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• • 


• • • 

• " • 


•* • •• 

'. ••• 





Hiicocy mtktth • joang nao to be old, without either wrinklei or grty hain ; privilledglnf hia 
with the tzperieaee of age, without either the inflrmttiee or inconreniencei thereof. 

■ \t ♦• * ^ FuLLia*! Ife^ ir«r. 

They wane uijSy^lte April nufir •* 

lo the warm noon we ihrink away ; 
And tut they follow m we go 

Towards the eetting day, 
Till they ihall flU the land, and we 
Are driven into the weetem eea.— BaTAirr 






L 7V 

■' V/- 

fllAli/D STM.':''nf?-) jri Ur:!vER8ITt 

Entered according to Act of CongrcBs, in the year 1841, 

By The Authob, 
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 

IV) A ^. 

^' ./v 




In the preface to the eighth edition^ (which will be found upon the 
next page,) something like a history of the rise and progress of the 
Book of thb Indians may be seen; in addition to which it may 
be stated here, that the ninth and tenth editions were merely reprints 
of the eighth, without either additions or corrections. 

The work was an original attempt to bring the events in Indian 
history under certain heads, which heads were the leaders in the 
events on the side of the Indians. This pUm, although the most 
difficult probably that could have been chosen, has been well received 
by the public, which encourages the publishers to continue its puW* 

The date of my last preface, on the following page, was accidentally 
omitted. It should have been 1841. The disagreement between the 
dates in the title-pages of books of the' present day^ with certain facts 
in other parts of them, often set matters in a ludicrous point of view. 
The practice of stereotyping has caused much confusion, if not all that 
to which I refer. It now behoves an author, like the almanac maker, 
to write his preface to suit the latitude of one year as well as another. 
This remark is made to explain some seeming inconsistencies which 
may be found in the work, it being stereotyped. The reader is there- 
fore desired to boar in mind, that the whole work, as it now appears, 
was published in 1841, and, with the exce|(tion of some important 
corrections, and a few notes at the end, has remained the same to this 
time. There has, however, been added to this edition, a very particu- 
lar Index, at a great expense of labor ; and it is now submitted as 
finished, though not as ^finished performance. 

The author is not insensible to the approbation which has been 
constantly bestowed upon his labors, on both sides of the Atlantic, and 
he would here tender his sincere gratitude in return. That approba- 
tion, with the kind expressions of the most esteemed literary and other 
friends, has encouraged him to continue his labors in the same field ; 
and he now has, in a forward state, a very comprehensive work on our 
Indian afiairs, brought together under a more perfect system than any 
thing of the kind hitherto promulgated, and far more extensive. Time 
will determine its fate. 

Boston, 3fay, 1849. 


The study of American History in general, and of Indian History in particular, has 
long been tne favorite employment of many of my hours ; I cannot say '• leisure hours," 
for such are unknown to me ; but time amidst a variety of cares and business, and be- 
fore and after " business hours." My first publication upon the subject of the Indians 
was an edition of Church's History of Philip's War, a duodecimo, vk-ith notes and an 
appendix. This was in the summer of 182o ; and, in 1827, it was considerably enlarged, 
and issued in a second edition, the copyright of which, not long after, passed out of my 
hands, and the number of editions since issued is unknown to me; but, about two 
years since, one of the proprietors told me they amounted to some thirty or forty ; yet 
'•second edition" is continued in the title-page to this day, (1848). In this republi- 
cation I intimated my design of a work upon Indian Bioguavhy, and in 1832, a small 
duodecimo of 348 pages, bearing that title, was published. In that edition, the chiefs 
and others noticed were arranged alphabetically. In 1833, a second edition was issued, 
with The Book of the Indians superadded to the title. The volume now contained 
three times as much as before, and yet my materials were scarcely half exhausted. It 
was in octavo, and under an entirely new arrangement, namely, in books and chapters; 
each BOOK being paged b\' itself, for the purpose of adding new matter at some future 
time at the end of each Book. This arrangement was continued through all the edi- 
tions to the present. A third edition,* also considerably enlarged, was published in 
1834, which extended to 548 pages, 108 more than the second. The same year produced 
Kfowrthf with a few corrections, but without altering the nitniher of the edition in the 
title-page. iLjlftht which stands numbered as x\iQ fourth j appeared in 1835, with the 
addition of a catalogue of all the principal Indian tribes, arranged alpl^abetically. 
This was drawn, at great expense of time, from an incredible number of sources. The 
■econd edition had been stereotyped, to the original cost of which great expense had 
been added in corrections and additions, considerably exceeding the profits which had 
aocraed, and I was now beginning to console myself that very little, if any thing, more 
would be required by way of additions or corrections, and that I should soon l^gin to 
deriye some small aavantage from it, as it had been tolerably well received ; but I found 
I had "reckoned without my host; " for, on the night of the 30th of September, 1835» 
the whole was consumed b^* fire. This was quite discouraging. However, I soon de- 
termined to stereotype it anew. Thus taking advantage oi what I had considered a 
great misfortune, I began to revise the whole throughout. Parts were rewritten, and 
additions made in almost every page, and the page itself was enlarged, although one 
of the pages of the former editions contained as much reading as two octavo pages in 
the common type. Besides this enlargement of the pages, their number was extended 
to 9ix hundred. Such were the preparations for the sixth (though printed as the fifth) 
edition, an impression of which was issued in 1836. The next year produced a seventh. 
This was the same as the preceding, excepting a few important corrections. I come 
now to the eighth and present edition, which has received vor)' important enlargements 
in the three last books, amounting to more than one hundred paqes ; and it maybe 
proper to note, that all after nages 143 of Book III., 96 of Book IV., 168 of Book V., 
are additions to what has been before published. And the catalogue of the tbibks 
has been enlarged to more than twice its original amount. It is now submitted with 
all its imperfections ; and, although I hope to multiply the number of editions, I have 
no intention of further enlarging the work. 

This edition has been delayed many months in consequence of a hope I had enter- 
tained of living to be assured that the Florida war was at an end. That time may now 
be considered to have arrived. On the events oi that war, as will J[>e seen, I have been 
full and particular ; and, if events of importance have escaped me, it was not because 
I had not used great exertions to possess myself of them. If, however, a doubt should 
be raised upon this head, I would refer the skeptical reader to a document published 
by order of the U. S. Senate in 1840, purporting to be a report of the secretary of war, 
** showing the massacres committed and the property destroyed by the hostile Indians 
in Florida " since 1835, where a comparison may be made between what I have pub- 
lished, and the amount of information in the possession of the war department. 

The history of the wrongs and sufferings of the Cherokees has been an important 
addition to this edition ; and, whatever judgments may be pronounced upon it by the 
present generation, I shall remain silent, under the consciousness that I have done no 
m|ustice to the parties concerned. I have been an observer through the whole course 
of it, and registered events as they passed. I have not used a dirk in the dark, but 
the broadsword in open day, with fair warning to the adversary. ** Let those who 
undertake prepare to undergo." 

• As the word eiitCion in the title-psK* of a book now-a-days may mean any thing or nothing, 
when a number stands before it. I will Juit observe that my flnrt edition consisted of 1,500 copie*. 
the sseond of 9,000, the third of 500, the fourth, fifth, and sixth of 1,000 each, and the seventh ot 




Obioin, AitTKtumsa, UAHxisi i 
CtrsToiU, 4c, OP — " " 

pliaf of Adm . , _ 

Itn of tk* HiaHn, Cnatvmi, TigdiUoiu, aaiJ 

AfltiaaUtu arilH laakiiu. ^4 

Oinr. IV- AiHiicu uliquillu— Ptv ladlui 
iBlldBiliu— or moaBdi ud Ibaii cooWnli. 
AeeiKul oT Ukm ia Ciaoinaui— In tlis Miu 
couatiT-'Worhi •unoaftd ta htte btoit bai 
fbr denficaa w fivnlfleulou^-flama At Piqaft- 


ti tluillua— MUM— D«t4«l<l— Sii nil 

BOOK n. ' 


Cur. I. CdoJum of (ba aulf n>jt{<» tDnud. 

Chip. IJ. Arrlrti and finl pnwoffdiqfB of tbe 
Eafliib-irlio MIlo at Flimoatb— Ttalr fli 
dimmr of Isdiuu— Tlwir Bin butJa »i 
tbHB — SiiHiHl — aqgiDla — UwiKilt ai 

Chit. III. Soom icuaot of thi HuHflhaHi 

— CWkaUobwI^Karopilucli— Hii^ war "•' 

Uh Holiawki- I< 

ClUK IV. Of til* (rut Hlbin of Ihs Nimni 
Mtta— OasnaBbT of their noalrr— Canonlci 
— lliaataBeafHC— Hbi rdatlona- AM> tb« En. 
lU la dHtroTlnt Ika Fiiigniti— Setli Bboc 
I— Hit difflenhin with iha Eaillah— V> 
-Hia mBrndiUnilr aod Indemndcat 
HI uddiub— Cini 

thp WRrD[taiiDaf Lani^BjB 

Pbilif— Hit ^tt~ttim^^,^u thtEoMS, 
and iDdluB andtr Cnpuin Psirw— K^u and 
daitrora hit whola c 

Hpatoh to hi! cipton— b ■ivcniwl ud kii bgdj 
buml — Cuaulimuiian — Caupaiil— Hooo. 

a nn^'an in Pllmoulli-Tjailu— Oll.r ^juaft 
•aJ laeidcBIv .330 

ndaaTori to tB(>(a hstuihM 
aaallT In |1h> jBwor of pflllp— 
liurch — Boma paniculan of Mr 

— Hiaaon Qdii)iu])i— Chicli 
PaliKt— CooplualafaiuH V 

Liftiih annr ia Narrafaaatl-Kitla uraral of 
thsB--TlHr iHitD a (irriaoD, and kill Mam 
fwrwioa— A liiffie in Indiao prltoncn— Tha 
bumlnf of Behgboth and ProtldciHiii—lsfeB'i 
diti^iirts wilh R™or Williama-I. kill«l— 
SiCanura John— I^ls of Ualiunat— Ful U 
dnUi on Hmioh Cumnon—Hii ion han«id Rir 

Villlcd b; ElLol in lUM—AnDe^to— Felar J>. 

Ik*", SST 

iHiT. VI. Priandlf Indiana— CtpUin Amoa— 
Eaeapea tb* •lanihtir at Pnuct- 
sttDdi I eampany la tba eaatara war 
Lifktrinl— Hia itiTicai in Pkir'-'- - 

Um liuiana in Nav Hajapablra 
liau of Ilia baihaba— PitWiat in 

BOOK m. 


EnoLi.i(i> Indiakb, 

CH'f. T- Wampanongcbiafr— Aleinndar — Eiranta 
_i.i.k u .. .L. -'i PhUil^Hiillti«- 

amch to kia p«a;>l4— Petiiioiia tba coon of 
Uajaathuaalta — Laoda allotted to bbn — Eaf liata 
aODda a rbrco to dimtm bun — Tbair laara M k[a 
inuiiT uornundBd— Tbai lain ud ill (real bia 
OB— lla aKuwa—TVadUhna aoaHmlat him— 
~]a litiulioa iB FbllirHa war— 
Itan (eat kim b] tke Eoiliib 

. ^ ■laUIkawildaniaaa-MDaalT 

ron fail TiNaf^lBBriioncd fiit dabt-— Fa- 
dniatiaallir— A apaecb— WabaBowinwIt, 
—^..HB of Now Hunpahire— RoUnfasod— Hia 
ulH or ksd in Htine-Monqulno-KanoeUa 
— Auiminaiiiua— Abbi^unt— Tkeir naidaB- 
ctt and ai)« of land— MalAnebolr IkU (f 

Gbooonia, i^r 

Ciur. VIII. Sqnasdo, iaoh 



the town of Saco — Singular account of him hj a 
ooDtomporarj — The ill treatment of ht« wife a 
eaoae of war— His humanity in testoring a cap- 
tiro — Madokawando— Causes of his hostility — 
Animinasqua — Uis speech— Speech of Tarum- 
kin — Mugg — Is carried to Boston to ezcoute a 
traaty— Is MadolLawando's ambassador— Re- 
Itaae of Thoman Cobbet — Madokawando*s kind- 
nets to prisoners — Moxus attacks Wells and is 
beaten olf— Attacked the next year by the In- 
diana under Modokawando and a company of 
Frenchmen— Are repulsed with great loss — In- 
oidentj of the siege — Mons. Castiens— A further 
account of Muxus — VVonungonet — Assacambuit 
—Further account of Mugg— His death— Sy- 
roon, Andrew, Jeolfrey, Pelt-r, and Joseph— Ac- 
count of their depredations — Life of Kankama- 
ffua— Treated with neglect— Flies his country- 
Becomes an enemy-— Surprise of Dover and 
morder of Major WiUdron — Masandowet — Wo- 
rombo— His fort captured by Church— Kankam- 
Bgut*s wife and •children taken — Uopehuod — 
Conspicuous in the massacre at Salmon Fall^ — 
Hia death — Maltuhando — Megunneway, . . . .286 

CHar. IX. Bomazeen— Treachery of the whites 
towards him — Is imprisoned at Boston — Saves 
the life of a female captive — Captures Saco— 
la killed— Arruhawikwabemt— His capture antl 
death-— Egeromet— Seized ut Pcmmaquid — Bar- 
barously murdered — 'i'reachery of Chubb— Its 
lequltal— Captain Tom — Surprises Hampton— 
Deny— His fort captured by Colonel Church— 
£?eDts of Church's expedition -Captain Simmo 
— ^Treau with the English at Casco— His speech 
— Wattanummon— Ciiptain Samuel — His fight 
at Damaris Cove — He{ran — One of the name bar- 
barously destroyed l»y tlie whites — Mogg— 
Westbrook burns Nc-rijfwok — Some account of 
the Jesuit Rasle— Moulton's expedition to Ner- 
igwok— Death of Mogg— Death uf Father Rasle 
— Notice of Moulton — Charlevoix's account of 
thia affair — Paugua— Bounty offered for Indian 
•ealpa— Captain John LovoweU's first expcdi- 
tion— His second hunt for Indians— Falls in with 
Paugua— Fights him and is slain — Incidents-- 
Songa oompoMod on the event, 303 

CuAT. X. The St. Francis Indiana— Rogers's ex- 
pedition against them— Philip— Sabatis — Ar- 
Bold*t expedition— Natanis — The modern Pe- 
nobaeota — Aitteon — Neptune — Capt. Francis — 
Buaup murders an Englishman — Specimen of the 
PenoDBoot language — Rowles— His prophecy — 
Blind Will— Killed by the Mohawks— Asaocom- 
bttit^Visitt Franco and is knighted t»v the king 
— Attacks and burns Haverhill— His tfeathf.318 

Chafi XL DesUuction of Deerfield, and capliv- 
itY of Reverend John Williams and family, in 
1704, 335 

Chap. XII. Various incidents in the history of 
the New England Indians, embracing several 
important events, with a sequel to some pre- 
▼iooa memoirs, 3^ 


Biography and History op the 
Southern Indians. 

Chap. I. Preliminary observations respecting the 
country of the suutheni Indians — Winona, the 
firat Virginia chief known to tlio English— De- 
■troys the first colony settled there — Menatonon 
— Skiko— Ensenore — Second colony abandons 
the country— Tobacco first carried to England 
— Oranganemco— His kindnesaes — His family — 
Hia death—Powhatnn — Boundaries of his coun- 
try—Surprises the Payankatanks — Captain 
0mith fights hia people — Opekankanough takes 
Smith prisoner — Takes him to Powhatan, who 
eondemaa him to be put to death — Smith's life 
•aved at the intercesaion of Pocahontas — Inao- 
leoce of Powhaton increased by Newport's folly 
—Smith bring* him to terms — A crown sent over 
to Powhatan from England — Is crowned em- 
pofor — Speech— Uses stratagems to kill Smith 
—la baffled in every attempt— Smith risita him 

-Speeches— Pocahontas again saves Smith and 
his comrades from being murdered by her fiither 
— Tomocomo, 343 

Chap. II. Reflection upon tlie character of Pow- 
hatan — Pocahontas — She singularly entertaina 
Captain Smith — Disaster of a boat's crew — 
Smith's attempt to s*]rprise Powhatan frus- 
trated in consequence — Pocahontas saves the 
life of Wyffin — Betrayed into the hands of the 
English— -Japazaws — Mr. Kolfe marries Poca- 
hontas — Opachisco— Pocahontaft viHits England 
— Her interview with Smith — Dies at Gravesend 
— Her son — Opekankanough — Made prisoner by 
Smith — Is set at libertv — Conducts the mas- 
sacre of 1 023— Plots the extirpation of the 
English — Conducts the horrid massiirre of 1644 
— Is taken priBoner — His conduct upon the oc- 
casion — Barbarously wounded by the guard — 
Last speech, and magnanimity in death — Re- 
flcction;! — Nickotawanro — Ttitopotonioi — Joins 
the English aj^ninst the Rechahecrians — Is de- 
feated and slam, •• ..355 

Chap. 111. Of the Creek Indiana — Mnsko^ces — 
Prohibit the use of ardent spirits — Their rise 
and importance — Their origin — CatawbHs — 
Chikasaus — Cherokees — A mcKle of flattening 
their heads — Complexion lighter than other 
Indians — Bominoles — Riiins at Oakmulgee 
Fields— Expedition of Soto— He kills 9U00 In- 
dians — Liuidonniere — llourgfs' oxpedrtTbn" — 
Grijalva — Moj^oy made emperor of the Cher- 
okees— Sir Alexander Cumming — His travels 
among the Cherokees — Seven chiefs accompany 
him lo England — Attakullakulhi— Skijagustah 
— His speech to the king — His death, 363 

Chap. IV. Sottleinfnt of Carolina and Georgia 
— Tomochiohi receives the English — Goes to 
En;;lund with General Oglethorpe — Makes a 
sp«'ech to the kinjf— His denlh — vVar with the 
Spaniards — Outacilio — MaJanhty — Attokullo- 
kulla— Indians murdered— Attukullakulla pre- 
vents retaliation upon whites in his power — 
Cherokee war begins — Governor Littleton's 
expedition — ImpriMons their Ambassadors — 
They are massacred — Colonel Montgomery sent 
against them — Battle near Keowee — Chero- 
kees tike Fort i«ondon— Silouc — Saves the 
life of Colonel Byrd— Colonel Grant sub<Iuc8 the 
Cherokee!*, and they make peace with the 
VVhiifs— Chlucco, 369 

Chap. V. Moncachtape, the Vaxoo— Narrative 
of his adventures to the Pacific Ocean — Grand 
sun, chief of the Nalchox — Receive great in- 
justice from the French — Concerts their de- 
struction— 700 French are cut oflf— War with 
them— The Natchez destroyed in their turn — 
Great-Mortar— M'Gillivroy— His birth and edu- 
cation — Visits New York — Troubles of his na- 
tion — Hia death— Tame-king— Mad-dog, ...380 

Chap. VI. Weatherford— His character and 
country — The corner-stone of the Creek confed- 
eracy — Favors the designs of Tecumseh— Cap- 
tures Fort Mimms — Dreadful massacre— Snb- 
iection of the Crceks;— Weatherford surrenders 
himselt— His speeches- M'Intosh — Aids the 
Americans — Battle of Autosi«ee — Great slaugh- 
ter of the Indians— Battle of the Horse-shoe- 
bend — I^te troubles in the Creek nation — 
M'Intosh makes illegal sale cf lands — Exe- 
cuted for breaking the laws of his country — 
Menawway — Tnstenuggp — Hawkins —Chilly 
M'Intosh, son of William— Marriage of hia sit- 
ter — Lovett,. •• 388 

Chap. VII. Creek war continued— Vi«'w of the 
Creek country — General Jackson ordered out 
against them— Relieves Chinnaby— SbelokU— 
Path-killer— Capture of Litufutche— The Tal- 
lushatches destroyed by General Cofl^-e— 
Battle of Talladega — Anecdote — Massacre of 
the Hallibees— Forther account of Autossee 
bottle — Battle of Camp Defiance— Timpoochie 
—Battle of Eckanakaka—Poshamata— Weath- 
erford — Jim Fife — Battle of Emukfau — A sec- 
ond battle— Fife's intrepidity— Battle bf Ecioto- 
chopko— Tobopoka^End m tbe Creek war— 


• •: 

• •••« 


• •••• 

• • • 

• •• •• 

• • • 

• • • • 





• .X 







An attempt is made, in the following Table, to locate the various bands of 
Aborigines, ancient and modern, and to convey the best infbnnation respect- 
ing their numbers our multifarious sources will warrant Modem writers 
have been, for several vears, endeavorinsf to divide North America into cer- 
tain districts, each of which should include all the Indians speaking the same, 
or dialects of the same, lans^uage ; but whoever has paid any attention to the 
subject, must undoubtedly nave been convinced that it can never be done 
with any degree of accuracy. This has been undertaken in reference to an 
approximation of the ^eat question of the ori^n of this people, from a com- 
parison of the various languages used among tiiem. An unwritten languajgre 
IS easily varied, and there can be no barrier to innovation. A continual m- 
termixingr of tribes has gone on from the period of their origin to the present 
time, judging from what we have daily seen ; and when any two tribes unite, 
speakingf different languages, or dialects of the same, a new dialect is pro- 
duced by such amalgamation. Hence the accumulation of vocabularies 
would be like the pursuit of an infinite series in mathematics ; with this 
difference, however — in the one we recede from the object in pursuit, while 
in the other we approach it But I would not be understood to speak dispar- 
agingly of this attempt at classification ; for, if it be unimportant in the main 
design, it will be of considerable service to the student in Indian history on 
other accounts. Thus, the Vi^httB are said to speak a primitive language, 
and they were districted in a small territory south of the Cherokees ; but» 
some 200 years ago, — if they then existed as a tribe, and their tradition be 
true, — thejr were bounded on the north by one of the great lakes. And 
they are said to be descended firom the Shawanees by some of themselves. 
We know an important conmiunity of tliem is still in existence in Florida. 
Have they created a new language in the course of their wanderings ? or 
have those from whom they separated done so ? Such are the difficulties we 
meet with at every step of a classification. But a dissertation upon these 
matters cannot now be attempted. 

In the following analysis, the names of the tribes have been ^nerally given 
in the singular number, for the sake of brevity ; and the wo]3 IndianSy after 
such names, is omitted firom the same cause. Few abbreviations have been 
used : — W. R., toest of the Body MomUaina ; m., miles ; r., river; 1., lake ; 
and perhaps a few others. In some instances, reference is made to the body 
of the work, where a more extended account of a tribe is' to be found. Such 
references are to the Book and Page, the same as in the Index. 

Abekas, probably Muskoffees, under the French at Tombeckbee in 1760. 
Abenakibs, over Maine till 1754, then went to Canada ; 200 in 1689 ; 150 in 1780. 
Absoboka, (MinetareO S. branch Yellowstone ; lat. 46o, Ion. 105° ; 45,000 in 1834. 
AccoxESAW, W. side Colorado, about 200 m. S. W. Nacogdoches, in 1806. 
AcoMAK, one of the six tribes in Virginia when settled by the English in 1607. 
Adaizb, 4 m. firom Nachitoches, on lAke Macdon : 40 men in 1805. 
Adibokdaxs, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence ; 100 in 1786. 




Affaooula, small clan in 1783, on Mississippi r., 8 m. above Point Coud^. 
AOAWOM, (Wampanoags,) at Sandwich, Mass. ; others at Ipswich, in 1620, &c. 
Ahwahawat, TMinetare,) S. W. Missouri 1820, 3 m. above Man dans ; 200 in 1805. 
AlOUES, S. of tne Missouri, and N. of the Padoucas ; 1,100 in 1760. 
Alanbak, (Fall,) head branches S. fork Saskashawan ; 2,500 in 1804. 
Aloonkin, over Canada ; from low down the St. Lawrence to Lake of the "Woods. 
Aliatan, three tribes in 1805 among the Rocky Mountains, on heads Platte. 
Aliche, near Nacogdoches in 1805, then nearly extinct ; spoke Caddo. 
Allakaweah, (Paunch,) both sides Yellowstone, heads Big Horn r. ; 2,300 in 1805. 
Allibama, (Creeks.) formerly on that r., but removed to Red River in 1764. 
Amalistes, (Algonkins,) once on St. Lawrence ; 500 in 1760. 
An ASAOUNTAKOOK, (Abenaki,) on sources Androscoggin, in Maine, till 1750. 
Andastes, once on S. shore Lake Erie, S. W. Senccas, who destroyed them in 1672. 
Apaches, (Lapane,) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaccs r. ; 3,500 in 1817. 
Apalachicola, once on that r. in W. Florida ; removed to Red River in 1764. 
Appalouba, aboriginal in the country of their name ; but 40 men in 1805. 
AaUANUSCHiONi, the name by which the Iroquois knew themselves. 
A&APAHAS, S. side main Canada River ; 4,000 in 1836, on Kanzas River. 
ARMOUCHiauois, or Makachite, (Abenaki,) on River St. John, New Brunswick. 
A&BEN AMUSE, ou St. Antonio River, near its mouth, in Texas ; 120 in 1818. 
Absinnaboin, (Sioux,) between Assinn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1836. 
Atenas, in a village with the Faculli in 1836, west of the Rocky Mountains. 
Athapascow, about the shores of the great lake of their name. 
Atnas, (Ojibewas,^ next S. of the Atha^ascow, about lat. 57° N., in 1790. 
Attacapas, in a district of their name in Louisiana ; but 50 men in 1805. 
Attapuloas, (Seminoles,) on Little r., a branch of Oloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls. 
Attikamioubs, in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1670. 
Avcosisco, (Abenaki,) between the Saco and Androscoggin River in 1630, &c. 
AuOHQUAOA, on K branch Susquehannah River ; 150 in 1768 ; since extinct. 
Atauais, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, S. E. side ; 800 in 1805. 
Atutans, 8,000 m 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains. 

Bataoouul, W. bank Mississippi, opposite the Colipasa ; important in 1699. 
Bboies, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches ; 100 in 1805. 
Bio-DETILS, (Tonktons,) 2,500 in 1836 ; about the heads of Red River. 
BiLOXi, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 1699 ; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed. 
Blackfebt, sources Missouri ; 30,000 in 1834 ; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838. 
Blanche, (Bearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri in 1820. 
Blue-mud, W., and in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains in 1820. 
Baothebton, near Oneida Lake ; composed of various tribes ; 350 in 1836. 

Caddo, on Red River in 1717, powerful ; on Sodo Bay in 1800 ; in 1804, 100 men. 
Cadodache, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. above the Nechez ; 60 in 1820. 
Cafwas, or AAIWA, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830. 
Calasthocle, N. Columbia, on the Pacific, next N. the Chillates ; 200 in 1820. 
Callimix, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. N. Columbia River ; 1,200 in 1820. 
Camanches, (Shoshone,) warlike and numerous ; in interior of Texas. 
Canarsee, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica. 
Cances, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Orand r., toward Vera Cms. 
Canibas, (Abenaki,) numerous in 1607, and after ; on both sides Kennebeck River. 
Cabankoua, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana ; 1,500 in 1805. 
Cabeb, on the coast between the Nuaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817. 
Cabrie&s, (Nateotetains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders. 
Castahana, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone ; 6,000 in 1805. 
Cataka, between N. and S. forks of Chien River ; about 3,000 in 1804. 
Catawba, till late, on their river in S. Carolina ; 1,500 in 1743, and 450 in 1764. 
CatHLACUMUPS, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i. : 450 in 1820. 
Cathlakahikit, at the rapids of the Columbia, 160 m. up ; 900 in 1820. 
Cathlakamaps, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820. 
Cathlamat, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River ; 600 in 1820. 
Cathlanamenamex, on an island in mouth of Wallaumut River ; 400 in 1820. 
Cathlanaquiah, (Wappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island ; 400 in 1820. 
Cathlapootle, on Columbia Kiver^pposite the Cathlakamaps ; 1,100 in 1820. 
Cathlapooya, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. 
Cathlasko, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Chippanchikchiks. 
Cathlathla, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakahikits. 
Cathlath, 600 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. 
Cattanahaw, between the Saskashawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805. 
Cauohnewaoa, places where Christians lived were so called. 
Chactoo, on Red River ; in 1805, but 100 ; indigenous : always lived there. 
Ghaouanons, the French so called the Shawanese ; (Chowans ?) 
Cheboee, (Cherokees,) 50 to 80 m. S. of them ; called also Mid. Settlement, 1780. 
Chehaws, small tribe on Flint River, destroyed by (Georgia militia in 1817. 
Chipetan, claim from Ut. 60^ to 65°, Ion. lOOo to 110° W. ; 7,500 in 1812. 
Chbbokbb, in Oeorgia, 8. Carolina, &o., till 1896; tlien forced beyond the MituM. 



Chbskitalowa, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, W. ride Chattahoochee. 
Chibn, (Dog,) near the sources Chien River ; SOO in 1805 ; 200 in 1820. 
Chihbelbesh, 40 m. N. of Columbia River ; 1,400 in 1820. 

Chickasaw, between heads of Mobile River in 1780 ; once 10,000 ; now in Arkansaf . 
CHiPFAMCHiKCHncB, 60 in 1820, N. side Columbia River, 220 m. from its mouth. 
Chixahomini, on Matapony River, Va., in 1661 ; but 3 or 4 in 1790 ; now extinct. 
Chikaxauoas, on Tennessee River^ 90 m. below the Cherokees, in 1790. 
Chillates, 150 in 1820, on the Pacific, N. Columbia River, beyond the Quieetsos. 
CHiLLUKiTTEauAU, ou the Columbia, next below the Narrows : 1,400 in 1820. 
Chiltz, N. of Columbia River, on the Pacific, next N. of the KilUxthocles. 
Chimkahpux, on Lewis River, N. W. ride of the Columbia ; 1,800 in 1820. 
Chinm ooiL, on N. side Columbia River ; in 1820, about 400 in 28 lodges. 
Chippbwas, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the N., very nomeroos. 
Chitimioba, on W. bank Miss. River in 1722 ; once powerful, then slaves. 
Choktaw, S. of the Creeks ; 15,000 in 1812 ; in 1848 m Arkansas. 
Chopunnish, on Kooskooskee River ; 4,300 in 1806, in 73 lodges. 
Chowakok, (Shawapese?) in N. Carolina, on Rennet's Creek, in 1708; 3,000 in 1680. 
Chowans, £. of the Tuscaroras in N. Carolina ; 60 join the Tuscaroras in 1720. 
Ch&istxnaux, only another spelling of Knutemaux, which see. 
Clahclbllah, 700 in 1820, on the Columbia River, below the rapids. 
CuLKSTAB, W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia at Wappatoo Island. 
Claxoctomicr, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chiltz ; 260 in 1820. 
Clanixatas, on the S. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 200 in 1820, W. R. 
Clannabxinixuns, S. W. ride of Wappatoo Island : 280 in 1820, W. R. 
Clatsops, about 2 m. N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 1,300 in 1820. 
CI.ABKAXES, on a river of their name flowing into the Wallaumut ; 1,800 in 1820. 
Cnbis, on a river flowing into Sabine Lake, 1690 ^ the Coenis of Hennepin, probably. 
CoHAXiBS, nearly destroyed in Pontiak's time ; m 1800, a few near Lake Winnebago. 
CoLAPissAS, on'£. bank Mississippi in 1720, opposite head of Lake Pontchartrain. 
CoNCHATTAB Came to Appalousas m 1794, from £. the Mississ. ; in 1801, on Sabine. 
CoNOA&BBS, a small tribe on Congaree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since gone. 
CoNOTB, perhaps Kanhawas, being once on that river ; (Canais, and variations.) 
CoouLOO-oosE, 1,500 in 1806, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., and S. of Killawatt. 
CooPSPELLAB, on a river falline into the Columbia, N. of Clark's ; 1,600 in 1806. 
Coot ADAS, (Creeks,) once rerioed near the River Tallapoosie. 
CoppEB, so called from their copper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north. 
CoBEES, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus Jbtiver, N. Carolina, in 1/00, and subsequently. 
CoBONKAWA, on St. Jacintho River, between Trinity and Brazos ; 350 in 1820. 
CowLiTSZCK, on Columbia River, 62 m. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820. 
Cbbbks, jMuscogees,) Savannah r. to St. Augustine, thence to Flint r., 1730. 
Cbees, (Lynx, or Cat,) another name of the Knistenaux^ or a part of them. 
Cbows, (Absorokas,) S. branches of the Yellowstone River; 45,000 in 1834. 
CuTSAHNix, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820. 

Dahoota, or DocoTA, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. 

Belawabe, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay; 500 in 1750. 

BiNONDADiES, (HuTous,) same called by the French Tionontaties. 

DoEOS, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1675. 

DooBiBS, (Blackfeet,) but speak a different language. 

Dogs, the Chiens of the French. See Cuien. 

DoTAXB, 120 in 1805 ; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country. 

Eakuses. See Exusas. 

EcHEXiNS, (Canoe-men.) on R. St. Johns ; include Passamaquoddies and St. Johns. 

Edistoes, in S. Carolina in 1670 ; a place still bears their name there. 

ExusAS, (Seminoles,) W. ride Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the Wekisas ; 20 in 1820. 

Enbsuu&bs, at the great Narrows of the Columbia ; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges. 

Ebies, along £. side of Lake Erie, destroved bv the Iroquois about 1654. 

EsAWS, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably. 

EsKELOOTS, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia. 

EsQUiXAUX, all along the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of 60o N. lat. 

Etohussewaxxes, (Semin.,) on ChatUhoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Gaines ; 100 in 1820. 

Facullies, 100 in 1820 ; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. 54^, Ion. 125o W. 
Fall, so called from their residence at the falls of the Kooskooskee. See Alans aB8. ] 
Five Nations, Mohawks, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Oneidas ; which see. 
Flat-Heads, (Tutseewas,) on a large river W. R. ; on S. fork Columbia r. 
FoLLBS Ayoines, the French so caUed the Menominies. 
Fond du Lac, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes. 
Fowl-towns, (Seminoles,) 12 m. E. Fort Scott ; about 300 in 1820. 
FoxBS, (Ottagamies,) called Renards by the French ; dispossessed by B. Hawk's war. 

Oanawbsb, on the heads of Potomac River ; same as Kankaways, probably. 

Oathbad, Martha's Vineyard ; 200 in 1800 ; in 1820, 340. 

QsLkxn Bras, oa QuaA r.» K. ride L. Ontario ; Mohawks, Souocm, and oth. ; 2,000. 


Orgs Yentbbs, W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 1806 ; in 1834, 3|000. ' 

Hare-foot, next S. of the Esquimaux, and in perpetual war with them. 
Hallibbes, a tribe of Creeks, destroyed in 1813. 

Hannakallal, 600 in 1820, on Pacific, S. Columbia, next beyond the Luckkarso. 
Hassan AXE8ITS, a tribe of Nipmuks, embraced Christianity in 1660. 
HiHiGHENiMMO, 1,300 in 1820, from mouth of Lastaw River, up it to the forks. 
Hellwits, 100 m. along the Columbia, from the falls upward, on the N. side. 
Herring Pond, a remnant of Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass. ; about 40. 
HiBTANS, (Camanches.) erratic bands ; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red River. 
HiNi, (Cadodache,) ^ in 1820, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte. 
Hitchittebs, once on Chattahoochee r. ; 600 now in Arkansas ; speak Muskogee. 
HoHiLPOS, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1820, above great falls on Clark's River. 
HuxAS, (Oumas,) *'Red nation," in Ixsussees Parish, La., in 1805, below Manchak. 
HuRONS, (Wyanaots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and N. gt. lakes; subd. by Iroq., 1650. 

Illinois, <*the lake of men/* both sides Illinois r. ; 12.000 in 1670; 60 towns in 1700. 
Inies, or Tacuibs, [Texas ?1 branch Sabine ; 80 men in 1806; speak Caddo. 
lowAYS, on loway River before Black Hawk's war; 1,100 beyond the Mississippi 
Iroquois, 1606, on St. Lawrenc<), below Quebec ; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Mus. 
ISATis, sometimes a name of tl<e Sioux before 1755. 
Ithktexamits, 600 in 1820, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskos. 

Jelan, one of the three tribes of Camanches, on sources Brazos, Del Norte, &c. 

Kadafaus, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707. 

Kahunkles, 400 in 1820, W. Rockv Mountains ; abode unknown. 

Kaloosas, a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct. 

Kanenavish, on the Padoucas' fork of the Platte ; 400 in 1805. 

Kanhawas, Ganawese or Canhaways ; on the River Kanhawa, formerly. 

Kansas, on the Arkansas River ; about 1,000 in 1836 ; in 1820, 1,850. 

Kaskaskias, (lUin.) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 250 in 1797. 

Kabkayas, between sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains ; 3,000 in 1836. 

Kattbka, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See Padoucas. 

Kebkatsa, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Big Horn r. ; 3,500 in 1805. 

Kbyche, E. branch Trinity River in 1806 ; once on the Sabine ; 260 in 1820. 

KiAWAS, on Padouca River, beyond the Kites ; 1,000 in 1806. 

Kioene, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1821, under the chief Skittegates. 

KiXAFOO, formerly in Illinois ; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mississippi. 

Killaxuk, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean ; about 1,000. 

Killavitat, in a large town on the coast of the Pacific, £. of the Luktons. 

Killaxthocles, 100 in 1820, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N. side. 

KixoENiMS, a band of the Chopunnish, on Lewis's River ; 800 in 1820, in 33 clans. 

Kinai, about Cook's Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. 

Kites, (Stactans,) between sources Platte and Rocky Mountains; about 500 in 1820. 

KiSKAKONS inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680 ; a Huron tribe. 

Knistenauic, on Assinnaboin River: 5,000 in 1812; numerous; women comely. 

KONAOENS, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58^^, Ion. 152o W. 

KooK-KOO-oosE, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats ; 1,500 in 1835. 

KusxARAWAOKS, one of six tribes on E. shore of Chesapeak in 1607 ; (Tuscaroras ?) 

Lahanna, 2,000 in 1820, both sides Columbia, above the mouth of Clark's River. 

Lapannb. See Afaches. 

Lartiblo, 600 in 1820, at the falls of Lastaw River, below Wayton Lake. 

Leaf, (Sioux,) 600 in 1820, on the Missouri,- above Prairie du Chien. 

Leech River, about 350 in 1820, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46<> 9' N. 

Lbnna Lenape, once from Hudson to Delaware River ; now scattered in the West. 

LiPANis, 800 in 1816, from Rio Grande to the interior of Texas ; light hair. 

LoucHEUx, next N. of the Esquimaux, or S. of lat. 67° 1-5' N. 

LuKAWis, 800 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. 

LuKKAiiso, 1,200 in 1820, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., beyond the Shallalah. 

LvKTONs, 20 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. 

Machafunqas, in N. Carolina in 1700 ; practised circumcision. 

Mandans, 1,250 in 1805, 1200 m. fm. mouth of Misso. ; 1838, reduced to 21 by sm. pox. 
Manqoaos, or Tuteloes, (Iroquois,) Nottoway River, formerly; now extinct. 
Manhattans, (Mohicans,) once on the island where New York city now stands. 
Mannahoaks, once on the upper waters of the Rappahannock r. ; extinct long ago. 
Marachites, (Abenakies,) on the St. John's ; a remnant remains. 
Marsapeaoues, once on Long Island, S. side of Oyster Bay ; extinct. 
Harshpees, (Wampanoags,) 315 in 1832; Barnstable Co., Mass. ; mixed with blacks. 
Mascoutins, or Fire Ind., beiw. Mississ. and L. Michigan, 1665 ; (Sacs and Foxes ?^ 
Massachusetts, the state perpetuates their name. 

Massa wombs, (Iroquois,) once spread over Kentucky. 
Mathlanors, (hX) in 1820, on an island in the mouth of 

Wallaumnt BiTor, W. B. 


Matss, 600 in 1805, St. Gabriel Creek, mouth of Outdaioope River, Loaiiiana. 
MsNOMiNiKS, (AlffonkinsO once on Illinois r. ; now 300 W; Biissistippi. 
HBUA88A0NS8, 2,000 in 1764, N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior. 
MiAXiB, (Algbnkins,) once on the r. of their name ; now 1,500, beyond the Missisf. 
HIKA8AUJUB8, (Seminoles,) about 1,000 in 1821 : very warlike. 
MiKXAXS, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 1760, in Nova Scotia ; the Suriquois of the French. 
MixsuKABALTON, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1820, Clark's River, above great falls, W. R. 
MiNBTAJiBS, 2,600 in 1805, 5 m. above the Mandans, on both sides Knife River. 
MiNDAWA&CAHTON, in 1805, on both sides Mississippi, from St. Peter's upward. 
Sf IN00E8, once such of the Iroquois were so called as resided upon the Scioto River. 
MiNSi, Wolf tribe of the Lenna Lenape, once over New Jersey and part of Penn. 
M18SOURIE8, once on that part of the Kiver just below Grand r., in 18^. 
M1TCHIOAMIB8, one of the iive tribes of the Illinois ; location uncertain. 
Mohawks, head of Five Nations ; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now in Canada. 
MoHBOANS, or Moi^KUNMUKS, in 1610, Hudson r. from Esopus to Albany. 
MoNACAifS, (Tuscaroras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is. 
M0NOOULATCHE8, on the W. side of the Mississippi. See jBayaooulas. 
M0NTAONE8, (Algonkins,) N. side St. Law., betw. Saguenay and Tadousac, in 1609. 
M0NTAUK8, on £. end of Lone Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that island. 
MoRATOKS, 80 in 1607 ; 40 in 1669, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia. 
M08QUITO8, once a numerous race on the £. side of the Isthmus of Darien. 
MuLTNOMAHS, (Wappatoo,) 800 in 1820, mouth of Multnomah River, W. R. 
MuNSBYS, (Delawares,) in 1780, N. branch Susquehannah r. ; to the Wabash in 1808. 
Mu8KOOB£8, 17,000 in 1775, on Alabama and Apalachicola Rivers. See B. iv. 

Nabbdachss, (Caddo,) on branch Sabine, 15 m. above the Inies ; 400 in 1805. 
Nabxjos, between N. Mexico and the Pacific: live in stone houses, and manufacture. 
Nandakoks, 120 in 1805, on Sabine, 60 m. W. of the Yattassees ; (Caddo.) 
Nantikokes, 1711, on Nantikoke River ; 1755, at Wyoming ; same year went west 
Nabcotah, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. 
Nabsaoansbts, S. side of the bay which perpetuates their name ; nearly extinct. 
NASHUAT8, (Nipmuks,) on that river from its mouth, in Massachusetts. 
Natchez, at Natchez ; discovered, 1701 ; chiefly destroyed by French, 1720. 
Natchitoches, once at that place ; 100 in 1804 ; ^ow upon Red River. 
Natbotbtains, 200 in 1820, W. R., on a river of their name, W. of the Facullies. 
Natiks, (Nipmuks,) in Massachusetts, in a town now called after them. 
Nbchacokb, (Wappatoo,) 100 in 1820, S. side Columbia, near Quicksand r., W. R. 
Nbbkebtoo, 700 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. of the Columbia, beyond the Touicone. 
Nbmalquinnbb, (Wappatoo,) 200 in 1820, N. side Wallaumut River, 3 m. up. 
N1ANTIK8, a tribe of the Narragansets, and in alliance with them, p. 131. 
NiOABiAOAS, once about Michilimakinak ; joined Iroquois in 1723, as seventh nation. 
K1PI88IN8, (original Algonkins,) 400 in 17^, near the source of Ottoway River. 
N1PMUK8, eastern intenor of Mass. ; 1,500 in 1775 ; extinct. See p. 82, 104, 164, 275. 
N0BRIDOBWOK8, TAbenakies,) on Penobscot River. See Book iii. 303, 311. 
N0TTOWAY8, on Nottoway River, in Virginia ; but 2 of clear blood in 1817. 
Ntackb, (Mohicans,) or Manhattans, once about the Narrows, In New York. 

Oakmvloes, (Muskogees,) to the £. of Flint River ; about 200 in 1834. 
OcAMECHBS, in Virginia in 1607 ; had before been powerful ; then reduced. 
Ochbbs. See Uchees. — Perhaps Ochesos ; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Ochee Blu£ 
OcoNAS, (Creeks.) See Book iv. 369. 

Ojibwas, (Cbippeways,) 30,000 in 1836, about the great lakes, and N. of them. 
OKATIOKINAN8, (Seminoles.) 580 in 1820, near Fort Gaines, £. side MississippL 
OXAHA8, 2,200 in 1820, on Elkhom River, 80 m. from Council Bluffs. 
Onbzdas, one of the Five Nations ; chief seat near Oneida Lake, New York. 
Onondaoas, one of the Five Nations ; formerly in New York : 300 in 1840. 
O0TLABH0OT9, (Tushepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark's River, W. Rocky Mountains. 
Osaobs, 4,000 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers ; many tribes. 
Otaoamibs, (Winnebagoes,) 300 in 1780, betw. Lake of the Woods and the Mississ. 
Otobs, 1,500 in 1820; in 1805, 500; 15 leagues up the River Platte, on S. side. 
Ottawas, 1670, removed from L. Superior to Michilimakinak ; 2,800 in 1820. 
OuiATANONs, or Waas, (Kikapoos,) mouth of Eel r., Ind., 1791, in a village 3 m. long. 
OuxAS, E. bank Mississippi in 1722, in 2 villages, quarter of a mile from the rivar. 
OWA88I8SA8, (Seminole8,j 100 in 1820, on £. waters of St. Mark's River. 
OzAS, 2,000 in 1750 ; on Ozaw River in 1780, which flows into the Mississippi. 
Oznf IBS, one of the six tribes on £. shore of Maryland and Virginia in I0O7. 

Paoakas, on Quelquechose River, La. ; 80 men in 1805 ; 40 m. S. W. Natchitoches. 
Padovcas, 2,000 warriors in 1724, on the Kansas ; dispersed before 1805. 
Padowaoas, by some the Senecas were so called ; uncertain. 
Pailsh, 200 in 1820, on coast of the Paciflc, N. Columbia r., beyond the Potoashs. 
Palaohbs, a tribe found early in Florida, but long since extinct. 
Pamlico, but 15 in 1708, about Pamlico Sound, in N. Carolina ; extinct. 
Panoas, once on Red Biver, of Winnipee L ; afterwards joined the Omahas. 
Pahu, (Tonieas,) 40 iFilUges in 1750, 8. br. Missouri ; 70 yUUges on Red r., 1755. 



Panxeh. See Allakavteam, 2,300 in 1805, on heads Bie Horn RiTer. 
Pjlscatawats, onee a oonsiderable toibe on the Maryland side Potomac Hirer. • 
Pabcaooulas, 25 men in 1805, on Bed r., 00 m. below Natchitoches ; from florida. 
Passaxaquoddib, on Schoodak r., Me., in Perry Pleasant Point, a small number. 
Paunee, 10,000 in 1820, on the Platte and Kansas ; Republicans, Loupes, and Picts. 
Pawistucibnexuk, 500 in 1820 ; small, brave tribe, in the prairies of Missouri. 
Pawtuokbts, (Nipmuks,) on Merrimac River, where Chelmsford now is ; extinct. 
Peoans, (Nipmuks,) 10 in 1793, in Dudley, Mass., on a reservation of 200 acres. 
Pello ATP ALLAH, (Chopunnish,) 1,600 in 1820, on Kooskooskee r., above forks, W. ^ 
Pbmobscots, (Abenakies,) 330, on an island in Penobscot r., 12 m. above Bangor. 
Pennakooks, (Nipmuks,) along Merrimac r., where is now Concord, N. H., &c. 
Peorias, 97 in 18^, on Current River ; one of the five tribes of the Illinois. 
Pequakets, (Abenakies,) on sources Saco River ; destroyed by English in 1725. 
PBauoTS, about the mouth of Connecticut River ; subdued in 1637. 
Phillimebs, (Seminoles,) on or near the Suane River, Florida, in. 1817. 
P1ANKA8HAW8, 3,000 once, on the Wabash ; in 1780, but 950 ; since driven west. 
PLA.NKATANK, a tribe in Virginia when first settled ; unlocated. 
PiNBSHOW, (Sioux,! 150 in 1820, on the St. Peter's, 15 m. from its mouth. 
PiSHQUiTPAH, 2,600 in 1815, N. side Columbia River, at Muscleshell Rapids, W. R. 
PoTOASH, 200 in 1820, coast Pacific, N. mouth Columbia, beyond Clamoctomichs. 
PoTTOWATTOMiE, 1671) on Noquet i., L. Michigan ; 1681, at Chicago. 
PoWHATANS, 32 tribes spread over Virginia when first discovered by the English. 
PUAMS, the Winnebagoes were so called by the French at one period. 

QuAB ADOS, (Nipmuks,) at a place of the same name, now Brookfield, Mass. 
QuAPAW, 700 in 1820, on Arkansas r., opp. Little Rock ; reduced by sm. pox in 1729. 
QuATHLAUPOHTLES, oa S. W. side Columbia, above mouth Tahwahnahiook River. 
QuATOOHiE, (Wyandots,) once S. side L. Michigan ; sold their lauds to Eng. in 1707- 

QuiEETSOS, on the Pacific ; 250 in 1820 ; N. Columbia r., next N. of the Quiniilts. 
QuiNiiLTS, on coast of the Pacific, N. of Columbia r. ; 250 in 1K20 ; next the Pailshs. 
QuiNNECHART, coast Pacific, next N. Calasthocles, N. Columbia r. ; 2,000 in 18^. 
QuiNNiPissA are those called Bayagoulas by the Chevalier Tonti. 
QuoDDiES. See Passaxaquoddib. — 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 181. . 

Bapids. See Pawistucibnbxuks. 

Redobound, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on Chattahoochie r., 12 m. above Florida line. 

Bedknifb, so called from their copper knives ; roam in the region of Slave Lake. 

Rei>-8TICK, (Seminoles,) the Baton Rouge of the French. 

Bbd-wino, (Sioux,) on Lake Pepin, under a chief of their name ; 100 in 1820. 

RiCA&BE, (Paunees,) before 1805, 10 large vill. on Missouri r. ; retluced by smaU pox. 

River, (Mohegans,) S.«f the Iroouois, down the N. side of Hudson r. 

Round-heads, (Hurons,) E. side Lake Superior ; 2,500 in 1764. 

Ryawas, on ^e Padouca fork of the Missouri ; 900 in 1820. 

Sacudaouohs, (Powhatans,) perhaps the true name of the Powbatans. 

Sankhikans, the Delawares knew the Mohawks by that name. 

Santebs, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701, on a river perpetuating their name. 

Saponies, (Wanamies,) Sapona River, Carolina, in 1700 ; joined Tuscaroras, 1720. 

Satan AS, a name, it is said, given the Shawanees by the Iroquois. 

Sauke, or Sac, united with Fox before 1805 ; then on Mississ., above Illinois. 

Sauteurs, or Fall Indians of the French, about the falls of St. Mary. 

Satannahs, so called from the river, or the river from them ; perhaps Vamasees. 

ScATTAKOOKS, upper part of Troy, N. T. ; went from New England about 1672. 

Sbxinoles have been established in Florida a hundred years. 

Senegas, one of the Five Nations ; " ranged many thousand miles *' in 1700. 

Seponbs, in Virginia in 1775, but a remnant. See Saponibs. 

Sbrranna, (Savannahs ?) in Oeorgia ; nearly destroyed by the Westoes about 1670. 

Sbwbbs, a small tribe in N. Carolina, mentioned by Lawson in 1710. 

Shallalah, 1,200 in 1816, on the Pacific, S. Colombia r. next the Cookkoo-oosee. 

Shallattoos, on Columbia River, above the Skaddals ; 100 in 1820. 

Shanwapponb, 400 in 1820, on the heads of Catacact and Taptul Rivers. 

Shawanb, once over Ohio ; 1672, subdued by Iroquois ; 1,383 near St. Louis in 1820. 

Sheastuklb, 900 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r., next beyond the Youits. 

Shinikgoks, a tribe of Long Island, about what is now South Hampton. 

Shoshoneb, 90,000 in 1820, on plains N. Missouri ; at war with the Blackfeet. 

Shoto, (Wappatoo,) 460 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite mouth of Wallaumut. 

SiCAUNiES, 1,000 in 1820, among the spurs of the Rocky Mountains, W. of the Rapids. 

Sioux, discovered by French, 1660 ; 33,000 in 1820, St. Peter*t, Mississ., and Misso. r. 

SissATONES, upper portions of Red r., of L. Winnipec and St. Peter's, in 1820. 

SinxAOHA. See Chitixioha. 

Sitka, on King George III. Islands, on the coast of the Pacific, about lal 57^ N. 

Six Nations, (Iroquois J Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayusa, ShawaiM'. 

Sxaddals, on CaUraot River, 25 m. N. of the Big Narrows ; 200 in 1820. 

SxsBTSOHiSHi 2,000 in 1820, on a river of their nsnM flowing into the Lastow. 


8KILLOOT, on ColttttibU Riter, frdm Strugeon Island upward ; 2,000 in 1890. 
Skuknemokb, or Tuokapas, on Vennillon RWer, La., 6 leaffuet W. of N. Ib«r&L 
SxoKSBOP. on Columbia r., at the mouth of the liibiche ; 800 in 1820, in 24 clain. 
&stAxa, See Aliataks, or SHOsnoirBSi. 

SoKOKiB, on Saco River, Maine, until 1725, when ther wl^drew to Gaiiada.( 
SoKULK, on the Columbia, abore mou'tii of Lewis's River ; 2,400 in 1^. 
SouiUQVOiB, (Mikmaks,) once so called by the early French. 
Scums, (Ottowas,) a band probably mistaken for a tribe b^ the French. 
SoTEHNOM, (Chopunnish,) on N. side E. fork of Lewis's Rtver ; 400 in 1820 ; W. R. 
Spokain, on sources Lewis's River, over a larse tract of countiy. W. Rocky Mts. 
Squannaboo, on Cataract r., below the Skaddala: 120 in 1820; W. Rocky Mts. 
Staktans, on heads Chien r., with the Kanenavish ; 400 in 1805 : resembte Kiawai, 
Stockbridob, Nbw, (Mohegans and Iroquois,) collected in N. T., 1786 ; 400 in 1820. 
Stockb&idoe, Mass.. (Mohegans,) settled there in 1734 ; went to Oneida in 1788. 
St. John's, (Abenakks,) about 800 still remain on that river. 
SusQUBHANNOK, ou W. shoTc of Md. iu 1007 ; that riverperpetuates their name. 
SussEEs, near sources of a branch of the Saskashawan, w. Rocky Mountains. 
Sykebons, a numerous race, on the £. side oi the Isthmus of Darien. 

Tacullies, " people who go upon water; " on head waters of Frazier's River, La. 

Tahsaoboudib, about Detroit m 1728 ; probably Tsonothouans. 

Tahuacana, on River Braxos ; 3 tribes ; 180 m. np ; 1,200 in 1820. 

Tallahassb, (Seminoles,) 15 in 1820, between Oloklikana and Mikasaukie. 

Tallewubana, (Seminoles,^ 210 in 1820,. ah E. ride flint River, near the Chduni^ 

Tamabokas, a tribe of the luinois ; peifhaps Peorias afterw ards . 

Taxatles, (Seminoles,) 7 m. above the Ocheeses, and numbered 220 in 1820. 

Tabbatdtbs, £. of Pascataoua River ; the Nipmuks so called the Abenakies. 

Tattowhbballts, (Seminoles, )130 in 1820 ; since scattered among other towM. 

Taukawatb, on the sources of Trinity, Brasos, De IMos, and Colorado Rivers. 

Tawaxbbob. ** Three Canes," W. side Brasos r., 200 m. W. of Nacogdoches, 1804. 

Tawaws, (Uurons,) on the Mawme in 1780, 18 m. firom Lake Erie. 

Tblxocbbssb, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 15 m. above fork; 100 in 1820. 

Tbnisaw, once on that river which flows into Mobile Bay ; went to Red r. in 1765. 

Tbtons, (Sioux,) "vile miscreants," on Mississ., Misso., St. Peter's; ''real pirates." 

TiONONTATiES, or DinondaDibs, a tribe of Hurons, or their general name. 

TocKwooHS, one of the six tribes on the Chesapeak in 1607. 

ToNiCAS, 20 warriors in 1784, on Mississippi, opp. Point Coup^ ; once numerous. 

ToNBAHANS, a nation or tribe of Texans, said to be cannibals. 

ToNKAWA, 700 in 1820, erratic, about Bay St. Bernardo. 

ToTE&os, on the mountains N. of the Sapones, in N. Carolina, in 1700. 

ToTUSKETs. See Mobatoks. 

TowACANNO, or TowoASH, one of three tribes on the Brazos. See Tahuacana. 

TsoNONTHOUANS, Hennepin so called the Senecas ; by Cox, called Sonnontovans. 

TuKABATCHE, on Tallapoosie River, 30 m. above Fort Alabama, in 1775. 

Tunica, (Mobilian,) on Red River, 90 m. above its mouth ; but 30 in 1820. 

TuNXis, (Mohegans,) once in Farmington, Conn. ; monument erected to them, 1840. 

TuBHEPAHAS, and OoTLASHOOTS, 5,600 in 1820, on Clark's and Missouri Rivers. 

TuscABOBA, on Neus r., N. Carolina, till 1712 ; a few now in Lewiston, Niagara r. 

TuTELOES. See Manooakjb, or Manooaos. 

TuTSEEWA, on a river W. Rocky Mts., supposed to be a branch of the Columbia. 

TwiOHTWEES, (Miamies,) in 17o0, on the Great Miami ; so called by the Iroquois. 

XJcHBB, once on Chattauchee r., 4 towns ; some went to Florida, some west. 
Ufallah, (Seminoles,) 670 in 1820, 12 m. above Fort Gaines, on Chattahoochee r. 
UoALJACHMUTZi, % tribe about Prince William's Sound, N. W. coast. 
Ulseah, on coast of the Pacific, S. Columbia, beyond the Neekeetoos ; 150 in 1820. 
Unalachtoo, one of the three tribes once composing the Lenna Lenape. 
Unaxibs, the head tribe of Lenna Lenape. 
Unchaooos, a tribe anciently on Lonsr Island, New York. 
Upsaboka, (Minetare,) commonly caUed Crows. 

Waakicux, 30 m. up Columbia River, opposite the Cathlsmats : 400 in 1836. 
Wabinoa, (Iroquois,) between W. branch of Delaware and Hudson r. 
Waco, (Panis,) 800 in 1820, on Brazos River, 24 m. from its mouth. 
Wahowpuxs, on N. branch Columbia River, from Lapage r. upward ; 700 in 1806. 
Wahpatonb, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter's Kiver. 
Wahpacoota, (Sioux ?) in the country S. W. St. Peter's in 1805 : never stationary. 
Waxbsits, (Nipmuks,) once ou Merrimac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is. 
Waxpanoao, perhaps the 3d nation in importance in N. £. when settled by the Eng. 
Wappinos, at and about Esopus in 1758 ; idso across the Hudson to the Minsi. 
Wa&ananconouins, supposed to be the same as the Wanpings. 
Washaws, on Barrataria Island in 1680, considerable ; 1805, at Bay St. Fosh, 6 only. 
Watanons, or Wbab. See Ouiatinons. 

Watbbbbs, once on the river of that name in S. Carolina, but long since eztinet. 
WAnPANBTO, on the Padouoafork of the Platte, near Rocky Mts. ; 900 in 1820. 


Wawbnokb, (Abenakies,) once from Sagadahock to St. Oeor^e River, in Maine. 

Wajlbaw, once in S. Carolina, 45 m. above Camden ; name still continues. 

Weab, or Waas, (Kikapoos.J See Ouiatanons. 

WEKI8A, (Semin.,) 250 m 1820, W. side Chflttahoochee, 4 m. above the Cheskitaloat. 

Welch, said to be on a southern branch of the Missouri. 

Wbstobs, in 1670, on Ashley and Edisto Rivers, in S. Carolina. 

Wbtefahato, with the Eiawas, in 70 lodges in 1805, Padouca fork of Platte River. 

Wheelfo, on Clark's River, from the mouth of the Lastaw ; 2,500 in 1820 ; W. R. 

Wki&lpools, (Chikamau^s,) so called from the place of their residence. 

White, W. of Mississippi River ; mentioned by manv travellers. 

WiOHCOMOCOS, one of tne six tribes in Virginia in 1607, mentioned by Smith. 

WiLLEWAHS, (Chopunnish,) 500 in 1820, on Willewah r., which falls mto Lewis's. 

WiNNEBAOO, on S. side Lake Michigan until 1832 ; Ottagamies, &c. 

Wolf, Loups of the French ; several nations had tribes so called. 

WoKKON, 2 leagues from the Tuscaroras in 1701 ; lonff since extinct. 

WoLLA WALLA, on Columbia r., from above MusclesheU Rapids, W. Rocky Mts. 

Wtandots, (Hurons,) a great seat at Sandusky in 1780 ; warlike. 

Wtcoxes, on the Susquehannah in 1648, with some Oneidas, 250. 

WTNiAWg, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701. 

Tamacbaw, at the bluff of their name in 1732, near Savannah, about 140 men. 
Takaseb, S. border of S. Carolina ; nearly destroyed in 1715 by English. 
Tamfe&aox, (Camanches,) 3 tribes about sources Brazos, del Norte, &c. ; 1817, 30,000. 
Taioltonb, in the i)lane country adjacent to E. side of the Rocky Mountains. 
Yattassee, in Louisiana, 50 m. from Natchitoches, on a creek falling into Red r. 
Yazoos, formerly upon the river of their name ; extinct in 1770. 
Tbahtentanee, on banks St. Joseph's r., which flows into L. Michigan, in 1760. 
Yehah, above the rapids of the Columbia in 1820 ; 2,800, with sofne others. 
Yblbtpoo, (Chopunnish,) 250 in 1820, on Weancum r., under S. W. Mountain. 
YouiooNE, on the Pacific, next N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 700 in 1820. 






s it 




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• * • 


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• -• 

• • 

i-k '.■ 


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'MiaJm,/ d- \(/m./ (^W.v 

of tltp coa<it of South America in 1 199, two years aAer Caboi bad explored the coast of Norta 
America; but Americns had liie fortune to confer his uanie upon both. 



O eoold their ancient Incae riee ifain, 

Hoir iroold tber take op Iirael'i taantinf itrain ! 

Art thou too IkUen, Iberia ? Do we lee 

The robber and the marderer weak af we? 

Tboo, that haat waited earth, and dared deipiae 

Alike the wrath and mercy of the tkiei. 

Thy pomp !• in the grare, thy glory laid 

Low in the nita thine avarice haa made. 

We come with joy from oar eternal reit. 

To lee the oppreeior in hie torn oppressed. 

Art thoa Uie God, the thunder of whose hand 

R<dled OTor aU oor desolated land, 

Shook principalities and kingdoms down. 

And made tlM mountains tremble at his frown? 

The sword shall light upon thy boasted powers, 

And waste them as they wasted ours 

'TIS thus Omnipotence his law ftilfils, 

And Tei^oance executes what justice wills. — Cowraa 


Origin of the name Indian, — Why applied to the people found in America. — JhteietU 
authors supposed to have rrferrea to America in their loritings — ThjBopompus^^ 
Voyage of Hanno — Diodorus Sieulus^^ Plato — Aristotle — Seneca. 

The Dame Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America* 
by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the East Indies by sailing 
west, caused the discovery of the islands and continent of America. When 
they were at first discovered, Columbus, and many after him, supposed they 
had arrived at the eastern shore of the continent of India, and hence the peo- 
ple they found there were called Indians. The error was not discovered until 
tlic name had so obtained, that it could not well be changed. It is true, that it 
matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known, 
and especially those of America, in as fiu* as the name is seldom used amonir 
118 but in application to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people of 
Europe it was not so unimportant Situated between the two countries, India 
and America, the same name fbr the inhabitants of both must, at first, have 
produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking 
of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a Zealander was 
meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Therefore, in a historical point 
of view, the error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name of the 
continent itself should have been derived from ^mericus instead of Columhm, 

. * So named from Vetputius Americus, a Florentine, who made a discovery of somejpvt 
of the coast of South America ia 1499, two years aAer Cabot had explored the coast of NoMtt 
America 3 but Americus had the fortune to confer his name upon both. 


It has been the practice of almost every writer, who has written about the 
primitive iDhabitants of a country, to give some wild theories of others, con- 
cerning their origin, and to close the account with his own ; which generally 
has been more visionary, if possible, than those of his predecessors. Long, 
laborious, and, we may add, useless disquisitions have been daily laid before 
the world, from the discovery of America by Columbus to the present time, to 
endeavor to explain by what means the inhabitants got from the old to the 
new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many of our predecessors, we 
will begin as far back as they have done, and so shall commence with Tlieo- 
fwmpus and others, from intimations in whose writings it is alleged the an- 
cients had knowledge of America, and therefore peopled it. 

Theopompus, a learned historian and orator, who flourished in tlie time of 
Mexander the Great, in a book entitled Thaumagioy gives a sort of dialogue 
between Midas the Phrygian and SUenus, The book itself is lost, but Slmbo 
refers to it, and JSUianusnae given us the substance of the dialogue which fol- 
lows. Afler much conversation, Silenus said to AlideiSy that Europe, Asia and 
Africa were but islands surrounded on all sides by the sea ; but that there was 
a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even 
without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of prodi- 

S'ous maffnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and that 
ey lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their 
usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more 
than a milUon of inhabitants ; that gold and silver were there in vast quanti- 
tie&f This is but an abstract from Mlianus''s extract, but contains all of it that 
can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa4 JSElian or wSSt- 
cnttf lived about A. D. 200. 

Hcmno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity, 
but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, and others 140, 
years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before 
our era.§ He was an officer of great enterprise, having sailed around and ex- 
plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called 
the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 90 days. Hence it is inferred by 
many, that he must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a 
book, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyages, which was 
tran^ted and published about 15§3, in Greek. || 

Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an bland or con- 
tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared 

* Bttffon and Raynal either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have been 
America ; for they taught that all animals degenerated here. Many of the first adventurers 
to tho coasts of unknown countries reported them inhabited by giants. Swifl wrote Gtdtictr's 
Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well he succeeded is evident from a 
eomparison of books of voyages and travels before and after his time. IhtbarUu has tins 

Our fearless sailors, in far voyages 
(More led by gain's hope than Uieir compasses), 
On th' Indian shore have sometime noted some 
Wboae bodiet coveted two broad acres room 3 
And in the South Sea they have also seen 
Some like high-topped and huge-armed treen ; 
And other some, woose monstrous backs did bear 
Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were 
Much life the winged and wide-spreadinsf sails 
Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales.^' 

I>^int Wtekt, p. 117; ed. 4to, 1615. 

t iGlian, Variar. Historiar. lib. iii. chap. viii. 

J; Since the text was written, there has come into mv hand^ a copy (^ a translation of iEIi- 
I work, " in En^tshe (as well accordmr to the truth of the Greeke texte, as of the Latine), 
by Abraham Fietmng.*' London, 1576, Ito. It differs not materially from the above, which 
ll tAwm from a French version <^ it. 
a Encyclopsedia Perthensis. 

I The best account of Haamo and his voyages, with which we are acquainted, ii to be 
fiMmd m MariMuet Hist, of Spaio, vol. i. 93, 109, 119, ItE, 1S3, and IfiO, ed. Paris, 17X5^ 


Diodarus Sieuhu says that some ^ Phoenicians were cast upon a most fertiie 
island opposite to Africa." Of this, he says, they kept the most studied secrecy, 
which waa douhtless occasioned by their jealousy of the advantage the discov- 
ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which they wished to secure 
whoU? to themselves. Diodorut Sicuiua Uved about 100 years before Christ. 
Islands lying west of Europe and Africa are certainly mentioned by Homer 
and Horace, They were culled Mtmtides^ and were supposed to be about 
10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the poets' fabled Elysian fielda 
But to be more particular with DiodoruSj we will let him speak for himself. 
*< After having passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we 
will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, 
and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail 
from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated widi mountains 
and valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields 
are well cultivated : delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees." 
He finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants 
have spacious dweUings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the 
least of this account of DiodoruSf it corresponds very well with that given of 
the Mexicans when first known to the Spainiards, but perhaps it vnll compare 
as well with the Canaries. 

PlMs account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He 
lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A part of his account is as 
follows : — "' In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic 
was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it^ 
who, with joint forces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : And so a most 
grievous war was carried on ; in whicn the Athenians, with the common 
consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, an^ they became the conquerors 
But that Atlantic island, oy a flood and earthanake, was indeed suddenly 
destroyed, and so that wariike people were swallowed up." He adds, in an- 
other place, << An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, 
called the Pillars ofHerctdeB, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger 
than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passage over to other 
islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that 
region." * ^ Neptune setded in this island, from whose son, ^Maa, its name 
was derived, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the 
extremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the languiu^e of the country, 
signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of Neptune reigned 
here, fix>m ftlher to son, for a great number of generations in the order of 
primogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They also possessed several 
other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as fiur 
as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under 
water ; and for a lonff dme afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of 
rocks and shelves.".! This account, although mixed with &ble, cannot, we 
think, be entirely rejected; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries 
westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any passage 
of history of that perioa. 

^ArisMUjOT the author of a book which is generally attributed to him,} 
speaks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savors 
Bomethinff of hearsay, and is as follows: — *^ Some say that, beyond the Pillars 
of HercmeSy the Carthaginians have found a very fertile island, but without 
inhabitants, fbll of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is 
several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthaginians, charmed by 
the fertility of the country, thought to marry und settle there ; but some say 
that the government of Carthage forbid the setUement upon pain of death, 
from the fear that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother- 
country of her possessions there." If^^ristoUe had uttered this as a prediction, 

* America known to the Ancicnta, 10, 8vo. Boston, 1773. « 

t Encyclopsedia Pertbensts, art. Atlantis. 

X De mirabil. anscultat. Op«ra, vol. i. Voitaire says of this book, '' On en fesait banmor 
anx Cartbacinois, et on citait on livfe d'Aostote qa'U a'a pas compos^.'' Eud twr k* 
McBUrt a f esprit dtt nationt, cbap. cxlv. p. 703. vol. iv. of nit works. Edit. Paris^ 1817, 
in 8vo. 


that such a thiDg would take place in regard to some future nation, no oae^ 
perhaps, would nave called him a false prophet, for the American revolution 
would have been its fulfilment This philosopher lived about 384 years before 

Seneca lived about the commencement of the vulgar era. He wrote trage- 
dies, and in one of them occurs this passage : — 

-'' Venient annis 

Sflecula seris, qaibus oceanus 
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens 
Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos 
Dctec^t orbes ; nee sit terris 
Ultima Thule." 

Medea, Act 3. v. 375. • 

This is nearer prophecy, and may be rendered in English thus: — ^^The 
time will come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we shall 
behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds : Thide 
ihall no longer be considered the last country of the known world." 

Not only these passages Grom the ancient authors have been cited and re- 
cited by modems, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in 
some way or other, America must have been peopled froiy some of the eastern 
continents. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its 
first discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. But since the recent 
discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little about getting 
over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or Africa, through the difficult way of the 
Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much easier to pass them over the narrow chan- 
nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. GroHuSy C. MaOuTy Hubbardy and 
after them Rohertsony are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving a 
question which they consider as having puzzled their predecessors so much» 


Qf modem theorists upon the peopling of America — St. Gregory — Herrera — T. 
Morton — Williamson — Wood — Josselyn — Thorowgood — Adair — 6. Williams — C, 
Mather — Hubbard -^ Robertson — Smith — Voltaire — MitchiU —M' CuUoch-^Jjord 
Kaim — Swinton — Cabrera . 

St. Gregory, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. CUmenij 
said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* 

Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the 
ancients ; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept 
it hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that, 
in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been pleased 
to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's prediction (if so it may be 
considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world would be dis- 
covered in the nonh, and that it was found in the westf Herrera wrote 
about 15984 before which time little knowledge was obtained of North 
America. This may account for his impeachment of Seneca's prophecy. 

Thomas Morton^ who came to New England in 1622, publisheq in 1637 an 
account of its natural history, with much other curious matter. In speaking 
upon the peopling of America, he thinks it altogether out of the question to 

* " S. Greroire sor I'epi^tre de S. Clement, dit que pass^ Toeean, il y a vn autre mond." 
IHerreraj I Decade J2.) This is the whole passage. 

t Ibid. 3. 

X He died 27 March, 1625, at the age of about 66 ^ears. His name was TordesiUas Antonio 
de Herrera— one of the best Spanish historians. His history of the vojraees to, and seitlement 
of America is very minute, and very valuable. The original in Spanish is very rare. Acoo^ 
te't translation (into French) 3 v. 4to., 1660, is also scarce and valuable. It is this we eitt. 



suppofle that it was peopled by the Tartars from the north, because ** a people, 
once settled, must be removed by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in 
hopes of better fortunes, upon commendations of the place unto which they 
should be drawn to remove. And if it may bu thought that these people came 
over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then by whom, 
or when ? Or what part of this main continent may be thought to border 
upon the country of the Tartars ? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that a 
people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel over 
a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with. A& 
Ist, whether there be any land at the end of their unknown way, no land 
being in view ; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that 
sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night from freezing 
to death ? which will not be had in such a place. But it may perhaps be 
granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered 
Trojans ; for after that BruhUj who was the fourth from Eneas^ left I^tium 
upon the conflict held with the Latins (where although he gave them a groat 
overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and many others of , the 
heroes of Latium, yet he held it more safely to depart unto some other place 
and people, than, by stajing, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtftil 
conquest ; which, as history maketh mention, he performed.) This people 
was dispersed, there is tko question, but the people that lived with him, by 
reason of their conversation with the Grecians and Latins, had a mixed lan- 
guage, that participated of botb.*^ This is the main sround of Mortorij but 
he says much more upon the subject ; as that the similarity of the languages 
of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great From the examples he 
gives, we presume he knew as little about the Indian lan^ages as Dr. Malher, 
MmTf and Bcudinoty who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew. 
Though MorUm thinks it very unprobable that the Tartars came over by the 
north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds 
no difliculty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he allows them 
no compass. Tnat the Indians have a Latin origin he thinks evident, because 
he ftuncied he heard among their words Pasohfan^ and hence thinks, w* hout 
doubt, their ancestors were acquainted with the god Pan,\ 

Dr. WUliaanaonX says. ''It can hardly be questioned that the Indians of South 
America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the southern parts of 
Asia." That they could not have come ftt>m the north, because the South 
American Indians are unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with 
the more rational views of Father Venegas,^ He writes as follovra: ''Of all 
the parts of America hitherto discovered^ the Califomians lie nearest to Asia. 
We are acquainted with the mode of vnritinff in all the eastern nations. We 
can distinguish between the characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the 
Chinese Tartars, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the 
Bay of Kamschathka ; uid learned dissertations on them, by Mr. Boyer, are 
to DC found in the acts of the imperial academv of sciences at Petersburg. 
What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others 
like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia ! But as to the Cali- 
fomians, if ever they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate their me- 
moirs, they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among theni. 
amounts to no more than some obscure oral traditions, probably more and 
more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as 
retained any knowledge of the particular country ft^in which they emi- 
grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the IndianB 
of California. 

Mr. WUliam Wood,^ who left New England in 1633,11 after a short stay, says, 
" Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not inclining to any 
of the refined tongues: Some have thought ibey might be of the dispersed 

* New Canaan, book i, pa^ 17 and 18. t Ibid. 18. 

In his Hist. N. Carolina, u 216. 

Hist. California, i. 60. His work was published at Madrid, in 1768. 
„ The author of a work entitled New England^ t Prameet. published in LondoD, 1694y fa 
4u>. It if a veiT rare, and, in some respects, a curious and valuable work. 
T Prospect, 61. 


Jews, because some of their words be hear unto the Hebrew ; but by the same 
rule, they may conclude them to be some of the ffleanings of all nations, be- 
cause they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and other 

Mr. John Jossdyn, who resided some time in New England, from the year 
1638, says, " The Mohawks are about 500 : their speech a dialect of the Tar- 
tars (as also is the Turkish tongue).''f In another work,t ^^ ^y^ ** ^* Eng- 
land is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north with the River 
of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the south with the River Mon- 
hegan or HudswCs River, so called because he was the first that discovered it. 
Some will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be, 
if there be a north-east passage .found out into the South Sea. It contains 
1,152,400,000 acres. The discovery of the north-west passage (which lies with- 
in the River of Canada) was imdertaken with the nelp of some Protestant 
Frenchmen, which left Canada, and retired to Boston about the vear 1669. 
The north-east people of America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be 
Tartars, called Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and man- 
ners." We have given here a larger extract than the inmiediate subject re- 
quired, because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as we 
ours, in seeing how people imderstood things in that day. Barlowy looking 
but a snmll distance beyond those times, with great elegance says, — 

" In those blank periods, where no man can trace 
The gleams of thought that 6rst illumed his race, 
His errors, twined with science, took their birth, 
And forged their fetters for this child of earth, 
And when, as oft, he dared expand his view. 
And work with nature on the Ime she drew, 
Some monster, rendered in his fears, unmanned 
His opening soul, and marred the works he planned. 
Fear, the first passion of his helpless state^ 
Redoubles all the woes that round him wait. 
Blocks nature's path, and sends him wandering wide. 
Without a guaraian, and without a ^ide/' 

Cobtmbiadf ix. 137, &e. 

Reverend Thomas Thorowgood published a small quarto, in 1652,$ to profe 
that the Indians were the Jews, who had been ^ lost in the world for the space 
of near 2000 years." But whoever has read Mair or Boudinot, has, beside a 
good deal that is irrational, read all that in T%nmvgood can be termed rational. 

Reverend Roger ffiUiama was, at one time, as appears from HwrowgooiPa 
work,|| of the same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of 
the natives, ** he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 20th 
of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in Jubc verbcu^* That they did 
not come into America fix)m tlie north-east, as some bad imagined, he thought 
evident for these reasons : 1. their ancestors affirm they came irom the south- 
west, and return thence when they die : 2. because they ^ separate their wo- 
men in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons :" and 3. '^ be- 
side their god KuUand to the S. West, they hold that ATanatvUnattM (a god 
over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some tast of affinity with 
the Hebrew I have found." 

Doctor CoUofi McUher is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost 
hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a 
matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we 
would in no wise part ; and if sometimes we appear not serious in our intro- 
duction of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so. 
And we aire persuaded that we shoula not be pardoned did we not allow him 
to speak upon the matter before us. 

• Ibid. 112. cd. 1764. 

t His accoimt of two voyages to New England, printed London, 1673, page 1S4. 

1 New England Rarities, 4, 5, printed London, 1672. 

d It* title commences, " Digvhu Dei : New DiscoverieSf with ture ArgumerUt toprote/* 6lc, 

I Pages 6 and 6. 

TT OetanmUnBtt is ^od in Deivmn^'^Heckewelder, 

Cbap.JI.] on the origin OF THE INDUNS. 26 

He aajs,* It should not pass without Amark, that three most memorable 
things which have borne a very great aspect upon human affixirai did, near the 
same time, namely, at the conclusion of the f^teenthy and the beginning of the 
nxteenlhf century, arise unto the world: the first was the ResurrecHon qf 
LUerahtre; the second was the opening of America; the third was the 
Reftrirmaiion of RdigionJ* Thus far we have an instructive view of the sub 
ject, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dark ages, when literature 
veas neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have been also, and hence the 
knowledge of America lost for a time. Trie reader must now summon his 
eravity. ** But," this author continues, ''as probably the DeotZ, seducing the 
first inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at the having of them and 
their posterity out of the sound of the tUver trumpets of the gospel, then to be 
heard through the Roman empire.* If the DevU had any expectation, that, by 
tlie peopling of America, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of the two 
benefits, litSratwre and religion, which dawned upon the miserable world, (one 

1'ust before, ih.e other just <{/^») the first fiimea navigation hither, 'tis to be 
loped he wUl be disappomted of that expectation.^f The learned doctor, 
having forgotten what be had written in his first book, or wishing to ioculcato 
his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a passage which he had at first given, 
in a distant part of his work ; | bu^ there being considerable addition, we re- 
cite it : *^ The natives of the country now possessed by the Newenglandera^ 
had been fbrlom and wretched heathen ever since their first herding here ; and 
though we know not when or hmo these Indians first became inhabitants of 
this mighty continent, yet we may guess that probably the DevU decoyed those 
miserable salvages hither, in 'hopes that the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ 
would never come here to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over them. 
But our Eliot was in such ill terms with the DevUj as to alarm him with 
sounding the silver trumpets of heaven in his territories, and make some noble 
and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There 
were, I think, 20 several nations (if I may call them so)of Indians upon that 
spot of ground which fell under the influence of our Three United Colonies ; 
and our Eliot was willing to rescue as many of them as he could firom thit 
old usurping landlord of America, who 'v^buthe vrath of God, the prince A 
this world.'' In several places he is deciaea in the opinion that Indians are 
Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion^ on meeting with this passage of 
Jvlius Cctsar: ** D^pcUius Invenire ^rtioifi inleificereJ^ which he thus renders, 
^It is harder to find them than to fod them." At least, this is a happy appli- 
cation of the passage. Casar was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo- 
rian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden attacks of the Indians, and 
their agility in hiding themselves from pursuit^ Doctor Mather wrote at the 
close of Ibe seventeenth century, and his famous book. Magnolia Christi 
Americana, was published in 1702. 

Adair, who resided 40 years (he says) amon^ the southern Indians, previ- 
ous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon theu: origin, history, &c He tor- 
tures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every 
word in their language into a Hebrew one of the same meaning. 

Doctor Boudinot, in his book called ''The Star in the West," has followed 
lip the theory of Adair, with such certmnty, as he thinks, as that the " long 
lost ten tribes of Israel" are clearly identified in the American Indians. Such 

* This, we appreb«id, is not entirely orijrina] with oor author, but borders upon Diagfiarism. 
Wardf the celebrated author of the ** £&i^ CobUr of Aggawam," sajs or tM Iriih, 
" These Irish fancieotly called anthropophagtf maa-eatcrs) have a tradition amonr them, that 
when the Devil showed our Saviour all the kingdoms of the earth, and their f^ry, that he 
would not show him Ireland, but reserved it for himself. It is, probably, true ; for he hath 
kept it ever since for his own peculiar : the old fox foresaw it fvould eclipse the glory of all 
the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the land for a Bor^ards for his unclean spirits employed 
in this hemisphere, and the people to do bis son and heir (the Pope) that service for which 
Lewis the XI kept his Baroor Oliver, which makes them so bloodthirsty.'^ — Simple CobUr^ 
86, 87. Why so much gall is poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot satisfactorily account. 
The eireumstanee of his writing in the time of CromweU will explain a part, if not the whole 
of the enigma. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Massachusetts, but was bum and Aed 

t Magnalia Christ. Amer. b. i. | Ibid. b. iH. $ See MlTgnaltt, b. Wi. 




Jews, because some of their words be hear unto the Hebrew ; but by the same 
rule, they may conclude them to be some of the ffleanhigs of all nations, be- 
cause they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and other 

Mr. John Jossdyn, who resided some time in New England, from the year 
1638, says, " The Mohawks are about 500 : their speech a dialect of the Tar- 
tars (as also is the Turkish tongue).''f In another workj he says, ** N. Eng- 
land \b by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north with the River 
of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the south with the River Mon- 
hegan or HudsotCs River, so called because he was the first that discovered it 
Some will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be, 
if there be a north-east p^^sage .found out into the South Sea. It contains 
1,152,400,000 acres. The discovery of the north-west passage (which lies with- 
in the River of Canada) was undertaken with the help of some Protestant 
Frenchmen, which left Canada, and retired to Boston about the year 1669. 
The north-east people of America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be 
Tartars, called Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and man- 
ners." We have given here a larger extract tnan the inunediate subject re- 
quired, because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as we 
ours, in seeing how people imderstood things in that day. Barlow, looking 
but a small distance beyond those times, with great elegance says, — 

" In those blank periocb, where no man can trace 
The gleams of thought that first illumed his race, 
His errors, twined with science, took their birth, 
And forged their fetters for this child of earth, 
And when, as oft, he dared expand his view, 
And work with nature on the hne she drew. 
Some monster, slendered in his fears, unmanned 

His opening soul, and marred the works he planned. . 

Fear, the first passion of his helpless state^ 
Redoubles all the woes that round him wait, 
Blocks nature's path, and sends him wandering wide, 
Without a guaroian, and without a ^idc/' 

Cctumbiadf ix. 137, Blc. 

Reverend Thomas Thora%jogw>d published a small quarto, in 1652,$ to pro?6 
that the Indians were the Jews, who had been ^ lost in the world for the space 
of near 2000 years." But whoever has read Adair or Boudinot, has, beside a 
good deal that is irrational, read all that in T%nmvgaod can be termed rational. 

Reverend Roger ffUliams was, at one time, as appears from Tlwrowgood^s 
work,|| of the same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of 
the natives, *^ he kindly answers to tliose letters from Salem in N. Eng. SOtfa 
of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in hmc ver6a." That they did 
not come into America fit)m tlie north-east, as some bad imagined, he thought 
evident for these reasons : 1. their ancestors affirm they came fix)m the south- 
west, and return thence when they die : 2. because they ^ separate their wo- 
men in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons:" and 3. ''be- 
side their god KvUand to the S. West, they hold that J^amnoitnat(M (a god 
over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some tast of affinity with 
the Hebrew I have found." 

Doctor CoUoni Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost 
hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a 
matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we 
would in no wise part ; and if sometimes we appear not serious in our intro- 
duction of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so. 
And we are persuaded that we shoula not be pardoned did we not allow him 
to speak upon the matter before us. 

• Ibid. 112. cd. 1764. 

t His account of two voyages to New England, printed London, 1673, page 1S4. 

1 New England Rarities, 4, 5, printed London, 1672. 

d Its title commences, ** DigUut Dei : New Discoverietf with ntre Arguments toprvve," 6lc. 

I Pages 6 and 6. 

TT wtanmUwit is %od in Delaware^— /lecitftp«/c{er. 


He says, *It should not pass without ftmark, that three most memorable 
thmgs which have borne a yery great aspect upon human affcdrsj did, near the 
same time, namely, at the conclusion of the f^teenth, and the beginning of the 
sixteenth, century, arise unto the world: the first was the Resurrection qf 
lAterahart; the second was tlie opening of America; the diird was the 
RefurmaOon of RdigitmJ* Thus far we have an instructive view of the sub 
ject, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dark ages, when literature 
was neglected and forgotten, discoveries iniffht have been also, and hence the 
knowledge of America lost for a time. Txie reader must now summon his 
eravity. ** But," this author continues, ** as probably the DeotZ, seducing the 
first inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at the having of them and 
their posterity out of the sound of the silver trumpets of the gospel, then to be 
heard through the Roman empire.* If the Deioil had any expectation, that, by 
the peopling of America, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of the two 
benefits, UtercAure and religion, which dawned upon the miserable world, (one 

t'ust before, the other just tf/^i) the first famed navigation hither, 'tis to be 
loped he will be disappomted of that expectation.'*! The learned doctor, 
having forgotten what he had written in his first book, or wishing to inculcate 
his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a passage which he had at first given, 
in a distant part of his woik ; | bu^ there oeing considerable addition, we re- 
cite it : ^ The natives of the country now possessed by the Newenglander& 
had been fbrlom and vn^tched heathen ever since their first herding here ; and 
though we know not when or hoto these Indians first became inhabitants of 
this mighty continent, yet we may guess that probably the Devil decoyed those 
miserable salvages hither, in 'hopes that the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ 
would never come here to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over them. 
But our Eliot was in such ill terms with the DevH, as to aJarm him with 
sounding the silver trumpets of heaven in his territories, and make some noble 
and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There 
were, I think, 20 several nations (if I may call them so)of Indiaps upon that 
spot of ground which fell under the infiuence of our Three United Colonies ; 
and our Eliot was willing to rescue as many of them as he could from thu 
old usurping landlord of America, who i&,hiihe wrath of God, the prince jf 
this world.'' In several places he is decidea in the opinion that Indians are 
Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion^ on meeting with this passage of 
Julius Casar: *^DiMcilius hwtnire ^uam tnterfieereJ* which he thus renders, 
^ It is harder to find them than to fod them." At least, this is a happy appli- 
cation of the passage. C(Bsar was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo- 
rian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden attacKs of the Indians, and 
their agility in hiding themselves from pursuit^ Doctor Mather wrote at the 
close of the seventeenth century, and his famous book. Magnolia Christi 
Americana, was published in 1702. 

Adair, who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, previ- 
ous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon their origin, history, &c. He tor- 
tures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every 
word in their language into a Hebrew one of the same meaning. 

Doctor Boudinot, in his book called "The Star in the West," has followed 
lip the theory of Adair, with such certmnty, as he thinks, as that tlie "long 
lost ten tribes of Israel" are clearly identified in the American Indians. Such 

* This, we apprehend, is not entirely orunna] with oar author, but borders upon 

would not show him Ireland, but reserved it for himself. It is, probably, true ', for he hath 
kept it ever since for his own peculiar : the old fox foresaw it would eclipse the glory of all 
the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the land for a Bomrds for his unclean spirits employed 
in this hemisphere, and the people to do bfs son and neir (the Pope) that service for which 
Lewis the XI kept his Barbor Oliver, which makes them so bloodthirsty/' — Simple CobUr, 
86, 87. Why so much gall is poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot satisfactorily account. 
The circumstance of his writing in the time of Cromwell will explain a pMul, if not the whole 
of the enirma. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Massachusetts, but was bum and <fied 
t Magnalia Christ. Amer. b. i. | Ibid. b. ifl. $ See Ml^alia, b. viL 


•• il 


•• •• 

• • • 


• •-. 

• • 
•• •• 

• ■ • • • 



• _•' 

• •••• 




-? ■ ..% 





ibcae people the buUden of the mouiids i can ered all OTer the 
ny. After aO, we appffehend the doctor would haTe ahort tone lor hia 
cnota to do all that nature and art have done touchiog theae mattenL In the 
fint place, h m eridrat that maoy agea paaaed awaj from the time tfaeao 
tamuXi were begun until they were finished : dd, a multitude of agea muat 
have pawed since the uae for which they were reared has been known ; fiir 
trees of the age of 200 years grow from the ruins of othen which must hne 
bad as great age : and, dd, no Indian nation or tribe has the least tradition 
eooeeming them.* This could not ha?e happened had the anceatora of the 
presem Indians been the erectors of them, in the nature of thinnf 

The observation of an author in Dr. Rea^9 Encyclopedia, | althoogfa aaying 
no more than has been already said in our synopsis, is, neverthelesa, so happy, 
that we should not feel clear to omit it : — ** As to those who pretend tbit £0 
human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the aem 
at Kamschatka, or the Straits of Tschutaki, either upon the fields of ioe or in 
canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is eztremdjf 
difficult of comprehennon, has not the least tendency to diminiah the prodi- 
gy ; fi>f it would be suiprising indeed that one half of our planet shouki haie 
remained without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half 
was pemiled. What renders this opinion leas probable is, that America m 
suppoeea in it to have bad animals, since we cannot bring those speciea of 
animals from the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the 
g^ama, and the tiyactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of 
matter lor the western hemisphere ; because, independently of the aecumii- 
laled difficulties in this hypothesis, and which can by no means be solved, 
we shall obaerre, that the fossil bones discovered in so manv parts of Amofi- 
ca, and at such small depths, prove that certain species of animals, so frr fimm 
havinr been recently organized, have been annihilated a long whUe ago." 

Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of 
philosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our reaoers, we 
feh a heatancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment. 
But, afler all, as it is only matter of honest opinion, no one should be intoler- 
ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and even his friends menjf 
at our expenae. When, in the days of Chrysodonij some ventured to assert tfaev 
opinions of the rotundinr of the earth, that learned &ther *^ did laugh at them." § 
And, when science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to ael- 
tie this question, there is a possibility that the Chryiasiams of these days will 
not have the same excuse for their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigiei^ 
there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly absurd coo- 
jectiires. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con- 
siderable hardihood to laugh even at the theory of the late Mr. Sfmmes. 

When we kitely took up a book entitled *^ Bestarches, Philosopheal and AfM- 

fuarian, concerning the ^original History of .^nerica, by J. H. M'Culloh, «A^. 
I. D." II we did think, from the impoenng a]>pearanoe of it, that some new 
matters on tlie subject had been disrovered ; and more particularly when we 
read in the preface, that ** hia first object was to explain the origin of the men 
and animals of America, so far as that Question is involved with the apparent 
ohysical impediments that have so long Kept the subject in total obscurity." 
Now, with what success this has been done, to do the author justice, he shall 
speak for himself, and the reader then may judge for himself. 

''Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of 
America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if possible, the 
ciicuinstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential particular de- 
pends the great interest of our present investigation. [We are not able to 
discover that he has said any thing further upon it] It must be evident that 
we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubtful whether the Crea- 
tor of the universe made man and the animals but in one locality, firom 

* Or Done bat gacfa as are at varianee with all history and rationality, 
t Arahcologia Americana, i. 3S5, 326, 341, &c. 
4 See Acoeu'i Hist. E. and W. Indies, p. 1. ed. London, 1604. 
I PobGshed at Bahimore, 1829, m 8vo. 


whence thoy were disperBed over the earth ; or whether he created them in 
each of those TiiriouB Bituationa where we now find them living. So far as 
this inquiiy respects mankind, there can be no reasonable gromid to doubt 
the one orinn of the species. This fact may be proved both physically and 
morallv. [If the reader can discover any thing that amounts to proof in 
what iollows, be will have made a discovery that we could not] That 
man, notwithstanding all the diversities of their appearance, are but of one 
species, is a truth now universally admitted by every physiological naturalist. 
[That is, notwithstanding a negro be black, an Indian brown, a European 
white, still, they are all men. And then follows a quotation from Doctor 
Lmmrence* to corroborate the fact that men are all of one specie&J It is true, 
this physiologist does not admit that the human species had their origm but 
from one pair ; for he observes, the same species might have been cr^itei at 
the same time in very different parts of the earth. But when we have 
analyzed the moral history of mankind, to which Mr. Lawnnct seems to have 
paid little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to 
show us where we can find it,] we find such strongly-marked analogies in 
abstract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each 
other, that we caimot ooubt there has been a time, when the whole human 
family have intimately participated in one common system of things, whether 
it be of truth or of error, of^ science or of prejudice. [This does not at all 
agree with what he says afterwards^ * We have been unable to discern any 
traces of Asiatic or of European civilization in America prior to the discovery 
of Columbus.' And again : * In comparing the barbarian nations of America 
with those of the eastern continent, we perceive no points of resemblance 
between them, in their moral institutions or in their habits, that are not appar- 
ently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no affinity, 
other than what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, where- 
fore this prating about *«<roiig2j(-ffMmlfce£^ana2ojfte9,' &c. Just copied ?J As re- 
spects the origin of animals, [we have riven his best proon of the origm of man 
and their transportation to America,] the subject is much more refractory. 
We find them living all over the surfiice of the earth, and suited by their phys- 
ical confbrmity to a great variety of climates and peculiar localitiea Every 
one will admit the impossibility of ascertaining the history of their oririnal 
creation firom the mere natural history of the animals themselves." ^ow, 
as *^ refractory " as this subject is, we did not ^.tpect to see it fatiiered off 
upon a miracle, because this was the easy and convenient manner in which 
the supersHtious of every affe accounted for every thing which they at once 
could not comprehend. And we do not expect, when it is gravely announced, 
that a discoveiy in any science Vs to be shown, that the undertaker is going 
to teU us it is accomplished by t. miracle, and that, therefore, **he knows not 
whv he should be called upon to answer objections," &c. 

As it would be tedious to the reader, as well as incompatible with our plan, 
to quote larger from Mr. J^CuUoh^a book, we shall finish with him after a few 

We do not object to the capacity of the ark for all animals, but we do 
object to its introduction in the question undertaken hy Mr. M*CitUoh ; for 
every chUd knows that afimr to have been miraculous ; and if any part of the 
question depended upon the truth or fiUsity of a miracle, why plague the world 
with a book of some 500 pages, merely to promulsate such a belief^ when 
a sentence would be all that is reauired ? No one, that admits an overruling 
power, or the existence of God, wiU doubt of his ability to create a myriad of 
men, animals, and all matter, by a breath ; or that an aiiE ten feet square could 
contain, comfortably, ten thousand men, as well as one of the dimensions 
given in Scripture to contain what that did. Therefore, if one in these days 
should make a book expressly to explain the cause of the difilerent lengths of 
days, or the changes of the seasons, and find, after he had written a vast deal, 
that he could in no wise unravel the mystery, and, to close his account, de- 
clare* it was all a miracle, such an author would be precisely in the predica- 
ment of Mr. APCSdloh. 

* The celebrated author of Lcctoief oo Fk^ftwlogtf, ZoUcgy, and tht Natural HUtory of 


We 4o not pretend that the subject can be pursued with the certainty of 
mathematical calculations ; and so long as it is contended that the whole spe- 
cies of man spring from one pair, so long will the subject admit of contro- 
versy : therefore it makes but little or no difference whether the inhabitante 
are got into America b^ the north or the south, the east or the west, as it 
re^rds the main question. For it is very certain that, if there were but one 
pau* originaUy, and these placed upon a certain spot, all other places where 
people are now found must have oeen settled by people from the primidve 
spot, who found their way thither, some how or other, and it is very unimpor- 
tant how, as we have just observed. 

Lord Kaimes, a writer of great good sense, has not omitted to say some- 
thing upon tliis subject* He veiy judiciously asks those who maintain that 
America was peopled from Kamskatka, whether the inhabitants of that region 
speak the same language with their American neighbors on the opposite 
snores. That thev do not, he observes, is fully confirmed by recent accounts 
from thence ; and ^ whence we may conduct with great certainty, that the 
latter are not a colony of the former.^f We have confirmation upon confirma- 
tion, that these nations speak languages entirely different ; and for the sati9fiu^- 
tion of the curious, we will give a short vocabulary of words in both, with 
the English against them. 

English KamskadaU. Moutean^ 

God ' . . .Nionstlchtchitch Aghogoch. 

Father. Iskh Athan. 

Mother Nas-kh Anaan« 

Son Pa-atch L'laan. 

Daughter Sougiiing Aschlunn. 

Brother Ktchidsch Koyot&t 

Sister. Kos-Khou. Angiin. 

Husband Skoch. Ougiinn. 

Woman. Skoua-aou Ai-yagar. 

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinik 

Young boy Pahatch • Auckuiok. 

ChiW Pahatchitch Ouskolik, 

A man Ouskaams Toyoch. 

The people Kouaskou. 

Penons Ouskaamsit 

The head T-Khousa Kam^ha. 

The fiice Koua-agh Soghimaginn. 

The nose Kaankang Aughosinn. 

The nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 

The eye Nanit Thack. 


Afler observing that ^ there are several cogent arguments to evince that the 
i\mericans are not descended from any people in tlie nonh of Asia, or in the 
north of Europe," Lord Kaimes continues, — "I venture still fbrther; whidi is, 
to comapiure, that America has not been peopled from any part of the old 
world.^ But although this last conjecture is in unison with those of many 
others, yet his lordship is greatly out in some of the proems which he adduces 
in its support As we have no ^und on which to controvert this opinion, 
we m^ be excused firom examimng its proofs ; but this we will observe, that 
Lord AJcdmea is in the same error aoout tne beardlessness of the Americans 48 
some other learned Europeans. 

The learned Doctor SwinUm,^ in a dissertation upon the peopling of Ameri- 

* See his " SUtHchu of the History 0/ Man/* a work which he published in 1774, al Edin. 
buTgb, in S vols. 4lo. 

t Vol. ii. 71. 

t The Al^outeans inhabit the ebaiii of islands which stretch from the north-west point 9f 
Anieriea into -the neighborhood of Kamskatka. It must be remembered that these names 9^ 
in the French orthompby, being taken jfrom a French translation of BilHngs*^ voyage iiilo 
those regions, from 1785 to 1794. 

$ Doctor John Swintorif the eminent anthoir of many parts of the Ancient Vmver$0U |B»- 
iary. He died in 1777. aged 74. 


Craf. II.] on the dftlGlN OF THE INDIANS. 33 

ca,* after Btat'mg the different opinions of various authors who have advocated 
in &vor of the "dispersed people,^ the Phcenicians, and other eastern nations, 
observes, "that, therefore, the Americans in general were descended from 
some people who inhabited a country not so far distant from thoni as Egypt 
and PhcBnicia, our readers will, as we apprehend, readily admit. Now, no 
country can ba fltched upon so proper and convenient for this purpose as the 
north-eastern fwut of Asia, particularly Great Tartary, Siberia, and more espe- 
cially the peninsula of Kamtschatka. That probably was the tract through 
which many Taitarian colonies passed into America, and peopled the most 
considerable part of the new world." 

This, it is not to be denied, is the most rational way of getting inhabitants 
into America if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the "old world." 
But it is not quite so easy to account for the existence of equatorial animals 
in America, when all authors agree that they never could have passed that 
way, as they could not have survived the coldness of the climate, at any sea- 
son of th^ year. Moreover, the vocabulary we have given, if it prove any 
thing, proves that either the inhabitants of North America did not come in 
from tne north-west, or that, if they did, some unknown cause must have, for 
ages, suspended all communication between the emigrants and their ancestors 
upon the neighboring shores of Asia. 

In 182^ there appeared in London a work which attracted some attention, 
as most works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, " Description of 
the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palcnque, in the kingdom of 
Guatemala, in Spanish America: translated from the original manuscript re- 
port of Capt. Don Antonio Del Rio : followed by a critical investigation and 
research into the History of the Americana, by Dr. Paul Felir Cabrera, of the 
city of New Guatemala." 

Captain Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish kihg, in the year 1786, to 
make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accordingly 
did. From the manuscript he left, which afterwards ftll into the hands of 
Doctor Cabrera^ his work was composed, and is that part of the work which 
concerns us in our view of systems or conjectures conceni in g the peopling of 
America. We shall be short with this audior, as his system diff<.*i-s very little 
from some which we have already sketched. He is very confident that he 
has setded the question how South America received its inhnbitaiits, namely, 
from the Phcenicians, who sailed across the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined 
city described by Captain Del Rio was built by the first adventurere. 

Doctor Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, does not harmonize with 
the Scriptures, an mnovation upon the "holy Catliolic religion.;" and rather 
than resort to any such, he says, "It is better to believe his [God's] works 
miraculous, than endeavor to make an ostentatious display of our talents by 
the cunning invention of new systems, in attributing them to natural causes.'^ 
The same reasoning will apply in this case as in a former. If we are to at- 
tribute every thing to miracles, wherefore the necessity of investigation? 
These authors are fond of investigating matters in their way, but are dis- 
pleased if others take the same liberty. And should we follow an author in 
his theories, who cuts the whole business short by declaring all to be a mira- 
cle, when he can no longer grope in the labyrinth of his own forming, our 
reader would be just in condemning such waste of time. When every thing 
whirh we cannot at first sight understand or comprehend nmst not be in- 
quii*ed into, from superstitious doubts, then and there will be fixed the bounds 
of all science ; bui, as Lord Byron said Ufjon another occasion, not tUl then, 

"If it be allowed (sajrs Dr. Lawrence) t that all men are of the same 
species, it does not follow that they are all descended from the same family. 
We have no data for determining this point : it could indeed ^poly be settled 
by a knowledge of facts, which have long ago been involved in the impene- 
trable darkness of antiquity." That climate has nothing to do with the com- 
plexion, he ofiTcrs the following in proof: — 


* Universal Histor>', xx. 162, 163.— See MaiciiA edition of BoswelVt Life Dr, Johnson, 
V. 771. ed. in 5 v. 12mo. London, 1821. 
t Page 30. t LeduTM on Zoology, &e. 44S. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828. 



^The establishments of the Europeans in Asia and America have now sub- 
sisted about three centuries. Vaaquez ik Gama landed at Calicut in 1496 ; 
and the Portugese empire in India was founded in the beginning of the fol- 
lowing century. Brazil was discovered and taken possession of by the aanoie 
nation in the very first year of the 16th century. Towards the end of the 
13tb, and the beginning of^the 16th century, Columbua, Cortex, and PixanVm 
subjugated for the Spaniards the West Indian islands, with me empireB of 
Mexico and Peru. Sir Walter RaUgh planted an English colony in VirjmiBi 
m 15B4 ; and the French settlement of Canada has rather a later date. The 
colonists have, in no instance, approached to the natives of these countries, 
and their descendants, where the blood has been kept pure, have, at this tune, 
the same characters as native Europeans." * 

The eminent antiquary De ffUt Clviton\ supposed that the ancient worke 
found in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Penmmi 
in Wales. He adds, ^ The Danes, as well as the nations which erected our 
fortifications, were in all probability of Scythian origui. According to -Piv^ 
the name of Scythian was comnion to all the nations living in the north of 
Asia and Europe.'' f 



AnsedoteSf Jiarrativts, 4^. illustrative of the Manners and Customs, AsHqmiim 

Traditions, of the Indians. 

JViL — Aw Ottaway chief, known to the French by the name of WhiUjoknf 
v\'as a great drunkard. Count Frordtnac asked him what he thought brandy 
to be made of; he replied, tliat it must be made of hearts and tongues — 
** For," said he, *' when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart is a thousand 
strong, and I can talk, too, with astonishing freedom and rapidity." $ 

Honor, — A chief of the Five Nations, who fought on the side of the English 
in the French wars, chanced to meet in Iwttle his own father, who was nffht- 
ing on the side of the French. Just as he was about to deal a deadly blow 
upon his head, he discovered who he was, and said to him, "You have once 
given me life, and now I give it to you. Let me meet you no more ; for I 
have paid the debt I owed you." § 

BeckUssness. — In Connecticut River, about " 200 miles from Long Island 
Sound, is a narrow of 5 yards only, formed by two shelving mountauis of 
solid rock. Through this chasm are compelled toj)ass all the waters which 
in the time of the floods bury the northern country." It is a frightful passage 
of about 400 j^ards in length. No boat, or, as my author expresses it, ** no 
living creature, was ever known to |)as8 through this narrow, except an Indian 
woman." This woman had undertaken to cross the river just above, and 
although she had the god Bacchus by her side, yet Nefitune prevailed in spite 
of theu' united efforts, and the canoe was hurried down the frightful gul£ 
While this Indian w oman was thus hurrying to certain destruction, as she liad 
every reason to expect, she seized upon her l>ottle of rum, and did not take it 
from her mouth until the last drop was quaffed. She was marvellously pre- 
served, and ^vas actually picked up several miles below, floating in the canoe, 
siill quite drunk. When it was known what she had done, and being asked 
how she dared to drink so much rum with the prospect of certain death before 
her, she answered tliat she knew it was too much for one time, but she was 
unwilling that any of it should be lost || 

* Lectures on Zooloey, Sec. 464, 465. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828. 

t A Memoir on the Antiquities of the fVettem Parts of the State of N. York^ pages 9, 10 
8vo. Albany, 1818. 
\ Universal Museum for 1763. % Ibid. \ Peters' s Hist. Connecticiit- 



Juifice. — ^A miseioDaiy residing among a certain tribe of Indians, was one 
day, after he had been preaching to them, invited by their chief to visit his 
wigwam. After havinff been kmdly entertained, ana being about to depart, 
the chief took him by the hand and said, *^ I have v^y bad squaw. Slie had 
two little children. One she loved well, the other she hated. In a cold night, 
when I was gone hunting in the woods, she shut it out of the wigwam, and 
it fh>ze to deaOL What must be done with her?** The missionary replied, 
*'She must be 'handed." ^Ah!" said the chiei^ *' go, then, and hang youi 
God, whom you make just like her." 

Mi^jrnammUy. — ^A hunter, in his wanderings for game, fell among the back 
settlements of Virginia, and by reason of the inclemency of the weather, was 
induced to seek refuge at the house of a planter, whom he met at his door. 
Admission was refused him. Being both hungry and thirsty, he asked for a 
morsel of bread and a cup of water, but was answered in every case, ^ No ! 
you shall have nothing here ! Gtt you gone, you Indian dog!^ It happened, 
m process of time, that this same pujiter lost nimself in the woods, and, after 
a fatiguing day's travel, he came to an Indian's cabin, into which he was 
welcomed On inquiring the way, and the distance to the white settlements, 
being told b^ the Indian that he could not go in the night, and beinff kindly 
offered lodging and victuals, he gladly refreshed and reposed himself in the 
Indian's cabin. In the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness, 
agreeably to his promise the night before, until they came in sight of the 
habitations of the whites. As he was about to take his leave of the planter, 
he looked him full in the face, and asked him if he did not know him. 
Horror-struck at finding h'imself thus in the power of a man he had so 
inhumanly treated, and dumb with shame on thinking of the manner it was 
requited, he began at length lo make excuses, and beg a thous^pid pardons, 
when the* Indian interrupted him, and said, ^ When you see poor Indians 
fainting for a cup of cold water, don't say again, ' Get you gone, you Indian 
dog ! '" He then dismissed him to return to his friends. My author adds, 
'* It is not difficult to say, which of these two had the best claim to the name 
of Christian."* 

Deception. — ^The captain of a vessel, having a desire to make a present to a 
lady or some fine oranges which he had just brought from ^ the sugar islands," 
gave them to an Indian in his employ to carry to her. Lest he should not 
perform the office punctually, he wrote a letter to her, to be taken along with 
the present, that she might detect the bearer, if he should fail to deliver the 
whole of what he was intrusted with. The Indian, during the journey, 
reflected how he should refresh himself with the oranges, and not be found 
out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of communication by 
writing, he concluded that it was only necessary to keep his design secret 
from the letter itself, supposing that would tell of'^him if he did not ; he there- 
fore laid it upon the ground, and rolled a large stone upon it, and retired to 
some distance, where he regaled himself with several of the oranges, and then 
iiroceeded on his journey. On delivering the remainder and the letter to the 
lady, slie asked him where the rest of the oranges were ; he said he had 
delivered all ; she told him that the letter said there were several more sent ; 
to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not believe it. But he 
was soon confronted in his fdsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the ofiTence, 
was pardoned, t 

Shrewdness, — As Governor Joseph Dudley of Massachusetts was superin 
tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who, 
half-naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. The 

work head work^ and so have no need to work with my hands as you should." 
The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him. The 

• Carttft Museum, vi. 40, 

t Uring^i Voyage to N. England in 1709, 8vo. London, 17S6. 


governor told him he wanted a calf killed, and that, if be would ^ and do it. 
he would give him a shilling. He accepted the offer, and went mimediately 
and killed the calf, and then went sauntering about as before. The governor, 
on observing what he had done, asked him why he did not dress the calf 
before lie left it The Indian answered, ".Vo, no, Coponoh; that was not in 
the bargain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. ^m he no dead, Copon- 
oA?" [governor.] The governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told him to 
dress it, and he would give him another shilling. 

This done, and in possession of two shillings, the Indian goes directly to a 
erog-shop for rum. After a short stay, he returned to the governor, and told 
him he had given him a bad shilling-piece, and presented a brass one to be 
exchanged. The governor, thinking possibly it might have bet-u the case, 
gave him another. It was not long Ixifore he returned a second time with 
another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor was now convinced of 
his knaverj', but, not caring to make wonls at the time, gave him another; 
and thus the fellow got four shillings for one. 

The governor determined to have the rogue corrected for his abuse, and, 
meeting with him soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston for him 
[and gave him a half a crown for the service.] * The letter was directed to the 
Keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes ; but, 
mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of the 
ffovemor on the road, ordered him, in the name of his master, to carry the 
letter immediately, as he was in haste to return. The consequence was, this 
servant got egre^iously whipped. When the governor learned what had 
taken place, he telt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the 

He did not see the fellow for some time after this, but at length, falling in 
with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him so 
many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answered, 
pointing with his finger to his head, " Head work, Coponoh^ head work ! " The 
governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole offt'nce.f 

Eqwdiiy, — An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were free, 
answered, "Why not, since I myself am free, although their king?"! 

Matrimony, — " An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time 
among the white people, both in Pennsylvania and New Jerse}', one day, 
about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier 
way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more certain way of getting 
a good one. ' For,' said he in broken English, * white man court — court — 
may be one whole year ! — may be two years before he marry ! Well — may 
be then he get very good wife — but may be not — may be very cross ! Well, 
now suppose cross ! scold so soon as get awake in the morning! scold all 
day ! — scold until sleep ! — all one — he must keep him ! — White people have 
law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross — must keep hin) always ! 
Well, how does Indian do? Indian, when he see industrious squaw, he 
go to him, place his two fore-fingers close aside each other, make two like 
one — then look squaw in the face — see him smile — this is all one he say 
yes ! — so he take him home — no danger he be cross I No, no — squaw know 
too well 'what Indian do if he cross! throw him away and take another! — 
Squaw love to eat meat — no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to 
please husband, he do everj* thing to please squaw — live happy.' "§ 

Toleration, — ^In the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an American 
to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked 
around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain thiugs as to behold "the 
savages.'* Being asked their opinion of religion, or of what religion they were, 
one made answer, that they had no priests in their country, or established 
religion, for they thought, that, upon a subject where there was no possibility 
of people's agreeing m opinion, and as it was altogether matter of men 

* A sentence added in a version of this anecdote in Carets Museum, vi. SOi. 
t Urmgf tU tupra. 120. | Carey's Museum, vi. 482. 

$ Heckevoelder't Hist. Ind. Natiou. 



opinion, ** it was best that every one should paddle his canoe his own way." 
Here is a volume of instruction in a short answer of a^savage ! 

Justice, — A white trader sold a quantity of> powder to an Indian, and im 

1)08ed upon him by making him believe it was a grain which grew like wheat, 
)y sowing it upon the ground. He was greatly elated by the prospect, not 
only of raising his own powder, but of being able to supply others, and there- 
by becoming immensely rich. Having prepared his ground with great care, 
he sowed Ins powder with the utmost exactness in the spring. Alonth after 
month passed away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter came 
before he was satisfied that he had been deceived. He said nothing; but 
some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian suc- 
ceeded in getting credit of him to a large amount The time set for payment 
having expired, he sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded pay- 
ment for his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance; 
then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, **Me pay you when mv poufder 
grow^ This was enough. The guilty white man quickly retraced nis steps, 
satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he hod re 

Hunting. — ^Tbe Indians had methods to catch game which served them ex- 
tremely well. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the 
forefathers, November, 1620, to the shores of Plimouth, several of them 
ranged about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Having 
wandered farther than they were apprized, in their endeaver to return, they 
say, " We were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wondered, we 
came to %. tree, where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some 
acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some 
deer. So, as we were looking at it, ffiUtam Bradford being in the rear, when 
he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, 
and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was (they continue) a veiy 
pretty device, made with a rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind 
of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in 
England can make, and os like ours as can be ; which we brought away 
with us.*** 

Preaching against Practice. — John Simon was a Sogkonate, who, about the 
year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind, 
generally temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol- 
lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simony 
on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and when dif- 
ficulties occurred involving any of his people, he sat with the English justice 
to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simon^s squaw, with some 
others, had committ^ some offence. Justice •^my and Simon, in making up 
their minds, estimated the amount of the of!ence differently ; Mmy thought 
each should receive eight or ten stripes, but Simon said, " No, Jour or five are 
enough — Poor Indiana are ignorant, and it is not Chnstian-ltke to punish so 
hardly those who are ignorant, as those who ,have knowledge.^ Sinum^s judg- 
ment prevailed. When Mr. ^my asked John how many his wife should 
receive, he said, " Double, because she had knowledge to have done better ; " but 
Colonel Jllmy, out of regard to JohiCs feeUngs, wholly remitted his wife*t 
punishment. John looked very serious, and made no reply while in presence 
of the court, but, on the first fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely 
a^inst his )ud^ent, and said to him, ^ To wrust pttrvose do we preach a reh- 
gton of justice, if we do unrighteousness in judgment ^ 

Sam Hid^ — There are few, we imagine, who have not heard of this per- 
sonage ; but, notwithstanding his great notoriety, we might not be thought 
terious in the rest of our worl, were we to enter seriously into his biography ; 
lor the reason, that from his day to this, his name has been a by-word in ail 
New England, and means as much as to say the greatest of liars. It is on 
account of the following anecdote that he is noticed. 

* Mouri's R^.lalion. 


Sam Hide ^a^ a uotorioiis cider-driDker as well as liar, and used to travel the 
couDtT}' to and fro begging it from door to door. At one tiuie he happened 
in a region of countn* where cider was very liard to be procured, either from 
Its scarcity, or from !§am*s frequent visits. However, cider he was detennined 
to have, if Iving, in uny shape or color]^ would eain it Being not far from 
tlie house of^ an acquaintance, who he knew had cider, but he knew, or was 
well satisfied, that, in the ordinary way of begpng, he could not get it, he set 
his wits at work to luy a plan to insure it This did not occupy him long. 
On arriving at the house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in- 
quired for the man of the house, whom, on ap{>earing, Sam requested to go 
aside >vith him, as he had something of importance to conununicate to him. 
When they were by themselves, Sam told him he had that morning shot a fine 
deer, and that, if he would ^ve him a crown, he would tell him where it wofi. 
The gentleman did not inchne to do this, but offered half a crown. Finally, 
Sam said, as he had walked a great distance that morning, and was vciy dry, 
for a half a crown and a mug of cider he would tell him. This was agreed 
npon, and the price paid. Now Sam was required to point out the spot where 
the deer was to be found, which he did in this manner. He said to ills friend. 
You kiuHc of such a mfodow, describing it — Yes — You know a big ash trte, ttith 
a hi^ top by the Utile brook — Yes — H'elly under that tree lies the deer. This wa« 
satisifactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessary to mention that the meadow 
was found, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. The duped man could 
liardly contain himself on considering what he had been doing. To lode 
after Sam for satisfaction would be worse than looking after the deer , so the 
larmer concluded to go home contented. Some years after, he happened to 
fall in with the Indian ; and he immediately began to rally him for deceiviDg 
him so, and demanded back his money and pay fbr his cider and troaUe. 
/FiW, said iSam, would you find fault if Indian told truth half the time f — No 
— ndl. Hays Sam^ you find him fneadow? — Yes — You find him tree^ — Ycm i 
What for then you find fauU Sam Hide, tchen he told you two truth to one He9 
The anair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer. 

This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, which, could tbev 
1)6 collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedham, 5 January, 1739^ 
at the great age of 105 years. He was a great jester, and passed for an un- 
common wit. In all the wars against the Indians during his lifetime, he 
ser\'ed the English faithfully, and bad the name of a brave soldier. He had 
himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried hard to make up the 20th, but i^wa 

Characters contrasted. — ''An Indian of the Kenncbeck triln?, remarka- 
ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed 
himself in a new township where a number of families were settled. Thouf^ 
not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians prevented any sym- 
f>athy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when none 
of tiie people came near him. Shortly afterwanls he went to some of the 
inhabitants and baid to them, ffhen white man^s child die, Indian man he sony 
— he help bury him* — When my child die, no one speak to me — / make his grave * 
alone. I can no live here. He gave up his farm, dug up the l)ody of bis child, 
and carried it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Canada 
Indians ! "♦ 

Jl ludicrous Error. — ^There was published in London, in 17G2, "Tbs 
American Gazetteer,^ &^.\ in which is the following account of Bristol, 
R. I. ** A coimty and town in N. England. The canital is remarkable for the 
Kinf^ of Spain^s having a palace in it, and being icUltd there ; and also fbr 
(Jroum the jKHJt's begging it of Charles II." The blunder did not rest here, 
hot is fr^und in **The N. American and the West Indian Gazetteer,"! &e. 
TbiM PkUip of Spain seems to have had the misfortune of being mistaken fW 
FhHip of tne Wampanoags, alias Pometacom of Pokanoket 

* TittUjr'% Ijeixtn oo the Eastern States, VA. \ 3 vols. 12roo. without name. 

\ i4 #4hi«P, ISmo, Loodoo, 1788, also anonymoos. 


Origin or Meaning of the JVame Canada. — It is said, that Canada was discov- 
ered by the Spaniards, before the time of Cartier, and that the Bay of Cha- 
leurs was discovered bv them, and is the same as the Baye des EspagnoUs ; 
and that the Spaniards, not meeting with aiy appearances of mines of the 
;>recioiis metals, said to one another, aca nada, which in their language signi- 
fied, nothing harej and forthwith departed from the x;ountry. The Indians, 
having heard these words, retained them in their memories, and, when the 
French came among them, made use of them, probably bv way of salutation, 
not understanding their import ; and they were supposed by the voyagers to 
be the name of the country. It was only iiecessaiy to drop the first letter, 
and use the two words as two syllables, and the word Canada was complete.* 

But as long ago as when Fatlier Charlevoix wrote bis admirable Histort 
OF ^ew JFVonce, he added a note upon the derivation of the name Canada^ 
in which he said some derived it from an Iroquois word meaning an assem- 
blage of houses.! Doctor /. R, Forster has a learned note upon it also, in his 
valuable account of Voyages and Discoveries in Ihe ^orth. He objects to the 
m^ca JSTada origin, because, in Spanish, the word for here is not acoy but aqudf 
and that to form Canada from Aquinada would be forced and imnatural. Yet 
he says, ^ In ancient maps we often find Ca: da J^ada^ that is, Cape Nothing. 
^ But from a Canadian [Indian] vocabulary, annexed to the original edition 
of the second voyage otJaques Cartier, Paris, 1545, it appears, that an assem- 
blage of houses, or habitations, L c. a totvn, was bv the natives called Canada, 
Ccrtier says, Ih appeUent une VUU — Canada.^ Mr. Hechnvelder is of much 
the same opinion as Charlevoix and Forster. He saVs, that in a prayer-book 
in the Mohawk language, he read ** JV*c KANXDA-gongh KomoaycAtk Jyazarelh^ 
which was a translation of ^ in a citt called Nazareth." 

Oritrin of the JVome Yanku, — Anbury, an author who did not respect the 
Americans, any more than many others who have been led captive by them, has 
the following paragraph upon this word | — ^ The lower class of these Yan- 
keu — apropos, it may not be amiss here just to observe to you the etymology 
of this term : it is derived from a Cherokee word, eankhej which signifies 
coward and slave. This epithet of yankee was bestowed upon the inhaoitants 
of N. England by the Virginians, for not assisting them in a war with the 
Cherokees, and they have always been held in derision by it. But the name 
has been more prevalent since [1775] the commencement of hostilities ; the 
soldierv at Boston used it as a term of reproach ; but after tlie afiair at Bun- 
ker's Hill, the Americans gloried in it Yankee-doodle vs now their pcoan, a 
favorite of favorites, played in their anny, esteemed as wariike as the grena- 
dier's march — it is the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid suc- 
cesses, we held the yankees in great contempt; but it was not a little morti- 
fyinff to hear them play this tune, when their army marched down tp our sur- 
render." § 

But Mr. Heckewelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce 
the name Engli^ could get that sound no nearer tlian these letters give it, 
yengees. This was perhaps the true origin of Yankee, 

A singrdar Stratagem to escape Torture. — "Some years ago the Shawano 
Indians, being obliged to remove from their habitations, in theur way took a 
Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, prisoner ; they bas- 
tinadoed him severely, and condemned him to the fiery torture. He under- 

Doctor Mather, [Mafnalia, B. viii. 71 ;] 
r Vo>a^ anaTraveis, 1 5] Boz' 
[Louisiaoa, i. 7.] 

„ - ^^ -^ — ^ — — as authorities for tbetr dsrivatioDf. 

The former [N. England Rarities, 51 says, Canada was '' so called from Monsieur CaneJ* 
The latter [Hist. America, 11 says, "Canada, in the Indian language, signifies the Mouth of 
the Country, from ran, mouth, and cuAi, the country/' 

t Quelques-unes d^vent ce nom du mot Iroquois Kaamaia, qui se prononce Canada, et sig- 
nifie un amas de cabannes. Hist. Nouv. France, i. 9. 

t Travels through ihe Interior Parts of North America, 1776, Ac. vol. ii. 46, 47. Anbury 
was an officer in General Burgoifne's army, and was among the captives surrendered at 
( Tbif detivstioa ii alnMSt «i ladicrooi as that givea bj Inring in his Rniekerbocker. 


Sen mdt nuK n uotorioiis cider-drinker as well aa liar, ond uacd to tmvd Ibe 
^■Auntry to and fiu bej^ug it from door lo door. At one tinie be happened 
in a region of cuuiiln- ivhure cidi-r was rerv liuni to be procured, either from 
Its scarcity, or fFoiii Sam't trequeut vi!<il8. Aowerer, cider he waa determmed 
to linre, il' Iviiig, in utiy shape or coloi^ would sniii iL Beins not for from 
tlie house oi an acquajiitaiice, who lie kLew had cidi'r, hul he knew, or waa 
well sariefied, that, in the ordiiuu-y way of beririiig, lie could not gel it, fae aet 
his vrits ot work to liiy o phiii to insure it. TliiH diJ nut occupy bim long. 
On arriving at the boiirto of the gentleiiiun, iiistend or n«khig for ciilcr, he in- 
quired fur tlie mail of the liou^', whon), on apj>cariiig, Sam rrq^iicsted to go 
awde with iilra, aa be bad Biitnctliing of iiiiportiuii'L- In coitnntinicate to hitn. 
When they were by thrniselvees Sam told him be had tlialiiiomineBliot a fine 
deer, and lliat, ir he would give him n crown, lie would tell him n^erc it was. 
The gentleman did not incline to do this, liut oficnvl linlf u crown. Finally, 
5am said, as he bad walked a great distnnce thni nioniing, nnil was verj di7, 
for a half a crown nud a iiiitg of cider lie woidd tell biiii. This was agreed 
upon, oud the price paid. Now Sam woa reijuired to pnint out the siMit where 
the deer was to \n; fnuud, which be ilid in tliiji iiiaiiiier. lie aiid to liis friend. 
You know if »urh a mtadoK, iioncribni(; it — Yes — You hunt a bijiatk (re*, irU 
abigloplnilht lUUt brook^YeB^ffell, viidrr tkal tne Hu the dter. Thia ww 
ratiafhctory, atid Sam dc{Mined. Ii is imueuessaiy to niniliou that llio meadm* 
was found, nod the tree by the brook, hut no deer. The duped man coukl 
hardly ciintnin himself on considering what be huil ht^ti doing. To look 
after Smn for satislkclion would lie ivorsc tlinii looking after tlie deer , so the 
(anner concludtal to go homo contented. Soine yf^ars after, be happened to 
fall in with the Indiiu) ; and he immediately began to rally him for dccsirfng 
bim so, and demanded back liis money and jiay tbr his citler and tronbl*. 
/fihr, said Sam, aovld you find favU if Indian told Inilk half tht timel — No 
— ^'di, enys Sam, uou find kim mcadoie'i — Yes — Ymtfind htm tnt^ — TTe*^ 
What jitT then yaa Jind faidt Sam Hiilc, u4rn ht toldyou tiro truth lo omit Iit9 
The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer. 

Tills ii but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, which, eouM tber 

iKt collected, ivonid fill many pages, fie clicd in Dedliam, 5 Januarr, 1733, 
nt the great age of 105 yeBTH. lie wne a great jesicr, and |iasscd for an on- 
common wit. Til all the wars HLiiinKt the Inilians during his lifetime^ Im 
served the English faithfully, and had the name of a lirave soldier. He had 
himself killed 19 of the enemy, and iried hard to make up the 30th, but waa 

CharaeUrt contrasted. — "An Indian of the Keiincbeck tribe, : 
ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixad 
liiniself in a new townBlii|i where a number of fumiliraiverc settled. Thou^ 
not ill treated, yet tlic common jirejudict) apiinst Indians tirevcnted any ^m- 
|ialby with bim. Thia was sbonn at the ilentli of his only child, when nooe 
of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards Ik- went to sanM of dtB 
iuhabititnts anil bsid to tlieiii, JFAm irJiVe man'* ehUd die, Ini/lmi niun h€ ttrrg 
— he help baty kim. — IFhen mg ehild die, no one tpeak lo mr — / nuiki h't grmt' 
alone. I tan no live here, lie gave up hh fonn, duji up the lioily of hiscbnii 

A lurffnvuf Error.— There was puhlislied in London, 

American Gazetteeb," Si.e.\ in which is llio following ncruiim of, 
K. I. "A count}' and town in N. England. The capit^ is reniai ' * 
King of Spnin's having a palaet in il, and bring iiHtd ttm ' 
Crowti the pnct's begging il of Charits II." The blunder dif" 
hut is found in "The N. Ahehican and the WkstImbuh' 
Thus Philip of Bpain seems to hare had the wi'ifiaf— ■ H 
Philip of the Wampanoags, alias PondocoM of rakw 



jicm .VoJa origan, bnaisr, ■ 

and tlm t» Ann ^ — -*- bod .tfmimmit muU br fctrml a 

heaav«.-|n anrknt dmi» ■« oApa fiaJ O .- A .VaM.~ ffioc (L Cvr N<^K 

" But' fintn ■ CwHdiui 'Italian^ Tocababrr. hukkiI io' i:>e iM^saJ tsSuem 

of ibF nnmd mrw of Jmqw* C^Ikt, Pm. I£1a ■: >;finfv ilM «b aaMtB- 

UacF of boBM^'or hsbinlMKi, L r. s l«n. to br ibr umw <a9(d Cw i h 

Ibe Moe ofwaiMi m Ctoinau avl fWitrr. Be nr^ diU in a pnTr-tnok 
in ibr Holnwk bnpMp, be rad '.^> K-t-''-»» g i^t JCn»qrfiC.\c3*v4l.'* 
whirfa was ■ tnBMtkM of^ika cnr calM NxxaMkr 

AmencMM,My iBOwdwiMjothtwwhofcarobwkdcfMTf fcTtbe».hM 
Ibe foUowinf (Mf^tapfc apn ibi* wo*d:— -Tte hnnr <lMi ef ikne Fm- 
Am* — aiwain^ii mac ml beanki bnr joR w «tMnc W tdw ibe cmnalo^ 
of thia term: « if dtfind 6ao a Cbetnlvir sod. taiifa. wbirk'n^ifia 
eowanl an) alaTe:. Tbi« evilbec «f v 
of X. Ei«had bv tbe Virfin'^i ftr 
Cberokees, and ihFy bare aluns been beld b d 
hM been nan preralt n t ^ace {1775] Ar iiaiin»iiiiwiii of baKiStio; tbe 
eoldieTT >1 Bawo um] it a» a mm of tvproarh : but aftrr iite toBu: tf Bb»- 
ker's diU, tbe Ai unkan a gkeird la it. riiatinf rfw Jf i» new ^ir posM. a 
&Torile of fnvritn, ptn'sd in tbeir armr, Mtrcaied b« variikv s$ ll« cRna- 
dio's march — it i» tbr lorri's spelL tbe niinip'% hilhin. AAn- (Ha- np>^ lur- 
cones, we beU tbe jankfcs m ptai contriiqa : bm il wai dm a Snir moro- 
^iiw to bear tbem |^j Ihia mne, when their annj mwtb ed don w tax am- 

But Mr. ButaniJir liiinkf ibal the luIiaDA. id rad^avcnie to |irc<o>xinrr 
the name ra^iJit. could ret tbal sound no nearr th^ these lentn cnc ii, 
ytmget*. llui vw peihapi tbc me onzin of T^ib^ 

-9 timJar to aa^ TWvc — '■Scene Ttwrt »fo ifae Sbann«a 
lDdi«ia,l>e«ig obiged to lemore from tbeir babiWictK, b ifaeir va; n«k a 
HoifcalMB watrior, knovB fa; the laiue of old Sav^ peinoer: tfaer taa- 
iMihwJ bi» »w i dj, and eoadeow d tam m ifae 6eTy iora»c He HidB- 


went a great deal without sbowinff auy concern ; bis countenance and beha- 
vior were as if be suffered not tbe least pain. He told bis persecutors with a 
bold voice, that he was a warrior ; that be bad gained most of bis martial 
reputation at tbe expense of their nation, and was desirous of showing them, 
in tlie act of dying, that be was still as much their superior, as when he headed 
his gallant countrymen : that although be bad fallen into their hands, and for- 
feited the protection of tbe divine power by some impurity or other, when 
carrying the holy ark of war a^nst his devoted enemies, yet he had so much 
remaining virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than 
all their despicable, ignorant crowd possibly could; and that he would do so^ 
if they gave him liberty by untying liini, and handing him one of tbe red-hot 
gun-barrels out of the me. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared 
BO exceedingly bold and uncommon, that Ills request was granted. Then 
suddenlv seizin? one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side 
to side, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of the 
river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, 
amidst a shower of bullets ; and though numbers of his cneniies were in close 
pursiut of him, he got into a bramble-swamp, through which, though naked 
and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country." 

An unparaUekd Case of Suffering, — "The Shawano Indians captured a 
warrior of the Anantoocab nation, and put him to the stake, according to their 
usual cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly sufibred much torture, he told 
them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy ; therefore 
he was willing to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his assertion if 
they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe 
ana some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as he had lighted it, be sat 
down, naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that were within bis 
circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure : On 
this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a 
warrior, and not afraia of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was 
both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws ; however, thouffb he 
was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it mould 
be seen that they paid a re^ird to bravery, even in one who was marked with 
war streaks at the cost of many of tlie lives of their beloved kindred ; and then 
by way of favor, be with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his 
pains."* • 

Ignorance (he Offspring of absurd Opinions, — ^Tbe resolution and courage of 
tbe Indians, says Colonel llogerSj "under sickness and pain, is truly surpris- 
ing. A young woman will be in labor a whole day without uttering one 
groan or cry ; should she betray such a weakness, they would inunediately 
say, that she was unworthy to hie a mother, and that her ofls^pring could not 
fail of being cowards."! 

A JSTorihem Custom, — Wlien Mr. Heame was on the Coppermine River, in 
1771, some of tbe Copper Indians in his company killed a number of Esqui- 
maux, by which act they considered themselves unclean ; and all concerned 
in tbe murder were not allowed to cook any provisions, either for themselves 
or others. They were, however, allowed to eat of others' cooking, but not 
until they had painted, with a kind of red eartli, all the si)ace between their 
nose and chin, as well as a greater part of their cheeks, almost to their ears. 
Neither would they use any other dish or pipe, than their own. | 

Jlnoiher Pocdhantas. — ^While Lewis and Clarke were on tbe shore of the 
Pacific Ocean, in 1805, one of their men went one evening into a viUage of 
the Killamuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the 
opposite side of a creek from that of the encampment. A strange Indian 
happened to be there also, who expressed great respect and love for the white 

• The two preceding relations arc from l.nnir's Voynges and Travels, 72 and 73, a book of 
small pretensions, but one of the best on Indian iiisinry. Its author lived among the Lidiaiia 
of tbe Nortli-West, as an Indian trader, about VJ ycurs. 

t Concise Account of N. America, 212. X Journey to Ike Northern Ocean, SOft. 


man ; but in reality be meant to murder him for tbe articles be bad about bim. 
This happened to come to the kno\^ledffe of a Cbinnook woman, and she 
determined at once to save bis life : therefore, when tbe white man was about 
to return to bis companions, the Indian was going to accompany bim, and kill 
• iiim in tbe way. As they were about to set out, the woman caught the white 
man by tbe clothes, to prevent bis goine with the Indian. He, not under- 
standing her intention, pulled away from her ; but as a last resort, she ran out 
and shrieked, which raised the men in every d'u^ction ; and the Indian 
became alarmed for his own safety, and made his escape before, the white 
man knew he had bden in danger. 

Self-command in THme of Danger. — There was in Carolina a noted chief of 
t!ie Yamoisees, who, in the year 1702, with about 600 of bis countrymen, 
went with Colonel Damd and Colonel Moore against the Spaniards in Flori- 
da. His name was Arralommakaw. When the English were obliged to 
abanvion their undertaking, and as they were retreating to their boats, they 
became alarmed, supposing tbe Spaniards were upon them. ArratommakaWy 
having arrived at the boats, was reposing himself upon bis oars, and was fast 
asleep. The soldiers ralHed him for being so slow m bis retreat, and ordered 
him to make more haste: "But be replied, *No — though tour governor 


Indifference. — Jtrchihau was a sachem of Maryland, whose residence was 
upon the Potomack, when that country was settled by tbe English in 1633-4. 
The place of his residence was named, like the river, Potomack. As usual 
with the Indians, be received the English under Governor Calvert with great 
attention. It should be noted, that Archihau was not head sachem of the 
Potomacks, but governed instead of bis nephew, who was a child, and who, 
like the head men of Virginia, was called t^erotrance. From this place the 
colonists sailed 20 leagues farther up tbe river, to a place called Piscattaway. 
Here a werowance went on board the governor's pinnace, to treat with him. 
On being asked whether he was willing the English should settle in his 
country, m case they found a place convenient for them, he made answer, 
^ / xoUl not hid you go, neither will I bid you stay, hut you may use your oum 
discretion." * 

Their Notions of (he Learning of the Whites. — At the congress at Lancaster, 
in 1744, between the government of Virginia and the Five Nations, the 
Indians were told that, if they would send some of their young men to Vir- 
ginia, the English would give them an education at their college. An orator 
n'plicd to this offer as follows: — "We know that you highly esteem the kind 
of learning taught in those colleges, and that tbe maintenance of our young 
men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced, 
tliert'fore, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and we thank you 
heartily. But you who are wise must know, that different nations have differ- 
ent conceptions of things ; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas 
of this kind of education happen not to bo the same with yours. We have 
h.ul some experience of it: several of our younff people were formerly brought 
up at the colleges of the northern provinces ; they were instructed in all your 
sciences ; but when they came back to us, they were bad runners ; ignorant 
of every means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hunger; 
knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy ; spoke our 
langua/s^ imperfectly; were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or 
counsellors ; they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the 
less obliged by your kind ofier, though we decline accepting it : and to show 
our grateful sense of it, if tbe gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of 
their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we 
know, and make m/en of tb^n." f 

Success of a Missionary. — ^Those who have attempted to Christianize the 
Indians complain that they are too silent, and that their taciturnity was tbe 
greatest difficulty with which they have to contend. Their notions of pro* 

* Oldntixonf [Hist Maryland.] t FrankHn't Easays. 



priety upon matters of conversation are bo nice, tliat they deem it improper, 
m tiie highest degree, even to deny or contradict any thing that is said, at the 
time ; and hence the diilicidty of knowing what efrect any thing has upon 
their minds at the time of delivery. In tiiis they have a proiKT advantage; 
for how often does it happen that people would answer very differently upou 
a matter, were they to consider upon it but a short time ! The Indians seldom 
answer a matter of importance tlic same day, lest, in so doing, they should be 
thought to have treated it as though it was of suiull consequence. We opener 
repent of a hasty decision, than that we have lost time in maturing our judg- 
ments. Now for the anecdote : aud as it is from the E^*says of Dr. Fhmtiin^ 
it shall 1)0 told in his own way. 

^ A Swedish minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Susquehamiah 
Indians, made a sermon to them, acquuintinc them with the ])rincipal historical 
facts on which our religion is founded ; such as the fall of our first parents by 
eathig an apple ; the coming of Christ to repair the mischief; his miracles 
and sufferings, &c. — When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to 
thank him. * What you have told U3,^ said he, ^is all very good. R i$ indeed 
had to eat ajtpks. R is hatter to make them all into cider, ne are much obliged 
by your kindness in coming so far to teU us those things^ wfiick you have heard 
from your mothers.^ 

"When the Indian had told the missionary- one of the legends of his nation, 
how they had been supplied with maize or com, beans, and tobacco,* he 
treated it with contempt, and said, * What I delivered to you were sacred 
truths; but what you tell me is mere ^le, fiction, and falsehood.' The 
Indian felt indignant, and replied, ^My brother, it seems your fnerufs have tiol 
done you justice in your education ; they have not toell instructed you in (he rule* 
of common civility. You see that we, who understand and pramse those mleVy 
believe all your stories : why do you refuse to believe ours ? ' " 

Curiosity. — "When any of the Indians come into our towns, our people are 
apt to crowd round them, gaze upon tiiem, and incommode them where theiy 
desire to he private ; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of tfao 
want of instruction in the rules of civiHty and good manners. * We have^ say 
they, *■ as much curiosity as you^ and when you come into our towns, we wish fir 
opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behmd 
bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your compcmyJ^ 

Rides of Conversation. — "The business of the women is to take exact notice 
of what passes, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writing,) and 
communicate it to their children. They are tlie reconls of the council, and 
they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundrt>d years back; 
which, when we compare with our writings, we alwavs find exact. He that 
would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. Wlien he has 
finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if 
he has omitted any tiling he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may 
rise again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversa- 
tion, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of 
a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some 
confusion, that makes die s[)eaker hoarse in calling to order ; and how different 
from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of Europe, where, 
if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off* in the 
middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never 
suffered to finish it ! " — Instead of being l)etter since the days of iVanklin^ we 
apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming offen find it 
exceeding difficult to gain a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider 
themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insufferable degree, in 
breaking in upon the conversations of otiiers. Some of these, like a ship 

* The story of the beautiful woman, who descended to the earth, and was fed by the 
Indians, Black-Hawk is made to tell, in his life, pare 78. It is the same oAen told, and 
alluded to by Franktirif in the text. To revi-ard the Indians for their kindness, she caoMd 
eoni to now where her right band touched the earth, beans where the leA rested, and tqbaeeo 
where she ^aa leated. 


dnven by a north-wester, bearing down the small craft in ker course, come 
. upon us by surprise, and if we attempt to pitx:eed by raising our voices a 
little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation on their part 
It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person wnose 
eye this may meet, will not be giulty of tlirough life. There is great oppor- 
tunity for many of mature years to profit by it 

Lost Coniidtnct* — An Indian runner, arriving in a village of his countrymen) 
requested the immediate attendance of its inhabitants in council, as he wanted 
their answer to imfiortant information. The i>eople accordingly assembled^ 
but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivert^d his message, and 
waited for an answer, none was given, and he soon observed that he was like- 
ly to be left alone in bis place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the 
meaning of this strange proceeding, who gave tliis answer, ** at once told 
us a lie. 

Comic, — An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of his 
countr}'men was convened to determine by what means he came to such a 
death. Their verdict was, ** Death from the freezing of a great Quantity of 
water inside of him, which they were of opinion he had drunken tor mm." 

^ serious Ques{ioTU — About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with 
a medal, on one side of which President Washington was represented as armed 
with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the 
hatchet Th^ chief at once saw the wrong done his countnrmen, and very 
wisely asked, •* Why does not the President bury Ms sword toof^* 

Self-esteem, — A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The 
red man, with a great expression m meaning in his countenance, inquired 
how they came to be^jrothers; the white man replied, O, by way or Adam, I 
suppose. The Indian added, *^ Me (hank him Great Spirit toe no nearer brothers*^ 

A Preaeher taken at his Word, — A certain clerg^-man had for hb text on a 
time, *^ Vow and pay unto the Lord thy votos,^ An Indian happened to be 

{)resent, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had finisheo, and said to 
lim, ''Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The priest, having 
DO language of evasion at command, said, ** You must go then." When he had 
arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed asain, saying, ** Now 
me vow me have supper." When this was finished he said, *^ Me vow me stay 
all night" The priest, by this time, thinking himself sufficiendy taxed re- 
plied, *^ It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The IndiaiL 
pdff'mg from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed 
m the morning sans chimonie, % 


A case of signal Barbarity, — It is related by Black Hawk, in his life, that 
some time before the war of 1812, one of the Indians had killed a French- 
man at Prairie des Chiens. ^The British soon after took him prisoner, and 
said they would shoot him next day ! His family were encamped a short dis- 
tance below the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He begged pernnssion to gO and 
see them that night, as he was to die the next day ! They permitted him to go, 
after promising to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his fampy, 
which consisted of a wife and six children. I cannot describe their meeting 
and parting, to be understood by the whites ; as it appears that their feelings 
are acted upon by certain rules laid down by theiv preachers ! — ^whilst ours are 
governed onlv by the monitor within us. He })arted from his wife and chil- 
oren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, and arrived in time! The sol- 
diers were ready, and immediately marched out and shot kim down !! " — If this 
were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on the part of the whites, I have 
no conceptiou of what constitutes that crime. What were the circumstances 
of the murder we are not informed ; but whatever they may have been, they 
cannot excuse a still greater barbarity. I would not by any means be undeN 
stood to advocate the cause of a murderer ; but I will ask, whether crime li 
to be prevented by crime : murder for murder is only a brutal retaliation, ex- 
, cept where the safety of a commimity requires the sacrifice. 

• EUiot's Works, 178. . 


U»H'«4ft^ mimA in a short TSme, — ** A young widow, whose husband had 
Ks^M sUas\ nU^ui «'l^ht (lay^ was liastenhig to finish her griefj in order that 
nUy* ww^Ux W nmrriod to a young warrior: she was determined, therefore, to 
iiMo>0 ninoh ui :i short thne ; to thi8 end she tore her hair, drank spirits, and 
Ivcu hor bnvist, to make tlio tears flow abundantly, by wliich means, on the 
oxriuni: «>r tlio i'iglith liiiVf tfhe was ready again to marry, having grieved sui^ 

7/i»fr to (vade a hard Qii^tion. — " When Mr. Gist went over the Aileganies, 
in Tob. 1751, on a tour of disrovcry for the Ohio Conj|)nny, 'an Indian, who 
HiM>ke gooii Kn^'lii^h, canie to him, and said that their great man, the Beaverj\ and 
Captnin Opmmylwihy (iwo chiefs of tlie Delawares,) desired to know where 
the Indiaiifi* hind lay ; for the French claimed all the land on one side of the 
Ohio River, and the English on the other.' This question Mr. Gist found it 
hard to answer, and he eviuled it by sa\ing, that the Indians and white men 
were all subjects to tlic same king, and' all had an eiinal privilege of taking 
uj) and possessing tJic land in conformity with the conditions prescribed by 

Crtdulity its own Punishment, — The traveller JVansey^ acconling to his own 
account, would not enter into conversation with an eminent chiel, because he 
had heard tliat it Iiad been said of him, tliat he had, in his time, "shed blood 
enough to swim in." He had a gn'at desire to l»eeome acquainted with the 
Indian character, but his credulity debarred him eflectuallv from the gratifi- 

/totifkik fL-^ ^l*..X» _ 4"t 1. I i-^_ __.i ••.. ..1 

who come to America. That Flamingo was more blooily than other Indian 
warriors, is in no wise probable ; but a mere report of his being a great shed- 
der of blood kept Mr. fVansey from saying any more al)out him. 

Just Jndignaiion, — Hatuat, a powerful chief of Ilispaniola, having fled 
fiom thence to avoid slavery or death when that island was ravaged by the 
Spaniards, was taken in 1511, when they conquered Cul>a, and burnt at the 
stake. After lieing bound to the stake, a Franciscan friar labored to convert 
him to the Catholie faith, by promises of immediate and eternal bliss in the 
world to come if he would' believe ; and that, if he would not, etemaJ tor- 
ments were his only portion. The cazique, with seeming composure, asked 
if tlierc were any SfMiniards in those regions of bliss. On lN>ing answered 
that tliere were, he replied, ** Then I will not go to a place where 1 may meet 
with one of thai accursed race/* * 

Harmless Deception. — In a time of Indian troubles, an Indian visited the 
house of Governor Jenksy of Rhode Island, when the governor took occasion 
to request him, that, if any strange Indian should come to his wigwam, to let 
him know it, which the Indian promised to do; but to secure his lidelity, the 
governor, told him that when he should give him such information, lie would 
give him a mug of flip. Some time after the Indian came again : ** Well, Mr. 
Gubenor, stmnge Indian come my hoiisti last night! " ** Ah," says the govern- 
or, *« and what did he say ? " "He no si>eak," replied the Indian. " What, no 
speak at all ? " aiMed the governor. " No, he no speak at all." "That certainly 
looks susniclous," said his excellency, and inquired if he were still there, and 

iuddenly changed into disappomtment, and the strange Indian into a new- 
born jMippooee. 

Mammoth Bones. — ^The folio wmg very interesting tradition concerning 
tbew booea, among the Indians, will always be read with interest The ani- 
ml to which tbey once belonged, they called the Big Buffalo ; and on the 

• Aeeooat of the United States b^ Mr. Isaac Holmes, 36. 

t FMtaUJT the laaw we hare noticed in Book V. as King Beaver. 

I Av*f^ Washnctoo, ii, 15. 



early maps of the country of the Ohio, we see marked, " Elepfcij^n* bones said 
to be found here." They were, for some time, by many supf)o^ to have been 
the bones of that animal ; but they are pretty generally now believed to have, 
belonged to a species of animal long smce extinct They have been found 
in various parts of the country ; but in the greatest abundance about the salt 
licks or sprines in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never l)een an entire 
skeleton found, although the one in Pealt^s museum, in Philadelphia, was so 
near perfect, that, by a little ingenuity in supplying its defects with wood- 
work, it passes extremely well for such. 

The tradition of the Indians concerning tliis animal is, that he was carniv- 
orous, and existed, as late as 1780, in the northern parts of America. Some 
Delawares, in the time of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of Vir- 
ginia on business, which having l)een finished, some questions were put to 
them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had heard 
respecting the animals whose bones had been found about the salt licks oi% 
the Ohio River. " The chief speaker," continues our author, Mr, Jefferson^ 
** immediately put himself into an attitude of oratoiy, and, with a pomp suited 
to what he conceived the elevation of his subject," began and repeated as 
follows : — " In ancient times^ a herd of these tremejidoua animals came to the 
Big'hone Licks, and began an universal destruction of the hear, deer, elks, buffa- 
loes, and other animals, which had been created for the use of the Indians : the 
great man above, looking doum and seeing this, was so enraged, that he seized his 
lightning, descended to the earth, and seated himself on a neighboring mountain, 
on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen^ and hurled 
his bolts among (hem tUl the whole were slaughtered, except the big buU, who, 
presenting his forehead to the shafU, shook them off as they fell ; btU missing one 
at length, it toounded him in the side ; whereon, springing round, he bounded over 
the Ohio, over the Wabash, the Illinois, and, finally, over the great lakes, where he 
is living at this day^ 

Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their 
ancestors, and they could furnish no other information. 

J^arraJtive of the Captivity and bold Exploit of Hannah Duston. — The rela- 
tion of this anair forms the }pCV. article m the Decennium Luctuosum of the 
Magnalia Christi Americana, by Dr. Cotton IVftuher, and is one of the best- 
written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi- 
cant sentence — Dux Fiemina Facti. 

On the 15 March, 1697, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly 
upon Haverhill, in Massachusetts ; and, as their numbers were small, they 
made their attack with the swiflness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap- 
peared. The war, of which this irruption was a part, had continued nearly 
ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a clos^. The house which this 
party of Indians had singled out as their object of attack, belonged to one Mr. 
Thomas * Duston or Ihinstan, f in tlie outskirts of the town. | Mr. Duston was 
at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was 
alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, 'or other 
cause, we are not informed ; but he seems to have arrived there time enough 
before the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva- 
tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had l)een 
confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her 
agnized husband. No time was to be lost ; Mr. Duston had only time to 
direct his children's flight, fseven in number,) the extremes of whose ages were 
two and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, Uie 
distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the 
children, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house. His first 
intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with it. He had no 
sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue either 
to the exclusion pf the rest, was worse than death itself to him. He therefore 
faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired 

« Mr. Myricts Hist. Haverhill, 86. f Hutchinson. 

X Eight bouses were destroyed at this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away captive. 
In Mr. B. L. Myrick*M History of Haverhill, are tiie names of the slain, &c. 


upon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retrcatiDg 
party were hurt. The Indians did not pursue long, from fear of raising the 
neighhoi-iug English before tliey could complete their object, and hence this 
part of the fauiUy escaped to a place of safety. 

We are now to enter fully into the relation of tliis very tragedy. There 
was living ui the house of Mr. Duston^ as nurse, Mrs. Mary •Vc^,* a widow, 
whose lieroic conduct in sharing the fate of her mistress, when escape was 
in her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were 
now in the undisturbed possession of the house, and having driven the 
sick woman from her lied, compelled her to sit quietly in the comer of the 
fire-place, while they completed the pillage of the house. This busioefis 
being finished, it was set on fire, and Mrs. Duston, who before considered 
herself unable to walk, was, at the approach of night, obliged to inarch 
into the wildeniess, and take her bed upon the cold ground. Mrs. Mff too 
late attempted to escape with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child 
taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apple-tree, while 
its nurse was compelled to accompany her new and frightful masters also. 
The captives amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to 
travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Ahhough it was near 
night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles 
before encamping; ** and then," says Dr. Mather, "kept up with their new 
masters in a long travel of an hundred and fiAy miles, more or less, within a 
few days ensuing."! 

Afler journey iiig awhile, according to their custom, the Indians divided their 
prisoners. Mrs. Diiston, Mrs. Ae^ and a Ikat named Samuel Leonardson^ I who 
had been captivated at Worcester, about lo months before, fell to the lot of 
an Indian family, consisting of twelve persons, — two men, three women, and 
seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were very kind to their 
prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony wliich tliey could not avoids 
and to which they would be subjected when they should arrive at their place 
of destination, which was to run the ganth^t. The place where this was to be 
performed, was at an Indian village, 250 miles from Haverhill, according to 
the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering course, they at length 
arrived at an island in the mouth of Contookook River, almut six miles above 
Concord, in New Hampshire. Here one of the Indian men resided. It had 
been determined by the captives, before their arrival, that an effort 
should be made to free themselves from their wretched captivit)' ; and not 
only to gain their lil)erty, l)ut, as we shall presently sec, something by way of 
remuneration from tliose who held them in bondage. The heroine, Duston^ 
had resolved, upon the first opportunity that offered any chance of success, to 
kill her captors and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies an 
would clearly establish her reput«tioii for heroism, as well as insure her a 
bounty from the public. She therefore communicated her design to Mrs. 
JVc/f and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it. 
To the art of killing and scalpin«: she was a stranger ; and, tliat there should 
be no failure in the business, Mrs. Duston instructed the Iwy, who, from his 
long residence with them, had become as one of the Indians, to inquire of one 
of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with- 
out mistnisting the origin of the inquiry. It was now March the 31, and in 
the dead of the night following, this bloody tragedy was acted. When the 
Indians were in the most sound sleep, these three captives arose, and softly 
arming themselves with the tomahawks of their masters, allotted the number 
each snould kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that but one escaiied 
that they designed to kill. This was a woman, whom they badly wounded, 
and one boy, for some reason thev did not wish to harm, and accordingly he 
was allowed to escape unhuit Mrs. Ihision killed her master, and Leonard" 
son killed the man who had so freely told him, but one day before, where to 
deal a deadly blow, and how to take off a scalp. 

• She was a daughter of George Corliss, and married William Neff, who went after the 

ny, and died at Pemmaquid, Feb. 1G88. Myrickj Hist. Havl. 87. 

t Their course was probably very indirect, to elurU gursiiit. % Hist. Havwlun, 89 


All >va8 over before the dawii of day, and all things were got ready for 
leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scuttled, to prevent 
being pursued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian camp afibrded, 
they embarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the course of 
the Merrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with- 
out accident 

The whole country was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of 
which was never for a moment doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the 
Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave 
them fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered 
ii|>un them. Colonel JVicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac- 
tion, sent thetn a generous present also. 

Eight other houses were attacked besides DusUnCs, the owners of which, 
says the historian of that town, Mr. Myrick^ in every case, were slain while 
defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sill. 

Narrative of Vie Destruction of Schenectady,* — ^This was an event of great 
distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give 
some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has 
never before been published. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov- 
ernor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley^ of Plimouth, dated 
about a month after the affair. They are as follow : — " Tho' you cannot but 
have heard of the horrid massacre committed by the French and Indians at 
Senectada, a foitified and well compacted town 20 miles above Albany f which 
we had an account of by an express,) yet we think we have not discnarged 
our duty till you hear of it from us. Twas upon the Eighth of February^ 
[168D-90] at midnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by 
the enemy. Their gates were open, no watch kept, and hardly any order 
observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in 
the place ; of whom Lieut Taimage and four more were of Capt BtdTs com- 
pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French 
nave given us to understand what we may expect from them as to the fron- 
tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted 
what number of convenient Havens you have in your colony, besides those of 
Plimouth and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you 
to take such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at either of 
those or any such like place." f 

We now proceed to give such other facts as c^in be gathered from the 
numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had 
planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, against various 
important points oPthe English frontier, — as much to gain the warriors of the 
Five Nations to their interest^ as to distress the Endisli. Governor De JSTon" 
mile had sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where, 
as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter- 
tain the highest opinions of the glory and greatness of the French nation. 
Among them was Tawerciket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears 
that, during their absence in F'rance, the great war between their countrymen 
and the French had ended in the destniction of Montreal, and other places, as 
will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count Frontenac 
arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1689, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to 
join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest 
of New York, he found himself obliged to set about a reconciliation of them. 
He therefore wisely despatched Tawtrakety and the two others, upon that 
design. The Five Nations, on being called upon by these chiefs, would take 
no step without first notifying the Euglish at Albany that a council was to be 
called. The blows which had been so lately given the French of Canada, 
liad lulled the English into a fatal security, and they let this council pass with 
too little attention to its proceedings. On the other hand, the French were 

* Tliis was the Oerman name o( apine barren^ such as stretches itself between Albany and 
Schenectady, over which is now a rail-road. 

t French shipci, with land forces and munitions, had, but a short time before, hovered apoo 


fully and ably represented ; and t)ie result was, the existing breach was set in 
a fair way to be closed up. This great council was begun 22 January, 1690t 
and consisted of eighty sachems. It was opened by SadtkanaghHe,* a great 
Oneida chiofi 

Meanwhile, to give employment to the Indians who yet remained their 
friends, the exj)edition was begun which ended in the destruction of Schenec- 
tady. Chief Justice SmiUi] wrote his account of that affair from a manuscript 
letter left by Colonel Schuyler^ at that time mayor of AUmny ; and it is tne 
most ])articular of any account vet pubhshed. It is as follows, and bean dale 
15Febniary, 1689:— 

After two-and-twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, 
Fehruaiy 8. There were about 200 French, and perhaps 50 Caughnewa^ 
Mohuwks, and they at first int(?nded to have surprisetl Albany; but their 
march had lieen so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow 
and cnhhiess of the weather, that, insnead of attempting any thing ofiensive, 
they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English they 
should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a camp of snow, but a few 
miles from the devoted settlement. The Indians, however, saved them from 
the <Iisgnice. They had sent out a small scout from their party, who entered 
Schenectady williout even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they had 
8tai<l as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their 

Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into 
the French, and they came u|)on it as al>ove related. The bloody tragedy 
commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night; and, that every 
house might be surprised at nearly the same time, the enemy divided them- 
selves into parties or six or seven men each. Although the lovm vrss impaled, 
no one thought it necessary* to close the gates, even at night, presuming the 
severity of the season was a sufficient security ; hence the ^rst news of the 
approach of the enemy was at everv' door of every house, which doors were 
broken as soon as the profound slumbers of those they were intended to guard* 
The sanie inhuman barbarities now fcilluwed, that were afterwards perpetrated 
upon the wTctched inhabitants of Montreal.^ ^No tongue," said Colonel 
Schuylery " can express the cnielties thot were committed." Sixty-three 
houses, and the church, § were iiimiediately in o blaze. Enctente women, 
in their expiring agonies, saw their infants cast into the flames, being drA 
delivered by the knife of the midnight assiissin ! Sixty-three || persons were 
put to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivit}'. 

A few persons fled towunls Albany, with no other covering but their night- 
clothes; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall 
of snow ; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the sieverity of the' frost With 
these |K>or fu^tives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was iu 
dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such occasions, supposed the enemy 
to have l)een seven times more numerous than thev reallv were. Al)OUt noon, 
the next day, the enemy set off from Schcnertady, taking all the plunder they 
could carrj' with them, among which were forty of the Ix^st hors<'s. The rest, 
with all the cuttle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtered in the streets. 

One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this tune, was Contain 
Altxander Glen.^ He lived on the op|K)siti' side of the river, and wos suffered 
to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners from torture and 
slaverj', who had l>een taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had 
passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken the 
alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself Before 
leaving the village, a French officer sunnnoned him to a council, upon the 
shore of the river, with the tender of personal tofety. He at length adventured 
down, and had tlie great satisfaction of having all his captured friends and 
relatives delivered to him : and the enemy departed, keeping good their 
promise that no injury should be done him. || 

* Sadaeeenascldie iu Pownal on the Colonies, I. 398. f Higt. N. York. 

i See &ok V. ^ Spaford.^ || Colden, 1 15. 

1 CharUccix calls him The Sintr Coudrt. 



The great Mohawk castle was about 17 miles from Schenectady, and they 
did not hear of the massacre until two days after, owing to the state of 
travelling. On receiving the news, they immediately joined a party of men 
from Albany, and pursued the enemy. After a tedious pursuit, they fell upon 
their rear, killed and took 25 of them, and did them some other damage. Sev- 
eral chief sachems soon assembled at Albany, to condole with the people, and 
animate them against leaving the place, which, it seems, they were about to 
do. From a speech of one of the chiefs on this occasion, the following extract 
is preserved : — 

'* Brethren, we do not think that what tlie French have done can be called 
a victory ; it is only a further proof of their cruel deceit The governor of 
Canada sent to Onondago, and udks to us of peace with our whole house ; but 
war was in his heart, as you now see by wonil experience. lie did the same 
formerly at Cadaracqui, * and in the Senecas* country. This is the third time 
he has acted so deceitfully. He has broken open our house at both ends ; 
formerly in he Senec^ fbuntry, and now here. We hope to be revenged 
on them." 

Accordingly, when messengers came to renew and conclude the treaty 
which had been begun by Tawerakety before mentioned, they were seized and 
handed over to the English. They also kept out scouts, and harassed the 
French in every direction. 

We will now proceed to draw from Chcaievoii^ account of tliis affair, which 
b very minute, as it respects the operations of the French and Indians. Not- 
withstanding its great importance m a-correct history of the sacking of Sche- 
nectady, none ofour historians seem to have given themselves the trouble of 
laying it before their readers. 

Governor FronUnac^ having determined upon an expedition, gave notice to 
M. dela Dvraniayty who then commanded at Michilimakinak, that he might 
assure the Hurons and Ottawas, that in a short tune they would see a great 
change in aftairs for the better. He prepared at the same time a large convoy 
to reinforce that post, and he took measures also to raise three war parties, 
who should enter bv three different routes the country of the English. The 
ftrst assembled at Montreal, and consisted of about 110 men, French and 
Indians, and was put under the command of MM. tPAiUebovJt de ManUti and 
le Moine de St. Hdene, two lieutenants, under whom MM. de RepenUgny, 
d'lbereiUej de Bonrepos, de la Brosse, and de MorrriGrvi, requested pennis- 
sion to serve as volunteers. 

This party marched out before they had determined against what part of 
the English frontier they would carry their arms, though some part of New 
York was understood. Count fVonUnac had left that to the two commmulerB. 
After they had marched five or six days, they called a council to determine 
upon what place they would attempt In tliis council, it was debated, on the 
part of the French, that Albany would bo the smallest place they ought to 
undertake; but the Indians would not agree to it They contended that, with 
their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme 
hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian 
chief asked them ** how long it was since they had so much courage." To 
this severe rebuke it was answered, that, if by some past actions they had 
discovered cowardice, they should see that now they would retrieve their 
character ; they would take Albany or die in the attempt The Indians, how- 
ever, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any 
thinff but to proceed on. 

They contmued their march until they came to a place where their path 
divided into two ; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady: 
here Maniet gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoni- 
ously for the fonner village. The weather was very severe, and for the nine 
following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. The men were 
often obligea to wade through water up to their knees, breaking its ice at 
every step. 

* See Bo6k V. 


At 4 o'clock ID the morning, the be^iiing of Februan-, tlierarriTed vrithin 
two leafrueif of ^benectady. II«^ tLcy balt^ird, and the Great JignioTj chief 
of the Iro'iuoifl of the FalLt of Sl Louis, made a speech to tiitf ui. He e^dioited 
ever}' one to forget the hardships they had emlured, in tlie ho(ie of avensin^ 
the wrongs tljey had for a long time sufii^red frooi the perfidious F-ngtWh, 
who were the authors of them; and in the cl<:ae added, that they could DOt 
douht of the assistance of Heaven againsft the eneinit:* of God, In a cauai* 
HO iusL 

llardly had they taken up their line of marrh, wht-ii thry met 40 Indian 
women, who gave them all the nece:a$ar\' information fur approaching tiie 
place in safety. A Cana/lian, named G^ui«rf, wa.s detached immediately with 
nine Indians upon discover}', who acquitted himself ti> the entire satisiaction 
of his officers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at ]ii<f leisiin', and then rejoined 
his comrades. 

It had been determined by the part}' to put oti* t!ie uttjick one day longer; 
but on the arrival of the S4.-out under 6't^utcrf, it was re5<.ilved to proceed 
without delav. 

Schenectady was then in fonn like that of a long sqiinre, and entered bj 
two gates, one at each end. One 0{H?ned towards Alt'any, the other upon the 
great road lea/lin^ into the iKirk country, and which was now jxissesssed by 
the French and Indians. Man! ft and Si. Htlfnt charged at the second 
gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had a^ured them was 
alwavs open, and they found it ?o. I/lhirrill*: and lifpfntisrni passed to the 
left, m order to enter hy the other pate, bjit. iA\cr losing «K>nK* time in vainly 
endeavoring to find it, were oblijri d to return and entf^r with tlieir comradea. 

Tlie gate was not only o[)en hut uniruiirdf'd. aui! the whrlo jwirty entered 
without being discovered. Dividing t!K'nis«'lv!.i« into several parties, they 
waylaid ever}* portal, ami then the war-whoop was raisetl. MarUH ibrmed 
and attacked a garrison, where the only resistance cf any account was made. 
The gate of it was .«oon torrid, and »Ii of the Kn^lisii fell hy the sword, and 
tlic garrison was bume<l. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in hia 
ann and body by two bluws of a halberd, which put him hors du combat; but 
St, Helent Ijeing come to his a^sistanre, tlic hous4^ was taken, and the wounds 
ofMantigni revenged by the death of all who had shut themselves up in it. 

Nothing was now to Ik; seen but massacre and pillage in ever}' place. At 
the end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to tluir safety, posted 
iKKiies of guards at all tlie avenues, to pn'vent surprise, and the rest of the 
night was spent in refrtshing ttfemselves. 

Mantet had given orders that the nlinister of the place should lie spared, 
whom he had intended f<>r his own prisoner; but he was found among the 
promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killeil, and all his papera 
wen; burned. 

After the place was destroyed, the chiefs orderetl all the ca'sks of intoxicat- 
ing liquors to be staveil, to prevent their men from getting dnink. They 
next set all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which ,Montigm 
harl lieen carried, and another belonging to Major Coudrt : they were in num- 
\te.T alxiut 40, all well built and furnished ; no l>ooty but that which could be 
easily transporteil was saved. The lives of alK>ut 00 |>ersons were spared; 
chiefly women, children, and old men, who had esca|)ecl the fur}' of the onset, 
and 30 Indians who hapix-ned to Ix' then in the place. Tlie lives of the 
Indians were s]mred that tliey might carr}' the news of what had hap|iened to 
thf:ir countr}'men, whom tliey were requested to infonn, that it was not 
against them that they intended any harm, but to the English only, whom 
they had now de8{>oilcd of property to the amount of four hundnMl thousand 

They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and they 
decamped about noon. The plunder — Moniigniy whom it was necessary 
to carry — the prisonens, who were to the number of 40 — and the want of 
provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to provide them- 
selves — ^retarded much their retreat. Many would have even died of famine, 
had they not had 50 horses, of which there remained but six when they 


arrived at Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions 
obliged them to separate, and in an attack which was made ppon one party, 
three Indians and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for 
want of proper caution, cost the army more lives than the capture of Sche- 
nectady ; in which they lost but two men, a Frenchman and an Indian. 

Murder of Miss Jane McCrea. — ^This younff lady " was the second daughter 
of James McCrea^ minister of Lamington, New Jei-sey, who died before the 
revolution. After his death, she resided with her brother. Colonel John McCrea 
of Albany, who removed in 1773 to the neighborhood of Fort Edward. His 
house was in what is now Northumberland, on the west side of the Hudson, 
three miles north of Fort Miller Falls. In July or August, 1777, being on a visit 
to the family of Airs. McJVeilj near Fort Edward, at the close of the week, she was 
askeil to remain unt'd Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came 
to the house, she concealed herself in the cellar ; but they dragged her out by 
the hair, and, placing her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy 
Hill. They soon met another party of Indians, returning from Argyle, where 
they had killed the family of Mr. Bains ; these Indians disapproved the pur- 
pose of taking the captive to the British camp, and one of them struck her 
with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her 
nephew. The account of Mrs. McJ\/eU is, that her lover, anxious for her 
safety, employed two Indians, with tlie promise of a barrel of rum, to bring 
her to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of conduct- 
ing her, one of them nuirdered her. Gren. Gales, in his letter to Gen. Burroyne 
of 2 September, says, * she was dressed to receive her promised huslmnd.' 

" Her brother, on hearing of her fate, sent his family the next day to Albany, 
and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant 
Van VechteHj three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an 
amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance. 
It is said, and was l)elieved, tliat she was enga^|^ in marriage to Captain 
David Jones, of the British anny, a loyalist, who survived her only a few 
years, imd died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew. Colonel 
James McCrea, lived at Saratoga, in 1823." f 

Under the name of lAicinda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain 
that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows: — 

"One deed shall tell what fame ffreat Albion draws 
From these auxiliars in iier baro'rous cause, — 
Lucimia's fate. The talc, ye nations, hear ; 
Eternal age^, trace it with a tear." 

The poet then makes hwdnda, during a battle, wander from her home to 
watch her lover, whom he calls Hearuy. She distinguishes him in the con- 
flict, and, when his squadron is routed oy the Americans, she proceeds to the 
contested ground, fancying she had seen him fall at a certain point. But 

*' He hurries to his tent j— oh, rage ! despair ! 

No glimpse, ao tiding}*, of the frantic fair ; 

Save tiiat some carmen, as a-camp they drove. 

Had seen her coursinsr for the western grove. 

Faint with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst, 

Forth from his friends, with bounding leap, lie burst, 

Vaults o'er the palisade, with eyes on flame. 

And fills the welkin with Lucinaa's name.'' 
"The fair one, too, of evory aid forlorn. 

Had raved and wandered, till officious mom 

Awaked the Mohawks from their short repose, 

To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose. 

Two Mohawks met the maid— — liistorian, hold ! '' — 
"She starts — ^with eyes upturned and fleeting breath. 

In their raised axes views her instant death. 

Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she passed, 

Rolls, in loose tangles, round her lovely waist 5 

Her kerchief lorn betrays the globes of snow, 

That heave responsive to her weight of woe. 

* There \» no doubt but that the^ were obliged to subsist chiefly upon tlieir honci. 
t President AiUn^t Americao Biographical Dictionary, 574. 




With caJcuIatinr pause and demon sr'm 

They seize her bands, and, ihrourhher face divine, 

Drive tiie descending* axe '. — the shriek she scot 

Attained her lover's ear; he thither bent 

With all the speed his wearie<i limbs couliJ yield. 

Whirled his keen blade, and stretched upon the field 

The yclliu^ fiends, who there disputing stood 

lf*»r t^^ry sralp, their horrid prize of b!oo! I 

lie sunk, delirious, oa her lifeless cloy. 

And f»a»Hed, iu starts of icD!>e, I he dreadful day." 

In a DOtfi to the nbovc ptL^wages, Mr. Barlow says tliis tragical story of MisB 
McCrea is dt 'tailed almost literaliv. 

house of one John Merrily which was discovered by the iKirkinp of a dog. 
MerrU stepped to the thior to see what he cotild discover, and received tliree 
inu8ket-ball!>, which rarised him to fall Iwick into the housi' with a hrokrn lee 
ami arm. The Indians rushed on to the door ; but it Inking instantly fastened 
by his wife, who, with a pirl of aboiu 15 years of «^e, stoo<l a^inst it, the 
savages could not immediately enter. They broke one pjirt of the door, aod 
one of them crowded partly thmiigh. The heroic mother, in th^ mi<lst of her 
screaminff children and *rroaning InislKind, seized an ax<% and jrave a fatal 
blow to the savage ; and he falling headlong into the house, the others, sup- 
posing they had gained their end, rtished atl(?r him, until fotir of them fell in 
like manner before they discovered their mistake. The re:«t retreated, which 
gave opportimity again to stvurc the door. The conquerors rejoiced in their 
victory, hoping they had killed the whole compnny ; but tlu'ir e.\[>ectation8 
were soon dashed, by finding the door again atra<*ked, whieli the Iwld mother 
endeavored once more to j||riinf, with the assistance of the yotnig woman. 
Tlieir fears now came on them like a flood ; and they soon heard a noise on 
the top of the house, and then found the Indians were coming down the 
chimney. All hopes of deliverance st^Mned now at an end ; btit the wounded 
man ordered his little child to tundde a couch, that was filled with hair and 
feathers, on the fire, which made such a smoke that two stout Indians came 
tumbling down into it. Tiie wounded man, at this critical moment, seized a 
billet of wood, womuled as he wa'^, and with it succeeded in desfrntching the 
half-smothered Indians. At the sjune moment, the d(M>r was attt^mptcd by 
another; but the heroine's arm had l>ecome too enf<.!ebl«.'d by her over-exertions 
to deal a deadly blow. She however caused him to retn*at woimded. They 
then again set to work to make their house more secure, not knowing but 
another attack woidd be made ; but they were not further disturbed. This 
aflTair hapjwned in the evening, and the victors can'fully watched with tlieir 
new family tmtil morning. A prisoner, that ewaped immediiitely afVor, said 
the Indian last mentioned was the only one that escaped. He, on returning to 
his fViends, was asked, *\V]iat news?' said, * Plaguy bad news, for the squaws 
fight worse than the long-knives.' This aflair happened at Ncwlmrdstowii, 
al)out 15 miles from Sandv Creek, and may Ik; depended upon, as I had the 
I)leasure to assist in tmubling them into a hole, af\cr th(?y were stripped of 
tJieir head-dresses, and al)out 20 dollars' worth of silver furniture." 

Wklsh or White Inoia.^s. 

'*jYarrative o/CapL Isaac Stuart, of the Provinnal Cavaliif of South Carolina^ 
taken from his own movik, by I. C, Esq., March, 178*-2. 

«* I was taken prisoner, about 50 miles to the westward of Fort Pitt, about 
18 years ago, by the Indians, and carried to the Wabash, with other white 
men. They were executed, with circumstances of horrid barbarity ; but it 
was my good fortune to call forth the sympathy of a good woman of the 
village, who was permitted to redeem me from those who held roe prisoner, 
b^j^nng them a horw as a ransom. Afier remaining two years in oondajge, 

"^^^^uvd came to the nation, having been sent from Mexico on discoveriea. 


He maie application to the chiefs of the Indians for hiring me, and another 
white man who was in the like situation, a native of Wales, and named Mm. 
Davey, which was complied with. We took oar departure and travelled to 
the westward, crossing the Mississippi near Red River, up which we travelled 
upwards of 700 miles. Here we came to a natian of Indians remarkably 
white, and whose hair was of a reddish color, at least, mostly so. They lived 
on a small river which emptied itself into Red River, which they called the 
River Post; and in the morning, the day after our arrival, the Welshman 
informed me that he was determined to remain with the nation of Indians, 
giving as a reason that he understood their language, it being very little dif- 
ferent from the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much by this informa- 
tion, and I went with my companion to the chief men of the town, who in- 
formed him, in a language that I had no knowledge of, and which had no affin- 
ity with that of any other Indian tongue that I ever heard, that the forefiithers 
of this nation came from a foreign country, and landed on the east side of the 
Mississippi ^describing particularly the country now called West Florida) ; and 
that, on the Spaniards taking possession of the country, they fled to their then 
abode ; and, as a proof of what they advanced, they brought out rolls of parch- 
ment wrote with blue ink, at least it had a bluish cast The characters I did 
not understand, and the Welshman being unacquainted with letters of any 
language, I was not able to know what the meaning of the writing was. They 
were a l)old, hardy, intrepid people, very warlike, and their women were beau- 
tiful, compared with other Indians.** 

Thus we have given so much of Captain Stuarfs narrative as relates to the 
White Indians. The remainder of it is taken up in details of several ex- 
cursions, of many hundred miles, in the interior of the continent, without any 
extraordinary occurrence, except the finding of a gold mine. He returned by 
way of the Mississippi, and was considered a man of veracity by the late 
Lieutenant-colonel Cnijftr, of South Carolina, who recommended Mm to the 
gentleman who communicated his narrative. 

I had determined formerly to devote a chapter to the examination of tlie 
subject of the White Indians; but, on reference to all the sources of informa- 
tion in my possession, I found that the whole rested upon no other authority 
than such as we have given above, and therefore concluded to give the most 
interesting parts of the accounts without comment, and let the reader draw 
bis own conclusions. There seem to have been a good many accounts con- 
cerning the White Indians in circulation about the same period, and the next 
we shcul notice is found in Mr. Chaiies Beathf 8 }ourna\, the substance of which 
is as follows : — 

At the foot of the Alleghany Mountains, in Pennsylvania,* Mr. ^eo^ stopped 
at the house of a Mr. John Mtler, where he " met with one Benjamin Sictton, 
who had been taken captive by the Indians, and had been in different nations, 
and lived many years among them. When he was with the Choctaws, at the 
Mississippi River, he went to an Indian town, a very considerable distance 
from New Orleans, whose inhabitants were of different complexions, not so 
tawny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh. He saw a book 
among them, which he supposed was a Welsh Bible, which they carefully kept 
wrapped up in a skin, but they could not read it ; and he heard some of those 
Indians afterwards, in the lower Shawanee town, speak Welsh with one Lewis, 
a Welshman, captive there. This Welsh tribe now live on the west side of 
the Mississippi, a great way above New Orleans." 

At Tuscarora vallejr he met with another man, named Levi HUks^ who had 
been a captive from his youth with the Indians. He said he was once attend- 
ing an embassy at an Indian town, on the west side of the MississipiM, where 
the inhabitants spoke Welsh, " as^e was told, for he did not understand them*' 
himselC An Indian, named Jo9eph Peefy, Mr. Beattifs interpreter, said he once 
saw some Indians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who talked 
Welsh. He was sure they talked Welsh, for he had been acquainted with 
Welsh people, and knew some words they used. 

To tne above Mr. Beatty adds : ** I have been informed, that many yeani 
ago, a clergjrman went from Britain to Virginia, and having lived some time 
mm* went ftom thence to S. Carolina; bat afier aome tinie, fb^r some reason, 


*- - 


he resolvod to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom- 
panied witli some other persons. In travelling through the back parts of the 
country, which was Uien very thinly inhabited, lie fell in with a party of In- 
dian warriors, going to attack the inhabitants of Virginia. Upon ezamimng 
the clergyman, and finding he was going to Virginia, they looked upon him 
and liis companions as belong ng to Uiat province, and took them all prisonerBy 
and told Uiem they must die. The clergyman, in preparation for another 
world, went to prayer, and, being a Welshman, prayed in the Welsh lan^age. 
One or more of the Indians was much surprised to hear him pray in their own 
language. Upon Uiis they spoke to him, and 6ndin(]r he could understand 
tliem, pot the sentence of deatli reversed, and his life was saved. They 
took him with them into their country, where he found a tribe whose native 
language was Welsh, though the dialect was a little different from his own, 
which ne soon came to understand. They showed him a book, which he 
found to be the Bible, but which they could not read ; and on his reading and 
explaining it, their regard for him was much heightened." After some time, 
the minister proposed to these people to return to his own country, and prom- 
ised to return again to them with others of his friends, who would instruct 
them in Christianity ; but not long after his return to England, be died, which 
put an end to his design. 

It is very natural to inquire how these Indians, though descended from the 
Welsh, came by books ; for it is well known that the period at which the 
Welsh must have come to America, was long before printing was discovered, 
or that any writings assumed the form of books as we now have them. It 
should be here noted tliat Mr. Bealiy travelled in the autumn of 1766. 

Major i2og'er«, in his ** Concise Account of North America," published in 
1765, notices the White Indians ; but the geography of their country he leaves 
any where on the west of the Mississippi ; probably never having visited them 
himself, although he telb us he had travelled very extensively in the interior. 
**This fruitful country," he says, " is at present inhabited b^ a nation of Indi- 
ans, called by the others the White Indians, on account of'^ their complexion; 
they being much the fairest Indians on the continent. They have, however, 
Indian eyes, and a certain guilty Jewish cast with them. Tiiis nation is veiy 
numerous, being able to raise between 20 and 30,000 fighting men. Th^ 
have no weapons but bows and arrows, tomahawks, and a kind of wooden 
pikes, for which reason they often suffer greatly from the eastern Indians, who 
liavo the use of fire-arms, and frequently visit tlie W^hite Indians on the banks 
of the easterly branch, [of Muddy River ? ] and kill or captivate them in great 
numbers. Such as fall alive, into their hands, they generally sell for slaves. 
These Indians live in large towns, and have commodious houses; they raise 
com, tame tlie wild cows, and use both Uieir milk and flesh ; they keep great 
numbers of dogs, and arc very dexterous in hunting; they have little or no 
commerce with any nation tliat we at present are acquainted with." 

In the account of Kentucky, written in 1784, by an excellent writer, Mr. 
John I^lson, we find as follows: — After noticing the voyage of Madoc, who 
with his ten ships witli emigrants sailed west about 1170, and who were, ac- 
cording to the Welsh historians, never heard of after, he proceeds: — "This 
account has at several times drawn the attention of the world ; but as no ves- 
tiges of Uiem had then been found, it was concluded, perhaps too raslily, to be 
a fable, or at least that no remains of the colony existed. Of late years, how- 
ever, the western settlers have received frequent accounts of a nation, inhah- 
iting at a great distance up the Missouri, in manners and appearance resem- 
bling the other Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies 
of the Christian worship ; and at length this is universally believed there to be 
a fact Capt Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veraci^ 
may be entirely depended upon, assured the author that in the late war [revo- 
lution] being with his company in firarrison, at Kaskaskia, some Indians came 
there, and, speaking the Welsh dialect, were perfectly understood and con- 
versed with oy two Welshmen in his company, and that they informed them of 
the f ituation of their nation as mentioned above." 

Hemy Kar^ who travelled amonf 13 tribes of Indians in 1810, &c^ names 
near a gieat mountain whi(£ he calls Mnacedeus. He said Dr. SSbUf 


had told him, when at Natchitoches, that a number of travellers had assured 
him, that there was a strong similarity between the Indian langaaffe and 
many words of the Welsh. Mr. Kar found nothing among any of the Indians 
to indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedcus. Here 
he found many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, and 
he adds ; ^ I did not understand the Welsh languaf^, or I should have been 
enabled to have thrown more light upon so interesting a subject,'' as they 
had Sprinted books among them which were preserved with great care, 
they having a tradition that they were brought there by their forefathers." 
Upon this, in another place, he observes, " The books appeared veiy old, and 
were evidently printed at a time when there had been very little improvement 
made in the casting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefe, 
sufficient to have thrown light on the subject ; but in my subsequent disputes 
with the Indians, I lost tliem, and all my endeavors to obtain more were inef- 

How or at what time these Indians obtained " printed books," Mr. Ker does 
not ffive us his opinion ; although he says much more about them. 

There are a great number of others who have no. ced those Indians; but 
afler an examination of them all, I am unable to add much to the above stock 
q{ information concerning them. Upon the whole, we think it may be pretty 
safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of the 
Missouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduced 
to establish thef existence of the sea-serpent Should any one, however, choose 
to investigate the subject further, he will find pretty ample references to au- 
thors in which tlie subiect has been noticed, in a note to the life of Madoka- 
wando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the authorities 
cf MovUofiy as pointed out in his history of New York. 


Ahkrican Antiquitikb — Few Indian Antiquities — Of Mounds and t/ieir con- 
tents — Account of those in Cincinnati — In the Miami country — Works sup- 
posed to have been built for defences or fortifications — Some at Piqua — Near 
Hamilton — Mil ford — Deerfield — Six miles above Lebanon — On Paint Creek — 
Jit Marietta — At Circleville — Their age uncertain — Works on Licking River — 
Ancient excavations or wells near Newark — Various other works. 

To describe the antiquities of America would not require a very great 
amount of time or space, if we consider only those which are in reality such. 
And as to Indian antiquities, they consist in nothing like monuments, says 
Mr. Jefferson ; " for," he observes, " I would not honor with that name, arrow- 
points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labor on the 
large scale, I think there is no remain as respectable as would be a common 
ditch for the draining of lands, unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of 
which many are to be found all over in this country. These are of differ- 
ent sizes, some of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That 
they were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all ; but on what par- 
ticular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt Some have thought toey 
covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the snot of 
interment Some ascribe them to the custom, said to prevail among tne Vi- 
dians, of collecting at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever 
deposited at the time of death. Others again suppose them the general sepul- 
chres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds ; and this 
opinion was supported by the quality of the lands in which they are found, 
(tnose constructed of earth being generally in the softest and most fertile 
meadow-grounds on river sides,) and bv a tradition, said to be handed down 
from llil aboriginal Indians, that when they settled in a town, the first person 
^i^pJUbd was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support 
h]#|p|ft| that when axxyther died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the 

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I*r. rpz3Lz^ l^-jLf: T.TLT. -!•:*- iir>;T;i:i* i:r35-5 «"rre :■.■.:!■:. He has eiven a 
^n»r: I* : :-•-- i:- . rr." .-' v>v- :=. w:..':i ir ^s* ?>:•«?! :..:.^-. !:' »> I-t-w a phi- 
.- .»!• . : • .- .••-_-.-.:.■-■. ; r - H T 1 •. . 1 *^ U-'e— .n". :■ :"«■:• c '. !i?.«=*?. t j*c ic n: uki mod- 
€r=- .r 11^: ► -: 1^.: -..":• i-.:.t1'. - Ar*:-:Lr t:*r itaerr li*:- ssys, -'jiere is not 
a ff^j -r r-^ji*:-:. -i.r >r7 r-Jis »:_:i :-r:TT r** ex-*»ivnce. in fcrmer aresL of a 
'"x.Ji.r^ :!.•-:« *^: :r .'-i^er.-^iLi-'r ri±:-?r;i>. No fn£Tnem of a coiomn, no 
tr.cisw ac-r 1 r^r-r i*r»^ <:zxz -i-"^^ rar'-r:. 10 have l»een incoqK>:ated into 

T:«rrv wrT* iererL ::" ii-=*e rjc-'-Di? or tumuli. "20 years a?o. within a short 
fpace is u>i i>;':: C-icjisia: be: s "-s a remarkable feet, iKat the piains 00 
ti-f :r->.-*::e K-i-? :< r^ Rrrer Lt:3 have no vestijre* of the IuzkL The lar^«t 
c :" 'i>:ij^ — C::^:.:iii:: wuw in 1«V4. ahoJt :tt feet in height : but ai this time 
i; wiff c j: 00 w- \z 'X* bj -xcer of General Wayw. to make it serve as a watch- 
low tr :*:.• a ^■^r-ryl- I: «as aboat 4-k' !eet in circumference. 

Aliiji.i^-. tverr traveller of laie rears ha« said something upon the moandi^ 

or to:tinci:;.>:s<". sca::e:«t: over the souUi and west- trom Florida to the lakea^ 

and ftoiD lijo H^'is^-Hi to MeJiico and the Pacific Ocean. By socne thej are 

FKkoned at stveral thoosanddi Mr. Bratkenridgt supposes there may be 

30CO: but it woalii zK^t outimse probability. I presume, to set tfieni down at 

twice that number. Indeed oio one can form any just estimate in respect to 

iht nomber of mounds and fortincalions which have been built, any more than 

^ tb» Mrioj of time which has packed since they were originally erected, for 

V leanoi; one or two of which may be mentioned:— the 

iliim and lerellinga for towns, roads, and \-ariou8 other wvvfci, 

Ijilmyrri kuidrada of than, which had never been doKribed, 


and whose sites cannot now be ascertained. Another ^at destruction of 
them has been effected by the changing of the course of nvers. 

There are various opinions about Uie uses for which these ancient remains 
were constructed : while some of them are too much like modem fortifications 
to admit of a doubt of their having been used for defences, others, nearly sim- 
ilar in design, from their situation entirely exclude the adoption of such an 
opinion. Hence we find four kinds of remains formed of earth : two kinds 
of mounds or barrows, and two which have been viewed as fortifications. 
The barrows or burial piles are distinguished by such as contain articles 
which were inhumed wiUi the dead, and those which do not contain them. 
From what cause they differ in this respect it is difficult to determine. Some 
have supposed the former to contain bones only of warriors, but in suck 
mounds the bones of infants are found, and hence that hypothesis is over- 
thrown ; and indeed an hypothesis can scarcely be raised upon any one matter 
concerning them without almost a positive assurance that it has been created 
to be destroyed. 

As a specimen of tiie contents of the mounds generally, the following may 
be taken ; being such as Dr. Drake found in those he examined: — 1. Cylin- 
drical stones, such as jasper, rock-crystal, and granite ; with a groove near one 
end. 2. A circular piece of cannel coal, with a large opening in the centre, 
as though made for the reception of an axis ; and a deep groove in the circum- 
ference, suitable for a band. 3. A smaller article of Uie same shape, but 
composed of polished argillaceous earth. 4. A bone, ornamented with several 
carved lines, supposed by some to be hieroglyphics. 5. A sculptural repre- 
sentation of the head and beak of some rapacious bird. 6. Lumps of lead ore. 
7. Isinglass (mica membranacea). This article is very conmion in mounds, 
and seems to have been held in high estimation among the people that con- 
structed them; but we know not that modem Indians have anv particular 
attachment to it A superior article, though much like it, was also in great 
esteem among the ancient Mexicans. 8. Small pieces of sheet copper, with 
perforations. 9. Larger oblong pieces of the same metal, with longitudinal 
grooves and ridges. 10. Beads, or sections of small hollow cylinders, app«Lr- 
ently of bone or shell. 11. Teeth of carnivorous animals. 12. Large marine 
shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus buccinum ; cut in such a manner as 
to serve for domestic utensils. These, and also the teeth of animals, are 
generally found almost entirely decomposed, or in a state resembling chalk. 
13. Earthern ware. This seems to have been made of the same material as 
that employed by the Indians of Louisiana within our recollection, viz. pounded 
muscle and other river shells, and earth. Some perfect articles have been 
found, but they are rare. Pieces, or fragments, are very common. Upon 
most of them, confused lines are traced, which doubtless had some meaning ; 
but no specimen has yet been found having glazing upon it like modem pot- 
tery. Some entire vases, of most uncouth appearance, have been found. Mr. 
Mwakr of Ohio, who has pretty fully described the western antiquities, gives 
an account of a vessel, which seems to have been used as a jug. It was round 
in an ancient work on Cany Fork of Cumberland River, about four feet below 
the surface. The body of the vessel is made by three heads, all joined to- 
gether at their backs. From these places of contact a neck is formed, which 
rises about three inches above the heads. The orifice of this neck is near two 
inches in diameter, and the three necks of the heads form the legs of the ves- 
sel on which it stands when upright The heads are all of a size, being about 
four inches from the top to the chin. The faces at the eyes are about three 
inches broad, which increase in breadth all the way to the cnin. 

Of the works called fortifications, though already mentioned in general 
terms, their importance demands a further consideration. 

At Piqua, on the westem side of the Great Miami, there is a circular wall 
of earth inclosing a space of about 100 feet in diameter, with an opening on 
the side most remote ttom the river. ** The adjacent hill, at the distance of 
half a mile, and at the greater elevation of about 100 feet, is the site of a stone 
wall, nearly circular, and inclosing perhaps 20 acres. The valley of the river 
on one side, and a deep ravine on the other, render the access to three fourthe 
of this fiirt^cation extremely difficult The wall was carried generally along 


the brow of the hill, in one place descending a short distance so as to include 
a spring. 'The silicious limestone of which it was built, must have been trans- 
ported from the bed of the river, which, for two miles opposite these works, 
does not at present afford one of 10 pounds weight They exhibit no marks 
of the hammer, or any other tool The wall was laid up without mortar, and 
is now in ruins. 

" Lower down the same river, near the mouth of Hole's Creek, on the plain, 
there are remains of great extent The principal wall or bank, which is of 
earth, incloses about 160 acres, and is in some parts nearly 12 feet high. 
Also below Hamilton, there is a fortification upon the top of a high hill, out of 
view from the river, of very difficult approach. This incloses about 50 acres. 
Adjacent to this work is a mound 25 feet in diameter at its base, and about 
seven feet perpendicular altitude. 

" On the elevated point of land above the confluence of the Great Miami 
and Ohio, there are extensive and complicated traces, which, in the opinion of 
military men, eminently qualified to judge, are the remains of very strong de- 
fensive works." 

In the vicinity of Milford, on the Little Miami, are fortifications, the largest 
of which are upon the top of the first hill above the confluence of the East 
Fork with the Miami. "On tlie opposite side of tlie Miami River, above 
Round Bottom, are similar antiquities of considerable extent On the Eaat 
Fork, at its head waters, other remains have been discovered, of which the 
principal bears a striking resemblance to those above mentioned ; but within, 
it diflTers from any which have yet been examined in this quarter, in having^ 
nine parallel banks or long parapets united at one end, exhibiting very exactly 
the figure of a gridiron. 

"Further up the Little Miami, at Deerfield, are other interesting remains ; 
but those which have attracted more attention than any others in the Miami 
country, are situated six miles from Lebanon, above the mouth of Todd's 
Fork, an eastern branch of the MiamL On the summit of a ridge at least dOO 
feet above the valley of the river, there are two irregular trapezoidal figures, 
connected at a point where the ridge is very much narrowed by a ravine. The 
wall, which is entirely of earth, is generally eight or ten feet high ; but in one 
place, where it is conducted over level ground for a short distance, it rises to 
18. Its situation is accurately adjusted to the brow of the hill ; and as there 
is, in addition to the Miami on tlie west, deep ravines on the north, the south- 
east, and south, it is a position of great strength. The angles in this wall, 
both retreating and salient, are numerous, and generally acute. ' The openings 
or gateways are not less than 80 ! They are rarely at equal distances, and are 
sometimes within two or three rods of one another. They are not opposite to, 
or connected with any existing artificial objects or topographical peculiarities, 
and present, therefore, a paradox of some difficulty." These works inclose 
almost 100 acres, and one of the dtate roads from Cincinnati to Chillicothe 
passes over its northern part 

On Paint Creek, 10 miles from Chillicothe, are also very extensive as well as 
wonderful works. " The wall, which had been conducted along the verge of 
the hill, is by estimation about a mile and a half in length. It was formed en- 
tirely of undressed freestone, brought chiefly from the streams 250 feet below, 
and laid up without mortar or cement of any sort It is now, like all the walls 
of a similaj kind which have been discovered in the western country, in a state 
of ruins. It exhibits the appearance of having been shaken down by an 
earthquake, not a single stone being found upon another in such a manner as 
to indicate that to have been its situation in the wall. In several places there 
are openings, immediately opposite which, inside, lie piles of stone." 

Dr. Harris, in 1803, very accurately described th^ remains at Marietta, at 
the confluence of the Muskingum and Ohio Rivers. " The largest squA&s 
FORT," he observes, " by some called the towhy contains 40 acres, encompassed 
by a wall of earth from 6 to 10 feet high, and fi-om 25 to 36 in breadth at the 
base. On each side are three openings at equal distances, resembling 12 gate- 
ways. The entrances at the middle are the largest, particularly that on the 
side next the Muskingum. From this outlet is a covert wat, formed of two 
parallel walls of earth, 231 feet distant from each other, measuring from cen- 


ire to centre. The walls at the most elevated part on the inside are HI feet in 
height, and 42 in breadth at the base, but on the outside average onl^ of five 
feet high. This forms a passage of about 360 feet in length, leading by a 
gradual descent to the low grounds, where it, probably, at the time of its con- 
struction, reached the margin of the river. Its walls commence at 60 feet 
from the ramparts of the fort, and increase in elevation as the way descends 
tawards the river; and the bottom is crowned in the centre, in the manner of 
a well-formed turnpike road. Within the walls of the fort, at the north-west 
comer, is an oblong, elevated square, 188 feet long, 132* broad, and nine feet 
high; level dn tlie summit, and nearly perpendicular at tlie sides. At the 
centre of ench of the sides the earth is projected, forming gradual ascents to 
the top, equally regular, and about six feet in width. Near the south wall is 
another elevated square, 150 feet by 120, and eight feet high. At the south- 
east corner is the third elevated square, 108 by 54 feet, with ascents at the 
ends. At the soutlieast corner of the fort is a semicircular parapet, crowned 
with a mound, which guards the opening in the waU. Towards th6 south-east 
is A SIMILAR FORT, Containing 20 acres, with a j?ateway in the centre of each 
side and at each corner. These openings are deiended with circular mounds." 

There are also other works at Marietta, but a mere description of them can- 
not interest, as there is so much of sameness about them. And to describe 
all that may be met with would fill a volume of no moderate size : for Dn 
Harris says, ^ You cannot ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some 
of the mounds, or vestiges of the ramparts." We shall, therefore, only notice 
the most prominent 

Of first importance are doubtless Uie works upon the Scioto. The most 
magnificent is situated 26 miles south from Columbus, and consists of two 
nearly exact figures, a circle and a square, which are contiguous to each other. 
A town, having been built within the former, appropriately receiyed the name 
of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. Atwaitr^ who has 
surveyed these works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi- 
nally 1138^ feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the square 
was 907^ feet upon a side ; giving an area to the latter of 3025 square rods, 
and to the circle 3739 nearly ; both making almost 44 acres. The rampart 
of the circular fort consists of two parallel walb, and were, at least in the 
opinion of my author, 20 feet in height, measuring from the bottom of the 
ditch between the circumvallations, before the town of Circleville was built 
^ The inner wall was of clay, taken up probably in the northern part of ttfe 
fort, where was a low place, and is still considerably lower than any other 
part of the work. The outside wall was taken from the ditch which is be- 
tween these walls, and is alluvial, consisting of pebbles worn smooth in water 
and sand, to a very considerable depth, more th^n 50 feet at least." At the 
time Mr. JHwaitr wrote his account, (about 1819,) the outside of the walls was 
but about five or six feet high, and the ditch not more than 15 feet deep. The 
walls of the square fort were, at the same time, about 10 feet high. This fort 
had eight gateways or openings, about 20 feet broad, each of which was de- 
fended by a mound four or five feet high, all within the fort, arranged in the 
most exact manner ; equidistant and parallel. The circular fort had but one 
gateway, which was at its south-east point, and at the place of contact with 
me square. In the centre of the square was a remarkable mound, with a 
semicircular pavement adjacent to its eastern half, and nearly facing the pas- 
sage wav into the square fort Just without the square fort, upon the north 
side, and to the east of the centre gateway, rises a large mound. In the op- 
posite point of the compass, without the circular one, is another. These, 
probably, were the places of burial. As the walls of the square fort lie pretty 
nearly in a line with the cardinal points of the horizon, some have supposed 
they were originally projected in strict regard to them ; their variation not 
being more than that of the compass ; but a single &ct of this kind can estab- 
lish nothing, as mere accident may have given them such direction. *' What 
surprised me," says my authority, ** on measuring these forts, was the exact 
manner in which they had laid down their circle and square ; so that after 
every effort, by the most carefiil survey, to detect some error in their measure- 
ment, we found that it was impossible." # 


As it is not my design to waste time in coiyectures upon the aathors of 
these antiquities, or the remoteness of the penod in which they were con- 
structed, I will continue my account of them, after an observation npon a 
single circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found growing 
upon the mounds and other ancient works. Their having existed for a tfaoa- 
sand years, or at least some of them, can scarcely be questioned, when we 
know from unerring data that trees have been cut upon them of the age of 
near 500 years ; and from the vegetable mould out of which they spring, there 
is every appearance of several generations of decayed trees of the same kind ; 
and no forest trees of the present day appear older than those upon the veiy 
works under consideration. 

There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of 
Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to be as much so 
as any in the west Here, as at Circleville, the same singular fact is observa* 
ble, respecting the openings into the forts ; tlie square ones having several, but 
the round ones only one, with a single exception. 

Not far below Newark, on the south side of the Licking, are found numer- 
ous wells or holes in the earth. " There are," says Mr. Siioaler, " at least a 
thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deep." Though 
called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. They have 
the appearance of being of the same age as the mounds, and were doubtlese 
made by the same people ; but for what purpose they could have been made^ 
few seem willing to hazard a conjecture. 

Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in the county of Perry, and 
southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing about 40 
acres. Its shape is that of a heart, though bounded by straight lines. In or 
near its centre is a circular stone mound, which rises like a sugar-loaf from 
12 to 15 feet Near this large work is another small fort, whose walls are of 
earth, inclosing but about half an acre. I give these the name of forts, al* 
though Mr. ^water says he does not believe they were ever constructed for 

There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite the 
mouth of the Scioto. Those on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the most 
extensive, and those on the other side, directly opposite Alexandria, are 
the most regular. They are not more remarkable than many already de- 

What the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very 
well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu- 
tion, even were the space of time given ; but there can be no doubt that moat 
of them are much diminished from the action of tempests which have swept 
over them for ages. That they were the works of a different race from the 
present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is en* 
tirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some European 
articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works ; but few 
persons of intelligence pronounce them older than others of the same kind 
belonging to the period of the French wars. 

As it respects inscriptions upon stones, about which much has been said 
and written, I am of the opinion, that such are purely Indian, if they were 
not made by some white maniac, as some of them most unquestionably have 
been, or other persons who deserve to be classed among such ; but I would 
not be understood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants 
evidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among the inscriptions upon stone 
in New England, the ** Inscribed Rock," as it is called, at Dighton, Mass^ is 
doubtless the most remarkable. It is in Taunton River, about six miles below 
the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If this inscription 
was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt 
whether any of them, except such as happened to know whflt it was done 
for, knew any thing of its import The divers faces, figures of half-formed 
animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about 20 square feet The whinoH 
eical conjectures of many persons about the origin of the inscription might 
amose, but could not instruct ; and it would be a waste of time to give an 
account of them. 


A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit- 
ed a few years since m the Antiquarian Hall, at Worcester, Mass. ; and it was 
with some surprise, that, on examining it, I found nothing but a few lines of 
quartz upon one of its surfaces. The stone was singular in no respect beyond 
what may be foimd in half the farmers' fields and stone fences in New Eng- 

In a cave on the bank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth 
of the Wabash, called Wilson's or Murderer's Cave, are figures engraven upon 
stone, which have attracted great attention. It was very early possessed by 
one WUsoUj who lived in it with his family. He at length turned robber, ana, 
collecting about 40 other wretches like himself about him, took all the boats 
which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the 
crews. He was himself murdered "by one of his own gang, to get the reward 
which was offered for his apprehension. Never having had any drawings of 
the hieroglyphics in this cave, we cannot form any very conclusive opinion 
upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among 
those unknown characters are many figures of animals not known now to be 
in existence ; but in my opinion, this is in no wise a conclusive argument of 
their antiquity ; for the same may be said of the uncouth figures of the Indian 
manitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of 'Powhatan. 

At Harmony, on the Mississippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed- 
ded in hard limestone. The celebrated Rappt conveyed the stone containing 
them from St Louis, and kept it upon his premises to show to travellers. 
They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, unac- 
customed to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity. 
They may, or may not be : there are arguments for and against such conclu- 
sion ; but on which side the weight of argument lies is a matter not easily to 
be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it 
was changed into fossil stone, we should not expect to find impressions, but a 
formation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in 
which the impressions were made ; for thus do organic remains discover them- 
selves, and not by their absence. 

A review of the theories and opinions concerning the race or races anterior 
to the present race of Indians would perhaps be mteresting to many, and it 
would be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated, 
my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time in com- 
mentaries; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leaving 
the subject more obscure than it would evidently be without them. 

Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon 
a subject that cannot be settled. It is time enough to argue a subject of the 
nature of this we are upon when all the facts are collected. To write volumes 
about Shem, Ham, and Japhet, in connection with a few isolated facts, is a 
most ludicrous and worse than useless business. Some have said, it is an 
argument that the first population came from the north, because the works of 
which we have been speaking increase in importance as we proceed south ; 
but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar- 
rived within 40^ of the equator, (for this seems to be their boundary north,) it 
is not stated. Perhaps this people came in by way of the St. Lawrence, and 
did not need any works to defend them before arriving at the 40^ of north 
latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, perhaps. For what purpose 
could fortifications have been built by the first people ? To defend themselves 
from wild beasts, or from one another ? With this matter, however, we have 
nothing to do, but were led to these remarks, preparatory to a comparison be- 
tween the antiquities of the north with those of the south. 

On the other hand, it is said the original people of North America must have 
come from the south, and that their progress northward is evident from the 
same works; with this difference, that as the people advanced, they dwindled 
into insignificance ; and hence the remains which they left are proportionate 
to their ability to make them. But there is nothing artificial among the ancient 
rains of North America that will compare with the artificial rooantain of Ana- 
haac, called Cholula, or Chlolola, which to this day is about 164 feet in peipeii-- 
dienlmr beigltt, whose base occnpiet a squaxey the sides of which msasom i40&^ 



feet Upon this the Mexicans had an immense wooden temple when Cortez 
overrun their empire. A city now bears the name of Cholula, in Paebla, 
60 miles east of Mexico. Yet it appears from Dr. BtcJc^a Gazetteer of Illinoifly 
that there is standing between Belleville and St Louis, a mound 600 yards in 
circumference at its base, and 90 feet in height Mount Joliet, so named from 
the Sieur Jolkt, a Frenchman, who travelled upon tlie Mississippi in 1673, is 
a most distinguished mound. It is on a plain about 600 yards west of the 
River Des Plaines, and 150 miles above Fort Clark. Mr. Sdtoolcrqft computed 
its height at 60 feet, its length about 450 yards, and its width 75. Its sides 
are so steep that they are ascended with difficulty. Its top is a beautiful pUin, 
from which a most delightful prospect is had of the surrounding country. It 
seems to have been composed of the earth of the plain on which it stands. 
Lake Joliet is situated in front of it ; being a small body of water about a mile 
in len^. 

Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of South America differ 
considerably from those of North America, yet I have no doubt but that XhB 
people are of the same race. The condition even of sava^s changes. No 
nation remains stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the 
lakes do not make pottery at the present day, but earthen utensils are still in 
use among the remote tribes of the west, which Is similar to that dug np in 
Ohio, and both are similar to that found in South America. 

In speaking of ancient pottery, Mr. Schoolcraft observes, " It is common, in 
digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to find fragments of antique potteiy, 
and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the sur- 
face. One of tliese pots, which was, until a very recent period, preserved by 
a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at a depth of 80 feet, and was 
of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons." 

We see announced from time to time, in tlie various newspapers and other 
periodicals, discoveries of wonderful things in various places ; but on examina- 
tion it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are led to ex- 
pect from the descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in 
the banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron utensils found at great depths 
below the surface, and in situations indicating that they must have been de- 
posited there for three, four, or five hundred years ! Dr. McMurtrie relates, in 
his " Sketches of LouiBville," that an iron hatchet was found beneath the roots 
of a tree at Shippingsport, upwards of 200 years old. He said he had no doubt 
that the tree had grown over the hatchet after it was deposited there, because 
" no human power could have placed it in the particular position in which it 
was found." 

Upon some other matters about which wo have already remarked, the same 
author says, " That walls, constructed of bricks and hewn stones, have been 
discovered in the western country, is a fact as clear as that the sun shines 
when he is in his meridian splendor ; the dogmatical assertion of writers to the 
contrary notwithstanding." My author, however, had not seen such remains 
himself but was well assured of their existence by a gentleman of undoubted 
veracity. Unfortunately for the case he relates, the persons who discovered 
the ruins came upon them in digging, at about 18 feet below the sur&ce of the 
ground, and when about to make investigation, water broke in upon them, and* 
they were obliged to make a hasty retreat 

" A fortified town of considerable extent, near the River St Francis," upon 
the Mississippi, was said to have been discovered by a Mr. Savage, of (jonis- 
ville. He found its walls standing in some places, and ** part of the walls of 
a dUjdelf huiU of hiicksj cemented by mortar.'" Upon some of these ruins were 
trees crowing whose annual rings numbered 300. Some of the bricks, says 
Dr. J^KMurine, were at Louisville when he wrote his Sketches ; and they were 
** composed of clay, mixed with chopped and twisted straw, of regular figures, 
hardened by the action of fire or the sun." 

Mr. Priesty in his ** American Antiquities," mentions the ruins of two cities 
within a few miles of each other, nearly opposite St Louis ; but from what he 
savs of them I am unable to deterfaiine what those ruins are composed o£ 
Aner pointing oat the sight of them, he continues, ^ Here is situated one of 
those pyramidB, which is 150 rods in ciicumfexence at its base, and 100 feet 


higrh.** He speaks of ^ cities," but describes pjrramids and mounds. If there 
be any thing like the works of men, at the places he points out, different fix>m 
what is common in the west, it is very singular that they should not have at- 
tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who have for 
50 years passed by them. Mr. Brackenrid^ speaks of the antiquities at this 
place, but does not say any thing about cities. He observes, ^ The most re- 
markable appearances arc two groups of mounds or pyramids, the one about 
10 miles above Cahokia, tiie other nearly the same distance below it, which, in 
all, exceed 150, of various sizes. The western side also contains a considera- 
ble number. 

" A more minute description of those about Cahokia, which I visited in the 
fall of 1811, will give a tolerable idea of them all. I crossed the Mississippi 
at St Louis, and afler passing through the wood which borders the river, about 
half a mile in width, entered an extensive open plain. In 15 minutes I found 
myself in the midst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and at 
a distance resembling enormous haystacks scattered through a meadow. One 
of the largest which I ascended was about 200 paces in circumference at the 
bottom, the form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone considerable 
alteration from the washing of the rains. The top was level, with an area suf- 
ficient to contain several hundred men." 

When Mr. Bartram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be- 
tween the years 1773 and 1776, he saw many interesting antiquities. At the 
Cherokee town of Cowe, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about 
100 houses, he noticed that ** The council or town-house was a large rotunda, 
capable of accommodating several hundred people : it stands on the top of an 
ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet perpendicular, and the ro- 
tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives the whole fabric an 
elevation of about GO feet from the common surface of the ground. But," Mr. 
Bartram continues, " it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which the 
rotunda stands, is of a much ancienter date than the building, and perhaps was 
raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as ignorant as we 
are, by what people or for what purpose these artificial hills were raised ; they 
have various stories concerning them, the best of which amount to no more 
than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they have a tra- 
dition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found them in much 
the same condition as tliey now appear, when their forefathers arrived from the 
west and possessed themselves of^ the country, afler vanquishing the nations 
of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves found these mounts when 
they took possession of tlie country, the former possessors delivering the same 
story concerning them." 

Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in the south are not only the 
same as those in the north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the same 

At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a 
most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob- 
long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only firom two to three feet thick 
at Its base, and tapered gradual Iv from the ground to its top. What is very 
remarkable about this pillar is, that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single 
stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for 
what purpose it was erected ; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartram made of 
the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned about 
the mounds ; viz., that their ancestors found it there, and the people that those 
ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular when 
reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is given con- 
cerning perishable material, the shade, at least, of a suspicion is seen lurking 
in the back ground. As another singular circumstance, it is observed that no 
trees of the kind of which this column was made {pin, paludris) were to be 
found at that time nearer than 12 or 15 miles. 

In the great council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars and 
walls, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglyphics of his- 
torical legends, and political and sacerdotal afliurs. ^ They are," observes 
Mr* Bartram, ** extremely pictoreaqQe or caricature, as men in a variety of at- 

iii Avinis/rAT '.'■.7:v.;t:£3 

§i't* ill I. ^«.i ij»/ #1 , ♦*!« n,'..T.i* v,..".. f'*:': *.-./: "■*.. pr'.v-.rTj'.i/iC- T j^' piliaiB 

(y ^«Mn* •! Ml Hii .»t* /.' .' '.f i*^' 'V'j'.iC*': ^frryr.vj. iic*^r. i..-_r 'ij^'irds; tbe 

Ill »Jii. I'liiitii I,','// 'if •:,.< *','/ r.v;;/v,:. .'i*a h«:.-:r. rr^':* i?" v.e jrc-nt higb- 
i«»v*< "» M'.ti'lj Mr ISnriftttn rM:.'A',r.< •.v::ri, b \»t W/t :n i '.^rr sardciuar 
iiHiiifiii. ii(.iin Hi' ■•.» \',ut:* K..'r. A* :.> -'ri*. '..'■:/.- 5'.-:-:.. •: '.t Vi»e of a 
until III iiiiiiii;/' i»' ' . \ «■!.. '/ffi'f h':r«; f*n '.o.v.-'i' r'.'j.'irri'! :-i--.r. 'jie Indian 
iHilM|itiiii 'I 'fl Oi» ' '«iirj»ry i,#: vi*!iV:'l. ~ I 'i*:<-::. :t n*-'':»r-sirv tj ■.is^ri'e. as my 

Ki II ii> I 1, lit III* lii»«' fur*- of t}j" Kiiro;*';fjri.'i or •.♦fi«.r i:j..;tS:v.ntif o:'t.".e old world, 
yi I I \ii|' iiily l#«ir:iy «:.«!ry <<vfj or ;<nrk of t'l-; :ij>-t 'i:-?*. iiil an*./. .::y." 

Till' i»lii#vi- f'-iii.ifk iM I'liinl I.O hhow liow iJiflr»,-r»;rit ii:ffjre;it jK-opi': oake up 
ItiiHi iiiifiilN ii|Hifi iliir MfiiiK' Mijfijifct ; it hIjows liow t'ritilo it ia turus to spend 
liiiiii HI t\i*i II III till/ ijji'ifi Hij';h ifiiitti^rK, And, uri J have bofore ob?'?n'ed, it ta 
liiiiK riiiiijf/ii III liiiitii fJii:ifri(rH al>iT fiicli! havo boi.'n colk'CtOfl. It cm add noth- 
lit|r III Hill nl'iil: iilkii'iwli'r];.^!: r»'f*|>«rrliii;f our autiijiulprs^ to tilk or wr.te forever 

II lit III I M I'll 111 liiifliii-/.Xiir II ml tlif \iml trilic-H of Jews ; but if the time which has 
linrii fi|ii'iil Ml iliiH iiiiiiiijiT linil liff;ii fif;V'ot"d to KOHie iiiH.-ful puT^uit, somt use* 
hil iili|fi I Ufiiilil h.ivi' Ih'I'ii fitfaiiied. As thu iiritt'.T ni>w .-tami:*, on« object, 
iiiivi-illiiji'nii, 11 I- If Mil ly alliitin'i], natiK.'ly, that ofini.-iiea'iin^f or confounding the 
iiiiili'iiihiiiiliii'fif of iiciiiy uiitiiforiiiiMl jK.'opIe. I ar.'i leri to lutik'.* tiiesc observa- 
liiiiii III |iiif till* liuiviiry ii|ioii tli<'ir ({iiard. 

In Mil' jiMTi'iliii^ rliii|iiiT I hiivi* ^iven vurious acroiints of. or acrountri from 
viiii'iiKi iiiilhdiH, ulin iiitii^iiic that a colony of Wiilnh caiiio to Ani'Tica 7 or 800 
yitiiiM II ^M I. 1 1 i.-« iiH truly iihtimiHliin^ an any thin;; wi* nic«.'t with to observe 
liiiw liMiny piMNonri liuil fnund proofs of tlui existiMice of tribes of Welsh In- 
il III IIH, iilioni I III' Hit me period. Ai^ a cane exactly in |K>iMt with that mentioned 
nl till* lH«f»iiiiiiiii; of the hiHt para<rriiph, 1 olVrr what Mr. /irackenriflfre nays npon 
lliiM itiiitliT. " That no WeUh nation exi«t.s/' he olwervefl, " at present, on this 
rtHiliiHMil, IN liryonil a dotiht. *l)r. litirion \in» taken ^reat pains to ascertain 
I III! hiitc unices N|Nikrn by those tribfs east of the Mississippi, and the Welsh 
Uiiih nil pliii'e aiiion}rHt«theni ; since the cession of I jouisiana, the tribes west 

III the Mi-iNiN^ippi liavi* bei*ii sulVicifntly known; we have had intercourse with 
iheiii all. ImiI no W«'Isli are yet found. In the year l/i'r', a youn^ Welshman 
%t| (III* iiiiiiio o\* f-JrvHM aHcenihMl the Missouri, in company with Mtikey, ^nd 
i«'iu:iineii t^^o years in that countrv; he siNike both the ancient and modem 
W eUli, and addressed luinsidf to «»very nation betwecMi that river and New 
S|»{iiu, bill tonnd no Welshmen.** This, it would se(*m, is conclusive enough. 

Mr. /Nt'ilt in his *'iia-/.etteer o\' Illinois/* has iiimed so happy a stroke at the 
niitem on our antiipiity. that, had I met with his hhI before I had made the 
f\n'\unis nMiiiirks. I shouhl nuutt certainly havi* made use of it. I shall never^ 
tiieloss us«* It. AthT savin*; soiiietliin<; U|Hm the antiquities of Illinois, he pro- 
oo<s;* : "i>r one ihin;; the writer is satislied, that very impertcct and incorrect 
%Uta hiixe btVM rx*hed u|hmi, and very erron«*ous conclusions drawn, uix)n wc«t- 
t*:v. .-inihjuitu^. WluM^ver has time and |witience, and is in other n»specta qual- 
\t^*\\ Is"* oxpioro tins field oC soi«»noe, and will use his spade and eyes together, 
Aiu: n'^inni his nnatrniation tn>ni running riot amon<rst moumls, fortiticatioos, 
^K^7»'^■KVtft« nilgais, ,nnd whole cabinets oC rt^lics of the * olden time,* will find 
xx'Y^ ^.t'.iO RKV\* tlian xUo indications of nide savaj^^s, the ancestors of the 
jm^r.: nco of liKhans.** 










" Tfs Kood to mute on nations pained away 
Forerer from the land we call our own." 



Conduct of the early voytigers towards the Indians — Some account of the individ^ 
uals Donacona — Agona — Tasquantum^ or Squanto — Dehamda — Skettwarroe^-^ 
Assacumet — Manida — Pechmo — Monopet — Peksnimnc^-Sakaweston — Epawno~~ 
Manawet — Wanape — Contconam. 

The first voyagers to a country were anxious to confinn the truth of their 
accounts, and therefore took from their newly-discovered lands whatever 
seemed best suited to that object The inhabitants of America carried off 
by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away by voyagers 
merely for this object, but that they might, in time, learn fix>m them the value 
of the country from whence thev took them. Besides those forcibly carried 
away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and 
ignorance both of the distance and usage they should meet with in a land of 
strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and hence such as 
were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, were prepared to 
be revenged on any strangers of the same color, that chanced to come among 

In the first voyage of Cdumbxts to America, he took along with him, on hi? 
return to Spain, a considerable number of Indians ; how many we do not 
know ; but several died on their passage, and seven were presented to the king. 
Vincenie Yana Pinzony a captain under Cb/umfrttf, kidnapped four natives, 
whom he intended to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from 
him, and restored them to their friends. In this first voyage to the islands of 
the new world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of 
the Spaniards.* 

There were three natives presented to Henry VIL by Sebastian CoAot^ in 
1502, which he had taken from Newfoundland. What were their names, or 
what became of them, we are not informed ; but from the notice of historians, 
we learn that, when found, **they were clothed with the skins of beasts, and 
•lived on raw flesh; but after two years, [residence in England,! were seen in 
the king's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from 
EngHshmen.** f These were the first Indians ever seen in England.} They 

* My present concern not being with the Indians of South America, I beg leaTe to 
refer the reader to a little work lately published, entitled Thb Old Indian Ckroniolb, 
in%which all the prominent facts concerning the atrocities of the Spaniards towaids 
them will be found stated. 

f Bapin*s Hist. England, i. 685. ed. fol. See also Purehas, 788C 

I This is upon the authority of Berkeiff. Instead of Bnaiand, howeTer, he says Mith 
rope ; but, by saying the «», which Columbus had before taien fiom St. Salvador, mti4» 
their e8cai>e, he shows his superficial knowledge of those affidrs. Hear Herrera :— 

*< En suiUe de cela, [that is, qfUr Columbus Aad repUed to the king*s letter about a sec- 
ond voyage,^ U [Columbus] partUpour aUer ^ Barcewne aueo $ipt JmdienSt pares que les 
autres sstotent marts en ehemm, UJU porter aueque Usjf des perroquett verds, et de 


were brought to the English court " in their country habit," and " spoke a lan- 
gua|?e never heard before out of their own country." * 

Tne French discovered the river St Lawrence in 1508, and the captain of 

the ship who made the discovery, carried several natives to Paris, which were 

the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many 

they were in number, is not set down in the accounts of this voyage. The 

^name of this captain was Thomas JluberL] 

John Verazziniy in the service of Francis L, in 1524, sailed along the Amer- 
ican coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to be 
some part of the coast of Connecticut, "20 of his men landed, and went 
about two leagues up into the country. The inhubitants fled before them, 
but they caught an old woman who had hid herself in tlie high grass, with a 
young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her 
back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The young woman, too, 
carried three children of her own sex. Seeing themselves discovered, they 
began to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the 
men were fled to the woods. They offered her something to eat, which she 
accepted, but the maiden refused it. This girl, who was tall and well shaped, 
they were desirous of taking along witli them, but as she made a violent 
outcry, they contented themselves with taking a boy away with them-^t 
The name of New France was given to North America in this voyage. In 
another voyage here, Veraazini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by tlie 

In the year 1576, Capt Martin^ aflerwards Sir Mariin^ FVobisher sailed from 
England for the discovery of a north-west passage ; " the only thing of the 
world," says a writer of his voyage, " that was Left yet vndone." After the 
usual vicissitudes attending such an undertaking, at this early period of Eng- 
lish navigation, he discovered a strait which has ever since borne his name. 
About 60 miles within that strait, he went on shore to make discovery of the 
countnr, and was suddenly attacked by tlie natives, ** who had stolen secretly 
behinde the rockes ;" and though he ''bent himselfe to bis halberd,'' he narrowly 
escaped with his life. 

Hence there was a well-grounded suspicion in all future communications 
with the Indians in this region ; yet, after considerable intercourse, lYobMa's 
men became less waiy, and five of them, going on shore from a boat, were sop- 
prised and carried ofl^ and never heard of again. After this **the subtile trai- 
tours were so wary, as they would after that never come within our men's 
danger." Notwithstanding, Frobisher found means to entice some of them 
alongside of his ship, and after considerable manucsvering, one of them had 
his rears so far overcome by the alluring sound of a cow-bell, that he came so 
near in his canoe, to obtain one of them, that " the captain, being ready pro- 
vided, let the b^ll fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with maine 
force, boat and all," into his ship. Whereupon this savage finding himself in 
captivity, " for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within his 
mouth: notwithstanding he died not thereof, but lined vntil he came in Eng- 
land, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea.'' 

The next year (1577) Drobiahar made another voyage to the same coasts of 
America, and on some excursion on land he was attacked and wounded by the 
Indians. In York Sound he attacked a party, and killed five or six of them, 
and shortly after took two women prisoners. 

Such were the impressions given and received between the Europeans and 
Indians in that early day of American history. 

This was indeed a comparatively barbarous age. Few of the early woyti^m 
were better than demi-savages ; for they measured the conduct of Uie Indians 
by their own scale of justice ; in which might was too ofl^n taken for right. 
Bnt we of this age — what will be said of us by generations to come, — by 

fOugeBf et ^ autre* ehotef dipnea d'at^iration qui n*auotevU iamai* esU veufs en Espoffne." 
Hist dea Indes Occident. 1. 102. Ed. 1660, 3 tomes, 4to. See also HarriSt Voya^etf iL 
15. ed. 1764. 2 v. fol. ; Robertson, America^ i. 94. ed. 1778, 4to. 

• Berkely's Naval HiH, Brit, 268. ed. 1766, fol. and Harris, Voyaoea, ii. 191. 

t Forster, 482. t Ibid. 434, 486. 


the enlightened of distant ages, — when they inquire for the causes and reasons 
for our conduct in our wars with the Indians in our own times ? 
' The next early voyager we shall notice is Capt Hendrick Hudson, From 
Robert JueCs ioumal of his voyage it appears that Hudson discovered the river 
which bears his name, Sept 6, 1609, and explored it probably as high up at 
least as the present site of Wtst Point, before he left it During his stay in 
the river Manna-hata, as it was called by the natives, the conduct of his men 
towards those people was most unjust, savage, and cruel. We are told that 
their first interviews with the natives were friendly, but we are not told how 
they became immediately otherwise. The same day Hudson entered the river, 
he sent out John Colnum to make soundings, in which service he was shot in 
his throat with an arrow and killed ; and the next day he was buried on a point 
of land which has ever since borne his name. What provocation, if any, led 
to this misfortune, is not mentioned, nor does it appear that there was any sus- 
pension of intercourse, though a few days after several Indians were t^en 
captive by the ship's crew as they came to trade, and were confined on board. 
They escaped soon after, however, by jumping overboard. 

By the 15tli of September, Hudson had reached considerably above West 
Point, and on the 1st of October he began to descend, but came to an anchor 
** seven miles below the mountains." An Indian in a canoe, while many others 
were around the ship, came under the stem, climbed up by the rudder, entered 
the cabin window, which had been left open, and stole some trifling articles. 
Being discovered, he was pursued and killed by the mate, ^ by a shot throng 
his breast** By this rash act several were so frightened that they jumped 
into the river. As a boat from the ship was pursumg them, one in the water 
caught hold of the side of the boat ; whereupon the cook cut off his hands 
with a sword, and he was drowned. The next day two canoes approached 
the ship, and shot at it with their bows and arrows ; '* in recompense whereof," 
says Jud, ** we discharged six muskets, and killed two or three of them." 
Soon after, about 100 Indians appeared on a point of land, ^to shoot at us;" 
then " I shot a falcon at them," says this author, whom I take to have been 
the gunner of the 3hip, ** and killed two of them. Yet they manned off another 
canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us ; so I shot at it also a fid- 
con, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their 
muskets killed three or four more of them." 

This must truly ever be looked upon as a sad beginning of an acquaintance 
between the Indians and white people on the southern boundary of New Eng- 
land. The former could not view the latter in any other light than a race far 
more barl^arous than themselves ; inasmuch as they had seen a score of their 
people, one afler another, sacrificed, while tl^ey had killed but a single white 
man, probably in a quarrel. We now turn to the northern boundary for 
another example or two of early intercourse. 

DonacoTUlf a chief upon the River St Croix, was met with, in 1535, by the 
voyager Jctmu Cartier, who was well received and kindly treated by him and 
his people ; to repay which, CarUer, " partly by stratagem and partly by force," 
carried him to France, where he soon after died.* Piotwithstanding, Ccaiier 
was in the country five years after, where he found Agona, the successor of 
DonaconOf and exchanged presents with' him, probably reconciling him by some 
plausible account of the absence of Donacona, 

Tasquantunij or THsquantum, was one of the five natives carried from the 
coast of New England, in 1605, by Capt George WaumouJth, who had been 
sent out to discover a north-west passage. Tnis Indian was known afler- 
wards to the settlers of Plimouth, by whom he was generally called 'iSgruanio, 
or ^Squantum, by abbreviation. The names of the other four were Msxtdda^ 
SkeUuforroeSy Dehamda and Assacumet. 

Although Gorges does not say Dehamda was one brought over at this time, it 
is evident that he was, because, so far as we can discover, there were no other 
natives at that time in England, but these five. 

Sir Fardinando Crorges B^ys, Waymouihy ** falling short of his course, [in seek- 
ing Uie N. W. passage,] happened into a river on the coast of America, called 
Pemmaquidj from whence he brought five of the natives." ** And it so pleased 

• Foiter, 410-442. 


our mat God that " Waymmdk, on his retain to England, " came into the haibor 
of Flyraouth, where I then commanded." Three • of whose natives, naniel;* 
Manida, ShUtDorroes and TasquaiUum, ** I seized upon. They were all of one na- 
tion, but of several parts, and several families. This accident must be acknowl- 
edged the means, under God, of putting on foot and giving life to all our plan- 

Paying great attention to these natives, he soon understood enough by them 
about the country from whence they came to establish a belief that it was of 
great value ; not perhaps making due allowance for its being their home. And 
'Sir Ferdinando adds, ^ Afler I had those people sometimes in my custody, I ob- 
served in them an inclination to follow the example of the better sort ; and in 
all their carriages, manifest shows of great civility, far from the rudeness of 
our common people. And the longer fconversed with them, the better hope 
they ^ve me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our usee ; 
especially when I found what goodly nvers, stately islands, and safe harbors, 
those parts abounded with, bein? the special marks I leveled at as the only 
want our nation met with in all their navigations along that coast And hav- 
ing kept them full three years, I made them able to set me down what great 
rivers run up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power 
they were of, how allied, what enemies they had," &c. 

Thus having gained a knowledge of the country, Sir Ferdinando ffot ready "a 
ship furnished with men and all necessaries" for a voyage to Amenca, and sent 
as her captain Mr. Henry Challoung^^ with whom he also sent two of his Indians. 
The names of these were Jhsacumti and Manida, Chalons, having been taken 
sick in the beginning of the voyasre, altered his course, and lost some time in 
the West Indies. After being able to proceed northward, he departed from 
Porto Rico, and was soon after taken by a Spanish fleet, and carried into Spain, 
" whAe their ship and ^oods were confiscate, themselves made prisoners, the 
voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost." One, however, ^ssacumel^ was 
aflierwards recovered, if not the other. This voyag#of Chalons was in 1606. 

It appears that the Lord Chief Justice Popham | had agreed to send a vessel 
to the aid of Chalons, which was accordingly done before the news of his beinir 
taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, " It pleased 
the lord chief justice, according to his promise, to despatch Capt [3larim] 
Prin from Bristol, with hope to have found Capt Challounge ; " " but not hear- 
ing by any means what became of him, after he had made a perfect discovery 
of all those rivers and harbors," " brings with him the most exact discovery of 
that coast that ever came to my hands since, and, indeed, he was the best able 
to perform it of any I met withal to this present [tirae,1 which, with his relation 
of the country, wrought such annmpression in tlie lora chief justice, and us all 
that were his associates, that (notwithstanding our first disaster) we set up onr 
resolutions to follow it with effect" 

Dehamda and SkeUtoarroes were with Prin§ in this voyage, and were, with- 
out doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast It appears from 
Gorges, that Dehamda was sent by the chief justice, who we suppose had con- 
sidered him his property,|| and Skettivarroes by himself They returned again 
to Ehigland with Prin. 

• It seems, from this part of his narrative, that he had but three of them, but from 
subsequent passages, it appears he had them all. See also America painted to the Life. 

+ ChallonSj by some. Gorges has sometimes, Chalou>ti8, Chaloriy «c. 

\ The same who presided at the trial of Sir W. Ralegh and his associates, in 160S. 
See Prince's Worthies of Devon, 672, 673. Fidler, in his Worthies of Enaland, ii. 284, 
says, " Travelers owed their safety to this judge's severity many years after his death, 
wnieh happened Anno Domini 16**," thinking, no doubt, he had much enlightened 
his reader by definitely stating that Sir John Popham died some time within KMindrtd 
yean. The severity referred to has reference to his importuning King James not to 
pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render the judges con- 
temptible, and " which made him more speiring afterward." 

{ Gorges, one of the main springs of these transactions, who wrote the account wa 
give, makes no mention of anv other captain accompanying him ; yet Dr. Holmes's 
authorities, Annals, i. 125, led him to record Thomas Hanam as the performer of thia 
Toyaffe. And a writer of 1622 says, Hanam, or, as he calls him, Haman, went com- 
manaer, and Prinne master. See 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc, ix. 3. This agrees with the 
account of Gorges the younger. 

I He had probably been given to him by Sir Ferdinando. 


The next year, 1607, th^ee two natives piloted the first New Eftiaiid colony 
to the mouth of SRufadahock River, since the Kennebeck. Tbey^ft England 
30 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August following. '* As soon as the 
president had taken notice of the place, and given order for landing the pro- 
visions, he despatched away Captain Gtlbertj with SkUwcares his guide, for the 
thorough discovery of the rivers and habitations of the natives, by whom he 
was brouffht to several of them, where he found civil entertainment, and kind 
respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so as they suddenly became famil- 
iar friends, especially by the means of Dehamda and SkUtoarrarsJ* ** So as the 
president was earnestly intreated by Sassenowj Jlhertmdy and others, the princi- 
pal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the Bashabas, who it 
seems was their king. They were prevented, however, by adverse weather, 
from that journey, and thus the promise to do so was unintentionally broken, 
•* much to the grief of those Sajpamores that were to attend him. The Bashe- 
bas, notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit him, 
and to beat a trade with him for fbrs.*' 

Sever^ sad and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this first 
colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store-bouse, contain- 
ing most of their supplies, by fire, in the winter following, and another was the 
death of Lord Pophcmu it consisted of 100 men, and its beginning was auspi- 
cious ; but these calamities, together with the death of their president, broke 
down their resolutions. So many discouragements, notwithstanding a ship 
with supplies had arrived, determined them to abandon the country, whicn 
they did m the spring.* What became of Dehamda and Skettwarroes there is 
no mention, but tnej probably remained in tiie country with their friends, un- 
less the passage which we shall hereafter extsact be construed to mean difier- 

To return to TKsqwmlum, There is some disagreement in the narratives of 
the contemporary writers in respect to this chief, which shows, either that some 
of them are in error, or that there were two of the same name — one carried 
away by Waymovthy and the other by Hwnl, From a critical examination of 
the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and that he was carried away by 
WcoftnovShy as Sir F&dxnando Gorges relates, whose account we have given 
nbove.^ It is impossible that Su- Ftrdinando should have been mistaken in 
the names of those he received from WaymoidL The names of those carried 
off by HwU are not given, or but few of them, nor were they kidnapped until 
nine years after WaymovJUCa voyage. It is, therefore, possible that Sqwxniwiii, 
having returned home from the service of Gorges^ went again to England with 
some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt, But we are inclined to think 
there was but one of the name, and his being carried away an error of inad- 

Patuxet, afterward called Plimotdh, was the place of residence ofSquarUvnif 
who, it is said, was the only person that escaped the great plague of which we 
shall particularly speak in the life of Massasoit ; where, at the same time, we 
shall take up again the life of i^^rUum, whose history is so intimately con- 
nected with it 

It was in 1611 that Captain Edward Harlow^ was sent ** to discover an lie 
supposed about Cape Cod," who " fiilling with Monahigan, they found onely 
Cape Cod no He but the maine ; there [at Monhigon IslandV'they detained 
three Saluages aboord them, called Pecfano^ Monopet and Pekeninmef but 
Pechmo leapt ouerboard, and got away ; and not long after, with his consorts, 
cut their Boat from their steme, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand 
and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the English lost her."|| ^^ . 

This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To htke got 

* They had '* seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at the mouth of this river, 
[Sagadahock,] where they built a fortress to defend themselves from their enemies, 
which they named St. George.'* America Painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. p. 19. 

f See life Massasoit. 
. X It is plain, from Prince Chron. 134, that his authors had confounded the names of 
these Indians one with another. 

iSir Fred. Gorges is probably wrong in calling him Henry Harley. 
Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. iv. Eng., ii. 174. 

72 HUNT'S VOYAGE. [Book I. 

under the Hkd of a ship, in the face of anned men, and at the same time to 
have succeeded in his design of cutting away and carrying off the boat, was 
an act as bold and daring, to say the least, as that performed in the harbor of 
Tripoli by our countryman Decatur, 

From Monhigon iJarloWf proceeding southward, fell in with an island 
called then by tlic Indians Mhono. From this place ^* they tooke Sakawe»^ 
ion, that aflcr ho had lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wan 
of Bohemia."* Whether he ever returned we are not told. From this 
island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capoge, [Martha's Vineyard.] 
Here *^ they tooke Cotieconcan and JEpenow" and *' so, with fine Saluages, they 
returned for England." 

Epenowj or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a 
character as Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Fsrdinando Gorgat 
is evidently erroneous in part of his statement about tliis native, in as far as it 
relates to his having been brought away by Hunt. For Harlow's voyage was 
in 1611, and Epanoio was sent over to Cape Cod with Captain Ho&ony in 
1G14, some months before Hunt left 

As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable writers 
as Smithy (roreesy &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not pardon him were 
he to withhola what the intimate acquaintance of the interesting Epanow says 
of him. Hear, then. Sir Ferdinando : — 

" While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in my 
languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Harley f unto me, bringing with him 
a native of the Island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape 
Cod, whoso name was Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, strong and well 
prdportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force] with some 29 J 
others by a ship of London that endeavored to sell them for slaves in Spaine, 
out being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unapt 
for their uses, tliey would not meddle with them, tliis being one of them they 
refused, wherein they exprest more worth than Uiose tliat brouglit them to the 
market, who could not but known tliat our nation was at Uiat time in travel for 
setling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tending 
to our prejudice, when we came into that part of tlie countries, as it shaU 
further appear. IIow Capt. Harley came to be possessed of this savage, I 
know not, but I understood by otliers how he had been shown in London for 
a wonder. It is true, (as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, 
stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English as to bid 
those that wondered at him. Welcome, welcome ; tliis being the last and best 
use they could make of him, that was now grown out of the people's wonder. 
The captain, falling furtlier into his familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance 
and friendship with those subject to the Bashaba, whom the captain well knew, 
bein^ himself one of the plantation, sent over by the lord chief justice, 
[PopWi,] and by that means understood much of his language, found ont 
the place of his birth," &c. 

Before proceedinof witli the history of Epanowj the account of Capt Thomaa 
Hunts voyage should be related ; because it is said that it was chiefly owing 
to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to the 
voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we have already saidj Hunt did 
not commit his depredations until afler Epanotp had escaped out or the hands 
of the English. Capt. John Smith was in company with Hnnty and we will 
hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating tliat tliey arrived at Mon- 
higon in April, 1G14, § spent a long time in trying to catch whales without 
success ; and as " for gold, it was rather tlie master's device to get a voyage, 
that projected it;" that for trifles they got "near 11000 beaver skins, 100 

♦ Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ii. 174. 

t Perhaps not the Capt. Harhw before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorgiae 
means him. 

X If in this he refers to those taken by Himtj as I suppose, he sets the number 
higher than others. His grandson, F. Gorges^ in America Painted^ &c., says 24 was the 
number seized by Hunt. 

$ Smith had an Indian named Tantum with him in this voyage, whom he set on 
shore at Cape Cod. 

Crap. I.] EPANOW. ^ 78 

martin, and as mBAt otten, tlie most of them within the^jistance ofmpa^^es,'' 
and his own deparlate for Europe, Capt Smith proceeds : — '• *^* 

^ The other ship vtaid to fit nerself for Spain with the diy fish, which was 
sold at Malaga at 4 rials the quintal, each hundred weight two Quintals and a 
half. — But one Thomas HutUy the master of this ship, (when I was gone,) 
thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plantation, thereby to 
keep tits abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer- 
chants more mi^ht enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this 
country, betrayed four and twenty of those |>oor salvages aboard his ship, and 
roost dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usafire of me and all our men, 
carried them widi him to Malaga ; and there, for a litue private gain, sold these 
silly salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him ever afler fix)m any 
more employment to those parts." 

F, GargeSy the younger, is rather confused in his account of Hunts voyage, 
as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of HunPs 
sellinff the Indians he took as slaves, the news of which havinsr got into Eng- 
land before Epcmow was sent out, caused this Indian to make nis escape, and 
consequenQy the overthrow of the voyage ; whereas the latter. Sir FsnUnimdo, 
does not attribute it to that We will now hear him again upon this interest- 
ing subject : — 

** TTiit reasons of my undertaking the en^pioymeni for the idand of CapawiA, 

^ At the time this new savage [Epanow] came unto me, I had recovered 
Assacumdy one of the natives I sent with Uapt Ckalownes in his unhappy em- 
ployment, with whom I lodged Epenaw, who {it the first hardly understood 
one the other's speech, till afler a while ; I perceived the difference was no 
more than that as ours is between the noithern and southern people, so that I 
was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give 
account of what he learned by conference between themselves, and he as 
faithfiilly performed it" 

There seems but little doubt that Epanow and Jlssacumd had contrived a 
plan of escape before they left England, and also, by finding out what the Eng- 
lish most valued, and assuring them that it was m abundance to be had at a 
certain place in their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended 
discovery were the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which we are 
now to speak. Still, as will be seen. Sir Ferdtnando does not speak as though 
he had been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the wooob. 
Gold, it has been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to 
pilot the English. Gorges proceeds : — 

** They [Capt Hobson and those who accompanied him] set sail in June, in 
Anno 1614,. being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, 
carrying with them Epenaw, ^ssacorrtbt^ an^ fFanapef* another native of those 
parts sent me out of the Isle of Wight,t for my better information in the parts 
of the country of his knowledge : when as it pleased God that they were 
arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place, by the natives 
themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor 
where Epenow was to make crood his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine, 
no doubt,] tlie principal inhabitant^ of the place came aboard ; some of them 
being his brothers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,] who, after they had 
communed together, and were kindly entertained by the captain, departed in 
their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard a^in, and bi' 
some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) nad cbntra< 
with his friends, how he might make his escape without performing wht 
had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was \ 
though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it were found that he had dis- 

* Doubtless the same called by others Manatotif who, it would seem from Mr. Htib- 
bardf {Hiat. N. Eng. 39,) died before Epanow escaped, " soon after the ship's arrival." 

t How he came there, we are at a loss to determine, unless natives were carried off, 
of whom no mention is made. This was unquestionably the case, for when it came to 
be a common thing for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of course, would be 
made of them, especially if they went yoluntarily, as, no doubt, many did. 

74 EPANOW. [Book II 

covered the secrets of 'his countiy,* he was sure to hare his brains knockt oat 
as soon as he came ashore ; f for that cause I gave the captain strict charge to 
endeavor by all means to prevent his escaping from them. And for the moce 
surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever it 
hand with him ; clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if 
occasion should require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being qjl cooM 
at the time appointed with twentv canoes, and lying at a certain distance with 
their bows ready, the captain calls to them to come aboard ; but they not mor- 
ing, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him, where he was in the fbrecaMle 
of the ship, he being then in the waste of the ship, between the two gentle- 
men that nad him in guard ; starts suddenly from them, and coming to the cap- 
tain, calls to his friends in English to come aboard, in the interim slips himself 
overboard : And although he were taken hold of by one of the company, yet, 
being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the 
water, but the natives, [his friends in the boats,] sent such a shower of arrow% 
and came withal desperately so near the ship, that they carried him away in 
despight of all the musquetteers aboard, who were, for the number, as good ma 
our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particular [vtiy- 
agel made void and frustrate.'' 

from the whole of this narration it is evident tliat Epanow was forcibly 
retained, if not forcibly carried off, by English. And some relate J that he 
attacked Capt Dermer and his men, supposing they had come to seize and 
carry him back to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant 
to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian cuBtom, 
resolved that the first whites should atone for it, either with their life or liberty. 
Gorges does not tell us what his brave '^musquetteers'' did when Epanow 
escaped, but from other sources we learn that they fired upon his liberatoni 
killing and wounding some, but how many, they could only conjecture. But 
there is no room for conjecture about the damage sustained on the part of the 
ship's crew, for it is distinctly stated that when they received the " shower of 
arrows," Capt Hobson and many of his men were wounded*.§ And SmUh I 
says, ** So well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported he intended 
to have surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to his likin^,« 
before them all he leaped ouer boord." 

We next meet with Epanow in 1G19. Capt 7%>mas Dormer, or Dermer^ in 
the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Capoofc, the place whete^ 
five years before, he made his escape from Capt Hooson, Gorges writes, 
''This savage, speaking some English, laughed at his owne escape, and re- 
ported the story of it Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of 
my servants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to he 
forced to steal away. This savage was so cunning, that, afler he had quee* 
tioned him about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he wae 
come on purpose to betray him ; and [so] conspired with some of his fellowa 
to take the captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon him. But he being a 
brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not withont 14 
wounds. This disaster forced him to make all possible haste to Virjrinia to he 
cured of his wounds. At the second return [he having just come from there] 
he had the misfortune to fall sick and die, of the infirmity many of our nation 
are subject unto at tlieir first coming into those parts." 

The ship's crew being at the same time on shore, a fight ensued, in which 
some of Epanovo's company were slain. " This is the last time," says a writer 
in the Historical Collections, " that the soil of Martha's Vineyard was stained 
with human blood ; for from that day to the present [1807] no Indian has heen 
killed by a white man, nor white man by an Indian." 

In relation to the fight which Dermer and his men had with the Indians at 
the Vineyard, Morion f relates that the English went on shore to trade with 
them, when they were assaulted and all the men slain but one that kept the 

* The secrets of the sandy island Ca^oge, or the neighboring shores of Cape Cod, 
whateTer they are now, existed only in faith of such sanguine minds as Sir Fermiumd9 
and his adherents. 

t We need no better display of the craft of Epanow^ or proof of his cunning in deep 
ploto. t Belhum, Amer. Biog. I 962. 6 Smith's N. England, iL 178. 

H lUd. H N. Eng. Memorial, 58, 69. 


boat '^But the [captain] himself got on board very sore woundSdf atad they 
had cot off faa heaii apon' the cuddy of the boat, bad not his man rescued him 
with a sword, and so they got him away." Squanio was with Capt Dermar at 
Ums time, as will be seen in the life of mauoioiL 


Arrival and first Proeteiings of the English teho settle at Plimauth'^T%nr first 
discovery of Indians — Their first battle inth them — Samoset — SquaiUo — Ma»sa- 
801T — lyanough — Aspinet — Cauneeonam — Caufbitant — Wittcwamet-^Pek- 
suoT — HoBOMOK — Tokamahamon — Obhatinetoat — Nanepashamet — Sqnato-SO' 
ehem of Massaehasetts — Weheowet. 

In 16^ some determined white people, with the most astonishing and in- 
vincible firmness, undertook to wander 3000 miles from the land of their birth, 
and, in the most hazardous manner, to take up a permanent abode upon the 
borders of a boundless wilderness, — a wilderness as great, or fkr greater, for 
, aught they knew, than the expanse of ocean which they were to pass. But 
all dangers and difficulties, there to be encountered, weighed nothing in com- 
parison with the liberty of conscience which they might enjoy when once 
oeyond the control of their bigoted persecutors. 

These singular people haa lihtriy from theur oppressor, James I., to go and 
settle in this wilderness, and to possess themselves of some of the lands of 
the Indians, provided they paid htm or some of his friends for them. No one 
seems then to have questioned how this king came by the right and title to 
lands here, any more than how he came by his crown. They were less scru- 
pulous, perhaps, in this matter, as the king told them, in a charter * which he 
granted them, though not tiU ajfUr they had sailed for America, ** that he had 


knowD, if not better, to the Pilgrims (as they were aptly called) as to King James. 

After numerous delays ahd disappointments, the Pilgrims, to the number of 
41, with their wives, | children, and servants, sailed from Pliraouth, in England, ' 
in one small ship, called the Mavflower, on Wednesday, the 6th of September. 
Their passage was attended with great peril ; but they safely arrived at Cape 
Cod, 9 Nov. fol]owin|r, without the loss of any of their number. They now 
proceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the barren 
coast One of the first things .they found necessary to do, to preserve order 
among themselves, was, to form a kind of constitution, or general outline of • 
government Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days afler their 
arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The same day, 15 or 16 of their number, covered wiUi 
armor, proceeded to the land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did 
not show themselves to the English until the 15th, and then they would have 
nothing to say to them. About 5 or 6 at first only appeared, who fied into the 
woods as soon as they had discovered themselves. The Epglishmen followed 
them many miles, but could not overtake them. 

Hrsl Battle wilh the Indians. — ^This was upon 8 Dec. 1620, and we will give 
the account of it in the language of one that was an actor in it ** We went 
ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted oat 

• This charter beart date 3 Not. 1620. Chalmers^ Folit. Annals, 81. 
t Hazarttt Hist Collections, 1, 105, where the entire charter may be seen. It was 
afterwards called The Grand Plimoutk Patent. Ckabi^srs, lb. 
X There were, in all, 28 females. 


of the woodB that we might come to our shallop. By that time we had done, 
and our shallop come to us, it was within night {7 Dec.], and we beto({k us to ^ 
our rest, after we had set our watch. i'^ 

** About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our Sentinell called 
m^rnij arm. So we bestirred ourselues, and shot off a couple of Muskets, and 
[the] noyse ceased. We concluded that it was a company of Wolues and Foxes, 
for one [of our company] told vs he had heard such a noyse in JVew-found^amL 
About fine a clocke in the morning [8 Dec] wee began to be stirring. Vpon a 
sudden we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same 
voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, 
came running in and cryed. They are men, Indians^ Indians ; and withall their 
arrowes came flying amongst vs. Our men ran out with all speed to recover 
their armes. The ciy of our enemies was drcadfull, especially when our men 
ran out to recover their Armes. Their note was afler tliis manner, ffboft, 
woachj ha ha haeh woach. Our men were no sooner come to their Armes, bat 
the enemy was- ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit 
lease valiant, who was thought to bee their Captain, stood behind a tree, within 
half a musket shot of vs, and there let his arrawes fly at vs. Hcfe stood three 
shots of a musket At length one of vs, as he said, taking full ayme at him, 
he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all.** 

It is not certain that any blood was shed in this battle ; but it was pretty 
strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was wounded. The 
Indians having retreated, tlie conquerors were left in possession of the battle- 
ground, and fiey proceeded to gather together the trophies of this their fiivt 
victory. They picked up 18 arrows, which they sent to their friends in "Eiag- 
land by the return of tlie Mayflower. Some of tiiese were curiously " headed 
with brasse, some with Harts home, 'and others with Eagles' clawes.** • 

It appeared afterwards that tliis attack was made by tlie Nauset Indianai, 
whose chief *s name was Jlspinei. VV'hethcr he was the leader in this flght, it not 
known ; but he probably was. The place where the affair happened was called 
by the Indians MxmskJctt; but the English now called it Tht First JSncounler. 

The ELEVENTH OF DECEMBER, ever memorable in the histoiy of 
New England, was now come, and tliis was the day of tlie LANDING OP 
THE PILGRIMS. A place upon tlie inhospitable shore had been flxed upon, 
and was this day taken possession of, and never again deserted. The ship 
until then had been their permanent abode, which now they gladly exchanged 
for the sandy shore of the bay of Cape Cod. 

Welcome, Englishmen ! Welcome, Englishmen ! are words so inseparably 
associated witli uie name of Samosetj that we can never hear the one without 
the pleasing recollection of the other. These were the first accents our pil- 
grim fathers heard, on the American strand, from any native. We mean intel- 
ligible accents, for when they were attacked at Namskekct, on their firat 
arrival, they heard only the frightful war-whoop. 

The first time Indians were seen by the pilgrims, was upon 15th Nov. 1620. 
" They espied fine or sixe people, with a Dogge, coming towards them, who were 
Savages ; who, when they saw tlicm, ran into the Wood, and whistled the Dog'ge 
afler them." f And though tlie English ran towards them, when the Indians 
perceived it "they ran away might and main," and the English "could not 
come near them.*^ Soon afler this, Morton says the Indians "got all the 
powaws in the country, who, for three days together, in a horid and devilish 
manner did curse and execrate them with their conjurations, which assemhly 

♦ Mottrt*s Relation, in 1 Mass. Hist. Col VIII, 218, 219 ; or, original cd. p. 19 A 
t Relation or Journal of a Plantation settled at Plt/fnouth, in N. E. usually 
MourVs Relation. iLwoa, no doubt, written by several of the company, or the i 
was assisted by several. Mourt seems to have been the publisher. He appears not to 
have written any part of it but the " To the Header," and I am inclined to believe that 
this G. Mourt, being zealous in the cause of the Pilgrims, may have published the wofk 
at his own expense. Ue published, at least, one otner kindred work. I hare no soni- 
ple but that Richard Gardner was the principal author. About the early settlement of 
any country', there never was a more important document. It was printed in 1622, and 
is now reprinted in the Mass. Hist. Col., and we hope soon to see it printed in a volume 
by itself m a style worthy of its importance. As it stands in the llist. Collections, it 
is very difficult to consult, a part of it being contained in one volume, and the remain- 
der in another. 


and eenrice they held in a dark and dismal swamp. Behold how Satan* labor- 
ed to hinder die gospel from coming into New England 1 " 

It yft9B on Friday, 16th March, 1621, that Samosd suddenly appeared at 
Plimouth, and, sayjEi Mouri^ '* He very boldly came all alone, and along the 
houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him 
to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of his boldness." He was naked, ^ only 
a leather about his waist, with a fnnge about a span long." The weather was 
very cold, and this author adds, ^ We cast a horseman's coat about him." To 
reward them for their hospitaJity, Samosei gave them whatever information 
they desired. ■''He had, say they, learned some broken English amongist the 
Englishmen that came to nsh at Mpnhiggon, and knew by name, the most of 
the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a 
man iree in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of seemly car- 
riage. We questioned him of many tilings : he was the tirst savage we could 
meet withaL He said he was not of those parts, but of Morat.iggon, and one 
of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 moutlis in these parts, it lying 
hence [to the eastward] a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by lancL 
He discoursed of the wnole country, and of eveiy province, and of their sag- 
amores, and their number of men, and strength." " He had a bow and two 
arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, strait man ; 
the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his fiice at 
all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and 
butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a mallard ; all which he liked 
well." ^ He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that 
about 4 years ago ail the mhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there 
is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none ; 
80 as there is none to hinder our possession, or lay claim unto it All the 
afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid 
of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night Then we thought to 
carry him on ship-board, wherewith he was well content, and went into the 
flhallop ; but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back. 
We lodged [with him] that night at Stq^htn Hopkins^ house, and watched 

Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence 
happily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning to return to Masaasoit 
who, he said, was a sachem having under him 60 men. The BInglish having 
left some tools exposed in the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly 
jadged the Indians had taken them. They complained of this to Scanosd in 
lather a threatening air. ''We willed him (say they) that they should be 
brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves." When he left them "he 
promised within a night or two to come again," and bring some of Maasasoift 
men to trade with them in beaver skina As good as his word, Soanoset came 
the next Sunday, "and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had 
every man a deer's skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild cat's 
skin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to then 

goins, close made ; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather 
ey were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like oui 
English gipsies ; no hair, or very little, on their fiices ; on their heads long hail 
to tneir shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather 
broadwise like a fan; another a fox-tail hanging out" The English had 
charged Samoset not to let any who came with lum bring their arms ; these, 
therefore, left "their bows and arrows a X|uarter of a imle firom our towa 
We ffave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat 
liberally of our English victuals," and appeared very friendly ; " sang and 
danced after their manner, like anticks.** "Some of them had theu* fiices 
painted black, fh>m the forehead to the chin, foul* or five fijigers Inroad : others 
afler other fiishions, as they liked. They brought three or four skins, but we 
would not truck with them all that day, but \rished diem to bring more, and 
we would truck for all ; which they promised within a night or two, and 
would leave these behind them, though we were not wiUing they should ; and 
they brouriit all our tools afffun, ynikh were taken in the woods, in our 
abwnce. Bo^ becauae of die day [Sunday], we dJannand themiKi aeon aa we 


could, fiut Samaaetf our first acquaintance, either was sick, or ieiffned himMJIf.; 
so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednescby momiilgi 
Then we sent him to tliem, to know the reason they came not accord|pg to 
their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shut, and 
a piece of cloth to tie about his waist^ 

Smnoset returned afain, the next day, briu^ng with him Squanlo, mentkned 
in the last chapter. He was '^the only native (says Mourt's Relation) of 
Patuxet, where we now uihabit, who was one of tlie 20 [or 24] captiyesi, that 
by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England, and dwelt m Combill 
with master John iSZoiTie, a merchant, and could speak a little Engliab, with 
three others." They brought a few articles for trade, but the more impoitant 
news '^that their great sagamore. Massasott, was hard by," whose introdue- 
tion to them accordingly tollowed. 

In June, 1621, a boy, John BUlington^ having been lost in the woods, seYenl 
English, with Squanio and Tokcunahamon, undertook a voyage to Naunt m 
search for him. Squanio was tlieir inteqircter ; ^ the other, Tokamakamm^ a 
special friend." The weather was fair when they set out, "but ere they had 
been lonff at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lig^tai^g 
and thunder, insomuch that a Fwatcr] spout arose not far from them." How- 
ever, they escaped danger, ana arrived at night at Cunmiaquid. Here tfai^ 
met with some Indians, who informed them that the boy was at Naoaeti 
These Indians treated them vnth great kindness, inWting them on shore to eaft 
with them. 

fyanough was sachem of tliis place, and these w^ere his men. *^ They broudit 
us to their sachim (says MouH) or governor, whom they call tyanoiugh^ ^nbo 
then appeared about ^ years of aee, " but very personable, gende, courteous 
and fair-conditioned, indeed, not lUce a savage, save for his attire. Hjb enfte^ 
tainment was answerable to his parts, and liis cheer plentiful and varioaa.* 
Thus is portrayed the amiable character, lyanoueh, by those who knew hin^ 
We can add but little of him except his wretched fate. The severity executed 
upon WtUuwamd and Peksuot caused sucli consternation and dread of tha 
English among many, that they forsook their wonted habitation% fled mio 
swamps, and lived in uuhealtliv places, in a state of stan'ation, until many died 
with diseases which they had thus contracted. Among such victims 

hanoughy Aspind, Coniconam, and many more. Hence Uie English suppoaed 
they were in PektuoVa consiiiracy, as will be more particularly related nan- 

While the English were with fyanough^ at Cummaquid, they relate tbit 
there was an old woman, whom they judgeid to be un leiKS than 100 yean M^ 
who came to see them, because she had never seen EiigliHli ; " yet (say tbay) 
[she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weefnng 
and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that 
she had tliree sons, ^ who, when master Hunt was in these parts, went aboaid 
his ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives uito Sitain." Squmit& 
being present, who was carried away at tlie same time, was acquaintea fdtfa 
the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distresiLaBd 
told her they were sorrv, that Hunt was a bad man, but that all the other Eng- 
lish were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a 
few trinkets, which considerably appeased her. 

Our voyagers now proceed to Nauset, accompanied by fymough and tuo 
of his men. ABpind was the sachem of this place, to whom SqwtnJto waa aenly 
Iwmovgh and hjs men having gone before. Squanto having informed Jinimd 
that his English friends had come for the boy, he ^ came (they relate) with a 
great train, and brought the boy with liim," one carrying him through tha 
water. This being at or near the place where an attack was made un tha 
English, on their fu«t arrival in the countiy, as has been related, cauaed them 
to be on their guard at this time. 

At this time, Aminct had in his company ''not less than an hundred f half 
of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest "stood aloof," with thak 
bows and arrows, looking on. Atpinet delivered up the boy in a formal man- 
ner, ^'behung with beads, and made peace with us ; we bestowing a knife an 
him, and ly^ewiee on another, that fint entertained the boy, and brought hhn 


fymougk did not accompany the expedidon in their return finoin Nauaet, but 
went home by iand, and waa rea4y to entertain the company on their return. 
From contrary winds and a want of fresh water, the voyagers were obliged to 
touch again at Cummaquid. *< 'Hiere (say they^ we met a^piin with hfonoughj 
and the most of his town." ''He, being ml willing to gratify us^ took a rund- 
let, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none 
good, yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the meantime 
me women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop ;* the 
men also showing all the kindiness they could, fymot^h himself taking a 
bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one or us." 

They were not able to get out of tne harbor of Cummaquid from baffling 
winds and tides, which hfonovgh seeing, the next morning he raii along the 
shore after them, and they to<Hc him into their shallop, and returned ¥rith him 
to his town, where he entertained them in a manner not inferior to what he had 
done before. They now succeeded in getting water, and shordy after returned 
home in safetv. 

While at Nauset, the English heard that Mousoioit had been attacked and 
carried off by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of SUmduh and 
JUUrton against Caunbikmij as wiU be found related in his life. 

About mis time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity 
tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselves to King 
James^ as will be finrnd, abo, in that life. But to return again to jhpinetf ana 
other sachems of Cape Cod. 

By the improvidence of a company setded at Wessaguscus, under the direc- 
tion of Mr. ThomoB WtiUm^ in 1633, they had been brought to the very brink 
of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth pecmle were but 
very little better ofif; and but for the kindness of the Indians, tne worst of 
conseauences might have ensued to both these in&nt colonie& 

As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement 
to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy corn, and 
whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Smuado was pilot in this 
expedition ; but 1^ died before it was accomplishea, and the record of his 
death stands thus in Winslow'b Relation : — 

''But here [at Wanamoyk, since Chatham], thoiu^h they had determined to 
make a secona essay Fto pass within the shoals or Cape Cod] ; yet God had 
otherwise d]^x)8ed, who struck Ti$qwnitum with sickness, insomuch as he 
there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the 
master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and 
not fit to g^ upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." His disorder, 
according to Prince^ was a fever, "bleeding much at the nose, which the 
Indians reckon a fatal symptom." He desireid the governor would pray for 
him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God, "• bequeathing his things to 
sundry of his English fnends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we 
have a great loss." 

Thus died the famous Squanio, or Ta$auantumj in December, 1682. To 
him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, aluough he often, through extreme 
folly and shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great 
deal of trouble, as in Uie life of MtumscfU and Hobomok will appear. 

Thus, at the commencement of ^e voyage, the pilot was taken away by 
death, and the expedition came near bemj; abandoned. However, b^re 
SqufxnUt' died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of Mana- 
moick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner 
that would do honor to any peoi^e in any age. It is the more worthy of 
remark, as none of the Englisn had ever been there before^ and were utter 
•trangera to them. After they had refreshed them ** with store of venison simI 
other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance," they sold them 
^^^liogMluads <^ cam and heafu^ though fhepecpU were hd/ew/* 

From Manamoick they proceeded to MassachusettB^ but could do nothing 

* It was a euftoBi with most Indian nations to dance when strangen came among then. 
Baron LahowUm says it was the manner of the Iroouois to daaee '' lonfue U» itrcangtrg 
poiMemt dant Uur via*, ou mu Uwrs ermemit emwieni aet ambauadmr$ wmr fnrt de» prvp^ 
mikm it paix^'^-^itmoitn de JJAmiHfm, ii. 110. 

80 SQUANTO. [Book IL 

there, as Mr. fFesUm^a men had mined the market bygivioff *^ aa much for'a 
quart of com, as we used to do for a beaver's skm.** Therefore they returned 
again to Cape Cod, to Nauset, ^ where the sachem Aaptnd used the governor 
very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 hoesheads of com and beans: also 
at a place called MattackUst, where they had like kind entertainment and com 
also. While here, a violent storm drove on shore and so damaged their pinnaoo, 
that they could not get their com on board the ship : so tliey made a stack of il^ 
and secured it from the weather, by covering it witli mats and scd^ Atpimd 
was desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroying it, until tlurf 
could send for it ; also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with. AU due 
he &ithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, '^ receiving ^neot 
kindness from the Indians by the way.*' At this time there was a ffreat sick- 
ness among the Massachusetts Indians, '^not unlike the plague, if not the 
same f but no particulars of it are recorded. 

Some time after, Standish went to bring the com left at Nauset, and, as imialy 
gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One ofAspinefs men happeniDg 
to come to one of SUmdisVs boats, which being left cntu^ly without ^uaidf ho 
took out a few trinkets, such as ** beads, scissors, and other trifles,** which wlmi 
the English captain found out, **he took certain of his company with hhn, and 
went to the sachem, telling him what had happened, and requiring the atime 
afiain, or the party that stole them," ^ or else he would revenge it on ihem b^btt 
hi8 dtnoaiure^ and so departed for tlie niffht, ^refusing whaisoever hndntm tikof 
offered^* However, the next moming, Spinet, attended by many of hia men, 
went to the English, ^in a stately manner,^ and restored all the ^triflea^ fat 
the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehenooii 
as the man for taking them. 

Squanio being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patnxe^ 
inquirers for an account of tliat calamity will very reasonably expect to find k 
in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all tliat is known of it^ not 
elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near m 
we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penob- 
scot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of ki 
duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was ueai]|j 
abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it, saying tfaat_th^ 
died so fast ** that the living were not able to bury the dead." When the 

lish arrived in the country, their bones were thick Upon the ground in manj 

S laces. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch aa it had 
estroyed ^ multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the 
people of God." 

'' Some had expired in fif^fht, — the brands 
Still rusted in their bony hands, — 

In plague and famine some/' — Campbell. 

All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by 
strange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or 
phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, was considered fay 
iome the precursor of this pestilence.* 

We will give here, from a curious woric, f in the lanffuage of the author, an 
interesting passage^ relating to this melancholy period of the history of the 
people of Maaatuottj in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the ftta of 
a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of jtf»- 
saaoity in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus : " But contrary WM 
[the Indians having said ''they were so many that God could not kiU thenii* 
when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for their "wickedness,** teffina 
them God would destroy them,] in short tune after, the hand of God Afl 
heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on heapi^ •■ 
they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for tltemmma 
would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the graand 

* The year 1618 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, ** as therein do less thaa far 
were observed/' I. Mather's Ducourtt concerning CameUf 108. BoHoa, ISmo. IMi. 
There may be seen a curious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in RuakmcrUfa ^ 
Col. of that year. 

t New Engliih Canaan, 23, by Thomaa MorUm, 4to. Amsterdnm, 1637. 



Chaf.IL] squanto.~massasoit. 81 

without burialL For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but 
one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; the living beinff (as it seems) not 
able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray 
upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the severall places of their habitations, 
made such a spectacle, after my comming into those parts,* that, as I travailed 
in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha." 

Sir Ferdinando ChrreSy as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast 
of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that he 
sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company under 
one V%neSj\ to remain and trade in the country. These were his own servants, 
and he ordered " them to leave the ship and ship's company, for to follow their 
business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to 
seek by any means,] bv these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over, 
I come to DC truly uirormed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I 
should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to hire men to stay 
there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, for that the 
wart had consumed the Bashaba, and the most of the great sagamores, with 
such men of action as followed them, and those that remained were sore 
aftlicted with the plague ; for that the country was in a manner left void of 
inhabitants. Notwitlutanding, Vines^ and the rest with him that lay in the 
cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be 
God for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed 
there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most impor- 
tant facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particulars — 
I mean that of dates. Therefore we sain no further data as to tlie time or 
continuance of this plague among the Indians ; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the 
above, ^ and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private 
profit," &c. 

In Capt. Smiih^8 account of New England, published in 1631, he has a 
passage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from 
Morton. The ship cast away, he says, v^as a fishing vessel, and the man that 
they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them, 
their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his people about 
it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he had done this, 
he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about, 
had BO many men, and whether tliey could kill all those. On his assuring the 
king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the plague carried 
off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed 
by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom 
they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the disease was 
the plague. Capt Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore 
begs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars. 

We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian 

Massasoit, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket 
or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now incluaed in the town of Bris- 
tol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than war, and 
was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwithstanding they committed 
repeated usurpations upon his lands and liberties. 

This chiePs name has been written with ^at variation, as Woosamequin, Jisuk" 
mequin, Chaamequenj Oaamekin, CkosamequtnjChoattmequinejUasameqttieny fVagam- 
egiriy &c. ; but the name by which he is ^nerally known in history, is that with 
which we commence his life.§ Mr. Pnnce, in his Annals, says of that name, 

* Mr. Morton first came over in 1622. He sealed near Weymouth. After ^at trouble 
and losses from those of a different religion, he was banished out of the country, and had his 
property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Mc., 1646. If it be pretended 
that Morton had no religion, we say, " Judge not." He professed to have. 

t Mr. Richard Vines. America painted to tlie Life, by Ferd. Oorges, Esq. 4to. Lond. 1659. 

X A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but 
the particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been between the Tarratines and 
tribes to the west of Pascataqua. 

tSome have derived the name of Massaehisett* from this chief, bat that conjecture is not 
e heeded. I£juiy man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger WilHamt did. 

82 MASSASOIT. [Book U. 

''the printed accounts generally spell him MaasoMoit; Gov. Bradford 
him Masstuoytj and Jwusasoytt; but I find the ancient people, from 
fathers in Piiiuouth colony, pronoimccd his name Moraas-ao^. Still we find 
no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerable, and which has been m 
long established ; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in hinoBel^ ht 
knows not where to stop, and we pronounce him no antiquary. 

It has oflen been thought strange, that so mild a sachem as i^la«Mr«otf should 
have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been increased when 
we consider, that mdian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and 
great personal courage. We know of none who coidd boast of such extemnve 
dominions, where aB were contented to consider themselves his friends and 
children. Powhatan, Pontiac, LUUe'turtle, Ttcumstk, and many more that we 
could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs was a temporary unioDy in an 
emergency of >var. That MasaasoU sliould l)e able to hold so many tribes 
together, witliout constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That 
he was not a warrior no one will allow, when the tchtimony of m^nnawon is so 
direct to the point. For that great chief gave Capt. Church ^an account of 
what mighty success he had had fonnerly, in the wars against many nations 
of Indians, when he stjr>'ed Asuhmtquin, PhUip'a father." 

The limits of hu» couutr}' towards the Nipmuks, or inland Indians, are not 
precise, but upon tiie east and west wc are sure. It is evident, however, firom 
the following extract, that, in 1G47, the Nipmuks were ratlier uncertain about 
their sachem, and prolmbly Itoloiigi^d at one time to Masaasoit, and at another 
to the Narmgaiisets, or others, as cirrumstonoes impelled. ^'Tho Nopnat 
(Nipnet, or Nipmuk) Indians having n(H3 sachem of tlicir own are at liberty; 
part of them, by their own choice, duo appertuinc to the Narraganset BachoUi 
and parte to the Mohegeiis.'^ * And certainly, in lOGO, those of Quabaog 
belonged to Maaaaaoit or Wassamegin^ as he was then called (if he be the 
same), as will l>e evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncas* He 
o^vned Cape Co<l, and all that part of 3I(b%sachusctts and Rliode Island between 
Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending inland l>etween Pawtucket 
and Charles rivers, a distance not satisfactorily as(!ertaiued, as was said befixe, 
together with all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or 
nations, and all looking up to him, to sanction all their exi>editions, and settle 
all their dilHculties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the 
Nipmuks, that at one time they were his tributaries. And this seems the mora 
])robable, for in Philip* a war there was a constant intercourse bet>veen them, 
and when any of his men made an es(^ape, their counxi was directly into the 
country of the NipmukK. No such intercourse sul)sisted between the Nana- 
gansets and eitlier of these. But, on the contrary, when a mt^ssenger from the 
Narragansets arrived hi tlie country of the Nipnuiks, with the heads of some 
of the English, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at first fired 
upou, though aflerwanis, when two additional heads were brought, he was 
received with them. 

Maaaaaoit had several places of nrsidence, but the principal was Mount Hope, 
or Pokanoket The English early gave it the name of Moimt Hope, but fiom 
what circumstance we have not learned. Some suppose the wortis Mount Hope 
corrupted from the Indian words Mon-top,\ but with what reason we are not 
informed. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chieft, be- 
fore procx^eding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will me a 
description of it. It api)earB to tlie best advantage from me village of FaU 
River, in the town of Troy, Massachusetts, from which it is distant cSiout finir 
miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the 

He learned from the hidian themselves, '• (luit the Massac husrtts were calUd mo from the BIm 
Hills:' In the vocabulary of hidian words, by Uev. John Cfltton, the definiuon of Ma 
chfisfU is, " an hiU in the' form of an arroir'a head." 

* Records of the U. Col. in Hazard ^ ii. 92. 

t Alden's Collection of Epitaphs, iv. 685. President Stiles, in his notes to the 
edition of Church's Hist. Philip's War, p. 7, spells it Monl-haup; but it it not to io the 
text of either eililion. Moreover, we have not been able to discover that Mon-4op is derived 
from Lidian word or words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a comiptioii of the twe 
English words commonly used in naming it. 

Chav.IL] massasoit. 83 

house in Boston, as seen fiom many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles* 
distance. Its height by admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet* It is 
very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is very regular. 
To its natural appearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add 
materially, by pfaicmg upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a 
mincipal reason why it so much resemUes the Massachusetts state-house. 
This mount, Aerefore^ since some time previous to 1824, does not appear as in 
the days of McuaatoU, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, Winsiow 
and Hamderu It was sufficiently i)icture6que without such addition; as an 
immense stone originally formed its summit, and completed its domelike 
appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed upon this, c(Hnpletes 
the cupola or turret From this the view of Providence, Warren, Bristdl, and, 
indeed, the whole surrounding country, is very beautiful. 

This eminence was known among the Narragansets by the name Pokcmohdy 
which signified in their language the wood or kmd on the other side of (^ waier^ 
and to the Wampanoags by the name Sounoams. And it is worthy remark here 
that KuequenAku was the name of the place where Philadelphia now stands. 
Mr. Heckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There was a 
place in Middleborough, and another in Raynham, where he spent some part 
of particular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in Raynham was near 
Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others. 

Sir JFrands Drake is the first, of whom we have any account, that set fix»t 
upon the shores of New England. This was in 1586, about seven years afler 
he had taken possession, ana named the same country New England or New 
Albion, upon the western side of the continent It is an error of k>ng standing, 
that Prince ChcarUs named the countiy New England, and it even now so 
stands upon the pa^ of history. But it is very clear that Sir IVancis is justly 
entitled to the credit of it American historians seem to have looked no fur- 
ther than Prince and Robertson, and hence assert that Capt Smith named the 
country New En^and. We will now hear i^nt^ \ on this matter. ** New 
England is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, opposite to Mua ^Mion, in 
the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in his 
voyage about the world, in regard whereof, this is stiled New England." 

Capt Smithj in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng- 
land, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is 
the same. New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to 
stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt Smith neither takes to him- 
self the honor of^namingNew Endand, as some writers of authority assert, nor 
does he give it to King Charges, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying him, 
have done. 

The noble and generous minded Smith, unHke Americus, would not permit 
or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of any honor 
due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name 
New England in 1614. 

It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed. 
He was visited by the "king of^ the country," who submitted his territories to 
him, as Koh had done on the western coast Afler sevened days of mutual 
trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became 
gready attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whetlier the ''kinff 
of the country " here mentioned were MassasoU, we have not the means of 
knowing, as our accounts do not give any name ; but it was upon his domin- 
ions that this first landing was niade, and we have therefore thought it proper 
to be thus particular, and which, we venture to predict, vrill not be unaccepta- 
ble to our readers.! 

• Yamo^deo. 269. 

t See his " Description of N. England f" aod the error ma^ henceforth be dispensed with. 

X The first authority which we found for these interesting facts, interesting to every son of 
New England,) is a work entitled " Naval Biography/' &c. of Great Britain, 2 vols. 8vo. 
London, 1805, and is in these words : — " The first attempt towards a rmlar colonization of 
N. England, occurs in the yeax 1606. It will easily be recollected, that this part of the Anier- 
ioan contineat was first distinguished by the captains Beaiow and Amidas; that Sir Francis 
Drake, when he touched here on his return from the West Indies, in 1586, was the first Eng- 
lishman who landed is these parts, and to whom one of the Indian kii^aiimiiitted hia tcniloiyi 


Smitk landed in many places upon the shores of Massasoifa dominions, one 
of which places he named Plimouth, which happened to be the same which 
now bears that name. 

Our accounts make CapL Bariholomeuj Gosnold the next visitor to tlic shores 
of Massasoii, after Sir IVancis Drake. His voyage was in 1602, and he was 
the first who came in a direct course from Old to New England. He landed 
in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years before. The route had hith- 
erto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from 
New England took up nearly a year. 

We can know nothing of the early times of Massasoit, Our next visitor to 
liis country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer, This was 
in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon ; thcnc^>, in that month, for Virginia, 
in an open pinnace ; consequently was obliged to kei»p close in shore. Ho 
found places which had been inhabited, but at thnt time container! no people ; 
and farther onward nearly all wore dt^ad, of a great nicknes?}*, which was then 
prevailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plhnouth, all were dead. 
From thence he traveled a day's journey into the country westwanl, to Na- 
masket, now Middleborough. From this ]>lace he s<>nt a messenger to visit 
Massasoit, In this expedition, he redtKimed two Frenchmen from MassajtaWB 
people, who had lK«cn cast away on the coast three years before. 

But to be more jMUiicular with Capt. Dtrmtr^ we will hear him in his own 
manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samutl Purchas, the compiler of the 
Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. llilO. 

"When I arrived at my savage's [Squanio^s] native countrj-, (finding all 
dead,) I travelled alougst a day's journey, to a place called JVummastaqujflj 
where iindhig inhaliitants, I des|)atched a met^senger, a day's journey farther 
west, to Pocanokit, which bonlereth on the sea ; whence cajtH* to see me two 
kings, attended >\itli a guanl of 50 armed men, who Ix^ing well satisfied with 
that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (bcinc desirous of novelty,) gave 
me content m whatsoever I demanded ; where I ioinid that former reiatMHM 
were true. Here I redeemeil a Frenchman, and af\er>vards another at Maasta- 

and that Capt. Goifnvli. who made a link' stay in the same place, gave such a report of N. 
England as to attract the attention of his adventurous countrymen, some of whom immedialely 
procured a chaiter," &c. — Vol. I. p. 337, 33i>, If we could know from whence the above was 
taken (that is, the authority the wnter of that work made use of), it mi^it at once, perhapiy 

'^Idtni.ron. 1. 2'), has the same fact, thon>;h not quite so circumstantiwlv 

settle the question. Oldtnixon, 1. 2'), has the same fact, though not quite 

related. Mr. Bancroft, in his I. Vol. of the Hist. I'nited States, supposes OldmixoHf throtu^ 

carelessness, mistakes Drakr'x landinur in California, iu 157'J. for that in N. England, in 1«^, 

are, "The year foUowing^ (l58o). Sir Richard GreenrU*'. conveyed an English colony thitber 
[this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, in a wretched manner], under the 
government of Mr. Ralph Lane, who continued there [yet he is speaking of N. Eng.] till tbe 
next year (158G), but. upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francia Drake, 
into England, being a('counte<l by nuno the first discoverer thereof." Blome'a work was 
printed m 1687, ano mav have l»een Oldmixons aiithority. In the Gent. Mag., Vol. XXV., 
p. SSI. it is said. " Sir f'rouris Drake, who made a discent on the coast, continued there bat a 
very short time, so that whatever had l>een known of this country was so much forgotten in IGVIS, 
that Gosnold fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design." Fergter*s 
error about Sir Francis's being on the coast in 15o5, is .surprising; but it is stiii more surpris- 
ing that any one. pretending to be an historian, should co]>y it. See Forater, 295, and Atuya^^ 
Newfoundland, 74. In Prince's }V'orthif-s of Drron, an account of Sir Btntard Drakt^s 
expedition to the New England seas, in ir>85, may be seen ; also in Purchase j v. 1882. Quaen 
Elizabeth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval force, to dis[>osse$s any Portuguese, or otherB* 
that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels emploved in that busine.<is, some of 
which lie captured, and dis|)ersed the rest, aiul returned to England with several Portugnete 
prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Elizabeth had instmcted Sir Francit to coast up 
mto these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there 
were any vessels of other nations usurping the riglits of her citizens ; and hence mattontiva 
writers fiave confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they l>cing both distm* 
guished admirals at that time, and both having the same surname, and originally of the same 
mmily. The expedition of Sir Bernard was the year before that of Sir FrancU, and hoies 
arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast before 1600. CajiC. 
Oeorge Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593 ; but ni^etbcr any of ' 
landed in what is now New England, is at present imknown. 


cbusit, who three yean since escaped shipwreck at the north-east of Cape 

We have mentioned his interview with Mcusasoit^ whom we suppose was 
one of the kmgs mentioned in the letter, and Quadequina was no ooubt the 

In another letter, Mr. Dermer says the Indians would have killed him at 
Namasket, had not Sqvaato entreated hard for him. **• Their desire of revenge 
(he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on 
lx>ard, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when 
(as theysay) they offered no injury on their parts." 

Mr. Thomas Morion^ the author who made himself so merry at the expense 
of the Pilgrims of Plimouth, has the following passage concerning these 
Frenchmen: — ^"It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to 
inhabit at new Plimmouth in New England, that, upon some cHstast given in 
the Massachussets Bay, by Frenchmen, then trading there with the natives for 
beaver, they set upon the men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of 
them, burned their shipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called 
Peddock's Island, in memory of Ltimard Peddock that landed there, (where 
many wilde anckiesf haunt^ that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) dis- 
tributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories 
adjoyning, they did keep them so long as they lived, only to sport themselves 
at them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is 
the general! worke they require of a servant One of these five men outliving 
the rest, had learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their 
bloudv deede : saying that God would be angry with them for it ; and that he 
would in his displeasure destroy them ; but me salvages (it seems, boasting 
of their strenfdi| replyed, and said, that they were so many that Gfod could not 
kill them." This seems to be the same story, only differently told from that 
related above frora Smith. 

Dec. n, O. S4 1620, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed 
themselves of a portion of MassasoWs country. With the nature of their 
proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his 
men to observe their strange motions. Very few of these Indians, however, 
were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who had been 
some time with the EngUsh fishing vessels about the country of the Kenne- 
beck, and had learned a Uttle of theu* language, to observe more strictly what 
was progressing amon^ the strangers at his place of Patuxet, which these 
intruders now <^ed Phmouth. This was in March, 1621. 

* In his " New Canaan,'* 22, 23. 

t Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with this animal ! 

i The length of a year was fixed by Julius Ccesar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 3651 days. 
Thisl of a day beinc omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then aadedf to 
the db5 in the month of February, which 4th year was called lecm year, because it leaped 
forward one day. But by this supputation it was perceived that the year was too long, and 
consequently the seasons were getting out of place. Pope Grr^ory found, in 1582, that the 
vernal equinox, which at the time of the Nieene council, A. D. 325, fell on 2i March, fell now 
10 days beyond it ; therefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582 : and to 
prevent the recivrence of the difficulty in future, decreed that 3 days should be abated m every 
400 years, by restoring leap years to common years Bt the end or 3 successive centuries, and 
makmg leap year agam at the close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, &,e. 
though divisible by 4, are common years, out 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. This 
method of keeping^ the j'ear is called New Sttlx, and that before the reformation by 
Gregory, Old Style. Even this correction does not set the year exactly right 3 but the error 
is so small that it amounts to scarce a da^ and a half in 5000 years, and we need not 
trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation. 

Because this correction bad a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long 
time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the Englisn Parliament enacted, that the 3d of 
Sept of that year should be callecl the 14th, thereby striking out 11 days, which their calendar 
at that late oeriod reouired, to reduce it to the Gregorian. Aod hence the reason of our 
calling the 11 Dec. O. 8.. the 22 N. S. The reason also of our adding 11 days instead of 10 
is obvious, because, in adopting^ the Catholic method 170 years after it bad Seen introduced 
by Gregory, another day was gained, and therefore 10-|-l=sll. 


86 MASSASOIT. ^ [BoMC fl. 

Wq have, m speokiug ofSamoset and Sqiumto, observed that it was through 
the agency of the former that a knowledge was sained by the pilgrims of Jlfuf- 
9a9oiL It was upon 22 March, 1621, that they Drought the welcome newB to 
Plimouth, that their chief was near at hand :* ^ and they brought with thom 
(say the Pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and sonic red herrings, newly taken 
and dried, Imt not salted ; and signified unto us, that their great sagamore. 
Ma89a9oil, was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother. They could not well 
express in English what they would ; hut after an hour the king came to the 
top of an hill [supposed to Hkj that now (^ilU^d ff'atsorCs, on the south side of 
Town-brook] over aguinst us, and had in his train GO men, tiiat we could 
well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor 
to them, and they unwilling to come to us : so Squanto went again unto him, 
who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, 
which was Edward Winslow, to know his mind, and to signify the miiA and 
will of our governor, which was to have tnuling and peace with him. We 
sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it. To 
Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and 
withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter^ 
which were alt willingly accepted." 

The Englishman then made a si)oech to him about his kind's love and good- 
ness to him and his people, and that he accepted of him as his friend and ally. 
^ He liked well of the speech, (say the £uglish,)an(l heard it attentively, though 
tlie interpreters did not well e.vpre.'^s it Af\er he had eaten and drunk himae^ 
and given the rest to his company, he looked u^Km our messenger's sword and 
armor, whicli he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on tfie 
other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it In the 
end he left him in the custo<]y of Ouadequina, his brother, and came over the 
brook, and some 20 men following nim. We kept six or seven as hofitageafe 
our messenger." 

As MassasoU proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiersi 
who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all left their 
bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was 
iNurtly finished, and a green rug was spread upon tlie floor, and several cuah- 
lons for Maaaasolii and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the Engliab 
govenior, followed by a drummer and tnnnpeter and a few soldiers, and aAer 
kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the 
governor drank to Masaasoitj who in his turn " drank a great draught, that 
made him sweat all the while aAer." • 

They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipulated, that neifter Maaaa- 
soil nor any of his people should do hurt to the Enjflish, and that if thejr 
did they should be given up to bo punished by them ; and that if the Gnglisb 
did any hann to him or any of his people, thry (the Erificlish) would do the like 
to them. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid 
him, and he was to do the same in his turn, and by so doing King James would 
esteem him his friend and ally. 

^ All which (they say) the king seemed to like well, and it was applauded 
of his followers." And they add, ^ All the while he sat by the governor, he 
trembled for fear." 

At this time he is described as *' a very lusty man, in his l)cst years, an able 
body, grave of countenance, and simre of speech ; in his attire little or nothing 
differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone 
beads about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco^ 
which he drank, and gave us to drink.f His face was i)ainted with a aad red 

* MourCt narrative is here continued from the last extract in p. 10, without any omissioii. 

f I presume that by "drinking tobacco," smoking is meant. The pilgrims were pro^iablj 
not acquainted with the practice of smoking at all, and hence this sort of misnomer it aot 
strange, though it may oe thought a little odd. How lonjjf smoking went by the name of 
drinxni^ at Pnmouth 1 do not learn ; but in 1646 this entry is found in the Plimouth reeoffdi: 
— *' Anthony Thacherhud George PoU were chosen a committee to draw up an order ecM- 
earning disorderly drinking of Tobacco." 

Roger Williams says, m his Key, " Generally all the men throughout the coantry have a 
tobacco-bag, with a pipe in it, hanging at their back." 

Dr. IJuuherMByt, that an aged man in Plimouth, who was a great smoker, oied to 

Chaf. il] MASSAaorr. 87 

like munejy and oiled both head and &ce, that he looked peasily. All his 
fi>Uowera hkeiffifle were, in their fiusea, in part or in whole, painted, some black, 
some red, some yeDow, and some white ; some with crosses and other antic 
works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in ap- 
pearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. 
lie marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as 
well as they could. Samoaet afid tSquanto stayed all night with us." MasstuoH 
retired into the woods, about half a mile fiom the Engush, and there encamped 
at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 2SM, 1621. 

During his first visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, and 
during the treaty could not refrain fi^m trembling.* Thus it is easy to see 
huw much hand he had in making it, but unnUd that there had never been worse 
ones made. 

It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a 
few days, and live there all summer. **That night we kept good watch, but 
there was no appearance of danger. The next morning divers of their people 
came over to us, hopinff to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some or them 
told us the king would have some of us come to see him. Capt SUmdiah tittd 
Isaac jSlderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their man- 
ner. He ^ve them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. We cannot 
yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for 
thev have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work 
and fowling, when as tney ofiered them no harm, as they miffht easily have 
done ; and especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrohigansets,! 
that are at war ¥rith him, against whom he thinks we ma^ be some strength to 
him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This mommg they stayed till 10 
or 11 of the clock ; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled 
it with peas, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way." Thus 
ended the first visit ofMasBoaoU to the pilgrims. We should here note that he 
ever after treated the English with kmcUiess, and the peace now concluded 
was undisturbed for nearly 40 years. Not that any viriting or articles of a 
treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his fiiendly 
behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his heart 

The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narraganseta. 
But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small 

Meanwhile Squanto and Samoset remained with the English, instructing them 
how to live in their country ; equal in all respects to Robinson Cruso^s man 
fViday^ and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story 
from their history as he did from that ofMexcawer SdkirJL — ** Squanio went to 
fish [a day or two after Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with 
as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. Thev 
were fat and sweet He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with 
his hands, without any other instrument" 

It drinking tobacco. Hist. Plim. Si. lliis we infer was within the recollection of the au- 

The notion that tobacco is so called from the blnnd Tobago, is erroneously entertained by 
many. When Sir Francis Drake discovered the country to the north of California, in 1579. 
the writer of the account of his voyage says, the Indians presented the admiral with a small 
basket made of rushes, filled with an hert> they called tabah. From another passage it 
appears, that the Indians of that recion, like those of New England, had bags in which toraeco 
was carried. Burnetts Voyo/res, L 344-7. 

* And, with this fact before him, the author of " TaUt of the Imdians " says, the treaty was 
made with dciiberatum and cheer/ulnet* on the part of MomomoU ! 

t Few Indian names have been spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the Indian 
lanruage, it is evident that no r snould be used in it. Nahigonsik and Nantigansick, R. 
IVS/uufw. — Nechmnsitt, Oookm. — Nantymuisiks, Callender. — ^Nanohignnset, Win»tow*8 
Chad Newt from N. Eng. — Nanhyganset, Judge Johmor^s Life of Oen. G^rMie.— These are 
but few of tne permutations without the r, and Uiose with it are stiU more nomeroos. 

The meanbg of the name is still uncertain. Madam KMght, in her Joomal, 22 and tS. 
wsjtf at a place where she hapoened to put up for a night in that country, she heard some oi 
the ** town topers '' disputing aoout the origin of the word Narra^antet.^ ** One saJd it was so 
named by Indians, because there grew a brier there of a prodigious hdgfat and bigness, who 
qnoted aa Indian of so barbarous a name for his author that she coold not write it.''^ Another 
said it meant a oeM>rated spring, which was very cold in samm«r, and " as hot as could be 
imagined in the winter/' « 

88 MASSASOIT. [Book O 

This Sijuanto became oflcrwanls au imjiortaiit personage in Indian polidci^ 
and some of Lis manccuvrcs remind us of some managing politicians of our 
own times. In 16S22, lie forfeited his life by plotting to destroy that of Mas8^ 
soil, as will be found related in the life of HobomoL On that occ^on, MassaioU 
went himself to Plimouth, "being much offended and enraged against TSsquann 
turn ; ^ but the governor succe(Kled in allaying his wrath n)r tliat time. SooD 
after, he sent a messenger to entreat tlie govcniof to consent to his being put to 
death ; the governor said he deserved death, but as he knew not how to get 
along without hun in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare bun. 

Determined in his pun)ose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger again, 
accompanied by many others, who ofl'ered many beaver skins diat Tisquanittm 
might he given up ti) them. They demanded him in the name of Massamni^ 
as f)eing one of his subjects, whom, (says Jf'iiisloWj) by our first articles of 
peace, we could not retain. But out of resj)ect to the English, tliey would not 
seize him without their consent. Massasoit had si'ut his own kni^ to bo used 
in cutting off?* his head and liands, which were to be brought to hun. 

Meantime SquarUo came and delivenul hims<.'lf up to tlie governor, charging 
Hobomok with his overthrow, and teUing him to deliver him or not to the tnes^ 
sengers of Massasoit^ as he thought fit. It s<>ems from the narrative that, as 
the governor was al>out to do it, they gnnv imrmtient at the delay, and vreat 
off* in a rage. The delay was ocriLsioned by tlie ai)pearance of a boat in the 
harbor, which the governor pretended might be that of an enemy, as there had 
been a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the 
English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and 
employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that 
Massasoit shoukl for some time after "seem to frown " on the English, as they 
complain, is certainly no wonder. 

The next summer, in June or July, Massasoit was visited by several of the 
English, among whom wtis Mr. Edward Jfmslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins^ and 
Squanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi- 
dence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance ; to keep good 
the friendly corresjwndence commenced at Plimouth ; and especially to cause 
him to prevent his men from hanging al>out them, and hving upon them, 
which was then considered very bunlensome, as they had l>egun to grow short 
of pro>nsions. That their visit might Ix? acceptable, they took along, for a 
present, a trooper's red cwit, with some lare upon it, and a cf»pper chain ; vritfa 
these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleaded. The chain, they told him, he 
must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so tliat they 
might not Ikj imjK)sed upon by stnmgers. 

When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was absent, !)ut was 
inunediately sent for. Beuig inform(>d that he wils coming, the English began 
to prepare to shoot off their giuis ; this so frightened the women and children, 
that they ran away, and would not nuuni until the. inteq)rt»ter assured them 
that tlw^y need not fear ; and when Massasoit arrived, tli<*y saluted hinn by a 
discharge, at which he was vory much elated ; and "who, after their manner, 
(says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, 
and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, 
and liavuig put the coat on his back, and the chain al)out his neck, he w^as not 
a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely 
attired." * A new treaty was now held with him, and he ver}' good-naturedly 
assented to all tfiat Avas desired, lb; tlit'u made a spi.»ech to his men, many of 
them being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn its 
meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pun?ue hi regard to 
the English. Among other things, he said, " ,rlm I not Massasoit, commander 
of the country about us 9 Is not sit/ih and such places mine, and Ike people qf 
them ? They shall take their skins to the English, This his people applaud^ 
In his spc'cch, " he named at least Uiirty places," over which he had controL 
"This bemg ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng^ 
land and of the king's majestv', marvelling that he should live without a wif^ 
He seems to have l)een eml)iitere<l against the Fn?nch, and wished " us not to 
suffer them to come to Narragaiiset, for it won King Jameses country, and he 

* Jfourt's RJalivn, in Cvi. Mms. Ui.<t. Soc. """ 

QKur. 11.] MASSASOIT. 89 


Ring Jameses man." He had no victuals at this time ti^^ive to the Eog- 
liflli, and uight coming on, they retired to rest supperlcss. He had but one 
bed, if so it might be called, ^ beinff only planks laid a foot from the ground, 
and a thin mat upon them." * ^ He laid us on the bed with himself and his 
wife, they at tlie one end, and we at the other. Two more of his men, for 
want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary of our 
lodging than of bur journey." 

^ The next day, many of their sachims or petty eovemors came to see us, 
and many of their men also. There they went to ueir manner of games for 
skins and knives." It is amusing to learn that the English tried to get a 
chance in this gambling af&ir. They say, ** There we challenged them to 
shoot with them for skins," but they were too cunning for them, " only they 
desired to see one of us shoot at a mark ; who shooting with hail shot, they 
wondered to see the mark so full of holes." 

The next day, about one o'clock, MassasoU brought t^vo large fishes and 
boiled them ; but the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very 
small, as ** there were at least forty looking for a share in them ;" but scanty as 
it was, it came very timely, as they had, fasted two nights and a day. The 
English now left him, at which he was very sorrowfuL 

** Very importunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them 
longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should 
either be hght-headed for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodging, the sav- 
ages' barbarous singing, (for they used to sing themselves asleep,^ lice and fleas 
within doors, and mu^etoes without, we could hardly sleep all tne tune of our 
being there ; we much fearing, that if we should stay any longer, we should 
not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that, on Friday morn- 
ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasovt being both 
ffneved and ashamed, that he could no better entertain us. And retaining 
TisquarUum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing 
anotner, called Tokamakamon, in ms place, whom we had found faithful before 
and after upon all occasions." 

This faithful servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous ^voyage to the 
kingdom of Nauset," and was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition 
against Caunbitant, 

In 1623, Massasott sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he 
was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, the gov- 
ernor despatched Mr. Winsloto again, with some medicines and cordials, and 
Hobbomok as interpreter ; ^ having one Master John Hamdeny a gentleman of 
London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for 
my consort." f In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to 
Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on such occasions. 
" When we came tliither (says Mr. Window) we found the house so full of 
men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make 
way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making 
such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and, therefore, unlike 
to ease him that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who chafed 
his arms, legs and tliighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end 
of their charming, one told him that his fiiends, the Enfflish, were come to see 
him. Having understanding lefl, but his sight was whouy gone, he asked, ipho 
was come. They told him Winsnowy (for they cannot pronounce \ bg let ter l^ 

* La SalU says ( Expedition in America, p. ll.j of the Indians' beds in general, ihat " they 
are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of wool or straw, but^ 
for their covering; the^ use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely wrought." 

t Winslmo^s Relation. The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is supposed, by some, to be the 
celebrated JWin Hamden, famous in the time of Charles L, and who died of a wound received 
in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the 
parliament. See Rapin's England, ii. 477, and Kennet. iii. 137. « 

It would be highly gratifying, coidd the certainty of tnis matter be known ; but, as yet, we 
must acknowle<%e that aH is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are piesuBed to meet w\\h 
the names of such valued martyrs of liberty upon any page, and even though they should 
sometimes seem rather tnal apropos to the case in hand. We eannot learn that any of 
Hamden's biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a prestmiptioc 

that he was «, j^ ^j,,^ Ompdem, Uiat, with daanUew broait. 

The little tyrant of bis fields witlwtood."— Obat*s Buar ^ . 

8* ^ 


but ordinarily n in tfie place thereof^* lie desired to speak \iith me. WMiWr 
I canie to him, and they told him of it, he put fortli his hand to me, whidKrl 
took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly, Keen ffinsruno ? which w to 
say, AH thou HImIow? I answered, Ahke, tliat is. Yes. Tlien he doubled 
these words : Matta neen wonckanet namen, ffinsnotp ! — that is to say, O IFtn#- 
low,IshaU never see thee again !^ But contraiy to his own expectatioiiBy an 
well as all his friends, by the kind exertions of Mr. Wxnsloxo, h^. in a short time 
entirely recovered. This being a passage of great interest in the life of the great 
MassasoU, we will here go more hito detail coiireming it When ho had berome 
able to speak, he desired Mr. IVinslow to provide him a broth from some kind 
of fowl : "• so (says he] 1 took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of 
ducks, some sixscore pace« off, and killed one, at which he wondered : so we 
returned forthwith, and dresstMl it, making more broth therewith, which he 
much desired ; never did I see a man so low brought, recover ui that meaeurD 
in so short a time. The fowl l>eing extraordinary fat, I told Hobhamock I mittt 
take oflTtlie top thereof^ saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat 
it ; this he acquainted Mnssassowat tlierc\iith, who would not be persuaded to 
it, though I ])res8ed it very much, showing the strength tliereof, and the weak- 
ness of his stomach, which could not ]M)SBibly liear it. Notwithstanding^ he 
made a gross meal of it, and ate as much us would well have satisfied a man in 
health.^ As ffinsUnc had snid, it made him very sick, and he vomited with 
such violence »that it made the bkxKl stream from his nose. This bleeding 
caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his no6e ceaaed 
bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After ha 
awoke, Mr. ffinslow washed his face "and supplied his l)card and nose with a 
linnen cloth,'' when taking a qunntit}' of wat(T into his nose, by fiercely eject- 
ing it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants tliought he could 
not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and he gained 
strength rapidly. 

For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and alwajrs beUered 
that his preservation at this time was owing to the benefit he received fimn 
Mr. HlnsUno. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, Mr. Jf'inslow broke a bottle 
containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's reoor* 
ery, wTote a letter to the governor of Plimoutli for another, and some chickena; 
in which he gave him an account of his success thus far. The intention waa 
no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his men was sent ofl^ at two 
o'clock at night, for PUmouth, who returned again with astonishing quicknean 
The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, b«ng 
better, would not suffer them to he killed, and kept them with the idea of raii^ 
ing more. While at MassasoiCs n^sidenco, and just as thev were about to 
defmrt, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinata 
chiefs for the purjwse of cuning off the two English plantations, which he 
charsfed him to acquaint tJie English with, which he did. Massasoit stated 
tliat he had l)een urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had 
always refused, and used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the 
evils which that plot bn)ught upon its authors will be found in the history of 

At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of MoBttk' 
9oit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people waa 
manifested by his desiring Mr. IVinslow, or, as IVinslow hunself expressea k, 
''He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] requesting me to 
wash their mouths also, fmany of his people l)eing sick at that time,] and nve 
to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good mk* 

* Every people, and consequently every language, have their peculiarities. Baron fnUtm 
ton, Metiwires de la Ameriquf, ii. z36, '237 j says, " Je dirai de. la langue det Hurons et des 
Iroquois une chose assez curieiise^ qui est qiiil ne s^ytrmn^ point de lettres labiates ; c*eat a dirtp 
de b, f, m, p. Cevendant, celte langue des Hurons paroil Hre fort belle et de tm son tmd a 
fait beau; qitoi quiU ne ferment Jamais hrtirs Ircres en jHirlant." And "Xai fossi qmatrefamn 
h vouUrirfaire jarononeer h des tturons les lettres labiates, maisje n*ai pA y rHltsirf ef Jt crtis 
qu*en dix ans us ne pourroui dire ces mots, bon, fils. Monfieur, Pontcbartrain ; car au Htm dc 
dire bon, its dirment ouon, cm lieu de fils, ils vrononceroient rils ; au Heu de monsieur, 
sieur, au lieu de Pontcbartrain, Couchartrain. Ilcnce it seems their languages 

^Mf^' ^'^ HAflSASOIT. M 


account of hk duFsdor as given by Hobomok will be Ulind in the Kft of 
ftiit chief or paniese. 

^ Many whilrt we were there (says ffinslow) came to see him ; some, by 
their report, fbom a place not less than 100 miles from thence.^ 

In 1632, a short war was carried on between MaasaaoU and Canomcuif the 
sachem of the Nairagansete, but the £n^lish interfering with a Ibrce under 
the spirited Captain SUmdishj ended it with v^ little bloodshed. MasmiaoU 
expected a serious contest ; uid, as usual on such occasions, changed hie name, 
aiul was ever afler known by the name of Oiosamequiny or Ouscaneqtdn. Our 
historical records furnish no particulars of his war with the Narraganse^ lur 
ther than we have stated. 

We may infer from a letter written by Roger ffWiamiy that some of 
Plimouth instigated Maasaaoii^ or Ouaamtqmn, as we should now caU him, to 
lay claim to Providence, which gave that good num some trouble, because, in 
that case, his lands were considered as befonging to Plimouth, in whose juris- 
diction he was not suffered to reside ; and, moreover, he had bought and paid 
for all he possessed, of the Narraganset sachems. It was in 1635 that Vbc, 
ffiUiams ned to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to En^and. He 
found that Canonicus and Mantunnomoh were at bitter enmity wim OtMame- 
quin, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not 
have been secure, in a border of the dommion of either. Oumxmequm was 
well acquainted with Mr. WUliamSy whom he had often seen during his two 
years' residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he 
listened readily to his benevolent instructions ; giving up the land in dispute 
between himself and the Narraffanset sachems, which was the island now 
called Rhode Island, Prudence Isuoid, and perhaps some others, together with 
Providence. ^ And (says Mr. WilUoTru) I never denied him, norJUeon/inomy, 
whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attachment for him, for 
liiis is ^eir own* mode of living. 

It appears that, before Manturmomoh^s reverses of fortune, he had, by some 
means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousamequin, 
For at the meeting of the Comniissioners of the United Colonies, in the 
autumn of 1643, they order, ^That Plymouth labor by all due means to restore 
Woosamequin to his full hberties, in respect of any encroachments by the 
Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives ; that so the properties of the Indians 
may be preserved to themselves, and that no one sagamore encroach upon the 
rest as of late : and that fFooaamemdn be reduced to those former terms and 
agreements between Plymouth and him." * 

Under date 1638, Gov. Winikrop says, ^ Oiomtmddn^ the sachem of Acoome- 
meck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a 

C resent of 18 skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mohegan 
eyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett" They having heard that the Enguah 
were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this 
present The governor accepted it, and tokl Omam/tquin^ that if they had not 
wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear ; 
and, ffiving him a letter to the governor of Connecticut, dismissed him well 

In 1649, OaacuMquin sold to ^EUa Standish^ and the other inhabitants of 
Duxbury, ** a tract of land usually called Sanighiuchdy^ seven miles square. 
This was Bridge water. It had been before granted to them, only, ipowever, in 
preemption. They agreed to pay Ouaamequin seven coats, of a yard and a 
half each, nine haushets, eight noes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten 
and a half yards of cotton cloth. 

By a deed bearing date 9th March, 1653, Ousemaqmn and his son WamtiUo^ 
[fFammUa,] afte^rwards called Alexander^ sold to the English of Plimouth <*ali 
nioee severall parcells of land l^einff on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke, 
alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called Modutuash westerly, 
and soe nmia^ by a dead swamp eastward, and soe by miuked trees as Chuor 
mujmn and vnnnntto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow about 

* Reeords of the U. Colonies. f Imh^, i. tSi. 


92 MA8SASOIT. rBo<i^m|t ^ 

the sides of both^ and about the neck called Chachacust, also Papasquash n( 
also the meadow from the bay to Keecomewett," &c. For this the conaidenii^ 
tion was *<£35 sterling." 

By a writinc bearing date " tliis twenty-one of September, 1657," Oiuame^ 
quin says, ^ I rssamequen do by tliese jiresents ratify and allow the sale of a 
certain island called Cliesowanockc, or Hogg Island, which my son WamaitUt 
sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth in R. 1^ with my consent, which deed 
of sale or bargain made tlie 7th of February in the year 1G53, 1 do ratify, own 
and confirm." 

In 1G56, Ro^er JVUliams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachemSy 
" was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lordship of Warwick ; " 
and that liostility was daily expected. But we are not uifonued that any thing 
serious took place. 

This is the year in whicli it has been generally supposed tliat Ousamtqvm 
died, but it is an error of Hvichinsoii^s transplanting Ironi Mr. HuhhariPa work 
into his ovm. That an error should ilourish in so good a soil as that of the 
** History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay," is no wonder ; but it is a 
wonder thot tlie "accurate Hutchinson^ should «'t doAxn that date, from that 
passage of the Indian Wars, wliich was evidently made without reflection. 
It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence. 

That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records 
between 1(557 and 1(3G1, a space of only about three years, as we have shown, 
is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the 
English, and nearly or quite all of his lands lx;ing before disi)osed of, or ffiven 
up to them. This, tlierefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet witn bm 
name to deeds and other instruments. And, besides this consideration, another 
sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who 
to have acted as Ousamequin^s representative. 

He was aUve in IGCl, and us late in diat year as September.* 
months previous to this, Oneko, with alxiut seventy men, fell upon a defence- 
less town within die dominions of Ousamequin, killing three persons, and car- 
rying away six others captive. Ho complained to the General Court of 
Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and die matter waa soon 
settled, f 

From the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather^ it is clear that he lived until 1G63L 
His words are, " ^cxamfer being dead, [having died in 1GG2,] his brother PA«Zi|L 
of late cursed memory, rose up in Ins stead, and he was no sooner styled 
sachem, but immediately, hi the vear HK)2, riiere were vehement suspicions of 
his bloody treachery against die English." J 

Hence, as we do not hear of Jllexander as sarhem until 1GG2, which is also 
the year -of his deatli, it is fair to conclude that lie could nr»t have lH.'eii long in 
office at the time of his death ; nor could he have been styled " chief sacbcm *• 
until afler die deatli of his father. 

Wliether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it w 
confidently believed that he had. It is i)rolMd)le that his family yvas large. A 
company of soldiers from Bridgewater, in a skirniiirh with Philip^ took his 
sister, and killed a brodier of Ousamcquhij whoso name was Unkompoenj § or 
Mkampoin, \\ That he had another bi-other, called QuadequinOy nas been 

Gov. Winihrop gives the following anecdote of Ousamequin, As Mr. Ed- 
ward Hlnslow was returning from a trading voyage southwanl, having left hie 
vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stoi)|)ed widi his old friend 
Massasoity who agreed to accompany him tlie rest oi the way. In the mean 
time, OusarMquin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the 
people with the news of Mr. Jfxnslow's death. By his manner of relating iL 
and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and 

every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But 

^"^^^—^—-^ ■ i— — ^1^— ^.^^i— ^»^— ^— ^.^— ^ 

* Some records which Mr. Daggftt consulted in preparing his History of Atdeborougfa, led 
him to conclude that Massasoit oed previous to June, 1G60. 

t Original mamucript documents. The particulars of these matters will be given at larg«^ 
when we come to treat of the lift of Uncos, 

t RelalKMi, 7S. ^LMather^AA. I C^rrA, 38, edit. 4to. 



presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coming in company 
with Ousamequin. When it was known among the people that the sachem 
had sent this news to them, they demanded why he should thus deceive them. 
He replied that it was to make him the more welcome when he did return, 
and tliat this was a custom of his people. 

One of the most renowned captains within the dominions of MaMaaait vma 
Caunbitant,* whose residence was at a place called Mettapoisd, in the 
present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that of the 
famous Afe/ocoTnet. The English were always viewed by* him as intruders 
and enemies of his race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wrest 
the country out of their hands on the first opportunity. 

In August, 1621, Coun^iton/ was supposed to be in the interest of the Nar- 
raganscts, and plotting with them to overthrow Alassasott ; and, being at 
Nuniasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, " to draw the hearts of MassasoyCa sub- 
jects from him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace be- 
tween Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at T^quardum, the worker of it ; 
also at TokamahamMUi and one Hohomoky (two Indians or Lemes, one of 
which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special 
and trusty man of Massasoyfa,) Tokamahamon went to him, but the other 
two would not ; yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see if 
they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namaschet, were dicovered to 
Couhaianty who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum, (for he 
had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue.) Hohbamok see- 
ing that TSaquantian was taken, and Coubata^/t held [holding] a knife at his 
breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New Pli- 
moutti, full of fear and sorrow for TKsqtumtumj whom he thought to be slain." 

Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standiah, of 14 
men,t " and Hohbamok for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of 
Tisqucmium on CovbaUmt our bitter enemy, and to retain J^tpeof, another 
sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was 
become of our friend Maisasoyt/* 

After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find 
CaunbUard, ^ Before we carhe to the town (says the narrator) we sat down 
and eat such as our knapsacks aflTorded ; that being done, we threw them 
aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the 
house, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, demanded if 
Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We 
charged them not to stir, for if Coubatant were not there, we would not med 
die with them ; if he were, we c«me principally for him, to be avenged on 
him for the supposed death of IHsqtuintum, and other matters : but howso- 
ever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, 
some of them pressed out at a private door, and escaped, but with some 
wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Covhatand 
was returned [home] with all his train, and that Tx$quafdum was yet living, 
and in the town ; [then] ofiTering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they 
had to eat." 

In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired ** at random," 
to tiie great terror of all out Sqimido and Tokamahamon^ "who, though they 
knew not our end in coming, yet assured them \eo frightened] of our honesty, 
[and] that we would not hurt them." The Indian lK»y8, seemg th^ squaws 
protected, cried out, NeeMquoM I Nunsquats ! that is, / am a squaw flama 
aquaw ! and the women tried to screen themselves in Hobomok^a presence, 
reminding him that he was their friend. 

This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and must 
have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the 
sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever heard before. 
The relator proceeds : ** But to be short, we kept them we had, and made 
them make a £re that we might see to. search the house ; in the meantime, 

— — if: 

* Carhitantf Coubatanif and Conhitantf were ways of writing his name dhn, by his cob 
t Ten, says the Relation. t 



Bohbamokmi on the top of the house, and called JKsquanium and 
hamoru^ They soon came, with some otliers with them, some armed and 
others naked. The English took away the hows and arrows from those that 
were armed, hut promised to return tliem as soon as it was day, which they 
probahly did. 

They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, when they 
re^^fased their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they call it) of the 
Namaskets. Here, it appears, SqttarUo had a house, to which tliey went, and 
t jok breakfast, anu held a court afterward, from which they issued forth the 
following decree against CaunbitarU : — 

^ Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Covbor 
tanfs faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we manifested 
again our intendment, assiuring them, that, although CoubUarU had now 
escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from ua, if he 
contmued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had 
kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now ao 
justly deserved it Moreover, ifMassasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- 
rohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrqction against him, or 
offer violence to 7\9qiumtum, Hobomokj or any of MasstuoifCs subjects^ we 
would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those 
[who] were woimded, [how many is not mentioned,] we were sorry for it^ 
though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our conomand : 
yet, if tlicy would return home with us, our surgeon should 'heal them. At 
this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with u% 
THsquanium and many other kno>\'n friends accompanying us, and ofiering 
all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that 
by God's good providence we sufoly returned home the morrow night aAer 
we set forth." * 

Notwithstanding these rough passages, CaunbitarU became in appearance 
reconciled to tlie English, and on the 13th Sept following (1621) went to 
Plimouth and signed a treaty of nniity. It >va8 Uirough the intercession of 
Massasoii that he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted 
his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or subiniaeion 
was in these words : — 

" Know all men by these ])rcsents, that we whose names are underwritten, 
do acknowledge ourselves to be the roval subjects of King Jamt»^ king of 
Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witneM 
whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our naniec, or 
marks, as followeth : — 


Caw.xacome, Caunbatant, liuTTHomaiiy 


Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and 
of others very little. 

Obbaiinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawm ut, where Boston 
now stands. 

Caumacomt and Apannow may b<^ tlie same tx^fore spoken of as ConecoiMHn 
and Epanow^ though. I am rather of opinion that Jipannow means Jispind of 
Nausetf JStaWtuKihunt we sIkiII again meet with, under tlie name Is'aahoonom, 
ContcoTiam was sachem ofManomel, on Cape Cod. 

When, in the winter of 1G23, the Enelisn traversed the country to trade 
with the Indians for corn, they visited nim among otlier chiefs ; who, they 
say, ** it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the Indiana 
For whilst the ffovemor was tliere, witliin night, in bitter cold weather, came 
two men from Slanamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their hows 

* From Mburty ut supra, ud signed only with the capital letter A, which is soppoted to 
■land for Imac AUerton, who accompanied Standish perhaps. From the use of the 
in the first person, the writer, whoever he was. must have been present 

* S«e ebapter i. of b. ii. 



and quivers, accordmg to their maimer, sat down by the fire, and took a piptf ^ 
of tobacco, not using any words in that dme, nor any other to them, but all ^ 
remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked 
toward Canacum; and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a 
present to him, fit>m his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many 
beads, which the other received thankfully. Afler which he niade a long 
PI>cech to him," the meaning of which Holxmok said was, that two of their 
men fell out in a game, ^ for they use gaming as much as any where, and 
will play away oil, oven their skm from tlieir backs, yea their wive's skins 
also, and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, ^ one of 
special note amongst them," and one whom tliey did not like to part with ; 
yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That, 
therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Contconam was 
first obtained. 

After consulting with this chief^ and some of his head men, these messen- 
gers desired Hohomok^s judgment upon the matter. With some deference 
he replied, that ^ he thought it was better that one should die than many, 
since he had deserved it ; " *^ whereupon he passed the sentence of death 
upon him." 

We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first 
act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its 

When Mr. Edward Winshw and Mr. John Hamden went to visit Massa&oii 
in his sickness, in 1623, they heard by some Indians, when near CaunbitanJP$ 
residence, that Masaawnt was really dead : they, therefore, thouffh with much 
hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping thev might treat with him, he being 
then thought the successor of Masaasait But he was not at home. The 
squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with great kindness, and learning here 
that MoMoaoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket When they 
returned, they staid all ni^ht with Cauvintant^ at his house, who accompanied 
them there fi'om Massaaotfs* 

Mr. Window gives the account in these words : — ^ That night, through the 
earnest request of Covhalant^ who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or 
Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst By the way, I had much 
conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, 
yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the 
like are returned a^in upon him. Amongst other things he a^ed me, if in 
case ht were thus dangerously sick, as Mauasoit had been, and shpuld send 
word thereof to Patuxet, for majesty* [that is, physic,] whether their master 
governor would send it; and if he would, whether I would come therewith 
to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful 
thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad- 
venture so far alone into their country, and asked them if they were not 
afraid. Mr. Window said, " where was true love, there was no fear." ** But," 
said Caunbitant, ^ifyour love be such, and it bring forth guchfruiiSj how cometh 
it to pa88, thai when toe come to Paiuxetj you stand upon your guardy with the 
tnovih of your pieces presented towards itf 7 " Mr. ffinslow told him that was a 
mark of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner; 
but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such salu- 
tations, f 

When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and 
return thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant ^Hereupon I 
took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of creation and 
preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten coiLSiiand- 
ments." They found no particular fault with the commandments, except 
the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should 
be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned a good while. 

When Mr. Window explained the goodness of God in bestowing on them 
all their comforts, and that for tliis reason they thanked and blessed himj 

* In Williams's Key, Maskit b translated, " Give me some phync." 
t Good Newt fromN. England, Coli, Mau. Hist, fioc. 




••tliis all of them concluded to be very well ; and said they believed almost 
all the same tilings, and that the same power that we call God they caUed 
Kichtan/* ** Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter- 
tainment amongst any of them." 

What became of this chief is imknown. His name appearing no more m 
our records, leads us to suppose that he either fled his coimtry on the mur- 
der of Jfittmcamct, Peksuoiy and otljers, or that he died about that time. 

WiTTCWAMET was a Massachusetts chief, as was his companion Pdssuiol, 
but their particular residence has not been assigned. Wxthncamd was a des- 
perate and bold fellow, and, like most otiipr warriors, delighted in shedding 
the blood of his enemies. It is not improlmble but that he became exasper- 
ated against the English from the many abuses some of them had practised 
upon his couutr}inen. This will accoiuit, jxThaps, for all the severity and 
malignity j)ortrayed by the forefathers in his chanicter. Ho was one of those-, 
they say, who nuirdered some of the crew of the French shij), cast away 
upon Cape Cod, as we have l>efore mentioned. 

That tfittuicametf Peksuot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed 
their country of intruders in the year 1033, there can he no doubt, and in re- 
lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to eflect this object, 
we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adliort; closely to the record. 

We have before, in speaking of Cavnecttm, or Coneconanij mentioned the 
voyage of the governor of lli mouth to that sachem's country to trade lor 
com ; that was iu January, K123. Not iK^ing able to bring away all he ob- 
tained. Captain JUi^9 SfandishwHjs sent the next montli to take it to Plinioutb, 
also to purchase more at the same place, but he did not meet with very good 
reception, which led him to ap])reliend there was mischief at hand. And 
immediately after, while at Concconam^s house >\ith two or three of his com- 
pany, "in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief of them was 
called WittmcaMoUf a notable insulting >illain, one who had formerly imbrued 
his hands in the blood of p]nglish and French, and had oft boasted of his 
own valor, and derided their weakness, esperidly because, as he said, they 
died cr>'ing, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain 
took a dagger ftt)m about his neck, which he had gotten of Master WuUnCB 
people, and presented it to the sachem, [Coneronam^ ;lnd after made a long 
speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the captain, though 
he be the l)cst linguist among us, could not gather any tiling from it. The 
end of it was afterwards discovered to be as foUoweth. The Massachu- 
eeucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Weston^n colony; and thought 
themselves, being about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execute the same: 
yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more 
strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth; 
concluding tliat if we remained, though they had no other argimients to use 
against us, yet we woidd never leave the death of our countrj'men unre- 
venged ; and therefore tlieir safety could not l>c without the overthrow of 
both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, as 
also the otlier, called lanovgh, and many others, to assist them ; and now 
again came to j»rosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an opportu- 
nity oflTered by the captain's presence, they thought ]»est to make sure of him 
and his company." 

Coneconam, after this speech, treated Standish with neglect, and was very 
partial to WittuuHmiet, which much increased the jealousy of the former. 
These Lidians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having einployeil n ** lusty 
Indian of Paomet " to execute the plan. The weather was seVerely cola, 
and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to liave 
been killed. But the extreme coldness of the night kejtt him Ironi sleeping, 
and thus he avoided assassination. 

We have had occasion, in the life ofMassasoU, to mention that that chief 
had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charging Hobomok 
to warn the English of it The people of the places named at that time by 
Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nauset, Paomet, Succonet, Mattachiest, Mano- 
met, Agowaywam, and the Island of Cajiawack. "Therelbre, (says Mr. 
Window in his Relation,) as wc respected the lives of our coimtrymen and 

Chap. H] 



our own safety, he advised us to Idll the men of Maseachuset, who were tlie 
authors of this intended mischief And whereas we were wont to say, we 
would not strike a stroke till they first began, If, said he, [Massasoit to 
Hobomok,] upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when 
their countrymen at Wicha^uscusset are killed, they not being able to defend 
themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives,'' and it would 
be with difficulty that they preserved their own j ** and therefore he coun- 
selled, without aelay, to take away the principals, and then the plot would 

Meanwhile WestofCs men had fallen into a miserable and wretched condi- 
tion ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the Indians, 
** fetching them wood and water, &c^ and all for a meal's moat'* Those 
who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had abandoned 
themselves to riot and dissipation, but whose conduct had affected the well 
being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these wretches, in their ex- 
tremities, had stolen com from the Indians, on whose complaint tliey had 
been put in the stocks and whipped. This not giving the Indians satisfac- 
tion, one was hanged. This was in February, 1623. 

About this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting the 
fact tliat any one was hanged, others that it was the real offender, &c. But 
in our opimon the facts are incontestable that one was hansed ; but whether 
the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. The fact that one 
was hanged for another appears to have been of common notoriety, both in 
Old and New England, Grom shortly after the afiair until the beginning of 
the next century.* 

Mr. Hubbard} has this passage upon the affair: — "Certain it is, they [the 
Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they thnrt- 
ened them, as the Philistines did ScofMon^s father-in-law, after the loss of then* 
com ; insomuch that the company, as some report, pretended, in way of satis- 
faction, to punish him that did the thefl, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, de- 
crepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, [an old bed-rid 
weaver,!] wi<l burdensome to keep alive, which was the eround of the story 
with which the merry gentleman, that wrote the poem called Hudibras, did, 
in his poetical fiincy, make so much sport." And Grom the same author it ap* 
pears that the circumstance was well known at Plimouth, but they pretended 
that the right person was hanged, or, in our author's own words, " as if the 
person hangen was really guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, 
and if they were driven by necessity to content the Indians, at that time, to 
do justice, there being some of Mr. nesUyiCs company living, it is possible it 
might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be 
best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been let alone." 

It will now be expected that we produce the passage of Hudibras. Here 
it is: — 

** Thnuo^i nice and dark the point appear, 
(Quo<h Ralph,) it may hold up, and clear. 
That Sinners may supply the place 
Of sufieriiig SainU, is a plain Case. 
Justice dves Sentence, many times, 
On one Man for another's crimes. 
Our Rrcthren of New England use 
Choice Malefaetore to excuse. 
And liang the Guiltless in their stead, 
Of whom the Churclus have less need : 
As lately 't happened : In a town 
There lived a Cobbler, and but one, 
That out of Doctrine could cut Use, 
And mend Men's lAoeSf as well as 8hou. 
This precious Brother having slain, 
In tiroes of Peace, an Indian, 
(Not out of Malice, but mere Zeal, 
Because he was an infidel,) 

The mighty Tottipottymoy, 
Sent to our Elders an Envoy, 
Complainins[ sorely of the Breach 
Of League, held forth by Brother Patch, 
Against the Articles in force, 
Between both churches, his and ours, 
For which he craved the Saints to render 
Into his Hands, or hnni^ th' Offender: 
Rut ihey. maturely havmg weighed, 
They had no more but him o' th' Trade, 
(A Man that served them in a double 
Capacity, to Teach and Vobble.) 
Resolved to spare hini; y«l to ao 
The hulian Moghan M ^gljft m , too. 
Impartial Justice, in his stAd, did 
Hang an old Weaver that was Bed-rid. 
Then wherefore may not you be skipp'd, 
And in your Room another Wbipp'a T '' 

* See Col. N. H. Hist Soe. iii. 148. and b. i. chap. iii. ante. 

t Hit I. N. Eng. 77. t Cd. N. H. HiM. Soc. iiL 148. 



The following note was early printed to this passage : — ''The history of 
the cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who were upon the 
place when it was done." mr. BtdUr wrote this part of his tiudibras 
before 166a 

J%mas Morion, who was one of the company, though perhaps absent at 
the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insmuates that 
the Plimoutheans caused all the trouble, and that their rashness caused the 
Indians to massacre some of their men, as we shall presently relate from a 
book which Mr. Morton published.* 

^ Master WesUnCa plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servTUits, 
many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavor to take the benefit 
of the country, some of them fell sick and died. 

*^ One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to see 
what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian Imm, and from thence 
did take a cap full of com. The salvage owner of it, finding by the foot 
[track] some English had been there, cairie to the plantation, and made com- 
plaint after this manner. The chief^ commander of the company, on this 
occasion, called a Parliament of all his people, but those that were sick and 
ill at ease.f And wisely now they must cousult, upon this huge complaint, 
that a privy [paltry] knife or string of beads would well enough have quali- 
fied : And Edward lohnson was a special judge of this business. The fact 
was there in repetition, constructiou made, that it was fellony, and by' the 
laws of England punished with death, and this in execution must be put for 
an example, and likewise to appease the salvage ; when straightways one 
arose, moved as it were with some conipassion, and said he could not well 
ffainsay the former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass of 
his brain, an embrio, that was of special ecu sequence to be delivered, and 
cherished, he said ; that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage's 
complaint, and save the life of one that might (if need should be) stand them 
in some good stead ; being young and strong, fit for resistance against an 
enemy, which might come unexpectedly, for any thing they knew. 

"The oration made was liked of every one, and he mtreated to show the 
means how this may be performed. Says he, you all a^ree that one must 
die, and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take ofi^, and put 
upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death; 
such is the disease on him confirmed, tiiat die he must. Put the young 
man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other's 
stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have 
proved their final sentence ; and being thei*e confirmed by act of Parliament 
to after ages for a precedent But that one, with a ravenous voice, be^un to 
croak and bellow for revenge, and put by tliat conclusive motion ; alleging 
such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com- 
plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their, zeal 
to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, never- 
theless, a scruple was made ; now to countermand this act did represent 
itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to get the man^s good 
will : this was indeed a special obstacle : for without that (they all agreed) it 
would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mis- 
chief should befall them every man. He was a person that, in his wrath, 
did seem to be a second San^fion, able to beat out their brains with the jaw- 
bone of an ass: therefore they called the man, and by persuasion got him 
fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who 
with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this 
Parliament to a pittiful turn plus, (as it hath been credibly reported,) and 
made the chief judge of them all buckle to him." 

This is an efllirB chapter of the New Canaan, which, on account of its 
great rarity, we have given in full. In his next chapter Mr. Morton proceeds 
to narrate the circumstances of the '^massacre" of fVittuwamd, Pekauot, and 
other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall now 

'^ Entitled New English Canaan, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637. 

t Against this sentence, in the margin, is — " A poor comp^cunU" 


drmw from the Plimouth historian, and ^afterwards use Morton^s chapter as 
we find occasion. 

Mr. Window says that Mr. WtstorCs men ** knew not of this conspiracy of 
the Indians before his [John Sanders, their * overseer *] going; neither was it 
knoum to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or Puckanokick : at whicli 
time also another sachim, called Wassapinetpot, brother to Obtakiesty the 
■achim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with 
Combaiimty and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same 
tfaing," [as MassaaoU had done.] 

It was now the 23d March, 1623, •* a yearly court day " at Plimouth, on 
idbich war waa proclaimed, ^ in public court," against the Massachusetts 
Indians, ^ We came to this conclusion, (says Winslow,) that Captain Standish 
ihotild take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party good 
against all the Inmans in the Massachusetts Bay ; and as because, as all 
men know that have to do with them in that kind, it is impossible to deal 
with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay 
lor others : therefore he should pretend trade as at other times : but first go 
to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint them with the plot, and the 
end of their own coming, that, comparing it with their own carriages 
towards them, he might letter iudge of the certainnr of it, and more fitly 
take opportunitv to revenge the same: but should forbare, if it were 
WMBible, till such time as he could make sure fVittuwamat, that bloody and 
Dold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, 
diat he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition.*^ 

We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon tliis trans- 
action. ** After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hannng 
of one,*] some of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live 
with Ckecattaohack and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the 
ftrmer quarrel with the Plimouth planters.! They are not like fViU Som- 
men, % to take dne for another. There they purposed to stay until Master 
WttiorCs arrival : but the Plimouth men intendmg no eood to him, (as 
nypeared by tlie consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and 
tnere pretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them 
poik, and things for the purpose, which they set before the salvages. They 
eat thereof without suspicion of any mischief, [and] who were token upon 
a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks) 
were, by the Plimouth planters, stabbed and slain. One of which was 
hanged up there, after the Blaughter.''§ When this came to tl^ knowledge 
of VkikaUiubufs people, they murdered the three English who nad taken up 
tbeir residence with them, as they lay asleep, in revenge for the murder of 
dieir countrymen. II 

After Standish was ready to proceed against WiUmoamet, but before he 
aet oiit, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished,ir and gave the 
people of Plimoutli a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows ; 
that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians, 
* whose boldness increased abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they got, 

* A* mentioned in our last extract froin this author. 

t Referriog, it is supposed, to the quarrel wi^i Caanbilant, 

i The person who proposed hanging a sick man instead of the real oflender. 

4 New English Canaan, 111. I| Ibid. 

1 His name was Phineruu Prat. An Indian followed niro to kill him, but, by losing the 
difccl path, the Indian missed him. In 1662, the general court of Massachusetts, in answer 
to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was accompanied '' with a nar- 
nthre of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony underwent in their 
«Bdeavora to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, whereof he was one^ the court judgeth 
it meet to grant him 900 acres of land, where it is to be had, not Uadanng a plantation.'' 
M8. among theJUes in our statt-houge. 

I have not been able to discover the narrative of Praiy aAer long search. Mr. Hubbard 
probably used it in compiling his Hist, of New England. 

At the court, 3 May, 1665, land was ordered to oe laid out for Prat, *' in the wilderness on 
tfM eait of the Merrimack Bi-er, near the upper end of Nacook Brook, on the south-east of it.'' 
Comrt Filet, id ntpra. 

Prat married, in Plimouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Citthbert»on, in 1630. See 2 Cd. HitL 122. 


they [the Indians] would take it out. of their pots, and eat Fitl before their 
faces/' and that il tliey tried to prevent tliein, they \vouId hold a knife at 
their breasts: and to satisfy them, they had hanged one of their compmiy: 
" That they had sold tJieir clothes for com, and were ready to star\*e boith 
with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get victuals by 
reason of their nakedness." 

Tliis tndy was a wretched picture of this second colony of Massachuaett^ 
the knowledge of which (says JVinsloic) " gave us good encouragement to 
proceed in our intendments." Accordingly, the next day, SUmduhy with 
Hobomok and eight Englishmen, set out upon the expedition. His taking so 
few men shows how a few Enclish gims were yet feared bj* tbe Indiana 
Nevertheless, the historians woidd have us understand that Standiah would 
take no more, because he would not have the Indians mistrust that he canse 
to fight them ; and they would insinuate that it w us o\nng to his great valor. 

When t^ndish arrived at Wessaguscus, he found the people scattered 
about, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary affiura. 
Wlien he told them of the (lander they were in from the Indians, they said 
*^ they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suffered them to lodge witli 
them, not having sword or ^m, or needing the same." Standuk now in- 
formed them of the plot, which was the first intimation, it ap]>ear8, they bad 
of it. He ordered them to cidl in their men, and enjoined secrecy of hie 
intended massacre. But it seems from Winsloitp8 Relation, that the Indiana 
got word of it, or mistruste<l his design ; probably some of tlie Weaaagna- 
cus men warned them of it, who did not believe there was any j)lot. 

Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and al\or\vards went away in friend- 
ship. Standish, more »igacious than the rest, said he saw treacliery in Ida 
eye, and suspected his end in coming there was discovered. Shortly after, 
i^eifcwiof, " who was a panicse,* Iwing a man of a notable sjiirit," came to 
Hohwnok, and told him. He xinderstood the captain was conic to kill htm and Dke 
rest of the Indians there. "Tell liim, (said Peksuot,) we know it, but fear hun 
not, neitlier will we shun him ; but let him begin when he dare [s], be wiU 
not take us unawares." 

The Indians now, as we might expect, began to i>repare to meet tlie 
danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their 
presence, and " would whet and sharpen the point of their knives,** "and 
use many otiier insulting vestures and speeches. Amongst the revt, WUiU' 
wamat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end ol'the handle there 
was pictured a woman's face ; but, said he, I hare another at home, whertwUhi 
have killtd both French and English, and thai hath a man^sface on it ; and &y and 
by these two must marry.'" To this he added, III^^'AIM i^amen, liinifAiM 

CHEN, MATTA CUTS : that is, By and hy it shoidd see, and hj and by it tihndd eol^ 
bxd not speak. " Also Pecksuot, (continues fVinsloiv,) Iwiug a man of ereater 
stature tnan the captain, tMd him though he were a great ca])tain,yet ne waa 
but a little man : and, said he, though 1 be no sacheni, yet I am a man qf gnai 
strength and courage. These things the ca])tain obsened, yet bare with pa- 
tience for the ])resent." 

It will l)e seen, in what we have related, as well as what we are about to 
add, that Thomas Morton^s account, in some of the main facts, agrees with 
that of Winslow. From the latter it appears that Standish, after considerable 
mancBUvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At length, 
having got Peksuot and Wittuwamat " both together, with another man, and 
a youm of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to ffTffmrwaiflf, 
and, villain- like, trod in his steps, dail}' ])utting many tricks upon the weaker 
sort of men, and having about as many of his own comjmny m a room with 
them, gave the word to his men, and, the door being fast shut, began himaelf 
with Pecksuclf and, snatching his own knife from his necky though with miicli 

* " The Panieses are men of great courage and wisedome, and to these alto the 
appeareth more familiarly than to others, cmd a^ wee concoiue, maketh couenaiit with tiieai to 
preserue them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &,c." IVtntiow'a JUb- 
Hon. In speaking of the onpn of calvmetf Charlevoix says, some Indians told him thatil 
was given by the sun to Poms, a nation upon the Biissouri. Voyage dmu PAmeriqm, 


stnigglinjz, and kSUd him thertwitik — ^the point whereof he had made as sharp 
as a neeme, and around the back also to an edge. fViUuwamet and the other 
man the red kUka, and took the yoiUh, wham the captain caused to be hanged." 

We could now wish this bloodv tale were finished, but we have promised 
to keep close to the record. Mr. Window continues, ^ Bvi ii is incredible 
how many wounds these two pameses received btfore they died^ not making any 
fearful noises but catching at their weapons^ and striving to the lasL 

" Hobbamock stood by all this time,* and meddled not, observing how our 
men demeaned themselves in this action." After the afiray was ended, he 
said to ^andishj "Yesterday Pecksvot bragged of his own strength and 
stature, said, tliough you were a great captain, yet you were but a little man ; 
but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground." 

^andish was now sent to a company of fVeston^s men, who ordered them 
to kill the Indians that were among them. They kiUed two. Himself with 
some of his men kUled another^ at another place. As they were pursuing 
tills business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, " through the 
negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and 
crossed their proceedings*" 

Joined by some of Au*. Westo/v^s men, Standish discovered a few Indians, 
and pursued them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to 
occupy, and who, aAer shooting a few arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hobba^ 
mock cast off his coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now killed, 
chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him." 
One who made a stand to qboot Standish had his arm broken by a shot, 
which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got mto a 
swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated. 
After assistinff the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English 
returned to Plimouth, taking along the head of Wittuwaind, which they set 
up in their fort 

Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned 
from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was theve 
seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamdj 
8iud he dio, and "looked piteously" upon it "Then he confessed the 
plot," and said his sachem, Obtakiest^ had been drawn into it by the impor- 
tunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself and begged his 
life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a 
stranger among them. Hobomok "also ^ve a good report of him, and be- 
sought for him ; but was bribed so to do it" They finally concluded to spare 
him, " the rather, because we desired he mi^ht carry a message to Obtahest^^ 
The message they charged him with was this, that they had never intended 
to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and, 
therefore, they tni^ht thank themselves for their own overthrow ; and as he 
had now began, if he persisted in his course, " his country should not hold 
him : " that he should forthwith send to Plimouth " the three Englishmen he 
had, and not kill them."f 

The Enghsh heard nothing firom Ohtakiest for a long time ; at length lie 
sent a woman to them, (probimly no man would venture,) to tell them he 
was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also 
that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it 
The English learned from this yroman, that he was in great constematioD, 
" having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed fi*om place to place, ex- 
pecting when we would take mrther vengeance on him." The terror was 
now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through 
foar and want To this dismal narrative Mr. Window adds, " And certainly 

* This, we suppose, is the aflair to which President AUtn alludes, in his American Bio^- 
radliy, (Zd ed.) when he says^ " he [Hdfomok] fought broody by nil \BUmdiMa\ side, in 
16X3.'' If standing and looking on oe fighting, then did Hobomok fght bravely on this 

t Morton f in his New Canaan, 111, says, these three men went to reside Ivith Ckikataubui ; 
hence Morion very reasonably soegests, tnat if the Plimoath people intended the men of 
Wessajguscof any good, why did vSey not fint see tliat all of them weie oot of danger, before 

•""^ 9* 


it IB strange to hear how many of late have, and ntill daily die amoDgM 
them ; neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease ; because through 
fear they set little or no com, which is the staff of life, and without 'whJeh 
they cannot long preserve health and strength." 

These affairs call for no commentary, that must accompany every mind 
through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as appears to nt, 
to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their 
sufferings, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to ap])ease the wrath of 
the English governor by presents. Four set out bv water in a boat fiir 
Plimouth, but by accident were overset, and three of them were drowned; 
the other returned back. 

When Mr. Robinson, the father of the Plimouth church, heard how his 
people had conducted in this affair with tlio Indians, he wrote to them, to 
consider of the disposition of Captain Standishy ** who was of a warm tem- 
per,** but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if 
they used him as they ought. *<He doubted," he said, <* whether there was 
not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God*8 image^" 
which was so necessary- ; and above all, that ^< it would have been happj if 
they had converted some before they had killed any." 

The reader has now passed tlu*ouffh a period of Indian history of much 
interest, wherein he wni doubtless have found much to admire, and mora 
tliat he could have wished otherwise. Oiu- business, however, we wiD 
here remuid him, is tliat of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take 
them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Althoo^ 
we have had occasion to introduce Hohomok several times, yet there remam 
transactions of considerable interest in his life yet to be noticed. 

HoBOHOK, or Holibamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the 
Wampanoags, as we have already had occasion to observe. He came to 
Plunouth about the end of July, 1G21, and continued with the Enfflish as 
long as he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting fiienaship of 
.Massasoii, which Morton says, he ^much furthered; and that he was a 
proper lusty young man, and one tliat was in account among the Indians in 
those parts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning them 
how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the coimtry, such as con, 
beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoii, to learn the truth of a 
report that the Narragansets had made war upon him, and his intemiptioB 
and trouble from Caunbitant are already related. 

Bein<r a favorite of Massasoxt, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrimi 
found that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as fenosut 
was so completelv in their interest, and also in that of the great sachem, 
that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot against them. 
What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance. 
The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English 
into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1622, they began to 
make ready for the vovage, Hohomok " told us, (says Jftnslotp,) that he feared 
the Massachusetts, or Massachuseuks, for they so chilled the people of that 

8 lace, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigeanneuks, a people of 
fanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut 
off Capt Standish and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean- 
time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assanlt 
the town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; aa also that Tb- 
quanium was in the confederacv, who, [he said,] we should find, would un 
many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians* houses ibr 
their better advantage." 

Nevertheless, they ])roceeded on their voyage, and when they had turned 
tlie point called the Gurnets JStost, a false messenger came running inio 
Plimouth town, apparently in a CTeat flight, out of breath, and bleeding 
from a wound in his face. He told tlieni mat Caunbitanif with many of tlw 
Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were coming to de- 
stroy tne English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and tlie first thought of 
the people was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in 
the Doat with Hohomok, A piece of cannon was inunediately disfSiarged 


which, to theu* great joy, soon caused the boat to return, not havmg got out 
' of hearing.' They had^o sooner arrived, than Hohomok told them there was 
no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Squanto, who was then with 
them, and even one of those in the boat ; that he knew MomosoU would not 
undertake such an enterprise without consulting him. Hohomok was confi- 
dent, because he was himself a great chief, and one of Massasoifs counsel- 
lors. Squanto denied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the afi^ir. 
The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Squanto had laid this shal- 
low plot to set them against MassasoUy thinking thev would destrov him, by 
which means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and this seems 
the more probable, as MasaasoU was* for some time irreconcilable because 
they witliheld him from him, when he had forfeited his life, as in our nar- 
ration has been set forth. But entirely to satisfy the English, Hohomok sent 
his wife to Pokanoket privatelv to gam exact mtelligence, and her return 
only verified what her nusband had said. 

** Thus by degrees (continues WinMoxo) we began to discover TisquaaUuniy 
whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, 
by means of his nearness and fiivor with us ; not caring who fell, so he 
stood. In general, his coiurse was, to persuade them he could lead us to 
peace or war at his pleasure ; and would oil threaten the Indians, sending 
them word, in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that 
thereby he might get gifts to himself^ to work their peace, insomuch as they 
bad him in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them- 
selves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us ; yea, and 
protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers 
were wont to rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, 
now they be^an to leave him, and seeK after THsquaTttum, But when we 
understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and 
innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have 
DO cause to fear : and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they 
should punish them as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance ; which 
gave the Indians good saiisfiiction on all sides.** *<For these and the like 
abuses, the governor sharply reproved him, yet was he so necessary and 
profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him.** 

To the end that he mif ht possess his countrymen with great fear of the 
Elnglish, THsqucmivm told them the Ig^nglish kept the plague buried in their 
store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to 
destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves 
stirrea not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hohomok believe 
this tale, who asked the English S* it were true, and being informed that it 
was not, it exploded like his other impostures. 

There is but little doubt that Squanto was in the interest of Caunbiiantj 
and lived among the English as a spy, while Hohomok was honestly, as he 
pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impos- 
sible for them to know which was their best fi^end, as each seemed emu- 
lous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time 
satisfied ; for, HoUmoKs wife having told MassasoU what had happened, and 
that it was one of Squanto's men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that 
sagamore had caused it, and he therefore demanded him of the Enffliah, 
that he might put him to death, according to their law, as lias been related. 
But the fSiglish, regarding the benefit resulting to them fi*om saving his 
life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with ManasoU, 
evaded the demand, and thus Squanto was permitted to escape. 

Hohomok was greatly beloved by MasaasoU, notwithstanding he became a 
professed Christian, and MassasoU was always opposed to the Englmh religion 
himselE It has been told in the life of the great MasBomnt, how valuable 
was the agency of Hohomok, in fiiithfiiUy revealing the mischievous plot of 
Caurilntant, which terminated in the death of Wmuwamei and PeksuoL He 
was the pilot of the English when they visited MassasoU in his sickness, 
whom before their arrivu they considered dead, which caused great mani- 
festations of grief in Hohomok, He often exclaimed, as they were on 
their way, ** Nun toomasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus,^ Sic, vdiich is, 


" My loving Sachein, mjr loviuff Sacliem ! manj' have I known, but never aD% 
like thee." Then, turning to Mr. Jflnslow, said, "While you live you wiD 
never see his like among the Indians ; that he woh no liar, nor bloody and 
cruel like other Indians. lu auger and ^lassiun he was soon reclaimed ; easy 
to be reconciled towaids such as had ofHinded him ; that his reason was 
such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed 
hiis people better witli few blows, tlian others did witli many." 

In the division of the land at Plimouth among the iuhabitants, Hohomok 
received a lot as his share, on which he resided atler the English manner 
and died a Christian among tliem. The year of his death does not appear^ 
but was previous to 1G42. 

It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massa- 
chusetts in the autumn of 1(321. It was in this vovage that they became 
acquainted with the fame of mYanepanheinet, The l^iiglish had heard that 
the Lidians in the Massachu^^ctt!!! hud thrt-utt^nod thein, and thcv went (says 
Moiai) "partly to see tlie couutr}', partly to make ])eace willi tbem, and 
partly to procure their truck." 

S^tanio was pilot in this voyage. They went ai^hore in the bottom of the 
bay, and landed under a clifl' which some * have t^uniiosed was what has 
been since called Coop's IIin,t iio^v the north part ot ikjston. This was on 
IKhh Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time af\er they went 
ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters wliich they had collected, with which 
they refreshed tliems(.»lves. Soon allrr, as they were proceeding on an 
excursion, " thcv met a woman cominir lor lur lobsters." They told her 
what they had 3one, and paid her for tlieni. She told them where to find 
Indians, and Squanio went to them to prepare them for meeting with the 

Obhaiinewat now received the vovagers. This sachem (if he be the 
same) had made peace with tlie English at Plimouth only seven di^'s pre- 
vious, as we have had. occasion to notice. He told tliem he was sachem of 
the plac«, and was subject to MassasoU ; and tliat he dared not remain long 
in any place, from fear of the Tarratines, >\ho were "wont to come at har^ 
vest and take away tlieir corn, and many tiuies kill them.'' Also that Squats 
Sachem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squatp-Sachcm, | as we be- 
lieve, was chief of those inland Lidians since denominated tlie Nipnots, <Hr 
Xipmucks, and lived at this time near \Vucliust>t Moimtain. The EngUsh 
intended § to have visited her at this time, but found the dit^tance too great 
to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from ull the Indians they 
met with, and mentioned thut of Obbatineimt in p»rlieular. And they say, 
" We told him of divers sachims that hud acknowledjied themselves to be 
King James his men, and if he. also wmiid submit himself, || we would be his 
safeguard from his enemies, which he did." 

At another place, " having gone three miles, in arms, up in the countiy, 
we came (say they) to a i)lace wliere corn had been new ly gathered, a house 
pulled down, and the ]K'op]e gone. A mile from hence, JSanepashewuif 
their king, ui his life-time had lived.H His house was not like others, but a 
scaffold was largely built, with poles and ])lanks, some six foot froiii [the] 
ground, and tlie house upon that, being situated on tlie top of a hilL Not 
far from hence, in a bottom, we ciune to a tort," built by MinqMuhemeL It 

* Ih. Belknap appears to have been the first who sug^stcd thin. See his Riojq:. ii. 2d4w 

t We had supposed Uiis emiuence to have been so called from a copse or clump of treeiy 
which for a long time remained upon it, aUcr it bt'cauie known to the whites i out Skmwm 
Dr scrip. Button, fi7, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And £>ROir, MJuL 
Boston, 105, says Wititam Copp was the pn^prictor of " a portion of the hill." 

t "Sachems or sapimores,— which arc but one and the same title. — the first more ■mal 
with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of bim that halli 
the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. GO. 

^ Shathick (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was vi.sited at this time by these voyagers, ball 
am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my pc 

II It does not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimonth, 
Mr. Prince supposes. 

IT Mr. Shattuck in bit HiaL Concord ^ says, this " was in Mcdford, near Mjtftic Pead." 


was made with '* poles some 30 or 40 foot long, stuck in the ground, as thick 
as they could be set one bv anotlier, and with these they enclosed a ring 
some 40 or 50 foot over. A trench, breast high, was digged on each side.* 
One way there was to get into it >vith a bridge. In the midst of this poii- 
sado stood the firame of an house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried. 
About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top 
of an hill. Here NoMpashemid was killed, none dwelling in it since the 
time of his death." 

According to Air. Lettdsy Mmtpashemd was killed about the year 1619, apd 
his widow, who was SquavhSachem before named, continued the governmentf 
He leil five children^ four of whose names we rather from the interesting 
History of Lynn ; viz. *1. MorUowampaU, called bv the English Sagamon 
James, He was sachem of Saugus. 2. ^higaily a <laughter. 3. Wondumtiar 
ham, called Sagamore John^ sachem of Winnesimet. 4. fVinnepttrkUt, called 
Sagamore George, or George Rumneumarshj the successor of MonUnoampaie at 
Saugus. Of most of these we shall speak in detail hereafter. 

SauaW'SarJiem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the spouse 
of fVappacoioet,^ or Webcoioitf in 1635. She and her husband, four years 
alter, K)39, deeded to Jotham Gtbbones " the reversion of all that parcel of 
land wliich lies against the ponds of Mystic, together with the said ponds, 
all which we reserved firom Charlestown and Cambridge, late called New- 
town, after the death of me, the said Squaw-SachemJ* The consideration was, 
** the manv kindnesses and benefits we have received from the hands of 
Captain Eckoard GibboneSj of Boston.** 

The Squa-Sachem's mark ^^^ 
Web CO wit's mark -i--»- 

fVebcowit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered 
next in importance to JSTanepashemet among the subjects of that chief^ after 
his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does 
not appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of; especial- 
ly by his wife, as in the above extract from their deec^ no provision seems 
to have been made for him after her death, if he outlived her. At all 
events, we may conclude, without hazard we think, that if breeches had 
been in fashion among Indians, the wife of WebcaioU would have been ac- 
countable for the article in this case. 

In 1643, Massachusetts covenanted with ^ WasaaTnequin, Ncu^wonon, Kutch- 
amaquin, Massaconomd, and Sqttaw-Sachemy^\\ to the end that mutual bene- 
fit might accrue to each party. The sachenis put themselves under the 
goverimient of the Englfsh, agreeing to obseiyC^ their laws, in as far as they 
should be made to understand them. For Mi confidence and concession 
of tlieu* persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed 
to extend the same protection to them and their people as to their English 

What had become of WehcowU at this time dbesnot appear ; perhaps he 
was off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household. 
We hear of him, however, four years after, (1647,) "taking an active part" 
in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his countrvmen. " He 
asked the English whv some of mem had been 27 years in the land, and 
never taught them to know God till then. Had ^ou done it sooner, (said 
he,) we nught have known much of God by this tune, and much sm might 
have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin." 


* Might not, then, the western mounds have be^n formed by Indians t 

t Hist. Lynn, 16. 

X Shattuck, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord 3 she, doubtless, had several places of 

^ His name is spelt WebcawiU to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. 8hattuci^» HSS. 
WibbacowitU^bs appears from his History. 

H In the History of the Narraganset Country, these names are written Wassam^gwt, 
Aiashawanon, CuUhamackt, MassanomeU, and Sqiui'Sachem. See 9 CU, Mass. HUt,abe, 
I 212. 

IF See Qookia's if £r. /Itit Prayiiv .fiiciiaiw. 


The English said they repented of their neglect ; hut recollecting themselTes - 
answered, *^ You were not willing to heare till now," and that &)d had not 
turned their hearts till tlien.* 

Of the sachems who made the covenant ahove named, the first we suppoee 
to have been Massasoit, on the part of the Wampauoags, who at this time 
was, perhaps, among the Nipmuks ; ^'ashoonony a Nipmuk chief^ with whom 
Massasoit now resided. His residence was near what was since Magus Hill, 
in Worcester coimty. He was probably at Plimouth, 13 Se[)t., 1021, where 
he signed a treaty with eight others, as we have set down in the \iie of Cbvu- 
hiiani His name is there spelt JVattawahunt, In fflnthrop^s Journal, 
it is Nashacoivanu, and we suppose he was father oi .JSTassoicanno^ mentioDed 
by ffkUney.\ Kutchajnaqmn was sachem of Dorchester and vicinity, and 
Masiaconomet was Mascononomo. 


Somt account of the Massachusetts — Geography of their country — Chikatavbut*— 
Wampatuck — his tear with the Mohawks — Masconokomo— Caiiomcu9 — ^Moar- . 
TOWAMPATE — SmoU-pox distresses the Indians — WoxoHAqrAiiAM — WiiriVEPua- 


Jack-Straw — James. 

Not long before the settlement of Plimouth, tlic Massachusetts had been 
a numerous people, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from tlie 
great plague, of which we have already spoken, and subsequently from their 
wars witli the Tarratines. Of tliis war none but the scanty records of the 
first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are preseired;! 
therefore it will not be expected that ever a complete account of the territo- 
ries and power of the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they 
were at the time they became known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that 
tlieir sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth peo])]e, were shifting fy^ 
their lives — not daring to lodge a second niplit m the same place, from their 
fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ- 
ent tribe, their history was long since swept away ^ in gloomy tempestfli* 
and obscured in ^ a ni^ht of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition re- 
mained. For sonwj time after the countr}' was settled, they would fly for 
protection from the Tarratiuos to the houses of the English. 

It is said, by Mr. Gooktrij that ^ their chief siichem hehl dominion over 
many other petty governors ; as those of Wecchagaskas, Neponsitt, Punka- 
pmog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Ni[)!nuck pcoj)le, as far as Pokoni- 
takuke, as the old men of Massachusetts afiirmed. This people could, in 
former times, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare. 
They were in hostility very often with the Narragansiits ; but held amity, 
for the most part, with tlie Pawkunnawkutts.*^} Near the mouth of Charles 
River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the 
south and north side of the countrj'."]! Hutchinson^ says, "That circle 
which now makes tlie harbors of Boston and Charlcstown, round bv Mai- 
den, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, 
was the capital of a great sachem,** much revered by all the plantations 
round about The tradition is, that this sachem had his principal seat upon 
a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in thei 
township of Dorchester, near^to a place called Squantum.*'ff Hence it will 

• Hist. Concord, 25. f Hist. Worcester Co. 174. 

X This war was caused, says Mr. Hubbard, " upon the account of some treachery " oa 
the part of the western tribe?, i. e. the tribes west of ibc Merrimack. Hist. New. Eng. 90. 

6 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 148. || Hist. N. Eng. 32. 

1r From NeaVs Hist. N. Eng., probably, which see. 

** It will be a good while before the present possessors of the country can boast otwaA ■ 

tt Hist. Mass. i. 460. And here it was, I suppose, that the Plimouth people landed iBlhcir 



be observed, that among the accounts of the earliest writers, the dominions 
of the different sachems were considered as comprehended within very.? 
different limits ; a kind of general idea, therefore, can only be had of the 
extent of their possessions. It is evident that the Massachusetts were either 
subject to the Narragansetts, or in alliance ^vith them ; for when the latter 
were at war with the Pequots, Ckikataubvi and Sagamore John both went 
with many men to aid Canonieus, who had sent for them. This war began 
in 1632, and ended in 1635, to the adyantase of the Pequots. 

We shall now proceed to speak of the chiefs agreeably to our plan. 

ChikatauhtUf or Chikkatabak, — in English, a houae-a-Jire, — ^was a sachem of 
considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the 
Massachusetts Indians. T%nnas Morion mentions him in his New Canaan, 
as sachem of Passonagesit, (about Weymouth,) and says his mother was 
buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or wsrn the 
reader concerning the stories of MorUm, as this is done in almost every 
l)ook, early and late, about New England ; but shall relate the following 
from him. 

In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering about 
upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother 
of ChikaiavhuL Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and 
two bear-skins, sewed • together, spread over it; these the English took 
away. When this came to the knowledge of CMkatavhutj he complained to 
his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were as- 
semble^ he thus harangued them: *< When last the glorious light of all the 
sky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle, as 
my custom is, to take repose. Before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho't 
I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that 
doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, < Behold! my son, whom I have cherished; 
sec the paps that gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee virarm, and fed 
thee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that hath 
my monument defaced m a despiteful manner ; disdaining our ancient anti- 
Guities, and honorable customs. See now the sachem's srave lies like unto 
the common people, of ignoble race defaced. Thy motner doth complain, 
implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither ; if this be 
suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.' *** 

Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the Engliui were watched, and 
followed from place to place, until at length, as some were going ashore in 
a boat, they felt upon them, but gained no advantage. Aner maintaining 
the fight for some time, and being driven froz^ tree to tree, the chief captain 
was wounded in the arm, and the whole totfltlD flight Tliis action caused 
the natives about Plimouth to look upon th#snglish as invincible, and this 
was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. Of the 
tune and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in 
a previous chapter. 

MtmrVs Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the above account 
It says, " We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and cov- 
ered the corpse up again,** and, " there was variety of opinions amongst us 
about the embalmed person," but no mention of the bear-skins. 

From a comparison of the different accounts, there is but little doubt, that 
the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their depreda- 
tions upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians. 

In 1621, Chikaiaubut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a writ- 
ten instrument, which we have already friven, themselves the sumects of 
King James. Ten years after this, 23 March, 1631, he visited Oovemor 
Wvnikrop at Boston, and presented him with a hogshead of com. Many of 
*'his sannops and squaws" came with him, but were most of them sent 
away, <* after they had all dined," although it thimdered and rained, and the 
governor urged their stay; Cldkatavhvi probably feared they would be 

voyage to Massachosetts before spoken of, and from S^uanto who was with them it probably 
received ita name. 

* If this be fiction, a modem compiler has deceived some of his readers. The article ia 
the AnaUctie Magazine may have been his source of iaformatioD, but the original may be 
seen is Msrierislfrw C^umnn, 106 iiikI 117. 


burdensome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the soyem- 
or's table, ^ where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Engiianmaiu" 
Not long after, lie called on Governor mnthropf and desired to buy clotbeB 
for himself; the governor informed him that ** English sagamores did not 
use to truck ; * but he called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a 
suit of clotlies ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat 
beaver." In a few days his clotlies were ready, and the governor " put him 
into a very good new suit Irorn head to foot, and after, he set meat before 
them ; but he would not eat till the governor liad given thanks, and after meat 
he desired him to do the like, and so departed." 

June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikatauhut was ordered to pay a smaU skiu of 
beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a pip, — which he com- 
plied with. A man by the name oi' PlastoicCy and some others, having stolen 
com from him, the same year, the court, SepL 27, ordered tliat Plasimce should 
restore "two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and j)ay £5. This I sup- 
pose they deemed eqiiivalent to four-fold. His accomplices were whipped, 
to the same amount. The next year we find him engaged with other sacnems 
in an expedition against the Petpiots. The same year two of his men were 
convicted of assaulting some persons of Dorchester in their houses. " They 
were put in the bilboes," and Inmself required to beat them, which he did) 

The small-pox was ver}- prevalent among the Indians in IGS^ in lYhich 
year, some time in November, Chikataubut died. 

The residence of tlie family of Chikataubut was at Tehticut, now included 
in Middleborough. He was in obedience to Masaasoit, anil, like other chieft, 
had various places of resort, to suit the diiferent seasons of the year; 
sometimes at Wessaguscusset, sometimes at Nc])onset, and especially upon 
that part of Namasket X chilled Tehticut. This was truly a river of saga- 
mores. Its abundant stores of lish, in the spring, drew tliem from all pozta 
of the realm of tlie chief sachem. 

In deeds, given by the Indians, the place of their residence is generaDy 
mentioned, and from what we shall recite in the progress of this article, it 
will be seen that the same chief lias different residences assigned to him. 

August 5, 1665, Quincy, then Braiutree, was deeded by a son of ChikoUnt* 
hut, in these terms : — 

§"To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come; ffamsafiiel^ 
alias Josiah Sagamore, of Massatliusetts, in Newengland, the son of Cibifcerfoti* 
but deceased, sendcth greeting. Know yoo that the said Jfampatuckj being 
of full age and power, according to the order and custom ot the nativeSy 
hatli, with the consent of his wise men, viz. Squamof^, his brother DanUi^ 
and Old Hahalun, and Jillliam Mananiomott, Job S^tssott, Mammiago IVtUiam 
AoAonton II " *'For divers goods and valuable reasons therunto; and in 
special for "£21 lOs. in hand. It was subsrril>ed and witness<Hl thus : — 

Josiah, alias Wamfatuck, his |0 marke* 
Damel Squaaiog, and a mark. 
Old Nahatux, and a mark. 
AViLLiAM Ma>'umon, and a mark* 
Job Noistenns. 

Robert, alias Mamuntago, and a mark* 
William Hahatun. 
In presence of 
Thomas Ketahounsson, and a mark O. 
Joseph Manunion, his I — marlu 
Thomas Wetmous, hik O mark. « 

* However true Uiis might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should not 
have used the plural. 

^ t " The most usual custom amongst them in exercising punishments, is, for the mu 
either to beat, or whij>, or put to death with his own hand, to which the common sort 
quietly submit.'' ^^'iUiam9. 

1 Namadasuck signified in their lanraa^^Aet. and some early wrote Namascheock. 

\ History of Quincy, by Rev. Mr. WkUney, taien from the original m the possession of 4m 
Hob. J. Q. Adama. 

J Nakattm, or Jhaton, and the lame sometimes written Nehoiden, See Wortidmgiatfs 
lBsLJkdhm,tL Ho told ktndt npon Gbadet Rivtr in 1680. ik ^ 


There is a auit-claim deed from ** Charles Josias, alias Josias Wampatuck, 
grandson of vkikdtavbut, dated 19 Mar. 1695, of Boston and the adjacent 
country, and the islands in the harbor, to the " proprietated inhabitants of the 
town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records.* Wampatuck says, 
or some one^or him, ** Forasmuch as I am informed, and well assured from 
several ancient Indians, as well those of my council as others, that, upon 
the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those parts of New 
England, mjr above-n^uned grandfather, Chikalavhtd, by and with the advice 
of his council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grant, sell, alien- 
ate, and confirm unto the English planters," the lands above named. 

Besides JosiaSy there signed this deed ^nth him, JJhatctonj sen., fflUiam Ha- 
haion, and Robert Momentavge. 

Josias, or Josiah ffampatuck, was sachem of Mattakeesett,f and, fi*ora 
the deeds which he gave, must have been the owner of much of the lands 
southward of Boston. In 1653, he sold to THmoihy Hatheriyj James Cudxcoiih, 
Joseph TUdtn, Hurnphrey TumtTy fVilliam Hatch, John Hoare, and James Tor- 
rey, a large tract orland in the vicinity of Accord Pond and North Rjver. 

In 16&, he sold Pachage N^ck, [now called Ptchade,] "l>ing between 
Namassakett riuer and a brook falhng into Teticutt riuer, viz. the most 
westerly of the three small brookes that do fall into the said riuer;" like- 
wise all the meadow upon said three brooks, for £21. Also, another tract 
bounded by Plimouth and Duxbury on one side, and Bridgewater on the 
other, extending to the great pond Mattakeeset ; provided it included not the 
1000 acres given to his son and George Wampey, about those ponds. This 
deed was witnessed by George Wampey and John Wampowes. 

Afier the death of his father, Josias was oflen called Josias Chikatavbvt, 
In the Plimouth Records we find this notice, but v\ithout date : "Memoran- 
dum, that Josias Chickabxdt and his wife doe ovmc the whole necke of Pun- 
kateesett to beloing vnto Pljmiouth men," &c. 

In 1668, " Josias Chickatabutt, sachem of Namassakeesett," sold to Robert 
Studson of Scituate, a tract of land called J^anumacktrntU for a " valuable 
consideration," as the deed expresses it This tract was bounded on the 
east hy Scituate. 

Josias had a son Jeremy ; and *' Charles* Josiah, son of Jeremy, was the last of 
the race."t Of Josiah, Mr. Gookin gives us important information. 

War between the Massachusett Indians and Mohawks, In the year 1669, "the 
war having now continued between the Maquas and our Indians, about six 
years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united their forces together, and made 
an army of about 6 or 700 men, and marched into the Maquas' country, to 
take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken 
without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English friends. Mr. 
Eliot and myself in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several 
reasons against it, but they would not hear us." Five of the Christian 
Indians went out with them, and but one only returned alive. " The chief- 
est general in this expedition was the principal sachem of Massachusetts, 
named Josiah, alias Chekatabutt, a wise and stout man, of middle age, but a 
very vicious person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian 
religion ; and sometime, when he was younger, seemed to profess it for a 
time ; — for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin^ who was the first 
sachem and his people to wnom Mr. IXioi preached."} 

Of those who went out with Wan^aivk from other tribes we have no rec- 
ord ; but there were many, probably, as usual upon such expeditions. 

This army arrived at the Mohawk fort afler a journey of about 200 miles ; 
when, upon besieging it some time, and having some of their men kiUed in 
sallies, and sundry oUiers sick, they gave up the siege and retreated. Mean- 
while the Mohawks pursued them, got in their front, and, fi*om an amburii, 

* Printed at length in Bnoto** Hist. Boston, 389, et cet. 
j Dearu^s Hist. ScituaU, 144. 

X Ibid. Smtamaug was a brother of Josiah, and ruled ''as sachem daring the minority* 
oi Jeremy. Dr. Harris, Hist. Dorchester, 16, 17. 
^ 1 CoU. Mass. Hist. See. i. 166. 


hfttiiVft] tlifrn in n tU'fih; t*Tu\ a irrr-at f^ht ensued. Finalh' the Xohawb 
*'/i rt^ prif f/i niyrht hv Hk- '-xtrAonJin/ir}- hnYtTV aiid prowess of Cmbrfimiirf 
nri/l lii« #-fi|ifiiin«, Itrit wtiAt v.r.i* rr.ost raJaxnitous in tiiia dbastroos e^Kifi- 
fion, wii«, fhf Urn* oftht' irr'-nt rhi^rfCALbifauW, who, after perfbrmin^ prodt- 
ai' « 'if VII ('fFf w)ij< kill' '1 in rr|Kllin^ the Mohawks in their last attack, uritfa 
nlrn'f^'f /ill hi** rfi{»t/>in.t, in niJiTiU'r alKjut 50, aii was siqjposed.* This 
m vt ri «rrokr- fo th'-.H^' IndjaiiH, and thry fiufiered much Irom c 
th« ir r' turn horn'*. Tlie Mohawkfl considered themselves their 
find fdfhoiitfh A iMRce was hrought about between them. by the mediatkn of 
rlif Dni/liHli nnd Dutch on «-ach sid'-, yet the Massachusetts and others often 
mtSX* rvi\ i'rnrn thfir incursions. 

A fhiiTof much the same importance nfs Chikatauhut and his sons, 
At'iMronont/mo, or Maseonomo, sachem of Agawam. friuce called 
VVh'-n thi: flrct which hrought over tlie colony that senled Boston, in 1630^ 
finrhorfd near Cnjio Ann, he welcomed th«m to his shores, and spent some 
liirK' on iKinrd one of the ships.-^ 

i)n the *iHth Jiinr*, Wifi, MoMwruyfuymd X executed a deed of *'all his lands 
in limwirh,** to John HinOarop, }r^ for the sum of £20.§ 

At n court in July, I'j^l, it wsa ord'-rrd, that ''the sagamore of Agawam is 
lifiiiiNhf'd from rrfming into any Eiiglifihman^d house for a year, under penalty 
nfU'U hf'iiver-HkinM." i! This v.qs proK-tMy done in retaliation for his haiing 
rnrfimittrd nets of violent*': on the Tarratines, who soon aller came out 
Willi firvnt ihrr.*', ngnin«t Ma^r/nonf,mo ; he having, ''as was usually said, 
lrffi«'hi'roii<«ly kill''H «oine of tlio^f- Tarratine familifs.^ It would aeem 
I lint lir i\\tt'rif(\ an atLirk. and h;:d thf rr.-t'ore called to his aid some of the 
w\v\v'Uift witr lUt^tou: for it ro \i:i\iit*v.r d that Monloitampatt and Wonoha* 
tivtihiiin wt-r*- nt Asfawnrri w}i«-n the l^rrstinf s ni;;de an attack, but whether 
liv ronriTt or nccid'nt i* not cl'-ar. 

' Til ihi- iinnil**r of 100 ni^-n. in tlirre caums, the Tarratines come out on 
ihia rntrrpriA's on thf- H August foDowintr. Tlir y attacked Mascononomo and 
hiia lEiie^tH in Ki.-i wiinvnm in the niglrt. killed s« \>-n men, wounded Mtueono^ 
ttiwtn liiriiM"lf, and Aff/rdotrampatt, mid H'onohaquaham, end several others who 
nnf-rwiirdA di«d. Tlifry twik th#' wif*? €)f Montoicampate captive, but it so hap- 
|H'nrd that »V^fiham f>hurd of Pi'nirrmqiiirl ninsomed her, and sent her home, 
wli'T'* she arrivid on tin; 17 Si-ptpniluT the winie autumn.** From Mr. G96- 
hrVit ntrtttuA, it apm;arH that tlii'V rami* against the English, who, but for an 
Indifin, naro'-d Ji/jfnrij would have lK*fn nit of!*, as the able men at this time^ 
U'lorifrir.jf fo fpHwich, did not ♦•xrr'ul .'iO; and most of these were from home 
fin \\ti'. day the attack was to have lK*(n mad«'. Eohin, liaving by some means 
rrtiirid out th'rir inti'Utirins, went to John Perkins,W und t(»ld him that on such 
#1 fhi^ ffiiir Tarratini-H would come and invite the English to trade, ''and draw 
ih*fti dov/n tlu^ hill to tin; watfr si<lr,'' whrn 40 canoes full of armed Indians 
would \tf rt-ndy, nnd*T "the brow oi' tht; hill," to fall ui>on them. It turned 
fiiif ait lOthin had n ported; but the Indiiuis were frightened off by a false 
tthow of riumfxTH, an old drum, and a few guns, witliout effecting their 

We hear no more of him until 1044, March 8, when, at a court held in 
fIfiHton, ** Cutahamtkin and SauatO'Sacheni, MoKonomOy Mtshacotoam and H'aB- 
Bamnf(inj two Hnch«-ms near tne great hill to the west, called Wackusett, came 
into tlie court, and, according to tlurir former tender to the governor, desired 
10 In; received under our protection§§ and government, upon the same terms 

- I Coll. MnM. Hint. Soc. i. 167. 

t lli%t. N. Kniclnnd. 

X TMm In fl(Mil>ilcM ibo most correct spelling of his name. It is scarce spelt twice alike in 
fiM MH. n^rordn. 

5 Ili'rr.rrh «if (JcH. Court, V. 381. II Prince, 367. 

^ lluhbnrtVt N. K. 146. 

■• lVinflin*p'n Jcmr.— /^rt>'* llisl. Lynn, 39, 40.^FeU's Hist Ipswich, 3. 

tf (lanrlcr-fnaitfT. " living then in a little hut upon his father's island on this side of Jeol^ 
ry'9 Nfrk." MH. Narrative. 

\X Cohhrt*9 MH. Nnrrative. 

(^ 'lliry riesircd this from their great fear of the Mohawks, it is said. 


that Puntkam and Saamonoco were. So we causing them to understand the 
articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely assenting to 
all,* they were solemnly received, and then presented the court with twenty- 
six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards 
of cloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men, every one of them, a 
cup of sac at their departure ; so they took leave, and went away very joyful." f 

In the Town Records of Ipswich, under date 18 June 1658, a grant is made to 
the widow of Maacononomoj of *^ that parcel of land which her husband had 
fenced in," so lonff as she should remain a widow. Her husband viras the last 
of the sachems ox Agawam, and with him, says Mr. Fdt^ descended ** his feble 
and broken scepter to the grave." He died on the 6 March, 1658, and was 
buried on Sagamore Hill, now within the bounds of Hamilton. His gun and 
other valuable implements were interred with him. "• Idle curiosity, wanton, 
sacrilegious sport, prompted an individual to dig up the remains of this chief, 
and to carry his scull on a pole through Ipswich streets. Such an act of bar- 
barity was severely frowned upon, and speedily visited with retributive civil 
justice." \ 

MONTOWAMPATE, sagamore of Lynn and Marblehead, was known more 
generally among the whites as Sagamore James, He Was son of NanqoasJuimietj 
and brother of Wonohaquaham and ff^nn^mrhiit.§ He died in 163&, of the 
small-pox, ''with most of his people. It is said that these two promised, if 
ever they recovered, to live with the English, and serve their God."|| 
Montouxtmpatey having been defrauded of 20 beaver-skins, by a man namea 
Watts, who had since ffone to England, he went to Gov. fFinUurop on the 26 
March, 1631, to know now he should obtain recompense. The governor gave 
him a letter to Emanuel Douming, Esq. of London, from which circumstance 
it would seem that the chief determined to go there ; and it is said that he 
actually visited England and received his due.9 The histories of those times 
give a melancholy picture of the distresses caused by the small-pox amons the 
** wretched natives." " There are," says Mather, "some old planters survivinir 
to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians ; even whole femilies of 
them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor infimt suck- 
ing at the breast of the dead mother."** The same author observes that, before 
the disease began, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English about 
the bounds of their lands, "but God ended the controversy by sending the 
small-pox among the Indians at Saugus, who were before that time exceeding- 
ly numerous." 

We have mentioned another of the family of ^anepashemet, also a sachem. 
This was ffonohaqtiahwn, called by the English Sagamore John, of Winisimet 
His residence was at what was then called Rumn^marsh, port of which is 
DOW in Chelsea and part in Saugus.§ As early as 1^1, he had cause to com- 
plain that some of the English settlers had burnt two of his wigwams. 
" Which wigwams," says Governor Dudley,]} " were not inhabited, but stood in 
a place convenient for their shelter, when, upon occasion, they should travel 
that way." The court, upon examination, found that a servant of Sir A. Sal' 
tonstaU had been the means of the mischief whose master was ordered to 
make satisfaction, " which he did by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant 
pay him, at the end of his time, fifw shillings sterling."t| Sagamore John died 
at Winisimet, in 1633, of die small-pox.§§ He desired to b^me acquainted 
with the Englishmen's God, in his sickness, and requested them tb take his 
two sons and instruct them in Christianity, which they did.|||| 

fVinnepurkUt,%% who married a daughter of Passaconawav, makes considera- 
ble figure also in our Indian annals. He was bom about 1616, and succeeded 
MonlotoampaU at his death, in 1633. The English called him George Rumnof' 

* The articles which they subscribed, will be seen at large when the Manuscript Hist, of the 
Praying IndianSf by Daniel Choking shall be publish^. They do not read precisely as 
rendered by Winthrop. 

t Winthrop's Journal. | Hist. Ipswich, 5. & Lewies Hist Lynn, 16, 17. 

j Hist, of New England, 195. #7 History of Lynn, 38. *• RelaUon, &c. 23. 

ft Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 25, edition 1696. 

ti Prinee*s Chronologv. ^^ History of New England, 195, 650. 

I II Wonder-working FrovideDce. ITIT Spdt also WtwtaperkeL 


manh^ and at one time he was proprietor of Doer ledand, in Boaton haibor. 
** In the latter part of his life, he went to Barliadoes. It is supposed that Iw 
vms carried there with the prisoners who were sold for slaves, at the end of 
Philips war. He died soon afler his return, in 1684, at the house of JUmrmii- 
quashf aged 68 years." Maicayeisouainey daughter of Poquanumj is also men- 
tioned OS his wijfe, hy whom he had several children.* 

Manatahqiui, called also Black-wiUiam, was n sachem, and proprietor of Na- 
haiit, when the adjacent country wta settled hy the whites. His father Kred 
at Swampscc»t, and was also a sagamore, but'prohahly was dea(\ before the 
Kngli!<h settled in the country .f A traveller in this then X wildemeas worid, 
thiH notices ffilliam, and his possessing NahanL "One Blatk-wSliam^ an 
Indian Duke, out cjf his generosity gave this place in grneral to the plantBtion 
of Sdugus, so that no other can appropriate it to himself.** He ^"as a sreax 
friend to the whites, but his friendship was repaid, as ^vas tliat of many otbciB 
of that and even much later times. There was a man by the name or Ifoller 
Bagrudl, nicknamed Great Wot, **a wicked fellow," who had much wronged 
the Indians,§ killed near the mouth of Saco River, ])robably by eionEW of 
those whom he had defrauded. Tliw ^vas in Octolicr, 1(^1. As some vesveb 
were upon the eastern co&st in^search of pirates, in January, 163^), they put in 
at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-trilliam, This was the 

Elace where Bagnall liail l)een killed about two years before ; but whether he 
ad any thing to do with it, does not ap]K>ar, nor do I fmd that any one, eten 
his murderers, pretended he wns any way implicatod ; but, out of revenge Ibr 
BagnalVs death, these pirate-hiuiterH hanged Blark-ioiUiam., On the contniTy 
it was particularly mentioned || that Bagnall was kille<i by Squidrayart and bs 
men, some Indians l)elonging to that part of the countrj'. 

This Squidrayset, or Sdtterypu^sit, for wliose art Manatahqiia suffered, was 
the first sachem who deinled land in Falmouth, Maine. A creek near fSbm 
mouth of Presumi)scot River periK?tuates his name to this day. Mr. ffWi 
8upi)oses he was sachem of the Aurorisco tribe, who inhabited between the 
Anaroscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Aucocisco comes CascQ.T 
There can be but little doubt that Bagnall descr>'ed his fnte,*** if any deserve 
such ; but the other was the act of white men, and we leave the reader *to 
draw the parallel between the two : perhajw he will inquire, JVere the mvrderen 
of MArTATAHqu.v brought toiustire? All we can answer is, TVie records are ji- 
fent. Perhaps it was cousiclcred an offkd to the munler of Bagnall, 

NdliahatlawaniSy in the year 1()42, Hold to Simon Jf'illard, in behalf of **Mr. 
Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. JVowell^ and Mr. ,'iMen,^ a large tract of land upon 
both si(l(^ Conconl River. **Mr. Winthrop^ our pn^srnt governor, 13(30 acra^ 
Mr. Dudley, 1500 acres, on the S. E. sid«' of the river, Mr. Noieell, 500 acra^ 
and Mr. Allen, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in consideration 
hereof the said Simon giueth to the said JVattahattaicants six fadom of waom- 
pampege, one wastcoat, and one breeches, and the said MUtahattcuwtnts docfa 
covenant and bind hhnself, that bee nor any other Indians shall set traps with- 
in this ground, so as any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what catde 
shall receive hurt by this m<»anes, hee shall Ik* lyable to make it good." \hk 
the deed, JVattahattaioants is caJled saclumi of that land.] 

fFitnesaed hy The mark of % N ATAnATTAWAirrs. 

tkrtt iphttea. The mark of % WirvrnpixH, an Indum 

that traded fw him,^ 

The name of this chief, as appears from documents copied by Mr. SkaUuckJfH 
was understood Tahattmoan, Tahattawanls, Jlttaioan, Maioanee, and ^kaUm^ 
nee. He was sachem of Musketaquid, since Concord, and a supporter and 

* Hist. Lynn. f Hist. N. Ejir. 

1 1633. Wmiam Wood, author of New Eng. Protpect. 

J Winthrofs Journal, i. 62. 63. || Winthrop, ib. 

U Col. Mauic Hist. Soc. i. 68. 

**He had, in about three years, by extortion, as wc infer from Winthrop, aeeinniilalid 
about £400 from among the Indians. Sec Journal «/ sttpra. 
ft Suffolk Records of Deeds, vol. i. No. 34. \\ Hist. Concord, Mass. paaHm chapw L 




propagator of Christianity among his people, and an honest and upright man. 
The celebrated Wciban married ms eldest dauj^ter. John TahaUaunm was his 
ooDy who lived at Nashoba, where he was chief ruler of the praying Indians — 
a deserving Indian. He died about 1670. His widow was daughter of John, 
saffamore of Patucket, upon the Merrimack, who married Oonamosr, another 
ruler of the praying Indians, of Marlborough. Her only son W TakaUawan * 
was killed by some white ruffians, who came upon them while in their wig- 
wams, and his mother was badly wounded at the same time. Of this affiur 
we shall have occasion elsewhere to be more particular. JSTaannshquaw, an- 
odier daughter, married JNToonMcotr, called John Tltomas, who died at Natick, 
aged 110 years. 

We know very litde of a sachem of the name of Wahgumaeu^ except that 
he lived upon Connecticut River, and came to Boston in 1631, with a request 
to the governor ''to have some English to plant in his country;" and as an 
inducement, said he would ** find them com, and give them, yearly, 80 skins 
of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed him without giving him anj 
encouragement; doubting, it seems, the reality of his fiiendship. But it is 
more probable that he was sincere, as he was at this time in great fear of the 
Pequots, and judged that if some of the English would reside with him, he 
should be able to maintain his country. 

There accompanied Wahgumacut to Boston an Indian named Jackstraw^ 
who was his interpreter, and Sagamore JfJm, We have labored to find some 
further particulare of him, but aU that we can ascertain with certainty, is, that 
he had uved some time in England with Sir WaUer Bakgh,^ How Sir fVaUtr 

* Mr. Oookin writes this name Tdhatoonerf that of the father TahaUaxcanre. MS, Hist. 
Proving IndianSf 106. 

t fVahgitmacut. aecordinr to Mr. Savages reading of WirUhrop. Our text is according 
to Princtf who also used Wimthrop in MS. It is tnily diverting to sec how tho author m 
Tales of the Indiant has displayed his invention upon the passage in WinUirop^t Journal 
bringingr to our knowledge this cnief. We will give the passage of Winthropf that the reader 
may judge whether great iniorance, or misrepresentation " of set purpose ** be chargeable 
to nim. " He [Gov. Winmrop] discovered after [ WahginnactU was gone], that the said 
sagamore is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoath (a far greater sagamore.'*) 
Now, every chila that has read about the Indians, it seems to us, ought to know that the 
meaning of Pekoath was mistaken by the governor, and no more meant a chief than the 
MoMsawiU meant what the Plimouth people first supposed it to mean. In the one case, the 
name of a tribe was mistaken for that of a chief, and in the other the chief for the tribe. 
Mistakes of this kind were not uncommon before our fathers became acquainted with the 
country. Wwthrop says, too, the Mohawks was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought 
there was a chief of that name ? 

\ Probably so named from the Maidstone minister, who flourished in Wat Tyler's rebellion, 
and whose real name was John Ball, but aAerwards nick-named Jack Straw, He became 
chaplain to Wat's army, they having let him out of prison. A text which he made great ose 
of m preaching to his liberators was this :— 

When Adam dalfe and Eve span, '. 

Who was then a gentleman ? f" 

This we apprehend was construed, Down with the nobility! See Rapin's Eng. L 407. In « 

Kennet, i. 247, John Wraw is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded. 

& " The imputation of the first bringing in of tobacco into England lies on this heroic knicht" 
Winstanley's Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing of our 
inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phantastical abuse of the hellish weed, corrupteth the 
natural sweetness of the breath, stupifieth the brain; and indeed is so prejudicial to the 
general esteem of our country." iWrf. 211. AVhether Jack-straw vrere the servant who 
acted a part in the oflen-told anecdote of Sir Walter Ralegh's smoking tobatceo, on its first 
being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert ; but. for the sake of the anecdote, we 
will admit the fact ; it is variously related, but is said to be, m substance, as follows. At 

time, it was so very unpopular to use tobacco in any way in England, that many who bad got 
attached to it, used it only privately. Sir Walter was smoking m his study, at a certain thne, 
and, being thirsty, called to his servant to bring htm a tankard of beer. Jack hastily obeyed 
the summons, and Sir Walter, forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spoatinr a 
volume of smoke from his mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his matter smoking 
prodigiously at the mouth, thought no other but he was all on fire insi<te, havin? never seen 
such a phenomenon in all England before ; dashed the quart of liquor at once in his face, and 
ran out screaming, " Massa's a fire ! Massa's a fire ! " 

Having dismis»ed the servant, every one might reasonably expect a dew words concerning 
his master. Sir WtUter Ralegh may truly be said to have lived m an age firuitful in great and 
worthy characters. Captain John Smith comes to o«r notice throagb Iris ageney, and tiia 

f ■* 


came by him, does not satufiictorilY appear. Captains Aaddtu and BoHam 
sailed to America in his employ, and on their return carried oyer two natives 
from Virginia, whoso names were Wanchest and Manteo,* It is barely powihie 
that one of these was afterwards Joxk-stnwt, 

A Nipniuck Indian, of no small note in his time, it may in the next phoe be 
proper to notice. 

Jam/t3 PrinUr^ or James-Oie-nrirUery was tlie son of JVaoas, brother of 3\ifaH 
pewillinj and Anmotakixu When a child, he was instructed at the Ti^«ii— » 
charity school, at Cambridge. In 1659, he was put apprentice to Sammd 
Grtenj to learn the printers business ;| and he is spoken of as having mn 
away from his master in 1G75. If, after an apprenticeship of 16 yean, one 
could not leave his master without the charge ol absconding, at least, both the 
master and apprentice should be pitied. In relation to tins matter, Mr. " ' 

renowned first English circumnavi^tor was liis contemjporarv. He, like th« last named, 
born in the county of Devonshire, in 1552, in tlie parish of liudley. Sir //mnp/irey CfUkert, 
so well known in our annals, was his half-brother, his father having married Sir IhamfJirtifs 
mother, a widow*, by whom he had Walter, a fourth son.f The ^at succesfei and <nt- 
coveries of tb^ celebrated admiral Sir Francis Drake gave a new impetus to the Eii||lirii 
nation in maritime afibirs, and consequent thereupon was the settlement of North Amr 
as great an era, to say the least, as was ever recorded in history. No one tbone 

._ .U -.„L^-. .U-_ i^._ II. .l--_ r>_i._i. A A j^jn^ 

conspicuous in those uudertakinjcrs than Sir Wcdler RaUgh. AAer persevering a _ 
he established a colony in Virginia, in ]f)07. He was a man of great valor ana addrMS, and 
a favorite with the great Queen Elizaiitth, the promoter of his undenakings, one of wfao— 
" maids of honor " he married. In this affair some charge him with having first diahoooied 
that lady, and was for a time under the queen's displeasure in consequence, mil vaMrryvof bar 
restorer him to favor. The city of Ralegh in Virginia was so named by his direction. Ha 
was conspicuous with Drake and Jlmcar'd in tiie destruction of the Spanish armada in 1588. 
On the death of the queen, he was imprisoned almost 13 years in the tower of Londcoi, 

the charge of treason. It ^%'ns during his imprisonment that he wrote his great and le a iaad 
work, the History of the IVorlJ. The alleged crime of treason has long since been viewed 
by all the worid as without foundation, and the punishment of Ralegh refects all its blacknaia 
upon the character of James I. Tlie ground of tlie charge was, that Ralegh and othen wera 
in a conspiracy against the king, and were designing to place on the throne Arabella StetpenrLX 
He was never pardoned, although the kiirg set him at liberty, and permitted lum to go on aa 
expedition to South America in search ofa gold mine of which he had gained some intima- 
tions in a previous visit to those countries. IIis attempt to find gold failed, but be took the 
town of St. Tliomas, and established in it a garrison. This was a depredation, as Spain 
and England were then at peace, but Ralrtrh had the king's commis!»ion. The Spaniih 
ambassador complained loudly ajg^inst the transaction, and the miserable James, to extricata 
himself, an*d appease the Spanish king, ordered Ralegh to be seize<l on his return, who, upon 
the old chaigc of treason, was sentenced to l>e beheaded, which was executed upon him 9lh 
Oct. 1618.$ *' I shall only hint," says Dr. Polwhele,\\ '* that tlie execution of this ereat man, 
whom James was advised to sacrifice to the advancement of the peace with Spiun, hath left aa 
indelible stain on the memory of that misguided monarch." It appears from another account T 
that Sir Walter, on arriving at the mouth of the Oronoko, was taVen " desperately sick," and 
sent forward a company under one of his captains in search of the gold mine. That they 
were met by the Spaniards, who attacked them, and that this was the cause of their asaanlt- 
in^c St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without eflecting the object they 
were upon. 

The following circumstance respecting the celebrated History of the World, not being 
generally known, cannot but be arceptanle to the reader. The first volume f which is wiMt 
we have' of \i) was published before lie was imprisoned the last time. Just before his execo- 
tion, he sent for the {Niblisher of it. When he came. Sir Walter took him by the hand, and, 
*' after some discourse, askt him how that work of his sold. Mr. Burre [tlie name of the 
publisher] returned this ansv^-er, that it had sold so slowly that it had undone him. * At wiiiefa 
words of nis, Sir Walter Rttlegh, stepf)ing to his desk, reaches his other part of his hittorf to 
Mr. Burre, which he had brought down to the times he lived in ; clapping his hand on hii 
breast, he took the other un printed part of his works into his hand, with a sigh, saying', ' Ah, 
my friend, hath the first part undone thee, the second volume shall undo no more; tUs 
ungrateful world is unwortiiy of it.' When, immediately going to the fire-side, threw it in 
and set his foot on it till it was consumed."** 

*See Cayl^g Life Sir W. Ralegh, i. 70. ed. Lond. 1816, 2 vols. 8vo. 

t Some author of Indian tales might delight himself for a long time in ringinr ehanges oa 
this Indian preachers name, without inventing any new ones ; for it is not, as I remembcfi 
spelt twice alike in our authorities. | Thomas, Hist. Printing. 

♦" Of Otho GUbert, of Coinpton, Esq.'* Polukde't HuL Dewn^ IL 219. 
t Stithy Hii-t. Virginia, 7. Pecond son, rays .Mr. PoliohHe, Devon, ii. 919. 

iRMpm'a Eng. ii. ICil. $ Tindal*s notes In Rapin, ii. 195. 

Hist. Devonshire, i. SfiU. IT Winstanley, Worthies, SSd. 

• Winstanley, Worthier, 357. 



bard says,* ** He had attained some skiD in printins, and might have attained 
more, had he not, like a false villain, ran away nom his master before his 
time was out" And the same author observes that the name printer was 
superadded to distinguish him from others named Jctmes. 

Dr. 7. MaOur f has this record of James-printer, " July 8, [1676.] Whereas 
the council at JBoeton had lately emitted a declaration, sisniiying, that such 
Indians as did, within 14 days, come in to the English, mispt hope for mercy, 
divera of them did this day return from amonff the Nipmucks. Amons 
others, James, an Indian, who could not only read and write, but had learned 
the art of printing, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture himself upon the 
mercy ana truth of the English declaration, which he had seen and read, 
pronusing for the future to venture his life against the common enemy. He 
and the other now come in, affirm that very manv of the Indians are dead 
since this war began ; and that more have died by the hand of God, in respect 
of diseases, fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have been 
killed widi die sword." 

Mr. Thomas eays^X it was owinff to the amorpatruB of James-printer that he 
lefl his master and joined in PMip^s war. But how much amor patrict he 
must have had to have kept him an apprentice 16 years is not mentioned. 

It was in 1685 that the second emtion of the famous Indian Bible was 
completed. From the foUowing testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen how 
mucn the success of that undertaking was considered to depend on James- 
the-printer. In 1683, in writing to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, Mr. Eliot 
says, ** I desire to sec it done TOfbre I die, and I am so deep in years, that I 
cannot expect to live long ; besides, we have but one many viz. the Indian 
Printer J that is able to compose the sheets, and correct the press with under- 
standing." In another, from the same to the same, dated a year after, he says, 
" Our slow progress needeth an apology. We have been much hindered by 
the sickness the last year. Our workmen have been aU sick, and we have but 
few hands, ^at printing,) one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c. 

This Indian was undoubtedly James-the-printer, And Mr. Thomas adds, 
^ Some of Jameses descendants were not long since living in Grafton ; they 
bore the surname of Printer,'^^ 

There was an Indian named Job ATesutan, who was also concerned in the 
first edition of the Indian Bible. He was a valiant soldier, and went with the 
English of Massachusetts, in the first expedition to Mount Hope, where he 
was slain in battle. ** He was a very good ling^uist in the English tonffue, and 
was Mr. EtiolCs assistant and interpreter in his translation of the Bible and 
other books in the Indian language."] 

In a letter of the commissioners of the U. C. of New England, to the 
corporation in En^j^d, we find this postscript — *^ Two of the Indian youths 
formerly brought up to read and write, are put apprentice; the one to a 
carpenter, the other to Mr. Green the printer, who take their trades and 
follow their business very well." James-the-printer was probably one of these. 
Msutanj we presume, was only an interpreter. The anove-mentioned letter 
was dated lOtb Sept 1660. 

In 1696, Jam/es was teacher to five Indian families at Hassinammisco.lf 
In 1709, he seems to have ^i through with his apprenticeship, and to have 
had some interest in carrym^ on the printing business. For, in the title 
pages of the Indian and English Psalter, printed in that year, is this imprint: 
•* BOSTON, N. E. Upprinthomunne au B. G&eeis& J. PRINTER, wutehe 
guhtiantamtoe Chapanukke id JWt^ England, &c. 1709." 

We shall now pass to notice a Massachusetts sachem, who, like too many 
others, does not appear to the best advantage ; nevertheless, we doubt not but 
as much so as he deserves, as by the sequel will be seen. We mean 

Kvtchmakiny known also by several other names, or variations of the same 
name ; as, Kvishamaqum, Cutshamoqueny Cutchamokiny and many mxare, as, in 

* NairaUve, 96. f Brief HUt 89. t Hist. PrinUng. i. 290. 

& Hist Printing, L 292, 293. || Gookin, ffist. Praying Indiam. ^ 

If Information from Mr. E. Thickerman, Jr.— Hasstnammisco, Hananamesit, &c. signified 
a place of stonu. Thomas, ut tupra. 


different parts of our work, extracts will necessarily show. He was one of 
those sachems who, in 1643—4, signed a submission to the English, as has 
been mentioned in a preceding chapter. 

In 1636, Kutshamakin soki to the people of Dorchester, Uncataquiaaet, 
being tlie part of that town since called Milton. This, it appears, was at soma 
period his residence. Though he was a sachem under JVoosamequin^ yet, like 
Caunbitant, he was opposed to tlic settlement of the English in his country. 
He soon, however, bcN^ame reconciled to it, and became a Christian. When 
Mr. Eltot desired to know why he was opposed to his people's becoming 
Christians, he said, then they would pay him no tribute. 

When the English of Massachusetts sent to CcmontcuSf to inquire into the 
cause of the nmrdcr of John OUham, Kutshamakin accompanied them aa 
interpreter, fighter, or whatever ^vas required of hun. 

As no satis&ction could be had of the Pequots, for the murder of Mr. OU- 
ham, it was resolved, in 1636, to send an army into their country ''to fight with 
them," if what, in tlie opinion of the Englii^h, as a recompense, were not to be 
obtained without The annament consisted of about 90 men. Tliese firat 
went to Block Island, where they saw a few Indians l)i>fore they landed, YfhOf 
after shooting a few arrows, which woimded two of the English, fled. The 
Indians had here ''two plantations, three miles in sunder, and a1)out GO 
wigwams, some very large and fair, and al)ove 200 acres of com." This the 
Endish destroyed, "stave<i sev(*n canoes," and afler two days spent in this 
busmess, and hunting for Indians without success, saikni to the main hmd, 
where Kutahamakin performed his |iart in hastening on the Pequot calamity. 
Having waylaid one of that nation, he shot and aaalped him. The scalp he 
sent to CemomcuSf who sent it about among all his sachem f>iends; thua 
expressing his approbation of the murder, and willingness to engage hia 
friends to fight for the English. As u further proof of his approval of the acL 
he not only thanked the English, but gave Kutshamakin four fathom of 

Capt lAon Gardener gives us some i)articulars of this afihir, which are rerf 
valuable for the light they throw on tins part of our early transactions with the 
Pequots. The amir we have just mentioned happened immediately after 
Endicottj Turnery and Underhill arrived at Saybrook, from Block Island. CapL 
Gardener then commanded the fort, who s|K)ke to them as follows of their 
undertaking : " You come hither to raise these wasps about my ears, and then 
you will take wing and flee away." It so came to pass ; and although he waa 
much opposed to their going, yet tliey went, agreeably to tlieir instructiona. 
Gardener instructed thorn how to i»roceed, to avoid lx?ing surj)rised ; but the 
Indians played them a Yankee trick, as in the sequel will appear. 

On coming to the Pequot town, they inquired for the sachem,* wishing to 
parley with him : his people said " he wos from home, but within three hours 
ne would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, there came 
none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in great numbers, and spoke to them, 
through the interpreter, Kutshamakin^ for some time. This delay was a strata- 
gem which succeeded well ; for thry rightly guessed tliat the English had 
come to injure them in their persons, or property, or both. Therefore, w^hile 
some were entertaining the English with words, others carried off their eflecta 
and hid tliem. When they had done this, a signal was given, and all the 
Indians ran away. The Pjiglish then ft;ii to burning and destroying eveiy 
thing they could meet with. Gardener had sent some of his men with tfaie 
others, who were unaccountably lefl on shon.> wlien the others reeuibarkedt 
and were pursued, and two of them wounded by the Indians. 

"The Bay-men killed not a man, save that one, Kichomtquimy an Indian 
sachem of t^ie Bay, killed a Pequit ; and thus l>egan the war between the 
Indians and us, in these {>arts." f The Pequots henceforth used every meana 
to kill the English, and many were taken by them, and some tortured in their 
manner. "Thus far," adds Gardener^ "I liad written in a book, that all men 

* 8aasacu$. says Winthrm (i. 191.) ; but beings told he was ^ouc to Long Island, the 
ral demanded to see " the other sachem, ^c.'' which was doubtless MononoUo. 
tS CM. Hut. 8oc. ill. 141, &;c. 


and posterity might know how and why so many honest men had theur blood 
shed, yea, and some flawed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive, 
only because fRehamaktrij a Bay Indian, killed bne Peouot" 

To say the least of our author, he had the best poasible means to ht correeibf 
informed of these matters, and we know not that he had any motive to mis- 
represent thenK 

Governor WvnUtanp mentions, under date 1646, that Mr. Elioi lectured 
constantly *^ one week at the wigwam of one Wahouj a new sachem near 
Watertown mill, and the other the next week in die wigwam of CuUhamM^ 
near Dorchester milL" We shall have occasion in another chapter to speak 
of Ktdshamakm, 

In 1648, Cxdchamitkxn^ as he was then called, and Jqjeuny appear as wimesses 
to a deed made by another Indian called Coto, alias Goocmian. Lane and 
Griffin were the grantees ** in behalf* of the rest of the people of Sudbury.* 
The tract of land sold adjoined Sudbury, and was five miles square; tor 
which Caio received five pounds. Jqjeuny was brother to CaUfJ* 


Of the great nation of the NarraganseU — Geography of their country — Caitoricui 
— MiANTUNifoiioH — His relations — ^ids the English in destromng the PequoU — 
Sells Rhode Island — His difficulties with the English — Visits uoSon — His fnag- 
nanimity and independence — Chargred with a conspiracy against the whites — JiOy 
repels it — WAiAifDAircx becomes hts secret enemy^His speech to Waiandance and 
hu people — His war with Uncas — His eanture and deatn — Circumstances of his 
execution — Participation of the whiles therein — Impartial view of that ajfair — 
Traditions — Ninioret — Mkxam, aUas Mkxaro— jv^V cf CutULquin and Uncas 
— Character of Ascassassotiek — JNinigret visits the 'Dutch — Accused by the English 
of plotting with them — Aldy drfends himself-— >N'otices of various other Indians — 
War between Jiini^et and Ascassassotick — Present condition of his descend ant s 
Further account of Pessacus — Killed by the Mohawks, 

The bounds of Narraganset were, as described in the times of the sachems, f 
'^Pautuckit River, Quenebage[Quinebauge]andNipmuck,'^orther]y;<' wei^^sriy 
by a brook called Wequapaug, not fiu:| firom Paquatuck River; southeriy mr 
the sea, or main ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein lieth 
many islands, by deeds bought of the Nanhiganset sachems." Coweesett and 
Niantick, though sometimes applied to this country, were names only of places 
within it. According to Mr. Gookxriy ** the territory of their sachem extended 
about 30 or 40 mil^ from Sekunk River and Narragansitt Bay, including 
Rhode Island and other islands in that bay." Pawcatuck River separated 
them from the Pequots. This nation, under Caanomcus, had, in 1642, arrived 
at the zenith of its greamess, and was supposed to have contained a population 
of thirty thousand. This estimate was by Richard Sndlhy jr., who, with his 
father, fived in their country. 

In 1766, or about that year, Mr. Samud Drake made a catalogue of the 
Narraganset Indians. This catalogue contained the names of about 315 per- 
sons. Mr. Drake spent 14 years among them, chiefly in the capacity of a 
schoolmaster. He wrote an account of them, but whether it was ever pub- 
lished I cannot learn. § 

A census of those calling themselves a remnant of the Narragansefs, taken 
Feb. 1832, was 315; only seven of viiiom were unmixed. Tlie Indkuui 
themselves make their number 364. || 

Of die early times of this nation, some of the first EngHsh inhabitants 
learned fh)in the old Indians, that they had, previous to their arrival, a sachem 
named Tashiassuck, and their encomiums upon his wisdom and valor were 

* Suffolk Reg. Deeds. There is no name sijrned to the deed, bat m the place thereof, ii tlM 
fHCture of some foor-loEved animal drawn on bis back. 
tSee 3 Coll. Mass. Hut. Soe. i. tlO. iFoor or five inilet, says Gookin. 

i See Bfotty"* Journal, 106. f MS. letter oTRev. Hr. J«y. 

1 18 CANOMCU3. [Book ll 

tiiucb the hfiinc o» the Dcla wares reported of their great chief Tamamf; that 
iiuce, there had uot been his equal, &c. Tashlassuck had but two chilcbreii, a 
Bon and daughter ; these he joined in marriage, because he could find nooe 
wortliy of tliem out of his family. Tlie product of this marriage was four 
sons, of whom Canonicus was the oldest* 

Canonicus,! the great sachem of the Narragansets, was coDtemporaiy with 
MiarUunnomoh, who was his nephew. We know not the time of bis biitb, but 
a son of his was at Boston in 1(131, tlie next year after it was sctded. But the 
time of his dcatli is minutely rcconled by GovcTUor fftnihrop, in his " Jouma]," 
thus: ** June 4, 1&17. Canonicus, the great sachem of Narragamiet, died, a 
very old man.** lie is generally sup|>osed to have been about S5 yeaiiB of. age 
when he died. 

The Wampanoa^ were in great fear of the Narragansets about the time tbe 
Endish came to Plimouth, and at one time war actuuly exLi^ed, aud Jtfawaaaft 
fled before Ccawnvcua^ and upplitHl to the English for protection. 

Edward Window relates, m his Goon News from New Exolaxo, that. Id 
Feb. 1622, Ccmxmicus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bundle of 
arrows, bound with a rattlesnake's skin, and there left them, and retired. The 
Narragansets, who were re|>orted at this tune ^ many thousand strong," heaiiDg 
of the weakness of the English, ^ begun, (says the above-named author,) to 
breath forth many threats against us,** although they had the last summer 
^ desired and obta'uied peace with us." — " Insomuch as tiic common talk of 
our neighbor Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to eome 
against us." They were now imlioldened from the circumstance that the 
English had just added to their numliers, but not to their arms nor proTiaaoiML 
The ship Fortune had, not long before, landed 35 persons at Plimoutb, and 
the Narragansets seem to have been well informed of all the circurastanoeiL 
This, (says Mr. Winahip^) " occiisioned them to slight and brave us with wo 
many tlireats as they did. At length came one of them to ua, who was sent 
by Omaucus, their chief sachem or king, accompanied with one TokamiAamim, 
a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired for ISsquantum, our inteiprelav 
who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad tlian sorry ; and leaving ftr 
him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a ratdesnake's skin, desired to depart 
with all ex|)cdition." 

When Squanto was made acquainted with the circumstance, he told the 
Enslish that it was a challenge for war. Governor Bradford took the latde- 
snaxe's skin, and filled it with powder aud shot, and returned it to CaxundatM; 
at the same time instructing the mi^sscnger to bid bun defiance, and invite him 
to a trial of strength. The messenger, and his insulting carriage, had dw 
desired effect upon CanonicuSy for he would not receive the skin, and it wbi 
cast out of every community of the Indians, until it at last was rotumed to 
Plimouth, and all its contents. This was a demonstration that he vras aired 
into silence and respect of the English, by the decided stand and hoitile 
attitude they assumed. 

In 1(231, soon after the war with CaunbiUxni was over, among those who 
sought the friendship of the English, was Canonicus himself, notvvithstandlll| 
he was now courting war again so soon. lie had doiibdeas nearly got rid of 
the fear that the news of StandisJCa conduct first inspired, and haid taken up 
again his old resolution of fighting the strangers at Plimouth. 

He is mentioned with great respect by Rev. Ro^ fflUiams, % ^ ^^ T^v 
1654. After observing that many hundreds of the English were witnesses to 
the friendly disposition of the Narragansets, he says, ** Their late fiunotis long- 
lived Caunomeus so lived and died, and in tlie same most honorable tmm^wt 
and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-makv, 
Mr. fVinikrop, did they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; yea, 

* Hutcbinson, i. 458, who met with this aceount in MS. } but wc do not give tmplicil craEl 
to it, as, at best, it is tradition. 

t This spelling does not convey ti»e true pronunciation of the name ; other spellina w9 bt 
noticed in the course of his biography. Its sound approached so near the Latin wor^i 
tta, that it became confounded with it. Qunnoune was early written. 

t Iffanascript letter to the governor of Massachusetts. 

Obap. IV.] CANONICU8.— MASCUS. 119 

tfarouffh all their towns and countries how frequently do many, and oft times, 
our Eiiifflishmen travel alone with safe^ and loving kindness ?" 

The following statement of Roger ^Uliams is in a deposition, dated Narra- 
ffanset, 18 June, 1682, and, although varying a Utile from the above, contains 
nicts very pertinent to our purpose. He says, ** I testify that it was the general 
and constant declaration, tnat Canonicus his father had three sons, whereof 
Cananicus was the heir, and his youngest brother's son Meaintinomy fbecause 
of his youth) was his marshal and executioner, and did nothing witnout his 
uncle OMnomeus' consent And therefore I declare to posterity, that were it 
not for the favor that God gave me with Canonicus, none of these parts, no, 
not Rhode Island, had been purchased or obtained ; for I never got any thing 
of Canonicua but by eifl." 

When Mr. John (ndham was killed near Block Island, and an investigation 
set on foot by the Enelish to ascertain the murderers, the^ were fblly satisfied 
that Canordcus and Jwantunnomoh had no hand in the afmir, but that *^ the six 
other Narraganset sachems had." No wonder he took great ofifence at the 
conduct of the English concerning the death of Mianhttmomoh, The Warwick 
settlers considered it a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samuel ChrtOn wrote a 
letter for Canomeus to the government of Massachusetts, notifViug them that 
he had resolved to be revenged upon the Mohegans. Upon this the English 
despatched messengers to Narraganset to inquire of Canomeus whether he 
authorized the letter. He treated them with great coldness, and would not 
admit them into his wigwam for the space of two hours after their anivaL 
although it was exceedingly rainy. When they were admitted, he firowned 
upon mem, and gave them answers foreign to the purpose, and referred them 
to Pessacus, This was a very cold reception, compared with that which the 
messengers received when sent to him for information respecting the death 
of Mr. Oldham, ** They returned with acceptance and good success of th^ir 
business; observing in the sachem much state, great command of his men, 
and marvellous wisdom in his answers; and in the carriage of the whole 
treaty, clearing himself and his neighbors of the murder, and offering revenge 
of it, ^et upon very safe and wary conditions." 

This SBcnem is said to have governed in great harmony with his nephew. 
'^The chiefest government in the country is divided between a younger sachem, 
JHtonfimitamu, and an elder sachem, CaunmmacuSj of about fourscore years old,* 
this young man's uncle ; and their agreement in the government is remaikable. 
The old sachem will not be offended at what the young sachem doth ; and the 
ycNing sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle.^f With 
diis passage before him, Mr. Durfee versifies as follows, in his poem called 
fFhaicheer: — 

** Two mighty chiefs, one cautious, wise, and bid, 
One youD^, and strong, and terrible in fi^t, 
AU Narracanset and Coweset bold ; 
One lo<d^ they build— one counsel fire they light." 

'^ At a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies at Boston, vij 
Sept., 1643," it was agreed that Massachusetts, in behalf of the other cobnies, 
**give ConoonacuB and the Nanohi^gunsets to understand, that from time to 
time " they have taken notice of their violation of the covenant between them, 
notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love to them by the English; 
that they had concurred with ^ftan/imnomo^ in his late mischievous plots, by 
which he had intended "to root out the body of ^e English " fit)m the coun- 
try, by gifts and allmrements to other Indians; and that he had invaded Uncof, 
contrary to the ** tripartie covenant " between himself, Unccu, and Connecticut 
Therefore, knowing "how peaceable Conanaeus and Mascus^ the late ftther of 
JIfyantenomOf ffovemed that great people," thev ascribed the late "tumults and 
outbreakings " to the malicious, rash and ambitious spirit of Mantumwmokf 
more than to "any affected way of their own." 

Notwithstandinff, Mumhmnomoh being now put to death, the English and 
their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " FTicta, sagamore of the Mohegins^ 

was written about 1643. f Col. R. I. Hist. Soc vol. i. 


and liis people, fFooBamequine and his people, Sacanocoe and his people, 
ham ana his people, were disposed, they said, still to have peace with tiw 
Narragansets ; but should expect a niore faithful observance of their 
ment than the^ had shown hitherto." This determination was to be 
diately laid before them, and a prompt answer demanded. 

In a grave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Canonicus thus 
Roger WiUiams: ^i have never suffered any WTons to be offered to tiw 
English since they landed, nor never will;" and onen repeated the woid 
Wunnauntwaytan, **If the Englishman siioak true, if* he mean truly, then 
shall I go to my grave in peace, and ho|>e that the English and my poeten^ 
ahall live in love and peace togcdier." 

When Mr. WiUiams said he ho{)od he had no cause to question the Kngjiwh- 
men's wunnaumwauonckj tliat i», fuithfuhK'Sis having long been acquainted with 
it, Canonicus took a stick, and, breaking it into ten pieces, related ten instanoes 
wherein they had proved false ; laying dowli a piece at each instance. Mr. 
WiUiams satisfied him that he was mistaken in some of them, and as to othcn 
he ajipreed to intercede with the governor, who, he doubted not, would maks 
aatismction for them. 

In 1635, Rev. Roger WiUiams found Canonicus and jyHanhmnomok canying 
on a bloody war against the Wampanougs. By his intercession an end wm 
put to it, and he grew much in favor with all the sachems ; especialljr CanometOL 
whose "heart (he says) was stirred up to love me as his son to hB last gBBpr 
He sold the Island of Rhode Island to ffUiiam Coddington, Roger WWama^ 
and others. A son of Canonicus, named Mriksahj is named by WiUiamM wm 
inheriting his fiuher's spirit. This son is also called Afetfco, who^ aAer hit 
fiither's death, was chief sachem of die Narragansets, and wtis said to have 
been his eldest son. Many particulars of him w'dl l)e found in our pfog rc w 

At the time of the Pequot war, much pains was taken to secure the friend- 
ship of Canonicus more fimdy. Mr. JftUiams wrote to Grovemor WinAnm 
concerning him as follows : **- Sir, if any tiling be sent to the princesi, I find 
Canounicus wouki gladly accept of a box of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and 
indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box fulL" In another 
letter which Mr. WiUiams sent to the same by J^Rantunnonhoh himself, he aayi^ 
** I am bold to request a word of advice of you concerning a proposition made 
by Caunounums and Miantunnomu to me some half year since. Caunoumau 
gave an island in this bay to Mr. Oldham^ by name Chibackuwese^ MP?^ 
condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell Uiere near unto tbem.** The 
death of Mr. Oldham^ it appears, preventeil his acci'ptiiig it, and they ofiered 
it to Mr. JViUiams upon the same conditions; but he first desired to know 
whether, in so doing, it would lie perfectly agreeable to Massachusetts, and 
that he bad no idea of accepting, without paying the chiefs for it ; said he told 
them ^ once and again, that for the present he mind not to remove ; but if he 
had it, would give them satisfaction for it, and build a little house and put in 
some swine, as understanding the place to have store of fish and good feeding 
for swine." AVhen MRantunnomoh heard that some of the Massachusetts men 
thouffht of occupying some of the islands, Canonicus, he says, desired he 
would accept of half of it, "it being spectacle- wise, and lietween a mile or 
two in circuit ; " but Mr. JVtUiams wrote to uiform th(;m that, if he had anT, 
he desired the whole. This was not long before the Pequot ^var, wludi 
probably put a stop to further negotiation upon the subject 

There was another chief of die same name in PhUip^s wor^ which Mr. 
H\d}hard denominates ''the gnmt sachem of the Narragansets," and who^ 
^ distrusting the profilers of the English, was slain in the woods by die 
Mohawks, his squaw surrendering herself: by this means her life was 
spared." He was probably a younger son of Canonicus, or an immedhttB 

In 1632, a war broke out between the Narragansets and die PequotSiOO 
account of disputed right to the lands iK'tween Pan catuck River and Wecapaog 
Brook.* It was a tract of considerable consequence, being about ten nuki 

* ''The natives are very exact aiul punctual in the bounds of their lands, beloagiii|^ to thii 


Chap. IT.] CAN0NICUS.-.S0K080. , * 121 ' 

•mde^ and fifteen or twenty long. Cemomcus drew alon^ wkh him, besides his 
own men, several of the Massachusetts sagamores. This was maintained with 
ferocity and various success, until 1635, when the Pequots were driven fit)m it, 
but who, it would seem, considered themselves but little worsted ; for CanonioAS, 
doubting his ability to hold possession long, and ashamed to have it retaken from 
him, made a present of it to one of his captains, who had fought heroically in 
conauering it ; but he never held possession : however, atter the Pequots were 
subaued by the English, these lands were possessed by the Narrasansets again. 

The name of this Pequot captain was Sokoso, sometimes called Soso, iSSmo, 
&C. He had killed one of his coundymen and fled to the Narracansets, who 
protected him. This tract of country was afterwards in dispute between the 
English. Sokoso having deeded it to some of them, (9 June, 1660,) an English- 
man afterwards testified, that Sokoso had acknowledged, that, although he had 
received money for it, he never owned it. But, according to the testimony of 
Wawaloam^ the wife of .Mianhmnomo^ there was doubtless some false swearing 
about it. It was reckoned to contain 20,000 acres, and the following is attested 
concerning it : — **' 1, ffawahamy do afiirm it to be Socho's or his assigns', and 
further, whereas my uncle JSTenegrad sayeth that it is his land, I do utterly deny 
it before all men ; for it was conquered by my husband ManUmomy, and my 
uncle CanameuSy Ions before the English had anywars with the Pequots ; and 
my uncle Nintgrad had no hand in the war. This land was given and past 
over to the valiant Captain Socho^ for service done for us before the English 
had any wars with the Pequots." * 

It is said that, in the war between Uncos and Miamitmnomok^ two of the 
sons of Canomcus fought on the side of ^BcmtuMwmohj and were wounded 
when he was taken prisoner at Sachem's Plain. 

Canomcus has been the subject of a poem which was published at Boston, 
ID 1803. t Among the tolerable passages are the following: — 

" A mighty prince, of venerable age, 

A peerless warrior, but of peace the friend ; <^ 

His breast a treasury of maxims saee^ 
His arm, a host^-io punish or delend." 

Canomcus^ at the ace of 84 years, is made to announce his approachiDg 
dissolution to his people thus : — 


" I die. — ^My friends, you have no cause to grieve : 
To abler hands mv regal power I leave. 
Our god commands— to fertile realms I haste. 
Compared with which your gardens are a waste. 
There in full bloom eternal spring abides, 
And swarmbg fishes glide through azure tides ; 
Continual sunshine gilds the cloudless skies, 
No mists conceal Keesuckquand from our eyes.'' 

About 1642, a son of Ccaumicus died, at which his grief was very great; 
insomuch that, " having buried his son, he burned his own palace, and aJl his 
goods in it, to a great i^ue, in solemn remembrance of his son." 

Like other men ignorant of science, Comomcus was superstitious, and was 
ffreatly in fear of the English, chiefly, perhaps, from a belief in their ability to 
hurt him by enchantment, which beuet, very probably, was occasioned by the 
story that SquanJto circulated, of which, in a previous chapter, we have spoken. 
When Roger WUliams fled into his cotmtry, he at first viewed him with dis- 
trust, and would onlv frown upon him ; at length he accused him, as well as 
the other English, of sending tne pla^e among the Indians ; but, as we have 
said before, he soon became reconciled to him, gave him lands, and even 
protected him. They became mutual helps to each other, and, but for ani- 
mosities among the English themselves, it may be fair to conclude, firiendship 
would have continued with the Narragansets through several generations. 

or that prince or people,, even to a river, brook, &c. And I have known Ihem make bargain 
and sale amongst themselves, for a small piece, or quantity of ground : notwithstanding a 
ainiul opinion amongst many, that Christians have right to heathen's lands.'' R, WiUiamt. 

• Sec Potter's History o( Narraganset, in Col. R. I. Hist Soc. a 248. 

« Bv J«^ LotArcp, A. M. in 8vo. 


MiAifTU2T2fOHOB* was the BOD of a chief called Masau, nephew of Cc 
cut, brother or brother-in-law to Mnigrdj] and brother of Ckoih. And, fion 
a manuacriptt among the papers of the late Dr. TrumbuUf it appears tliiC 
MoBsupj, or Mo8ipej§ and Camanaquojul^^ were also his brothera. 

^ This MkmtonimOj^ says Mr. Hiibheurd^ ^ was a very good personage, [that 
is, well made,] of tall stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as wdl 
as hau^ty in his designs.*^ 

As ^dy as 3 Auff. 1632, this chief came witli his wife to Boston, wtiere be 
staid two nights. lie was then known by the name of Mecumeh, While here 
he went to church with the English, and in the mean while, some of fa» men, 
twelve of whom had accompanied him, it si^oms, broke into a house, and 
committed a thefl, on 5 March. Complaint was made to the Englisih gov- 
ernor, who '^told the sachem of it, and widi some difficulty caused him to 
make one of liis sannaiis ** beat them.'' The autliors of the mischief were 
immediately sent out of town, but Miantunnomoh and the others, the g ov emor 
took to his house, ^ and made much of them.'^ff 

The English seem always to have been more favorably inclined towanls 
other tribes than to die Norraganscts, as appears from tlie stand they took m 
the wars between them and their enemies. And so long as other tnhes sm^ 
ceeded against them, tlie English were idle spectators; but whenever the 
scale turned in their favor, they were not slow to intercede. 

In the Life of Canonicusy die |>art Micmturmomoh exercised in the govern* 
ment of the great nation of the >iarragan9c'td is related. 

In 1634, Captains Stont and J^orion were killed by the Pequots, and in IflK 
Mr. John (Hdham^ by the Indians *^ near Block Island." .^ftanitmnoiRoA did ail 
in his power to assist in apprehending the murderers, and was at much psoDB 
and trouble in furnishing the English with farts relative thereto, from time to 
time. And when it vms told at Boston that there was a cessation of ho silllli BB 
between the Norraganscts and Pequots, Miantunnomoh was immediately Oi^ 
dered to appear there, which he did without delay, and agreed to assiBt them 
in a war against the Pequots ; without whose aid and concurrence, the F^w^giiafF 
would hanlly have dared to engage in a war against them at that time. 

Early in 1637, (March 21,) to show the govcnior of Massachusetts that be 
kept his promise of warring against the Pequots, Miantunnomoh sent him, Iff 
26 of his men, a Pcquot's hand and 40 fathom of wampom. The war wn 
them now conmienced, and though of short duration, destroyed them to saeh 
a degree, that they ap{)eared no more us a nation. One hundred of the Nai^ 
ragansets joined themselves with the English in its accomplishment, and re- 
ceived a {Mut of the prisoners as slaves for their ser>'iceH.t| When the war 
was over, Miantunnomoh still adhered to the English, and seized upon such 
of the Peauots as hu<l made their e«ca{)e from lionduge, and retumea them ID 
their English masters ; gave un to them his claim of Block Island, and other 

E laces wliere tlie English had found Petpiots, and which diey considered as 
Dlonging to them by right of conquest. 

About the same time, or in die coiin^e of the year 1638, troubles had grown 
to an alarming height between the Narragauscts and Mohegans, and, as usiul^ 

* This spelling is according lo WinUirop: we prefer Williamt's mcXhod, as more 
which is Jmantunnomu: but, having employed the former in our first edition^ it is n^amtA ^ 
this. It is, however, oftener written Myantonimo now, which only shows another m mma e ia - 
tion. The accent is usually upon the penultimate syllable. See Callender's C'enf. IXii- 
courte. page 1. 

tMSS. of R. Mllliama. * Now published in the Coll. Moms, Iltst. fibr. 

^Called also Cuttusquenckf or Sucquaneh, and Paticus ; that is, Pettanu. He " 
killed by the Mogul, [Mohawks.] in the wilderness, about 20 miles above Pisataqua, i 
travel eastward, m the time of tKe Indian wars, and other Indians with him, and 
by order of Major Waldron." S Coll. Mass. Ifist. Soc. 

deeds of gift. I say receaued by me. 

CooiiTAquAir ,^^ kU 

V Hut. New Eng. 446. ** A name the sachems gave their attendanta. 

tt IVinthroj/t Journal. XX Miantunnomch received eighty. Mather^g tUiaHtm, 9. 

Chap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH^LNTRIGUfiS tilri|^|||ldi ^ 138 

B/9gar fFttliama exercised all lus skill to regtgre tnuM|MBty. Many of the 
Pequots who had escaped the sword of the war of 1637, were among the 
Mouegans, and seem to have taken part with them against Mtantunmrndu 
They did this, no doubt, that the Mohegans might screen them from the 
EInnish, who were still seizing on all of that nation against whom they could 
fina any cause of suspicion of having been engaged in murdering the English, 
or in arms against them. 

J^Kantwimmoh, it is probable, had been ordered before the magistrates of 
Connecticut, to give some account of the Pequot refugees in the hands of the 
Mohegans, as weU as of those in his nation ; which may have been . a main 
cause of tb^ war they had now waged against him. For, when he set out for 
Hartford, he had a guard of "upwards of 150 men, and many sachems, and 
his wife and children." Mr. Wwmxm was with him, and strongly ursed him 
not to venture upon the ioumey, even with this force, because of the nostility 
of the Mohegans ; but the sachem would not be dissuaded, although he bad 
no doubt that the Mohegans and their Pequots were in great force not ftr off 
And while they were on their march, "about 660** or them fell umu the 
Wunuashowatuckoogs, a tribe under Canomcm^ where they conunitted exten- 
sive robberies, and destroyed " about 23 fields of com.'' 

Notwithstanding this great Mohegan army had prepared an ambush to 
intercept and cut off Maxdunnomokj and gave out a threat Uud (fuy wndd beU 
him in a keitUj yet he went to, and returned safe firom, Connecticut* 

On this occasion he discovers great bravery, if it border not too closely 
upon temerity ; for, when ffUliama urged him to retreat, they had peiformed 
half their journey, or about 50 miles ; and AEcuiiunnomok^B answer was, aAer 
holding a council with his chiefi, "that no man should turn back, resolving 
rather all to die." 

The Mohegan sachem, Unccu^ was at the same time ordered to appear at 
Hartford, to «ve an account of the Pequot warriors, or murderers, as the 
English called them, in his keeping, as well as to effect a reconciliation of 
difrerences between him and Jmanhmnomoh; but, instead of appearing, he 
sent a messenger, with word that he was lame and could not pome. The 
governor of Connecticut, Mr. Haynta^ at once saw through the ardfice, and 
observed that it vras a lamt excuse, and immediately sent for him to come 
without delay. 

Whether cured of his lamtnus or not before coming, we are not informed ; 
but, in a few days lUHer, the subtle sachem appeared, not daring to forfeit the 
friendship of the English, which, it seems, he preferred to hiding longer his 
guilty face from the presence of the magnanimous ^^caniunnomoh, 

Now before the Enffli^, UncoB was charged with the depredations, some 
of which were too w^ attested to admit of a denial, and others were dis- 
owned in part The inquiiy seems to have ended afler the parties were tired 
of it, without any advantage to the injured Narragansets, and we hear of no 
measures taken ror their relief. 

The next thing in order vnis a call upon Uncax for an account of the 
Pequots which he was sheltering, which resulted only in a new series of 
falsehoods from him. When he was requested to ^ve tneir names, he said Ae 
knew none of them, and thi^t there were but 20 in his dominions. Whereupon 
wimesses were called, whose testimonies proved, in his presence, that his 
statement was fidse. "Then he acknowlea^jed that he had 30." At length 
Mr. Homes dismissed him, with orders to bnn^ in their names in 10 day& or 
he would take those Indians by force out of his country. But, when mau' 
tunnomoh was called upon for the names of those with him, nothing was 

At this time, at the reouest of the English, Mianhmnomoh consented to lay 
aside all animosities, ana take Uneai by the hand. When he bad done thm, 
be urged Uncas to dine with him ; but the guilty aachem would not, though 
pressed by the English for some time to do so ; and thus aU efibrts to bring 
About a peace vankhed. f 


« CoU. R. I. Hist. Soc. iii. m. iAM. m- W, W. 


124 mAirrUNNOMOH sells AQUIDNICK. [Book n 

Rev. BfxiKad Qmixfli and his asBOciates purchased Shaomet, afterwwdi 
called Warwick, from the Earl of Warwick, of Mantvamomiki but, «■ 
Gwitm. could do nothing right in the eves of the Puritans of MassachuMtli^ 
Pymiwm WHS instigated to claim said tract of country; and, ahhoiudi « 
sachem under JUuzn^nnomoA,* did not hesitate, when supported by the Eqy- 
lish to assert his claim as chief sachem. And the ffovemment of MaflBBchu— 
setts, to give to their interference the appearance of disinterestedsefis, which it 
would seem, from their own vindication, they thought tliere was a chanee !■ 
doubt, ''Send foi> the foresaid sachems, Twho had complamed of Mr. Gortei 
and others, through the instigation of the English,] and upon examinatioD 
find, both by English and Indian testimony, that Miantonomo ^ras only « 
usurper, ana had no title to the foresaid lands." f This is asainst the tattl- 
raony of every record, and could no more have been believed tf^ than that 
Phhip was not sachem of Pokanoket In all cases of purchase, in thoaa 
times, the chief sachem's grant was valid, and maintained, in almost eveiy 
instance, by the purchaser or grantee. It was customary, generally, to niake 
the iniferior sachems, and sometimes all their men, presents, but it was by no 
means a law. The chief sachems often permitted those under them to 
dispose of lands also, without being called to account This was pre c iwiy 
the simation of things in the Warwick controversy-, of which we AaSk have 
occasion again to sp^, when we come to the life of Pumham. 

In March, 1638, Miantunnamoh, with four other sachems, sold to ffUHtsm 
Coddington and others, the island now called Rhode Island, also most of the 
others m Narrapmset bav, "for the full payment of 40 fathom of white peag: 
to be equally divided" between them. Hence Mianiunnomoh received e^S 
fiithom. He was to "have ten coats and twenty hoes to give to the present »- 
habitants, that they shall remove tliemselvcs from the island before next wintsr.* 

The deed of this purchase, a copy of which is in my possession, ii dated 
34th March, and runs thus: "We, Cammcas and Meantintmiej the two ddrf 
sachems of Naragansete, by virtue of our general command of this Baj. m 
also the particular subjecting of the dead sachems of Aquednick, Kilwka- 
' ^- mucknut, ttemselves and lands unto us, have sold unto Mr. CoddwgUm and 
his friends • • the great Island of Aquidnick, lying from hence [Provideneel 
^ggj^^i^i^ •• also the marshes, grass upon Qunnonigat and the rest of the 
islands in the bay, exccptmg Chabatewoce, formerly sold unto Mr. IFmflbwL 
the now Gov. of Mass. and Mr. ff'Uliams of Providence, also the mm 
upon the rivers and coves about Kitackamuckqui, and fit)m thence to ftn- 


*^ ** The mark of ^ Cononicus. 

The mark of @ Yot.nesh, [Otau^ 
brother of MiANTuzrifOMOH.] 

The mark of ^ Mea2«tinomib. 

The mark of , — > Asotamitet. 

The mark of v^^^ Meihammob, 

1. i_ ' T »r Canonicus hi» wmu 

i»ThiB witncsseth that I, franamaianametj the present sachem of the i«i"H t_ 

lig^ received five fathom of wampum and consent to tlie cont^ts. ""' 

Tlie mark of ^ Wanamatahai 
^Memorandum. I, OBtmtqwm^ freely consent" that they may <*inake 
^ ggxj grass or trees on the main land on Pocasicke side," havinip recei 
^ ftthom of wampum also. 

Tht mark of A OsAMEquwr. 

As late as 21 Sept 1638, the hand of Mianiunnomoh is set to an instninmL 
with that of Uncas. Said mstrument was a treaty of peace, a bond fiardli 
pBttling of difficulties between these two sachems and their men. ai^ ^ 

•"The law of the Indians in all America is, that the inferior sachems and subMeta 
^t and remove at the pleasure of the highest and supreme sachems." Roetrn^ 
^M^m^k^^* ^* °^*** ^ ******' commentary on the arbitrary proceeding of the eaM 

oo file, at the itale-hoaie, Botton. 

' 1 


obligation from both to appeal to the English when any difficulty should arise 
between them. This treaty was done at Hartford, the substance of which 

1st Peace and friendship is established between Miantunnomok ou the part 
of the Narragansets, and Poquim^ as Unctu was then sometimes called, on the 
part of the Mohegans. And all former injuries and wrongs to be forgiven, 
and never to be renewed. 

2(L Each of the sachems a^ree, ^that if there fall out injuries" from either 
side, they will not revenge mem, but that they will appeal to the English, 
whose decision shall stand ; and if either party refuse to submit, **• it shall be 
lawful for the English to compel him." 

3d. The sachenas further covenant with the English, that they nor none of 
their people shall harbor any Indians who shall be enemies to them, or shall 
have murdered any white f)eople. They further agree that they will, **as 
soon as they can, either bring the chief sachem of our late enemies the 
Peaquots, that had the chief himd in killing the English, to the sd English, or 
take of" his head. As to the "murders mat are now agreed upon amongst 
us that are living, they shall, as soon as they can possibly, take off their 

4th. And whereas it is agreed that there are now among the Narragansets 
and Mohegans, 200 Pequot men, besides squaws and papooses ; this article is 
to provide, that the Narragansets have enough of them to make up 80, with 
the 11 they have aheady, "and Po^ume his number, and that after they, the 
Peaquots, shall be divided as above, shall no more be called Peaquots, but 
Narragansets and Mohegans." They agree to pay for every sanop one fiithom 
of wampom, and for every youth half ss much — "and for every sanop 
papoose one hand to be paid at killing-time of com at Connecticut yearly, 
and shall not suflfer them for to live in the country that was fbrmerly theirs, 
but is now the English's. Neither shall the Narra^nsets or Mohegans 
any part of the Pequot country without leaue of them." 


John Haiites, MiAifTiifOMMT, •) ^'-' 

Roo'r Ludlow, PoquiAM, aixM Unkas. -|-" f 

Edw'rd Hopkins. '-% ^ 


The wife of Miantunnomok, named Wawaloam, was alive as late as 1661, ^t * "* 

as appears by an information which she gave, dated 25 June, concerning the ^V; "tj 

right of SoMo to sell the lands adjacent to Wecapaug. 

On a time previous to 1643, Roger fftUians delivered a discourse to some 
Indians at their residence, as he was passing through their country. AEan- 
ttmnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr. 
ffiiliama, being much fatigued, retired to rest, while Miantunnomok and others 
remained to converse upon what they had heard. One said to the chie^ 
" Our fathers have told us that our souls go to the south-west ; " Miantunno- 
mok rejoined, " How do you know your souls go to the south-west ? did you 
ever see a soul go that way ? " (Still he was ramer inclined to believe, as Mr. 
JFUliams had just said, that they went up to heaven or down to heU.) The 
other added, "When did he (meaning frUliama) ever see a soul go up to 
heaven or down to hell ? " 

We have given tlie above anecdote, which is thought a good illustration 
of the mind of man under the influence of a superstitious or prejudiced 

When it was reported, in 1640, that Miantunnomok was plotting to cut off . 
the English, as will be found mentioned in the account of ^mSgrd, and 
several English were sent to him in July, to know the truth of the matter, he 
would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter^ because he was then 
at war with that nation. In other respects he comphed with^ their wishes, 
and treated them respectfully, agreeing to come to Boston, for the gratification 
of the government, if they would allow Mr. fFUliams to accompany him. 
This they would not consent to, and yet he came, agreeably to iheir desires. 
We shall presently see who acted best the part of civilized meii in this affiur 


He had refusod to use a Pequot interpreter for good reasons, but when he wit 
at Boston, and surrounded by armea men, he was obliged to submit. '^'Tba 
^vemor being as resolute as he, refused to use any other interpreter, thinking 
It a dishonor to us to ffive so much way to them ! " The great wisdom of the 

fovemmcnt now displayed itself in the person of Governor Jliomas Dmtttgm 
t is not to be expected but that MiomJtwmomoh should resent their proceedfai^; 
for to the above insult they added otlicrs ; '' would show him no countenmM 
nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had 
acknowledged his failing, &c^ which he readily did.** * By their own foOyy 
tlie English had made themselves iealous of a powerful chie^ and they ap p ear 
ever ready afterwards to credit evil reports of him. 

That an independent chief should be obli^d to conform to tnmnloiT 
notions upon such an occasion, is absolutely ridiculous ; and the ju atne aa or 
the following remark from him was enough to have shamed good men inlD 
their senses. He said, ^ When your people come to me, they are permiited io mtt 
their oum faahionsj and I expect the same Uberty when I come to you." 

In 1642, Connecticut became very suspicious of Miantunnomohj and urged 
Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their fears no doubt grew 
out of the consideration of the proluible issue of a war with Uhca$ in Mi 
favor, which was now on the point of breaking out. Even Maasachiuetta did 
not think their suspicious well founded ; yet, according to their request, Acj 
sent to MiarUunnomoK, who, as usual, gave them satbfactory anewert^ an^ 
agreeably to their request, came again to Boston. Two days were emp l o y ctt 
by the court of Massachusetts in delil)erating with him, and we are a 
ished at tlie wisdom of the great chief, even as rei)orted by his enemies. 

That a simple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, shouhl i 
such acknowledgments as follow, from the civilized and wise, will always be 
contemplated with intense admiration. <<When he came," says H^tnAnfif 
''the court was assembled, and l>eforo his admission, we consicfered how to 
treat with him, for we knew him lo l>e a verv subtle man." When he WM 
admitted, ^ he was set down at the lower en(i of the tabln, over against the 
governor," but would not at any time speak upon business, unless some of Ui 
counsellors were present; saynig, ''he would have them present, that Aij 
might l>ear witness with him, at his return home, of all his sayings." Tin 
same autlior further says, "In all his answers he was very delilKSFate, and 
showed#good understanding m the principles of justice and equity, and 
ingenuity withal." 

He now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not establish th0l^ 
allegations, they ought to suffer what he expected to, if they did ; but ifai 
court said they knew of none ; that is, they knew not whom they were, and 
therefore gave no credit to the rc{K>rts until they had advised him accoidilig 
to a former agreement. He then said, " If you did not give credit to it, why 
then did you disarm the Indians?" Massachusetts having just then disaim i M 
some of the Merrimacks under some pretence. " He gave divers reasbni^* 
says Governor }Fin(hrop,\ "why we should hold him free of any such eon- 
spiracy, and why we should conceive it was a report raised by Uheagf iu, 
and therefore offered to meet Uncos, and would prove to Tiis face his treaehwr 
against the English, &C., and told us he wouUl come to us at any time," at 
though he said some had tried to dissuade him, saying that the Enfflish woidd 
put him to death, yet he feared nothiii<r, as he was innocent of tne c liaigM 
agamst him. I 

Tlie punishment due to those wlio had raised the accusations, bore hea^fy 
upon his breast, and " he put it to our consideration what damage it had beoi 
to him, in that he was forced to keep his men at home, and not sufier them to 
go forth on hunting, &c., till he had given the English satisfaction.** Alkff 
two days spent in talk, the council issued to the satisfaction of the Gnsiish. 

During the council, a table was set by itself for the Indians, which JHi 

*Wmthrof^t Joamal. t See book iii. chap. vii. 

tHerCf tKe reader may with propriety exclaim, was another Michad Servtiua ^-^^ r^m* 
auoy, Mtiteignewij fe denumae qut mon faulx accutcUettr toil puni poena talionif," Ac 



liMRomo^ appean not to have liked, and ** would not eat, until some food hod * 

been sent him from that of the governor's.'* 

That wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachusetts In her answer to 
Connecticut, must be acknowledged ; but, as justice to Mumhmnomoh abun- 
dantly demanded such decision, credit in this case is due only to them, as to 
him who does a good act because it was his interest so to do. They urged 
Connecticut not to commence war alone, << alleging how dishonorable it would 
be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty wiui the Indians, they should - '} 
make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing 
we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all as one ; and in our 
last message to Miantunnomohj had remembered him again of the same, and 
he had answered that he did so account u& Upon receipt of this our answer, 
they forbare to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwillingly, and as not well 

S leased with us." The main consideration which caused Massachusetts to 
ecide against war was, *<That all those informations [furnished by Connecti- 
cut] might arise from a false ground, and out of the enmity which was 
between the Narraganset and Mohigan " sachems. This was no doubt one 
of the real causes; and, had Mianhinnonu^ overcome UncaSy the Endish 
would, from policy, as gladly have leagued with him as with the latter ; mr it 
was constantly pleaded in thoae davs, that their safety must depend on a 
union with some of the most powerful tribes. 

There can be no doubt, on fahrly examining the case, that Uncas used many 
arts, to influence the English in his favor, and against his enemv. In tlie 
proffress of the war between the two ^reat chie&, the English acted precisely 
as Sie Indians have been always .said to do — stood aloof, and watched the 
scale of victory, determined to join the conquerors : and we will here dieress 
fbr a moment, to introduce a character, more fully to illustrate the cause of the 
operations of the En^ish against the chief of the Narragonsets. 

^^rdunnomoh had a wretched enemy in Waiandanct^ a Lons Island 
sachem, who had assisted in the destruction of the Pequots, at Uieir last 
retreat He revealed the plots and plans of ^RanJtmmomoh; and, says lAon 
Oardener, ** he told me many years ago," as all the plots of the Narragansets 
had been discovered, they now concluded to let the English alone until they 
had destroyed Uncas and himself, then, with the assistance of the Mohawks, 
''and Indians beyond the Dutch, and all the northern and eastern Indians, 
would easily destroy us, man and mother's son." 

Mr. Gcardener next relates that he met with Manturmomoh at Meanticut, 
Wdiandanct^B country, on the east end of Long Island. That Mianiunnomoh 
was there, as fVaiandance said, to break up the intercourse \vith those Indians. 
There were others with Miantunnomohj and what they said to ffaiandanee was 
as follows: — 

** You miut give no more wan^^um to the English, for they core no aachemB, nor 
none of their children ahall be tn their place if they die. They hove no uihuU 
given them. There is fru< one king in England, who is over them all, and if you 
should send him 100 fiOO fathom of wampum, he would not give you a knife for it, 
nor thank you,^ Then said fraiand€mcey *^ They will come and kill us all, as 
they did the Pequits;" but replied the Narragansets, ^'JVb, the Peauots gave 
them wampum and heaver^ which they loved so u}ell, hut they sent it them again, 
and kUled them because they had killed an Englishman; but you have killed none, 
thertfore give them nothing.^^ 

Some time after, Miantunnomoh went agdn, ** with a troop of men, to the 
same place, and, instead of receiving presents as formerly, he gave presents 
to Watandance and his people, and made the following speech : — 

''Brothers, we must be one as the English are, or we shall soon all be 
destroyed. You know our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, and our 
plains were full of deer and of turkeys, and our coves and nvers were full of 
fish. But, brothers, since these English have seized upon our country, they 
cut down the grass with scythes, and the trees with axes. Their cows and 
horses eat up the grass, and their hogs spoil our beds of clams ; and finafly 
we diall starve to death ! Therefore, stand not in your own liffhl^ I beseech 
you, but resolve with us to act like men. All the sachems bom to the east 
and west have joined with us, and we are all resolved to fidl upon them, at a 


day apuointed, and therefore I have come secretly to you, because ycni €■■ 
persuade the Indians to do what you will. Brothers, I ¥dU send over SO 
Indians to ManisMi and 30 to jou from thence, and take an 100 of 
Southampton Indians, with an 100 of your own here. And, when ^joa 
see the tnree fires that will be made at the end of 40 days hence, m 
clear night, tlicn act as we act, and the next day fall on and kill men, wo 
and children, but no cows ; they must be killed as wc need them for 
Tisions, till the deer come an^ain.'' 

To this speech all the old men said, " fFurrtgen,^ i. e. " It is weuu" But 
this great plot, if the account given by Waiandamct be true, was by him 
brought to the knowled^ of the English, and so failed. ** And the plotter," 
says Gardener, **• next spnne after, did as Ahab did at Ramoth-Gilead^— So he 
to Mohcgan,' and there had his fall.^f 

Capture and death of Miantannomoh, — ^The war brought on between UmooM 
and Miantunnomok was nut within the jurisdiction of the English, nor is h to 
be expected that they could with certainty determine the justness of its cauMi 
The broil had long existed, but the oixm rupture was brought on by Unau^ 
making war upon Se^tuusoUj one of the sachems under Miantunnomolu The 
English accounts say, (and we have no other,) that about 1000 warriors wen 
raised by Mantunnomokj who came u)K>n IJncas unprepared, having only 
about 400 men ; yet, after an obstinate l)attlc, in which many were kuled on 
both sides, the Narragansets were put to flight, and Miantunnomok takoi 
prisoner; that he endeavored to save himself by flight, but, having on aoott 
of mail, was known from the rest, and seized by two ) of his own men, ^9bo 
hoped by their treachery to save their own lives. Whereupon they imnie- 
diately delivered him up to the conqueror. Uncas slew them both inetandr; 
probably with his^)wn hnnd. This specimen of his bravery must have heda 
salutary efl^ect on all such as afterwards chanced to think of acting the |Mrt 
of traitors in their wars, at least among the Narragansets. 

The English of Rhode Island rather favored the cause of the Narraganaeli^ 
nor could a different course be ex{HM:ted of tliem, satisfied as they were, tfatt 
that nation were greatly wronged ; while, on the other hand, Connecticut end 
Massachusetts rather favored the Mohegans. That Miantunnomoh should not 
suffer in his person, in battles which, it was now seen, were inevitable, iSosipl 
Gorton furnished him with a heavy old English armor, or coat of mail ; and 
tliis, instead of being beneficial, as it was intended, proved the destruction of 
his friend. For, when a retreat Ix^came necessary, not being used to this kind 
of caparison, it both obstructed his efforts at resistance and his means of fligbL 
About 30 of his men were killed, and many more were wounded. 

Being brought before Uncos, lie remained without spraking a word, antQ 

be known as to what disposition should be made of him. 

The sorrowful part of the tule is yet to l)c told. The commissionen of dN 
United Colonies, having convened at Boston, ^ taking into serious considsn- 
tion, they say, what was safest and best to l>e done, were all of opinion thatil 
would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground fyem 
to put him to death.** § The awful design of ])utting to death their Jriend ibty 
had not yet fixed u))on ; but, calling to their aid in council **Jive of the mmI 
judicious elders,^ ^thev all agreed that he ought to he put to dedhJ* This mi 
the final decision ; and, to complete the deecPof darkness, secrecy nvas emoin- 
ed upon all. And their determination was to be made knovm to Mfltt 

* This goes to show that MiarUumwmah was not killed above Hartford, as Winthrep ilSMi} 
for the country at some distance from the mouth of Pequot River was called Mchegtau B 
probably included Windsor. 

tS CoU. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 155. 

tin the records, {Hazard, ii. 48,) but one person is mentioned as having taken 
mohf whose name was Tantoquexon ; and there he is called a Moheean captain. That 
fore the Narragansets tried to kill him ; came upon him once in the nif^t, and dr 
wounded him, as he lay in bis wigwam asleep. See note in the Life of mn^grcf. 

t Wmthrop, ii. 131. 


priTately, with direction that he should execute him within his own jurisdic- Wf 

tion, and without torture. 

From their own account of this affair, the English (of tjjpr United Colonies) 
stand condemned in the trial of time at the bar of history. It is allowed that 
Uncas had made war upon Sequassorij in July, 1643, and done himilnuch 
injury ; * and that, according to a previous agreement with the English, Mian- 
twrnomok had complained to the governor of Massachusetts of tne conduct 
of Uneas^ and had received answer from him, " that, if Uncas had done him ^ 
or his friends wrong, and would not give satis&ction, he was left to take his 
own course." No account is given that Sequasson had injured UncaSy but that 
Uncas **set upon Sequasson, and kiUed 7 or 8 of his men, wounded 13, burnt 
his wigwams, and carried away the booty." * 

We will now so to the record, which wiU enable u.^ to judge of the justness 
of this matter. When the English had determined that Uncas should execute 
Mianhmnomoh, Uncas vfBa ordered to be sent for to Hartford, <<with some 
considerable number of his best and trustiest men," to take him to a place for 
execution, ** carrying him into the next part of his oven ^vemment, and there 
put him to deatn: provided that some discreet and faithful persons of the 
English accompany them, and see the execution, for our more full satisfiu;- 
tion ; and that me tlng^ish meddle not with the head or body at all." f 

The commissioners at the same time ordered, *^ that Haitjord furnish Uncas 
with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fliry 
or assault, of the Nanohi^gunsetts or any other." And ^ that in case Uncas 
shall refuse to execute justice upon Mj/antenomoy that then MfOfUenomo be sent 
by sea to the Massachusetts, there to be kept in safe durance till the com- 
missioners may consider further how to dispose of him." f 

Here, then, we see fully developed the real state of the case. The Mohe- 
gans had, by accident, captured Miantunnomokj after which event, they were 
more in fear of his nation than before ; which proves, beyond doubt, that they 
would never have dared to put him to death, had they not been promised the 
protection of the English. 

No one can read this account without being reminded of the fate of Napa- 
Uon, We do not say that the English of New England dreaded the power 
of Jiiianiunnomoh as much as those of Old England did that of JVapoleon 
afterwards; but that both were sacrificed in consequence of the fears of^ those 
into whose power the fortune of wars cast them, will not, we presume, be 

When the determination of the commissioners and elders was made known 
to UncaSf he ** readily undertook the execution, and taking Miantunnomoh 
along with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor, (where Uncas 
hath some men dwell,) Uncaa^ brother, following after J^Kantunnomohj clave 
his head with an hatchet." t Mother &bli^ they **very fairly cut off his 
head." § 

Dr. TrwnhviO, \ records an account of cannibalism, at this time, which we 
ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no doubt 
rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to 'transfer even the transac« ^ 

tions of one continent to another, which is this : — *^ Uncas cut out a large piece 
of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph ; " saying, ^ < it was the sweetest 
meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.^ "IF 

• Hubbard, N. E. 460. t Records of the U. Colonies. 

X WinOvrop^g JouraaJ, ii. 134. As to the place of ARanhmnomoh's execution, Wbtifuyp 
seems to have been in a mistake. It is not very likely that he was taken in the opposite 
direction, from Uncart own country, as Windsor was from Hartford. It is also unlikely that 
Uncas had mm dwell so far from his country upon the Thames. 

A gentleman who lately visited his sepulchre, says the wandering Indians have made a 
heap of stones upon his ffrave. It is a well>known custom of the race, to add to a roona- 
mental pile of the d ead whenever they pass by it. See 3 CM. Matt. Hitt. 8oe, Hi. 136. and 
Jefferton't Notet. 07 Some wretchiealy ignorant neighbors t6 this sacred pile (whites, of 
coarse) have, not long sinee, taken stonra from it to make wall ! but enough remau to mark 
the spot. It is in the east part of Norwich. Collt. Ibid. , 

f Magnalia. J| History of Connecticut^ i. 136. 

iT That this is tradition, may be inferred from tne circumstance of an emhtenUy obscure 
writer's pubUshing nearly the same story, which he says, in his book, took place upon toe 


We are now certain that what Dr. TVumMitf has given us as tUMfuefltioiiable 
history, from a ^ maDuscript of Mr. Hydt^ is only tradition. Haying been pal 
in possession of a copy of that manuscript,* we deem it highly important nat 
it should be laid before the world, that its true weight may be considered hf 
all who would be correctly informed in tliis important transactioD. , 

By way of preliminary to his communication, Mr. Hydt says, ^The fcXism^ 
ing facts l>eing conununicated to me from some of the ancient ftthen of As 
town, who were contemporary with Uncas^ &c. **• That before the settlei 
of Norwich, the sachem of the Narra^nsct tril)e [.AfumdnifioiiioA] bad a 
sonal quarrel with Uncasy and proclaimed war with the Moheg[an1a: 
marrheid with an army of 900 nchting men, equipped with bows ana ai 
and hatchets. UncoB be[in^] hitormed by spies of their march towarda Ui 
scat, Unca8 called his ^'amors together, about 600, stout, hard men. light of 
foot, and skilled hi tlie use of the bow ; and, upon a conference, TlntmB loU 
his men that it would not do to let y Narragansets come to their town, but 
they must ffo and meet them. Accordingly, thev marched, and about Am 
miles, on a Targe plain, the armi(?s met, and both lialted within bow-ahot. A 
parley was sounded, and gallnut Uncos proposed a conference witb the Nana* 
ganset sachem, who agreed. And being met, Unca» saith to his enenny woidM 
to this effect : * You have goi a number of brave men wUh you, and $o Aoae i 
Jtfd a a pity that such brave men should be killed for a quarrel bdween yon md 
If Otdy come like a man, as you pretend to be, and vfe wUlJiM U cnL ITj** 
km me, my men shall be yours ; but if I kill you, your men sfum be fnsne.' Umb 
which the Narraganset sachem rpplied : ^Jijfy men came to fighJ^ and Aey mB 

^ Thicas having l)efore told his men, tlint if his enemy should leAne to fight 
him, he would fall down, and then they were to discharge their atliflciy 
[nrrowR] on them, and fall right on them as fast as they could ;** thia hm 
done, and the Mnhegans rushed \\\\cm. MiantunnomoKs army ''like lioni^" poi 
them to flight, and killed '^a nunilN?r on the spot." They ** pursued the ntt. 
driving some do^\ii ledges of n)ck8.'* The foremost of I/ncosV men gol 
ahead of Miantunnomoh, and unpeded his flight, drawing -him back as dMf 
passed him, ** to give Uncos opportiuiity to take him himself." 

''In the pursuit, at a place now chilled Sachem^s Plainj Uneas took hiaifaf 
the shoulder. He then set down, knowing Uncas, Uncos then gave a whoom 
and his men rptunie<l to him ; and in n council then held, 'twas concluded hf 
them, that Uncos, with a giianl, sli<>u1<l carry said sachem to Hartford, to dw 
governor and magistrates, (it lx>ing before the charter,) to advise what they 
should do ii\ith him.** " Uncos was told by them, ns there was no war win 
the English and Narra^nsets, it was not pro}>er for them to intermeddle^ ia 
the affair, and advised nun to take his own wny. Accordingly, they broudt 
said Narraganset sachem back to the same s{>ot of ground where he was took: 
where Unccu killed hun, and cut out a large piece of his shoulder, roastady 
and eat it; and said, 'A was the sioeetesi meel\ he ever eat; U made himkmt 
strong hart,* There they bury him, and made a pillar, which I have aeen bnt 
a ft*w years since." 

This communication was in the form of a letter, and dated at Nor«ncK9 
Oct. 1769, and signed Richard Hide, llie just remark of Mr. Ely upon ill 
cannot withhold, in justice to my subject. 

"The above ^Manuscript of Mr. Hyde,* as a //Yr/fition, is a valuable papfff 
and worthy of presen-ation ; yet, \mns written 125 years after the ewwi 
which it describes, it is surprising tlint Dr. TVumbuU should have Inaeitedi^ 
in his History of Connecticut, in its principal particulars, as matter of fteL*t 

In the proceedings of the commissioners of the United Coloniea, the mn 

death of Philip. Oneko, he sa\'R, rut out a pound of Philip's bleeding body uid ■!• ^ 
The iMxik is by onf Henry Tntmhtill, and purports to be a history of the discovery of Aath 
ica, tho Indian wan,. Slc. The reader will Hnd it about stalls by tlw street-aide, but rai^a 
a respectable hook-store. It has been forced through many edilicMis, but there is iotm • 
word of true history in it. 

* lU' Rev. H^m. JS/y, of Connectictit. 

t Irumlwll says meai, but the MS. is plain, and means meal. 

\ Maauseript letter, 1 Mar. 1833. 


&ct8 in reference to the death of Mianiunnomtikf contained in the above ^ 

account, are corrobonted. The records of the commissioners say, that UncoBj * * " 

before the battle, told Man^nnomohj that he had many ways sought his life, ^ ; 
and now, if he dared, he would fight him in single comMtt ; but that Jkfum- 
tunnomohf ** presuming upon his numbers of men, would have nothing but a 
battle," • 

It does not appear from these records, that Uncas had any idea of putting 
ManhmnonuA to death, but to extort a great price from his countrymen, for 
his ransom. That a large amount in wamoum was collected for this purpose, 
appears certain ; but, before it was paid, Unctu received the decision of the 
English, and then pretended that he nad made no such agreement, or that the 

auantity or auality was not as agreed upon, as will more at length be seen in 
le life of ifncoB, 

NINIGRET was often called Ninkrafl^ and sometimes N'entkancA^^ JVIni- 
ghtd^ NtntgeUU ; and his name was written almost as many other ways as 
times mentioned, by some early writers. Jananol was the first name by 
which he was known to the English. He was ^nerally stjried sachem of the 
Nianticks, a tribe of the Narragansets, whose pnncipal residence was at We- 
kapaug, now Westerly, in Rhode Island. He was cousin to Miantunnomaky § 
and is commonly mentioned in history as the chief sachem of the Nianticks, 
which always made a part of the great nation of the Narragansets. Mnigret 
married a sister of Cathauxuihdt^ otherwise called Harmon Garrd^ who was 
bis uncle. 

The relation in which the Nianticks stood to the Narragansets is plain, fit)m 
the representation given by Maniimnomok to the government of Massachu- 
setts in 1642. In treating with him, at that time. Governor ffitUhrop says, 
^ Some difilcult^ we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had iust 
cause of war with theoL They were,** he said, ** as his own flesh, bein^ aUied 
bv continual intermarriages, Sec, But at last he condescended, that if they 
should do us wrong, as he could not draw them to give us satis&ction for, nor 
himself could sati^, as if it were for blood, &c. then he would leave diem 
to us." 

On the 12 July, 1637, Ayanemo^ as his name was written by Governor 
Wmthrop at this time, came to Boston with 17 men. The objects of his vint 
being stated to the governor, he promised him an answer the next day ; but 
the governor, understanding meanwhile, that he had received many of the 
Pequots, who had taken refuge in his countiy after theu* defeat at Mjrstic, first 
demanded their delivery to the English, ^/tntgrd was very loath to comply 
with the demand ; but, finding he could get no answer to his propositions 
without, he consented to give up the Pequots, after a day^s consideration. 
The governor shortly after dismissed him, with instructions to treat with the 
English captains then in the Pequot country. 

On the 9 Mar. 1638, ** AKcmturmomok came to Boston. The governor, 
deputy and treasurer treated with him, and they parted upon fair terms." 
^We gave liim leave 'to tifht himself for the wrongs which Janemoh and 
JFequash Cook had done him ; and, for the wrong they had done us, we 
would right ourselves, in our own time." || Hence, it appears that, at this 
period, they were not so closely allied as th^ were afterwards. 

The next year, Janemo was complained of^b^ the Long Island Indians, who 
paid tribute to the English, that he had conmutted some robberies upon them. 
Captain Mason was sent fit)m Connecticut with seven men to require satis&c- 
tion. Janemo went immediately to the English, and the matter vnis amicably 
settled. II 

When it was rumored that J^^Rantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the 

* See Hazard's Historical Collections; ii. 7, 10. 

t So written by Refer WilUams. 

X Mr. Prince, in his edition of HubbartPs Narrative, probably mistook Wudhrm's MS., 
and wrote Aganemo instead of Ayatutno. See the edition 1775, of Nar. p. 40, and Wtnthropf 
Jour. i. 232. 

f Prince says he was umlt to Mkmitmnomohy {Chronology, ii. 59.) bat that could nd 

Kve been. 

I H^uKAmpV Joumal, L 243. iribid.L267. 


Engllfih, and umng his endeavors to unite other tribes in the enterprise^ the 
English sent deputies to him, to learn the truth of the report, as Yfill oe faand 
elsewhere fully stated. The deputies were well satisfied with the carriage of 
J^Kcmtunnomoh ; but, tliey say, ^Janemoh, the Niautick sachem, carried himnlf 
proudly, and refused to come to us, or to yield to any thing ; only, he Btadf be 
would not hann ils, except we invaded him." * Thus we cannot but ibnn n 
exalted opinion of JMtnifrret, in the person of Janemo. 

A Dutch and Indian war raged at this time, and was conducted widi 
unrelenting barbarity by the former {mrty. It grew out of a single murdo; 
an Indian having killed a Dutchman in a drunken frolic. The murderer wm 
immediately demanded, but could not In? obtained ; and the governor wm 
wrged to retaliate, and oflen called upon to take revenge. He waived Ae 
subject^ foreseeing, no doubt, that reUiliation was a bad course to pursue ftr 
satisfaction, especially with Indians. However, it soon happenea that the 
Mohawks fell upon tliosc Indians, killed al)out 90 of them, and the rest fled 
their country ; many of whom sought ])rot(.'ction from the Dutch themsdvHL 
Some evil-minded perfM)ns now thought to revenge themselves on then 
Indians, without the danger of suffering from resistance. It is reported tfasi 
an inhuman monster, named Marine, a Dutch captain, obtainecl the consent of 
the govenior to kill as many of them as he pleosi^d ; and, acting under tbit 
authority, surprised and murden;d 70 or 80 of them, men, women, snd 
children. No sooner was this blow of assassination struck, than the Indim 
flew to their amis, and U^gan hostilities of the same kind ; and, with siaeh 
fiiry wos their onsi.>t made, that thoy cut off 20 ]>orsons or more, before dtt 
alarm could spread ; and tliey were soon nuLSton^ of their settlements, and the 
Dutch were confined to their fort. Ry employuig Captain UnderhiU^ h owcw i , 
an experienced English oHicer in the Indian wars, and some others of the 
English, the Dutch wei-e enabled to maintain their ground ; and, fbrtunHdf, 
soon afVer, Roger Williains accidentally arrived then*, through whose medisdoa 
a peace was effecteil, and an end was put to a bloody war. This JUbrtnc^ who 
was the principal cause of it, (]uarrelled with the governor, on account ii \m 
employing Underhill instead of him, and even attempted his life on die 
account of it. He presented a pistol at his breast, which, being turned aeide 
by a bystander, the governor's life wos prt^servwi. A sen-ant of JUorMi 
then dischorgtMl a gun at the governor, but missing him, one of the go ver uort 
guard shot tlie S4.>rvunt dead, and Marine, wns made prisoner, and fbrthwidi 
sent into Holland. fVilliatns, having l)een denied a passage through N. E^ 
land by the Itiw of Imnislimrnt, was forced to take })assage for England stN. 
York in a Dutch ship, by way of Holland; and this was the reason of Ui 
being there in the time of this war. 

Before this war was brought to u vhw. Captain Undtrkill, with his comp s sy 
of Dutch and English, killed about 300 Indians on the main, and 120 moracs 
Long Island. The Dutch governor's employing the English was chsiged 
upon liiih OS a "plot'' to engagt? the English m his quarrel with the Indnai; 
^ which," says frinlhrop,^ ** we had wholly de<*lined, as doubting of the juadee 
of the cause." 

It was about the beginnhig of this war, Sept. l(>4d, that " the Indians kifled 
and drove away all the I'^ngJish " on the coast, from Manhattan to Stamfoi^ 
the extent of the Dutch claim to the eastwanl. They then passed over" li 
Lone Island, and there assaulted the LnslyMoodev in her house divers times;' 
but siie, having about 40 n^en at her place at ttiat time, was able to de ftri 
herself. ^ These Indians at the same time," continues ffinthrop^X **t^ npoB 
the Dutch witli an implacable fur\', and killed all they could come by,Mi 
burnt their houses, and killed their cattle without any resistance, so as tis 
governor and such as escaped, l>etook themselves to their fort at ModImM^ 
and there lived and eat up their cattle." 

Among the English peo{)le who were murdered when this war began, tm 
a Mrs. .mn HutcMnsonj from whom was descended the historian of Haiii* 
chusettB. She, having given offence to the Puritans of die Bay stats^ {■ 
Massachusetts was then called,) by her peculiar religious notions, to ■nil 

♦ Wbtihrop's Journal, ii. 8. f Ibid. ii. 167. X Ibid. iL 436. 


Chap. IV.] NINIGRET.— MOHEoImJ IjjrML 133 

persecution, fled first to Rhode Island, and afterwards to the Dutch posses- 
sion s, not far beyond Stamford. This was in 1642L When the Indians 
broke up the setdements there, in Sept 1643, they fell upon the family of 
this woman, killed her, a Mr. CoUinSj her son-in-law, and all her &mily ex- 
cept one daughter eight years old, whom they carried into captivity, and such 
of^two other fiunilies, Throckmorton and GomkUPa, as were at home; in 
all 16 persons. They then collected their cattle into the houses and set 
thorn on fire and burned them alive ! A greater slaughter would have been 
made at this time and place, but for the arrival of a boat while the tragedy 
was acting, into which several women and children escaped. But two of 
the boat's crew were killed in their humane exertions to save these distressed 
people. The daughter of Mrs. Hutchifuon remained a prisoner four years, 
when she was deUvered to the Dutch governor at New York, who restored 
her to her friends. She had forgotten her native languag«4^d was unwilling 
to be token from the Indians. This governor, with a kindness not to be for- 
gotten, sent a vessel into Connecticut River, where its captain contrived 
to get several Pequots on board, whom he sepured as prisoners. He then 
informed their friends, that theywould not be set at liberty until the captive 
girl was delivered to him. This had the desired effect, and she wbb 
accordingly rescued. 

Notwithstanding a peace was brought about in the manner before stated, 

et it was of short duration, and the sparks of war which had for a short time 
aid hid in its own embers, was by sordid spirits fanned again into a flame. 
The series of murderous acts which followed, are nowhere recorded within 
mjT researches, but an end was not put to it until 1646. It ended in a san- 
guinary battle at Strickland's Plain, near what is since Horse Neck in New 
York, about 37 miles from the cit^. The numbers engaged on each side are 
Dot known, nor the numbers slam, but their graves are still pointed out to 
the curious traveller. 

To return to our more inunediate subject 

We hear little ofj^lnifret until after trie death of ManiunnomoK In 1644, 
the Narragansets and Nianticks united against the Mohegans, and for some 
time obliged Uncas to confine himself and men to his fort 

This aSair probably took place early in the spring, and we have elsewhere 
given all the particulars of it, both authentic and traditionary. It appears, 
by a letter from Tho, Pdera^ addressed to Governor ffintkrop^ written about 
the time, that there had been some hard fighting; and that the Mohegans 
had been severely beaten by the Narranmsets. Mr. Peters writes: — 

**I, with your son, [John Winthrop of Con J were at Uncas* fort, where 1 
dressed seventeen men, and lefl plasters to dress seventeen more, who were 
wounded in Uncas* brother's wigwam before we came. Two captains and 
one common soldier were buried, and since we came thence two captains 
and one common man more, are dead also, most of which are woundea with 
bullets. Uncas and his brother told me, the Narragansets had 30 guns which 
won tliem the day, else would not care a rush for them. They drew Uncai 
forces out by a wile, of 40 appearing only, but a thousand [lay hid] in am- 
bush, who pursued Uncas* men into their own land, where the battle was 
fought vario marte^ till God put firesh spirit into the Moheamies, and so drave 
the Narragansets back again." So it seems that Unceu haa been taken in his 
own play. Tho letter goes on: — ^"'Twould pity your hearts to see them 
njncas* men] lie, like so many new circumcised Sechemites, in their blood. 
8ir, whatever information you have, I dare boldly say, the Narragansets first 
lirake the contract they made with the Engli^ last year, for I helped to cure 
one Tanii^uieson, a Moheague captain, who first fingered [laid hands on] 
MiantinomM. Some cunning squaws of Narraganset led two of them to 
Taniiqtdeson^s wigwam, where, in the night, they struck him on the breast 
through the coat with an hatchet, and hiul he not fenced it with his arm, no 
hope could be had of his life," &c. * 

^ ^ The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /. Malhar,\ ** not to sufl^ 
him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (thpugh for his 

• WuHhrop^s Jour. u. 980, 381. f Rdadon, 58. 



own ends,) approved himself faithful to the Enfflish from time to tune." Ad 
army was accordingly raised for the relief of Uncaa. *^ But as they wvn 
hist marching out of Boston, many of the principal Narraganset Indianfl, vk. 
PtMecua, Mexano, * and ffitawash, sagamores, and Atecuequin^ deputy for the 
Nianticks ; these, with a large train, C4unc to Boston, suing for peace, being 
willing to submit to what tenns the English should see cause to impon 
upon them. It was demanded of them, that they should defray the chaf^ges 
they )iad put the English to, f aud that the sachems should send their Bons 
to be kept as hostages in the hands of the English, until such tuue as die 
money should be paid.** After remarking that from this time the Narragan- 
sets harbored venom in their hearts against the English, Mr. Afcdhar pro- 
ceeds: — ^^In the first place, they endeavored to play legerdemain in their 
sending hostages ; for, uistead of sachems* children, they thought to send 
some other, and to make the English believe that those base papooBtt were 
of a roval progeny ; but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to be 
so eluded. AJler tlie expected hostages were in the hands of the Euglidi, 
the Narragansets, notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of 
what they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial dischai^ of 
the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they liecame more backwud 
than formerly, until tliev were, by hostile preparations, amn and agUD 
terrified into better obedience. At last, Capt JHhaUmy of Dorchester, wis 
sent with a small party | of 20 English soldiers to demand what was due. 
He at first entered into the wigwam, where old Nvnigrtt resided, whh okAj 
two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two sr 
three dropping in at once ; when his small company ii\'ere come about hJint Ae 
Indians in the mean time supposing that there had been many more ^Mthin^i^ 
he caught the sachem by the hair of his he^ and setting a pistol to hb 
breast, protesting whoever escaped he should sively die, if he did not fbftk- 
with comply with what wiis required. Hereupon a great trembling sad 
consternation surprised the Indians ; all)cit, multitudes of them were then 
present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. The event 
was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed."} Tlii^it 
must be confessed, was a high-honded proceeding. 

**Some space afler that, ATntgrfi was raising new trouble against q% 
amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedv sending qi 
of Capt Davis, witli a party of horse to reduce him to the former peeM^ 
who, upon the news of the captain's approach, was put into such a psnie 
fear, that he durst not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captam, til 
secured of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yielded to his mesnse, 
about which he was sent from the Bay. To which he freely coiisentib|^ ntt 
Btonn was graciously blown over." || 

Thus having, through those extracts, summiu-ily glanced at some prominest 
passages in tlie life ot A'Sni^rtt, we will now go morc^ into particulars^ 

The case of the Narrngansets, at the ]>enod of the treaty before spokiea eC 
had become rather desp(;nite ; two years having passed since they agreed to 
pay 2000 fathom of ^good white wampum," as a remuneration ibr the 
trouble and damage tliev had caused the English and Mohegana, and thej 
were now pressed to fulfil their engagements. Ntmgret, then called Jmmw»t 
was not at Boston at that time, but Aumsaamien was his deputy, and sined 
the treaty then made, with Pe$$aciL8 and otliers. At their meeting, in Jal^, 
1647, Pesgacus and others, chiefs of the Narragansets and Nianticiki^ 

* The editor of Johnson** Wonder-working Providence, in Call. Matt. Hist, 8oe. HHtet 
great mistake in uoling tbu chief as Mianlvnnomoh. Mriksah, Mi xan m o , JHeilta, ibt^m 
names of the same person, who was the eldest son of Canoniau. After the death of Ins Ms, 
be was chief sachem of the Narraransets. He married sf sister of Nmi^rtt, who wai "a 
woman of great power/' and no other than the famous Quaiapmf at one Ume called Z*^' 
tuck, from which, probably, was derived Magnus. By some writers mistaking hin fiv 
tunnamt^if an error has spread, that has occasioned much confusion in aecoimta of their j 

t A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscripi Narrative of the Ber. T 
Cobhet.yfhich places the affair in 1645. 

t MS. document among our state paptrs. 

i Relation of the Troubles. Slc., 4io, 1677. || CcdMs MS. NsrrmtiTe. 

•: • 

Cbaf. IV.] NnnGRET^MOHEGAN ^M|H|V£RSY. 135 

seDt to by the Elngliah commisaionerB, as will tNrxbund in the life ofPesiocus. 
BeiDf warned to come to Boston, Puaacuay not being willing to get any fur- 
ther into trouble l^ beins obliged to sign whatever articles the Eoc^sh might 
draw up, feioned hims^ sick, and told the messengers he had agreed to 
leave all the business to ^mgreL This seems to have been well understood, 
and we shall next see with what grace Mnigrd acted his part with the com- 
missioners, at Boston* Their record runs thus : — 

^August 3d, [1647,] JS/ln^ratij with some of the Nvantick Indians and two 
ofPtsiad^B men, came to £)6ton, and desiring Mr. John fFuUkrop^ that came 
from Pequatt plantation, might be present, they were admitted. The com- 
missioners asked ^negraU for whom he came, whither as a publick person 
on the behalf of Peasaek^a and the rest of the Narragansets' confederates, or 
only for himself as a particular sagamore ? He at first answered that he had 
spoke with Pesaack, but had no such commission from him ; " and said there 
had not been so good an understanding between them as he desired ; but, 
from Mr. Winihrop^a testimony, and the answer Tfioa. Stanton and BmetHd 
Arnold brought firom PeaaaaUj and also the testimony of Ptaaaeua^ two men, 
''it appeared to the commissioners that whatever fbrmalitv might be wanting 
in PtaaadCa expressions to NimtgraUy yet Peaaadc had fullv eneaged himself 
to stand to whatsoever Mnegrait should conclude." Therefore they pro- 
ceeded to demaiHl of him why the wampum had not been paid, and why the 
covenant had not been observed in other particulars. JS/tmgret pretended he 
did not know what covenants had been made. He was then reminded that 
his deputy executed the covenant, and that a copy was carried into his coun- 
try, and his ignorance of it was no excuse for nun) for Mr. WUliama was at 
all times ready to explain it, if he had taken the pains to request it of him. 
^ There ^uld, therefore, be no truth in his answere." 

JVlnigret next demanded, ** For what are the Narraganaeta to pay ao much 
uampumf I know not thai they are indebted to the Engliah!^ Tne commis- 
akmers then repeated the old charges — the breach of covenant, ill treating 
messengers, and what he had said himself to the English messengers, namely, 
that he knew the En^ish would try to bring about a peace at tbeir meetin|^ at 
Hartford, but he was resolved on war, nor would he inquire who began it — 
diat if the Elnglish did not withdraw their men from assisting Uncaaj he would 
kill them and meir cattle, 6lc According to the liecords of the commissioners, 
Mnigret did not deny these charges with a very ^food face. He said, however^ 
their messengers provoked him to say what he did. 

In order to waive the criminating discourse, ^/tnigret called for documents; 
or wished the English to make a statement of their account against him, that 
he might know ** how the reckoninge stood.** The English answered, that 
tKey had receiyed of Peaaacua, 170 fathom of wammim at one time : — ^After- 
wards acme kehUa and about 15 fathom more, ''which beinge a contemptible 
aome, was refused." As to the kettles, they said, " llie Narraganset messen- 
gers had sould them to Mr. Shrimpton,^ a brasier in Boston," for a shilling a 
pound. Their weight was 285 Iba^ (not altogether so contemptible as one 
might be led to imagine,) which came to ]4£. SS^ and the wampum to 4£. 4^. 
6(2. t Of the amount in Mr. Shrimpton*a hands, the mSssengers took up 1£, 
probably to defray tlieir necessary expenses while at Boston. The remamder 
an Englishman attached to satisfy " for goods stollen fipom him by a Narragan- 
set ludfian." 

Mmgret said the attachment viras not valid, " fbr that neither the ketttos nor 
wampum did bek>nge to Pesaaeka himself^ nor to the Indian that had stoHen 
the goods," and therefore must be deducted firom the amount now due. , "The 
commissioners thought it not fit to press the attachment," but reckonisd the 
ketdes and wampum at 70 fiuhom, and aeknowledj^ed the receipt of 240 
ftthom, [in all,] besides a parcel sent by Mmgrd himself to the governor; 
and though this was sent as a present, yet, as it was not accepted by the 
governor, they left it to Mnigret to say whether it should be now so con-. 

* Samuel fi^Hmptow^jprobably, who bought a hoose and laadt of Bphraim Turner, brasier, ^ 

flitnated in Bofton, in 1671. 
t H«iM 4£. 4i. 6rf. -7- 16 »ik. Tfrf. » vakie of a fitthoB of waiapim in 16«7. 


sidercd, or whether it should be taken in [wyment of the debt Mnigrd aud 
tiie governor should do as he pleased about it. It was then inquired bow 
mucn he had sent ; (it beiu^ de])osited in Cutshamokin^a hands, as we hmn 
elsewhere stated ;) he said lie had sent 30 Hulioin of l)lack, and 45 of white, id 
value together 105 fathom. Cuishamokin was sent for to state what he had 
received in trust He had produced two irirdles, " witli a string of wampum^ 
all which himself rated at 45 fathom, alnnning he had received do mote, 
except 89. which he had used, and would reimy." He was brought before 
Nintgrd and questioned, 9s there ap]>can>d u great difference in their ~~ 

counts. ''He at first jiersisted,^ says our record, ''and added to bis Ivea, hut 
was at lost convinced [confronted] by Aniigre/, and his messengers who then 
brought the present, and besides Cutshamokin had sent him at the same tiaie 
10 fathom as a present also.** It 8tiH rema'med to be settled, whether this 
^umpum should be received as n part of the debt, or as a preaeDt; aod 
JS/lnigret was urged to say how it should be. With great magnanimity he 
answered : — 

**My tongue shall not belie my heart. JFhether the debt be paid or noij I «»- 
tended it as a present to the governor.^ 

It is unpleasant to contrast the characters of the two chiefs, CStMamokm 
and Nxnigretf because the former had long had the advantage of a ciYiliaed 
neighborhood, and the latter was from the depths of the forest, wliere he aaw 
an Englishman but seldom. We could say much upon it ; but, as it ii 
tliought by many that such disquisitions are unprofitable, we decline goiDg 
into Uiem here. 

What we have related seems to have finished the business of the day, and 
doubtless the shades of night were very welcome to Cutshamokifu The Deit 
day, Ninigrei came into court, with the deputies of PessacuSj and ap^o to the 
following effect : — 

"Before I came here I expected the bunlen had been thrown upcm me. 
Pessaeus not having done what he agrce<l to do. However, I have coD«derea 

rn the treaty of 1645, and am n^iolved to (^ive the English satisfactioD id 
thinj^ I will send some of mv men immediately to Narraganset and 
NianticK, to raise the wampum now clue to them, and hope to hear what they 
will do in three days. In ten days I think the wampum will arnve, and I 
will stay here until it comes. 'I will uM this to the Narracanset confedeiateii 
But if there should not enough at this time Ik; rais(>d, 1 desire some fbihear- 
ance as to time, as I assure you that the remainder shall be shortly paid, aDd 
you shall see me true to llie English, honci.'forth." 

This speech gave tlie commissioners great siuisfaction, and they proceeded 
to other business. 

The messengers sent out by JStnigret did not return so soon as waa ex- 
pected ; hut, on the IC August, notice was pivrn of their arrival ; aadly, 
however, to tijc disappointment of tin* commissioners, for they brought onw 
200 fatliom of wampum. Tlie f(M>lings of the court were somewhat changed, 
and they rather sternly demanded " what the n'oson was, that, so much being 
due, so little was broi^ht, and from whom this 200 fathom came." ATmgrrt 
answered that he was disap])ointed that more had not l)een brought, hut aaid, 
if he had l)een at home, more would have l)een obtained : that lOO fathom 
was sent by Pessaeus, and the other 100 by his people. 

Tlie commissioners say, that, "not thinking it me<>t to begin a present war, 
if satisfaction, (though with a little forl)earance, may Im? had odierwisc,)" told 
JVtni^jjfrrf, that, since he had said the wampum would have been fathered and 
paid jf he had Lieen at homo himself, tliey would now give him 20 days to go 
and get it in ; and, if he could not procure enough by 500 fatliom, still thcT 
would not molest him until " next spring planting time.*^ That, as so much 
was still due, they would reckon the pn!S<;nt l)efore mentioned ; but, if thej 
did not bring 1000 fathom in twenty days, the commissioners would send no 
more messengers into his country, "but take course to right themselveai* 
That, if tliey were " forced to seek satisfaction by arms, he and his confede- 
rates must not expect to make their })eace, as lately they had done, by a Utde 
wampimi. In the mean time, tliough for breach o^ covenants they might put 
their hostages to death, yet the commissioners would forthwith deliver tbe 


children to Mn^rd,* expecting from bim the more care to see engage* 
ments fully satisfi^ And, if they find him real in his performance, they will 
charge ail former neglects upon Ptssaais^ and ^ in such case they expect 
from Ninigrtt his best assistance, when he shall be required to recover the 
whole remainder from him. All which JSISnigrd cheerfully accepted, and 
promised to perform accordingly." 

Notwithstanding all their promises, the Narragansets had not discharged 
their debt at the end of two years more, though in that time they had paid 
about 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, 1649, at Boston, 
"the commissioners were minded of the continued complaint of Uncas^ 
against the Narragansets, that they were "still vndermining his peace and 
seeking his ruine,^ and had lately endeavored " to bring in the Mowhaukes 
vppon him,** which failing, they next tried to take away his life by witchcraft 
A Nturaganset Indian, named Cuttoouui, " in an English vessel, in Mohegan 
River, ran a sword into his breast, wnerby bee receeved, to all appearance, a 
mortal wound, which murthenis acte the assalant then confessed bee was, fbi 
a considerable sum of wampum, by the Narragansett and Nianticke sachems, 
hired to attempt." 

Meanwhile Ninigrd^ understanding what was to be ui^ed against him, 
appeared suddenly at Boston before the commissioners. The old catalogue 
of delinquencies was read over to him, with several new ones appended. As 
it respected Cuitaquin^a attempt upon the life of Uncos, Ninigrtt said that 
neither he nor Pessacua had any nand in it, but that "he [Outtamdn] was 
drawn thereunto by torture from the Mohegans ; " " but he was told, that the 
assailant, before he came into the hands of the Mohegans, presently after the 
fact was committed, layed the charge upon him, with the rest, which he 
confirmed, the dav following, to Capt Mason, in the presence of the English 
that were in the bark with him, and oflen reiterated it at Hartford, though 
flince he hath denied it : that he was presented to Uncas under the notion of 
one appertaining to Vsscanupdny whereby he was acknowledged as his friend, 
and no provocation given bun." CxMaquin had affirmed, it was said, that his 
desperate condition caused bun to attempt the life of Uncas, " through his 
creat engagement to the said sachems, having received a considerable quan- 
tity of wampum, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken away 
his life." 

The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and we next 
find them engaged in settling the old account of wampum. J^nigret had 
got the commissioners debited more than they at first were willing to allow. 
They say that it appeared by the auditor's account, that no more man 1529i 
fathom hath been credited, " nor could JSIxniffrtt by any evidence make any 
more to appear, only he alleged that about 600 fathom was paid by measure 
which he accounted by tale, wherein there was considerable difference. The 
commissioners, not willing to adhere to any strict terms in that particular, 
(and though by agreement it was to be paid by measure and not by tale,) 
were willing to allow 62 fathom and half in that respect, so that tliere remains 
due 408 fathom. But Ninigrtt persisting in his former affirmation, and not 
endeavoring to give any reasonable satisfiiction to ttie commissioners in the 
premises, a smaU inconsiderable parcel of beaver being all that was tendered 
to them, though they understood he was better provided." They therefore 
gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that he 
might go his own way, as they were determined to protect Unca^ according 
to meir treaty with him* 

The commissioners now expressed the opinion among themselvei, that 
afiSiirs looked rather turbulent, and advised that each colony should hold itself 
in readiness to act as circumstances might require, " which they the rather 
present to consideration^ from an information they received since their sitting, 
of a marriage shortly intended betwixt Nimgrtvs daughter, and a brother or 
brother's son of SoMoquas, the malignant, furious Pequot, whereby probably 

* Glad, no doubt, to rid themselves of the expense of keeping them ; for it must be remem* 
bered, that the Engtish took them upon the condition that they should fopport them at their 

12 • 


their aims are to gather together, and reunite tlie scattered conquered Fe* 
quatcs into one bcMy, and set them up again as a distinct nation, which hath 
always been witnessed against by the English, and may hazard the peace 
of the colonies.** 

The four years next succeeding are full of events, but as they happened 
chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very difficult to learn the particu- 
lars. ^rUgrd claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long Island, as 
did his pr^ecessors; but those Indians, seeuig the English domineering 
over the Narragansets, became altogether independent of them, and even 
waged wars upon them. 

Mscassasotick was at tliis period the chief of those Indians, a warlike and 
courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was brave. These 
islanders had, from the time of the Pequot troubles, been protected by the 
English, which much increased their insolence. Not only had ATntgre^ and 
the rest of the Narragansets, suffered from his insults, but the Mohegans had 
also, as we shall more fully make appear hereafter. 

When the English commissioners had met at Hartford in 1650, Unau 
came with a complaint to them, ''that the Mohansick sachem, in LoQff 
Island, had killed som of his men ; bewitched diners others and himself 
also," which was doubtless as true as were most of his charges against the 
Narragansets, ^and desired the commissioners that hee might be righted 
therin. But because the said sachem of Long Island was not there tor an« 
swer for himself," several Englishmen were appointed to examine into it^ 
and if they found him guilty to let him know that they ^ will bring trouUo 
upon themselves." 

At the same meeting an order was passed, " that 20 men well armed Iw 
sent out of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts to Pessiau^ to demand the 
said wampum, fthen in arrears,] which is 308 fathom ; " but in case they 
could not get the wampum, they were ordered ^ to take the same, or the 
vallew therof, in the best and most suitable goods they can find." Or, if 
thev could not find enou^ to satisfy all demands, they were ordered to sens 
and ^ bring away either /'eMfrcuj or his children, or such other considerable 
sachem or persons, as they prize, and may more probably bow them to 

From PessactUf they were ordered to go to JVini^t, and inform him.thst 
the conunissioners had heard ** that he had given h*s dau^kt^r iu marriage to 
Sasecos Ma brother, %oho gathers Pequots under him, as if either he would hirom§ 
their aachenif or again possess the Pequot country,^ which was contrary to 
^ engagements," and what they would not allow, and he must inform tnem 
whether it were so. To inform him also that Wtquash Cook *' complains of 
sundry wrongs." And that, as to his hunting in the Pequot country, to inform 
him he had no right to do so, as tliat countir belonged to the English. The 
termination of this expedition, in which Jnnigrct was taken " by the hair,* 
has been previously mentioned in our extract from Dr. Mather, 

Wo have in the life of J^RarUunnomoh given some account of the acts of » 
chief called Waiandance^ especially relating to the disorganization of the 
plans of that great chief. We come, in this place, to a parallel act in reUtioD 
to NimigreL About a year after the death of J^Rardunnamoh, Ninigrtt under- 
took to orpanize a plan for expatriating the English ; and sent a messeng;er 
to WcMjmdanee^ the Long Island sachem, to engage him in it. Instead of 
listening to his message, Waitmdanee seized upon JS/inigret^s messengeri 
bound him, and sent him to Captam Gardener at Saybrook fort From thence 
he was sent, under a gaerd of 10 men, for Hartford. But they were wind- 
bound in their passsAe, and were obliged to put in to Shelter Island, where 
an old sachem Uvea, who was fVaiandanee^s elder brother. Here they lei 
Mngrefs ambassador escape, and thus he had knowledge that his plan wu 
discovered and overthrown. 

Since we have faMsre introduced the sachem Waiandancey we will add the 
account of his last acts and death. One JKilUam Hammond being killed <^bT 
agiant-like Indian" near New York, about 1637, Captain Gardener told 
Wma n da n ee that he must kill that Indian ; but this beinff agamst the advice 
of the greet sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told the captain that that 


Indian was a miglitjr great man, and no man dared meddle with him, and 
that he had man^^ friends. Some time after, he killed another, one Thonuu 
I\xrnngUmj and in the mean time, Wa%andanct*B brother having died, he 
undertook hie execution, which he accomplished. This was liis last act in 
the service of the Enfflish ; ^ for in the time of a great mortality among them, 
he died, but it was by poison ; also two-thirds of the Indians upon Long 
Island died, else the Narragansets had not made such havoc here as they 

JVTntgrrf passed the winter of 1652 — 3 among the Dutch of New York. 
This caused the English great suspicion, especially as they were enemies to 
the Dutch at that time ; and several sagamores who resided near the Dutch 
had reported that the Dutch governor was trying to hire them to cut off the 
Englisu ; consequently, there was a special meeting of the English commis- 
sioners at Boston, in April, 1653, occasioned by a rumor that the Narragansets 
had leagued with the Dutch to break up the English settlements. Where- 
upon a letter was scut b^ them to their agent at Narraganset, Thmnaa SUtntan^ 
containing *^ divers quenes," by him to be interpreted ^ to JVinegreUj Pessictu 
and Mteksam, three of the chiefest Narraganset sachems," and their answers 
to be immediately obtained and reported to the commissioners. 

The questions to be jnit to the sachems were, in substance, as follows: — 
1. Whether the Dutch had engaged them* to fight against the English. — 
3. Whether the Dutch governor did not endeavor such a conspiracy. — 
9L Whether they had not received arms and munitions of war from the 
Dutch.— 4. What other Indians are engaged in tlie plot. — 5. Whetfier, con- 

nto their engagement, they were resolved to fight against the En^ish. — 
they are so resolved, wfuU they think the Eng^iah wUl do. — 7. Whether 
thej had not better be true to the English. — 8. Similar to the first — 9. What 
trere their grounds of war against the English. — 10. Whether they had not 
better come or send messengers to treat with the English. — 11. Whether they 
had hired the Mohawks to help them. 

''The answare of the sachems, viz. Mnigrett, Pesaecus and Aftxam, vnto the 
queries and letters sent by the messengers, Saijeant WaiU and Sarjeant John 
Barrdlj the 18th of the second month, 1653." 

Msxam seems to have been the first that answered ; and of the first query 
he said: — 

**! speak unfeignedly, from my heart, and say, without dissimulation, that I 
know of no such plot against the English, my friends ; implicating either the 
Dutch governor or any other person. Though I be poor, it is not goods, 
suns, powder nor shot, that shall draw me to such a plot as this against the 
Kngliab, my friends, f If the Dutch governor had made known any such 
intention to me, I would have told it, without delay, to the English, my 
IHends. With respect to your second question, I answer, Ab. What do the 
Snglish sachems, my friends, think of us.^— do they think we should prefer 
gOMS, guns, powder and shot, before our lives? our means of living? bodi 
of UB and ours ? As to the 4th query, I speak from my heart, and say, 1 know 
of no such plot by the Dutch governor. There may come false news and 
feports against us; let them say what thev will, they are false. It is un- 
ncco B Mu y to say more. But in answer to the 10th auery I will say, It is just 
mewe ngerB should be sent to treat with the English sachems, but as for 
myself I am old, and cannot travel two days together, but a man shall be sent 
to speak with the safchems. I have sent to Air. SmUk, and FoUt his man, 
Id speak to Mr. Brown, and to say to him, that I love the Enfflish sachems, 
md all Englishmen in the Bay : And desire Mr. Bnnm to teU the sachems 

* Tbe third person fingular, he, is used throughout, in the original, as it was supposed by 
the nropoonders that each chief would be questioned separately. 

t Every one most be forcibly reminded of the answer given by one of our revohitionary 
wwthies, JoMeph Reed, Esq., to a British a^ent, on reading this answer of the chief Mesam, 
tbotwh not under circumstances exactly similar. Mr. Reed was promised a fortnse if bs 
woino exert Inmself on the side of the king. Viewing it in the lint of a bribe, be repUed < 
"lam noi w&rthmirehasing, hut, tueh om I am, the king of Great Br^am is nc* rich enot^ 
$0 db U," Dr. Cfordomfi America, iii. ITS. ed. London, 4 vols. 8vo. 1788. 

% Va llenlim fFMAMtn, so mterpmier, elsewhere oanied. 


of the Bav, that the child that is now born, or that is to be bom in time to 
come, shaU see no war made by us against the English." 

PtsBocus spoke to this puxpose : — 

** I am vervthaukful to these two men that came from the Massachusetts^ 
and to you Thomas^ and to you Polly* and to you Mr. Smiihy jo\i that are 
come so &r as from the Bay to bring us this message, and to mform us of 
these things we knew not of before. As for the governor of tlie Dutch, we 
are loath to invent any falsehood of him, though we be fur from him, to please 
the English, or any others that bring these reports. For what I speak with 
my mouth I speak from my heart. The Dutch governor did never propound 
any such thing unto us. Do vou think we are mad? and that we have 
forgotten our writing tliat we had in the Bay, which doth bind us to the 
English, our friends, in a way of friendship? Shall we throw away that 
writing and ourselves too ? Have we not reason in us? How can the Dutch 
shelter us, being so remote, a^iust the power of the English, our friends — 
we living close by the doors of the Englisn, our friends? We do profess, we 
abhor such things." 

Lasdy, we come to the chief actor in this affair, Ninxgrtt, He takes tip 
each query in order, and answers it ; wliich, for brevity^s sake, we will ^ve in 
a little more condensed form, omitting nothing, however, that can m any 
degree add to our acquaintance with the great chief. He thus commences i—^ 

^ I utterly deny that there has been any agreement made between the Dutch 

g>vemor and myself, to fight against the English. I did never hear the 
utchmen sa^ they would go and fight against the English ; neither did I 
hear the Indians say they would join with them. But, while I was there at 
the Indian wi^ams, there came some Indians that told me there was a ship 
come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch were fighting 
together in their own country, and there were several other ships coming witE 
ammunition to fight against the English here, and that there would be a ^p:«at 
blow given to tlie English when they came. But this I had from the Induuu^ 
and how true it Is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong the English have 
done me, therefore wht should I fight against them ? Why do the English 
sachems ask me the same questions over and over again ? Do they think we 
are mad — and would, for a few guns and swords, sell our lives, and the lives 
of our wives and children ? As to their tenth question, it being indifrerently 
spoken, whether I may go or send, tliougli I know nothing myself, wherein I 
have wronged the English, to prevent mt going ; yet, as I said before, it beinc 
left to my choice, that is, it being indifferent to the conunissioners, whether 1 
will send some one to speak with them, I will send." f 

To the letters which the English measencers carried to the sachems, Mexam 
and Pessacus said, ** fFe desire there may be no mistake, htt that we tncaf he 
understood, and that there may be a true understanding on both sides. We itsirt 
to know where you had this netps, that there was suck a league made betwixt Iht 
Dutch and us, and also to know our accusers." 

JS/lnigret, though of the most importance in this aflTair, is last mentioned in 
the records, and his answer to the letter brought him by the messengers is as 
follows : — 

** You are kuidly welcome to us, and I kindly thank the sachems of Massa- 
chusetts that they should think of me as one of the sachems wortliy to be 
inquired of concerning this matter. Had any of the other sachems been at 
the Dutch, I should have feared their fblly might have done some hurt, one 
way or other, but thei have not been there, /am the man. I have been 
there myself. I alone am answerable for what I have done. And, as I have 
ah-eady declared, I do utterly deny and protest tliat I know of no such plot as 
has b^n apprehended. What is the story of these great nimors that I hear at 
Pocatocke— that I should be cut ofl^ and that the.English had a quarrel against 

* So printed in Hazard f but probably means the same as Voll; V, in the latter case, 
been taken for P. We have known such instances. 

t The preceding sentence of our text, the author of ToUm of the Indians thinks, " would 
nnsle the most mystifying politician of modem times/' Indeed! What! a Phuaddphia 
uuByert Really, we cannot conceive that it ought in the least to puzzle even a Botimt 
katyer. If ajwrnexistany when, wcappiefaeiraitisinsomefiiyflVV^^*^ 


me? I know of no such cause at all for my part Is it because 1 went 
thither to take physic for my health ? or what is the cause ? I found no such 
eDtcrtainment from the Dutch governor, when I was there, as to give mc any 
encouragement to stir me up to such a league against the English, my friends. 
It was winter time, and I stood, a great part of a winter day, knocking at 
the governor's door, and he would neither open it, nor suficr others to open 
it, to let me in. I was not wont to find such carriage from the English, my 

Not lon^ after the return of the English messexiffers, who brought the above 
relation of their mission, Atoaahaw arrived at Hoston, as '*tnessenger " of 
Mnifirdy Pesaacus^ and Mexam, with ^ three or four ^ others. An inquisition 
was mimediately held over him, and, from his cro95-examination, we gather 
the following answers : — 

*^^lniffret told me that he went to the Dutch to be cured of his disease, 
hearing were was a Frenchman ttiere that could cure him ; and Mr. John 
ffwthrop knew of his going. He carriecl 30 fathom of wampum, save the 
doctor 10, and the Dutch governor 15, who, in lieu thereof^ gave hun coats 
with sleeves, but not one gun, though the Indians there gave him two guns. 
That, while Nimrrti was there, he crossed Hudson's River, and there an 
Indian told him about the arrival of the Dutch ships. As to the com sent to 
the Dutch by Ninifrdy it was only to pay his passage, the Dutch having 
brought him home m a vessel Five men went with T^mgrtL Four came 
home with him in tlie vessel, and one came by land before. One of his 
company was a Mohegan, and one a Conecticott Indian, who lived on the 
other side of Hudson's River. A canoe was furnished with 60 fathom of 
wampum, after JMlnigreVs return from Monhatoes, to be sent there to pay for 
the two guns, but six fathom of it was to have been paid to the doctor, which 
was then due to him. There were in it, also, two raccoon coats, and two 
beaver skins, and seven Indians to go with it They and the canoe were 
captured by Vhcas.^ 

An Indian named ^ ^etocom-MatiaeSf sometimes of Rhode Island," waa 
one that accompanied Awashaw. ''One John Lightfoot, of Boston," said 
Mahaea told him, m Dutch, fhe had lived among them at Southhold, and 
learned their language,) that the Dutchmen would *^ cut off" the English of 
Long Island. **jYewcom also confesseth [to him] that JVlnimt said that he 
heera that some ships were to come from Holland to the Monhattoes to cut off 
tbe English." ^ That an Indian told him that the Dutch would come asainst 
the English, and cut them off, but they would save the women and chndren 
and guns, for themselves. But CapL Simkina and the said Lightfoot do both 
afBrm that the said JVetocom told them that the Dutchmen told hum, as before 
[stated,] though ho now puts it off, and saith an Indian told hun so." Simkina 
affirmed also that Ntwcom told him that if he would go and serve the Dutch, 
ther would give him £100 a year. 

On examining Newcom, the commissioners gave it as their opinion that he 
was guilty of perfidy, and that they should not have let him escape without 
puniiuunent, but for his being considered as an ambassador. They, there- 
rore, desired Awaahaw to inform Niniertt of it, that he might send him to 
them again, ^ the better to clear himself." This we apprehend was not done. 
Awaahmo next notified the court that he had not done with them, **^ where- 
upon he was sent for to speak what he had further to propound." He de- 
manded how they came by their information '^ of all these things touching 
Aln^Tvi." They said from several Indians, pcaimdaHy **^ the Monheage In- 
dian and the Narraganset Indian, which were both taken by Uncaa his men, 
who had confessed the plot before Mr. Hainea at Hartford." Awaahaw also 
demanded restitution of the wampum taken by Uncos. The commissioners 
told him that they had not as yet understood of the truth of that action, but 
when they had thoroughly examined it, he should have an anawer. 

So, all this legislating was about JS/inigrefa going to the Dutch ; for as to a 
plot there appears no evidence of any ; but when Uncaa had conunitted a 
fnai depredation upon Mnigret, why — ^ that altered the case "—they must 
inquire into it, which doubtless was all right so far ; but if a like complaint 


had been preferred against JVini^d by UncaSn we have reason to think it 
would have been forthwith ^ inquu^d into," at least, without an if, 

A story, it cannot be called evidence, told by Uncos, relating to NimgrffM 
\isit to the Dutch, is recorded by the commissioners, and which, if it amount 
to auy thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is indeed an acknowledgment 
of his own perfidy in taking JSfinigrtfa boat and goods, as charged by wAmh 
shjaw. It is as follows : — 

" Uncos, the Mohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. Hain^ house at Hartibn^ 
and informed him Siat JSImnigreU, sachem of the Niantick Narraganoetti^ 
went this winter to the Monhatoes " and made a league with the Dutch sor* 
emor, and for a larffe present of wampum received 20 guns and a great Doz 
of powder and biulets. Niniffrd told him of the great injuries he had 
sustained from Utums and the English. That on the other side of Hudson'^ 
River, JSImigrtt had a conference with a great many Indian sagamores, and 
desired their aid to cut off the Mohegans and English. Also, that, about two 
years since, Nimgrd ^sent to the Mouheage sachem, and gave him a present 
of wumpum, pressing him to procure a man skilful in magic workings, and 
an artist in poisoning, and send unto him ; and he should receive more one 
hundredth fathom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the 
Monheage sachem, and tlie powaugh at the return of him that was to bril^^ 
tiie poison. Uncos liaviue intelligence of these things, caused a nairoiT 
watcn to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons ; and 
accordingly took them returning in a canoe to tlie number of seven: m^iereof- 
four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pec[uatt This was 
done in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haints^t Conecticott, and cairied 
by those of his men that took them to Mohegan. Being ther€ examined, two 
of them, the [Wampeage*] sachem's brother, and one Narraganset freely con- 
fessed the whole plot formerly expressed, and that one of their company was 
ttiat powaugh and prisoner, ()ointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a 
rage slew hun, fearmg, as he said, least he should make an escape, or odier- 
wise do either mischief to Uncos or the Enghsh, in case they should canr 
him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And 
being brought to Conecticott before Mr. HaineSj and examined, did assert 
these particulars.'' 

An Indian squaw also informed ^ an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the 
Dutch and Indians generally were " confederating to cut off the English, and 
that election day, [1654,] was the time set, ^* because then it is appreh^ided 
the plantations will be lefl naked and unable to defend themselves, the streufftb 
of the English colonies being gathered from die several towns. And oie 
aforesaid squaw advised the said inhabitants to acquaint the rest of the Eng- 
lish with it, desiring they would remember how dear their slighting of her 
fonner information of the Pcquots coming upon the English cost them."! 

It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that something 
had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about ^ cutting off the 
Euglisli,'' which justice to Nimgrd requires us to state, might have been the 
case widiout his knowledge or participation. For, the testimony of the mes- 
senffers of **nine Indian sagamores who live about the Monhatoes" no liow 
im^icates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into account, any more than 

*^ See declaration onward in the records, (Haz. ii. 222.) 

t Referring to an aflalr of 1637; which Dr. /. MaUier relates as follows : " In the interan, 
[while Capt. Mason was protecting- Saybrook fort,] many of the Pcquods went to a place 
now calico WeihersJUld on Connecticut River, and having confederated with the Indiani of 
that place, (as it was generally thought^) they laid in ambush for the English people of Ikat 
place, and divers of mem going to their labor in a large field adjoining to the town, were aet 
upon by the Indians. Nine of the English were slain upon the place, and some horses, aad 
two young women were taken captive.- ' Relation of the Troubles, &.c. 26. — Dr. Dru mkmU 
says this happened in April. Hist. Con. i. 77. 

there, and bad set down his wigwam, 

EngUsb drove him away by force. And hence it was supposed that he had plotted ' 
dfliiincUoo, as above related, with the Pequots. 


what an Indian named Rormessoke told JS/teholcu Tanner, as intorpreted by 
another Indian called Mdam ; the latter, though relating to JVtnigrd'9 visit, 
WBB only a hearsay afiair. Ronneswke was a sagamore of Long Island. 

Mdam also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Poioanegtj ** who 
■aith he came from the Indians who dwell over tlie river, over against tlie 
Monhatoe& where the plot is a working, that was this : tliat the Dutchmen 
asked the Indians whether they would leave tliem at the last cast, or stand up 
with them. And told the Indians they should fear nothing, and not be dis- 
couraffed because the plot was discovered," &c. 

Mdam the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, "this spring [1653, 
O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aurania, [since Albany,! ana first 
went to a place called Ackicksaek, [Ilackinsack,] a great place of Lmians, from 
tbcnce to Monnesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opinions, thence to Warranoke, 
thence to Fort Aurauia: And so for he went m his own person. From 
thence he sent to Pocomtock, [Decrfield, on the Connecticut,] and he carried 
with him many note of sewan, that is, bags of wampum, and delivered them 
to the sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute tliem amonsst their 
men ; and withal he carried powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns ; and told them 
lie would get all the great Indians under him, and the English should have the 
■cum of the Indians, and he would have tliose sagamores with their men to 
cat off* the English, and to be at his command whenever he had use of them, 
and he was to find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Further, 
he sent one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsey, on Long Island, to Afxttanahomj 
the ngamore, to assist him and to do for him what he would have [him] do : 
But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with it : vvliereupon 
Govert gave the sagamore a ^eat kettle to be silent. j\manaham told him he 
had Imt 20 men, and the En^ish had never done him wrong, [and] he had no 
caim to fight against them. Further, he soith tliat JSlnnef^nU, the fiscal,* and 
the Dutch governor wero up two days in a close room, with otiier sagamores ; 
aud there was no speaking with any of tliem except when they came for a coal 
of fire, f or the like. And much sewan was seen at that time in Mnnegrdt 
hand, and he carried none away with him ; " and that RonneB»eoke told him tha^ 
the governor bid him fly for his life, for the plot was now discovered. 

Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that JVinigrd was plotting against 
the English, there is none. That he was in a room to avoid company, while 
his physician was attending him, is very probable. 

In a long letter, dated 2Gth May, 165^ which ttie governor of New Amster- 
dam, PeUr Stwfveiant, wrote to the English, is the rollowing passage : — ** It is 
in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about January, there came a 
Miange Indian from the north, called JS/tnnigrett^ commander of the Narragan- 
aetfl. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John ffinthrop. Upon which 
pass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to 
be cured and healed ; and if^ upon the other side of the river, there hath been 
any assembly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not 

Erit] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where 
hath been for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians 
with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us unknown : 
only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are false 
imotts, and (eiffned informations.** 

The war with Mcaas^tic, of which we shall give all the particulars in our 
POflacMJon, was tiie next ofTuir of any considerable moment in the life of 

In 1654, the government of Rhode Island conmiunicated to Massachusetts, 
that the last sununer, Ninigrtt, without any cause, <* that he doth so much as 
allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributaries," and 
killed many of them, and took others prisoners, and would not restore them. 
^ Thia summer he hath made two assaults upon them ; in one whereof he 
kiDed a noon and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and within 

* A Dutch officer, whose duty is similar to that of treasurer arooof the English. 

t To lifffat their iMpeiy doubUeos the Dutch agreeing well, in the particular of mckiag. 


one of their townships ; and another Indian, that kept the cows of the Eng- 
lish.*' He had drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Connecticut 
and Hudson Rivers, w^lio rendezvoused upon Winthrop's Island, where they 
killed some of his cattle.* This war hegan in 1653, and continued ** severel 

years."! ^ 

The coinniissioners of the United Colonies seemed hlind to all coroplaintB 

against Uncos; but the Narragansets were watched and harassed without 
ceasing. Wherever wc meet with an unpublished document of those timee^ 
the fact is very apoarcnt. The chief of the writers of the history of that 
period copy from the records of the United Colonies, which accounts for 
their making out a good case for tlie F^nglish and Mohegans. The spirit 
which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only 
refer my readers to the case of Miantunnonwh. Desperate errors require 
others, ofVentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small compared 
with the magnitude of the last! It is all along discoverable, that those 
venerable records arc made uj) from one kind of evidence, and that when a 
Narraganset appeared in his own defence, so many of his enemies stood 
ready to give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contra- 
dict or parley with tlietn ; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for history. 
The long-silenced and borac-do\ni friend of the Indians of MoosehausicJ no 
longer sleeps. Amidst liis toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in 
their defence ; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now 
awaking at the voice of day. 

When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Nar- 
ragansets, because the^ had had difficulties and wars with ^scassasdtie, as we 
have related, Mr. fVUlmms expwssed his views of the matter in a letter to the 
governor of Massiichusetts as follows : — ** The cause and root of all the present 
mischiefs is the pride of two \mr\mrmns^ Jlscassasdtick, the Long Island sachem, 
and JSTerukunai of the Narigenset. The former is proud and foolish, the latter 
is proud and fierce. 1 have not seen him these many years, yet, from their 
sober men, I hear he pleads, 1st. that Ascassasotick, a very inferior sachem, 
(bearing himself upon the English,) hath slain three or four of his people. 
and since that sent him challenges and. darings to fight and mend liimsdC 
2d. He, JV*<meA:iina/, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the Eng- 
lish governors, Maj. Endiwtf then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him 
an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English 
have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. Afler he had taken revenge upon the 
Long Lslanders, and brought away about 14 captives, (divers of them chief 
women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the 
English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending 
to visit JSTenekunat at lilock Island, slaughtere<l of his Narragansets near 90 
persons, at midnight ; tvvo of them of great note, especially IVtpittammod^M 
son, to whom J^enekunai was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, 
although he had drawn dovni the inlanders to his assistance, yet, upon pro- 
testation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his 

The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being 
entirely engaged in the cause of the j)raying Indians ; but yet we occ^isionally 
meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the 
proceedings of Uncos, and his friends the commissioners : 

" The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so fur as by the Ihjsi and most credible in- 
telligence, I have understood, pres«*utcd to the honored general court, [of Mas- 
sachusetts,] 1. Uncos his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, 
and slew eight persons, and .carried captive twenty-four women and children. 
2. Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts goveniment, by being the 
subjects of JosiasA 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and 
magistrates. 4. They were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission 
to Capt. Denisony [of Stonington,] to demand these captives. 5. Uncos bm 

* Manuscript documents. f Wood's Hist. Long Island. t Providfince. 

& From the original letter ^ in manuscriplf among the files in our state-houso 
f Son of Ckikataulna. 

Crap. IV.] NINIGRET. 145 

answer was, (as I heard,^ insolent 6. Tbey did not only abuse the women 

Sfilthiness, out have, since this demand, sold away (as I hear) Some or all 
those captives. 7. The poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to 
do. 8. You were pleased to tell tliem, you would present it to the free court, 
and tbey should expect their answer from them, which they now wait for. 
d. Nhuerofty yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of this 
matter.*' • 

This memorial is dated 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot ; from 
which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed 
by the haughtv Uneas, And yet, if lie were caused to make remuneration in 
any way, we do not fii^d any account of it. 

In 1660, ** the general court of Connecticut did, by their letters directed to 
the commissioners of the other colonies, this last summer, represent an 
intolerable affront done by the Narragauset Indians, and the same was now 
complained of by the English living at a new plantation at Mohegan, viz : 
that some Indians did, in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into 
an Eni^iah house, and fired the same ; wherein five Englishmen were asleep. 
Of which insolency the Narraganset sachems have so far taken notice, as to 
aend a slight excuse by Maj. •MerUm, tliat they did neither consent to nor 
allow of such practices, but make no tender of satLsfaction.** f But thev 
aaked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next session, at which 
time they gave them to understand that satisfaction should be made. This 
eould not nave been other than a reasonable request, but it was not granted ; 
and messengers were forthwith ordered to ** repair to Mnigretj Pessieua^ 
Woquaeanoosty and the rest of the Narraganset sachems," to demand ^ at least 
four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And in case 
tbey should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wampum. 
Tbey were directed, in particular, to ^ charge Ninxgnt with breach of cove- 
nant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by Alaj. WHlard^ six years 
unce, not to invade the Long Island Indians ; and [that they] do account the 
auipiisin^ the Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them, 
to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman act" 
^ese are only a few of the most prominent cliarges, and five hundred and 
ninety-five | mtlioms of wampum was the prict demanded for them ; and ^ the 
general court of Connecticut is desired and empowered to send a convenient 
company of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the 
oune aoove said, and the charges of recovering the same ; and in case the 
persons be delivered, they shall be Rcnt to Barbadoes," § and sold for slaves. 

It appears that the force sent by Connecticut could not collect the wanipum, 
DOT secure the ofilenders ; but for the payment, condescended to take a mortgage 
of all the Narraganset country, with the provision that it sliould bo void, if it 
were paid in four months. Quissoquus, || JVeneglud^ and Scutiupf ^ signed the 

^/Mgrd did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip's w^ar. 
Dr. Maiher** calls him an ^old crafly sachem, who had witli some of his men 
withdrawn himself from the rest" He must at this time have been ^* an old 
aacbom," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as 16312. 

Although Mnigret was not personally engaged in PhUip^s war, still he 
muBt have sufiered considerably from it ; ouien being obliged to send his 
people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at otlier times 
to aopear himselL On 10 Sept 1675, eight of his men came as ambassadors 
to fioston, "having a certificate from Capt Smiihf^\j who owned a large 

* Mcanucrijii ttaU paper. f Record of the United Colonies, in Hazard. 

% The additional ninety-five was for another offence, viz. '* for the insolencies eommitted at 
Mr. BrtmtUn'tf in killing an Indian servant at Mrs. Brewster's feet, to her great afifightmenly 
nad slMlinc corn, dec., and other affronts.'' Hazardf ii. 433. 

4 Reeorai of tne United Colonics, in Hazard. 

f The same called Quequegunentf the son of Magnus. Neweom and Awadiart wwa 
winienet. The deed itself may be seen on file among our 8taU Papers. 

f Grandson of Canomcus. son of Magnus, and brother of Q,ue(rueguntnt . 

•• Brief Hiirtory, SO. 

tt Captain Eiaard Smith, probably, who settled quite early in that coontiy. We find 
has tbare 15 /Mil beibra this. 



estate in Narraganset After having finished their busineBs, they reeeiiai 
a pass from the authorities to return to their own country. This rnitificrti 
or pass was fastened to a staff and carried by one in front of the rest. Ai 
they were going out of Boston *^ a back way/* two men met them, and aeiaad 
upon him that carried the pass. These men were brothers, who had had • 
brother killed by PkUija^s men some time before. This Indian they nfciMoi 
of killing him, and in court swore to his identity, and he was in a few dayi 

Notwithstanding these affainB, another embassy was soon &ftBr sent to 
Boston. On the 15 September ^ the authority of Boston sent a party " to oniar 
A/lni^rd to appear there in person, to give an account or his sheltniiit 
Quatapeny the squaw-sachem of Narraganset He sent word that he woold 
come ** provided he might be safe] v returned back.** Mr. SmUh, *' living nsv 
him, offered himself^ wife and children, and estate, as hostages" for his aft 
return, and the embassy forthwith depaited for Boston. A 8on,f however, of 
Mnigret, was deputed prime minister, ^ he himself being very aged." 

Captain Smith accompanied them, and when they came to £)xbury they 
were met by a company of English soldiers, whose martial appeanmee to 
frightened them, that, had it not been for the presence of Mr. SmUk, ibt&f 
would have escaped as from an enemy. 

They remained at Boston several days, until ^ by degrees they came to diii 
agreement : That they were to deliver the squaw-sachem within so many 
days at Boston ; and the league of peace was then by them confirmed, whicli 
was much to the general satisfaction ; but many had hard tlioughts of theoHi 
fearing they will at last |)rove treacherous.** X 

Mnigrd was opposed to Christianity ; not perhaps so much from a disbelief 
of it, as from a dislike of the practices of those who professed iL When Mr. 
Mayhew desired Mnigrtt to allow him to preach to his people, the sagackMS 
chief ^bid him go and make the P^nglisb good first, and clud Mr. Ma^^ewtnt 
hindering him from his business and labor.** § 

There were other Niantick sachems of this name, who succeeded Mmgrd, 
According to the author of the ^ Memoir of the Mohegans," n one would 
suppose he was alive in 1716, as that writer himself Mi/^^wtea ; but If the 
anecdote there given be tnie, it related doubtless to Charles Ninurrtt^ who, I 
suppose, was his son. lie is mentioned by Masoriy in his history of the Peqncc 
war, as having received a part of the goods taken from Captain iSStone, at the 
time he was killed by tlie Pequots, in 1634. The time of liis death has not 
been ascertained. 

The buryiug-places of the family of JS/inigret are in Charlestovirn, R. L It 
is said that the old chief was buried at a place called Burying Hill, ** a mite 
from the street.** A stone in one of the places of interment has this inscrip- 
tion : — 

" Here leth the Body of Geors^ the son of Charles JVinigret, IRng of Ae 
NaliveSy and of Hanrtah his Wife. Died Decern^, y 22, 1732: a^td 6 mo. 

" George^ the last king, was brother of Mary Sachem, who is now, [1833;] 
sohi heir to the crown. Mary does not know her age ; but from data given by 
her husband, John Harry, she must be about 66. Her mother's father was 
George J^nigret. ' Thomas his son was the next king. Esther, sister of ThomoM. 
George, the Brother of Mary above named, and tlie last king crowned, died 
aged about 20 years. George was son of Esther. Mary has £iughterB, but no 
sons." IT 

On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, JS/inigret was to have twenQL 
" when he sliould satisfy for a man? of Eltweed^^ Pomroye^s killed by his men.*^ 
This remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two years. Tliis debt 
certainly teas outlawed! Poqiiin, or Poquoiam, was the name of the man who 
killed the mare.ff He was a Pequot, and brother-in-law to MianiuHnomoh^ 
and was among those ca])tives assigned to him at their final dispersion, when 

• Old Indian Chronicle, 30. t Probably Catapazat. 

I dd Indian Chronicle, 32. ^ Douglas's Summair, ii. 118. 

II In 1 Cotl. Mass. Ilist, 8oc. \x. 83. IT MS. communication of Rev. fVm. Elff. 
** Familiarly called EUy, probably from Eltwood. ft Hazard, ii. 188, 189. 


the Pequot war was ended ; at which time Pomtroy states ^ all sorts of horses 
were at an high price.** JiRaxdunnomoh had amed to pay the demand, but 
hk death prevented him. Ninimt was caUcd upon, as he inherited a 
eonsidenible part of Miantunnomon*8 estate, especially his part of the Pequots, 
of whom Potpjunam was one. lie was aflcrwards called a Niantick and 
hmOUr to Nimgret.* 

Pessacus, often mentioned in the preceding {mge?, though under a variety 
of names, was bom about 1623, and, conseaueutly, was about 20 years of age 
when his hrotlier, Mantunnomohj was killecl. f The same arbitrary course, as 
we have seen already in the present chapter, was pursued towards him by the 
Exigliah, as had I)een before towards JmarUunnomoh, and still continued 
towards Mnigret, and other Narraganset chiefs. Mr. Qohbetl makes this 
record of him : ** In the year 1G45, proud Pessdcus with liis Narra^ansets, with 
whom Mngret and his Niantigs join ; so as to provoke the English to a just 
war against them. And, accordmgly, forces were sent from afi the towns to 
meet at Boston, and did so, and hSd a party of fifty horse to go with them 
under Mr. Leveret^ as the captain or the horse.^ Edward GMons was 
commander in chiefj and Mr. Thampsonj pastor of the church in Braintree, 
^was to sound the silver trumpet along with his armv.*'§ But they were 
met by deputies from Pessactu and tlie other chiefs, and an accommodation 
took place, as mentioned in the account of Mni^t 

The commissioners, having met at New Haven m September 1646, expected, 
according to the treaty made at Boston with the Narragansets, as particu- 
larized in the life of Uncos, that they would now meet them here to settle the 
remaining difficulties with that chief. But the time having nearly expired, 
and none appearing, ^ the commissioners did seriously consider what course 
should be tafcen with thenu They called to minde their breach of couenant 
in all the articles, that when aboue 1300 fadome of wampan was due they 
aent. as if tliey would put a scome vpon the [English,] 20 fathome, and a few 
old kettles.** The Narragansets said It was owins to the backwardness of 
the Nianticks that the wampum had not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it 
to the Narragansets. One hundred fathom had been sent to the governor 
of Maaachusetts as a present by the Nianticks, they prombing ^to send 
what was due to the colonies uery speedily," but he would not accept of it 
He told them they might leave it with Cuchamakiriy and when they had 
peribrmed the rest of Uieir agreement, ^ he would consider of it** The 
commissioners had understood, that, in the mean time, the Narraganset 
aschems had raised wampum among their men, ''and by good euidence it 
appeared, that by presents of wampum, they are practisinge wi3i the Mohawkes, 
and with the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in some designe against 
the English and VneusJ" Therefore, ^ the commissioners haue a cleare way 
open to right themselues, accordingc to iustice by war; yet to shew how highly 
they prize peace with all men, and particularly to manifest they: forbearance and 
long sufferinse to tliese barbarians, it was a^ede, that first tne forementioned 
present, shouki be returned,** and then a declaration of war to follow. 

At the same court, complaint was brought against the people of Pessacns by 
"Mr. Pdham on behalf of Richard Woody and Mr. Pincham,'' [Pinchoriy] that 
the¥ had oommitted sundry thcfls. Mr. BrotDUj on behalf of fFm, Smtih of 
Renoboth, preferred a similar charge ; but the Indians having no knowledge of 
tbeprocedure, it was suspended. 

Tnus the Narragansets were suffered to remain unmolested until the next 
year, and we do not hear that the story about their huring the Mohawks and 
odien to assist them against Uncos and the English, turned out to be any 
dimg else but a sort of bugbear, probably invented by the Mohegans. *^ One 
principall cause of the comissioners mee tinge togettier at this time, [26 July, 
1647J being," say the records, *^ to consider what course should be held with 
die Narraganset Indyans ; ** the charges being at this time much the same as 
at the previous meeting. It was therefore ordered that TTumtas Stanbm, 

• See Hazard, ii. IM. 

t MS. letter, subscrib«d with ,lhe mark of the sachem Pumham, on the file at our capital. 



Narrative. f Maihei^M Rehition» and Haxard. 


Benedid JimM^ and Sergeant WaiU should be sent to Pessacka, ^en^^rak 
and Webdamuky to know why they had not paid the wampum as they agreed, 
and why they did not come to New Haven ; and that now they might meet 
Uncas at Boston ; and therefore were advised to attend there widiout delay; 
but " yf they refuse or delay, they intend to send no more," and they inuflt 
abide the consequebces. When the English messengers had delivered thdr 
message to Ptssacus, he spoke to them as follows : — 

** The reason I did not hieet the English sachems at New Haven last year, 
is, they did not notify me. It is true I have broken my covenant these two 
years, and that now is, and constantly has been, the grief of my spirit And 
the reason I do not meet them now at Boston is because I am sick. If I wen 
but pretty well I would go. I have sent my mind in full to Nvnigret^ and 
what he does I will abide by. I have sent Poxopynameti and Pomumsks to go 
and hear, and testify tliat I have l)etrusted my full mind with JSTenegratt. Tou 
know weU, however, that when I made that covenant t>vo years afo, I did it 
in fear of the army that I did see ; and thou^ the English kept meir cove- 
nant with me, yet they were ready to eo to ^arraganset and Kill me, and 
the conmiissioners said they would do it, if I did not sign what they had 

Moyannoj another chief, said he had confided the business with Atit%re< last 
spring, and would now abide by whatever he should do. 

When the English messengers returned and made kno\>7i what bad been 
done, the commissioners said that Pessacus' speech contained ^ seuerall pas- 
sages of vntruth and guile, and [they] were vnsatisfyed." 

What measures the Whites took " to right themselues," or whether any, 
immediately, is not very distinctly stated ; but, the next year, 1648, there 
some military movements of the English, and a companv of soldiers was 
into Narragansct, occasioned by the non-])ayment of the tribute, and 
other less important matters. Pessacns, bavins knowledge of their approadi, 
fled to Rhode Island. "JVimcrq/l entertained them courteously, f there th^ 
staid the Lord's day,) and came back with them to Mr. JfHliams\ and then 
Pesaacua and Canonicus* son, being delivered of tlieir fear, came to Uiem ; and 
being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncas, they solemn^ 
denied it; only they confessed, that the Mohawks, being a great sachem, and 
their ancient friend, and being come so near tliem, they sent some 20 fiithom 
of wampum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians is."* ^Hie 
matter seems to have rested here ; Pessacus, as usual, having promised what 
was desired. ^ 

This chief Vas killed by the Mohawks, as we have stated in the life of Gs- 
nonicus. His life was a scene of almost perpetual troubles. As late as Sep- 
tember, 1668, his name stands first among others of his nation, in a complamt 
sent to them by Massachusetts. The messengers sent with it were, iZiidk'. 
fVooftf Captain m Wright, and Captain SamK Mosdy; and it was in terms 
thus: — 

** Whereas Capt Wnu Hudson and John Viall of Boston, in the name of 
themselves and others, proprietors of lands and farms in the Narraganset 
country, have complained unto us, [the court of Mass.,] of the great insolen- 
cies and injuries ofiere<l unto them and their people by several, as burning 
their hay, kdling sundry horst^s, and in special manner, about one month since^ 
foreed some of their people from their labors in mowing grass upon their own 
land, and assaulted otners in the high way, as they rode id>out their occasions ; 
by throwing many stones at them and their horses, and beating their horses as 
they rode upon them," &c. The remonstrance then ffoes on warning them to 
desist, er otherwise they might expect severity. Had Moady been as vrefl 
luiown then among the Indians, as he was afterwards, his presence would 
doubdeas have been enough to have caused quietness, as peinaps it did 
at this time. 

* WvUkrof^i Joaraal. 



UiiCAi — Hit ekaraeler — Connections — Geographif of the Mohegan country — General 
meeount of that nation — Uncos joins the English against the Pequots — Captures m 
thief at Sachem* s Head — Visits Boston — His speech to Governor Winthrop — Speci- 
men of the Mohegan language — Scquasson — The war between Uncas and Miantunno- 
moh — Examination of its cause — The Karragansets determine to avenge their 
wathems death — Forces raised to protect Uncas — Pessacus — Great distress of Uncas 
— -Tlme/y rdief from Connecticut — Treaty of 1645^ Frequent complaints against 
Umeas — Wequash — Ohechickwod—^^ o w Equ a — Woosamequin. 

- '%. 

UvcAfly called also Poquirif Poqwnam^ Poquim^ sachem of the Mohegans, of 
whom we have already had occasion to say considerahlc, has left no yerj 
fiivoreble character u|)on record. His life is a series of changes, without any 
of those hrilliaiit acts of magnanimity, which throw a veil over numerous 
CRora. Mr. Gooldn gives us this character of him in the year 1674 : (Mr. 
Jwnt$ Fitch having been sent about this time to preach among the Mohe^ans :) 
^I am apt to fear," says he, " that a great obstruction unto his labors is m the 
fluhem of tliose Indians, whose name is Unkas ; an old and wicked, wilful 
nMBi, a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been an 
oppoaer and undenniner of praying to God." * Nevertheless, the charitaUe 
Bur. Hubbard, wlien he wrote his Narrative, seems to have had some hopes 
that he was a Christian, with about the same grounds, nay better, perhaps^ 
than those on which Bishop H^arburlon declared Pope to be such. 

UneoB lived to a great a^. He was a sachem before the Pequot wars, and 
was alive in 1680. At this time, Mr. Hubhard makes this remark upon him : 
*He is alive and well, and may probably live to see all his enemies buried 
bslbre hitB.''t 

From an epitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections, 
wa do not infer, as the writer there seems to have done, **^ that the race of 
UmtOi^ was '^ obnoxious in collonial history ;" but rather attribute it to some 
waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for 
liiinself and others of like humor. It is upon his tomb-stone, and is as 

" Here lies the body of Sunseeto 
Own son to Uncas grandson to OnekoX 
Who were the famous sachems of Mohegan 
But now they are all dead I think it is werheegen,^* § 

The connections of Uncas were somewhat numerous, and the names of 
•evera] of them will be fouud as we proceed witli his life, and elsewhere. 
Oliefto, a son, was the most noted of thenu 

Id the beginning of August, 1675, Uncas was ordered to appear at Boston, 
and to surrender his anus to the English, and give such other security for his 
nentrality or cobjieration in the war now begun between the English and 
Wampanoags, as might be required of him. The messenger who was sent to 
make this requisition, soon returned to Boston, accompanied by three sons of 
Uneat and about 60 of his men, and a quantity of arms. The two younger 
acma were taken into custody as hostages, and sent to Cambridge, where they 
Wi6re remaining as late as the 10 November following. They are said to have 
been at this time not far from 30 years of age, but their names are not men- 

* 1 ColL Mass. Hist. 8oc. i. 208. Moheek, since MontvilUf Connecticut, about 10 miles 
of New London, is the [^ace '' where Unkas, and his sous, and Wanuho, are sachems.'' 

t Hist New Eog. 464. — ^' Although he be a friend to the English, yet he and all his men 
otinie |Mf;ans still," 1676. Dr. L Matfier, Brief Hist 46. 

I The wnter or sculptor no doubt meant the contrary of this, if, indeed, be may be said to 
(W neant any thing. 

^ A gemune Indian word, and, as it is used here, means, simply, utelL " Then they bid 
m itir my instep, to tee if that were frozen : I did so. Woen they saw that, they nid that 
" atcekwdPs Nor. of his Capthnty among the JMians M 1677. 

13 • 



tiouecL* Oneko was employed with his 60 men, and proceeded on an ezpe* 
ditioD, as will be found stated elsewhere. 

Uncas was originaUy a Pequot, and one of the 26 war captains of that 
famous, but ill-fated nation. iJpon some intestine commotions, he reroHad 
against his sachem, and set up for himself. This took place about the time 
that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1634 or 5; or, a« h 
would seem from some circumstances, in the bcffiunlng of the Pequot wir. 
Peters^ f an author of not much authority, says, that tlie '* colonists decland 
him King of Mohegan, to reward him for deserting Sassacus,^ We are told, 
by the same author, that, afler the death of Uncas, Oneko would not deed any 
lands to the colony; upon which he was deposed, and his natural broCber, 
AhimUtck, was, by the English, advanced to the office of chief sachem. 
Ontkoy not acknowledging Uie validity of this procedure, sold, in procen of 
time, all his lands to two individuals, named Mason and Harriaon, Bat, 
meantime, AbimUeck sold the same lands to the colony. A lawsuit fbUowed, 
and WBs^ at first, decided in favor of the colony ; but, on a second trial, Mamm 
and Harrison got the case — but not the property ; for, as Peters tells us^ ** die 
colpny kept possession under ^bimUeck, their created King of Mohegan," and 
'^ found means to confound tlie claim of those competitors without establishiiig 
their own." 

By the revolt of Uncas^ the Pequot territories became divided, and that pivt 
called Moheag, or Mohegan, fell generally under his dominion, and ertendpd 
from near the Connecticut River on the soutli, to a space of disputed coumiy 
on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recurrence to our account of Ate 
dominions of the Pequots and Narragansets, a pretty clear idea may be bad 
of all three. 

This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the English, whicli, 
it is reasonable to suppose, was occasioned by the fear he was in from .hk 
potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and on the south. In May, 
1637, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the 
Pequots. Knowing the rela^on in which he stood to them, the EngUah al 
first were nearly as afraid of Uncos and his men, as they were of the PeaiKRiL 
But when, on the 15 of the same month, Uiey had arrived at Saybrook nN% a 
circumstance happened that tended much to remove their suspicions^ and ■ 
related by Dr. Mather as follows: "Some of Uncos his men oein^ theD tft 
Saybrook, in order to assisting the Enfflish against the Pequots, espied aeven 
Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one priaon- 
er, and brought him to the English fort, which was great satisfaction and en- 
couragement to tlie English ; who, before that exploit, had many fears touch- 
ing the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom thev took prisoner was a 
perfidious villain, one that could speak English well, liaving in timea patt 
lived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, had l)ecn at tlie slaug^itw- 
ing of all the English that were slaughtered thereabouts. He was a contin- 
ual spy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he could learn. When 
this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one 
another, and burned to ashes. Some of the Indian executioners barbarouilljr 
taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did eat it, withal ainging 
about the fire." J 

Notwithstanding, both Uncas and J^fiantunnomoh were accused of harboiiof 
fugitive Pequots, afier the Mystic fight, as our accounts will abundantly profe. 
It is true they had agreed not to harbor them, but perhaps the philanthroiNit 
will not judge them harder for erring on the score of mercy, than ^eir Eng- 
lish friends for their strictly religious perseverance in revenge. 

A traditionary story of tineas pursuing, overtaking, and executine a Peqnot 
sachem, as given in the Historical Collections, may not be unoualinedly tnm. 
It was after Mystic fight, and is os follows : Most of the Enefish forces par- 
sued the fugitives by water, westward, while some followed by land ifjtii 
Uncos and his Indians. At a point of land in Guilford, they came upop a 
great Pequot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they were puraoed, 

• Old Indiao Ghroniclo, 15. 

X Relation of the Troubles, 6te. 46. 

t In his Hist, of ConoecticaU 


they bad gone into an aijaceut peninsula, *< hoping their pursuers would 
hove passed by tbem. But Uneas knew Indian's cralt, and ordered some of 
hia men to search that point The Pequots perceiving that they were pur- 
raed, swam over the mouth of the harbor, which is narrow. But they were 
waylaid, and taken as they landed. The sachem was sentenced to be shot to 
death. Unau shot him with on arrow, cut off his head, and stuck it up in 
the crotch of a large oak-tree near the harbor, where the skull remained for 
a great many years." * Tiiis was the origin of Sachem's Ukad, by which 
name the harbor of Guilfonl is well-known to coasters. 

Dr.JIkUher records the ex]K^dition of the English, but makes no mention of 
Uncas. He says, they set out from Saybrouk fort, and ^ sailed westward in 
]>ur8uit of the requots, who were fled that way. Sailing along to tlic westward 
of Mononowuttuck, tlie wind not answering their desires, they cast anchor.^ 
^ Some scattering Pequots were then taken and slain, as ofso the Poquot 
flMhem, before expn>s8ed,t had his licud cut off, whence that place did bear 
the name of Sachem's Head." | 

Uncases fear of the Pequots was doubtless tlic cause of his hostility to 
diem ; and when he saw them vanquished, he; probably began to relent his 
unprovoked severity towards liis countrymen, many of whom were his near 
rehitions ; and tliis may account fur his endeavors to screen some of them 
fiom their more vindictive enemies. The next spring alter the war, 5 March, 
1638, ** l/idhif, alias OkocOf the Monaliegon sachem in the twist of Pequoil 
River, came to Boston with 37 men. He came from Connecticut with Mr. 
Henpus, and tendered the governor a present of 20 fathom of wampum. 
Tha was at court, and it was tliought ht by the council to roAise it, till he 
had given satisfaction about tlie Pequots he kept, &c. Upon this he waa 
much dejected, and made account we would have killed him ; but, two days 
after, having received good satisfaction of his innocency, &c and he promis- 
ing to aubnut to the order of the English, touching the Pequots he had, and 
the dificrencea between the Narrogunsetts. and him, we accepted his present 
And about half an hour ailer, he came to the governor," and made the fbllow- 
ing speech. Laying his hand upon his breast, he said, 

** 2m» heart is nomine, but yours. I have no men : they are alt yours. Com- 
wsand me anyd^ffieuU things I will do it I will not believe any mdians^ words 
smomsi the ^English. If any man shall kill an Englishman, i will put h^n to 
£aihi were he never so dear to me.^ 

''So the governor gave him a fair red coat, and defhiyed his and his men's 
diet, aad gave them com to relieve them homeward, and a letter of protection 
10 all men, &c and he dei)urted very joyful." § 

For the gratification of the curious, we give, from Dr. Edtoards's ^Observa- 
tions on the Muldcekancew "(Mohegan] I^iguuge," the Lord's prayer in that 
dialect. **^ogh-nuh, ne spummuck oi-e-on^ tough mau-uxh wneh totu-ko-se-auk 
M-mi-ite an-nu-woi-e-on, Tau^h ne aun-chu-tvut-am-mun toa-wehrtu-seek ma- 
wtk noh pwn-meh. Ae ae-noi-hit-teeh mau-tceh aw-au-neek noh hkey oie-ckeek, 
ne aun-ehU'Wvt'am-mun^ ne au-noi-hit-teet neek spum-mvk oie-cheeL Men-e- 
Mm-nuA noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tquogh nuh uh-huy-u-tam-auk ngum-mat^-^veh. 
Mq-u-id^a-mou-toe-nau-nuh au-neh mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh he aniuh ohq-u-ut-a- 
wstw-wai-^-auk numrpeh neek mu-ma-chth an-neh-o-qtuiu-keet. Cheen hqu-ukr 
^mttarchih-^i-^trkeh an-neh-^-henau-nuh. Pan-nee-weh htou'ive-nau-nuh neen 
memmrtehrhk. JTe-o^ ng-weh-cheh kun-ou-ioau-tveh mau-ufeh noh pum-meh ; kt- 
^"^''^Mi ; es4ah auhaiai w-tin-^noi-yu-toun ne aii-noi-e-yon ; han-wee-weh ne kt- 

Bach waa the language of the Mohegans, the Pequots, the Narragansets and 
Nipmucks ; or so near did they approach one another, that each could under- 
■tuid the other through the united extent of their territories. 

Uncas was said to liave been engaged in all the wars against his country- 
men, on the part of the English, during his life-timc.H He shielded some of 
tlie hiftnt settlements of Connecticut in times of troubles, especially Norwich. 

• Hitt GuUfird, ta 1 Coll, Mom*. Hist. 8oc. 100. 

t His name n not mcntioi^. | Rdatiou, 40. 

i Wmlhrop, Jour. i. 865-6. ij MS. communication of Ilev. Mr. Ely. 


To the inhabitants of tliis town the Mohcgans seemed more particiilarij 
attoched, probably from the circumstance of some of its settien haying 
relieved them when besieged by J^nimty as will be found related in the 
ensuing history. The remnant of the Mohegans, in 1768, was settled in the 
north-east comer of New London, about ^ve miles south of Norwich ; at 
which place they had a reserv'ation. 

The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Roval biarving-eroundf and 
this was set apart for tlie family oi Uncas. It is close by the ialls of the stream 
called Yantic River, in Norwich city ; " a beautiful and romantic spot." The 
ground containing the grave of Uncas is at present owned by C. Goddard^ Esq. 
of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an incloBure to be 
set about it.* 

When the commissioners of the United Colonies had met in 1643, com- 
plaint was made to them by UncaSy that J\rEantunnomoh had employed a Pequot 
to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his own subjects. He shot UncoB 
\%ith an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accomplished his purpoee^ 
^ fled to the Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," and proclaimed that he 
had killed him. ^But when it was known Vncas was not dead, thougfa 
wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncus had cut throuffh his own 
arm with a flint, and hired die Pequot to say he had shot and Killed him. 
Myantinomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upon another 
occasion, brought the Pequot with him : but when this disguise would not 
serve, and that the English out of his [the Pequot's] own mouth found him 
guilty, and would have sent liiiii to Uncus his sagamore to be proceeded 
against, Myantinomo desired he niiffht not l)e taken out of his hands, promising 
[Uiat] he would send [hhn] himself to Vncus to be examined and punished; 
but, contrary to his ])romise, and fearing, as it appears, his own treacbeiy 
might be discouered, he withui a day or two cut on the Peacott*s head, thst 
he might tell no tale& After this some attempts were made to poison Vncuif 
and, as is reported, to take away his life by sorcery. That beinff discoyefed, 
some of SequassofCs company, an Indian sagamore allied to, and an intimate 
confederate with Myantinomoj shot at Unais as he was going down Conectacstt 
River with a arrow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid agreement," 
which was, in case of difliculty between them, that the English should be 
applied to as umpires, complained to them. They endeavored to bring about 
a peace between Uncas auu Seqnasson ; but Sequasson would hear to no over* 
turcs of the kind, and intimated that he shoukl be lK)me out in his resolution 
by AEaniunnomoJu The result was the war of which we have given an 
account in tlie life of MiantunnomoL We have also spoken there of the 
agency of the English in the aflair o^ JiRantunnomoKs de^ith.; but that no light 
mav be withheld which can in any way reflect uymw tliat important as well as 
melancholy event, we will give all that the commissioners have recorded in 
their records concerning it But firstly, we should notice, tliat, afler Mianitmr 
nomoh was taken prisoner, the Indians aflinned, (the adherents of Unoa$ 
doubtless,) that Miantunnonwh hud engaged the Mohawks to join him in his 
wars, and that they were then encamped only a day's journey from the fron- 
tiers, waiting for him to attain his liberty. The record then proceeds : — 

^ These diinss being duly weighed and considered, the commissionen 
apparently see that Vncus cannot be safe while Mycmtenomo lives ; but tliat, 
either by secret treachery or opeu force, his life will be still in danger. 
\Mierefore thev think he may justly put such a false and blood-thirsty eiiemy 
to death ; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English plantations. And 
advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed, 
contrary to the practice of the Indians who exercise tortures and crueh^. 
And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in thw 
craving their advice ; [dierefore,! if the Nanohiggansitts Indians or otheia 
shall unjustly assault Vncus for tliis execution, upon notice and request the 
Enfflish promise to assist and protect him, as flir as they may, against such 

We presume not to commentate upon diis affair, but we would ask whether 

« 3 CoU. Mass. Hist. Soc. iu. 135. 

Gbap.V.] uncas. 153 * 

k does not appear as probable, that Uncas bad coucerted the plan with his 
Fequot subject for the destruction of MiarUunnomoh, as that tlic latter had 
plotted for the destruction of the fonncr. Else, why did Mtaniunnomoh put 
the Pequot to death ? The commissioners do not say that the Pequot had by 
his confession any how unplicated MiarUunnomofu Now, if this Pcifuot had 
been employed by him, it does not seem at all likely that he would have put 
him to death, especially as he had not accused him. Arid, on the other hand, 
if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attempting the life of his own 
0Bchem, that it might be charged upon others, it is to us a plain reason why 
Mantunnomoh should put him to de^th, \mng fully satisfied of his guilt upon 
his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against 
UneoM was of his own or his Pequot subject's planning. The Pequot's going 
over to Mtaniunnomoh for protection is no evidence of that chief's participation 
in his plot. And it is highly proltable that, afler they had lcf\ the English 
court, his crime was aggravated, in Miantunnomoh^s view, by some new con- 
ftflsion or discovery, which caused him to be forthwith executed. 

As though well assured that the justness of their interference would be 
called in question, the commissioners shordy afler added another clause to 
their records, as much in exoneration of their conduct as they could find 
words in which to express themselves. They argue that, "^ whereas Uncas 
WW advised [by them] to take away the life of Mtaniunnomoh whoso lawful 
captive he was, they [tne Narragansets] may well understand that this is with- 
out violation of any covenant between them and us ; for Uncas being in con- 
ftderation witli us, and one that hath diligendy observed his covenants before 
mentioned, for aught we know, and requiring advice from us, upon serious 
consideratk>n of the premises, viz. his treacherous and murderous disposition 
•gainst UncaSf &c. and how great a disturber he hath been of the common 
peace of the whole country, we could not in respect of the justice of the case, 
•aihty of the country, and faithfulness of our friend, do otherwise than approve 
of tKe lawfidness of his death ; which agreeing so well with the Indians^ own 
manners, and concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we 
are acquainted ; we persuaded ourselves, however his death may be grievous 
at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not only matter of safety to 
the Indians, but profit to all that inhabit this continent'' 

It is believed that the reader is now put in possession of every thing that 
the Enfflish could say for themselves, upon the execution of Mtaniunnomoh, 
He will therefore be able to decide, whether, as we have stated, their judg- 
ment was made up of one kind of evidence ; and whether the Narragansets 
had any lawyers to advocate their cause before the commissioners. 

Afler Mtaniunnomoh was executed, the Narragansets demanded satisfaction 
of Uncas for the money they hud raised and paid for the redemption of their 
chiefs This demand was through the English commissioners ; who, when 
they were met, in Sept 1644, deputed Thoriias Stanion to notify both parties 
to appear before them, tliut they might decide upon the case acioraing to 
the evidence which should be produced. 

It appears that Kiencmo,* the Niautick sachem, immediately deputed 
Wkdomssc^ a sachem, Pawpiamei and Pummumshtj captains, from the Narra- 
gansets, with two of their men, to maintain their action before the commis- 
aioners, and to complain of some uisolences of Uncas besides.! ^^ ^ full 
hearing, the commissioners say, that nothing was substantiated by tbenL 
'Though," they say, ^several discourses had passed from Uncas and his 
men, tluit for such quantities of wampum and such parcels of other goods to 
a great value, there might have been some probabdity of sparing bis life." 
Hence it appears that Uncas had actually entered upon a negotiation with 
the Narracansets, as in the life of Mtaniunnomoh has been stated; and it does 
not, it is thought, require but a slight acquaintance with the general drift of 
tiieae afKdrs, to discern, that Uncas had encouraged the Narragansets to send 

* The tame afterwards called Ninigret. Janemo was doubtless the pronunciation, /being 
■I that time pronounced yi; therefore Jianemo mi^ht have been sometimes understood Kiane* 
aw. Winlhrop writes tne name Ayanemo in one mstancc. 

t Tbe author of TcUim of the hidiam seems dismally confused in attempting to nanrats 
rims aflhin, but aee Haxard, u. S5 and S6. 

154 UNCAS.— PESSACUS. [Boob H. 

wampum, that is, their money, giving them to understand tliat he would not 
be hard with them ; in so far, that they had trusted to his generosity, aud sent 
him a considerable amount. The ver^' face of it shows clearly, that it was a 
trick of Uncos to leave the amoimt indefinitely stated, which gave hini the 
chance, (that a knave will alwa}'s seize upon,) to act according to tlie caprice 
of his own mind on any pretence afterwards. 

The commissioners say, tliat ^ no such parcels were brought,** though, in 
a few linos after, in their records, we read : *^ And for tliat wampums aud 
goods sent, [to Uncas,] as they were but small parctls, and scarce cousidenible 
for such a pur[>ose,'' namely, tlie rrdein])tion of their chief: and still, tbcy 
add ;* ^ Rut Unceis deuioth, and the Narragimsct deputies did not alledge, 
much less prove that any ransom Avas agreed, nor so much as any treaty 
begun to rrdoom tlicir imprisoned sachem.** Therefore it appears quite 
clear that Uncas had all the English in his favor, who, to pre8er\''e his friend- 
ship, caressed and called him their friend ; whiles ou the other hand, the 
agents from the Narragansets were frowned upon, aud no doubt labored under 
the disad^Tintago of not being personally known to the English. 

As to the goods which Imcas had received, the commissioners say, "A 
part of them [wtTo] disposed [of] by Mianlunnomoh himself, to Uncas* coun- 
sellors and captains, for some favor, either past or hoped for, aud part were 
given and sent to Uncas, and to his stpiaw for preserving his life so long, and 
using him courteously during his imprisonment." 

Here ended this matter ; but before the Narraganset deputies left the court, 
the English made tliein sign an agreement, tliat thev would not make war 
upon Uncas, '' vntill after the next planting of com." Aud even then, that 
they should give 30 days* notice to the English before commencing hoatili- 
ties. Also tliat if ** any of the Nayantick Pecotts should make any aaaauh 
upon Uncas or any of his, they would deliver them up to the English to be 
punished according to their demerits. And that they would not use anj 
means to procure the Mawhakes to come against Uncas during this truce." 
At the same time the English took due care to notify the Narraganset com- 
missioners, by way of awing them into terms, that if they did molest the 
Mohegans, all the Euglisli would be upon them. 

The date of this nereement, if so we may call it, is, " Hartford, the xvigth 
of Septeinlior, 1(>44,** and was signed by four Indians ; oue besides those 
named above, called Chimough. 

That no p«u<s{ige niiglit be left open for excuse, in case of war, it was also 
mentioned^ that " |)n)of of the ransom charged ** must he made satlsfiictory 
to the I'iiiglish Iwfore war was Iwgun. 

The power of Pessac^is and ^Vinifrret at this time was much feared liy the 
English, and they were ready to believe, any rejwrts of the hostile doings of 
the Namiguiis<'ts, who, since tlie subjection of the Perpiots, had made them- 
selves masters of all their neighlwrs, except the English, as the Peqiiots had 
done bofore tliern. The Mohorfnns were also in great fear of them, as well 
af\er as before the dezith of Mlantunnomoh ; but for whose misfortune in 
being made a ))risoiier by a stnitagem of Unras, or his captains, the English 
might have S(H*n far greater troubles from them than they did, judging firom 
the known abilities of that great chief. 

There was "a meeting extraordinarj- ** of the commissioners of the United 
Colonies, in July, 1(>45, at Boston, "conrerning the French business, and the 
yrwrs between Pissicus and Vncus being iK^gun." Their first business was to 
despatch away messengers to request the a))i)earance of the liead men of the 
belligerents to appear themselves at Boston, or to send some of their chief 
men, that the diihculties between them might be settled. 

These messengers, Sergeant John Dames, [Davis ?] Benidid AmMy and 
Francis Smvth, on their f&st arrival at Narraganset, were welcomed li^ the 
sachems, wno offered them guides to conduct them to Uncas ; but, either 
having understood their intentions, or judging firom their appearance that 
the English messengers meant them no good, changed their deportment 
altogether, and in the mean time secretly despatched messengers to the 
Nianticks before them, giving them to unaeretand what was ffoing forward. 
After thiSi say the messengers, ** there vi*as nothing but proud anil insoleBt 


passaffos [from Mnigrd,] The Indian guides which they had brought with 
them from PumAom and Sokakanoeo were, by frowns and tlircatening 8})eeche8, 
discouraged, and returned ; no other guides could be obtained." The 
sachems said they knew, by what was^one at Hartford last year, that die 
English would urge peac«, ** hut they were rtsolvedj they said, to have no peace 
wiOunU Uhcas his heady As to who began the war, they cared not, but they 
were resolved to continue it ; that if the English did not withdraw theu* 
soldiers from Uhcas, they should consider it a hreach of former covenants, 
and would procure as many Mohawks as the English had soldiers to bring 
against them. They reviled Uncos for liuving wounded himself, and then 
charging it u))on them, and said he was no friend of the English, but would 
now, if he diu*st, kill the English messengers, and lay that to them. There- 
fore, not beins able to proceed, the English messengers returned to the Nar- 
ragansets, ana acquainted Pessacus of what had passed, desiring he would 
furnish them with guides ; " he, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered 
tfaem an old Peacott squaw." 

The messengers now thought themselves in danger of being mas- 
flacred ; ** three Indians with hatchets standing behind the interpreter in a 
suspicious manner, white he was speaking with Pessacus, and the rest, frowning 
and expressing much distemper in their countenance and carriage." So, 
without much loss of time, they began to retrace their steps. On leaving 
Pessacus, they told him they should lodge at an English trading house not far 
cyfftbat night, and it* he wanted to send any word to the Elnglis^ he miffht send 
to them. In the morning, he invited them to return, and said he would furnish 
tfaem with ^ides to visit Uncas, but he would not suspend hostilities. Not daring 
to risk the journey, the messengers returned home. Arnold, the interpreter, 
testified that this was a true relation of what had passed, which is necessary to 
be borne in mind, as something may appear, as we proceed, impeaching the 
▼eracity of Arnold. 

Meanwhile the commissioners set forth an armament to defend Uncas, at all 
hazards. To justify this movement, they declare, that, " considering the great 
provocations ofiered, and the necessity we should be put unto of making war 
upon the Narrolncrgin, &c. and being also careful m a matter of so great 
weiffht and general concernment to see the way cleared and to give satisfaction 
to all the coK>nists, did think fit to advise with such of the magistrates and 
elders of the Massachusetts as were then at hand, and also virith some of the 
chief military commanders there, who being assembled, it was then agreed : 
First, that our engagement bound us to aid and defend the Mohegan sachenrL 
Secondly, that this aid could not be intended only to defend him and his, in 
his fort or habitation, but, (according to the common acceptation of such 
covenants or engagements considered with the ground or occasion thereof,) so 
to aid him as hee might be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thirdly, that 
this aid must be speedy, least he might be swallowed up in tlio mean time, 
and so come too late." 

^ According to the counsel and determination aforesaid, the commissioners, 
considering the present danger of Uiuas the Mohegan sachem, (his fort having 
been divers times assaulted by a great army of the Narrohiggansets, &c.] 
agreed to have 40 soldiers sent with all expedition for his derense." Lieu- 
tenant AQuarUm and Sergeant John Davis led this companv, conducted by two of 

* CvidutmakiiCs^ Indians as guides. Atherton was ordered not to make an 

* attempt upon the town otherwise than in UncasI* defence." Captain Mason 
of Connecticut was to join him, and take the chief command. Forty men 
were ordered also fiom Connecticut, and 30 from New Haven under Lieu- 
lenaLt Sealy. In their instructions to Mason, the commissioners say, ^ We so 
now aim at the protection of the Mohegaus, that we would have no opportunity 
neglected to weaken the Narragansets and their confederates, in their number 
of men, their cane canoes, wigwams, wampum and goods. We look upon 
tfae Ntanticks as the chief incendiaries and causes of the war, and should be 
glad tbey might fir^t feel the smart of it" The Nianticks, therefore, were 
paorticulariy to be had in view by Mason, and he vraa informed at the nme 
time that Maaaachusetts and Plimonth were forthwith to send "another arn^ 
to invade the Narragansets." 


The commissioners now proceeded to make choice of a commander in 
chief of the two armies. Major Eduxtrd Gibbons was unanimously elected. 
In his instructions is this passage : ** Whereas the sc^pe and cause of thii 
expedition is not only to aid tlie Mohegans, but to offend the Narraganaet^ 
Niantieks, and other tlieir confederates.^ He was directed also to conclude 
peace witli them, if they desired it, provided it were made with 

reference to damages, &c. And they say, ''But withal, according to our 
engagements, you are to provide for Uncar ftiture safety, that his plantatioDS 
be not invaded, that his men and squaws may attend their planting and filing 
and other occasions without fear or injury, and Vssamequiney Pomham^ 
Sokdkonoco^ Oulchamakin, and other Indians, friends or subjects to the EngliBh, 
be not molested," &c. 

Soon after the death of JSRardunnomohy which was in September, 1643^ hie 
brother PessacuSy "the new sachem of Narraganset," then **a young man 
about 20," sent to Governor }f^nthrop of Massachusetts, as a present, an oUer 
coaly a girdle of wampum, and some of that article besides, in value about 
£15. . The messenger, named JVashosty* also a sachem, told the governor that 
his chief desired to continue iu peace with the English ; but that he was 
about to make war upon Uncos, to avenge the death of his brother, and hoped 
tliey wtfuld not interfere, nor aid Uncos, The governor said they wished to 
be at peace with all Indians, and that all Indians would be at peace amoiig 
themselves, and that they must agree to this, or tlicy could not accept their 
present Washost said he was instnicted no further than to make known his 
mission and leave the present, which he did, and returned to his own country. 
This was in February, 1644, N. S. Within the same month, tlie same messenger 
appeared again at Boston ; and " his errand was, (says Governor Wirdhroip^ that^ 
seeing they, at our request, had set still this year, that now this next year we 
would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with OiikuSy with manj 
arguments." But he was answered, that the English would not allow such a 
proceeding, and if they persisted all the English would fall upon them. 

Planting time, and 30 days Upsides, had passed before • the English sent an 
army to invade the Narraganscts. Ptssocus and the other chiefs had done all 
they could do to cause the English to remain neutral, but now determined lo 
wait no longer, and hostile acts were committed on both sides. 

The traditionary account of Uncaps being besieged in his fort by tbe 
Narraganscts will very properly be looked for in this connection, as it has 
not omy adorned some tales of the. Indians, but has been seriously urged as 
truth in more imposing forms. What we are about to give is contained in 
a letter, dated at New Haven, 19 September, 1796, by Jfm, L^ffingtocUy and di- 
rected Dr, TrumbtdL 

*' At the time the Mohegan trilje of Indiana wore liesiegcd by the Narragan- 
sct tribe, in a fort near the River Thames, between Norwich and New 
London, the provisions of the l)esieged being nearlv exhausted, Uncas, their 
sachem, found means to inform the settlers at Saybrook of their distress, and the 
danger they would be iu from the Narragansets, if tJie Mohegan tribe were cut 
off. Ensign Thomas Leffingwell, one of the first settlers there, loaded a canoe 
with beef, com and peas, and in the night time paddled from Saybrook into the 
Thames, and had the address to get the whole mto the fort of the besieged ^^ 
received a deed from Uncos of tJie town of Non\'ich, and made his escape 
that very night In consequence of which, the besiegers, finding Uncos bad 
procured relief, raised the siege, and the Mohegan tribe were saved, and have 
ever proved strict friends to the N. England settlers." \ 

The above agrees very well with Mr. Hyde's account " When Uneas and 
tribe were attacked by a potent enemy, and blocked up in their fort on a hill, 
by the side of the great river, and almost starved to death, Lieut Tlios, 
L^ngwdly Capt Befy. Brewster^ of said Norwich, and others, secretly carried 

* Perhaps tbe same as Avnuhert, 

f Copied froia the original, for the author, by Rev. Wm. Ely, vdio thus remarks upoo it : 
"This tradilioBt from a highly respectable source. Trumbull states as history; yet, in some 
minor points, at least, it would seem obvious that tne tradition could not have been atrietly 
praserved lor 100 years." M8, Utter. 


their provision, in the night soasons, upon which tlic enemy raised the sie^."* 
In consideration of which, " Uncos gave sundry donations of land," &c.f 

At the con^ss of the conunissioners at Boston, in 1645, above mentioned, 
it was ascertamed that the present from Pessacus still remained among them, 
and therefore he might think it was probable that the English had complied 
with tlieir desires, as they had not returned it. Lest this siiould be so under- 
stood. Captain Harding, Mr. JVelbome, and Benedict Arnold, were ordered and 
commissioned to repair to the Narraganset country, and to see, if possible, 
^ Piscux, CanoumacuSy Janemo^ and other sachems, and to return tlie present 
before mentioned, and to inform them that tlie English were well aware of 
their beginninir and prosecuting a war upon UncaSy and tiieir <* having 
wounded and slain divers of his men, seized many of liis canoes, taken some 
prisoners, spoiled much of his com,'' refused to treat with him, and threaten- 
ed the English. Nevertheless, if they would come tlicmselves forthwith to 
Boston, they should be heard and protected in their journey, but that none 
except themselves would be treated with, and if they refused to come, the 
English were prepared for war, and would proceed immediately against 

Harding and ffdbome proceeded to Providence, where Arnold was to join 
them. But he was not there, and they were informed that he dared not 
Tenture among the Narragansets. WhotluT be had been acting the traiior 
with them, or something quite as much to merit condenuiation, we will leave 
the reader to judjore from the relation. The two fonner, therefore, made use of 
Reverend Mr. H^iams as interpreter in their business, but were reprimanded 
1^ the commissioners for it on their return. On goinff to the Narraganset 
■Bchems, and opening their business, it appeared that all they were ordered 
to charge them with was not true; or, at least, denied by them. These 
charges, it appears, had been preferred by Arnold, and sworn to upon oath. 
Tlie chiefs said "that lafiemo, the Nyantick sachem, had been ill divers days, 
bat had now sent six men to present his respects to tiie English, and to declare 
his assent and submission to what the Narrohiggenset sachems and the Eng- 
lish should agree upon.** 

It was in the end agreed, that the chiefs, Pessacus, Mexam, and divers 
others, should proceed to Boston, agreeably to the desire of the English, 
which they did, in company with Harding and Wethomc, who brought back 
the old present, and for which they also received the censure of the congress. 
They arrived at Boston just as the second levy of troops were marching out 
fat their country, and thus the expedition was stayed until the result of a 
treaty should be made known. 

It appeared, on a conference with the commissioners, that the sachems did 
not fully understand the nature of all the charges against them before leaving 
their country, and in justice to them it should be observed, that, so far as the 
record goes, their case appears to us tJie easiest to be defended of the three 
parties concerned. They told the commissioners of sundry charges they had 
against Unctu, but they said they could not hear them, for Uncca was not 

* Some very beautiful verses appeared several years since in the Connecticut Mirror, to 
wiicb it seems the above had ^ven rise. They were prefaced with the following among 
olber observalioni : " In tlie neie-hborhood of Molie^i^an is a rude recess, environed by rocks, 
m^Hch still retains the name of me ' chair of Unco* ; ' and that the people of Uncaa were 
PMTshing with hanger when LeJingtceU brought him relief. We give the following staozas 

" The monarch sat on his rocky throne, 
Before him the waters lay ; 
His^ards were shapeless columns of stone, 
Tbeir loAy helmets with moss overgrown, 
And their spears of the bracken gray. 

" His lamps were the fickle stars, that beamed 
Through the veil of their midnight shroud, 
, And the reddening flashes that fitfully gleamed 

When the distant fires of the war-dance streamed 
WKerc bis foes in frantic revel screamed 
'Neath their canopy of cloud,'' dec. 

t MB. kHv to Dr. TrtmMl, before cited, aad life of MBan tu imomo h , 



there to speak for himself; and that they had hindered his being notified of 
their coining. As to a breach of covenant, they maintained, for some limei 
they had committed none, and that their treatment of die English had been 
misrepresented. ^But, (says our record,) after a long debate and some 
priuate confcrrence, they had with Serjeant CuUicvity they acknowledged 
they had brooken promise or couenant in the afore menconed warr% 
andofferrcd to make another truce with VhcaSj either till next plaDtinff 
tyme, as they hod done last yeare at Hartford, or for a yeare, or a yeare and 
a quarter." 

They had been induced to make this admission, no doubt, by the perraa- 
sion of Ctdlicut, who, probably, was instructed to inform tliem that the safety 
of their country depended upon their compliance with tlie wishes of the Eng- 
lish at tljis time. An army of soldiers was at that moment parading t&e 
streets, in all the pomposity of a modem training, which must have reminded 
them of the horrible destruction of their kindred at Mystic eight years 

The proposition of a truce being objected to by the English, ^one of the 
sachems offered a stick or a wand to tne commissioners, expressing bimselC 
that therewith they put the power and disposition of the war into their handty 
and desired to know tphai the English tvould require of themJ* They were 
answered that tlie expenses and trouble they had caused the English were 
very great, ** besides the damage Vncas bad sustained ; yet to show tkdr 
moaeracon, they would require of thein but tiooo thousand fathome of white 
wampon for tlieir owne satisfaccon,'' but that they should restore to Uhca9 all 
the captives and canoes taken from Iiim, and make restitution for all the com 
they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned offence, the sachems asserted 
there had been none such ; fur it was not the manner of the Indians to dk» 
stroy com. 

This most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small effect on 
those who heard it, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the advisers of 
the destruction of -the Indians' corn, previous to and during the Pequot war, 
were now present : Block Island, and the fertile fields upon the shores of the 
Connecticut, must have magnified before their imaginations. 

Considering, therefore, that this cliar^ was merely imaginary, and that 
Uncos had U&cn ond killed some of their people, the Eufflish consented thai 
Uncas ^ might ^ restore such captives and canoes as he hud taken from tliem. 
Finally, they agreed to pay die wampum, " craning onely some ease in tiie 
monner and t^mes of payment," and on the evening of ** the xxv'ijth of (he 6 
months (August,) 1(54.5," articles to the following efiect were signed oy die 
principal Indians present : — 

1. That the Narragaiisets and Nian ticks had made war upon the Moheoans 
contrary to former treaties; that the English had sent messengers to tnem 
without success, which hod mode them prepare for war. 

2. That chiefs duly autliorized were now at Boston, and having acknowl- 
edged their breach of treaties, having " thereby not only endamaged Vnau^ 
but had brought much charge and trouble \\you oil the English colonieSi 
which they confest were just thev should satisfy." 

3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 3000 
fathom ** of good white wampun), or a thinl port of good black wampem- 
peage, in four payments, namely," 500 fathom in 20 days, 500 in four monthii 
500 at or before next planting time, and 500 in two years, which tlic En^sh 
agree to accept as full " satistaccon." 

4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all thinoii 
taken, and where canoes were destroyed, others " in the roonie of them, nul 
as good," were to be given in return. The English obligated themselyes fer 

5. That as many matters cannot be treated of on account of the absence of 
UncaSf they are to be deferred until the next meeting of the commisaionen 
at Hartford, in Sept 1646, where both parties should D(; heard. 

6. The Narragonset and Niantic sachems bind themselves to keep peace 
with the EInglish and their successors, " and with Vhcas the Mohegan snchem 

Chap. V.] ' UNCAS.— MEXAM. 159 

and his men, with FMome^taii,* Pomham^ Sokaknooco, Cuichamakinj Shoananfj 
PoBsaamawcnff and all others. And that, in case difficulties occur, they are 
to Apply to tne English. 

7. i^nev promise to deliver up to the English all fugitives who shall at any 
tune be found amons them ; to pay a yearlv tribute, *^ a mouth before Indian 
harvest, every year after this, at lioston,^ '< for all such Pecotts as live amon^ 
them," accormng to the treaty of 1638 ;| ^namely, one fatlioni of white 
^prampum for each Pequot man, and half a fathom for each Peacott youth, 
and one hand length of wampum for each Peacott man-child; and if IVeek- 
waA Cake § refuse to pay this tribute for any Pcacotts with him, the Narro- 
higganset sagamores promise to assist the English against him ; " and to yield 
up to the English the whole PcMjuot country. 

8. The sachems promise to deliver four of their children into the hands of 
the English, "viz^ Pissacus his eldest sonn, the sonn of Tassaquanawitt^ 
brother to PisgacuSf Jiwashanot his sonn, and Ewansnad^s sonn, a Nyantick, to 
be kept as pledges or hostages,*^ until the wampum siiould be all paid, and thej 
had met ifncat at Hartford, and Jancmo and Wypetodc 11 had signed these arti- 
cles. As the children were to be sent for, fViiotoask, Pomamse, Jauxuaot^ and 
Waughwcamno offered their persons as security for their delivery, who were 

9. Both the securities and hostages were to be supported at the charge of 
the Enffiish. 

10. That if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, 
and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a viola- 
tion thereo£ 

11. They agree not to sell any of tlieir lands without the consent of the 

ISL If any Pequots should be foimd among them who had murdered Enff- 
fiah, they were to be delivered to the English. Here follow the names, wmi 
a noik to each. 

AuMSAAquEN, IT dtpuJhf , 

for Ihe NianhckM^ 




We do not see MtxanCs or Mixanno^s name among the signers, although 
he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied to 
him. There were four interpreters employed upon the occasion, namely, 
Seraeant CuJlieut and his Indian man, Cutchamakin and Josias.** 

Aom this time to the next meeting of the commissioners, the country 
aeems not to have been much disturbed. In the mean time, however. Uneasy 
without any regard to the promise and obligations the English had laid them* 
aelves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narraganset sachem for some 
alleged of&nce. On opening their congress, at New Haven, letters from Mr. 
Morton and Mr. PdarSy at requot, were read by the commissioners, givins 
accounts of Uncaps perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and in formed 
that Untas was shortly to be there, and that they should bring their proof in 
Older to a trial. 

Meanwhile Uneas came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accusers 
not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the English at 
Nameoke, since Saybrook, t^cre the suffering party, as their neighborhood 
was the scene of Unetu^s depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowl- 
edged himself guilty, especially of fighting JSTeckwash [Wequash] Cooke so 
near to the plantation at Peauot ; although he alle^d that some of the Eng- 
fiah there had encouraged nequash to hunt upon his lands. He was informal 

* OicMMMfimi. t Perhaps Shoshanim, or Sholan. 

t See page 61, ante. ^ IVeqtuuh Cook. n Wepiteamoek, 

f AwoMeqmn, ** Son of Ckikataubvt, probably. 



that his brother had also been guilty of some oflence, but neither the 
nor the accused were present, and, therefore, it could not be acted upon. So^ 
after a kind of reprimand, Uncos was dismissed, as we have just mentkuied. 
But before he liad lefl the town, Mr. Wm, Morion arrived at court, with three 
Indians, to maintain the action against him ; he was, therefore, called in, and a 
hearing was had, ^ but the commissioners founde noe cause to alter the fbrmer 
>vriting€ giucn him.** This was as regarded the afiair with fFtauash, Mr. 
Morton then produced a Pequot powwow, named Jfampushdj wno, he said, 
had charged Uncas with having hired him to do violence to anotlicr Indian, or« 
to procure it to t)e done, which accordingly was effected, the Indian being 
wounded with a hatchet. This crime was at first laid to the charge of IVt- 
quash, as Uncas had intended. "But aflcr [wards,] the Pequat's powwow, 
troubled in conscience, could have no rest till he had discoured Vncus to be 
the author." He first related his guilt to Robin,* an Indian servant of Mr. 
Jfxnthrop ; but, to the surprise of tlic whole court, JFampushd, the only wit- 
ness, on being questioned through Mr. Stanton, the intorf)retcr, told a atoiy 
diametrically the reverse of what he had before stated. " lie cleared Vncus, 
and cast the plot and guilt vpon JVeckioash Cooke and Robin ;^ ''and though 
the other two Pequats, whereof the one was Robin's brother, seemed much 
ofTended," and said Uncas had hired him to alter his charge, "yet he peraisCed, 
and said A'eckwask Cooke and Robin had giuen him a [)ayre of breechea, and 
promised him 25 fadomo of wampum, to cn^i the plot u|)on Fncus, and that the 
English plantacnn and Pequats knew it. The commissioners abhorring this 
dhiilish falshoode, and advisiuge Vncus, if he rxf>ected any favoure and reaped 
from the English, to liaue no hand in any such designes or vniust wayea." 

Hence it appears that the court did not doubt much of the villany of Uneag^ 
but, for reasons not required here to be named, he was treated as a fond 
parent often treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which aucb 
crimes load ; and seem to threaten clinstisem^'nt in their words, while their 
dejwrtment holds out quite different language. 

At the congress of the United Colonic^s, at Boston, in July, 1647, Mr. John 
fVinthrop of Connecticut presented a petition, " in the name of many Pequatti^" 
in the preamble of which Casmamon and Obechiquod are named, rcqueating 
that they might have lilx^rty to dwell somewhere under the protection of the 
English, which they might appoint. They acknowledged that their sacheoBB 
and people had done very ill against the English formerly, for which they bad 
justly suftered and been rightfully conquered by the English ; but that tliey had 
had no hand, by consent or other^nse, in shedding the blood of the Engliah, 
and that it was by the advice of JVtcovash f that they fled from their countiy, 
being promised by him that the English would not liurt them, if they did not 
join against them. The names of (j2 craving pardon and protection were at 
die same time communicated. 

In answer the commissioners say, that while Wtquash lived he had made no 
mention of " such iimoc'ent Pequats, or from any other person since ;" and on 
" enquiry from Thomas Stanton, from Foxon, one of Uncus his men, and at last 
by confession of the Pequats present, found that some of the petitioners were 
in Mistick fort in fight against the English, and fled away in the smoke,** and 
that others were at other times in arms against the English and Mohe^anii 
and, therefore, the ground of tlieir petition was false and deceitful. 

It appears that they had taken refuge under Uncas, who had promised them 
good usaffe, which was proliably on condition that they should ])ay liiin a 
tribute. They resided at this tunc at Nainyok. 

At the same court, Obechiquod complained tliat Uncas had forcibly taken 
away his wife, and criminally obliged her to live with him. " Foxon being 
present, as Unccu^s deputy, was questioned about this base and uusuflferable 
outrage ; he denied that Uncas either took or kept away, Obechiquod*s wife bj 
force, and affirmed that [on] Obechiquod*s withdrawing, with other Peqnott^ 

* His Indian name was Ctumamon, perhaps the same as Castatsinnamon, or Cascuuiemomf 

t Wiequathf the ^tor. He became a noted pra^nn^ Indian, aAer the Poquol war, and 
was supposed to have died by poijrai. Frequent mention will be found of him elscwhero ia 
oar won. 


fitnn Unca9y his wife refused to go with him ; and that, among the Indians^ it is 
CMual when a wifb so deserts her husband, another may take her. Obechquod 
•ffirmed that Uneag had dealt criminally before, and still kept her against 

Thoueh not satisfied in point of proof, the commissioners said, ** Yet ab- 
horing Siat lustful adulterous carriage of Uncaa^ as it is acknowledged and 
ndttiffated by Foxon^ and ordered that he should restore the wife, and that 
Ohwdquod have liberty to settle under the protection of the English, where 
they should direct.* 

Oomplaints at this time were as thick upion the head of Uncas as can well 
be conceived of, and still we do not imagine that half the crimes he was guilty 
o£ are on record. Another Indian named SanapSj at the same time, complain- 
ed that he had dealt in like manner with the wife of another chief^ since dead ; 
that he had taken away his com and beans, and attempted his life also. The 
coiut say they found no proof, ** first or last, of these charges,** stifl, as to the 
oom and beans, ** Foxon conceives Uncas seized it because Sannop, with a 
F^uol, in a disorderly manner withdrew himself from UncasT* Hence it 
■eems not much evidence vms required, as Uncases deputy uniformly pleaded 
guBtr ; and the court could do no less than order that, on investigation, he 
Hioiud make restitution. As to Sannop, who was ** no Pecjuot," but a ^ Con- 
necticut Indian," he had liberty to live under the protection of the English 

To the charges of the Pequots against UneaSf of ^ his vnjustice and tyranny, 
dimwinffe vrampam from them vpon new pretences," ^they say they haue 
gioen him wampam 40 times since they came vnder him, and that they haue 
■ent wampam by him to the English 25 times," and had no account that he 
erer delivered it ; it was answered by Foxoriy that Uncas had received wam- 
pam divers times as tribute, but denied that, in particular, any had been given 
nim for die English, and that *' be thinks the nomber of*^ 25 times to be 
•llMrether false." 

There were a long train of charges against Uncas for his oppression of the 
Pequots, which when the commissioners had heard through, they ^ ordered 
tint Vneus be duly reproved, and seriously enformed that the English cannot 
owne or protect him in any vnlawful, much lesse trccherous and outrageous 
." And notwithstanding the commissioners seem not to doubt of the 
of their ally, yet nothing seems to have been done to relieve the 

i Pequots, because that "afler the [Pequot] warre they spared the 

lines of such as had noe hand in the bloude of the English." To say the least 
of which, it is a most extraordinary consideration, that because some innocent 
people had not been destroyed in war, they might be harassed according as 
ttie caprice of abandoned minds might dictate. 

Mr. Jotm Wtnthrop next prefers a complaint against Uncas from another 
: the NipmuKS had been attacked, in 1646, by 130 Mohegans, under 
lo, a brotner of Uncas. It does not appear that he killed any of them, 
but robbed them of effects to a great amount ; among which are enumerated 
35 fathom of wampum, 10 cop])er kettles, 10 ^ great hempen baskets," many 
beer skins, deer skins, &c. Of this charge Foxon said Uncas was not guilty. 
Ibr that he kmew nothing of NowequcCs proceedings in it ; that at the time of 
it [September] Uncas, with his chief counsellors, was at New Haven with the 
commisttoners of the United Colonies ; and that N'owtqua had at the same 
time robbed some of Uncas*s own people. 

It was also urged by Wtnthrop, that not long before the meeting of the com- 
miMODers in September, 1647, this same Mtoequa had beeii with 40 or 50 men 
to Firiier^ Island, where he had broken up a canoe belonging to him, and greatly 
ekurmed his man and an Indian who were there at that time. That Mwequa 
next ^hovered against the English plantation, in a suspicious manner, with 40 
or 50 of his men, many of them armed with gunns, to the aflfrightment not 
ooely of the Indiaois on the shore ^soe that some of them began to bring their 
goods to the Englkh houses) but divers of the English themselues." 

* This chief is the same, we believe, called in a later part of the records (Hazard, ii. 413) 
JMaehictwood. He was fiiie<L with seven others, ten fathom of wampum for going to fight 
the Poeomptuek Indians with Umeui, in the summer of 1669, 



These charsefl being admitted bv Fooson, the commissionen *< ordered that 
FneuB from tnem be mlly informed, that he must either regulate and contiiuia 
his brother in a righteous and peaceable frame for the future ynderstaDdinge^ 
and providing that vpon due proof due restitution to be made to such as haue 
been wrongea by him, or else wholy disert and leaue him, that the Narragm- 
sett and others may requere and recouer satisfaction as they can." 

We pass now to the year 1651, omitting to notice some few eyents more or 
less connected with our subject, which, in another chapter, may properly piK 
under review. 

Last year, Tlwmas Stanton had been ordered *^ to get an account of the num- 
ber and names of the several Pequots living among the Narragansets^ Niantidu^ 
or Mohegan Indians, &c. ; who, by an agreement made after the Pequot war, are 
justly trwutaries to the English colonies, and to receive the tribute due for this 
last year." Stanton now appeared as interpreter, and with him came aho 
Uncos and several of his men, Wequash Cook and some of Atntiacmcj/rt" uien, 
** Robert, a Pequot, sometimes a servant to Mr. ffirUhrop, and some with hioo. 
and some Pequots living on Long Island." They at Uiis time delivered 3^ 
fathom of wampum. Of this Uncas brought 79, A'inigreVs men 91, &c. 

''This wampum being laid down, Uncas and others of the Pequots 
demanded why this tribute was required, how long it was to continue, and 
whether the children to be lK)m hereafter were to pay it." They were 
answered that the tribute had been due yearly from the Pequots since 16%^ 
on account of their murders, wars, &c. upon tlie English. ''Wherefore dw 
commissioners might have required botli account and pa^'mcnt, as of a juK 
debt, for time past, but are contented, if it lie thankfully accepted, to remit 
what is past, accounting ouly from 1()50, when Thomas Stanton^s employment 
and salary befaii." Also that the tribute should end in ten vears mor& and 
that chilclren hereafter bom should Ix) exempt. Hitherto all male childnn 
were taxed. 

The next matter witli which wc shall proceed, has, in tlie life of 
quuiy been merely glanced at, and reserved for tins place, to which it 
Droperly belongs. 

We have now arrived to die ye€U' 16G1, and it was in the spring of this year 
that a war broke out between Uncas and the old sachem before named, h, 
seems very clear that the Wampanoogs had been friendly to the NarragBnaBt% 
for a long time previous; being separated from them, were not oAen 
involved in their troubles. They saw how Uncas was favored by the En^kfa, 
and were, therefore, careful to have notliing to do with the Mohegana^ from 
whom they were still fartlier removed. Of the rise, progress and tennination 
of their war upon the Quabaogs, a tribe of Nipmuks belonging to /f'luaffuwui, 
the reader may gather the most important facts from some documents,* which 
we shall in tlie next place lay before him. 


"Mercurius de Qoabaconk, or a declaration of the dealings of Vnca$ 
and the Molieghi Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Quabaconk, 
21, dd mo. 1661. 

" About ten weeks since Uncas* sou, accompanied with 70 Indians, act upon 
the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away six p-ia- 
oners ; among which were one squaw and her two children, whom when be 
had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the squaw, on conditions that she 
would go home and bring him £25 in f^eag, two guns and two blankets, for 
the release of herself and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being 
retained b^ the sagamore of Weshakeim, in hopes that tlieir league with the 
English will free them. 

" At the same time he carried away also, in stuft* and money, to the vahie 
of £37, and at such time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the 
English in the Massachusetts by the worshipful Mr. Wxnihrop, he insolentlT 
laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had 
begun, and assay who dares to control! him. Moreover, four days aiDce 
there came home a prisoner that escaped ; two yet remaining, whom Uiicaf 

* In manuscript, and never before publwhed. 


thmtena, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave, and 
•till threatens to continue his war against them, notwithstandinff any prohibi- 
iSoD whatsoever; whose very threats are so tenrible, that our Indians aare not 
iwuder far from the towns about the Indians ibr fear of surprise. 

From the relation of 

and testimony of 



and others." 

From this narrative it is very plain that Uncas cared very little for the dis- 
pleasure of the English : it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they what 
kept them fit>m d^ing as severely with him as with the Narragansets, his 
DMghborB. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a temper to aid in 
fighting their battles when called upon. Hence, when he had committed the 
maseet insults on other Indians, the wheels of justice often moved so slow, 
umt they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another matter. 
It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly sit- 
uitod — upon the very margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one 
aide by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the 
Fequots, but tliis only added to their fears, for thc^ knew that revenge lurked 
atiu in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportunity to 
fiimtify it ; therefore, so long as one of the most numerous tribes could poesi- 
Ely be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in safety. They 
had made many missteps in their proceedings with the Indians, owing some- 
tknes to one cause and sometimes to another, for \niich now there was no 
remedy ; and h is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were 
to go into an imknown region and settle among wild men, that they would 
apt along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians 
here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which must be 
Cafeen into account in estimating the *^ wrongs of the Indians." They qpem 
the more necessary in tliis place ; for, in the biographv of Uncas, there is as 
mochy perhaps, to censure regarding the acts of the Efnglish, as in any other 
sfticle of Indian history. 

The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was 
referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 June, reported, 

That letters should be sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible the court was 
of the injuries he had done tlicm, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quaba- 
cook, who lived under their sagamore, Wassamagin, as set fbrth in the 
namtive. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and 
make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to rorl)ear for time to 
come all such unlawful acts. That, if IVassamagin or his subjects had or 
siiotikl do him or his subjects anv wrong, the English would, upon due 
proo( cause recompense to be made. Also that Uncas be given to under- 
atand and assured, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were 
then resolved to right the injuries upon him and his, and for all costs they 
might be put to in the service. ^ That for the encourneement and safety of 
the aayd Wauamapn and his subjects, tlicro be by order of Major WUJUvrd 
time or four arm^ men, well accomodate in all respects, with a proporcon 
of powder, bulletts and match sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the 
aayd Wassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoote of their mus- 
queta so often, and in such wise, as the major shall direct, to terrifie the 
enemies of fVassamagin, and so to return homo agam." To inform Wassamor 
gm and his subjects, that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an 
acknowledgment of tlieir regard, if they would permit them to have the 
eiqptives to be recovered from Uncas, to bring tliem up in a proper manner, 
that tbj^ might be serviceable to their friends, &c. Also, **aduice and re- 
quire Wastamturm and his men to be verie rarefiill of iniuring or any waya 
prouoking of fheas, or any of his men, as he will answer our dispkaaare 


therciD, and incurr due punishment for the same." That if TJnca» committed 
any other hostile acts, he must complain to them, &c.* Thus Wasmnmffii^ 
was as much threatened as Vnau, 

Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commiMion- 
crs in September following ; when, in due course, the business was called um 
and acted upon as follows : — 

^ Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of the Massachusetts agaiiiflt 
Vnkas^ this folR>wing message was sent to him : — 

^ Vncas, wee haue rcceiucd information and complaint from the generall 
court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Wosamequin and the 
Indians of Quabakutt, whoe are and longe haue bine subjects to the English, 
killing some and carrying away others ; si>oy1ing theire goods to the vallue of 
S^ib. as tliey alle^." That he had done this contrary to his covenants^ and 
had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time 
mnce they had ordered him to deliver up the captives, make remuneration, 
&c. And to all he had returned no answer ; ^ which,** continues the letter, 
** seemes to bee an insolent and proud carriage of youers. We cannot but 
wonder att it, and must beare wimess against it" He was, as before, required 
to return the captives, &.c. and give reasons for his operations; and if be 
nefflected to do so, the Massachusetts were at liberty to right them0elve& 

In the mean time, as we appreliend, a letter from Uncaa was received, wiit- 
ten by Captain Mason, which was as follows : — 

" Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in mj 
last to VhcaSf sachem of Mohcgen, wherin it was declared vpon the com- 
^aint of fVeaamegtieriy f a .sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the aatid 
Vhcas had offered great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and 
taking others captiue ; ^fhich warrant came not to tineas, not aboue 20 daieB 
before these presents, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in fiiD 
scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not retuni 
the captiues, and £83 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it bj 
force of armes, which to him was ucry gricuous : professing he was aluwether 
ignorant that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts ; and raither 
daid that they were none of WtsamequtvCs men, but belonging to Onoptquim^ Ym 
deadly enemie, whoe was there borne ; one of the men then taken was Idi 
own cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person ; andyett 
sett him att libertie ; and fiuther saith that all the captiues were sent hmnei 
Alsoe that Wtsamequin\^8'\ son | and diuers of his men had fought against him 
diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his ausware to the 

*^Mexander allis fVamstUta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Plymouth, 
hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him ; and further said tliat hee 
did warr against Vncas this summer on that account § 

Signed by 

John Masoh.* 

* Here end our MSS. relating to this affair. 

t By this it would seem that MassatoU had, for some time, resided among the Nipmoekl. 
He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons. 

X There can scarce be a doubt that this refers to Alexanitr, and that the next parampb 
confirms it} hence AfaMotaiV was alive in May, 1661, as we have before stated. And tW 
above letter of Maton was probably written in September, or while the commissionefi w«n 
in session. 

6 It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmurks belonged. ^SK*^ 
Williams savs, in 1668, " That all the Neepmucks were unquestionably subject to the Ifn* 
higonset sachems, and, in a special manner, to 3frfksaJi, the son of (faunouniew, and lalt 
husband to this old Squavc- Sachem, now only surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of 
it,'' dec. MS. letter. See life MoMsasoit, b. ii. ch. ii. 

At one time, Kutshamakin (Claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made a lool 
of by some of them, for some j>rivato end. But Mr. Pvnchon said they would not own him as 
a sachem any longer " than me sun shined upon him." Had ihey belonged to him, Bfusa* 
ehosetts must have owned them, which would have involved them in much difficulty in 164S. 
by reaioo of leveral murden among them. 

Chap. VI.] UNCAS.-SASSACUS. 165 

The particulara of the issue of these troubles were not recorded, and the 
presumption is, that Uncos complied with the reasonable requests of the Eng- 
lish, ana the old, peaceable Ousamequirij being unwilling to get into difficulty, 
put up with the result without avenging his wronss. His son, fFamsuUa, as 
will be seen, about this time foimd hunself involved in difficulties nearer 
home, which probably prevented ^im fit>m continuing the war against UneaSf 
had he been otherwise disposed. 


O/tkePmot nation — Geography ofUitir country — Sassacus, their first chirff laufwm 
to the English — Tassaouanott — Irar — The cause of it — WzquASH — Canonieus and 
Miantunnomoh accused of harboring fugitive Peqttots — Sassamon — Mohohotto— 
Otask — Cassassihnamon. 

** Bat lince Vre mentiooed Smttmems* freat namfl, 
That day m much a terror where it came ; 
Let me, in proaecution of my itory. 
Say lomethmg of his pride and kinplom** glory.** — Wolcott. 

It is said by Mr. Hubhardy* that the Pequot8,f ** being a more fierce, cruel, / 
•nd warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more 
inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest 
pkuses near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors." The time of 
thor emupradon is unknown. They made all the other tribes ** stand in awe, 
dioagh fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next upon 
tfaem."! ^A 

Tbm country, according to Mr. €rooHn,§ ''the English of Connecticut 
jurisdiction, dotn now, [1674,] for the most part, possess." Their dommion, 
cr that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, *'over divers 
petty sagamores ; as over part of T^"g H*"^i over the Moheeans, and over 
ttie sagamores of Quinapcake, [now New Haven,l yea, over all Uie people that 
dwek upon Connecticut River, and over some or the most southerly mhabit- 
ants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaa^." The principal seat of the 
flBsamores was near the mouth of Pequot River, now callea the Thames, 
where New London stands. *^ These Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in 
former times, raise 4000 men fit for war." || The first great chief of this 
nation, known to the Euglish, was 

Sassacus, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians. 
From the fruitful letters of the Reverend Roger Williams, we learn that he had 
a brother by the name of Puppompogts, whose residence was at Monahiganick, 
probably Mohegan. AlthoOgh Sassacus^s principal residence was upon the 
Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had under him no less than 96 
aaehems, and his dominions were from Narraganset Bay to Hudson's River, 
in the direction of the sea-coast Long Island was also under him, and his 
authority was undisputed far into the country. 

A brother of Sassacus, named Tassaquanitt, survived the Pequot war, and 
was one of those complained of by Uncas in 1647, for givins his countrjrmen 
^crooked counsel!" about a present of wampum, which he nad advised to be 
ghren to the En^ish instead of him. It appears that on the death of a child 
of Unoas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum,f 
which, when 7\t8saquanoU knew, he disapproved of it, politicly UIgin£^ that 
If the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it matterra not 
inach about Uheof . 

• NamUve, i. 116. 

t We tMlieve this name meaDt Oray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indiaof , or Pequots. 

1 Hist New Enclawi, 33. 

4 See kis ColuSioiu in 1 CoQ. Mass. Hist Soc. L 147. I Biid. 

T Usxmrd, Hirt. Col. u. 90. 


We are informed,* that CoDnecticut was claimed by right of coDqueit at 
dne time by the first white settlers, who found much of it cultivated aiod Mt- 
fled by its Indian inhabitants, although they endeavored that it ahould be 
understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region wen 
** thousands, who had three kings, viz. Conntcticotcy Qumnwiogj and Sasia- 
cus." ConnecUcoie was " emperor,** or chief of chiefs, an elevation in whkh 
he and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to tbeir tim- 

About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pe- 
quots, Roger fFilliams WTotc to Governor Jftnthrop of Massachusetts, giving 
him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what 
was very important then, gave the iollowing rude draft of their countiy : — 

Riror dannthticut.t 

O ft fort of Uie Niantaquit| meii| eonfedermte with the Peqats. 
Mohiganic Rivor. 

Ohom- I 1 1 I owBuke,$ tho 
O Weinihauks, where swamp | | | | 3 or 4 milet fi 

Saaaanut tho chief tftchimi is. 
Mis- O ^>c^> where is .WaiiMJbo,|| another chief sachlm. 


Najran- Q taquit,t where is fV^^umuA and our ftleoda 


In the same letter, Mr. H'tUtams urges the necessity of employing ftidtfhl 
guides for the English forces ; "as shall be best hked of [to} be ta£en 
to dhrect, eroecially two Pequts ; viz. Wequashj [whose name signified a ■ 

and fftMackquiackomminy valiant men, especially the latter, who hare _, 

these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pav ad 
passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses." 

In 1634, as nas been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain SUnm WM 
killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading expedition in Connecticut Rifv. 
Without knowing the reason of their kilhn^ jSYone, the English demanded the 
murderers soon after, and as Sassactu was mvolved in troubles with the Nar- 
ragansets and all his neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slil^t dM 
demand of tho English ; he therefore sent messengers to Boston, wheie dMj 
arrived 6 November, with ofters of peace, which, after considerable deliben- 
tion on the part of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered inio 
on the 9th following. 

A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was 
dismissed with orders to inform Scuscuma, tliat he must send persons of neater 
auality, and then the English would treat with him. "He brou^v* b^JB 
tfinthropy " two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and 
otter skins he would give us for that end, and great store of wampompeage, 
(about two bushels, by his description.)" He had a small present with hnu, 
which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, ** a mooae cott 
of as good value." 

The treaty entered into on the 9 November, 1634, between the Pequots and 
English, stipulated that the murderers of Captain Stone should be given up tt> 
the English, of whom there were at tliat time left but two, as attested by the 
ambasGHadors'of SoMocuf, who further observed in explanation, that the narhom 
in whose time the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war 
with the Dutch, and that all the men concerned in it, except two, had a]» 
died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts given in concerning tliB 
death of SUmt, inclined the English to believe the account altogether ; aadt 
but for what happened afterwvds, it is probable that the historiana of tfatt 

* But with what truth I know not, for it rests upon the authority of PeUrs. 

i Coonecticut. X Niantick. $ A name signifying aa (hWa nui, Saaig UtUr 

I Probably Monanotto. 


period would hove reKed more upon the Pequots* own account than the gen- 
eral rumor. Such are the events of time — a circumstance may change the 
ftte, nay, the character of a nation, for a period, in the eyes of many genera 
tkna! But 

** O Time ! the beautifier of the dead ! 
Adorner of the ruin !— comforter, 
And only healer, when the heart hath bled ! 
Time, the corrector where our judgments err/' 

In the progress of the treaty, the Peqiiot ambassadors said, that if the two 
men then living who had been concomcd in Stone's death, " were worthy of 
death, tliey would move their sachcin to deliver them " to the English, but that 
OS to themselves, they had uo power to do so, and at once urged the jusmess 
of their act without nualifieation. iSSfone, they said, came into their river and 
seized upon two of their men, and bound them hand and foot, and, in that 
situation, obli^d them to pilot him up the river. When he had gone up as 
6r as he desired, himself and two other white men, and the two manacled 
Indians, went on shore. Meanwhile they had been watched by nine Indians, 
who, when they found the Englishmen asleep on the following night, fell upon 
tbem and massacred them. 

Considering the state of the Indians, no blame coukl be attached to them for 
this act ; two of their countrymen were in the hands of an unknown people, 
who^ from every appearance, were al)out to put them to death, and it was by 
en act of pure benevolence and heroism that they delivered them out of the 
hsnds of an invading foe. 

Therefore, being satisfied with the account, the English agreed to have 
peace with diero, provided they would give up the two men when they should 
•Nid for them; ''to yeld up Uonnecticut ; ** to give 400 fathom of wampom, 
and 40 beaver and 30 otter skins ; and that the English should immediately 
MiM) a vessel with a cargo of cloth to trade with them. 

The names of these ambassadors are not recorded ; but one signed the treaty 
widi the mark of a bow and arrow, and the other with that of a hand. 

The same day about 2 or 300 Narragansets were discovered at Neponset, 
wlio had marched out for the purpose of killing these ambassadors. This 
disD O very being made before the treaty was concluded, the English met them 
at Roxbury, and there negotiated a treaty between the Pequots and them. For 
the Airtherance of which, the Pequots instructed the English to present them 
with a portion of the wampom which they were to give to them ; but not as 
eoroinff from them, because they disdained to piArchase peace of that nation. 
The Narragansets readily conceding to the wisnes of the English, all parties 
retired satiraed. 

Distrust soon crew again into antipathy ; it having been reported that Slone 
and those with nim were treacherously surprised by the Pequots who had 
sone on board his vessel in a friendly manner to trade ; and seeing Captain 
Sftme asleep in his cabin, they killed him, and the other men one after the other, 
except Captain Mtrton, who, it seems, was with him ; he beins a resolute man, 
defended nimself for some time in the cook-room, but at lengUi, some powder. 
wliteh lor the more ready use he had placed in an open vessel, took fire and 
exploded, by which he was so seriously mjured, especially in his eyes, that he 
ccNiM hold oat no longer, and he was forthwith despatched by them. 

This matter at length having become fix^ in the minds of the English 
aooiMding to the latter relation, they were the more ready to charge other 
^Komslanoes of a like nature upon the Pequots. On the 20 July, 1696, as 
Mr. JUbi Oidham was on his passage passing near Manisses, that is. Block 
Usad, in a small pinnace, 14 Narraganset Indians attacked and killed him, and 
made his crew prisoners, which consisted only of two boys and two Narraganset 
Indians. The same day, as John Gallop was on his passage from Connecticut, 
in a bark of 20 tons, an adverse wind drove him near the same island. On 
aa^g a vessel in possession of Indians, he bore down upon her, and im- 
medisteiy knew her to be Captain Oldham^s, He hailed those on board, but 
rseetved no answer, and soon saw a boat pass firom the vessel to the shore 
Aril of men md coods. As CM&p neared the suspicious vessel, she slipped 
fksnming, ana tibe wind being off the land drilled her towards Narragan- 


set Notwithstaoding some of the Indians were armed with ffinu and awoidi^ 
Ckdlopj beine in a stouter vessel, resolved on running them down ; he then- 
fore made all sail, and immediately stemmed the pirate vessel on the qusiter 
with such force as nearly to overset her, and in their fright six Indians jumped 
overboard and were drowned. The rest standing upon the defensive, and 
being yet far superior in numbers to GaUop*8 crew, which consisted of two little 
boys and one man, to board them was thought too hazardous ; Gallop therefbie 
stood off to repeat his broadside method of attack. Meanwhile he contrived 
to lash his anquor to his bows in such a maimer, that when be came down 
upon the Indians a second time, the force was sufficient to drive the fluke of 
the anchor through their quarter ; which, holding there, both vessels floated 
along together. The Indians had now become so terrified, that they stood not 
to the fight, but kept in tlic hold of the pimiace. Gallop fired in upon them 
sundry times, but witliout much execution, and meantime tlie vessels got looee 
firom one anotlier, and Gallop stood off again for a thinl attack. As soon as be 
was clear of them, four more of the Indians jumped overboard, and were ako 
drowned. Gallop now ventured to board his prize. One of the remaininir 
Indians came up and surrendered, and was bound ; another came up and 
submitted, whom tliey also bound, but fearing to have Imth on board, this hit 
was cast into the sea. Two out of tlio 14 now remained, who had cot posses- 
sion' of tlie hold of the pinnace, and there successfully defended uiemselTeB 
with their swords against their enemy. Captain Oldham was found dead id 
the vessel, concealed under an old seine, and as his body was not entirelv cold| 
it was evident that he had been killed about the time his pinnace was discov- 
ered by Gallop. 

From the condition in which OidhattCs body was found, it was quite uncer- 
tain whether he had fallen in an afiray, or been murdered deliberately ; but it 
is very probable that the former was the fact, because it was unconvnon ftr 
the Indians to disfigure the slain, unless killed as enemies, and (Hdham^i body 
was shockinglv mangled. But Captain Oldham had been killed by the IndnmiL 
and the cry of vengeance was up, and cool investigation must not be looked 
for. The murder had been committed by the Indians of Manisses^ but Bfn- 
nisses was under the Narragansets ; therefore it was believed that the Nam- 
gansets had contrived his death because he was carrying mto efifect the articles 
of the late treaty between the Pequots and English. 

The two boys who were with Mr. Oldham were not injured, and wero 
immediatclv given up and sent to Boston, where they arrived the 30th of ths 
same month. As soon as ^^ntunrwmoh heard of the affair of Captain Oldham^ 
he ordered Ninigrei to send for tlic boys and goods to Block Island. The 
boys he caused to l^ delivered to Mr. H'tlliamSj and the goods he held subject 
to the onler of the English of Massachusetts. 

Meanwhile, 26 July, the two Indians who were in Mr. OldhawCi |Mnnaee 
when she was taken, wero sent by Canonicus to Governor Vant. Thej 
brought a letter from Roger Williams, which save an account of tlie wbofo 
affair, and some circumstances led the English to believe these messeugen 
were accessory to the death of Oldham ; but we know not if any thing further 
were ever done about it The same letter informed the governor mat Afum- 
iurmomoh had gbne, with 200 men in 17 canoes, **to take revenge, ^c" 

These events and transactions soon caused the convening of the governor 
and council of Massachusetts, who fortliwith declared war against the Indians 
of Manisses. Acconlingly 90 men were raised and put under the command 
of Captain John Endecck, who was general of the expedition. John UnderhSU 
and Mt^kanid Turner were captains, and Jenyaon and Davenport ensigns. 
EndecoWs instructions were to put to death the men of Block Island, but to 
make captives of the women and children. This armament set forth in three 
pinnaces, with two Indians as guides, 25 September, 1696. 

On arriving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near 
them. At Pequot harbor, a part of the armament seized a quantity of com 
belonging to the Pequots, and were attacked and obliged to fly. However, tho 
Narragansets reported that there were 13 Pequots killed during the expeditioii. 
The English were satisfied that they had harbored the murderers of Oldkamf 
whkh occasioned theur sailing to Pequot harbor. It being now late in thft 
season, the expedition was given up, to be resumed early in the q>ring. 


The Pequots, being now left to themselves, commenced depredations wher- 
ever they dared appear. About the beginning of October, as five men from 
Saybrook were collecting hay at a meadow four miles above that place, they 
were attacked, and one of them, named BxMerfidd^ was taken and killed ; from 
which circumstance the meadow still bears nis name. About 14 days after, 
two men were taken in a cornfield two miles from Saybrook fort There were 
■iz of tlie whites, and they were surrounded by 2 or 300 Indians, yet all escaped 
but two. Thus imboldened by success, they carried their depredations witnin 
bowshot of Saybrook fort, kilung one cow and shooting arrows into sundry 

On the 21 October, Miantmnomok, fearing for the safety of his English firiends, 
came to Boston, accompanied by two of Camonicu^s sons, another sachem, and 
about 20 men. KxiUhamakin had given notice of his coming, and a company 
of soldiers niet him at Roxbury and escorted him into the town. Here he entered 
into a treaty with the English, by which it was mutually agreed that neither 
should make peace with the Pequots without the consent of the other ; and to 
put to death or deliver up murderers. 

About the same time, John TUUy was taken and killed, and tortured in a 
most barbarous manner. As he was sailing down Connecticut River in his 
baiit, he landed about three miles above Saybrook fort, and having shot at some 
Awl, the report of his gun directed the Indians to the spot l^ey took him 
prisoner at nrst, and then cut oft" his hands and feet He lived three days after 
nis hands were cut oft^ and bore this torture without complaint, which gained 
him the reputation of being ^ a stout man " among his tormentors. These 
ftcts were reported by the Indians themselves. Another man who was with 
WiOetf was at the same time killed. 

On the 22 February, Lieutenant Gardner and nine men went out of Saybrook 
Atti and were drawn into an ambush, where four of them were killed, and the rest 
escaped with great difficulty. 

On April "1% six men and three women were killed at Wcathersfield. They at 
the same time killed 20 cows and a horse, and carried away two young women. 

Alarm was now general throughout the English plantations. JUieu^imtiomo/i 
having sent a messenger to Boston to notify the English that the Pequots had 
sent away their women and children to an island, 40 men were immediately 
aoDt to Narraganset to join others raised by J^iantwivMnnohy with the intention 
of fidling upon them by surprise. 

In the mean time, Captain Masorij with a company of 90 men, had been 
isised by Connecticut and sent into the Pequot country. He was accom- 

Snied uy Uncas and a large body of his warriors, who, in their march to 
^hro9k, 15 May, fell upon about 30 Pequots and killed 7 of them. One 
being taken alive, to their everlasting disgrace it will be remembered, that the 
Eiifush caused him to be tortured ; and the heads of all the slain were cut oft^ 
aadset up on the walls of the fort* 

Immecliately afler Captains Mason and UnderhtU set out to attack one of the 
tbitB of Sassacu*. This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present 
lown of Groton, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 25th 
of May ; and on the 2()th, before day, with about 500 Indians, encompassed it, 
and began a furious attack. The Mohegans and Narragansets discovered great 
Isar 00 approaching the fort, and could not believe that the English would 
^re to attack it When they came to the foot of the hill on which it was 
sttniUedy Captain Mason was apprehensive of being abandoned bv them, and, 
making a halt, sent for Uncasj wlio led the Mohegans, and Wtquash^ their pilot, 
who was a fugitive Pequot chief,t and urged them not to desert him, but to 
fiUlow him at any distance they pleased. These Indians had all along told the 
English they dared not fight the Pequots, but boasted how they themselves 
would fight MoMwi told them now they should see whether Englshmen 

* l/Vmlkrdfl's Journal, and Matori* Hist. Pequot War. — Dr. Mather'* account of this affur 
hM been given in the life of Uncas. 

t The tame, it is believed, elsewhere called Waquath Cook ; " which Weqwuh (says Dr. 
/. MtitiuA was by birth a sachem of that place [where Sastaeui lived], but upon some <usgust 
fcceived, ne went from the Pequots to the Narracansets, and became a chief captain ooder 
■."— iWalwn,47. 




[Boos a 

would fight or noL Notwithstanding their boastings, they could not OTereome 
the terror wliich die name of Sassacus had inspired in them, and they kept H 
a safe distance until the fight was over ; hut assisted considerably in rcpeuiqg 
the attacks of tlie Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; — for their warriora^ oo 
recovering from their consternation, collected in a considerable body, and 
fbuffht tl)c confederates for many miles. 

The English had but 77 men, which were divided into two componieSi one 
led by Mason, and the other by UnderkUl, The Indians were all withia their 
fort, aslee[) in tlieir wigwams, and the barking of a dog was the first notice 
they had of tlie ap|)roach of the c-nemy, yet very few knew tlie rniiso of the 
alarm, until met by the naked swonls of the foe. The fon had two entrances 
at opposite points, into which each party of English were led, sword in band. 
**franux! franux!^* was the cry o{ Sas8acus*8 nmu; and such was th(nr 
surprise, that they made very feebk) resistance. Having only thebr own 
missile weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the En^irii 
rapiers. They were pursued from wigwam to wigwam, and slaughtered in 
every secret place. Women and children were cut to pieces, while endeavor- 
ing to hide themselves in and under their beds. At length fire was set in the 
mats that covered the wigwams, which furiously spread over the whole fixL 
and the dead and dying were tocethcr consumed. A part of the English had 
formed a circumference u|)on Uic outside, and shot such as attempted to if* 
Many ascended the pickets to escape the flames, but were shot down by tboae 
stationed for that purpose. About GOO persons were supposed to have perill- 
ed in this fight; or, perhaps I should say, massacre. f There were but two 
English killed, and but one of those by the enemy, and about 20 wounded 
Sassaau himself was in another fort ; and, being informed of the ravagea ef 
the Enfflish, destroyed his habitations, and, with about 80 others, fled to Ac 
Mohawks, who treacherously beheaded him, and sent his scalp to the Kngiirti 

The author of the following lines in ** Yamoyden," alludes to tbia 
choly event happily, though not truly : — 

** And SassaeOuSf now no more, 
LfOrd of a thousand bowmen, fled ; 
And all the chiefs, his boast l>erorc, 
Were mingled with the unhonored dead. 
Sannap ami Sagamore were slain, 

On Mystic's banks, in one red ni^lit: 
The once far-dreaded kin^ in vain 
Sought safely in inglorious flight ; 
AndrcA of all bis Tcg»\ pride. 
By the fierce Maqua^ hand' he died." 

One of the most unfeeling passages flows from the pen of Huhbardj in hil 
account of this war ; which, together with the fact he records, forms a miMt 
distressing picture of depravity. We would gladly turn from it, but juatieo 
to the Indians demands it, and we give it in his own words : — 

The Narragansets had surrounded **• some hundreds ^ of the Pequots, and 
kept them until some of Captain Stoughion*8 soldiers ^made an easy con- 
quest of them." "The men among them to the numl)er of 30, were presendy 
turned uilo Charon^s ferry-boat, uudcr the command of Skii)per Gcilop, who 
dispatched them a little without the harbor ! " 

Thus were 30 Indians taken into a vessel, carried out to sea, murdered, and^ 
in the agonies of death, thrown overboanl, to be buried imder tlie rileot 
waves ! VVhereabouts they were captured, or " without " what ** harbor" ther 
perished, we are not informed ; but, from the nature of the circumatancefl^ it 
would seem that they were taken on the l)orders of the Narraganset countiy, 
and murdered at the mouth of some of tlie adjacent harbors. 

That these poor wretches were thus revengefully sacrificed, should bnve 
been enough to allay the hatred in the human breast of all who knew il, 
especially uie JMorian! But he must imagine that, in theur passage to thdr 
^ve, they did not go in a vessel of human contrivance, but in a boat belong- 
ing to a river of hell ! thereby forestalling his reader's mind that they had 
b^ sent to that abode. 

* AUen^t History of the Pequot War. It signified, Englishmen! Engluhmen! In 
biHory, it is written Owanux. Alien merely copied from Mason, with a few such 

f "It was supposed," says Mather.** that no less than 500 or 600 Pequot souls were broa|ria 
down to bell tbiieit day." RtlatUm, 47. We in charily suppose, that by bell the doctor oSif 
moant death. 


NotwitfaMaDdtog the great slaughter at Mistick, there were great numben 
of PequotB in the coiindy, who were hunted from swamp to swamp, and their 
numbers thinned continually, until a remnant promised to appear no more as 
a nation. 

The Enriish, under Cq}tain SUmghlorij came into Pequot River about a 
Ibrtnight alter the Mistick fight, and a^ssisted in the work of tlieir extermina- 
tion. Afler his arrival in the enemy's country, he 'wrote to the governor of 
MaasachusettB, as follows: "By this pinnace, you ehall receive 4fi or 50 
women and children, unless tlierc stay any here to be helpful, &c. Concern- 
ing which, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the iuirost and lareest 
that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a route tu cloatlie her. ft is 
my desire to have her for a sen'ant, if it may stand with your good liking, else 
not There is a little squaw tliat steward Culacut dcsiretli, to whom he hath 

E'ren a coate. Lieut Davenport also desireth one, to vnt, a small one, that 
ktfa three strokes upon her stomach, thus: — ||| H~* ^^ desireth her, if it 
will stand with your good liking. Sotomorij the Indian, desireth a young little 
squaw, which I know not 

" At present, Mr. HayneSf Mr. Ijudlo, Captain Masony and 90 men are with 
us in requot River, and we shall the next week joiue in seeing what we can 
do against SoBMacus^ and another great sasamore, Monowattuckj [Mononotto,] 
Here is yet good work to be done, and now dear it will cost b unknown. 
Smaeui is resolved to sell his life, and so the other with their company, as 
dear as they can." * 

Periiape it will be judged that SloughUm was looking more after the profit 
aiWng mm the sale of captives, than for warriors to fight with. Indeed, 
MamnCi account does not give him much credit 

Speaking of the English employed in this expedition, WolaM thus un- 
moilalizeB them : — 

" These were (he men, this was the liiUe band, 
That durst the force of the new world withstand. 
These were the men that by their swords made way 
For peace and safety in America." 

Vacant Hours, 44. 

There was a manifest disposition on the part of Uncasy Comontettf, 
JlSatdunnomoh and JVTntmf, and perhaps other chiefi, to screen the poor, 
denounced, and flying requots, who had escaped the flames and swords 
of the English in their war with them. Part of a correspondence about 
theee sachems' harboring them, between R. ffiUxams and tne governor of 
Massachusetts, is preserved in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society; from which it appears, tliat Massachusetts had reouested Mr. 
IfiBuEifu to explain to tlie cniefs the consequences to be depended upon, if 
they did not stnctly observe their agreement in reeard to the rugitive Pequots. 
(HasKj carried to Mr. fVUliams a letter from the Massachusetts governor upon 
this subject After he had obeyed its contents, as far as he was able, he 
answered, that he went with Olash ^ to the Nanhiggonticks, and having got 
Chmounicus and MantunnomUy with their council, toother, I acquainted them 
fiudifljUy with the contents of your letter, both grievances and threatenings ; 
and to demonstrate, I produced tlie copy of the league, (which Mr. [Sir 
Ekmy] Fane sent me,) and, with breaking of a straw in two or three placeis, I 
diowed them what they had done.'' 

Theee chie& gave f/Lr, HlUiams to understand, that, when Mr. Governor 
understood what thev had to say, he would be satisfied with their conduct; 
dwt they did not wish to make trouble, but they ** could relate many particulart 
m km tin ffte English had broken their promises " since the war. 

In renvd to some squaws that had escaped from the English, Ckmonieua 
mad he had not seen any, btft heard of some, and immediately ordered them to 
be caiTied back asain, and had not since heard of them, but would now have 
fhb country searched for them, to satisfy the governor. 

M Umbmn o mo h said he had never hesird of but six, nor saw but four of them ; 

file among our slate piqien. 

* MaPT^nm letter of Captain StoughtoHf on 

* ^olcMs/k, Mr. WtUiamt writes his name. 


which being brought to him, he was angiy, and asked those Who faroagfat 
why tliey did not carry them to Mr. Wiuiams, that he might convey them to 
the English. They told him the sauaws were lame, and could not go ; upca 
which Mlantunnonioh sent to Mr. WilXiama to come and take them. Mr. ml- 
liama could not attend to it, and in his turn ordered Mardunnomok to do i^ 
who said he was busy and could not ; " as indeed he was (says WiVHami) m a 
strange kind of solemnity, wherein the sachims eat nothing but at nij^bt^ aid 
all the natives round about the cpuntry were feasted." In the mean time Cht 
squaws escaped. 

^Rantunnomok said he ^as sorry that the governor should think be wamed 
these squaws, for he did not Mr. M'iUiams told him he knew of hk aendiig 
for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, saying, the one sent lor wh 
not for himself, but for Sassamun,* who was lying lame at his house ; tfait 
Sassamun fell in there in his way to Pcqut, whither he had been sent bj the 
governor. The souaw he wanted was a sachem's daughter, who had been a 
particular friend or Mianhmwnnoh during his lifetime ; therefore, in kindnwi 
to his dead friend, he wished to ransom her. 

Moreover, Miantunnomah said, he and his people were true '^to the Enriirii 
in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okase [Unkua] and his Mohta- 
neucks had long since proved false, as he still feared they would. For, nB 
said, thev had never found a Pequot, and added, ** Chenock ejuse tveUmadti' 
mudc3$^ that is, "Did ever friends deal so With friends?" Mr. WHkam 
requirinff more particular explanation, MUirdunnomoh proceeded : — 

** My Drother, Yotatuihy had seized upon PvUaqupputmck, Quamej and 90 
Pequots, and 60 squaws ; they killed three and round the rest, whom tlief 
watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them Ja 
the morning to them. I came by land, according to promise, with 200 dmBi 
killing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem PuttogiMa- 
tmdL whom my brother had taken, who was now in the Elnglish houaeii nit 
the English thrust at me with a pike many times, that I durst not come nev 
the door." 

Mr. Waiiams told him they did not know him, else they would not ; bat 
Miantunnomoh answered, ** All my company were disheartened, and they all^ 
and Cuiahamoipime, desired to be gone." Besides, he said, " two of my maOi 
WagonckwhtU f and Maunamoh [MeihamoK] were their guides to SeaquaaU^ 
from the river's mouth." Upon which, Mr. fVtUiams adds to the govemor: 
^ Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much disregarded by manT.'* 

Mr. WiUiarM told the sachems " they received Pequts and wampom wdfaoal 
Mr.^vovemor's consent. Cannounicus replied, that although he and JlSoafaa* 
nomu had paid many hundred fathom of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr. 
Govemor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a PequL Nor, 
saith MiantimnomUy did I, but one small present fh)m four women of Loog 
Island, which were no Pequts, but of tliat isle, being afraid, desired to pot 
themselves under my protection." 

The Pequot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all good 
men, since. To exterminate a people before they had any opportunity ID 
become enlightened, tliat is, to be made acquainted with the reason of other 
usa^ towa]^ their fellow beings than those in which they had been brouirfat 
up, IS a great cause of lamentation ; and if it proves any thing, it proves that 
ffreat ignorance and barbarism lurked in the hearts of their exterminatoni 
We do not mean to exclude by this remark the great body of the present 
inhabitants of the earth from tlie charge of such barbarism. 

In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1647, it is mentioned thai 
^ Mr. John ff^nikrop making claim to a great quantity of land at Niantic hf 
purchase from the Indians, gave in to the commissioners a petition in tbeee 
words : — ^< Whereas I had the land of Niautick by a deed of gift and purchan 
from the sachem [Sassacus] before the [Pequot] wars, I denre the commia- 
sionerB will be pleased to confirm it unto me, and clear it from any claim of 

* Probably the lame mentioned afterwardi. He might have been the famona John 
>^ or hii brother Rowlami. 

mcn^r hii brother Bawland. 
f Pefhapa WahgtmaaU, or JVahgimiaeuL 

Ckaf. V1.| mononotto. 173 

EiijglKih and Indians, according to the equity of the case.' ** JFinihrop had no 
writing from Saasaeua^ and full ten years had elapsed since the transaction, but 
lyomaiushj fVamberquaskty and Jbduppo testified some time after, that ^ upon 
their knowledge before the wars wore against the Pequots, Sassacus then 
nehem of Niantic did call tliem and all his men together, and told ttiat he was 
roiolved to give his country to the governor's son of the Massachusetts, who 
lived then at Pattaquassat alias Connecticut River's mouth, and all his men 
declared themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to Patta- 
qaaflseta, and when he came back he told them he had granted all his country 
to him the said governor's son, and said he was his good friend, and he hoped 
be would send some English thither some time hereafter. Moreover, he told 
him be had received coats from him for it, which they saw him bring home." 
This was not said by those Indians themselves, but several English said thtu 
heard then eay so. The commissioners, however, set aside his claim with 
oonsideFable appearance of independence. 
Dr. Dwight thus cloees bis poem upon the destruction of the Pequots : — 

" Undamited, on their foes they fiercely flk^w ^ 
As fierce the dusky warriors crowd ttie fight ; 
Despair inspires ; to combat's face they glue ; 
Witn groans ana shouts, tbey race, uiiknowing fli^t, 
And close their sullen eyes, m shades of endless night 

Indulge, my native land, indulge the tear 

That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom. 
To me, each twi^ from Adam's stock is near, 

And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb." 

And, O ye chiefs ! in yonder starry home, 

Accept tne humble tribute of this rhyme. 

Your gallant deeds, in Greece, or haughty Rome, 

By Maro sunsfi or Homer's harp sublime, 

Had charmed the world's wide round, and triumphed over time.'* 

Another, already mentioned, and the next in consequence to Sassacus, was 
MoNOifOTTO. Hubbard calls him a ** noted Indian," whose wife and children 
lUl into the hands of the English, and as " it was known to be by her media- 
tioD that two English maids (that were taken away from Weathersfield, upon 
Connecticut River) were saved from death, in requittal of whose pi^ and 
humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she 
WM in special recommended to the care of Gov. fVinthrop, of Massachusetts." 
Mononotto fled with Sassacus to the Mohawks, for protection, with several 
mofe chiefs. He was not killed by them, as Sassacus was, but escaped from 
them wounded, and probably died by the hands of his English enemies. He 
ii thus mentioned by Governor fFoUott, in his poem upon Wxrdhrop^s agen- 
cy &c 

" Prince Mononotto sees his souadrons fly, 

And on our general havinj^ fixed his eye, 

Rage and revenge his spints quicken'mg. 

He set a mortal arrow in the strmg." 

On the 5 August, 1637, Governor Wirdhrop makes the followinff entry in his 
jouma] : — ^Mr. LudhtVy Mr. Pinchton^ and al)out 12 more, came by land from 
Connecticut, and brought with them a part of the skin and lock of hair of 
Saiaeus and his brother and 5 other Pequod sachems, who being fled to the 
Mohawks for shelter, with their wamnom (being to the value of £500) were 
fay them surprised and slain, with 20 or their best men. Mononotioh was also 
taken, but escaped wounded. Tiicy brought news also of divers other Pequods 
which had been slain by other Indians, and their heads brouglit to the English ; 
■0 that now there had been slain and taken between 8 and SK)0." 

The first troubles with the Pequots have already been noticed. It was 
among the people of Mononotto, that the English caused the blood of a Pequot 
to flow. Some English had been killed, biit tliere is no more to excuse the 
mincer of a Pequot than an Englishman. The English had injured the 
Indians of Block Island all in their power, which, it seems, did not satisfy 
tfaeniy and they next undertook to make spoil upon them in their own country 

15 * 


upon CoDnecticut River. *'As they were sailing up the river, says Dr. £ 
Mather^ n^ny of tlie Poquots on both sides of the river called to them, desirous 
to know what was their end in coming thither." * They answered, that they 
desired to speak with Sassacua ; being told that Sassacua iiad gone to Loot 
Island, diey then demanded that MononoUo should appear, and tliey pretended 
he was from home hLiM). However, they went on shore and demanded the 
murderers of Captain Stone, and were told that if they would wait they wouM 
send for them, and that MononoHo would come immediately. But very wise^, 
the Pequots, in the mean time, ^ transported their goods, women and cbildrai 
to another place." f One of tliem then told the English that Mononoito would 
not come. Then the English began to do what mischief they could to tbem, 
and a skirmish followed, wherein one Indian was killed, and an Englislunai 
was wounded." J 

The name of Mononotio^s wife appears to have been Wincumbo:ce. She 
should not be overlooked in speaking of Mononotto, as she was instnimentai id 
saving the life of an Englishman, as disinterestedly as PocahonUu saved thtt 
of Ca[)tain Smith. Some English had gone to trade with the Pequots, and to 
]*ecovor some horses which they had stolen, or picked up on their lands. Two 
of the English went on shore, and one went into the sachem's wigwam and 
demanded the horses. The Indians within slyly absented themselves^ and 
ff'tncumbone, knowing their intention, told him to fly, for the Indians were 
making preparations to kill him. He barely escaped to tlie boat, being foDow- 
cd by a crowd to the shore. 

Cassassinnamon was a noted Pequot chief, of whom we have some account 
as curly as 1050. In that year a difliculty arose about the limits of SoutheitODi 
since called Stouington, in Connecticut, and several English were sent to oeClk 
riic difficulty, which was concerning the location of Wekapauge. "For to 
help us (they say) to understand where Wekapauge is, we desired some P0» 
mianicke Indians to go with us." Cassassinnamon was one who f»iwiiHBdi 
Thoy told the English that ** Cashmcassit (the governor of Wekapauge) did 
charge them that they should not go any fuinher than the east side of a little 
swamp, near the east end of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a 
stake, and told us [the English] that Cashatoasset said that that very place WM 
Wekapauge ; said that he said it and not them ; and if they should eay thtt 
Wekaimuge did go any further, Cashmcassei would be angry." Ctu^wiocmd 
nfler this had connrmed to him and those under him, 8000 acres of land in the 
Pequot coimtry, with the ))rovision that they continued subjects of MaBsaehu- 
setts, and should ^ not sell or alienate the suid lands, or any part thereof^ to anj 
English man or men, without the court's approl)ation." 

The neck of land calle<l Quininuniavfce was claimed by both parties ; but 
Cassassinncunon said tliat when a whale was some time before cast ashore 
tliero, no one disputed CashatcasseVs claim to it, which, it is believed, settled 
the question: Cashawasset was known generally by the name of Harmon 
Garrett. § 

We next meet with Cassassinnamon in Philip's war, in which he command- 
ed a company of Pequots, and accompanied Captahi Denison in his succes^uf 
career, and was present at the capture of Canonchet, || 

In November, 1651, Cassassinnamon and oigJit others executed a son of an 
apiyement "with the townsmen of Pequot," aAerward called Aeir Londoiu 
What kind of agreement it was we are not told. His name was subscribed 
Casesymamon, Among the other names we see Obbachkhcood, J\*eesovice£gun 
alias banUl, Cxdchamaquin and Mahmaioambam. Cassassinnamon^ it is ^id, 
signed "in his own behalf and the l)ehalf of the rest of Nameeag Indians."^ 

* Relation, 44. t Ibid. 

\ Ibid. Captain Lion Gardener, who had some men in this aflfair, gives qsite a diflTcrcul 
account. See life of Kutshamoquin, alias Kulthamakin. 
6 Several manuscript documents. I Hubbard. 

T 1 CM. Moms. Hut. 8oc. x. 101. 



Qf tkB Praying of CkriatuM Indians in Jiew England — Difficult to ChristiamM 
tk§m Ijtlors of John £liot — Waubah the first Christian sagamore — Indian laws 
— Uncas protests against the attempt to concert his people — Ninigret refuses to 
rseeive missionaries — The Indian Bible — Piambouhou — Spekit — PsNirAHAifiiiT — 


— MiOHqsoo— OccuM — Tituba. 

It must be exceedingly difficult, as all experience has shown, to cause any 
people to abandon a belief or faith in a matter, unless it be one on which the 
reasoning powers of the mind can be brought to act The most ignorant 
people must be convinced, that many effects wliicli they witness are produced 
oy obvious causes ; but tlierc are so many others for which they cannot dis- 
cover a cause, that they hesitate not to deny any natural cause for them at 
once. And notwitlietauding that, from day to day, causes are developing 
diemsclves, and showing them, that many results which they had viewed as 
proceeding from a super natural cause hitlicrto, was nothing but a natural 
ooe, and which, when discovered, appeared pedectly simple, too, yet, for the 
WBDt of the means of investigation, tliey would be looked upon as miraculous. 
^leae fiicts have been more than enough, among the scientific world, to 
erase them to look upon the most latent causes, with a hope timt, in due 
time, ^y would unfold themselves also ; and, finally, leave nothing for any 
agent to perform but nature itself. When the Lidiau, therefore, is driven by 
reason, or the light of science, from his strong-hold of ignorance, or, in 
other words, superstition, he is extremely liable to fall into tlie opposite 
aztreme, to which allusion Jias just been made, because he will unhesitatingly 
aay, what once appeared pa£ft all discovery has been shown to be most plain, 
and therefore it is not only possible, but even probable, that others will be 
diadoaed of a like character. 

It ao happens, that in attempting to substitute one faith for another, in the 
minds of Indians, tliat the one proposed admits of no better demonstration 
tiian the one already possessed by them ; for their manner of transmitting 
things to be remembered, is the most impressive and sacred, as will be else- 
where observed in our work. That any thing false should be handed down 
fimn their aeed matrons and sires, could not be for a moment believed ; and 
hence, that uie stories of a strange people should be credited, instead of what 
they had heard from day to day from their youth up, from tliose who could 
have no possible motive to deceive tliem, could not l)e expected ; and there- 
fere no'one will wonder for a moment that tlie gospel has met with so few 
beUe^ers among the Indians. All this, aside from their dealers in mysteries, 
the powwows, conjurers or priests, as they are variously denominated, whose 
office is healing the sick, appeasing tlie wratli of the invisible spirits by 
eharms and unintelligible mummery. These characters took upon them- 
aehres, also, the important atlair of determining the happiness each was to 
eiyoy after death ; assuring tiie brave and the virtuous that they should go to 
a l^ce of perpetual spring, where game in the greatest plenty abounded, and 
eveiy thing that the most perfect happiness required. Now, as a belief in 
any other religion promised no more, is it strange that a new one should be 
alow in aaining credence ? 

Consiaerations of this nature inevitably press in upon us, and cause us not 
to wonder, as many have done, that, for the first thirty years ai\er the settle- 
ment of New England, so little was effected by the gospel among the Indians. 
Tlie great difficulty of communicating with them by iuter{)reters must have 
been slow in the extreme ; and it must be considered, also, tliat a great length 
of time must have been consumed before any of these could perform their 
office with any degree of accuracy ; the Indian language being unlike every 
other, and bearing no analogy to any known tongue whatever ; and then, the 
peculiar custom of the Indians must be considered ; their long delays before 
they would answer to any proposition ; but more than all, we have to con- 


sidcr the natural distrust that must neccBsarily arise in the minds of eveiy 
people, at the sudden influx of strangers among tlieni. When any new 
theory was presented to their minds, ue first questions tliat would present 
tliemselves, would most unquestionably be, What are the real motives of thk 
new people ? — ^Do they reaUy love us, as they pretend ? — ^Do they really lofe 
one another ? or do they not live, many of tliem, upon one another ?— Is not 
this new state of things, which they desire, to enable them to subsist by vm, 
and in time to enslave us, or deprive us of our possessions ? — Does it not 
a])pear that these strangers are full of selfishness, and, therefore, have eveiy 
motive which that passion gives rise to for deceiving us ? — Hence, we repeat, 
tliat it can hardly be thought strange that Christianity has made so slow 
progress among the Indians. 

Notwithstanding one of the ostensible objects of nearlv all the roytd ebar- 
tcrs (md patents issued for British North America was the Christianizing of 
the Indians, few could be found equal to the task on arriving here ; wbere 
wants of every kind required nearly all their labors, few could be found 
willing to forego every comfort to engage in a work which presented so 
many difiiculties. Adventurers were those, generally, who emigrated with a 
view to bettering their own condition, instead of that of others. 

At length Mr, John Eliot, seeing that little or nothing could be efiected 
through the medium of his own language, resolved to make himself masler 
of the Indian, and then to devote himself to their service. Accordingly he 
hired * an oldf Indian, named Job JV€sutan,i to live in his family, and to teach 
him his laiiguage. When he had accomplished this arduous task, which he 
did in "a few months,'^§ he set out upon his first attempt; having ffiven 
notice to some Indians at JVb7MX7i/uni,|| since Newton,1[ of his intentiorw Widi 
tliree others he met the Indians for the first time, 28 October, 1646. Wamh 
bon,** whose name signified ipind,W '*a wise and grave man, though' no 
Sachem, with five or six Indians met them at some distance from their wig- 
wams, and bidding them welcome, conducted them into a large apartment 
where a great number of the natives wore gathered together, to hear this new 
doctrine." }t After prayers, and nn explanation of tlie ten conunandments, Mr. 
Eliot informed them **of the dreadful curse of God that would fall ufion aU 
tliose that brake them : He then told them who Jesus Christ was, where ha 
was now gone, and how he would one day come again to jtidgc the "world in 
flaming fire." 

Afler about an hour spent in this manner, the Indians had liberty to adc 
any questions in n;lation to what had been said. Wliereupon one stood up 
and asked. How he could know Jesus Christ 'J — Another, HTiether Engli^mm 
were ever so if^orani of him as the Indians ") — A third, ffhethtr Jesus CMd 
could undersUmd prayers in Indian '1 — Another, How there could he an image ^ 
Crodj since it was forbidden in the second commandment ? — Another, ffhdherm 
according:^ to the second commandment, the child must suffer, though he he goea, 
for the sins of its parents ? — And lastly. How all the world became full qfpeojpkf 
if they were all once droxoned in the flood '^ 

The second meeting was uynm 11 November, following. Mr. Eliot met the 
Indians again, and alter catechising the children, and preaching an hour to 
the congregation, heard and answered, among otheni, the following ques- 
tions. — How the English came to differ so much from the Indians in their ibfow^ 
edge of God and Jesus Christ, since they had all at first bui one Father 7 — An- 
other desired to know. How it came to pass that sea- water teas -salt and rioer 
water fresh ? — ^And another. Thai if the water was higher tlwn the earth, how U 
happened that it did not overflow it ? 

The third meeting took place soon afler, namely, on 26 of the same montfay 

♦ Nealf Hist. N. Enif. i. 222. f N. Enff. Bion^. Dirlionary, art. Eliot. 

1 Sec p. 51 of this Book, ante. \ Neat, Hist. N. Eng. i. 123. 

j " Near Watcrlowii mill, upou the south side of Charles River, about four or five mill 
from his own house, [in Roxbury,] where lived at ihat time Wabanj one of their prineipil 
men, and some Indians with him.'' Gookin, (Hist. Col.) 168. 

IT Nonantum, or Noonatomen, signified a place of rejoicing, or reioicwer. Need, i. 216. 

•• Wauban, Magnalia, iii. 196. r y ./ -b j -^ ft *"' 

ti Day-braakjog of the Gotpel in N. Eng., in Neal, i. 823. 



Imt was Dot 80 weU attended. The powwows and sachems liad dissuaded 
■ome, and by threats deterred others from meeting upon such occosjodb.* 
Still diere were considerable numbers that got attached to Mr. Elioty and in a 
Aw days after, ffampas, *^a wise and sage Indian," and two others, with some 
of his children, Cttne to the English. He desired that these mi^ht be edu- 
cated in the Christian fdith. At the next meeting all the Indians present 
* ofiered their children to be catechised and instructed by tlie English, who 
upon this motion resolved to set up a school among them.^ 

Mr. Eliotj notwithstanding his zeal, seems well to have understood, that 
scmiething beside preaching was necessary to reform the lives of the Indians ; 
and that was, their cirilization bv education. It is said that one of his noted 
aayings was, Hie Indians must he civQized as vfell cu, if not in order to iheir 
hemgj Christianized,* Therefore, the request of the Indians at Nonantum 
was not carried into effect until a place could be fixed upon whore a regular 
settlement should be made, and the catechumens had shown their zeal for 
the cause bj assembling themselves there, and conforming to the English 
mode of livmg. In the end this was agreed upon, and Natick was fixed as 
the place for a town, and the following short code of laws was set up and 
agreed to : — ^L If any man be idle a week, or at most a fortnight, he shall pay 
fife shillingB. — ^IL If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman 
muDarried, he shall pay twenty shillinga — ^m. If any man shall beat his wife, 
his hands shall be tied behind him, and he shall be carried to the place of 
justice to be severely punished. — IV. Every young man, if not another's 
■errant, and if unmarried, shall be compelled to set up a wiffwam, and plant 
fixr himself^ and not shift up and down in other wigwams. — V. If any woman 
shall not have her hair tied iip, but hang loose, or be cut as men's hah*, slie 
■hall pay five shillings. — VI. If any woman shaJl go witli naked breasts, she 
diall pay two shillings. — ^VIL All men that wear lon^ locks shall pav five 
shilling — ^VUL If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay 
five shillings. 

In January following another company of praying Indians was established 
at Concord ; and there were soon several other places where meetings were 
held throughout the country', from Cape Cod to Narragansctf Of tliese, Mr. 
JESIJbl visit^ as many and as often as he was able. From the following pas- 
sage in a letter which he wrote to Mr. fflnslow of Plimouth, some idea may 
he formed of the hardships he underwent in his pious labors. He says, ^^ I 
ha.Te not been dry night nor day, from the third day of the week unto the 
sixth, but se travelled, and at niglit pull off my boots, wring my stockings, 
and on with them again, and so continue. But God steps in and helps." | 

The chiefs and powwows would not have suffered even so much ground 
to have been gained by the gospel, but for the awe they were in of the Eng- 
lirii power. ** Nor is this to be wondered at," says the very ^od historian, 
Mr. ^ealj ** for if it be very difficult to civilize barbarous nations, 'tis much 
more so to make them Christians : All men have naturally a veneration for 
the religion of their ancestors, and the prejudices of education § are insupera- 
Me without the extraordinary grace of Grod." 

** The Monhegin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging 
theno to pray to God, that Uncas^ their sachem, went to the court at Hartford 
to protest against iL ChUshamoquin, another sachem, came to the Indian 
lecture, and openly protested against their building a town, telling the Eng- 
lish, that all the sachems in the country were against iL He was so honest 
as to tell Mr. Eliot the reason of it ; for (says he) the Indians that pray to God 
do not pay me tribute, as formerly they did ; which was in part true, for 
whereas before the sachem was absolute muster of his subjects ; their lives 
and fortunes being at his disposal ; they gave him now no more than they 
thought reasonable ; but to wipe off the reproach that Cutshamoauin had laid 
upon them, those few praying Indians present, told Mr. Eliot what they had 

• Hiddmuon, Hist. Mass. i. 163. f Neal, i. 226—230. t Magnolia, iii. 196. 

^ This word, when applied to the education of the Indiaus among themselves, is to be on- 
dsniood hi an ofmosite sense from its common acceptation : thus, to instroct in superstitions 
•ad idolatiy, is woat is not mMut by education among us. 


done for their Bachem the two last jeUB, leaTing him to judge whether thdr 
prince had any reason to complain." They said they haa given him 96 
tHishels of com at one time, and six at another ; that, in hunting for him two 
daya they had killed hun 15 deers ; broke up for him two acres of Ind: 
made him a great wigwam ; ** made him 20 rods of fence with a ditch and 
two rails about it ; " paid a debt for him of £3, lOs. ** One of them ffave fain 
a skin of beaver of two pounds, besides many days woiks in plantmg eoni 
altogether ; vea, tliey saia they would willingly do more if he would gova 
them jusdy by the word of God. But the sachem swelling with indignatiftn, 
at this unmannerly discourse of his vassals, turned his back upon tCa com- 
pany and went away in the greatest rage imaginable ; though upon bdler 
consideration^ himself turned Christian not long after." 

Mr. Exfenence Mavheio met with similar occurrences many years aAcr. 
Upon a visit to the Narragansets, he sent for JS/tnigrd, the sachem, and 
desired of hun leave to preach to liis people ; but the sachem told him to go 
and make tlie English good first ; ana observed, further, that some of toe 
English kept Saturday, others Sunday, and others no day at all for worship ; 
so that if his people should have a mind to turn Christians, they could not 
tell what religion to be of. Mnigret further added, diat Mr. Ma^&etr mif^ 
try his skill first with tlie Poquots and Mohegans, and if they submitted totke 
Christian religion, possibly he and his i>eo^e might, but they would not be 
the first* 

In the meanwhile, Mr. Eliot had translated the whole Bible into Indian, f 
also Baxter's Call, Mr. ShephertTs Sincere Convert, and his Sound Bb- 
LiEVER, I besides some other performances, as a Grammar, Psalter, Primely 
Catechisms, the Practice of Piett, &c. § 

It is amusuig to hear what our old valued fKend, Dr. C Mather^ tULjB of 
Eliofs Bible. ^This Bible," he says, ^ was printed here at our Cambridge; 
and it is the only Bible that ever was printt^ in all America, from the yenf 
foundation of tlie world." || The same author observes, that ** the whole 
translation was writ witli but one pen, which pen had it not been lost, would 
have certainly deserved a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with 
which Holland^ writ his translation of Plutarch^ 

It was long since inquired, ^ Wliat benefit has all this toil and eufiaring 
produced ? — Is there a vestige of it remaining ? — ^\Vere the Indians in reality 
bettered by the great efforts of their iriends ? " ** Mr. Elwt^ says Dr. JDoiu^ 
lass, ^ with immense hibor translated and printed our Bible into Indian. It 
wos done with a good, pious design, but it must be reconed among the Olio- 
sorum hominitm ntgotia: It was done in tlie Natick [Nipmuk] language. Of 
the Naticks, at present, there are not 20 families subsisting, and scarce any 
of Uiese can read. — Cui boni / " •• 

By the accounts left us, it will be perceived, that for many years afler the 
exertions of ElioU Crookin, Mayheto and others, had been put in operation, 
there was no inconsiderable progress made in the great undertaking of 
Christianizing the Indians. Natick, the oldest praying town, contained, in 
1674, 29 families, in which perha()S were about 145 persons. The name 
Nixtick signified a place of hills, Jfaban was the chief man here, ** wh€^* 
says Mr. Gookin, ^ is now about 70 years of age. He is a person of greet 
prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian that excels liim." 

Pakemitt, or Punkai>aog, (*< wliich takes its name from a spring, that riaeth 
out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained 12 families^ or 

* NeaTM N. Enc^aiHl, i. 257. t See book ii. chap. Hi. p. £7, anU, 

X Moore* M Life Eliot, 114. ^ Magnolia, h. Hi. 197. | Ibid. 

tr Philemon Itolland was called tlio traDslator-g^ncral of bis age j he wrote MVNal of Ul 
translalions with one pen, upon which he made the following verves: 

With one sole pen I writ this book, 

Made of a grey goose quill 5 
A pen it was, when I it took, 
And a pen I leave it still. 

FtUUr** Worthies of England. 
*• Douglau, Hist America, i. 172, molt. See also Halket, Hist. Notes, M8, d(C. 
loM wrote about 1745. 


about 60 peraonB. It wbb 14 milea aouth of BoatOD, and is now included in 
Stougbton. The Indians here removed from the NeponseL Uaseonamcaii 
m the third town, and is now included in Grafton, and contained, like the 
■eeond, 60 aoula. Okommakamesit, now in Marlborough, contained about 
50 people, and was the fourtli town. Wamesit, since included in Tewks- 
buy, tne fifth town, was upon a neck of laud in Merrimack River, and 
eontained about 75 souls, of five to a family. Nashobah, now Littleton, was 
the sixth, and contained but about 50 inhabitants. Magunkaquog, now IIop- 
kiDton, signified a place of great trees. Here were about 55 persons, and 
this was the seventli town. 

There were, besides these, seven other towns, which were called the new 
ptayinff towns. These were among the Nipmuks. The first was Manchagc, 
since Oxford, and contained about 60 inhabitants. The second was about 
•IX miles Grom the first, and its name was Chabanakongkomun, since Dudley, 
and contained about 45 persons. The third was Maanexit, in the north-east 
part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souls. The fourth was Quan- 
tiaset, also in Woodstock, and containing 100 persons likewise. Wabquissit, 
the fifth town, also in Woodstock, (but now uicluded in Connecticut,) con- 
tained 150 souls. Pakachoog, a sixUi town, partly in Worcester and partly 
in Waid, also contained 100 people. Weshakim, or Nashaway, a seventli, 
eontained about 75 persons. VVaeuntug was also a praying town, included 
BOW by Uxbridge ; but* the number of people there is not set down l^ Mr. 
Oookm^ our chief authority. 

Hence it seems there were now ntpposed to be about 1150 praying Indians 
in the places eniunerated above. There is, however, not the least probabilit}*, 
that even one fourth of these were ever sincere believers in Cluristianity. 
This calculation, or rather supposition, was made the year before PkUip^s 
"war began; and how many do we find who adhered to their profession 
tlirough that war? That event not onlv shook die faith of the common sort, 
but many that had been at tlie head of the praying towns, the Indian mini|g|( 
tera themselves, were found in arms against their white Cliristian neighbors. 

At the close of Phxlip^s war, in 1(>77, Mr. Gookin enumerates ** seven 
places where they met to worship God and keep the sabbath, viz. at 
Kooatum, at PiJeemit, or Punkapog; at Cowate, alias the Fall of Charles 
River, at Natik and Medfield, at Concord, at Namekeake, near Chelmsford." 
There were, at each of these places, ho says, " a teacher, and schools for the 
youth." But, notwithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring 
of 1676, on their return fit)m imprisonment upon the bleak islands in Boston 
haibor, they were too feeble long to maintain so many. The appearance of 
acme straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indians, and they were glad 
to come within the protection of the English ; and so the remote to^vns soon 
became abandoned. 

We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in 
the end of the year 1674, but not half this number could be found when it 
waa proclaimed that all such must come out of their towns, and go by 
themaelves to a place of safety. Mr. Gookin says, at one time there were 
o&otil 500 upon the islands ; but when some had been employed in the army, 
and other ways, (generally such as were indifferent to religion,) there were 
but about 300 remaining. Six years after that disastrous war, Mr. miot 
could claim but four towns! Viz. **Natick, Punkapaog, Wamesit, and 

Befi)re we pass to nodc« other towns in Plimonth colony, we will give an 
account cf some of the most noted of the praying Indians. 

Wavban we have several timos introduced, and will now close our account 
of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Conconl ; but, at tht.* 
time Mr. IHial began his ]al)ors, he resided at S'^onantum, since Newton. 
At Natik, or Natick, he was one of the most efficient ofiicers mitil his 

When a kind of civil community was established at Natik, Waviban was 
nude a ruler of fifty, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The foUow- 
iuff is said to be a copy of a warrant which he issued against some of tno 


iransgressors. ** YoUyWm big constahle, quick you catch um Jeremiah Ofi&cow 
strong you hold umy safe you wing utrj q/ore me, Wabim, justice peace." * 

A young justice asKod fVauban what he would do when IndianB got drank 
and quarrelled ; he replied, "^ TSe um all up, and whip um pkdntijf, and tMp 
umfendaniy and whip um untncss." 

We have not learned the precise time of Wauban^s death, f but he ww 
certainly alive iu the end of the year 1676, and, we think, in 1677. For he 
was among those sent to Deer Island, 30 October, 1(>75, and was among the 
sick tliat returned in May, 1676 ; and it is particularly mentioned that he wu 
one that recovered. 

Ptam6oiiAou I was the next man to /fauicrn, and the neict after him that 
received tlie gospel. At the second meeting at Nonantum, he broucht a 
great many of his people. At Natik he was made ruler of ten. When 
the church at Ilassanamesit was gathered, lie Was called to be a ruler in iL 
When that town was broken up in Philips war, he returned again to Natik, 
where he died. He was one of those also coniincd to Deer Island ; hence, 
he lived until after the war. Tlie ruling elder of Ilassanamesit, called by 
some Piambow, was the same person. 

John Speen was another teacher, contemporary >\nth Piamboj and, like him. 
was a "grave and pious man.'' In 16(U, Timothy Dwigkt, of Dedham, sacd 
John Speen and his brother, Thomas^ for the recovery of a debt of lijd^ 
pounds, and Mr. Eliot bailed them. This he ])ro1>ably did with safety, aa 
John Speen and ^ his kindred " owned nearly all the Natik lauds, when the 
Christian commonwealth was established there. This valuable posseaakm 
he gave up freely, to be used in common, in 1650. Notwithstanding '^fae 
waa among the first tliat prayed to God " at Nonantum, and ** was a diTigent 
reader," yet he died a drunkard ; hanng been some time before discarded 
from the church at Natik. 

Pennahannit, called Captain Josiah^ was " Marshal General ^ over aU the 
fMaying towns. He used to attend the coiuts at Natik ; but his residence 
was at Nashobah. 

TukapewUlin was teacher at Ilassanamesit, and his brother, Anaweakm^ 
ruler. He was, according to Major Gookin^ *^a pious and able man, and w^ 
to teach." He suftcrcd exceedingly in Philip's war; himself and his 
congregation, together with those of the two praying towns, ** Maffunkog 
and Chobonekonhononi," having been enticed away by Philip's folToweni 
His father, Mxoas, was deacon of his church, anci amoug the number. 
They, however, tried to make their escape to the English soon after, agree- 
ably to a plan concerted with Job KaUtnanii, when he was among Phd^s 
people as a spy ; but, as it hapnened, in the attem|)t, they fell in with an 
English scout, under Captain Gibbs, who treated them as prisoners, and with 
not a little barl>arily ; robbing them of every thing they had, even the minis- 
ter of a pewter cup which he used at sficrainents. At Marll)orough, though 
under the protection of of!icers, thev were so insulted and abused, ''espe- 
cially by women," that T\ikapeioillir}s wife, from fear of being nnirdered, 
escaped into the woods, leaving a sucking child to he tiiken care of by its 
father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The 
others, JSTaoas and TukapewUlin^ vnth six or 5»oven children, were, soon 
after, sent to Deer Island. Mioas was, at this time, about 80 years old. 

Oonamog was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the 
summer c? 1674. His death "was a great blow to the place. He was a 
pious and discreet man, and the ver>' soul, as it were, of the place." The 
troubles of the war fell very heavily upon his family. A bam containing 
com and hay was burnt at Chelmsford, Iry some of the war party, as it 
proved afterwards ; but some of the violent English of that place determined 
to make the Wamesits suffer for it Accordingly, abou% 14 men armed 

• AlUr^s Biog. Diet art. Waban. 

t Dr. F^mer, Hist. Newton, says he died iu 1674, but gives no authority. We have cilad 
several authorities, showing that be was alive a year later, (»ee b. iii. pp. 10 and 79.) 
X Piam Boohan, GookiWM Hist. Coll. 184.— PiomAoio, his Hist. Praying Indiana. 


diemselvee, and, under a pretence of scoutinff, went to the wjgwams of the 
Wamerits, and ordered them to come out. "niey obeyed without hesitation, 
being chiefly helpless women and children, and not conceiving any harm 
eould be intended tliem ; but they were no sooner out than fired upon, when 
five were wounded and one killed. Whether the couraffe of the Brave £ng- 
lish now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood was 
already shed, is not clear ; but they did no more at tliis time. The one slain 
was a little son of Tahaiooner ; and Ootiamog^s widow was severely wounded, 
whose name was Scurak, **& woman of go^ report for religion.^ She was 
daughter of Sagamore-Jokoj who lived and died at the same place, before the 
war, ** a great friend to the English.*^ Sarah hod had two husoands : tlie first 
was Oonamogy the second Tahaioomr^ who was son of Tahaliawany sachem of 
Musketaquid. This affair took place ou the 15 November, 1G75. 

Mimphoto was ruler of the praying Indians at Wamesit, and Samud, his son, 
was teacher, ''a young man of ^ood parts,*' says Mr. Gookin, ''and can speak, 
read and write English and Indian competently ; " being one of those taught at 
tho expense of the corporation. JSTumphow experienced wretched trials in the 
time of the war; he witli his i)eople having fled away from their homes 
immediately after the horrid baroanty of which we have just spoken, fearing 
ID be murdered if they should continue there. However, afler wandering a 
while up and down in the woods, in the dismal month of December, the^ 
ratumed to Wamesit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the carriage of theur 
Deiahbora would be such that they might continue there. It did not turn out 
■o, for in February they again quitted their liabitations, and went off towards 
Canada. Six or seven old persons remained behind, who were hindered fix>m 
going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to 
death in their wigwams. Triis act, had it occurred by accident, would have 
adled forth the deepest pity from the breast of every human creature to whose 
ioBOwledge it should come. But horror, anguish and indignation take the 
vhnoe of pity, at being told that the flames which consumed them were lighted 
Dj the savage hands of white men ! ! It was so— and whites are only lefl to 
ranember in sorrow this act of those of their own color ! But to return — 

During the wanderings of Niimphow and his friends, famine and sickness 
destroyed many of them. Himself and JSG^ic Gtargt^ or George MigttCj a 
fcaelier, were numbered with the dead. The others, having joined JFannaian- 
€t€ to avoid fidling in with war rarties on both sides, at tlie close of the war, 
euneDdered themselves to the English, at Dover, in August, 1676. New 
troubles now came upon them. Some English captives testified that some of 
tfaem had been in arms against them, and such were either sold into slavery, 
€r executed at Boston. Several shared the latter fate. ATumpJuno's son Samuel 
barely escaped, and another son, named Jonathan George^ was pardoned ; also 
Sgmion Betokam, 

Mai^lthow was in some public business as early as 1656. On 8 June that 
year, he, John lAne and George MiaUc, were, upon the part of the " Indian 
court," employed to run the Tine from Chelmsford to WainesiL* And 23 
jmn after lie accompanied Captain Jonathan Danforth of Billerica in renew- 
ugtbe bomids of BrenUnCs Farm, now Litchfield, N. H. f 

IFmmalttneetj whose history will be found spoken upon at large in our next 
book, countenanced religion, and it was at his wigwam that Mr. EUot and Mr. 
€Mtm held a meeting on the 5 May, 1674. His house was near Pawtucket 
FaUi, on the Merrimack. ^ He is," said Major Gooib'ti, ** a sober and grave 
penon, and of years, between 50 and 60." 

John Ahakuvance was ruler of Nashobah, a pious man, who died previous to 
1074 After his decease, PennahanwU was chief John Thomas was their 
teacher. ' His fiither was murdered by the Maquas in a secret manner, as he 
waa firiiing for eels at his wear, some ^ears since, during the war" with them. 

WialiaMaecmpanum, called also Captain Tom, is thus spoken of by Mr. Gookin^ 
who was with him at Pakachoog, 17 September, 1674. '^My chief assistant 
waa ffhiiaaacomoamanf ruler of the Nipmuk Indians, a grave and pious man^ 
af the eliief aacnem's blood of the Nipmuk country. He reaklea at Haasana- 

* AU€iift Hift CiMlinsfbfd. f fifS. letter of John Farmir, Esq. 



inesit ; but by fonner appointineut, callcth here, together with some ocfai 
Captain Tom was among TukapewQlin^B compiuiy, that went off with dw 
enemy, as in speaking of him we nave made mention. In that company then 
were about 200, men, women and children. The enemy, beinff about 300 
strong, obliged the praying Indians to go ofT with, or be killed by tnem. Then 
were, however, many who doubdess preferred their company to that of thdr 
friends on Deer Island. This was about the beginniuff of December^ 1678L 
Captain Tom afterwards fell into the hands of the En^ish, and, being tried 
and condemned as a rebel, was, on 26 June, 1676, executed at Boston ; naiieh 
to the grief of such excellent men as Gookin and Eliot. 

Although something had L>een done towards Christianizing the Indians in 
Plimouth colony, about a year before Mr. Elioi*s first visit to Nonantum, yet 
for some years idler, MassachuscttB was considerably in advance in this respect 
Some of the princijial congregations or praying towns follow : — 

At Meeshawn, smce Provincetown or Truro, and Punonakanit, since Kt 
lingsgate, were 72 ijersons ; at Potanumaquut, or Nauset, in Eastham, 44 ; al 
Mouamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattukett, in Harwich ; NobsiiBasit, in 
Yarmouth ; at Matakees, in Barnstable and Yarmouth ; and Weequaku^ in 
Barnstable, 122 ; at Satuit, Pnwpoesit, Coatuit, in Barnstable, Mashpee, WalBft- 
cjuet, near Mashpee, 95 ; at Codtanmut, in Mashpee, Ashimuit, on the 
Ime of Mashpee, Weesquolis, in Sandwich, 22 ; Pispogutt, WawayoutaS, 
Wareham, Solcones, in Falmouth, 96. In all these places were 462 aoule; 
of whom could read, and 72 write Indian, and 9 could read Engliah. ^ui 
account was furnished Major Gookin in 1674, by the Rev. Richard Botarm of 
Sandwich. PhUip*8 war oroke up many of tliese communities, but die wqA 
coutiimed longaiter it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusett& In 16BB 
there were 14§9 considered as Christian Indians in Plimouth colony. 

Mr. Thomas Mauheto Jr. settled in Martha's Vineyard, called by the !«<!■«■ 
Aopf, in 1642. lie was accompanietl by a few English families, who 
him their minister ; but not being satisfied with so limited usefulnesB, he 
ed the Indian language, and began to preach to tliem. His first cooTeit 

HiaeoomfSs in 1643, a man of small repute amon^ his own peoi^eyii 
residence was at Great Harbor, near where the English first settled. He 
regularly ordained 22 August, 1670, but he began to preach in 1646u 
Tokinosh was at the same time onlaincd tc^acher. Ills residence was at NmiK 
pang, on the east end of the island. He died 22 January, 1684, and Hiacimmu 
pv'eached his funeral sennon. For some years before his death HiaeoomeM wm 
I liable to preach. He was sup])06ed to have Ixien about 80 years old al dM 
time of his death, which happened alx>ut l(KK). 

Pahkehpunnassoo, sachem of Clm])pequiddik, was a great oppoeer of dM 
gospel, and at one time beat Hiacoomes for professing a belief of it. Not long 
afler, as himself nnd another were at work upon a chimney of their cabin, thej 
were both knocked do^^Ti by lighming, and the latter killed. Pahkdqnmmaatm 
fell partly in the fire, and but for his friends would liave |)erished. Whedier 
this escape awakened him, is not mentioned ; but he soon afler became • 
Christian, and Mr. Mayhtto aptly observes tliat ''at last he vras a hrandpkukti 
ovt of the fire,^ 

MiohqsoOy or Myoxeo, was another noted Indian of Nope. He was a coofeit 
of Hiacoomes, whom he had sent for to inquire of him about hie God. & 
asked Hiacoomes how many gods he had, and on being told but ONE^ imme- 
diately reckoned up «37 of his, and desired to know whether he ^ould thnnr 
them all away for one. On bein^ told by Hiacoomes that he had thrown away all 
those and many more, and was l)etter off by so doing, Miohqsoo said, be would 
forthwith throw away his, which he did, and became one of the most emincm 
of the Indian converts. One of his children, a son, sailed for Ensland ii 
1657, with Mr. Thomas Maipmo Jr., in a ship commanded l^ Captam J^rmi 
Otarett, and was never heard of afler. The time of the death of Mwhqm» k 
onknown, but he lived to a mat age. 

Among the Mohegans and Narragansets nothinj^ of any account was efieel- 
ed, in tlte way of Cbristianizincr them, for a long time, ihe chief saehcmi of 
those nations were determined and fixed against it, and though it wae fien 
time to time urged upon diem, yet very little was erer done. 


Bamtcon Occux, or, as hiB name is spelt in a sennon * of his, Oecantj was a 
MohegaD, of the family of Benoni Occum, who resided near New London, in 
Connecticut He was the first of that trihe who was conspicuous in relision, 
if not the only one. He was bom in 1733, and becoming attached to the Rev. 
JBtetaar Whtdock, the minister of Lebanon in Connecticut, in 1741 he became 
a Christian.f Possessing talents and great piety, Mr. Whtdock entertained 
anoguine hopes that he would be able to effect much among his countrymen 
as a preacher of the gospel.' He went to Engkmd in 1765 to procure aid fbr 
the Keeping up of a school fbr the instniction of Indian children, which was 
bcffun oy Mr. ffheelockj and furthered by a Mr. Moom^ by a donation of a 
school house and land, about 1763. While in England he was introduced to 
Lord Dartmouth, and otiier eminent persons. He preached there to crowds 
of people, and returned to America in Septeml>er, 1768, having landed at 
Boston on his retum.l It is said he was the first Indian that preached 
in England. He was ordained, in 175i), a preacher to the Montauks on L. 
Islandl About this time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among 
the Oneida Indians, with many of his Mohe^ brethren, about 1768 ; tbsy 
liaving been invited by the Oneidas. He died in July, 1792, at N. Stock- 
tari^ N. York, ased 69. 

7vii6a is noticed in the annals of New England, from her participation in 
tiw witch tragedies acted here in 1691. In a valuable work givmg a history of 
diit horriUe delusion, § mention is thus made of her. ** It was the latter end of 
February, 1691, when divers young persons belonging to [Rev.] Mr. Parri^ H 
frnolyy and one more of the neighborhood, began to act after a Strang ana 
unusual manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping under chairs and 
Mods, and to use other sundry odd postures, and antic gestures, uttering fool- 
iah, ridiculous speeches, which neither they themselves nor any others could 
make sense of.*^ "March the 11th, Mr. Parria invited several neighboring 
ministers to join with him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at Ids own 
house ; the tune of the exercise those persons were, for the most part, silent, 
6ut after any one prayer was ended, they would act and 8i)eak strangely, and 
ridiculously, yet were such as had l)een well educated and of good behavior, 
the one a girl of 11 or 12 years old, would sometimes seem to be in a convul- 
oon fit, her limbs being twisted several Avays, and very stiff, but presently her 
fit would be over. A few days before this solemn day of prayer, Mr. Pcarris* 
Indian man and woman, made a cake of rye meal, with the children's water^ 
and baked it in the ashes, and, as it is said, gave to the dog ; this was done as 
a means to discover witchcraft Soon after which those ill-affected or afflicted 
persons named several tiiat tney said they saw, when in tiicir fits, afflicting of 
them. Tlie first complained of, was the said Indian woman, named TSiuba, 
She confessed that the devil urged her to sign a book, which he presented to 
her, and also to work mischief to the children, &c. She was afterwards com- 
mitted to prison, and lay tliere till sold for her fees. The account she since 
ghres of it is, that her master did beat her, and otherwise abuse her, to make 
nor confess and accuse (such as he called) her sister witches ; and that what- 
eoever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the efifect of 
Mich usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, unless she would stand to 
what riie had said.** 

We are able to add to our information of TUuba from another old and 
curious work,^ as follows : — ^That Avhen she was examined she ^ confessed 
the making a cake, as is above mentioned, and said her mistress in her own 
eoundy was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the 
discovery of a witch and for the prevention of being bewitched, &c., but said 
'tfayia she heraelf was not a witch." The children who accused her said ''that 
A» did pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and that they saw her here 

* At the execution of Moses Pauif for murder, at New Haven, 2 September, 1772. To liis 
hner to Mr. Keeny his name is Occum. 

f Life Dr. Whedock, 16. t His Letter to Mr. Keen, in Life Wheeloek, 175. 

4 Wonders of the hivisible World, by R. Cole/, 90, 91. 4to. London, 1700. 
J " Bamuet Paris, pastor of the churcn in Salem-villafe/' Modest Entpdrytnio the NtUurt 
9fWiiehtra^ by John Hale, pattor of the church in Overly, p. 23, 16mo. jBottoo, 170ft 

T Modut Emqu iry, 9lc, 26. 

184 TlTUfiA^WrrCHCRAFT. [Book U 

and there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she 
what she did,* when out of their human sight." Whether the aiithcw 
witness to this he does not say ; but probably he was not Go through the 
whole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witneaeed aueh 
matters : (Dr. Cotton MaUiar is nearest to an exception.^ But they genenl^ 
pre&ce such marvellous accounts b^ observing, '^I am slow to believe minan 
of this nature, nevertheless, some thmgs I have had certain infbnnation o£" * 

The Rev. Mr. FdJt\ gives the following extract from the ** Quarterly Conit 
Papers." <* March 1st Sarah O^borrtj SanJi and Dorothy Good, JShiba^ aervant 
of Mr. Parris, Martha Cory, Rebecca AWse, Sarah Cloyce, John Proctor and Ui 
wife Elizabeth, all of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of 

The other servant of Mr. Parris was the husband of Tiiuba, whose DCine 
was John. It was a charge against them that they had tried means to discover 
witches. But there is little probability that these iffnorant and simple Indians 
would ever have thought or ^trying a project" for the detection of witcheii 
had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious white persom. 
We have the very record to justify this stricture. | Take the words. " Maiy 
Sibly having confessed, that she innocently counselled John, the Indian, to 
attempt a discoverv of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. PanW 
churcn. She had been previously oisciplined for such counsel and apfMarad 
welL" We are not told t^ disciplined ner for the examination. Waa it Mi; 

Thk is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in 
layte witchcraft 

• /. Mather's Brief Hist. Philip's War, 31 "" 

t In his valuable Amudt of Saiem, 903. 

I Danvers Records, published by the author last cited. 













£jfi 0f Alxxafdxr alias Wamsutta — Events tohick led to the war with Philip — 
WcKTAMoo kis w{fe — Early events in her /ifa— Petananuxt. her second husband 
— WeetMmso*s latter career and deatk-^Jfinigret — Death of Mexander — Joh5 8a s- 
SAiiov — His eoMMtry and conmections — Beeonus a christian — Sehoelmaster — Min^ 
isUr—SettUs al Auawomsei — Fkliz marries his daughter — Sassamon discovers 
Ae plots of Philip — Is murdered — Proceedings against the murderers — They are 
condemned and executed. 

Ai.xxAifDEK was the English name of the elder son of MassaswL His real 
name wpears at first to have been Mooanamy and aAerwards WamsftMOy and 
laBClv Alexander. The name of Mooanam he bore as early as 1639 ; in 1641 
we Dud him noticed under the name fFamsuUa, About the year 1656, he and 
his youncer brother, Metacomlktj or rather Pometaeomj were brought to the 
court of Plimouth, and being solicitous to receive English names, the gov- 
ernor ctlled the elder Mexander^ and the younger Pk£pf probably from the 
two Macedonian heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have flat- 
tered their vanities ; and which was probably the intention of the governor. 

uMexander appears pretty early to have set up for himself, as will be seen in 
the course of this cuapter; occasioned, perhaps, by his marrying a female 
OBchera of very considerable authority, and in great esteem among her 

Namumpum, afterwards called Weetamoo^ squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was 
the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more 
willing to join PhUip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded 
by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her ^ as potent 
a prince as any round about her, and hath as much com, land, and men, at 
her command." 

Jlkxander having, in 1653, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his wife, 
as has been related in the life of Massasoit, about six years afler, fVeetamoo 
came to Plimouth^ and the following account of her business is contained in 

'^ L Manumpum^ of Pokeesett, hauing, in open court, June last, fifly-nine, 
^1659,1 before me govemour and majestrates, surrendered up all that right and 
title of such lands as f^aosameauin and Wwngetta sould to tne purchasera ; as 
appeeres by deeds ffiuen vnoer thcire hands, as alsoe the said Mtmiwi^pum 
ptomiae to remoue tne Indians of fitim those lands ; and alsoe at( the sanie 
court the said ffamiutta promised Manumpum the third part of the pay, as la 

* Old Indian Ciiroiuele, p. 6. 



expressed in the deed of which payment Mxmumpum haue receiued of Mm 
Cooke, this 6 of Oct. 1659 : these particulars as foUoweth : item ; QOyardMUem 
trading cloth, 2 yards red cotton, 2paire ofshooes, 2 pairt stocking8.6 hfoadi 
hoes and 1 axe ; And doe acknowledge receiued by me, Namumfux.^ 
Witnessed by Squahsen, Wahaiunchquait, and two English. 

Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably setded ; but the 
year o£ Mexandet^s deatli, whether Ixifore or afler Ave are not assured, Abimi 
mim appeared at Plimouth, and complained tliat Wamsutta had sold some of 
her land witliout her consent. ^ The court agreed to doe what they ooidd 
in conuenient time for her relief." 

We apprehend there was some little difficulty between Alexander and hk 
wife about this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, and 
we are rattier of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her complaint 
was made, and Ave should assign a little later date for the death of her huabaiid; 
and tlicrefore all difficulty was settled in his death. 

On the 8 April* 1^1) WamsuUa detailed tli^ tract of country since called 
Rehoboth to Thomas IVUltt ^ for a valuable consideration."* What that nm 
the deed does not inform us ; but we may venture to question the fact, for if 
the consideration had in truth l)ecn valuable, it would have appeared in the 
deed, and not have been kept out of sight. 

What time ^amumpum deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer^ we 
are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 16G2. It wm a 
deed of gifl, and appears to have been only deed^ to mem to prevent bar 
husband's selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land m 
viokuion of their promise ; however, being a Avoman of persevenmce, ahe lo 
managed the matter, that, in the year 1668, she found witnesses who d cp oaed 
to the true meaning of the deed, and thus was, we presume, restored to bar 
rightful possessions. 

Since v^e have been tlms particular in acquainting the reader with the wife 
of Wamgutta, we will, before proceeding with om- accoimt of the huBbaBdi 
say all that we have to say of the interesting ff^eetamoo. 

Soon after the death of Alexander, wo find ^amumpum, or ffeetamoOf aw^ 
ciated with another husband, named Petonowotvet, tie was well known to 
the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben, Now, unless P d o m om 
owet, or Pe-tan-cb-nuet has been corrupted into Peter NurrmnT, we nuMl 
allow her to have had a third husband in 1675. We, howcA^er, are well oadi- 
fied that these two names are, as they appear to be, one and the same namei 

This husband of JVeetamoo does not appear to have been of so much impor- 
tance OS her first, JVamsvUa; and as he only appears occasionally in die 
crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care in taking a second huedbandi 
and fixed upon one that she was better al)le to manage than she was the d^ 
tcrmined JramsvJUa, 

On the 8 May, 1673, Tatnmomock, Petonowotpett, and HtUiam alias f oaodc^ 
sold to Nathaniel Paine of Kehoboth, and Hugh Cole of Swansey, a lot of 
land in Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Showamet neck, for £35 5^. ^eefoMOo^ 
Philip alias Wagusoke, and Steven alias JStucano, were the Indian witnessea. 

About the same time, one Piotoant was intruded upon by some othen 
claiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seemo to 
have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this c^air both Weetamoo and her hna- 
band appear upon our records. Tliey testify that the tract of land bounded 
by a small river or brook called Mastuckseit, which compasseth said tract ID 
Assonett River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many yean 
been in the possession of Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton RiTcr 
was called Chippascviit, which was a little south of MastucksetL Panimud^ 
Quanotrin, AV^conoo, and Panowwin, testified the same. 

It does not appear that Petornanru-et was at all concerned in PkQip^g war 
against the English, but, on the contrary, forsook his wife and joined tbem 
against her. Under such a leader as Churchy he must have been emplojed 
against his counbymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to 

* 8m the Hift of Auleborough, by John Daggett, Ew].,p.6, where the deed it pntenrad. 


the Ekiglisb, he do doubt expected his wife would do the some, ra she gave 
Ckurch to understand as much. After the war he was honored witli a com- 
mand over the prisoners, who were permitted to reside iu tlie country be- 
tween Sepccan and Dartmouth. MimpuSy or Nompaah^ and Isaac were also 
in the same office. 

AAer Mr. Church left Awashonks* council, a few days before the war broke 
out. he met with both Wtttamoo and her husband at rocasset He Imtt met 
witii the husband, Pdananueij who had just arrived in a canoe from PkUip^s 
head quarters at Mount Hope. He told Church tliere would certauily be war, 
ibr that Philip had held a war dance of several Aveeks, and hod entertained 
the young men from all parts of the country. He said, also, that Philip ex- 
pected to be sent for to Plimouth, about ScusamorCs death, knowing himself 
guilty of contriving that murder. Pdananiiei further said, that he saw Mr. 
JaxMS Brown of Swansey, and Mr. Samud Gorton^ who Avas an iuteq)reter, 
and two other men that brought a letter from the governor of Plimouth to 
Philip. Philip^s young warriors, he said, Avould have killed Mr. Brown^ but 
PkUtp told them they must not, for his fatlicr had charged him to show kind- 
neflB to him ; but to satisfy them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when 
the English had gone to meeting, they might plunder their houses, and afler- 
wardskill their catde. 

Meanwhile JFeetamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on 
the high hill a litde to the north of what is noAV Howland's feny, and Petana- 
mtd requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in 
nther a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Philip^a 
war dance, much, ^e said, against her will. 

Ckurehj elated with his success at Atvashonks* camp, and thinking both 
^queens'* secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimoutli to ffive the 
ffovemor an account of his discoveries. — This was a day big to PhUip ; he 
munediately took measures to reclaim ff'edamoo, and had nearly drawn off 
JhiHuhonks with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty. 

Weetamoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her 
ndnd, that the authorities of Plimouth liad poisoned her former husband,* and 
was now sure that they had seduced her present one ; therefore, from the 
power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no 
escape or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved 
whh him ftrom place to place about her dominions, in the country of Pocasset, 
until the 90 July, when all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and 
retired into the country of the Nipmuks. From this time Wtttamoo^s 0]>era- 
tiona become so blended with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes 
lip the narradon. 

When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroyed among the 
Nipmucks, fVedamoo seems to have been deserted oy almost all her followers, 
and, like PhUip, she sought refuse again in her OAvn country. It was tipon the 
6 August, 1676, when she arrived upon the western hank of Tehticut River in 
Mettapoiset, where, as was then supposed, she was drowned by accident, in 
attempting to cross the river to Pocasset, at tlie same point she had crossed 
die year Mfore in her flight with Philip. 

iter company consisted now of no more than 26 men, whereas, in the be- 
chmiDg of the war, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by the 
English *'next unto Phuip in respect of the mischief that hath l)een done.^f 
The English at Taunton were notified by a deserter of her situation, who 
oflefed to lead any that would go, in a way that they might easily surprise her 
and her company. Acconliugly, 20 men volunteered upon this enterprise, 
and succeeded in capturing all but fFettamoo, " who,'' accordinff to Mr. Hub- 
bardl ^ intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a 
rirer or arm of the sea near by, upon a rafl, or some pieces of broken wood ; 
but whether tirefl and spent with swinuning, or starved with cold and hun^r, 
■he was found staric naked In Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which 
made aome think she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched hfe." 
'* Her head being cut off and set upon a pole ui Taunton, was knovm by some 

* Old Iv DIA9 CHaomcLX, p. 8. \I. Mather, X Narrative, 109 and 109. 

' i 

100 ALEXANDER. [Boos 01 

^ Indians tlien prisoners [there,] which set them into a horrible lameiitidian.' 
Mr. Mather imjiroves upon this passage, giving it in a s^le more to mat dw 
taste of tlie times : ** They made a most horid and diabolical lamentatioi^ 
cr^'ing out that it was their queen's head.'* 

Th(^ autliors of Yamotdex thus represent Philip escaping firom the eold 
grasp of the ghostly form of ffcdamoo : — 

" As from the water's depth she came, Her hollow scream be heard bdund 

With drippiiijf looks and bloated frame, Come mineHing with the howiing wind : 

Wild her discolored arms she threw ' Wh^ fly from Wetamoef sbe died 

To grasp him ; and, as swift he flew, Bearmg the war-axe on thy tide.' " 

Although JFedamoo doubtless escaped from Pocasset with PhUyp^ yet it 
npp(>ars tliat instead of flying to the Nipmiiks she soon went down into dw 
^l iantic cotintry, and the English immediately had news of it, which oon- 
sioued their sending for JVimgret to answer for harboring their enemy, as in 
his life has been remted. 

In this connection it should }ye noted, that the time had expired, in which 
JVinignt by his deputies agreed to deliver up Wtdamoo^ some time pieYioiif to 
the great fight in Norraganset, and hence tins was seized upon, as one praiBit 
for invading the Nurragunsets. And moreover, it was said, that if she won 
taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, ^ her lands would more tfan 
pay all the charge " the English had been at in the whole war.* 

IVedamoo, it is presumed, lefl JVini^d and joined the hostile NarnunDWIi 
and the Wanipanoags in their strong fort, some time previous to the Kng|iA 
expedition against it, hi December. Ajid it was about this time that die 
connected herseli* witli the Narruganset chief Qutnnaptn, as will be fband 
related in his life. She is mentioned hy some writers as PhxLip*9 kinswomn, 
which seisms to have been the case m a two-fold manner; first from her 
bemg sister to his wife, and secondly fit)m her marr}'ing ^Mexanderj his brotfaeEi 
To return to fVamsutict, 

A lasting and permanent interest will ahvays be feh, and peculiar feeE/if/i 
associated with the name of tliis chief. Not on account of a career of boltki^ 
devastations or murrlers, for there were few of these,! but there is left for m 
to rel:it(^ the melancholy account of his death. Mr. HubbarcPs account of thii 
event is in the; hands of almost CA-ery reader, and cited by every writer upon 
oiu* early history, and hence is too extensively known to be repeated lun. 
Dr. /. Mather agrees v(^ry nearly in hiis account witli Mr. Hubbtardy but bong 
more minute, and ran^ly to be met with, we give it entire : — 

^ In A. D. KiiiQ, Plimouth colony was in some danger of being involved in 
tn)iible by the Wampiuioag Indians. Ailer MassasoU was dead, his two bodi^ 
called WaiMuUa and Mdacomet, came to the court at Plunouth, pretending 
high resiKKTt for the English, and, tliereforc, desired English names might be 
imptised on them, wheretipon the court there named ffamsuttn, the elder 
brother, Altxandtr, and Metacomd^ the yomiger brother, PAi2u». Thisj0»n- 
(/er, Philip*8 urimediate predecessor, was not so iaithftd auu friendly to the 
English as his father had been^ For some of Boston, having been occafliomDjf 
at Narragunset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, thtt 
Jlkxandtr was contriving mLs(!liief asainst the English, and that he had solicit- 
ed the Norrogansets to engage Avith nun in his designed rebcUion. Hereupon, 
Capt. ff'iUet, who lived near to Mount IIo(>e, the place where Mexandtr ^ 
reside, Avas appointed to speak with him, and to desire liim to attend the next 
court in Plimouth, for tlieir satisfaction, and his own vindication. He 
seemed to take the message in good part, professmg that the Narraganseiii^ 
whom, he said, were his enemies, had put an abuse upon him, and he readily 
promised to attend at die next court JRut when the day for his appearance 
was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the NarragaimttL 
Jiis pretended enemies, which, compared witli other circumstances, caniea 
the gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the ii ~ 

• Old Indian Chronicle, p. 31, 32. 

t In 1661, he was forced into a war with UncaSy the account of w^ich, [wc^ptrly 
to the life of that chief, will be found there related. 

Gmaw L] ALEXANDER. 191 

mation gtma^ than at first they were aware of. Wherefore the governor and 
magistrates there ordered Major ffinslowj (who is since, and at tins duv [1677] 
Roveznor of that colony,^ to take a part^ of men, and fetch down Mtxander. 
Tb» major coDsidcrinff tnat stmptrnocwt defent paroHa, he took but 10 armed 
men with him from Marshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns 
that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as tliat when 
thev wore about the midway between Plimouth and Bridgcwater,* ob8er>'inff 
an hunting house, thov rode up to it, and tliere did they find JlUxander and 
many of his menf well armed, out dicir guns standing together without the 
house. The major, with his small party, i>os8e8scd diemselves of tlic Indians* 
arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting the 
sachem with die reason of his coming in such a way ; desiring Mtxander 
with his interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a uttle distance from tlio 
house, and then understood wliat comiuission the major had received con- 
cerning him. The proud sachem fell into a raging passion at tliis surprise 
saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to send for him in 
0uch a way, nor would he go to Plimoutli, but when he saw cause. It was 
replied to him, that his breach of word touching appearance at Plimouth 
court, and, instead thereof, going at the some time to his pretended enemies, 
augmented jealoudes concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his 
Older was to bring him to Plimouth, and that, by tlie help of God, he would 
do it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would 
«m1w^i»^ he might expect respective usage, but if ho once more denied to go, 
he dhould never stir firom the ground ^'hereon he stood ; and widi a pistol at 
the sachem's breast, required tliat his next words should be a positive and 
dear answer to what was demanded. Hereujion his interpreter, a discreet 
TnHmn^ brother to John Sausaman^X being sensible of Mexcmder's passionate 
dispoflition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the sachem before 
be gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian prevailed so far as 
that Mtxcmdtr yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a sachem, 
with his men attending him, which, oltliough there was some hazard in it, 
they being many, and tlie Enj^lish but a few, was granted to him. The 
weather being ho^ the major ofiered huA an horse to ride on, but his squaw 
and divers Indian women being in couipany, lie refused, saying he could go on 
Ibot as well as they, entreating only tliat there ini^^ht be a complying Avidi 
their pace, which was done. And resting several tunes by the way, MexcMr 
diet and his Indians were rcfresht'd by die Englisli. No other discourse hap- 
mtiing while they were upon their march, but what ^vas pleasant and amicable. 
Tlie major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of 
that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having there had 
some treaty with JlUxander^ not willmg to commit him to prison, they en- 
treated Major fflnslow to receive him to his house, until the governor, who 
then lived at Eastham, could conic up. Accordingly, he and his train were 
courteously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry 
word passed between tlicm whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Mtxander^ vexing 
and fiietting in his spirit, that such a cheok wos given him, he suddenly fell 
nek of a fever. He avos Uicn nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller, the 
fjliyaician, coming pro\identiaIlv tliither at that time, the sachem and his men 
earnestly desired tliat he wouUl administer to him, which he was unwilling to 
do^ but by their importunity was prevailed with to do the best he could to 
help him, and therefore gave him a portion of Avorking physic, which tho 
Inmans thought did him good. But his distemper aflcrwards prevailing, diey 
entreated§ to diamisB him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement 

* Within six miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1677.1 MaasatoU, and 
likewise Philip, used to hare temporary residences in eligible places for fishing, at various 
Htea between the two bays, Narragansct and Massachusetts, as at Raynham, Namasket, Titi- 
eai, [in Middleboroogh,] and Munponset Pond in Halifax. At which of these places he was, 
we cannot, with certainty, decide : that at Halifax would, perhaps, agroe best with Mr. Httb- 
bar^9 account 

t Eighty, savs Hubbard. 6. 

i He hacl a brother by the name K^JMand. 

i " Eatmliag Uiom that bdd him prisoner, that he migfai have libaity to retnn 


of appearauce at the ucxt court was granted to biin. Soon aftar HB'ttkig 
returned home he died." ♦ 

Thus ends Dr. Malher^s ^ relation " of the short reign of A aatwJbr^ ' And 
althougli a document lately published by Judge Davis of Bostmi mUM diB'flOB- 
duct of tlie English ui a very favorable light, yet it is very ^'*W#gnlt to eon- 
ccive how Mather and Huhhard could have been altogether decured in dieir 
information. Wo mean in respect to the treatment Mucander reoelTed at dM 
hands of his captors. They both wrote at the same time, and at d ifl fera nt 
places, and ncitlicr knew what the other had written. Of this we are ooofi- 
dcnt, Lf, as we are assured, there was, at this time, rather a misundentandiBg 
between these two reverend authors. 

This affair caused much excitement, and, judging from the writcn of thai 
time, ]>articularly Huhhardj some recrimination upon the conduct of the ^or- 
cmment of Plimouth, by some of the English, who were more in the babit of 
usinff or recommending mild measures to^vards Indians than the PliiDouth 
])eople appear to have been, seems to have been indulged in. After thus 
premising, we will offer the document, which is a letter written by the Rer. 
John Cotton^ of Plimouth, to Dr. /. MaUier, and now printed by Judge I^rpu^ 
in his edition of Morton's Memorial. There is no date to it, at least the editor 
gives none ; but if it Avero written in answer to one from Mr. Matker to 
him, desiring information on that head, dated 21st April, 1677,t we mtj 
conclude it Avas about this time ; but Mr. Mather's ^ Relation " would DOt lead 
us to suppose that ho was in possession of such infonnation, and, thev^ 
fore, he either vms not in possession of it when he published his account^ cr 
that ho had other testimony which invalidated it 

The letter begins, ''Major Bradford^ [who vrsa with Mr. Winslow when 
Mtxandtr was surprised,] confidently assures me, that in the narradve it 
JUexandro % there are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, throurii 
misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth I tmi 
i;iTit3. Reports being here that Alexander was plotting or ])rivy to 1^01% 
a^iinst the Eng^lish, authority sent to him to come down. He came doL 
Whereupon Major fVinsUno was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford^ widi 
some others, Avent with him. At Munponset River, a place not many miki 
hence, they found Alexander with about eight men and sundry squawa. He 
Avas tliere about plotting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under 
their shelter, thcu* guns beins Avithout They saw the English cominff, but 
continued eating; and Mr. ninshw teUing their business, Altxander^mifAj 
and readily, without the least hesitancy, consented to go, giving his reaaon 
why he came not to the coiut before, viz., because he waited for CaptalB 
WukVs return from the Dutch, being (le8ut)us to speak with him first. They 
brought him to Mr. CoUier^s that day, and Governor Prince living reunote at 
Eastham, those few magistrates who were at hand issued the matter peace- 
ably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which be did 
Dart of the Avay ; but, in tAVO or tlmje days after, ho returned and went lo 
Major JVinslows house, intending tlience to travel into the hay and so home; 
but, at the major's house, he was taken very sick, and avbs, by water, con- 
veyed to Major Bradford's^ and thence carried upon the shoulders of hia men 
to Tethquet River, and thence in canoes home, and, about two or three daya 
afler, died." 

Thus it is evident that there is error somewhere, and it would be very sat- 
isfactory if we could erase it from our histoiy ; but, at present, we are abb 
only to affitate it, and Avait for the furtlier discovery of documents befbre 
Alexanders true history can be given ; and to suspend judgment, although 

promising to return again if be recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could fo do. 
On that consideration, he was fairly dismissed, but died before he ^ half way hooe."-* 

* It is a pit^ that such an able historian as Cfrahame should not have been in possession sf 
other aulhoriues upon this matter than those who have copied from the above. See his Mt 
N. America, i. 401. 

t See his Memorial, S88. 

X A paper drawn up by the authorities of Plimouth, and now, I believe, among the 1 
la the fibraiy of the MitL 8oe. o/Mati, This was, probably, Mr. Hubbarft BUlhothy. 



■ome tOKf midiW decide that the evidence is in favor of the old printed *" v 
•ccouotoi - ll h tne business of a historiaD, where a point is in dispute, li» *" 
eslufak ^■**'*'**g avidence, and let the reader make up his own judgment 

W««radUi^finom the first extract given upon this head, to limit the time 
of hki HdMmhip to a portion of the year 1602. 

It will h«re appeared already, that enough had transpired to inflame the 
uandB of IhB Indians, and especially tliat of the sachem PkUip, if, indeed, 
the evidence adduced be considered valid, regarding the blamablenesB of the 
English. Nevertheless, our next step onwara will more fully develop the 
eaufles of Pkilip*s deep-rooted animosities. 

We come now to speak of John Sassamon, who deserves a particular 
notice ; more especially as, from several manuscripts, we are able not only to 
correct some important errors in former histories, out to give a more minute 
account of a character which must always be noticed in entering upon the 
study of this part of our history. Not tliat he would otherwise demand 
more notice than many of his brethren almost silendy passed over, but for his 
agency in bringing about a war, the interest of which increases in proportion 
M time carries us from its period. 

John iSoMomofi was a subject of Philip, an unstable-minded fellow ; and, 
liring in the neighborhood* of tlie English, become a convert to Christianity, 
leuned their language, and was able to read and write, and had translated 
some of the Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating and artful, he was 
employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, ui the capacity of a school- 
master. How long before the war this was, is not mentioned, but must have 
been about 1660, as he was Philip^s secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this 
was after he had become a Christian. He lefl the English, from some dislike, 
and went to reside with Alexander, and aflerwanls with Philip, who, it ap- 
pears, employed him on account of his leamuig. Always restless, Sassamon 
aad not remain long with Philip before he returned again to the English ; ** and 
he manife^ed such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, aner his re- 
mni from pagan Philip, reconcile<l to tiic praying Indians and baptized, and 
reoehred, as a member, into one of the Indian churches ; yea, and employed 
ae an instructor amongst them every Lord's day.^f 

PreviouB to the war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Sassanum was sent 
lo preach to the Namaskets^ and other Indians of Middleborough, who, at 
this time, were very numerous. The famous fVatuspaquin was then the 
chief of this region and who appears to have been disposed to encourage 
the new religion taught by Sassamon, For, in 1674, he gave him a tract of 
fend near his own residence, to induce him to remain among his people. The 
deed of gifl of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Sassamon, and is in these 
words: — 

"Know all men by these presents, that I, Old ffatuspaquin, doe graunt 
vnto John Sassamon, allies ffassasoman, 27 screes of land for a home lott at 
Amowamsett necke. This is my gif\, giuen to him the said John Sassamon, 

Sme the said ffaiuspaquin, in Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. and 

Old Watuspaquin © his marke. 

William Tuspaquin Q V his marke. 
Witness^ aboe, NAifEHSUNT § -f~ ^^ marke/' 

m Am a fbrther inducement for Sassamon to settle here. Old IStspaquin and 
his Bon deeded to Fdiz, an Indian who married Scusamon^s daugnter, 58 and 
■n half acres of land ; as << a home lott,** also. This deed was dated 11 
Manhf 1673^ O. S., which doubtless was done at the same time vrith the other. 

• « This Sauamon was by birth a Massachusetts his father and mother livinr ia Dorchester, 
aad Ibey both died Chriitians/'— /. Mailur. 

f Mooter's KtMou,!^ V 

i The inhabitants of the f^aee call it Nenuuiet. In the records, it is almost always written 

4 Spelt abo JfaMAoiCf. 


194 SASSAMON. [Boos Ul 

This daughter of SasMomon was called by the English name Bettys* but her orig- 
inal name was Assowetouoh. To his son-in-law, Saasamon gave hk land, br a 
kind of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death ; probably 
about the time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppoae waaako 
about tlie time that he discovered the design of Philip and hia ' * 

briiiff about their war of extermination. 

Cnd Tuspaquxfiy as he called himself, and his son, not only confiimed 
nunCs will, out about the same time made a bequest themselves to hia daugh- 
ter, which, they say, was ^ with the consent of all the chiefie men of Asa- 
wamsett" This deed of gill from tliem was dated 23 Dec. 1673b It wai of 
a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahte^iwamet The namea of aonie 
of the places which bounded this tract were Masliquomoh, a swamp, Sason- 
kususett, a pond, and another lar^ pond called Chupipoggut. T^Mtu^ Old 
Thomas^ Pohonoho, and Kankunukt, were upon this deed as witnessea. 

Felix served the English in Philip*s war, and w;is living in 1679, in which 
year Governor Winslovo ordered, '^tliat all such lands as were formerly JUa 
Sassamon^s in our colonie, shall be settled on Felix his sun-in-law," and to i^ 
main his and his heirs ^ foreuer." Felixes wife survived him, and Mrilled ber 
land to a daughter, named Mercy, This was in IG^K), and Isacke Jfanno wit- 
nessed said Avili. There was at a later period on Indian preacher at Thienlt 
named Thomas Felix, {K'rhaps a Kon of the fonner4 But to return to dw 
more immediate subj(ict of our discourse. 

There was a Sassaman, or, iis my manuscript has it, So^omon^ known to ll» 
English as early as l<id7 ; but as we have no means of knowing how old Jolm 
Sassamoii was when ho was murdered, it coimot be decided with probafailitf, 
whether or not it were he. This iSb^omon, as Avill be seen in the life of Satm 
CU8, went with the Englinli to fight the Pequots 

Sassamon acted as interpreter, witness or scril>e, as the case required, on 
many occasions. AVlien Philip and ff'ootonekanuske his wife, sold, in 166^ 
Mattapoisett to William Brcnton, Sassamon was a witness and inteipiel& 
The same year he was Philip^s agent ^^ in settling the bounds of AcuaheBok, 
Coaksctt, and places adjacent." Again, in 1G65, lie witnessed the receipt of 
£10 paid to Philip on account of st^ttling the bounds the year before. 

There Avas a Rowland SassamoTi, who I suppose \sf\8 the brother of JUa. 
His name appears but once in all the uiauuscript records I have met with, uid 
then only as a Avitness, Avith his brother, to Philip^s deed of Mattapoim^ 
al>ove mentioned. 

The name Sassamoriy, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but the 
way it here a])pears is nearest as it Avas understood in his last years, judging 
Iroin the records. But it Avas not so originally. Woosansaman was among 
the first modes of Avritiu^ it. 

Tliis detail may appear drA' to the general reader, but Ave must occaaon- 
ullv gratify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative. 

\Vhile living among the Numuskets, Sassamon learned Avbat waa going 
forward among his cbuntrA'men, and, Avhen he aa'os convinced that their 
design was Avar, went immediately to Plimouth, and communicated hia dia- 
roA'cry to the go\'ernor. *' Nevertheless, his information,'* says Dr. /• Afotibr^ 
"^ (because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly beheve them urtwo 
tliey do speak the truth,) Avas not at first much regarded.** 

It may be noticed here, that at this time if any Indian appeared fiieiidlT, 
all Indians AAere so declaimed against, that scarcely any one among the Eng- 
lish could be found that Avould allow that an Indion could be fmthfhl or 
honest in any affair. And although some others l>esidcs Sassamon had inti- 
mated, and that rather strongly, tliat a ^rising of tlie Indians" waa at hud^ 
still, as Dr. Mather obserA^es, because Indians said so, little or no attentioa 

* The Endish sometimes added her suriiamo, and hence, in the account of Mr. Benm^{l 
Coi. Mass. Ilist. Soc. in. 1.) Bettij Sasemorf. The noted place now called Bte^t iVU; 
in Middleborough. was named from Iter. In 1703, there were ei^lit families of Indiaiii thn. 

t Catuhticut, Ketchiquut, Tehticut, Kek^tlicut, Keticut, Teis:htaquidf TVtdtquet, are spd* 
ines of this name in the various bi>oks and records I have consulted. 

J Bachu^s Middleborough, in 1 Col. Mass Hist. tioc. iii. 150. 

^ lOilation o/ike Troubles^ &c.. 74. 


paid to their advice. NotwithstaudiDff, Mr. GooAan, in Iiis MS. history',* 
aaya, that, previous to the war, none of the Christian Indians had ** been 
puUy charged, either with unfuithfuhiess or treachery towards the English.'* 
*' But, on the contrary, some of tliein had discovered tlie treachery, particu- 
lariy ffidcfU the niler, of Philip before he began anv act of hostility." In 
another place the same author says, that, in April, ICxTS, Wavlban ^ came to 
one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to 
fear tliat sachem Philip^ and other Indians his confederates, intended some 
mischief shortly." Aeain in May, about six weeks before the war, he came 
and said tlie same, adding that Philip's men were only waiting for the trees 
to get leaved out, tliat they might prosecute their design with more effect. 
To return to Stusamon : 

In the mean time, some circumstances happened tliat cave further grounds 
of suspicion, that war was meditated, and it was intended tliat messengers 
should be sent to Philips to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But 
before this was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had passed away, and 
the Rev. Sassamon still resided v^h the Namaskets, and others of his 
countnrmcn in that neighborhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined 
the strictest secrecy upon liis English friends at Plimoutn, of what he had 
revealed, assuring them tliat if it came to PhUip^s knowledge, he sliould be 
unmediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chiefs 
knowledge, and Sassamon was considered a traitor and an outlaw ; and, by 
the laws of the Indialis, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to suffer 
death. The manner of effecting it was of no consequence with them, so 
long as it was brought about, and it is probable that Philip had ordered any 
of his subjects who might meet with him, to kill him. 

Earlv in the spring of 1675, Sassamon was missing, and, on search being 
made, his body was found in Assawomset Pond, in Middleborough.f Those 
that killed him not caring to be known to the English, left his hat and gun 
upon the ice, that it might be 8up]M)8ed that he had drowned himself; but 
from several marks upon his liody, and the fact that his neck was broken, 
it waa evident he had been murdered. | Several persons were Huspected, 
and, upon the information of one called Paiudcson, Tobias § one of Philip^s 
counsellors, his son, and MaUashinnamyj Avcre apprehended, tried by ti jury, 
conaistiDg of half Indians,|| and in June, 1675, were all executed at Plinioutli; 
* one of them before his execution confessing the murder," but the other 
two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of 
their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the 
bleeding of the dead body at tlie approach of the murderer, had any influence 
upon the jury. And we are fearful it was the case, for, if the most learned were 
misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose tliat tlie 
more ignorant were free from them. Dr, Increase Mather wrote within two 
jeara of the affair, and ho has this passage : ^ When Tobias (the suspected 
murderer^ came near the dead body, it feJl a bleeding on fresn, as if it had 
been newly dain ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time l>efore that"? 

Nothing of this part of tlie story is upon record amon^ the manuscripts, 
9B we can find, but still we do not (juestion the authenticity of Dr. Mather, 
who, we believe, is tlie first that printed an account of it Nor do the 
records of Plimouth notice Sassamon until some time after his death. The 
Unt record is in these words : ** The court seeing cause to require the per- 

* Not vet published, but is now, (^pril. 183G,) printing with notes by the author of this 
work, imoer ifie direction of the American Antiquarian Society. It will form a lasting monu- 
■Bent of CM of the beit men of those days. The author was, as Mr. Eliot expresses himself, 
" a pillar in our Indian work." He died in 16H7, aged 75. 

t Some would like to know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. GraJiame ( Hist. N. Amer. i. 
4ltt.) states that 8ass€anon*s body was found in a field. 

X Chokbi^s MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. T^is author snys, " Sassatnaitd was the first 
Chiistiaji martyr,'' and that " it is evident he suflercd death upon ilic account of his Christian 
profession, and fidelity to the Englisli." 

A His Indian name was Pocrgapanossrto. 
_ I 'Maihtr's Relation, 74. Judge Daris retains the same account, {Morton^t Memorial 
901) wfaieh we shall presently show to be erroneous. 

T Maiktf's RelaUoo, 76. 

196 SASSAMON. [Book ID. 

soual appearance of au ludian called Tobias before the court, to make far- 
ther answer to such interrogatories as sliall be required of him, in referenet 
to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called Mm SoMmmont late 
deceased." This was in March, 1674, O. S. 

It appears that Tobias was present, although it is not so stated, from tfae 
fact that Tuspaquin and his sou HlUiam entered into bonds of £100 for the 
ap{)earaucc of Tobias at the next court in June following. A inortgagt 
of land was taken as security for the £100. 

June having arrived, tliree instead of one are arraigned as the murderen 
of Sassamon, There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being guilty 
at the ])rcvious court. Now, Wampapaquany the son of Tobias^ and JtfbttB- 
shunannamo * are arraigned witli Inni, and the bill of indictment runs aa fol- 
lows : ^ For tliat ))cing accused that tliey did with jovnt consent vpon the 
29 of January ami'* 1G74, [or 1675, N. S.l att a place called .^tMnMimjett Prntd, 
wilfully and of sett purpose, and of luaUice fore thought, and by force and 
armes, murder John Sassaman^ an other Indian, by laying violent hands on 
him, and striking him, or twisting his ucoke vntiU hee was dead ; and to hyde 
and conceale this theire said murder, att the tyme and place aforesaid, did 
cast his dead bodv tlurough a hole of the iyce into the said pond.** 

To this they pleaded **• not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say the 
records. The jur}', however, were not long in finding them guilty, whicb 
thev exi)re8s in these words : *^ Wee of the jury one and all, both V.nglMh 
and Indians doe joyutly and witli one consent agree upon a verdict." 

Upon this thev were immediately remanded to prison, " and from thence 
[taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head f YntlU 
theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Matiashunannamo were 
executed on the 8 June, 1675. *' But the said Wanwanaqwrn^ on some con- 
siderations was reprieued until a month be expired."^ lie was, however, ehot 
within the month. 

It is an error that tlie jur\' tliat found them guilty was composed of half 
Indians ; tliere were bftt f()ur, while there were twelve Englishmen. We 
will again hear llie record : — 

^ Itt was judged ver>' exfiedient by the court, that, together with dae 
English jury alx)ue named, some of the most indificrentest, graueat and 
sage Indians sliould be admitted to be Avith the said jury, and to healp to 
consult and aduice with, o\\ and concerning tlie premises: there names 
arc as followeth, viz. one called bv un English name Hopty and MatJdfpagm^ 
Wannoo, George Mamnye and Acanootus ; these fully concurred wm the 
jury in tlieire verdict" 

The names of the jurymen wen.> JFilliam Sabinej JfiUiam Crodoar, Eiwmi 
Stttrgis, fFUliam Brookes, ,Yatk'. Winslowy John JVadstooHh, Andrew JRimgSt 
Roberi Fixon, John Done, Jon*", Bangs, Jon\ Shaw and Benj\ Higgins, 

That nothing which can throw light upon tliis important af&ir be pewed 
over, we will hero add, from a liithcrto exceeding scarce tract, the fblfowing 
particulars, although some ])art8 of them are evidently erroneous: ^ AboK 
nve or six vears since, there was brought up, amongst otliers, at the c<dlwe 
at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Sosomon ; who, afler some time fie 
had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncos, a sagamore Christian in his ter- 
ritories, was, by the autliorit}' of Ncav Plimouth, sent to preach in like man- 
ner to King Philip, and his Indians. But Kin^ Philip, (beatben-likej 
instead of recei>nng the gospel, would inmiediately nave killed this Soaomnif 
but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the 
hands of three men to prison ; who, as he was going to prison, exhorted 
and taught them in the Clu'istian religion. They, not liking his diecouTMi 
innnediatcly murthered him afler a most barbarous manner. Thev, retnn- 
ing to King PkUip, acquainted him with Avhat they had done. Anout two 
or tliree months after this murther, being discovered to the authority of 

* The same called Maitashirmamy. His name m the records is s[>elt four ways. 

t This old phraseology reminds us of the French mode of expression, cot^fter U cou, tlat m, 
to cut off the neek instead of the head ; but the French say, il sera penau par son eon, eadw 
do modern hangnieo, alias jFurwte, of our times. 

Chap, n.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP 197 

New Plimouth, Josiah ffinslow being then governor of that colony, care was 
tiken to find out the murtherera, who, upon search, were found and appre- 
hended, and, after a fidr trial, were all hanged. This so exasperated King 
JHUZtp, that, from that day after, he studied to be revenged on the En^^lish — 
^dfmg that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an Indian for 
falling another.** * 


Life of RING PHILIP— H(5 real name— The name of his wife— Makes frequaU 
sales of his lands — Account of them — His first treaty at PUmauth — Expedition to 
JTantucket— Events of 1671— iJf^iVw the WAR of 1675— Firj£ acts of hostUiiy— 
Swnmp Fight at Pocasset — Karroicly escapes out of Ids own country — is pursu^ 
kjf Oneko — Fight at Rehoboth Plain — Cuts off a compitny of EngUsk under Captain 
Beers — Incidents — Fight at Sugar-loaf HiU^ and destruction of Cavtain Lathrap^s 
€&mpeny — Fights the English under Mosely — EngUsk raise 1500 men — Phtiip 
retires to JfarrcLganset — Strongly fortifies himsdf in a great swamp — Description 

i his fortress — English marak, to attack him — The great Fight at Jfarraganset — 
Mtn JUes his country — Visits the Mohawks — lU-devued stratagem — Events of 1676 
— Jtefimu again to his country — Reduced to a wretched condition — Is hunted by Church 
— His dU^ counsellor f^kkompoin J killed f and his sister captured — His w{fe and mm 
JkU into the hands of Church — Flies to Pokanoket — Is surprised and dain. — Sped- 
of the Wampanoag Lajiguage — Other curious matter. 

In regard to the native or Indian name of Philip, it seems a mistake has ai- 

ya prevailed, in printed accounts. Pometacom gives as near its Indian sound 
wm can be approached by our letters. The first syllable was dropped in fiimiliar 
diaooune, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had always 
been so 4 in nearly every original deed executed by him, which we have seen, 
and they arc many, his name so appears. It is true that, in those of different 
yeen^ it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very 
nearly the same sound. The vaiiatious are Pumaiacfntii Pamataeom^ Pometa- 
eomej and Pomdacom; the last of which prevails in the records. 

We have another important discovery to communicate : f it is no other than 
die name of the wife of Potnetcicom — ^the innocent Wootonekanuske ! This 
was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain 
CfturdL No wonder that Phtiip was '^now ready to die^" as some of his trai- 
torous men told Churchy and that ^ his heart was now ready to break ! " All 
thai was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still 
liTi^ and this most harrowed his soul — ^lived for what ? to sen'e as slaves in 
an unknown land ! could it be otherwise than that madness should seize upon 
hhn, and despair torment him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear 
the anguisliing cries and lamentations of ffootonekanuske and his son ? But 
we must chai^ the scene. 

It fleeniB as uiough, for mainr years before the war of 1675, Pometacomj and 
nearly all of his people sold off their lands as fast as purchasers presented them- 
arivesL They saw the prosperity of tlie English, and they were just such phi- 
loaophera as are eaaiUr captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsa- 
Idng their manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly 
pcttson, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these 
were only to be obttdned by parting with tlieir lands. That the reader may 
form aome idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Phmouth 
celony were diapoaed of^ we add the following items : — 

* Present State of New England, hv a merrhaiit of Roston, in respect to the present 
Woody Indian IVart, page 3, folio, London, 1676. This, with foar other tracts upon 
PniLip'i Wak, (covering the whole period of it, with notes by myself, accompanied by a 
Chkosologt of all Indian events in America from its discovery to the present time, (March 
7lh, 1fl96,) has just been published under the titJc of the Old Indiaic Chrohicle. 

t The author fi^ls a peculiar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be tiM first to publish 
Ihe rad name of the great sachem of the Wampanoegs, and alio that of the iharar of Ua 
Dflrib, Wooiomtkanme. 

17 • 


In a deed dated 23 June, 1G64, << fViUiam Brerdon, of Newport, R. L imr- 
chant," <* for a valuable consideration ^ paid by bim, buys Matapoisett of PUiy. 
This deed begins, ^ I, Pumaiacom alias PhUtp, chief sachem of Mount Ho^ 
CowBumpsit and of all territories thereunto belon^ng." Philip and his wife 
both signed this deed, and Thckamockj ffecopaumm^ Nesetaquagon^ Pamaor 
auase, AptrniniaU^ Taqwinksicktj Paquonack, fVaiapatahuej ^ouetaqmshf Mm 
Sassamon the interpreter, Rowland Sassamon, and two Englishmen, signed tf 

In 1665, he sold die country about Acushena, [now New Bedford,] and 
Couxct, [now in Conipton.] Philip^s fatlier having previously sold some of 
the same, £10 was now given him to prevent any claim from him, and to psy 
for his marking out the same. John noosansman' [one of tlie names of &fia 
moni witnessed this deed. 

Tne same year tlic court of Plimoutb presented Philip with a horse, but oo 
what account we are not informed. 

In 1662, Wrentham was purchased of Philip by the English of Dedlmn. 
It was then called fVoUomonopoagy and, by the amount assessed, appears to have 
cost £24 lOf., and was six miles square. For this tract of laud the Englisli had 
l>een endeavoring to negotiate dye ycars.t " In Nov. 1669, upon notice of PUIw, 
Sagamore of Mount Hope, now at WoUomonopoag, offering a treaty of his hndi 
thereabouts, not yet purchased,** the selectriipu appoint five persons to negotiate 
witli him ** for liis remaining right, provided he can show that he has any"} 
Whether his right were questioniGd)Ie or not, it seems a purchase was madcu m 
tliat time, of the tract called Wocllomnumappogivt^ ** within the town bounds [of 
Dedham] not yet purchased.** What the full consideration was, our document 
do not state, but from a manuscript order which he drew on Dedham a fter w«w i% 
and the accompanying receipt, some estimate may be formed. The order re- 
quests them ^ to pay Ui this bearer^for the use ofKiya Phiup, £5, Ss, ui sunml 
and £5 in trucking doth at money priced In a receipt signcMl by an agent of 
Philip, named Petetj the following amount is named : ** In reference to tkepcofmai 
ofKisiQ PuiLiP q/* Mount Hope, the full and just sum of £5, 5s. in moni^ and 
12 ^ards of trucking cloth, 3 lbs. of powder, and as muchlead as unll make «l tv; 
which is in full satisfaction with £10 that he is to receive <f Nathaniel Pamek\ 

Wo next meet with a singular record of Philip, the authorship of which we 
attribute to John Sassamon, and which, besides e2Ctending our knowle^KS of 
Philip into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted with SasMomows ac- 
quirements ui the language of the pilgrims. ' 

^ Know all men by these presents, that Philip haue giuen power vnto ffb- 
tuchpoo}\ and Sampson and tneire brethren to hold and make sale of to wliom 
tliey will by my consent, and they shall not haue itt without thev be willing lo 
lett it goe it shal be sol by my consent, but whhout my knowledge they caniMl 
safely to : but witli my consent there is none that can lay clainie to that laod 
which they haue marked out, it is theires foreuer, soe therefore none can saftlj 
purchase any otlierwise but by Walachpoo and Sampson and their bretheren. 

Phijlip 1606." 

Whether the following letter were written earher or later than this we hare 
no me^ms of knowing ; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it waswrineB 
at a time when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the peo- 
ple of Plimouth were endeavoring to get him to their court, where they had 
reason to believe they could succeed better in getting them than by a Defolia- 
tion in his own country. The letter follows : — 

^ To the much honored Govemer, Mr. Thomas Prmce, du^eUing at PUmnik 

^ King Philip desire to let you imderstand that he could not come to llii 
court, for Thm, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not Oifi 

* Perhaps Uncomoom. 

t WortfUngton's llist. Dedham. 20— from which work it would seem that the DegotialioD W 
bceo carried on with Philip, but Philip was not sachem until this year. 

I Ibid. 

J General Oourt Files. 

f Somelimet TSikpoo by abbreviation. A further account of him will be found in Iha lift «( 


80 ftr, and Pkdip sister is veiy sick. Philip would intreat that favor of you, 
aod any of the majestrats, if aney English or Eoffians speak about aney land, he 
pray you to giue them no ansewer at all. This last summer he maid that 
promis with you that he would not sell no land in 7 years time, fbr that he 
would have no English trouble him before that time, he has not forgot that 
you promis him. He will come a sune as posseble he can to speak with you, 
aod so I rest, 

your very loveing fiiend 

Philip p 

dwelling at mount hope nek." * 

In 1GC7, Philip sells to Constant Southworthf and others, all the meadow 
lands from Dartmouth to Matapoisctt, lor which he had £15. Particular 
bounds to all tracts are mentioned in the deeds, but us they were generally or 
often stakes, trees, and heaps of stones, no one al this time can truce many of 

The same year, for " £10 sterling," he sells to Thos. JfiUet and others, «< all 
that tract of land lying between the Riuer Wanascottaquett and Cawatoquissctt, 
being two miles long and one broad." PawsaqaenSy one of Philip's counsel- 
ton, and Tom alias Sawsuett, an interpreter, were witnesses to the sale. 

In I6G8, " Philip Pomeiacom^ and Tatamumaque f alias CashewashedL, sachems," 
Ihr a "valuable consideration," sell to sundry English a tract of some square 
milea. A part of it was adjacent to Pokanoket In describing it, Memenuck- 
quage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in Swan- 
•BY. Besides two Englishmen, Sompointten, alias Tom, and JSTananuntneWy sou 
iitT%omaa PianU^ were witnesses to this sale. 

The next year, the same sachems sell 500 acres in S wansey for £20. Hanuto, 
m oounsellor, and Tom the interpreter, were wimesses. 

In 1668, PhUip and Uncomnawcn laid claim to a part of New-meadows neck, 
alleging that it was not intenaed to be conveyed in a former deed, by Ossamt- 


and fFanuutta, to certain English, *' although it appears, sa^s tlie record, 
pretty clearly so expressed in said deed," ^ yet that |)eace and friendship may 
DO eontinued," **^ CypL Willetj Mr. Broitn and John JUkny in the behalf of them- 
flohes and the rest," agree to give Philip and Uncompawen the sum of £11 in 

Philip Nancskooke t Aif -([ markj 
Vncompawen his X mcark. 
Tom Sansuwest, inUrpreUr, 

Jhul NlMKOD. 

The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly interesting, 
from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by Philip him- 
•el£ He contracts or agrees, by the following writing under his hand, m tliesc 
words: ''this may inform the honoured court [of Plimouth,] that I Philip ame 
williDe to sell the laud within this draught ; hut the Indians that are vpon it 
may lute vpon it still ; but the land that is [wastel§ may be sould, and Waltach- 
000 ia of the same minde. I have sed downe all the priucipall names of the 
Mod wee are willing should bee sould." 

^ From Pacanaukett Phiujp p his nuxrht.^ 

the 24 of the 12 mo. 1668." 

* 1 Catf. Mau. HisL 8oc. ii. 40. The original was owned by a Mr. White of Plimouth, 
about 30 yean ago. It b probably another production of John Sassamon. 

t Written in another deed, Atimkamomake. This deed was in the next year. It was of 
000 acres of land, " more or lesse," in Swansey ; and £90 the consideration. Hu^h CoU, 
JmiatWuulcw, John Cogf[t$haU, and Constant Soutkucrth were the purchasers, andTKmHM, 
a eooBienor, one of the witnesses. 

i This dooUe name, we suppose, was meant to stand for the signature of himself and wife 

f So IB the racords. 





Tki9 line is a paOL 






I Aponecett. 

Thiiis apath, 



~ Oaamequen " having, ^for valuable considerationB," in the year 1641, mM 
to John Broton and Eaward ffinslow a tract of land eight miles Bquare» 
ated on both sides of Palmer's River, PhUiv, on the 90 Mar. IGCHB, wai 
quired to sifp a quit-claim of the same, liiis he did in presence of 
kiaoke, PMUip^ and Pttbt^* counsellors, SoncwMXDhtio^ PmUiji^s brother, 
Tom the interpreter.f This tract includes the present town of RehobodL 

Also in 1669, for £10 **' and another valuable and sufficient gratuity,'' he ad 
to John Cook of Akusenag in Dartmouth,} ^ one whole island nere the towae^* 
called Nokatay. 

The same year, PhUip and Thispaquin sell a considerable tract of land m 
Middleborough, for £13. Thomas the interpreter, H^UUam, the eon of TW 
paqmn, and Befyamin Chxtrchj were witnesses. 

hi 1671, PhUip and <« Monjokam of Mattapoisctt," for £5, sell to Hwh CSakt of 
Swanscy, shipwright, land ij^ing near a place called Acasktioah, in iSeurtmooth. 

In 16/2, Philip sold to Jfilliam Brentun and others, of Taunton, a tract to 
the southward of that town, containing twelve square miles, for £143; aik^ 
a few days alter, adjoining it, four square miles more, to Constant SotdkwoA 
Others were concerned in the sale of the lareer tract, as is judged by the 
deeds being signed by JSTnnkampahoonetty Imnaihum, alias A/hnrodj Cfae* 
maughUm, and Captain Jlnnaujamy besides one Philip. Thomas^ alias Stmk' 
suit, was among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witneraed bj 
Munashum, alias Nimrod^ Woackompawhan^^ and Captain Jhtntncan, 

These are but a part of the sales of land by Pomkacom: many other ehieft 
sold ver}' largely, particularly Wntuspacniin and Josias WaamaJtadc. 

At the coiut of Plimouth, 16713,*** Mr. Pdtr Talmon of Rhode fland cooh 
plained against Philip allies H'ewasotoanueU, sachem of Moimt Hope, brother 
or predecessor of Pakanaicketl as heire admiunostrator or successor vnto hb 
brother or predecessor fVamsitta, Sopaqviity^ or Alexander deceased, in u 
action on the case, to the damage of £cOO forfeiture of a bond of such a valoe^ 
bearing date, June the 28tli, 1(X>1, giuen to the said Peter TVi/snon, oUigiiig 

* Called, in Mr. Hubbard't history, Thebe ; be was aAorwards killed at 
beffinniiigof the war. There is a pood in Narragaoset of Ihe same name. 

f Mr. BUst, in his History of Rehobotu, 64, 65, has printed this deed firon Ai 

f The place where Cook lived is n(»w included in New Bedford. 

^ Probably " PhUip's old uncle AJtkompoin." 


him the said ffamsiUa allies AUxander to make good to him, his heires and a 
deed of giA of a considerable track of laud att Sapowett and places adjacent, 
as in the said deed is more particularly expressed ; for want wherof the 
complainant is greatly damnifyed.^ 

Whether the conduct of the people of Plimouth towards Wamtutta^ 
PomiiaconCs elder brother, and other neighboring Indians, made them always 
auspicious of tlie chief sachem, as it had tlieir neighbors before in the case 
of Miantunnomohf or whether Philip were in reality *^ contriving mischief," 
the same year of his coming ip chief sachem, remains a question, to this day, 
with those best acquainted with the history of those times. 

The old benevolent sachem Massagoity alias IVoosamequiny having died in 
the winter of 1661-2, as we believe, but few months after died also JUexander^ 
PhUip'a elder brother and predecessor, when Philip himself, by the order of 
succession, came to be chief of the Wampanoags. 

Philip having by letter complained to tlie court of Plimouth of some in- 
juries, at their October tenu, 1668, they say, ^ In answer unto a letter from 
Philips the sachem of Pokanokett, &c., by way of petition requesting the 
court for justice against Francis Waslj [ffeit,] for wrong done bv him to one 
of his men about a ^n taken from him by the said fVagt ; as also for wrong 
done unto some svinne of the said Indian*& The court have ordered the 
case to be heard and determined by the selectmen of Taunton ; and in case 
it be not by them ended, tliat it be referred unto the next March court at 
Plimouth to be ended.** How the case turned we have not found. But for 
an Indian to gain his point at an Eiighsh court, unless his case were an ex- 
ceeding strong one, was, we apprehend, a rare occurrence. 

"He was no sooner styled sachem," says Dr. /. Mather,* *^hut inmiediately, 
in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery 
against the English." This autlior wrote at the close of Philip's war, when 
▼eiy few could speak of Indians, without discovering great bitterness. Mr. 
JMbrfonf is the first who mentions i^e/acom«< in a printed work, which, being 
before any difiiculty with him, is in a more becoming manner. ** This year," 
(1662;) he observes, ^ upon occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended 
ij the Indians against the English, Philipj the sachem of Pokanoket, otlier- 
wise called MekKom, made his appearance at the court held at Plimouth, 
August 6, did earnestly desire the continuance of that amity and fiiendahip 
that hath formerly been between the governor of Plimouth and his deceased 
ftther and brother." 

The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, he signed tlie 
articles prepared by them, acknowledging himself a subject of the king of 
England, thus : — 

" The mark of "0 Phillip, sachem 
of Pocanakettj 
The mark of <] VncumpowktTi 
vnkdl to the aboue said sachemP 

The following persons were present, and witnessed this act of Philip, and 
lus great captain Uncompoin : — 

** John Sassamon, 
7^ mark IR o/* Francis, sachem ofNausd, 
T%t mark DI q/*NiMROD alias Pumpasa, 
7%e m/ork 7? of PuNCxquANECK, 
J%e mark ^ ^AquzTsquESH."! 

Of the uneasiness and concern of the English at this period, firom the 
hostile movements of Philip, Mr. Hubbard, we presume, was not informed ; 
or so important an event would not have been omitted in his minute and 
valuable history. Mr. Morton, as we before stated, and Mr. Mather mention 
it, but neither of these, or any writer since, to this day, has made the matter 
appear in its true light, from their neglect to produce the names of those 
mat appeared with the sachem. 

* Bdatioa, TL f In hif N. England*! Memorial. t From the reeonb in ma mu c rip L 

302 PHILIP.— PURSUIT OF GIBBS. ' [Book m. 

For about Dine years succeediDg 16G2, very little is recorded concemini^ 
Pkilip, Durinf^ this time, he bccaine more intimately acquainted with hit 
English neighbors, learned their weakness and liis own strength, wfaidi 
rather increased than diminished, until his fatal war of 1675. For, duriog 
this period, not only tlieir additional numbers gained tlicni power, but their 
arms were greatly iftrengthened by the English instruments of war put into 
their hands. Roger ff'illiams had early brought the Narragansets into irieiid- 
ship with Massasoitj which alliance gauied additional strength on the acces- 
sion of the youn^ Metacomet, And here we may look for a main cause of that 
*war, altlioufrh the death o\\>ilexander is generally looked upon by the early 
historians, as almost the only one. The continual broils between tlic Ene- 
lish and Nnrragimset-s, (we name the English fii-st, as tliey were generally 
the aggressors,) could not be unknown to Philip ; and if his couDtrymen 
were wronged he knew it And what friend win see another abused, with- 
out feeling a glow of resentment in his breast ? And who will wonder, i( 
when these abuses had followed each other, repetition upon repetitioDjJfor 
a scries of years, that they should at last break out into open war? The 
Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at the ])eriod of wliich we speak; 
there were several of them, but no one appears to have had a general com- 
mand or ascendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt but that 
they unanimously reposed their cause in the hands of Philip. Mnigrd wu 
at this time grown old, and though, for many years afler the murder of 
Mianlunnomoh, he seems to have had the chief authority, ^et piisillaniini^ 
was always nither a predominant trait in his character. IIis age had prob- 
ably caused his withdrawal from the otliers, on their resolution to second 
Phxlip. Canonchet was at this period tlie most conspicuous ; Pumham neit : 
Potok, Magnus^ the scpiaw-sachem, whose huslmnd, Mriksah, had been dead 
several years ; and lastly Maitatoag, 

Before proceeding with later events, the following short narrative, ilhi^ 
trative of a [lecidiar custom, may not l)e improperly introduced. PJnZu^ as 
tradition reports, made an expedition to Nantucket in 1665, to puniw an 
Indian who had profaned the nunie of Massasoit^ his father ; and, as it was 
an observance or law among them, that whoever should speak evil of die 
dead should be put to deatli, Philip went there with an armed force to eie* 
cute this law upon Gihhs. He was, however, defeated in his design, for OM 
of Gibh^s friends, understanding Philip'^s intention, ran to him and gave him 
notice of it, just in tiipe for him to escape ; not, however, without great ex- 
ertions, for Philip came once in si^ht ot him, after pursuing him some time 
among the English from house to house ; but Gibbs, by leaping a bank, got 
out of sight, and so escaped. P/it/ijo would not leave the island imtil ue 
English liad ransomed John at the exorbitant price of nearly all the money 
upon the island.* (sibbs was a Christian Indian, and his Indian name was 
Asaasamoofch/ He was o preacher to his countrymen in 1G74, at which time 
there were belonging to his church I^ iiicmlwrs. 

What grounds the English had, in the spring of the year 1671, lor suspect- 
ing that a plot was going forward for their destruction, camiot satistactorily 
be ascertained ; but it is evident there were some warlike preparations made 
by the great chief, which very much alarmed the English, as in the life of 
Awashonks we shall have occasion again to notice. Their suspicions were 
further confirmed when they sent for liim to come to Taunton and make 
known the causes for his operations ; as he discovered ^ shyness," and a re- 
luctance to comply. At length, on tlie 10th of April, this year, he came to a 
place about four miles from Taunton, accompanied with a band of liis war- 
riors, attired, armed and painted as for a warlike cxuedition. From this 
place he sent messengers to Taunton, to invite the English to come and 
treat with him. The governor eitlier was afraid to meet the chief, or thought 
it beneath his dignity to comply witli his request, and therefore sent Mvenl 

* For some of what we have given above, see 1 C(^l. Mast, Hist. Soc. iii. 159, fiunilwd 
for that work by Mr. Zacchetis Maciff whose ancestor, it is said, assisted io «ecratiif 

Id a late work, HUt. Nantuckett by Obed Macy, an account of the affair is given, bat milk 
variation from the above. 


persons, amon|: whom was Roger WtUiamSy to inform him of their determi- 
nation, and their good disposition towards him, and to urge his attendance at 
T^iunton. He agreed to go, and hostages were left in the hands of his 
warriors to warrant his safe return. On coming near the village with a few 
of his warriors, he made a stop, which appears to have been occasioned b^ 
the warlike parade of iho English, many of whom were for immediately at- 
tacking him. These were the Plimoutli peo])lo that recommended this rash- 
ness, but they were prevented by the sominissioncrs from Massachusetts, who 
met here with the governor of Pliniouth to conftT with PhUif. 

In the end it was uffreed that u council should be held in the meethig- 
house, one side of which shouhl be occupied by th(> Indians, and the other by 
the ESnglish. Philip had alleged that the English hijun d tlie planted lands 
of his people, but this, tlie English say, was in no wise sustained. He said 
his wariike^repamtions were not against the English, but the Narragansets, 
which the Eiiglbh also say was proved to his face to be false ; and that this 
so confounded him, that he confessed the whole plot, and ''that it was the 
naughtiness of his own heart tliat put him upon that rebellion, and nothing 
of any provocation from the Englisk'* * Therefore, with four of his counsel- 
lors, wno8(> names were Tavoser^ Captain fftspoke^ fVoonkapanehunty [Unk&m- 
jpotn,! and J\/%mrody he signed a submission, and an engagement of friendship, 
wfaich also stipulated that he should give up all the arms among his people, 
into the hands of the govenior of Plimouth, to be kept as long as tlie govern- 
ment should ^ see reason." f 

The Enfflish of Massachusetts, having acted as umpires in this afiair, were 
looked to, oy both parties, on the next cause of complaint Pkijjp having 
ddivered the arms which himself and men had with them at Taunton, | 
pffomised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain time. But they not 
oemg delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring, 
ft messenger was sent to Boston from Plimouth, to make complaint ; but 
PkU^fy perhaps, understanding what was intended, was quite as early at Bos- 
ton in person ;§ and, by his address, did not fail to be well received, and a 
fiiTonible report of him was returned to Plimouth ; and, at the same time, 
proposals that commissioners from all the United Colonies should meet 
Plil^ at Plimouth, where all difficulties might be settled. This meeting took 
place the same year, September, 1671, and the issue of the meeting yraa yery 
nearly the same as that at Taunton. ''The conclusion was," says Mr. 
JVafAer,! " Philip acknowledged his offence, and was appointed to give a sum 
of money to defray the charges which his insolent clamors had put the colo- 
ny unto." f 

As usual, several articles were drawn up by the English, of what PhU^ 
was to submit to, to which we find the names of thrSb yily of his captains or 
counsellors, Uncompaen^ who was his uncle,ir fVotokom, arid Scankama, 

Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting themselves 
as '^ subjects to his majesty the king of England." This the^ did only to get 
rid of the importunity of Uie English, as their course immediately afterwania 
invariably showed. 

The articles which the government of Plimouth drew up at this time, for 
FhStip to sign, were not so illiberal as might be imagined, were we not to 
produce some of them. Article second reads, — 

" I \PhiUp'\ am willing, and do promise to pay unto the government of Plim- 
outh £100, in such things as I have ; but I would entreat the favor that I 
might have three vears to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present" 
And in article thiro, he promises " to send unto the governor, or whom he shall 
appoint, &ve wolves' heads, ifht can get them; or as many as he can procure^ 

* Hubbard, ludian Wan, 11, 1st edition. 

t Tbe articles of this treaty may be seen in Hubbard , MatJier, and Hutchin8cn*t historiet 
Ibey amount to little, and we therefore omit them. 

tMtiBJher*9 RelaUon, 73. 

4 Perbapt this was the time Mr. JoiMtlyn saw him there richlv ei^parisoiiad, as will bete* 
after be mentioned. | Mather't Relation, 73. 

f Called by Omrthf Aikompom. Hist. Ring PhO^t War, 110 of my edition. 


until they come to five wolves' heads yearly." These articles were dated* 
39 Sept 1671, and were signed by 

Jlie mark P i^/'Phillip; 

Tlie mark T o/'WoHKOwPAHXNiTr; 

The mark V o/*WuTTAK008EXi]f ; 

The mark T q/^ Sonkanuhoo ; 

The mark 2 q/^WooNASHUMy 
aliaa Nimrod ; 

Jlie mark Y o/'Woospasuck, 
alias Captain. 

On the 3 Nov. followiug, Pkilip accompanied Takanumma to Plimoutby Iv 
make his submission, which lie (lid, and acknowledged, by a writing, that he 
would adiiere to the articles signed by Philip and the others, the 39 Sept 
before. Tokamona vms brotlier to AioashmxA, and, at tliis time, was sachem 
of Seconet, or Saconett. He was afterwards killed by the Narragansets-t 

A general dimu'ming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the 
spring and simimer of 1671, and nothing but trouble could have been expect- 
ed to follow. 

Tliat nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this impoilaitt 
era in tlie biography of PhUip^ we will lay before the reader all the unpab- 
lished uiformation luniished by the records.^ Having met in June, 1671, 
**Tho court Jof PlimouthJ determins all the guns in our hands, that did b^ 
long to PkHtpj are Justly forfeit ; and do at tlic present order the dividing of 
tliem, to be kept at the several towns, according to their equal proportion^ 
until OctoIxT court next, and then to be at the coiut's dispose, as reason naf 
appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otherwise diqMOBd 
of hy the court 

**• That which the coiut grounds tlu^r judgment upon is, — For that at the 
treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they had been 
in a preparation for war against us ; and that not groimded upon any injmy 
sustained from us, nor provocation given by us, but from their naughty heuU^ 
and because he had fonnerly violated and broken solemn covenants made 
and renewed to us ; he then freely tendered, (not being in a capacity to be 
ke])t faithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his English arnru), kit our 
fiiture security in that respect, lie failed greatly in the performance thereoC 
by 8ecnit[ly] conveying away, and carrying liome several gmis, that mieht and 
snoidd have been then delivered, and not giving them U]) since, according to 
his engagement ; nor so fur as is in his power ; as appears in that many gone 
are known still to be an^ngst the Indians that live by him, and [he] not eo 
much as giving orderito some of his men, that are under his immediate com- 
mand, al)out the bringing in of their arms. 

** In his (endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taunton,] to render us odioue to 
our neighbor colony by false re{)orts, complaints and suggestions ; and hit 
refusing or avoiding a treaty with us couc(Tning those and other matters that 
are justly offensive to us, notwithstanding his late engagement, as well as for- 
mer, to submit to tin; king's authority, and the authority of this colony. 

^It was also ordered by the court that the anri of the Indians of Nama^ 
sakett and Assowamsett, that were fetched hi by Major fftru/otr, and thoae that 
were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the said Indians, for the 
grounds above expressed ; tiny being in a compliance with PkUlipe in his 
late plot : And yet would neither by our governor's order, nor by PUU^e^ 
desire, bring in their arms, as was engaged by the treaty; and the said gmi 
are ordered by the court to the major and his com^mny for their aatiafiustki^ 
in tliat expedition. 

*^ This court have agreed and voted " to send ''some " forces to ** Saconett to 
fetch in " the arms among the Indians there. 

* There is no dale, but the year, set to any printed copy of this treaty. Bfr. HtMard hj 
mistake omitted it, and those who have since written, have not given themselves the 
of recurring to the records. 

* See Church, 39. X PUmoalh Cokmy Records, in Momocr^. 


If then, therefore, these Indians had not already become hostile, no one would 
marvel had it now become the case. Bows and arrows were almost entirely 
out of use. Guns had so far superseded them, that undoubtedly many scarce 
could use them with effect, in procuring themselves game : Nor could it \ye 
expected otherwise, for the English had, by nearly 40 years' intercourse, ren- 
dered their anus far more necessary to the existence of die Indians than to their 
own : hence their unwillingness to part with them. Philips it is said, directed 
the Middleborough Indians to give up their gun& His object hi this was to 
pacify the English, judging that if war should begin, these Indians would join 
the English, or at least many of them ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but 
little which party possessed them ; but not so with his inmiediate followers, as 
we have just seen m tlie record. 

A council of war having convened at Plirnouth, 23 August, 1()71, the follow- 
ing, besides the matters already expressed, thev took into consideration : Philip's 
^ entertaining of many strange Indians, which might portend danger towards 
u& In n)ecial by his entertaining of divers Saconett Indians, professed ene- 
mies to this cobny, and this against good counsel given him by his friends. 
The premises considered [tlie council] do unanimously agree and conclude, 
that toe said Phillip hatli violated [tlie] covenant plighted with this colony at 
l^iunton in April last. 

"52. It is unanimously agreed and concluded by tlie said council, that we are 
necessarily called to cause the said sachem to make his personal appearance to 
make his purgation, in reference to the premises ; which, in case of his refusal, 
the council, according to what at present ap{)ears, do determiii it necessary to 
endeavor his reducement by force ; inasmuch as the controversy which hath 
teemed to lie more immediately between him and us, doth concern all the Eng- 
liifa plantations. It is, therefore, detenuiued to state die case to our neighbor 
colonies of the Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; and if, by their weighty ad- 
vice to the contrary, we are not diverted from our present detenninations, to 
■gnify unto them, tliat if they look upon themselves concerned to engage in the 
erne with us against a common enemy, it shall be well accepted as a neigh- 
boriy kindness, which we shall hold ourselves obliged to repay, when Provi- 
danco may so dispose that we have opportunity. 

" Accordingly, letters were despatched and sent from the council, one unto 
die said PkiUip the said sachem, to require his personal appearance at Plymouth, 
on the I3th day of Septeiiilier next, in reference to the particulars above men- 
tioned against him. This letter was sent by Mr. James ff^alker, one of the 
council, and he was ordered to request the company of Mr. Roger IVUliams 
and BIr. James Broum, to go with him at the delivery of tlie said Tetter. And 
another letter yrt^ sent to the governor and council of the Massachusetts' by the 
hands of Mr. John Freeman^ one of our magistrates, and a third was directed to 
die covemor and council of Rliode Island, and sent by Mr. Thomas Hinckley 
and Mr. Constant Southtporth, two other of our magistrates, who are ordered by 
oar council with the letter, to unfold our present state of matters relating to the 
pr emi a ca , and to certify them, also, more certainly of the time of the meeting 
together, in reference to engagement with the Inchans, if there be a going forth, 
which will be on the 20 of September next 

** It was fbrther ordered by the council, that those formerly pressed shall 
remain under the same impressment, until the next meeting of tlie said coun- 
cil, on the Id day of Sept next, and so also until tlie intended expedition is 
iaMied, unleas they shall see cause to alter them, or add or detract from them, 
aa occaaion may require : And that all other matters remain as they were, 
in way of preparation to the said expedition, until we shall see the mind of 
CSod nuther by the particulars forenamed, improved for that purpose. 

^ It was further ordered by the council, that all the towns within this jiu'isdic- 
tion afaall, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their mfety, by 
eooTenient watches and wardiiigs, and carrying their arms to the meetings on 
the Lord's days, in such manner, as will b<^ stand wiUi their particulara, and 
tin common safety. 

^ And in particular they order, that a guard shall be provided ft>r the aafeQr 
of the governor's person, during the time of the above-named troubles and ez- 



" And the council were summoned by llie president, [the governor of Ffim- 
outh,] to make llieir personal appearance at Plyinoutli, on llie 13th daj of 
Sept. next, to attend such further business as shall lie then presented by Aovh 
dence, in reference to the premises. [Without any intermediate entiy, tbe 
records proceed :] 

^On the 13 Sept 1671, tlie council of war appeared, according to their suiii- 
mons, but Phillip the sachem appeared not ; but instead tliereof repaired to the 
Massachusetts^, and made complaint against us to divers of the gentleniai in 
place tliere ; who wrote to our governor, by way of persuasion, to advise tlie 
council to a compliance with the said sachem, and tendered their help in the 
achieving thereof; declaring, in sum, that tliey resented not hisoneDceio 
deeply as we did, and that they doubted whether the covenants and enaage- 
ments that Phillip and his predecessors had plighted with us, would pbiDly 
im])ort that he haa subjected himself, and peopK*, and country to us aiiy iuither 
tliau as in a neighborly and friendly correspondency." 

Thus, whether Phrnp had been able by misrepresentation to lead the court 
of Massachusetts into a conviction that his designs had not been fiurly set ioith 
by Plimoutli, or whether it be more reasonable to conclude that that body were 
thoroughly acquainted with tlie whole grounds of complaint, and, therefore^ 
considered Plimoutli nearly as much in error as Philip, by assuming authority 
not belonging to them, is a'c^se,we apprehend, not difficult to be settled by the 
reader. The record continues : — 

" The council having deliberated u[)on the premises, desi)atclied away letlen^ 
declaring tlieir thankful acceptance of their kind proffer, and invited the com- 
missioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, tliey [the latter] then beinff 
there hi the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gt»ntlemen to come to Plymouth and 
afford us their help : And, accordingly, on the 24 of Sept 1671, Mr. John Whr 
thropj Gov. of Connecticut, Muj. Gren. Aererf//, Mr. Thos. Danfortk^ CapJU Wwu 
Davisj with divers others, came to Plimouth, and had a fair and deliberate 
hearing of the controversy l)etween our colony and the said sachem PkSUp^ht 
being personally present ; there being also competent uiterpreters, both Ftiigliii 
and Indians. At which meeting it was i>rovcd by sufficient testimony to ihe 
conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the 
said gentlemen and others, that he had broken his covenant made 'with our 
colony at Taunton in April last, in divers particulars : as also carried very a^ 
kuidly unto us divers ways. 

"l.In that he "had neglected to bring in his arms, although <* compettnc 
time, yea his time enlarged " to do it in, as before stated. ^2. That DO hid 
carried insolently and pnjudly towonls us on several occasions, in refusiDg to 

to procim 


ent chief should refuse to obey his neighlx)r8 whenever they had a mind to 
command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inquire, sonly 
calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did Philip not do as he agreed at 
Taunton ? — which was, tliat in case of future troubles, both parties should lij 
their complaints before Massachusetts, and abidQ by tlieir decision? 

The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the cotmcil of wv, 
namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but ''Ttgi- 
bonds, our professed enemies, who leaving tlieir own sachem were harbored 
by him." 

The 4th has likewise l^een stated, which contains the complaint of his fOfO^ 
to Massachusetts, ^ with several of his council, endeavoring to insiDuatemiD- 
self into the magistrates, and to misi'ej)resent matters unto them,** which amounCi 
to little else but an accusation against Massachusetts, as, from what has been 
before stated, it seems that tlie ^^gpiitlemeii in place there *' had, at least inna^ 
liecn convinced that Philip was not so much in faidt as their fricnda of Plim- 
outli had pretended. 

"5. That he had shewed great incivility to divers of ours at several timet; ii 
special unto Mr. James Brovm, who was sent by the court on special 
as a messenger unto him ; and unto Hugh Colt at another time, &c. 

^ The gendemen forenamed taking notice of tlio premises, ' 

Chap. II.] PHILIP. 207 

what the said PMUip could say for liimself, having firee liberty so to do without 
iDtemiptioD, adjudged that he had done us a eretx deal of wron^ and injury, 
(respectine the premises,) and also abused them by carrying lies and &Jse 
stones to mem, and so misrciircscutiug matters unto them ; and tliey persuaded 
him to make an acknowledgment of bis fault, and to seek for reconciliation, 
expressing tliemselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted 
to the government in tlie Bay, and what he could now make out concemine 
his pretended wrongs ; and such had been the wrong and damage that he had 
done and prociured unto the colony, as 'ought not to l)e borne without compe- 
tent reparation and satisfaction ; yea, that he, by his iiisolencies, had (in prooa- 
bihty) occasioned more mischief from tlic Indians amongst tliem, than had 
fidleu out in many years before ; tlioy persuaded him, therefore, to humble him- 
self unto tlie magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and 
that, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it" 

The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have l)efore spo- 
ken, and Philip and his counsellors subscribed it ; and thus ended the chief 
events of 1671. 

A very short time before tlie war of 1675 commenced, the governor of 
Massachusetts sent an ambassador to Phtliv, to demand of him why he would 
make vvar upon the English, and recjuesteu him, at the same time, to enter into 
ft treaty. Tnc sachem made htm this answer: — 

** Your governor is hut a subject of King Charles * of England, I shall not 
treat with a subject I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother. IVhen 
kt eomes^ I am ready. ^ \ 

This is hteral, although we hare changed the order of the words a little, and 
ifl worthy of a place upon the same ))age with the speech of the famous PoruSy 
when taken captive by Alexander. X 

We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sassamon, in 1674, 
the occasion of which was charged upon Philips and was tlie cause of bringing 
about the war with him a year sooner than he had expected. This event pre- 
msturely discovered his intentions, which occasioned the partial recantation of 
the Narnigansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to 
fijl upon 3ie English in 1676. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and although 
nearly all tlie Narragaiiscts ultimately joined against the English^ yet the pow- 
erfiil efiect of a seneral simultaneous movement was lost to the Indians. 
Philip^s own people, many of whom were so disconcerted at the unexpected 
beginning of the war, continued some time to waver, doubting which side to 
thow tliemselves in favor of; and it was only from their being without the 
▼icinity of the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course, 
which was, in almost all cases, in favor of Philip. Even the praying Indians, 
hod they been left to themselves, would, no douot, many of them, have declared 
in his favor also, as a great many really did. 

Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the munlerers of 
Sassamonj no hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. About the 
tiibe of their trial, he was said to be marching his men ^ up and down the 
eountiy in arms," but when it was known that they were executed, he could 
no k>nger restrain many of his young men, who, having sent tlieir wives and 
chikben to Narraganset, upon the 24tn of June, provoked the people of Swan- 
•ey, by killing their cattle, and other injuries,§ until they fired upon them and 

* Charles 11., whose rexgp. was from 16G0 to 1676. 

t Old htdian Chroaicle,b8. 

X The conqueror asked him how he would be treated, who, in two words, replied, ** Like a 
king." Being asked if he had no other request to make, he said. '^ No. Every thinr is 
comprehended in that." [Plutarch's Life of AiexaruUr.) Wc could wish, that the £n^ish 
conqoerors had acted with as much magnanimity towards the Indians, as Alexander did 
lowrsfds those he overcame. Porus was treated as ho had desired. 

^ " In the mean time King PAiVipmustcred up about 500 of his men, and arms them corn- 
pleat ; and bad gotten about 8 or 900 of his nei&^boring Indians, and likewise arms them com- 
nlaat ; (i. e. guns, powder and bullets ;) but how many he hath engaged to be of his party, 
IS ualuiown to any among us. The last spring, several Indians were seen in small parties, 
■boat Rehoboth and Stoamey, which not a little afirighted the inhabitants. Who demanding 
ibe reason of them, wherefore it was so 7 Answer was made, That they were only on their 
own defence, lor they understood that the English intended to cut them off. About the 20tb 

208 PHILIP— BEGINS THE WAR OF 1976. [Book IU. 

lulled one, which was a signal to commence the war, and what they had de- 
sired ; for the siipenntitioiiB noticm prevailed among the Indians, that the paitf 
who fired tin* first min would he conaiiered.* They had probably been madb 
to believe this by the English themselves. 

It was upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the people 
were return tug from meeting, tliey were fired upon by the Indians, when one 
was killed und two wound(HL Two others, going for a surgeon, were kiBed 
on their way. In another {Mirt of the town, six others were killed the eame 
day. Swonsey was in the midst orPhitip^s country, and his men were as well 
acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves. 

It is not supposed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, k 
has been said that it was against his wishes. But there can be no doubt of fail 
hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white intruders; lor had he 
not reason to say, 

*' Exarscre igncs animo : subit ira, cadcnlcm 
Ulcisci pamam, et scclcratas sumerc pceiias ? '' 

The die was cast No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, burn and 
destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no considerable war ftr 
a long time, either among themselves or with the English, and, therefore, nu- 
merous young warriors from the neighboring tribes, entered into liia eann 
with great ardor ; eager to perfonn exploits, such us hafl been recounted to 
them by their sires, and such as they had long waited an opportunity to achksve: 
The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and their souls expanded in wo- 
portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer tlie Englu^ ! to teed 
captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magni- 
tude, and exhilarating in tiic highest degree. 

Town af\er town tell before them, ami when the English forces marched in 
one direction, thev were burning and laying waste ui another. A part of 
Taunton, Middleborough, and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocaaset, upon 
Narroganset Hay, soon followed the destruction of Swonsey, which was bunt 
immediately afler the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitantiL 

Though now in great consternation, the people of Swansey and its vksinitr 
did not K>rget to make known their distressed situation li}- sending niunere win 
the utmost despatch to Boston and Plimouth for assistance. '^ But,** save our 
chronicler of that day, ** U^fore any ciime to them, they of both towns, Ifteho- 
both and Swansey, were gathered together into three houses, men, women, and 
children, and there liad all provisions in common, so that they who had nothing 
wante<l nothing. Immediately ai^er notice hereof came to Boston, drums beet 
up for volunteers, and in 3 hours time were mustered up about 110 men, CapL 
Samuel Moaely being their commander. This Capt. Mosely hath been an 
old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit, one 
wh(»se memor}' will be honorable in New England for his many eminent eer- 
vices he hath done the public. 

"There were also among these men, about 10 or 12 privateers, that had been 
there some time before. They carried with them several dogs, that proted 
serviceable to them, in finding out the enemy in their swamps ; one ^Fnereof 
would, for several days together, go out and bring to them 6, 8 or 10 young 
pigs of King PhUip'a herds. There went out also amongst these men, cue 
Cornelius f a. Dutchman, who had lately l)een condemned to die for piracy, bet 
aflerwards received a ])ar(lon ; he, willing to show his gratitude therefor, west 
out and did several good services abroad against the enemy." 

All who have sought ailer tnith in matters of this kind, are well aware of the 

of Jtme last, seven or eight of King Philip* t men came to Swanitey on the Lord's day,Mi 
would grind a haichct at an inhabitant's house there; the master told tbem, it was the nb* 
bath day, and their God would be very angry if he should let them do iU They i ct uiH sd 
this answer : They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it, for all him, or ha 
God either. From thence they went to another house, and took away some victuals, bol hat 
DO man. Immediately they met a man travelling on the road, kept him in ciistodv a ihart 
time, then dismisi him quietly ; jiving him this caution, that be should not work on nis Omt$ 
day, and that he should tell no lies.'' ChnmicU, 8. 9. 
< CmUendmr's Diieoiine on the Hist of It'Islaad. 

Crai. II] PHILIP— HIS WAR OF 1675. 209 

extreme difficulty of invefltigation. Twenty perRons may write on account of 
an affiiir, to tlie passage of wliich all may have been witnesses, and no two of 
them Offree in many of its particulars. The author of the tracts which we cite 
under the name of The Old Lvdian Chro.nicle, wi-otoliis accounts in Boston, 
and we have no doubt of his intention to n?cord every event with t!ie strictest 
resard to truth ; if he had erred, it Ls doubtless from his recording the first ne^\'8 
or an event, which oAen varies in ])oint of fact aAor^^'ards. Hwbard and Ma- 
iheTy two contemporary liistorians, had the advantage of a comparison of re- 
port, and of revising their works in their jmssage through the press; whereas 
the author of the tracts wrote them as lettcnt to a friend m London, where they 
were imme<liatcly printed. With allowances for these cux^umstances, as full 
credit should be given to his relation, as to either of the others. His accounts 
of the first events at Swansey are detailed in his own words in a prciious note, 
and we here proceed with another portion of his narrative. 

** By this tune the Indians have killed several of our men, but the first that 
was kdled was June 23, a man at Swansey ; that he and his family had lefl his 
house amongst the rest of the inhabitante, and adventuring witli his wife and 
son (about twenty years old) to go to his house to fetch them com, and such 
Hke things: (he having just before sent his ^vife and son awiw) as he was going 
out of the house, was set on and shot by Indians. His wife })eing not far of^ 
heard the guns go ofl^ went back,** and k^H into thcu- hands. Dishonored, and 
afterwards scalped by them, she immediately died, and her son was at the some 
time scalped. ^They also the next day [24 June] killed six or seven men at 
Swansey, and two more at one of the garrisons ; and as two men went out of 
one of the <garrisons to draw a bucket of water, they were shot and carried 
away, and atler%vanls were found with their fingers and feet cut off, and the 
akin of their heads flayed off," tliat is, scalped. 

" About 1 4 days afler that they sent for more help ; whereupon the authority 
of Boston made Cajit. Thoma3 Savage the major general in that ex]KHlition, 
who, with CO horse, and as many foot, went out of Boston ; having pressed horses 
fbr the footmen, and six carts to carry provisions with them." " Tliey traveled 
day and night till they came to their garrisons, and within three days aflcr 
marched, horse and foot, leaving guards in the garrisons, towards Mount Hoik?, 
where King PhUip and his wife was. They c^ime on him at unawares, so that 
he was forced to rise from dinner, and he and all with him fled out of that land 
called Mount Hope, up further into tlie country. They pursued them as far as 
thev could so for swamps, and killcfl 15 or 16 in tliat expedition, tlien returned 
ancf took what he had that was worth taking, and spoiled the rest ; taking all his 
cattle and hogs that they could find, and also took possession of Mount 1 lope, 
which had then a thousand acres imder com, which is since rut down by the 
English, and dispose<l of according to their discretion. Comdius [befoi-e men- 
tioned] was in this exploit, and pursued PhUip so hard, that he got his ca]) off 
his head, and now wears it." 

It was June 26, that the English marched out of Boston for Swansey ; and 
Aey arrived there two days aflcr, namely, June 28, a little Iwfore night.* 
Twelve men immeiliately marched out to invade Philip^s territories, who were 
attacked by about the same numlwr of Philip's men. The invaders were re- 

Silscd, having one killed, and one wounded, and his horse killed under him. 
f the Indians two were killed. 

The next day, June 29, the Indians appeared l)oIdly in view of the English, 
and by their shouts, it would seem, dared them to come out and fight Jnosely 
flBllled out at the head of a company of volunteers, and rushed furiously upon 
them. They fled to their coverts, but even here made a stand only for a mo- 
ment ; for afler one fire they all fled. One of the English, Ensign Savage, was 
wounded, the ball lodging in his thigh, and another passed through the brim 
of his hatf Mosdy pursued the Indians above a mile, and killed five or six of 
them, as diey were making their retreat into a swamp. It was in this pursuit 
that the exploit of Comdius took place, just related, and PkUip was not seen at 

* Hubbard, NarraUve, 18. 

t Churdif who was in this action, says Bemaj^ was wounded by bis own party : baring 
divided themselves into two wings, in tbeir confusion one fired upon tbe otber. 



Mount Hope asain until the next vear. The next day the English fbrccB tnv 
ersed Mount Hope Neck, found Philip* s wig\vam, but himself and all his peo- 
ple had made good their retreat. They found the heads of eight of the ETnglUi 
that had been killed, set upon poles, at Keekamuit, which they took down and 

On tlie morning of July 1, as Lieutenant Oakta was returning to head-qmr- 
ters at Swansey, having encamped at Rehoboth tlie preceding night, he dit- 
covered a company of Indians, and attacked them. How many were killed ii 
not stated, but two of PhU\p*s chief captains were among the number, one of 
whom was named Thebe, " a suchem of Mount Hope.'' Of the £nciiBh one 
was killed. Tlie scalps of three Indians that were kdled were taken off by the 
English and sent to Boston, which were the first taken by them in this war.* 

At tlie solicitation of Benjamin Church, a com]>any of 36 meu were pn 
under him and Captain Fulhr, who, on the 8 July, marched down into Pocas- 
set Neck. Church, who was well actpiainted with tlie Indians, had urged the 
officers of the army to pursue Philip on the Pocasset side, being fully penut- 
ded that there were no Indians in Mount Hope Neck, the part of the countiy 
they were taking so much pains to guard and fortify ; but they would not bear 
to his advice, and the consequence was, Philip burned and destroyed the toww 
towards Plimouth. — But to return to the force under Church and Fuller. TUi, 
though but small at first, was divided into two. Church had 19 men, and FStBer 
the remaining 17. The party under Church proceeded into a ]K>int of land 
called Punkateesct, now the southerly cxtremitj- of Tiverton, where they 
were attacked by a great body of Indians, 300, as' Church learned af\enivard% 
who nearly encompassed them ; but ailer afew minutes fight, the Enfflidi re- 
treated to the sea shore, and thus saved themselves from immediate destnic- 
tion. Church gave ordei-s for a retreat tlie very moment he discovered fhti 
the object of the Indians was to surround them. This proved their saftty, 
although, as they were now situated, th(;y could expect but little else tfan 
to sell their hves at the price of a greater number of their enemies. These 
Indians were well armecl, " their bright guns glittering in the sun," which mv 
them a formidable appearance. Thus hemmed in, Church had a double outy 
to {lerform ; that of preserving the s])irits of his famished followers, many of 
whom were ready to give up all for lost, and erecting defences of stones to 
defend them. Many weri> tlie hnir-brendth escapes of individuals in this little 
Imnd on this trj'ing occasion. Li the language of Churchy " they were beset 
with multitudes of Indians, who possessed themselves of every rock, and 
stump, tree or fence, that was in sight," from which thev fired witliout ceanig. 

Bouts had been appointed to attend u])on tlie English in this exx>editioo, 
but they had groimded on the Rhode Island shore, and could not come to Adr 
assistance ; at length, however, one got oflT, and came towards them, which pcft 
them hopes of escai)e, but these were of short duration : the Indians fired into 
it, and prevented their landing. Church ordered those in it to ride off beyond 
musket shot, and to send a cunoc ashore ; but they dared not even to do tiiiL 
When Church saw that, in a moment of vexation, he ordered the boat to be 
gone in an instant or he would fire u]>on it ; she immediately lefl, and Ae 
peril of the English was greatly incrt»ased ; for now tlie Indians were en- 
couraged, and they fired " thicker and loster than before." 

Night was now almost enshrouding them, their ammunition nearly speni, 
and the Indians had possessed themselves of a stone house that overlooked 
them, but as though })resen'ed by a minicle, not one of the English in all tiiii 
time was wounded. But fortune's sport was now nearly ended : a sloop mi 
discovered bearing down towards them, and soon afier, Chtarch announced 
that relief was coming, for that the vessel was commanded by ** Capt GoiA- 
iNo, whom he knew to be a man for business." True, it was Golaing, He 
sent his c4uioe ashore, but it was so small that it would take but two at a time 
to the vessel. The embarkation immediately commenced, and meaotine 
the Indians plied their shot with such efiTect that the colors, sails, and sten 
of the sloop were full of bullet-holes. Church was tlie last man to emboik, 

* I deduce the facts in this sentence firom a comparison of Hubbard, 90, villi Ai 
Chronicle, 13. 


who, as he was retreatiDg backward to the boat, a ball grazed the hair of 
his head, two others struck the canoe as he entered it, and a fourth lodged 
in a stake, which accidentally stood just before *^ the middle of his breast ! ** 
Thus this little band, after a fight of about six hours, escaped, lite party 
under Captain FuUer met witli similar fortune ; tliey were attacked by great 
numbers, but escaped by getting possession of an old house close upon tlie 
water's edge and were early taken off b^ boats. But two of the party were 
wounded. Some of the Indians were killed and wounded this day, but how 
nmny is not known. 

The same day this fight took place, a boat's crew went from Rhode Island 
to Pocasset to look after some cattle, and were fired upon by the Indians, and 
one of their number, a servant of Captain Churchy was severely wounded. 
Some of the acts of the English, in retrospect, do not discover that judg- 
ment tlie circumstances seem to have elicited, especially that in relation to 
the Narragansets. Thev had now driven Philip out of Mount Hope Neck, 
and, not knowing exactly where to find him, tlic forces in tliat quarter re- 
mained doubting what next to do. At this juncture Captain Hutchinson 
arrived from Boston with orders from the government there, ^ for them to 
pass into Narraganset, to treat with the sachems, and if it might be, to pre- 
vent their joining with Philip,^ Accordingly they marched into that country, 
but all the chief men and warriors fled on their approach. The historical 
conclusion is, therefore, that this act was viewed by Uiem as a declaration of 
war, and it is rational that they should have so considered it ; because the 
army assumed a most hostile attitude, '^ resolving tliev would go to make 
peace with a sword in their hands.** Having arrived in the Narraganset 
country, tlircc or four days were spent in finding Indians with whom to 
treat ; (for they could find none to fight ;) at length, four men were found, whom 
the English styled sachems, and a treaty was drawn up at great length and 
aicned by the parties. To ensure its observance the following hostages were 
taken into custody by the army: John Wobequob, Weowthim,* Pewkes, 
and Weenew, *^ four of the sachems near kinsmen and choice friends." 
Among the stipulations of tlie treaty we find these : 

The said sachems shall carefully seize all and every of Philip*s subjects, 
and deliver them up to the English, aHve or dead ; that they shall use all 
acta of hostility against PhUif and his subjects, to kill them wherever they 
can be found ; that if they seize PkUip, and deliver him alive to the English, 
they shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, ^ of 
■aid coats ; and for every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if 
dead. This treaty is dated Petaqtumscotj 15 July, 1675 ; 

In presence of and signed hy the marks of 

Daniel Henchman^ Ta wage son, 

J%mas Prenticej Tattson, 

Mdiolas Paige, Agamauo, 

Joseph Stanton, Interpreter. Wahpsh, alias 

Henry Htudaws, } [Indians, Corman. 

Peeoe Bttcow, \ probably.] 

PkOip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where, upon the 18th of July, 
he was discovered in a '^ dismal swamp.** He had retired to this place, 
wlucfa is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Watnpanoags, and 
such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, 
which was now pursuing him. From their numbers, the English were 
nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate ol' Philip they now thought 
■Mded. On arriving at its edge, a few of Philip^ warriors showed them- 
■alvea, and the English nishcd in upon them with ardor, and by this feint 
were drawn far into an ambush, and ^ about 15 were sluui.** The leaves 
upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend 
could not be distiziguished from a foe, " whereby 'lis verily feared," says Dr. 
Mather, ''that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhappily shoot Eng- 

* Probably the same called in another place NowxquA. 


iji!>iffi«rji i/ji!tAT«rJ of IndiiiriO A r»rtreftt wa* now ordered, and, conndeiing 
PhUij/t *:in:H^tt: jffj{x^-jbl«:, ih«r rrjo«t of ih^ forc*rft left ihe place, a few onljr 
r*:ntHinjnti, **■ Uj ntJino, out the frhemy.'^ That Philip $ force was great at tlni 
tjf/ifr itt f.-frrtnin. from the tact that a huiidnrd wi^-auis were found near the 
•ni^i'. of t}i«; Kwarfiji, newly conistructed of zrf-tu haHi. In one of tfaoae die 
Kfi;.'iJAh found an old ruau, who informed them t^iat Philip was there. He 
loHt hut few Mien in the 'encounter, thousrh, it la said, he had a brodier 

The idle notion of huildiu^ a fort here to f<tar\'e out PkQip, waa iiifli- 
cientJy censured hy the liistorians of that day. For, as Captain Okunk ex- 
prf;t«ri<;H it, to build a fort for noihinf^ to cortr th. ptopiU from ruAodjf,^ wvs radier 
a ridiculouH idea. This oliiM.*r\'ation he made upon a fort's being built upon 
Mount Hope Neck, 8onie time af\cr ever}' Indian hud lefl that side of tbe 
country, and who, in fact, were laying waste the to^^ns before mentioned. 

The swamp wlu^'re Philip was now confined, ^^-as upon a piece of coimnj 
which projected into I'aunton River, and was nearly seven miles in extent 
Afler l>eingjKuanlfMl here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advni- 
tagi*, and aflorded him suiiicient time to provide canoes in which to make lui 
escafie, he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retml 
into the country upon Connecticut River. In effecting this retreat, an acci- 
dent hapf>ened which deprive<i liim of some of his choicest and bravest Ci|h 
tains, as we shall proceed to relate. 

AlMiut the 2(> July, 1G75, Onekoj with two of his brotlicrs, and about 50 nMB| 
came to Ikwton, hy direction of Uncns, his father, and declared their denrelo 
assist the p]!n<;lisli nguintit the Wampnnnags. A few English and three Naticki 
were fuIdiMl to their company, and immediately dcs})atched, by way of Fli- 
mouth, to the enemy's countr}'. This circuitous route was taJcen, perhaps 
that they might have their instructions immediately from the governor of 
that colony ; Massnchusetti<, at thut time, prolmbly, supposing the ^%'ar miglit 
)n'. ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it pnn«d| 
was very detrimental to the end in view ; for if they had proceeded directh' 
to Sf^ekoidc, they would have l>een there in season to have met PhSipm Idi 
retreat from Pocasset ; and this force, being joined with the other English 
forces, then lit the vicinity, they in all prol>ubility might have finishea the 
war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escape would have 
l)een Kuiall, as he had to cross a large extent of clear and open coimtiT', 
where many of his men must have l>eeii cut down in flight, or fought man 
to man with their pursuers. \Vliereas Oneko was encamped at some die- 
tiuice, having arrived late the night liefore, and some time was lost in ralW- 
iiigt after P)iili]> was discovered. They overtook him, however, about lO 
o'clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. 
PMlip having brought his l>est men into the rear, many of them were slain; 
among these %vas JS/imrod, alias ff'oonashumj a great captain and counsellor, 
who had signed the tn;atv at Taunton, four years before. 

From what cause the light was susjiended is unknovvTi, though it would 
se(;m from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko^s men, who, seeing 
themselves in possession of considerable plunder, fell to loading tbemselTes 
with it, and thus pive Philip time to escajie. From this view of the case, 
it would appear that the Mohcgaas were the chief actors in the ofiensive. 
It is said that the Naticks urged immediatf^ and further pursuit, which did 
not take [)lace, in consequence of the extreme heat of tlie weather ; and 
thus the main l>ody were permitted to escape. 

Mr. Aetrmon, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the aflkir in a letter, in 
which he said that ** 14 of the enemy's principal men were slain.** He ^eo 
mentioned, in tenns of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegans under Onebk 

Philip having now taken a position to annoy the back settlementB of 

* Thif is upon the authority of the anonymous author of the " Preaent Slate^ dbc., flf 
^ich vre shall elsewhere have occasion to take notice. That author aeevoM to hare eifr 
fconded the fight between TTiebe and Lieut. Oakes with that of Rehoboth Plain. 

t Hist. Philm's War, p. 6. ed. 4to. 

i Qooknea MS. Hist. Praying bidians. 


Massachusetts, his warriors fel] \igorou8ly to the work. On 14 Julv, five 
people are killed at Mendon, m Mass., which is tlio first blood slied in the 
colony iu this war. Tliose that were killed were about their work in the 
field, and knew not their murderers ; and whether they were killed by 
Philip's men is unknown. 

Soon after the war began, Massachusetts, fearing the Nipmuks might join 
with Philtpj sent messengers to treat witli them. The young Indians were 
(bund ** surly,** but the old men were ibr a renewal of friendship ; but the 
person or persons sent upon this busiucss did not accpiit tliemselves in a 
manner that gave satisfaction ; and Philip, being now in the countr}' of tlio 
Nipmuks, it was concluded by tlie autJiorities of Massachusetts to make a 
further test of their intentions. Accorduigly, on the 28 July, Captains 
Hutchinson and ff'heeler, with a company of 20 mounted men, and 3 Christian 
Indians as pilots ami inter])roters, viz. Memtcho, Jostjph, and Sainpson, went 
with some of tlie inhabitanUt of Brookfield, agreeably to appointment, to 
meet the Nipmuk sachems. It had been agreed by these sachems to 
meet the English in a treaty at a certain tree at Quabaog on the 2 August, 
on a plain 3 miles from Brooktiold village. Having arrived here according 
to agreement, tlie English found no Indians to treat with. It was now a 
question with all but Uie Brookfield men, whether or not they should pro- 
ceed to a certain place where tliey believed the Indians to bo ; at length tlie 
ooofidcnce of the Brookiield people in tlic pacific disposition of the Indians, 
prevailed, and they marched on. The way was so baci that they could march 
only in single file, as they approached the i>lace where they exjiected to find 
the Indians, and when they came near Wikabaug Pond, between a swam]) 
on the left and a v^ry abrupt and high hill on the right,* suddenly 2 or 300 
Indians rose up, encompassed, and fire<l upon them. Eight were killed out- 
right, and three fell mortally wounded. ^Of the latter number was Captain 
AilcAiiiMfi, who, though carried off by the survivors, died on the 19 August 
following. Captain Jrheder had his horse shot under him, and himself was 
shot throuf h the body ; but his life was saved through the braver}' and presence 
of mind of a son then witli hiuL Tliis son, though his own arm was broken 
by a buUet, seeing the peril of liis fatlier, dismounted from his horse, and suc- 
eeeded in mounting his father upon it. A retreat now bcean, and, by cutting 
Iheir way through tlie Indians, the small reumant of English got back to 
Brookfield. t 

The three Cbristiim Indians of whom we have spoken, rendered most 
eminent service on this day ; for had they not been tliere, there had 1)een no 
possibility of one Enghshman's escaping. One of theiii, George Memecho, 
fell into the hands of the Indians : the other two, by skill and bravery, led 
the English, by an unknown route, in safety to Brookfield. Yet these In- 
dians were afterwards so badly treated by the English, that they were forced 
to fly to PkUip for protection. Sampson was afterwards killed in n fight by 
the Englisli Indians, and Joseph was taken in Plimouth colony, and 8oId for 
a slave, and sent to Jamaica. Ue afterwards was suffered to return, at the 
intercession of Mr. ElioL Memecho escaped from his captors, and brought 
beneficial intelligence to the Enghsh of the state of Philip's affidrs. t 

The English liaving now arrived at Brookfield, as just related, the Li- 
dians pursued them, and arrived almost as soon ; fortunately, however, there 
was barely time to alarm tlie mhabitauts, who, to tlie number of about 80, 
flocked into a garrison house, where, through persevering efforts, tliey were 
enabled to maintain themselves until a force under Major JfUlara came 
to their relief) August 4. He was in the vicinity of Lancaster^ with 48 dra- 
goons and four fnendlv Indians, when he received the intelligence of the 
perilous condition of Brookfield, and had just taken up his line of march to 
■urprine a lodge of Indians not far ^m that place. He now quickly 

* According to all traditioo this place is at ihe north end of Wickaboa^ pond, and the hill 
was a cemetery for the Indians; for when cultivated aAerwards by the whites, numerous bones 
wtnexhoioed. FooC'« Hist Brookfield, 30. 

t Narrative of Ihe affair by Captain WheeUr himself, p. 1 to 6. 

X GooKis'8 MS. History of the Praying Indlaiui^-^oseph and 8awip»on were brothen, 
of "oM Roaiir Pjctuhasit, deceased, a good man." lb. 


f^aneed his course for Brookfield^ distant about 30 miles, which, by a forced 
march, he readied in safety the night foUowing. Tiiat he was not attacked 
as he approached the distressed garrison, is most extraordinary, for the 
hostile Indians arc said to have guarded every passage to it ; and there are 
different reasons stated for that neglect: one is, tuat the guard through 
wliich the English passed, suffered them to proceed, expecting anotlKr 
guard stationed still nearer ttie garrison would attack them in iront while 
they should fall on them in the rear ; another is, that they were deceived 
as to the niunbers of the English, thinking them many more than tbej 
really were, and dared not attack them. It would seem, however, more 
probable, that tlie Indians had no guard at all at the point in which they 
approached at the time they arrived ; for a drove of cattle, which had been 
frightened from Brooklield into the woods, followed the rear of ffiUar^s 
company to the garrison, and were not attacked, which wojiild not have been 
the case, in all probability, had the Indians been aware of their approach. 

No sooner was it known to the besiegers that relief was come, but the}' 
fell with more fury, if possible, upon the devoted garrison than before; 
shooting continually from all quarters upon it, which sliows that they hid 
accidentally let the reinforcement get into the garrison. Thus to a moit 
fortunate circumstance did this assemblage of English owe their safety. 

At the very time JVillard arrived at nrookiield tlie Indians wore con- 
triving some machinery to set the garrison on fire ; and this mayaccomit 
for their remissness in si^ffering him to come in unmolested. They fint 
endeavored by fire arrows, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to long polet 
spliced together, to fire the garrison, but not succeeding, those within nring 
upon them oflen with such deadly eflect, they next, in the language of Mr. 
Hubbard, " used this devilish stramgem, to fill a cart with hemp, flax^ and 
other combustible matter, and so tnrustiug it backward with poles toceths 
spliced a great length, afler they had kindled it ; but as soon as it had DegUB 
to take fire, a stonn of rain, unexi>ectedly falling, put it ouL" * 

During tliis siege several of tiie whites were wounded, thoueh but one 
was killed. Of the Indians 80 were supposed to have been killea^f but ifaii 
was doubtless setting the number mucli too high, although they ejqiQsed 
themselves beyond what was common on similar occasions. On the 5 
August they quitted the place, satisfied they could not take it, and joined 
Philip, who was now about 6 miles from the place where Hutehinmm vn 

Af\er Georee Memecho*8 return to the English, he gave the following io- 
fonnation : ^ Upon Friday, August 5, Philip and his company came to ue it 
a swamp, miles from the swamp where they killed our men. JPUy 
brought with him about 48 men, but women and children many more. 
Philip's men were, about 30 of them, armed with guns, the rest had bowi 
and arrows. He obser\'ed there were about 10 of Philij^s men wounded. 
Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them [ms] 
Caxgb of Tatumasket, beyon<l Mend on. The Indians told PhUipj at his tint 
coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog ; tlien he presentod 
and gave to three Sagamores, viz. JohiN, alias ApEquiNASH, Qdaxahsit, end 
Mawtamps, to each of them about a peck of unstnmg wompom, which 
they accepted. Philip, as I understood, told Quabaog and Nipmuck Indian^ 
that when he first cante towards the Nipmuck country, and left his own, he 
had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, indudnff 
the Squaw-Sacnem [Wutamoo] and her company; but now they had kS 
him, and some of them were killed and he was reduced to 40 mon. 1 
heard also that Philip said if the English had charged upon him and hii 
people at the swamp in his own country [18 July] one or two davs mon^ 
they had lieen all taken, for their powder was almost spent. He also 

* Captain Wheder does not mention tbc nun, but says they succeeded in setliw die 
on 6re, which was extinguished at great peril by those within, who had two ot ihii 

t HcyCa Indian Wan, 101. 


that if the English had purBUcd him closely,** as he retreated to the Nip- 
muck country, ** he must needs have been takeo.** * 

A considerable number of partly christianized Indians belonged to the 
neighborhood of Hadlcy, near which they had a wooden fort to protect them 
from any hostile Indians. On the breaking out of the c^amities in that 
region, dicse, 'i\ith all other Indians, were watched, and suspected of con- 
oiYing with PkUipj and an intention of joining with him. To test their pre- 
tensions, CapUiins Lothrop and Beers, who, with a force of 180 men, were 
now at Hodley, ordered tiiem to siurcndcr their arms to them. They hes- 
itated to do so then, but intimated that they would immediately ; yet on the 
fbllowiufif night, 25 August, thoy left tlicir fort and fled up the river to- 
wards Pecomptuk, since Deerfield, to join Philip. The next day Lothrop 
and Beers pursued and overtook them near a swamp a short distance to tlie 
M>uth of Sugarloaf Hill, opposite to the ))resent town of Sunderland. The 
Indians bnivcly stood their ground, and a sharp and bloody contest ensued. 
They were finally routed, having 2G of tlieir number slain, while the whites 
are reported to have lost but 10 in killed, and their number wounded is not 
mentioned, f 

A garrison being established at Northfield, Captain Richard Beers, of Water- 
town, t with 36 men, was attacked while on their way to reinforce it, Sept 
^ and 20 of the 36 were killed. Robert Pepper, of Roxbiuy, was taken cap- 
tive, and the others effected their escape. Philip's men had the advantage 
of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and tlieir first fire was 
wtrw destructive. Beers retreated with his men to a small eminence, and 
mamtained the unequal fight until their ammunition was spent, at which 
time a cart containing ammunition fell into the hands of the Indians, and, 
the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hill to which 
the English fled, at the beginning of the fight, was known afterwards by the 
name of Beers^s Mountain, **■ Here," says Mr. Hubbard, ^ the barbarous vil- 
laina showed their iDsolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before ; cutting 
off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing tliem upon poles near the 
highway, and not onlv so, but one, if not more, was found with a chain 
hroked into his under-jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, Ttis feared 
he was hung up alive,) by whicli means they tliought to daunt and aiscourage 

IT tiiat might come to their roliof." 

The pkico where this fight occurred was within about two miles of the gar- 
at Squakkeag, (Northfield,) and the plain on which it began is called 
*« Plain. Meanwhile the garrison was reduced to the brink of ruin, and, 
like that at Brookfield, was saved by the arrival of a companv of soldiers. 
Two days after Captain Beers was cut off, Major Treat arrived there witli 100 
men, and conveyca the garrison safe to Iladley. 

/^lUfc^ probably conducted both aftiiirs; tliis of Captain Beers, and that of 
Captain Thomas Lothrop, about to be relatrd, although it is not positively 
known to be the fact. 

Some time in the month of August, "King PhUip^s men had taken a young 
lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tree two nights and two 
days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would roast 
fafan alive to make sport with him ; but God, over night, touched the heart of 
one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run grande, (i. e. run 
a|iace,) and by tliat means he escaped." § 

About this time, some English found a single Indian, an old man, near 
QBabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information 
respecting his countrymen, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they pro- 
nounced him worthy of death ; so ** they laid him down, Cornelius, the Dutch- 
maOy lifting up his sword to cut oft* his head, the Indian lifted up his hand be- 
tween, so Uiat his hand was first cut ofi| and partly his head, and the second 
blow finished the execution." H v 

* Hatclniitoii'fl Hist Matt. 1, 293 — 1. n. 

t HtMard, Nar.96, 97.— Chronicle, K.—Hoyl, 102, 109. 

i Manuieripl documenti. 

f ChnNude, 8ft. ]] Blaoufeript is library of Msm. Hist. See. 


It was about thifl time, as the author of the " Present State ^ relaten, thu 
" King Philipj now beginning to want money, having a coat made aJl of 
wanipampcag, (i. c. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distributei it 
plentifully among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to the eul- 
ward as southward, and all round about" * 

On the 18 Sept. Captain Loihrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley wUi 
about 88 men, to bring away the com, grain, and other valuable article^ 
from Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and conuneuced their mareh 
homeward, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloaf HiU, where almost 
ever}-' man was slain. This company consisted ol ^ choice young men, tbe 
very flower of Essex county, *none ot whom were ashamed to speak with tbe 
enemy in the gate."*! Eigliteen of the men belonged to Dcerfield4 Gap- 
tain Mosdy, being not far otf, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene oi'actioa 
by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 men, charged the Indiint 
with great resolution, although he computed their numliers at 1000. He 
had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared hini to 
begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, "• Come, Mostly, come, you seek hh 
dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for youJ" § On this occaiion 
the conduct ofMosehfs lieutenants. Savage and Pickering, are meDtioned in 
high terms of praise, ^as deserving no little part of the honor of that day% 
service." Afler continuing a fight with them, from eleven o' clock until 
almost night, he was obliged to retreat || The Indians cut open the bags ef 
wheat and the feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winda.i 
After Mostly had commenced a retreat. Major Trtat, witli 100 Elnglieh and 
60 Mohegans, came to his assistance. Tlieir united forces obliged the lodiuM 
to retreat in tlieir tum.1f The Indians were said to have lost, in the TarioM 
encounters, 96 men. It was a great oversight, that Captain Lothnp ahoidd 
have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a dangerous defik; 
^*Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their sms 
in the carts, and step aside to gather gra[>es, which proved dear and deadb 
grapes to them."** Phe same author observes, *^This was a black and ftlii 
day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and SLX-and-tweo^ 
children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; aai 
above sixty jiersons buried in one dreadful grave ! " 

The place of this fight and lunbusli is in the southerly part of Deerfield, ea 
which IS now the village cidled Bloody Brook, so named from this memon- 
ble tragedy. A brook which passes through tlie village is crossed bv the 
roud not far from tlie centre ot it, and it was at the point of crossing that il 
hapi>ened. ff 

Until this period the Indians near Si)ringfield remained friendly, and n 
fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake in his cause. But, now thtt 
Northfield and Deerfield had lullen into his hands, they wore watched closer 
by the whites, whose cause these great successes of Philip had occasioned 
them to look upon us rather precarious. They therefore, oi>out 40 in number, 
on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 of Philips s men into their Ant, 
which was situated at a place called'Ziong'At/^ about a mile below the villsge 
of Springfield, and u plan was concerted for the destruction of that plaMi 
But, as in many cases afterwards, one of their number betrayed them. ToraJt 

* Old Ind. Chronicle. If this were the case, Philip must have had an immense big 
yea. even bigger than Dr. Joknsor^s great coat, as represented by Bcatcell ; tbe side podulB 
of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of the huge volume* of sis *-*^ 
dictionary ! 

\ Hubbard's Narrative, 38. X These were the teamsters. 

& Manuscript letter, written at the time. 

H " Whereupon, afler having killed several of tbe Indians, he was forced to retreat, and 
tinucd fighting for aU the time that he and his men were retreating nine mileB. Capt. Ji 
lost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded.'^ — Old. Ind. Chron. 29. This author 
blended the two accounts of Beers and Lothrop together, and relates them as one. 

IT /. Afadur's History of the War, 12. *• Ibid. 

tt Last year, (1835), a splendid celebration was held at Bloodt Brook, in commemoiiiiM 
of the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orators, the preseal 
of thu commonwealth. His Excellency Edward Everett, LL. D. 

U Hubbmih^Tor, Hutehauon, 


an Indiiin at Windsor, re^'eded the plot, and the people of Springfield had 
time only to escape into tlieir giimsoiis. Tiie whole force of tlie Indiana 
eanie like a torrent upon the nlaco the next day, and burnt tlie deserted 
houses and barns, in all 57 buildings. In this business, however, some of 
their number were killed * by the people in the garrisons ; but it is not known 
how many. They would have succeeded against tlie livi^s of tlie English as 
well as a^inst their property, had not a force arrived about the same time 
for their relief. 

Animated by his successes, PhxLip aimed his next blow at the head-quar- 
ters of the wfiites in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell upon 
Hatfield on the 19 Oct., which, had it not been well provided witii men, would 
have shared the fate of Springfield ; but Captain Mosdy and Captain PooU^ 
with their companies, were in the place, and Captain Samud JippUton was at 
Hadley on the opposite side of the river ; and against such commanders they 
coidd hardly have exi>ected succesa Ilowever, tiiey made a bold attempt 
on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the {K)ii)t wliere Qaptain 
Appidon commandeiL Ilis sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and 
a DuUet jNissed through the hair of his own head ; ** by that whis])er telling 
him," says Hubbard, **that death was very near, but did him no other harm. 
Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ; 
divers were seen to fall, some run tlirough a small river, [now called MU 
JKver,] others cast their guns into the water, (it being their maimer to ven- 
ture as much to recover tlie dead bodies of their friends, as to defend tliem 
when aliye.)" And thus they were driven from the place, afler killing but 
three, and wounding 10 of the wliites, and burning a small number of 
buildings. They had, before their attack on the town, killed three belonging 
to some scouts, and seven others of Captain Mogely'a men. This was among 
their last important efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the 
country of the Narragansets. 

The Nipmuck sachems had well contrived their attack on Hatfield ; having 
made fires in the woods about seven miles from it, to draw out the soldiers, 
finr whom they had prepared ambushes ; but only ten of MosMi men were 
sent out to learn the cause of tlie fires. These were all cut oft except one, 
•ccordhiff to the CuROificLE, but according to Hvbbard, seven only were 
killed. The Indians probably supposed tiie maui body was cut off^ and 
therefore proceeded directly to the assault of the town, where a new force 
had just arrived ; and hence tliey met witli a brave resistance and final defeatf 

The Narragansets had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though, tliere is 
no doubt but tliey stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that 
could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachusetts, and conclu- 
ding tliat his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessarv to 
keep them fjrom abandoning his cause, Philip was next known to be in their 

An army of 1500 English was raised by the three colonies, Massachusetts, 
Plimouth, and Connecticut, for the purpose of breaking down the power of 
PhStw among the Narragansets. Tliey determined upon this course, as they 
bad been assured that, the next spring, that nation woidd come with all their 
force upon theno. It was not known that Philip was among them wlien this 
resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that they had taken part with 
him. It was true, that they had promised to deliver up all the Wampanoags, 
who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those 
who made this promise, had it not in their power to do it ; being persons, 
chiefly in subordinate stations, who had no right or authority to bind any but 
themselves. And, therefore, as doubtless was foreseen by many, none of 
PkUif^s people were delivered up, although many were known to have been 
among tnem. Thus, in few words, have we exhibited the main rounds of 
the mighty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. 

* A pewter platter it itill exhibited in Springfielri with a hole through the middle of it^ made 
by a ball from the garrison at this time. An Indian had taken it uom one of the deserted 
boiuMr aud wore it before his breast as a shield. Thus shielded, be ventured towards the 
gviMOD, and wai fboc Hoyif 110. 

t Old Ihdias CaaoiiiCLS, 96, 37. 



Upon a small island, in an imipcnsc swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode 
Island, Philip had fortified himself, in a manner superior to what was com- 
mon amon^ nis countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with the 
chief of lus friends. They had erected about 500 wigwams of a. superior 
construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisions. Baskets 
and tubs of corn* were piled one upon another, about the inside of thenii 
which rendered them bullet proofi It was supposed that about 9000 persons 
had here taken up their rcsiuouco. 

But, to be more particular upon the situation of ^ the scene of the destruc- 
tion of tlie Narragaiisets," we will add ns follows from the notes of a gen- 
tleman lately upon the spot, for the ex]>ress purpose of gaining infoniiation. 
"What was called Tlie Island is now an uplana meadow, a few feet higher 
than the low meadow witli which it is surrounded. The island, by my esti- 
mate, contains from three to four acres. One fourth of a mile west, is the 
Usquepaug ; a small stream also at a short distance on the east." The cele- 
brated island on which the fort was built is now in the farm of /. 6. Ctarly 
Esq. a descendant of John Clark, of R. I. and about 30 rods west of the line 
of the " Pettyswamscot Purchase." Water still surrounds it in wet seasons. 
It was cleared by the father of the present possessor about 1780, and, although 
improved from that time to the present, charred com and Indian implemenls 
are yet ploughed up.f 

President Stiles, in his edition of Church's History of Philip's Was, 
states that the Narraganset fort is seven miles nearly due west from the 
South Ferry. This agrees with data furnished by 5Ir. lUy, in stating Ae 
returning march of the English army. Pine and cedar were said to hanre 
been the former growth.^ An oak 300 years old, standing upon the islandi 
was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 feet from the ground. From 
another, a bullet was cut out, surrounded by about 100 cHtittiii, at the same 
tune. The bullet was lodged tliere, no doubt, at the time of the fight We 
wUl now return to our narrative of the expedition to this place in Deeem- 
ber, 1675. 

Afler nearly a month from tlieir setting out, the English army amred m 
the Narraganset country, and made their head-quarters about 18 miles fiom 
Philip's fort They had been so long upon their march, that the Indians 
were well enough apprized of their approach, and had made the best ar- 
rangements in their power to withstand them. The army had already an^ 
fered much from the severity of the season, being obliged to encamp in the 
open field, and without tents to cover tliem ! 

The 19th of December, 1675, is a memorable day in tlie annals of New 
England. Cold, in the extreme, — the air filled with snow, — the Kngiiiih 
were obliged, from the low state of their provisions, to march to anaek 
Philip in his fort. Treachery hastened his ruin. One of his men, by hope 
of reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This man had, probenj, 
lived among the English, as he had an English name. He was called Pderji 
and it was by accident that himself, with thirty-five others, had just befbn 
fallen into the hands of the fortunate Captain Mostly. No Englishnum irm 
acquainted with the situation of Philip's fort ; and, but for their pUot, Pdw, 
there is very little proliability that they could have even found, much ksi 
effected any thing against it For it was one o'clock on that short day ef 
the year, before they arrived within the vicuiity of the swamp. There mi 
but one point where it could be assailed with the least probability of loe- 
cess ; and this was fortified bv a kind of block-house, directly in front of 
the entrance, and had also flankers to cover a cross fire. Besides high pal- 
isades, an immense hedge of fallen trees, of nearly a rod in thickiieHk 

* fiOD bushels, says Dr. /. Mather. Hollow trees, cut off about the length of a baird, 
used by the Indians for tubs. lo such they secured their com and other grwnt. 

t Ms. communication of Reverend Mr. Ely, accompanied by a drawing of the island. Ill 
shape is very similar to the shell of an oyster. Average rectangular lines throagfa it 
006 35 rods, another ^. 

1 Holmes's Annals, i. 376. 

\ The name of Peter amon? the Indians was so common, that it is perhaps pant 
tioo v>ho this one was. Mr. Hubbard calls him a fugitive from the Narraganteu. 


surrounded it, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between the 
fort and the main land was a body of water, over which a great tree had 
been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming 
to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass u)>on the tree, 
which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept 
off in a moment by the fire of Philip's men. Still, the Kngliah soldiers, led 
by their ca])tains, supplied the places of the shiin. Rut agaui and again 
were they swi'pt from tlie fatiil avenm*. Six captains and a great many men 
had fallen, and a jmrtiiil, but monirntary, recoil from the face of death took place. 

Meanwhile, a Iiandfur, iiiuior the fortunate Mosdij^ had, as miraculous as 
it may serm, got withiu the fort. Tliese were contending hand to hand 
with the Indians, and at fearful o<lds, when tho cry of " Thty run ! they 
run .'" brought to tlirir asdistrmce a considt»mble body of their fellow-soldicrB, 
They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main breastwork, 
and their slaughter became immense. Flying from wigwant to wigwam — 
men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down, and lay in 
heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommenda- 
tion of Mr. Church, who led the second part^' that entered the fort. General 
Window was about to quarter the army m it for the prest^nt, which offered 
comlbrtable habitiitions to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply 
of provisions. But one of the captains * and a surgeon opposed the meas- 
ure ; probably from the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians, 
who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their 
turn. There Avas, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened 
from the fact tluit nimiv English were killed after they had possessed 
themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it 
Notwithstanding, had ChurcKs advice been followed, perhaps many of tho 
fires of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in his 
judgment, as his continued successes proved afterwards. 

.^cr fighting tliree hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, 
before the woimdcd could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisU^rous 
night. Eiffhty English wtTe killed in the fight, and 150 wounded, many of 
mom died afterwards. The sliattered army left the ground in considerable 
haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort 

Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of 
safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort 
^e English, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but Philip, not knowing 
their distressed situation, and, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few 
dead which they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their 
retreat Before the fight was over, many of the wig%vams were set on fire. 
loto these, hundreds of iimocent women and children had crowded them- 
selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that 
day expresses himself, " no man knowcth how many." The En^lisli learned 
afterwards, from some that fell into their hands, that in all about 700 

The Bufferings of the English, after the fi^ht, are almost without a par- 
allel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered. 
The myriads of modem Europe, assembled there, bear but small propor- 

t ' 

* Probably Jfoce/y, who seems always to have had a large share in the direction of all aA 
lUn wbeo present. 

t lliere is printed in Hutchinson*s Hist. Masjt. i. 300. a letter which g^ves the particulars of 
the Narraganset fight. I have compared it with the original, and find it correct in the main 
particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major Bradford^ for it is signed by James Oliver, 
a Massachnsetts captain. HtUckinton copied from a copy, which was without signature. 
He omits a passage concerning TH/l. or Tiffe, who, Oliver says, confirmed his narrative. 
Thai man had " married an Inman, a Wompanoag — and, says Oliver, he shot 20 times at us 
ia the swamp— was taken at Providence, Tby Captain Fernicr,] Jan. 14ih— brought to us the 
16tb— «zecuted the 18th ; a sad wretch, lie never beard a sermon but once this 14 years ; he 
never heard of the name of Jesut Christ. His father going to recall him, lost his bead, and 
fies unburied." Hubbard says, (Narrative, 59,) that ''he was condenwed to die the death of 
a timitor," and traitors of those days were quartered. ** As to his religion, he was found aa 
isnorant as an heathen, which, no doubt, caused the fewer tears to be ued at his funeral." 
A sorrowful record ! 


220 PHnJP. [Book IU 

tlon to the number of their countrvmcn, compared with that of the Bxmf 
of New England and theirs, at the nght in Narra^ansot. 

Colonel Church, tlioii only a volunteer, was in this fijrht, and we will heir 
a few of his obsor\'ationf!i. " By this time, the English people in the fort had 
begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, wliicli JMr. Cfiurch labored 
hard to prevent ; they told him they had ordors from the jreneral to bum 
them; he l)e«rged them to forhvir until liv had disronrs«;d the general* 
Then, haHteniii<: to him, he urged, that "tin; wigwams were musket-proo^ 
being all Hned with barskets and tuhn of grain, and other provisions, suffi- 
cient to supply the whole army until the >pring oi* the year; and every 
wounded man might have a guixl warm to lodge in ; which, other- 
wise, would iH'cessarily jxTisii with tiie s^torms and cold. And, nioreover, 
that tlie army had no other provision to tru.-'t unto or depend upon ; that he 
knew that Plymouth forces had not so much as one biscuit lefL** The gen- 
eral was for acceding to Churches proposition, hut a captaui and a doctor 
prevented it, as we have before observed ; the former threatening to shoot 
the general's horse under him, if he attempted to march in, and the latter 
said. Church should bleed to de^ith like a dog, (he havuig been badly wounded 
on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave aueh 
advice. Church then proceeds : '* And, burning up all the houses and pro- 
visioits in the fort, tlie army returned the same night in the storm and cold. 
And, I suppose, every one that is acquainted with the circumstances of that 
nighf s marcli, dee]>ly laments tlie miseries that attended them ; especially 
the woundtid and dying men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt. 
Andrew Belcher arrived at Mr. Smilh% [in Narraganset,] that very night from 
Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions for the army, who must other- 
wise have perished for want" * 

After the English army had gone into quarters at Wickford, the Connectinit 
troops returned home, which was considered very detrimental to the serviee 
by the other colonies ; and soon after a reinforcement of 1000 men was as- 
sembled at Boston and ordered to tlie assistance of their countrymeD. In 
their march to Narraganset in tlie beginning of Jan. 1676, they suffered intol- 
erably from the cold ; no less than 11 men were frozen to death, and many 
others wen^ token sick by reason of their exposure in that severe seasoiL 

Meanwhile the Indians hod sent deputies to the commander-in-chief to treat 
of peace ; but it was judged tliat they were insincere in their overtur^ and no 
terms were settled. While matters were thus progressing, PhUtp removed hk 
provisions, women and children to a strong place protected by rocks, in a 
swamp, about ^0 miles from, the late battle-ground in Narraganset^ iniD 
the country of the Nijunuks. At length, the weather havuig become mild,and 
the Connecticut forces retuni(?d, togetlier with a liody oi Mohegaiis under 
UncaSf it was resolved to suprise Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordiniiy 
the army, consisting now of 1600 men, marched out on this enterprise. On 
its approach, the Indians al>andoned their position and fled fardier northward. 
They were ))ursued a small distance, and about 60 or 70 of them killed md 
taken, (prol)ably women and children.) The army soon after returned home^ 
and was chiefly disbanded. 

On 27 Jan., while the army ^vos pursuing the main body of the Indiana 
a party of about 300 attacked Mr. JftUiam Carpe?i/er'« plantation, and attempM 
to bum his house, which they set on fire, but those within succeeded in nut- 
ting it out In the skirmish, one of their number was killed, and two of the 
whites were wounded. The assaulting party collected and drove off fiom 
this place 180 sheep, 50 large cattle, and 15 horses, and from a Mr. Harm 
another drove of cattle, and killed his negro scrvontf 

Soon after this, PhUip, widi many of his followers, left that part of dw 

* " Our wounded men, (in number about 150.) being dressed, were sent into Rhode Idud. 
as the best place for their accnmn)o<iation ', wnere, arcordiugly, they were kindly lecriw a 
by the governor and otlicrs, only some churlish Quakers were not free to entertain them, and 
compelled by the governor. Ol so iiihumuiiis peevish and untoward a di^tposilion aro thsM 
NatiaiMfhs noi to vouchsafe civility lo liio>c (hat had vcuturcd their hves, and received dangenMI 
wound« in their defence." Old imi, Chronkte, 74. 

t Old Indian Chronicle, 58, SO^Hubbard, bO, 


country', and TP8i<led in diflferciit plncca upon Connecticut River. Some report 
that he took up his residenct^ near Aibiiny, and that lie solicited the Moliawks 
to aid him against the Eiiglir<h, l)ut without .<«iu*c(>s.s. 

The story of the foul stratngi'ni wiid to have hoen resorted to hy Philip 
for this object, is, if true, the deepest stain upon his character. According 
to one of tlie historians* of the war, it was r^iiortcd at Boston, in the end ot 
June, or lx>giiining of July, 1()7G, that " those Indians who are known hy the 
name of Mauquawogs, (or Mohawks, i. c. man-eaters,) had lately fallen upon 
PhUip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the variance between Philip and 
the MauquawogH c^mo to pass, as is commonly reported and )n>pn*hended, 
then; wtis a marv'cllous finger of God in • it. For wc hear that Philips hein^ 
this whiter ontertaintid in the Mohawks' country, made it his design to breed 
a qunrrol between the English and them ; to effect w^hich, divers of our 
rctume<l captives do report, that he resolved to kill some 8catt(>ring Mohawks, 
aud th(^n to say that the English had done it ; but one of these, whom he 
thought to have killed, was only wounded, and got awav to his countr^'men, 
giving them to understand that not the English, but Philip, had killed the 
men that were murdered ; so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon 
the English, he brought them upon himself.'* 

The author of the anonymous ^ Letters to London" has this passage f 
concerning PhUifPs visit to the Mohawks. ^ K4tig Philip, and some of these 
northern Indians, being wandered up towanls Albany, the Mohucks ntarched 
out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon them, putting them to flight, and 
pursuing them as far as Hassicke River, which is about two days' march 
from the east side of Hudson's River to the north-east, killing divers, and 
bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, which ill sue- 
eeflB on that side, where they did not expect any enemy, having lately en- 
deavored to make up the ancient anhnositios, did very much daunt and' dis- 
courage the said northern Lidians, so that some hundn^ds came in and sub- 
fnittea themselves to the English at Plimouth colony, and Philip himself is 
nin skulking away into some swamp, with not aliovc ten men attending him.** 

Although Philip was supposed to be bi^yond the frontier by some, and by 
others to he ** snugly stowed away in some swamp," yet his warriors, whether 
directed by him m person or not, is immaterial, as every thuig was done 
against tlie English that could well Ix* under such broken circumstances as 
he now labored. On the 10 Feb. 1676, they surprised Lancaster with com- 
plete success, the particulars of which we shall fully narrate in our next 
chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.J about 300 Lidians attacked Medtield, 
and in spite of 200 soldiers stationed there to guard it, burnt alK>ut 50 houses, 
killed 18 of its inhabitants, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were 
Lieutenant Adams and his wife : the latter was killed accidentally by Cap- 
tain Jacob, She was in bed in a chamlier, under which was a room occupied 
a the soldiers ; as Caiitain Jacob was about to leave the housi;, his gun went 
\ the IhiII from which {Hissed through the chamlier floor and killed her. 

The Indians managed this atttick with their usual skill ; having placed some 
of their number prepared with fire implements in various parts of the town, 
they set the houses on fire, ^* as it wen?," says Major Gookin, " in one instant 
oftmdc." And as the people issued out of them, parties lay ready and shot 
them down. As soon as the whites were mustered to oppose them, thoy 
retired over the bridge towards Sherburne, and set it on fire, so that the sol- 
diers could not pursue tliem. in the pride of their success, tlu^y now wrote 
a lettiT to the whites, and stuck it un on a |K)8t of the bridge. It i*eud:i, 

*^ Know by this pftpcr, that the Indians that Ihou hist provoked to wraih and 
angtr wHl war this 21 years if you will. There arc many Indians yel. IVt come 
300 at this time. You must eonsvler the Indians lose nothing but their life. You 
lose your fair houses and callleJ^l 

On the 13 March, the entire town of Gn>ton, roiisisling of 4 < houses, 
hiumt, except one garrison,§ by shots from whi(*li seMnil Lidians were 
■aid to have been killed. 

♦ Dr. /. Mather, Brief Hist. 38. t (•hronirlo, Hi). 

X Oookin^M MS, Hist Fnymg Indians.— The above letter \va& doubtless written by aoine of 
the Chriitian ladiaiis who bad joined Philip. 
I In our ChvmkU, 80, it is said that Groton was burnt on the I4lh : that Ifalor WUUtnPs 


Philip had for sonic time directed matters with such address that hit 
cnciuies could not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he acUitfif 
were in the vicinity of tlie frontiers or not. But there can be little doubt of 
his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18 
March, Northampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good Buccenai 
was anticipated by the besiegers ; for they lost eleven men, while the whim 
had but three killed and sLx wounded. 

On the 27 March, a largo body of 300 Indians, as was supposed, were 
discovennl encanii>ed not tar fn)m Marlborough, which they had burnt the 
day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached tbemsehef 
to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jacohs^ who, falling upon them 
in the night while they were asleep in tlieir wigwams, killed and wounded 
alK)ut 40 of them, witiiout any loss to themselves. 

The Indians w,q\\\ to have resolved that this midnight assassination should 
not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we ore about to 
relate will fully exemplify. On the morning of the !20 April, tlie laziest 
body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and 
before resistance could be made, set fire to several buildingg, which were 
consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brave stand, and were aooB 
joined by some soldiers from Watertown, under Captain Hugh Mason; and 
tlie Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing anj 
fnrtlKT mischief during the day, against Sudhury. 

Some of the people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied 
forth for its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered 
a few Indians, and pursued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and 
they soon found themselves amlmslied on every side. They fought witii 
desywratiou, but were all, except onr, cut off, being eleven in niiniber. Thie 
affair took ])lace immediately ai\er Ciiptain Wadsworih had marched from 
Sudhury with 70 men to strengthen tlie garrison at Marllmrough ; and the 
news of the situation of the place he had just lei\ reached his destination M 
soon as he did ; and althougli he had marched all the day and night before, and 
his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain BrockUhank kdA 
aliout ten men from the giirrison at Murlborough, lie marched directly back 
for Sudhury. On the morning of the 21st, they arrived within about a mile 
and a half of the town, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre- 
pared an ambush behind tlie hills. From thence they sent out two or three 
of their party, who cn^sstHl the march of the English, and, iM'iug discovered 
by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them into a pursuit. Thif 
stratagem succeeded, and with great Inildness the Indians 1>egan the attack. 
For some time the English maintauied good order, and, having ntreated to 
an adjacent hill, lost but live men for near four hours. Meantinie tlie Indians 
had lost a great nunilier, which so increased their rage that they resolved to 
put in practice another stratngem, which it seems they had not before thought 
of. They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English, 
which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and 
the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise 
succeeded, even l)ctter than the first ; that, although it served to bring on the 
attack, was ne^r proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with 
complete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their 
advauta^reous position, which gave the Lidians an opportunity to fall upon 
them with their tomahawks! Many were now able to fall upon one, and 
resistance fast diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the 
hands of the conquerors ; among the former Averc the two captains ; some 
of those that escajied took shelter in a mill not fiir off, and were saved b? 
the arrival of a few men un<ler Captain Prentice^ and a company under 
Captain Croicell. Both of these oflicers and their men very narrowly es- 
caped the fate of Wadsworih.* As the former was about to fall into a fatal 

house was bnmt first, and thai " ai\cr\vards they destroyed G5 more there, leaving but n 
houses standing in the whole town.'' 

* *' So insolent were the Indians grown opon their first success against Captaia Wadtwor^ 
that they sent us word, to provide store of good cheery for they intended to dine with as [rt 
BofUmj on the election day/' ChnmkU, 95. 


mare, be was rescued by a company from a garrison ; and as tlic lattor ap- 
proacbed Sudbury, be saved binisclf by pursuuig an unexpected rouU* ; and, 
thougb attacked, bo succeeded ui fighting liis way through tlie Indians witli 
a loss only of six or seven of bis men. Captain CrotctlVs arri^'al at this time 
was accidental, tbougb fortunate ; l)eing on bis return from Quabaog, whither 
he had l>een sent to reinforce that garrison.* With this great achievement 
ended the chief operations in Massachusetts ; and we iiave now to return 
towards Plimoutb. 

When success no longer attended Philip hi 3Iassachu setts, those of bis 
allies whom he had seduced into the war, upbraided and accused him of 
bringing all their mi&>f(irtuiies upon them ; that tliey had no cause of war 
affaiust the Enghsh, and had not engti!(<Hl in it bur for his soUcitatiuns ; and 
many of the tril)es scattered theinscfves in diHerent directions. With all 
that would follow him, as a last retreat, Philip returned to Pokanoket. The 
Pecoinptuck or Deertield Indians were among the first who abandoned his 
cause, and many of the other Nipmucks and Narragansets soon followed 
their example. 

On the lltb of July, he attempted to surpritie Taunton, but was rcpulsedf. 
UiB camp was now at Matapoiset. The English came upon him here, under 
Captain Churchy who captured many of his people, but he escaped over 
Taunton River, as be haJ done a year before, but in the o])[)ositc direction, 
and 8creene<l himself once more m the woods of Pocasset. He used numy 
stratagems to cut off Captain Churchf and seems to liave watched and fol- 
lowed him Irom place to ])Iace, until tiie end of this month ; but he was 
continually losing one company of his men ailer anotlier. Some scouts 
ascertained that be, and many of his men, wiTe at a certain ]dace upon 
Taunton River, and, from appearances, were about to rejKiss it. Ilis camp 
was now at this place, and the cliief of Iiis warriors witli him. Some sol< 
diers from Bridgcwater fell upon them here, on Smiday, July 30, and killed 
ten warriors; but Philips having disguised himself, esi^ajxrd.t Ilis uncle, 
Mkompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister taken prisoner. 

The late attempt by Philip upon Taunton had caused tlie people of Bridge- 
water to be more watehful, and some were continually on the scout. Some 
time in the day, Saturday, 21) July, Ibnr men, as they were ranging the woods, 
discovered «»iic Indian, and, rightly judging then; were more at hand, made 
all baste to inform the other inhubitaiiLs of Bridgewater of their discovery. 
Comfifti Jflllis and Joseph Kdson were " pressed " to go " jiost " to tlie govern- 
or of Phmouth, at Marshtield, who "went to Plimoutli with them, tlie 
next day, [30 July,] to send Caiituin Church with his company. And Captain 
Church came witli them to Monpon^et on the sabbath, and came no further 
tliat day, he told them he would meet them tlie next day.'* Here JViUis ami 
Edson \t'i\ him, and arrived at home in the evening, tpon hearing of the 
arrival of Church in their neighborhood, 21 men *^ went out on Mtmday, sup- 
posing to meet with Captain Church ; but tliey cainti u])on the enemy and 
fought with them, and took 17 of th(;in alive^ and also much plunder. And 
they all returned, and not one of them fell by the enemy ; and reeeived no 
help from Church^ This account is iriven from an old manuscript, but who 
its author was is not certain.^ Churches account differs considerably from it. 
He says* that on tho evening of the siune day he and his company marched 
firom rlimouth, ^ tliey beard a smart firing at a distance from tliem, but it 

• CMd Indian Chronicle 79, 9^2, VX^IIitbhard, m.^OooUna M.S. His!.— A son of (%iptain 
Wadswortli caused a monument to \tc creeled u[)on the place of ihis fii^ht, with an iiiscrlpticn 
upon it, which lime has discovered to lie erroneous in some of its hi«iorii';il pnriiculars. It 
wta recently standing to the west of Su<ll>ury causeway, a!>out a quarter of a mile from the 
great road 'thai leads from Boston to Worcester, IJoyt. 122. ffiJmrs^'i. :M)0. 

t A captive negro made his escape from Philip's men, and ^ave notice of their ii 


"wbereuiHjn the uihabil ants gtood upon their guard, and souldicrs were limously sent in to 
Ibem for their relief and defence." Prfvalawy of J'rauer, 8. 

X '* Tis said that he had newly cut off his hair, that he might not be known." llubfnird, 
Aar. 101. 

^ It is published by Mr. Mitchell ^ in his valuable account of Rridgewater, and iupposcd to havo 
been written by Comfort IViilis, named above. See S Coll. M^. Hi«L Soc. vu. 167. 


1 jing near night, nnd tlio firing of sliort continuance, they missed the phea^ 
liiid wc;nt into Bridgewator town." 

On the 1 AugiiRt, tlic intrepid Church came upon PMLip^a liead-qinuleri^ 
killed nnd took about TIO of iiis people, Philip hiniaelfvery narrowly e«cap» 
i!ig. Sucli wofl his precipitation, tliat he leA all his wampum behind, and ha 
wife and Hon fell into the liands of Church. 

No sooner had the story of the destruction of the Indians be&run to attract 
fittention, (wliich, however, was not until a long time after tijey had been 
destroyed,) much inquiry was made concerning the fate of this son of the 
ftunoiis Afetacomct; and it was not until consideroble time had elupBed, that 
it was dJscovfTcd that he was sold into slaver}*! It is gratifying to learn 
what did liecome of him, although the knowledge of the fact must cause pain 
i:i eveiT humane breast ; not more for the lot of yoiuig Mctacomtiy tlion for 
the wretched de]>rivity of the minds of those who advised and executed the 
decree of slaverj- upon him. 

Great iiuuiIkts of Philip's people were sold for slaves in foreign counlriPB. 
In the beginning of the war Caiitain Mostly captured 80, who were confined 
r.t Plimouth. In S«^ptem!)er following, 178 were put on board a vcsael com- 
manded by Ca))t<Lin Spra^te, who sailed Irom Plimnutli with tliem for Spain. 

Church* relates the attack of Aug. 1 upon the flying chief as follows >— 
''Next morning, [uA(t the skirmish in which Jlkhompoin was killed,] Gapt 
Church moved verv' early with his company, which was increased by nuuijaf 
Bridgewater that fisti>d under liim for that expedition, and, by tbeif piloting, 
he soon came, very still, to tin? top of the great tree which the enemy bra 
fallen across the river; and the ea])taiu spied un Indian sitting upon the 
stump of it, on the other side of the river, and he clapped his gim up,uud had 
doubtless dfspatclK'd hiui, but that one of his ^^^vn Indians called hastily to 
him not to fire, for he heliev(>d it was one of his own men ; upon which the 
Indian upon th(> slum]) looked about, and Cu])t. Churches Indian, seeing his 
face, perceived his mistake, tor he knew Iiim to l>c Philip; clapped up his 
gun and tinul, hut it was too late; for Philip imniediaterv threw himself off 
the stump, leaped down a Ivink on the side of the river, and made his escape. 
Ca])t. Chvrch^ as soon as possihh*, got over the river, and scattered in quest of 
Philip and his company, hut the enemy scjittered and fled everj' way; but he 
picked up a consi<lerai»i(; many of their women and children, among which 
were Philip^s wile and son of idiout nin(» years old." The reuiainder of the 
day was sj)ent h\ pursuing the tlying Philip^ who, with his Narrngansets, wu 
slill formidaI>lo. They [>ieked m\\ many j»risoiiors, from whom they learned 
tlie force of those of whom they were in pursuit. Atniglit, Church was under 
obligation to return to his men he had leA, Init conunissioned Lightfooif cap- 
tain, to lead u pnity on discover)'. Liirhtfooi returned in the morning with 
good success, having made an important discover}', nnd tidcen 13 pri.sonrr& 
Church innue(Uately set out to follow up their advantage. He soon came 
where thev had made fires, and shortlv aller overtook their women ond chil- 
(bx*n, who " were taint and tired," and who infonned them "that Philips \fiih 
a great number of tlte enemy, were a little betbre." It was almost sun.«et 
when they cume near «'nougli to obser\'e them, and ^^ Philip soon came to s 
.'^top, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to make fires ; nnd a great 
noise they made." Churchy concentrating his followers, fonned thern into a 
circle, and set down " whhout any noise or tire." Their prisoners showed 
j'/reat signs of fear, but wenj easily put in confidence by the conciliatory con- 
duct ot' Church, Thus stooil niat'terH in Churches camp through the night of 
the :2 August, 1()7(). At dawn of day, he told his prisoners tln^y must remain 
Still wluTe they were, until the tight was over, (for he now bad every reason 
(o expect a sevtjre one shortly to tbllow,) "or, as soon us the firing ceasf^ 
they must tbllow the tnieks of his companv, and come to them. (An Indian 
Ls next to a bloodhound to follow a track.) ^'f 

It being now light enough to make the onset. Church sent forward two 
soldiers to learn Philiij's position. Philip, no less wary, had, at the sauM j 
time, sent out two spies, to see if any were in pursuit of him. Tlie re* i 

• HisL FkU^t War, 98, ed. 4lo. t Ibid. 90. 


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spcctivc 8i)ios of the two famous rliiofst jrave the alarm to both camps at the 
ianie time ; hut, unhappily for Philip^ his antagonist was prepared for the 
event, while he was not ** All lied at tlio first tidinp?, fof the spie.<s] left 
their kt.'ttles boiling, and meat roa.sting upon their wooden spits, and run 
into a swamp with no other breakfast, than what Capt. Church allerwards 
tn*ated them witli.** Church sent his lieutenant, Mr. baac Howland^ on one 
side of the swamp, while himself nm ujM>n the other, each with a small 
party, hoping, as the swamp was small, to prevent the escape of any. Ex- 
pirting tliat when Philip should discovtrr the English at the farther extremi- 
ty of tiie swamp, he would turn back in his own track, and so escape at the 
same place he entered. Church had, therefure, stationed an ambush to entrap 
him in such an event But the ^\tirinoss of Philip disappointed him. He, 
thinking that the English would jnirsue him into the swamp, had formed an 
ambush for them a&o, but was, hi like manner, disap])ointed. He had, at 
the same time, sent forward a band of his warriors, who fell uito the hands of 
Church and HowUauL They, at first, attempted to fly, and then offered re- 
sistance ; but Ckurdi ordered Mfdihiaa^ to tell them the impracticability of 
such a step. He accordinglv called to them, and said, ^ If they fired one gun 
thty were all dead men,^ Tins tlireat, with the ])resence of the English and 
Indians, so amazed them, that they suffered *'the English to come and take 
the gims out of their hands, when they were both charged and cocked." 
Havuig secured these with a guard, armed with the gims just taken from 
them, Church presses through the s>vamp in search of Philip, towards the 
end at which that chief liad entered. Having waited until ho had no hopes 
of ensnaring Captain Church, Philip now moved on afler the company he 
had sent forward, and thus the two parties met. The English had the ad- 
vantage of the first discovery, and, covered by trees, made, the first fire. 
Philip stood his ground for a timi^, and maintained a des[»erate fi^ht ; but, a 
main body of his warriors having l>een cajitured, winch, by this time, lie 
began to apprehend, as they did not come to his aid, he, therefore, fled back 
to the point where he entered the swamp, and thus fell into a second am- 
bush. Here the English were worsted, having one of their niunber slaui, 
viz. Thomas Lucas, f of Plimoiith : thus escaped, lor a few days, Philip and 
some of hid best captains: such were Tuspiuptin and Tatoson. This was 
August the 3d, and Philip's numl>ers had decreased, since the 1st, 17^1, by 
the exertions of Church, X 

Philip, having now but few followers lefl, was driven from place to place, 
and lastly to his ancient seat near Pokanoket. The English, for a long time, 
had endeavored to kill him, but could not find him off his guard ; for he 
was always the first who was apprized of their approach. He having put to 
death one of his own men for advising him to make pc^ncc, this man's 
brother, whose name was Mdtrman, fearing the same fate, deserted him, 
and gave Captain Church an account of his situation, and offered to lead him 
to his camp. Early on Saturday morning, 1^ Aug., Church came to the 
swamp where Philip wils encamped, and, Ixifore he was disroverod, had 
placed a guard about it, so as to encompass it, except a small place. He 
then ordered Captain Goldina;^ to rush into the swamp, <ind fall upon Philip 
in his camp; which he immediately did — but was discovered as he ap- 
proached, and, as usual, Philip was the first to fly. Having but just a^iiked 
mm sK'cp, and having on but a imrt of his clothes, he fled with all his 
might Coming directly u])on an Englishman and an Indian, who composed 
a part of the ambush at the edge of the swamp, the Englishman's gun missetl 
fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, ** sent 

* One of Churches Indian soldicis, hut of whom he makes no mention. 

t An improvident fellow, given to intoxicaticm, and, from Church's expression about his 
being kilie<l, '*' not \h*\i\^ *o careful nn he mig^t have been," it leaves room to doubt whether 
ht were not, at tliis time, under the eflbcU of liiiuor. He had been oflen fined, and oiice 
whipped, for getting drunk, beating his wife and chihlren, defaming the character of deceased 
■agislrales, and other misdemeanors. 

1 Churchj 41. In the account of Tatoson, Church's narrative is continued. 

« Captain Roger Qoiddtn^ of R. I. Plimouth granted him 100 acres of land oa PocaaMt, 
is 1676, for hit eminent servicefl. PHm, Records. 


one through his heart, aud another uot above two inches ironi it. He ftO 
upon his lace in the uiud and water, with his gun under hiniL^ 

^' Cold, with the beast be slcw^ be sleeps ; 
O'er him no filial spirit weeps ; 

Even that be lived, is for his conqueror's tongue ; 
liy foes alone his dcath-souf must be sung j 

No chronicles but theirs snail tell 

His mournful doom to future times ; 

Mav tlicsc upon hii< virtues dwell, 

And in his fale forget his crimes."— Spr ague. 

The name of the uian stationed with Mdtrman was Caleb Coohf* who hid 
shared in many of ChtarcKa hazardous expeditious before tlie presenL See- 
ing tliat he could not have the honor of killing Philip, he was dcsirouSi if 
possible, of having a memento of the michty exploit lie therefore prevaiJed 
upon •Alderman to exchange guns witli lum. This gun was kept in toe iainil^ 
until tiie present century, when the late Isaac Lothrop, Esc|. or Plimouth ob- 
tained tlie lock of it from Mr. Sulvanus Cook, late of Kmgston. iS^^lraniif 
was great-grandson of Caleb.\ The stock and barrel of the guu are still re- 
tained by the descendants of the name of Cook,l There is a gun-lock shown 
in the library of the ]\Iass. Hist. Soc. said to be the same which Aldamui 
used iu shootuig Philip. This Alderman was a subject of Wtetcanoo, who, in 
the commencement oi this war, went to the governor of Plimouth, and de- 
sired to remain in peace with the English, and immediately took up his resi- 
dence upon nu island, remote from the tribes engaged in it But, uier /%Z^ 
had n^turned to his own country, JMerman, upon some occasion, TisiMd 
him. It was at this time that he learned the fate of his brother beftra 
spoken of; or he may have been killed in his presence. This caused hk 
flight to the English, which he thought, probably, tlie last resort for ven- 
geance, lie "C4mie down from thence, says Church; (where PhUip^s cmm 
now was,) on to Sand Point over against Trips, and hollow'd, and inue 
signs to be fetchM over " to tlie island. lie was immediately brought over, 
and cave the infonnation de^sired. Captain Church had biu just arrived npon 

Rhode Island, and was aI)out eight miles from the upper end, where mSdtr- 

-------- ,»j 


immediately ask'd Capt Church what he y)o\ddgive to hear some news f{fPkSfy. 
Ho reply'd. That was what he wanted,^ The expedition was at once entered 
upon, and •Alderman went as their pilot But to retiuii to tlie fall of Philip ^~ 
" By this time," continues Church, " the enemy perceived they were way- 
laid on the east side o{ the swamp, tacked short al)Out,'' and were led om of 
their dangerous situation by the great Ca])tain Annawoiu " The man dott 
had shot down Philip ran with all speed to Capt Church, aud informed him 
of lib ex})loit, who commanded him to be silent about it, aud let no nan 
moi-e know it until they had drove the swamp clean ; but when they hid 
drove the swam]) through, and found the enemy Imd escaped, or at least the 
most of them, and the sun now up, and tlie dew so gone tnat they could doI 
•easily track them, the whole comjmny met together at the place where the 
enemy's night shelter was, and then Ca])t Church gave them tbe news of 
Philip^s death. Upon which tlie whole armyj gave tliree loud huzaSi 
Capt Church ordered his lM)dy to be pulled out of the mire on to the uplind. 
So some of Capt Churches Indians took hold of him by liis stockings, and 

^ Baylies y in his N. Plymouth, ii. 168, says his nnmc was Franriji ; but as he gives uo aallm^ 
ity, we adlioro to oldtT autliority, 

t This Caleb Cook was son o^ Jacob, of PliniouUi, and was bom there 29 Mar. 1651. He 
bad two or moro hrothorsj Jacob, lx)m 14 May, 1653, and Francis, 5 Jan. 1663—4. HoKf 
it is not probable that Fninn's was a soldier at thifl time, as he was only in his 13th year. 

t Col. Mass. Ilht. Soc. iv. fi3. 

^ Eighteen English and twenty-two Indians constituted his army a week bcfote: bat^ 
know not how many wcn> at the taking of Philip j tiiough we may siippoira about toe sai 
nomber. Hence this expedition cost the colony £9. 

Chap. II.] LIFE OF KING rillLIP. 227 

■ome by his small breeches, being otlienvisc iiakcti, and drew him through 
the mud mto the upland ; and a doleful, grout, nuked dirty beast, he looked 
like." Captain Chvaxh then said, ^ Forasmuch as he has caused many an Ene- 
mas body to -lie unburied and rot above ground, not one of his bones shall be 

With the ffrcat chie( fell five of his most trusty followers, one of whom 
WB8 his chief captain's sou,* and the very Indian who fired the first gun ut 
the commencement of the war. 

** Philip liaving one very remarkable hand, being much scarred, occasioned 
by the splittuiff of a pistol in it formerly, Capt Church gave the head and 
that hanu to Mlermanj the Indian who sliot him, to show to such gentlemen 
as would bestow gratuities upon him; and accordingly he got many a 
penny by it.''t 

The barbarous usage of beheading and quartering traitors was now exe- 
cuted upon the fallen Philip, Churai, " calling his old Indian executioner, 
bid him behead and quarter him. Accordingly, he came with his hatchet, 
and stood over him, but before he struck, he made a small si>eech, directing 
it to PhUip,^ saying, ^ You have been a very great man, and have made many a 
Man afraid of w>u ; but so big as you be I wiu now chop your ass for youJ* He 
then proceeded to the execution of his onlers. 

Hi8 head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for 
90 years, and one of his hands to Boston, where it was exlubited m savage 
Criumpli, and his mangled Ixxly was denied the right of sepulture. It Iiaviuff 
been quonered, was hung upon four trees, and there left as a monument of 
■hocking barbarity. 

Churai and his company returned to the island the same day, and arrived 
with the prisoners at Plimoutli two da^'s after, namely, Tuesday, August 15, 
** /an^ng through all the woods in their wuv." They now "received tlieir 
premium, which was 30 shillings per lieud,^ for all enemies killed or taken, 
« instead of all wages, and Phxlxp^s head went at the same price." This 
aaumnted to only four and sixpence a-piece, " which was all tlie reward they 
had, except the honor of killing Philip." 

Having in the year 1834 visited the memorable retreat of the Wampanoag 
aachems, we can give the reader some idea of its situation. There is a 
natural angular excavation, in an almost perpendicular rock, about 6 or 7 feet 
fift>m its base, where it is said Philip and some of his chief men were sur- 
prised on tlic morning of tlie 12 August. We have in tlie Life of MassasoU 
described Mount Hope, and it is at the north part of it that the high rock is 
aituated ; variously estimated fi-om 30 to 50 feet in height, and is nearly 2 
miles from the village of Bristol. From the seat, or throne of Kii«ro Philip, 
as some have colled it, a fine \iew of Mount Hope Bay opens upon us. Near 
the foot of the rock is a fine spring of water, known to this day by the 
name of Philip^s Spring, 

Mr. Mden, the curious collector of epitaphs, sa^s ^ the late Lieut. Gov. 
Bratifordj [who died at Bristol in 1808,1 in early life, knew an aged squaw. 
irho was one of PhUip*s tribe, was well acquainted vritli this sagamore in 
her 3'outhful days, and had often been in his wigwam. The information, 
through her, is, therefore, very direct, as to the identical spot, where he fixed 
his anode. It was a few steps south of Capt James J)e Wolfe^s summer 
bouse, near the brow of a hill, but no vestige of the wigwam remains. 
The eastern side of this hill is very steep, vostly more so than that at Horse 
Neck, down wliich the intrepid Putnam trotted his sure-footed steed, in a 
manner worthy of a knight of the tenth century." " When Churches men 
were about to rush upon Philip, he is said to have evaded them by spring- 
ing from his wigwam as they were entering it, and rolling, like a hogshead, 
down the precipice, which looks towards the bay. liaving reached the 
lower part of this firigfatful ledge of rocks, without breaking his bones, ho 
got ufion his feet, and ran along the shore in a north-eastern direction, about 
100 rods, and endeavored to screen himself in a sAvamp, tlien a quagmire, 
but now terra firma." 

* Very probably a son of Uncompcin, or Wootui$hum. \ PhUip^s War. 


How much of the above is apocryplial is uncertain, but tliat a part of it 
is I have no doubt. That PhUxps camp was near the top of Mount Hope at 
the time he was surprised, is coutraiy to rational conclusion, but seems 
rather to liavc been fixed there by the imagination of some onc^ for the 
pleasure it might afford them in contemplating the manner of the chiefs 
escape by rolling down a rugged precipice. 

During the bloody contest, the pious fathers wrestled long and often vritfa 
their God, in prayer, that he would prosi)er tlicir arms and deliver their 
enemies into their hands ; and when, upon statcil days of prayer, the IndiaDi 
gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of Providence, and ani- 
mated them to greater sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, when their 
arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an immediate interposition 
in tlieir favor. The philosophic mind will be shocked at the expressions of 
some, very eminent in that day for piety and excellence of mom] lile. Dr. 
Increase Mather,* in sixaking of the efficacy of prayer, m bringing about the 
destruction of the Lidians, says, ''Nor could they [the English] cease cryinc 
to the Lord against Philip, until they had prayed the bullet into his heart* 
And in speaking of the slaughter of Philip's people, at Narragaiisct, he aay^ 
''We have heard of two-and-twent}' Indian captaiiifs slain all of them, aiid 
brought do\i\ii to hell in one day.** Again, in speaking of a chief who had 
sneered at the English religion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous 
blasphemy, inmiediately upon which a bullet took him in the head, sod 
dashed out his brains, sending his cursed soul in a moment amongst tbe 
devils, and blasphemers, in hell fonjvor." f 

The low and vulgar (epithets | sneeringly cast upon the Indians by their 
English contemporarif^s are not to be attributed to a shigle individual, but lo 
the English in general.§ It is too obvious that the early historians Tiewed 
the Indians as inferior IxMUgs, and some went so fur us hunlly to allow them 
to be human. 

Like Massasoit, Philip always opposed the introduction of Christiainqr 
among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged u])on him its great importaiioe^ 
he said he cared no more for the gospel than he did for a button upon lus 
coat. II This does not very well agree witli the account of Mr. GooImi 
respecting Philip*s feelings U[)on rehgious matters; at least, it shows thst 
there was a time when Ik; was willing to listen to such men as the exceflent 
and benevolent GooJcin. h\ s]K>akiug of the Wamponoa^ he says, '^Thm 
are some that have hopes of their greatest and chieft^st sachem, named P^iSn, 
living at Pawkunnawkutt. Some of his chief men, as I hear, stand ireD 
inclined to hear the gospi^l : and himself is a f>crs(m of good understanding 
and knowledge in the lu^st things. I have heard him speeds very ^ood wonl% 
arguing that his couscicnce is convicted : but yet, though his will is bowed to 
embrace Jesus Christ, his sensual and carnal lusts ore strong bands to hoU 
him fust under Sataii's dominions.'^ IT And Dr. Mather adds, " It was notku 
before the hand which now writes, [1700,] u[)on a certain occasion took off 
the jaw from the exposed skuU of tliat blasphemous leviathan ; and the re- 
nowned Samuel Lee hath sincf; Ix^en a pastor to an English connregatioa, 
sounding and showing the praises of heaven, u^)on that very spot or ground, 
where Philip and his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil.'*** 

The error that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to he 
such, tliat it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to infonn tfas 

* In his " Prrvalency of Prayer," page 10. t Ibid, page 7- 

X Such as dogt, wolees, blood-hotinds, demons, devil s-incarnaU, caitiffsy hell^hounat, Jkait, 
monslerSf beasts, &c. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used these. 

$ The author of ** Indian Tales " has fathered all he could think of upon Mr. Ihibbard, Bt 
fiMtv Ae called upon to point out the passage in that valuable author'^ works where hslw 
failed one or anu of the Indians " hdl-hounds." Such loose, gratuitous oxpresuoos «iU Ml 
do at the bar of history. 

U Ma^alia. 

IT 1 Cofl. Mass. Hist. 8oc. i. 200. 

** Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a vo^'age to England, and earned into their eoHhyf 
where he died, in 1691. This event, it was thought, hastened his eud. Pcrliaps Um flK 
vivinj^ natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teadim • 
religion they could not believe } but ini|^t tbey not with equal propriety t 


reader of its origin. The fullowiog passage from John JossdyrCs work * 
will, besides proving hiin to be tlic author of the error, at least the first writer 
that so denominates him, furnisli some valuable information. Speakine of 
the Indians in general, lie says, ^ Their beads arc their money ; of these, 
tliere are two sorts, blue beads and white beads ; the first is their gold, the 
last their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so cunnuigly, that 
ueitlier Jtw nor DevU, can counterfeit, f They drill tliem and string them, 
and make many curious works with tliem, to adorn tlie persons of their sag- 
amores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders 
for their womcn^s hair, bracelets, necklaces, and links to hang in their ears. 
Priure Philip, a little Iiefore I came for England, [1(>7'1,] coming to Boston, 
had a coat on and buskins set thick with these l)oad8, in pleasant wild works, 
and a broad belt of the same ; his accoutrements were valued at £20. The 
English merchant giveth them \0a. a fatliom for their white, and ais much 
iuon% or near upon, for their blue beads." " The roytelet now of die Pocan- 
akets is priucf! Philip, alias Mdacon, tlio grandson of MaaaaaoitP X 

While Mrs. Roudandaon was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of 
Philip, she mentions meeting witli nim ; and although she speaks often with 
bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature appears 
in her joumaL The party she was witli visited Phuip on the west siae of 
the Connecticut, about five miles above Northfiekl, tnen called Squakeag, 
Saving arrived at tlie point of crossing, Mrs. RouHandmm says, *^ We must go 
over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe^ I could not but be 
•mazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the bank on the other 
flide." She was much afraid they meant to kill her here, but, being assured 
to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. ''Then came one of 
them, (she says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and 
•nocher gave me ban a pint of peas, which was worth more than many 
buahels at another time. Then I went to see King PkUip ; he bade me come 
m and sit down ; and asked me whether I would smoke it ; (a usual compli- 
190111 now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but this no ways suited 

** Dining my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for 
hia boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." ** Afterward he 
•iked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner ; I 
went, and he gave me a |)ancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made 
oT parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease ; but I thouglit I never 
Caated pleasanter meat in my life." | 

It ifl extremely gratifying to hear any testimony in favor of the humanity 
of a chief who in his time was so much execrated. To say the least of 
PhSii^s humanky, it was as great towanls captives, so far as we have any 
knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. 

As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, 
^in what is now New Haninshire and Vermont,) towards Wachuset, ^ having 
indeed my life, (says Mrs. AtH/Dondaon,) but little spirit, PkUip, who was in the 
eompanv. came up, and took me by tne hand, and said, ' Two weeks more and 
guutkaUhe misbress agairC I asked him if he spoke true : he said, ' Yes, and 
fitkkhf you ahaU eowu to your matter IT agam,^ who liad been gone from us 
three weeka"** 

In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must 
not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he 
apoke. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampaiioag : — 

JVeo-ffcam hei-uhrqut^ ^ut-tian-ai-am-^nch koo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- 
momk payHM-moo-^ddif hd'te'fian4am'00-onk ne nai, ne-ya-ne ke-sukrqui 

* Aeeoanl of two Voyam to New England, 142, 143. 

t Of tJiit be was miiiniomicd. There was much spurious wampum, which became a sub- 
jcrl of legitlatioB. See HazartPt Hist. Col. vol. ii. 

X Aeeouot of two Voyaams to New EnirlaiH), \UJ. Tie is nNo mlled :n'«'*n'l^on of Miausa- 
firit, in the work entitled Present Slate of' New England, in irgpfct to the Indum War, kH. 
L«oiidon, 1676 ', the auibor of that work doubtless copied from Josselvn. 

d Narrmtive of her Coptitity, 38,99. ' fl Ibid. 40. 

i QHumapim. See bis Lifa ** Narrative of Mis. Kotolandscn, 68. 



kah ohrke-iL ^'aa-ma-i-in-ne-an ho-ko-ke-avk-o-da-t mU-as-tsyk-ok-ke pe- 
tuk-qun-iug, Kah ah-quo-an'tam-a-i-in-ne'tm num-matchre-at'Onr'an'On-aikf 
nt'-wuich-e ne-na-umn tconk nvi'Ok'quo-ctn'tam'aur-O'Un'non'Og niAr-noh pamA 
noQ-na-mon-tuk-qiMh-who-naiij kah ahque sag'kom-pa-gin'ne'an en qvifnekd' 
tu-ong'O-nit, qvt poh'^uiruma-sin-nt-an wutch matck-i-tut,* 

Since we ore upon curiosities, the following inay very pro])er]y be added. 
There is to be seen in the library' of the Mass. Ilist. Society a large skimmer, 
which some liave mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the root of ash, that n^ 
dold about two Quarts. On this article is this historical inscriptioD, in gih 
letters: "^ trophy from the wiffioam of Philip; when he teas riainm 
1676, 6y Richard ; presented hy Lbenczer Richard, his grandson^ \ 


NAifuiiTEiroo — Reasons ftrr his aiding Philip — His former name — Meets the Em^kk 
and Indians under Captain Peirse — Fights and destroys his ichoU company ml rtw- 
tucket — Incidents relating to that fight — JS'otice of Captain Peirse — ^ainmtemo9 sm^ 
prised and taken — His magjianimitif — Speech to his captors — Is exee%Ued mmi kk 
oody burnt — Cassassinnamon — Catapazet — Monopoide — Arkawo!! — IHm MStap^ 
from the swamp when Philip was killed — Captain Church sent out to capture Jkim 

Discovers his retreat — Takes him prisoner — His magnanimous M utvi ar B u 

speech to Church — Presents him with Philip's ornaments — Description ef t\em 
Church takes Annawon to Pli mouth ^ where he is put to death — QuiirirAPiv— lb 
connections and marriage — At the capture of Ijancaster — Account of his wiwu 
Weetamoo — He is taken and shot — TusPAquiN — His sales of lands— His 9pum 
tions in Philip^ s War — Surrenders himself, and is put to death — Refleetioms wm 
his executioners — Tatosow — Early notices of — Captures a garrison in irm- 
outh — Trial and execution of Keweenam — Totoson dies of a broken ikcorf— >Bltt> 
ROW cruelly murdered — Tyases. 

NANUNTENOO, son of Miantunnomoh^ "• was chief sachem of all ihi 
Narragansets, and heir of all his fatlicr^s pride and insolcncy, as ^^ell at of 
his malice against the English.^' ^ Notwithstanding this branding characto*, 
drawn by a conteni[)orar}', wc need only look into the life of MJaniunnmmlk^ 
to find excuse for ^ malice and insolency " tenfold more than was contained 
in the breast of J^Tanunienoo, 

The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, baned 
them to death in their wigwams, and left tlieir mangled bodies bleaching ia 
the wintry hlast ! The swamp ^ght of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be Urn- 
gotten I ATanunttnoo escaped from this scone, but we cannot doubt that hi 
acqiiitted himself agreeably to the character wc have of him. 

The first name by which he was known to the English was CanomAd, 
though, like others, his name was -WTittcn with many variations. In 1674| be 
was styled ** chief surviving sachem of Narraganset," and in a deed in "wlikh 
he was so styled his name is written ^ JSTaumawnoantonnew alias QuammcU^ 
eldest son now living of ARaniomomio/* § He had been in Boston the Oete- 
ber before tlie war, upon a treaty, at which time he received, among odicr 
presents, a silver-laced coat Dr. Mather says, speaking of the Narragaiiiel% 
** their great sachem called Quanonchet, was a nrincipal ringleader in the 
Narragauset war, and had as great an interest ana influence, as can be mdof 

* Elioea Indian Bible, Luke xi. S- 

t No mention is made to whom, or when it was presented. It does not appear to a labt 
of such anti<]uitv as its inscription pretends ; and the truth of which may very naioiWf fct 
questioned, in this particular, when the more glaring error of the name of Uie penon IM Is 
have killed PhUtp, is starinr us in the face. 

X Hubbardf 67.— >Mr. Olamixon calls him ** the mighty sachem of Narraguisct.''- 

} Potter't Hist Narraganset, CoU. R. Hist, Soc. ui. 172. 


any among the Indians ;" * and that, **^ when ht was taken and slain, it was an 
amazing stroke to the enemy." f 

The name of Cammchet stands first to the treaty, to which wo have just 
alluded, which was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1675. Bv that treaty, the 
Narragansets agreed to deliver to the English in 10 days, ^ all and euery one 
of the said Indians, whether belonging vnto Philip, the Pocosset Sqva, or the 
Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that 
haue bin or are in hostillitie witli the Eu^lisli, or any of their allies or abet- 
tors." t I'h^ names to the treaty are as iollows : 

"Quana-ncuett's \/ mark, 
WiincHses, sachem in behalf of himself and Conuiiucus and the Old 

Richard Smith, Queen and romhani and Quaunajyeen, (seal) 

James Browive, Manatannoo counceller Jus -f- 

Samuel Gorton, Jr. mark, and Cannonacus in his behalf, (seal) 

Interpreters, Ahanmanpowett's -|- mcurk, 

JoHir Nowhenett's X nutrk, counceller and his (seal) 

Indian interpreier, Cornman, cheiffe counceller to 

Ninnegrctt, in his behalfe, and a seal (S.f* 

The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of 
Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni- 
fimnly in the records, Peirse,) to divert tlicm from these ravages, and destroy 
as many of them as ho was able. He had a large company, consisting of 70 
men, 120 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirse 
thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region. 

Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, Acrnunte 
no*,} learning, we presume, by liis spies, the direction the English were tak 
in^ assembled his warriors at a crossing place on Pawtucket River, at a 
point adjacent to a ulace since called Mleborough- Gore, and not far distant 
fhmi Pawtucket falls. It is judged that J^anuntenoo was upon an expedition 
Co attack Plimouth, or some of trie adjacent towns, for his force was estimated 
at upwards of 300 men. 

On arriving at this fatal place, some of ^anvmienoo's men showed them 
•elves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagem succeed- 
«d« — Pfxrst followed. || No sooner was he upon the western side, than the 
warriors of Ndnuntenoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed down 
upon him ; nor striving for coverts from which to fiffht, more than their foes, 
might them face to face with the most determined bravery. 

A part of Ndnuntenoo^s force remained on the east side of the river, to pre- 
vent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in the 
event will appear. When Captain Petr^e saw himself hemmed in by num- 
bers on every side, he drew up his men upon the margin of the river, in two 
nmkfl, back to back,1Fand in this manner fought until nearly all of them were 
aluii. Peirse had timely sent a messenger to Providence for assistance, and 
although the distance could not have been more than six or eight miles, fi-om 
aoine inexplicable cause, no succor arrived ; and Mr. Hubbard*^ adds, ^ As 
flokmion saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in hanest." 

This dreadful fight was on Sunday, 26 March, 1676, when, as Dr. Mather 
myn, "'Capt Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with him, and eight, 
Cor more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. Mr. JVetsman of 
Rehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth, dated the day after the shiugliter, in 

• Brief HisL t6. t PrevaUney of Prayer, 11. 

i It nay be wen at large m HazanPt CoUectiont, i. 636, 537. 

f Tbat Namndemoo commanded in person in the fight with the force under Capt. Peirte has 
a (|QeetioD ; indeed, our only authority is not very^ explicit upon the matter, {Hubbard ^ 
rn'mmoenfi 7.) who (^Merres that when JMnison surprisecf him, he " was. at that moment, 
divertiaing himself with the recital of Capt. Peirs^s slaughter, surprized by his men a few 
dm before." 

I Dr. Mslker (Brief Hist, t^) says, " a small number of the enemv who in desperate 
■aMcty ran away from them, ana they went limping to make the English believe they were 
lUMt and ilnit edected their object 

f iktmes HiH. Scitnala, ISl. «• Narrative, M. 


which he says, **32 of our English, and 11 IiidiauR,^ were akuD.* The com- 
paDy was, no doubt, increased by some who volunteered as they miircfaed 
through the country, or by such as were taken for pilots. 

^anuntcnoo^s victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasioiu, the 
English consoled themselves by making tlie loss of the Indians appesr at 
large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were afterwards 
taken confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not fiir from the truth, f 

An Englisliman, and perhaps the only one who escaped from this dim- 
trous fight, was saved by one of the friendly Indians in this manner : The 
friendly Indian being taken for a Narragaiiset, as he was pursuing with an 
uplifted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfered, seeing hini pursue 
an unarmed Englishman at such great advantage. In this manner, covering 
themselves in tlie woods, they escaped. 

A friendly- Lidian, being pursued by one of J^lanuntenco-s men, got behind 
the roots of a fallen tree. Thus screened by the earth raised upon them, the 
Indian tliat pursued waited for him to run frum his natural fort, knonving he 
would not dare to maintain it long. Tlie other soon thought of an expe- 
dient, which was to make a port-hole in his breast-work, which he easily did 
by digging through the dirt. When he h&d done this, he put his gus 
tlirougli, and shot his pursuer, tlien fled in ])erfect safety. 

Another escaped ui a maimer very similar. In his flight he got behind a 
large rock. This afforded him a good shelter, but in the end he saw uoduBg 
but certain death, and the longer he held out the more misery he must suflw. 
In this deplorable situation, he bethought himself to Ut the following dcvieSi 
Putting his cap upon his gun, he raised it very gradually above the rock, as 
though to discover the position of his enemy : it had the desired efie€t--te 
fired upon it. The one beliind the rock now rushed upon Ijim, beibre he 
could reload his gun, and despatched him. Thus, as Mr. Hubbcard says* "it ii 
wortli tlie noting, what fiiithfuluess and courage some of the Christian IndisBS 
showed in this hght" That tliis most excellent autlior did not approTe of tfao 
severity exercised towards those wlio ap)>eared friendly, is abundantly jprofed 
by his writings. In another place he says, *^ Possibly if some of the vu^tk 
had not been too shy in making use of such of them as were well afiededlD 
tlieir interest, they never needliave suffered so rnucli from their enemies." 

A notice may lie reasonal)ly expected of the unfortunate Captain Mdkarf 
Peirae, of Scituate. He was one of those adventurous spirits ** who nefsr 
knew fear," and who sought ratlier than shrunk from dangers. He was, iiks 
his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight ; and in 1673, when the govm- 
ment of Plimouth raiseil a force to go against the Dutch, who hod encroached 
uj)on them in Connecticut, he was appointed ensign in one of the coinpanka 
lie reside^l in several places before going to Plimouth. Mr. Dutne^ \n \m 
History of ScUtuiU, gives a genealogical account of his family, from which W9 
learn that he had a second wife, and several sous and daugliters. Of wfaM 
family he was, there is no mention.^ He i>ossessed considerable estate, snrl 
made his will on eneoging in the war witli tlie Indians. 

The "sore defeat** of Captain Ptirsty and the tide of the Indians* suoceaee 
alx)ut tliis time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their wheb 

^ammUnoo came down from the country upon Connecticut River, eaily k 
March, for the purpose of collecting seed corn to plant such ground as Ai 
English had been driven from, and to effect any other object he might meel 
with. Whether he had effected the first-named object before falling in wilb 
Peirse, we are not able to state ; but ccrttun it is, tliat he was but few days ate 
encamped very near the ground where the fight liad been, and was there ftUn 

* See the letter giving the naines of the company in Dtant^t Scituate, ISS, 123. 

t iMr. HubbartTs account is the wme. 

j In Uie Records of Plimouth^ under date March, 16G9, llioro is this entry 3—^ 
Peir$e ofSciltuate" was presented at the court for vnseemly carriages towards Sarah FHtktk 
of Scitttiatc," and "forasmuch as there appeared but one lestimony to tbc p'sentnenly aij 
that the testimony was written and not read vnto the depooant, the court aaw caiue to 
the Mud p'feaiment." 


upon at unawares, whcu but a few of liU men were present, and there taken 

ATanuntenoo was nearly as much <lrem1od as Philip himself^ and consequently 
Iiis capture caused groat rejoicing among his enemies, and requires to be piu*- 
ticularly related. 

Funr vohmteer companies from Conucrtirut began their mareh into the 
CDcmy^s country the next day aftcT Pawtuoket figiit. Among the capUiinrf 
of tlicse comiuuiies, George Denison of Soutlierton was the most conspiruotis. 
Tlic others were conniianded hy James •^vcry, John Staunton, and "Major Patiner, 
who also had tlie chief conunand. With tliese were three comjuuiies of 
Indians; one led by Ondiro, eomp<JS(^d of Mohogans; one of Pequots, by Cos- 
taainnamon ; and the other of Ninnticks, by Catapazet; in all al)oiit 80. 

When this iimnidable army came near to A'a/iun/enooV camp, on the fir^ 
u'cek in April, 107G, **they met witli a stout Indian of theenemiirs, whom they 
prest'ntly slew, and two old stpiaws,** who informed tliem of the situation of 
Mtitunienoo. At the same time, their own s<Mnits brought the same intelligence. 
Tlie news of the enemy^s approach n»iched tlie chief in his tent when but 
seven of his men were about him ; the rest were probably hi the neighborhood 
attending to their ordinary' affairs. Aud although he had stationed two senti- 
nels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if an^ ap|)eared, tlieir 
mirprise was so great, at the sudden approach of the English, that, in their 
firignt, they ran by their sachem's wigwam, ^ as if they wanted time to tell 
w&t they saw." Seeing this, the sachem sent a tliird, to learn the cause of 
the fliglit of the two first, but he fled in the same mamuT ; and lastly he sent 
two more, one of whicli, *^ either endued with more ccturage, or a better senso 
of his duty, itifbrmed him in great haste that all the English army was upon 
him : whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to attempt an escape, 
and DO means to defend himself, he l>egan " * to fly with all si)ecu. Running 
with great swiftness around the hill, to get out of siffht u|K)n the opposite side, 
lie was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and Uiey immediately followed 
him with that eagerness tlieir important object was calculated to inspire. 

Tlie pursuers of the flying chief were Cataoazd and his Nionticks, " and a 
few of the English lightest of foot." Seeing Uiese were gaining upon him, he 
firat cast oflf his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and lastly his belt of i>eaff. 
On fleeing these, a doubt no longer remained of its being Jyanuntenoo, which 
Tgod them, if possible, faster in tlie diaae. There was in the com|>any of 
Ctiapazetj one Monopoide, a Petiuot, who outran all his companions, and who, 
gaiumg u|>on ^anuntenoo, as he fled upon the side of the river, obliged him to 
attempt to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident 
in his {Hissagf*, he would doubth*ss have effected his esca[K\ As he was wa- 
ding through the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which brought his guii 
uncfer water. Thus losing some time in recovering liimself, and also the use 
of his gun, it probably made him dt^pair of escaping ; for Monopoide camo 
up and seized upon him, " within 30 rods of the river side." 

Abniififonoo, having made up his mind to smTt>ndcr, made no resistance, 
although he was a man of great physical strength, of sup<;rior stature, and 
acknowledged braverv' ; and the one who seized ii]x»ii him veiy onlinary in 
that respect . One of the first Englishmen that came u^ was Robert StauntoUj 
a young man, who presumed to qsk the captured chief some questions. He 
appeare<1 at first to regard the young man with silent indignity, but at length, 
casting a disdainful look upon his vouthful face, ** this manly sachem," sai(i, in 
ANSWER." And, adds Mr. Hvhhardy he ^ was as good as his wonl : acting 
herein, as i^ by a Pythagorean metein{)sychosis, some old Roman ghoet had 
the body of this western pagan. And, like JHtiUuB Begidus,^ he 

* Thi* elegant passage of Mr. Hubbard brings to our miiui that inimitable one of 
Claryr^ro, in his account of the woful daj^-s of ibc Mexicans : " They ha<I ncitlicr anas lo 
rtpel the multitude and fury of their enemies, stren£lh to dofond themselves, uor s|Nire to 
6|cnt upon ; the ground of the city was covered with (lend bodice, and the water of every 
diirh and canal purpled with blood. Hist. Mexico, iii. 73. 

i JSwctu AuUiug lUguius, a Roman consul and general, taken prisoner by the Cartba* 



would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him." This tender of 
life to Mmuntenoo wnsy no doubt, u|>on the condition of his obtaining the sub- 
mission of his nation. He met the idea with indignation ; and when the 
Englisli told him that he should l)e put to death if he did not comply, in the 
most composed maimer he replied, that killing him would not end tlie wor. 
Some of his r^[>tors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling him, that he 
had said he would hum the English in their hounejf, and that he had boastcfl, 
in defiance of his ])romise last made to the Englisli, which was to deliver f|i« 
Wampauoags to them, that he irould not deliver up a JVannnanonfr or theparinT 
of a tVammmoafr's nail. To this he oiilv replied, " OlIlERS WERE AS 

Had the English not burned his people in their houses ? Did tbev orcr 
deliver up any that had committed depredations upon the Narragan»cts ? No! 
— Wlio, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous ^ammtenoo f So 
indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear nothing about peare; 
'^ refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that "wiy^cn 
a promise of life if he would do so. 

Under the eye of Denison, ATanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, wherr, 
by the " advice of the English commanders, he was shot." His head ms 
cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. The Engluh 

Prevailed upon some of each tril>e of their allies, viz. Pequots, MohegaDS and 
[ianticks, to be his executioners, ** therebv the more firmly to engage the 
said Indians against the treacherous Narragansets." • "Herein, wayt 
another writer f of that day, " the English dealt wisely, for by this meana tbo 
three Indian nations are become almminable to the otlier Indians." And a 
respectable writer J of our own times says, " It may be pleasing to the reader 
to be informed " of the fate of Aanim/enoo / 

When it was announced to the noble chief that he must be put to deatI^ 
he was not in the least daunted, and all he is re|)orted to have said ia this:— 

J^anuntenoo, fell into the hands of the English 4*) others. § 

The author of the anonymous ^^Letters to London " || says the Indiana wen 
^commanded by that famous but very hloiidy and cruel sachem, QuonomhtL 
otherwise called Mifantonomyj" whose "c^irriage was strangely proud ana 
lofty after he was taken ; being examined why he did foment that war, which 
would certainly he the destruction of him and all the heathen Indians ia 
the country, &c., he would make no other n?ply to any interrogatorieSi bm 
this : that he was born a prince, and if princes came to speak with him be 
wouhl ansAver, but none prf^sent being such, he thought himself obliged, id 
honor, to hold his tongue ; " and that he said he would rather die thin 
remain a prisoner, and requested that Oneko mi^ht put him to death, as be 
was of equal nmk. ** Yet withall threatened, he had 2000 men, [who] wooM 
revenge his death severely. Wherefore our forces, fearing an esca|)e, put the 
8tout(^t men to the sword, but pi-esen-ed Myantonomu till they returned to 
Btoneingtou; where our Indian friends, and* most of the English aoldien^ 
declaring to the commanders their fear that the English should, upon con- 
ditions, release him, and that then he would, (though the English migbl 

llinians, 251 yean B. C. 'i'licy sent him to Romo to use bis endeavors to effect a peoee^ br 
nn solemn promise to return >v[thin a given period. Tlic most excruciating tortures awaiM 
lim, should he not execute his mission according to his instructions. When arrived at Roow^ 
ic exhorted his countrymen to hold out, and maintain the war against the Carthagiflim, 
stating their situation, and the groat advantages that would accrue. He knew what voaU 
be his fate on returning to Carthage, and many a noble Roman besought bim not to ralm» 
and thus sacrifice his life j but he would not break his promise, even with his bartiaroui eae> 
mies.^ This is what is meant by not accepting his own life when tendered him. He retnmti^ 
and, if history be true, no Indian nation ever tortured a pri.soner, beyond what the Caitkfr 
^nians inflicted upon Marau AttUitu R^^ffttltu. See EcJianl's Roman Hi$t. i. 188^-9. 

• Hubbard. t /. Matker. t Deane, Hist Scituale. IH. 

$ Manuscript letter in Hist. Library. Both Tfubbard and Mather say 44} pcnrtiaps tbeyi* 
eluded Nanuntenoo. 

B Elsewhere cited as The Cd Indian Chrcmkle. 

Chip. III.I ANNAWON. 235 


have peace with liim,| be vcr}' ])ernicious to those Iiidious that now assisted 
118, the said Indians, (on these considerations, and the mischiefs and mur- 
thers he had done during this war,) permitted to put him to death.* And that 
ftll uii^lit sliarc in tlie glory of destroying so groat a prince, and come under 
the obliffation of fidelity, earh to other, the Pequods shot him, the Mohegins 
cut off his head and quartered his l)ody, and the Ninnicrofta men made tht 
fire and burned his quarters, and, as a token of their love and fidelity to tlie 
English, presented his head to the council at Hartford! " 

.5.\l'Vl4/rO.V was a Wampanoag, and one of Phil{p*s most famous coun- 
sellors iuid ra[)tains. Ho was his fnst friend, and resisted as long as there 
was a l)eam of hojw ; and when at last every chance of success had failed, 
he gave himself up in the most heroic maimer, as will appear in the follow- 
ing account 

At tlie swamu, when Philip was killed, he escaped ^^ith most of his men, 
as has been related, by his thoroughly understanding the situation of his 
enemies. ^ Perceiving (says Ckurch) they were waylaid on the east side of 
the swamp, tacked short about One of the enemy, who seemed to bo a 
great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out, I-OO" 
foiA, I'OO-iaah, Captain Church cxilled to his Indian Peter, ^ and asked him 
who tliat was that called so. He answered that it was old •^^nnatporij Philip's 
great captain, ctdling on his soldi(rrs to stand to it, and iight stoutly." 

"Captain Church had been but little while at Plimoutli, [after the death 
of PhAipy] before a post from Reholmth came to inform the governor that 
old AnnaiDorij Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging al>out 
their woods, and >vas very otfensive and pernicious to Rehoboth and 
Swansey. Captain Church was immcdiutoly sent for again, and treated with 
to engage in one expedition more. He told them their encouragement was 
00 poor, he feared his soldiers would l>e dull about going again. But being 
a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Howland, his 
old lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used to go out with him, told 
them how the case was circumstanced, and that he had intelligence of old 
Jkmmbon^s walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not 
want much entreating, but told him they would go with him as long as 
there was an Indian left in the woods. He moved and ranged tlurough the 
woods to Pocasset" 

In the early part of this expedition, some of Captain Churches Indian 
Bcouts captured a numl)er of JinnaicorCs companv, but from whom they 
could learn nothing of tlie old chief, only that he did not lodge ^ twice in a 

" Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to 
be on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his 
fiither, who, he said, was about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with 
no other than a voung squaw. Captain Church uictined to go with him, 
thinking it might be in liis way to gain some intelligence of Annawon; and 
00 taking one Englishman and a few Indians witli him, leaving the rest 
there, he went with his new soldier to look his father. When he came to 
the swamp, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his father. He 
was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming down 
out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on 
one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian 
aoldier making a howling for his father, and at length somebody answered 
hun ; but while they were listening, they thought they heard somebody com- 
ing towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming up, with a gun 
on his shoulder, and a young woman following in the track which they lay 

S. They let tliem come between tliem, and then started up and laid hold 
them bodi. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling 
them what they must trust to if tliey told false stories. He askea the young 
woman what company they came firom last She said from Captain AnmP' 
ipmPj; He asked ner how many were in comjmny with him when she left 

* This weini to of the most probable account of the afTair of all we havo 
t The fan otAwuhonkSf it is supposed. 

236 ANNAWON. [Book UL 

him. Sho said ' fifty or sixty.' He asked her how many miles it was to the 
place where she left him. She said she did not understand miles, hut he wh 
up m Squannaconk swamp. The old man, who had been one of PkSH^t 
council, upon examination, gave exactly the same account." On being 
asked whether they could get there tliat night, answered, ^ If we go pree- 
ently, and travel stoutly, we may get there by sunset." The old man Bud 
he was of AnnmcoTCs company, and that Annaxcon hud sent him down to 
find 8ome Indians that were gone do^\ii into Mount IIo])e neck to kill pio- 
visious. Captain Church let Idm know tiiat that company were all his 

The Indian who had been permitted to go after his fatlier, now returned 
with him and anotlicr man. Captain Church was now at great loss wlut he 
shoidd do. He was unwilling to miss of so irood an opportunity of giving 
a finishing blow to tlic Indiiui power. He had, as himself says, but **• half a 
dozen men beside himself,'^ and yet was under the necessity of sending 
some one back to give Lieutenant Howland, whom he left at the old fort in 
Pocasset, notice, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in pon* 
dering upon what course to pursue, he put the question to his men, 
" whetiier they would wilHn^ly go with luni and give Anrutwon a TiaL* 
All answered in the uffirniative, but reminded him ^ that they knew this 
Captain Annawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant captain 
under Asuhrmtquxii, [}Voo8amcqu{n^ Philip's father; and that he had been 
Philip's chieflam all this war." And they further told Captain Chwrdi^ (and 
these men knew him well,) tliat he was ^ a vor}' subtle man, of great resolu- 
tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive by the English.* 

They also reminded him that those witli Annaicon were " resolute felliyir% 
some of Philip's chief soldiers,'^ and very much feared that to make the 
attempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be hazardous in the extremiL 
But nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Churchy who remarind 
to them, ** that he had a long time sought for Annawon^ but in vain," ani 
doubted not in the least but Providence would protect them. All with OM 
consent now desired to proceed. 

A man by the name of CooAr,* belonging to Plimouth, was the onb 
Englishman in the com[uuiy, except the captain. Captain Churdi adbed 
Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made uo other leph 
than tliis : ^I am never afraid of going any where when you are "with nML" 
The Indian who brought \i\ his fuUier informed Captain Churchy that it mi 
impossible for him to take his horse with him, which he had brouffht tbn 
far. He therefore sent him and his father, with the horse, back to Lieuten-