. | doing.
3 Ndaiya-i-qahula^. Meaning, I
500 ACBARRlMA.
And Abul Fazi, the writer of this noble record^ tarns away from
ampHtade of langnage^ in order that he may giye an acoimnt of
events, and hastens towards narration, and giyes a brief and paren-
thetical aoconnt of the circumstances so that the lips of those athirst
for the waters of words may be satiated.
267 The description of the occurrence is as follows. When the army
of fortune took Qandahar and came to the environs of K&bul, and
all the Kabul army and all the people of that country were delighted
at the good tidings of his Majesty Jahanbani's advent, and separated
from the Mirza and came in crowds and did homage, the Mirsa
turned away from the path of advice and the road of obedience and
loyalty and becoming a bewildered wanderer in the desert of per-
turbation and want took the road to Ghaznin. He forsook the
blessing of service and absconded. M. Hindal, Mufaljiib Beg and a
number of others were sent after him, as has been related in the
account of the taking of Kabul. But when no trace of him could
be found, and it was not known which way he had gone (lit. no dust
rose up from his path) the pursuers returned in obedience to the
royal commands and came to Kftbul. This Mirza brought himself in
all haste to Ghaznin. The rulers and inhabitants of that place were
favoured by fortune, they strengfthened the fort and did not open
the gate of inclination for him. The Mlraa's false representations
were unsuccessful ; so he hastened from these to the house oi Sbifr
^an Hazara. He treated the Mirza with hospitality and brought
him to Tin, and from thence to Zamin Diwar. Hisamu-d-din *Ali,
the son of Mir ^alifa, was in Zamin Dawar. He strengthened the
fort and fought bravely, and courageously guarded the fort. When
this news was brought to his Majesty he made over Ghaznin to M.
Hindal and Zamftn Dawar and its appurtenances to M. Ulughf giving
him also a standard, a kettle-drum and a tuman tiigb* He also sent
an order to Bairftm l^an to join Yfidgar Nasir M., who had come
there (Qandah&r) to act loyally, to M. XJlujj^ and to send them against
M. Kamran. He also sent a rescript to Yfidgfir Nft^ir M. to act in
concert with M. TJlng^ in putting down M. Kamran and by means of
this service to move upwards on the steps of amendment of his past
crimes. The Mirzfts went together from Qandah&r to Zamin Dawar,
and when the news of their approach reached the Mirz&'s camp, the
Hazai-as dispersed into the wilds and M. Kfimr&n withdrew. He
CBAFTIR XLI. 501
hnrried ofiE to Bhakkar and took refnge with ^ah Hasan Arghiin.
M. Ulngh Beg took firm posBession of his fief ; and Y&dg§r Nasir M.
made as it were, a pilgrimage to the service of his Majesty. In
Kftbul he learnt the bliss of service as has already been stated. M.
KSmran came to a halt in Sind and married the daughter of the
Ruler of Tatta, who had already been betrothed to him. He had
Btayed there for some time devising mischief when the news came
of his Majesty Jahanbanl's illness, which had occurred in Badakh- 268
shan. After that there came other bad news. The Mirz& asked help
from the Baler of Tatta aud resolved to go to KabuL The ruler
of Tatta thought this a great opportunity and sent a body of troops
with the Mirz&. Some were of opinion that he should first seize
Qandahar, and then go to Kabul. But as Qandahgr was secure under
the control of Bairam ^§n, Kamran set before himself the capture
of K&bul and boldly hastened there. Near Qilfit he fell in with a
number of Afghan merchants who were bringing horses. He arbitra-
rily took the horaes from them and gave them to his men. From
thence he hastened to Ghaznin, and arrived there unexpectedly.
Zahid Beg was holding the fort for M. Hindal and was spending
his time in drunkenness and negligence. He was completely intoxi-
cated on the night when the Mirza arrived. By the help of the
butcher 'Abdu-r-ra^man, the l^rz&'s men secretly ascended, and got
possession of the fort. Zahid Beg was brought drunk before the
Mirz&, and the wretches cast him in his drunkenness from the pin-
nacle of life into the abyss of annihilation. The Mirza left his son-
in-law Daulat Sultan in Gfaaznln,. and leaving there also a number
of men from Bhakkar under the leadership of Mulk Muhammad,
who was a confidential servant of the Ruler of Tatta he went as
rapidly to Kabul. He arrived there at dawn without warning. He
first went to the headdress-maker's gate. He learnt that Muf^ammad
Taghai was in the hot bath, and it would appear that there too (re-
ferring to what occurred at Ghaznin) drunkenness had brought him
into the stupor of cropsickness. 'AH Quli Ughli. one of the Mirza's
bodyguard, entered the bath and brought out Muhammad 'All naked.
The Mirza gave him his ablution with the water of the sword, and
entered the fort. Pahlwan As^tar, who had charge of the Iron Grate,
opened it in accordance with a compact, and the Mirz& entered the
city, which now came into his possession. On the morning when
502
aitb^rnIha.
this occurrence took place^ Hftjl Mahammad 'Asas i came and sainted
the Mirzd. The latter said ' How have I gone and how have I come
back ' ! 'Asas replied " Ton went in the evening and yon came in the
morning.'' The Mirza went up to the citadel and took up his quarters
there. Sibstmsu-d-din Muhammad Khan Atka brought his Majesty
the S^ahinsbah with all reverence before M. Kftmrftn. The Mirzfi,
on beholding that theatre of miracles involuntarily became gracious
and gentle. He shewed him various favours, but from short-sighted-
ness put his Majesty, who was under the shadow of the protection of
6od, into the charge of his own men.
When M. Kftmr&n had brought K&bul into his possession, he
practised various kinds of cruelty and opened his hands to shed
people's blood and to seize their property. He caused Mihtar Wifil
259 and Mihtar Wakil, who were special royal slaves, to be blinded.
Hisftmu-d-din 'All, son of Mir !|^allfa, whom his Majesty had sum-
moned to his personal service, and whose fief he had transferred to
Uluyh Mirz&, had come about this time to K&bul and K&mrftn in
revenge for his firmness at Zaman Dawar had him castrated and put
to death in a most horrible manner. Culi Bahftdur too, who was a
loyal and approved servant, was put to death, and ^w&ja Mu'a^jsam,
Bahfidur Kbftn, Atka Ehan, Nadim E5ka and many other household
servants were put into prison. The Mirz& thus prepared for himself
spiritual and temporal ruin, and an evil name in realm and religion.
He was continually tempting and ruining men by deceitful letters.'
Among such was gl^eraf kan who was induced to desert ; and Ebsan
Beg Eoka and Sul(an Muhammad Bakhshi were by lies brought to
separate themselves (from Hum&yun). Insincere, low dispositioned
ones of narrow capacity for the idea of a small advantage put the
dust of the world into the cup of their avarice and trod the path
of disloyalty. And it appears that the main cause of the capture of
E&bul was the discord of men and their negligence and want of
vigilance and circumspection. For at that time Mul^ammad 'All
Taghfti was Darogha of the city for his Majesty Jah&nbftnl, but he
continually took the path of carelessness, and did not apply the
1 Ferifihta sajs that 'Asas was
Bihar's jester. He adds that 'Asas
went on to quote a verse in Kftm-
r&n*a honoar.
* C/. Gnlbadan's Memoirs. She
mentions that K&mriln tried to make
her write a letter to her husband*
inviting him to join him.
CHAPTSS ZLI. 508
rules of wariness. Fazll Beg too set np for himself a separate
Bclieme {lit. a separate shop) in the city and had ideas of becoming
independent (of Muhammad 'AU). From smallness of capacity and
inefficiency they opposed one another and struck an axe on their
own foot. When K&bul fell into the hands of the Mirza he set
about collecting troops and in arranging for sedition. A large
nnmber collected round him. One day he was seated on the top of
tlie citadel, and Walad Beg, Abul Q&sim and many others of the
Sliah's bodyguard, who had got leave and were proceeding towards
Persia came to pay their respects to the ilirzi. His Majesty the
giifihinshfih was also adorning the AGrz&'s banquet with the light of
his presence. All the Mirzfi's confidential servants were set upon
rapacity {darpai aWhi ^ jar), and the men round about, who were like
flies at the stall of a sweetmeat-seller, were falling upon one another.
A good service presented itself to Abul Qasim, and he whispered to
Walad Beg that it would be a loyal act if they who were thirty
active men should do a brave deed in unison, finish off the Mirza, and
glorify this young plant of the springtide of dominion and fortune,
to wit, his Majesty the Sl^ahin^&h. Walad Beg, who was not a
man of war, showed backwardness towards this proposal and said
'' We are travellers, why should we intermeddle ** ? As the top-
thread of every act is bound to some special point of time what
possibility was there of its appearing before that f
604
akba&nAma.
CHAPTER XLII.
260 March of his Majestt JahanbAni Jannat-Asbiyan! fboic
BadasssIUn to KAbctl^ and ths siege thereof.
When the news of M. Kamran's strife and sedition reachod the
ears of his Majesty Jah&nb&ol he resolved^ in spite of the extreme
coldj and the abundance of ice and snow^ to hasten by the defile of
Abdara^^ and to extinguish the flames of sedition* His first step ^w^as
to send a gracious missive to M. SulaimaUi pardoning his offences
and restoring that dismayed desert-wanderer to house and home, »iid
exalting him by conferring on him the territories which his Majesty
Giti-sitanI Firdaus-mak&ni had bestowed on his father. He confirmed
M. Hind&l in possession of Qanduz^ Andar&b, ^ost^ Kahmard and
Ghori and its neighbourhood^ and thereupon he, under the guidance
of God, and in a most auspicious hour, turned the reins of intent
towards Kabul. On account of the protracted continuance of the
ice and snow he stayed for some days in Taliqan.* The Uzbe^
looked upon hia Majesty^s return as a great gain and a grand escape,
and one and all abode in peace and tranquillity. In fact the whole
of Turan was relieved from the dread of the grand army. When the
snow had abated his Majesty moved from Taliqan towards Qanduz.
M. Hindal showed him hospitality there, and in order to gratify the
Mirza his Majesty took up his quarters near the town in the gardea
of Khusru S^ah. After the 'Id-i-Qurban ^ he marched by the pass of
Sl^ibartu'^ to the pass of Begak,^ and halted at Shwaja Seh Tar&a
1 A pass in the Hindu Kush lead-
ing from BadaJshfihan to Kabul, and
according to Babar, Mem. 139, the
only one open in the winter. It was
by it that Babar went to Qunduz
in the winter of 1510 when ho heard
of the death of Shairbanl. Tar.
Bash. 237 and note. Apparently the
name is not known now. See also
Jurrott II. 400 and note.
^ 7&'<il^u in text which agrees with
Marco Polo's spelling.
s This festival takes place on lOth
2i'l^jja the last month of the
Mu^ammadan year, so if the year iu
question was 953, the date of the
festival was Ist February, 1547.
* " Usually called Shibr or Shabcr
nowadays," Tar. Bash. 7&n.
6 BayazTd has, 29G, Kotal Bekak
CHAPTBB XUI. 505
(Three Friends), gber 'All, who posed as one of the trasty and
Binoere followers of the Mlrzft^ had strongly fortified the Abdara
defile ; but what can outward force do against inward {i.e., Divine)
aid ? or human strength against the Divine support ? He fled before
M. Hindil and Qaraca Sb&n^ but when the victorious cort^e had
passed through he came up from the rear and fell upon the baggage
and the tents. When his Majesty had encamped at Carikaran, a
large number, heedless of favours and of promises and covenants,
deserted and joining M. Kftmr&n obtained dignities {darajdtj lit.
ascendings) which in reality were degradations (darakdtj lit. descend-
ings). Among these were Iskandar Sultan and M. San jar Barlas son
of Sultan Junaid ^ Barlas, sister's son of his Majesty Giti-sit&nl Firdaus-
makftni. His Majesty stayed in the borders of Zamzama, and exerted 261
himself to strengthen the weak-hearted and the wavering. By
compacts and covenants he knit up the hearts of the disheartened
and convened a council. Those who received permission to speak
represented that as M. Kamran had enclosed the city and made him-
self strong the proper course for them was to leave Kabul and to
encamp at Buii and i^wsLja Pu^ta, so that they might be able to
provision the troops. All agreed to this, and they marched from
Zamzama. When they had gone a little way it came into the in-
spired mind of his Majesty that it was not advisable to go to Oiwaja
Pushta for many of the men had their families in the city, and would
desert in consequence. And many perhaps would think that the
army was going to proceed to Qandahdr. The proper thing to do
was to summon up one's courage and take possession of the enclos-
ing lines {iAahrhand), If the Mirzft came out to fight, so much the
better ; and if he did not, the men would not desert, and also they
would be sheltered to some degree from the inconveniences of the
rainy season. He sent for Haji Muhammad ^O^an and communicated
to him this secret inspiration. He approved of the plan and it was
settled accordingly. Haji Muhammad ^an with a body of troops
proceeded by the way of the Minar pass while his Majesty set out
and says it is above Carlksr. Per-
haps it is the Elhawak pass, which
is at the top of the Pangghir valley,
and the pass by which Wood entered
64
Afghanistan. See his Journey to
the Source of the Ozus, 272.
' Junaid was married to Shahr-
bfina, a younger sister of Babar and
is often mentioned in the Memoirs.
506
iKBABNlUl.
by the Payan pass to conquer the city. The victorious troops hsd,
under the leadership of M. Hind§l, reached the neighbourhood of
Deh-Afghgn&n and were near the shrine of Bsba g]}a^par -vrhen
Sherafkan came out at the head of a large body of M. Kainran's
best men^ and a hand to hand fight took place. Many of the im-
perial troops did not stand their ground. But M. Hind&l remained
firm, and gave proof of courage and devotion. When this state of
things became apparent to his Majesty he directed Qar&oa !^h^n^
Mir Barka^ and many others of the stamp of SJ^fth Quli Niranji ^ and
the like to advance and give a lesson to the rebels. They vrent
forward^ Mir Barka being ahead of them all^ and meanwhile H&ji
Mul^ammad Khftn, and the body of men who had been dispatched
in the direction above mentioned, came up, and the enemy was de*
feated. gherafkan was made prisoner and brought before his Majesty.
He being a mine of grace and gentleness was willing* to confine
him for some days so that he might get a lesson while in chains
and return to his duty. But at the request of Qar&ca l^&u, and
the urgency of all the loyalists who were enraged at his ingratitude
and insincerity, he was put to death. His Majesty then proceeded
towards K&bul by the way of the khiyaban^ (avenue) while the im-
262 perial braves pursued the fugitives and arrived at the Iron Grate.
Mirzfi Khizr j^ftn and a number of the Arghunian troops went off
to the Hazarajfit. The wall (shahrband) fell into the possession of
the imperialists, and his Majesty halted that day in the garden of
Qarftca Khfin. Many of the evil-disposed rebels, who had been made
prisoners on the field of battle, were executed and ghei* 'All was
disconcerted^ and took refuge in the citadel. Those who were dis*
tracted* there obtained repose.
His Majesty Jahanb§ni visited afterwards the Dlwftnkhfina and
Urta Ba^ gardens, and took up his quarters on the hill of 'Aqfibln^
1 Blochmann 480 and 596. He
waa from Kurdistan, near Bagdad.
He was a wrestler, Blochmann 253.
S Oaseley, Persian Travels III. 389
renders this word by " paved cause-
way."
fl 8a/rd8ifiM, but there is the vari-
ant herdha, i.e., the erring or the
vagabond.
* Perhaps this refers to the ladies
of Humajfln's family who were shut
up in the fort, but most probably
it only means that the garrison were
relieved by seeing Sher 'All re-enter.
ft A.F. says, Jarrett II. 404^ that tt
overlooked the fort.
CHAPTIB XLII.
507
Mrhlch is over against the fort. Gans and culverina {:farbzanhd)
were placed in position and discharged. Every day M. Kfimrftn'e
men came ont and had hand to hand conflicts. Mahdi Sbftn^ his
relation Galma Beg,^ Baba S^aid Qibcfiq^ Ism'ail Kuz^* MuUa Mab-
talfil AnjI, and some other ill-fated ones fled from the victorioas
army^ and joined the Mirza. His Majesty Jah&nbani ordered Qarfica
Klhftnj ]3gji Mnlt^ammad ^Sn^ and a number of others to seek for an
encamping ground in front of the Tarak gate^ for that was the proper
place for taking post. He also directed that the siege-operations
should be brought nearer to the fort, and that the charge of the
batteries should be distributed, and the Mlrzfi be pressed more
closely. The persons deputed were searching for a site when 30 or
40 men came suddenly out from the Ygrak gate. Hftji Muf^ammad
Khan attacked them and as they were not able to keep their ground
they fled towards the fort. Meanwhile Sl^er 'All came from inside
the fort and engaged Haji Muhammad ^an, and inflicted a severe
wound on his right arm. During this conflict the imperialists pressed
forward and drove gl^er 'All inside the fort. They lifted up Hftji
Muhammad ^ftn, who was faint and powerless, and carried him to
his quarters. He was ill for a long time, and it was reported that
he was dead. His Majesty sent a messenger to him requesting that
he would get on horse-back and come to the batteries. He mounted
his horse in obedience to the request, and the market of the foes-
joy fell flat. One day M. Sanjar son of Sulj^fin Junaid who had
gone off with the brand of faithlessness on his brow came out and
attacked. His horse became unmanageable^ and carried him as
far as the Yiolet-Gkkrden. He was made prisoner and brought before
his Majesty who granted him his life, but sent him to prison. Mu-
hammad Qftsim^ and Muhammad Husain who were sisters' sons of 263
1 Apparently thiB is the man who
afterwards behaved so nobly. Bloch-
mann 878.
> Text, kur, but the variant kua is
probably right for it is a synonym
for I^tm, wine-jar, which we know
from text p. 273 1. 7 was HamSyan'a
nickname for lam'all.
i There is the variant Bftrak.
* fifiMjaZti. B.M. MSS. Add. 27.
247 and 17926 and No. 564 I.Y. have
f&a^ jalu, hard-bridled, t.e., hard-
mouthed, and doubtless this is the
true reading. It is i&a^ joZu in
B&yazld from whom A.F. probably
took the expression.
i Blochmann 880 and 485. It was
Q&sim who built the Agra Fort.
508
▲KBABNlMA.
Pahlwftn Dost Mir Barr^ and who are now among tlie great officers^
and have attained to high rank^ threw themselves down from a
bastion between the Iron Gkte and the bastion of Qftsim BirlflSj and in
the 'Aqftbin receired the blessing of doing homage and like a brace
of eagles^ {'aqdbin) clutched the prey of everlasting good fortune.
While this fighting was going on a large caravan arrived from
abroad {wildyaty at G&rikftran. There were many horses in it and
other goods. M. Kimrfin sent Si^er 'AH with a body of trusty ad-
herents to take possession of those goods, though Tardi Mul^mmad
Jang Jang, who was one of the Mirs&'s trusted followers, protested,
and plainly said that if his Majesty JahftnbAni should hear of it and
send his men and block their way so that they should not be able to
rejoin the Mirsa, they would be lost, and at the same time the
Mlrzfi's purpose would not be affected. The Mirz& had his eyes
fixed on the goods and would not receive this warning, and sent his
men under the leadership of gl^er 'All. As soon as the news reached
his Majesty Hlfiji Mu^mmad Shin was appointed to the service of
restraining those tyrants from their plunder, ^ftji Muhammad repre*
sented that the force had gone off at night and had done their work,
and that if they followed them and failed to meet with them, they
would escape. He suggested that the points commanding the roads
and fords should be seised so that they should not be able to get
inside the fort. His Majesty Jahftnbftni agreed and himself came
down from the hill and gave directions for occupying the stations
and places of access. Stber 'All and Tardi Muhammad Jang Jang
and the others who had reached the merchants forcibly took posses-
sion of their goods, and much thereof was plundered. On returning
they wanted to enter the fort, but found the roads and fords dosed
against them. Tardi Muhammad and gl^er 'Ali had an altercation
and Tardi Muhammad Jang Jang said '' See, my words have come
true '' ! Though they looked right and left, they could find no way
of re-entering. They were dumbfounded and withdrew, and waited
for an opportunity of getting in by stratagem.
^ Bloclimann 485 and YI where it
is stated that the title means super-
intendent of the Imperial Forests.
* A.F. pons on the name of the
ridge where Hum&jQn was.
< Bayasld says the horses came
from BaljKh*
CHAFTIB XLU.
509
One day Bftqi Sftlih, who was one of the valiant men of the
garrison^ eagerly brought M. Ksmrftn near the Iron Gtate, and
boa«tingly said that by one sally he wonld bring Sber 'All in by this
g^te« When they opened the gate a number of the Mirzft's braves
came ont. The men of the battery, such as Muhammad Qftsim
]Q^ftn Mauji, Qasim Mukhli9> and Jamil Beg came forward and
allowed alacrity and courage. Sumbul ^ftn and 60 or 70 slaves
did good execution with their muskets. Jamil Beg was martyred,
and Bftqi S&lib, who was the cause of this disturbance, was killed ^ 264
by a bullet, and Jalftlu-d-din Beg, who was one of the Mirzfi's con-
fidants, was severely wounded. Many others also were wounded.
They failed in their object and closed the gate of the fort, gj^er
'All despaired of entering the fort and hurried off to ^aznin. His
Majesty Jahanbinl despatched after him in^i^v ^wftja ^ftn, Mu^ft^ib
Beg, Ismfiil Beg Duld3i, and a large body of troops in order that
they might by dint of courage make those luckless ones prisoners.
They came up with gber 'All at the Sajiwand pass, and an engage-
ment took place. The imperialists were victorious, and many horses
and goods fell into their hands. Many prisoners were also made.
3ber 'All escaped with a few men to the Hazflrajftt and took refuge
in the house of ^i^r ^an.^ The imperialists returned victorious
with much booty and were rewarded by boundless favours. The
plundered merchants, who had taken protection at the holy court,
were told to take whatever goods and horses they recognised, and
thus many horses and goods were restored to their owners. This
occurrence was a revival of fortune. The rebel prisoners were
brought in front of the batteries and publicly put to death with
varied punishments so that those who were slumbering on the bed
of error might be aroused.
When there was no entrance or egress by any gate, and by no
door could he obtain victory ^ for his designs, and no road was open
save that of failure, M. Kamrftn set himself in bis evil mind to punish
^ According to Nisamu-d-dln, he
deserted to Humiyiln along with
JalSlu-d-din Beg, Elliot, Y. 225. The
lit. translation of A.F. is a musket-
arrow fell as fire on the harvest of
his life.
* Thia mnat be Khiyr Khfoi HasSra.
* Bar Kcmrdnl, A.F. plajs upon
KSmrSn's name and his recent failure
to get Sher 'All re-admitted.
510
AKBABNAMA.
sheltered striplings and innocent children and to defile pare^slcirted
ones. He made over^ the wife of Bfibus to the people of the basaar,
and spilled upon the ground^ with cruel tortures, the blood of his
three boys, one of whom was seven, the other five, and the third three
years old, and flung them down from the top of the fort to ne&r the
batteries of Qardca Khan and Mnsfihib Beg. He also hung^ apon
the battlements Sirdar Beg the son of Qarica Beg and ^^ada Dost
the son of Mus&hib Beg, and sent a message to them to come &iid
see him, or to let him depart, or to withdraw the king from the sie^e.
Otherwise he would kill their sons as he had done those of Babus.
Qaraoa l^&n, who was then prime minister, cried out with a load
voice, '' Ood save His Majesty the king. Our houses and homes and
our children must one day perish, and their non-existence cannot be
avoided. What better thing can there be than their coming to an
end in the path of their master and benefactor. What are children
when our lives are a sacrifice for His Majesty. Depart from those
vain thoughts, and come and humbly submit, which will prove your
salvation and be the ornamentation of your life, so that as year
well-wishers we may do for you the utmost in our power. Why do
266 you frighten us by killing our children f If our children be really
put to death, revenge for that is at hand/' His Majesty sent for
Qarica l^an and Mufahib Beg and soothed them by sympathetic
words and favours. The Mirzg struck at men's honour and repnta*
tion by most unseemly conduct towards their women and children.
He suspended the wife of Muhammad Q&sim ^ftn Mauji by the
breasts' {pistdn baata). And inasmuch as the Mirzfi was sick with
vexation and envy, every opposition which he in appearance made
against His Majesty Jah&nbftnl was really resistance and opposition
to the Almighty Creator. Every act of such a tyrant must inevitably
fail of success, and in the end becomes the cause of his temporal
and spiritual ruin.
1 B&yazld says he made her over
to an improper man (or men), ha
ma/rdum-i'nd-mundnb npurd, and
killed the two sons, aged 10 and 12.
s BiyazTd says she waa hung up
oyer the Iron Grate.
CBAPTIB XUII. 51 1
CHAPTER XLIII.
Display or Gebat Maaybls on thb part op His Majbstt thb
SsahinssAh^ and thb taking or Kabul.
M. Kfimr&n in his folly and want of wisdom broaght, for tlie
Bake of his own protection^ that nursling of the garden of sovereignty
and that new fruit of the springtide of the Qiilafat — viz., his Majesty
the Sl^fthinihfth — ^in front of the gnns^ and kept him in a place where
it was difficulty on account of the marksmen {qadr-anddzdn) of the
victorious army^ for an ant or a grasshopper to pass. What humanity
was this ? Or what beast of prey or demon has such principles ?
Why did the tongue of him who gave such an order not grow dumb^
and the arm of him who executed it not refuse its office when
it encompassed that tree of fortune and planted it for such*^ purpose ?
The eye which could not see the manifest claims of his Majesty
JahanbanI — an elder brother^ a venerated father's representative
and a benefactor — ; how could it perceive the world-adorning beauty
of his Majesty the S^^hinsh&h when concealed within the veil of
honour^ and when it was immature and in the dawn ? How shall a
heart which from the anguish of envy is trodden under foot of sorrow
and is at enmity with Almighty God^ perceive the rays of Divine
light when enclosed in a human form? How shall he who cannot
see the right path for himself divine the proper course for another f
And inasmuch as the Divine Wisdom watched over that exhibition
of hidden lights and kept him in the shelter of guardianship and
the shadow of protection from evils and perils^ and was surety for
the safety of that Unique of the Ag^^ it did not bring those wicked
tyrants in a moment to the punishment of their deeds. Rather the
design and intent of Providence with regard to those regardless
ones had predetermined that they should be tossed about in the world
and cast into the ashes of calamity and contempt^ and by the revolu-
tions of TimCj degree by degree^ and step by step^ be brought^ into
There is the variant guidriihi I. payment or retribution, and this is
diBBolution (guddgtah), and that the wicked actions ot tWfl
should be flang gradnally into the bosom o£ retnbntim,*
S by beholding the final retribution other wrong-doen mj
warning. AsBuredly, when such things are looked t
purged vision, the recompense and retribution which «
evidence by degrees and st«p by step is severer and mow <»«
exhaustive torments 1
When the evil act (the eipoenre of Akbar) of tliia m
crew was executed, the hands of the marksmen tremWed, w
flew crooked, and the lintstocka congealed. Sumbul ©in.t a
fireworker, felt his ardent soul grow cold, and thought mtlmiiii
"What can have happened "F God be praised ! What evil-ii'jjj
ones imagine to be failure and so press on in their "'
becomes a means of perfection and an adminicle of seen .
was instanced hero. Firstly, that by being protected in » P^l
a place by God from the strokes of seldom-missing ■"" ! j
of wondrous musketeers, shame was wrought for the *
blackhearted, and the beauty of inetrnction was conferred o" ^
eeekers after righteousness; and, secondly, that the ^
fires displaying coldness and of lintstocka not becoming -
was manifested. When Sumbul Ebin's eyes fell on the obJK ^
(masqai-i-tir, the lighting-place of the arrow), his powers o
were quickened and he recDgoised his Majesty the gbihm^ -
horror of the sight almost drove the souls out of the bodie*
spectators, and the gunners became as dead men (qdlah t**"*
emptied their bodies). The mystery became revealed to
^&n, and he understood why the fires had gone out. In * ""
he withdrew his hnnd from the battery, and the dejected cn«
traitors [Jirqa-i mutafarriqa-i bd^ia) were respited for a *""*
the severity ot the royal artillery. Wherever God's prote^
stands sentinel o'er His Chosen One, what power have i>°'
stratagems to do him wrong F Though fools exhibited the unbe<
ing act, yet the Divine plan required the revelation of the m^^
and was the exponent of this truth, so that mortals might ha^
explanation of the miracle and that every one might, in proportif
his intellect and capacity, reflect npon its nature and might, accor
•npporled by B.M. MSS. and is pro- L bably right. But I.O., No. K*
I guda§uh.
;'C
^^^*^ CHAFTSS XUII. 513
- ^'^^:, the measure of his understanding, comprehend good and evil.
^ ^'^-^ n short, wicked men compassed this event in order to lighten their
«
- r«^ offerings and the pressure which was upon them, but the far-seeing.
' ^--:^-7 r . nd discriminating reckoned the move as causing the speedy downfall
'-^ •>.*•. r *i those workers of iniquity.
'J'^icTi^i In the meantime, M, Ulugh Beg came from Zamin Dft war and
^9sim Husain glpiibftni^ from Qilat, and ^wftja OhazT, who had
?c/ii^ remained in the SbfiVs camp, and SJ^fih Quli Sultftn,* who was related
'^ri^:.^^ Bairam ^O^an, came from Qandahftr, and a number came in from
-i 5-i: _' BadaU^^n* H.M. assigned them a batteiy by the Y2rak Gate.
',i:i±i-- ^^OB^ right-minded men girt up their loins for service and the
>:W T^ valiant heroes displayed more and more alacrity and energy and 267
-3 02 i:i P^B<3^<^ ^^^ Mlrza more and more closely. When all his schemes
^;^/, ., faOed, he turned like a fox to fawning and to feline hypocrisy and
^^.,,^.^ came forward with protestations of shame and repentance and with
^._^. blandishments. He represented through Qarfica j^an that he
^ />^/.^. regretted the past and was desirous of entering into service and of
, ^.^ . making amends for the past, so that he might win over his Majesty 'a
f'r, appreciative heart by acceptable services. Might now his life and
estate be under the overshadowing protection of his Majesty's
. clemency as the offering of his shame and penitence. His Majesty
by virtue of his noble nature accepted his statements and ordered
the siege-operations to be slackened. As M. Hindal, Qariica ^&n,
Mu^ahib Beg and many of the other officers had not freely quaffed
the sweet waters of loyalty they, from regard to their own interests,
which is a note of old, discord-loving service, did not wish the
^ Mirz& to make his submission. Why should I mention sincerity and
loyalty ? These are priceless jewels and rarely-found gems. If
they be scarce among Turanians, in whose country they have long
ceased to be procurable, what marvel is it ? But they had not even
the practical sense, which is the surety for one's own loss and
gain, to do good in return for good. Those blind-hearted ones
returned evil for good. Worse than this ; they perpetually prepared
the element of bloodshed and trouble for mankind, with the evil
J*'*' 'J
I I
f*i
1 Bayazld says he was brother of
^aidar Saltan.
* Apparently the No. 45 of Bloch-
65
mann 859. The MaaQir-i-Ea^ImT 288h,
calls him Shah M. Qandaharl and
says he held QandahSr for Bairam.
514 AKBABNiHA.
idea that thereby their own greatness and affluence would be
increased. How were their thoughts linked together^ or what con-
sistent ideas did they possess? If they had understood even the
lowest stages of loyalty^ which carries with it so many blessings^
they had never approved of thus endamaging themselves. If
they were unacquainted with the sanctuary of loyalty^ what had
become of the bazaar of common sense that this faction did not
come to know of it? If the ear of their understandings did not
tell them of this^ would that they had known the depression of
sorrow and so not have struck so sharp a hatchet into their own
feet.
At length that faction for their own evil designs terrified the
Mirzfty and sent a message to him sayings '' with what hope do yaa
remain in the f ort^ or with what hope will you come to the Presence.
Day by day the siege-operations are becoming more and more
complete^ you should get out quickly by a certain battery ; " and they
referred him to the battery of Hasan Qui! JLqd. The MirzSj in
accordance with this advice, came out by the Delhi Gate at the place
which they had pointed out to him, on the night of Thursday, the
7th Rabi' al-awwal 954, 27th April, 1547, and absconded. He went
towards Bada^shftn, thinking that he might perhaps do something
268 with the help of M. Sulaim&n, or, failing that, might be helped by
the Uzbegs. His Majesty Jahftnbftni appointed Hdji Muhammad
^&n and a body of troops to pursue him, and entered the city of
Kabul, which had been a wilderness of rebellion, and made it by
his advent a pleasant home of friendliness. His Majesty the gl^fthin-
^fth, a station of endless marvels, went forth to meet him and was
made fortunate by entering the Presence. The chaste ladies also
did homage. His Majesty Jahftnbfini on beholding his Majesty the
gb^hin^fth, displayed in heart and countenance fresh light and
glory. What greater blessing could there be than this, that the
eyes of a Jacob should be brightened by the beauty of a Joseph ?
Or what sublimer repose could there be than that the heart of such
a sage {^d^ib ddl) should be comforted by union with such a darling f
In thanksgiving for the safety of the holy personality (Akbar), and
for his well-being, he made vows, prayers, and alms, and applied fresh
balm to the wounded hearts of mankind which were bleeding from
the oppression of circumstances. Each one was soothed and com-
forted by manifold sympathies and consolations^ and the distractions
CHAFTSB XLIII.
515
of pained hearts were changed into concords.^ His Majesty
Jahanbini and his Majesty the g^fthin^fth took their seat with the
lustre of dominion and the magnificence of prestige on the throne
of victory and the magnad of hononr. Though HSji Muhammad and
the others who had been sent in pursuit of M. KftmrSn came up with
Iiim^ they out of the glamour and fascination of old and disloyal
service, let him* go as if they had not seen him. The Mirzft slipped
away but iq Sult£n^ and a number of other followers were made
prisoners. They were subjected to a just scrutiny and each received
a punishment suitable to his offences. Among them, Suljtan Quli
Atka, Tarsun Mirzft, a relation of 'Abdullah MirzS, Hftfiz Maqsud,
Maulana BSqi Irghu^* Maulftna Qadam Arbab, and many others who
were the ringleaders of strife and sedition were punished capitally.
M. Kfimran resolved upon flight, and arranged with his men that he
would take refuge at the hill of Istalif, and that he would collect
troops and prepare war. At the end of the night he went secretly
towards Badc^^an along with 'AH Qui! Qurci by the way of San j ad
Dara. After a thousand {kazdr) distresses he passed on from the
Hazaraj§t with thousands of disgraces and ignominies towards
Badakb^an. M. Beg, who was one of his confidents, and g^er
'All joined him with a few men near Zuhhak. When they got to
Ghori he sent a message to M. Beg Birlas the ruler of that place
and summoned him to his presence. He replied that disloyalty, the
note of the wicked, would not come from him. The Mirza wished
to pass by ^5ri but one of his servants (qalaqddn qu. qaluqddn) 269
abused him and said, " Why do you go with this fellow, (meaning
1 This seems to be taken from
Gnlbadan Begam'a Memoirs.
* According to Jaohar it was
Hindal who came up with Kamran
as he was escaping on a man's back
and who out of brotherly compassion
let him go and supplied him with a
horse. Nig&mu-d-din says Hajl
Mn^mmad tmned back on account'
of some TurkI words used by K&mran.
What they meant is rather obscure,
but apparently he ironically asked
Hajl if he had killed his father that
he should be so keen in pursuing him.
See Elliot Y„ 227, and BadaonI,
Banking's translation, p. 581.
8 KamrSn's son-in-law and Gulba-
dan Begam's brother-in-law. Her
account is that he afterwards left
Kamran and retired to Mecca.
♦ Or ydrghu. It is a Turkish or
Mongolian word, and one of its
meanings is prefect. See YuUers s.r.
516 AKBABNlMA.
the Mirz§)4 who if he wa49 the son of his Majesty Giti Sitani and
had a drop of his spirit would never have let ofE the governor of
Ohori so tamely or have left him scatheless.'' The Mirza was stung
by his taunts and said, " Why do you talk so idly and why don't you
reflect ? I am acting in this way because of your want of prepara-
tion i would I have let the thing pass in this way if you were
equipped for war'' ? The madman again spoke roughly to the Mirza,
and he turned back and fought with the governor of Ghdrl. The
latter was defeated and Ghori fell into the Mirzfi's hands. Thus
he got possession of some munitions of war. He left Sber ^Ali
there and went on to Badakb^an. He sent a messenger to M.
Sulaiman and M. Ibrahim^ inviting them to assist him, but they
wisely did not give up their loyalty to the king, and were on their
guard against helping the Mirza.
M. Kamrftn, being led away by his vain thoughts, went on towards
BalU^ in order that he might take refuge with Pir Mut^ammad ^an
and with his help get possession of Bada^dl^an. His Majesty
Jahftuban! appointed Qaraca Khan to the Badakhsb&nat, so that he
might in concert with M. Sulaiman and M. Hindal and the other
officers get possession of M. Kamran or drive him away. Qarftca
Khan came to Bada^Qban and went to Qhoti along with the Mirzis.
3her 'All and some of M. Kamran's men were garrisoned there.
Brave fightings iook place and gallant men on both sides were
killed. Among them was ^wftja Niir, who was one of M. Hindal's
great men. MuUa Mir Kitabdar, who was a favourite of M. Hindal,
also obtained martyrdom. At last the besieged could resist no
longer and fled, and the fort fell into the hands of the king's
servants. Meanwhile news came that M. Kftmr&n and Rr Muf^ammad
Khin had arrived from Bal^. The Mirzas did not engage, but
turned back into the defiles while Qarica "^An proceeded towards
Kabul. His Majesty Jahftuban! on hearing of the confusion in
Badakhshftn turned his rein in that direction. When he reached
Ghurband, Qaraca ^an came and did homage. But as Qarica
Khan's baggage had been plundered on the way ^ back (to Q^urband ?)
by the Aimaqs, he was permitted to go to Kftbul in order that he
might collect materials and quickly join. His Majesty, on his account
> Dar murdja'at, on the rotum jour-
ney, from BadaUiah^u and QhorT. 1
presume.
CHAPTIE XLIII. 517
marohed from OhSrband and halted at the village of Gulbih&r and
occupied himself in making excnrsions and in hunting till Qarftca
T^an arrived. After Qarfica ^in came^ though the season was
over^ his Majesty adhered to his first resolve and proceeded towards 270
Badaldh^an, As the designs of Providence were not in accordance
with this expedition^ the passes of the Hindu K5h were made difficult
by snow^ and a strange confusion occurred in the pass so that it
was difficult to cross. In accordance with expediency, he returned to
Kftbul, resolving that in spring he would turn towards Bada^^n.
618
AKBABNAMA.
CHAPTER XLIV.
The Putting MIis Majbstt the QjiiHfNasiH to School, and otbss
EVSNTS WHICH HAPPENED AT THIS TIME.
As it is fixed and recorded in the Academy of Divine know-
ledge, wliich is the "guarded tablet" of sempiternal writings —
and all the arts and sciences in that sanctuary of the presence are
the offspring of instruction's school — that the possessors of the new
^ There is a reference later on,
text I. 816, to Akbar*B teachers. We
are told of them that'Afamu-d-dIn the
first teacher was removed for his
addiction to pigeon-flying. This was
a taste which he communicated to
his pupil, if indeed the boy did not
inherit it from his great-grandfather
'Umar Shaikh, and did not lead
astray his luckless preceptor, for we
are told, Blochmann 299, that when
Akbar was very young he was fond
of pigeon-flying and that he took up
the pursuit again in mature life.
There is also in the Ma&Qir-i-Ba^ImT
MS. A.S.B., p. 8086, et seq, a long
letter about pigeons from Akbar to
the Kh^-khanin. Akbar's second
teacher was MaulanS BiyazTd, a
physician and a descendant of one
of Ulugh Beg's astronomers, but he
too was objected to, and finally
HumSylln drew lots as to which of
three persons should be his son's
tutor. The result was that MaulinS
'Abdu-1-QSdir was appointed. He
belonged to Tabriz and was brother
of Abul Qisim who became Dlwftn
of Qiijrit, Blochmami 485 and 645.
But 'Abdu-1-Qadir seems to have
been superseded in his turn for we
find that in the second year of his
reign, that is, when he was 15, Akbar
made MTr *Abdu-l-latIf his tutor.
Nif amu-d-dln mentions in his list of
the learned men a Mails 'Ali'dd-d-
dfn as Akbar's tutor. He also
mentions that MullS 'Abdu-1-Qadir
retired to Mecca after having for
jears discharged with credit the
duties of Akbar's teacher. The
truth, as far as it can be seen through
the mase of A.F.'s rhetoric, seem a
to be that Akbar was an idle boy»
fond of animals and out-door amuse-
ments, and that he would not team
his lessons. This is corroborated by
JahftngTr's description of him as an
unlettered man, and one who in his
youth was fond of the pleasures of
the table. It seems probable too that
Akbar never knew how to read and
write. This seems extraordinary in
the son of so learned a man as
Humiyf&n, bat apparently the latter
was not to blame for this. See text
I. 316.
f
CHAPTER XLIV.
519
material of reason are to be brought^ on the emergence of articulate
speech, to learn the combinations of letters {J^uruf-i-murahhaba) and
to acquire general knowledge, viz., that which has been put to-
gether by united cares and intellectual essays, and by special pro-
gressions and classifications to walk in the beaten paths of reason,
so this scholar of the Divine Academy and graduate of God's
college was, in compliance with use and wont, taken to man's school
on 7th Sl^awwSl of this year, 20th November, 1547, being the fourth^
year, fourth month and fourth day of the eternity-conjoined life of
his Majesty the gb^ahins^fih. The weighty office was conferred on
the MuUazfida JMulla (teacher the son of a teacher) 'Af&mu-d-din
Ibrahim. Though in the eyes of the superficial his Majesty was
taken to be taught, yet according to the view of the far-seeing he
was carried to the lofty position of teacher. A strange thing was
that his Majesty JahSnbanT, who was acquainted with celestial
sciences and versed in the mysteries of the stars, had fixed, in
consultation with acute astrologers and time-knowing astrolabe-
conners, a special hour for the initiative of his Majesty's instruction,
such as might happen once during cycles and lifetimes, but when
the master-moment arrived that scholar of God's school had attired
himself for sport and had disappeared ! In spite of all endeavours
and of sedulous search on the part of royalty, no trace of him could
be found. The enlightened-hearted perceived from this wondrous
mystery that the design was that this lord of loffcy wisdom and
special pupil of God should not be implicated and commingled with
ordinary human learning, so that at the time of the revelation of this
Khedive of subtlety it might be apparent to mankind that the
knowledge of this king of knowers was of the nature of a gift,
and not of an acquirement. In spite of this truth, however, letters
and the current sciences manifest themselves gloriously in his
Majesty's sanctified miud, whether they be those committed to
writing by scientists, or such niceties and secrets as come from
Wisdom's source without the intervention of teaching and being
1 The year must have been 954 for
we are told in a previons chapter
that Homayan left QandQz in the
last month of 953, and Akbar was at
this time 5 years, 3 months, and 2
days old, for he was bom on 5th
Bajab, 949, or if we take the Grregorian
calendar he was 5 years, 1 month, 5
days old, via., from 15th October,
1542— 20th November. 1547.
520
AKBABNAMA.
taaght {ta'lim u ta'allum). Accordingly when masters of "wimdoza,
lords of the mathematics, those possessed of exoteric scieaces^ and
the inheritors of all the arts, whether general or specifioj reach the
carpet of the holy Presence^ they from a consciousness of their own
ignorance sink the head of ashamedness in the collar of hesitancy,
and abide in amazement. The inspired nature of his Majesty is
strongly drawn to the composing of Hindi and Persian poetry and
is critical and hair-splitting in the niceties of poetic diction. Among
books of poetry, he recites o£E-hand the Maulavl's^ Magnayi and the
Diw&n of the ''mystic-tongue/^ and takes delight in their verities
and beauties. The following weighty verse is a product of his
Majesty's meditations.
Verse.
'Tis not the chain of insanity on the neck of the afflicted
Majntin ;
Love hath laid a loving hand on his neck.
He has also strung glorious thoughts in the Hindi language,
which may be regarded as masterpieces in this kind.
Verse.
Oh Thou congeries of excellencies^ how may I express theo !
In fine^ after they had kept him for some time with that meri-
torious teacher, engaged in recitations which were worse that none,
those who only regarded externals dwelt upon the inefficiency of
the tutor and set themselves to get rid of him. That helpless one
was superseded^ and Maul&na BSyazid was appointed. They did not
know that the taskmasters of creation were taking care that the
inspired mind of this nursling of Divine light should not become
1 This is Jalalu-d-din BElmT, and
the mystic-tongue is Hiifis. The
passage about the Hindt and Persian
poetry is omitted in the Lncknow
edition. It seems discrepant from
Blochmann, 548, where A.F. tells us
that Akbar did not care for poets.
But see also id. 103, 104. Nor does
the passage occur in B.M. MSS.
27, 247, 17, 926, 5610 and 65U. It
is also absent from the I.O. MSS.
Nos. 4 and 564, and is, I think,
undoubtedly spurious. The passaice
to be omitted begins on last line
of p. 270 of Bib. Ind. ed. at u taba*
and goes down to alqifsa on 7th line
of 271.
CHAPTBE XUV.
521
the reception chamber of inky impressions or the alighting-stage of
the sooty types of the exoteric sciences.
Daring this auspicious time his Majesty Jahfinbfini was in Kabul
arranging for the distribution of provinces and for an expedition to
Badakhsban, and for bringing to an end the affair of M. Kamran.
M. Kamrin came to despair of help from M. Sulaiman and M. Ibrfihim,
and went off with evil thoughts to Balkh in order that he might with
Pir Muhammad^ KhSn's help obtain possession of Badakhshan.
"When he arrived at the village of Aibak^ the Governor thereof
received him courteously, but kept him under surveillance, and
reported the circumstance to Pir Muhammad Khan* The latter
regarded the Mirza's advent as a boon and sent trusty persons to
welcome him. He conveyed the Mirzfi with all respect to his own
house, and showed him hospitality. He also accompanied him to
Badakhshan. The Mirzas, in accordance with their resolve, retired
to the mountainous borders of Badakhshan, and much of that
country came into the possession of M. KSmran. Hr Muhammad
Khan left a body of troops for M. Kamran^s assistance and returned
to his own country. The Mlrza came to Kishm and Tallqan, and
sent Baflq Koka, and Khaliq BardI with a body of Caghatal and Uzbeg
troops to Bustaq. M. Sulaiman and M. Ibrahim collected the people
of Kulab and came against Bustaq. They came from Qil^a Zafar
and ^O^amalinkan^ and fought bravely against Bafiq K5ka and the
others, but by heaven's decree they were defeated and had to with-
draw to the hill country. His Majesty Jahanbani was pleasing his
enlightened heart in Kabul, and his determination was that he
would go to Badakhshan. As his servants' hearts were not sincere,
th^a design abode under the veil of dilator iness and delay {ta'awwuq n
tawaqquf), and meanwhile Qaraca Khan, who had rendered good
service and had become a station for endless favours, let the goblet
of his understanding brim over, for the vessel was tiny and the wine
plenteous, and without reflecting on his performances, rank, and
condition, and on the lofty position of his master, set his foot outside
1 He was the son of Janf Bog and
uncle of the famous 'Abdullah Khan.
He died in 974 (1506). See Vamb^ry's
Bokhara and Howorth, Part IL
pp. 724, 726 and 729.
66
* The Hiibak of the maps. Perhaps
it is named after Qutbu-d-din Aibaki
8 Babar's Mem. 167, where it is spelt
E^malingan.
522 AKBAHNAKA.
of the path of moderation. So at length out of the stupidity which
is natural to the immoderately exalted he uttered words which even
the drunk and mad do not use. Among them was the expression
of his wish that Khwaja GhazI, who as a reward for his abilities and
good service had been appointed to the office of Diwan^ should be
sent to him bound in order that he might put him to death/ and
that his office should be given to Khwaja Qasim Tula.* As such a
measure did not commend itself to his Majesty Jahanbani^ who was
a spring of justice and compassion, Qaraca ]^&n, who in his vain
thoughts imagined himself to be the pillar of the victorious dominion^
seduced^ in the blackness of his fortune, and inversion of his horos-
cope, a large body of men from the path, and went off towards
Badakhsian. Babus, Musahib Beg, Ismail Beg DuldST, 'All Qull^
of Andarab, Haidar Dost Moghal, ghaikham Khwaja Siizri and
Qurban Qarawal with nearly 3000 veteran horsemen, all of whom
had been enticed by him, went off by Kotal Minar en route for
Badakhs^an and so trod the wilderness of error.
When his Majesty heard of this he wished to go off at once in
person after those ill-fated ones who had turned away from the
altar of auspiciousness. From observance of the favourable hour
(for starting), he delayed setting out himself and despatched some
of his followers to pursue the wretches. According as each of his
loyal servants came up he was sent off, and so TardT Beg ^§n^
Mun'im Khan, Muhammad Quli Barlas, 'Abdullah Sultan and other
loyalists hastened off, one after the other. Near midday, when the
auspicious moment bad arrived, his Majesty JahanbSnl mounted the
horse of victory. A number of gallant youths pressed forward,
and coming up with the rearguard of those headstrong ones, engaged
them and overcame them. At the end of the day they came to
close quarters with Qaraca Khan at the river ; * night interposed to
save the lives of those blaek-hearted ones, and they fled under its
protection. They crossed by the Ghorband bridge, breaking it down
1 Janhar and Bayazid give the
reasou for Qaraca's animosity. He
had issued an order to Khwaja Ghazi
for the payment of 10 tumans, and the
2 Tola may mean weighman.
Bayazid calls him Khwaja Qasim
Buy at at.
8 Blochmann 432.
latter, who was treasurer, or finance- | ♦ Presumably the Gl^orband river,
minister refused to honour the draft-
CHAPTSB ZLIV. 528
afterwards. Those who had followed them returned, and did homage
at Qarft Bag^. His Majesty Jahfinbani's world-adorning mind decided
to return to Kabul, and there to make preparations and to proceed 273
against Badakhshftn. The short-sighted fugitives left Tamar 'All
ShighftlTj who was Qaraca !|^§n's vakil, in Panjsbir, that he might
collect news there of affairs in Kabul, and having crossed a pass in
the Hindu K5h joined M. Kamrfin in Kishm. His Majesty Jahanbani
returned next day and refreshed the Urta Bfi^ by the sunshine
of his presence. He gave appropriate nicknames to all those sordid
ones who had not recognised their duties to tbeir king, and had
been unfaithful to their salt. Thus he styled Qaraca Qarft Ba^t
(black fortune), Ismail Khirs (bear), Mu^ahib Munafiq (hypocrite),
and BSbus Daiyus ^ (wittol). And he sent orders to M. Hindal, M.
Sulaimdn, and M. Ibrahim to make preparations and to await the
coming of the grand army. An order was also issued for Haji
Muhammad ^O^fin's coming from Ghaznin to the Presence.
During this time when the preparations for an expedition
against Badakhahan were engaging his mind, he was continually
consulting prudent old men and wise young men, in whose foreheads
there shone the jewel of sincerity. All those who had neither stout
hearts nor clear vision urged the marching to Qandahar in order that
preparations might be made there, and that thereafter they might
proceed to quell the sedition of M. KSmran. Those who held in
their hands the diploma of wisdom with the emblazonment of valour
supported the royal idea of proceeding to Badakhshan. One day
he said to Muhammad Sultan,* " What do you say " ? He replied,
'' M. Kamran is uplifted by the desertion of those ingrates. It
seems likely that he will anticipate us and come into these teri'itories.
It appears to me that if the imperial army cross the Hindu Koh first
it will be victorious, otherwise — God forbid it — the dice will fall in
another fashion.^' His Majesty Jahanbani said ''The downfall of
1 Perhaps a bitter alius ion to the
fact that BabQs was rejoining a man
(Kamran) who had given over Bab as'
wife to the people of the bazar.
was the nickname of Ism'all, rather
than J^irst for A.F. has previously
called him kHz, i.e., flagon.
2 A grandson of Saltan Husain of
Seoetipra. Probably &ar«, a winejar, HerSt. Blochmann 462.
524
AEBARNAMA.
the uplifted has been repeatedly witnessed. " If he be uplifted^ we
are supplicants at God's Court/' He also repeated this verse.
Verse.
Let no one exult in his own strength^
For pride casts the cap from the head ;
and he concluded, " What sense is there in delaying, God wUling,
we'll at this very ^ moment cross the pass."
1 This story is told by Jauhar, and
with more point. Humay an is repre-
sented there as saying "God willing,
wc shall cross the hills first."
■^
CHAFCKB XLT.
525
CHAPTER XLV.
Departure of His Majesty JahInbani JANNAT-isgiYlNf a World-
CONQUERINQ ArMT FOR BADAggSHlNt AND ITS VICTORIOUS
Return to Kabul.
When the expedition had been determined npon — and the
measare was a most necessary one^ they set oS at an anspicions hour 274
on Monday>5th Jumada-al-awal^ 955, 12th Jane^ 1548^ and encamped
at Alang Calak.^ After two or three days, they moved from there
to Qara Bngh, where they remained ten or twelve days on account of
some state-affairs. In spite of some rumouVs about his disloyalty,
Hajl Muhammad Khan came as a well-wisher, and Qdsim Husain
Sultan, who was in Bangas]^, also came and did homage, and was
favourably received. At the same stage, M. Ibrahim under the
guidance of an auspicious star came post-haste and paid his respects.
The lights of special favour were shed on the forehead of his fortune.
One of the wonderful things which were the heralds of countless
victories was that when he was about to proceed to Badakhs^an,
his Majesty was standing in the ewer-room. Suddenly it occurred
to his sanctified mind that " if this white bird (referring to a cock
which was always in the room) come upon my shoulder and crow,
it will be a sign of victory.'^ As soon as he had this thought, the
auspicious bird came flying and flapping its wings like a humd,
perched on his shoulder, and cast an auspicious shadow over the
head of fortune. His Majesty returned thanks, and ordered that
a silver ring be put on the bird's foot.^
Among the occurrences which were suitable preludes to victory
was this that when M. Ibrahim arrived at Panjstir^ Tamar Shighall
1 Tlie alang or meadow of Calak
is mentioned by Babar, Mem. 138 as
being one I'oa from Kabul. He sayB
it is extensive, but that the mosqui-
toes greatly annoy the horses.
* This story is told by Jauhar who
adds that Humay&n used to feed the
bird with raisins.
8 Jarrott II, 399 n. and 411, and
Bibar 145.
526
AKBARKAyA.
intercepted him. Malik 'Ali of Panj^r joined the Mirza with his
clan, and M. Ibr&him bravely engaged Tamar 'All ShighalL and
routed him. He brought Malik 'All of Panj^r along with him
as a precautionary measure, and introduced him to Iiis Majesty
Jahanbani. This simple-minded well-wisher of the State was incom-
moded, by having to travel with M. Ibrahim, on account of groundless
anxieties about his lands/ and after a quarrel it came to fighting.
Though the Mlrza had but few men with him he displayed great
superiority and conducted his own party to the Presence. Next
day Malik 'All sent his brother and preferred excuses for his offence,
and he also sent the head of Tamar 'All. His Majesty rewarded
the messenger with a robe of honour and other presents, and sent
a soothing letter to his brother. He wrote that the Mirza had not
276 understood him, that his hereditary^ loyalty was patent to his
Majesty's heart, and that when his Majesty came to his territory
he would treat him with royal favours ; his Majesty also treated M.
Ibrahim with much favour and called him his son. After bestowing
royal benignities on him he gave him leave to depart in order that
he might go and get M. Sulaiman ready with his army, and the
munitions of war. He was to await the arrival of the royal army
near Badakhflhan. When it reached Tallqan, they were to come and
join. The noble lady Miriam- Makani and Iiis Majesty the SJ^ahin^&bj
the light of the eyes of the SuH.anate and the rose tree (gulbun) of the
rose garden of the spring of the Khilafat, were sent o£E from tho
village • of Gulbihar^ to Kabul. Muhammad Qasim Mauji wacs
appointed governor of Kabul and sent with them. He was to
continually serve his Majesty the SJi^ahinghah, and also to manage
thoroughly the district. When his Majesty had baited at the village
of Bazarak^ in the Tuman of Panjsblr, Haji Muhammad (son of)
1 Bafiqr'i-ndqU'i'Mominddrdiia. I
presume that this is the meaning,
but it may mean that Malik 'AH was
too independent to go with another
man, and that too one who was only
an heir-apparent.
> Perhaps ho was a Yumifzai and
a relative of 8h&h Mannar, son of
Malik Sulaimin, whose daughter
Babar married. Mem. 250.
d GulbSn in text, but it is Gulbihir
in Lncknow ed., and this is probably
correct as it agrees with Babar 154.
See aI»o 219, where Babar has some
verses about Gulbihar. It lies N. of
Kabul, and as usual A.F. puns on
tho name.
♦ Jarrctt, 39y and 400 u. 1.
CHAPTKR XLV. 527
Baba Qa^qa^ Qasim Husain Sul);ai]> Tardi Beg, Mnhammad Qali
Barlas^ 'All Quli Saltan^ Mir Latif^ and Haidar Muhammad Gull
were sent as an advance-guard.^ As soon as they had crossed the
Hindu Koh, Mahdi Suljfin,* Tardi Mnhammad Jang Jang, and the
party who were in the fort of Andarab, fled. In accordance with
the royal orders, Tardi Beg and Muhammad Qui! Barlfts hastened to
Khost in order to seize the families of the fugitives which were there.
M. Kamran, being drunk with the wine of arrogance, was in Qil'a
Zafar. Though the runaway officers in Tallqan requested the Mirza
to guard the roads, and to block the route from Kabul, they were
not successful. MuUS Khirad Zargar, who was then in close contact
with M. Kamran, and was a constant sedition-monger, made great
efforts in this respect, but could not attain his object. At last Qaraca
Khan and his party took the precaution to send Mu^ahib Beg to
bring the families from Khost, lest a force should come from Kabul
and make them prisoners. Just at this time Tardi Beg and
Mul^ammad QulT arrived at Khost, and Mufahib Beg took off the
families to Tsliqfin. Apparently this was done by the connivance
which is the result of long service.
When the royal standards approached Andarab, M. Hindal
arrived from Qanduz, and brought in §ter 'All as a prisoner. His
Majesty JahSnbani honoured the Mirza with various favours.
Among these was that he should pay his respects on horseback.^
The short account of the affair of g^er 'All is that before the arrival 276
of the imperial troops in the Badakhs^unat, and when M. Kamran
was in power there, Ster 'All in his arrogance always behaved
disrespectfully to the Mirzft, and urged the taking of Qanduz and
the bringing in of M. Hindal. At last the Mirza appointed him to
Qanduz, and M. Hindal by the royal good fortune succeeded in
making him prisoner. The thing happened thus. One night many
of the infantry soldiers of Qanduz surrounded his house (tent?).
^ Ba rasm-i-manquld. But the
meaning is that they were sent on in
advance of the main army, and the
word is properly mangitildi and is
Mongolian.
* Apparently this was a brother of
Gulbadan*s husband Khizr Kl^waja.
Tar. Rash., 401.
* Jauluir states that Hindal arrived
a watch after nightfall. He saw
HumSyan afar off, and wanted to
alight from his horse, but Humayiin
made him keep his seat.
528
AKBARNAMA.
He fled and flung himself into the river^ and broke his arm^ and was
caaght in his own snare. When the Mirza brought him before his
Majesty Jah&nbanT^ the latter did not regard his improper actions^
and drew the pen of forgiveness over his offences, and having given
him a robe of honour nominated him to Ghori. For his far-seeing
mind looked to his nature and his capabilities^ and as he found in
him manliness and administrative ability^ he passed over so many
great crimes, each of which was deserving of condign punishment,
and distinguished him by favours. For in the scales of appreciation
he found that the subjects of reward were more than those of
retribution.^
After M. Hindal had been honoured by royal favours, an order
was issued that Haji Muhammad Khan and a number of others
should advance as a vanguard [manqiild), and that the Mirza should
head them. All were to obey the Mirza — who would always be a
supporter of dominion — and not to fail in good service, so that each
might be rewarded in proportion thereto. In the middle of Jumida*
al-akhir 955, 22nd May, 1548, the camp reached the QSzrs Alang,
which is a village of Andar§b. The QazI of Andariib and the men
of the TuqbaT ^ and S§Iqanci tribes, and the BalQcTs and a number
of soldiers and of the Aimaqs of BadakhshSln, and of the servants
of Mu^ahib Beg did homage^ and received royal favours. From
thence the army proceeded, march after march, to Tallqdn. Most
of the fugitive officers, as well as Mirza 'Abdullah and a number
of M. Knmrun's men, were in garrison there. An order was issued
to M. Hindal and the officers with him to cross the BangP river
and engage. Just then M. Kfimran^ hastily brought his men from
^ Bayazid tells us that Sher 'All
had been a servant of the unfortunate
Y&dgar Na^Ir.
^ Thia is an Afjj^in tribe, Jarrett,
II. 403. I have not found the name
SulqancT mentioned.
3 The text has Tangl, but the
variant BangI is right. The Bangl
or Bungl is a tributary of the
Khairabad river, which again is a
tributary of the Oxus. The BangI
flows south of Tallqin. See Wood's
Journey to the source of the Oxus,
p. 152.
* Jauhar says KamrSn marched 25
ko8 from Qil'a jSafar (K&mrSn seems
to have been famous for his rapid
movements), and that it was not till
after sunrise that he was recognised,
lie drove l)ack Qajt Mu^mmad, but
when he heard Humayiln's drums he
cried, ''I've lost the game/* and
retreated into T&llq&n.
CHAPTER XLV.
529
Qila' Zaffar and Kisbm and joined the unholy crew. On Saturday^
15th Jamftda-al-fikhirl ^ an engap^ement took place on a rising ground
which they call khals&n (?) The royal army had not yet crossed 277
the river and there was some distance between the advance-guard
and the main body. In accordance with the Divine Will, the imperial
vanguard was turned back and had to recross the river. The enemy
proceeded to plunder.^ M. Kamran was stationed on the same
rising ground with a few men. Meanwhile his Majesty Jahinbani
arrived on the river bank and wished to cross in front of the enemy.
Sundry faithful informants represented that the river was in a pool^
there, and that a mile higher up there was a mill, and that as the place
was stony, it would be easy to cross there. They went there, and
when they got nigh the mill, Shaikham^ Khwaja Khizri, the kalantar
(headman) of the Khwaja* Khizris was brought in a prisoner. The
tinqaidra who were by his Majesty's rein were bidden to strike the
faithless runagate. They so fisted and kicked him that the spectators
felt certain that his black soul could no longer have connection with
his body. In that place they captured Ismail Beg Duldai and
brought him to the presence. His Majesty granted him his life,
forgave him his offences at the intercession of Mun^am Khau, and made
him over to him. His Majesty then proceeded to the height where
M. Kftmran was. He appointed Fatah XJllah Beg, brother of Rfishan
Koka to the vanguard, and sent forward with him a number of
t As the army arrived at Audarab
in the middle of the month aud then
made several marches there is pro-
bably a mistake in this date.
3 Jauhar mentions that after the
plundering was over, and the enemy
had retreated to T&lIqSn, it was
reported to Humayon that the library
was safe. He was much pleased,
saying, " God be praised that things
which cannot be replaced are safe!
As for other thmgs, they were a small
matter."
* Ah Jamjama ast, Jamjama means
a skull in Arabic. Perhaps all that
is meant here is that the waters of
the river were collected together in
the place.
* He had deserted along with
Qaraca Shan. BayazTd says the
millers took him up and cared for
him and that he became kalantar
again and lived for several years.
He was beaten with the stocks of
muskets, &c. According to Jauhar,
Humayan ordered him to be split
into nine strips; 42 wounds were
inflicted on him, but at night he went
off to his own house.
6 This is mentioned as a clan in
Babar, 277.
67
530
1'^'''^ heroes . .. ^''^^^^
P'efiice «* •^*'*««enti. ^^®*"«'»t toot «i
*«> of A /"^ «o claim r u"^^ *«ep »i", ^^^^ «»^e <
^' bL^-7^° ^ boldly Z^ ^ ^ir^klL^- ^^' i^
*« tiel !, ''''"■*^' »«d d/2-, **^ tiea l'^"" P^"^" ^ I
''^<^ck m1^"°''^^ Q«'r Bawl "^ '"'"■"^ wa« t "**dtte6a,en„
"! --'' Of ,:"^ *«-' -TrpT— ^<^ fortune a^
/"^'•-nitoftrro^/*-' andean,
^"'' ^"iammad s, S ""^ "^^ of
^"t'iminad in.- "Eternal unni
ilaWa ,®"'-'«''>*a8ad«L^^'•
"*'^«s«terif„hta-
'"'''1 Was ^ * — ■
^^ Gaidar Jtf..;^^**"^ «i2. Ste
P^'soners to death. * "««>«»«• oJ
«0liL
CHAPTER XLT.
531
** •iS"^w
' -I neck-charm of grace and favour. After various high-thouglited
* ^jounaels this was written, '' O evil brother and beloved war-seeker,
•'^ >ef rain from courses which are productive of conflict and cause the
'*'- "affliction and destruction of countless men. Have compassion on the
. '^"-men of the city and of the army. To-day they are all killed;
-^ ^'1 to-morrow is the judgment.
^:^:
'«* ^ r •■ »
t-^
l'.
'.a
ij'i^i
' ■" * • — « ?-•!.
•j-a;
I' _. -
.... V .
1 •■'•■
i-Tl
Verse.
The blood of that race is on thy neck,
The hand of that crowd upon thy skirt,
'Twere ^ far better to think on peace
And bring to pass the ways of gentleness.
He sent this auspicious rescript along with Nasib Bammil.^
As the Mirzi, being drunk with folly, had turned away from fortune
and put dominion behind his back, the sage advices were of no avail.
In reply to that roll of grace and preamble of knowledge, he uttered^
the following verse —
Versed
Who'd to his bosom strain dominion's bride
Must kiss the gleaming falchion's lip.
Na^ib Rammal conveyed to the royal hearing the account of the
Mirz§'s recalcitrance and an order was given for strengthening the
batteries. Meanwhile, Mirz§s Sulaiman and Ibrahim arrived with
all their forces and were made partakers of royal favours. Gakar
KhSn, son of Wais Qibcaq also arrived with the men of Eulab and
formed a supplement to the army of fortune. During this period of
one^ month of the siege the gates of victory opened more and more
for the imperialists, while the knot of affairs grew tighter for M.
Kimr&n, and he became more and more straitened. At last he
became hopeless of the success of tricks and stratagems, and also
1 These last two lines are not in
Jaohar and would be better away.
* I.e., a diviner or soothsayer.
3 Jauhar says that when KSmran
received HumaySn*s letter he read it
and was silent for a while, and then
quoted the verse.
^ This conplet is said by ^aidar
Mirza to have been sent by Shaibani
to wShah Ism'ail. Tar. Bash. 233.
( Jauhar has two months, bat if
A.F.'s other dates are right the siege
did not last even one month.
532
AEBABNAUA.
tJ
oil
til
31^1
came to despair of the help from Pir Muhammad O^^x^ Uzbe
he in his short-sightedness looked for. Involantarily li^
hands to the saddle strips (fitrdk)^ of obedience and
By means of this device he saved himself this time from th
pool of danger and brought the ship of safety from oat ih^
of the waves to the shore of salvation. With this design^
various supplications and cries for help. One day he
letter to an arrow and shot it into the camp. Its purport wi
he had not recognised the claims of his Majesty to revo
^' I have seen what I have seen^ and now I repent of the past and
that leave may be granted to me to circumambulate tlie
K^aba so that I may be cleansed from the sin of rebellion
279 anguish of ingratitude^ and may become fit for proper service
hope is that this boon may be granted to me through the
tion of Mir 'Arab^ of Mecca/' The Mir was distinguished among* slII
the devotees of the age for honesty and transparency and had applied
himself to alchemy. His Majesty Jahanbani Jinnatft^iyftnl had »
regard for him^ and on this expedition he kept close to the roy^l
stirrup and was adorning the army of prayer {laikkar^i^du^af^
When the petition of supplication reached the royal hearing, he sent
for the Mir and spoke to him about it. The Mir said that he woald
write an answer and send it into the fort. He wrote as follows.*
" Know, O men of the fort, that salvation is in sincerity and safety in
submission, and peace be upon whoever followeth the right path/'
When M. K&mrftn had understood the purport of this writing, he
wrote back by the same method that he would submit to whatever
the Mir should order. His Majesty Jah^nb&ni, inasmuch as kindness
and benevolence were of his nature's essence, sent off the Mir, who
proceeded to the fort and expounded the doctrines of verity which
in reason's reservoir are more sweet than limpid streams, but more
bitter to the sensual taste than the juice of the colocynth. In his
exposition and application he did not leave out a single point, and at
every sentence of reproof the Mirza, as he had received a lesson from
1 Explained by the Lncknow edi-
tion by the word shikftrband. The
fitrak are the cords attached to the
saddle and used for tying game to.
* Can this bo the Mu^mmad
'Arab mentioned by Bayftsid 116, and
who was XfthmSap's ImSm P
s It was in Arabic and A.F. gives
the original and also a translation.
MM-
CHAPTER XtV.
533
^P' ft par
mo! Ml
thronii&i
mil
fillip
0
to vk''
fc
;5JJ
ti
the crapuloua headaches following on his debauches, held down the
head of submission and cried, '^ I've sinned, Vve sinned, I'll do
whatever you order." The Mir said, " The atonement is that you
arise and with a sincere soul and contrite heart come with me and
do homage/' The Mirzi, either from sincerity or deceit set off, but
when they got near the gate, the Mir, who could perceive the
temporary nature of the feelings, became aware that they were
without root.^ He stopped, and said to the Mlrzd, " As you have set
out to kiss the threshold and have emerged from the circle of sedi-
tion, and have escaped from a state of rebellion, the proper thing for
auspiciousness and repentance is that you send the runaway officers
to the Court with their necks bound, that you yourself recite the
khu^ba in his Majesty's name, and that you secretly depart and go
off to the Qijftz." The Mirza accepted the advice and agreed to
everything, but added,^ '^ Entreat his Majesty to suffer Bdbus to
depart along with me, for he is an old servant, and I am desirous
of atoning to him on this journey for what I have done to him."
When the Mir returned and reported the circumstances to his
Majesty, he asked pardon for the Mirza's offences, and his Majesty,
on account of his constitutional kindness, forgave him and ratified
all that the Mir had arranged.
On Friday, 12th Bajab, 955, 12th August, 1548, Maulftni 'Abdul
BSqi the Sadr recited the ^u(ba in his Majesty Jahfinbani's name.
I These words are followed by the
clause, " and this amount of submis-
sion is sufficient in the outer world,"
and this is put as if it were part of
the Mir's reflections. But I believe
it is a parenthesis of A.F.'s own.
* This and much else is taken
from Bayazid. It is strange that
KSmrSn should have thought it
possible for him to atone to B&btls,
but perhaps B&bils' return to him
shewed that he had condoned the
outrages. KSmrin's begging that
B2bQs might be allowed to go with
him was a sign of grace, for it saved
him from the probable fate of the
other officers. Nizama-d-din says
distinctly that he begged forgiveness
for BabHs. BaySzId says that
KSmrSn begged off BSbas saying he
had killed his sons and that by taking
him to Mecca he would obtain
absolution (bahitt houU karam), and
that HumayQn agreed, saying that he
did not want cuckolds ' ((ieums) in
his camp. According to Firishta,
HumSynn was so elated by his
victory that he broken out into poetry
in the fatatui&m&, or proclamation
which he sent to BairSm Khan.
Firishta gives the verses and also
Bairam's quatrain in reply.
•-' "^r^Z"^"^ '-> ^iy '^"' let r*^ "• '"■"
— « uvciaeDis
""osoie Qa«^ —
■•P«>»bl«, "'""Of aoc,d„.„i
"'^P-sce- " 'for, tliere ,
^ ^^ot of
'.Vi
CH AFTER XLV.
535
^^^ditaittu'^ must happen/' He was ordered to stand on the left, below
^ -V he n^ _ ^^'^ Beg afin.
*^ithgL "*'•• Next they brought Ma^&^ib Beg with a quiver and a sword at
:he j^^^' .^*^« neck. When he came near the torches an order was given for
J..* .,t. ^ifif^oving the weapons. Similarly they brought Sardar Beg the
i Kan/^^'^''^ °* QarSca l^ftn. His Majesty said " 'Tis the elders' fault, what
^ > ^ibnlt have the children committed ? " In this manner the other officers
^^Utere brought in one after the other and heard the news of pardon.
"^ ^ftg^BAt, came Qurban Qarawal, a personal servant of his Majesty and
'^ ^'^^^iixtnhi^ith shame and downcast looks did obeisance. His Majesty said in
''''^^ sermtsrxfj^^^} "What ailed you, and what made you go away.'' He replied
^^^rmttinisk^ the same language, "What is the use of inquiring about the
'^ to bring itifts^omjiiexion of those who have been made black by the hand of God's
f'^^^i i5,/iiiftL^power " ? ^ Hasan Qali Suljan Muhrdar, who was always allowed
if. IbriMjR le/i liberty of speech, recited this verse in the assembly.
'^S withastkrd
Jiisolt to tk I.
gfidm ht
^ hone Wff g:
mit (to it:
w in ksii:
bis pit n>
h bom' ■
\r, such itf
!«:.*
hrhii
he bid ^j
'kmt
'n tki'
Verse,^
When a lamp has been lighted by God
Who puffs at it burns his own beard.
All the officers felt uneasy at the appropriateness^ (of the
quotation) to QarSca ^au who had a long beard. Next day his
Majesty marched from there and encamped in a pleasant meadow on
the bank of the Taliqan* river. On Wednesday, 17th Rajab, M.
Kamrau came back, under divine guidance, and did homage. The 281
explanation of this remarkable occurrence is as follows. In Badam-
darah^ M. Kamran was expatiating to M. 'AbdulLih in thanksgiving
for the royal favours and was expressing his surprise at his Majesty's
nt'
^ Bayazid Bays that on hearing
Qarban's reply Himiayan smiled and
told his dtwdna that if Qarban's jagTr
had been resamed, it should be
restored to him.
* This verse as stated by Vambery
Hist, of Bokhara, 256, to have been
quoted by the unfortunate Khwaja
Abal Makarim (see Babar's Mem. 65)^
to Shaibanf in 1501 when questioned
as to why ho had shaved o£E his beard.
8 Probably the better rendering is
that g^ven by Erskine in a note Hist.
II. 357. " All the rebel lords, but
especially Qaraca, felt much ashamed.
♦ Apparently the BangI river,
which is called by Nizamu-d-din the
TalTqan river.
^ Ni^amu-d-d1n, Lucknow ed« 215,
says Kamran had gone two leagues
Iparasangs) when he turned back.
Erskine's copy, see Hist. II. 358, had
ten and not two leagues, and this is
in all probability correct.
536
AKBABNAMA.
passing over so many crimes and acts of disrespect. M. 'Abdullah
asked him what he would have done if he had been in his Majesty's
place. Kimr&n replied that he would not have forgiven or forgotten
Then^ said M. 'Abdullah^ you have an opportunity of making atone*
mentj how would it be if you availed yourself of it f The Ifirzft
asked what he meant^ and M. 'Abdullah ^ said^ " We are this day in a
place where the king's arm cannot reach us. The right thing is for
us to go post haste with a few men and make our submission^ return
thanks to his Majesty and beg pardon for our offences^ and render
acceptable service.'' M. Kftmr&n approved of the idea and set ofE with
a few men ; when he came nigh the camp he sent B&bus to do
obeisance and to report his coming. His Majesty Jahanbtoi rejoiced
at the coming of the Mirzft and ordered that first Mun'im Khan^
Tardi Beg Khto^ Mir Muljiammad Munshi, ^asan Qull Sulj^an
Muhrdar, Bftltu Beg> TuwacI BegT^ Takhci Beg and many others
should go forth^ and after them that QSsim Husain SuHan Shaibftnl^
Khizr Khwaja Sultfin, Iskandar Sultan, 'All Quli Khan, Bahadur
Khau and many others should go, and thirdly, that M. Hindal, M.
'Askari, and M. Sulaiman should go to welcome him. And on the same
day he ordered that the chains should be taken off M. 'Askari's feet.
Next morning the princes and officers came and paid their
respects in accordance with forms which his Majesty had prescribed,
and his Majesty Jahanb§ni took his seat on the throne and held a
general audience. M. Kimrftn hastened forward to kiss the carpet
and paid the obeisances of supplication and the prostrations of
sincerity. His Majesty Jahfinbftnl graciously observed, " The ceremo-
nials of reception {didaU'l'tfira) have been observed, now come and
let us embrace like brothers." Then he clasped the Mlrza to his
bosom, and wept so violently that all those present were touched to
the heart. The Mirzi after making profound obeisances sat on the
left' in accordance with the royal indication. His Majesty said in
i This is the 'Abdullah Kb&n
Moghal of Blochmann, 396. He was
Kiimran's brother-in-law, and Akbar
afterwards married his daughter.
> Jauhar says, "on the right
hand/' but all the A.N. MS8. have
" left," Though HumSjCln was very
generous and forgiving he was also
a great stickler for propriety and it
was probably to mark Kamran*8 pre-
vious misconduct that he was not
put on the right hand like Sulaimftn
the son of his father's cousin.
Erskine, however, Hist. II. 358 seems
to imply that the left was among the
Turks the place of honour.
CHAPTBB XLV.
587
Tarki ^' Sit close hy" The right side was pointed oat to M. Sulaiman.
In like manner the princes and officers sat on the right and left
according to their degree. All the intimate courtiers^ snch as Qasan
Qdi Mahrdftr^ Mir Mahammad Mnn^T, ^aidar Muhammad^ Maq^dd
Beg Akhta sat close together {dar dingal). A great festival was
held* Qftsim Cangl^ Kocak Ghicaki^ Makhlaf Qabuzij Hftfig Sal(&n
Mahammad Ba^aa^ j^wftja Kamftla-d-din Hasain^ QaBz Mahr! and
others of this enchanting band took their seats near the festive circle^
(q»r) and discoarsed delightful masic. Among the yoanger men
(ikkahd) there were KSkar 'AlTj gji&ham Beg Jalfiir^ Tulak Q5cin and
others standing behind the circle {qur). Fraits and varied dishes
were set oat in royal fashion. In this assembly Qasan QaU Mahrdftr
said to M. KfimrSn^ " I have heard that it was stated before you
that some one had said in Plr Mahammad Oian^s presence that
whoever did not cherish hatred as big as an orange against Martwza
^ All was not entitled to be called a Masalman^ and that yon remarked
thereapon that it behoved a servant of God to have snch hatred as
big as a pampkin/' The Mlrzl became very angry and said, " Then
it seems people take me for a heretic''^ {M^riji). There was general
conversation ( ? ) and his Majesty JahSnbdnl scattered pearls of speech.
The meeting lasted till the end of day. In this joyf al assembly M.
'Askarl was made over to M. K^mran^ and allowed to go to his
qnarters. As the Mirzi had come in a harry^ tents^ &o., were erected
i Bayazld says, behind the qur.
The word has several meanings, the
most common being that of "flags
and other ensigns ; " Blochmann 50
note. But here the word seems to
have the meaning given in F. de
Courteille's Diet, "cercle de gens
qui sent en fdte."
* A.F. seems to have taken this
story from Bayazld, and as usual,
he rather spoils it. According to
Bayazid the remark was first made
in the Court of 'Ubaidu-1-lah, and
this is the way the story is told in
SbSh 7&hm&Bp's Memoirs. See Dr.
Teufel's paper on the Z.D.M.G. and
Dr. Horn's translationi Strasburg,
68
1892, p. 37. See also the paper on
BaySzId's Memoirs J.A.S.B., LXVT.
Part I, No. 4 for 1898. Dr. Teufel
quotes a somewhat similar mode of
comparison from Herodotus. K&m-
rSn had married an Uzbeg wife, and
was no doubt desirous when at Balkh
of ingratiating himself with the
TJzbegs, who were Sunnis like
himself. The story therefore is
probably true. In reply to KamrSn's
angry denial ELasan excused him-
self by saying that he was only
repeating what he had heard and by
using the proverb that the quoting
of infidel-expressions does not make
one's self an infidel.
588
AEBABKltfA.
for him near the royal residence. Next day a connsel was held with
the princes and officers aboat an expedition against Bal^. Eveiy«
one spoke according to his opinions. His Majesty ordered that when
the army arrived at NSri whatever appeared proper should be carried
into execution. Nari is a village from which there is a road to Balkh
and another to Kabul.
On the fourth day they marched from this delightful station and
at night encamped at the spring of Bandgasha which is near Ifihkamiab
where a joyful assembly was held. To that memorable place his
Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus Makani had come in former times^ and ^§n
Mirza and Jahanglr Mirza had presented themselves there and placed
the head of obedience on the line of command. And his Majesty
Firdus Makani had in commemoration of his haying halted there^ and
oE the coming of his brothers and of their making their submission
recorded the date on a rock. His Majesty Jahanb&nT Jinnat A^iyani
who had come to this delightful spot in accordance with H.H.
GitT-sitani's precedent also recorded the date of his comings and of
the homage of M. Kdmran^ and the assembling together of the
brothers. And these two dates of two mighty kings on one stone-
tablet are like the writing of the portico of time on the page of
night and day, being two closely intertwined memorials.^ From
thence his Majesty proceeded to the village of Nari ^ and proceeded
^ The meaning seems to be that
the two inscriptions followed one
another like day the night. But I
think that A.F. has misread his
authority (Bayazid) and is in error in
thinking that Babar and Hiimayein's
inscriptions were at one and the same
place. Bayazid says Babar engraved
his on his return from Samar-
qand. The inscription then is pro-
bably that mentioned in Babar s
Memoirs p. 101, but that was put up
at a place north of the Oxus, viz., at
Abburdan in the MasI^ or MasiJU^a
hill country and near (^ratlpa and
Farjj^ana. Ig^kamish or Igbkamish
lies S. of the Ozus and S.E. Qanddz.
If Babar was ever there and put up
im inscription, it is an event not
mentioned in his Memoirs. There
is also an Ighkaghm in East BadaUi-
ghan near the ruby mines. According
to Gulbadan Begam the meeting of
the brothers was at Kishm, but this
is east of TallqSn and out of
Humayan's way. Bandga§lia or more
properly Bandkagl^a means a bolt or
bar and probably was a name given
to the place on account of the
reunions that took place there*
Bayazid tells us that HumSyfIn carved
the letters with his own hand.
> Though Kamran was pardoned
at Talfqan, his retirement to Mecca
CHAPTBB XLV.
539
to distribute the territory of Bad^^flb&n- jQ^atlan/ which is
commonlj known as Kulab^ was given to M. Eftmrftn as far as the
(river) Muk ^ and Qaratigln. Cakar Eban was M. Kfimran's prime
minister and was sent along with him. ^Askarl M. was also sent
along with the Mirza^ and Qar&tigin was given to him as his fief.
Though M. Kamrin was not satisfied with his fief yet in consideration
of his having been granted his life he did not make any objection.^
Qila' Zaffar, Tftliqan and several other parganaa were assigned to
Mirzas Sulaiman and Ibr&hlm. Qanduz^ Qhurl^ Kahmard^ Baqlan^
Is^kami^ and Nari were conferred on M. Hindal^ and St©r 'All was
sent along with him. It was arranged that the expedition against
Balkh should take place next year. After the princes had thus been
283
was apparently still contemplated.
3o probably he took no part in the
discussion at Taliqan or its vicinity
about the expedition to Bal^. As*
he had been helped by Pir Muf^am-
mad the Ehan of Bal^h, (Erskine,
;Bi8t. II. 368, thinks this was one
reason for the expedition), and had an
TJzbeg wife it is hardly natural that
ho should have been consulted.
Jauhar is probably wrong in saying
that Humayun contemplated giving
Balkt in exchange for or in addition
to Kulab. It was not till after the
army got to Narl (or Narin) that the
change was made by which Kamran
gave up his pilgrimage and accepted
Khatlan or Kalab. At Narl Kamran
set off on his expedition to Mecca
and had gone half a kos when 9asan
Qull overtook him, and in accordance
with Humay an's instructions induced
him to return and to accept Kalab.
Thus then Kamran turned twice back,
once at Taliqan and again at Narin.
I For descriptions of Ratlin and
Qaratigln see the Introduction
to Erskine's translation of Babar's
Memoirs. See also Yule's Essay,
prefixed to Wood's Journey, p. Ixx.
They are both remote places, and
mountainous tracts, N. of the Oxus,
and no doubt this is why they were
given to . Kamran and 'Askari.
Cakar Eh^ ^&s ^he son of Sultan
Wais Qipcaq (Bayazid 36a and A.N.
I. 278).
* The Muk or MUksu is a river,
Beclus VI. 332. It flows northwards,
and falls into the SurJshab river
(which again is a tributary of the
Oxus) in the east of Qaratigln. See
also Yule's Essay, prefixed to Wood's
Journey, p. Ixx. text and note.
3 According to Jauhar* Kamran
even after he went to Kabul ex-
pressed a desire to be relieved of his
government, and to be allowed to go
on pilgrimage. Humay an invited
him to Kabul, but he would not go
and quoted a couplet of KliaqanT to
the efEect that after thirty years he
had discovered that sovereignty was
beggary {dcbrwe^t) and beggary
sovereignty. But, says Jauhar, he
was not sincere in the bottom of his
heart.
540
AKBABKAMA.
made recipients of royal favours his Majesty decided upon goin^ to
EdbuL In a final meetings agreement and engagements^ which are
the passwords of those who arrange temporal afPairs^ were inter-
changed and everyone having been committed to God^ the Disposer
of men whether great or small^ was permitted to depart, bat of
brotherly affection he called for a cup of sherbat and after taking a
little of it he tendered it to M. E&mran, and an order was given that
each prince should in his turn partake of the royal draught {dlvgAj
see Yullers s.v.), and pledge themselves to unity and concords In
accordance with the lofty command they together with the bond of
brotherhood tied the knot of sincerity and friendship. Each prince
received a standard and a kettle drum, and thereby was proclaimed
to have obtained the dignity of a confidential relationship. Mirzas
Kamran, Sulaiman and Hindal were honoured with tamantogbs ^ and
went off from here to their fiefs. The royal cortege marched to ^ust
and halted in that delightful spot. His Majesty then went on by
Parian towards Kabul. Parian is a fort of which his Majesty Sahib-
qarani laid the foundations after he had chastised the Hindus of
Eatur.^ His Majesty repaired it and gave it the name of Islamabad.
When the victorious standards arrived there Pahlwan Dost Mir Barr
was ordered to repair the broken down fort, and the task of super-
vision was assigned to various officers. His Majesty remained there
ten days and by Pahlwftn's exertions the fort received shape in the
course of a week, and was furnished with gates, battlements and
embrasures.^ His Majesty left Beg Mirak in charge of it.
When the world-adorning mind was relieved from the business
of the fort he turned his attention to the silver mines, but it appeared
that the receipts did not equal the working-expenses. From there he
proceeded and encamped on the bank of the Panj^ir river near the
pass of Ugbtar Earfim.* He reached the environs of Eabul in tho
beginning of winter when the ground had become white with snow
and waited there for some days in expectation of a suitable time and
1 31ochmann 60. The tamaatdgh
was composed of the tails of the yak
and was a flag of the highest dignity.
» See Tftr. Bash. 103 note.
2 Sangandda, properly places where
stones, &c.| were thrown down on the
enemy.
* Major Baverty has kindJy in*
formed me that this should be Oramt
village* the name meaning the
camel's village.
CHAPTEB XLV.
541
propitious hour. His Majesty the gbahinsbab in whose coming there
were thousands of prosperities and good omens came out to welcome
him. The Atgah !^§n and a number of the courtiers tendered 248
tlieir service. His Majesty exulted and expanded at the auspicious
sight of that eye-pupil of the Khildfat and new moon of glory, from
whose temples there shone the auspicionsness of the two worlds, and
prostrated his forehead in thanksgiving to Almighty God. On
Friday, 2nd Uam^an, which was the auspicious time, he, attended by
victory and conquest, cast the shadow of his advent over the city,
and prostrated himself on the floor of prayer. Blessings and congra-
tulations arose from the people, and at this time Samandar ^ came
from Kashmir with petitions and presents from M. Haidar. In the
letter were eloquent praises of the climate, of the spring and the
autumn, of the flowers and fruits of Kashmir, and pressing entreaties
that he would visit that lovely region. There were also fitting
expressions about the conquest of Hindustan, and incitements were
held to the world-conquering genius. His Majesty out of the
abundance of his goodness sent a diploma of victory full of favourable
expressions to the MirzS. And be mentioned therein his secret
designs upon India. He was constantly engaged in plans for
strengthening the Khilafat and for improving the affairs of the State,
and applied his intellect to this object in accordance with the methods
which the times called for. Among them was his dismissing to the
Hij§z Qaraca ]^an and Mnsahib Beg who were ringleaders in hypo-
crisy, and deserving of all kinds of punishment. His idea was that
perchance in times of exile, which is a file of the immoderate in spirit,
they might think of the time of fortune, and recognising its blessings
to some measure might refrain from following evil. They went off
and stayed in the Hazara country, and at length the clemency of his
Majesty Jahanb§ni accepted the inaudible ^ excuses of those ingrates.
^ Apparently Samandar was
Humayftn's servant and presumedly
had been sent by him to Kashmir.
See former mentions of him in A.N.
173 and 179, where also he is spoken
of as an ambassador. There is
nothing about him in the T&r. Rash.
Perhaps he was sent at the time
when Maqd&m Beg was exiled to
Kashmir in 952. A.F. has already
mentioned that Qaidar read the
khutba in Humayuu's name when
Kabul was conquered. Qu. was this
in 952 or 954 P
s Namasamu' unheard, meaning
I suppose, that they were too far off
to be heard, perhaps= unspoken.
542 ak^arnIma.
At the same time he sent ^wija Jalala-d-dm Mabmud on an embassy
to Persia along with gifts and rarities in order that the foundations
of affection might be renewed^ and love be confirmed.
Among the occurrences of this year was the martyrdom of M.
Ulugh Beg; the son of Muhammad Sulji;&u. The brief account of this
affair is that the Mirz§ was proceeding from Zamin Dfiwar, which
was his fief; towards Badakh^Sn in order to pay his respects to his
Majesty Jahanbanl^ J^wSja M^uazzam also accompanied him from a
desire to kiss the threshold^ and to atone for his offences. When
they came near Ghaznin the news of the grand army's victory arrived
285 and Khwaja M^uazzam prevailed upon the Mirza to go against the
Hazaras so that they might attack and harry a tribe who wei*e
always practising plunder and robbery. From the inconsideratenesa
which is the natural stock of youthful arrogance and is the madness
of pride they did not observe proper strategy and showed rashness
in fight The Mirza drank the last draught from the goblet of the
scimetar, and his Majesty exalted Tardi Muhammad i^an by assign-
ing Zamin Dawar to him as his fief and sent him off in order that he
might bring that country into order. In the same year the ambas-
sadors of 'Abdu-r-rashid ]^&n^ son of Sulj^ftn Said ^an^ the ruler of
Kashghar arrived bringing valuable presents. They were welcomed
with favours and allowed to return quickly. At the same time 'Abbas
Sul^fin, one of the XJzbeg princes, gained auspiciousuess by kissing
the threshold, and was received with favour. His rank was exalted
by his marriage with the chaste Qulcihara Begam, a younger ' sister
of his Majesty.
Among the occurrences of this year was the martyrdon of M.
Stah, brother of M. Uluj^ Beg. He was coming from Ushtar Karam,
which was in his fief, with the intention of paying his respects, but
when he reached the pass of Minar, gi^ah Muhammad, brother of
^aji MuJI^ammad, in revenge for M« Muhammad SuUan's having
killed Eoki, the paternal uncle of Qaji Mull^ammad in India, lay in
ambush and shot him with an arrow at the top of the pass, and
raised the Mirza on that summit to the glorious degree of a martyr.
1 She was Humayiln's half-sister,
being an elder sister of Gulbadan
Bcgam. This washer second marriage.
'Abbas soon ran away, see next
chapter. The lady was no longer
young, being probably over thirty.
J
OHAPTEB XLVI.
543
CHAPTER XLVL
March or his Majesty JahAnbAnI Jannat-As^tan! from Kabul to
BalsBj and his return owing to the discordance of M.
KAmban and the htpocrisy of the officers.
Though the conqaest of India and the removal of weeds from
that garden held a foremost place in his Majesty's mind^ and though
he was also anxious to visit Kashmir^ he postponed these enterprises
and undertook^ the expedition to Balkh^ which had been previously
determined on^ and for which preparations had been made.
In .the beginning of 956^ (February^ 1549)> when the season had
become milder, he sent Baltu Beg, one of his confidants, to M. Kgmran
with the information that he was proceeding against Balkh in accor-
dance with agreements, and that M. Kamrin should co-operate in this
and meet him when he should arrive at the borders of Badakhshan.
Orders were also sent to Mirz&s Hind&l, 'Asknri, SulaimSn and
Ibrfthlm to make arrangements for carriage and to prepare their men
and join quickly.
The grand expedition started, but because of arrangements and 286
the disposal of business and the coming of Hajl Muhammad Khan
from Gbaznin, there was a delay of nearly a month in Cfilik.* From
this stage Khw. Ddst Khawftnd was sent to Kulfib to bring in M.
K&mr&n.
Khw. Qasim Buyutfit, a former vizier, Khw. M. Beg, who was
dhodn-i'^dl,^ but owing to whose want of guiding-power (bi rasAidi)
' According to Firiabta, Bairam
Kl^an had an old quarrel with the
Uzbaka and so urged on the expedi-
tion against BalJsb*
* 956 H. began on January 30th.
Bayazld days that HumSySn started
in the beginning of spring ; perhaps
A.F. was reckoning by the Persian
year.
& It is only about two miles north-
west of Kabul. (B&bar, 138).
* I have not found this title, if
title it be. Perhaps it implies that
M. Beg was the existing vizier or
544 acbabnIha.
^w. GhazI had seized the charge of a£Eairs— and !^w« Maqidd 'All
who was M. Kkmr&a's factotum, made with others an inquiry, throap[1i
the instrumentality of Mir Barka, into the afPairs of Khw, Ghazi
and Ruh. AlUh. Mun'im KhSn^ Muhammad Qui! SiSn Barlas,
Faridun ^Sn and Maul&ng 'Abdu-l-biqi, the ^adr, were appointed to
audit the accounts. Husain Qui! Sult§n ^ who was one of his Majesty's
intimates^ was the superintendent in this affair. The result of the
inquiry was that ]^w. GhSzi and Ruh AU&h and a number of other
condemned ^ clerks were held to ransom. Muhammad Quli Sultan was
appointed to take an account of lOiw. Ghazi's property^ and ^hw.
Sultdn 'All, who, by the favour of his Majesty,^ had received the title
of Afial (most excellent) !^an, was raised from the position of
inuiArif'i'huyutdt to that of diwd7i'i'buyutdt.
At this time, M. Ibr&him came post and did homage and was I
welcomed with favours. *
When his Majesty's mind had been set at rest about the neces*
sary arrangements for the expedition, he marched to Istalif. Here
'Abbas Sultan ^ XJzbak absconded. His Majesty marched slowly, as
he waited to be joined by the Mirzas. When he heard that they had
started, and that M. Eamr&n was getting ready, he went by Pan j Air
and encamped at Andarab. In imitation of his Majesty Sahib-qiranl,
he halted for three days at a stage ^ where that fortunate prince had
laid foundations. Thence he went to Nari, where there is a meeting
of the ways. Having crossed the Nari Pass, he traversed the plain
of Nilbar,^ the spring beauty of which is famous and pre-eminent
above that of other parts of Badaj^sJ^ftn. Near this flowery spot,
Mirz&s Hindal and Sulaiman did homage and were encompassed with
favours. Here at M. Sulaimfin's request, M. Ibrfihim was permitted
dlwdn and did not perform the duties.
M. Beg was a nephew of Khw. Jah&n
AmTnft of Herat and a poet who
wrote under the name of Shahrt.
(Blochmann, 424).
1 Sister's son of Bairim and known
by the title of Khinjahin. Bloch-
mann, 329).
S Matagiallibra gxrandand, Cf.
text, 241 for use of this verb. Appar-
I
ently the same Mn^ammad Qnll or
'All was employed in both cases.
8 Blochmann, 376. Niidmu^Min
says Akbar bestowed the title.
* He had recently married a sister
of Hamayan.
» Probably ParWn.
* Apparently contracted from
nl2t{/ar, the lotus or water-lily.
CHAPTER XLVI.
545
to go to Badakhshan ' that he might protect the country and look
after the local ai'my.
From the neighbourhood of Baqlan^^ Mirzas Hindal and Sulaiman
and HajT Muhammad Khan and a number of experienced and ener-
getic men were sent on in advance^ that they might set free from the
Uzbeks the town of Aibak, a dependency of Bal^ which is famed
for its cultivation^ the abundance of its fruits^ and the excellence of
its climate.
At this time^ gl^er Muhammad Pakna^one of the personal 287
attendants {yasdwaldn) killed a leopard with an arrow and presented
it. Husain Quli muhrddr, represented that the Turks regarded it as
unlucky to kill a leopard when on an expedition, and said that, at the
time when Bairam Ug^lan^ made him prisoner and brought him
before Kistan Qara/ the ruler of Balkh, and they were making
preparations in Jajaktu^ and Maimana for marching to Herat, some-
one killed a leopard and for this reason the expedition was stayed.
His Majesty paid no heed^ to this story, and held firmly to his reso-
lution of going to Balkh.
Next day the advance force arrived at Aibak. Pir Mu|^ammad
Khan, the ruler of Balkh, had sent his guardian, Khw. Bagh^ and a
' Apparently here used to denote
Ki§Jim, the capital. They were already
in BadakiiBhan.
* It is west of Narin and south of
Qundnz.
3 Called by Blochmann (464) the
" well-known Bairam Oghl^n." It
appears from Bayazld that he was
maternal uncle of Muhammad Hakim.
♦ An elder brother of Pir Mu^^am-
mad and his predecessor in Baiy^.
He was a son of JanI Beg (Vambery's
Bokh^^ra, 282 ».) and seems to' have
died in 955 H. See ghahid Sadiq
2356.
^ The text omits the conjunction
between these names but a variant
gives it and it occurs in Bayazld, and
the ffadiqatti'l-aqdllm gives the names
9Di those of two towns. Vamb^ry
(I.e. Introd. XXIX n.) speaks of
Tchichektu and Almar (modern
Maimana). Maimana lies about half-
way between Balkh and Herat. The
Jajaktu of the text seems properly
to be Chichaktu and is so spelt in the
map appended to Captain Yate's
'* England and Russia face to face.
(1887)." It lies west-south-west of
Maimana.
^ Bayazld says that HumaycLn
remarked that the Uzbeks were hia
enemies and that what was a bad
sign for them was a good one for
himself.
7 Text, Maq ; but BayazTd, whom
probably A.F. is copying, has Bagb
Maq may however be right for it
69
548
a&barnAma.
number of experienced men such as II M., Qosun Said Bai/
Muhammad Qull M. and Jujak M. to guard Aibak and provide for
its defence. They reached it at about the same time as the imperial
army and had no resource but to enter the fort of Aibak and aecare
themselves there. His Majesty arrived and set himself to take the
fort and distributed the batteries. In two or three days the garrison
asked for quarter and came out and did homage and Aibak fell into
the hands of the imperial servants.
His Majesty held a royal festival and consulted with the atdliq
about the conquest of Transoxiana. The atdliq represented that he
was not a fit person to consult about such matters^ but his Majesty
replied that he bore marks of honesty^ and that he shouldj withoat
hesitation^ say what he thought. Then the atdliq said that aa the
serviceable men of Pir Mul^ammad !^an had fallen into his Majes^^a
hands^ he should put them all to death and go on in the career of
victory^ for Transoxiana would fall into his hands without a battle.
His Majesty replied that it is ignoble to break one's word and that
this is especially so in tiie case of princes ; that he had granted
quarter and could not recede from this. The atdttq replied that if
his Majesty did not approve of this plan, he might keep him prisoner
and make a treaty to the effect that all the country on this side of
O^ulm should be his own and that an auxiliary force should be
supplied (i.e., by Pir Muhammad) whenever the expedition against
India should take place. As the eternal will and stablished decree
had gone forth against these two propositions^ what was written by
the pen of fate appeared to the Lord of Purpose to be preferable.'
288 His Majesty stayed there several days. Though the climate of Aibak
and its abundance of fruit were a motive for staying, yet the chief
reason was the non-arrival of M. Kamr§n. The wise and far-seeing
used to insist that if this delay had not taken place, Pir Muhammad
means praise in Turk! and might be
part of a proper name while BSgh
does not seem part of a man's name.
It seems not impossible that Maq is
an abbreviation of Im&q.
* See Wood's Journey, 224, where
he says that Bai has the same signifi-
cance as Kh^ii amongst the Afghans.
^ A good instance of AF.'s turgid
style. Instead of simply stating that
Humayan rejected the apparently
sound proposition of the atdliq^ be
says that as another coarse had been
decreed by fate, HumiyQn also pre*
ferred it.
;
IJ.
JiU:
CHAPTKR XLTI.
547
lCli§n would not have been able to resist^ and would either have been
put to the rout or obliged to make peace on such terms as his Majesty
chose. For 'Abdu-l-'azTz !^an ^ and the other Uzbek !^&ns would
not have been able to come to help. Since there was long delay,
they had time to come to the assistance of the enemy. The Uzbek
officers who had been taken prisoners^ were sent to Kabul with Khw.
Qasim mahklaa, one of the trusted of the Courts but his Majesty took
the atdltq with him and marched by way of Khulm. Two or three
days later^ they passed IQiulm and halted at B&ba gl^ahu. Next
day they encamped near the shrine ^ which is a well-known landmark,
and scouts brought information that a large body of Uzbeks had
arrived under the leadership of Waqqfls Sultan and S^ah Muhammad
Sult;fin OiffirT.»
His Majesty drew up his troops and set his foot in the stirrup
of victory. A slight engagement took place between the advance
guards and, at the time of en aroping, gl^fih Muhnmmad Sultfin
His^ri attacked the camp with a large force. Brave men like K&bulT
Kh&n/ brother of Muhammad Qasim maujt, g^er Muhammad Pakna
and Muhammad KbSn Turkman distinguished themselves. Kabul!
fell and the enemy being unable to resist took to flight. tJkln
UghlaUf a man of distinction among the Uzbeks, was made prisoner
and brought to the presence. A dispute arose between Muhammad
Khftn Turkman and Saiyid Muhammad Pakna, each claiming the
honour of this feat. His Majesty asked iTkIn who had brought him
down. He pointed to Muhammad Khin and said, '' He first aimed
a blow at me and the wind of it unhorsed me. When I recovered
myself and stood up, this other man,'' pointing to Saiyid Muhammad
t As stated in text, be was a son
of Ubaidu-1-lafa, the brother-in-law
of Gaidar M* He began to reign in
BuU^ara in 1540.
> The Mazar-i-aharff of the maps.
It is the shrine of 8b%h. Anliya, i.e.,
*Al!, Aiu^ammad*8 son-in-law, his
tomb having been discovered there,
it is said, daring the reign of Sultan
Uusain Baiqra. There is an account
oi its discover}' in the f[adiqatu-l-
aqdllm s, v. Balkh- Cf, too Wood's
Journey, 135.
s Perhaps another son of JanT Beg
and brother of PTr Muhammad.
BayazTd calls him a son of BarandQq
Saltan. The Tar. Ba^. (161 and
452) also mentions a Shah M. Sultan
who was a grandson of Sultan Ma^-
mud Khan.
* BnyazTd tells us he was killed and
his head cut off and taken to BalUi
548 ikbarnAmi.
Pakna, " struck me on the face with his sword/* His Majesty blamed
Saiyid Muhammad sayingi ^' He was thrown down bjr Muhammad
Khan; you were ungenerous to strike another's catch (said)" He
gave the prize of valour to Muhammad KhSn and made over Ckin to
Pir Muhammad akhta to be cared for.
In spite of the signs of victory^ hypocritical, disloyal officers
continued to show faint-heartedness and were continually uttering
false reports about M. Kamran and spreading them among" themBelves.
Though everything disgraceful which they ascribed to the Mini
had the appearance of truth, for he was capable of it and of more,
yet in this instance, they fastened false charges on him.
289 In fine the Uzbeks gave battle next day in great force and triad
to gain the victory, 'Abdu-l-'aziz Khan, son of Ubaid Klhgp, being
in the centre, Pir Muhammud I^ftn on the right and Sulj^n-i-hisar
on the left. His Majesty also drew up his army, he himself occupy*
iug the centre, M. Sulaiman the right wing and M. Hinddl the left,
while Qarica ^an,Ha]i Muhammad Khftn, Tardi Beg Khan^ Idun'im
Khan and Sultan Ijlusain Beg Jalair with his brothers were in the
van. After mid-day the armies encountered one another and a great
battle raged till evening. Brave men trod the field of couragfe and
drove off the enemy's front ranks across the canals and ioto the
outer defences (kucaband) of Balkh. His Majesty in the strength
of his mental vigour and wisdom, wished to pursue and to take hi3
standards across the canals. His hypocritical followers while pre-
tending to agree, gave wrong advice, and ignorant friends supported
their opinion out of ignorance, and thereby made the opinion of
enemies to prevail. They did not permit the crossing of the canals
and uttered timorous speeches, sometimes alleging the paucity of
their men and the number of the enemy ,* sometimes speaking of
M. Kimrfln's going to Kabul and of their fears lest the soldiers'
families should be made prisoners, and sometimes urging that they
ought to wait for M. Kamran. Pressing these and other matters,
they recommended a retreat. At length, after a thousand struggles
with his spirit, it was agreed to proceed to Daragaz which is a strong
position, and to stay there some days and collect the Aimaqs and
other soldiers and so to get together the materials of victory. Dur*
in g that delay accurate news of M. KamrSn would arrive. In the
jevent of his having marched against Kabul^ it was not proper for
)
CHAPTER XLVr. 549
them to torment themselves [hdftan) ^ in these parts. At a future
time^ they could with whole hearty conquer Baikh, nay^ Transoxiana
and, by the help of God^ they had been constantly successful up to
this day and would oontinue so. For every reason it was right to
withdraw and proceed to Dara-gaz. His Majesty seeing the general
feeling, was helpless and ordered a mai*ch in that direction.
Thus the already captured Balkh was let go on account of the
discord of the disloyal. Shaikh Bahlul was sent to turn back the
van which had crossed the stream and driven back the Uzbeks and
entered the fortifications (siahrband). M. Sulaiman and a number
of other valiant men were appointed to be the rear-guard.
As the whole aim of the disaffected and black-hearted was to 290
confound the army, this compulsory retreat to Dara-gaz, .which
happened also to be on the route to Kftbul, was represented as a
return thither, and the march of M. £&mr2n was on every-one's
tongue. Men lost heart and separated in different directions.
Though his Majesty Jah&nbani sent Husain Quli SI. muhrddr who was
one of his confidants, and a number of others also, to turn back the
disheartened crowd, it was of no avail, as proposition and disposition
did not coincide (taqdir mudjiq-utadbir nabud). And in fact the
decree of the Omnipotent was to this effect in order that the vast
country of India might be sheltered from the mischief of tyrants and
the inflictions of oppressors and become the descension-point of the
blessings of a holy personality, and the abiding-throne and theatre
{takbtgdh-irabd dastgdh) of his Majesty, the Sidhanshdh, the Shadow
of God ; and that many thousands of good seeds might be shed over
the wide fields of earth and the hope-plots of the sincere. To sum
up j God, the World-adomer, revealed such a victory as this under
the guise of conditions which might prove a lesson and a warning to
the wise, and thereby brought to pass the things of counsel and
wisdom. For had this disaster not occurred, the work of the help-
less ones of India would have been hindered by the undertaking of
the conquest of Transoxiana; and the setting-in order of those lands
which are a haven for the pilgrims of the seven climes, had sunk
under the veil of delay.
^ KS^ftan means to split or cleave
and the sense seems to be that now
their minds were divided ; afterwards
thej could in comfort ha J^tir-i-
ja/ma*, lit. with united heart, con-
quer Baljsii, etc.
550
AKBARNAMA.
In briefj when the enemy became aware of the finpleasing
occurrence (i.e., the retreat), they put their own confused affairs in
order and came in pursuit. His Majesty Jah&nbftnl displayed
splendid courage and performed achievements whose ealogy mig^ht be
the frontispiece to the model- battles of the world. In that jang^Ie of
tigers of war, his world-traversing dun-coloured ^ steed which bore
the name of tasarru-n-naiirln ^ and had been presented to him by
Muhammad Khftn,^ the governor of Herit and which he was ridings, fell
from being wounded by an arrow, ^aidar Muhammad aidkta presented
that leader of faith and dominion with his own horse and was exalted
by this piece of service. As the Divine protection was hovering over
that Lord of Sovereignty's throne, he was brought into a place of
safety. Most of his followers, when they beheld symptoms of defeat,
dispersed in all directions in a cowardly and ignominious manner.
The names of the chief officers of the army are as follows :
Mlrfts Uindal and Sulaim&n,Qar§ca Khan,HajI Muhammad Khan, Tardi
Beg Khan, Mun'im aan,iaiiar Khw. SI.,* Muhammad Quli Kh§n Jal&Tr,
Iskandar Khfin, Qasim Qusain Khan, Haidar Muhammad dldUa-begl,
*Abdu.l-lah Khftn Uzbek, Husain Qui! Kh§n muhrddr, Muiibb 'Ali Khfin
^ ZarrXn fdm, golden-coloared.
Bayazld calls the horse, iup't-qula,
dun-coloured.
* Tcwirru-n'ndiirtn. It delights
beholders. This is an Arabic ex-
pression and is used in the Koran to
describe the kind of cow which
Moses told the Israelites to sacrifice.
The reading of the text is probably
correct, bat it differs from the word
in Biyazld, in the copy in the India
Office though it would seem that it
is from BSyazId that A.F. has
taken the story. There the word
looks like na^ar, but Erskine in
his MS. translation has naflhtar so
perhaps he took the word to be
nastar, or nasrln, i.e., the narcissus.
This might be an allusion to the
yellow colour of the horse.
B&jrazld who was evidently fond
of horses and proud of his powers
of managing them, as a later story
of his shows, is careful to tell us
that HumSjan'a horse afterwards
died of its wound. He adds that
the horse given by Qaidar to Hn-
may&n was Idraqi, bow-legged, or
weak-kneed.
8 Most MSS. seem to have 8harafa-
d-din after Ma^Ammad ShSn.
* Gulbadan Begam's affection in*
duces her to represent her husband
as behaving in heroic fashion during
the retreat, by turning back to search
for Hind&l. But Bijazld names
him as one of those who refused to
stand when called upon to do so by
Husain Quli and he says it was 8hah
QulI NaranjI who went back to look
for Hindal. A.F. seems to include
in his list both the leaders who be-
haved well and those who ran away.
^ A
CHAPTSK XLVI.
551
(son of) Mir ^allfa, SI. Husain ^&n, B<u SI., Mu^fihib Beg, Sb&h 291
Bid§^ ^dn, S]^ftham ^&n Beg Jalalr, Stiah Qull N&rftnji, Muhammad
Q&sim mavji, Lajtafa-l-l&h of Sihrind, 'Abdu-l-wahh§b Auji,^ Baqi
Muhammad parwdnci, and ^aldin.'
Three days later, hia Majesty halted at the top of the pass ^ of tbe
Four Springs and here Muhammad. Qali Sl^aiUb Tnrkmftn ^ who had
hit on the right road, heard of the royal party and joined it.
From tbis place, his Majesty wrote an affectionate epistle to his
Majesty the SidhiniAdh, and to the chaste ladies who were in Kabul,
the abode of peace and sent it by Beg Mohammad dl^ta-begi. He also
sent a friendly letter to Ba^id ^ftn, the ruler of Kaahghir who had
always shewn loyalty and devotion, informing him of his arrival and
telling him how his evil-minded brother, M. Kftmran, had by
constraint of his natural character, elevated the hideousness of discord
over the beauty of concord and so had completely depressed the side
of love and loyalty. Many of his followers too had shewn a want of
I
1 Perhaps this epithet means that
he was a native of Aujan in A^arbai-
jftn. (Jarrett III. 81 and Ouseley's
Travels). But most MSS. have
Audajl, B^,, B.M. 27, 247 and 5610.
8 Probably the Shaldin Dost
Sahftrl mentioned in text (316) in
the list of Hindal's servants.
9 Text, bar tar-i-yal^, on the top
of the ice, but reference to Bayazid
and to varioas MSS. of the A.N.
has convinced me that the proper
reading is bar Bar-i-paj, top of the
pass or mountain. Bayazid has bar
Bar-i-kuial and kutcd has the mean-
ings of paj. It is true that he also
has the expression in the same pass-
age gi^jf^ mdrpec, a convolution or
winding road, and that possibly this
may refer to the winding road taken
by Humayan as distinguished from
the rdh-i-rdst, straight road, taken
by Kaman. (According to Steingass,
the phrase rah-rdst means " a great
distance.")
It seems to me that in several parts
of this narrative, A.F. and BiyazTd
have copied from the same source.
CahSr Gaflhma is marked in the
Grovemment map of Afghanistan a»
S.W. of Haibak and near Dara-yusaf.
Bayazid speaks of four wells, — ^two,
apparently at the top of the pass,
and two lower dowu. He describes
then as near Aibak.
* Text, Juimdl. Several MSS. have
Kaman but Bayazid seems to have
Turkman, and evidently the man
meant as the M. Qull TarkmSn
Affih&u of Blochmann 474. See
Bayazid 476, 48a and 75a. MSS.
have ^atadn. The expression in text
is not clear. Bayazid says the
Shaikh was going along on the right
or straight road. M. Qull brought
the welcome news that the Uzbeks
had discontinued the pursuit.
552
AKBARNAUl.
courage. Certainly the expedition had not redounded to the joj of
well-wishers; on the contrary, it had been a cause of sorrow and
distress. In the same letter^ he expressed his thanks for Lis safety
and he inserted excellent counsels such as might comfort a loving
heart.
Leaving that place, he arrived after one night's interval, at Ghur-
band and on the next night, at ^hwaja STydrftn. Thence he went to
Qarft Bagh and thence to Ma'miira.^ His Majesty, the ^dhansAdh^
came out to meet him here and was afEectionately received. From this
place he went in an auspicious hour to Kabul.
M. Sulaiman went off to Badakhshan and M. Hindftl to Qunduz,
Mun'im Khan accompanying him. All the other ofBcers followed his
Majesty to Kabul, gh&h Bidngh Oan who had given proofs of
courage, remained a prisoner with the enemy, as did also Mir Sl^arlf
hakhsAi, Khw. Na^iru-d-dln 'All mustaufi, Mir Muhammad mun ski,
Mir Jan Beg ddrogba-i-'imdrat, and Khw. Muhammad Amln Kang.
All the other servants were safe.
When the atdliq and other Uzbeks who had been made prisoners
at Aibak, were released and went to their own country, and gave
account of the royal kindness and liberality, Pir Muhammad ^an was
astonished, and sent his prisoners in a humane manner to Kabul.
His Majesty, recognizing that his return was really advantageous,
set himself to arrange his kingdom and engaged in the conduct of
292 things spiritual and temporal. Khw. Jal§lu-d-dTn MahmQd liad been
sent on an embassy to the king of Persia, but from various causes
had delayed in Qandahar and he was now recalled, ^hw. 'Abdu-s-
famad and Mir Saiyid 'All who were celebrated for their skill in
painting, came with the Khwaja and were graciously received. Khw.
SI. 'All, known as Afzal Khan, was raised^ from the position of
mashrif'i'M^izdna to that of vizier; while the whole charge of the
diwdni was made over to ^w. M. Beg.
The account of M. K&mran is as follows. When his Majesty,
out of his kindness and affection, forgave his grave offences and g»ve
him Kulab and appointed Cakar Beg of Kulgb, the son of SI. Wais
^ ]}ik'i-mab*mura, near K&bul.
(Jarrett II. 404).
s It is not clear whether this is
the promotion recorded above (text
286) or a still higher one.
2
CFAPTEB XLVI. 558
Heg, as his oo-adjntor and went to Eftbnl^ no long time intervened
l>ef ore the Mirzft behaved badly to Gftkar Beg and drove him ont :
He placed the great favours which had been bestowed on him in the
niche {tdq) of forgetfulness and giving way to evil thoughts, watched
for liis opportunity. During the time that His Majesty Jahftnbftni
was in Kabul, he was continually making false promises that he would
oome ; and His Majesty, out of his candid nature and straightforward-
ness,— ^which are the characteristics of magnanimous natures,— •
believed his false words and went off to Bal^. The Mirza looked
upon this opportunity as fair gain and again determined in his perfi-
dious heart, that he would go to Efibul. The rebellious designs which
were leavening bis mind, came near the surface, and at his instiga-
tion, narrow-minded and disloyal officers practised various hypocri-
sies in that expedition, as has already been related. But as His
Majesty returned and cast the shade of his justice on Kftbul, M.
Kamrftn left M. 'Askarl in Eulftb and went off to fight M. Sulaiman.
The latter hastened away without fighting from Taliqfin to Qil'a
Zafar.
M. K&mrfin made over Tfiliqfin to Babus Beg and proceeded
towards Qil'a Zafar. Mirzfts Sulaimfin and Ibrfthim not thinking it
expedient to fight left IshSq ^ Sultan in Qil'a Zafar and went off to
the defiles of Badakh&§n. They took post in the village of Jirm
and awaited the Divine retribution. M. Eftmrfin, having disposed
of M» Sulaimftn went off to Qunduz. He began by making false
pretences to M. Hindal and proposed a union with him. M. Hindftl
did not hearken to him and stood by his obligations, whereupon
M. Eftmrfin laid siege to Qunduz. M. Hindftl neglected no point
in defending the fort and when M. Eamrftn could not succeed, he
joined the tlzbeks and asked their assistance. A large body of 89S
Uzbeks came to help him and joined him in the siege. M« Hindftl
in order to cause confusion and deceive the foe, which in fact is. a
guidance on the high road of success, devised an excellent plan, viz.,
he wrote a letter as from M, Eamrftn to himself, full of a renewal of
peace between them and of deceiving the Uzbeks^ and after the
manner of experts, he gave this false document to a courier who was
iatentionally to throw himself into the hands of Uzbeks. When, on
searching the courier, the letter was found, and when it appeared
1 -A brother«in<law of Kimrin.
70
554
▲kbasnAxa.
from its bdntonte thai tbe IwoMirzftB were goings to act in oonoert
and xnake the Uzbeks a target for the arrows of evil, the latter ware
oonfounded and withdrew from the siege and set off for tlimr own
country; The affair of the fort remained unaccomplished and just
then, hews came that C&kar Beg was besieging Kulfib and that M.
'Askarl had been defeated and was shut up therein. Also that M«
Salaimftn had joined with U^q SL and had got possession of Qil'a
Zafar and had then imprisoned Ij^aq SI. M. Kfimrfin was bewildered
at this news and withdrawing in despair from Qanduz, he sent Yasin
Daulat and Bfibus with a body of troops against M. SolaimSn and
himself hastened to Eulab and made Cfikar Beg retire. M. 'Askari
came out and did homage to M. Kamrftn who took him with himself,
and went off to put down M. Sulaiman. They had halted near
Rustaq, when a large force of Uzbeks who had come on a plundering
expedition (yurtdwaUy under the leadership of Sa'id Beg, passed by
the encampment and made a raid on it. Mirzss K&mrfin, 'Aakan
and *AbduJ-lfih Mughal escaped with a few men to Tallqan. When
the Sa^d afore-named knew the rights of the matter, be sent back
the baggage* to the M!rz& with all respect and apologized for the
plundering. Mirzfis Hind&l and Sulaim&n thinking the opportunity
favourable, set out t6 put down M. ESmrfin who not deeming it
advisable to remain in Bada^f^ftn, went off to ^Oiost in order that
he might, by the route of Zuhhfiq and Bfimian withdraw into the
Hazftra country. There he would learn the real state of KftbuL and
either proceed there or go elsewhere.^ As the disloyal officers of His
Majesty JahftnbSni were always urging the Mirz& to come to Kibul,
he fraudulently sent ambassadors to the Court and represented that
his object in coming was to apologize for the past and to serve his
I
1 p. de G. g^ves in his Dictionary,
Uj^ as meaning "troape qu'on
envoie pour faire une razzie, oca*
renrs.
> See errata to text. The word is
really i}b^ affiitUq. It probably
included Kamrln's wives and daugh-
ters for Gulbadan soys they were
captured. BftyazXd saya it was Pir
Mu^mmad Sh^ of Balkk who sent
back the plunder. It would appear
from Gulbadan, that he was the son
of a brother of one of Kimrin's
wives.
> Biyaxf d says KSmrin'a idea was
to go to Bbakkar and it is very likely
^having regard to his relations
with the ruling family of Bhakkar),
that digar of the text is a mistake
forBbnUcar.
•
C^ - V-
% ♦*
C^APTSB XLTI.
666
Majesty. His hope was^ lie said, that His Majesty would with royal
kindness, forgive his crimes and sins.
Verse.
Vve come again to worship the dast of thy feet.
If submission be ordered, Fm ready to pay it.
"My hope is that on this occasion, I may by good service,
obtain release from the heavy burden of shame.'' His Majesty from
the purity of his own nature, regarded his gold-incrusted copper M
genuine, and accepted it according to the etcoidaird for. fine gold. .
\ '
J 4. C
5&6 AEBARNAMA.
I
CHAPTER XLVII.
8M March of His Majsbtt JahakbIni Jannat-Isstah! fbox KisirL, Ajn>
nanx with M. ElMRiN; and othbb inbtbuctive occubksncsb.
When tlie arrival of M. Efimrfin at the borders of Ksbol was
approaching^ a number of the loyal and f arseeing represented tbat
there should be a limit to simplicity and optimistic views of persons.
Seeing that the frauds lying and disaffection of this ingrate had
been tested many times, it was right and proper that caution should
not be thrown away again, and that the army should be ordered to
march out, and the banners of victory be unfurled for the suppression
of the rebellious. If indeed the Mirza had repented of his evil deeds,
and had entered on the path of concord, and were desirous of doing
homage, he would receive distinction from the royal favour (in going
out to welcome him), and if on this occasion also he was persistent in
perversity, the rules of precaution would be observed on our side.
On hearing these weighty words His Majesty determined to march to-
wards Ghurband, which was the Mlrza's route, and he set out in that
direction in the middle of 957 (June- July, 1550). He left His Majesty
the Sbfthandlfih as prince in Kfibul and put Qisim Khan Berl&s at the
head of affairs. Qarfica Khfin, Mu^ahib Beg and many others, white
without and black within, who were always stirring up strife, were
rejoiced and wrote seditious letters to M. Eimrin, pressing him to
come to Kabul and saying that they, and many others, would welcome
him and would disperse the King's well-wishers by unfitting sugges-
tions, and that Kftbul would easily fall into his hands.
'Tis marvellous how actions which, with complete inconsistency,
they regarded as improper when practised on themselves by equals
and associates, viz., promise-breaking, evil-devising, and lying, should
all be performed by them against their Master and benefactor ! Their
blinded eyes opened not to the hideousness thereof, nay, they regarded
its repnlsiveness as a beauty, and counted it as part of their
J
^sdom of strategy. Thougli they understood loyalty and right
dealing and looked for them in their servants, yet they were so over- 295
come by their own baseness as to play the game of deceit and in-
fidelity against snch a pare-hearted Master I And what wrongheaded*
ness also! I can imagine that they could not comprehend the
glorious merits of this holy personality, but where was their common
sense 1 That which they expected from their own servants they would
not render to that aggregation of benevolences and to that bestower
of so many favours, any one of which deserved a life's devotion, but
on the contrary they acted in the very oppomte way to one who was
their Master and benefactor, and requited him with negligence and
wrong advice. But alas I What marvel is it that he who has been
kneaded of strife and malice, should show such behaviour f What joy
have the bom^blind in the glory of the sun 7 The sincerity's eye of
this crew has been filmed over with hypocrisy and become void of
light, and their breast of love has been narrowed by the tumour of
pride ! How can such recognise a Master's rights to gratitude, or
perceive the beauties of a benefactor ? What place then is there for
thanksgiving for boundless favours? The wild steeds of the o'er
mastering passions of such self-pleasers have not such docility ' that
their bridles can be tightened by the hand of chiding, or their reins
tamed by the outspread fingers of counsel 1
At length His Majesty, in accordance with the decrees of fate,
marched from Kabul and encamped at Qarft BSif^. From thence he
went to Cftnkftran and from there to the river Bftran. It happened that
there was a stream on this stage and that His Majesty crossed it on
horseback, whilst his followers went oS in difEerent directions seeking
for a safe passage. His Majesty did not approve of this and instanced
in reproof of this disaffected crew, the conduct of the devotees of 3bfih
lam^ftil Saf av!, who flung themselves down from a sky-high mountain to
seize his handkerchief and made for themselves a lofty foundation
of fame and life-sacrifice. Such was His Majesty's sound opinion of
his followers on this occasion, and such was their pusillanimous
circumspection* In fine Qarfica Qaraba^t and Muffihib Mun^fiq
and others, who were burning torches of sedition, represented,
directly and indirectly, that they had to do with mountains, and
^ Qttdroij which is short for K^ud-ddn. See Vollers I. 744a.
568
AKfiAttKiltA.
ijbatlfh^reiv^eremaiiy defiles'; ihBi the Hirz& wonld have few men
: with hivxy and tiiat (he loyal shoiild be stationed on different' roads^
BO tliat thi9 Mirzft sHoald not bo able to come oat. The whold idea
of these evil-minded oneli was to disperse the army so that M. Kfimrin's
purpose might be effected. His Majesty Jahfinbanij who in his noble
296 nature only believed good of iaen^ thought the plan of tliese tamitOTS
a good one and sent Hfiji Muhammad in^kn Kdht, Mir Barka, M. Hasan
Sbsn^ Bahidur ^&n, ^w. Jalftln-d-din Mahmud^ Calpi Beg*^ Muham-
mad ^in Beg Turkmftn, gj^ai^ Bahlul, Haidar Qasim Kobbsr, and
Sbih Quli NdranjT to Zuhhiq and Bimiftn^ and appointed Mnn'im
i^ftn and a large body of troops to Sftl Aulang. Qarica, and MufShib,
Qfisim ^usain 61. and a number who remained with His MajestgTj drew
up daily an account of His Majesty's position and sent it to M. Kftmrin,
and were continually representing to His Majesty that this tune the
Mirsft had no other idea but to serve him«
When there were few loyalists in attendance^ and the oonven'*
tion of hypocrites was powerful, M. Kamrftn, who had been oon-
founded by the royal pomp and the large army and had been unable
either to quit the service (of the king) or to go forward and do
homage^ having become acquainted by the brokerage of the hypo-
orites with their treachery/ turned off from the road by Zuhhiq and
Bftmlftn towards Dara Qibcftq ^ which is a dependency of Ghurband.
Yfisin Daulat, Maqdnm Koka and Bsba Sa^id led the advance, while
he himself was in the centare. His men were arranged in two bodies*
It was midday when His Majesty was apprised by a peasant ^ of that
quarter of the coming of M. Kftmrftn, and of his evil intentions* Qarica
who was the ringleader of the ill-disposed, represented that if one
listened to the tales of a man like this and placed reliance on such false
rumours, hearts would be divided, and the people (KftmrSn's followers)
would become apprehensive. Should there be a desire to give battle
on account of. this news, and should warlike preparations be made,
certainly when M. K&mrftn heard of them, he would desist from his
1 This pass is marked on the map
appended tp Yule's introduction to
Wood's Journey. It is also called
Cftrdar and lies S.£. of the DandSn
^ Bayazld says a servant of the Mir
MunfihT brought the news and mado
■uch iw nproar th»t 5«m»yan. «.
cording to Erskine, had him pat to
ShilcAii. See also Babar's Mem., death, but perhaps the words only
p. 189.
mean that he was beaten*
CHAPTER ZLTII.
5S0
delire df eotering into teirioe. Meanwhile thie oewi of- tbe ICfna'a
ootning and of hia wicked iatentions became stronger and more
oontinQOOB. Wondrous to relate,' the hypoorisj and inmoat thongbi
of those hypocrites had not yet been revealed on the mirror of Hie
Majesty's mind. Nought entered his holy heart save good thoughts of
people, till at length it become eatabltshed that the enemy was coming
and coming with a hostile intention. An order was given that all who
were with him should mount their horses. He himself put the foot
of courage in the stirrup of enterprise and in a short time there was
a hot engs^ment. Rr Mahammad di^, who was one of the devoted
followera and Mahammad iniinJalBir and many other brave men moved
forward. Pir Muhammad a/c&fa, who was athirst for the stream of life-
sacrifice, brought his foot into the circle of conflicts and so watered
the sword of battle in slaying the foe, that he himself was swept
away by the foam. M. QuU made his steed so rush about in the 397
Geld of contest that after slaughtering crowds of wretches he,
in the preea and confusion, fell wounded ' from his horse. His son
Dost Mn^iammad could not endare to see him in the power of the foe,
and ran to hie help. While his father yet lived, he killed hta
adversary, and hod such combats .that he too was swept away, and
disappeared. His Majesty Jahinb&nl got upon a rising ground and
calculated the strength of friend and foe. By seeing the manner in
which some of his servants were killed, and by seeing others go in
crowds over to the eneOiy, the truth of the fraud and treachery of .
those scoundrels became apparent to him. His native valour and
intrepidity were stirred up, and seising a lance he himself rushed
gainst the foe. They were scattered before him, bnt an arrow
wounded his horse and Beg Bftbcil of KQlib came from behind, and
I From A.F.'b account it would
kppeu- that U. Qall mui killed, aa
\rell OB his aon. According to the
MAasir I. 6S7 and Blochmann 38£ M.
Qoll did DOt die till 983 but the U.
Qull of the battle of QiboKk ia not
(he H. Qnll who was ^idar Un^m-
mad'a brother. The Tabaqat, Elliot
T.332calUtfae son. AW*^ BSya-
tld Mje, 516 that Fir Unt^tuunad
nu kiUed by an arrow, that U. Qnll'a
horaewaa killed, and U. Qnirs leg
broken. Then he adds, " Imam QnU
and hia son belonged to the body-
guard. The son ran to his father to
put him on horseback, but he too
suffered martyrdom." This lookg as
if BIjacId regarded iL Qnll and
Imim Qoll as the same person. The
M. QuU who was killed has the titia
of Call. ^00 Erskine's history-
560
AKBlBNlVA.
khomngly ^ or unknowingly sfcruck him a blow with bis svord. His
Majesty tamed roand and gave him an angry look wbioh caused
him * to stumble. Mihtar ^ Sakftl known as Farhat Khin came and pnt
that wretch to flight, and M. Nijftt tendered his piebald horse to His
Majesty who took it and gave the Mirzft his. Meanwhile ^Abda*]-
wahh&b, one of the yasawal came and telling how the officers had
joined with M. Kftmrfin, seised His Majesty's rein. " What time
was it/' he said, for fighting. The bucket of success must at one
time come np full from the waters of hope and at another, it mast,
by a revolution of the wheel, go down empty.''
Hail ! eternal fate I which rules the beggar and the king, and directs
the cycle of fortune and misfortune, which holds the key of deliverance
for those in bonds, and causeth the exalted to fall. Until men have
passed through the dark night of the hours of affliction^ they know
not the glory of the world-warming sun, and until the thirsty
lips have sought the desert mirage, they are not watered at
the spring of desire. This event is a proof of this, for on
that day there was the apparition of the eventual salvation of His
Majesty. He proceeded to Zuhhfiq and BfimiSn whither he had
sent many of his loyal officers. 'Abdu-1-wahhfib, Farhat @Lan,
Mahammad £min, Sabdal* Ehfin and others accompanied him.
Muhammad 2min and 'Abdu-1-wahhfib were ordered to form the
rear guard. On account of weakness and of the distress from hia
wound, he took olE his cuirass and made it over to Sabdal Otftn
who, out of stupidity, flung it away. Next day many of his servants
joined him. One day he sent 3bfth Budfig^ !^Sn, Tulak QCLcm, and
Majnun Qftqd^l — ten in a]l,— towards Kftbul to serve as a rear
guard and also to keep a look out, but Tulak Qacln only returned.
He was received with favour on that market day of testing and
raised to the office of Qurhegi. The confidential servants were sum*
moned and a council was held. Qftji Muhammad S^ftn whose fief
i t.e., either he recognised him or
he did not.
* From the Iqb&hiima it would
appear that the word da»t should be
separated from ten, and that the
phrase is, dast as pa khataXronl, mean-
ing that Beg B&ba grew confused,
lit. did not know his hand from his
foot.
s Bloohmann 488. From Jauhar
it would appear that he was an
Abyssinian slave.
* Bloehmann 441.
O A "X
n"
Tf^-. .^ '
CHAPTER XFiVII.
661
was ^aznln, and on whose heart's fireplace difiBimulation was- pre-
emiziently concoctedi* recommended a march to Qondahftr.' This
however was not approved of. A number of the * right-thinking
recommended marching to Bada^^&n^ and then proceeding to Kftbul
along with Mfrz&s Sulaimdnj Hindal and Ibr&bTm. A party of c
devoted heroes suggested that to-day M. Kiamrfin was intoxicated
with the mischievous wine of the hypocrites and narrow-souled (me^
and off his guard, while they had the good fortune to be at the feet
of His Majesty. On what other day would they be successful? ^ The
proper thing was that they should all with one heart march to Kftbul.
There was a confident hope that they would be able to dispose of M.
Kftmran without going to Bada^^n. As recent evidence bad
been obtained of the deceit and hypocrisy of very many pf the
nurslings of the Court, reliance was not put upon. this opinion' and
the cautious course seemed to be to proceed to Badakbfdl&n. Ac-
cordingly he ordered a march by the route of Tekka Aulang. At
such a time as this Hiji Muhammad obtained leave for his brother
Sl^dh Muhammad and his men and sent them to Q^aznln! His
Majesty with his own holy hand wrote a letter to His Majesty the
g];^hin^&h announcing his safety and made it over to himtSb^h
Mubammad) in order that he might by every possible ^ means convey
it to him. He also sent verbal messages of victory tod promises df
his coming* And he bade him (Sb&h Muhammad) go quickly to
Q^a^nin and make every effort for keeping it safe till his retai'n
which, he trusted, would soon occur. Though the loyal represented
that to separate hypocrites from himself at such a time was to put the
reins of hypocritical actions into the hands of these unreliables and
forward the schemes of the seditions, and though every one i*e-
presented, either openly or by hints, that he (Haji Muhnmmad), was
sending his brother to M. Kftmrfln, and that he himself was seekihg
to b6 a household-spy and a deceiver of simple believers, His Majesty
did not give heed and granted leave to gh^h Muhammad. Next day
i This 18 evidently the Alanjak of
Stewart's Jauhar, 98. It was an
Aimaq settlement and lies about
thirty miles S.-W. of Bamian.
(Bihar's Mem., 211n.).
71
^ Shah Muhammad's route to
Ghaznin would probably take him
near Kabul.
562
AnURNlVA.
he preceded towards Kahmard. Many faitUess ones separated
from Ids service^ but all who observed the limits of loyalty and were
carefnl of their good name, stayed with him and bound the girdle
of service on the waist of fidelity.
S99 After ^ travelling three days on this road, TUlahji and Sinqiji,
the headmen of the Aimftqs who live there, brought horses and sheep
to the utmost of their power and presented them. They rendered
acceptable service. His Majesty encamped at night near one of their
settlements. When he mounted his horse in the morning, news was
brought that a large caravan had arrived under the charge of Mir
Saiyid 'All of Sabzawfir. Merchants from Iriq and ^urSsSn had
many horses and other goods with them and were on their way to
India. At the end of the day the chiefs of the caravan were admitted
to the Presence. The providential arrival of this large party was
the beginning of celestinl victories. The prudent and farseeing
merchants recognised a great auspiciousness for themselves in the
favour of so great a prince, and in assisting him ; and tendered all
their horses and goods as a present. His Majesty perceived that this
was an aid from heaven and took ' a portion of the goods at four or
five times their value, and divided them among his followers and
intimates. He also set aside presents for each of the princes of
Bada^^an. The remainder he returned to them that they might
sell the articles wherever they chose. Next day he arrived at
Kahmard. Tfihir Muhammad, son of Mir Khurd was there. He
recognised the arrival as a great favour and paid his respects, but
either from meanness or not having materials, he could not with regard
to his entertainment, succeed in wiping the sweat of shame from
the face of his service. From there after two days and a night
{iiah danmydn) they arrived at the bank of the river Ban^« From
the other side a man^ called out " 0 men of the caravan,'' have you
any news among you of the King ? When His Majesty heard him.
1 From this point A.F. seems to
follow Jauhar. B&yazTd was not
with HumSjUn in the retreat, he
having fled towards Kftbul. Per*
haps the names Tillakjl and Sanqaji
are those of tribes and not of indi-
viduals. Sftnqftjl looks to be a
variant of the tribal name Salqiocl
mentioned at Text, p* 276, 8 lines
from foot.
S dah cahal u dah panjdh, Cf.
Babar*s Mem., 138.
s See Jauhar, Stewart, 98.
O- A '
■r •
ri:
r^SS
CHAFTBB XLVII.
568
he forbade any one to^ give news^ and asked the man who he was,
and who had sent him, and what news there was among them about the
King. The man answered that he was sent by Na^arl of SftP Anlang
to get news of the Kifig, and that the report among them was that
the King bad come oat of the battle wounded, and that after that
no one had seen him. The Mirz&'s men had found the royal jiba
(cuirass or corselet) which the King had worn on that day and had
brought it to the Mirza who had rejoiced thereat, and had instituted
feasts. His Majesty summoned him to his presence and asked him
if he knew him. He replied that the Divine efEulgence does not
remain hid. His Majesty said, " Go and convey the good tidings to
Ns^arl, and tell him to make himself ready, so that at the time of
my return he may perform acceptable service.'^ Next day be crossed
by a ford and reached the village of Auliya Khanj&n.' Here M.
Hindal joined him and was exalted by tendering presents. After
that he encamped at Andarftb. Mirzas Sulaimftn and Ibrahim did
homage and formed the part of loyalists.
As the narrative has proceeded so far, it is necessary that before
His Majesty Jahftnb&ni shall have assembled his army and marched
to the conquest of Kftbul, the pen should take up the account of
M. K&mran from the beginning of his treachery till his coming out
from Kftbul, which was the beginning of his punishment, so that
the lips athirst for the wine of words, may be moistened from the
watering place of this supplement.
When the stewards of destiny brought forth from a hidden
quarter, for the confirmation of the royal, ever-during dominion, and
for the confounding of the masters of hypocrisy, such a victory in
the guise of defeat, and such joy in the garb of sorrow, and when
His Majesty Jahinbftni proceeded by the arrangement of devoted
loyalists, towards 2(uhh&q and BSmiftn, M. Elamran was amazed at
300
^ This, seems to be the Saulah-
Aulang (between Panjhd and Ghar«
band) of Jarrett II. 400n. Na^arl is
perhaps the Mir Na^arl of the Tur*
kifih admiral 8ldl <Alf , Yamb^ry, 65
and 66.
« The Khinjan of the maps, W.S.-W.
of Andarftb. But the river when
the conversation with Nayari's
servant took place, can hardly have
been the BangT. The text has AdI
Khinjftn. In the goTemment-map
of Afghftnistan, the town is called
Shinjftu WaliSn. They appear to be
two places. See Bftbar's Mem., 139,
and Jarrett II. 400.
mi
A&BAUKlllA.
the appearance of so wondrous an event, suck a? he Had never
imagined as likely to happen. The hypocrites joined him in crowds,
$ind thai foolish one was excited and delighted by the coming of
tho&e triflers and stretched out the arm of oppression upon the
faitliful who were firmly grasping the pinnacle of fidelity to the
king. ' On the very field of battle Bftba Sa'id brought Qartea
Xjarabakht wounded before the MTrza. The latter was gracious and
-inquired about his evil-ending condition. He replied that B£ba
Sa^Id bad wounded him unawares and the Mirzft proceeded to
console that cheat by baseless favours. After that Bab& Dost yasdwal
and a number of others brought forward Husain Quli mukrddr, who
was one of the devoted loyalists, that evildoer struck with his own
sword this faithful servant and ordered him to be cut to pieces in his
presence. Thus this f undholder ^ in loyalty's treasure-house sold
in his benefactor's service a fleeting life and a contingent existence
for the coin of fidelity, and thereby became for ever a sharer in the
banquet of the true and the loyal. They also brought in TftkhjT
Beg who was a Caghatal officer and reckoned among the faithfal.
Him too they put to the sword without hesitation. After that Beg
Babai of Kulab came forward and told the story of the wounding
of His Majesty. The Mirza was jubilant and sent Tasin Daulat and
Maqdum Koha and a body of men in pursuit. Qfisim Husain SI.
^had' on this day shown treachery and blindness of heart. From the
trepidation and fear which cling to the skirt of the disloyal, ho took
refuge on the side of the mountain and in his confusion did not
know whether to advance or fly. Hasan ^adr and a number more
were sent to him and they, by soothments and encouragement,
brought him in. The Mirz§ left the field of battle and came to
801 il/ftr!kftrftn. Here a man brought His Majesty's special corselet to
the Mirzft who was so exultant that he could .not contain kiauuslf
{or joy (4it. his clothes were not large enough for him). He marched
from thence and besieged Kabul. Qasim !^an Barlas was in the
aervicQ of His Majesty thet gl^ahinsj^h^ and was looking after the
security of the fort. Though the MSrza madq jPalse promises to him,
he would not sever the strong cord of fidelity which bound him to
^ No doubt Qusain Qull's title of
m%ihrddr,^sealer, and also gold muhr
holder has suggested this simile to
the author.
n. i."^:_.'"\fjr.i"'77s^
OHAPtIR XtVtU ^56S
HiH Majesty Jaliftabftni; till false ruinours were spread and the corselet
ijiba) was sent. The. fort was taken by dint of hundreds of false
promises and by staking lying tales.* The new fruit of the. garden
of creation and nosegay of the spring of horizons, viz., His .Majesty
the . gl^hin^&h who was perfuming the nostrils of the- age, and
from whose brows of fortune there radiated the light, of the Divine
Khildfat, was made a prisoner.. But the Divine pi-otectiou, whieh is
ever near him, watched in the old fashion over that prince, outwardly
small but grand in reality.
M. Kimran having taken possession of Kftbal, set about arrang-
ing his affairs and organising his army. He gave in fief to M. ^Ashari,
Jul Sl^ahi which is now known asJal&lftblUl, in aQCordsAce withthe
auspicious title of the g^ahin^gh. It is a delightful spot and a
partition (barzahh) between India and foreign countries, being replete
with the advantages of the one and exempt from the evils of the
other. It was Munim Ehftn who gave it its holy apellation and who
colonised it. Ghaznin and its territory were given to Qaraca Khan
and Ghurband and its neighbourhood to Yasin Daulat. In this manner
fiefs and grants were made to his followers. The royal servants were
laid hold of, Khw. SI. 'All the diwan being imprisoned, and the
hand of oppression was opened and money and goods were taken
from him and used for evil purposes. But the Mirzft was ever in
dread of the approach of the royal army, and could not pass his days
in tranquillity. The direction of afEairs was with Qaraca Khan and
Khw. Qasim the Mir Buyutdt, and by means of oppression and
tyranny materials which in fact were no materials were got together,
forgetting the verse : —
Verae,^
Who take diranis by force and give gold for ornamentation,
Dig up the foundation of the mosque ^ and gild the palace-roof.
About three months were spent in this way till the sound
of the approach of His Majesty Jah&nbani from Bada^^an rose
high in the province of Kftbul. The Mirzft collected soldiers and
I The Lucknow editor illustrates
this verse by a quotation from Sa'df .
^ *Amr which means both life and
mosques.
566 AKBABKlMA.
zaminddra from the Hazaras and others and set off with a fall
eqaipment. He left Baba Jujak and MuUa Sbaf^ in Kftbul» and took
His Majesty the gbfthindbah^-— the marks of aospiciousness in whom
302 were apparent, and were acknowledged by small and great and by
friend and f oe, — with him, either to bring himself good fortune or for
greater security. Nor was he aware that God, the giver of life and
adorner of the world, had assigned the benign influences of both
worlds which were implanted in this holy personality to his friends,
not to his foes. What lustre does antimony give to the blind ?
Now that this parenthetical narrative has been completed^ we
must return to our subject and briefly describe the remaining occur-
rences of His Majesty Jahanbfini.
CHAFTtB XlTItl.
CHAPTER XLVni.
RrTDBK or HiB MaIESTT jAHiNSiNl jANNAT-AaBTlNl rBOM
BaDASBSBIK, AMD BIB BATTLE WITH M. KImeIh, AHD
AKBIVAL IN EXbDI. APTBB THE TICTOBT.
When His Majesty Jahaobfinl had encamped at Andarib and
the Mtrzna had waited upon him, as has already been related, he, in
a short time, got together an army and prepared to march throngh
the passes of the Hindu Kob. Aa there were a number of traitors
and false-hearted ones in attendance, His Majesty, in order to conciliate
and to give repose to the exoteric, came down from the heaven of
his nature {fitrat) ' and took his seat on the earth of the spirit
(taH'at) of the age and bronght forward the propositioo of an oath,
which is regarded by the worshippers of form as of great weight,
suggesting that he should administer a Bpecial oath to each section
(ginh) to the effect that they would accompany him with one heart
and will. And he obserred that, thongh the creative, Divine pen
was the recorder of dnties, and though it was the Divine help
which caused and stablished in the right way the actions of the loyal,
and though his own empire-viewing mind was at rest with regard
to them all, yet he desired to in some measure enlighten the hearts
of worldlings who coald see nothing except what was symptomatic
{sahab) and that the countenance of truth might display her perfect
beauty in the mirror of their actions.' Upon this ^fiji Muhammad
S^a JEsH, who had no reverence and no sincerity of heart.
I "The difference between >ai^»
taiA '^""^ ia that the former signi-
fies the esBenttal nature of the indiri-
doal man, the latter the super-induced
accidents of temperament which are
more under his control." (Jarrett
in. 403 note).
' The meaning is that though
HumCf Qn was satisfied of their
fidelity, jet for the sake of outsiders
he wished them to take an oath so
that their loyalty should thereby be
evidenced.
568
AKBARlSriVA.
represented that in accordance with orders they would all take the
oath^ let His Majesty take an oath also^ to the effect that he would
listen to and carry into effect what they^ the loyalists^ should in their
right thinking perceive and should represent to him. M. Hindfil who
was imbued with devotion and had a knowledge of affairs^ said '^ Haji
Muhnmmadj what sort of story is this you are sayings and what
kind of oath is this ? Never have servants said such words to their
masters^ or slaves to their lords/' His Majesty who was a mine of
urbanity — and a sea of generosity, said, '' So be it. We sliall do
whatever H§ji Muhammad wishes and shall, in his loyalty, suggest/'
After making confirmatory oaths and agreements, they marched from
that place. ^
When the grand army came near TJflhtar Gram M. Kamrin,
according to his wont and in his folly, made preparations for war
and having collected a body of troops marched against the royal
army. When there was only a little distance between the two armies
His Majesty Jah&nbani in adherence to his affectionate nature sent
M. §hah,2 ^ relative of Mir Barka who belonged to the illustrious
Saiyids of Termiz, to the MirzS, and conveyed weighty advices such
as might be earrings for the ears of men of fortune and prestige.
The ^ist of them was that to take always the path of opposition and
to abandon the high-wny of concord was remote from wisdom. God
forbid that all this contention should take place about KftbuL Re:9-
pect obligations, old and new, and observe the ways of peace and
candour, and be of one heart and accept companionship in the
conquest of India. The Saiyid performed his mission, and peace
was agreed upon, but on the condition that as Qandahir belonged to
His Majesty, Kfibul should belong to Kftmrftn; upon these terms he
would enter into service and take part in the conquest of India. Am
His Majesty was kind and affectionate, he sent the ambassador a
second time, along with Maulanft 'Abdu-l-b9qi ^adr and sent a
^ See the interesting remai*k8 of
Erskine on this incident. (Hist.
II. 387-90). Jauhar (Stewart 99),
mentions it and says that HumSyun
had fasted all the day in order to
give the ceremony more solemnit j.
8 Erskine says he was, related to
the imperial family. Perhaps he
was descended from Mir 'AlU-ul*
Mulk of Termtz who had married
FaJshir-jahSn, a daughter of Abo
Sa'Id.
_ Cl - .L_
.Oa.v
CHJLPTKB XLYIII.
569
measagd that if E§mr&Q was ainoere and really wished to take the
road of concord, he should give his dear daughter in marriage to the
unique pearl of the Idkildfat, viz,, His Majesty the ^fthinshfth^ so
that His Majesty might bestow Kabul upon them, and that they two
(Humiyun and Kamran) might unite in destroying the darkness of
the great country of India, and might make that last which had
become the stage of wicked men and of calamities, an abode of
X)eaoe and tranquillity. Both Kftbul and Hindustftn would then in
reality belong to the two of them. The Mirz§ wished to accept
these wise suggestions but QarSca Qarftbakht, who was the centre
of his power, did not agree and said '^ Our heads * and Kfibul/'
In fact on that day the Eight Stars ^ were in front of the MirzS
and, according to astrologers, to fight under these circumstances is to
be^ldefeated, and so the TSitzvl by stratagems put oS the fight to
another day. The victorious army (Humayun's) was anxious to
engage, but ^aji Muhammad did not want this, and His Majesty in
deference to him, delayed to give battle. Meanwhile Khw. *Abdu-6-
Samad and many others who had gone to a distance during the battle
of Qibcftq, took advantage of their opportunity and joined His
Majesty, and brought tidings of the vacillation and confusion in the
hostile army. Half the day had passed when His Majesty put the
foot of firmness in the stirrup of intent, and having drawn up his
forces, and arranged them in right and left wings, centre and van- 804
guard, ordered an advance. The centre derived glory from his own
presence, the right wing was made illustrious by M. SulaimSn, and
the left wing by M. HindSl. M. Ibrahim had charge of the vanguard.
Hi ji Muhammad fOian and other tried heroes had charge of the reserve.^
1 Sir-i'md u Kabul, Erskine says
this is equivalent to death in
K&bnl. Perhaps the meaning rather
is that their heads and Kabul were
equally dear, and that neither could
be given up. Or perhaps that the
only two conditions of peace were
that they should save their heads
and also keep Kabul.
S Sakizilduz, See Steingass 8,v.
and Babar's Mem., 92. It appears
72
to be an old name for the constella-
tion of Virgo, and to be the same
word as the Secdeidos of Abu-
M*aag}tir of BaM* See Ideler's
Untersuchungen, 1809, and Athen-
aeum of 19th May, 1900.
3 ^_^4D| Iltmiikf given in Meninski
as meaning sixty and so equal to
veteran. But it is the reserve» ap-
parently, of the front -ranks or
vanguard. As Mr. Irvine has pointed
570 AKBARNAHA.
On the other side^ M. KamrSn was in the centre^ M. 'Askari on the
rights £q Saltan on the left, and Qarftca Ij^&n on the vanguard. The
two armies moved on^ in appearance like two iron mountains, aod
approached each other. Mihtar Sahb&ka and a number of faithful
servants who had after the affair of Qabc&q entered, from necessity,
the service of the Mirza, galloped off and joined the victorious army.
Near the river Miiri, M. Ibr&him'in his high courage, took the lead.
The soldiers on both sides fought bravely. At this time the head of
Qarica !^ftn was brought before the world-traversing steed (of
Humayun) and all were freed from the malice of that troublesome
traitor. An order was given that the guilty head of that faithless
one should be stuck up at the Iron gate of Kabul so that it might be
a warning to the seditious. Thus the words which he himself had
uttered " Our heads and Kabul,'* were brought to pass. I have heard
from reliable persons that a low follower of the Mirzft seized the
traitor and wished to take him before His Majesty Jahanbani as an
atonement for his offences and that Qambar 'All Sahftrl ^ who was a
servant of M. Hindal and whose brother had been killed in Qandahir
by Qaraca, was following and that he took off his (Qardca's) cap
{tdqiya) and struck him on the crown of the head with his sword,
splitting it, and then cutting off the head brought it to His Majesty.
During this conflict and tumult, in which the royal servants
fought with devotion, knowing that it was the end of the contest,
M. Kdmrfin could not maintain his ground and took to flight. He
went off to Afg^iftnistan by the Pass of Badpaj ^ (the windy pass).
The victorious army betook itself to plunder and got hold of much
property. The enemies of the State were seized and put to the sword,
many of them lowered the veil of shame over their faces and made
the tears of repentance their intercessors and after a thousand i^
proaches, were enrolled in the list of servants of the State. M. 'Askari
fell into the hands of the heroes of the army {^Askar). A victory
such as might be the introduction to countless victories, was obtained
out to me it is used by Q^afl Khan
II. 876. See also P. de Courteille
and Zenker.
1 Text, Saharl, but there is the
variant BahSrl, and this is the word
in Nis&mu-d-dln. SahSrI however
appears to be right. There was a
Sark&r of that name in the Agra
division. See Jarrett II. 195.
^ Babar*s Mem., 142 note 4. By
Afghanistan is meant the country
east of Kftbul.
CL - \:i^^ .Aa^.; ■ ■ j^fj.^:
CHAFTEB XLVIII. 571
and was the subject of thousands of rejoicings. But the heart of 305
Uis Majesty was very anxious about the safety of the jewel of
empire's diadem, viz.. His Majesty the ^ahin^ah, for he had heard
that on this occasion M. Kamran had brought him with him. His
Majesty could get no comfort from his distraction until Jtf asan AMlta
brought that rosebush of fortune's rose-garden, and cypress of the
parterre of sovereignty before him. Recognising his advent as the
beginning of fortune, he returned thanks to God for his safety and
the realisation of his hopes, and with excessive joy, he clasped that
Divine nursling to his bosom. After his devotions he distributed
charities, — ^which are the practical form of thanksgiving,-— and
drew to himself the hearts of the poor and the widowed and orphaned
by abundant presents. And he rewarded every one of the devoted
servants either because of the happy issue of events with regard to
the eye-pupil of the Khildfat or as a guerdon (jaldu) for good service.
His Majesty JahdnbanT announced that in future he never would be
separated from this new fruit of the garden of the Khildfat, — for
thousands of good auspices were infolded in his footsteps, — and he
recognised that the glorious victory came from the blessing of the
advent of this sublime pearl. At this joyous time two camels
loaded with boxes and without drivers were seen on the field of
battle. His Majesty said '' every one is having his plunder, let mine
be these two camels I" He went himself and taking their nose-strings,
ordered that they should be made to kneel and that the boxes should
be opened, so that he might see what was inside. By a beautiful
coincidence it was found that the special, royal books which were lost
at the battle of QibcSq were in these boxes and in perfect condition.
This was the occasion for a thousand rejoicings. Khw. Qdsim Mir
buyutfit, who was the kindler of the fire of strife, was consumed in
the flames of this battle by the fire of his own deeds, and so commo-
tion and depravity were set at rest. On this day a joyous assemblage
was held in Carikaran.
When by the favour of God, the gates of victory had been
opened and the seditious had been punished, Kabul became on the
following day the alighting place for blessed feet and a station of
everlasting auspiciousness. First, His Majesty entered the citadel
and had the joy of receiving his chaste ladies. After that he,
according to his wont, proceeded to the Urta Bag^ and freshened it
572
aebabnIha.
..by his fortunate presence. There he made arrangements for his
sabjects nnd dominions^ rewarding the good servants and punishing
the bad. Dindar Beg^ Haidar D5st Mn^^al Qanji^ and Mast 'Ali^
306 Qurci who had on many occasions shown disloyalty, were capitally
punished in accordance with their deserts, and the public benefit. He
exercised his genius in the distribution of justice. M. Sulahnan was
loaded with gifts and dismissed to 6ada}^^an. M. Ibrahim remained
for some days, as a special mark of favour, and then livas sent to
BadakhAfin. And it was settled that in an auspicious hour he should
be married to His Majesty's daughter Ba^^i^ Banii. His Majesty's
world-adorning heart engaged in the arrangement of affairs and
exalted all the servants by his affability and benevolence.
' Bayazld says Mast 'All's offence
was his refusing to fight at Qibciiq
on the plea that a bad cuirass had
been given to him, that Haidar Dost
Mughal Qanji was punished for
inciting Qaraca to rebellion, and that
Dindftr was punished for offences
committed in India.
8 Akbar's half-sister. After Ibra-
him's death she married Sharafu-d-
din Husain (Blochmann 322). la
Galbadan's Memoirs the tiAine is
spelt lilishi ,j-tii which is a Turki
word meaning good, and possibly
this is the proper spelling. Redhouse
gives it the meaning of beautiful.
Q. Vv"'.^:-Qk^ :'J<^->
CBAPTEB XLIX.
578
CHAPTER XLIX.
ASSIGKMENT OF THE VILLAQB OF CaRSB ^ TO HiS MaJESTT THE I^HAHAN-
S5AH^ AND THE PROQNOSTICATIONS THEREFROM OF THE FAR-SEEING.^
At this time, when, by God's help, Kabul had become the seat
of the thrones of sovereignty and the spot irradiated by the lights
of the Khildfat. the village of Carkh — which belongs to the tumdii
of Lahugar, — was assigned to His Majesty the gl^ahan^ah. The
eoh'ghtened drew an omen from this mysterious gift, and beat the
drum of rejoicing high o'er the nine spheres {carUb) . His Majesty gave
to Haji Muhammad the office of household -administrator {wakdlat-u
darldidnaf mayoralty of the palace), which is a very great post, — and
bade him mend his ways. But as, owing to his narrow understand-
ing, he was intoxicated with his coarage and proud of his reputation,
evil thoughts continually held him in the prison of affliction {gbam)^
and he was always ungrateful and showing improper desires. His
Majesty JahanbSnl, from his lofty nature and a tolerance which was
boundless, used to pass this over ; for the excellent principle of this
ruler was that the plant of the human life, — which is the product of
the Divine workmanship and the fruit-bearing growth of the garden
of fate, should not be pulled up for every defect, especially in the
case of one who was distinguished among his equals for wisdom or
courage or for any other fine quality. But that evil-constituted
wretch thought, in his folly and wrong-headedness, that this was a
weakness (in Humftyun), and so made it an incitement to still greater
madness; while His Majesty always winked at such conduct and
loaded him with favours. At this auspicious time. His Majesty
continually kept open the gates of justice and distributed favours
I See B&bar's Memoirs 148, and
Jarrett II. 406. It is S.E. of K&bul.
A.F. puns on the meaning of the
word carkh, ir\fra.
* This heading is very inade-
quate.
574
akbabkAma.
upon which the administration of the terrene and terrestrials depends,
and knit together the distractions and dispersions of the time.
M. Kamran^ after his defeat, went off from the village of UAtar-
307 grftm^ in the most wretched circumstances, — ^such as were the just
result of his ingratitude and the fruit of his oblivion of benefits, —
with eight followers {viz., 5q Sl.,^ brother of ^izr Khw. Khau, Bab a
Sa'Td Qibcfiq, Tamar Tash atga, Qatlaq Qadam, 'All Muhammad, Jogi
Kh&n, Abdal, and Maqsud qurcp), — by way of Dih-i-sabz, and joined
the Afghans. M. Hindal, Haji Muhammad Khan, Khizr Khw. Khto and
the others who had gone in pursuit, did not exercise proper diligence
and returned. The Afghans blocked the MTrzS's path and plundered
him, and he, fearing lest he should be recognized, shaved all the hair
from his face {car zarh zada) and came, disguised as a qalandar to
Malik Muhammad of Mandraur, one of the leading men of the Lam-
ghSinat, who recognized old obligations and tended him. M. Kamrdn
was not in the least awakened by all these disasters, — every one of
which was, in the eyes of the wise, a strong whip of warning and of
arousing from the sleep of negligence, — but again stretched himself
out in slumber. A number of soldiers who had the form of men but
neither the heart to perceive what was right nor the eye to feel shame
and who were always practising sedition and treacheiy, gathered
round him.
When this news came to the sublime camp, the market of hypo*
crites grew brisk and the loyal were distressed. At such a time as
this, when the flame of sedition and strife had become tongned, Hiji
Mul^ammad !^§n went off to Ghaznin without leave. His Majesty
Jahftnbani, from desire to temporize and, also from his perfect apprecia-
tion (of the man), regarded this disgraceful proceeding as love of op-
position (? ndzjang) * and did not approve of it. He appointed Bahidur
^ According to Gulbadan Begam,
he left Xamran (who was his father-
in-law) about this time and was, in
consequence, deprived of his wife.
He was a younger brother of Gul-
badan's husband, Ehizr.
s Tlie reading and meaning arc
uncertain. The Bodleian MSS. ap*
pear to give ndzl^unuk, i.e., cold-
ness of love, or ndnhcLkk, the erasing
of love. If may also be ndqlg^ang,
love of depravity. The I.O, US*
No. 4 has nd9'JAunuk quite clearlj.
Most probably the true reading is
ndz'Wiang, wickedness, for A,F. has
other similar uses of f^ang, (See
1. 198 U 15 and 334 1. 9^ where wo
have the word i^ang following
ia^aapib and used in the sense of
evil bigotry.
I
t
576
AKBABNlMA.
CHAPTER L.
Expedition of His Majbstt JahanbIni to Extingqish Anotheb Timk
THE Sbditious Flambs OF M. KAmbAn.
«
luasmuch as habit is, as tliey say, a fifth ^ humour of the body,—
whoever is addicted to evil ways is like the scorpion, and in stinging
is without the power of self-control. How much more they who are
constitutionally bad and in whom habit accords with nature. Ac-
cordingly M. Kamran again inclined towards his disposition and
practice and made his evil deeds the instrument of his own punish-
ment. He gathered together a number of Afghans fi*om the Khalll
and Mahmand tribes and a troop of vagabonds who could not dis*
tinguish good from evil, and set about plundering and ravaging.
His Majesty Jahanbanl, who was the giver of peace to the world
and the age, recognized that the ending of such tumults was a part of
worship, and he resolved to act in accordance therewith. He sent
Khw. Ikhtiyar and Mir 'Abdu-1-hai, who were confidential courtiers,
to Ghaznin, to convey a gracious letter to Haji Muhammad and recall
him from the darkness of evil thoughts to the light of recognition of
duty. While His Majesty was making his prepai*ations, he heard
that M. K&mrdn was besieging, with a number of vagabonds, a fort
near Carbagh. in the vicinity of Jal&labad. He therefore did not
wait for H&ji Muhammad Khan, but went off with all rapidity towards
Jalalfib&d. When M. KSmrftn heard this, he was amazed and fled.
He again betook himself to the defiles and went off from there by
Banga^ and Gardiz, thinking that he might join H§ji Muhammad.
For this perverse wretch held with M. Kdmrfin.
The story of Haji Muhammad is as follows. As the time of Iiis
ruin approached, evil thoughts came forth more and more from bis
> Mu^ammadans reckon that there
are four bumonrs in man. See Lane
S.v.iijji 78Sb. They derived the
notion from Hippocrates and Galen.
Qv .-i?.;«r*ffi«-'-joa'>-
CHAPTBE t, 577
impure heart, and he dismissed the royal ambassadors with pretences
and false promises of his coming. At the same time he sent a 909
messenger to M. Kamrfin, asking him how long he was going to
wander about in the hills and deserts, and telling him to come quickly
in his own direction so that they might act in concert. By chance
Bairfim Khan, who was going to Qandahar in His Majesty's service,
arrived at Ghaznin. Hs ji Muhammad, who was longing for the Khan
{bd hbdn tawaqdn biid), went out to meet him and fawned upon him,
seeking to bring him into the fort under the pretext of a feast and to
shut him up there. The KtiSn proceeded towards the fort when Mir
Haba^, who was with Haji Muhammad ^an, gave a signal to the
^Sn, and he, being put on his guard, thereby made an excuse and
renounced his intention of entering the fort, and encamped at a
fountain outside the city. There he soothed Hfiji Muhammad and
prevailed upon him to accompany him to Kabul. He sent the news
of his own arrival and of the bringing of l^jsji Muhammad ; and His
Majesty, having heard that M. Kftmran was coming to the territory
of Kabul, proceeded to Kabul with all haste. M. Kamran advanced
to within one stage of Kabul and then, when he heard of the arrival
of the Oiankhdn^n and of his having Haji Muhammad Khi&n with him^
he again withdrew in confusion toLamghto. One day HfijI Muhammad
wished to enter K§bul by the Iron Gate, but Ktiw. Jalalu-d-din
Mahmud, who was in charge of Kabul, would not permit him to enter
the fort and sent him a harsh message. That face-blackened one became
suspicious and went off to QarS Bfigh^ under pretext of hunting ; and
then, passing by the Kutal-i-minftr went to Babft QucqSr (i.e., Bfibft
ram); then by the DSman-i-koh of Bihzftdi and Lalandar,^ went
quickly off to Ghaznin. Just then the victorious standards of His
Majesty Jahanbftni, who had gone towards Kftbul to quell the distur-
bance of M. KSmrSn, arrived at Slab Sang. Bairftm !^3n was
exalted by paying homage. His Majesty Jahanbfini ordered that no
one should enter the city, for he was going in pursuit of the Mirzfi,
so that he might, once for all, free God's creatures from daily dis-
turbance. But as his mind was not at ease about Haji Muhammad,
the officers were unanimous that he should be secured about him and
' Bilandari, Erskine reads Alin-
dar. I adopt the variant Lalandar,
73
which is supported hy B.M. MSS.
andjby Jarrott II. 40^
578
AKBA^BKAMA.
then set out after the Mirza. His Majesty came to the city and
i appointed Bairdm Khfin to look after Haji Muhammad and instructed
^ him to act with dissimulation and by every contrivance possible to
bring him in.
BairSm !^an tamed Haji Muhammad by suitable devices and
after promises and oaths, he came to the village of Gnlkar ^ and
embraced the KhankhSnan. The latter brought him to the presence
of the forgiving prince and begged for the remission of his offences.
301 Pour or five days later they all went together towards the Lam-
S^finat which was the retreat of the Mirza. In spite of the recent
forgiveness of so many crimes^ Hnji Muhammad acted as if he had
never committed them^ and again had the audacity to enter on still
worse schemes. He shewed disgraceful conduct and disgusted the
holy heart. His Majesty went off with a large body of menj and
when the standards of fortune reached Jalal&bfid, the Mirza retreated
to the defiles of Kanur and Nurgal^ and all sedition-mongers crept
away. The KhanUianSn was appointed to follow the Mirzfij and the
latter^ not. being able to maintain himself in Kanur ^ and Nurgal
went off to the Indus {Nildb). The KhfinUban&n returned and did
homage in Daka.^
At this time His Majesty took into consideration general utility
and the public tranquillity, and ordered the arrest of H&ji Muham-
mad and his brother, g^fih Muhammad — who was capable of being
Hftji Muhammad^s instructor in wickedness. And these two un*
grateful brothers — who in their service looked to nothing but material
advantages and their own credit ; who were given over to enpiditj
and ingratitude ; who looked for a great price in exchange for their
inferior goods, and who were unmindful of benefits, were caught by
^ their own wickedness. His Majesty, in accordance with his JQ^t
nature, ordered that the services which the low-thoughted service*
sellers had voluntarily or involuntarily rendered during their careers^
should be entered by them in a list, and that one of the honest
servants should write out their offences, so that by putting them into
the balance of justice, the real facts about these two evilnloers
1 Gulkina, a suburb of Kabul. See
' BSbar 137 and Jarrett II: 404 and
> note.
* Kan&r] ^ (read by Chalmers
Katar), Narkal. These are two
distinct places. BSbar's Mems. 1^
and Jarrett II. 392.
> At the end of the Sb'^^'**
n^'*"*1Kt'A'VJ0Q^
OMAPTEB L.
579
might be patent to mankind. The record ^ of their good deeds re-
mained unwritten^ while their sins came to 10!^ great culpabilities^ —
each one of which might have been a ground of imprisonment and
death and degradation. Good God ! there is one man who after good
service is trembling and downcast, lest his (Akbar's) glance fall
upon his work and there be a suspicion that he, a simple-minded
man, is selling his services, or that he is ill-conditioned. And the
more honest his service, the greater his apprehensions ! And there
is another kind of man who sells things not done at the rate of '
things done; who passes off bad deeds as good ones; who after
tricking out his blemishes,' looks for favours, and indulges himself in
self-commendation.
When by this thorough investigation it was proved to the world
that these two disloyalists deserved the punishment of their own
wickedness, and that it was time the skirt of the age should be
cleansed from the dirt of their existence, their fierce and brutish
natures — which infected them in the cage of the raw material of 811
humanity, — were drawn forth by a halter from human shape, and
consigned to a fitting place, and they, or rather the world, was
granted deliverance from their hideous nature. Ghazhin was
assigned to Bahadur ^an and his (Qaji Muhammad's) other fiefs
were distributed among the (royal) servants.
The winter was spent in that neighbourhood, in travelling and
hunting, and in feasting and rejoicing. In the beginning of spring,
when the humours are in a state of equilibrium, general receptions
were held, and after petitions and tendering of gifts, a number were
enrolled in service. The dust of the Mirza's strife and disturbance
was laid, and His Majesty Jah&nbani went by Badpaj to the river
B&ran. On the night that the army was near Bfidpaj, there
was much rain and snow and many suffered. When hunting and
sight-seeing were ended, Kabul was made the seat of dominion, and
i cy. Jauhar, Stewart 107. He
places their pouiahment ia 961 (1553).
^ iSj/ij^ ^lit. This compound is
not to be found in the dic-
tionaries. Some MSS. read ^Mi
dhila^ a blister or pimple, and this,
I believe the true reading, ^
folly, does not seem applicable here
nor at text, 336, 1. 16, where the
phrase occurs again. I think the
expression corresponds to the English
"plastering the boil" and means
covering over and adorning a sore,
so as to make it look like a beauty.
580 a^baanAma.
Bairam IQian was sent to administer the affairs of Qandahar. Khw.
GbSzi was sent with him to convey presents and to go on an embassy
to the ruler of Persia, ^aznin, Gardi^, Bangash and the timdn
of Lahugar (Logar)^ were bestowed on M. Hindal. Qnndus^ nvhich
belonged to the Mirza^ was conferred on Mir Barka and M. Hasan.
M. Hindal was granted leave to go to Ghaznin and Mir Barka
received permission to go to Qanduz. Jul g^alu and its territory
were assigned to S^i^r Khw. Khan. Before Mir Barka reached
Qunduz, M. Ibrahim got possession of it by trickery from Muhammad
Tabir Khftn, and Mir Barka returned to Kabul. His Mnjesty Jahan-
banl allowed the good services of the Mirza to be an atonement for
his action and left him in possession of Qunduz. At this time,
Abu'l-ma'ali was introduced into the service through *Abdu-8-8ami.
Sbfth Abu'l-ma'ftli traced his descent from the saiyids of Termiz.
His personal beauty made the good and right-thinking look for
goodness of nature^ and his forwardness was tolerated on account of
his courage. Consequently he became a favourite with His Majesty
Jahftnbini. Some of his insolencies and extravagancies will bo
related in their proper place.
1 Aln, Lohgar. Jarrett II. 406.
£Zl.*^ » w>r*»i
.-^OQ'x
Cttl^PTEE Ll.
581
CHAPTER LI.
Another Expedition of His Majbstt J^HANBiNi JANNAT-lgfiYlN! to
Quell the Disturbance caused bt M. KahbAn; and the
Mabttrdoh or M. HindAl.
M. Kamrfta spent some days in the cell of contempt and disgrace,
and then hearts which had been set at rest, were again agitated by gi2
the news of hia strife-mongering ; and wayfarers reported to His
Majesty that he had come back from the Indas {Nildb) and had
again raised the head of sedition in the district of JuT ghfthl, in
concert with a band of vagabonds. His Majesty summoned M.
Hindftl from Ghaznin and issued marching-orders to the neighbour-
ing jdgirddra. In a short time M. Hindftl did homage, and the
devoted and dutiful followers gathered round. His Majesty Jahdn.
b§m ordered an expedition to extinguish the flames of sedition, and
M. Kamran, on hearing of this, retreated unsuccessful. When the
victorious standards had neared Surkhab, Haidar Muhammad Aibtd-
begi, who was in the advance-guard, had, with many devoted men, gone
ahead of the royal camp and halted on the banks of the Siah Xh,
which is between the Suri^ftb and Gandamak. M. Eftmrftn, who
did not find himself able to engage in a pitched battle, made a night
attack on him. Haidar Muhammad showed lion-like courage and
made a gallant fight, and received conspicuous wounds, which are
in appearance and in reality red-lettered diplomas {tughrd). He
remained firm and did not give up his ground. Though many things
were plundered, the Mirzft failed and had to return disconcerted.
After some days when the village of Japriar, which belongs to the
tumdn of Neknahar,^ had been made the camping ground, — ^inasmuch
1 Or NSknihal, Jarrett II. 405. It
lies S. of tho KSbul river. See also
Bellow's Baces of Afghanistan 64.
The Japriar of text is written JarySr
by Erskine. Bayazld speaks of Car-
yar and Hindalptlr; and Raverty,
(Notes on Afghanistan, 55) says Jiryar
or Jablryir belongs to Nangnahar and
is also written Jablrhar and lies on
the slopes of the Spingbar Bange.
582 AKBABNAIIA.
as vigilance and caution are the components of alertness^ — bat^
teries were arranged and a trench and bulwark made. At the
end of the day two Afghfins brought word that M. K^dmran intended
that night to make an attack with a large body of Afghans. His
Majesty Jahanbani brought the rules of circumspection to bear and
stationed men at every point. On the night of Sundayj 2l8t
Zi'1-qa'da, 958 (20th November, 1551), when a quarter of the night
had passed away, M. Kamran fell upon the camp with a large body
of Afghans. His Majesty Jahanbfini mounted his horse and stood
on a height behind his tent, and summoned to his presence the
glory of foreheads and the great pearl of the diadem of the
Khildfat, to wit. His Majesty the g^ahani^ah. The servants of the
exalted threshold were all in the entrenchments and doing* their duty
bravely. The flames of battle were blazing. In the midst o£ this
tumult and confusion 'Abdu-1-wahhab yasdwal, who was in the
entrenchments, was struck by a bullet and became a martyr. The
market of conflict grew hot until the shining moon, — ^which is the
mirror-holder of the world,— raised her head from the quarter of
fortune and brightened the earth with her effulgence. The light
313 of victory radiated from the brows of dominion, and the adversary
sought safety in flight. The imperialists were victorious and raised
the standards of composure. The hearts of all had become tranquil
when suddenly an unpleasant report came to the royal hearingi that
M. Hindal had left this evil world. Joy became bitter and exalta-
tion was changed into abundance of sorrow. Alas ! 'tis the way of
this transitory world that if a breath go forth in joy, next moment
the smoke of grief ascends from the breast of the afflicted.
Verse.
Never is heaven's eye brightened by the morning.
Without the evening twilight's suffusing it with blood.
There is neither capability of dallying for enjoyment therein,
nor permission for persistent grief. Though the Mirzft left this
unstable world and departed from this unenduring hostel, he gained
the glory of martyrdom and at once acquired a good name in the
visible world and an exalted rank in the world of reality. Hail 1
O Thou little-receiving and much-giving who, on the departure of
borrowed life, hast given such permanent grandeurs ! His Majesty
CEUPTIB LI. 583
who wfts a mine of gratitade, was bo affected and Borrowf ul at the
death of so noble a brother that hia feelings cannot be described
or hinted at. Bat aa he was wise and farseeing, he tamed from
lamentation to resignation and soaght comfort in the pleasant abode
of submission to the Divine Will.
The acoonnt of this melancholy affair is aa follows. When M.
Hindal heard of the projected night attack he put the entrenchments
in order, and he had gone to take some repose, when the noise
oE the Afghans arose. An nndesoribable number o£ Afj^Bus came
into each battery, and many entered the Mirisfi's. The night was
dark. The Uirzft addressed himself to the repulsing of the
wretches, while his own meu were confused and haetened to look '
after their horses. Meanwhile the Mirza came face to face with
the Afg^nB. NQrm ' Kdka and many others behaved badly. The
time for nsing bow and arrow passed and he grappled with one of
the foe, and by main force overthrew the bom villain. The brother
o£ that wretch, Jaranda^ by name and belonging to the Mahmand
tribe, sent the MirzS to the other world by a poison-stained spear.
Some of M. Kanrrfin's companions nsed to relate that that evil-
uatnred Af^^n got hold of a case which contained the Idirzfi's
special thnmb-stalls and brought it before M. Efimran, not knowing
with whom he had played this disastrous game. He described the
occurrence. When the MlrzS's eye fell on the thumb-stall case,
lie knew what misfortune had happened and flung his turban on the 314
ground, saying that M. Hindfll had been martyred.
In short the soul of the MirzS travelled on that dark night
to the abode of annihilation without its being known, and his body
remained where it fell. Meanwhile some of his servants were
coming back, when S^w. Ibr&him Badakh^i observed that there was
a black cuirass [qalmaq] on the body. As it was dark and the
tumult still continued, he did not approach it. Then it occurred to
him that M. Hind&l had been wearing a black cuirass. He tnmed
ronnd and looked at it and recognised the Mirzfi. In accordance
1 Gulbadan's sccount ia that none
of them dtamouDt«d.
> This name Beema to mean my
lighl and to be formed like Uaham,roj
moon. He was foster-brother of M,
IbrShIm, Akbar'8 half-brother, Bloch<
mann 526.
s The Iqb&lnama has Parld.
584
AKBABNlVA.
with patience and deliberation which are the watchwords of the
wise, he carried ^ off the body to the Mirza*s tent and made it over
to the doorkeepers ; and he wisely took steps to conceal the melan-
choly occurrence so that the enemy might not rejoice nor be en-
couraged, and also that the imperial servants might not be disheart-
ened. He reported that the Mirza was much fatigued, and was
also slightly wounded, and that no one should make any noise or
tumult close by. He himself went up on the rising ground and con-
veyed congratulations on the victory as from the Mlrzi. The
illuminated soul of His Majesty Jah&nbanI received a ray of
intelligence from this statement. In fine the Mirza's bier was deposited
in Jul g^aln, and after some time was brought to Kabul. The body
was placed in the Guzargah, near the holy tomb of His Majesty
Geti-sitftni Firdus-mak&nT, and buried at his feet. Mnllg Khurd
Zargar who was in the Mirza^s ^ service, composed an elegy of which
the first couplet was, —
Verse. ^
One night sorrow made a night-attack on the apple of mine eye,
Owing to the onset of blood, my beloved departed.
1 Gulbadan says Mir Baba DSst
carried in the body.
* From a previous reference (Text I.
275) it appears that Mulla Khurd was
in KSmran's service, so that the
word Mirz& here probably refers to
KSmran. He is mentioned in the
Tdbaqdt'i'^b(Mri, Lucknow Ed., p. 405,
under the name of Mulla Khurd
Zargar. His poetical name was
Fanal and Nizamu-d-din says he was
originally a servant of M. 'Askari.
See also Blochmann 426, but perhaps
this is a different Fanat.
s Lit, One night the blood of the
liver made an attack on my eye-
pnpil.
Owing to the coming and going of
blood the black-eyed one pitched
his tent outside.
The text has eipdh^dida and this
may be correct, the meaning being
the sentinel, or the soldier-eye. But
there is the variant sidk dida moan-
ing black-eyed, and a mistress; and
this reading I adopt. Probably the
poet wanted to take advantage of
both readings for eipah agrees with
the expression " pitched his tent ont-
side. Possibly ho had in his mind
the passage in Babar's Memoirs,
(Leyden and Erskine, p. 33), where
we are told that Baisan^^tiar had to
shift his pavilion three times on ac-
count of the number of executions
that took place in front of it. The
quatrain which follows is said by
A.F. to be also by Mull& ^ttrd»
but BadSonT (I. 454) gives it as the
composition of Maulina Qasan 'All
.@L-Al*-i;*-*'^ft(wS. -JQQ
CHAPTRR LI. 585
This chronogram is also his, —
Verse.
HindSl Muhammad, a king of glorious title,
Suddenly, in the dead of night, became a martyr,
As a night-attack (skabkhun) caused his martyrdom.
Seek the chronogram from sAahhbun ^ (958) .
Mir Amani uttered this enigmatical chronogram, —
Verse}
A cypress left the garden of glory.
The Mii*za was born in 924* (1518) and so it was said : —
Verse.
The chronogram was kaukab-i-burj-i'sAshanskdhi (924),
(the kaukab of the king of kings' tower) .
Next day His Majesty JahftnbSnT went from there to Bihsiid,
where he encamped in order that he might, once for all, set his
world-adorning heart at rest with respect to the strife of the sedi-
tious and then make K&bul, by the glory of his sublime court, an
abode of peace and tranquillity.
Kharas. He also gives some other
lines in which the same chronogram
appears.
' Sitf^bf^un makes, by ahjad, 958
(1551).
^ The cypress stands for the letter
cUiff on accoant of its straight shape.
If fidif be removed from the words
huatdn-irdaulat, the other letters
amount by abjad to 958.
^ Erskine (II. 404 n.) says he was
bom in 925, and this agrees with
Babar (250). Kaiikab means both a
star, and a golden ball, and burj
means both a tower and a sign of the
Zodiac. The Memoirs of Gulbadan
Begam also go to show that Hindil
who was her full brother, was bom
in 925.
74
586 AEBABN2HA.
CHAPTER LII.
316 Assignment of the Territory op Ghaznin to His Majesty thr
SSAHINSSAH, and ElEVATION OP SOME TO HIS SbRVICR.
As, from his early years, the notes of greatness and the glory
of government shone from the lustrous brows of that new fruit of
the tree of sovereignty and that splendour and nosegay of the
garden of the hbildfat and fortune,— to wit. His Majesty the ghihin-
shSh, — at this time, when he was ten years old, all the servants of
M. Hindal, together with all his Jdgirs, viz,, Ghaznin, etc, were
assigned to him, so that, by the practice of rule, he might exhibit
favour and severity in the management of men ; and by administra-
tion of a part, he might become accustomed to administer the whole.
One of the wonderful things of fate was that some days earlier, the
turban of this light of the eyes of dominion came off in a crowd
when he was riding in the service of His Majesty Jahanb&ni. M.
Hindal was there and from perfect reverence, he took off his own
fortunate cap {tdj) in the midst of that crowd and placed it on the
star-brushing head (i.e., of Akbar). The far-seeing drew the omen
from this that the time when the ghahinsbah would wear the diadem
and wield authority, was nigh at hand. The Almighty, in recom-
pense for this deed, elevated the Mirza to the rank of martyrdom
which is equivalent to life and joy eternal. His Majesty the S^ahin*
sbah — ^who is the Divine nursling, — shewed such marks of greatness,
graciousness and appreciation of men, in winning hearts, that grief
for the Mirza left men's souls and they became possessed of constant
joy-
Verse.
0 God ! so long as the world hath lustre and colour.
The heavens gyration and the earth stability ;
Grant him enjoyment of life and youth ;
Above all, give him abundance of existence.
Qi.wAa^
^Kfiji- ."i'^Q^S
CHAFTSB LII.
587
The names of the principal servants of the deceased Mirza who
entered into the service of the S^fihinsbah^ are as follows; — (1).
Mnhibb 'All Khan ; (2). NSfirQuli; (3). Khw. Ibrfthim; (4). Man-
lan& 'Abdu-1-lah; (5). Idlna Tuqb5i ; (6). SainfinjT; (7). Qarg^uji ;
(8). Jan Muhammad Taqbfti ; (9). Taju-d-din Mahmud 6ar6egf* ; (10).
Timar T§^; (11). Maulanft Sani, now known as SanI KhJn;^ (12).
Maalana Baba Dost^ sadr, who was highly regarded by the Mirzfi ; (13).
Mir JamaP who was also a favourite with the Mirzi; (14). !|^aldTn 316
Dost Sahiri. Baba Dost was also a servant of the Mirza but^ as in
the educational canon^ nothing is worse than bad company^ he^ on
account of his bad character was not taken on. Though Muhammad
Tahir i^an was an old servant of the Mirza, yet^ inasmuch as he had
not been able to keep charge of Qunduz/ he was excluded from the
glance of the truth-discerning eye^ and was not made a companion on
this auspicious expedition. As the Court of this bestower of glory on
the earthy was a test of the jewel of humanity, the condition of every
one of these men who was of good disposition and pure character,
became better day by day, and they attained lofty positions. And
it is to be hoped that they will remain to the end in that condition.
Everyone who was evil had the veil stripped from his acts and was
so dealt with as to be a warning to all who were evil or negligent.
As the village of Bihsud became the camp of the pavilions of
fortune, an order was given to build a strong fort. His Majesty the
ghahinshah was sent off ^ in order to strengthen the city of Kabul
and that he might there practise the methods of spiritual and
temporal sovereignty. His Majesty himself remained at Bihsud under
the Divine aid and exercised vigilance with regard to M. Kamran.
The army remained there for four or five months. The Mirza, from
want of sense, (az hi istitd'afl) was each day the guest of a clan
and each night took refuge with a landholder. From a defect of
1 Blochmann 476 and Badaonl 111.
206.
' Qa. father of Hamlda Ban a
Begam. See Gulbadan Begam's Me-
moirs. Perhaps he was also known
as 'Ali Akbar and perhaps Badaoni
was mistaken in giving this as
another name of 8aul B[han.
3 Probably this was the brother of
Babar's Afghan wife, Bibl Mubarika.
♦ A reference to his allowing him-
self to be over-reached by M. Ibrahim.
^ HumSyan seems to have for-
gotten his vow never again to be
separated from Akbar.
588 akbabnAha.
nature^ lie remained veiled in self-conoeit and excladed from the
auspicious service and fellowsliip of such a benefactor^ and was for
ever indulging in seditious thoughts.
At this time^ a set of superficialists who were in the service of
His Majesty the ghahin^ah and were oblivious of an internal abode
of wisdom^ wrote to His Majesty Jahanbani and complained aboat
his Highness. His Majesty^ notwithstanding that he was aware of
the inner light of the Sbahins^ah^ had regard to externalsj and sent
a gracious letter containing instructions and admonitions^ full of
kindness and paternal affection and not at all of a censurinf^ or
cautioning character! For what need has he who has been taaght
at the Divine school, — of human instructions ? or what concern has
the nursling of Heaven with such didactics ? In that letter this verse
of Sbaikh Niz&ml was quoted.
Verse.
Sit not idle, 'tis not the time for play :
'Tis the time for arts and for work.
He was first taken before MuUazada MuUa ^A^ftmu-d-din to be
taught. As this teacher was devoted to pigeons, the servants re-
ported against him. His Majesty discharged him and made over the
817 duty of outward instruction to MaulSna Bay&zid. He performed
this duty, but as the world-adorning Deity did not wish that His
own special pupil should become tainted by exoteric sciences, He
diverted him from such pursuits and made him inattentive to them«
The shallow thought it was the fault of the teachers and re*
ported against them, but as the latter were right-thinking and of
good character, the complaints were not accepted or acted upon.
At last His Majesty had an inspiration, to wit, that for the purpose
of instructing that pupil of the Divine school, lots should be cast
between Mullft ^Abdu-1-Qadir, MuUaz&da MulU 'Affimu-d^din, and
MauUnd Bayazid, so that he, on whom the lucky chance should fall,
should be exalted by being made the sole teacher. It happened
. that the lot fell on Maulfins Abdu-1-Qsdir, and an order issued for
the removal of Maulang Bllyazld and the appointment of Maulani
'Abdtt-l-Qftdir.
It is not hidden from the wise and acute that the appointment
of a teacher in a case like this, springs from use and wont, and does
CHIFTIR LIl. 589
not pertain to the acqniBition of perfections. For him who is God's
pupil, what occasion is there for teaching by creatures, or for
apphcatioD to lessons? Accordingly bis holy heart and his
sacred sonl never turned towards external teaching. And his
posaeHsion of the most excellent sciences together with his dis-
inclination for the learning of letters were a method of showing to
mnnlcind, at the time of the manifestation of the lights of hidden
abnndancies, that the lofty comprehension of this Lord of the Age
was not learnt or acquired, but was the gift of God in which hnman
effort had no part. Hia Highness in that period assimilated external
gloiy and temporal dominion in abundance, but feigned ignorance
of inward perfections and spent much time in sport, and practised
wisdom under a veil of concealment, so thai even the farseeing
failed to notice it.' Bat, as his genius was soaring, he was making
a perfect veil for himself out of grand external performances. And
ho put his heart into acts so that though their beauty was not evident
to the superficial yet the profound perceived the designs. Among
them was his continually giving his attention^ to that wondrous
creature the camel and his delight in the marvels of Divine power.
He used to ol^erve and contemplate the strange make and ways of
camels, which were the biggest animals in that region and, under
the guise of amusement and metaphor, made serious reflections on
the darviik-like constitution of those beasts— their endurance and
patience j submission and resignation, their passive obedience even
should the leading cord be in the hand of a child, — their being
satisfied to eat thorns, and their endurance of thirst. He also
applied his thoughts to the delight in an Arab horse which is a grand
subject of dominion and eialtation, and carried off the ball of 818
excellencies and of philosophy (hunarparddzi, lore of science) with
the polo-stick of the Divine help and of sempiternal instruction. And
sometimes he opened the wings of his genins in the spacious atmos-
phere of meditation upon God and brought his contemplative mind
to study the sport of pigeon-flying.^ He scattered grain in order
to allure their timid breasts and proceeded from the superficial joy and
■ The test omits the negative, but
the variimt rmmh^lad makeB better
Benac and ia ttappgrtcd hf two B.U.
USS. Nos. 27,247 and 5«10.
* This may be compared with the
remarks in the lln, Blochmann 143.
3 Cf. Blochmann 298.
&00
akbabnAma.
ecBtacy of these liandfuls of wings and feathers to the recuperative and
visible raptures of the lords of perfection^ and thereby participated in
the joys of the spiritual world. He carried his heart from the flying
of these aerial fliers to the lofty soaring of the swift-winged ones of
holy heaven^ and under the guise of sport performed the work of adora*
tion. Sometimes he would apply himself to coursing* with dogs mA
thus occupy himself with sensuous things. Outwardly it was cyne-
geticB^ inwardly it was quickening the senses. Apparently his heart
was fixed upon dog-fancying^ in reality he was condacting his
companions in the methods of government. And ^ althongh he was
pursuing his quests under the veil of irrecognition and kept himself
attired in the garb of superficialists, he could not hide his sweet
savour or his brilliancy. Divine glory ever shone from his lustrous
brows, and the attributes of spiritual and temporal leadership were
conspicuous in the irradiated countenance of that elect of God !
One day be was engaged in hunting on the slope of the Safid
Sang hills and had put hunting-dogs into the charge of his immediate
attendants in order that they should lie in ^ wait. And certain men
i Gf, the remarks about hunting,
Blochmann 282.
> There is a SafTd Sang south of
Kabul, but probably what is meant
is the SafId Koh or Spinghar range
S.W. of Jalalabad.
^ Ke tvsqdtcal hasjiind. The word
tasqawal is not in the dictionaries.
It occurs once before, viz., at Text,
p. 255, 1. 11. That passage is founded
on Bayazid I.O. MS , 28b and he
says that tusqdwal is called nihilan^
in Badakhshan. Now Babar has the
word nihilam, p. 28 of Memoirs,
and speaks of his uncle Sultan Mah-
m&d MirzS's being very fond of hunt-
ing the nihilam. That is, this is
how Loyden has understood the
passage, and P. de Oourteille has
followed him. But it would appear
from the passage before us that taa*
qdwcd according to A.F. means a
particular kind of hunting and is
not the name of any animal. Ap-
parently it refers to the practice of
driving game past a shelter or shoot-
ing box. The Lucknow edition of the
Akbarnama says in a note to the
passage, at p. 238 that tctsqdtcal i^ ^
Turki word and means a hunter who
remains on the low ground in ambush.
It may perhaps be connected with
the Turqi qardtoal a hunter, or it*
may be Arabic and a derivative froai
J|CJa> and iJfc and mean one who
feigns inactivity. Babar *s remark
that his uncle took to the pursuit ia
the latter part of his life seems to
imply that the sport was not of ^^
active kind. In the Persian of Babar't^
Mem., as given in the Bombay
lithographed edition, ni^it/am appears
as hahilam.
Since writing this note I ban*
_.Ol-A;.-^ Pt\a V .^Q(^«S
GHAPTBR LII.
591
had been sent up the mountain to drive the deer down into the plain*
When the deer came to the obstacles^ the servants had been canght
by the dog of carnal appetite^ and as in their folly they thought
only of His Highnesses tender years and boyish appearance, they
had set themselves to eat and so did not slip the dogs in time.
When he became aware of this, his inward sovereignty was aroused,
and he issued an order that their necks should be bound with cords
as if they were dogs, and they be led round the camp. He so sate
on the masnad of severity that the old and experienced were amazed
and placed the finger of surprise in their mouths. When this occur-
rence came to the ears of His Majesty JahfinbanI, his heart was
greatly delighted and he remarked that he would soon come to
great sovereignty and attain everlasting dominion.
Sbfiham K^an Jalair used to tell how one day His Majesty Jahfin-
bdni bade him go and see what the new fruit of fortune's springtide
was doing. " When I went," he said, " I found him lying down.
His lusti*ous countenance was serene and he looked as if he were
asleep. In truth he was holding converse with the holy ones of
heaven's court (the angels). His blessed hand moved occasionally
as is seen in the recuperative states of the lords of contemplation.
From time to time there fell from his pearl-dropping tongue such
expressions as " God willing, TU bring the cream of earth's surface 319
under my sway and fulfil the desires of the sorrowful of the seven
climes." " The Khan used to say that when he saw this condition
and heard these words, he became amazed, and great awe fell upon
him^ so that he could not stand. He went aside and remained stupe-
fied. Several times did he (Akbar) speak in this fashion.
A laudable behaviour of His Highness at this time and one which
showed his lofty and farseeing nature was that whenever any
flatterers or black-hearted persons, who see nothing but their own
personal loss or gain, or rather think their ^ loss is their gain, would
found the word twqdwal JLl&p in
the Turkish-Persian dictionary of
Mirza 'All Bakht* and which is known
as the Farhang Agafarl. This dic-
tionary is in the Mnlla FlrUz Library,
Bombay, and is No. 27, p. 64 of
Behatsek's catalogue. It explains
iusqdwdl as the shutting up of a road.
Tasqawal, or nihihim then was a
kind of hunting analogous to "driv-
ing ** and was perhaps such a sport
as Akbar is said to have engaged in
at the Deer-tower of Fatehpfir Slkr5.
1 Perhaps it should be zian-'i'digar
the loss of others, but alltheMSS.
seem to have Qtid.
592 akbabkAva.
say "May you soon be king of the seven climes" op "May you be
the Lord of the Age" he would be much displeased and say "Those
people in their little sense want to show themselves wellwishers.
God forbid that they know anything of the palace of welhvishiug!
They are imagining evil for me in thinking of the decease of His
Majesty JahgnbanT^ and are gathering my temporal good from my
spiritual ill. Or rather they are casting trouble into the country of
welfare and raising the head of sedition. For the spiritual and
temporal good fortune of children lies in their hopes and wishes
being always for the preservation of their august fathers^ and they
wish them long life. For he who does not act rightly by his temporal
God how shall he conduct himself properly towards his spiritual
God ? " Let men admire the lofty understanding, the pure nature,
and the right thinking of this spiritually and temporally great one
(Akbar) ! In fine, greatness and glory shone in every action of His
Highness. What the mature and experienced attained to by thought
and care, this cherished one of God's glance acquired with small
application in the beginning of his career. And every knowledge
and science that the learned and the studious gathered with diffi-
culty, came into the hands of this exhibitor of wondrous powers
without meditation or care. Bipe wisdom made the hope-eye of the
world shine on beholding this light of the eyes of sovereignty^ and
made men exult in the firm wisdom and deep knowledge of this
nursling of God. But till the time of the revelation of the Khildfat,
it was veiled and hidden, and he passed his time under God's protec-
tion and free from the mischief of the deceit and treachery of ill-
wishers.
OBAFTIR LIII.
CHAPTER LIII.
EXPBDITIOH or Hl8 MaJESTT jAHiMBAHl JANMiT-iSBTlMl PSOU
BiHSOD AaAIHST THK Ar^i.V CLANS, — AMOHOBT WHOM
WAS THK AUBUSH OF M, KiHRAlt's BTRIFK8, —
AND maHT OF THE LATTIK TO IKDIA.
When winter come to an end in the village of BihaQd and tfae
Tiolenee of the cold vaa orer ; and when it was known that M^
Klmrtn, with a few retainers, was spending his days amongst tlie
Afghta dans, moet of the officers were of opinion that, as tfae Mind
had now no power of opposition, His Majesty should leare there a ma
body of troops, and shonld proceed to Kftbnl. Bnt a party <A the
far-seeing represented that as the weather was now temperate, it was
adriaable to attack and plunder the Aff^ns ; and that it was impro-
per to retnm until this faction, — the material of strife and sedi-
tion j — had been thoroughly sabdaed. Thug both M. KamiAn who
was secretly living amongst the tribe and who was making ready
the conskilaents of dissension, woold fall into their hands, and also,
tfae root of tfae disturbers would be dng up.
His Majesty Jah&nbftnt preferred this view, and gnided by
victory, mounted the steed of fortune in order to fall suddenly upon
the clans and pour the dnet of defeat on their heads. A number of
impetooos heroes and wieldera of tfae sword, saoh as Muhammad
St«n Jalftir, SI. Mn^mmad Fawftq, gbai^ BahlQl, gbfih Qui!
Nitanji, were appointed under the leadership of SI- Husain QiAn to
go forward in advanoe. The wind was very cold that night and tfae
way was long, so they halted mid-way to ease their men and cattle.
In tfae morning, they mounted and went on.
As the tribes had scattered here and there, it was not known in
which the MirzS was. In this time of perplexity, Msham 'Ali Qnii
Khiin and BBbft ^^izarl who were on tfae way from M. KSmrSn to
Malik Muhammad of Mandraur, fell into the hands of tfae royal
servants. They asked in which tribe the Mirzfi was. Mftham 'Ali
75
594
AKBABNlMA.
led the inquirers astray and indicated a tribe other than that in
which the Mirzd was. BabS said, ^^ He is frightened^ he does not
know what he is saying. The Mirzft is in such and such an encamp*
ment and I will show the way/' The advance-guard reached the
place at early dawn, attacked it^ sent many to the abode of annihila-
tion and captured a number of women and children. Some of the
heroes entered the tent where the Mirza was sleepingj and S^fth
Qui! Nftranji declares that he was one of them and that there were
two persons within. One of them was caught and the other con-
821 triyed to escape. In the momingj it was seen that the captive was
Beg Multtk whom the Mirzft always kept in his sights and that it
was the Mirza who had gone out. Some of the vagabond Afghfaflj
such as 3b&^ Yusnf E^ararftn! and Malik Sangl, stood up to fight
and then flung the dust of disgrace on themselves by running away.
Their goods fell into the hands of the royal servants. The victory
was won before the arrival of the royal standards. The Mirza was
not able to remain in those parts and went to India.
When His Majesty's heart was freed from the business of
chastising the rebellious and when, by God's favour^ a great victory
had been gainedj-— such as might be a preface to victories^^-he left
the district and returned to Bihsud. When it was ascertained that
the Mirza had escaped^ under circumstances befitting thankless
ingrates, and bad gone to India^ His Majesty Jahftnbftni went to the
Bij^-i-9af ft ^ which is the delight of hearts and may be styled a cleanser
(f a/il«ba2efr||) of the picture-gallery of the soul, and there miide a
festival with pomp and splendour.
As the days were lengthening and there was the beginning of
the splendour of spring and of the freshness of avenues {ibiydban)
and of the delights of the heart opening streams^ he sent a number
of special individuals under charge of 'All Qull of Andarftb to Eftbul
to fetch that spring-blossom, His Majesty the Sbfthinghfth^ together
with the chaste ladies ; so that he mighty by beholding the wonders
of early spring and by reading the pages of the ros^garden, gain
1 The Bigh-i-fafS was at CSr Bigh
which is marked in maps as W. of
Jalftlabid and higher up the E&bul
river. See Raverty, "Notes on
Af^inist&n/' p. 58» and Jarrettll.
405. . The Bigh-i-faf ft is distinct from
the Bft^-i-waHi*.
caiPtiB Liii. 595
admittance to the encloanre of recognition of the Divine artist and
might Uy the f oandations of thanksgiving.
Their Highnesaes arrived in a short timOj and Hia Majesty gave
endleas thanksgiving gifts, which are a means of attracting yet more
favonrs from the trae Benefactor. After a time of enjoyment, he
proceeded in bq anspioions hour, to Elbal.
596 ACBABNlXA.
CHAPTER LIV.
His Majesty the SsahimsbAh gobs to QslaznI n^ and ualtation
of that place by his dwelling there.
As His Majesty Jahdnbfini perceived that the splendoars of
guidance and of capacity for affairs of His Majesty the gj^ihin ^ih
were increasing daily^ he determined^ now that things were quietedj
322 to separate him for a few days from his person in order tbat his
greatness might be tested^ that all might know his abilities^ and also
that he might have practice in the art of rnle. For whoever in
his yonthf nl years> and also when by himself, shall make prudence
his guide, and show magnanimity in all his ways, and who shall,
without pluming himself on his own grandeur, exercise justice and
equity to the humble and needy, and he whom real union (with his
parent or guardian) shall suffice and whom physical remoteness shall
not make sad,^-assuredly he it is who can become the Unique Pearl
of the Khildfat, As the glories of such qualities were believed to
be, or rather were known with certainty to be, written on the tablet-
forehead of His Majesty the g^&hindbLih, he was sent to Ghaznin
in the beginning of 959, (end of December, 1551). The Aika Khan,
^w. Jal&lu-d-din Mahmud and all the servants of M. Hindil
were attached to him in this happy enterprise, the general manage-
ment being with the Khwaja aforesaid. He spent six months there
in vigilance and prosperity, and as spiritual and temporal supremacy
was ever visible in him, right actions and laudable manners, such as
are not seen in mature and experienced men, displayed themselves
in this fortunate and happy-starred youth. And he was continaaUy
winning hearts by his right ways and his worship of the right. He
always strove to comfort the distracted. He was always bent upon
pleasing that class of men who expend themselves in the domain of
privation and who, having girt up the loins of effort for the purifica-
tion of manners and the knowledge of God, have taken the path
of poverty and renunciation, turning aside from ease and sorrow, and
CBAFTIR Lir.
m
the praise and blame of worldlings, and concerning themselvea solely
witK the Uniqae and CompanioalesB One (Ood).
At that time there was in G^aznm B&bi BilSe ' who was one of the
enthasiaatic God-knowera and immersed in the sea of contemplation
and who spent his days in the cell and the hermitage of obscnrity.
His Highness frequently went to see him. And that seer of the work-
shop of holiness read temporal and spiritual supremacy in the
lines of his forehead and congratulated him on his external and
internal kingship, uid gave him the good news of long life, and lofty
distinctions. When it was near the time that he should obtain
respite from the hunting and travelling in G^aznin he, in accordance
with an indication from Hie Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ft^yAni, set
about his retnm. The reason of his recal was that His Majesty
Jahftnbfini was ever engaged in bnsinesB in Kfibul. All his time was
divided and apportioned, and not a moment of night or day was
apent in frivolities or idleness. Bnt together with his dispensing
of justice, and comforting the brokenhearted and surveying the
work of the kingdom, he took pleasure in travel and fietd-sports.
One day he hod gone riding to Zama ' which is one of the delightful
villages of Kfibul, and bad accidentally fallen from his horse, and
sustained bodily injuries. As prndence is closely associated with 3S8
dominion, he, out of precaution and reflection on the end of things,
sent a letter recalling His Majesty ^Shinyilh. By the happy in-
fluence of his advent His Majesty attained a perfect recovery.
1 A viiriant givea Falls and this
in the form used bj Baj'isld. He
tellB how HntnSyan unaucceBrfuHy
tried to evade the aaint when he
vieitad QJwsDlii OR hiti way to (j/m-
dahb-i Mid how the aaint questioned
him about his having put ?ljl Mu-
tamraad to death. Erskino MS.
tra. p. 40.
• Called Zftmaama at p. 260 Iwt
line. ItUyN.oIKSbul.
598
AKfiABNAMA.
CHAPTBB LV.
Expedition of His Majkstt jAHiirBiH! jAMNAT-iaBTiNi to BahgaqEi
AND CHABTI81MRNT OF THK BBBBLLI0U8; BBABING TBI STAHDABD OF
INTENTION FOB IndIAj CaPTUBB OF M. EaMBIN, AND
BBTUBN TO KIBUL^ BTC.
In the winter of the end of 959 (November^ 1552), Hia Majesty
Jahanbftni determined apon proceeding to Banga^ which is a winter-
quarters for E&bnl. The design of this expedition was both to
chastise the rebels of that quarter^ and also to recruit his army. For
the sake of aaspicionsness, he took with him His Majesty the
Sbahin^Sb^ as being closely connected with his good fortune, aad
proceeded towards Grardiz and Banga^. The Af|^ns received
proper punishment^ and their goods fell into the hands of the
soldiery. The first tribe attacked was the 'Abdn-r-rahmitu,^
the last was the Barmazid. Fath gbth ^ Afgi^an, — ^who in his folly
and unwisdom thought himself wise and led others astray, — fled
from the onset of the victorious army, and on his way fell in with
Mun'im ^an and a body of troops who were marching to join the
king. All his goods and chattels came into the hands of the soldiery
and he was wounded and forced to take flight. During this turmoil
the delegates {wukald') of 81. Adam G^akhar, the chief of the Gakbar
clan^ arrived with a letter and were graciously received. The con-
tents of the letter were that M. Kamrftn had come in distress to his
territory ; that SI. Adam^ in whose head was the breath of loyalty,
did not wish the Mirzi to spend his days in this vagabond fashion ;
that if His Majesty would come, he would produce the Mirst in order
that the latter might make amends for his crimes and become a
1 Jarrett II. 407.
eztinguishing) sect. This is derired
* Erskine Bays that he was reputed j from Bayizld (62a), who adds ihst
to belong to the Cirdgk-htHit (lamp he lired in Tirfth.
CHAPTIB hV.
599
servant of dominioii'a threBhold; and tlint SI. Adam himself wonid
also do homftge.
Bo it kaowD th&t tbe Gakhars are a nnmeroas clan aod that
they live between the Bihat (Jehlam) and the Indns. In the time of
SI. Zainn-l-'fibidin of Kashmir, there osme a ^aznin officer, nnmed
Malik Kid,' a kinsman of the roler of Kfibnl, and took this conntry 3
by force from the poeeeasion of the Ka^miria. He was succeeded
by his BOD, Malik KalSn, and he again by hia son Bir (or Pir).^
After him came Tatar ^jln who had much contest with ^er iCbSn
and his son, SalTm ^fin. He regarded himself as attached to Hie
Majesty's fomily, for at tlie time when His Majesty Gretl-sitfin! FirdQs-
makSni conquered India, he entered his service and did good work.
He was especially devoted in the war with Rani SfinkS. He had two
sons, SI. Sarang and SI. Adam. After Sarjing the headship of the
tribe toll to SI. Adam. The sons of SJrang KarcftI ^Sn and S'aid
'^ia submitted but were secretly disaffected. Jogi ^in, a con-
fidential servaut of M. Kamrfin, arrived with as 81. Adam's ambassador
and tendered a petition from the Hirz&, full of smooth and baseless
words.
Abu'-i-fafl, the writer of this compendium of wisdom, and the
chronicler of the deeds of this noble family, has his mind Hxed on
the history of His Majesty tbe ^fihia^h and on the diffusion of
information concerning bis glorioas rnle. It is to satisfy t)ie thirsty
readers of this precious chronicle that be hae given, — as a side-
piece, — an account of the lofty line from Adam down till now, which
is the era of the heir of the universe. It is indispensable to tell
briefly the evil acts of M. KimrSn and of his receiving retribution
therefor by his own acts.* Although the dignity of this noble record
is too exalted for the entry of snch matters, yet in order to complete
the narrative, it is impossible to avoid treating of the low as well as
of tbe high.
Let it not be hidden from the listeners to these strange ooonr-
rences, — every one of which is a sermon from a sacred pulpit, — that
when that morning, as has been related, M. Kfimrfiu was defeated
and escaped with a thousand risks from the bauds of the swordsmen,
> Blochmann 456. ' A.F. means that he was blinded
< The Oftkhars say Tatir was because he had blinded others,
grandson of Bir and son of Pila.
000 akbabvJLma.
he was unable to remain in any one place. From the ruin of hi»
understandings — the fruit of ingratitude, — and notwithstanding
reversesi each of which might have guided him to the highway of
anspioiousness^ — he did not submit himself to a master so gractouB
and forgiving, when the dust of remorse and repentance shoald have
covered his face and when he should havo come, with shame and
apology, to kiss the threshold and atone for his crimes,— bat he, the
destined pervert, went off to India for the purpose of presenting
himself before Sallm K^iftn, son of g^er iO^an, (who in addition to
inborn ingratitude, had his brain perturbed by the wine of in-
souoiance and the ferment of pride), and to obtain from him anxi*
liaries for his disloyalty. Good God I what kind of reason had he
325 to go to his deadly foe to compass the ruin of so great a friend ?
Why should he submit to indignities to this end? and wish him
(Salim) to assibb liim to contend with his benefactor? To sum np ;
evil thoughts brought the Mirzft to this, and with a few followers,
he took the road to India. From the neighbourhood of the ^aibar,
he sent Sbfih Budagh ^&n to Salim ^fin who was in Ban,^ a town
of the Panjib. The Mirza's ambassador arrived there and performed
his mission. SalTm ^ftn perceived that the success of the Hirsa's
wishes was beyond his (Salim's) power and therefore dissembled.
He sent some money for expenses by the envoy and arranged that
he (Kamr&n) should wait where he was, and he promised to send
him help, and to assign him an income. Before the ambassador had
returned to the llirzi, Alt Mn^ammad Asp also was sent to Salim ^tn.
To sum up this long story, which might better have been shortened; —
when the Mlrsifi arrived within four koa of Ban, Salim S^ifin sent
his own son, Awftz ^ftn, Maulinft 'Abdu-l-lfth of Saltanpnr and a
number of his officers to welcome him. The Mirza was received by
the Af^n leader (i.e., Salim) in a manner unfitting for enemies or
street-dogs.^ His companions were Babft Jujak, Mulla S^afil^ Bibt
I The Bin of Erskine. Perhaps
it is Bain in the BannQ country
which is marked in Thobum's map.
It lies south of Edwardesabid. See
too Jarrett II. 393. Eaverty (Notes,
etc., p. 354), mentions Ban as 19 miles
north-east of SlUkot and 8 miles
south-west of JaromO. It is on the I
east bank of the GenSb. There is a
" Bone " in the Salt Range. (Wan*
derings oi a Naturalist. Adams.
p. 134).
2 Text 325. See Erskine II. 408
for an account of Kamr&n *8 humi-
liating reception.
1
CHAFTIR LT. 601
S&ld QiboSq, 3bfth BndS|^> 'llam gbSb, Ba^mSu Qal! ^in, Sftlib
Aiiodna, ^aji T&saf, 'Ali Mnl^ammad Asp, Tamartiili, QblUb ^Sn,
Abdftl Euka and many other broken men whoss names had better
not be given. Aa the acta of ingrates and the thoughts of the
anfsithfnl are not for good and meet with disaster in the end,
-whatever happened to them was the conseqaence of their actions.
The Mirzfi was disgusted with tbe bad manners of this ignorant orew
{i,e., tbe Afi^Bns) and continnally reproached gJifih Budig^in private,
who had instigated him to come.
When Sallm Khan's mind was at rest abont the affairs of the
Panjab, he set off for Dihli, taking the ICrzft with him under false
promises. He kept saying that he would let him go but did not do
so. His idea was to imprison him in one of the strong forts of
India. When the Mirzfi perceived how things were, and that there
waa no hope of assiatance nor of his own release, he resolved to
escape. He sent Jogt OBni his trusted servant, to Rfija Bakhu who
was twelve koa from MSciwAra and asked for help. The Bfija received
tbe messenger kindly and promised his protection. One day when
Sallm OBd bad crossed the Madwfira river, the Hirza left Yusuf 3
a/tdbci in his (Kftmrfin's) sleeping suit and arranged with Bfiba Sa'id
to go on for a long time reciting something so that it might be sup-
posed the UlrzB was lying down. He himself changed his clothes
and put a veil over his face and then went oat by the enclosed side
and hastened to the refuge whioh had been agreed upon. The Bfija
gave bim a proper reception and when it was reported that an army
was coming to search for him, sent him on to the Bfija of KahlOr
whose was the safest place in the neigbbonrbood. He too, from fear
of enemies, sent the Mirzfi on, giving him a gnide to JammQ. But
the Bija of Jommu from the cantiousness of a landholder, wonld not
allow him to eater bis territory. Dismayed and confused, the Mirzfi
went off to Manlcot. There he was almost captared, and again
ebangiog his apparel, be went on, in woman's garb, towards Kfibnl,
in tbe company of an Afgj^n horse-dealer. Meditating evil, be went
to SL Adam Qakhar thinking that perhaps he might induce the
Gakhar tribe to act with him and to do things whioh onght not to be
done. But SI. Adam approved of loyalty. He kept tbe Mirzfi, by
1 BlochnuumS?!. See ftlao Bavertj " Notes on Algl^nistlo,'' 359.
76
002 akbabnAma.
various pretexts^ nnder sarveillance and sent to represent the matter
at the sublime Court. The Mirzft also, when he saw disappointing
indications in the behaviour of the tribe, was compelled to adopt
feline ways and to send a petition, as already stated. Though he
tried to induce the Gakhars to join him, he had no success. He did not
trouble himself about escaping because lie had no refuge; moreover
owing to the guard kept over him and to his own fatigue, he saw
that it would be. di£Bcult to get away. He was obliged to subsist
with this people and he learnt that every harmful thought becomes
null and void which is entertained by the ill-wisher to a dominion
adorned by the Divine splendour and safe-guarded by its protection ;
and that such an ill-wisher sinks into eternal punishment.
When the envoy of SI. Adam had represented the state of affairs,
His Majesty determined to make an expedition into India as far as the
Qakhar country. He sent Khw. Jalftlu-d-dm Mahmud to guard and
govern Kabul and marched on himself, taking the gb&hinihah with
him, for the furtherance of good fortune. He bound the girdle of
determination on the waist of energy that he might end the affair
of M. Kamrfin and ease the world from his strife and sin. When
the standards of victory reached the Indus, he sent Q&sl Hamid,
the chief judge of the victorious camp, tg SI. Adam, requesting his
327 presence. He also sent the Mirza sage counsel and exhortations, to the
effect that he should scour from his heart the rust of opposition and
discord. When later, he crossed the Indus, there was no sign of SI.
Adam who apparently was affected by the misplaced apprehensions
of a landholder. His Majesty despatched Mun4m ^an to soothe
him and bring him in. He also sent a few words to the Mirssi such
as might guide him to fortune. Mun'im ^ftn was moreover to
ascertain from their actions and manners what were their seorel
thoughts and to report accordingly. He displayed his abilities and
after cajolery and stratagem, SI. Adam brought the Miraft and did
homage near Parh&la. His Majesty gave a feast which was kept up
all night. Spite of so many crimes, — each one deserving condign
punishment, — M. Kilmran was encompassed with favours. All loyal
officers and prudent well-wishers represented that though the kind-
ness and benevolence of His Majesty always required that in his
Court, the mantle of pardon should clothe great criminals, — yet
f oresight^ and firmness demanded that the oppressor and injurer of
_a
CBAPTBB LT. 608
mankind shoald reoeire his desertB, so that the dust of wickedness
might be wiped from the face of men's safety. Fore-casting oare
made it proper that the outward appeasement of one man, — and he
an ill-wisher, — should not be preferred to the satisfaction of many
diatingnished loyalists. What shook would there be to the wall of
justice if, to bind op the broken-hearted and lieal the wounds of
lacerated breasts, the portrait of a tyrant were erased from the
world's pictare-gallery f Especially when this coarse involved
thonsands of advantages. The obliteration of this worthless figure
wonld be in every way pleasing to God and in accordance with
general laws. Such ingratitnde and rebellion were not of the
character to give hope of secnrity or to permit his actions to be re-
garded as not done. The matter had passed beyond boands; it
conld no longer be coped with (idqalhd fdq ahuda). It was advisable
for him and for ail that he should become a traveller to the world of
non-existence, that so Qod's creatures might be saved from thousands
of ills and the record of hia deeds become no blacker. People's
goods had long been subject to plunder and rapine through the tur-
moils of this wicked rebel : their property and honour had gone to
tlie winds of strife and the lives of so many men had been valued
as dust; and the jewel of sincerity, — which is the neck-ornament of
the virtnes, — had been lost in the mists of trouble. Now the proper
coarse was to relense such a man from the claws of final retribution 3
and to give mankind tranquillity, under the shadow of justice.
His Majesty JahSnbani looked to the wisdom and benevolence of
the Causer of causes (Qod), and declined to engage in this atFair.
(Nor wonld he believe) that the world-adorning Initiator would, id
spite of his omnipotence, make a man so unutterable, (i.e., as M.
K&mrSn), Besides taking this profound view, his discerning eye
approved of tlie admonitions of His Majesty Oeti-sitftni FirdQs-makSni
and would not agree to the proposition. His officers, who had wit-
nessed the various bloodsheds and strife caused by this insolent
shedder of blood,— were again firm in their request : they took
legal opinions which were attested by the law-officers ; and they
brought a paper signed by the great of realm and religion and laid
it before His Majesty. These documents His Majesty sent to M.
KiSmran who having read the record of liis deeds and the punishment
(proposed), returned the message that those who to-day had put their
604 a^barnIha.
seals for Iiis deaths were tlie men who had brought him to
pass. The spirit of clemency moved His Majesty andj spite of the
general insistance and of the existence of so many reasons^ would
not let him shed the MTrza's blood. At length for the general wel*
fare^ a special order was issued and they deprived the Mirzfi of sight.
'All Dost bdrbegi (master of the ceremonies), Saiyid Muhammad Pakna
and Qhulam 'All iiaii-angaiAt ^ were told off for this duty.
They entered the Mirza's tent. He thought they had como to
kill him and at once ran at them with his fists. 'AH Dost saidj
" Mirza, compose yourself : the order is not for death. Why are you
agitated? As justice demands, — for you blinded Saiyid 'AlP and
many other innocent persons, — ^you will behold in your own eyea the
retaliation thereof .'' On hearing this, the Mirzfi agreed to submit to
the royal commands and endured the insertion of the needle. They
blinded both his eyes,— the sentinels of a seditious heart. These
loyal servants took the precaution of using the lancet many times.
The Mirza being thankful that his life was spared, uttered no
remonstrance. With his natural kindness. His Majesty expressed his
regrets and marched onwards. Many afEectionate and loving words
rose to his lips. This catastrophe occurred in the end of 960 (Nov.-
Dec, 1653). ^w. Muhammad Muman of Farankhud^ found the
chronogram, ninitar (lancet) « 960).
On the same day, the Mirzfi sent to Mun'im l^fin to request him
by all means in his power, to obtain for him from His Majesty the
services of Beg Muluk. The petition was at once granted and Beg
Muluk was sent. The Mirza,— owing to the gfeat [affection be bore
329 him,-— took his hands and placing them over his own sightless eyes,
recited this verse ; —
Though a veil be drawn over my eyes,
I behold thee with the eye which has oft seen thy face.
After this occurrence. His Majesty set ofE to chastise the
Jfinuha* who were vagabonds and impediments of the road. The
^ t e,, six-fingered or -toed.
« Kfimran did this at Tirt after
returning from Sind and before
capturing QhaznTn.
s Text 328. Farakhfid is men-
tioned by Taqat as a village near
Samarkand. See too Blochmann
434}t.
* Blochmann 456n. They inhabited
the Salt Range. Their proper name
is Jauju'ih.
CBlFTlEB LV. 605
wretched rebels slipped their necks from the collar of obedience
and were killed fighting with the heroes of viotory. Q)w. Qiisim
Mahdl and others of the armj of fortane attained the glory of
martyrdom.
His mind being at rest abont this affair, His Majesty resolved
to £fo to Eagbmir, an intention he bad cherished for years. His
officers thonght it inadvisable and abased Ka^bmir, likening it to a
well' or prison, in order to induce the holy heart to renounce the
enterprise, for, they said, " The noise of the march of the army of
fortune has caused commotion in India and Salim Q^an is coming to
the Fanjab with great preparation ; whilst on onr side, there has been
no dne preparation." "If we go forward and the Af^an army
approach ns, how can we pass it and go on to £a^mir f Perhaps the
Kae^miri affair will be a long one and if so and black-hearted
Afghans secure the passes, what will be the end of it ? The proper
thing is to give up the idea of the expedition and to retnm to Eftbnl
now that the traitor baa been removed from oar midst. When mili-
tary preparations have been made, we will set the foot of courage in
the etirrup of energy and by the might of daily-waxing saccess,
shall easily destroy the Afghans." His Majesty heard these words,
and gave them no heed but despatched His Majesty the S^hintidh
with many officers to protect K&bul and tamed his own rein towards
Ka^mir and desired to set forth. Acting on the evil teaching of
their huckster-natured officers, — who looked to nothing but their
own profit, — most of the servants and soldiers left their masters and
set out for Kfibnl. Except officers, none remained to serve His
Majesty. By this shameful condaot,— far removed from the path of
loyalty and obedience, — the composure of the noble soul was die-
tnrbed. He ordered the trusty by all means to torn back the men
and not to hesitate, if necessary, to put any to death. Meanwhile he
sought an omen from the glorious Koran. It chanced that the story
of the faithful Joseph came up. Those who had leave to speak, set 3
themselves to explain this and considered it carefully, ^i^w. Husain
of Merv submitted that what bad been said about Ka^mir, — via.,
that it was like a well or a prison, — was true; for the story of Joseph
names both these things.
■ Alluding to its girdlu of mountains.
606
akbabkAxa.
When disunion showed itself amongst those with him^ Dig
Majesty^ being compelled to abandon his intention^ moved towards
Kabnl. When he was encamped on the Indns^ M. Kfimran petitioned
to be allowed to go to the Hijaz. As His Majesty was now desirous
of giving him pleasure^ he consented. On the night of dismissing
the Mirzg ^ on his journey, he went with a number of chosen followers
to his quarters. After paying due respects, the MTrz& recited this
verse.*
The fold of the poor man's turban brushes the sky.
When the shadow of a monarch like thee falls on his head.
Later on, this verse was on his tongue ; —
Whatever comes on my life from thee is cause for thanks, —
Be it shaft of cruelty or dagger of tyranny.
Although the second couplet inclines to thanks, a critic can
see that it runs over with censure. His Majesty who was a world of
compassion and gentleness, took no heed of tbis but expressed
commiseration. With his inspired tongue he said, " He who knoweth
secrets and things hidden, is aware how much ashamed I am of this
tiling which did not come about with my goodwill.^ Would that
^ A.F.'s account of this interview
seems to be taken from Bayazld
(I.O. MS. 64b,) but though he is often
a servile copyiBt, he is rarely quite
an accurate one. As I understand
Bayazid, Kamran said, " If people
consider that His Majesty has dealt
kindly with me, I attest the fact {sijl
kardam). Possibly a negative has
slipped out here for it would be more
to the point if K&mran said^ " Should
people think His Majesty has not
dealt kindly by me, I attest the con-
trary." A.F. makes KSmr&n say, '^ If
I were innocent, I would take the
opportunity of this visit to attest
my innocency." The text has hahal
kardcmi, " I would absolve him ; "
and this is Erskine's reading of the
passage. (A.N. MS. trs.). But after
referring to Bayasid and other
sources, it seems to me that njl
and not hahal is written. Thi^
agrees with the context; "Were I
innocent, I would take advantage o\
this public opportunity to assert the
fact, but I well know I am guilty."
It will be observed that Erskinc
renders the passage differently in
his History (II. 417) and in his MS.
trs.
S Imitated from the Gulist&n III.
19. Bloohmann quotes the lines
(179).
3 I do not feel sure of the mean*
ing, but I think that HumayQn was
gently hinting that as Kamr&n, when
in power, had blinded several ficople,
he might, if Ruccessful against hih
brother, have blinded Hum ay tin
CHlFTtE LT.
607
yon had done it to me ere thishappened." The MTrz& woke from the
slumber of negligence and comprehended both the measure of his
Crimea and the extent of the princely mercies. He fell into a state of
shame and Bupplication and asked Haji Y^uBnf what persons were
present. Hiji Yusuf named them, viz., Tardi Beg ^tSn, Mun'im
Khftn, BftbuB Beg, Kl^w. ^usain' of Merr, Mir 'Abdal-hai, Mir
'Abdn-1-lih, Khanjar Beg and 'Jrif Beg. The MtrzB said, "Friends,
be ye all witnessea that if I knew myself innocent, I wonld assert
the fact at this time of distinction when His Majesty visits me; bat
I am certain I was wortJiy of death. He has granted me life and has
given me leave to depart to the ^ijaz. For tlie beneficence and
favour of His Majesty, I offer a thousand thanks beoanse be has not
exacted retribution commensurate with my wickedness and mis-
conduct." After this he passed on to recommendations for his 331
children. His Majesty gladly promised to care for them. Having
encompassed the MTrzil with kingly favours, he bade him adieu. It
had been stipulated that the MirzS should not lament in the presence
and be therefore restrained himself, but, aa soon as His Majesty had
gone towards bis own tent, he wept and lamented.
Next day an order was issued that any of the Mirza's servants
who wished to accompany him, might do so. No one came forward.
Those who had boasted of their (ifEection, abandoned it. Calma
kuka,^ — (who by his perfect loyalty and fidelity to His Majesty the
^dhin^dh obtained the title of ^fin 'Alam and who gave his life
for liis benefactor and the master of mortals, as will be told in its
place), — was standing there. He was His Majesty's table-servant
{aafarcl) and the recipient of royal favour. His Majesty Jalianbfini
asked bim whether he wonld go with the Mirzi, or stay with him.
The excellence of Court service and the abundance of royal favour
notwithstanding, he preferred the path of fidelity to temporal de-
lights and answered, " I see that it befits my position ^ to serve the
Mir2§ in bis dark days of helplessness and black niglits of loneliness."
Chalmera tmnslntes, " Would that
I liBd been the sufferer and you the
Bnttor of the evil."
I See Badioiil III. 176, for account
of this poet and also fabaqat-i-akiari,
Luck. ed. 396. Nisfimu-d-d1n Bays
he was son of a vizier aad died in
Kabul.
B Blochmann 378.
' He was son of Hamdam a foster-
brother of EimrlD, BO that his fide-
lity was to t^e " lutk'brotherfaood."
608
akbabkAma.
His Majesty who was the touch-stone of knowledge of men and their
accnrate balance^ "highly approved of his faithfolness and thoagh
he set value on his services^ he let him go. He made over to bim
tlie money and goods fixed upon for the expenses oE the joamej
and sent him to the Mirza. Beg Muluk^ notwithstanding bis close
connection with the Mirza went with him some stages only and then
returned^ — ^a proceeding exceedingly disapproved bjr His Majesty
and^ notwithstanding external agreeableness/ he became disregarded.
The Mirza went by the Indus to Tatta and thence to his destina-
tion (Mecca). He performed the pilgrimage three times^ and on the
11th Zi^-hijja, 964 (5th. Oct., 1557), at Mecca,^ he was borne away
to non-existence, uttering these words, in response to the Divine call,
" Here I am for Thee.''»
As the series of words about M. KamrSn has now been folded
up, I hasten to my proper subject, and record that, as the evil
Afghans had destroyed the fort at Bikram, known aa Pe^fiwnr,
where His Majesty was encamped, he determined to rebnild it and
leaving a body of his well-wishers in it, to proceed to Kftbnl : — ioT
the completion of this fort would be the beginning of the conquest
of India. The officers wanted to get back to Kftbul and were un-
willing on any account soever to delay in this place. His Majesty
Jah§nban£ set himself energetically to the task and in a short time;
had the fort rebuilt. Pahlwftn Dost mir barr divided the workj
according to orders, amongst the officers and it was soon finished.
332 Sikandar @an Uzbak was left in charge and His Majesty moved
towards K&bul.
Later on, the Afg^ns made a great attack on the fort but
Sikandar ^fin defended it manfully, and they were repulsed. In
1 SagaMi{-i-f ura^l^i ddi|i, moreliMi-
i-nafia/rhd 2&tu2. This is from BayS-
ztd, 65a whose words are ;— i» an lH
8a*ddat Beg Muluk, ca/nd monstl hi
hamrah-i'mlnd raft, h% ruHj^oU judd
S&uda amid in baioajud-i-maqhuR
mardud4'I^ds9u *dmm |&ud. It
would seem from text I. 868 that he
must have afterwards repented and
gone upon the pilgrimage.
s (La MinnS in text, that being s
valley in Meooa. The three Aa^; will
be those of 961-963. That of 964
could not have been completed. See
Asiatic Quarterly Beyiew, July, 1899,
p. 161
^ See Hughes' Dictionary of Islim
s.v. UUbtyah. Labbaik may be said
to correspond to Colonel Newcomb's
Adnm*
CHAPTKB IV. 609
the begiumng of 961 (Dec, 1553), Ksbul nns made gloriona by the
armal of His Majesty. The ladies came to wait upon him and
offered coDgratalations. He however said that congratulationa had
their proper place and that the affair of M. KamrSn was Dot one
for congratulation because it was as if he had struok at his own
ejes. Gracious letters were issued to the officers. One was sent
also to 'Abdu-r-rafliid, ruler of Ka^ghfir, who had all along been
mindful of kinship and amicably disposed. The letter told what
had occurred and was sent by prudent hands. While His Majesty
was superintending affairs of state and distributing rewards and
pnnishments, a son was born to him from the chaste womb of Mfih
Jujak Begaui, in this year, on the night of Wednesday, 15th
Jumada'l-awwal (19th April, 1554), and after the passing of two ddng ^
of the sign Sagittarius. His Majesty named him Muhammad Hakim.
As the chronograms ^ of his birth were both Abu'-l-mafakhir and
Aba'-l-fa?ail, he received both patronymics (kanyat). The gates of
joy were opened and thanks were rendered to God. At about the
same time, Khiniah Begam, daughter of Jujuq M. of Khwirizm,
gavo birth to a son whom they named Ibrahim SI. He soon went to
the blessed country {'dlam-i-qads).
Verse.
He was a flash from high heaven ;
Birth and death touched.
I Apparently meaning one-third of * Both ntunca yield 901 (1554).
a degree. [
610
aebabkAma.
CHAPTER LVI.
His Majbsty jAHiNBlm's Journey to Qandahab and his bktubn
THEREFROM.
In the beginning of the winter of this year. His Majesty deter*
mined to go to Qandahar rather than to India, as a number of strife-
mongers had made false representations about Bairftm Eban. Ac-
cordingly he went there. The government of Kabul was entrusted
to 'All Quli Khan of Andarab, and the Divine nursling, eye-pupil of
333 the Khildfat, prop of glory. His Majesty the ghahin^ah accompanied
his father as far as Ghaznln. The prince's vakils, who were in charge
of Ghaznin, were assiduous in discharging the duties of hospitality.
When the royal standards moved onwards from Ghaznin, the prince
returned to Kabul. Bairam Sifin recognised the advent of the king
as a great favour and returned thanks for it, with a heart full of
loyalty, he did homage at the village of g^orandam, ten * leagues out
from Qandahfir, and His Majesty was convinced that the reports
about him were not true. He arrived at Qandahar in an auspicious
hour. Splendid feasts were held. Among the distinguished servants
present there were Siah Abu'l-ma'alT, Mun'im fflian, Khizr Khw,
Khftn; Muhibb 'Ali &an, (son of) Mir i^alifa. Ism 'ail Duldai and
Haidar Muhammad akhta-begi. Of the Ahl-i-Sa'adat (learned or
literary men) there were S^w. Husain of Merv, Maulanft 'Abdu-I-
bftqi the ^adr and others. BairSm Khfin neglected no punctilio of
civility and the whole winter was spent in Qandahar in enjoyment.
And during this time, whatever was necessary for the king's privy
purse, was all defrayed by Bairam laan. He had all the court
servants brought into the houses of his own servants, where their
entertainment was provided for. All this time His Majesty Jah&u-
bftni enjoyed sensual and mental recreations^ and pleasures spiritual
and temporal and had feasts and entertainments and visited the
1 Some MSS. read " two leagues."
* Tanatetfuhdt which has for one of
its meanings, walking about in
gardens.
cbaptee lvi. 6ll
hcrmit^es o£ dervielies and the cells of pare religioniBts, and distri-
buted largesse in accordance with their conditions. Among others,
he frequently visited MaulinS Zainu-d-din Mahtnud Kamdngar^ (the
bow-maker) who was one o£ the determined opponents of sensuality,
and holy words were spoken on both sides. There were conversa-
tions about the attainment of desires in time and eternity.
K|tw. GhazT, who had gone on an embassy to Persia and had
come to Qandahar with presents before His Majesty had arrived there,
returned to employment and was, on account of his meritorious
services, raised to the lofty office of diwan. About the same time
Ma'azzam^ SI. came from Zamin-Dawar and entered into service.
Mihtar Qarg, who was one of the trusted followers of Muhammad 334
Khan of Herat also came with valuable offerings and was received
into service. He brought representations of fidelity and was en-
compassed with favours. And for the sake of the State and for the
delight of hearts, be had a qamargha, hunt in the neighboarhood of
ShorindSm. This pleased the officers and His Majesty took an omen
from it for the capture of Lis desires.
One of the evil things which happened in Qandahfir was the
killing of §iier 'All Begby Sl^ah Abu'l-ma'fili. A brief account of
the affair is, that about this time, g^er 'Ali Beg, the father of Qara
Beg viir sh^lidr, came without leave from S^ah Tahmasp, the ruler of
Persia, and entered the royal service. §hah Abu'l-ma'ali, being
intoxicated by Court-favour and by bis honours and courage, set his
foot outside the circle of moderation, and did extravagant things.
And as the evil bigotry of rebellious people had damaged the brain
of his faith, he frequently and openly said in the court of His
Majesty JahSnbanl, that he would kill this heretical fellow. Out of
tile favour he bore him, His Majesty regarded this as a pleasantry
and gave no heed to the matter. At length, Abd'l-ma'Sli, being
drunk with the wine of bigotry, one night attacked that stranger and
poured liis blood upon the ground ! His Majesty was much displeased,
but the close, though superficial relationship^ was a veil of faults and
prevented him from punishing the evil deed.
» Bloclimaan, 538. BadSoni III.
was a native of Bahadi in Sbn-
161. The fullest account of him
raaan.
is at BadSoni I. 465. Tho iaint
» Humfiyan's brother-in-law.
reaUy was a maker o£ bows. He
s Hflmilraii called him " son."
61 2 AKBABNAMA.
When tbe excellent loyalty of Bairam Ij^Sn was made clear and
it became apparent to all that his foot was firm in the path of
obedience and good service^ His Majesty confirmed him in the gov-
ernment of Qandahar which it had been his recent intention to give
to Mun4m IQLan. He took Zamin-Dawar from !|^w. Mu^azsgam and
gave it to Bahadur Khan, the brother of 'All Quli Khan. His mind
being now at rest about the affairs of his kingdom, he returned to
Kabul with the intention of conquering Hindustan. Ho gave leave
of absence to Bairam Khan in order that he might make prepara-
tions for this expedition and join him as soon as possible. His
Majesty took Wall Beg^ and Haji Muhammad Slstani with him
because people were continually telling tales of them and putting
together the materials of strife. Near QhaznlUj he was met by His
Majesty the gj^abinsh^h and it was a meeting like the conjunction ^
of favourable planets. Mul^ammad Quli . Khftn Barlas and Atka
Khan (ghamsu-d-din) and many others did homage and at the end
of 961 (Oct., 1554), Kabul received celestial glory by his advent.
335 At this time, Mun'im Khan was raised to the ofiSce of guardian
of His Majesty the SfcahinshSh. Though, from use and wont, His
Majesty gave the name of guardian {atdliq) to the elder man, yet in
reality he sent him like a child, to learn wisdom from that exhibitor
of universal reason. Mun'im I^an returned thanks to Heaven for
this great gift and prepared a glorious feast. He also tendered fit-
ting gifts and arranged the materials of his own exaltation. In this
year, Ulugh Beg, the son of Halhal SI. arrived on the part of the
ruler of Persia, and tendered gifts which were a cause of increasing
joy. His Majesty continually looked after the administration of
justice and also engaged himself in preparations for the conquest of
Hindustan. At this timo one of the dervishes who was famous in
foreign lands {wildyat) had sent a pair of boots as a gift : His Majesty
Jahfinbani said that he drew an omen from these boots favourable to
the conquest of Hindustan for it was a common saying that TnrkistAn
is the head, Kburasan the breast and Hindustan the foot (of the
1 Blocbmann, 374 and 518. Wall poem on tho meeting of KaikfibSd
Beg was apparently a grand-nephew
of £[aji Mu^^mmad Koka.
* An allusion to Amir Q^usrau's
and his father, Na8iru*d-dln« Elliot
III. 524.
CEAPTEB LVI.
613
world). He said this omen was like that mentioned by His Majesty
Sahib-qirani, viz., that in the year in which he moved from Transox-
iana to conquer Khnrasan and when he arrived at Andar^uT^ a village
in which lived a dervish named Sangl Ata^ who was famous for purity
of heart and for his miracles^ — His Majesty l^ahib-qirani went to
visit him. By way of already-made (md hazar) breakfast^ the
dervish placed before him the breastbone of a sheep. His Majesty
(Timur) observed to his courtiers that he drew an omen, from this
breast, for the conquest of Khurasan because ^urasan was called
the breast of the world.
Bairam Khan arrived on the day following the feast of Ramzan
(the Id, — 2nd giawwal, — 31st August). His Majesty, for the sake
of giving greater pleasure and out of the affection he bore him, had
the feast repeated and gave an entertainment more splendid than
that of the 'Id. On this joyful day, which was made the test day
for horsemen and dextrous archers, the royal cavalier of the plain of
fortune and nursling of the spring of glory, to wit. His Majesty the
Si^ahin^ah, felt disposed to engage for a time in shooting at the
qabaq and to show his archer's skill to the generality and thus to lead
them on the way of devotion. The first time he aimed at the qabaq,^ —
which experienced marksmen had failed to hit, — his arrow struck the
ligature of the golden ball. At this all the people shouted. Such a
thing appeared wonderful to the superficial, but what marvel was there
in it to those who have beheld with awakened eyes the real spectacle 336
of the mysteries of the lord of the world. How is it strange that he
who is a mine of substantial wonders, should display external
marvels ? Bairam Khan composed an excellent ode on His Majesty's
A The Zafamdma (Bib. Ind. ed. I.
310) gives the name of the dervish
as Baba Sank a. See also P^tit dc
la Croix's trs. ed. 1722, II. 316. ITie
occurrence took place at AndarJs^ui
west of BalU^. The dervish did not
exactly place the bone before Tlmur
as a md ha^ari, for he flung it at
Timar's head. A.F. speaks of the
storj as having been told by Tim&r.
In Timar's Memoirs (trs. Stewart,
p. 38) there is an allusion to an
omen taken from a sheep bone but
nothing about a saint. Nor indeed
is it necessary to regard A.F. as
referring to the personal Memoirs.
His words, — dn tafd*ul% ki Jffazrai
J^dhib-qirdni farmuda hudand may
mean only " the omen which TirnUr
explained."
8 For account of this sport see
Babar's Mems. Erskine, 21n. and
VuUers «.r.
614
AKBABKAMA.
qabaq-ahooiing and presented it at the feast. The opening couplet is
as follows ; —
Thine arrow has snatched the fastening of the ball from the
crook : ^
It has made the curve like a meteor grazing the Pleiades.
During this time of enjoyment when the thought of the con-
quest of Hindustan was lighting up the hearts of loyal servants^ —
petitions came from the faithful in Hindustan and brought to the
royal ears news of the death of Sallm ghah and of the confusion of
the country.
1 The kajak is the wooden crook
which in the game of ^a&ag-shooting
was attached to the pole and on
which balls of gold or silver, or
gourds were suspended. Bairam's
verses are quoted, with variation,
in the Bahdr-i-'ajam s.v. Jeajah, The
second line of the couplet is obscure.
Amongst others, hildl has the mean-
ings of the young moon and of a
spear-point : I presume it also may
mean an arrow. Indeed hildli
means a crescent-headed arrow.
The Lucknow editor understands by
hildl, the half-moon of the thumb
nail which is contiguous to the
thumb-stall {ziJigir) of archers. The
surat'i-parwm of the couplet ho
explains as being the balls of the
qahaq, — for it seems that several were
sometimes used : He would seem to
understand the line, as " Thy finger
has made the balls assume the
appearance of the Pleiades, brushed
by a meteor." Maulvi Abdul Haq
Abid understands by hildl the curved
end of the kajaks or suspending rod.
Badaoni (I. 480) quotes Bairam's
lines and says they, as well as
similar ones by Jahi Yatman, are de-
rived from an ode by NiQari of Tun.
See also Banking's translation, 622.
He states that the crescent moon ia
compared to an crasing-knife.
CHAPTBB LVII. 615
CHAPTER LVII.
Brief account of the events and misfortunes which took place
IN Hindustan during the days of confusion.
As the thread of the story has been drawn out so far it is
necessary that the chronicles give a short account of India so that
the condition of impatient awaiting may not befal the intelligent
members of the congregation of understanding. The brief account
is, that when on 11th Rabru-1-awwal, 952 (23rd May, ]545), g^er
l^an, after having established his power by wickedness and tyranny
and having ruled five years, two months and thirteen days, — went
to the abode of nothingness, his younger son, SalTm Khan, eight
days afterwards, took his father's seat by the instrumentality of the
officers. He ruled eight years, two months and eight days. For
some time he had to carry on a war with his elder brother 'Jdil
Khan and with ^was Khan. This last was one of Sl^er Khan's
slaves, and obtained ^ a reputation for sanctity among the commonalty
by making a fair show, (dblatardzl, perhaps, "plastering the
boil^^) by trickery {gurbzat) and by seizing men's property and by
distributing the acquisitions of the learned among the base and
ignorant. As contention with one's own master, — even though he be
worthless, — does not prosper, the schemes of those strifemongers
did not succeed. SalTm Khftn also contended for a time with the
Niyaz tribe who ruled the Panjftb, their leader being Uaibat Khftn.
They were overcome and in the defiles of the mountains of Ka^inilr
fell into the abyss of destruction. He also was occupied for some
time in fighting with the Gakhars, and did not prevail, for his
servants could not get the better of them^ and they (the Gakhars)
were loyal to the holy family (the TirnQrids). He completed the fort
^ See Erskine's translation of thiH
passage, and his aocoont of Kbwiii.
Qan. (n. 460). It would not Ije
uncharitable to nnpponi: that ShwfiH.
Sh&n 1>^ not vhotrn favour to A.F/»
father and family.
616
AKBABNlMA.
of Bohtas which g^er ^an had began, and he had a presage of evQ
when he was in the Siwalik hills and founded the fort of Manko( ^
a refuge for himself. For a long time he laboured under apprehen-
sions on account of the Afghan vagabonds and his own bad life, and
spent his days in the fort of Guallar. Though he dealt equitably
337 with the peasantry, he treated the soldiers very harshly. On 22ad
Zi'1-qa'da, 960 (October 30th, 1558), he died from a malignant ulcer
which formed in one of his lower members owing to the issue of
corrupt matter. According to his will, Firuz !|^an, who was of
tender age was appointed his successor, but after a few days Mubariz
Qian, who was Firuz's maternal uncle, put that innocent one to
death, and himself assumed the sovereignty, taking the name of
Muhammad '5dil. He was the son of Nizam !|Sian, younger brother
of gher Khan. This Nizam had one son and three daughters, and a
strange thing was that the son became a ruler and the husbands of
the three daughters rose to high rank, — ^for one was Sallra Khfin^
another Sikandar Sur, and the third was Ibrahim Sur. A brief
account of these last two will be given hereafter. HTmu who, by
evil speaking, evil plotting and calumny which, as rulers have to
study mankind, gives them pleasure, and this to such an extent that
the pleasure hides from their penetrating gaze constitutional faults
and innate wickedness,^ rose from low degree to high rank and
became the prime minister of that tyrant, who spent all his time in
sport and amusement and bodily lusts, and neglected affairs. Con-
fusion was produced in the world. Now that we have come so far
it is proper that a brief account should be given of Himu.
Account op Himu.
Let him who searches out the marvels of God's power take a
long view and get an instructive warning from the account of HlmQ.
Outwardly he had neither rank (ijoat) nor race (no^at), nor beauty
of form, {ivi>Tai) nor noble qualities {saivai). Perchance the incom-
parable Deity raised him to high position for some occult reason which
was hidden from the eyes of the acute, or perhaps He sent one
worse than themselves to chastise the wicked of the age. In short
^ A.F. means that rulers have from
their position to welcome c\nl-speak*
ing as it is the only way in which
they can get information. A true
reflection upon despotism but strange
to como from A.F.
CHAPTER LVII. 617
that evil-looking one of pnny form and lofty designs was ranked
among the petty hucksters of Bewari ^ which is a township of Mewftt.
For his family, (nasah), he belonged to the Dhilsar tribe which is the
lowest class of hucksters in India. At the back of lanes he sold salt*
petre {nimaJe-irildr) with thousands of mortifications {ha hazdrdn bim-
mafd) till at last be by means of astuteness, became a government
huckster under Sallm Kh&n, of whom a short account has already
been given. By masterpieces of feline trickery, he gradually made
himself known to Salim KhSn by evil-speaking and business capacity.
He was always getting people into trouble. Apparently he was
behaving loyally towards his master, in reality he was seeking his
own ends, and decking his own household with the goods of the op- 338
pressed. Avaunt; avaunt! he was preparing destruction for his lord
and striking the axe into his own foot. Here the great ones of the
world' made a big mistake for these much-occupied ones from their
wishing to know about men give place to wicked talebearers,
either in order to learn hidden things about them or to punish evil-
doers. Though they make an engagement with themselves that they
will not use the information for attacking the reputation and honour
of the good and loyal, yet the outwardly well-seeming but inwardly
base crew of men seiase their opportunity and for their own advantage'
attack the loyal with their smooth tongues, — while the great some-
times, owing to the multiplicity of business, forget the engagements
with themselves and become suspicious of the loyal and raze the
foundations of their own power.
In short this wicked man soon got a place in Salim Khftn's
affections by misrepresentation, and obtained a footing in the
administration. When the measure of Salim !^Sn's life was full, and
the period of the sway of the evildoers of India had come to
Mnb&riz H^ftn aforesaid wbo was Salim Span's cousin, Himu iFound
him careless of worldly affairs and annexed the whole of the ad-
ministration and rose to lofty offices. Nothing remained to Mubftriz
;^an, who was commonly known as 'Adli (tyrant), except the name
(of king). Himu undertook all appointments and dismissals, and
the distribution of justice. In his foresight he got possession of
1 In the Gargaon district and a
railwa J- j one tion.
t The text has dint, of faith, but
78
surely this is a mistake for danyd,
though it seems that din may also
have a temporal meaning.
61 8 akbabnAm A.
the treasures of gher ]^9n and Sallm ]^Sii and of their elephant-
stud. He ilfras freehanded in disposing of their accumulations. His
base debtors worshipped him and did his behests. For some days
he took the title of BSi and then he fastened the title of Bija on
himself and assumed the style of the B&ja Bikramijit. Thus did he
in his folly apply great names to himself. From foresight he pre-
served the nominal sovereignty for 'Adli and waged great wars
against his opponents. By his valour and daring he was victorious
and performed great deeds. He became famous for courage and
capability. By degrees he advanced so far as to venture to encounter
the sublime army of His Majesty the ghahinshSh. But as this holy
personality was the touchstone of the good and bad^ his counterfeit
coin was tested and his black existence annihilated by the lights of
world-illuminating justice! This will be related in its proper place.
Now that one out of a thousand of Himu's evil behaviours has
been described^ I proceed to a brief account of Hindustftn.
When the sovereignty came to Mubftriz ^an^ the affairs of
330 India became worse than before. In fact both father and son (t.^.,
g]^er !^an and Salim) behaved properly in the management of affairs.
Alas I that they should have spent their days in disloyalty and
ingratitude I If these two had been servants of the sublime threshold
of His Majesty the gliahinah,ah, and if the home administration had
been entrusted to the father^ and the guardianship of the marches to the
son^ they would have been encompassed with royal favours^ and have
gained, by good service, an existence which the wise regard as real
life. Such workers deserved such a master. As for the vulgar form
of rule which is brought about by rebellion, it is regarded by the
wise as an existence inferior by many degrees to death.
In short when Salim ^&n died, Mubariz ^an showed such
behaviour as may no other person evince 1 Ahmad ^Sn SOr the
sister^s husband of SalTm ^Sn. who had charge of the Panjftb,
became a claimant for the sovereignty and styled himself Sikandar
!l^§n. And Muhammad iOian, who was nearly connected with
Sber l^ftn and was the Governor of Bengal, aimed at general
supremacy. Ibrfthlm !^an Sur who was also a relation, set about
obtaining the rule of India while Sl^aj'at ^fin, who was commonly
known as Sajftwal ^an, raised his head high in Malwa. The
vagabond Affj^ftns gathered together and caused confusion. Sikanda^
collected the army of the Panjab and other vagabonds and
meditated an attack npon Xgra. Mubariz ]^§n and Ibrahim
advanced with the same intention. At last bj the wishes of Himu^
Mabariz ^an went off to the eastward, and a battle took place near
£graj between Sikandar and Ibrfihim. Ibr§hlm was defeated and
had to retire^ while his father GhSzi ^Sn Sur^ who governed Bifina,
sheltered himself in the fort. Sikandar's affairs became prosperous^
and he got possession of the country from the Indus to the Gkbuges*
He collected an army and wished to march eastwards to dispose of
the claimant to the throne and to become .sole monarch. At this
time the reverberation of the advance of His Majesty Jahfinbfini
Jannat-a^ysni for the conquest of India rose high. Tatar ^an
and Qabil ^hta, and a large body of troops were appointed to defend
the Panjab. Muhammad iO^an^ the Governor of Bengal, determined
to rid himself of Mubariz !0>^an and other competitors. After some
other events, a great battle took place near Capparghatta between
him and Mubariz Khan and Himu, and Muhammad Ehan fell. The
treasures of gber ^Sn and Salim [Oian came into Himu's hands.
He sank into the enjoyment of corporeal pleasures, and in appear-
ance his circumstances improved. At this time he fought battles
with Ibrahim and other competitors. He was everywhere victorious. 340
And though he did not know how to ride a liorse and was always
carried about in an elephant-box {^induq-i-fll qr. hauda) he in his
courage and aud&kcity freely spent the money which had come of itself
into his hands, and did great deeds such as men could not conceive.
As Sikandar was established in 2.gra, he went off to Bihar and
Bengal, ^lizr ]^an, the son of Muhammad ^an took his father^s
place and assumed a great title, calling himself SI. Jalalu-d-din.
He applied himself to the management of Bengal. MubSriz ^an
and Himd determined to go to Bengal, but spent some time in getting
rid of their opponents. But I leave these details, which I have no
inclination to describe in the closet of neglect, to proceed to my
legitimate subject.
620
AKBARNAMA.
CHAPTER LVIII.
Expedition of His Majesty jAHiNBlNf jANNAT-AsHTlHi for thb
CONQUEST OF IndIAj AND VICTOBT THEREOF B7 THE DOKINIOM-
INCBEASINa AUSPICES OF THB KING OF KINGS (AkBAR).
Let it not be concealed from those waiting for strange impres-
sions and the listeners for glorious news, that when the truth about
the confusion in India and the tumult and uproar in this centre of
peace and tranquillity, of which some hints have been already been
given, again came to the hearing of His Majesty JahfinbanI Jannat-
tshyani, he addressed himself to the expedition, already determined
upon in the recesses of his foreseeing mind, and having committed
all the chaste ladies of his family in Kabul to the Divine protection,
he appointed glpLh Wall hahawal^hegl the guardian of M. Muham-
mad Hakim. The service of the ladies and the afEairs of the province
of Kabul were entrusted to Mun^im ^Sn, and His Majesty set out
in the middle of Zu'1-hijja 961, (about 12th November, 1554), in a
propitious hour and at a time which the heavenly motions made
glorious, and the aspects of the stars made supreme. The nursling
of Divine light. His Majesty the gbahin^fih to wit, was then, as
regards his elemental life, twelve years and eight ^ months old.
The perfect understanding of that great one of both worlds was
beyond computation. He was made the forefront of the army of
spiritual find temporal victories. On the day of starting an omen
was taken from the dlwdn of Hftfiz. As a great work was being
unveiled the heralds of glad tidings from people and places spake
loudly and with thousands of tongues. Among them this holy
I Text, haiku but probably A.F.
wrote 2&af&, six, for Akbar was then
barely 12^ lunar years old. Ac-
cording to our calendar he was only
12 years and 1 month old.
Cl^AFrBft LVtIt.
621
master-conplet {^hbait) on the front of the noble page emerged
as a preamble of victory and .was like the writing on the forehead
of dominion.
Verse.
'' Ask dominion from the auspicious bird {murfp'i'humdyun)
and from his shadow
' For the crow and the kite have not the master-plume of
genius (text^ himmatj but Ha&s^ apparently wrote daulat)*
Though the practically wise applied this truthful verse to the 811
dominion and victory of His Majesty Jahfinbftni^ the far seeing
of wisdom's Court understood it as announcing the great hbilafat
and the supreme sovereignty of His Majesty the gbahindbah and
waited at the gate of the expectation of the upward ^ flight of the
holy bird. His Majesty JahanbanT laid firm hold of the strong hand
of the Divine favour and grasped the stout cable of heavenly tidings
and went off with few men — they did not amount to 3000, — ^but with
large help from the armies of Providence, which could nojb be cal-
culated by intellectual accountants. Bairam Khan obtained leave
^ The lines come from an ode of
Qifiz beginning hasiagdnrd (lotalah
htt^d'^U'quwwat ndbud, Ed. Brock-
haos n. 137 No. 216. The crow and
the kite are taken to represent India
See EUiot. Hist. III. 546n. where we
are told that the expression ** cawing
crows" is used by Badl Chad and
Amir dasra to signify Hindas. No
doubt the allasion as to their com-
plexion, and Elliot's note may also
explain an obscure passage of Qaidar
Ifirza's (Tar Bash, Elias and Boss
399) where we are told that Shwaja
Nari changed Hom&yan not to cast
his shadow over a li^d where the
parrot was less common than the
kite. The translator's note to this
passage seems erroneoas. Thoagh
the parrot is common in India yet it
is not so common as the kite, and
apparently the Khwaja meant to warn
HamayUn against going to Sind or
remaining in India. He cannot have
meant Persia, for Hamayan went
there, and Haidar says that he did
not go to a country where the parrot
was rarer than the kite. See also
the line of Qasim Kihi (BadaonI III.
173) where he says that he is not a
kite or a crow that he should adorn
India. The lines quoted by ^aidar
Mirza are given also by BadaonI (II.
49) and are applied by him to India.
They come from an ode by Qafiz
which begins Siwhaat I^ilwcU ctgar
ydr ydr^i-mcmha^id, Brockhaus' ed.
II. 109, No. 189.
« Apparently this means that they
waited in expectation of HumayOn's
death.
622
AKBABNiJtA.
for the purpose of setting some royal matters^ and of arranging
his equipment and remained in K&bul. His Majesty Jahfinb&ni went
from Jalfilfibad ^ down the river on a raf t^ and encamped at Bikram
(Peshawar) in the end of Muharram 962^ (near end of December,
1554). Sikandar i^Lan XJzbak who had done good servicej was
made the subject of favours and on that day was raised to the rank
of !^an. On 5th Safar^ (31st December, 1554), the bank of the
river Sind, known as the Nilab, was made the camping ground, and
three days were spent there. Here Bairam ^an arrived from
Kftbul, and with sundry intelligencers brought the good news that
Tatar ]^an Ka^i ^ who had been appointed with a large force
to guard the fort of Bohtas had, in spite of the strength of the fort
etc., fled merely on hearing of the uprearing of the royal standards on
the borders of the Indus. His Majesty took into account the good
offices, old and new, of Sulj;&n Adam Gakhar and sent him a gra*
cious letter inviting him to come and do homage. As he had not
a happy star, he made landholder-like excuses and represented that
he had concluded a treaty with Sikandar who had taken his son
La^kari along with him. Should he come and do homage, he
would both break his comp&kct, and incur the risk of having his son
killed. The imperial servants represented that it was proper to order
the victorious army to look after him (Sul1;&n Adam) before advane*
ing further, and that it was not wise to move on and leave such
a disaffected person behind. His Majesty, who was a mine of
gentleness and generosity, said that he belonged to a family which
was faithful from of old, and that recently he had done good service,
as already related, and that to punish him now was not in accordance
342 with prestige, especially as he had used humble language and had
made apologies.
When the grand army crossed the Indus, the Afghans who were
collected in the neighbourhood of Bohtds retreated and the army
continued to advance. Every day a delightful spot presented itself,
and cities and villages came under the shadow of justice and enjoyed
the luxury of tranquillity. And now that we have come so far.
A Similarly Wood went on a raft
from JallUabad to Peshawar, p. 280.
> Bayazld calls him Iskandar Sal-
taniQuzSq. Many MSS. indading
Badaoiil*B, have Kisl.
CHAPTER LVIII.
628
it is proper^ before detailing events, to give the names of snoh of the
'companions of the stirrap of victory as were of high rank.
List.i
When the army arrived at the auspicious town of Kalanur^
gbihabu-d-dln Aljimad Eban, A^raf ^an and Parhat E^an were
sent to Lahore to have the glorious name (of Humayun) proclaimed
from the pulpit and placed upon the coinage, and also to give the
I The list is short compared with
Bayazid's, I.O.M.S. 72ff.)
1. Bairam KhSn.
2. Shah Aba'l-ma'all.
3. Ehi?r Khw. EhSn (Bayazld,
Khizr SI. Mughal.)
4. TardI Beg Qian.
Sikandar Khan,
j^izr Eh^ Hazara.
'Abdu-1-lah Khm Uzbak.
Mirza 'Abdu-l-l&h.
Musai^b Beg.
*Ali Quli Khan Shaibani (or
Sistanl).
11. Mu^mmad QulI EhSn Barlas'
12. Khw. Mu'a^gam.
'All Quli Khan Andarabi.
Haidar Muhammad, aklit(u
6.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
13.
U.
hegi,
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Babus Berg (Blochmann, 389)
Isma'Il Beg Daldai.
MtrzS 9asan KhSn.
Mirza Nijat.
Muliammad Khan Jalafr.
SI. ^usain KhSn.
Qandnq SI.
Muhammad Amin dlwana.
Shah Quli NaranjI.
Tulak Shau.
Kakar 'All B^an.
Baqt Beg ydtislk'legi (head
of the guards).
27. Lai KhSn BadakhahT (Baya-
zid, an officer of Sulaimin).
28. Beg Mu^mmad dJghia'htgx,
29. Hiw. Padshah Marxz (? sickly.
Blochmann 459),
30. KicakKhw.
31. Ehw. 'Abdu-l-barl.
32. Khw. 'Abdu-1-lah.
33. MirMu'in.
34. Mir.Ghani.
35. Shall FaJstru-d-dTn.
36. Mir Mu^sin Dd'%.
37. Eh^» Husain of Merv.
38. Mir 'Abdu-l-Hai.
39. Mir 'Abdul-Mah qanunl,
40. ^anjar Beg (Bsyazld, a rela-
tion of Tardi Beg).
41. 'ArifBeg.
45. S^w. Abdu-^-saraad.
43. Mir Sayyid 'All.
44. Mulla *Abdu-l-qadr.
45. MuU5 Ilyas (Elias) of Ardabil
(astronomer).
46. §haikt 'Abu-l-qasim Jorjanl.
(BayazTd, AaterabadI).
47. Maulana 'Abdu-l-baqT.
48. Afzal Ehan, mir iaMfiJI.
49. ^w. 'Abdu-l-majid diwdn,
50. Afihraf Khan iiiir mun«&7.
61. Qasim Makhlas.
52. Khw. *Ata-u-llah, diwdn-i-
hayutdU
53. aw. Abu'-l-qasim.
54. ShihSbu-d-din A^imad Hjan.
55* Mu'In Khan Farankhadi
(Blochmann 434).
66. Khw. Aminu-d-dTn Mabmod.
57. Mulk Muihtar,
624 AKBARNlVA.
inhabitants of that great city an order of protection from the
mischief of strifemongers. Bairam ^fin^ Tardl Beg W^ta, Iskandar
i^ftn^ iO^i^r :^an Hazsra^ Ismail Beg Duldai and a large troop
were sent against Na^ib l^an Panj Bhaiya (?) who was stationed
313 at Harhana (Hariana) while His Majesty himself went on to Lahore.
The nobles of that country came forward to welcome him. They
offered np thanks for this glorioas favour and gave large presents.
High and low were treated with royal favours according to their
degree. On the 2nd Babr-^-sSnT^ (24th February, 1555), the illus-
trious city of Lahore, which is in fact a great city of India, was
made glorious by his advent, and all cla43ses and conditions of men
were freed from the evils of the times, and attained the objects for
which they had been long waiting on hope's highway.
In the end of this month news came that an Afghfin named
ShahbSz l^an had collected a number of Afghans in Dipalpur and
was indulging in evil intentions. His Majesty Jahfinbtoi sent to
that quarter §tah Abu'-l-Ma'ali 'All Quli Qian StaibtoT, 'All Quli
^&n Andarabi, Muhammad l^ftn Jalftir and a number of brave
officers. A hot engagement ensued, and both sides exposed their
lives. The Sayyidzfida Abu'-l-Ma'fili who was intoxicated with the
world and proud of his beauty, got into difficulty but 'All Quli Khfin
and other heroes performed wonders. The enemy was defeated and
many of them were levelled with the dust. The imperial servants
returned victorious. Now that I have proceeded so far it is neces-
sary that I give a brief account of the victorious army which was
placed under the leadership of Bairam ^fin.
Let it not be hidden from the inquirers into events that when
Bairam W^^n arrived near pargana Harhftna (Haritoa), Nafib Qian
Afghan made a small resistance — suitable to his nature, — and then
fled. Great booty in money and goods fell into the hands of the
heroes. Families also were captured. As Bairam ^fin had heard
from His Majesty Jahanbftni that he had vowed there should be no
imprisonment when he should, by God's help, conquer India, and
that the servants of God should not be confined, he got on horseback
and collected together all the families of the Afghans and sent them
with trustworthy people to Na|ib Stin. And he sent as the
proceeds of this victory, which might be regarded as the preface
to countless others, presents of elephants, etc., with a petition of his
CHAPTER LYIII. 625
own to tiie world*proteoting conrt of His Majesty Jahanbfini. Having 844
offered up tlianks for tbis agreeable victory^ lie left that place and
adyanced farther. When he came near Jalandhar, the Afghans
thought it prudent to Sjj and owing to the disputes which occurred
in the victorious army, they were able to save their lives and the
best of their property. The short account of this is that Tardi Beg
^§n wanted to go after the dispersed Afg^&ns and Bairftm ^an
did not approve of this and did not give him permission. Tardi
Beg ^ftn sent Bftltu !^&n to Bairfim ^ftn in order that by all
means possible he might get leave to pursue them. Bfiltu Beg came
and delivered his message and i^waja Mu'azsam Sul^ftn spoke
harshly and abused him. Bftltu ^ftn retorted and the lO^wftja used
his sword and wounded Bfiltu l^an in the arm. When His Majesty
heard of this he wrote a letter of admonition and sent Af^al ^ftn to
explain matters. He conveyed His Majesty's counsels to the officers
and brought about a reconciliation. Bairam Khan halted in Jftlan-*
dhar, and assigned parganaa in the neighbourhood to the various
officers and sent them to their several posts. Sikandar ^an was
appointed to Mficlwftra. He went and thinking he had it in iiand,
advanced further^ and took possession of Sihrind. Much property
fell into his hands* Meanwhile Titar ]^ftn, Habil I^Sji, Na^ib
!|Oiftn, Mubftrak KhSn and a number of Afg^ftn soldiers arrived from
Delhi. Sikandar ]^fin did not think it prudent to remain in
Sihrind and came to Jftlandhar. Bairam !^an did not approve of
this and was angry. He said that Sikandar should have kept his
ground at Sihrind and have sent word to him. After much dis-
cussion the great officers took hold of the saddle-straps of the royal,
everduring fortune and advanced from J&landhar. When they
came to the borders of MSoIwftra, Tardi Muhammad Sbftn and many
officers did not think it advisable to cross the Satlaj. As the rainy
season was near at hand the proper thing to do, they said, was to
secure the ferries and to halt. When the violence of the rains was
over, and the air had become temperate, they could cross the river.
Bairam Ehfin and the farsighted perceived that it was right to cross
the river and spoke properly in this sense. At length by the exer-
tions of MuIIa Pir Muhammad, Muhammad Qasim i^an of Nip-
pur, Wall Beg and Haidar Qui! Beg Sbamlu, Bairfim ^an crossed
the river. Tardi Beg IQifin and the other officers were obliged to
79
626
AITBABVlVA.
do likewise. The army of fortune was divided into four bands.
845 The centre was controlled by Bair&m '^obHj the right wing by Kbifr
Khan Hazftra, the left wing by Tardi Beg ]Stto, while Bikandar
i^ftn and a number of active men were appointed to the vanguard*
As the desires of the prince of the world were limited to the laws
of justice and were in accordance with the Divine Will, the work
of his ministers was daily more and more victorious. When the
Af j^ans heard of the smallness of the victorious army and of its
having crossed the river, they hastily came up with a large force.
The two forces encountered one another towards evening and a
great battle took place. The farseeing soldiers chose a place near
Bijana ^ (?) for the battle field and stood firm. All distinguished
themselves, but at last night intervened. Even then they continued
to discharge arrows. By a happy chance, which was the beginning
to the victory, fire broke out in a very large village of thatched
houses and this was like the lighting of thousands of lamps for the
guidance of the troops. It was found on inquiry that this Divine
aid was wrought by the exertions of the enemy. And what they
had thought was for their advantage turned to their loss. In fact by
means of this illumination, which was the vanguard of victory, the
conquering heroes obtained information concerning the position of
the enemy and were enabled to work havoc with their arrows. The
foe did not know the position of the victorious army and shot in
the dark and at random. When about three watches of the night
had passed, the enemy was unable to resist any longer and took to
flight. A great victory was gained. Elephants and much other
properiy fell into the hands of the imperial servants. The chief of
the booty was sent with a loyal petition to the Court. Next day they
advanced and halted in Sihrind and 'All Qull g^aibani who had come
up with the rear, was sent on with a body of troops.
One of the wonderful things was that when His Majesty heard
that Tatar l^an had arrived with a large and well equipped army
1 Maclwara is on the S. bank of
the Satlaj. Firigl^ta says they
crossed the river and halted on the
bank of the Pacwira stream. Is
Faowftra the name of the side of the
river opposite Miclwara P Jab means
a trench and this may be the meaning
here. Price read bckhn, as some
MSS. have it, and translates ^ by the
side of a considerable fresh water
lake." It is probably a place-name.
OHAPTIB tVIlt. 627
at M&oiwfiraj lie remarked to a nmnber of eager spirits that the
place was a great distance ofi and that whatever the Divine Will
intended wonld take place before they ooald arrive. The best thing
therefore was for them to take refuge at the sablime threshold and
to implore victory from the almonry of Divine aid. At the same
moment he raised high tlie hands of sapplication and asked for the
snccess of the advance forces of the royal army. Many days had
not passed when the ofiicial report of the victory arrived and mnch
booty was brought to the Court. On consideration^ it was found 846
that the day of prayer and the day of victory coincided. He paid
the devotions of thanksgiving for the Providential victory and
opened the hand of liberality for mankind.
When Sikandaj* heard what had taken place, he marched against
the royal army with 80,000 horse and a complete equipment.
Bairam ^an with abundant prudence and courage remained firm
in Sihrind and took measures to defend the fort. He sent repre**
sentations one after the other requesting the advance of His Majesty.
As the latter was at that time suffering from cholic, he sent in his room
the parterre-adorner of the hbildfat, viz., His Majesty the gl^ahin^fih
who always had victory at his stirrup. The cortege of this khedive
of the world had not gone far from Lahore when His Majesty Jahftn-
bdni perfectly recovered, and on account of the distress of separation,
and also out of precaution joined in the march. He directed that
Farhat Kh&n should be the iAiqddr ^ of Lahore, B&bus Beg the faujddr
of the Panjftb, M. gJb&h Sul1;fin the amin and Mihtar Jauhar the
treasurer. On the night of 7th Rajab, (29th May, 1555), the terri-
tory of Sihrind was illuminated by the royal advent. The officers
did homage, and the drums of rejoicing were beaten. For fifteen
days the officers had kept their ground in the face of such a large
army and had occupied themselves in garrison -work. The royal
tents were erected in a garden near the city. The arrangements
for battle were suitably made and the army was distributed into four
divisions. One was called by the honoured name of His Majesty
JahanbanI ; another by that of His Majesty the gJ^Shin^flh ; a third
by that of gbfih Abu'-l-Ma'all ; the fourth was entrusted to Bairam
Khfin, Each division bound the girdle of effort on the waist of their
lives. The heroes displayed a willingness to risk their lives, and on
I Beyenoe officer, Jarrett U. 49.
628
AltBABNAMA.
each side men drank the last draught in the cup of the sword* On
both sides humanity and gentleness were practised so that the bodies
of those who had sacrificed their lives^ were reverently made over to
their friends. The shortsighted looking to the plurality of the
enemy and the paucity of the king's forces^ became pale from unbe-
coming apprehensions^ but the farsighted read the inscription of
victory on the countenances of the imperial^ servants and daily
became more and more steadfast. Especially did His Majesty
Jahftnb&ni, who was a world of resolution, hearten every one by
fitting behaviour^ and inspire them with courage.
^ Aul%yd'i»d(vulat, servant of the
State, but here probably a periphrasis
for Humayiln and Akbar. See
Lumsden's Persian Grammar, Gal-
cutta, 1810, II. S63.
CHAPTIB LIX.
629
CHAPTER LIX.
Afpbabance of qbbat mabvsls; and the announcement of good 347
NEWS on the PABT OF HiS MaJBSTT the aSAHINSHiH;
AND OTHEB FOBTUNATE OCCUBBENCES.
Though His Majesty the gbahin^h used his tender age as a
veil and lived secluded, yet, as God the Creator willed that the
real state of this great one of the age should be made manifest,^
involuntarily did wondrous works, each of which was a competent
witness to his lofty nature {^hide ciat^adil), hasten to the world of
manifestation. Among the unusual things which at this time revealed
themselves on the part of His Majesty the gbftliin^fth, was this, that
he came out on the roof of a house in the city and contemplated
with his clime-comprehending glance the hostile army. It was so
great an army that no one could imagine its being defeated, but he
said that in a short time " our *' men would disperse it. His en-
tourage who knew of his far-sight and had often beheld his marvels
rejoiced at this tidings, and offered thanks to Qod. Things like
this look strange to custom-worshippers and formalists. But the
worshippers of truth, and the esoteric do not regard this occurrence
or hundreds like it as strange when coming from one so eminent
temporally and spiritually.
At this time ^w&ja 'Ambar Nagir, who was an old servant,
came from Kftbul and applied for employment. His Majesty Jahan-
bftni made him over to the nursling of Divine light. Forthwith
he entered into his service and used to explain to him the manners
and customs of India, and he brought Indians before the Unique of
the age. As the star of the men of India was powerful, their ways
became pleasing to him. This was the first time that he conceived
an inclination for hunting with the cUa (hunting leopard), and the
first place where he saw the sport. For Wall Beg the father of the
630 AttBABNiXA.
!^in Jahan^ presented as pe^ka^ a cita which had come into hia
hands from the Afghans at the battle of M&clwara and was called
FatefaibSz (the gamester of victory). The farseeing who were in hia
entourage made conjectures about countless victories on seeing this
strange form. The keeper of this dta was called Dundu and on
account of his good qualities^ he received the title of Fateh Sbftn.^
And at this day when the insignificant well-wisher, Abu'l-fa^l, is
writing this noble volume with a pen perfumed with sincerityj
348 Fateh ^ftn is in the service of His Majesty the gl^fthini^ and
reckoned among the especial huntsmen. His Majesty who always
dressed himself in outward disguises, and clothed himself in other
garb, and kept his splendour hidden under various veils, made
another screen for his beauty by his regard for this strange animal.
But the rays of the sun and the fragrance of musk cannot be hid.
On that day when fortune drew me to learn wisdom and to beatitude,
and when by having the blessing of service, I became cognisant of
the perfections of this chosen one of God, what prostrations of
thanksgiving did I not perform, and what successes did I not obtain
from this auspicious service I I was exalted spiritually and tempo*
rally, and I cleansed the chamber of my heart from superfluous
desires. Now that the time of thanksgiving has arrived and that I
wish to record my impressions — so that I may both give thanks and
that a lamp of vision may be put in the path of the walkers in
darkness, I am unafEectedly disturbed by the fact that I am in service
and that there is a commercial nexus. Would that I had no outward
acquaintance (with Akbar), and that I were not in the list of visible
servants I so that the outwardly-seeing but inwardly-blind might
not reckon this individual among the crowd of flatterers, and that
men might, through my apparent exclusion be led to the goal and
attain felicity. Gh)od God I panegyrics have been written of old
about ascetics who had not a tithe of the tenth part of the excel*
lencies of this Khedive of the Age, nay, many of them had naught
but external semblance, and yet, because there was no reciprocity
in the matter, men void of insight imagine that these are not
flatteries but are representations of the truth I But now> at this
day, when the story of the Leader {pegiwd) of mankind, whether
QuBftin QuH, Bloohmann, 829. ( < Blochmamii 528.
CHAFTIB LIX. 681
Bpiritnal or temporal, is abont to be told, I who have tracked the
spirit of the age must bear on my heart's shoulder the harden of
men's ill-understanding I But forasmuch as my first thought was
to pay in some small measure my debt of gratitude, I am not sad-
dened by this man- troubling burden {bdr-i'mardaindzdr). And
wherefore should I be ? And now rejoicing in my good intention
I pass on as a swift nocturnal linkman ! Many have gained the
Truth and ta'en the highway of loyalty ! I now leave this subject,
to which there is no end, and return to the point in my narrative
where I was.
In fine. His Majesty Jahanbani waged a masterly war for about
forty ^ days, and by taking thought, and by making preparations
gave support to the hearts of the loyal and enabled them to adorn
the field of battle. At length, on 2nd Sb'&bfin of the year in
question (962), 22nd June, 1555, which was the watch-day {naudat^
taraddad)^ of the servants of His Majesty the 31i§hin^fih !^waja
Mu'azgam, Atka !^fin and others went forth and did manfully. On
the other side K&lfi Pahar, brother of Iskandar, came forward and 849
fought. Though it had not been intended that on that day there
should be a general engagement, yet as something was to emerge from
the curtain of fate, gradually the flames of conflict burst forth and
rose high. The victorious troops advanced from all sides and
steadily took post, so that there was a glorious battle-array.
Verse.
Two iron mountains moved from their places.
You'd say earth was moved from top to bottom.
Two armies drew their poniards in front of each other.
The centre and wings were drawn up in line.
The rush of arrows and the clash of swords.
Tore J;he marrow of elephants and the entrails {zehra^ lit., gall-
bladder)^ of tigers.
^ KomsytUd had been less than
thirty days at Sihrind for he arrived
there on the night of 7th Bajab.
^ I am not sure of the meaning of
the word ta/roddad here. It usually
means reiteration or returning Ncm*
tat means relieving guard. Appar-
ently the meaning here is that the
dnty of keeping guard was with
Akbar's division on that day. See
BadiUnl I. 460 who uses the word
ya%aik.
ft The gall-bladder is supposed to
be the seat of courage, and JahSnglr
32 AKBABNlVA.
By the auspicious influence of the fortune of His Majesty the
SJt^ahin^fth^ a great victory was gained^ and much booty fell into the
hands of the imperial servants. A large number of the luckless foe
went to the world of non-existence. Sikandar went off with his men
to the Daman-i-koh of the Panjfib. !^wS ja Musafiri/ one of the gallant
meuj came in his path. When Sikandar saw that a man was goin^
to attack him^ he turned^ but though he put his hand to his sword,
he could not draw it. After many attempts he disengaged himself
from him and came away from that dangerous place. What else bat
this can happen to those intoxicated with the world and proud of
their glory ? His Majesty Jahfinbfini in the midst of the worldly
success, which is a wine that overthrows men^ was wise and made
supplications to God. And he conducted himself with perfect wisdom
towards all classes. What marvel then that he was successful I
Obedience to wisdom the Sulj^n (Sultan-i-khird) fits the work to the
desire. Firstly; it makes the intention good. Secondly; effort ia
made in work suitable to one's condition. Thirdly; when good
results are obtained the credit of them is not given to oneself. And
no author is recognised except the omnipotent God. In fine His
Majesty in order to teach the superficial, and in order to show
respect to the various degrees of supplication, did not confine himself
to inward thanksgiving, but had recourse to external acts, and pros*
trated himself in prayer to God. Though when India was last
conquered, the victory of His l^ajesty Giia-sitfini Firdus-mak&nl was
a masterpiece, as has been already described, yet the wise and acute
know that it was not like this present marvel. In fact^ there have
been few instances in past times of such a victory as this which was
obtained by few against many and which came solely from the great
throne of God. Just at the time of this victory there was an exces-
sive storm of wind and rain. As this caused the destruction of
a number of oppressors and ingrates, it may be regarded as belonging
speaks in his Hemoirs of dissecting > See translation, 8upra, p. 246.
a tiger and a leopard in order to
discover the source of their vigour.
^ Apparently this is the B&bS Dost
KTiwaja ^Sm^ MusSfirl mentioned
by Bayizld at p. 82a as taking part
afterwards in the defence of Kftbol.
The account given in the present
chapter about the battle's being
fought on the day assigned to Akhar's
division explains the expression at
p. 246 about the blessing of Akbar's
personality.
CHAPTBB LIX. 633
to the flnccesses of the servants of the State^ and aa a mark of the 350
destraction of the contnmacioas. But as it prevented a pursuit of
the fugitives and gave them after a thousand agonies a release from
danger it may be regarded as a respite to an ill-fated crew.
When bj Divine aid such a great gift had been revealed, His
Majesty sat on the throne of justice and appraised the services of
the loyal and devoted. In order to bring out the jewel of the sincere
from the potsherd of service-sellers the question arose, in whose
name should the proclamation of victory be recorded f An order
was given that everyone should lay in his claim. Sl^&h Abu'l-ma'ali,
who was drunk with the wine of negligence, wished that the record
of the glorious victory should be in his name. Bair&m lO^Sn who
was conscious that the coming to India was by his exertions, and
who, up to the time of the victory, had, in opposition to a crowd of
men, supported the world-adorning views of His Majesty Jahanbani
and had conducted the conquest of the countries and the uprooting
of foes, was keenly desirous that the proclamation should bear his
name. The farseeing and wise who knew that the victory was due
to the felicity of His Majesty the g^ahinshfth and nursling of Divine
light, opened their eyes and ears in surprised contemplation of the
speakers, and the experienced and the just, knowing that this great
victory which had shed its rays on the day assigned to the watch
{naubat-4-man9ubdn) of the light of the garden of the hbildfat was
due to the presence of his Majesty the gt^ahin^ah, were astonished
at the utterances of those men (Abil'l-ma'dll and Bairfim). At last.
His Majesty Jahanb&ni became by inspiration cognisant of tlie truth,
and ordered the victory to be inscribed in the name of His Majesty
the Shahinghah and thereby gratified the loyal far and near.
One of the strange occurrences of this time was the arrest of
l^waja Mu'agzam. The brief account is that a letter containing
some lines by the ^wSja came to hand. In his contemptible under-
standing and wickedness, he had written improper things to Sikan-
dar and bad represented himself as his well-wisher. His Majesty
was greatly surprised and called upon the ^waja for an explanation.
As he could not deny, he said ^ that his well-wishing (daulat-M^wdhi)
1 Apparently he maintained that
the expressions in the letter about
loyalty referred to HnmayQn and
80
not to Sikandar. Price in his Re-
trospect gives a different rendering.
His view is thatlMu'R^gam said he
636 lITBARNltfA.
a. number of Afghans came ont of I^isar and prepared to fight.
Though the Afghans were nearly 2,000 in number and the royal
servants abont 400^ a great engagement took place and by Divine
help the victory was gained, and seventy of the enemy were killed.
Bustam Khan fled and strengthened the fort of Hifar. The con*
tenders of fortane besieged it for twenty -three days. When Rastam
found himself in di£Sculties he came to terms. He was sent to Court
along with about 700 men of note in the charge of Mir Latif and
Khwdja QSsim Ma^laf, and he did homage along with many others.
After some time an order was given that he should get a proper jdgir,
but on the condition that his sons should be guarded in Bikrfim in
order that they might enter on the path of favour and also that tht'^
road of vigilance and caution might not be abandoned. That sim-
pleton rejected this condition, which was a means of confirming bis
obedience, and was about to abscond. When this was found ont,
he was imprisoned and committed to the charge of Beg Muhammad
Is^^ak Aqd.
363 One of the occurrences of this time was the affair of Qambar
DTwana. The short account is that he was one of the common men
or rather of the unknown men of the camp. When after the victory
of Sihrind, the royal standards went on to Delhi, this Qambar
gathered together a number of his own set of vagabonds and in-
dulged in plunder and rapine. Booty was continually coming into
his hands, and was distributed by him, and out of cunning, he was
continually sending petitions to the Court. Proceeding from Sihrind
he went fighting on and got possession of Sambal. There he established
himself and sent his adopted son, who had received the name of
'Arif u-l-loh to Budfton. Bai Husain Jalwftni, who was a leading officer
among the Afghans, was there and was got rid of without a struggle.
From there Qambar 'AH went on to Kant Gola^ and devastated
that country. There he fought an irregular {bttuzukdna, without
method) battle with Bukn ^&n a leading Afghan and was defeated.
From there he came to Budfton. Though this madman was always
sending petitions and making representations of obedience and good
1 Kant 0 Gola, Bloohmann 373.
They are in Rohilkand, and nearly
correspond to ahal»iftl>*np3r. Elliot |
y. 498 note, and his Sapp. Glossary
II. 167.
CHAFTEB tlX. 637
service, liis words and his deeds did not agree. Be extended his
foot beyond his carpet and made men !^ans and Sulj^ans of his own
motion, and gaye them standards and drams ! Frenzy took possession
of him and often from madness or assnmed madness and fraud, he
gave up his own house to be plundered. There continually appeared
in him irregular proceedings which were allied to madness. When
then facts repeatedly came to the notice of His Majesty he issued an
order to 'All Qui! 'E^sxl gl^aibani to send him to Court, and to
punish him if he resisted. Just when the madman, having been
defeated by Bukn S^&n, had come to Bud&on, 'All Quli IS^&n after
having settled the afEairs of Mlrat came to Sambal. After arrang-
ing matters there he came to Budaon. Though he sent a person to
call him, Qambar did not appear, and said " Just as you are a slave
of the king, so am I one of the office-bearers of the expedition, and
I have got this province by the sword.'' At last 'AH Quli !^3n
took to arms and when Qambar was defeated, he took refuge in the
fort of Budft5n, and sent a petition to Court. When His Majesty
got this account of him, he sent Qisim Makhlaf to encompass him
with favours and to bring him to kiss the threshold. Before Qasim
had Beached Budaon, and brought this message of deliverance, 'All
Quli Khan had killed him. The short account of this is that when
Qambar strengthened the fort, and the siege was being protracted,
'All Quli ^an sent to him Muhammad Beg Turkaman and Mulli
6hi8gu-d-din. He imprisoned these envoys, and they secretly won 351
over a number of people to their side and having by craft overcome
the garrison, they made Qambar a prisoner. 'AH Qui! EhSn sent
his head to Court. The just heart of the king was grieved at this
and he sent a firman of rebuke to 'AlT Quli !Oian. He asked why
he went to war when he .Qambar) was making proffers of obedience
and wished to submit, and why did he kill him without orders after
getting him into his power ? His Majesty repeatedly said to those
near him that he had wished to see this man and that if he had
found on the tablet of his forehead truth and rectitude, he would have
shown him favour and have educated him.
One of the occurrences of this time was the ingratitude of M.
Sulaimfin. The brief account of this is that when the royal standards
went off to India, Tardi Beg ^an, who held Andarab and I^kami^
in his jdgir, was ordered to join. Muqim Khan remained behind
638
akbabnIma.
to look after the jdgir. M. Salaiman tbonght this a good oppor-
tunity to get hold of the territories. Firsts he tried crafty and sought
to win over Muqim !^an to his side. When this failed, the Mirzi
threw off the mask and besieged Andarftb. Muqim KJjian was com-
pelled to come out with his family, and by fighting his way through
he got away from that dangerous spot and came to K&bul. One of
the occurrences of this time was the killing by Haidar Muhammad
:^an A^ta Begi of Ghizi ^an ^ the father of that Ibrahim who
had had an itching desire for a throne. The story is as follows :
When ^aidar Muhammad ^an was sent to Blina, GhazT ^auj who
was the governor, could not resist and took refuge in the fort. Re-
lying upon the promises and engagements which were held oat by
Haidar Muhammad, he came out ; but Blaidar Muhammad fixed his
eyes on his goods and chattels and broke his promise, and put him
to death with the sword of injustice. When His Majesty Jah§nbftni
heard of this, it did not commend itself to his just mind. AlS he
(i.e., Hum&yun) was at a distance, and had only recently come
to India he ostensibly refrained from inflicting punishment on him
but he announced that l^aidar would never again bind ^ on his belt.
And in truth what the fate-interpreting tongue had uttered remained
in force till he left this world. Shihabu-d-dTn A1;imad Kban who
was the Mir Biyutat (f.6., officer in charge of buildings, &c.), was sent
to inquire into the matter and to appraise the property. His Majesty
went on, in ways well-pleasing to God, in taking care of his subjects,
in building up the world, and in giving repose to mankind.
i In B.M. Add. 27,247 the words
are differently and more grammati-
cally arranged. The Ibrahim here
referred to is the Ibrahim Khan Sar
who is described in text p. 339
as having contended for the throne
of India with Sikandar and as hav-
ing been defeated by him near Agra.
* Apparently the prophecy was
that his arm would wither. Bayaeld
tells us that Haidar's arm became
useless. Perhaps this was ascribed
to Hamay fin's prophecy or curse,
but Bajazid says it was in conse-
quence of a wound that he received
in Afghanistan. It seems that
Hum ay an was regarded as one who
had the power of imprecating disaster
on those who had offended him.
Another instance is given by Jauhar
and Qulbadan Begam as having
occurred in Sind.
_j
CHAPTBB LX. 639
CHAPTER LX.
Expedition or His Majesty the SyBAHiHSBAH to the Pan/Ib in 365
ACCORDANCE WITH THE OBDSBS OF HiS MaJESTT
JahanbIni Jinnat XaBATlNI.
Daring this time that the world-conquertDg soul of His Majesty
JahSnb&nl was managing with justice the territories of India^ un-
pleasant reports about gl^fih Abu-1-Ma'ftli came to the effect that
being intoxicated with the harmful wine of the world he was troubl-
ing the people^ and was conducting himself in ways contrary to the
king's commands. As His Majesty Jah§nb&ni had a special regard
for him he considered such reports as contrary to the truth and as
inventions of the envious and malignant. But at length it was noised
in the royal camp that Sikandar had come out from the hills and it
became certain that this infatuated Sayyidzdda had without authority
severed Far^at ^&n from the governorship of Lahore and had
appointed one of his own creatures in his room. Also that he was
laying hands on the royal treasure. By Divine inspiration the
resolution became fixed in His Majesty Jahftnb&ni's holy soul^ which
was a mirror showing what was right for country and empire^ that
the Panjfib, which is one of the great provinces of India^ should be
made illustrious by the blessing of the protection and government of
His Majesty the Sl^fthinsbih^ and that^ if it seemed proper^ Abu-1-
Ma'Sli should have Qi^Br ^ and its neighbourhood. Moreover as he
was sending about this time for the chaste ladies from Kabul it was
right that the Panjib should be in the possession of His Majesty
I 9^9^''> ^^ ^^ ^Id in the previ-
ouB chapter, had been conferred on
Akbar, and the meaning apparently
is that if Akbar (and Bairam)
thought proper, Qi^Sr might now be
given to AbS-l-Ma'all, in exchange
fbr the Fanjab.
640 aebabnAma.
the Sb&hiD^fth's servants. Though the army was large enongh
to quell Sikandar yet for political and personal reasons the name
'* auxiliary '^ was used. In the beginning of the year 963, Novem-
ber, 1555, in an auspicious hour which befitted the accession to the
throne of the seven climes, His Majesty the Sb&hin^ah the Divine
nursling was appointed (to the Panjab) according to the rules of
sovereignty and splendour. Bairam Khan was nominally appointed
as guardian of His Highness, but in fact the education of that sup-
port of dominion was committed to the fortunate auspices of His
Majesty the g^ahinshdh. A number of loyal and faithful followers
attended on his stirrup.
When they arrived at Sihrind the royal servants who were in
^iijar I^ruza obtained the blessing of service and were delighted,
lu that auspicious station Ustad 'Aziz SistanI who for his good
service and loyalty had received the title of Burni Shan ^ and had
no equal in pyrotechny and in shooting with guns had the felicity
of entering the S^ahin^ah^s service. It was here that his shooting
began and in a short time he became a master in this strange craft,
356 just as he is a master in every act and science. And wondrous
masterpieces, such that volumes could not contain the accounts of
them, were displayed by this exhibitor of perfections in this as in
other acts. What shall I say or what shall I write about the totality
of this holy personality ? For without exception when any person
who shall have studied some particular art or science, whether with
mature scientists, or with master craftsmen, and whether in whole
or in part, and have acquired practice therein by studying for years
with able teachers enters the service of this scrutinising intellect
and universal genius, he gets lost in contemplating his abundant
knowledge and is struck with astonishment. And he thinks to him-
self that apparently His Majesty has spent all his time in nothing
but this art. But afterwards he says no one could acquire such
skill, it must be tlie gift of God ! And one of the wonderful things
is that he enters into contradictory dispositions and varied characters
in one and the same seance, for this ia not difficult to the world-
adorning mind. What capacity have philosophers, or learned men.
1 Perhaps the BQml Sh&n Q^l^bl, ue., of Aleppo, mentioned in filocbmaun
44h
CRAPTBB LX. 641
or artists to keep his company except for a time and on their own
subject f Such lofty understanding and such wide intelligence are
not within human powers. Rather the power of an angel would not
suffice. May Almighty God long preserve this glorious pearl for the
alignment (inti^dm) of mortals !
81
642 akbarnIma.
CHAPTER LXI.
Bbief account of His Majesty Jahanban! Jainnat AhhatAnI^ akp
bkscriprion of som£ of bib rkm aukable inve1it10n8
ahd rbgulations.
As the affairs of the Panjab had been happily arranged by the
expedition of His Majesty the^ahinshah there^His Majesty Jahanbnni
remained in Delhi and employed himself in the work of political
administration. He gave his attention to the reconstruction of tlie
territories^ the extirpation of enemies and the conquest of otLor
provinces. He repeatedly said that he would make seyeral seats of
government, and labour for the regulation of India. Delhi, Agrn,
Jaunpur, Mind a, Lahore, Qananj and other suitable places would be
chosen and in every place there would be an army under the char-g'e
of a prudent, farseeing, subject-cherishing, and just officer, so that
there should be no need then for an auxiliary force. And he would
not keep more than 12,000 horse attached to his own person. Ue
also used to say that he would have embroidered gold and silver soata
prepared to be used in the public assemblies by the princes and by
such men of his entourage as were to be exalted by special honour
BO that they might sit upon them when an order to that effect was
given. For it was likely that the affections of the great and worhlly,
ogy who had not reached the palace of loyalty but still remained in tho
bazar of traffic, and of loss and gain, would not be captured merely
by gifts of property, and that until their honour and prestige were
increased they would not be won over.
From the beginning of his career till now his mind was exercised
in strange inventions and in showing forth recondite truths. Among
these was this that at the time when His Majesty Geti Sitani Firdfis
Makani proceeded from Kabul to Qandahar he left His Majesty
Jahanbaul in Kabul to look after affairs. One day His Majesty
was riding iu the environs of the city and exploring the plains and
CHAPTiBR Lxr. 643
meadows. On the way be said to Maulana Ruh Ullab, who was
his teacher, "it has occurred to me to take an augury from the
names of three persons whom I may find on the road, and I shall
bnild the foundations of my dominion (datUat) thereon." The
Maulftna said the name of one person would be enough. He replied
'' A secret inspiration has communicated itself to me." After going
a little distance a wayfarer of mature age appeared and when they
asked him his name, he replied " Murfid I^waja." After him
another man appeared who was driving an ass loaded with wood.
When they asked him his name he said '^ Daulat Khwaja." Upon
this the inspired tongue (of Humayun) said that "if the name of
the next person that comes be Saadat Khiw&ja it will be a sti*ange and
beautiful coincidence, and the star of joy (murdd) will ascend from
the horizon of auspiciousness (sa'ddaty At that very moment a
man (a boy, in Khwandamlr's account) appeared, who was grazing
some cattle, and when they asked him what his name was he replied
" Sa'fidat Khwaja." The servants in attendance were astonished at
this marvel, and all felt assured that the lord of auspicious for-
tune would by Divine favour attain to lofty rank and become possessed
of dominion.^
When these mysterious glad tidings were fulfilled and the rose
garden of hope was made fresh and verdant by the stream of justice
he founded his affairs, sacred and secular on joy (murSd), dominion
{daulat) and auspiciousness {sa'ddat). And he divided all the servants
of the fortunate threshold, or rather all the inhabitants of his
dominions into three classes. He called his brothers, and other re-
latives, his officers, his viziers, and all his soldiers Ahl-i-daulat. For
it was clear that without the help of this body of men the ladder of
dominion and fortune could not be climbed. He called the philosophers,
the 'ulama, the chancellors (sadur), the sayyida, the shaikhs, the
QuziB, the poets and the other learned men, the judges, nobles and
skilful persona Ahl-i-^a^ddat, because the honouring of these aus-
picious persons, and the association with them were a means of
gaining everlasting auspiciousness. He called architects, painters.
i This story is given in Elliot V.
118 and 236 who remarks that it first
appears in Khwandamir. Nis^ainu-d-
diu and FerigJ^tu assign it to the
period just before HumSyun's con-
quest of India. Khwandamir calls
the teacher Masihu-d-diu Hu^u-lla
644
akbarnAma.
368 iiiiiHicians and siugevB Ahl-i-murdd, because they were the delight of
all the world. Similarly he divided the days of the week amonj^
the Ahl-udaulat, sa^ddat and murdd, to wit, Saturday and Thursday
belonged to Ahl-i-sa'adat, and on these two days his attention was
given to the regulators of knowledge and devotion. The reason of
appropriating those two days to the AhUi-sa'ddat was that Saturday
is assigned to Saturn, and Saturn is the patron of shaikhs and
ancient families. Thursday is Jupiter's day, and that is the star of
learned men and of other noble orders. Sunday and Tuesday were
assigned to the AhUi^daulat, and on them, royal affairs, and the
management of world-government were transacted. The reason for
thus assigning these two days was that Sunday appertains to the
sun whose rays regulate rule and sovereignty, while Tuesday is
Mars's day and Mars is the patron of soldiers. Monday and Tuesday
were days of joy {murdd). On these days boon-companions and
favourites and others of the Ahl-i-murdd were treated with special
favour. The point in selecting these two days was that Monday is
the Moon's day, and Wednesday is Mercury's. Both of these have
a special connection with household matters {amur-i-biyiital). Friday
{jam'a), in accordance with its name, applied to all objects, and on
it all the classes of humanity participated in the royal bounty.
One of the arrangements which characterised the dJtvan^ays
was that when the throne of the ISkildfat was set up and His Majestj
being seated thereon was advising the Dlvdn, information was given
to the people by beat of drnm^ and when he left the Dlvdn, cannon*
iers announced the fact to the subjects by the discharge of cannon.
And on these days keepers of the wardrobe ' would bring several
suits of apparel, {dast-i'Ji^ldt), and the treasurers several bags
of gold near to the palace, so that their might be no stoppage to the
gifts and largesses. Several brave men stood armed, and with
cuirasses on their breasts.
Another of his inventions was that of three golden arrows which
were an allusion to the three divisions ' of sa'ddat, daulat and murdd*
Each of these was assigned to one of the leaders of the three classes
in order that he should supervise the works thereof. And it was
provided that so long as each of the holders of these arrows
i KarJcirdqcidn, Blochmann 87 n. 2
ud 61«.
s Sahm which means both a divi-
Bion or segment, and au arrow.
CHAPTBR LXI.
645
exerted himself in the management of the duties appertaining to
that division {sahm), whioh consisted in acting according to the will
of God and in loyaltj, he should be the subject of favour and should
be secure on the masjiad of authority. But if ever he should become
intoxicated by the wine of grandeur and transgress the path o^
justice, or from some evil motive should avert his eyes from loyalty,
and should restrict his zeal to the acquisition of wealth, the arrow of 359
his design would not reach the target of success and the writing of
deposition would be drawn on the page of hia condition, and he would
meet with a -fitting retribution. Mir Khwand the chief chronicler
(Mir MwoarrilA) has recorded in his Qdnun-uhumdyum ^ that in the
time of his service the arrow of sa^ddat was entrusted with absolute
authority to the most excellent of the masters of learning and perfec-
tion— ^Maulana Farghali^^ and the opening and shutting, the con-
traction and expansion, of the affairs of Sayyids, §b&ikhs, ' (Tlama,
Qai&is, and teachers, and the inquiry into the claims of ecclesiastics
( arbdb-i-^amdtm, liL wearers of large turbans), and the appointment
and removal of those entrusted with the works of religion, and the
assignment of stipends and siyurgbdh were all in his charge. The
arrow of daulai was with the prop of sovereignty — S.mir Hindu Beg,
and the shutting and opening, the binding and unloosing of the great
affairs of the o£Bicers and viziers, and of all the government-clerks,
and those entrusted with civil affairs, and the fixing of the
pay of the soldiers, and the appointment of the household
servants rested with him. The arrow of murdd and of the works of
architecture was assigned to Amir Waisi. He had to look after the
buildings and the arrangement of matters of pomp and pageantry
and to care for the perfecting of the things of splendour and glory.
Another of his inventions was the distribution of arrows into
twelve classes. Each order of men was assigned to an arrow. The
arrangement was as follows : The twelfth arrow, which was of the
finest gold, was reserved for the royal quiver, i.e., for Humayun and
Akbar. The eleventh was for the brothers and other kinsmen and
such of the sons of kings as were servants of the threshold of domi-
nion. The tenth arrow was for the Sayyids, the Sbai^s, and the
1 C/. EUiot V. 116 and B.M. MS.
Vr. 1762, and Add. 30,774.
* This is the man of whom Qaidar
Mirza writes so severely, and who
was drowned at Causi.
646
AKBABNlMA.
^Ulaina. The ninfcli for the great oflScers. The eighth was for tUe
intimates {maqarrabdn) and the anhacidn who held mansaha (offices).
The seventh for the other anfeaclin.^ The sixth for the heads of'
clans. The fifth for the distinguished young volunteers. The fourth
for the cashiers (Blochmann^ 45). The third for the soldiers (judndn^
i-jargah). ITie second for artificers.* The first for doorkeepers,^
watchmen^ and the like.
Another of his inventions was his dividing the department of
State into four classes corresponding to the four elements^ viz., Fire,
Air^ Water^ and Earth. And for the transaction of the business of
^ The word in text is unintelligi-
ble and is no doubt corrupt. A
footnote says that on the margin
of one MS. there is written ^Xxi\
ickT, which is explained as meaning
head-writer. Perhaps the copyist
thought of, or wrote bitikcian, official
writers, see Jarrett II. 47. The n
in the text is clearly wrong, and
this letter does not occur in A.F.'s
original, vi7i,<t KhwandamTr. who has
\a^^A Zekian, B.M. MS. Or. 1762,
p. 138, Zeker gives j^t meaning
a brother-in-law, and perhaps this
is the word, or it may be connected
with ^''^1 Ickar, inner, and conse-
quently intimate, or ever with u^J^t
Ickl drink, or with *;^l meaning
elegant, slender. From its follow-
ing moqarrc^dn it clearly means
intimate associates of some kind.
s Sa/rJdiaildn'i'^abaXl, Elliot Y.
123, renders the corresponding pas-
sage of KhwSndamIr "the luirems
and the well-behaved female atten-
dants." But Elhwandamir's words
are mai^alliq ant ha sari^aildn qdbail
u yuahakidn (i.e., Uzbeks) and
apparently the 12 divisions had
reference only to males. The fifth
which Elliot renders young maid-
servants is in A.F.'s text ikkaJuSn^M-
i'bahddur, and perhaps means the
volunteers or independent warrior^-
{Ekkdkd) referred to in Erdktne':^
Supplementary Remarks, Hist. II.
541, as men who joined the service,
either alone, or with a few followers,
as volunteer soldiers of fortune.
Perhaps these Ekkaba were the men
afterwards called Ahadi or Ahad! in
Akbar*s time, see Blochmann, 20h
and 161. Tka ^ is a Mongolian word,
and means great. Quatrem^re N.
and E., XIV.
^ ^dgird pet^agdn. This expres*
sion is often used for civilians or lay-
men attached to an army, such as
shopkeepers, citizens, and the like.
* ^wandamir has the word dar^
hdndn but he has not the word pa*-
hdndn. Instead of pdshdndn he has
Bdrhdndn. See B.M. MSS. Or. 1762,
p. 133 and Or. 5850, p. 196. The
pages which should contain the ac-
count of the arrows are wanting in
the translation in the B.M. MS.
Add. 30774. There is a gap after
p. 76 or 496. A note at the end of Or.
5850 makes the curious mis-f^tat^-
ment that the work is by Gulbadan
BegamI
rfTAPTRR T.XT.
647
each of these four departments a vizier was appointed. The artiller
and the arrangements of armour and arms and of other things with
which fire had to do were called the Fire Department. Khwaja
*Abdii 1-Mulk was appointed to be vizier of it. The wardrobe
{karqlrdqlsbdna)^ the kitchen, the stable, and the necessary manage-
ment of the mules and camels was called the Air Department. The
charge of it was given to Khwaja Latif Ullah. The arrangements 360
of the ^arbatkbdna, the wine-cellar {auclMpdna), and of canals was
called the Water Department. Khwaja ^asan was appointed the
vizier thereof. The affairs of agriculture and of buildings ^ and the
administration of exchequer-lands (sabt'irkbdlisdt) and]of some of the
buildings [biyutdt) were called the Earth Department. The vizier was
Khwaja Jalnlu-d-dm MTrzS Beg. In every one of the departments
one of the Amirs was employed. For instance^ Amir Naf ir Quli was
the Mir Sarkfir^ or head-officer, of the Fire Department and always
wore red.
Another of the inventions of this time was that four large barges
were set in the river Jamuna (Jumna) and that the master-carpenters
constructed ^ on each of them a cdrtdq (a square house) of two storeys
and of very elegant shape. The barges were so joined together that
the cdrtdqs faced one another. Between every two of these four
barges another idq (platform) was made ^ and thus there appeared an
octagonal reservoir between the barges.
* 'Imdrdt. Perhaps the word here
means colonization or the settling of
ryots, for we have buildings {hiyutdt)
mentioned immediately afterwards.
2 The text says that the carpenters
made the barges too, bat I presume
that the skill of the tMldddn-i-naJjar
was chiefly shown in constructing the
houses upon them. The cdrtdqs
are perhaps square buildings or they
may be buildings with four pillars,
see Vullcrs 6,v. cdrtdq. But, as Quat*
remcre points out N. and E., XIV.
498, the word car, four, is often
vaguely used.
^ Lit, were by the field of power
made into fact. A.F. has been simply
copying EhwandamTr, and I confess
I do not fully understand the des-
cription, or how the tank or reservoir
was octagonal. I suppose, however,
that the four barges formed a square
and that the space between them,
which was probably planked over,
made a portion of the river into a
tank. The corresponding passage of
Khwandamir is thus translated by
Muushi Sadasilk Lab p. 90, of B.M.
MS, Add. 30, 774, :—
** The four boats which, according
to royal directions, were made by the
most clever carpenters in the water
of the Jumna. In each of these
boats there wah made a large room
648
AKBARNAUA.
Another of his excellent inventions was his arrangement of shops
and the patting up of a bazar on boats. This increased the amaze*
ment of the rare of intellect. In the year 939^ 1532-88, iPV'lieii His
Majesty went from Firuzabad-i-Dihli (i.e., Delhi) to Agra, tlie capitali
by way of the river, and was accompanied by most of the Amirs and
pillars of the State and all the ikcidn ^ and officers, a bazar of this
kind was made and carried down the Jamuna. Everyone could get
what he wanted in that bazar.
In like manner the royal gardeners made, in accordance with
orders, a garden on the river.
Another of his inventions was a movable ^ bridge.
Another of his wonderful inventions was a movable palace. This
palace was composed of three storeys which were of cut beams.
The master-carpenters had so joined the pieces together that ^ielio*
ever looked at them thought that the whole was of one piece.
Whenever they wanted they could take it to pieces and convey it
to any country. And the ladders (or steps) to the upper storey ivere
so constructed that they could be opened out or shut up at pleasare.
One of the wonderful inventions of that holy mind was a cap
(tdj) which was alike magnificent and agreeable to wear. The border
(or margin) which went round the tdj had two divisions {furja), and
each of these was in the form of the figure sev6n (V), and thos by
there being two figures 7 (VV) the number 77 was produced, which
(having four doors or pillars) of two
storeys exceedingly nice. The boats
were joined together in such a man-
ner that the four apartments stood
opposite each other, and by the junc*
tion of each two boats another apart-
ment was produced and between all
the four a figure resembling a reser-
voir of octagonal form was made."
Price says : " The four vessels were
connected by a strong platform or
some species of gallery in such a
manner that the pavilions were placed
in a situation exactly oppoisite to
each other, perhaps in the form of a
lozenge, and between each of the
vessels was interposed an additional
pavilion, making altogether the num-
ber of eight and forming in the
centre of the whole a beautiful tank
or pond of water of eight sides."
^ This is the word ankactan already
referred to. Possibly it may l^e here
a mistake for hitikcidn or writers.
* This is described at length by
Ehwandamir, p. 189a, of Persian text
and 112 of translation. It is per-
haps characteristic of A.F. that ibis,
perhaps, the only really useful work
of Humayun, is left undcscribed
by him.
CHAPTER LXI.
649
vrns the numerical value of the word *izz. Here it was called the
Utj-i^^iMHtt or cap of honour. This was invented in Bada^^an ^ and 361
when His Majesty came to Agpra and appeared before His Majesty
Get! Sittni Firdus Mak&ni the latter was much pleased.
Another of his inventions was a tent {hilirgd) which had twelve
partitions corresponding to the signs of the Zodiac. Each mansion
{burf) had lattices {pinjarahd) ^ through the interstices of which there
shone the light of the stars of dominion. And there was another
tent* which was like the Heaven of Heavens which encompasses
the heaven of the fixed stars. This surrounded the other tents and
as the crystalline sphere {i.e., the Heaven of Heavens) is undotted
(with stars) so this tent was without lattices.
One of his pleasure-increasing inventions was the '^ carpet of
mirth'' (&a«a|^t-ntji|aj). This was a round carpet corresponding to
the orbits of the spheres and the elemental spheres. The first
circle which corresponded to the crystalline sphere was white^ the
second blue {kabvd), the third blacky like Saturn^ the fourth^ which
was the house of Jupiter^ was light brown {^andali), the fifths which
was related to Mars^ was ruby-coloured^ the sixth, which was the
house of the Sun, was golden, the seventh, which was the house of
Venus, was bright green, the eighth, which was the station of
t The tdj'i'-'vswat according to
Shwftndamlr was not used only by
Hnm&yQn, bat was for the nobles
also. Only Hum&y&n's was all of
one colour, whereas their's were o^
several colours. He may have in-
vented it in BadaJshsh&nf but the
chronogram of its construction, tdj^
i'8*aadoU, given by Shwandamir
yields 939, or two years after Bsbar's
death.
* Blochmann 225, account of pin-
jarahsd», or lattice-work.
^ 2[hwandamlr'8 description is at
p. 122 of translation and 140 of
Persian text. "A large tent which
like the empyrean heaven that covers
the inferior ones surrounded all the
petty tents and took them within
itself like a cover. Like the crys.
talline sphere, on which there are
no spots of the fixed stars and the
planets, this had also no lattice or
balcony round it." Shw&ndamf r ex-
plains that the outer tent was dis-
tinct from the inner one and could
be used separately. The inner tent
which represented the twelve signs
of the Zodiac was perhaps the tent
.mentioned by Qtdbadan Begam and
called by her mihr-amvtt i.e., assoc-
iated with the sun. The word which
Sadas&k L&l has translated balcony is
qan*<idt, so. perhaps the outer tent
had no flaps or side-walls.
82
1
i
f>."iO
AKBAKNAMA.
Mercury, was blaiah {nmau, «.e., IDy, or iris-oolonred). For ttie
natore of Mercury is couqxwiie and when bine and rose are mixed
the result is Musami. And the reaaon why gmmmi waa ohoaen in pre-
f erence to other colours waa that several phfloaophers hare called the
colour of Mercury that of coUyrium {ku^U), and the smsani ia nearer
to collyrium than other mixed colours are. The nintli circle, wfcick
was the station of the Moon, was white. After iha <drcle of tka
Moon came the region (kura, t.e., globe or sphere) of fire and air,
then that of earth and water. The inhabited quarter <tf the earth
was divided into seven climes. He himself occupied the ^Iden cirde
(».e., the one consecrated to the Sun) and there he adorned the throne
of the Wiildfat. Each section (or group) was ordered to sit inae>
cordance with the one of the seven planets which was apprcprist^
to it in the circle which corresponded therewith. Thna^ the Indiaa
officers sate in the circle of Saturn, while the Sayyids and the 'UbDi
sate in the circle of Jupiter. The persons who occupied each circle
made use of dice, on each side of which there was represented a
human figure in a different position. According to each one's throw
he assumed a position which corresponded to the figure that turned
up. For example, if a standing figure turned up he stood, if a seated;
he sate down, and if a reclining one he lay down. This waa a meaos
of increasing mirth.^
Another of his excellent devices was the wearing of clotbes
each day corresponding to the colour of the planet of that da/.
Thus on Sunday he wore a yellow robe, which is the colour appro-
priated to the Sun, who is the regent thereof. On Monday ' he wore
^ Perhaps some will think that
HnmiyHn's coartiers, like Mr. Peter
Magnus' friends, were easily amused-
This carpet is described by Khwin-
damir, Persian text 155, translation
206: It appears to have been of
enormons sise, for, he says, that each
of the seven circles had 200 grades (P)
BO that in all 1,400 persons could sit
in it. The bright green, toisrofl&an,
which is given as the colour of the
circle of Venus, is said in the dic-
tionaries to be the name of a kind
of pigeon. Blochmann, pp. 294 ^*
renders tahz by " bluish." Sadaiik
Lai renders nuanx by violet. Th*
expression umro-i-HiiMli used witb
reference to the circle of Saittra
means Indian-bom officers wheiber
Hindus or MutAmmadanStforSbwin*
damir says that the MaAS^t ^
sat there.
* Khwindamtr says that when the
moon was near the full HniniJ^
wore white.
CHAPTER Lll.
651
green^ which is appropriate to the Moon^ and so on. Another of his
inventions was the dram ^ of justice. If the claim of anyone related
to some dispute he beat the drum once. If his grievance consisted 332
in the non-receipt of stipend, or wages he struck twice. If his goods
and chattels {mdUu-jihat) had been seized by oppression, or had been
stolen, he complained by beating the drum thrice. If he had a claim
of blood against anyone he beat the drum loudly four times.
The notes of the inventive genius of this bbedive of holy type
are many, but the above are enough to enable the understanding and
the acute to comprehend the rare jewels of his soul. It is now better
to abridge words and to come to the proper subject.
■ This is an institation as old as
Nftfihirwin. Bliwftndamir makes the
next sentence more intelligible by
prefixing the word andaJc small to the
word fnaH^dtamatt dispute or suit.
In the Lucknow Museum there are
a number of large drums which
came from Agra, and are said to
belong to Akbor's time. Perhaps
they are the remains of one of Hn*
mSyan*s institutions.
(552
akbaknAha.
CHAPrER LXII.
Incidbnce of a flash of indication of a journey to thb wobu>
OF HOLINESS ON THB INWARD MIRROR OF Hl8 MaJBSTT JahAnbAnI
JiNNAT XsBITAn!^ and HIS DEPARTURB FOR THAT WORLD.
Let it not be concealed from inquiring minds that at about the
time when His Majesty the g^ahin^ah^ the young shoot of the
parterre of insight^ obtained leave to go to the Pan j§b^ there fre^
quently rose on the lips of His Majesty JahanbanT Jinnat S^iy&ni
the mention of a departure to the world of holiness. Contrary to
his laudable habit of regarding such references as unbecoming
(makrHh), as being repugnant to the management of affairs, and of
avoiding them in conversation, he now took pleasure in speaking on
the subject. Seemingly the flash had pictured itself in the ante-
chamber of his mystery-knowing heart. Among such references
there was this that one day he quoted with commendation the true
words of His Majesty Geti-sitani Firdus-Makinl, when he remarked
in a meeting of friends that a servant of his used to say that when-
ever he saw the graves in Ghaznin ^ he felt an inclination to die.
Following up this. His Majesty would say that when he contemplated ^
Delhi and its shrines the words recurred to his memory, and he
thought how sweet they were I At about the same time and when he
was proceeding towards the eternal world he said to several of his
familiars : " This day after paying my morning devotions a mysterious
thing occurred and a secret inspiration brought this quatrain on my
lips : ''—
1 " Here (Ghaznin*) is the last rest-
ing-plEU!e of ^klm Sanal and many
other saintly personages." A.F. in
ATn, Jarrett, II, 408.
* Probably Ham&jiln was refer-
ring to a visit which he paid to the
shrines and graves in and round
Delhi in company with Sidi 'All
shortly before his death. See p. 53
of the Admiral's book.
CHAFT£R LXU.
653
Verse.
'' O 6od^ make me wholly Thine.
Acquaint me with Thine attributes,
lyrannona Reason hath crippled my sonl.
Call me Thine own madman ^ and set me free"
Tears fell from his trath-seeing eyes while he was reciting
these lines, and complete detachment was manifested on his irradiated
brows. Abont the time, too, when the Court was at Delhi, the eye-
brightener of the H^ildfai, to wit. His Majesty the gb&hin^&h, one
night beheld in a dream that someone was pulling up his * musky
{i.e., black) locks. When he awoke he told the dream to Mfiham 363
Anaga, the mother of Adham ]^(ln. She summoned all the skilled
interpreters and asked them what the dream portended. When this
question was put to His Majesty Jahfinb&ni he said : " "Evil will be
far from his (Akbar's) head/' Afterwards he told them quietly of his
own inevitable doom, and administered consolation to them. Con-
stantly during those* days he was uttering words which had for
the organs of the farseeing among the courtiers the savour of a pass*
age from this transitory world whicli all must quit, and which
divided ^ the joints and marrow of the faithful of soul. Among other
things, he wrote with his own hand on the arch of his portico these
opening lines of a poem by Sl^aikh Szari : — *
1 C/. Erskine, Hist., 535, note.
His translation and account of the
circumstances differ somewhat from
the text. Apparently the poet con-
Uvsts the cold light of reason with
the ecstacy of madness (or love).
The translation in Erskine's version
of the Akbamama in the B.M. is
nearer the original.
* The text has dnha^rat, which
presnmably stands for HnmSy&n, bat
a footnote says that several M8S.
have fi&an, and all the M8S. that
I have examined in the B.M., I.O.,
and BA.S. have {|&Jn, and so has
the Lncknow edition. I have there-
fore adopted the variant. I think
that what Akhar saw must have been
the pulling of his own locks, otherwise
there would have been no cause for
alarm on his account^ and it is hardly
likely that his father, then a man
of 50, would have hlack hair.
B I have paraphrased the passage.
The literal translation is : '' The faith-
ful of soul were cut to pieces."
* The poetical name of Jalftl-ud-din
^maa of Isfarain or Mihrj&n near
NlfihapUr. He died in 866 A.H.
Beale's Or. Diet., 90. See also Bien.,
Gat. 1, 43a. According to the account
there AsarT, who took his poetical
name from the month of his birth, was
born at Marv and died in 866 A.H.=
654
AKBARNAMA.
IVe heard that on this gilded dome (the sky) 't is writ
The end ^ of all things is praiseworthy.
He also when near his departure reduced his consumption of
opium^ so much so that he said to his intimates '' We'll see for hoinr
many more days two or three pellets {habb) will suffice/' He had
seven days' divided supply and wrapped in paper^ and made over to
his body-servantSj and he said to them " this is all the opium we sliaU
eat/' On the day which was the first stage of his journey to the
region of holiness and detachment^ there remained four pellets. He
sent for these^ and partook * thereof in rosewater.
At the close ^ of Friday Babl'-al-awwal 963, Sb&h
1461-62. BadaanI, III, 193, says that
MaulftnS Bekasl is the authority for
this story. He quotes the couplet.
^ Another rendering might be :
*' To meditate on the end of all things
is praiseworthy." Price translates:
".Of all mankind the end is happy."
^ The meaning is not quite clear.
Probably A.F. means that Hamayan
took one of the four pellets along
with rosewater. It is hardly likely
that he would take four all at once.
The day when he eent for the opium
is clearly, I think, the day of the
accident, and not of the death, and
the time would be in the course of
the day and before the accident,
which occurred at evening. Proba-
bly the number four is dwelt upon as
indicating that Humiyan had set
aside the exact number of pellets
that would last till his death. If
Friday was the day of the accident
and he took one pill on that day, and
survived till Monday, as Sidi *Ali
says, this would be the case. Accord-
ing to other authorities he died on
the cvouiug of Sunduy, the 26th
January, or 13 Babl'-al-awwal. This
is the date given in the Badsh^huftma
of ' Abdu-l-9amld, Bib. Ind. ed., p. 69.
S AM^ir-'i-ruz, But perhaps the
Is&fat is wrong, and the translation
should be : "At length, on Friday,'*
&c. A.F. does not give the day of
the month ; but, as he says later on,
that the officers concealed the acci-
dent (or at least its seriousness) for
seventeen days and then proclaimed
Akbar on 28 Ilabl*-al-awwal» we may
take it that the fall occurred on Fn*
day, the 11th Babl'*al-awwal, corre*
spending to 24th January, 1556. Sw
Mrs. Beveridge's translation of Count
Noer's Akbar, I. 67, note. The
date, 11 Babl'-al-awwal, given at th«
end of Stewart's translation of Jan*
bar is not in the original, and tha
whole sentence is an addition.
There is a good deal of discrepancy
about the dates of Eumayaa's fall
and death, and on these points re-
ference may be made to the note
above quoted and also to Mr. C. J.
Rodger s' note in the JA.8.B. for
1871, Vol. XL, p. 133, and to Mr.
CHAPTRR LXII.
655
Budin^^ 'Xlam^l^ah, Beg Mulak/ and others who had returned
Blochmann's remarks thereon. A.F.'s
statement that the fall occurred on a
Friday is supported by the circum-
stance that a number of worshippers
were assembled at the adjoining
mosque, as would naturally be the
case <m a Friday, and also by the
testimony of Kitibi-BUmT, the Tur-
kish admiral, Sidl 'All BeTs. He
was in Delhi at the time ; and, though
be does not expressly say so, he was
apparently present at the last audi-
ence. His words (Yamb^ry's transla-
tion, Lusac, 1899, p. ^) are : "All
was ready for the start (the Admi-
ral's). HnmSylln had given audience
on Friday evening, when, upon leav-
ing his castle of pleasure, the Mueis-
sin, announced the Esau just as he
was descending the staircase. It was
his wont, whenever he heard the
summons, to bow the knee in holy
reverence. He did so now, but unfor-
tunately fell down several steps, and
received great injuries to his head
and arm." Truly the proverb rightly
says, ' There is no guarding against
fate.'
" Everything was confusion in the
palace, but for two days they kept
the matter secret. It was announced
to the outer world that the sove-
reign was in good health, and alms
were distributed amongst the poor.
On the third day, however, that was
on the Monday, he died of his
wounds."
It seems to me probable that the
Turkish Admiral is the person re-
ferred to by A.F. as Caghatil Shi^n.
No oiRcer of Hnmlyan's or Akbar s
I
of that name is mentioned anywhere,
and Sidl 'All may have got the .sob-
riquet of Caghat&I Eh&n on account
of his proficiency in the OaghatS! lan-
guage. See the Turkish publisher's
preface, Vamb^ry, I.e., p. XVII.
Sidl 'All, too, had just come from
GujrEt. Another reason for believing
Friday to be the day, is that Friday
was HnmiyUn's day for holding re-
ceptions and granting audiences.
8§e A.N.Cap., LXII. On the whole
then, unless it can be established
astronomically that Venus did not
rise on Friday, 24th January 1556, I
think we may take that to be the
day of the accident. This date is
further corroborated by Sidl 'All's
statement that he left for Lahore on
a Thursday in the middle of Babl'-al«
awwal. He did not leave till after
the death, and Thursday would be
the 17th Babi'-al-awwal. Vamb^ry's
translation, contrary to that of Diez,
makes Thursday the day of the Ad-
miral's arrival at Lahore, but this is
clearly wrong.
With regard to the place and cir-
cumstances of the accident there is
1 Blochmann, 371 and 382.
* If this was Xhtn 'Alam Calma
Beg, Blochmann, 378, he must have
returned from Mecca before Kimr-
Sn's death. But perhaps it is not.
'Alam Sh&h is mentioned at p. 325 of
text as one of those who accompanied
KftmrSn to India.
8 It would seem from this as if Beg
Millak had repented and gone after
Kamr&n.
rt50
AKBAKNAMA.
from the ^ijftz, and Caghat&i £b&n and some men from Gnjiil
and made reports. Also Pahlw&n Dost Mir Barr, and If anlina Af<d
came from Kftbol with representations from Mon'im ^an. At the end
of the day he came ont on tHe roof of the library which had raoentiy
been fitted np, and gAve the people who were assembled at the chief
mosque the blessing of performing homage {homiii). For m con-
siderable time he asked questions about Holy Mecca and aboat
Oujr&t and Kftbul.
After that he sent for all the mathematicians^ for it was expected
that Venns would rise on that night and he wished to obserre her.
a good aocouui by Mr. Bodgers in
the paper already referred to. He
corrects the mistakea of Elphinstone
and Marshman. I visited the place
in September, 1899. The building is
known as the Sher Mandal from Lav-
ing been built by Sher Shah and
is described by Syed Ahmad in his
A|lr §anidld (fee also Garvin de
Taasy's translation). It is an octa-
gonal building of rod stone and has
two storeys. But the first is now
solid, i.e., has no room in it. It has
inside stairs leading up to the
second storey, which is an octagonal
room fitted with niches (jfa^), which
perhaps were used as bookshelves.
From this two separate flights of
steps lead up to the roof, on which
there is a small open cupola supported
on eight pillars. One of the flights
is shown by the guides as that from
which HumKy&n fell. There is a
turn in the stairs and the steps are
of granite, a foot high, and steep and
narrow. The stairs open out, it
should be stated, in the body of the
roof, so that Humftyiln fell through
the roof rather than off it. He cer-
tainly did not fall over the parapet.
" The stairs come up on both sides
of the cupola, in the apace interven-
ing between it and the parapet."
(Bodgers). Presumably Homajan's
intention was to sit down aa tbe
part of the roof which formed the
first step of the stair, and to rest his
feet on the second step ^iTIna-t-
duwcum). It was the cold weather
and so he would naturally be wearing
a long dressing-gown.. The guides
say that the body was wrapped in
cotton. As we know from the Maa^ir
Ba^Yml it was brought away from
Delhi when Himfin defeated TardI
Beg and got possession of the city.
It was kept for a time at Sirhind and
then brought back and kept near the
Purina Qila' till the grand tomb,
built by Humftydn's widow, 9^j^
Begam, was ready.
The Sher Mandal is to the south of
Delhi and about four miles from the
railway station. It is near the Jam-
na and was still nearer it in old
times. Hard by, is the Jama' Masjid
of Sher Shih. and HumSyiln's tomb
is not far off. The reason probably
why HamiySn was then residing s4
the Sher Mandal was because tbst
neighbourhood is the site of tbe city
of Dinpanih, which was founded hj
HftmSyiln in earlier and hsppicr
dars.
CHAPTKB LXIL
657
WAB his excellent intention that when Yenus rose and the moment
rcame anspicioos he would hold a grand assembly and make promo«
^lions of officers. At the beginning of the evening he wished to
descend and when he came to the second ^ step^ a reciter (muqrt),
\>y name Miskin (wretched)^ raised an nntimely call to prayer. His
'iBfajesty, out of respect to the callj wished to sit down where he was.
^8 the steps (darjdi) of the stair (zind.) were sharp (te%J and the
etones slippery (lagbzanda) his blessed foot caught in the skirt of his
Tobe at the moment of sitting down and his good staff slipped. He
lost his feet and fell upon his head, his right temple receiving a severe
blow, so that some drops of blood issued from his right ear. As he
possessed a heart acquainted with mysteries he immediately, and in
order that he might give comfort and also make dispositions for the
world, sent an affectionate dispatch containing a report of his wel- 364
fare to the nursling of the light of fortune by the hands of Najgr '
Sbai^ Cull.
One of the wondrous flashes of his (Akbar's) intelligence was that
in the middle of that very day (the day of the accident, not of the
announcement) he had * said to some of his suite that a great mis-
fortune would happen to an eminent man and that probably he
would die.
The loyalists who were on the spot endeavoured to conceal ^ the
1 Zlnor-i-dwoum, The exact mean-
ing of the expression is doubtful.
Naturally one would think that it
referred to the second step of the top
stair, but fUna means a stair rather
than a step, and the word da/rjdt as
used just below to mean the steps.
Perhaps A.F. means fche second flight
of steps counting from below, or he
may have supposed that the fall was
from the lower or second flight of
steps. The stairs are certainly yery
steep and awkward and might easily
cause a nasty fall.
8 *'The recital of the ofaa must
be listened to with great reyerence.
If a person be walking al the time
83
he should stand still ; if reclining
sit up." Hughes' Diet, of Islam, 286.
' BaySzTd enters him on his list
as GOiaikh Naip- Gfllt TurkistSnl
and says that after the conquest of
India Akbar made him Mir 'AdI.
Presumably Nasr was his name,
and Cull his title, from having been
with HnmaySn in the desert. The
MlrSt-i-'Ahun, B.M. Add., 7657, p.
971a, giyes a copy of the letter which
Nasr 9h**Kh conyeyed. See trans-
lation of it in Blochmann's remarks
on Bodgers' paper Lo.
* It}fafm9doMd. This is the for-
mula used by A.F. when mentioning
Akbar's utterances.
658 ASBARNAIIA^
dreadful occurrence and took measures to send iaformation. to tlie
heir-apparent of the maanad of tlie hbildfat and to collect the
principal officers who had obtained leave to various parts of tba
kingdom. With extreme prudence they kept this life-destroying'
event from the public for seventeen days. Those who were present
at court and the counsellors of the threshold of the Mtildfatg viz,,
l^isr KliLwaja KhSUj 'All Quli ^in^ La^if Mirzaj ^i^r l^Sn
Hazara, Qunduq ^&n, Qambar 'All Beg^ A^n^ ^ftQj Afzal S2^n,
who were in the list of helpful ministers (wuardi kifdydt piiia) and
I^waja ^usain of Merv^ Mir 'Abdu-l-9ai, P^^rau ^ftn^ Mihtar
^an, and after some days Tardi Beg ^an^ who inscribed on his
heart's tablet the office of Amir-al-ITmara ^ (Blochmann, 240) assem-
bled together and on the 28th of the same month, 11th February,
1556^ they recited the Idiuiba in the famous name and lofty titles of
the Mifidive of the age, and so healed and mended the distracted world
and gave the terrene and terrestrials a message of enduring restora-
tion. The stewards of heaven, who had been in expectation of this,
rejoiced, ' and the desires of the administrators of the natural world
were accomplished. I^r ' Abdu-1-^i Sadr recited this couplet :^«
Verse.
If the world's new year be destroyed.
Let the hundred-leaved red rose remain.
Several persons had recited this verse, and it had become well
known and had been made the subject of conversation at assemblies.
A strange thing was that at the same time one of the literate ffazld)
had found the second line ^ to give the date of the accession of the
^edive of the Age, but this was by writing the word gul with an
T, guU, though in one sense the ordinary orthography does not lend
itself to this form. And during the days of concealing this fatal
afEair they on one occasion dressed up Mull& Bekasi ^ in the clothes
1 That is, no doubt, they en- l-Hii uttered the verse without any
deavoured to conceal the gravity of
the accident. This agrees with what
Sidl 'AH tells us.
^ The second line yields 953 and
if I be added it yields 10 more or 963.
1 think the meaning is that 'Abdu«
thought of its being a chronogram,
and that the strange thing was that
it was afterwards found that a slight
alteration made it into a chrono-
gram.
^ Sidl 'All Refs, the Turkish ad-
CHAPTKB LXn.
659
tfHe «3.ec:eased flit: that pardoned pinnacle) and brought him out on
of the terracd faitodnj which was His Majesty's place of
sirnd showed him to the people with his face towards the
*Fhe people performed the homi^ and were in some measure
;3lieved from their distress and confusion.
NV^Ixen the sad misfortune was made known a great disturbance
rLcL t^ipooble, such as was natural at a crisis like this^ arose. The
>G&eoirA exerted themselves to soothe hearts and give people oonfi-
(leixoo fiind did what was proper at this time of dispersion both in 365
respect: of friends and of foes. They did what they could to
Tdexid. tKe bresioli and to cement the crack. And how could the
boad i^'aqd) of the eternal fortune of this noble family not attain
coTToboration and shape when the world-adorning glory of the per-
sonality of His Majesty the gb^hinibah, the true heir of sovereignty^
liad seized the summit of the throne of the W^ildfat of the terrene
and of terrestrials. Good G-od ! How could it enter into the circle of
the thoughts and imaginings of the farseeing that a being so won-
drous in his perfections and so befriended of fortune^ at once the
arranger of the visible world and the acquirer of spirituality^ should
«o Boon leave this earth f But as the time had come when the Creator
wonld give rejuvenescence to the old world and give a new education
to mankind^ — a time which had not arrived in many cycles of the
past, — of necessity He designed to exhibit the nobly-constituted and
consummate paragon who should be the perfection of mortals. Gon-
miral, I.e. 57, tells this story and
confirms A.F/s account. He calls
the representative Mulla Bl and
says he bore a striking resemblance
to Hamayan, though he was of
sUghter ("shorter," in Diez) make.
S!dl 'All says the deception took
place on the Tuesday, and he gives
himself the credit of having suggested
the concealment. Bat Gulbadan
Begam tells as that the same thing
was done when her father died.
Badafin!, Ill, 192, has an accoant of
Bekasl, i.e., I presume the orphan or
destitute one, but singularly enough
he says nothing about his impersona-
tion of HnmayG.n. Bekasi seems to
have been a native of Ghaznin and
he died at Peshawar in 973, 1566. He
was a poet, and BadS&nl gives speci-
mens of his verses. It is interesting
to find Sidi 'Ali confirming A.F. in
the small matter of the impersona-
tion's having taken place on the
riverside.
In F. H. Diez's translation, in his
Denkwurdigkeiten von Asien, Ber-
lin, 1815, p. 209, the name is given
as Mull& Bikjissi. His translation
seems to be -better than Yamb^ry's.
660
akbaknIma.
flequenily the occurrence of this unavoidable events though in All
eyes of the superficial a subject of mourning and sorrow, might
reckoned by the eyes of the mature of vision as a treasury of glorjr
and beauty. For by the bounteous presence of this sublime pearl of
sovereignty the visible and invisible worlds became again glorionSj and
the market-square of dominion, spiritual and temporal, became actire •
And as the lofty intefUigenoe of tikis lord of the age was come to par*
f ection^ and the constituent elements of the rule of this great-thoughted
one had been put in order and the die of dominion had turned up
inscribed with his name, seeing that with real ancestorhood he wore
the vesture of sonship, if the ruler of the age (HumayCLn) had oaok
account of his right-seeing and good qualities been preserved in the
prison of visible life, it must have followed that, on account of the
submission to the noblest, which is proper according to the rules of
wisdom, this eminent one of the age (Humftyun) should submit to the
nursling of light (Akbar). But as the robe of fatherhood is an im-
posing one and cometh from God, it could not harmonise with
obedience to the offspring. Also the happiness of children cannot be
recorded in the book of fate except when they submit to their fathera
and obey their behests. Consequently it was unavoidable that the
beginning of the feast of fortune should be the lord of the earth's leav*
ing this world.
In fine, after giving consolations and congratulations, the imperial
servants who were collected in Delhi separated in order to unite
distracted hearts, and each hastened to his own place. Tard! Beg
!Sb&n, who in concert with them was at Delhi, in order to arrange
the affairs of this city, sent the insignia of sovereignty along with
Qh^lft™ '^1^ ShaAftngCkdlt and other trusty servants to the world-
protecting court and made declarations of obedience and devotion.
M. Abu-l-Qftsim,^ the son of M. Kftmrfin, was also sent to do homage*
1 This apparently is tha same per-
son as the Ibr&bTm mentioned as
having, when a child, wrestled with
Akbar. He probably had his name
changed when he became father of a
son. I regret to say that Akbar
afterwards had him pat to death in
Qwilllr.
^n
CHAFTXa LXllI. 631
CHAPTER LXni.
Or THK DOMINION-INCBBASINO ACTS 07 HiS MaJBSTT THE S^AHIN- 366
WiM FROM THB TIMK OF HIS FKLICIT0U8 BBTTINQ OUT FOB
THK PaNJAB TILL HIS SACBXD ACCESSION.
The brief account of the fortane-encompaasing condition of Hia
^C&jestjr the gbfihini^h from the time of bis being dispatched to the
P&njab till his glorious accession is that when the standards of for-
tune were turned towards the Panjfib the Atka Khftn and other
semats came from Ifitflr Firuza and met him on the waj^ in accord-
ance with an intimation to that effect, and had the honour of paying
their respects. When fortune's equipage arrived at Sihrind all the
long's ^ senrants who had been appointed as auxiliaries to Shfth Abu-
1-M'aftlf, such as Muhammad Qui! l^ka Barlis, Muyfthib Beg,
Sliiwija Jalftlu-d-dm Mahmnd, Far^t !&fin, Tfihir Muhammad,
son of Mir ^urd, and Mihtar Taimur S^arbatai, came away with-
out leave (from Abu-1-M'aali) on hearing of the advance of His
Majesty the Sbfthingh&h, and hastened to obtain the bliss of service,
for they had been troubled by the evil fellowship of that ill-regulated
young man. They were favourably received. Sikandar, who had come
out of the hills, withdrew to them again before the victorious army
had encamped. The infatuated Mir who had marched out to put
him down hastened back to Lahore. When it became certain that
the province had been given to His Majesty the 3bfthin^ah, and
that he was proceeding thither, Abu-l-M'a&U felt constrained to
come with a body of troops to the bank of the Sultftnpur river (the
Bffis) and to do homage. His Majesty out of kindness, and in order
to ratify the favour that had been shown by His Majesty JahSn-
bfinl himself indicated to Abu-1-M'afili that he should take a seat
I That is» HumSy^'s servants. I from 'Qx^v were Akbar's special
The Atka Kh^ and others who oame ' retainers.
^ ^
/> f»
*'.»ry« «,-, .i'^\
»M, urn. W
^// A^^/f f,^^ f{^ MX/PIAJ
r,r^y,/,V^ ^^^^ ^^^ *6U-wl to be m
///^^/^ Mm* At^//#)r /^ fortune
^^^/A^^^* ^/^If^^ ^1^/1 iM/i Uiifik ii expedient <
//^^/'^/./« 0^^ MM/ix ^^ Kwilliiftr in order that they might halt for
Ih ^fHi, ifl^tHHfd iflujii$, Simr Kali&Qr Na^jr gbailA CuK ai*
lnniho-t.4 i,hH mii,Umt^ u^MuUio* (firmdn). JuBt about thia time the
<M»/^^^H*^rM*i4|iMivattMi»i,v«jiU reached the royal hearing, and Hi*
Mi^h^ltf HUlilff^iil U.i, wniiplnjj tt„d lamentation which befitted the
HMMlillMHMrH(tMiiMo«iinii lova. The dietrees and internal affliction
♦vhl».h*v«iMM»)»«H«„nu.| hy ,j,^^ lofty.aouled one exceeded hnmai'
Hm..,,MnM llHli «,n KUn, Aika Kbin and Mftham Anaga eaeayed to
••'••♦•»";♦• ♦»»ni »M.|. M hi« ^nrrow .pmug from excessive love what they
''^' ' ''' •"••^'^- ••' ooimolation only augmented his grief . This
Hia Majerty Jmhiwhiura &t^
« \\\^ Mum r«Um II M, A^Ui
<fi*^7. p. Srio, gires what purports
to Iw th« •ubatAnce of the letter.
There ta « tnuiekiHMi of the puMge
itt J^.S,B^ Vol. XL. for IWL
CHAPTER LXnt.
663
one of (Sod expends such sorrow of heart and consideration
individual men ! How grieved and afflicted he is at the death of
one who has a savour of sincerity^ devotioni and ability ! It was
that such a disposition should show itself in his holy person-
Aiy under circumstances which were in old times motives for rejoic-
img among the unthinking so that men of the world who regard
Otily "what they perceive by their senses may acknowledge the true
jgn^TkAeur of this great one^ and that such acknowledgment may be
m means of guiding all mankind^ and that the guidance may result in
general enlightenment and charity. If it were not for this reason^ how
<K>uld the wide domain of the knowledge^ piety and devotion of this
nnrsling of the light of glory permit that such censure of the decrees
of Providence should contract the law of submission f At length by
the assistance of far-reaching reason he conveyed himself to the
B^ylum of patience and employed hismself in alms-giving and in
oilier good works which may benefit those who have travelled to the
abiding world. Poets and sages composed elegies and chronograms.
Among them was Khwija I^usain of Mervwho made a tarMbband in
an elegy^ about that cupola of pardon^ some lines of which are as
follows : —
Verse}
O hearty thou too must hear the sound of death.
Death's morning must blow on thy life's ascension^
As the order for tasting death is for all men.
Be sure that the sherbet of death must be drunk.
This name of life which they imposed upon you.
Is a name that must be carried on to the side of death.
1 A note to the Lnoknow edition
says that a tarkibhand is a composi-
tion in which the metre changes
after seven or more verses. Accord-
ing to Dr. Banking's book or Pro-
sody, Bombay, 1895, p. 12, this is the
definition of Tarjiband. Khwajah
Hnsain made a famous poem about
the birth of JahftugTr. He is said
to have died at Kabul in 979. It is
singular that the verses do not occnr
in most M8S* The editors of the
Bib. Ind. edition say in a note that
they are only to be found in the
Lncknow edition. They do not
occur in any of seven MSS. in the
B.M. which I have examined. Un-
fortunately the editor of the Luck-
now lithograph (1284 A.H.) does not
tell ns the sources of his text beyond
vaguely stating at p.' 8 of his preface
that he was supplied by his pub-
lisher with several good copies of
the book.
664
akbarnAma.
368
Be not proud of this rose and garden of life.
Antamn's breeze must blow on this rose and garden.
Thou bast beard witb tbine own ears tbat sncb an one
remainetb not
Otbers's ears must receive tidings of tbee likewise.
M!r 'Abdn-1-Hai found tbis cbronogram :—
Verae»
Alas, Alas ! My king fell from tbe roof. (963).
Maulftnft Mas'aud of ^^ar composed tbis:-^
Verse,
Humfiyun Pid^ib was united to God. (968).
But this was by writing tbe sacred name (Htimftyun) without
all/. Maulinft Qasim Kabi made tbis cbronogram :*-
Verse.
Humftyun Paditiab fell from tbe roof. (962).
Tbis cbronogram is one year short. A difference of one or two
years may be allowed in the case (of tbe dates) of buildings, but not
in obituary chronograms.^ A number discovered tbis cbrono-
gram:—
* Veree.
Let JalAln-d-dm be tbe kingdom's heir. (968).
Tbe spiritual and physical perfections and tbe notes of reason
1 A.F. means that as buildings are
often begun in one year and finished
in another, an error of a year or two
in the chronogram is not of impor-
tance. For an accoant of Qftsim Kahl,
see Blochmann, 200, and 566, and
Tabaqftt Akbarl, Lucknow ed., 396.
ft Dr. Eth^ gives in his catalogue
of the Persian MSS. in the India
Office. No. 1441, p. 798, a chronogram
by Hijn which deserves to be re-
corded. It is :—
I^Sm. ^G|^ ^^U jk^^U e>|i •-***
Alas ! for the king, the saint, the
sage (963).
With reference to A.F.'b statement
that Qisim Kfthl's chronogram is
defective by a year, it may be re-
marked tbat many seem to have
thought that 962 was the year of the
death. BajSzId, 81a, gives this date
and 80 does Jauhar B.M. MS., 16,
711, p. 145a. It is also the date given
in the verses engraved under the cor-
nice at Sikandar. The stanza is :-*
CBAFTKB LZUI.
665
<
a:-
5o:
I
■
I
tie ■
. li I
five"
cor-
and knowledge in this unique one of the world were greater than can
be recorded. He was thoroughly yersant in various sciences^
rational and traditional {'aqli u naqli) . Especially was he distinguished
in the matliematical sciences. He always consorted with philosoph-
ers. Illastrious mathematicians obtained bliss at the foot of his
throne, Se desired to establish observatories and had collected the
equipments tHereof . He had fixed upon several sites for observatories.
He also regarded with favour poetry and poets. And as he had a
metrical turn he spent the intervals of time^ between spiritual
and temporal obligations, in composing poetry. The divan of his
poema is in the grand library. The following quatrains are taken
from that frontispiece of marvels : —
Quatrain.
Oh. ! heart, fret not in presence of the rival.
Tell not thy hearths condition to any physician.
"Wliat has happened to thee from that tyrant
Is a woeful tale, and a very strange event.
Another.
Oh ! heart, rejoice in the presence of the friend.
In his service faithfully consume thyself.
Bach night sit rejoicing in the thought of the friend^
Each day make a New Year by meeting him.
Another.
Oh thou, whose tyranny is a world's flag.
The day when I see not oppression from thee is oppressive.
The sorrow that comes from the tyrannous sphere.
What sorrow is it to me when there is the sorrow of love
for thee ?
though possibly this may be explain-
ed as only meaning that 962 years
Were completed.
In the TSrfkh Alff, I.O. MS. No.
3293, p. 430&, 963 is given as the
date, and no doubt this is correct,
but perhaps many people were
dialed by Akbar's introduction of
the Fa^H year and counted 963 as
84
beginning with the vernal equinox of
the year of his accession. It, there-
fore, seems unnecessary to have
recourse to the emendation of the
chronogram suggested by Mr.
Bodgers, in his valuable paper on
Eastern Chronograms, R.A.S.J., for
1898 p. 718.
666 AEBARKlMA.
God be praised ! the exposition of thid noble catena wbich, like
the catena of the skies^ is upheld by God and hath a holj refuge,
and of which one extremity is bound to Adam Safi^ the morning
of Creation^ while the other is linked with the ascension of the sun of
369 the ghahinsj^fih's personality, has been set forth* with concision and
brevity and in a fresh style other than that coming from the tainted
pen of the deckers {basmactdn) of epistolary models. By drawing
up this grand catalogue and glorious preamble, Abu-1-fazl — that airy
particle — has obtained benediction, and many mysteries and points
of wisdom have found insertion as ancillaries. Were these truths,
and mysteries separated from the main chronicle, they would form a
choice book brimful of the marrow of wisdom.
Verse.
I made a cup of wine out of my blood.
Not ft jar of vinegar that blisters the breast.
There are many truths in each dot of it.
Who does not perpend them, comprehends them not.
Though in so far as regards ordinary readers what I have
recounted up till now of the events of the ancestors may seem super-
fluous and a flux of words, yet the great society of truth-knowers
is well aware that into this book of Divine praise — may no evil eye
approach it ! — I have not introduced, from the beginning to the end,
a single superfluous letter. An account has been given of divers
screens — veils of the sacred g^fihinshth-beauty, — and behind each
screen there is the bridal face of genius. Away, away ! Where is
the screen, and where is the secluded bride ? One beauty there is
which assumes several manifestations, and within these is one genius
which is full of radiance and which informs ^ the world-illuminating
Beauty.
Verse,
He who knows speech knows
What kind of speech this is.
How can I, whose heart is pawned in one place, turn towards
tke two worlds ? What profit is there in the writing of histories ?
Two swords will not lie in one scabbard, or two purposes in one heart.
^ I adopt the variant gt'ru which I believe to be the Turkish Ji^ gXru,
CHAPTER LXIII.
667
f
^v
\
Do not take into consideration the distracted souls of the inconstant^
for where is tlie heart of those heartless^ earthly-natured ones that
can be subjected to consideration ? But for the sage inquirer into
eaases the truth is illustrated by the ascent of His Majesty the
Sbahin^ah^ cbud so the afflicted world of secondary causes has been
brought into the noose of design. And by profound contempla-
tion and good fortune, the stewards of fate, who, owing to the happy
auspices of tb^is individual, have brought the chapters of felicity to a
conclusion, Iiave revealed the world-adorning beauty of the gl^Shin-
s^ah in the exponents of this sublime catena, so that the genuine
love for that unique one of the divine temple has given zeal for the
writing of this lengthy chronicle. The convention of discourse has
been made animated, and the rose garden of ornaments been watered.
Neither has there been any flagging in the single-heartedness of this
desert-traverser. The progressive beauties of the true beloved have
been set forth, and the degrees of love's sciences have received their
full ascension.
Now what the vulgar and the superficial have regarded as a
digression has been concluded and the time has come for what both
sections (of readers) regard as the true object. I hope I may obtain 370
my wish in the noble enterprise.
Verse.
My pen whose point is a mysterious tongue.
Is the treasure-opener of a secret mine,
From him who regards it with gravity
I ask justice, not acclamation.
Verse,
May this work be worthy applause !
May God grant that so it may be.
End op Volume I,
ea^'
.' J^
IN DEX
TO THE
FIRST VOLUME.
The numbers refer to the pages ; n stands for " footnote."
A.
Ab-iatada, 461 and n 2.
Aba bikr M. b. Mfito ^ih, 215.
Do. B. Aba S'afd, 218.
Abin 8th Persian month, 54 n 3.
^ar pL of hir, explained 102 n 4.
Abbis EQl^iit historian, 399 nn 4
and 5.
Bo. ahih. letter to, 7 n 9, IS n 4.
Bo. Snlt&n, marries Golcihra, 542 ;
deserts 544.
Abdil Koka, serr. KimrSn, 574.
Bo. Mftkri, 359 ; death 403.
Abdara defile, 504, 505.
'Abdl, poet, 481 n 1.
'Abdu-l-'Azfs Amir, 240, 243.
Bo. do. S. 'Uimin, astrologer,
83 n.
Bo. do. lOiJui Uzbeg S. 'Ubai-
du.llah, 547, 548.
Bo. do. Mir Akhfir, 240, 256,
262, 263, 265.
Bo. BaqI Sadr Maul&na, deserts
367; recites Ehutba, 533;
audits accounts, 544; ambas-
sador to Kamran, 568, 610.
Do. Fata^ Kurkfraq 446 and n 1.
Bo. Sliaf fir abaiUl> 368, 369 and
n. 1 ; Addenda No 127.
Do. Ghani, magistrate of Qazwin,
436.
'Abdu*l-Qai of Garmslr, 412, 414, 447*
Bo. do. Sadr, anecdote by, 46,
576, 658; chronogram
by, 664.
Do. Qamid, historian 109 n 3.
Bo. 9aq, younger brother of
Biawand Ma|^meid, 356,
360.
Do. Qaq 'Abid Maulvi, explana-
tion by, 17 n6 ; 117 n2 ^.
Do. JabbSr, rereals plot, 488.
Do. Sh&liq ^68, sent by Eamr&n,
479.
Uih AnsSrf , saint of
Herat, 434 and n 3.
Eliin Istajlfi, son-in-
law of Sh&h Ismail
440.
"Shhn Uzbeg aband-
ons NausSrI, 319,
550.
Kitabd&r 241,243, 246,
256, 261, 263.
Mfrzi, K&mran's bro-
ther-in-law, 535, 536
n 1.
QazT, Kamran's Sadr,
visits gber B[h&n.
358 ; pardoned, 360.
Do. Sult&n, 522.
Do. Saltanpurl or MaJstdam-al-
Do.
Do.
do.
Do. do.
Do.
Do.
do.
do.
Do. do.
Index.
mulk sent by Sallm to Kftm-
ran, 600* 612 and second
Addenda No. 86a.
'Abdu-l-Mulk, Vizier of Tire Depart-
ment, 645.
Do. MulQq qaroT, 266.
Do. Qadir, Akbar's teacher, 588.
Do. Barman qassab, 501.
Do. A. F.'s son, 131 n 3.
Do. BatiTm, see Mlrza BlhSn.
Do« Bafibid or Qu^b K. s. gfeer
Sb&h, 288, 331, 832:; killed
346.
Do. of KSflhghar S. S'aTd K. 273,
542, 551, 609.
Do. BazzSq s. Ulugh B. of Kabul,
228.
Do. ^amad, painter, enters ser-
yice 444; arrives Court,
552,569.
Do. Samfd introduces Abil-1-
Maftli, 580.
Do. Wahhib YasSwal, in charge
pantry, 452,534, 551, 560;
kUled 582.
Abel, s. Adam, 158 n 4.
Abgbal, Taimur's grandfather, 202 n
3.
Abhar, town in Persia, 436 and n 8.
Abjad, explained, 67 n 2.
AbnamK, 4 n 2.
Abr ShM Hipparchus, 119.
Abraham Eoohelensis, 149 n 2; 154
n2.
Abu-1-BaqS Mfr, negotiates Humi-
yftn's marriage, 52 n 6 ; sug-
gestion about HumayOn's
illness, 275, 280, 356, 361;
death 365, 366.
Do. Faraj ibn JauzT, 160 n 4.
Do J^atti, part of Akbar's name,
145 and n 6.
Do Fafl, author, 18 nn 3 and 8 ; 21
n 1; inspiration of, 27, 32, 96 ;
account of horoscopes 125
thanksgiving 141 and
142| 145 n 6;378n3; 383
396,399, n 5; 500, 599,666
667.
Abu-l-G^izl, quoted 199 n 1.
Do. Qasan, 'Askarl's Sadr, 392.
Do. do. QarSca's nephew, 466.
Do. do. or Haly, astrologer,
84 n 127 n.
Do. Ktair, serv. 'Askarl. 390, 192.
Do. M'aall gJ^Sh introd. to Hum-
&y&n, 580, 610; kUls Sbex*
•All 611, 624^ 633; given
Fanjab 634; misconduct 639 ;
insolence 661.
Do. Makarim, 535, n 2.
Do. M'aflh^.r of BalJsh, astrologer,
163, 569, n 2.
Do. Mu^mmad Nezabaz, 243,
267, 268.
Do. Muslim MerwizI, 184 and n 1.
Do. Musaffar, part of Akbar's
name, 145 and n 6.
Abal-Na^ar Mu^iammad, see Hind&l.
Do. Qasim, serv. Xal^masp 608.
Do. do. ofGwalyftrS81,S82,389.
Do. do. or IbrShlm S. Kamran,
455andn2; 479,660,
and n 1.
Do. do. Shs^l^a killed by Bahrim
S. 440 and n 4.
Do. Qubais mountain 158 n 2.
Aba Bihan or AlberUnT 24 1» 3.
Do. S'aTd S. Oljaita, 207 and n 1.
Do. do. S. Sultan M.MTrzS 145;
account of, 216-17.
Do. Tur&b Mir of Gujrat, 824, second
Addenda Nos. 34^ 41 and 42.
Do. Wajd Farighl, poet, 280.
•Ad tribe, 50 n 2, 167.
Adam, patriarch 143, account of 154.
61, 165-66, 171 » 1; 199h
1.
Indew.
Anliji Sh&njin
\
GmkkftT, 39e, 598; snrrendeni
60X-% 622.
term 80, 82 n 2.
.. 184 n. 896, 4M
Addenda^ IKos. 49 and 51.
Do.
town 563, «» 2.
'Adil Qi^BhA A^fasiban, elder brother
of Sckllm EhSn, 615.
Do. SqI^ox S. Mehdl Saltan 241,
247, 25e, 262. 447.
Adlnap^r, necur JalftUb&d, 284 and n
6; 239^4.
Ad^iDii.t.\i, ISO.
•Adil or ICvxb&riz Khin. brother-in-
^Kw 6%llxKi E^ln, 351, 616, 617, 618,
619.
M^Jbaxiifttaxi, 570 n 2.
Afranj, Snrope, 171.
AftMl&b, 209 ft 9.
AfUb, letters of =:Akbar, 65.
^izal Shan or Sultan 'All, 544, 552,
565, 625.
Do. Sayid S, Saltin 'All KKwib-
bln, 229.
A^t Snltan w. 'Umar Shaikh* 222.
Agathodaimon, 161.
Agbnz k. 144, account of, 171-72,
287.
Agj^uzwir Sim M.'« guardian, killed,
307.
Agra, earthquake, 229 n 8, 246, 251.
Ahang, term explained, 10 n 8.
Ahmad b. 'Arab gj^ah, 202 nn 3 and
4, 203 n 1.
Do. 'AIT, librarian, quoted Ad-
denda No. 1.
Do. J&m, 42 n 2, 52 and n 6, 434.
Do. KhSn, 225 n 4.
Do. k. ^lair, 295 and n 2.
Do. La4 Malik, 309.
Do. Mirza s. Aba S'ald, 218, 220,
225, 226, 231 n 2.
Ahmad Sh^n Sflr b. Sikandar k., 618.
Do. QSsim KabulT, 230 ; 251.
Do. BamT, 851.
Do. ShSh, 268.
Do. SultSn Shimltl of STftin,
415, 416, 434.
Do. do. AlQfih OghlT, 442
Do. do. TaBavI, Baint, 450and
A(imadftbid, 317.
A^madl, parw&noT, 241, 242, 252.
A^rSr Khwija of Samarkand, saint,
219 and n 4, 225, 278 and n 2.
Ahwiz town, 166 and n 7.
Ai Ebftn 8. Aghuc, 172, 173.
Aibak near fialJsh, 521 and n 2, 545,
546, 552.
Aidku, Taimnr's nncle, 202 n 4.
Aijal Nay»n 8. Qar&oa NBySn, 201,
202.
Ailangar k. s. above, 202.
ATn, the book, 30 n 1, quoted, 878 n
8, and passim.
'Alnu-I-kamSl, the evil eye, 858 n 2.
Akbar, emperor, father's dream, 42,
prognostics and portents, 43, 49,
858, 875, birth, 50, 58, 140 n, birth-
place, see Addenda No. 31 ; birth-
chronograms, 139-40, horoscopes,
69-128, 468-64, designated J^Ea^rat
Sb&hinsh&h, 32, excellencies of
name, 65-68, name how pronounced,
146 n, full name, 145 and n 6,
nurses, 129-84, Dr. Bloch's note,
192a, speech in cradle, 385, 'Askarl
captures, 891-95, with Sultan
Begam, 896, begins to walk, 896,
at 9f^san Abdal, near Qandahir,
397, sent Kabul, 458-54, loye for
light, 454, wrestling-match, 455-56,
BairSm visits, 461 reception by
father, 481, circumcision, &c., 483-
85, left at Kabul, 490, captured by
K&mrftn, 498-502, exposed, 511-12,
Indw.
schooling, 018, 520, father irritee
to, 551, meets lather, 551}, left in
Kabul, recaptured by K&mr&n, 565,
recovered by father, 571, gets
OarJshi 573, opinion about sun, 85
n 3, personal appearance, 87 and n
4 ; 106 and n 1, dominions, 92 n 1,
musical knowledge, 94 n 2, com-
poses poetry, 520, marriages with
Indian princesses, 113 n 4, with
'Abdullah M/s daughter, 536 n 1,
views about phrase Allah Akbar,
1 n 1, qualities, 838, kills serpent,
385, victory of Sirhind, 246, Qbaz-
nf n assigned to, 586, schooling of,
588y anecdotes, 590, 591, brought to
Bagh-i-Safi, 594, taken to India,
620, marvels of, 629, kills antelope,
634, skill in shooting, 640, proceeds
to the Panjab, 661, archery, 618,
date of death, 108 n 2.
Akhslkat or AkbaX in Farghana, 220,
226.
Al-i-Mu«affar, 209 and n 1.
Alaja, Babar's maternal uncle, 225 n 4-
' Alam Khan or Al'a&ddYn Snl(Sn s.
Bahlal LadI, 261 and n 10,
262. 296 and i» 4, 297, 298 n,
316 and n4; 2nd Addenda
No. 4.
Do. Sult&n Ibrahim's nephew (P)
holds KalpI, 251, mutilated,
806 and n 4.
Alaman s. HumayAn, 261 and n 1.
AUn in Caucasus, 194 and n 8.
Alang Gal&q, 525 and n 1, 543.
AlanqQt ancestress of the Moguls,
37-89, 178-83, 190 n 1 858.
'Alacl-d-daula SamninT^ saint, 436.
'Al&a-d-din Sult&n LadI, see <Alam
Eh&n.
'Al'aa-d-din Khilji's diamond, 247,
his reforms, 899.
Do. Saw&dl, 236.
'Al'aQ.l-Mulk of Tiln astrologer, 109
n8.
AlbirilnT, 24 n 8, 82 n 1.
Alchabitius astrologer, 83 n, 108 7h
2.
Alcochoden, 77 n 2 ; Addenda No. 40.
Alexandria, 163.
Aleppo taken, 210.
AlflTftrIjKh*431n2; Addenda No.
'All Akbar f . QamTda Bana, 52 n 6.
'All Beg Jalilr, 873, 879, death, 380.
'All Dost B&rbegf s. Qasan 'AH, 450,
blinds Kamran, 604,
'All Qull AndarftbT, 522, 610.
Do. do. SafracI or SbSn Zamfin,
441, 458, 459, 479, wound-
ed, 530, 536, puts Qambar
diw&na to death, 637.
AU Quli UstSd, artillerist, 241, 264,
351.
'All Saiyid blinded by KSmrin, 604
andn 2.
'AU Sher, a Msscenas and poet, 280.
'All Sultan Calaq, 442, 527.
Do. Takla,457.
Do. Ughll sorv. Kamran, 501 ; 515.
Do. Znlfiqarkafih. 442.
Alid&d, index of astrolabe, 288 and
n3.
AUah Akbar, 1 n 1.
Allah Dost, 389.
Altamgba of Tumanna K«, 187, 197.
Altan k. of Cathay, 118 ; 189.
Alwan,266;287.
AlwTyat, term, 124 n 2.
Alyaa or IlySs of Ardabll astrologer,
117, 446.
Amani poet, 489 and n 1, chrono-
gram by, 585.
'Amarkot Sind, 55 and n 4.
Amir Shahl poet, see SbaLl.
Anabibazon 80.
Andarkot, 403.
Jfkiev.
AqSul^Mi or ^Uan Danlat, K&in-
rln's aon-m-lAw, 478, 501, 51l>.
Aqabai^ hill o£, 508.
Aqn&viTa, 11 «• 2.
AqM-kuU wb»t, 2S n 5.
Ar& <gpl>nifHi, 148*
Arab, Mir, 5S2«
ArilAh Sh*^ 261.
Arar»t« ICoimt, 337 w 4; and 2nd Ad-
denda l^o. 19.
Arbtb, 115 n 2.
AidaMU 117 ft 1* 445.
Ardibiliiall,t» 2Bd Peraian month, 20.
ATghand&b, rvret, 468.
'Arif Q^uxdahirl, biatorian, 382 n 4,
607.
Do. TadMikiA or Bebir Shto, 452.
AnatoUe, 119.
Artang, Hani's albnm, 878 n 2.
As, oountry, 194 and n 2.
A4lLmu-d-dTn Ibrihim, Akbar's
toaoher, 519, 588.
Aaas, jester, 502.
AB&iral, Gkijrat, 320; and 2nd Ad-
denda No. 41.
Aabmand, astrologer, 120 n 4.
Aslr, fort, 318.
'Aakarl M., s. Bibar, born 922, 575
fi, 248, 269, 270, 271, 279, 287,
290; deprived of Qandah&r, 292,
298, battle of, 316, rebels; 317-21,
330, 84i at Qananj, 351-52 ; whip-
ped, 354-55, at Lahore, 356, goes to
Kabul, 860, goes to capture Humi-
yfin and carries off Akbar, 389-97,
gets SLb&zzdn, 408, 412 n2, 413, 414,
416, 453, 457, 460, 462. 464, 465;
466, surrenders Qandahftr, 467,
468, 473, 474, 490; imprisoned,
494, freed from chains, 536, 537,
m Kabul, 553, 554, has J ill Sb&hT,
565, sent to Sulaiman and dies, 575.
Astrology, Indian, 89.
Asud & Shorn, 166.
Atka S3|Sn, see SQiamBti-d-dln
Gbaznavl.
AulXya danjan, 563 and n 3.
Avang k., 192 and n 6.
Avasarpanl, descending cycle, 148.
Avis, S., or Wais 8., 270 and n 2,
492.
Awaa El^Kn, s. gber, k., 600.
'Ayir DinifiL A.F.'8 book, 21 n 1.
Aaarl quoted, 658.
Afdu-d-Daulah, 96 and n 1.
'Asun Qasaa of the White Sheep, 216,
217.
B.
B&bft Beg Jalair, gor. JaunpUr, 336 ;
killed, 343, 373.
Bibft Bills, saint, 597.
Bibi Dost serv. HindiL 587.
Do. do. BaUishT, 413, 449.
Do. do. Mir f . 9amlda BSnfl (P),
360; apparently same as
MaulSnft Dost Badr (A.
N. I., 315, last line), 587
and n .2 ; Addenda No.
124.
Do. do. Taawal, 459; 564.
Biba Jajak serv. KSmran, 359 ; made
prisoner, 530.
Bibs Quflhqa f. Qiji Muhammad,
243, 254, 262, 263, 267.
Biba S'ald QibcSq, 507, 564.
B&bft Shaehpar, shrine of, 506.
BSbSI Baehagharf MuUa, 230.
Do. £&bull guardian 'UmargtiaiJch,
218.
Do. Sirhindl serv. KamrSn, 458.
Babar emperor birth, 221, 224, ac-
count of, 223-282. death, 277, 285,
288, 327 ; inscription by, 538, 649,
652, tomb, Addenda No. 86, verse
by, Addenda No. 89.
B&bar's diamond, 247 and nn 372 and
n 2, 439 and n 2 ; Addenda No.
78.
6
Index,
B&bar'a Memoirs 121 and n 2, 145
and n 5, 221, 234, 266, 270, 278.
Babar QulT, sealbearer of ^usain,
368.
Bftbas serv. Kimrin, 461, 468, 478,
479, 493, 510, 522 ; nickname of,
523. 583, 536, 554, faujdSr Panjab,
627.
Babylon, 160, 168.
Baoaka BahSdurorBacaka, 801, 817,
334.
Badighor BadSghKh^ Qsj^r, M.
MnrSd's tutor, 808, 441, 471,
473, 474.
Do. 8bKh, 291, 560.
BadakhfihSn taken by Eh^n M., 238,
245, 248andn5; HnmiyOn sent to,
266, 269, 270, 271, 278 and n 3,
408, 469, Hnmftylin in, 490-97,
504^ 516, 544, 567, 575.
Bidim Oasma pass, 284.
Do. dara» near Ttllqin, 585.
BadftanI 'Abdul Qtdir quoted, 1 n 1
and 2, 10 n 2, 27 n 2, 46 n 2, 72 n
2, 76 n 1, 108 n 2, and passim.
Badl'-az-zamin, eldest s. S. ^usain,
229, 356 and n 5.
BftdTj, see Badpaj.
Bidpaj pass, inscription at, 236 and n
1, 570 and n 2, 579.
Badahibnama, 109 n 3, Or.
Bagdad taken by Taimur, 209 and n
11,
Bagh (garden) Banafsa, 507.
Do. diwinkh&na, 506.
Do. Dost MunsU, Lahore, 355.
Do. FirdHs MakinT, Kabul, 471.
Do. Jahiniri Herat, 433.
Do. Jal&lu-d-din, Kabul, 462.
Do. Ehji^bin Herat, 434.
Do. Ehnsril Sh&h QandOz, 504.
B&gh Khwija Stfizl, Lahore, 856.
Do. Qarica k., Kabul, 506.
Do. Saf a* Salt Bange, 239 n 4.
Do. Safed Herat, 484.
Do. Sh&hT Herat, 429.
Do. Waf i, AdTnapar, 289 n 4 ; and
2nd Addenda No. 21.
Do. ZEghin Herat, 484.
Do. SliwSja guardian Fir Mu^m-
mad, 545, 546, released, 552.
Bahidur Khfai b. Ebin ZamKn, 441,
459, 479, wounded, 491, 502, 586,
558, 574, gets Ghaanin, 579 ; geta
Zamin Diwar, 611.
Bahidur Sultin Gujrat embassy to
Humay&n, 289 ; campaign against,
293, 325, death, 828; subsidises
Sher ghin. 828, letters; Addenda
No. 96; 2nd Addenda Nos. 34
and 42.
Bahftr k. s. DaryS k. 251.
Bahawal Anaga or BhSwal, nurse,
ISO ; Addenda No. 41.
Bahlul saint, see BuhlOl.
Bahrim M. b. Tahmisp, 436, 439 n 2,
440.
Do. Saqqt poet, 478 n 8.
BairSm Khan KhRn-^inin at Cam-
panlr, 811 ; marriage, 829 n 2, 390 ;
at GarhT, 334 ; Sind, 380 ; Addenda
No. 132 ; account of, 381-383 ; in de-
sert and in Persia, 391, 392, 423,
436, 440, 447, 460 ; at Kabul, 461,
462, 465, 467, 473, 474, 476; at
Qaudahir, 486, 489, 500, 501, 610-
614 ; at Ghaznin. 577 ; ode by, 613 ;
joins HumSyan at Indus, 622;
releases Afghan prisoners, 624;
with Akbar in Panjab, 640.
Bairam Oghl^n of BalJ^h ^nd G^rgia,
545 and n 3 ; Addenda No. 171.
• Also at Cir Bighf^boye Jilalib&d Raverty's notes 68, nnd Bayiiid lO^a last line
also Babar's Hamoirs, 291 (the new garden), 594 and n 1.
Index.
Baifavf author, 160 and n 5.
Bajanr, 236.
Baj&k or TTjak, 172 and n 2.
Bakar, see Bhakkar.
Bakfa^ra town» iSO.
Bakka, Bajah, 601.
Bakkatf BSna, half-sister of Akbar,
birth, 42 n 2, 454 and n, 572 and
n2.
Bakbfilinl Langi, 961.
Baktnb or BektUb, 228.
BdSl Mails, Hbrarian, 452.
Balkhf IH 516, expedition against,
543-550 ; 'Askarl, sent to, 575.
BSltfi Beg Tawici, 536 ; 543, wounded
by S. Mnaj^sam, 625.
Ban, Tillage, 600 and n 1.
Bandar Lahan, 370 and n 1.
BangaaL village, 598.
Bangf , river, 528, 535.
B&qai MnllS, poet, 281.
BSql GaghSnTinI, b. ShuBrfi, S., 235
and n 1.
Da 8ali^ serv. Eamran.
Biqir ^nsainl, 361.
Baqlan,545.
Baridar-madarT, meaning of, 44 n 3.
BarSq k. s. Blsutara, 202, 206.
BarSn river, 295.
Barl village, 208.
Barka Mtr of Termiz 367, 465, 477,
498, 506, 544, 558, 568, 580.
Barkal Amir, grandfather Taimnr,
202.
BarlSii tribe, 178, 190 n 1.
Baroda, 317, 318.
Bartan BahSdnr, 189, 190.
Bast, capture of, 457.
Bava M. S.lbrShIm, 257, and Addenda
No. 81.
Baylnlt-i-^raf , 65 and n 4.
Bayasid Afghan, 268, 271, 289.
Do. BiftamI Saint, 223 and n 4,
435.
Bayazld Biyat Memoirs of, 29 n 4,
130n6,134 n 4,12, n 2,
415 n3, 481 n 2,440n 2,
494n3, 533 n2, 537, 572
n 1, 606 n 1.
Do. Ilderim S. Turkey, 23 n 3
211 and n 3, 295.
Do. MaulSna, physician, 495, 520 ;
teaches Akbar, 588.
Do. Sbftikh Berv. Babar, 253,
258.
Bayasani^hiftr k., 145, 165.
Do. M. B. S. Mahmftd M.,
227 and n 1.
BSzarak town, 526.
Bazighm meaning of, 50 n 2.
Beames, quoted, 180 n 2, 198 n 2,
253 n 2.
Beg Bftbai wounds Humiyfin, 559,
564.
BeglarhegT, 24 n 2.
Beg Mlrak, 260 ; governor Cunar, 355,
360,540.
Beg Mu^mmad Akhtabegf ; wrongly
Paik Mu^mmad, 440, 451.
Beg MGluk captured, 594, 604 ; deserts
Kamrin, 608, 655 and n 3.
Bekasl poet, 658 and n 3.
Bhakkar, Bind, 357, 361, 362 363, 364,
365, 366.
Bhangaon, 354 and n 3.
Bh&wal Anaga, nurse, see Bah&wal.
Bhils, 309.
BhTra, 237 and n 4.
Bhojp&r Sarkir Qanauj, 349 and
nl.
Blani taken by Tfitark., 298.
Biban Afghan, 241, 254^ 267, 268, 271,
289, 327.
BIbl Eonor, 42 n 2.
Do. Mubirika, 237.
Do. Btlpa nurse, 131.
Bicorporal sign, 71 and n 1.
BihSrI Mai, 115 and n 4.
8
Indem,
Bihflild village, 58b, d87, 593.
KhaSd painter,. 3M n 2» 310.
Bikrom (Pe8hawar>fort built, 608.
Bikramftjit of €hv«lyir, 248.
Bilis Bibs, saint, 597.
Bilgr&m, Oude, 822.
BilqisMakinl Shahrbanft. half -aiater
Bibar, 222 n I; 410, death, 411;
Addenda No. 62.
BXnl Kohl, £:abal, 479 and n 2.
BishbaligL 200, andn 1.
BTsiltiya s. Mawatkin, 262, 207.
Bland N., 9 » 1.
Blochmann, H., 1 li^ 2, 31 n 3, and
passim.
Bonatns Qnido, astrologer, 84 a, 94 n
1, 99 n 4, 113 n 6, 127 H.
Br&hmas of India, 151.
Brihat Jfttaka, book on astrology,
90 n 4, 92 n 1.
Broach, 317, 318.
Brown, J. P., quoted, 27 n 2.
BudSgh k., see Badftgh k.
Bahlul S., soldier 450, 402, 540, 558.
Da do. elder brother QfaiMia of
GwSly&r, 337 ; killed, 338
and n 2, 339; Addenda
No. 117.
BOhllUpflr, 240.
Bulgt&r, 194 and n 1.
BuqikhSUf 184.
Bl&qlln Qwql, 183.
Buringhar, right wing, 172.
BurhSnu-1-Mulk Banyftnl, 296 and
nZ.
But TengrI, seer, 193 and n 3.
a
Cabalistic lore, 65 n 4.
Gagbatai s. GingTa 194^ 197,198,200.
Do. Why Akbar's line so called,
198 and « 1.
Do. Sh^n qu- SicU All Ad-
miral?, 656.
Caghatai fiultin, threaody on, 48P
andn 1.
Cain s. Adam, 158 Otti il- 4.
Cikir k. Katab, s. Sulj^ Wais* 681.
539, 552, 553, 554.
Oaldlran, battle of, 241 n 1.
Calma Beg Koka, gov. Bist., 416,
507 ; accompanied Kimsin 607 and
n 3, 655 and n 2.
Cambay, 309, 310.
CampiDir, 307 ; siege of fortBeas» 310^
312.
Cind Manlanft, astrologer, 56'; horos-
cope by, 69 and n 2, 374.
Cftnderl taken by Bibar, 268.
Capparghatta, battle at» 619;
Car Bftgh, 258, 277,* 576; Addenda
No. 86.
Cardan, astrologer, 80 n^ 2, 8&i» 5.
Cirlkirin, Afghanistan. 505, 506,
557, 564, 571.
Carkh, 365, assigned to Akbar, 573.
Cathay, ancient books of r 147.
Caugin, game, 324, 440, 443 and n. 6.
Caund, Bihar, 327 and n 6.
CausS, battle of, 343-344.
Ceylon, 158 and n 1.
Chalmers, Lieut., translation quoted^
4 n» 2 and 5, 5 n» 1 and 3, 12 » 2.
18tm,25n4,84n 1, 146im5 and 2.
Chardin, quoted, 443 n 7.
Cherub, 17 n 1.
China tiireads, 423 and h 3.
Chwolsohn, 159 n 1.
OicactQ town, 545.
Cilla-i-Dai, 403 n 1.
Cin TaimUr, 241, 261 n 7, 268, 268.
Cingfz JQ^in, account of, 191*99.
Ciniaman of BohtSs, 335.
Citis, 629.
CitOr taken by Bahadur, 301.
Clarigo quoted, 204 n 1, 252 lui 2
and 6.
Colebrooke, 147 n 2.
r
9
Conolly quoted, 4»ift&
Coorieme P. de» 223 »1, MS n 4 SMS
M» ^ and 6.
Cocak Began w»HiH0BijQii,494f»9|
ghres birOi to H. 9aJdn« <09; «•
FftrroUl Fil. 63;L
CnH* # title, 412.
Do. Bahldur, 414; pat to death, 502.
Ciui&r. 288 ; taken. 990-833.
D.
BiliisiiD»132i»2.
DaSradaatia tambomiiie-pilayerii 63
n 3*
Daka (SbaibarX 578.
Dimaldtfii, fountaiii of| 435.
Bara €Sai near Bai^kb 218^ 549.
Do. Ur,404.
Da Qibciq558.
Din Shikoh quoted, 52 » 6.
DarijlD, 78, 82 » 1, 99 and • L
Dsrlgln tribe, 175^ 184.
Dira4-iDan, 244 and n 2.
Darresh 'AH. Kitibdar.
Do. Maqyod Bangali, 449.
Do Mntammad QKrishir, 319.
Do. do. Sarbin, 242,
260^ 291 ae-
Goont of; 281,
and n 4; Ad-
denda Na. 89.
Darya k., 251, 319.
Daalat k^ gov^ Lahore^ 238.
Do. Sultin, aon-i]i4aw Klmrin,
50L
Dawa B. Hazira, 465, 479.
Daja Bhawal, Me BabairaL
DecannB, 82 a L
Delhi, 140, 247, 339.
DhankDte,407 and n 2; second Ad-
denda Ko. 50.
D'Herbetot, 153^ 170 n 3; Addenda
No. 173, 191 a 1 to4 217 im 1 and 2.
2
Dholpfir, 257.
Dhandf ra, 400.
Dlb Biiqai, 144, 169.
Diliw&r, 371 and n 3.
Dildftr B. w. B4bar, 279 n 2, 888, 889,
344,462.
Dnon Bnldaq, birthplace of Cingiz
k. 191 and n 1.
Dindir Beg, 572.
Dinpanih founded, 289 and n 1.
Dipilpflr, 239, 266.
Din, 306, 807, 317, 819, 323, 925 n 2
Addenda Noa. 101 and 114.
Dodecatamoria, 78.
Doet Beg Ifbak Aga, 261, 298, 817, 830.
Do. Khiwand Ehwftja 258, 261| 465,
543.
Do. Mnt^mmad a., M. Qull 559.
Do. do. Skftft 95fiff, 427.
Dragon's head, 80 ; do. tail, 81.
Dosj quoted, 77 » 4^ 185 n 4.
Drek&nna, 82 n 1.
Dngbiui Beg, 491, 498.
Dokhmin Arft, 148.
DlllJ, 235 and n 4, 487 and n 4.
DOndO, 680.
Dnrratn-l-tij, oyclopflBdiai, 446 and
n3.
D&tamln a. BAqik, 14i 184.
Dw^Nur Jflg, 151.
Earthquake, 228.
Eliaa, Ney, 357 H 1 and 2.
Elijah, 344 and n 4.
Elixirs, 156 and n 2.
lUiot, Sir H. jML, 440 n 4; and
passim.
Enoch, 161-164.
Enosh, 160.
Erdmann, his Temil<^, 191 » 4.
Errata, p. 96, and end Tolame.
Erakine W. 298 n 4 315 n 1 and
passim.
10
Index.
Esculapias, 163.
Eve, 149 n 2, 156, 168.
F.
Faif T, A.F/S brother, verse by, 3 and
n 1, 6 and n 2, 16 n S, 18 n 8, ^
nZ, 27 nn 2 and 8, 41 tin 2 and 8,
48 and n 1, 62 and n 5, 65 and nn
1 and 4, 66 n 1, 138 n 2, 137 and n
3, 149 n 1 ; Addenda Nos. 4, 5, 9.
Fakkr Jah&n d. Aba S'ald, 267.
Fakhir TSghakcT, 452.
Falshru-nisa w. Nadim Eoka, 180.
Falcons, 427.
Faqr <A1T, 886, 889 ; death, 855 ; his
son, 867.
Farsh&na described, 220, 221.
Farghall> see Parghall.
Farhang Agafarl Diet., 590 n 8.
Farhat Khan or Mihtar Sakal 628 ;
Shiqdar Lahore, removed by AbQ-
1-M<aalf , 689.
Farld, see Sber g^ah.
Farldon, 20 and n 7.
FarighT, poet, 280.
Farqad, a star, 187 n 2.
Farr-i-Wiladat, 129 n 2.
Farrulsh Fal, birth of, 685.
Farsakh 59 n 2.
Faraq s. Babar, 257.
Farwardin, first Persian month, 20
andn4.
Fatti Khan or Dnnda, 680.
Do. Sirw&nl, 256.
Fat^-al-bSb, 892 n.
Fat^par SikrI, 260.
Fathu-ll&h of Sb^raz, astrologer, 96,
122.
Do. Beg b. Bofihan Koka, 529.
Fat^ Shah Afghan, 598.
Ffttima Bf bi, 494 n 8, 575.
Do. Sultan m. Jahangf r MlrEi, 221.
Fazll Beg, b. of Muu*im k., 367, 494,
503.
Feringhls, 828, 825.
Feriflhta, 151 n 3, 310 n 4 ; and passi
Firdas MakanT, see Babar.
Firmicns, astrologer, 128.
FXraza Koh, 212 and n 1.
Firaz Q^an murdered, 616.
Floods, various, 164, 165.
Fortune, Fart of, astrol. term, 81.
G.
Gabriel, archangel, 29 and n 2.
Qah or Kajsh. 447.
Gakkars, tribe, 898, 899; account of,
599.
Gandam, Sind landholder, 369; ad-
denda No. 128. '
Garhi, Bengal, 152.
Garmslr, 234 ; in Sistan, 412,447, 457.
Gkbuhar g^ad, w. ShahmklL 217 and
n 2 ; Addenda No. 59.
Gaur, 828, 840;
Gawars, 809, 355.
Gazargah, Herat, 484 n 8.
Gesa Mir, his chronogram, 266.
(xetl SltanT, see Babar.
GhajdiwSn. battle at, 284; Addenda
No. 68.
GharSim. explained, 21 n 4.
Ghat Karjl, 321 ; Addenda No. 112.
Ghaz s. Japhet, 168.
Qhazanfar. serv. Tadgar M., 369.
GJ^azI k., Afghan, 240 ; kUled, 638.
Do. Kashmiri, 406.
Do. Ehwaja, 180 and n 1, 134,
448, 513, 522 ; disgraced,
544, 611 ; second Addenda
No. 61.
Do. Mu^mmad Tughbat, 837,
338.
Ghaznavi Mir, 391, see Shamsu-d*
din.
Ghaznin. 500, 501, 652 n 1.
Ghlcak. musical instrument, 63 n 2.
Gj^Ilcak, 477 n 1.
Index,
11
Shi/«9U-d-d^i>» JaKSngfr s. Taimur,
213.
Do. QSal, 362 and n 1,
267.
Do. SnltlLn, 244.
g^bftnd, 516, 527,556,565.
Do. bridge, 522.
G^prt fort, 260. 515, 616.
G^nl&m 'All l>liiids KamrSn, 604,
660.
Gh^'f^ni pargana, 253 and n.
Gharlm S., 25S, 254, 262, 266.
GKorSan, 430.
OiUbon, Sdword, 175 n 2, 194 n 6,
211 n 3.
Girdbaz, elepTiant, 850.
Giyak k., b. Okadai, 200.
Do. or Keyak, s. Dfb Baq^i.
Gladwin qixoted, 133 » 3 and 2.
Gogbkftn, 4>21 n 3.
Greaves, 120 n, 193 n.
Gajnt campaign, 300-325.
Galbadan Begam, aunt of Akbar,
her book, 29 n 4, 42 n 2, 53, 54 n,
61 n, 130 n 5, 145 n 4, 231 n, 273
n, 279,396 n, 477 n, 478 n, 483
n 1, 502 n, 515 n 1, 550 n 4, 585 n
3. 587 n 2, 649 n 3 ; Addenda Noa.
70, 87, 115.
Gulbabar, 517, 526 and » 3.
Gnlcihra B., 279 ; marriage, 542, 544.
Gulistan, see S'adi.
Gnlrang B., 279, 329.
Gambaz-Haraman, 163; second Ad-
denda No. 5.
Garg-dawanT, 443 and n 7.
Gorgan, 204 n 2.
Gurkan, 347 and n 3.
Gwaljar, 248, 269, 381, 399.
H.
Qabflb a. Ham, 166.
Hadd, astroL term, 76 n 5.
HadiQ, explanation of term, 7 » 2.
Qftfif; quoted, 295, 417 and n 3, 520 ;
omen from, 620, 621 n 1.
Do. Snltan Bakhna, account of, 451.
Haibak, see Aibak.
B^ibat, uncle Taimur, 202.
Do. k., NiyazT, 333, 615.
Haidar Akhta Begf, 451, 476, 527,
537, 550 ; wounded, 581 ;
kills Sli^zl K 638.
Do. BaJsbahl* killed at GarhT,
334.
Do. Dost Moghal, deserts, 522;
put to death, 572.
Do. MirzS, Babar's cousin, his-
torian, quoted, 272; joins
Kamran, 308; stays with
Hum&y3.n, 347 ; quoted,
351, 355 ; at Lahore, 357 ;
Kashmir, 359; account of,
402-406 ; sends presents to
Hum&yan, 541 ; death, 406,
621 n 1.
Do. Qasim k., 558.
Do. Quli serv. B[hwaja Kilan,
241.
Do. rik&bd&r, 257.
Do. Sultan ghaibani, 441, 459,
474 ; death 477.
Haig, General, quoted, 380 n 1.
HairatI poet, 446 and n.
HaiyulEnI, term, 2 n 4.
Qaji Begam w. Humayun ; birth of
son, 269, 340 n 1 ; at Causa.
343,344.
Do. ShwSja, 406.
Do. Mu^mmad k. a. Baba Quflhqa,
330, 336, 416, 440, 443, 448 ;
takes QandahSr, 473-475, 505 ;
wounded, 507-08, 514, 523,
526, 528, 530, 534, 542, 5^,
548, 558, 560; administers
oath to Humayun, 567-69;
Akbar's vakil, 573-74, 576,
677, 578 ; put to death, 579.
14
Index.
IbrShim, MirzS s. Sulaiman im-
prisoned, 409 ; at E^abal,
462 ; released, 469, 516,
521, 525, 580 n 2, 531,
545, 553, 569, 570; be-
trothed to BaUmlil
BanH, 572; takes Qun-
dilz, 580.
Do. s. KamrSn, 455 and n 2,
479, 660 and n 1.
Do. 8. HnmSyan bom and
died, 609.
Do. Saltan s. Sikandar, Babar's
embassy to, 238, 241;
killed at Panipat, 242-45,
297 ; his mother's plot ;
257; Addenda No. 81,
bad strategy, 302 n 2.
IbtTzSz astrol. term, 90 n 1.
'IdT Bina Eaflhmir, 246.
Idris, or Enoch, 161.
Ighan s. Shem, 166.
IkbtiySr K. Gov. GampSnIr, 810, 812,
324 n 1.
IlihdSd Faif I, quoted, 59 n 3.
Il ShSn 8. Tangle, 146, 173, 174.
Il EhinI Tables, 125 ti.
Ilanja K., 225.
Htmiflh. military term^ 569 n 8.
nySs Ardabil astrologer, 117^ 446.
Da EhSn put to death, 266 and n 4.
Imftda-l-Molk Gnjrat, 803, 304, 312 ;
defeats 'Askarl, 316, 317; defeats
M. Zamin, 825.
'ImSm put to death, 315.
Do. Be^avT, shrine of, 485.
Imtisftj, 34 n 8.
Indian astrology, 89.
IndrakSt, 403 and n 5.
Insin Kimil, 15 n 8, 278.
InshS quoted, 7n3.
Introduction to AkbamSraa, 1-83.
IqlTmiy]^ Gun's sister, 158 and n
Iqtibas explained, 89 n 1.
Irad, see Jared.
Iradamd Barlas, 190.
•Iraq, 167.
Irgana Kan, 174.
Irtaq mountain, 170.
Isa Shail> 235.
Isa Manga, 200.
Isa^aq Saiyid or 8hit&b K. of Gnjrat,
319.
Do. Sultan s. Shah Mu^iaTnTnad,
530 and n 2, 553, 554.
Iskandar Sultan s. S'atd E., 404.
Do. do., 504.
Ifi2&kamiah> 492.
lal&m Khan, younger s. Sher K. or
Sellm K. or Jalal K., 288, 333 ;
defeats Yusuf B., 386; at Gansa,
343, 345 ; at Qgnau j, 351, 352 ; acces-
sion, 401 ; receives ElamrSn, 600 ;
death, 614 ; account of 615-16.
Ism'atl B., Duldai, 475, 507, 509, 522;
nicknamed, 528, 529.
Da Shah l^avl, 221 ; devotion of
followers, 557 ; and Addenda
173.
Do. Sult&n JamT, 459.
Ism'ailians, 162 n 4.
Ispahan, massacre at, 208 and n 7.
Issigh Kal, 168 n 6.
Istisq&bi^Khfih explained, 5 n 5 ; Ad-
denda No. 2.
ItibSr K., see 'Ambar Nizir, 451.
Ittisil, astrol. term, 84 n 4, 155 n 8.
Ives, Dr., quoted, 135 n 7.
J.
Jabar B., 452.
Jafiar, cabalistic lore, 66 n 2.
J'afar B., 491, 493.
Do. Qidiq Imftm, 154.
Do. Sul(ftn, 422.
Jah&n SbSh M., 216.
JahSn&ra garden, 433.
Index.
IS
Do.
Do.
Jahinblnl Jinnat A&biySnl, see
HmiiSy&ii-
SabMnfflTf emperor, Mem., quoted, 33
n 1, 106 n 1, 236 n 8, 631
n 3, 663 n 1.
M. s. 'Umar S., 221, 226,
230,538.
Qu», 380, 334, 341, 845, 449*
Jai Bahadur, 391, 414.
Juns, 147.
JftjaktS, see CicaktQ, 545.
Jajmau in Oude, 256.
Jalair tribe, 184, 185, 192.
Jalil K., see Islam Khan.
Do. B. Alauddin, 262.
ialal of Tatta drowned, 344.
Jalallbid, 112 n 2, 408, 565.
Jalin era, 54 n 3.
Jalila-d-df n, Mangbami, 194 and n 6.
Jalila-d-din, B. serv. KamrSn, 390,
462, 509.
Do. Ma^mad K. enters
Hamftyan's service,
412 and n 2; impri-
soned, 475, 496 n 2,
534; sent Persia, 542 ;
re-called, 552, 558; sent
to BadaU^shSn, 575;
at Kabul, 577, 596,
602.
Jam, 52 n 6; Humayan visits, 434.
Jamal Beg b. Bibas, 458, 478 ; killed,
509.
JamSl EJian. husband, LS^ Mulk,
288.
Jam&l Mir b. Mubarika Bfbt, 587
n2.
Jam&lu-d-din, chronogram by, 403.
Jamaqa, 192, 193; second Addenda
No. 6.
JanuhS tribe, 604.
Japriar, Hindal killed near, 581.
Jaranda kills Hindal, 583.
Jara^ghar, 172.
Jired, 161.
J arrett. Colonel, 252, 302, 567 » 1 ;
and passim.
Jauhar Af tabcl, quoted, 59 n 8, 393 »
1, 525 n 2 ; and passim, treasurer
Panjab, 627.
Jaunpar, 256, 289, 333, 336.
JhSrkand, 334 and n 1, 835.
Jla QSf i, 253, 25a
Jihad-i-Akbar, 19 n 4
Jljl Anaga w. Shamsu-d-dln. Ak-
bar's nurse, 33 n 1, 130, 131, 384,
885, 395, 454
Jirm in Badajs^shan, 553.
Jodh Bai, 33 n 1.
JogT K. serv. K&mran, 599, 601.
JorjinI quoted, 15 n 3.
Jotik Bai, 86 and n 1, 125 n.
JadI mountain, 165 n 3, 237 and n 4;
second addenda No. 19.
Judgments of Houses, 106 or.
Juglf, 149, 150.
Jai SbShl or JalSl&bad, 408, 565, 584,
662 ; given to Khi?r ShwSja, 580.
Jn?nS Bahadur f. Alanqaa, 177, 178.
Jaji s. GingTz K., 194, 201.
Jun, Sind, 379, 880 and n 1, 888.
Juna, see Oaund.
Junaid BarUs, 241, 243, 247, 256,
258, 289, 327 and n 6, 505.
Do. Beg killed, 359.
Do. Saint, 223, 224.
JuzS-i-ijtimS', astrol. term, 104 n 2.
K.
Kablr&j ahySmal-DBs. 59 n 3.
Kabul, taken by B&bar, 228 ; earth-
quake at 228, 230, 289, 252, 267 ;
Bairanfs embassy to, 461-62 ; Hnm-
ayftn takes, 476-82 ; Akbar circum-
cised, 483-89 ; K&mran takes, 501 ;
second siege, 504-17 ; HumSyftn's
return to, 540-556 ; his second re«
turn, 571.
16
AfvAOlP*
«-"- "-It ll«r^*
Kftbali K. killed, 547 and tL4.
Eacakot» 237, 240.
Kaclcak of Kaghmf r, 403.
Kadkhuda, astrol. terrn^ 77 if 2.
Kaempfer, quoted, 27 n 2, 37 n 4.
Kahmard Af ghanistan^ 229 and n 4^
496, 504.
Kakar 'All, 637.
Eal Jag, 151.
Kal&l Sbamsa-d-din TarSgliai's ptr«
203.
Kalandr, 240.
Kaliogin, 493 and n 2.
Kala Pabfir fo. Iskandar, 63L
Kalinjar, besieged by Hntnayflii,
288; by aher flbih, 400-01.
Kam&l DabI kills Haidar 2L,
406.
Kamal K Gakkar 8. Sarang Gakkar,
599.
Kimran s. Bibar, 279 ; in Qandahar,
239 ; books sent to, 240 ; receives
presents, 248; meets Hamiyllii«
£71-72 ; obtains Kabul and Qnnda-
har, 287; oomes to Panjab and
sends ode, 290«92 ; defeats Sim M.,
307. 308; at Delhi and Agra, 339,
840; meets Humayon, 344; goes
Lahore, 346-48, 355 ; speech, 357 ;
treachery, 858; Kabul, 360, 389;
account of, 407-^, 410 ; sends for
Akbar, 453, 455-6 ; receives Bairam,
461-62, 465 ; puts A in charge of
his wife, 468-70 ; besieged in Kabul,
478-81; re-takes Kabul, 499-503;
marries d. Qbah Qusain, 506 ; be.
sieged again, eto., 506-517 ; at Tall-
kin, 529-39 ; gets Kolab, 539, 543>
548; account of, 552-553; defeats
Humayun, B^-^S; defeated at
UfihtargrSm, 567-72; HumaySn
marches against, 576 ; near Elabul,
577 ; expedition against, 586 ; makes
night-attack, 582-83; goes India,
600; escapes, 601; surrendered
602 ; blinded, 604 ; goes liecca acid
diBs,606-0a
K&nar, 293 and « 1.
Kank&riya tank, 317 and n 2.
KSnt Gola, 036^
Karmnasa river, 342 and H 3.
Kaehmir, Haidar's expedition to, 859,
402-6; Humaylln thinks of goixis
to, 605.
Katabibazon* astrol. term, 81 la 2,
192.
Katan, cotton* 8 n 1.
KayilmarQ, 163, 168.
Kenan s. Enosh. 160.
Kesh, 205 and n 1.
Qiadija S. B., 268.
S^L&fi K., quoted, 186 n 1, etc.
ElVkibar Pass, 234.
SL^dar Anaga nurse, 131.
Ehaldin, 531, 587.
Sbaltta M. or Ki«amu^-dln 'Ali K.
Babar's minister, 276, 277 ; account
of,286»
Khalkhal, 445.
Qtfikmalinkin BadaUifihSn, 521.
Sl^niflh B. w. Humayan, has a
son, 609.
Do. Taimnr's daughter-in-law,
215 n 6.
WoJ^ M. Babar's cousin, 280 and
n2; takes Badakbshan, 233 and
n 5 ; death, 266 and n 5, 538; date
of death, No. 83.
S^Lanim B. w. KSmrin, 468.
Do. d. Sulaiman M., 575.
KhSnwa, battle of, 266.
StLUuada B. Babar's sister, 221, 231
n 2, 260 n 2 ; in charge of A., 4M,
461; embassy to Qandahir, 462,
467, 468 ; death, 477 andn 1.
E^aqanl poet, 141 n 3, 142.
Eharazbll, 445.
Bkarmatu, 213 and n 4.
Indest.
17
B^wSsB K. Alghan, 333 ; at Oaiua,
343 : at Qasi&tij, 852, 361, 615 and n.
^irad Zats&it, 527, 584 and n 2.
Hazira, 453; escapes
Qandahar, 466, 509.
Do. K. in :Bengal, 619.
Do. Q^wftja Ehin, husband Gul-
bad&n B., escapes from Qan-
dAbar, 466, and n 2, 509, 550 ;
getB Jfli Sbi^hl, 580; at
Qandahar, 610, 658.
Do. K. MTrzS, 506.
Ekndabanda M. s. ^al^iQABp, 418 and
n 3, 426, 433, 441.
&uda DoBt B. Mufahib, 510.
Qudawand Ehin of Gujrat, 304,
317 ; eecond Addenda No. 41.
E^nbn, 547.
^nraaan K , servant BahSdnr, 301.
Qiasra Sliah. 227 andn 2, 230 n2,504.
Do. serv. ^^hmasp, killed, 493.
B^ast, 248 n 5, 490, 492.
E^w&ja Dost KhSwand. 258, 543.
Do. Eh&wand Mahmiid, 356, 360,
408, 473, 494.
Do. Gi^azS, see Gh&zl.
Ehwaja Kilan s. Mo^mmad Sadr,
^36, 240, 246 ; leaves India, 252 ;
and account of, 281 and n 8, 292,
«^07 ; surrenders Qandabar, 308,
347, 360, 402.
^wSja KilAn Samaal, his chrono-
gram, 285 and n 4.
KhwSnd Mir, historian account of,
281 and n 5, 289 n 1.
Kicak elder b. BJiwaja Kilan, seal-
bearer, 281 and n 9 ; second Ad-
denda Nos. 31 and 61.
Eifihm, 493.
Kistan Qar&, ruler BaUj&, 545.
Kokl nurse w. Togh B., 131.
£oki Bahadur serv. Askart, 395.
Do. brother or uncle (P) of Q&ji
Mutiammad, 448, 542.
E!olTs attack HumSyfin at Cambay,
309 ; at Campantr, 310 n 4.
Ktlcin 8. Okadai, 200.
Kufa, 158 and n 3, 165.
KnkI Anaga nurse, 13L
Kfilib, 492, 589, 552.
K&lmalik, battle of, 233.
£iJa-^t-ca^r iark, 272 n,
Kan Et^an, 144 and n 2, 172, 492.
LS4 Mulk w. Sber Sb&h, 288.
Lahore, Kamr&n takes, 290, 308 ; dis-
cussions at, 356-59.
Lakhnar, 381.
LakI fort, 447.
L'al Shan Badakhsht, 623.
Lala, guardian, 418 and n 2.
Lalandar, 577.
Lamech a. !&f ethusaleh, 164.
Lane Diet, passim.
Lar pass, 404.
LaahkSrl s. SuItSn Adam, 622»
La^if Ullah, 647.
Latiff Sihrindl, 492, 534, 551.
Lauz s. Shein, 106.
Lavang BalQc, 487.
Libra, 72 and n 8.
Lilly, astrologer, 71 n 1, 102 n 4, 127.
Lists of officers, 280, 447-52, 623.
Lowe, translation of BadMnl, passim.
LQhrl, Sind, 362, 364.
M'aSfiir Ba^iiml, quoted, 329 n 2 or.
M&cTvrara, 601 ; battle of, 626 and n 1.
MaadiYn, 166 and n 6.
Mah Cflcakw. Humaydn, nurses him,
494n3; see Oacak B.
Mahal&Ul s* Kenan, 161.
M&ham Anaga, Akbar's nurse, 131 n,
134; accuses JtjT, 384, 894 ; speech
to 'Askarl, 396, 454 % at Kabul, 461,
653 ; Addenda Nos. 49-51.
t8
ItiA^m
Jt^htkm Begfttt m« Hnmijan, 257; 272,
279 n i, 286 ; Addenda No. 95.
MSham 'AIT, 588.
HahivTra, 150.
Halidf E3Lwa|a, BSbar's brotlicr<in-
law, 256, 258, 260,^ 277 and n 1, Ad-
denda No. 87.
Mahdl SnltBn Gnlbadan'a brotber-in«
law, 527 and n 2.
Mahindrl river Gnjrat, 312, 316, 320.
Ma^xnil, camel-litter, 8 n 2.
Ma^ud K 8. Tnnas, 220, 224, 226.
Do. Aba 8'ald, 218, 226.
Do. Lohinl, 253, 257.
Do. Sikandar, 261, 270, 271.
Ma^mad, Snlt&n Ohaznl, 244.
Do. do. Bbakkar, 86% 880.
Do. do. Gnjrat, 882.
Ma^ToadabSd Gnjrat, 91&, 320.
Ma^mndi Kiokali8|]|» 221, 242, 246,
256,262,265.
Maidan vill. Afghanistan, 229.
Majin'^ka-t-tawlriJsll> H n 3.
Majnan QSqfiliSl 560.
Mak^daina a. Begam w. 'Umar S., 222.
Malan, bridge of, 462 and « 8.
Haldeo Bajah NSgor, Hnmijr anriaitB,
371-74, 379 ; war with qW gb&h,
'400.
Malik Kid Gakhar, 599.
Malla K. 244.
Do. or Qadn S., aOfi, 31&
Malwa, expedition to, 300, 318, 329.
M'amara Till., 469, 652.
Manftqib, term, 36 n 6.
Mandaear battle at, 301 and n 2.
Mandhakar 259.
KandriTl, 299 and n 1.
Manda,cit7,303andn6;taken, 304-6.
Mangall K. s. YnldOz, 173.
Do. Khwfcja 8. TimnrTaoL 177.
Manga QUn s. Toll K.» 201, . .
Mfinkot, 601, 616.
Mansaj 01) Maliaak 8. Japhfii, 168.
Mao^ai^ ailSh, 209.
Do. do.Bariae,242,246,256,2ei^
263.
Do. do. father of Blbi Mubftrilua,
237.
ManSoihr, M. a. Mnqlm M., 216*
Marghinin, 221 and n 1, 224 n 2^
Manaf, Egypt, 168 and n 5.
Mannel da Sonsa, 823 n 2.
Manalan w. DBtambi K., 184^ 185.
Mftq or BSgk, Shwija, at Aibak, ^4^3
and n 7.
Maqdnm Koka, 558 ; aee Mn<|addam
Beg.
Maqand^ ghwKja. 131 n4; accoant of»
448.
Do. M. Akhtabegf • 441, 460, 697.
Marghab, alaye of Ibrihlm*
Markax, 98 n 1.
Do. i-Sdwar, iW^'s, 321.
Mar^ad, term, 40 n L'
M'araf Farmnll, 951, 268.
Mary, the Virgin^ 179 and n 2, 182.
Maa'aad of 9^far chronogiiim, 664.
Mafiharib, term, 1^1 n 5.
Maahhad, HnmSyan visitB, 435, 445,
446.
Mafihtang or Maatang, 820 and n 3.
Maat <AIi pnt to death, 572.
HaB'ud M. a. Sultin Ma^ad, 227.
Maa'adi, hiatorian, 162 n 1, 163 n 3.
M'asftma B. d. Bibar w. M. Zamin,
330.
Matemns astrologer, 126^
Mawat E. a. Cagb^tai, 20a 20a
Magar-i-8harif shrine in Turkiataor
547 and n 2.
Medinf Bai of Canderl, 268.
Mekran a. Tambil, 167 and n 1.
Mercury, the planet, 72 and n 7.
Mer7., 221.
Methnsaleh, 164,
MiSna, town, 443 a&4 n 1, 445 a 7.
Mihr BinQ, faaU-aistar* Bftbar, 222.
Al^M^
14
md It 2.
lOzr Noah w. Miran ghth, 215.
iOes, Colonel, qnoted, 39 n 1.
Vuton, quoted 86 til, 75 n 3.
imwai or Malot town, 240.
^ Gj^azii&vl, see Sbamsft-d'dtn.
^ l^wand^ hutxiriiui, 155 n 4, 104
Kirak B^ see Beg Mintk. .
Mmk 8. of Sind.
Mlrla Mxi^^ammad, Sb^h. of S2^n-
dealb 303 wndnS.
Ulrln aiiSli 0. Tftimtir, 214 mod n 3,
215iiadv»n2»6,443.
Mirmt Sik&ndftri, quoted, 304 n 8.
HinanL-MSkanl, see^ftnilda B§ti9.
Mipzi K., see Khan M. .
Do. *Abdu-r.BAtLfm,S3andnl,278;
Addenda j^o.. 88.
ISiakSn. 657-
Uixtm Sen, Bajah,881.
Hny^id Beg at Cunar. 332 and .n.1 ;
escapes from Qandahar, 466, 474;
death, 482 and n 3.
Mna^tEttoi SSlwSja, half-brother of
9unldaB&nfl,44and n 8, 135, 891;
aoconntof, 447, 458, 459, .478 ; plots
to desert,. 482; wounded, 491^542,
611 ; wounds Baits K., 625, 631 ;
treaotapTy. of , 688.
Mublrak, A.F.'8 father, 145 n 6, <fcc.
MublrikaBibi, Babar's Afghan mie,
287a»d»1.587n8.
Mnbariz, see AdQ« .
Do. Beg s. Shwaja Kllan killed
580.
Mughal K. 8. Alinja K., 169.
Mughaliatin, described^ 176.
Muhammad <Ali TaShH b. M&ham B.,
475; refuses .to kill
. YMgirM..491,496;
P9t.tp.death,501,d02.
Muhammad All Ja^g Jang, 240» 248
. mdn 1, 256, 262, 268.
Do. BakhahTy also called SultjSn
Mu^jiammad, 248, 262; in
charged Agra, 829, 886, 887;
rebukes Hindil, 339.
Do. Darat. Khwajah. 226.
Do. ^usaiuiM. f. Q^^^^' ^^
230,238.#».l.
Do. Eh^n Bilml artillenr
. man 851. . >
Dp. do., QoYtTnoTf Herat,
.417; letter of
TabmSspto,418,550.
Do.. Kasa poet, 280.
Do. Sultan M., 240,
Do.. dp. 8. Mlrln Sh&h,
215.
Da Muqlm s. 2u'><&i^-i^^n Ae-
ghun, 228.
Mu^^^mmad Sulfftn Mlrza^ s. Xahmbp,
see dudabanda.
MutAmmad SnltlUi king of ^w8i^-
iam, 194.
Mttttammad ZamSu M* s. Badi*-az-
aamin,; 248 ;. submits to HumSyHn,
.288 ; rebels, 289 ; in Qajrat, 294 » at
Lahore, 303; returns, 308; cPn-
spiiTacy, 825; pardoned, 330 ; at
GaosS, 343; drowned, 344; Addenda
No. 95a.
Muhammad Pakna blinds KimrSn,
604.
Mututmrnad Shih ruler Kashmir*
403,404.
Mu^mmadi M., grandson, JahSn
Sbftb, 442 and n 2, 460.
Mutdbb 'All, K. s. Mir Khalifa, 558,
587,.6ia
Mu^ylu-d-^n MaghrabI, astrologer,
100 mCid fm, 108, 110.
H'uin ghwija s. Shwtja ShftwAtt4..
Mflk, river, 539 and n 2.
Mulijiw oitadeLof Campiillr, 312.
£0
IndsQi.
Mttiak-i-taw&If, 22 n 2.
MtimBXi of FaranJsh^d, his chrono-
gram, 604.
Mun'muK. KhSn-Kh&nto. 867, 873,
412 n 2, 483, 522, 529, 536, 544, 548 ;
captures KSmrin, 602, 604, 607,
610 ; made A.'s guardian, 612.
Muqaddam Beg, or Maqdum, B. Koka,
at Qanauj, 354, 482, 541 n 1, 558,
564.
Muqarrab, term, 17 n 1.
Muqim Eb&n, sery. Tardl Beg, 638,
656.
Do. do. a rebel, 467.
MnqTm Mirza, b. %^*Wi'XL^n Arghun,
228, 283.
MuqIm 'Arab, or 8buj*aat K., 316 and
n 5.
Murid M., infant a. X^^^^p, 441,
443, 468 ; death, 472.
Murfihid, Mulls, Bihar's ambassador,
238.
Murtaf a Mir §adr, 432.
Mu^S^ib Beg s. Shw&ja Eilin joins
HumayQn, 479 ; son exposed, 510,
513 ; nicknamed, 528, 530 ; pardon-
ed, 535; sent on pilgrimage, 541,
557.
Mus&fari, Eh^&jah, 632 and n 1.
Mustafa Bami, artillery man, 263.
MuvafiFar dynasty, 209 and n 1.
Do. 9u8ain s. S. Qusain, 229.
Mufaffar Koka put to death, 488.
Do. TQpcl, 402.
Do. Turkamin, 859.
N.
Nadim Koka, 180, 391, 475 ; impri-
soned, 502 ; Addenda No. 51 ; and
second Addenda No. 67.
Naf&Ts-al-fanOn, encyclopsBdia, 153.
NagTna Eh&tiln m. Taimur, 205 and
n 4.
NairOn, title, 183, 192 and n 4. .
NaisSn, Syrian month, 20 and r» 3.
Najf Kafa, 158 and n 3.
Najm Beg or g&nT, T5r ^^ma^
IspahSnl, Ism'ail Shah's miziistei
234 and n 1 ; Addenda No. 68.
Nalca, in MSnda, 304 and n 2.
Nam^dar, astrol. term« 48 n 5 ; Ad
denda No. 27.
Namfls i-Akbar, 29 n 2«
NaqOs, 116 n 3.
NaqHz, 174 n 2.
NaranjI ghah QulT, 458, 492, 506, 5&8«
593, 594.
Narhan, 841; Addenda No. 118;
second Addenda No. 46.
Narlad, Gujrat, 310 and n 4, 316.
Narln, or Nari, 492 and n 4, 638, 539,
544.
Namaul, 327.
NafTb Sh&n Afghan, 624
Na^lb gh»h, king, Bengal, 332 and
n3.
Nasir MfrzS, B&bar*s half-brother,
221 ; gets Qandahir, 283, 234.
Nasiru-d-^n Mu^mmad, see Hnm-
ayHn.
Naflru-d-dfn TiisT, 119 n 3, 193 n 3.
NausSri, Gujr&t, 317, 319.
Naufih^hr, Ka«hmlr, 402,481 and n 1.
NaTldl poet, 481 and n 1.
Nagari, 563 and n 1.
N&cirs= Nadir, astrol. term, 75 n 8
Na^ S. Gmi, 657 and n 3, 662 and
n3.
Naznk Sh^h Kashmir, 402 and n 5 :
Addenda No. 184.
Neknahir, 581.
Neknihal, 581 n 1.
Ney> Elias, quoted, 857 n and 1 or.
NihOam, term explained, 496 and % 3.
NTfih&p^f Hum&yfln visits, 435.
Niff&m, water-carrier saves Ham*
&yQn, 3Hr 345.
Da K. gov. Blina. 257.
Itide».
21
4o. fa. fiber a]|&li> 616.
KlfSnam-d-^^ BaJsliahf, historian,
quoted, 44 n 3, ^2 n 3
or:.
I>o. Sllftllf a, or Hir Q^all-
fft, 262; account of,
281.
Ki9aznu*l-Malk, Idng, Deccan, 324.
Kk^znT poet, 5 n 1, 9 n 1 ; quoted,
XcMbh, 164, 165.
KuMiahr, astrol. t^m, 90 n 4.
O.
Okmdai b. Ginglz, 194, 197, 198, 200.
Oflie«ra, list of, see List.
Ohason J>\ quoted, 199 n 2 or.
P.
P^hlwan Badakbahl, killed at Causa,
348.
Do. Dost Mir Barr., 508; receives
charge of Fttrlan, 540;
builds BikrSm, 608, 657.
Fai Minar Afghanistan, 469.
Pakna Saijid M., 451, 547.
Pakna g^er Mu^mmad, 545, 547,
548
Palam town, 385.
PSnIpat, battle of, 242.
Pan ja, 85 n 4.
Parghall MaulanS, 304, 315 and n 4 ;
drowned, 344, 645 and n 2.
Parlin fort, 540.
Pafih^ Begam w. Mu^mmad K., 329
n2.
Patar, scene of Qamida's marriage,
363 and n 2.
Pattan, 317.
Payanda M., 390 and n 4.
Pemghan Till., 228.
PersSd Bani of 'Amarkot, 375.
Peshballgb town, 200 and n 1.
PhaladI town, 372.
Phul or pal, see Bahlal
Pija Jan Anaga w. Sl^wija Maqftld,
nurse, 181 and n 4.
Pir 'AH Taz, 213.
Pir Muhammad killed, 213.
Do. do. rules Balkhi 516,
521, 532,537,545,
546,548,552.
Do. Akbta, 548 ; kiUed, 559.
Pissasphalt, 5 n 3.
Pitted degrees, astrol. term, 102 and
n4.
Pomegranates, seedless, 445 and n 7.
Portuguese Viceroy, 323.
Price, Major, quoted, 230 n 6, 418 n
6 or.
Prx>legomena of Sbarfu-d-din Tezdl,
quoted 47 n 4, 198 n 2, 202 n 4^ 203
wl.
Ptolemy, 119.
Puran Mai of CanderX, 399.
Qabal K s. Ttlmanna K, 185, 186,
188, 189, 191, 202 n 2.
QubaqandazI, 440 n 7.
Qab( (Copt.) B. Ham, 166.
QScalX Bahadur, account of, 185-190,
199, 202 n 2, 204, 342.
QSdir ahlh or Malla Shan, 305, 318.
Qaida K., 185.
Qall Saiyid Mir f Adl, 451.
Qamargah, hunt, 440, 442 n 8.
Qambar 'All SahSrI kills QarSoa, 570.
Do. DiwftnS, account of, 635.
Qanauj, 322 ; battle of , 849-352.
QandahSr, Babar besieges, 228, 333 ;
SSm, M.'s defeat at, 307 ; Shwajah
Kilan surrenders, 308, 309 ; Hindftl
goes to 365 ; Akbar, 895, 396 ; Kam-
rSn takes, 408, 409, 410 ; SumayQn
takes, 459-76.
Q&ndn HumftyUnX of Mlrkbwand,
645.
a
Itide».
QarS BSgh, 4^0 and n B, S2d, 525.
W2, 657/
Qara Hul&ga s. Mdwat K., 200.
Qara Sl^an s. Mugbiil K^ 1?0.
Do. Yf&saf Turkaman^ 21^, 395 and
QarSca B«g £1^ terv. K&mrSn, 290 ;
incites HindSl, 366, 409, 479 ; es-
corts Miviam-anakanl^ 484^4^; in
BadakbahSn, 491-94, 505, 506; at
Kabul, 510, 51^, 516,517; deserts^
521,. 522 ; nicknamed bj Humayiln,
588, 527 ; pardoned, 584-5, 541, 546,
550, 556, 557, 558; wonnded, 564;
giteu Siiasiila by Eamria, 565,
569 ; killed, 570.
Qnriaar Htnytn, 188; aedount o!,
192L
QarSqnln, 170 and n 4.
QurStigln, 589.
QaahqaldSgh, the C06t, 415 and 9i 8<
Qisim KShX poet, 621 n I ; his chrono-
gram, 6^ find n 1.
Do. BarlftSy 409, 469, 478; in charge,
Kabul and stirrenders, 564.
Do. Bnjutat Sh^j<h aceountanb
and Vizier, 522^ 548* 565 r
pat to death, ^71.
QSsim QusaiaK., 263, 298, 804, 816;
getB Surat, 817; flies, 819,
320, 846, 855, 360; deserttf
BxutAyfkn, 870, 890;. returns
to him, 465, 525, 527 ; treMth^
ei7 of, 558, 564.
Do. Kohbar, 280 and n 6.
Do. M. of Gan&bld poet, 487 and
«8.
Do. Mahdl, killed, 605.
Do. Makblas, artilleryman, 462,
478, 509, M7, 680, 687.
Do* Mo^nunad din MaujI, ac-
count of, 450} kilkTidgSr
M., 491, 509t 510 ; made gov*
Kabul, 526.
Qasim Mut^andlnad, butldet', ^g^r^
fort, 507 and n 5.
Do. Shfi'h Taghal, 487.
Qi^I Firang, the Poi^uguese makf^imA
trate, 823 and it 2.
Do. Jia, 253,258.
Qaswin, 417 ; Hum2yttn at, 436.
QibcS(), battle of, 556-60.
Do. desert of, 209.
QilSt BSbar takes, 228 ; Akbar At^
454.
Qiyan s. Tl SllSn, 173, 175. -
Qiyfit, 175.
Quatrem^re, quoted^ 162 n 3, 193 n 4.
Qdbila K. s. Qabal K., 189.
Que Beg f. Slier'Sfgan killed, CansS,
848.
Qali abaikh Turkamin, 551 and n 4.
QuljT S^ah astronomer, 119 n 3.
QurbSn QarSwal, 536.
Qundas, 221 and n 2, 490; 527.
Qufb K. or 'Abdu-r-radiH 283, 381,
332 ; kiUed, 346.
Qutbu-d-dln Jalanja of Bagdid, 444
and n 3.
Qutlaq Niglr Sh>aum mother BAbar,
224.
Qutlaq Qadam Amir, 241, 247, 256.
574.
BabbinI, term, 158 and « 8.
BafI* Koka, 460, 521 (P).
Baflk Koka, qu. Baft* 521.
Bafl'n-d-din Safavi, 257 and n 2,. 855
and n 1, 899 n 5.
BaghAnath, Jain, 150. >
Baisf n, 800 and n 1,
BaJshna 9afi« Sultin, 451 and n 4.
B&m BSgb ; Addenda No. 86.
Banthambar, 296, 400.
Bashldl dwija Sultin, killed by a
MuaT^am, 495 and n 2.
BashldS TlrllEli, ^1 and paaaim.
Bausat-as l^af i, 157 n 1, 158 n 4^ etc.
/ndeff.
as
Eror
p^y. to
k*..*
I>o-
GX7 and 41 1.
. X^ersia, 486 and n 4.
162 and n 9r
,aerabihtfgcei,885.
,399.
, 440 ( acpouat of , 448^
Allgfch Shwajah, 6M.
^^•9 artilleryman, 302andn.l;
deserts Bahidor, 904; at
Oiuir»S31; poisoned, 338;
Addenda No. 101.
dUi. Safiar. 319, 323 and n 8 $
Addenda Noa. 101 and
lU.
ao. Ustid 'Adz Sf stlAl enters
AUxur's s^rrice, 640 and
nU
B.^pm Blbl nnrse, 131.
IL^m s. Japheft^ 168.
RoBtam Sbin Afghan, 635.
8.
8»*idafc Tar Koka s. Shaldar Anaga^
islands 3.
8abdalK.,560.
Biliir Qiq V^f ^7, 483; Addenda
'ko. 144.
SaJbsawir, 420 and » 1.
Dcft. 485,465.
fiadiaa, £., qnoted, 24 n 8, 82 a 1, 84.
S'ad-i^akbar, 48 « 4.
Dob-i-asghar, 93 n 2.
8idssnlr Li]« translator, qnoted, 674
»3.
Saddara, 248 and a 5.
S'adS. quoted, 7a3,229a6and382.
Ssdr K. sery. Bahidur ai|ih, 801,
9Mw 305; woonded, 306; killed. 810
m2.
8ada-d-dln Qamftl, 153 and n 1.
§afl Mosqw, 825 and n 2.
Safar term, 75 n 5, S7 » 2f
Safar Sbwftjah, see Ellml K,
Safina-al-anliyif quoted, 52SS-6.
SahS, a star, 24 said n 3.
Sahand* mpnntain, 448 and n 4,
SS^ibdil, 18 n 4.
§iliib-qirln, meaning of, 17 n 2f 69 n
1, see Taimur.
69}im, term, 90 n 4. '
SHd B&ba Al QibcSq, 558, 564^ 57^.
Do. Beg, 554.
Do. B^Sn of KUbgbar, invades
Badakhahan, 273, 404 » 6.
Saiyid 'All Mir of Dnkl, 4^7
Do. do. of Sabsawir, 562.
Do. do. paip^, 552.
Saif K. 8. Shwajsb Maq9ad killed*
448,
Sajawal K., 618.
SakizUdaz, constellation, 569 and n
2.
Sal i4ang, 558, 563.
Salborf, 201 and n 8,
Sallma S. Begam 4. NOru-d-dln, 329
and ft 2.
Salim Sh^ B. Sfcer Shih. sf^e Islam
K.
Salimgarh, 634.
Sall|l-al-qatbain,.204 n 1.
Sim Mirsi s. Ism'all S.,^ and n 2,
437.
Samana, 244 and n 6.
Samandar sent to Sh^^ Qnsain, 868 ;
to Mildeo, 872; from Kaebmlr,
541.
Samarkand, 912; thrice conquered
by B&bar, 226, 288.
Samyat era, 54 n 6*
Sang& RinSi 255, 258; battle with
Bibar, 259*66 ; dies, 268.
Sangar senr. Mftldeo, 372.
g&nT K., 587.
24
Index.
Sanjar BarlSs i. Sbahrb&nQ, 230,
410 ; made prisoner, *607.
Sankfi, 8. Avang K., 198.
Saql&b, Sclavonia, 166 and n 1.
Saqsln, 193.
Strang, 857 n 1, 360, 402.
D04 Saltan, 857 In 1, 898, 599.
SarangpQr, 800.
SardSr K., b. Qaraca, 510, 535.
Sarkej Gujr&t, 317.
Satalmir, mined town, JodhpSr, 374
-and n 8.
Satjavrata, 165 n 6.
' SiYfiq Bnl&q, Persia, 489.
Scaliger, 84 n 2.
Schefer, 79 n 2.
Sedillot, quoted, 45 n 5, 54 nn 3 and
5, 119 n 8, 198 n 2.
'SehwSn fort, Hiuniynn besieges,
Sellm Sh^f 6^ Islam Shah.
Seth 8. Adam, 158-60.
g&aioJba, 40 n 4.
Sb&h BardI Biyat, 478 and n 8.
Do. Beg Arghfln b. j^vl'S,!!-
nSn, 288 ; imprisoned,
297 n 4.
Shah Begam w. Yanns K., 230 and n
9, 233.
Do. Mirza s. M. Sultan M., 850, 542.
Sl^ah Mu^mmad SultSn ^isirl, 547,
548.
Do. do. b. HSji M. kills M.
Sh&h, 542, 561;
put to death, 578>
679.
Sh&h Quli SlstRnt, 467.
Do. Sult&n, 518, 627.
Sblih MIrzS, related to Mir Barka,
568.
Sh&ham 'All Jal«r, 457.
Do. K., 467, 587, 591.
8b&hbftE E. Afghan, 624.
81i&h1 Amir, poet, 448 ; and Addenda
No. 144.
ShIhinahSh. 82 ; see Akbar.
Shahr&zQrf, 157 and n 1, 65.
ShahrbSnu BSbar's half-sister, 41
and n 1 ; Addenda No. 62.
Sh&hrukh s. Taimur, 214, 216, 217.
Sh&^rsabz, 208.
SbaibanT or Shaibak, 227, 229, 231
2, 233, 356.
Shaikham SJ^wIjah Ehisrl, 52^
529 and n 4.
g]^ajra-al-atrSk, 39 n 1, 198 n 3.
ghaUi-dan, HumSyHn falls ill ad
493, 495.
gb&l 390, 411.
ShammSsI town near ArdabXl, 445 n 3^
Shamsn-i-peaht&q. what, 87 n 4.
gjjamsu-d-dln 'All S. of Nialiapar^
435.
Shamsn-d-din Atka, his dream, 43 ;
his wife, 130 ; helps HumayQn, 854;
at Lahore, 856; imprisoned by
Eamr&n, 468, 502 ; at G^aznf n, 596,
685.
S^araf, astrol. term, 133 n 2.
Sharafu-d-dln *Ali Yezdl, author, 47.
205 n 4, 244 ; Prolegomena quoted
passim,
gharif K. b. Shamsu-d-dTn, 43.
Shaahan or Sasan Pass Badakhahan,
492.
Shem s. Noah, 165, 166.-
Sher 'All serv. Kimr&n, 505 ; woundif
9aji Muhammad, 507, 508, 509.
515, 516 ; imprisoned, 527-28, 539.
Sl^er Afghan s. QfLc Beg, 261, 465 ;
gets Qilat, 475, 476, 478, 496 and n
2 ; deserts, 502 ; put to death, 506.
gj^er Mandal, 656 n 8.
Sher Sh&h or Sban marries LS4
Mulk, 288 ; account of , 326-335 ; at
CausS, 841-46; at Qanauj, 349-52,
859, 873 ; final account of, 899-401,
615.
g]|ihab enigmatist, 277, 280, 289 n 1.
i
/ii<Ie««
ift
|Jhib*ad-dln A:ttmad« 606, 668.
^ do. Q^ri>2i4.
ai tort, 389.
^ 'All Bais admiral, q«ot«d. 06% n
Lltjja a sect, ^ n 1.
viriad, battle of, 627,
^iandar K., GujjrSt, 318.
Do. Ladi 1 Ibrihim K., 868
aad » 4i 294i 297.
Do. 8Qr, 246, 618; defMted,
Do. K. Uzbeg in charge Bik*
ram, 608, 622, 625 ; takes
Delhi, 634.
Sikaadrs, 664 n 1.
Sib^ 260.
Siihadi. 306 and » 3.
^^ Hnmiyon in* 860.
^ipah Salir, term explained, 4 n 8.
S^d rnok d» and n 8.
Sii^r 8. QarSca^ see Sardar.
5^*iad, see Sihrind, gardens at, 451.
8«t»n, 414, 416.
SiarhS, Jains, 147 and n 2.
^npafc, 339.
Snaagar, 406.
^^^<^g Bsetzen, 87 n 2.
Steirart, quoted, 59 n 3.
^Qtlftbid, 486.
^Qfi^u GOan, s. Iradamcl Barlas, 190.
SoUiman SrS, 148.
Solaimin M. Badakbfi])^ at Fftnlpat»
^ ; SJil^nwa, 261 ; sent Badakh*
^n, 274, 275 ; submits to £amrSn,
^. m ; visited by BairSm, 462 ;
leased, 469; sends presents to
Hmnaytin, 487; rebels, 490-3;
pardoned 504, 516, 521, 531, 536,
^. 544 ; at Balkt, 548, 549, 552,
^1 HumSyiLn proposes for his
Slighter, 575 ; ingratitude of, 637.
4
Sulaimia's Fool, 4i0.
Sul^-i-Eull, 18 a 5.
Sulha B. Adam, 159.
Sultan 'All Sliwabbin, 229.
Do. do. calligrapher, 310.
Do. do. seeAffalK.
SultSnBegamif. 'ABkari,396aiidn 1.
Suljana Begam d. S. J^usain of
Herat, 850 n 4. .
Snltin M. Qarawalbegl, 462 ; deserts,
50.
Sult9niya» 436, 439.
Sumbal Mehter or §afdar £., 60 and
n 2, 297 a 4» 452 ; ab Kabttl, 509, 512.
Sungad, MSnda, 305.
Saq-s-gamanXn, 165 and n 3.
Sllnl Bai Mai, 872, 378.
Surajgarh, 328,
SurSt, 317, 318.
Sari, 213.
Surkb Widai, poet, 281 ; and Addenda
No. 93.
SQs, 160 and n 7.
T.
Tabarl historian, 58 n 1, 165 a 2.
Tabriz, 215, 443, 445.
T'aflnSti 156 and n.
Taglna or Na£^na» Taimur's mother,
205.
7ahir Mu^kammad, 562, 587.
Do. Sadr, 363, 367.
Xahmisp K. Persia takes QandahSr,
308; letter efi 417-31; meets Hum-
SyOn etc. 437-443 embassy, 487
493 ; letters ; Addenda Ng. 138.
Taj K. serv. Bahidur, 301.
Do. Lodi, 327.
Taj-i-'izsat, 649 and n 1»
Tajabhar, term explained, 21 a.
Tajiks, 172.
Tftju-d-dlu LSrI Mulli» 374; killed,
380.
Taqoz or Naqua, 174.
26
Index.
Tftllqan town, 194 and n 5, 530.
Do. river Bangi, 634. •
Talmlti defined, 133 n 3.
Tamar 'All ShighalS, 623.
Tan-i-wShid, 36 » 1.
TangfLt, 196 and n 3.
XarSf^ Taimnr's f ., 202.
Tarakkab 'nnsnri, 2 n 3.
T«ram Persia, 446.
Tardl Beg jiglrd Jr Etawa, at PanS-
pat, 243 ; Campinir, 316, 320, 321,
330 ; in MSldeo'a conntry, 378 ; at
Amarkot, 370; brings news of
Akbar's birth, 61 » 1 ; refuses horse
to HumSTto, 391, 393, 487, 622,
627, m, 624, 626, 668.
T»rdl Beg b. Qac Beg, 261.
Tarmaatfrln s. DavS K., 202, 206.
TaraJi B., 367.
Tarsan B. s. Bftbi Jalair, 373.
TasqSwal, 496 and n 3.
Taswiyat, astrol. term, 73 n 1.
TitSr 8. Alinjak, 169.
Do. E.s.<Alaa-d-d!nS., 293,296;
kiUed, 298-99.
Do. SarangkhanI, 261, 267, 267.
T&tir e! Gakkar, 699.
Tate, G. P., quoted ; second Addenda
Nb. 62.
Tatta, 66, 601.
TfiflB K. b. Sifih Mansar, 236.
Temdcln, 191 ; see Cinglz.
TengrI, 193.
Tiefenthaler, quoted, 147 n 2, etc.
Timur or Tamerlane, or ^S^ib Qirfini,
47 ; horoscope, 79, 124 and n
1, 198 n 2 ; account of, 204-
14, 218, 244 n 6, 296, 443 and
n 2, 613 ; Addenda No. 76.
Do. Mehtar, 462.
Do. TSflbf 176.
TimUmSma MS., 809 and n 2.
TXrX, Afghanistan, 476, 487.
Tiflhrin, Syrian month, 66 and n 1.
Treta Jflg, 161.
Tulaq, K. Qucin surrenders, 467, 637,
660.
Do. YatiflJ^iayXs, 462.
Do. of T&HqSn, 49.
Tails. Cingiz, 194.
TfLmanna, E. s. BayasangbsTi 47, 185.
Tuqtamiflh QLan, 209:
Tuqnz, nines, 170.
Tur, s. Faridan, 176.
Turk, s. Japhet, 168.
Turkam&n, derivation of, 172.
Turks, 169.
Tusqawal, term explained, 690 n 3.
U.
'Ubaidu-llah E., nephew Shaibanl.
defeats Bibar, 233, 460 and n 1.
Uc, 361.
Ujiain, 301.
t^, 416 and n 4 ; and second Addenda
No. 62.
iQkin OgUan made prisoner, 647.
Ulugh B. 8. abShrukh, 46 »6, 64n 3,
70 n 1, 121 and n 2, 126, 496
and n 1.
Do. MirzS 8. M. Sultan M., 321,
328,360,360; escapes from
EbnrSn, 466, 474, 487, 613.
Do. Beg, Persian ambassador, 612.
'Umar Shai]^ s. Timur, 213, 218.
Do. do B. Aba S'afd, account
of, 217-222.
Unah, aujrit, 326.
Uria, what» 169 and n 1.
Urta Bfigh, Eabnl, 623, 671.
Ustad <A11, 241.
UahtargrSm, 674.
Utrar, where Tiifaur died« 212, 221.
'Dsida=:AHdad« 283.
V.
Yamb^ry, 194 n 6.
YarSha lOhra, 90 n 4.
Index,
27
Targottftma, 90 n 4.
Tifieroy, Portuguese, 823.
TIkramaditya, 121 n 2, 247 n 4.
Vollers, quoted, 82 n 1, etc.
W.
Wabil, astrol. term, 99 n 3.
Waisi Amir, 645.
Wajh, astrol. term, 77 n 4.
Wall B. f . S^an Jahan, 612, 625, 629.
Do. Shah Atka, left in charge,
Kabul, and of M. ^akim, 620 ;
arri7es India, 635.
Walad Beg, 487, 508.
Wans, 153 n 2, 154.
Waqi'at Babari, 234.
Warask, 248.
Wasma, woad, 57 n 2.
Weber, Dr., 91 n 4.
Whinfield, quoted, 5 n 1, 20 n 3.
Whiteway, B. S., quoted, 328 n 4.
Widai SurkL a poet, 280.
Wood, Journey, 250 n.
T.
Yadgar Mu^iammad s. SultSn M.
MxrzE kills Ahfk S'ald, 217.
Do. Naf ir M., nephew of BSbar,
289, 298, 804, 816, 817, 319,
820, 339, 346; at Qanauj,
352, 855, 857, 360, 361, 862,
365 ; account of, 367-70 ; nda
410-11, 897 ; at Kabul, 461,
462, 469, 477; returns to
HumSy&n, 485-88; put to
death, 491, 500.
Do. Sultan B. d. 'Umar S., 222. .
Do. Tagbai f .9ajiBegam,269,294.
TsfiQ OgUan Turk, 168.
TSr A^mad IspahanI or Najm gSnl,
234 and n 1 ; Addenda Nos. 68
and 69.
Do. Muhammad GhagnaTi f. Sham-
su-d-dln Atka, 43.
Yasin Daulat, 554^ 558, 564, 565.
Tate, Colonel, quoted, 434 n 8.
Yazdajird, era of, 54 n 4.
Yeda tSflh, rain-stone, 167.
Yesugai Bahadur s. Bartan B., 190.
Yuldua K. s. A* K., 178.
Do. s. Manqall, 146, 177.
Yunus K. s. Wais K., 219, 220.
Do. 'Ali, officer of Babar, 241, 242,
246, 261, 268; at Lahore,
290 ; death, 482.
Yasafzai tribe, 287.
Yusuf, physician, 280.
Do. Beg s. IbrShIm B., 336.
Do. Calf, account of, 450.
Do. MulbAmmad K., 385.
Z.
Zablr Baghl, killed, 233.
^afar Fort Badakhfih^n* 278 and n
3.
SafiEumSma, 47 n 4.
^ahid B., 840 n, 501.
^ahlru-d-dln, see B&bar.
Zainu-d-din Kashmiri 406.
' Do. Kamangar Saint, 611
andn 1.
Do. Koka, 448.
Do. Shaikh Sadr, author, quot-
ed, 248n5, 278n 2; chro-
nogram, 266; account of,
280; Addenda Nos. 73,
78, 79, 88, 90.
Zama, vill., 597 and n 2.
Zaman M., see Mu^mmad Zam&n.
Zamzama, vill. Afghanistan, 505.
Zanab, Dragon's tail, 81.
Zhal, a raft, 285 n 8.
Zhinda Fn=A^mad JSm, 52.
Zlaratgah Herat, 482, 433, 434.
Zoha, see Boha.
Zoroaster, 1,32 n 2.
ZtlbQn BIyan, husband Alanqiia, 179.
Zutamin, see Dfltamln.