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THE
BIOGRAPHY
TYPOGRAPHY
WILLIAM CAXTON
ENGLAND'S FIRST PRINTER.
BY
WILLIAM BLADES.
Eotttion :
TRUBNER & CO.. 57 & 59, LTTDGATE HILL.
KARL I. TRUBNER.
1877.
LONDON :
PRINTED BV BLADES, EAOT S, BLADES,
11, ABCHURCH LANE. E.G.
PREEACE.
HE "Caxton Celebration" is in
full progress, and many per-
sons are requiring information
: about our first Printer, his life
and works. To supply that demand tbe present
Volume is issued. In 1861-63, two volumes
quarto were published, entitled " The Life and
Typography of William Caxton," in which the
most full information then obtainable was
afforded; but being both costly and cumber-
some, it has been thought desirable to issue a
new "Life " in a more handy form.
The particulars of the biographical portion
have, where necessary, been re-cast ; but only
one additional fact of any importance has been
added, viz., that Caxton was married, and left
IV PREFACE.
behind him a married daughter, information
kindly supplied to me by Mr. Gairdner, of
the Record Office.
The bibliography has been necessarily cur-
tailed, the account of the old manuscripts of
Caxton's printed books having been omitted,
as well as the details under " Existing Copies "
and "statistics." On the other hand, some
new works, of which the "Ars moriendi,"
"Sex Epistolse," and the "Officium beatse
Mariae," are the chief, have been added to the
Catalogue of Caxton's productions, and de-
scribed in full. It has also been thought
necessary to retain the full Collation of each
work.
It is a pleasing task to acknowledge assist-
ance, and to R. A. Graves, Esq., of the British
Museum, I owe my best thanks for revising
the proofs of the biographical portion, and for
numerous suggestions.
The Plates, as in the former edition, are from
the skilful hand of G. I. E. Tupper, Esq., of
Pudding Lane, Eastcheap, whose ability in this
description of work is beyond praise. To him
also are due many of the remarks on the various
types, both in this and the former edition.
PREFACE.
But chiefly I am indebted to Henry Brad-
shaw, Esq., Librarian to the University of
Cambridge, for the use of his annotated copy
of "The Life and Typography of William
Caxton," which has enabled me to rectify
several mistakes in that work, and to assign
with a greater degree of accuracy the undated
books to their proper years.
Mr. J. C. C. Smith, Probate Registry, Somerset
House, kindly informed me of the discovery of
another portion of the Will of Uobert Large,
Caxton' s Master.
The woodcut head-pieces, tail-pieces, and
initials are from the hand of Noel Humphreys,
Esq., who on this occasion kindly resumed his
pencil for the subject's sake.
W. B.
CONTENTS.
PAET I.
CHAPTER I.
William Caxton— His Birthplace and Parentage ... 1
CHAPTER, II.
WiUiam Caxton— An Apprenticeship 7
CHAPTER III.
Caxton Abroad l^"*
CHAPTER IV.
Literature in the Fifteenth Centnry 33
CHAPTER V.
Development of Printing 3i)
CHAPTER VI.
Colard Mansion ^^
CHAPTER Vn.
Caxton a Printer... ... ... ■■• ••• ■•• -"^'^
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
Caxton at Westminster ... ... ... ... 69
CHAPTER IX.
The Master Printer — the Paper — the Type — Presses — ■
Pressmen — Ink — the Bookbinder — the Illuminator 94
APPENDIX.
Containing Mercers' Records — Will of Robert Large —
Burge's Records — St. Margaret's Records — Docu-
ment from Record Office ... ... ... ... 143
PART IL— LIST OF PRINTED BOOKS.
Books printed in Type No. 1
165
Books printed in Type No. 2
181
Books printed in Type No. 3 ...
235
Books printed in TjY>e No. 4
243
Books printed in Type No. 5
309
Books printed in Type No. 6
329
Doubtful Works
359
Index
371
OIIAFTEj
BIllTHPLACE AXD I'ARENTAGE.
WAS born and lerned myn enolissb in
Kente in the wceld where I donbte not is
spoken as brode and rnde enghssh as is in
ony place of englond." Thns briefly does
William Caxton record the place of his
birth and early years, and notwithstand-
ing prolonged and careful research nothing
more precise has been ascertained.
The name of " weald," rendered by Halliwoll " forest," or
" woody country," betokens the nature of the district, which at
the time of the Conquest, and for centuries after, was covered
^^■ith dense woods where thousands of wild hogs roamed and
fattened. This extensive tract of country had no legally
defined boundaries, and one can easily understand how Lam-
barde, the Kentish historian, was so puzzled when he attempted
to descril)e it, that he declared it easier to deny altogether
the existence of the weald than to define its boundaries with
any accuracy. An approximate idea of its geographical
position may be gained by observing that a traveller, starting
from Edenbridge, and journeying through Tunbridge, Harden,
Biddenden, and Tenterden to the Romney marshes, A\-ould
pass through its centre.
A century before Caxton's birth a great change had com-
menced in the weald of Kent. Hitherto the wool for which
B
WILLIAM CAXTON.
England was famous had been purchased by merchants and
carried oyer to Flanders, for the purpose of being made into
cloth, which was brought back for sale in England. Edward
III, struck by the wealth and power which accrued to Flan-
ders from the cloth manufacture established there, determined
to try the experiment of establishing a factory in England.
The weald, covered as it then was with forests, was of
little value as land ; and hither, aided in his design by the
sanguinary feuds at that time raging among the trade guilds
of the Low Countries, the King induced about eighty respect-
able Flemish families to migrate and carry on the manu-
facture of cloth in the country which produced the wool.
Exempt from taxation, and favoured by the royal patronage
and many special privileges, the colony throve and grew
rapidly. The Flemish settlers soon became naturalised, and
increased in wealth and influence year by year ; so that in
the fifteenth century " their trade was of great importance,
and exercised by persons who possessed most of the landed
property in the weald." Thus WTites Hasted in 1778, and
adds, " Insomuch that almost all the antient families of these
parts, now of large estates, are sprung from ancestors who
have used this staple manufacture."
We read Caxton's narrative of his birth in a new light,
when we bear in mind that the inhabitants of the Weald had
a strong admixture of Flemish blood in their best families,
and that cloth was their chief, and, probably, only manufac-
ture. We understand why the Kentish dialect was so broad
and rude, and we enter more heartily into the amusing
anecdote in Caxton's preface to the " Eneydos," where he
tells of the good wife of Kent who knew what the Flemish
^vord " eyren " meant, but understood not the English A\-ord
"eggs." "Certayn marchaunts," says Caxton, "were in a
ship in tamyse for to have say led over the see into zelande,
and for lacke of Avynde thei taryed atte forlond . and wente
to lande for to refreshe them And one of theym named
sheftelde a mercer cam in to jin hows and axed for mete . and
specyally he axed after eggys And the good A^yf answerde .
that she coudo spekc no frciislic. And the marchaunt was
BIETHPLACE AND PARENTAGE.
angiy . for he also coude speke no freiishe . but wolde have
hadde eggcs, and she undersfcode hyni not, And thenne at last
a nother sayd that he Avolde have ejren, then the good wyf
sayd that she understod hym wel." Dr. Pegge, in his
" Alphabet of Kenticisms," gives " eiren " as the eqnivalent
of "eggs" in the Kentish dialect of old English.
Here, then, in some rural homestead, surrounded by people
who spoke English " not to be understonden," was Caxton born.
Kentish historians, anxious to localise the honour of having
given birth to so famous a man, claim the ancient manor of
Caustons, near Hadlow, in the Weald of Kent, as the original
seat of the Caxton family. In the fifteenth century the name
Caxton was usually pronounced Cai/xton or Cmiston, the letter
a having a broad sound, and the u being frequently inserted
after it. Numerous instances are given in the " Archffiologia
Cantiana," Vol. V., of names of Kentish towns having this
broad pronunciation. Thus Francklyn occurs in old deeds as
Frauncklyn ; Mailing as Mauling, and "Wanting as Waunting.
The letters s and x were often interchanged, and so Caxton
^\Tites Alisaunder for Alemmler, while to aslc appears in the
" Chess Book " as to axe. We may further note that Caxton,
in Cambridgeshire, is spelt in old documents, Causton, and,
in the records of the Mercers' Company, a certain Thomas
Cacston appears as one of the liverymen appointed to wel-
come King Edward IV on his entry into London, and is
immediately after entered as Thomas Cawston. Many years
before Caxton's birth, the manor of Caustons had been alie-
nated from the Caxton family, by whom it had long been
held ; and although some oflFshoots may have remained in the
neighbourhood, the most important branch appears to have
taken root in Essex, and there adopted the name of the old
Kentish hundred for their new residence; for among the
wills now preserved at Somerset House is that of Johannes
Cawston, of Hadlow Hall, Essex, dated 1490. Nothing, how-
ever, of interest can be gleaned from it.
We therefore conclude that William Caxton probably de-
scended from the old stock of tlic Caustons, who o\\'ned the
manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, in the Weald of Kent. The
B •>
WILLIAM CAXTOX.
evidence is not strong, but yet there is no other locality in
the Weald in wliich can be traced the slightest connection,
either verbal or otherwise, with the family.
Caxton's pedigree is quite mikno^Mi, no trace of any of his
relatives, except a married daughter, ha'sing been discovered.
The "William Caxton" who was buried in 1478, in the church
of St, Margaret, Westminster, is asserted by some biographers
to have been the father of our printer. This may be possible ;
but no relationship can be assumed fi'om mere identity of
name, for Caxtons, Caustons, or Cauxtons are to be found in
many parts of England during
the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries. William de Caxtone
o^Tied a house in the parish of
St. Mary Abchurch, London,
in 1311 : a man of the same
name paid his tax to the City
authorities in 1441 : and there
was a family of Caxtons fa-
mous for centuries as mer-
chants at Norwich, who used as their trade-mark three Cakes
and a Tun. The will of Robert Caxton, alias Causton, is pre-
served at Canterbury; and at Saud\\ich, Tuxford, Newark,
Beckenham, Westerham, and frequently in the early records
of London does the name appear. The will of John Caxton,
of Canterbury, likewise stiU exists : he was " of the parish
of St. Alphage, Mercer," and left to the church some wooden
" deskys," upon which the following device may stiU be seen.
birthplace; and parextage.
Wlien was Caxton born ? To this question a more satis-
factory answer can be given, for the date of his apprenticeship
has fortunately been preserved in the records of the Mercers'
Company. It has generally been assumed that 1412 was the
date of his birth, upon the sole ground that Caxton himself
complained, in 1471, that he was gTo^o-ing old and weak, from
which the inference has been drawn that he must then have
seen at least sixty years. That this date, however, must be
advanced is proved by the following extract from the earliest
volume of the "Wardens' Accounts" in the Archives of the
Mercers' Company. The entry occurs in a list of fees for the
binding and enrolment of apprentices "pur Ian deunt passe
cest assauoir des Fest de Saynt John Bap"' Ian xvj du Roy
Henr sisme ;" that is, "for the year last passed that is to say
from the Feast of St. John Baptist in the IGth year of King
Henry YI. [June 24, 1438]," and is literally as follows:—
Entres des Appntices.
Item John large, i Ics appntices de
1 T) CJ^r^ „r. "^J ^
Item Wiirm Caxston, ) Robert Largo
"We have here recorded the interesting fact that in 1438
Caxton was apprenticed to Robert Large. It is the first
genuine date in his life with which we are acquainted, and
affords us a starting point from which can be reckoned, with
some degree of certainty, the date of his birth.
The age of twenty-one has always been considered as the
period when a man arrives at his legal majoritj ; but in the
fifteenth century there was also v.'hat may be termed the civic
majority, which was not attained until three years later. This
custom prevailed to the end of the seventeenth century ; for
in 1G93 an Act of Common Comicil was passed enjoining the
Chamberlain to ascertain that every candidate for admission
to the freedom of the City had "reached the frill age of
twenty-four." The plirase " quousque ad etatem suam xxiiij
annonmi peruenerit," so commonly found in old wills, refers
to this custom ; and in \iew of it the indenture of an aj^pren-
tice was ahvays so dra^vn that on the commencement of his
WILLIAM CAXTOX.
twenty-fifth year he might isstie from his apprenticeshij).
This necessarily caused a considerable variation in the length
of servitude, which ranged according to the age of the youth,
from seven years, the shortest term, to fourteen years. Taking
the "entries" and "issues" in the Mercers' records as a guide,
ten years appears to have been the term most usual in the
fifteenth century ; but if we calculate his servitude to have
lasted but seven years, Caxton could not have been more
than seventeen years of age when apprenticed, and would
therefore have been born not later than the year 1421.
That he was not much younger is evident from the position
he had gained for himself at Bruges only eleven years after he
entered his apprenticeship, when he was accepted as surety
for a sum equal to £1500 at the present day; so that we
cannot be far A\Tong if we assume 1422-3 as the date of his
birth.
CHAPTEE II.
AN APPEENTICESHir.
AXTON tells us, in his prologT.e to
" Charles the Great," that, previously to
his apprenticeship, he had been to school,
but whether in Kent or in London he
does not say. He only thanks his
parents for their kind foresio'ht in giving-
him a good education, by vrhich he was enal)led in after
years to earn an honest liWng. No other particulars of his
early history being known, we will pass at once to the year
1438, and imagine him, fresh from the Weald, already in-
stalled in the household of Alderman Large, and duly invested
with all the rights and privileges of a London apprentice.
Yvlicn we remember how many of these apprentices were
young men about four-and-twenty years of age, we can readily
believe that very strict rules were recpiired to keep them
within bounds, and that when they did break loose it was
sometimes beyond the combined povv'er of all the city autho-
rities to restrain them. The Evil May Day, as it was called,
in 1517, when the apprentices rose against the foreigners,
especially the French, and, notwithstanding the efforts of the
Lord Mayor and aldermen, ravaged the City, burning houses
and killing many persons, is recorded by the old chroniclers.
The day was long remembered by the masters -nith fear, and
by the apprentices v/ith pride — although twelve of the latter
ignominiously perished by the hands of the hangman after
the suppression nf the riot by the King's troops.
WILLIA]VI CiVXTON.
The master's duties to his apprentice were to feed him,
clothe him, and teach him well and truly his art and crafc.
Failing the fulfilment of these duties, the apprentice conld, ou
complaint and proof shown before the Court of Aldermen,
have his indentures cancelled, or be turned over to another
master. On the other side, the apprentice made oath to serve
his master well and tnily, to keep all his secrets, to use no
traffic on his oaati account, and to obey all lawful commands.
The London merchants of those days were very exclusive
in their reception of apprentices, and perhaps none of them
more so than the Mercers, who took precedence of all the
City companies. The leading men of the great companies, as
was natural, apprenticed their sons to one another, and thus
the family names of Carton's fellow-apprentices are the names
also of the wardens, and the most substantial citizens of the
period. The family name of " Caxton " does not, indeed, figTire
among those of the City magnates, but William Caxton's
admission to the household of one of London's most eminent
merchants, and his being apprenticed at the same time as his
master's son, go far to pro-se the family to have been well
connected. In one case only does there seem a probal)ility
of relationship. The records of the Mercers' Company contain
many notices of the " entries " and " issues " of apprentices,
and in 144:7 it is recorded that one Richard Caxton finished
his term of servitude ■with John Harrowe, whose son was one
of the apprentices of Robert Large at the same time as
William Caxton. Large and Hari'owe were fellow Mercers,
and evidently on friendly terms, so that it is probable the two
young Caxtons were of the same family.
Robert Large, Caxton's master, was one of the richest and
most influential merchants in the City. He was a Mercer,
and the son of a Mercer, and a native of the City of London.
hi Ur>() he filled the office of Bheritf, and in 1-439-40 that
of Lord Mayor. The Mercer's Company was then, as now,
the oldest chartered company in existence, and among its
members were comprised the merchants of highest standing
in the City. It paid more money to the king's revenue, sent
to a "riding" more well-mounted men, spent larger sums on
Plate I.
'torn Atigas's Map of London, showing the House of Alderman Largp.
'axton's Master (marked fj- The Arms of Large in right hand corner.
BIRTHPLACE AJSD PAEENTAGE.
its "liveries," and yielded from its ranks more sherilTs and
mayors than any two City companies besides. Large was
elected "Gardein" (the old term for Warden) in 1427, and
appears to have made himself very popnlar, if we may judge
from the niuisnal expenditure on the Lord Mayor's Day Avhen
he succeeded to the mayoralty. CaiTiages not having yet
come into use, the procession to "Westminster was on horse-
back, the Mercers on that occasion riding in new robes,
preceded by sixteen trumpeters, blowing silver trumpets pur-
chased for the occasion. A few liverymen who absented
themselves were heavily fined.
The house in which Alderman Large resided no doubt
presented a gTeat contrast to Caxton's home in the Weald,
It stood at the north end of the Old Je^xYJ, and appears to
have been a very ancient and extensive mansion. Stow,
writing in 1598, gives a curious account of its vicissitudes,
and sums up its history thus: — "sometime a Jews' Syna-
gogue, since a house of friars, then a nobleman's house, after
that a merchant's house, wherein mayoralties have been kept,
but now a wine tavern." Large resided there until his death.
The household of which Caxton had become a member
consisted of at least, eighteen persons, exclusive of domestic
servants — Alderman Robert Large and his second wife
Johanna ; four sons, Robert, Thomas, Richard, and John, all
under age (24 years), the last being bound apprentice at the
same time as Caxton; two daughters, Alice and Elizabeth,
both under age (21 years); two "servants," or men who had
served their apprenticeship, and eight apprentices. Large did
not long survive his mayoralty. His will is dated April 11th,
1441, and he died on the 24th of the same month. He was
buried in St. Olave's, Old JcAny, in the same gTave as his
first wife Elizabeth, and their monument, with the following
inscription, existed in the time of Stow : — " Hie requiescat in
Gratia et misericordia Dei, Robeetus Laege, quondam Mer-
cerus et Maior istius ciA-itatis." An imperfect copy of Large's
will is preserved in the Principal Registry of the Court of
rnjbatc at Somerset House. From it we learn that he owned
the manor of Horham, in Essex, and that he left various sums
10 WILLIAM CAXTON.
to the parish churches of Shakeston, Aldestre, and Overton,
where some of his relatives were buried. It would have been
interesting to find that Large had a family connection with
Caxton's native county ; but although no trace of this can be
discovered, it is remarkable that two of his apprentices should
have had Kentish names, Gaxton being merely another form
of Causton, a manor near Hadlow, and the hundred of Htrete
being represented by Caxton's fellow-apprentice, Kandolph
Streete. He left liberal bequests to his parish church of St.
Olave, Old JeA\Ty, and for religious purposes generally, as well
as considerable sums for the completion of a new aqueduct
then in course of construction, for the repair of London
Bridge, for cleansing the watercourse of Walbrook, for mar-
riage portions of poor girls, for relief of domestic servants,
and for the use of various hospitals of London, among which
may be noticed " Bedleem," Bishopsgate Without, St. Thomas
of Southwark, and the Leper Houses at " Hakeney-les-lokes."
Among the many bequests in Large's will, the follo\\7ng are
worthy of notice as showing the names and approximate ages
of Caxton's fellow apprentices, of whom he appears, both by
the order in which he is mentioned, and by the dates in the
Mercers' records, to have been the youngest.
Richard Bonyfaunt (issued 1440). ..50 marks.
Henry Okmanton (entered 1434) ... 50 pounds.
Robert I )edes ( )...20 marks.
Christopher Hetou (issued 1 443) . . . 20 pounds.
William Caxton (entered 1437). ..20 marks.
Besides the above there were Randolph Streete, who issued
in the same year as that in which Caxton was bound, Thomas
Neche, who issued in 1440, and John Harrowe, 'oho issued
in 1443. These are all entered in the Mercers' books as
"apimtices de Rob'' Large."
Before proceeding with the account of Caxton, we may
here bi-ietly state what is known of the subsequent history of
the family in which he lived. Mistress Large (whose son
Richard Tnrnat, by her first husband, is mentioned in Large's
will) was now again a widow, with a large fortune of her own
AN Al'PRENTICESHIP, 1 1
and the care of two ste]isons, each of whom was also ^^^(iU. pro-
"s-ided for. Her second bereavement appears for a time to
have aifected her most deeply. Over the body of her deceased
husband she thiLS solemnly and publicly vowed to devote the
remainder of her days to charity and chastity : — " I, Johanna,
that was sometime the wife of Roliert Large, make mine
avow to God and the high blissful Trinity, to our Lady Saint
]\Lary, and to all the blissful company of Heaven, to live in
chastity and cleanness of my body from this time forward as
long as my life lasteth, never to take other spouse but only
Christ Jesu." At the same time a ring was placed upon her
wedding finger, and a coarse bro^ra veil tlu-own over her by
the priest. Her celibacy Avas not, however, of long duration,
as in about three years she married for the third time, as we
learn from the following quaint entry in the second edition
of Stow's " Survey of London." Writing of John Gedney,
Lord Mayor in 1427, he says, "This Godnay in the yeare
1 444 wedded the ^iddow of Robert Large late i\Iaior, which
widdow had taken the ^lantell and ring, and the vow to line
chast to God tear me of her life, for the breach whereof, the
marriage done they were troubled by the Church, and put to
penance, both he and slie."
All the cliildren mentioned by Large in his v.ill Avere by
Elizabeth, his first wife. Robert and Thomas did not long
survive their father; John died soon after the expiration of
his apprenticeship, which, as we have seen, was contempo-
raneous with that of Caxton, and his name, accordingly, does
not occur in Large's Avill. Richard, the sole survivor, suc-
ceeded, as was his father's wish, to all the property devised to
his two elder brothers, and his claims were allowed by the
Court of Aldermen on his "attaining his age of 24 years" in
the year 1444. Large's daughter Alice does not appear to
have claimed her patrimony on arriving at her majority ; she
therefore, in all probability, died previously; but Elizabeth
married soon after her father's death, and her husband,
Thomas Eyre, son of the Lord Mayor, received her doAny in
1446.
The three years which Caxton })assed as apprentice with
12 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Larjje were very eventful, and, as it was during tliis period
that he must have received his most vivid impressions of life,
it may not be amiss to take a rapid glance at a few of the
events which agitated the minds of the people. Caston, no
doubt, was witness of the great jousts in Smitlifield in 1438,
which lasted tliree weeks, and are so graphically described in
one of the Lansdo-mie Manuscripts in the British Museum
(No. 285), and his intense love for knightly sports may have
there been first developed. But though sights of knights at
tournaments were to be seen for nothing, common bread was
very dear, and many deaths from stari-ation occurred in the
same year. An old chronicle tells us that, "Men ate rye
bread and barly, and bred mad of benes, peses, and fetches :
and wel were hym that myghte haue ynowe thereof." In his
OATO additions to the " Polycronicon " Caxton is more than
usually minute in his record of the events which occurred
during the time of his apprenticeship. Speaking of this year,
he recounts that "Come was soo skarce that in some places
poure peple made hem brede of fern rotes." This makes one
cease to wonder at tumults and rebellion, and possibly some
chord of pity was struck in Caxton's breast v.'hen certain men
from his native county of Kent, called "Risers," were beheaded,
and the heads of five of them were stuck on poles and left
to rot over the southern gateway of London Bridge. In 1439
Large was elected Mayor, and at his "riding" to Westminster
and back, all his apprentices no doubt assisted to swell the
shout in honour of their master, and to drink the mne which
flowed ireoly from the conduits. But ere that year was ended
a sad spectacle was seen on Tower Hill, when Richard Wyche,
Vicar of Deptford, an old man of eighty years of age, was
bunit for LoUardism. An old chronicler, at the end of his
account of this martjTdom, adds, " for the which Sir Richard
was made gretc inonc among the comyn peple ;" and well they
might moan, for his love and charity had won for him the
strongest aficction among the poor. He was first degraded
" at Powly's," and then taken away to Tower Hill, where he
was roasted over a slow fire. The excitement among the
ix;ople was intense, and on the night of this event all the
AN APPRENTICESHIP, 13
watches tliroughout the city were doubled, so great were the
fears entertained of a general rising. The impression made
on the mind of Caxton may be gathered from his ovm rela-
tion : — " This yere Syr Eychard wiche, vycary of hermettes-
worth was degrated of his prysthode, at powlys, and brente
at toure hylle as for an heretyk on sayiit Botolphus day, how
wel at his deth, he deyde a good crysteu man, wherefore after
his dethe moche people cam to the place where he hadde ben
brente, and offiyd and made a heepe of stones, and sette vp
a crosse of tree, and helde hym for a saynt till the mayer
and shreves, by commaundement of the kynge and bisshops
destroyed it, and made there a donghyll." Another grievous
event appears, in the foUo^-ing year, to have excited the com-
passion of our young apprentice. On three alternate days
Eleanor Chobham, the beautiful wife of Duke Humphrey, was
landed on the banks of the Thames, and, accompanied by the
mayor, sheriffs, and guilds of the city, walked to St. Paul's
barefooted, clad in a white sheet, and holding a taper, as
a penance for her presmned sorceries \nth the witch of Eye.
Caxton has narrated this at unusual length. There were great
tournaments again this year in the Tower, as well as a despe-
rate fight between the citizens and a body of courtiers, for
which the former, although first attacked, were heavily fined
by the king. The old chronicler describes the fray as "a
great debate by the night time, where through shots of bows
there were many hurt foul and slain." But the chief event of
this period, considered in its bearing upon Caxton's destiny,
was the conclusion of a thi'ee years' peace between England
and Flanders. Tliis, coupled with the termination of the war
which had raged furiously between Holland and Zealand and
Hamburgh, was probably a material cause in determining
Caxton's departure from England.
We do not know what were the exact duties which de-
volved upon Caxton dm-ing his apprenticeship; but as an
assistant to Large, who had extensive connections, and was
doubtless in frequent correspondence with Bruges, the gi-eat
centre of English commerce abroad, he must have obtained
considerable insight into the customs of foreign trade, and
14 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
become personally kno^\'n to many Flemish merchants, who,
when in London, would probably stay in Large's house.
We must not forget tliat Caxton was not released from
his indentures by the death of his master. If he wished to
continue his career as a merchant, whether in England or
abroad, he was obliged to serve out his apprenticeship ; and
that he did so we gather from his admission in after years to
the livery of the Piercers' Company. Executors were bound
to proA-ide the apprentices of a deceased trader with a new
home; and it would seem that the original master might
appoint a new master by his will, or of his own accord assign
the apprentice during his hfetime, without making the appren-
tice himself a party to the assignment. So far as we know.
Large made no arrangement of tliis kind; and it appears
probable that the usual course of providing a new master for
the bereaved apprentice was adopted by the executors in
Caxton's case. Moreover, it was not uncommon for young
men in his position to be sent to some foreign to^A^l to obtain
experience in trade. Wieeler says, " The Merchants Adven-
turers send their yong men, soimes, and servantes or appren-
tices, who for the most parte are Gentlemens sonnes, to the
Marte TowTies beyonde the seas, there to learue good facions
and knowledge in trade." AVliether Caxton left England l)y
his oA\-u desire, or at the instance of his new master, or by
the invitation of a foreign friend, is unknown; but that he
took up his abode in the Low Countries, and probably at
Bruges, in 1441, the year in which his first master died, we
gather from his omi words in the prologue to "The Recuyell,"
where he states that he had then, in 1471, been abroad for
thirty years. Tliither probably he carried with him no more
than the twenty marks (equal to. about £150 at the present
day) beciueathed to liini by Alderman Largo.
CHAPTER TIT.
CAXTOX ABROAD.
HE City of Bruges had long been not
only the seat of government of the
Dukes of Burgundy, but also the metro-
polis of trade for all the neighbouring
countries. Thither resorted merchants
from all parts of Europe, certain of
finding there the best market for
their vrares. English traders especially abounded, having been
greatly favoured by Philip the Good, who had been almost
from a child brought up in the Court of England, and who
in 144G gave great privileges to the Mercliant Adventurers
under the name of The English Nation, by which title they were
ever after commonly known in foreign parts. So greatly Avere
the Duke's dominions indebted to the trade in wool and cloth
with England, that Philip the Good, when he instituted in
1429 a new Order of Knighthood, adopted for its title and
badge " The Golden Fleece." The " Athenseum" for Decem-
ber 5th, 1803, gives a curious account of the choice of this
name. " Philip, wearied with suggestions for the name and
badge of his new Order, at last said it might be named in
some reference to the season of the year in which the matter
had been discussed. That season included the months of July,
August, September, October and November. As the initial
letters of those months (the same in French and Dutch as in
English) made the word Jason, the name of the Hero of the
Golden Fleece, the conclusion was hilariously arrived at that
the new Order should be named accord in«>i v."
16 AVILLIAM CAXTOX.
Caxton issued out of his apprentices! lip about 144G, and
became a freeman of his guild, though, as this happened
abroad, no notice of it occurs in the Company's books. It
would appear that he immediately entered into 'business on
his o\Mi account, and that he prospered, for in 1450 we find
him in Bruges, and so far successful as to be thought sufficient
security for the sum of £110 sterling, more than equal to
£1,500 now. This appears from the following curious law
proceedings preserved in the archives of the City of Bruges.
William Craes, an English merchant, in the year 1450, sued
in the To^m Hall of Bruges, before the burgomasters, mer-
chants, and councilloi-s of the city, John Selle and William
Caxton, both English merchants, for a sum of money. William
Craes deposed that John Granton, of the Staple at Calais, was
indebted to him in the sum of £110 sterling, for which the
said John Selle and William Caxton had become sureties.
and that the said John Granton having departed from the
city without payment made, he, the said Craes, had caused
his sureties to be arrested. The defendants admitted that
they were the sureties for John Granton, but pleaded that as
Granton was very rich, complainant should wait and look to
him for payment, if indeed the money had not been already
paid. Judgment was given by Roeland de Vos and Guerard
le Groote in favour of the complainant, the defendants having
to give security for the sum demanded, but it was also decreed
that if John Granton on his retimi to Bruges should prove
payment previously to his departure, the complainant should
then })ay a fine double in amount to that of the sum claimed.
We learn from their records that the Mercers were, at this
period, engaged in a considerable trade with the Low Coun-
tries, but this soon after received a check from an edict of
the Duke of Burgundy which prohibited the importation of
all English cloths. The item in the Mercers' accounts — " To
Ricliard Burgh for bearing of a letter over the sea, 6s Sd"
probably refers to this, although from the small sura paid
in comparison \vith several similar entries, it may be inferred
tliat he was not a special messenger, but that he took charge
oi the letter, having to go to Bruges on his own account.
CAXTOX ABROAD.
The date when Caxton was admitted to the freedom of his
Company does not appear, but it was doubtless shortly after
he had issued from his apprenticeship. It must have occurred
before 1453, for in that year he made a journey ft'om Bruges
to London, accompanied by Richaert Burgh and Esmond
Eedeknape, when all three were admitted to the Livery of the
Mercers' Company, a privilege to which the admission to the
freedom was a necessary step. Like Caxton, Burgh and Rede-
knape were probably English traders settled at Bruges : Eede-
knape was most likely a relative of the W. Redeknape of
London, who appears farther on as a merchant trading mth
Bruges, and we have already noticed Burgh as the bearer of a
letter to that city. We may likewise remark that the usual
fees on their taking up the livery seem to have been remitted,
the whole entry in the volume of accounts being erased by
the pen. The Mercers' accounts of the same year show
charges for sending two letters to the Duchess of Burgundy,
who was not above trading in cloth on her own account, with
the special privilege from her brother, Edward IV, of being
fi'eed from the payment of import and export duties. In
1453 Geoffrey Felding, Mercer, was mayor, and the names of
William Caxton, Ric. Burgh, Thos. Bryce, and William Pratt
appear, charged with fines of 35. Ad. each for not attending
at his riding (quils fan tent de chiuachier ouesque le mair).
As an English merchant residing in Bruges, Caxton would
necessarily be subject to the laws and regulations of the
Chartered Company called the Merchant Adventurers,
whose Governor had control over all English and Scotch
traders in those parts. All foreign trade was then carried
on by means of Trading Guilds. These associations, which
occupy a prominent position in the early history of European
commerce, had in most cities a common place of residence,
and were governed by laws and charters granted on one side
by the government of their owii country, and on the other
side by the government of the country in which they had
settled. They appear to have originated in a common
necessity. The ^ader in a foreign country was always an
ol)ject of suspicion to the inliabitants, and often found him-
C
18 WILLIAM CAXTON.
self restricted by its laws as to the articles he should buy
or sell, and to the prices he should give or receive. These
laws beiug- frequently unjust and subversive of all legitimate
trade, besides being often strained to the great injury of indi-
Tiduals, it was found expedient for all traders in foreign lands
to unite, and by combined action to secure that recognition of
their rights which the individual could not obtain. Hence
arose the Association of Merchant Adveniurers, which con-
sisted of English merchants, who ventured their goods in
foreign markets. The Mercers, whose foreign trade far ex-
ceeded that of all other Companies, appear to have originated
this Association in the thirteenth century, under the name of
the Guild or Fraternity of St. Thomas-a-Becket, and to have
retained the principal management of its affairs until their
disconnection in the sixteenth century. Although Grocers,
Drapers, Fishmongers, and several other trade guilds yielded
their quota of members, and added their influence when
support Avas needed, yet there were more Mercers among the
Merchant Adventurers' than liverjTiien of any other company ;
the meetings of the Association at their head-quarters in
London were held in Mercers' Hall, and their transactions
entered in the same minute-book with those of the Mercers'
Company itself un.til 152G, when they became entirely inde-
pendent, although the last link was not severed before the
Great Fire of London in 1G66 destroyed the office which the
Merchant Adventurers held of the Mercers under their Hall.
It appears, hov/ever, from the records of the Founders' Com-
pany, that the INIerchant Adventurers became their tenants in
loGo; that the Founders borrowed a large sum of money
from them, for which, in 1647, £200 was paid for interest;
and that in 1G83 the Founders leased the Sising Room and
the Gown Room of their new Hall in Lothbury to the Mer-
chant Ad^'cnturers for £1G per annum. Several charters were
granted by Englisli kings to their subjects in various parts of
P^urope for their internal government. In 1407, Henry IV
granted authority to the English merchants in Holland, Flan-
ders, Prussia, and other States, to assemble and elect governors,
with power to rule all English merchants repairing thither,
CAXTON ABROAD. 19
and to make reasonable ordinances. Henry VI renewed these
po^-ers in 1444. On the accession of the House of York,
the Mercers consulted the City Recorder and "Rigby" re-
specting their Corporation, and by the statute 1 Ed. IV, c. i.,
passed for confirming the titles of those who held imder
grants of any of the three preceding kings, therein described
as " in fact and not in right " kings of England, all grants to
the wardens of the Mercers were specially confirmed. The
Merchant Adventurers now obtained a larger charter, dated
April IGth, 14G2, which Hakluyt caUs "The Merchant Adven-
turers' Patent," for the better goverimient of the English
merchants residing in Brabant, Flanders, &c., and under its
provisions William Obray was appointed " Governor of the
English Merchants " at Bruges.
"\Aniether Obray died about this time is not known, but he
does not appear to have acted long in his new capacity, for
between June 24th, 1402, and June 24th, 14G3, the Mercers'
books record that William Caxton was performing the official
duties of governor, and was in correspondence not only with
the wardens of the Piercers' Company, but also with the Lord
Chancellor, ^\Titing to both about the best method of regu-
lating the buying of ware at Bruges. The charge for boat-
hire incurred by the wardens in delivering Caxton's letter to
the Lord Chancellor is thus entered m the ainiual accounts : —
Item for botchyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye coiiscll the I're
yt came from Caxton & ye felaship by j^oiid ye See vjd.
"Wlien Caxton's name next appears in the Mercers' books
there is no doubt of his position, as he is addressed by the
title of " governor." It was one of the duties of the governor
at Bruges by his "correctors" to see that all goods exported
to England were of just weight and measure, and at a Court
of Adventurers, held in Mercers' Hall on August IGth, 1405,
WiUiara Redeknape, William Hende, and Jolm Sutton com-
plained that they had received both cloth and lawn deficient
in breadth as well as length ; whereupon it was decided that
a letter should be dispatched to " Williaji Caxton, Governor
hrijond ihe. iSea" for reformation of tlie abuse. This being
c 2
20 WILLIAM CAXTON.
an unnsiially interesting .entry, we quote it here as it is
on folio cxl. of the original minute book : —
A° xin'f lxv°- Courte of avcnturers holdou the xvj^'' daye of
August the yere aboue written.
ffor eaell mesui-e ffor asmiiche as Will'" Redeknape "Will™ hende
of cloth & lawnc. & John Sutton w* other complayne as vrcll for
lak of mesure in all white clothe and hvown
clothe as in brede of the same/ and in lykewise
in lawne nyvell & purpell hit is accorded that a
letter shal be made to Will™ Caxton gofino'' by
yonde the see as well for refourmacion of the
p'sidentes as other &c.
A lettre of the same and other was sent by henry
Bomsted the iiij*'* day of September A" K^ E. iiij"
iiij'».
"WHicther Henry Bomsted was a special courier does not
appear ; but the same year another letter, was sent at a cost
representing more than £15 at the present day, and entered
thus : —
Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour for berying a letter
to Caxton ovir ye see xviiij s viij d
Caxton being now estaT)lished in the city of Bruges, in the
influential position of Governor of the English Xation in the
"Low Countries, it may be as well to take a brief survey of
his duties and emoluments at this period. These are expressly
laid down in the charter already noticed, granted only two
years before. The governor had full power to govern by
himself or deputies all merchants and mariners, to make such
minor regulations for the conduct of trade (not contrary to
the International Treaties) as seemed needful, to decide all
(piarrels, and to pass sentence in a court composed of himself
as governor and twelve justicers to counsel and advise him ;
the justicers to be chosen by the "common merchants and
mariners," subject to his approval, six sergeants being allowed
" to do the executions and arrests of the said court." He was
to appoint at pleasm-e correctors and brokers to witness all
bargains, as well as folders and packers to make up the packs
of the merchants (who were not allowed to pack their own
CAXTON ABROAD. 21
goods, lest any prohibited articles should be included), and he
M'as to be present at the unpacking of goods newly arrived.
No parcel was to leave the city without being sealed. The
officers were paid by a fee charged on packing or unpacking
every pack : the governor being paid at the rate of 2d. for
every jjack sealed for exportation, and Id. for every bargain
witnessed by his deputies, besides several smaller levies which
are not mentioned in the charter, except under the terra
" accustomed dues." From all this it will be seen that the
governor ruled over his countrymen with almost unlimited
authority. His duties must at times have been very onerous,
involving much responsibility, and requiring talents of no
mean order. To him likewise would be made all communi-
cations from the Government under which they lived, and to
his diplomatic skill and influence would be due to a large
extent the comfort or discomfort of all the English residents.
By the charter Obray would appear to have been the
nominee of the king himself, but this was only a form, as the
custom seems to have been for the Court of the Adventm-ers
to recommend "a fit person" to the king, who thereupon
appointed him. The following example ■R'ill show in whose
hands the executive power really resided : — The name of John
Pykering appears in the Mercers' books as the successor of
Caxton in the office of " Governor of the English Nation."
This Pykering, who was a Mercer of reno^m, having spoken
against the wardens of his Company, was summoned before
an assembly of the "Adventurers of the different Fellowships "
in London. There disdaining to "stond bare hed," and
speaking " alle haAvty and roiall," he was by the advice of the
Court of the Mercers discharged from his office of governor,
and heavily fined. Shortly after, he appears to have repented
his boldness, for we find him humbly asking pardon on his
knees before a full Court. Nothing could more fully prove
the power exercised by the ]\Iercers' Company, which was, in
fiict, mainly instrumental in obtaining the new charter for
the Adventurers, or, as they are usually termed, " our felawship
by yond the See," for which in the year following they arc
chai'gcd by the IMercers' Company £47 0.'^. lOc/.
22 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The " English Xation," as we have already remarked, was
a very important body at Bruges, and like the Esterlings, the
Florentines, and other merchants, had their own " House,"
which existed in its original state when Sandems, who calls
it " Prjetorium peramplum," wrote his " Flandria lUustrata."
The engraying of the Domus Angliae, occupied by the ^Mer-
chant Adventm-ers, and in which William Caxton resided for
many years, is taken from this work, which contains numerous
illustrations of the ancient buildings of Bruges, including the
residences of the various guilds.
A gTcat similarity prevailed in the internal management
of all foreign guilds, arising from the fact that foreigners
were regarded by the natives with jealousy and suspicion.
The laws which governed the Esterlings in Loudon, who lived
in a strongly-built enclosm'e, called the Steel Yard, the site of
which is now occupied by the City station of the South Eastern
llailway Company, were much the same as those under which
the English Nation lived in Bruges and other cities. The
foreign merchant had, in Caxton's time, to brave a large
amount of popular dislike, and to put up with great restraints
on his liberty. Not only did he trade under harassing re-
strictions, but he resigned all hopes of domestic ties and
family life. As in a monastery, each member had his ovm
dormitory, whilst at meal-times there was a common table.
Marriage was out of the question, and concubinage was
followed by expulsion. Every member was bound to sleep in
the house, and to be in-doors by a fixed time in the evening,
and for the sake of good order no Avoman of any description
was allowed within the walls.
When Caxton entered upon his duties as governor, he
acted under the articles of a treaty of trade between the two
countries, which had been many years in force, but which
AV(juld terminate on November 1st, 1465. It Avas highly neces-
sary that a renewal of this treaty should be made before that
date, and Ave accordingly find that the king issued a com-
mission, dated October i>4th, 1404, in Avhich he shoAved great
Avisdom by joining in one mission a clcA'er statesman and a
successful merchant. These Avere Sir Richard Whitehill, Avho
Plate II.
Th^ House in which Caxton lived nt Bruges.
CAXTON ABROAD. 23
had already been employed in several important embassies,
and William Caxton, who, as the chief Englishman in Bruges,
and well acquainted with all trade questions was " a most fit
person." They were, however, unsuccessful, although for what
reason does not appear, and the treaty being still unrenewed,
a " convencion of lordes " was fixed to meet at St. Omer on
October 1st, 1465, to consider the matter. This convention
does not appear to have taken place, for on the 14th of the
same month, the wardens of the Mercers' Company wrote a
long letter to Caxton, informing him that " the convention
holdeth not ;" that the king, taking into consideration the
near approach of the term of the existing treaty, had written
to the mayor of London requesting him " to provide a person "
to go over to the Duke of Burgundy about the prorogation
of the intercourse ;" that the wardens of the IMerccrs with the
wardens of divers Fellowships, Adventurers, considering that
hitherto in similar cases the king, "with the advice of his
council, had made provision in that behalf," and that it was
not their part to take upon themselves a matter of such great
weight, had urged the mayor to wTite a letter to the king
in the most pleasant wise that he could, beseeching him " to
provide for this matter ; " and that, considering the near
approach of the term of the treaty and the uncertainty of any
speedy action by the king, Caxton had better consult with his
fellow merchants at Bruges in as " goodly haste " as possible
as to the best means of protecting their goods and persons
until such time as the treaty might be renewed. This inte-
resting letter, which appears in fidl in the Mercers' books, Mas
signed by the four wardens, and addressed " a W. Caxton."
A very anxious year must this have been with Caxton, for
not only was the treaty uiu-enewed, but the Duke of Bur-
gundy decreed the exclusion of all English-made cloth from
his dominions. This of course induced retaliation, and the
importation of all Flemish goods into England Avas prohibited
by Act of Parliament ; but neither the Flemish nor the English
merchants could suflfcr their trade to be paralyzed, and so the
traffic was carried on by a more circuitous and expensive
route, being smuggled through the neighbouring States. Next
1>4 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
year the Earl of Warwick '(the nobleman to whom Caxton
afterwards dedicated the first edition of his " Chess Book "),
WTote to Caxton, calling upon him to enforce the Act of Par-
liament forbidding the purchase of wares by English traders
in the Duke of Burgundy's dominions. Caxton immediately
communicated this order to the lord mayor and to the wardens
of the Mercery at London, in a letter dated 27th May, 1400,
desired to be informed what the "lordes intent" was, and
whether they had received a letter which he had sent by way
of St. Omer, at the same time requesting early news of any
" ioperdy that shulde Ml." The letter arrived in London on
June 3rd, when a fuU court of Adventurers was instantly
summoned, at which it was determined that an immediate
answer should be returned. This was accordingly despatched
next day by the hands of Simon Preste, addressed " a WiU"-
Caxton, Gunor de la nac' dcng'- " and signed by the four
wardens. In it Caxton was instructed that the Act of Par-
liament must be observed and the fines enforced in every case
of infringement ; that, being themselves ignorant of the
intention of the Lords, they could give no information on
that point ; and, that as to any threatened jeopardy, it ^^as
likely to be known sooner in Bruges than in London.*
Matters remained in this unsatisfactory state until the death
of Philip the Good, June 15th, 1407, who was succeeded by
his son, Charles the Bold.
The tide of affairs now turned in favour of England, and
in the following year the Lords Hastuigs and Scales, John
Russell, and others were sent as ambassadors to conclude a
treaty of maiTiage between Charles the Bold, Duke of Bur-
gundy, and the Princess Margaret, sister of King Edward IV.
ijord Scales, afterwards Earl Rivers, was in later years one of
Caxton's most liberal patrons, and his translation of "The
Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers " was the first book
A\dth the date of imprint which issued from Caxton's press.
John Russell, " Docteur en Decret, and Arcediacre de Berk-
* Verbatim copies of all these letters may be seen in " The Life
and Typography of William Caxton," Vol. I., pp. 90-92.
OAXTON AUROAD. 25
suir," who subsequently became Bishop of Lincohi and Lord
High Chancellor, appears to have been an ancestor of the
Bedford family, and his oration delivered at the investiture of
the Duke of Burgundy with the Order of Garter, on February
4th, 1470, is also one of the earliest works printed by Caxton.
The marriage was solemnized in Bruges on the 5th of June,
1468, wdth the greatest possible pomp ; and long accounts of
the splendour of the ceremony, and of the accompanying
festivities, are given by the old chroniclers. Caxton, by reason
of his ^position as " governor," would no doubt take part in
them, and be in close intercourse with the many English
nobles frequenting the Flemish court. It is not improbable
that it was at this period that he attracted the notice, and
gained the good-wiU, of the duchess herself, for he was cer-
tainly in her service two years later.
The nuptial feasts were soon followed by negociations for
treaties of trade. The king having, by the advice of his
counsel, determined to send an embassy to the Duke of Bur-
gundy for the " enlarging of woollen cloth in his dominions,"
issued a special command to the Mercers' Company that they
would present unto him certain persons of their number " to
go out in embassage with diverse ambassadors into Flaunders,"
the Mercers thereupon nominated William Redeknape, John
Pykeryng, and William Caxton. This took place on Septem-
ber 9 th, 1468, and the three ambassadors having been approved
by the king, the Court of the Mercers met again on the 28th
of the same month, and voted £40 " out of the Cundith mony "
for the costs. and charges of Redeknape and Pykeryng in this
embassy. The omission of Caxton's name from this grant
leads us to infer that he was then engaged in the discharge of
the duties of governor at Bruges, and would therefore not
require any travelling expenses. The mission was successful,
and the intercourse was renewed between the two countries
in October of the same year.
The duties of Caxton's office must necessarily ha^'e occu-
pied a great portion of his time, and obliged him, in the
interests of the traders he represented, to pay visits to the
various towns in which the English merchants resided. The
2G WILLIAM CAXTON-.
old records of Utrecht of the years 14G4, 1465, and 1467,
mention free passports having been granted to Caxton, his
servants and goods. Nevertheless, he seems to have found
leisure for those literary pursuits to which he was so much
attached. It was in March, 14G8, or, as we should now say,
1469, that he began to translate the favourite romance of that
age, " Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye." This, he informs
us in a Prologue, he undertook to avoid sloth and idleness ;
and indeed the constant use of phrases in which he excuses
himself for his translations by urging the duty of eschewing
sloth and idleness, would almost lead one to imagine that
Caxton was of an indolent nature, did not the whole of his
life, and especially those few last years in which he performed
such prodigies of literary labour, give a satisfactory denial.
Phrases of this kind Avere among the conventionalities of the
age, and nearly every ^ATiter in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries seems to have considered the avoidance of sloth as
the proper excuse for bringing forward any literary work.
In the manuscripts of Caxton's time, these deprecatory pre-
faces are very common ; and a comparison with the French
original will show that these sentiments, although adopted by
Caxton, are in reality those of the original author, and not
the spontaneous avowal of the translator. This explana-
tion is necessary in order to prevent too great weight being
attached to Caxton's plu"aseology in the Prologvie to the
".Histories of Troy," for he was stiU " governor," an office
necessarily entailing a considerable amount of responsibility
and work, when he commenced that translation. Indeed, if
Anderson be correct when he states in his " History of Com-
merce," that there Avere at this period sometimes more than a
hundred vessels in Sluis, the port of Bruges, Caxton must
have had ample Avork upon his hands. But Avhether he really
had " no great charge or occupation," or Avhether he AA'as too
busy to devote the needfid time to his translation, he himself
tells us that he then proceeded no further than Avith Aa'c or
six quires. Each quire or section consisting of eight or ten
IcaAcs, this Avould amount to between forty and sixty leaAcs
of manuscript. At this point, dissatisfied Avith the results of
CAXTON ABKOAD. 27
his labour, lie laid tliem aside, without any intention of ever
completing his translation.
About two months later Caxton appears to have had more
" occupation " than he could get through alone ; for, although
still acting as " governor," a judgment was delivered in his
name, wherein he was styled " "William Caxton marchant
dangleterre maistre et gouvemeur des marchans de la nation
daugleterre par dcca." The case in dispute being between an
Enghshman and a Genoese merchant, they agreed to submit
it to the arbitration of WiUiam Caxton and Thomas Perrot as
mutual friends ; but Caxton being obhged to leave Bruges
for some cause not mentioned in the document, a fidl court
of merchants was summoned, and the judgment delivered in
the names of the arbitrators. This judgment is dated ]\Iay
12th, 1469, and is- the latest instance, as yet discovered, in
which Caxton's name appears in his oflficial capacity.
There is, however, another notice of Caxton lately dis-
covered in the archives at Bruges, but •whether it is to be
referred to a period before or after his resignation of office is
uncertain. It is a document containing a list of persons who,
on August loth, 14G9, were considered by the town council
to be of sufficient importance to share in the gifts of the
"Vins d'honneur" usually distributed on great public occa-
sions. Caxton received four kans of wine, but whether it was
presented to him as " governor," or as an official in the ser-
vice of the Duchess of Burgundy, is unknown. Treaties were
certainly being negociated by ambassadors from England who
were at Bruges in 1469, and received, on June 11th, a present
of " trois pieces de vin," but this was two months earlier than
the date of the gift to Caxton.
On February 4th, 1470, an imposing ceremony took place
at Ghent, ambassadors being sent by Edward IV to invest
the Duke of Burgundy wdth the Order of the Garter, but there
is no direct evidence to support the supposition that Caxton
was present on this occasion. That he was at Ghent, though
apparently a year later, is stated in his prologue to "The
Recuyell," and he appears to have been connected with the
printing of the Latin oration delivered by Dr. Russell.
28 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
In October of the same year Edward IV, accompanied by
many of his nobles, took refuge in the capital of the duke's
dominions from the machinations of the Earl of Warwick.
Here Caxton, either as "governor" or as a servant of the
duchess, had ati excellent opportunity of assisting his country-
men, who were in gi-eat need, until the restoration of their
sovereign. That he did so may be inferred from the royal
favour extended to him in after years.
The exact date when Caxton entered the service of the
duchess, as well as that when he relinquished his governor-
ship, is uncertain. The two events may have borne the rela-
tionship of cause and efi'ect. Caxton's own narrative shows
that about two years after his first essay at translating " The
Recuyell," or about March, 1471, he was in the service of the
duchess, receiving a yearly salary and other benefits. He was
then instructed to resume his literary work, and the " dreadful
command" of his royal mistress seems to have been obeyed
with wonderful alacrity ; for, although he was at one time at
Ghent and at another time at Cologne, the translation was
not again neglected till, on the 19th of September, 1471, the
whole was completed, and ofiered by Caxton to the duchess,
by whom he was handsomely rewarded for his trouble.
The nature of the service rendered by Caxton to the
duchess is very uncertain. He says of himself that he was
her servant, receiving a yearly fee, and other good and great
benefits. That it was an honourable office admits of no doubt,
and that it was moreover one in which Caxton's knowledge
and talents as a merchant would be serviceable seems very
probable. We nmst not forget that in those days princes,
nobles, and even ecclesiastics, did not consider it inconsistent
with their dignity to trade on their ovni account, and this
they frequently did under special exemptions from the taxes
to which the ordinary merchant had to submit. Edward IV
and many of his nobility o'wned ships of merchandise. In
1475 the Wardens of the Mercers' Company wrote to
Antwerp concerning a ship called "The Sterre," belonging
to Earl Rivers, and a document of the year 1472 throws some
light on the nature of the services which a mcn-hant like
CAXTON ABROAD. 29
Caxton might have rendered to his royal mistress. Edward
IV in that year granted to his sister, the Duchess of Bur-
gundy, special privileges and exemptions with regard to her
own private trading in English wool. The late duchess, "wife
of Philip the Good, likewise engaged in similar transactions,
in which, if we may judge from the following entries in the
Mercers' accounts, her ladies also were apparently in some
degree interested : —
1450. Item paid to John Stubbes for perys to the
Gentilwoman of the Duchesse of Burgeyn vj d
1451. Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a writ directe
to Sande^yche for the gownys of the
gentil woraans of the duches of Eurgeyn ij s vj d
1454. Item — Pour la copie dune lettre enuoie a la
duchesse de Burg^ xij s
1455. Item — a M Gervers pour une lettre & la copie
euuoi a la duchesse de Burg" xx s
The question naturally arises — How was it that Caxton,
holding the influential and lucrative position of "Governor
of the English Nation " at Bruges, resigned that post to enter
upon duties of a much less ambitious character ? There is
no reference in the Mercers' records to any disagreement
between Caxton and the home authorities, nor had he at this
time (1469) entertained the idea of returning to his native
country. We must, hovrever, remember that during a very
eventful and anxious period he had for some years held an
office of the gravest responsibility, and we may assume from
his complaint of two years later, that age was daily creeping
upon him and enfeebling his body, that the troubles of official
life had undermined his health. We can, therefore, easily
imagine that he would gladly embrace the opportunity of
exchanging the cares of office for the easy service of the
Duchess of Burgundy, which would allow hun to indulge
in the congenial pursuit of Kteratm'e and the "strange
meruaylous historyes" iii which he so much delighted. Or
perchance his complaint of "age creeping upon him" was
simply one of the conventional self - depreciating remarks
common to writers of his time, while the real cause of his
30 WILLIAM CAXTON.
resignation was a Avisli to many and to enjoy those home
joys and comforts which had hitherto been impracticable.
That Caxton was a married man, and that he coidd not
have married much later than 14G9, is a new fact in the
biography of Caxton, discovered by Mr. Gairdner, of the
Public Record Office, who recently came across a paper docu-
ment, without seals or signatures, and therefore only a copy
of the original, made for production in court in connection
with some law-suit. It was found among the miscellaneous
records of the Exchequer, formerly preserved in the Chapter
House at Westminster, and was first printed in the "Academy "
for April 4th, 1874. The tenor of the document, which is
given in full in the appendix, is as follows: — A variance
having arisen between Gerard Croppe, merchant tailor, of
Westminster, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter of William
Caxton, the matter was brought before the archdeacon and
the king's chaplain, who heard the case in St. Stephen's
Chapel, Westminster. It was then agreed that they should
live apart, and not vex, sue, or trouble one another, each
being bound under a penalty of £100 (which woidd represent
about £1500 at the present day). Upon the signing of a
deed to that effect, the said Gerard Croppe was to receive
fi'om the executors of William Caxton " twenty printed
legends," valued at 13s Ad each (the sum total of which
would now be equivalent to £200), and to give the executors
a full acquittance of any further claim upon the estate. This
document, which is dated May 20th, 1496, throws no light
upon the cause of quarrel, unless it were concerning a legacy
left by Caxton to his daughter.
Now, assuming that Caxton was married in 14G9, which
was about the period w^hen he resigned his official position
and entered the royal service, and that his daughter EUza-
beth was born soon after, she would have been about twenty-
one years of age at the time of her ftither's death in 1491,
and twenty-six years of age when separated from her hus-
band. We have already seen how John Stubbs and Hugh
AVyche were in communication with the gentlewomen of the
Duchess of Bni-gundy. Caxton, no doubt, was also in fre-
CAXTON ABROAD, 31
quent attendance upon them, and may perhaps hare induced
one of them to become his Avife, Whether this be so or not,
it is now an ascertained fact that after some forty-six years
of compulsory cehbacy, Caxton took to himself a wife, who,
it may be hoped, was truly his helpmate and solace of his
declining years. It is not unlikely that the following entry
in the Churchwardens' Accounts of St. Margaret, Westmin-
ster, under the year liOO, may refer to Caxton's wife : —
" Item. — Atte bixreying of Mawde Caxton for torches & tapres iij s ij d."
Reverting to the " Histories of Troye," and the presenta-
tion of a manuscript copy to the duchess, no doubt can be
entertained that this was the turning-point in Caxton's life.
In the Prologue to Book I. he narrates in simple language
the causes which led him to undertake the translation: —
" Wlian I remembre that euery man is bounden by the
comandement & counceyll of the wyse man to eschewe
slouthe and ydelness whyche is moder and nourysshar of vyces
and ought to put myself vnto vertuous occupacion and besy-
nesse/ Than I hauynge no grete charge of ocupacion folow-
ynge the sayd counceyll/ toke a frenche boke and redde
therein many strange and meruayllous historyes where in I
had grete pleasyr and delyte/ as well for the nouelte of the
same as for the fayr langage of frenshe , whyche was in prose
so well and compendiously sette and ^^Teton/ whiche me
thought I understood the sentence and substance of euery
mater/ And for so moche as this booke was newe and late
maad and drawen in to frenshe/ and neuer had seen hit in
cure englissh tongue/ I thought in my self hit shold be a
good besynes to translate hyt in to oure englissh/ to thende
that hyt myght be had as well in the royame of Englond as
in other landes/ and also for to passe therwyth the tyme . and
thus concluded in my self to begynne this sayd worke."
The new " Historic " was a welcome norelty to his
countrymen, who had hitherto been accustomed to read such
works only in French, which still retained its pre-eminence
as the language of the court and of literature, notwithstand-
ing the great advance and improvement which had been
32
WILLIAM CAXTON,
made in English. The den.iand for Caxton's translation soon
became greater than could possibly be supplied. His hand
grew "wery and not stedfast" with much wTiting, as he
states in the epilogue of the printed edition, and his eyes
were "dimed with overmoch lokyng on the whit paper."
Then it was, with Colard Mansion at hand to teach and
help him, that he turned his attention to the new-born Art
of Printing.
CHAPTER IV.
LITERATURE IX THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
HE revival of literatui'e iii Europe, com-
meiicmg with the latter part of the four-
teenth century, its steady groAvth, and
its wonderful de%'elopment in the suc-
ceeding age, have been dwelt upon by
many ^M-iters. Nowhere was this re'^^val
more strongly marked than in France and the Low Countries.
The French kings and the princes of the royal blood had
been for many generations the constant patrons of authors
and of aU engaged in the production of books. In 1350,
John II, who has the credit of having founded the library
of the Lou\Te, ascended the throne of France. No parti-
culars concerning the library of this monarch have beeu
preserved, and it was probably of no great extent; but Iiis
literary tastes descended to each of his four sons, and from
the inventories which have come down to us of the libraries
of these princes, ^ve obtain very interesting uiformation as
to the number, the description, the illuminations, the bind-
ings, and the market value of the books which they contained.
Charles, the eldest son, Avho succeeded his father in ISO-i,
had a highly-developed taste for every thing connected with
the fine arts. He greatly increased the number of volumes in
the Louvre library, so that in the ninth year of his reign,
wlien Gilles Mallet drew up a catalogue, they amounted to
DIO, the greater niunber of which were Avritten on fine
D
;^4 WILLIAM CAXTON.
VL'llum, and were magnificently bound, and enriclicd with
gold clasps and precious stones. This library, the Duke of
Bedford, when Eegent of France, is supposed to have trans-
ported to England in 1429. In after years, a few of the
volumes returned to France, but the famous library of the
Louvre never recovered its ancient splendour. Louis, Duke
of Anjou, second son of King John, shared to a great degree
the love of books and Avorks of art displayed by his elder
brother. The third son, John, Duke of Berry, formed an
extensive library at his chateau at Bicetre, near Paris, inferior
only to that of the king himself. But of all the king's sons,
Philip, who soon equalled his eldest brother in power, far
sur])assed him in the number and splendour of his literary
treasures. King John's second ^nfe was Jane, A\'idow of the
Duke of Burgundy, and in her right he succeeded to that
duchy on the death of her only son. When dividing his
kingdom among his four sons. King John apportioned Bur-
gundy to the youngest, Philip the Hardy, who, by his marriage
with Margaret, only daughter and heiress of Louis, Count of
Planders, inherited, on the death of his father-in-law in 1384,
a largo extent of teiTitory. Philip, who has the character of
having l)een a generous prince, was well read in the literary
lore of his age. He was passionately addicted to music and
to the collection of fine books, and he spared no expense in
the employment of artists, and in the purchase of their most
choice productions. Nor did he rest satisfied Avith the en-
couragement of artists alone, but gathered round him some
of the most learned and able authors of his time, aa-Iio enriched
his library Avith new works. This prince died in 1404, and
Avas succeeded by his son, John the Fearless, Avho, although
distracted by continual Avars, maintained and CAcn added
somcAvhat to his father's library. Christine de Pisan received
one hundred croAvns for tAvo books which she presented to
him. But all previous patronage is eclipsed by the encourage-
ment given to literature by Philip the Good, Avho succeeded
to the dukedom of Burgundy upon the decease of John in
1411). At Bruges, AA'here he kept his court, he gave contiimal
employment to a crowd of authors, translators, copvists, and
LITERATURE IX THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 85
illuminators, who enriched his library with their best pro-
ductions, and did not forget to sing the praises of their
generous patron. David Aubert, a celebrated scribe, thus
describes the duke in 1457 : — " This renoAMied and virtuous
prince has been accustomed, for many years past, to have
ancient histories read to him daily. His library surpasses all
others, for from his youth he has had in his service numerous
translators, scholars, historians, and scribes in various coun-
tries, all diligently working, so that now there is not a prince
in all Christendom who has so varied and so rich a library."
In the account which M. Barrois gives of the library of tliis
sovereign, he enumerates nearly two thousand works, the
greater part being magnificent folios on vellum beautifully
illuminated, and bound in velvet, satin, or damask, studded
with gems, and closed by gold clasps, jewelled and chased.
Many of these are still preserved in the Royal Library at
Brussels.
The taste of successive rulers spread its influence among
their subjects, and fashion lent its aid in multiplying libra-
ries. No present was more acceptable than a beautifully
executed manuscript, and the opulent nobles of the Prench
and Burgundian courts ofTcrcd costly books to their sove-
reigns and their friends. The records and inventories of this
period contain numerous entries of such gifts, often with their
estimated value.
Among the nobles at the court of Philip the Good, many
emulated the literary taste of their sovereign, but none
showed greater judgment and liberality in the formation of
his library than Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse.
This nobleman, who had risen by his talents to the highest
position, received, at his chateau of Oostcamp, near Bruges,
in 1470, Edward IV of England, when he sought refuge
from the Lancastrians in Flanders, and was afterwards re-
warded by that king with the title of Earl of Winchester.
His library was scarcely inferior to that of his sovereign,
and nearly the whole of the manuscripts were the production
of Flemish artists at Bruges or Ghent. Tlie large size of the
Volumes, thebeauty of the velhini, the elegance of the writing,
d2
.'jC WllJilAM f'AXTOX.
the artistic merit of the illuminations and ornaments, and
the luxury displayed in the bindings, are evidences of the
deep interest taken hy the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse in the
formation of his library. On his death it passed to his son,
Jean de Bruges, and was soon after added to the collection
already existing at the chateau of Blois, belonging to the kings
of France. Great pains were then taken to obliterate the
armorial bearings, devices, and monograms which showed the
former o^nicrsliip of the manuscripts, which efforts were but
I)artiaUy successful, as about a hundred volumes, now among
the most precious treasures of the Bibliotheque Rationale at
Paris, stiU attest that they once belonged to this celebrated
collection. As the patron of literary men and of artists,
ijouis de Bruges takes a high place in the annals of his
country, whilst the friendly attitude he assumed towards
Colard Mansion, in the early career of that unfortunate
})ioneer of tlie press, should ever endear his name to biblio-
graphers. This passion for beautiful books ^vas not confined
to the dukedom of Burgundy, but existed equally in France,
Italy, Germany, England, and other countries. Henry VI of
England had a valuable library, and many of the books MTitten
and illuminated for him are still among the Royal MSS. in
the British Museum. The Duke of Bedford, whose love for
literature was no doubt greatly stimulated during the time he
held the oflBce of Regent of France, was surpassed by none of
his countrymen in his patronage of the fine arts, and tlie
celebrated Missal, va-itten and illuminated for him, still re-
mains as one of the choicest productions of his age. Hum-
phrey, Duke of Gloucester, the protector of England during
the minority of Henry YI, was also greatly attached to his
library, and many manuscripts are extant, over ^'hich the
aiitiijuary pauses with respect and interest as he reads the
boldly-written autograjih, " Cest a moy Homfrey."
Owing to these causes, the various artists comiected with
bof)kwritiug and bookl)inding, as well as the trades necessary
to them, received much eucom-agement, while, to ensure ra-
pidity as well as exceUeuce of Avorkmanship, division of labour
was carried out to a great extent. Indeed, so important a
LITERATURE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
branch of commerce had the manufacture of hooks now he-
come, and so numerous were the different classes of craftsmen
thus employed in Bruges, that there sprang up in that city a
guild, apparently very similar to the trade companies in
London, to which, in 1454, the duke granted a formal charter
and special privileges. The company is styled "der ghilde
van sinte jan Ewagz," or " The Guild of St. John the Evan-
gelist," who vras the patron saint of scribes ; and the volume
of receipts and expenditure of this guild, beginning Avith the
entrance fees of the original members, exists stiU in a perfect
state of preservation in the city archives of Bruges. Van
Praet gives some interesting extracts from this volume, which
show that the guild comprised members of both sexes, to
whose names their respective trades are affixed, thus indicat-
ing the various branches of industry employed at that time in
the manufacture of books.
Librariers ct bockverkopcrs (Bookscllcrx).
Prenter-vercoopers (Pr inf. tellers).
Scilders (Painters).
Vinghette makers {I'ainters of Vignettes).
Scrivers et bouc-scrivers {Scriveners and copijists of hooks).
Verlichters {lUinnlnators).
Prenters {Printers, n-hether from bloclis or ti/jJes).
Bouc-binders {BooMinders).
Rcimmakers {Curriers).
Drooch-scherrers {Cloth shearers).
Parkement makers et fransyn makers {Parelinieiit and Vellum
makers).
Guispel snyders {Boss carvers).
Letter sniders {Letter engravers).
Beelde makers {Figure engravers).
Similar corporations existed in other cities. Thus, at
Antwerp, the Guild of St. Luke was formed before 1450, and
included trades like those of the Guild of St. John at Bruges ;
and at Brussels there was a guild of writers called " Les
Freres de la Plume." These guilds supported their ow)i
chapel and chaplain, and sometimes had considerable pro-
perty. Nearly all the early printers whose names are now
famous in the annals of Flemish typography were enrolled
in one or other of these associations.
38 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The object of the foregoing sketch, and its bearings on the
subject of this memoir, will be evident to the reader who
recalls to mind that it was while the pursuit of literature in
Bruges was most ardent — that it was during the reign of the
gi-eatest bibliophile of the fifteenth century, when Bruges
teemed with authors, translators, scribes, and illuminators,
who resorted thither from all parts of Europe to Philip the
Good as to a second Maecenas — that it was during the time
when the bibliographical treasures of Philip the Hardy, en-
riched by the numerous additions of his son and grandson,
and the libraries of Louis de Bruges and other nobles of the
Flemish court were concentrated in the same city — that
William Caxton was, for thirty-three years at least, a resident
in Bruges, Access to these libraries would be easy to him,
and that he availed himself of the privilege seems all the
more probable, since we find, without exception, that the
books which he translated for his 0'\mi press may be traced
in the catalogues of these noble libraries. As " Governor of
the English Nation," through whom all negotiations between
the English and the Burgundian governments Avould be car-
ried on, Caxton would be well acquainted with the nobles and
officers of the court, and hence he would naturally become
the agent for the literary wants of his countrymen. He
would also l)e brought into close contact with the most clever
authors, scribes, and illuminators of the time, among whom
were Colard Mansion and Jean Brito, originally artistic book-
writers, but afterwards the fii'st to introduce the art of pruit-
ing into the city of Bruges.
CHAPTER V.
DEVELOPMENT.
OSTUME, that sure guide of the historian
and the antiquary, is perhaps nowhere
more discei'uible than in hterature, not
merely in the dress of language and ex-
pression, but also in the visible exponents
of that dress — -^mting and printing. Thus,
a manuscript or a printed book may, by the character of its
WTiting or printing alone, be ascribed to a determinate era.
In other words, a careful investigation of the mode of con-
struction will, in most cases, enable us to determine the
approximate age of any book, from the early manuscript to
the machine-printed volume of the present day.
In tracing the early development of printing, we are able
to note those successive deviations from the form of its parent,
Caligraphy, Mhich were necessitated by the peculiarities of
the new art. Commencing sim2)ly as a substitute for manu-
script, it was naturally a close imitation thereof, and hence
the first printers laboured under many inconveniences, which
were shaken oif as the capabilities of the new discovery be-
came better understood. These changes often afford the only
satisfactory evidence of the place and date of printing, as M'eU
as well as of the printer's name. We propose, therefore, as an
aid to chronological arrangement, to notice the points of
similarity between the earliest printed books and manuscripts,
especially with reference to the productions of Colard Mansion
40 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
and William Caxton, and. then to trace the novelties, purely
typographical, introduced by the printers.
1 . There was a selection of material. The scribe natu-
rally wrote his choicest productions on fine vellum, carefully
sorted in order to secure evenness in tone and quality ; and
with the same idea the early printers sorted out their paper
before beginning to print. This is frequently seen when two
or three copies of the same book are compared together. One
is found to be printed entirely on thick, while another is
wholly on thin paper — one has no defects, whereas another is
made up of what the modern stationer calls " outsides." The
two copies of Caxton's " Knyght of the Toure " preserved in
the British Museum present a remarkable instance of this
plan of selection.
2. It was a common practice with the scribes, when em-
plopng paper for their books, to use parchment for the inmost
sheet of every section. The object of this was to give a firm
hold to the thread of the binder, and thus strengthen the
vohune, l)ut the alternation of paper and parchment did not
present a pleasing appearance to the eye. Caxton adopted a
modification of this plan, and instead thereof pasted a strip of
vellum down the centre of the section. In books which have
had the good fortune to escape the modern bookbinder, the
observer may still see either the slips themselves or their
traces in the bro^Mi stains left by the paste.
3. When commencing a book, the scribes had a custom of
passing over the first leaf, and beginning on the third page,
probably \nth the intention of protecting the first page during
the execution and binding of the work. This practice was
followed in the early works which issued from the presses of
Flanders and of England, but unfortunately, in most of these
books, on which an expensive modern binding has been
placed, the blank leaf has been rejected as too coarse for a
fly-leaf, thus causing many volumes, although perfect as re-
gards the i^rint, to be described by bililiographers as Avanting
the title-page.
4. Tlie scribe necessarily -wTote but one page at a time,
and, curiously enough, in this the early printers also assimi-
DEVELOPMEXT. 41
lated their practice. Whether from want of sufficient type to
set up the requisite number of pages, or from the small size
of the platen of the early presses, there is certain eyidence of
the first books from Caxton's press having been printed page
by page. Thus, in all the books printed with type No. 1,
instances are found of pages on the same side of the sheet
being out of parallel, which could not occur if two pages
were printed together. A positive proof of the separate print-
ing of the pages may, however, be seen in a copy of " The
Recuyell of the Histories of Troye," in the Bodleian Library ;
for there the ninth recto of the third quinternion has never
been printed at all, while the complementary page, which falls
on the same side of the sheet, has l^een properly printed. A
variation in the colour of the ink, though often very notice-
able, is not a sure proof that the two pages so differing were
printed separately, as that may have occurred through imper-
fect beating.
5. Many bibliographers, neglecting the study of manu-
scripts, and confining their examination of early books to the
products of the printing press, have MTitten and argued as if
" signatures " were an invention of printers. This is an erro-
neous idea. It was as necessary for the scrilje to mark the
sequence of the sheets which he wrote as for the typographer
to mark the order of those which he printed ; because when
the sheets, whether manuscript or printed, had to be bound,
it was an absolute necessity for the binder to have every sheet
signed, for the signatures were his only gniide in the coUation
of the volume. There would seem to have been, for a long
time, an antipathy to these useful little signposts, which, being
needed only so long as the book remained unbound, were
placed by the scribe as near as possible to the bottom of the
leaf, that they might disappear under the plough of the binder.
This is what has happened in the great majority of cases, but
in every instance of the manuscript being preserved uncut
they may still be seen.
It is interesting to notice the manner in which the early
printers adopted and afterwards modified this custom of the
scribes. As it was very inconvenient for tlicm to print sig-
42 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
natures of one or two letters away from the solid page, at
the extreme margin of the sheet, and as the idea of disfiguring
the text by making them a part of it was objectional)le, they
continued the old practice for some time, and actually signed
every sheet by hand with pen and ink after it was printed.
The uncut copy of " The Recuyell," at Windsor Castle, is an
example of a book with manuscript sigiiatmes at the extreme
foot of every sheet. After some time, however, the prejudice
was overcome, and the signatures were printed close up to
the bottom line of the page. They were first introduced at
Cologne in 1472 and adopted by Caxton in 1480.
6. The upper portion of the first written leaf of a manu-
script was frequently left blank, for an illustration by the
vignette-painter. Space was also left at the beginning of
every chapter, and sometimes of every sentence, for an illu-
minated initial. For many years the early printers likewise
followed this plan, every book they issued requiring the hand
of the illuminator to complete it. This illumination was a
distinct branch of trade, and the workmen employed in it
did nothing but paint in the initials and paragrapli marks.
Through carelessness or ignorance a WTong initial was occa-
sionally painted in, but as far as possible to prevent this, both
scribes and printers inserted a small letter as a guide, which
Avas usually covered over by the coloured capital.
7. Wlien transcribing a book, it was seldom thought a
matter of any importance to add the date of transcription
and the wTiter's name, though occasional instances of this
are fjund. It was probably a like feeling which made the
early printers follow a practice which has caused the modern
bibliographer much doubt on many chronological points of
the greatest interest. So needless was it thought to inform
the reader when, where, or by whom a book was printed, that
out of twenty-one works knoAATi to have issued from the press
of Colard Mansion at Bruges, not more than five have a date
affixed to them, and of nearly one hundred publications
assigned to Caxton's press, considerably more than two-thirds
appear without any indication of the year of imprint.
8. The similarity, amounting almost to identity, between
DEVELOPMENT. 43
the printed characters of the early typographers and the
written ones of their contemporaries, must also be noted.
It was this similarity which probably first gave rise to the
now admitted fable of Fust selling his bibles at Paris as
manuscripts, his impeachment before the parliament as a
sorcerer, and the necessity he was under of re^'ealing his
secret to save his life.
The fii-st printer, when he set about forming his alphabet,
could not have been troubled as to the shape he should give
his letters. The form which would naturally occiu* to him
would be that to which both he and the people to whom he
hoped to sell his productions had been accustomed. It is not
therefore at all wonderful, that the types used in the earliest
printed books should closely reseml)le the ^^Titten characters
of the period, nor that tliis imitation should be extended to
all the combinations of letters which were then in use by
the scribes. Thus the bibles and psalters which appeared in
Germany, among the fii'st productions of the press, were
printed in the characters used by the scribes for ecclesiastical
service-books, while the general literature was printed in the
common bastard -reman. "Wlien Sweynheym and Pannartz,
emigrating fi-om Germany, took up their abode in the famous
monastery of Subiaco, near Rome, they cut the punches for
their new types in imitation of the Roman letters indigenous
to the country. In the dominions of the Duke of Burgundy,
where the labours of the scribes had been most extensively en-
couraged, the same plan was pursued. Colard Mansion, the
first printer at Bruges, was also a celebrated caligrapher, and
the close resemblance between his printed books and the best
manuscripts of his time is very marked. The same character
of \\Titing was also in use in England, and Caxton's tyj^es
accordingly bear the closest resemblance to the hand-writing
in the Mercers' books, and to the volumes of that period in
the archives at Guildhall. Nevertheless Dibdin thus censures
Caxton for not adopting Roman tyjies : — " That perfect order
and symmetry of press work, so immediately striking in the
pages of foreign books of this period, are in vain to be
sought for among the volumes which haxe issued from
44 "WILLIAM CAXTOX.
Caxton's press; and the uniform rejection of the Roman
letter so successfully introduced by the Spiras, Jenson, and
Sweynheym and Pannartz is, unquestionably, a blemish on
our printer's typographical reputation."
9. The short spacing of the early printei's also deserves
remark.* — The uneven length of the lines, so noticeable in
manuscripts, was a necessity, as the writer could not forecast
the space between the words so as to make all the lines of
an even length. But it certainly was no necessity ^ith the
printer ; for although in this respect the time-honoured custom
of the scribes was follo\\'ed for a few years, the improved
appearance which evenness gave to the work ^vas soon
observed, and thus a typographical step in advance ^^•as estab-
lished. At Mentz and Cologne this occurred at a very early
stage. The first Psalter, printed in 1457, and the Mazarine
Bible of 1455 show, now and then, lines slightly deficient in
length, as do some of the earliest productions of Ulric Zel ;
but this rudeness soon gave way to a systematic plan of
spacing the lines to one even length. In the early specimens
fi-om the Bruges and Westminster presses, the practice of
* We may here observe, that bibliographers often misuse the word
'•justification" when referring to the practice of placing all the space
at the end of lines. The printer's term " justification " does not neces-
sarily refer to the spacing out of the words in a line. Everj'^ line in
a page must be "justified" or made of the normal length, and the
last line in a paragraph, containing perhaps no more than one word,
must be justified equally with the full-length line. Short lines are
justified with quadrats, or pieces of metal, which fill up the line, but,
being lower than the type, do not print. "What is called "short," or
"bad," or "imperfect justification," is sure to reveal itself, to the
dismay of the compositor, by allowing the faulty line to drop out when
the "forme," or mass of type, is lifted. The probable reason why
Colard Mansion and Caxton did not space their lines to an even length
is, that at that time they had not begun to use the settlng-i-tile. This
useful little slip of metal enables each letter as it is picked up by the
compositor, to be passed along on an even surface to its destination,
instead of catching in every unevenncss or burr of the previous line.
Its absence would entail many obstructions to the spacing-out of lines,
and render the plan of leaving all the spare space at the end, which
was actually adopted, at once more easy, expeditious, and free from
accident.
DEVELOPMENT. 45
placing all the spare space at the end of the Hnes, instead of
dividing it between the words, gives a very rude appearance
to the page, and in these books it is carried to a greater extent
than in the works of any German, Italian or French printers.
Colard Mansion abandoned this practice in 1479, and Caxton
in 1480.
It will be apparent, from the foregoing remarks, that the
books of our first printers bore no slight resemblance to
manuscripts, and indeed, until quite recently, a copy of the
Mazarine Bible, in the Library of Lambeth Palace, was so
regarded ;* but this resemblance was soon modified, in many
particulars, to suit the requirements of typography.
The execution of manuscript capitals being both tedious
and expensive led to the early introduction of large letters en-
gi'aved on wood, which were either printed in black at the same
impression as the other portion, or in red by a subsequent
operation. Colard Mansion seems never to have adopted them,
although several of his books are illustrated by large and
numerous woodcuts. Caxton inserted illustrations engraved
on wood in two or three books before 1484, the date of
"^sop," in which woodcut initials first appear.
Title-pages, likewise, are piu-ely typographical in their
origin, the scribes having been content with heading their
page with "Hie incipit" and the name of the treatise.
Caxton followed the usage of the scribes in this particular;
for, with one exception only, and at the very end of his
career, Avhere the title of the book is printed alone in the
centre of the first page, his books appear without any title-
page whatever.
Wyiiken de Worde adopted the use of title-pages imme-
diately after the death of his master, but Maclilinia of
London, and the schoolmaster-prmter of St. Alban's, never
used them.
* In 1856, an old established bookseller, in one of our largest cathe-
dral towns, marked a copy of Caxton's " Statutes of Hen. VII " as an
old ^18., a7id sold if for 2.<. Crf. / See also the remarks on Verard's
" Euryalus et Lucrecc," in the Catalogue of the Harleian MSS., vol. Ill,
No. 4392.
•if) WILLLUI OAXTOX.
These minute details may appear, at first sight, to be
hardly worthy of record; but when we remember that two-
thirds of Caxton's books are without any date, and that, by
careful examination of the workmanship, we can trace the
printer gradually developing the changes from manuscript to
typographical character, v:e appreciate the existence of a mass
of technical evidence which, like the strata of the earth, or the
mouldings of a cathedral arch, affords chronological data quite
independent of any other source, and enables us, \dth a near
approach to accuracy, to determine the age of any undated
book. To this evidence may be added some other important
signs which sometimes bear witness to the date when a book
was printed. Such are the size of the printed page, its depth
and Avidth, the number of lines in a page, the number of
sheets in a section, and, above all, the sequence in the use of
various tyjDCs. In Caxton's books this sequence is very re-
markable, as will be seen by the annexed table, where only
books with fixed dates are entered, so that the reader may
form his oami judgment as to the chronological order of the
above-mentioned pecidiarities.
Some interesting facts may be gathered from this table.
1 . The tyjies used by Caxton bear a definite chronological
relation to one another. Type No. 1 goes out of use, and is
succeeded, in 1477, by No. 2. Tyj^e No. 3 is principally em-
ployed for headlines during the use of Nos. 2 and 4. In 1480
tyi>e No. 4 makes its appearance, but not till No. 2 is about
to disappear. In 1483 type No. 4* supersedes its predecessor,
and, in its turn, makes way for Nos. 5 aud 6, which close the
list. If the books were added which give the dates of their
translation, which almost always coincide with those of their
printing, the result would be the same.
2. All the books printed before 1480 were with lines of an
uneven length, whilst all printed subsequently were spaced out
evenly.
3. SigTiatures and even spacing of the lines were syn-
clironous improvements, aud both, when once adopted, were
never afterwards abandoned. In the signatures themselves a
curious fact may be noted — that whereas the custom of Caxton
DEVELOPMENT.
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WILLI.LM CAXTOX.
v.as generally to use letters and Koman numerals, as t j, for
his signatures, yet in the three years 1481 to 1483, and at no
other period, he used Arabic numerals, thus 6 1, or 2 1.
We may further add that the use of the paragraph mark
(f[) never appears before 1483 ; that the great device makes
no appearance, tiU 1487, the printed date to the third edition
of the "Dictes" notwithstandhig; and that initials in wood
first appear in the "-35sop" in 1484.
By the application of these tests to the undated books we
are enabled to assign each of them, with tolerable certainty,
to a particular i)eriod.
CHAPTER YI.
COLARD MANSION.
'EUGES, the old metropolis of Flanders,
offers many points of the greatest inte-
rest to the historian and the antiquary.
In the fifteenth century, it was the chosen
residence of the sovereigns of the House
of Burgundy, and to its marts resorted
the most opulent merchants of Europe. There the arts, as
well as commerce, were developed to a degree of excellence
unequalled since the Augustan age, and even Paris was sur-
passed in literary and artistic treasures. Artists and crafts-
men were consequently numerous, and, as we have already
seen, those of them who were connected with the production
of books, were enrolled as a trade guild. And this pre-
eminence is not immaterial to our enquiry, for William
Caxton was not only for more than thirty years a constant
resident in Bruges, holding for a considerable period a posi-
tion of great authority, but in this city likewise took his first
lessons in typography and obtained the materials necessary
for the introduction of the New Art into his native country.
Colard Mansion is generally admitted to have been the
first printer at Bruges, but of his history little is Ivho^ti. His
name occurs many times in the old records still preserved in
the municipal Hbrary, and always in connection either with
his trade of fine-manuscript writer, or with the guild of St.
John. The first time it appears it is written "CoUinet,"
a diminutive of Collaert, from which Van Pract, his fii'st
E
60 WILLIAM CAXTON.
biographer, thinks he Avas at that time under age. In
1450 " Colinet " received fifty-four lin-es from the Duke of
Burgimdy for a novel, entitled " Eomuleon," beautifully
illuminated and bound in velvet. This copy is now in the
Eoyal Library at Brussels, and another copy, written in
characters exactly like the types used twenty years later by
Colard Mansion, is in the British Museum. Both the Seig-
neur de la Gruthuyse and the Seigneur de Creveceur were his
patrons ; the former, indeed, was at one time on such friendly
and famihar terms with Mansion, that he stood godfather to
one of his children. It does not, however, appear that in
later years, when poverty laid its heavy hand on the unfor-
tunate printer, any of his patrons came to his assistance.
From 1454 to 1473 the name of Mansion is found, year by
year, as a contributor to the guild of St. John, the formation
of which has been already noticed. In 1471 he was " doyen "
or dean, an office which he held for two years, at the expira-
tion of which time he is supposed to have left Bruges for a
twelvemonth in order to learn the new art of printing. This
is a needless assumption, grounded solely on his subscription
for 1473 having been paid through a brother of the guild.
From 1476 to 1482 his name does not appear at all as a
contributor, although the dates of the " Boece," the " Quadri-
logue," and the "Somme rurale," show that he was stiU at
Bruges, and pursuing his vocation. His subscription to the
guild is again entered in 1483, and his name occurs in the
guild records for the last time in 1484. This was a disas-
trous year to Colard Mansion ; for, although not overtaken
by death, as his early biographers have assumed, disgi-ace,
poverty, and expatriation awaited him. He appears to have
been in straitened circumstances for some years, as in 1480
he could not execute the commission of Monseigneur de
Gazebeke for an illuminated copy of " Valerius Maximus," in
two volumes, without several advances of money. The re-
ceipts for these instalments are still preserved, as is also a
notice of Mansion's place of residence, which was in one of
the poorest streets in Bruges, leading out of the Eue des
(.'armes. His typographical labours were carried on in one of
COLARD MANSION. 51
two rooms over the porch of the church of St. Donatus, for
which we may assume that he paid the same rent as the next
tenant, six livres per annum. It "v^-as in this room that
Colard Mansion, in May 1484, finished his beautiful edition
of 0\id's " Metamorphoses," a magnificent foHo of 386 leaves,
full of woodcuts, printed-in separately from the text. "We
know nothing of the sale of this noble production ; but the
expenses connected with it were probably his ruin, for about
three months later he left the city. The Chapter of St.
Donatus, feeling uneasy about their rent, soon made inquiries
as to the probability of his return, there being an opportunity
of letting the room to a better tenant ; but all ^s'as in vain,
and in October 1484 the apartment in which Mansion had
for so many years been labouring at those volumes which are
now prized as among the glories of Bruges, was made over to
Jean Gossin, a member of the same guild as Mansion, and,
like him, engaged in the manufacture of books. The Chapter,
however, took care not to lose by their tenant's flight, for the
conditions upon which his room (and probably a large stock
of printed sheets besides) was made over to Grossin were that
the latter should pay up all arrears of rent. Nothing more is
known of Mansion after this sad event ; and it is mournful to
contemplate the poor man turning his back upon his native
city, to begin life anew at the age of nearly sixty, after so
many years spent in literary labour. It has been suggested
that he took refuge in Paris, as the names of Paul and Robert
Mansion appear as printers in that city in 1650 ; but on this
point there is no evidence whate^'er.
In examining the productions of Colard Mansion's press,
it is somewhat perplexing to the lover of accuracy to find that
he, like all the earliest printers, issued most of his produc-
tions without date, and many without even name or place.
In this he merely followed the example of his predecessors,
the scribes, who seldom affixed their names, or the date of
the transcript. Van Praet enumerates twenty-one works from
his press, and another has been since discovered. These, to
the eye of a printer, naturally divide themselves into two
classes.
E 2
52 WILLIAM CAXTON.
1st. Those printed in a large bold Secretary type.
2nd. Those printed in a smaller semi-roman character,
known as " Lettres de Sonime."
No one acquainted, although but slightly, with the prac-
tical features of typography can doubt that the early books
attributed to Caxton, and the early books issued by Mansion,
came from the same press. Mansion employed for his first
type a very bold secretary, exactly similar in character to
the type first used at Westminster. In Pi. II and III they
may be seen in juxtaposition. It also closely resembled in
shape and size in the character in which Mansion was accus-
tomed to execute his manuscripts. He likewise printed, at
the head of each chapter, the summary in red ink ; and here
he displayed so curious an instance of typographical ingenuity
that the reader's attention is particularly requested to it. If
we closely examine into the appearance which the red ink,
as used by Mansion in his "Boccace" "Boece," "Somme
rurale," and "Ovide," presents, it will be noticed that it is
very dirty in colour, and moreover that the black lines, nearest
the red, have their edges tipped with red, a defect which the
separate printing of lines in red ink aiibrds no opportunity
for producing. The following explanation will satisfactorily
show the 7nodus operandi. The two colours were printed by
one and the same pull of the press, all the type, both for
black and red, being included in the same form. But it was
impossible to beat the form with the balls, and leave a single
line in the middle untouched ; so the whole page was inked
black, and then (a space for play being always left above and
below) the black ink was carefully wiped from the intended
red line, and that line re-inked with red by the finger, or by
other means, after which the sheet was pulled. A two-fold
inconvenience attended this clumsy process, — the black could
never be removed so completely that it would not taint the
ensuing red, and the utmost care would not usually prevent
the black lines nearest the red receiving a slight touch from
the red finger, or ball. In fact, both these defects appear in
every book printed l)y Colard Mansion, i-n which the two
colours were used, and to these was frequently added a third
COLARD MAis'SION. 53
• — the loss of a portion of the black ink nearest to the red
caused by the wiping process. Actual experiment shows that
this mode of working both colours at once is the only solution
of the appearance, and the inducement for its adoption was
in all probability the perfect accuracy of " register " it secured,
as there was thus no fear of the red lines not fitting exactly
in their proper places — an accm'acy very difficult to obtain, l^y
separate printings, at a rudimentary press. This peculiarity
of workmanship in the Bruges printer is not found in any
book from the Mentz or Cologne presses ; indeed all the typo-
graphical habits of the Bruges and Cologne printers were so
distinct and opposite that it is difficult to believe in any con-
nection between them.
It has been already shown that in early books uneven
spacing is a sure sign that the workmanship is prior to that
of books from the same press in which the lines are all of
equal length. The dated books of Colard Mansion are only
six in number, which fully bear tliis out.
Le .Jardin de Devotion before 1476 uneven lines
Boccace du Dochict de.s Nobles Hommes 1476 „
Boece de la Consolation de Philosophic 1477 „
Le Quadrilogue d'Alain Chartier 1478* even lines
La Somme rurale 1479 „
Les Metanioi'phoses d'Ovide 1484 „
Taking, then, 1478 as the year in which Mansion changed
his practice, we may assume, Avithout fear of error, that all
the undated books, with short-spaced lines, were anterior, and
all the undated books, with their lines spaced to one length,
posterior to the " Quadrilogue." On this basis his undated
productions may be thus arranged.
Before 1478, having lines of an uneven length : —
Les Dits tnoraux des Philosophcs short-spaced
Les Invectives contre la Secte de Vauderie „
La Controversic de Noblesse „
Debat entre trois valeureux Princes „
* The only date in the volume is 1477, which was the year when
the Prologue was composed : the printing must have been later than
this.
54
WILLIAM CAXTON.
Aft.er 1478, having lines of an even length : —
Les Advineanx amoiircux. Edit. 1 full-spaced
Le Doctrinal du temps present „
La Doctrine de bien vivre .,
L'Art de bien mourir „
La Purgatoire des manvais Alans „
L'Abuse en court ,,
Les Evangiles des Quenouilles „
Le Donat espirituel ,.
Les Adeuineaux amoreux. Edit. 2 „
Dionysii Arcopagiticie liber „
Colard Mansion seems never to have produced works from
his press with rapidity ; therefore, as the "Boccace of " 1476
contained nearly GOO pages in large folio, and the " Boece " of
1477 about the same, we may fairly assume that the five other
short-spaced works were anterior to the " Boccace." This
hypothesis would make ilansion a printer in Bnxges a])out
the time when Caxton finished his translation of " Le Recueil
des Histoires de Troyes."
In the next Chapter it is proposed to show how all the
peculiarities noticeable in the printed productions of Colard
Mansion may be traced in those attributed to William Caxton.
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CHAPTER VII.
CAXTON A PRINTER.
HE GTidence as to where and from whom
Caxton acquired his knowledge of the Art
of Printing has been considered by nearly
every bibliograi^her as being confined en-
tirely to the information obtained from
Caxton's o\^ti Prologues and Epilogues,
with the one addition of the well-kno-^vii quatrain of Wynken
de Worde, at the end of his " Bartholoma3U8 de Proprietatibus
Eerum." The argument from technical peculiarities in the
books themselves has hitherto been almost entirely overlooked,
although a mass of the truest, because unintentional evidence
may be found from the attentive study of these dumb mtnesses.
Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, has most truly observed, in
his " Classified Index," that the bibliographer should " make
such an accurate and methodical study of the types used and
Mhits of printing observable at different presses as to enable
him to observe and be guided by these characteristics in
settling the date of a book which bears no date upon the sur-
face." * But the great difficulty in the way of this systematic
study is the impossil)ility of having the books side by side, for
their rarity is so great that in no one existing library can
they all be found.
The books printed in Caxton's type No. 1, used only at
* A classified Index of the fiftccnth-ccntnij books in the collection
of M. J. de Mever. 8vo. London. 1870.
56 -WILLIAM CAXTOX.
iiniges, are five in number, although we can trace liis direct
connection Avith but two of them.
1. "The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye," with Pro-
logues and EpiiogTies.
2. " Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye."
3. " The Game and Playe of the Chesse," with Prologue by
Caxton.
4. " Les Pais et Proesses du Chevalier Jason."
5. " Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx."
To these must be added one book printed at Bruges in type
No. 2.
6. "Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses."
Before analysing the evidence supplied by Caxton's re-
marks and dates, it is necessary to explain how easily a
mistake may be made, and an erroneous conclusion drawn,
unless care be taken to remember the eficct of the change of
style upon the commencement of the year. In England, from
the thirteenth century until 1752, the new year began on
March 25th; while in Holland and Flanders it commenced on
Easter Day. Neglect of this fact has led to many historical
errors. Thus, one historian states that Charles I. was be-
headed on January 30th, 1048, whereas others assert that the
event took place on the same day in 1649 ; one dates the
flight of James II. from his kingdom in February, 1688,
Avhilst others date it in 1G89. In these and many other
instances one WTiter takes the old style of beginning the year,
'\\-hiIst others take the new style, each being right from his
own stand-point. In a lately discovered tract printed by
Caxton, and known as the " Sex Epistolae," we have the text
of several letters which passed between the Pope and the
Doge of Venice, which will be more particularly described
under " Books in type No. 4." It is merely mentioned here
as affording an apt illustration of the foregoing remarks.
The letters commence on December 11th, 1482, and succeed
one another in due order until the 7th of January, 1482, and
the end of February, 1482. Tliis was no blunder, for the old
year coutiuacd until March 25th, which was New- Year's Day,
1483. Keturuing now to the consideration of Caxton's first
CAXTOX A PRIXTER. 57
lessons in the Art of Printing, we will examine each of the
books attributed to him, commencing with
"The Recuyell."— This occupies the foremost place,
because Caxton himself tells us that with it he began his
career as a printer. Its Prologues and Epilogues contain
curious and interesting gossip from Caxton's o-wii pen, telling
us how the Duchess of Burgundy, in whose service he then
was, commanded him to complete the translation, which he
had begun but not advanced Avith. He tells us that he began
to translate the work at Bruges on March 1st, 14G8, which,
as the year in Flanders did not then commence till Easter,
w^as really 14G9, that he continued it at Ghent, and finished
at Cologne on September 19th, 1471, thus making a period
of two years and a half ; that on its completion he presented
it it to the Duchess, who rewarded him handsomely; that
many persons desired copies of it, so that, finding the labour
of -wTiting too wearisome for him, and not expeditious enough
for his friends, he had practised and learnt, at his gTeat
charge and expense, to ordain the book in print, to the end
that every man might have them at once. As was natural
to a person making practical acquaintance for the first time
with the effects of tyiDography, Caxton ends with noticing
what in his eyes, accustomed to see one copy finished before
another was begun, was the most wonderful feature of the
new art, namely, that all the copies were begun upon one day,
and were finished upon one day.
The periods of time here mentioned by Caxton require
notice. He began to translate on March 1st, 1469, but soon
relinquished his self-imposed task, after vrriting no more than
five or six quires (or sections of four or five sheets each).
After the lapse of two years, in March, 1471, he resumed the
translation, and in the following September he presented the
Duchess with the completed work. Now, six mouths would
ha^'e been a very likely time for the translation and a fair
copy thereof to take ; but it would have been impossible to
have accomplished the printing also in that space of time,
especially as the whole translation Avas finished before the
first sheet Avas printed, as will he hereafter shoAvn. We may
58 WILLIAM CAXTON.
also notice, that the duration of Caxton's visit to Cologne
must have been very short, as liis absence from Bruges lasted
no more than six months.
"Le Recueil" has but one date, and that evidently
refers to the literary compilation alone, and affords no clue
whatever to the year of printing. Indeed, the numerous
copies still extant in manuscript prove that the work enjoyed
considerable popularity before it came under the hands of the
printer. Tho date of the printing of this book has been
fixed, by several writers, between 1464 and 14G7, from the
consideration that Le F6"VTe, the compiler, is spoken of in the
prologue as chaplain to the Duke of Burgundy, and in such
a manner as to signify that the duke was then living. But
in the English version there is a material difference : Le
Fevre is not styled there as in the French, " Chappellain de
montres redoubte seigneur Monseignenr le Due Phillipe de
Bourgoingne," but " chapelayn vnto the ryght noble glorious
and mighty prynce, in his iyme, Phelip due of Bourgoyne."
Philip, therefore, was alive when " Le Recueil " was printed,
but dead when "The Recuyell" went to press. The duke
died in 14G7; and it is therefore inferred that "Le Recueil"
must date between 14G4 and 1467, while "The Recuyell"
must be later than 1467. That this should be considered as
proving anything more than that the original French was
compiled during the lifetime of Philip, and that when Caxton
translated the same the duke was dead, seems nnaccomitable.
All the copies of " Le Recueil," both manuscript and printed,
followed the wording of the original, and the printer would
no more think of altering it in 1476, the probable date of
imprint, than the transcriber would in copying the same
twenty-five years later. The National Library at Paris has a
manuscript of this very book written after 1500, but repro-
ducing exactly the clause which, in the printed edition, is
considered to be a proof of its having been executed prior to
1467. Caxton altered the prologue of Le Fe\Te to suit his
o\w\ time, because he vras translating ; but, in printing from
the manuscript of another (assuming his connection with " Le
Recueil"), he would have been in opposition to the practice
CAXTON A PEIKTEE. 5S
of his age had lie altered the original. His translation Avas
in its turn printed and reprinted, word for word, long after it
was out of date.
There is, therefore, no reason whatever for asserting that
"Le Recueil," written in 1464, was printed before "The
Recujell," translated in 1474, and sent to press about the
same date. In fact, the whole tone of the epilogue to Book
III. of " Tlie Recujell," leads unquestionably to the conclu-
sion that tiiat was the very first occasion on which Caxton
had busied himself with typography. He would never have
said, "I have learned to ordain this look in printe at my
great charge and expense," if he had already printed one or
two others. M. Bernard assumes that Caxton had nothing
to do \\ith the printing of "Le Recueil," and that it was
executed before he turned his attention to the new art. This
opinion, however, has not a single fact to support it.
" The Chess Book " affords but little e\'idence of value,
its prologue being, for the most part, merely a translation of
that written by Jehan de Yignay for the French original. It
offers, indeed, one date ; but that is open to question in its
application. "Fynysshid the last day of marche, 1474," are
the concluding words of the epilogue. But what was finished,
the translation, or the printing ? From the context it was
probably the translation, although the printing was not many
months later. This date also must be advanced a year ; for,
as already noticed, the new year did not commence, in
Flanders, till Easter Day, which fell, in that year, on April
10th ; 80 that March Slst, 1474, was, according to the
modern reckoning, March Slst, 1475.
The prologue to the second edition throws a little light
on the history of the first. Caxton there says, in reference to
his connection with the Ijook : " .... an excellent doctor of
divinity .... made a book of the Chess moralised, which, at
such time as I was resident in Bruges, came into my hands.
.... And to the end that some wliich have not seen it, nor
understand french nor latin, I deliberated in myself to translate
into our maternal tongue ; and when I had so achieved the
said translation, / did do set in imprinte, a certain number of
GO WILLIAM CAXTOX.
them -which anon were depesshed and sold." He here appears
to mean that upon the completion of the translation he em-
ployed some one else to print it : — " I did do set in imprinte."
" Did do," according to the idiom of those days, was commonly
used for doing a thing through the medium of another. The
phrase was borrowed from the French — "plain pouoir de
prendre et faire prendre les larrons," is the wording of an
ordinance dated in the fifteenth century, "He did do be
said to the messenger," for " he caused to be said," is found
on folio 22 of the " History of Jason." " The Emperor did
do make a gate of marble" occurs in the second edition of the
" Chess Book," fol. 85. Similar examples abound, so that we
may fairly conclude that Caxton did not himself print the
first edition of the " Chess Book," l)ut that both the transla-
tion and the printing were executed in Bruges.
The other books, namely, the French "Jason," the "Medi-
tacions," and the " Quatre Derrennieres Choses," contain the
bare text without remark or date of any kind, being, as
bibliographers say, sine nlld notd.
The whole of the literary eyldence therefore may be briefly
summed up thus: "TheKecuyell" was translated in 1471,
and printed some time after ; the " Chess Book " was printed
after 1474, and probably in the latter half of 1475 ; and " Le
Eecueil" was compiled in 1464, but, like the other four,
affords no evidence of date of the printing, which was pro-
bably about 1476.
We ^\ill now examine the testimony afforded by a com-
parison of the technical peculiarities of these six books. In
collating " The Recuyell," the make-up of the sections, at the
beginning of the volume, is vrorth noting. It was the practice
of Caxton, as of other printers, to commence the printing of
his books with the text, any preface which might be requisite,
being added afterwards in a separate section, with a different
kind of signature. When, however, the Avhole of the manu-
script, prologue as well as text, was complete before it came
into the priuter's hands, there was no occasion for any such
arrangement. This appears to have been the case with regard
to "The Recuyell," where nothing has been added at the
<I>
1— <
•^
if S lis
2 g-S^R
^^ ^ d te* *- 4*
o
■a
s
8 Ids S,L- ^
c -c -H -n 2 r c
jB • ^ C <5 B
CAXTON A PRINTER.
61
beginning, as the first section of five sheets includes all the
introductory matter, as well as a portion of the text. Now
the first page, which bears the date of the conclusion of the
translation, being on the same sheet as a portion of the text,
it is evident that the whole volume must have been in
manuscript before any part was set up in type. We may
infer, indeed, from his o^ti description of the effect that so
much flTiting had upon him, that Caxton issued several
maiuiscript copies before he thought of using the printing-
press. The copy presented to the Duchess was undoubtedly
manuscript ; or else how could Caxton have chi'onicled in the
printed work her acceptance of the book and his reward for
the present ? And this again leads to the supposition that
the portion of the epilogue relating to the printing was added
by Caxton to his original manuscript when he determined to
print it.
For precisely similar reasons, Caxton's prologue to the
" Chess Book," wliich was a translation or adaptation of the
original French, is also a portion of the first section of the
volume. None of the other books under review having pro-
logues, we vnW proceed to a comparison of some other typo-
graphical particulars.
The foHowing table ^\-ill show some of the teclinical features
of each book, and some of what may be called the " habits "
of the printer : —
Xo.
TiUc.
Size.
1 TheRecyuell Fol.
2 Le Recueil Fol.
3 The Chess Book ... Fol.
4 Les Fais du Jason . Fol.
5 Meditacions Fol.
6 Les i^"^ derrennieres
choses Fol.
Type
No.
No. of
Sheets
in a
Section.
No. of
Lines
in a
page.
31
31
31
31
31
28
Measure- „
ment of SP^icng
l^l^^- Lines.
Inches.
(5 (Uneven none
7f 'uneven [none
7 1 I uneven
7# even
even
ox /f ; uneven
none
none
none
From this table we perceive, —
First, That the first fi-\'e books are printed witli the same
62 WILLIAM CAXTON.
types, are all of the same size, and all without signatures ;
that all agree exactly in the size of the page; and that the
even spacing of the lines in the " Meditacions" and the
"Jason" proves that they were produced later than the
others.
Secondly, That the five books in type No. 1 may be cou-
sidered as the production of one printer.
Who, then, was this printer ? When we attentively ex-
amine the shape of the letters in type No. 1, we notice a
remarkable similarity between it and that of the ^n-iting of
many Bruges manuscripts of the same period, which would
induce us, at first sight, to attribute the design of the type
to some artist of that city,
M. Bernard, whose opinion is of great weight, A\here his
nationality is not concerned, traces the pattern of type No. 1
directly to Colard Mansion of Bruges. Speaking of a manu-
script in the National Library at Paris, written by Colard
Mansion's own hand, he says, "This book is ^^Titten in old
batardc, and in exactly the same character as the t}^es of
* Le Recueil des histoires de Troyes ;' " yet he attributes the
cutting of the types to a French artist, and the printing to a
German, Ulric Zel. The paper he also claims for a French
mill, on account of the Jieurs de lis, and the Gothic p with the
quatrefoil, ignoring the fact that these are coirmion Flemish
watermarks of the fifteenth century, and found in abundance
in the books from the Bruges and Westminster presses.
That any of these books in type No. 1 were printed by
Ulric Zel, or any other Cologne printer, I cannot for a moment
believe. It is possible, of course, that Zel, if employed to do
so, could have designed and cut types of the gros-batarde
pattern, although, as a fact, he never used such types himself;
but all the Cologne printers of that period had their (nni
peculiarities and habits, which were not at all those of the
Bruges printers. Zel, from an early period, printed two pages
at a time, as may be easily verified where a crooked page
occurs ; for the other page printed on the same side of tlie
sheet will in every case be found crooked also. Now, the
" Recuyell " was certainly printed page by page, as were like-
CAXTON A PRINTER, 6S
wise all the books from ]\Iansioii's press. And Caxton, when
printing his smaller books, even cut the paper up and printed
one page only at a time. This accounts for the entire rejec-
tion by Mansion,* and the sparing use by Caxton of the
quarto size for their productions, as it necessitated twice as
much press-work as the larger size. But stronger evidence
is to be found in the fact that Zel, after 1467, always spaced
out the lines of his books to an even length, and would have
taught any one learning the art from him to do the same ;
yet this improvement was not adopted by either Mansion or
Caxton until several years later. Whoever may have been the
instructor of Mansion and Caxton, and whatever may have
been the origin of their tyi^ogTapliy, the opinion that either
of them, after learning the art in an advanced school such
as that of Cologne, would have adopted in their first produc-
tions, ^^^thout any necessity for so doing, primitive customs
which they had never been taught, and returned in after years
by slow degrees to the rules of their original tuition, has only
to be plainly stated to render it untenable.
The printer of all these works was undoubtedly Colard
Mansion, who had just before established his press at Bruges
— who cast the tyj^es on his owm model for Caxton, and in-
structed him in the art while printing trifh and for him
"The Recuyell" and the ''Chess Book" — who certainly
printed "Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses" — who supplied
Caxton with the material for the establishment of a press
in England — who, about the time of Caxton's departure, used
the same type for "Le Recueil" — and who, at a still later
period, printed alone the "Jason" and the " Meditacions."
"We will now examine " Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses," of
which the only copy knowm is in the Old Eoyal collection in
* Van Praet, Brunet, and especially Campbell in his " Annalcs do
la Typographie Neerlandaise," err in describing " Le purgatoire des
mauvais Maris," printed by Colard Mansion, as a "petit in-lo." The
copy described is cut a little more than usual, but the watermark which
M in the middle of the page proves the size to be folio, whereas had it
been quarto the watermark nnist have been in the back and partly
hidden by the binding.
04 WILLIAil CAXTOX.
the British Museum. Like all Colard Mansion's books, and
unlike any one of Caxton's, it is in French. It is printed in
type No. 2, the type of the "Dictes" of 1477, and all the
early books which issued from the Westminster press. Then
the peculiar appearance of the red ink at once attracts atten-
tion. The two coloiu'9 have been evidently printed at the
same pull of the press, as was Colard Mansion's practice.
Here the same process of wiping the black ink oflF lines
purposely isolated, and then re-inking them Mith red, has
been resorted to, and here, too, as in the acknowledged
productions of the Bruges press, the same defects have been
produced; the red ink having a tarnished appearance from
the subjacent remains of the black, and the black lines nearest
the red having received a red edging which, however inter-
esting as a connecting link between two celebrated printers,
by no means increases their typographical beauty. Now, as
no Cologne printer is known to have resorted to this unique
method of working in colours, I feel no hesitation in ascribiug
"Les Quatre Derennieres Choses" either to Colard Mansion or
to Caxton working under his tuition ; and as this peculiai-ity
is nowhere found in Caxton's productions of the Westminster
press, the former would seem the more likely conjecture.
The connection thus established between the types used
by Caxton in his first attempts in England and those used by
Colard Mansion is still further strengthened by the fact that
the form of the &c., peculiar to type No. 1, is in several
instances, by an evident mixing of the founts, used instead
of the proper sort belonging to type No. 2. This furnishes
positive proof that the two founts were under one roof, whether
at Cologne or Bruges, or elsewhere. Whoever printed the five
books in tyj^e No. 1 most certainly owned type No. 2 also.
Against all this, however, has to be placed the direct
assertion of Wynken .de AVorde, who, in the proheme to his
undated edition of " Bartholomoeus de Proprietatibus Eerum,"
gives the following rhyme : —
" And also of your charyte call to renicmbraunce
The soule of William Caxton first ))rynter of this boke
In latcn tonge at Coleyn hysclf to auaiice
That euery well disposj-d man may thereon lokc."
CAXTON A PRINTER. G5
The phraseology of this verse is very ambiguous. Are we
to understand that the editio princeps of " Bartholomgeus " pro-
ceeded fi-om Caxton's press, or that he only printed the first
Cologne edition ? that he issued a translation of his own,
which is the only way in which the production of the work
could advance him in the Latin tongue ? or, that he printed
In Latin to advance his own interests ? Tlie last seems the
most probable reading. But though the words will bear
many constructions, they are evidently intended to mean that
Caxton printed " Bartholomaius " at Cologne. Now this seems
to be merely a careless statement of Wynkcn de Worde ; for
if Caxton did really print " Bartholomajus " in that city, it
must have been with his own tyj^es and presses, as the
workmanship of his early volumes proves that he had no
connection Tvith the Cologne printers, whose practices were
entirely diflFerent. The time necessary for the production of
so extensive a work would have been considerable ; therefore,
as Caxton's stay at Cologne on the occasion of his finishing
the translation of " Le Recueil " was but short, the printing
of this apocryjohal " Bartholomasus " would have been at a
subsequent visit, of which there is no record. No edition has
yet been discovered which can, by any stretch of the imagina-
tion, be attributed to Caxton, although there is more than one
old undated edition belonging to the German school of print-
ing. Accuracy of information Avas in those days not much
studied, and to a general carelessness about names and dates
Wynken de Worde added a negligence peculiarly Ms own.
We may excuse him for using Caxton's device in several
books which by their dates and types are known to have been
printed by himself, as well as for putting Caxton's name as
printer to the edition of the " Grolden Legend," printed in
1493, two years after his master's death. Such inaccuracies
were at that time thought but little of. But how can we
account for the blundering alteration in the 1405 edition of
the " Polycronicon," where Wyiiken de Worde, making himself
the speaker in Caxton's prologue, promises to carry the history
dowii to 1485; or for the still greater error in the "Dictes"
of 1528, in which, while adopting Caxton's epilogue, but
F
66 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
substituting his own for Caxton's name, he makes all the trans-
actions there related happen between Earl Rivers and himself ?
W)Tiken de "Worde's blunders in statements are well matched
by his blunders in worlananship, of which, however, we will
quote but two. In Caxton's edition of the " Stans Puer ad
Mensam," the third and fourth pages of the poem were acci-
dentally transposed ; yet Wynken de "Worde, notwdthstanding
the break of sequence, blindly reprints the error ! Again, in
his edition of " The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos," he
actually omits a whole page without discovering his mistake I
Other examples might easily be quoted, but enough has been
adduced to show that Wynken de Worde was by no means
careful in his statements.*
We must remember that Wynken de Worde, moreover,
was too young to have had any personal knowledge of Caxton's
early efforts, and that the vast importance of the art to the
entire world, and the interest attaching to its origin, were
ideas wliich would find no place in the mind of a fifteenth-
century printer. We must not, therefore, regard De Worde's
statement as deliberately made for the purpose of telling
posterity something about Caxton. Lewis, Caxton's first
biogTapher, was very sceptical concerning this Cologne edition
of " Bartholomasus." "Its having a Latin title," he says.
* William Caxton, except iu the occasional interchange of i and y,
which were at that period considered as equivalents, never altered the
orthogi'aphy of his name, a fact the more noticeable as the name
certainly varied in pronunciation : but Wynken de Worde, although
mentioning his master's name but eight times, contrived to make the
four variations of Caxton, Caxston, Caston, and Caxon. With regard
to his own name Wynken de Worde appears to have tried how niiiny
variations he could invent, of which the following list is not even
complete : —
Wynken de Worde. Wynandus de Worde.
Wynden de Worde. Wynandus de word.
Wynkyn de Worde. winandus de worde.
Wynkyn Theworde. Vunandus de worde.
Wynkyn the Worde. Vuinandi de vuorde.
Wynkyn de Word. VVinand i V"\''ordensi.
VVin(inin de VVoi'dc. Winandi de Wordensis.
CAXTON A PRINTER. G7
"miglit possibly deceive De Worde, and make him think it
was printed in liatin. However this may be, it does not
appear that any edition of it, printed by Caxton or any one
else, either in Latin or Enghsh, that year, is now in being."
Perhaps De*Worde, who reprinted the "Recueil," had
some vague recollection of Caxton having stated that he had
been at Cologiie, and so carelessly adopted the idea as giving
point and rhyme to his verses.
The following anecdotes illustrate in a curious manner
the typographical connection between Mansion and*Caxton.
A bookseller of Paris purchased an old volume for the moderate
sum of one louis. He took it to M. de La Serna Santander,
and asked him if he thought two louis too dear. "No,"
replied the wary bibliographer, and gave him the money.
That volume is now in the National Library at Paris, and
contains, bound together in the original boards, the " Quadri-
logue," printed by Mansion at Bruges, and the French "Jason,"
printed in Caxton's type No. 1. Something similar to this
happened in 1853, when Mr. Winter Jones discovered in the
Library of the British Museum, "Les Quatre Derrenieres
Choses," in Caxton's type No. 2, bound up with the " Medi-
tacions," in type No. 1, and -^^ath contemporary ha.nd\^Tifcing
running from the last page of one work to the first of the
other, the volume being evidently in its original state, just as
it was printed and bound at Bruges, in the little vforkshop of
Colard Mansion over the church porch of St. Donatus.
Here, perhaps, I may be excused if I venture to build a
brief history, founded, in the absence of sure foundation,
in many parts on probability only, but which may neverthe-
less be welcome to some as an attempt to di-aw into a con-
sistent narrative the scattered threads of Caxton's career
between 1471 and his establishment at Westminster.
Caxton, having finished and been rewarded for his trouble
in translating "Le Recueil" for the Duchess of Bm-gundy,
found his book in great request. The English nobles at
Bruges wished to have copies of this the most favourite
romance of the age, and Caxton found himself unable to
supply the demand v.-ith sufficient rapidity. This ])rings ns
F 2
68 AVILIilAM CAXTON.
to the year 1472 or 1473. Colard Mansion, a skilful cali-
grapher, must have been knowTi to Caxton, and may even
have been employed by him to execute commissions. Man-
sion, who had obtained some knoA\iedge of the art of printing,
although certainly not from Cologne, had just begun his typo-
graphical labours at Bruges, and was ready to produce copies
by means of the press, if supported by the necessary patron-
age and funds. Caxton found the money, and ]\Iansion the
requisite knowledge, by the aid of which appeared "The
Kecuyell," the first book printed in the new type, and more-
over the first book printed in the English language. This,
probably, v.-as not accomplished till 1474, and was succeeded,
on Caxton's part, in another year, by an issue of the " Chess
Book," which, as we are informed in a second edition, was
" anone depesshed and solde." Mansion, finding success at-
tended the new adventure, printed the French "Recueil,"
and, after Caxton's return to England, the French " Jason "
and the " Meditacions." The three French works were
doubtless published by Mansion alone, as Caxton is not
known to have printed a single book in French, although
perfectly acquainted with that language. Caxton, having
thus printed at Bruges "The Recuyell" and the "Chess
Book" with types either wholly or in part belonging to
Mansion, now obtained a new fount of the pattern of the
large batarde already in use by Mansion, but smaller in size,
with the intention of practising the art in England. To test
its capabilities, "Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses" was then
produced under the immediate supervision of Mansion.
Eai'ly in 147G Caxton appears to have taken leave of the
city where he had resided for five and thirty years, and to
have returned to his native land laden with a more precious
freight than the most opulent merchant-adventurer ever
dreamt of, to endow his country with a blessing greater than
any other which had ever been bestowed, save only the intro-
ducti(m of Christianity.
CHAPTEK VIII.
WESTMINSTER.
X the preceding chapters Caxton's career as
an iVpprentice, as a Merchant, as Govenior
of the Merchant-Adventurers, as a Magis-
trate, and as an Ambassador, has been
traced ; the revival of literary tastes in
Europe has been briefly sketched, as Avell
as the literary influences by -which Caxton was surrounded ;
and we have seen his translation of a romance for the
Duchess of Burgundy obtain such popularity that he was
forced to have recourse to the new art of printing, in order
to multiply copies quickly: but we have yet to investigate
the most important period of his history — those last fifteen
years, to which the whole of his former life seems but tlie
introduction — that short period which alone has caused the
name of Caxton to be inscribed on the tablets of history, and
the typogTaphical relics of which form the best and only
memorial which England possesses of her first printer.*
We left Caxton early in 147G preparing to return to Eng-
land, after having disposed of his printed copies of the " Chess
Book" in Bruges. The next certain notice of him is after
* There is certainly the l^oxburglie tablet in St. Margaret's Church,
Westminster ; and, better still, there is a " Caxton Pension" in connec-
tion with the " Printers' Corporation," by which the needs of sonic
afflicted successors in Caxton's craft arc alleviated ; but a memorial
worthy of our first printer and of his countrymen has never yet been
attcnii>tcd.
70 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
liis sefctlement at Westminster, when, in NoTcmber 1477, he
had printed his first edition of the "Dictes and Sayings of
the Philosophers." This book is, in fact, the earhest we have
from Caxton's press with an indispntable imprint. It is
evident that his arrangements for settling in England, the
engagement of assistants, and all the other matters inseparable
from a novel undertaking, must have occupied a considerable
time. If, therefore, we assume that Caxton commenced liis
new. career in this country about the latter half of 147G we
cannot be far MTong. A cautious man, he began to try his
powers, and ascertain the probable sale for his productions, by
printing small pieces. Copland, one of his workmen, who
served with Wynkcn de Worde after his first master's death,
has a curious remark upon this in the prolog-ue to his edition
of " Kynge Apolyn of Tliyre," with which romance he appears
to have commenced his career as a printer. " Wliiche booke
I, Roberte Copland, have me applycd for to translate oute of
the Frenshe language into our maternal tongue, at the exhor-
tacyon of my forsayd mayster [Wynkcn de Worde], gladly
followynge the trace of my mayster Caxton, logijunymjc with
smiU sioryes and j)amfldc&, and so to other." That West-
minster was the locality in which Caxton first settled, there is,
fortunately, no room to doubt; but as the exact spot has
given rise to considerable discussion, it may be useful to
collect all the instances in which Caxton connects his own
name with a definite locality. We therefore give the follow-
ing extracts taken verbatim ct literatim from his works : —
M 77. Dictes AXD Sayings. First edition. Epilogue, cn-
prynted by me william Caxton at westmestre.
J 178. MoiiAL Proverbs. Colophon. I hmie enjrrinted . . . .
At westmestre.
1480. Chronicles of ExfiL.^'D. First edition. Colophon.
en^mnted by me William Caxton Jn thahbey of west-
mynsire by london.
1480. Description of Britain. First edition. Prologue.
the comyn rronicles of enylond ben .... now late en-
jn ill ted at wesfmynstre.
WESTMINSTER. 71
1481, MiREOUR OF THE WoRLD. First edition. Prologue.
Afid emprised hy me . ... to translate it into our
maternal tongue . ... in tliahhay of westmestre by
Jomlon.
1481. Reynard the Fox. First edition. Epilogue, hy me
u'ilVm Caxton translated . ... in thahhey of west-
mestre.
1481. GcDrREY OF BoLOGNE. EjDilogTio. sette in forme and
emjjrynted .... in tJiaMey of westmester.
1483. Pilgrimage of the Soul. Colophon. Enirrynted at
westmestre by ivilliam Caxton.
1483. Liber Festivalis. First edition. Colophon. Em-
pry ntcd at Westmynster by wyllyam Caxton.
1483. Quatuor Sermones. First edition. Colophon. En-
prynted by Wylliam Caxton at Westmestre.
1483. CoKFESSio Amantis. Colophon. Enprynted at west-
mestre by me ivillyam Caxton.
1483. GoLDEX liEGEND. First edition. Epilogue, fynysshed
it at tvestmestre.
1483. Caton. Colophon, Translated . ... by William
Caxton in thabbcy of Westmynsfre.
1483. Knight of the Tower, Colophon, enprynted at
Westmynstre.
1484. ^sop. Epilogue, enprynted by me william Caxton
at u'estmynstre in thabbay.
1484, The Order of Chivalry, Epilogue, translated
. ... by me William Caxton dwellynye in Westmynstro
besyde london.
1485. King Arthur. Colophon, emprynted and fynysshed
in thabbey westmestre.
1485. Paris and Vienne. Colophon, translated . ... by
wylliam Caxton at Westmestre.
[1489.] Directorium Sacerdotum. Colophon. Impressum
. . . . apud Westmonesterium.
1481), Doctrinal of Sapience, Colophon, translated ....
by wyllyam Caxton at Westmestre.
To these must be added Caxtou's Advertisement, printed
about 1480.
72 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
" If it plose ony man spirituel or temporel to bye ony pyes
of tv.-o and thre comemoracios of salis]:»uri vse enpryiitid after
the forme of this preset lettre whiche beu wel and truly cor-
reet, Jute hym come to ivesimomstm' in to tJie ahnonesnjc at the
reedjjale and he shal haue them good chepe."
The following quotations are from titles or colophons of
books printed by Wynken de Worde in the house of his late
master, only three of which are dated.
ScALA Perfectionis, 1493.
And Wynkyn de Worde this hath sett in print.
Iti William Caxstons hows so fyll the case.
DiRECTORiUM Sacerdotum, 1495. Ill domo Caxton Wi/iilcyn
fieri fecit.
Lyndewode's Constitution es, 149G. Ajnul Westmonaste-
riiim. In domo caxston.
The XII Profytes op Tribulacyon. Enpnjnted at West-
mi/ster in Caxions hous.
DoNATUS Minor. In domo Caxton in westmonasterio.
Whital's Dictionary. Imjirynted in the late hous of Wil-
liam Caxton.
Accedence. Prynted in Oaxons house at westmynstre.
The Chorle and the Byrde. Emprynted at westmestre in
Caxtons house.
Doctrynalle of Dethe. Enp-ynted at westmynster Jn
Caxtons hous.
Ortus Vocabulorum. prope celeherrimum mofuisteriwn qiiod
tcestmynstre appellatur impressum.
Adding to the foregoing the testimony of Stow, we shall
have before us all the evidence of any authority.
" Neare ^nito this house westward was an old chappel of
S. Anne, ouor against the which the Lady j\Iargaret, mother
to King H. the 7. erected an Almeshouse for poore women
.... the place wherein this chappell and Almeshouse standeth
was called the Elemosinary or Almory, now corruptly the
Aml)ry, for that the Almes of the Al)bey were there disti-i-
butcd to the ])()ore. And therin Islip, Al/bot of Westmin.
WESTMINSTER. 73
erected the first Presse of booke printing that euer was in
England about the yeare of Christ 1471. William Caxton,
cittizen of London, mercer, brought it into England, and was
the first that practised it in the saydc Abbey."
Reviemng the foregoing quotations, it wiU be noticed
that although the precise expression, Printed in the Ahheij of
Wt'stminstrr, is affixed to some books, yet the more general
plu-ase Printed at Westminster is also used, and evidently
refers to the same locality, for otherwise we must suppose
Caxton to have carried on two separate printing-offices for
many years. The word "Abbey" did not assume its modern
sense, as applying only to the fabric, until after the Refonna-
tion ; and the phrase " dwelling at Westminster," used in
1484, just after "printed in the Abbey," 1483, and before
"printed in the Ab])ey," 1485, proves that Caxton himself
attached to the word no very restrictive idea. We find also,
from the above-mentioned advertisement, that " Westminster "
in that instance meant " The Almonesrye," where Caxton
occupied a tenement, called " The Red-pale." The Almonry
Avas a space >\ithin the Abbey precincts, where alms Avere dis-
tributed to the poor ; and here the Lady Margaret, mother of
King Henry VII., and one of Caxton's patronesses, built alms-
houses. Other houses were also there ; and we therefore con-
clude that by the words in. the Atd>ei/ Caxton meant nothing
more than that he resided within the Abbey precincts.
The position of St. Anne's Chapel and the Almonry, in
relation to that of the Abbey Church, seems to have been
misunderstood by all the biogi-aphers of Caxton. Dr. Dibdin,
Charles Knight and others, place them on the site of the
Chapel of Henry VII, vvhich is the east end of the Abbey.
The Almonry was considerably to the west, and the following
statements, gathered from Stow, will give its exact locality.
After describing the monastery and the king's palace, he pro-
ceeds to say, "now will I speake of the gate house, and of
Totehill streete, stretching from the icest part of the Close ....
The gate towards the west is a Gaile for offenders .... On
the Soidhside of this gate, king H. the 7. founded an almos-
house .... Neare ^mto this house westward was an old chappel
WILLLVM CAXTON.
of S. Anne .... the place wherein this chappel .... standeth
was called the Almory." The Almonry was therefore west-
south-west of the western front of the Abbey.
It has been argued that Caxton was permitted by the
abbot to use the "Scriptorium" of the abbey as a printing-
ofSce. Printing, even in these days of improvement, is neces-
sarily in some parts a very unclean operation, but it was much
more so in its earlier years, some of the processes employed
being extremely filthy and pmigent. The Abbot of West-
minster would never have admitted into the scriptorium any
thing so defiling, much less within the sacred walls of the
church itself. There is, indeed, no evidence that any portion
of the abbey was ever appropriated as a scriptorium: no
mention of such a place is made by any historian, nor has
any manuscript been recognised as having issued thence.
The Abbot of Westminster, at the time of Caxton's arrival
in England, Avas John Esteney, who succeeded to that office
in 147-4, upon the promotion of Thomas Milling to the
Bishopric of Hereford. Those Amters who maintain that
Caxton returned to England before 1474 have mentioned
Milling as his patron. George Fascet succeeded Abbot
Esteney in 1498, and was in turn succeeded by John Islip in
1500. Stow's chronology is very faulty in ascribing to Abbot
Islip any connection with Caxton, whose death occurred about
nine years before Islip's election to the abbacy.
There is nothing to lead to the supposition that Caxton
and Ab])ot Esteney were on intimate terms ; indeed, the pro-
bability is that they knew but little of each other. Our
printer mentions Esteney but once, and that only casually, as
illustrating the difficulty which even educated men experienced
in deciphering documents of a bygone age. In the prologue
to the " Eneydos," Caxton says, " My lord abbot of West-
mynster did do shewe to me late certayn euydences An-yton
in old Englisshe, for to reduce it into our Englisshe now
vsid." The sense of "Did do shewe," as already noticed,
would seem merely to signify "' caused to be shewn ;" or in
other words, the abbot oidy sent the documents. Caxton
always appears to ha^-e recorded, in imtKigue oi' oi)ilog-ue, the
WESTMINSTER. 75
names of those by whom he was employed; and if he had
received any favour or patronage from the abbot, he would in
all likelihood have dedicated one of his numerous translations
to him, as he did to so many of his patrons, some of whom,
like Hugh Bryce and William Praat, were plain "Mercers"
only.
It is unlikely, therefore, that Caxton went to "Westminster
by invitation of the abbot, or that he occupied any place
within the church itself, or that he stood in any other rela-
tion to the abbot than that of tenant. The rent-roll of the
abbey was under the immediate charge of the abbot's cham-
])erlain, and with him Caxton would have to agree as to his
tenure of "The Red-pale" in the Ahnonry.
The reason of Caxton's preference for the Almonry is not
at all e-sident, though his being a Mercer may, possibly, have
had some connection with his choice, as the Mercers' Com-
pany held certain tenements of the abbots of Westminster.
►S(jrae of these were in the parish of St. Martin Otewich
(Broad Street Ward), within the city walls; and there was
also a tenement called " The Pye," and another called " The
Grehouude," the localities of which are not mentioned. The
rents paid for these are duly entered in the " Renter Wardens'
Account-books," at Mercers' Hall. But whatever induced
Caxton to settle at Westminster, vre may safely infer, from his
o^vn mention, not more than two or three years later, of " The
Red-pale" as his house, that it was there he originally estab-
lished himself, that there his translations were made and works
printed, and that there, surrounded by his books and presses,
and soothed by the loving attentions of his daughter, he
breathed his last.
Wynken de Worde, his immediate successsor, printed
several books in the same place, dating them from " Caxton's
house in Westminster." This phrase w^as considered, by the
early biographers of Caxton, as proving that he had migrated
from the side chapel, where they assumed he first set up his
press, and established himself in a new residence. Bagford,
with his usual fertility of invention, identified the very street
and house into which Caxton moved, and assigned reasons
WILLIAM CAXTOX.
for his ejection from the abbey. For many years an old
house in the Ahnonry was currently believed to have been
that in which our first printer dwelt ; but Mr. Nichols, who,
as well as Kni^^ht, gives a woodcut of it, is of opinion that
the house could not be older than the time of Charles I.
Upon its demolition in 184(), portions of the beams were
made into walking-sticks and snuff-boxes, and presented to
various patrons of literature as genuine relics of the famous
printer. Interesting, indeed, Avould it have been if we could
have identified the exact spot where the first press was placed
on English soil, and still more so if we could have stood in
the very room Avhere Caxtou worked ; l)ut uncertainty hangs
over all this part of our history.
The printers of the fifteenth century, especially in Hol-
land and Flanders, very frequently used armorial bearings for
their trade-marks, the shield being repre-
sented as hanging from the branch of a tree.
A broad baud down the centre of the shield
is, in heraldic language, called a " pale," and
this, if painted red, would be a " red pale."
Doubtless this was the sign used by Caxtou
to designate his house. The woodcut oppo-
site, taken from Holtrop's " Monumens Tyjio-
graphiques," pi. 71, shows a house of the
fifteenth century, which has two tenants, both printers, each
of whom has a sign. This was in Antwerp. The printers
at DelflF, in Holland, used a "black pale" for their
marks.
We have already mentioned " The Greyhound " as ])eing
held by the Mercers' Company from the Abbots of West-
minster. From the same " Account-book " it appears that in
1477 the "liveHhode" made a "visitation," and "kept a
dinner" at " The Greyhound," which cost them 2 Gs 8f/, be-
sides 2d for washing the table-cloth. There is nothing to
indicate the locality of this tenement ; but from the fact that
mercers, as well as drapers, dealt largely in cloth and various
woollen goods, they would necessarily be much interested in
the great staple of wool, held at fixed intervals, not far from
WESTMINSTER.
the abbey walls.* They would therefore require a place in
the ueiu-hbourhood for meetino: durinsr their visitation which
would, at the same time, afford them good accommodation for
a dinner at its close.
And here we may remark that, although so much of his
attention was devoted to translating and printing, Caxton
probably still took considerable interest in his old vocation.
The wool-staple at Westminster was an important mart, and
many of the merchants resorting thither were fellow mercers
* Stow says the Abbots of Westminster had six wool-honses in the
Staple granted them by King Henry VI.
78 WILLIAM CAXTON.
and benefactors to St. Margaret's Church. Some of them
were also fellow members T\dth Caxton of the "Fraternity
or Guild of our Blessed Lady Assumption." Several of the
"Account-books" of this brotherhood are still preserved in
the vestry of St. Margaret's ; and although they noM'here state
its objects, it seems, from the entries of salaries paid to
priests, from money spent in obits, wax, and vestments, and
from the granting of a few pensions, to have been somewhat
like the "benefit societies" of the present day, with the addi--
tional advantage of prayers for the repose of the souls of
deceased members. And yet, if only a religions guild, it is
not apparent why they required certain tenements in Alder-
mary, which they leased of the Mercers' Company, not far
from the Steel Yard of the Hanse merchants, Avhere large
quantities of raw wool were stapled. But whatever may have
been the objects of this guild, their accounts, made up by
their clerk every three years, show that towards the end of
the fifteenth century they were in a flourishing state, -Rith a
good balance to their credit; and that, on Midsummer-day,
they, too, had a " general feast," on which they spent a large
portion of their income. The expenses of these la^-ish feasts,
each time filling at least two folio pages, are entered in the
accounts with great minuteness, from the amount paid to the
" chief cok" as a reward (which Avas more than twelve guineas
of modern money), down to the boat-hire for the " turbuts,"
and nearly £4 for "pottcs ]:)roken and wasted at the same
fest." * Of this guild Caxton was a member for some years
before his death.
J
* After an entiy of the payment of six priests' salaries, there occur —
" Costcs and pcellcs allowed by the hole Brothcvhode toward thexpences
of the {^eiiall fest in iijiie yere of this accorapt."
These " Costs and Parcels " occupy two folio pages, and contain the
following among other items : —
" A tonn of wync vj li "
" Paidc to John Drayton chief sok for his re-
ward XXV s"
" Also for the hire of xxiiij doseyn of crtlicn
pottes for ale & wyne iiij s "
WESTMINSTER. 79
It is pleasant to think of our printer as retaining the
friendship of the city merchants after all official relationship
between them had been dissolved. That this was the case is
proved by his warm eulogy of the City of London, and his
continuance as a member of the Mercers' Company. He, no
doubt, had many personal friends and supporters ; indeed, it
would be hardly a stretch of the imagination to fancy that,
during the holding of the great wool-staple at Westminster,
Caxton would be no disinterested observer, and that at its
close, when the wardens and the " livelihode " flocked to the
"dener kept at the grehounde," if not there by right as a
liveryman of the Mercers' Company, the printer would be
always a welcome guest. Surely, before parting, in remem-
brance of past associations and services one of the diinking
pledges would be, "The health of WiUiam Caxton, late gover-
nor of our fellowship beyond the sea."
But to return to facts. There is no doubt that Caxton
was residing in his tenement in the Almonry when he printed
the "Dictes" in 1477. He would, therefore, be in the parish
of St. Margaret : and it is somewhat remarkable that a person
bearing the same name was buried there about two years
later. In 1479 the parochial records show an entry among
" Also for erthen pottes broken & wasted at
the same fest vj s viij d "
" Also to iiij players for their labour xij s x d"
"Also to iij mynstrelles ix.s xd"
" Also for the mete of diuers strangers xvj s "
" Also for russhes ij s iiij d "
" Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes iij s "
" Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iiij d "
" Also for ix Turbutts xv s ij d "
Besides scores of " Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones
(pigeons), the chief "cok" provided them with "swannys" and
"herons," with all sorts of fish, including oysters and "see pranys." or
prawns, with all sorts of meats and game, with jellies in " ix doscn gely
dishes," and with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and
ypocras provided by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at
the heavy entries for "pottes and cuppes broken and wasted." The
cook seems to have been paid much more liboralh' than the wardens,
who had but xxxs betM^cen them "for their diligence."
80 WILLIAM CAXTON.
the receipts of the burial fees of twenty pence for two torches
and three tapers at a low mass for William Caxton. Dibdin
assumes this man to have been our printer's father : possibly
so, but there is no evidence of kindred. We may notice,
however, that although the amount paid may to us seem
trifling, yet it was more than double the a^■erage burial fees
of that period, as is evidenced by the same accounts. About
this time the king ordered a payment of £30 (equal to £400
or £450 now) to be made to Caxton for " certain causes or
matters performed by him for the said Lord the King."
Might not this have been for assistance to Edward IV and
his retinue when fugitives at Bruges ?
Caxton, as might be expected, held a high position in his
parish ; and, -within a very short time of his arrival, his name
appears as auditor of the parish accounts. The parish audit
seems to have been a very simple afikir. It was open to all
the parishioners, and the accounts were probably read aloud
by the clerk who was engaged by the churchwardens to keep
them. The balance in cash, and the custody of the "trea-
sures" in the church, were then handed over to the incoming
wardens, and the names of the most substantial parishioners
present were added by the clerk to the usual form declaring
the correctness of the accounts. The business on these occa-
sions, was fitly concluded by a good " supper." Caxton's
name appears annexed to the audit for the years 1478-80,
1480-82, 1482-84; and it would have been most gratifying
to have found that the signatures at the end of these and
other accounts were genuine autogi-aphs. All the names, how-
ever, are in the same hand\\Titing, which is that of the scribe
or priest engaged to keep the parish books.
Caxton did not enter upon his new adventure of printing
books without good and able patronage. Edward lY, as we
have seen, paid him a sum of money for certain services per-
formed; and Caxton printed "Tully" and " Codfrey" under
the king's "protection." Edward's sister ]\Targaret, Duchess
of Burgundy, was his fi-iend and supporter, and perchance may
liave paid a visit to her old servant at the " llcd-pale," when
she visited England in 1 480. Margaret, Countess of Kich-
WESTMINSTER, 81
mond, mother of King Henry VII, also favoured his designs.
Earl Rivers, brother to the queen, was a fast friend, with
whom Caxton seems to have enjoyed a considerable degree of
intimacy, and the Earl of Warwick likewise must have had
some knowledge of him, as Caxton dedicated to him the
"Chess-Book." The "Order of Chivalry" was dedicated to
Eichard TIL Henry VII personally desired Caxton to trans-
late and print the " Fayts of Arms," and the " Eneydos " was
specially presented to Arthiur, Prince of Wales. Master
William Daubeney, King Henry VI's treasurer, was his " good
and synguler friend." William, Earl of Arundel, took great
interest in his progress, and allowed him the " yearly fee " of
a buck in summer and a doe in winter. Sir John Fastolf,
a great lover of books, of whose library several volumes still
exist ; Hugh Bryce, mercer and king's ambassador ; WiUiam
Pratt, a rich mercer; and divers unnamed "gentylmen and
ladyes," are kno'^vii to have employed him. Some of these,
like the " noble lady with many faire doughters," for whom
he produced "The Knyght of the Toure," engaged him to
translate as well as to print.
In 1480 death deprived Caxton of his old friend William
Pratt, who, on his death-bed, requested him to print " The
Book of Good Manners." The terms in wliich Caxton men-
tions Pratt as a fellow mercer, an honest man, and " a singular
friend of old knowledge," show that a close bond of union
existed between the two. It is to be hoped that their mutual
object — "the amendment of manners, and the increase of
virtuous living" — was promoted by the publication.
In 1490 died, and Avas buried at St. Margaret's, one
"Mawde Caxton," of whose relationship to WiUiam Caxton
there is no direct evidence. It may have been the Maude
who, twenty-nine years earlier, became his wife while he was
yet in Bruges : if so, it will explain, in a most interesting
manner, the reason why he in that year suspended printing
the " Fayts of Arms," until he had finished a new under-
taking, "The Arte and Crafte to Die Well."
The history of Caxton after his settlement at Westminster
is almost confined to a catalogue of the productions of his
82
AVlLTilAM CAXTOX.
press. Fortunately many wviv \mnted from his own manu-
script, and liave additions A\Iiich often afford the date of
translation (.r of jiriutiuti-. The following table presents an
arramremeut of these hooks, from which Ave may oUain some
DATES.
TRAXSLATIOX
PlilXTINR.
1477-
1478-
1479-
1480-
1481-
1482-
-Nov. 18...
-Feb. 20...
-Feb. 3...
Mar. 24...
-Apr. 22...
June 10...
Aug. 18...
-Jan. 2...
Mar. 8...
Mar. 12...
June 6 . . .
June 7...
Aug. 12...
Nov. 20...
-Julv 2...
Oct. 8...
—June 1 ...
June . . .
June 30...
Sept.. 2...
Not. 20...
Dec. 23...
-Jan. 31...
Mar. 26...
Sept" 13...
-June 18...
July 31...
Aug. 31...
Dec. 1...
Dec. 19...
—June 8 . . .
-May 11...
-Jan. 23...
May 7 ...
July 8...
))
—June 15 ...
June 22...
July 14...
Dictcs, 1st edition (e)
Moral Proverbs (c)
Cordyale (b) ;
Cordyale {c) ^
Ovid, 15th Book (^>)...
Chronicles, 1st edit, (e)
Description, 1st ed. (p)
Mirrour, 1st edit (J)...
MiiTour, 1st edit. ((')...
Godfrey (h)
Reynart, 1st edit. («")...
Tully (r)
t^odfrey (c)
Polycronicon (e^
Chronicles, 2nd ed. (r)
1483-
Knight of the Toure (r)
Pylgrcmage (^c)
Festival (c)
Confessio (c)
Golden Legend (<■)
1484-
1485-
I48r)-
1487-
148!)-
1490-
Knight of the Toure (c)
JEsop (r)
Order of Chivalry (<-)
Kyal Book (f)
Charles (r)
King Arthur (e)
Paris and Vienne (c) .
Charles (c)
Paris and Vienne (c)
Good Manners (e)
Good Manners (e)
FaytsfJ)
Fayts (^c)
Directorium, 2nd ed. (^)
Art and Craft (c)
Kneydos (e)
Fayts (^0
(S) met
itis brffun. (r) r
neans ended.
WESTiirXSTEE. «3
idea of the time occupied in their translation and printing.
The majority of Caxton's works, however, bear no date what-
ever ; and here the only basis of a correct arrangement must
be a careful examination and comparison of the peculiarities
of the various types. In this table variations may be noticed
from some of the dates as printed by Caxton ; but these are
merely apparent discrepancies caused by the difference between
the old and new style of reckoning the commencement of the
year, and also by the custom, then so common, of dating l)y
the regnial year of the sovereign.
The same table shows, that Caxton took ten weeks for the
translation of the " Mirrour of the World," containing 198
pages ; twelve weeks for " Godefroy of Bologne," 284 pages ;
and nearly six months for " Fayts of Arms," 280 pages. The
period occupied in printing " Cordyale," 1 52 pages, was only
seven weeks, whilst "(lodfrey," supposing the printing imme-
diately to follow the completion of the translation, took nearly
six months. The " Knight of the Tower," 208 pages, required
eight months ; " Charles the Great," 188 pages, live and a half
months ; " Paris and Vienne," 70 pages, three and a half
months; "Good Manners," 132 pages, eleven months; and
"Fayts of Arms," 280 pages, more than a year.
Caxton's o-rii translations made in this country were The
Whole Life of Jason ; the Mirror of the World ; Reynart the
Fox; Godfrey of BuUoyn; the Golden Legend; the book
called Caton ; the Knight of the Tower ; iEsop's Fables ; the
Order of Chivalry ; the Royal Book ; the Life of Charles the
Great ; the History of the Knight Paris and the Fair Yienne ;
the Book of Good Manners ; the Doctrinal of Sapience ; the
Fayts of Arms ; the Art and Craft to Die Well ; Eneydos ;
the Curial ; the Life of St. Winifred ; Blanchardin and Eglan-
tine; the Four Sons of Aymou; and the Gouvernayle of
Health. These contain more than 4,500 printed pages. The
total produce of his press, excluding the books printed at
Bruges, reaches to above 18,000 pages, nearly all of folio size.
These figures speak more forcibly than any argument for the
great industry and perseverance of Caxton ; and to this list
must be added the translation of the "Vital Pati-um," which
a 2
84 WILLIAM CAXTON.
he finished only a few hours before his death, but did not
live to print.
Those who have blamed Caxton for not choosing the
Bible, or the works of Greece and Rome for the use and
instruction of his countrymen, have quite overlooked the
impossibility of making a business profitable (and Caxton
tells us, in " Charles the Great," that he earned his lining by
it), unless it supplied the wants of the age. The demand in
England in the fifteenth century was not for Bibles in the
vernacular, nor for Horace, nor for Homer, whose -m-itings
very few could read in the original texts;* but the clergy
wanted Service-books, and Caxton accordingly provided them
with Psalters, Commemorations, and Directories ; the preachers
wanted Sermons, and were supplied with the " Golden Legend,"
and other similar books ; the " prynces, lordes, barons, knyghtes
& gentihnen" were craving for "joyous and pleysaunt his-
toryes" of chivalry, and the press at the " Red-pale" produced
a fresh romance nearly every year. Poetry and history require
for their aj)preciation a more advanced mental education, and
of these, therefore, the issue was more scanty. By thus bring-
uig his commercial experience to bear upon his new venation,
and by accommodating the supply to the demand, while, at
the same time, he in no slight degree directed the channel
in which that demand should flow, Caxton contrived to earn
an honest living by the produce of his press, and to avoid
the fate of his typogi-aphical brethren at Rome, SAveynheim
and Pannartz, who, having pruited too many works of the
* The historian Gibbon regrets that in the choice of authors
Caxton " was reduced to comply with the vicious taste of his readers ;
to gratify the nobles with treatises on heraldry, hawking ICtia-ton
printed notkitu/ of the sorf], and the game of Chess ; and to amuse
the popular credulity with romances of fabulous knights and legends of
some fabulous saints. The father of printing expresses a lauda])le desire
t« elucidate the history of his country ; but instead of publishing the
the Latin chronicle of Eadulphus Higden \_n-hich rcri//c/r could have
read"] he could only venture on the English version by John de Trevisa
.... the world is not indebted to England for one firxt edition of a
classic author ! "
WESTMINSTER. 85
classic authors, about 12,000 volumes in five years, became
bankrupt, and sank under the dead weight of their unsold
volumes.
Thus, in the selection of books for his press, some of
which he obtained "with grete instaunce, labour, and coste"
— in translating and printing — in friendly communication
and intercourse with the best educated men of his day — in
the disciiarge of the social duties of his position — Caxtou
passed the few remaining years of his life. In 1491, when
close upon seventy years of age, but still in full vigour of
mind, he undertook the translation of the "Yitee Patruni."
Whether disease was at this time gradually undermining his
health, or whether, as the following colophon renders more
probable, he was taken oS suddenly, is unkno\Mi ; but it is
an interesting fact that he was spared to work at his favom-ite
task of translation till within a few hours of his death.
The following is Wynken de Worde's colophon to the
" Vitse Patrum : " — " Thus endyth the moost vertuouse hys-
torye of the deuoute and right reno\Mied lj\e& of holy faders
lyuynge in deserte, worthy of remembraunce to all wel dysposed
persones which hath be translated oute of Frenche into
Enghsshe by William Caxtou of Westmynstre late deed and
fynysshed at the laste daye of hys lyff'."
The exact date of his death has not been ascertained ; but
the burial is entered in the parish accounts for 1490-92, and
from the position of the entry would appear to have taken
place towards the close of the year 1491. This date is con-
lirnied l>y the following manuscript note, quoted by Ames : —
"There is ^Tote do^^Ti in a very old hand in a Frucins
Temponmi of my friend Mr. Ballard's, of Cambden, in Glou-
cestershire : — ' Of your charitee pray for the soul of Mayster
Wyllyam Caxtou, that in hys time was a man of moche ornate
and moche renommed wysdome and connyng, and decessed
ful crystenly the yere of our Lord mcccc lxxxxj.' "
" Moder of Merci shyld him fro thorribul fynd,
And bryng hym to lyff eternall that iici^yr hath yiid.''
He was bui'ied in his own parish churcliyard, and in the
1
8(J -WILLIAM CAJiTOX. . ^
account-books of the churchwarclens appear tlie following
funeral charges : —
Item attc Burcyng of William Caxton for iiij torches ... vj s viij d
Item for the belle atte same burcyng vj d
These fees ai-e considerably higher than those paid by the
maj()rity of the parishioners, and are equalled in but very few
instances; tliey thus afford farther evidence of the superior
position held by our printer in his parish.
Oaixton's property consisted probably of little more than
his stock hi trade. He nevertheless left a will, as fifteen
copies of the " Golden Legend " are recorded in the parish
accounts as having been " bequothen to the chirch behove by
William Caxston." The " Golden Legend " was first printed
in 1484, but the second edition, of which the bequest proba-
bly consisted, y\'-ds not executed till four or five years later.
By the churchwardens' account for 14i)G-i)8, it appears that
by that time they had disposed of three of the fifteen copies :
one for 6s Sd, and another for 6s 4d, by the agency of William
liyoUe ; and one for 6s Sd to the parish priest, ]M'obal)ly for
his own use. Within the next two years William Geiffe
took five cojues at an average of os id each ; John Crosse
one copy at 5.s i^d ; Walter Marten one at 5s lid; and Daniel
Aforge one at i'ts lOd; another being sold in *' AVestnmister
halle" for 5s Sd. This should have left remaining, in 1500,
four copies to be accounted for, but the "Memorandum"
acknowledges only three ; probably one copy had been appro-
priated by the churchwardens to the use of their chm-ch.
Two more co|iies were sold in the ensuing two years, and one
left unaccounted for.
The discovery of Caxton's will would probably settle satis-
factorily many questions about his family and relations, but
all the registries in which it might possibly have been depo-
sited ha^e been searched without success.
That our kiiOAvledge of William Caxton is confined almost
entirely to his public life, is much to be regTetted. We can
trace to some extent his career in commerce as wxA] as iu
diplomacy. As a printer too, we csn judge of him by an
WESTMIA'STKil.
exainimitiun of his works ; hut when we Avish to portray the
mail as a master, or in domestic life, or we desire to know
what his neighhonrs thont>'ht of him, we fail for want of relialile
material. From his ap]>endiiio- a bitter satire on " women "
to the " Dictes and Hayings of the Philosophers," we might
have inclined to think him a bachelor, did we not know that
he liad a wife and daughter when he came to England ; but
that he v.as niimarried while "governor" at Bruges is almost
certain, as the rules of celibacy were very strict among mer-
chants living out of their own countries. The Steel Yard
merchants had a stringent law on the subject, and the Mer-
chant Adventurers were d(jubtless guided by the same policy.
We naturally turn to the prologues and epilogues attached
to Caxton's traiislati(ms for traits of character, but here again,
we are surrounded by difficulties. There existed in those
days iKj rights in literature. Every author took fi'om others
what best suited his purpose, and that without acknowledg-
ment, except to give authority to his own opinions. This
practice has imohed many of the works of that period in
considerable obscurity. Caxton was not free from this charac-
teristic of his age, and we accordingly find him appropriating
whole prologues and epilogues irom the French originals,
altering them only Avhen inapplicable to himself. Such in-
stances may be seen in the "Chess Book," the "Mirror,"
the "Golden Legend," "Charles," and others. (Ireat care is
therefore requisite to distinguish between Caxton's own
thoughts and the mere translation of those of others. But,
after making due allo\\ance for all this, there yet remains,
in Caxton's prologues and epilogues, a substratum of indi-
Aiduality, which must be the basis for any right api)reciation
of his diaracter. His repeated eulogies of Edward IV, and
the members of his family, indicate that all his political
sympathies were A\'ith the House of York. This was but
natui'al, for the develoj)ment of trade consecjuent upon amity
between England and the imnces of the Low Countries, made
all the English merchants staunch adherents to the White
Hose. His \mtings also reveal that he had a deep sense of
religion, and was strict in the observauce of his (*lii-istian
SS WILLIAM CAXTON.
duties. Although in one sense the greatest reformer that this
country has ever known, he was quite unconscious of the
tendency of the art which he introduced. In the tone of his
mind he was indeed eminently conserYative, comparing the
good old times of his apprenticeship with the degeneracy of
the succeeding generations, when in the youth of London there
was " no kernel nor good corn found, but chaff for the most
]>art." Much concerned was he to note in his latter days the
decline of chivalry, and he urged his Sovereign to take imme-
diate measures for its revival, even to the extent of engaging
in a new crusade against the Turks for the recover}- of the
" holy cyte of Jherusalem." Conservative as he was in theory,
there seems reason to believe that he was no less so in practice.
Caxton never gave in to the new-fangled id-eas of printers
about the advantage of title-pages to books, though if we may
judge from the fact of Wynken do Worde using them imme-
diately after his master's death, he was of the reverse opinion.
In the adoption of signatures, initials, and lines of an even
length, he was very tardy, and from the use of red ink he was
evidently averse.
As a linguist, Caxton undoubtedly excelled, in his native
tongue, notwithstanding his self-depreciation, he seems to
have Ijeen a master. His ^mtings, and the style of his trans-
lations, will bear comparison Mith Lydgate, with Gower, with
Earl Rivers, the Earl of Worcester, and other contempo-
raneous writers. Many of his readers, indeed, thought him
too " ornate " and " over curious " in his diction, and desired
him to use more homely terms ; but, since others found fault
with him for not using polished and courtly phrases, we may
fairly presmne that he attained the happy medium, " ne over
rude, ne over curious," at which he aimed. When excited by
a favourite subject, as the "Order of Chivalry," he waxed
quite eloquent ; and the appeal of Caxton to the knighthood
of England, has been often quoted as a remarkable specimen
of fifteenth-century declamation. With the French tongue '
he was thoroughly conversant, although he had never been in
Fi-ance ; but Bruges was almost French, a]id in the Court of
liui'ginuly. as well as in that of England, French was the
WESTMINSTER. 89
chief medium of coiiyersation. With Flemish he Avas also
well acquainted, as shown by his translation of " Reynart ;"
indeed, this language, after so long a residence in Bruges,
must have become almost his mother-tongue.
Caxton's knowledge of Latin has often been denied or
underrated ; but as governor of the EngUsh nation in Bruges,
and as ambassador, he must have been able to read the
treaties he assisted to conclude, and the correspondence with
the king's council. Moreover, he printed books entirely in
the Latin tongue, some of which were full of contractions,
and could only have been midertaken by one well acquainted
with that language. These were the " Infancia Salvatoris,"
three editions of the " Directorium Sacerdotum," a " Psal-
terium," " Horse," " Tractatus de Transfiguracione," and
several "Indulgences." To "ordain in print" a Latin manu-
script of the fourteenth or fifteenth century required a
knowledge of the language on the part of the workman as Avell
as of the master ; for, as the letters n and u were identical in
shajDe, and as m and i varied only in the number of strokes,
the latter being without a dot, it was impossible to read some
words — for instance, niittimutii (minimum), where fifteen
parallel strokes distract the eye — apart from their context.
We have, however, in the English translation of the " Golden
Legend " positive evidence on this point ; for, in the " Life
of Saynt Rocke," the printer says, "which lyff is translated
oute of latyn in to englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton."
As translator, editor, and author, Caxton has not received
his due meed of praise. The works which he undertook at
the suggestion of his patrons, as well as those selected by
himself, are honestly translated, and, considering the age in
which he lived, are well chosen. Romances, the favourite
literature of his age, were Caxton's great delight — and that
not merely for the feats of personal prowess which they nar-
rated, although no quality was more desirable in the fifteenth
century, but rather, as he himself says, for the examples of
"courtesy, humanity, friendliness, hardiness, love, cowardice,
murder, hate, virtue, and sin," which "inflamed the hearts of
the readers and hearers to eschew and flee works vicious and
DO WILLIAM CAXTOX.
dishoucst." In Poetiy Caxtoii shows to great advantage, for
he printed all the works of any merit which then existed.
The im)logue to his second edition of the "Canterbury Tales"
l)roves how anxious he was to be con-ect, and at the same
time shows the difficulty he had in detaining manuscripts
free from error. The poetical reverence A\ith which Caxton
speaks of Chaucer, " the first founder of ornaie eloquence in
our English," and the pains he took to reprint the " Canter-
bury Tales" when a purer text than that of his first edition
was offered to him, show his high appreciation of England's
first great poet. In History the only available works in
English were the "Chronicle of Brute" and the "Polycroni-
con;" the latter Caxton carried down, to the best of his
ability, to nearly his own time. It was, indeed, as a ^mter of
history that Caxton was best known to our older authors, some
of v.'hom, while including his name among those of English
liistorians, ha-.'e overlooked the far more important fact that
lie was also England's prototyiwgTapher.
All reference to the literary forgery of Atkyns, who, in the
seventeenth century, to sujiporfc his claim to certain exclusive
privileges of printing under the king's patent, invented the
iboHsh story of the abduction, by Tunntur and Caxton, of one
of the Haarlem workmen, and his settlement at Oxford in
]4(;4, has here been purjiosely omitted. The whole account is
so evidently false, so entirely at variance with the known tacts
in Caxton's history, and has been so often disproved in works
on English t}^x)graphy, that it needs no further refutation.
As to Caxton's industry, it was marvellous : at an age Avhen
most men begin to take life easily, he not only embarked in
an entirely new trade, but added to the duties of its general
supervision and management, which could never have been
light, the task of supplying his workmen Avith copy ft-om his
own pen. The extraordinary amount of ])rinted matter,
original, and translated, which he ])nt fortli has already been
noticed ; but there seems reason to believe that some of his
works, both printed and manuscript, have been entirely lost.
Of his translation of the " Metamoi^ihoses of Ovid." only Book
XV Ims 1)een preserved; but we maybe certain that Caxton
WESTMINSTER. 01
nevet -would have begun to translate at the end of a work ;
and it seems proljable, as the manuscript is evidently intended
for the press, that the whole was printed as well as translated.
Moreover several of Caxton's works being unique, and others
having been but recently discovered, we may conclude that
time will yet reveal to us other specimens.
(h-eat interest would attach to a veritable portrait of
I'axton, but although two or three Im^-e been published, they
are all apocryi)hal. The only one that has any appearance
of probability is the small defaced illumination in the manu-
script of " Dictes and Sayings" at Lambeth Palace, which has
received too much praise from Horace Walpole, ^\ho engraved
it for his " Royal and Noble Authors." King Edward IV is
represented on his throne, with the young prince (to whom
Earl Rivers was tutor) standing by his side: there are two
kneeling ingures, one of which, Earl Rivers, is presenting to
the king a copy of his own translation, which Horace Walpole
assumes to have been printed by the other, who of course
would then be Caxton. If this were the case it would l^e
very interesting ; Imt unfortunately the second figure is evi-
dently an ecclesiastic, as shown by his tonsure, and apparently
represents " Hay warde " the scribe, -who engrossed the copy,
and pro])al)ly executed the illumination. TJie portrait com-
monly received as that of Caxton, and which first apjjeared in
his " liife," by Lewis, is thus accounted for by Dr. Dibdin : —
" A portrait of Burckiello, tlie Italian poet, from an octa\'o
edition of his work on Tuscan poetry, of the date of 1554,
M-as inaccurately copied by Faithorne for Sir Hans Sloane, as
the portrait of Caxton." In Lewis's " Life," this portrait was
"improved" by adding a thick beard to Burchiello's chin, and
otherwise altering his character ; and in this form the Italian
poet made his appearance, upon copper, as Caxton. Ames,
Herbert, Marchand, and others, have reproduced tliis absurd
engraving. From a note, however, WTitten by LcAvis to Ames,
it a]-)pears that, although Lewis admitted the portrait, it was
Bagford's creative genius that invented it, as may also be
infen-ed fi'om Lewis's own subscri}ition •' inr. Bnriford,'' upon
the plate.
1)2 "WILLIAM CAXTOX.
As an instauce of his appreciation of a higher hfe than can
be obtained from riches alone, we will quote an anecdote which
Caxton himself A\Tote, and added as an appendix to " ^sop's
Fables."
" There were dwelling- in Oxford two priests, both Masters
of Art, of whom that one was quick and could put himself
forth, and that other was a good simple priest. And so it
happened that the master that was pert and quick was anon
prcmioted to a benefice or two, and after to prebends, and for
to be a dean. So after long time this worshipful man, this
dean, came riding into a good parish with ten or twelve
horses, like a prelate, and came into the church of the said
parish, and found there this good simple man, sometime his
fellow, which came and welcomed him lowly. And that other
bade him. Good morrow, Master John, and took him slightly
by the hand and axed him where he dwelled. And the good
man said. In this parish. How ! said he. Are ye here a
soul-priest or a parish-priest ? Nay, sir, said he ; for lack of
a better I am parson and curate of this parish. Then that
other availed his bonnet and said. Master parson, I pray you
l)e not displeased, I had supposed you not to be beneficed;
l)ut, master, said he, I pray you, what is this benefice worth
to you a year ? Forsooth, said the good simple man, I wot
not, for I make never account thereof, although I have had
it four or five years. And know you not what it is worth !
it should seem a good benefice ? No, forsooth, said he ;
but I wot well what it shall be worth to me. Why, said he,
what shall it be worth ? Forsooth, if I do my true diligence
in the cure of my parishioners in preaching and teaching, and
do the part belonging to my cure, I shall have heaven therefor.
And if their souls be lost, or one of them by my default, I
shall be punished therefor, and hereof am I sure. And with
tliat word the rich dean was abashed. This was a good answer
of a good priest and and honest."
No attempt has been made in the preceding sketch to
exalt Caxton at the expense of historical truth. As England's
first ty])ographcr, a never-dying uiterest will surround his
name. Except as a printer, he nowhere shines forth jirc-
WESTMINSTER.
93
eminent. But although we cannot attribute to him those
rare mental powers which can grasp the hidden laws of nature,
nor the still more rare creative genius which endures through-
out all time, we can claim for him a character which attracted
the lore and respect of his associates — a character on which
history has chronicled no stain — a character which, although
surrounded, through a long period of civil war, by the worst
forms of cruelty, hypocrisy, and injustice in Church and State,
retained to the last its innate simplicity and truthfulness.
C'HAPTER IX.
THE MASTER PKIXTEE.
HE question of the exact spot upon which
England's first printing press was estab-
lished has already been discussed. The
well-known advertisement of Caxton,
which states that pies of Salisbury use
were on sale at the "Red-pale," in the
almonry, at Westminster, not only indicates the position of
his house, but also the sign by which it was known. The
precise appearance of the almonry in the fifteenth century
umst be to some extent imaginary, but we know that alms-
liouses were there, and prol)ably two or three structures liesides
that occupied by Caxton.
We will now ask the reader to imagine fourteen years
passed since Caxton first began working at his new art. It
is not difficult to picture the wooden building in the almonry
occupied l)y his sedate but busy workmen. We can look in
at yonder window^ and see the yenerable master printer him-
self "sittyng in his studye where lay many and dyucrse
paunflettis and bookys." The great towers of Westminster
Abbey cast their shadow^ across the room, for he is an early
riser and already at work upon his translation of the new
Fren(;h romance, called " Eneydos." The " fayre and ornate
termes" of his author give him "grete plasyr," and he
labours, almost w'ithout intermission, till the low sun, blazing
from tlie western windows, warns him of the day's decline.
THE MASTER PRINTER.
Again, we watch him pass with observant eye throngh the
rooms where his ser^•ants are at work ; wc see the movements
of the Compositors, who ply their rapid fingers close to the
narrow windows ; we hear the thud-thud of the wooden presses
as the workmen "pull to" and "send home" the "bar,"
discussing meanwhile the latest news; and we sympathise
Avith the binder, who, hammering away at the volume between
his knees, looks in despair at the ever-increasing progeny of
his master's art. Piles of books and printed " quayers " rise
on all sides, and many a wise head is ominously shaken at the
folly of supposing that purchasers can he found for so many
boolvs. Nevertheless Caxton pursues his busy course, ever at
work with mind and body, preparing copy for the press, and
guiding and instructing his workmen in the art which he had
learned in Bruges at " grete charge and dispense," and the
practices of which are to be explained in the following
chapter.
Of all the workmen employed at the " Eed-jiale," the names
of three only have descended to us.
Wynken de Worde, who was probably a native of the
to\sii of Worth in Belgium, appears to have been the chief
man. When he entered Caxton's service is unknown ; it was
probably at an early age, as he was still living in the year
1585. In 1401 he succeeded to the stock in trade of his
deceased master, but he did not append liis own name to his
books until 1 493. He used many varieties of Caxton's " mark."
Richard Pyxson speaks respectfully of Caxton as " my
worshipful master," He at first set up a press just outside
Temple Bar, and used Caxton's device in his books.
William Coplaxd remained for some time after Caxton's
death in the service of Wynken de Worde. He, too, in his
prologue to "Kynge Apolyne of Thyre," mentions "my
master Caxton." Doubtless there were many others, and some
have supposed that Machlinia, Lettou, and Treveris were
among the number; but there is no evidence that these
printers were ever reckoned among Caxton's workmen.
We come now to the mechanical means by which, during
fourteen years, Caxton earned on his business. Was the
06 WILLIAM CAXTON.
process of book-making the same as it is at the present
time ? What sorts of types, and how many founts were
used ? How were the types made, and what were their sizes ?
Did the compositors use upper and lower case, sticks, chases,
brass rule, reglets, furniture, and the various appliances of a
modem composing-room ? What were the presses like, and
the practices of the pressmen ? And lastly. In what form
were Caxton's books issued to the public ? To most of these
questions it would, at first sight, seem as though no definite
answer could be given ; but when attention is directed to the
books themselves, undesigned, and therefore most trustworthy,
evidence will be found in them as to many technical customs
and peculiarities of the early printers.
Before the invention of printing, the art of book-making,
mechanically considered, was divided into three departments :
the manufacture of the material upon which to write, almost
entirely parchment or vellum ; the ink making and the '\\Tit-
ing, the scribe being his own ink maker; and the binding.
Illuminators there were, of course, but their work was merely
ornamental, and by no means necessary to the idea of a book.
In monasteries famous for the diffusion of learning all these
branches were carried on together. So has it been Avith
printers, who, from the infancy of their art to the present
time, have occasionally included everything necessary to a
perfect book in one establishment. If all the trades which,
either directly or indirectly, are caUed into operation by
printers were to be emmierated, few indeed would be omitted ;
nevertheless, the absolute necessaries for the production of a
book are — the material upon which to print, the types and
presses with which to print, and the workmen to handle them.
We will, therefore, consider Caxton's books under the follow-
ing heads : —
The paper. i To these may be added, al-
The types. j though not as necessary
The compositor. assistants :
The press, the pressman, | The nibricator, illuminator,
and the ink. and wood-engraver.
The bookbinder.
THE MASTER PRIXTEE. 97
THE PAPEE,
Fortiuiately, there is no need to enter here upon the
obscure origin of the manufacture of paper. The only ques-
tion which concerns us is — "What kind of paper did Caxton
use, and whence did he obtain it ? He certainly had several
sizes ; the largest, which was probably found too unwieldy, was
used only for the first two editions of the " Golden Legend,"
an uncut copy of which, in the University Library at Cam-
bridge, gives 22 X 151 inches for the full measurement of a
whole sheet. The large size of this book was, doubtless,
suited to its intended use — in the public services of the
church. He likewise used several smaller sizes, which varied
according to the moulds in which the sheets were made, from
18i X 13 inches to 16 x 11 inches.
The quality of the paper varied considerably, though not
to the extent apparent in the books as they now exist —
chemical " doctoring " and washing, which have in many
instances been resorted to for cleansing purposes, having
weakened and rotted much of "the paper so treated, whilst
the untouched specimens remain strong and fi]>rous. "We
observe in books still in the original bindings, and apparently
untouched, that the paper was rough — sometimes very rough
— on the surface, with long hairs frequently imbedded in it,
and marks where many more had been removed ; of a strong
filirous texture, unbleached, and of a clear mellow whiteness,
indicating an absence of colouring matter in the pulp.
The accompanying woodcut shows a paper-mill of this
period. A water-wheel was aiTanged to tm'u a wooden shaft
upon which were rows of cogs which continually lifted up to
the height of a few inches a number of wooden pestles, and
then let them fall upon the material, which was always in
shallow water. The whole of the filjre was thus retained with
its length and strength uninjured. When the pulp was ready
it was taken up, in small quantities, into the hand-mould,
and formed into a sheet. There would be no difficulty what-
ever in making paper nowadays in a similar manner, only no
one in the trade would spare the time and labour, and no one
H
98
WILLIAJI CAXTON.
out of tlie trade would pay for the cost and trouble of its
production.
The unevenness in thickness and colour to which the
manufacture was liable at this early period, appears to have
necessitated a sorting of the sheets after they came from the
mill ; those nearest to each other in colour and weight being
put together. This system of selection was adopted occa-
sionally for single copies, economy being doubtless the induce-
ment. When two or tliree examples of a book can be com-
pared together this fact is often very evident, as in the two
copies of "The Knight of the Tower" which are in the
British Museum, where the variation in quality is too great
to be accounted for except by this practice of selection.
Several other instances show that Caxton, when preparing to
print a new volume, told oif the paper separately for certain
copies. This custom also accounts for the astonishing variety
of water-marks frequently found in one volume.
Some possessors of uncut specimens of Caxton's press have
imagined them to be " large paper copies," but we have no
evidence that Caxton designedly printed special copies, except,
perhaj)s, in the instancies of the vellum " Doctrinal " and
THE MASTER PRINTER. 99
" Directoriiim," hereafter to be noticed, but of these the
appearance is by no means that of livres de luxe.
Watermarlcs are of much less vahie in bibliography than
some \\Titers have imagined. In but very few instances can
a limit of time be fixed for their use ; and as the marks might
be repeated, or the paper itself kept for any length of time,
and imported to any place, they cannot be used as evidence
either of the date when, or the place where, a book passed
through the press. The arms of France — three fleurs-de-lis
on a shield, surmounted by a crown — which appear as a
watermark in "Le Recueil des Histoires de Troyes," have
been adduced by M. Bernard as evidence of the French origin
of the printed work. He was doulitless unaware that the same
watermark appears in '*The Recuyell," "Canterbury Tales,"
1st edition, " Mirrour," 1st edition, "Jason," "Chronicles,"
"Polycronicon," "Speculum Vitse Christi," "Dictes," 2nd
edition, and many others, embracing the whole of Caxton's
typographical career. When, ho\\-ever, paper bears the arms
of a nation or a city, we may, in such a case, fairly conjecture,
although not with certainty, the seat of its manufacture. It
appears likely that all Caxton's paper was imported from the
Low Countries, and it was in all probability purchased from
some old connection in the great mart of Bruges. But where-
ever obtained, there was a great intermixture of qualities,
including the make of several mills. We have never yet seen
one of Caxton's books in which the same watermark runs
through the whole volume, and in many cases the variety is
astonishing. Thus, in a copy of the first edition of the
" Canterbury Tales," now in the Library of Mr. Huth, there
appear no less than fifteen distinct watermarks.
A few of the marks found in Caxton's books are here
given. As already remarked, they indicate the Loav Coun-
tries as the land of their origin, and most of them are found
also in the block-books, the works of Golard Mansion, Gerard
Leeu, and other early printers.
No. 1. The Bull's Head, which appears in the earliest speci-
mens of paper known, and waf? a favourite symbol with
fi 2
100
WILLIAM CAXTON.
No. 1.
No. 2.
No. 4.
THE MASTER PRINTER.
101
No. 5.
No. 6.
No. 8.
102 WILLIAM CAXTON.
paper makers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
The varieties of it are very numerous.
No. 2. The Arms of John the Fearless, son of Philip the
Hardy. As eldest son the field is charged with a label :
the superimposed cross referring to his crusade in 1395.
This and the six succeeding marks have a direct
connection with the ruling dynasty in Flanders and the
Low Coimtries.
No. 3. The letter p is very common in Caxton's books, and
is perhaps the initial of Philip the Good ; although
paper bearing a p had also been made in the reign of
Philip the Hardy. Its varieties are very numerous.
No. 4. The letter p is thought by Sotheby to be the initial
of Ysabel, third wife of Philip the Good.
Mr. Sotheby, in his list of Caxton's watermarks,
mentions the p and g combined, as occurring in the
British Museum copy of "Jason." During a careful
search, however, in the same copy, I was unable to
detect any such mark.
No. 5. The Unicorn — a symbol of power adopted by Philip
the Good, who chose two unicorns as supporters of his
coat-of-arms. The same figure was used extensively as
an ornament in his palace and furniture.
No. 6. The Arms of France. These were frequently used by
paper-makers of the Low Countries, probably in refer-
ence to the direct descent of the House of Burgundy
from the Kings of France.
No. 7. The Arms of Champagne. This province was ceded
to the Duke of Burgundy in 1430 by the King of
France.
No. 8. The Hand, over which is a single fleur-de-lis, the
peculiar badge of the House of Burgundy.
In Caxton's books the p is the most common among the
watermarks, the order of frequency among the others being
as follows : — The Hand or Glove ; the Arms of Chanqiagne ;
the Bull's Head ; the Arms of France ; the Greyhound ; the
the Arms of John the Fearless; Shears; a Pot ; an Anchor;
an Unicorn ; a Bull ; a Cross ; Grapes ; a Pehcan, &c.
THE MASTER PRINTER. 103
The reader curious on this point may see numerous other
watermarks figured by Mr. Sotheby in the third volume of his
" Principia Tyjjographica." ]\Iany of tliese are merely varia-
tions of the mark, the paper being made in the same mould.
An accidental injury, or even the wear and tear of the mould
by constant use, often caused a contortion of the wires. In
rare instances the watermark occurs uninjured in shape, but
quite at the edge of the paper. This has been accounted
for by supposing the fine wires which held the watermark
in its place on the mould to have become loosened by decay,
or some accident, and so allowed the mark to slide filong the
face of the mould, but it is more probably caused by the use
of large sheets of paper cut down to a smaller size.
Of the value of paper in Caxton's time we may f irni some
idea from the prices paid by the directors of the Kipoli press,
at Florence, between 1474 and 1483. An original "Cost
book " of this establishment is still extant in the Magliabechian
library at Florence. It is one of the most interesting docu-
ments connected with early typography, and has been edited
and published by the Padre Vincenzio Fineschi. From this
it appears that the following nine sizes or qualities of paper
were then in use, the English prices given being about the
present equivalent, reckoning the lira at 3s 9^.
PER REAM.
1. Largepaperof Bologna in common folio, about £l 4 2
2. Middling ditto ditto . . 13 2^
3. Small ditto ditto . . 11 3
4. Paper of Fabriano, viiih a crossbow for water-
mark 12 4^
5. Ditto, ^\ith a cross for watermark .... 8 7i
6. Paper of CoUe 8 7|
7. Paper of Prato 9 4|-
8. Paper of Pescia, "with spectacles for watermark 10 10^
9. The same, yith a ^/o^'<? for watermark ... 9
Zanetti quotes a document, dated 1483, which states the
price of paper in Florence to have been, at tliat period, for
" Carta reale, quaderni 10... 3 lir. 6 sol.8d ;" and for " Carta da
104 WILLIAM CAXTON.
scrivere il quaderiio...l8 sol.;" that is, royal paper about
12s 5d per ten quires, and writing paper 3s 4|d per quire.
The first paper maker in England was John Tate. He
manufoctured specially for Caxton's successor, Wynken de
Wordc, who thus announces the fact in his edition of "Bar-
tholomasus de Proprictatibus," printed about the year 1498 : —
"And John Tate the younger,
Joye mote he broke,
Whiche late hath in Englond doo
Made this paper tliynne,
That now in oure englisslie
This boke is pryntcd Inne."
Tate, who died in 1514, and whose mil is preserved in the
principal registry of the Court of Probate, left considerable
property, several of his legacies being in paper.
It is somewhat remarkable that Caxton should have made
so sparing a use of vellum for his books, and should have been
so indifferent about the quality of the skins which he did
employ. The only examples kno^vn are a copy of the " Doc-
trinal of Sapience," at Windsor Castle, for a long time thought
to be unique, and a "Speculum vitre Christi," now in the
British JMuseum, to which may be added a few slips on which
Indidgences arc printed.
THE TYPES.
The question of the invention of moveable types, like that
of the origin of paper, is one into which we have no need
here to enter. The majority of wTiters on this subject having
been unacquainted with the characteristics of type, have
strayed far and wide in the discussion. M. Bernard, however,
writing as a practical printer, has done much to dispel
numerous misapprehensions, and especially that common
error of supposing that the first moveable types were cut in
wood.
We now proceed to lay before the reader the earliest
notices of typefounders, and such evidence as may explain the
mechanics of typefouncUng in the fifteenth century, especially
with reference to the types of Caxton.
THE MASTER PEINTER. 105
Perhaps no part of the Typographic Art is hidden in more
utter darlcness than the early manufacture of the types.
Consideraljle secrecy no doubt accompanied all the operations
of the first printers, and was maintained do^vn to a com-
paratively late period. Moreover, it was but natural that the
results of the new art should hold a more prominent place
in men's minds than the processes by which those results
were produced, and thus, although printers and printing were
often mentioned, we find nothing concerning the mechanical
part of typefounding anterior to that curious httle book of
trades, with illustrations by Jost Amman, which was issued at
Frankfort in I0O8 The author, in the few lines which accom-
pany the illustration, omits all reference to the process, but,
from the woodcut of the " SchriflFtgiesser " and his tools, we
shall farther on draw some practical inferences concerning
early t}7)efoundiug.
Whether Caxton, whose account of his first tyjiographical
venture is contained in . the prologue to the Third Book of
" The Eecuyell," made himself acquainted with the manufac-
ture as well as with the use of his types there is no evidence
to prove. He simply remarks, " Therefore I have practysed
and lerned at my grete charge and dispense to ordeyne this
said book in prynte." If he only procured types and presses,
and the requisite knowledge to control their use, it no doubt
cost him a considerable sum. The probability is that his first
two founts were cast at Bruges according to his instructions,
and that he brought the second over with him to Westminster.
But, when once settled in his native country, we may well
consider whether he would not, for convenience sake, have
become his own ty[)efounder. No stray hint or remark can
be found to incline us to the one opinion or the other.
Several generations of printers passed away before we find in
any work the slightest allusion to English typefounders. The
earliest appears in Archbishop Parker's preface to Asser's
Chronicle of King Alfred, where, in speaking of the Saxon
types witli which the book was printed, the editor states that
as far as he knew. Day, the printer, was the first to cut
them : — " lam \evb cum Dayus typographus primus (& omnium
106 WILLIAM CAXTON.
certe quod sciam solus) has formulas jeri inciderit : facile quae
Saxonicis Uteris perscripta sunt, iisdem typis diuulgabuntur."
This leads us to suppose that John Day was only one type-
founder among others, and that therefore the art was at that
time by no means a novel one in England. Seventy years
later we find ty])efounding a distinct trade in London, and
under rigid Government protection, as we learn from the
following decree : —
"Decreed by the Court of Starre-Chamber, 11th July,
1G37:—
" That there shall be Four Founders of letters for
printing and no more.
"That the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop
of London, with Six other High Commissioners,
shall supply the places of those four as they shall
become void.
"That no master Founder shall keep above two
Apprentices at one time."
Despite this restrictive care, however, the typefounders of
Holland and Flanders supplied English Printers with better
types than native art could produce, until ' the establishment
of a foundry by the first Caslon.
The only English author before the rise of encyclopaedias,
who described the process of type manufacture was Joseph
Moxon. This ingenious author, writing in 1683, gives an
account of the whole Art of Printing, as practised in an im-
proved style by himself, and devotes several chapters to the
various methods of punch cutting, matrix sinking, and type
founding. The process then adopted was very similar to that
still in use, and diifered greatly from that of Caxton, or
Caxton's tyjiefounder. The practice of Moxon, like that of
modem tyjiefounders, was to cut each letter in relief on a
piece of steel to form the punch — to strike this punch into a
small piece of copper, which made the matrix — and then to
fit this matrix to the bottom of an iron mould into which the
liciuid metal was poured. The mould, which formed the
shank of the tj\}Q, was capable of a sliding adjustment,
widthwise, to the width of the various letters (from an i to
THE MASTEK PRINTER. 107
an jE); the depth or size of the body always remaining
the same throughout the fount. Thus, by using each matrix
successiTely in the same mould, exactness in size of body was
insured.
The want of this exactness, indicated by the uneven appear-
ance of the lines, and other considerations, lead to the con-
clusion that the fifteenth-century printers did not practise
this method, but is very difficult even to speculate upon that
which they did employ in the production of their types. The
examination of many specimens has led me to conclude that
two schools of tyi^ography existed together. The ruder con-
sisted of those printers who practised their art in Holland
and the Low Countries, and who, by degrees only, adopted
the better and more perfect methods of the school founded
in Germany by the celebrated trio — Fust, Gutenberg, and
SchoeflFer. None of these divulged the secrets of their art.
One fact, however, we know with certainty, and that is that
the German school employed the very best artists that Europe
could produce to cut the patterns, or rather punches, for
their tyjies. In an interesting tract from the pen of Sir
Anthony Panizzi it is proved that the celebrated Bolognese
goldsmith, medallist and painter, Francia, was the artist who
cut all the Aldine types, the elegance of which will for ever
associate the name of Aldus with the perfection of printing.
From the " Cost Book " of the Ripoli press, at Florence, we
find also that steel, iron, and tin were used in the manufacture
of types about 1480. But the English printers, whose prac-
tice seems to have been derived fi'om the Flemish school,
were far behind their contemporaries in the art. Their types
show that a very rude process of founding was practised, and
the use, as will be described presently, of old types as patterns
for new, evinces more of commercial expediency than of
artistic ambition.
That Caxton's types were really cast is evident from
identity in the face of the same letter, where even a flaw may
be noticed as recurring continuously; but the material of
which the matrices were formed must be to a great extent
conjectural. M. Bernard has given an interesting account of
108 WILLIAM CAXTON.
some successful efforts to cast letters in sand, but his speci-
men has not a single overhanging letter in it, and, from its
size, was certainly much easier to produce than -would have
been the small t}-pes of Caxton ; yet in one respect, the " bad
lining," or irregular heights of the letter, it has an interesting
similitude to Caxton's types. In the office of Messrs. Caslon
there are still in existence some large Roman capital letters
(about 3-line pica), which an old workman assured me he had
himself used in by-gone years to form sand-moulds for type,
a practice then by no means uncommon.
We will now turn to the little book of engravings already
mentioned as giving the earliest notice of the art. We there
see somewhat of the practices of the Frankfort typefounders
in 1568. The woodcut shows that even a century after the
invention of the art there was an important difference from
the modem plan, although probably the principle of punch,
matrix and mould, was the same. There is a small furnace,
with the pan of metal sunk in the top ; by the side are the
bellows, basket of charcoal, and tongs. Close to the type-
founder is the bowl into which he drops each type as it is
cast ; and the artist has correctly dra^^ii these types with the
" break " of the letter still attached. The workman holds the
mould in his left hand, and is pouring in metal from a ladle.
On the table at his back is what appears to be a nest of very
shallow drawers, which hold the matrices in alphabetical
arrangement, while upon the top of the drawers are three or
four matrices for immediate use. On the wooden shelves
opposite are three moulds, some sieves, and crucibles. The
sieves were probably for sifting the sand in which might be
cast the large tyjjes, and in which the small ingots for use in
the melting pot would be run. The main interest of this
woodcut lies in the t\"|)e moulds, in which we notice a differ-
ence in shape from those now used ; while the absence of the
long wire spring which holds the matrix firm up to the mould
indicates that, during its use, the matrix was a fixture in the
mould. The foremost of the three moulds on the shelf shows
in its side a hole which may possibly have been used for the
insertion of a matrix.
THE MASTER PRINTER. 109
As the early moulds were so dissimilar to those of modern
use, let us look to the types themselves for evidence. Antici-
pating the result of the analysis of the various founts used
by C ax ton (which will follow in its. proper place) we find
the conclusion inevitable that hard-metal punches were not
used, and that even types themselves were used either as
punches, or in some analogous way for the production of new
founts. The use of large types to form matrices in sand (as
in the case of Messrs. Caslon's foundry, above alluded to), was
not unconmion in bygone years ; and that letters of a much
smaller size can also be effectively employed as punches is
interestingly illustrated by the shifts to which Benjamin
Franklin, America's pioneer-printer, was put in the early
days of the Transatlantic press. Franklin thus narrates his
own practice : " Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and
there was no letter-foundry in America ; I had seen types
cast at James's in London, but without much attention to
the manner ; however, / contrived a inould, and imide use of
the letters we had as puncJieo)is, struck the matrices in lead,
and thus supplied, in a pretty tolerable way the deficiencies.
/ also engraved several things on occasion."
The metal of which Caxton's types were cast can only be
conjectured. The probability is that it was soft, and if even
so soft as lead it would have been sufficiently durable to have
performed the work for the small impression required of each
book. In demonstration of this the author procured, by the
kindness of Messrs. Figgins, a fount of their Oaxton types in
pure lead, and composed a page of Caxton's " Chess Book,"
working it in the usual way, at a common hand press, and
numbering each unpression as it came from the tympau in
order to note its gradual wear. The paper was royal cartridge
of the common rough quality, and was worked dry. After
500 pulls, perceiving no appreciable wear, the author stopped
the experiment, being sufficiently satisfied.
Our conclusions then, in respect of the founding, are
mainly negative. The moulds were mil ike those now in use,
and the punches were not of steel. The process, whatever it
may have lieen, admitted of contrivances incompatible with
110 WILLIAM CAXTON.
our present mode ; and we conjecture that the type-metal, if
not of lead, was yet sufBciently soft to allow of-it being easily
trimmed up with a chisel. This trimming uji, so often visible
in TjY^e No. 2*, misled the late Mr. Vincent Figgins, who,
when examining the second edition of the " Game and Play of
the Chess," came to the erroneous conclusion that the whole
book was printed from types cut separately by hand, a con-
clusion which he would never have adopted had he extended
his examination to other and earlier works of Caxton in the
same tyi^es.
Let us now see what the founts of types really were that
Caxton used.
"When we look at the long list of English authors who
have A^•ritten upon early typography, and when we recognise
among the names those of Moxon, Palmer, Smith, Bo^Ayer,
Nichols, Stower, Watson, Hansard, and Timperley, all of
whom Avere, as printers, practically acquainted with the art
which employed their pens, it is a matter of some surprise
that nothing like a correct account of Caxton's types ap-
peared. Nor is it less remarkable that the only history of
English typefounding is that by Kowe Mores, a well-known
antiquarian, who was brought up for the Church, and who
devoted many of the later years of his life to the collection of
old moulds and matrices. He purchased all the old stock of
the last of the old race of letterfounders, Mr. James, of Bar-
tholomew Close, whose extensive collection was said to date
from the days of Wynken de Worde ; and it is much to be
regretted that, after the death of Mr. Mores, his collections
were not preserved intact. His catalogues of matrices exist-
ing in his OAMi day, or in his own possession, are probably
exact enough ; but his account of the types used by Caxton
and Wynken de Worde is fiiU of en-ors.
During Caxton's career as a printer, viz., from about
1476 to 1491-2, or a period of seventeen years, he used
eight separate founts or castings of letters. These eight
founts we have called, according to their chronological
appearance. No. 1, No. 2, No. 2*, No. 3, No. 4, No. 4*,
No. 5, and No. (j.
THE MASTER PRINTER. Ill
If we divide them into clmracter of letter we find three
classes : —
1st. Type No. 1 is distinct in character, and unlike any
other kno-^Ti type. On comparison with a manuscript
in the hologi-aph of Colard Mansion, of Bruges, M.
Bernard came to the conclusion that it was formed
upon the handwriting of that celebrated caligrapher.
2nd. Types 2, 2*, 4, 4*, and 6, are of the same cha-
racter as the early type of Colard Mansion, known as
*' gros batarde."
3rd. Types 3 and 5, were designed, like the characters of
the Bible and Psalter of the early Mentz printers,
upon the Church Text of the scribes, and approach
nearer than any other of Caxton's types to what
modern printers call " black letter."
If, however, we divide the eight founts into distinct
cuttings, we find five : —
1st. Type No. 1.
2nd. Tyi^e No. 2, modified first into No. 2*, and again
into No. C.
3rd. Tyjje No. 3.
4th. Type No. 4, modified into No. 4*.
5th. Type No. 5.
Type No. 1.
Although we believe that Caxton had less to do with this
than with any of the later types, yet, as it is the first with
which his name is associated — as it is that by using which he
obtained a knowledge of the art of printing — and as it is the
type of the first English-printed book, — it is clothed with an
interest peculiarly its own.
The books printed with this fount are five : —
The Recuyell of the Histories of Troy .... 1472-74
The Game and Play of the Chess, 1st edition . . 1475-76
Le Recueil dcs Histoires de Troyes 1475-76
Les Pais du Chevalier Jason after 1476
Les sept Pseaulmes penitenciaidx after 1476
112 WILLIAM CAXTON.
From the rarity of " Les Fais du Jason," only one copy
being in England, and that inconyenient for prolonged ex-
amination, its peculiar features, if any, are not noticed in the
following remarks.
The first thing we observe in type No. 1 is, that its gene-
ral appearance is more free and manuscript-like than would
be thought the case from the square-set figure of each iiidi-
vidual letter. This is, to a considerable extent, caused by
the great variety of letters, there being only five for which
there were not more than one matrix, either as single letters
or in combination : for, although the diiferences between the
various matrices of the same letter may be but very slight,
we have here the fundamental principle of freedom, namely,
a recurrence of modified sameness. The execution of the type
is good, sharp, and decided, with suificient difference between
the repetitions of the same letter to indicate independence of
of tracing or mechanical contrivance;' hence probably the
work of one accustomed to cut letters. The body of the type,
which is identical throughout the five books, is the same as
the recognised Great Primer of modern printers.
The complete fount embraced at least 163 sorts, of which
we remark upon the following : —
a is not used in the English books, but often occurs in the
French books.
t is not used in " The Recuyell " or the " Chess Book," but
often occurs in " Le Recueil " and " Les sept Pseaulmes."
ill is often used for an 1^ in the French books, but always
correctly in the English books.
/I. — This incongruous and badly-cut letter appears about
twelve times, in various grades of bad casting, before the
recto of folio 3G of " The Recuyell," after which it is not
found.
IR is only found in the English books, where it is sometimes
used for a ii.
Arabic numerals do not occur in this fount.
There are only three marks of punctuation, which may be
called — the comma, or oblique stroke (/), the colon (:),
and tlie full point (.). They are used arbitrarily as to
THE MASTEE PRINTER. 113
power, and in numerous rarieties of combination, such as,
./ ./ /• ./' •/. • // :. ♦:. .-.:.*. &c., &c.
From the foregoing remarks it mil be seen that there are
certain letters peculiar to the English and others peculiar to
the French books printed in this type ; and as these are not
in any way attributable to the fashion of the language, the
fact strongly corroborates the opinion that, although from the
same printer, the compositor, and perhaps the cases, were
changed.
Type No. 2.
This was the first fount used in England when Caxton set
up his presses at the " Red-pale" in the Almomy, and, before
remarking upon its peculiarities, we will give a list of the
books kno^Mi to have been printed from it. Of these, as T\iU
be shown further on, there are two easily-distinguished classes;
those printed first, with type No. 2, and those printed after-
wards, with a re-casting of the fount, which we call type
No. 2*..
TYPE Xo. 2.
Les quatre derrenieres choses ante 1477
History of Jason circa 1477
Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 1st edition . 1477
Horse, 1st edition circa 1477
Canterbury Tales, 1st edition atife 1478
Moral Proverbs 1478
Propositio clarissimi Johannis Russell .... ante 1479
Stans Puer ad Mensam ante 1479
Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho, 1st edition . ante 1479
Ditto ditto 2nd edition . ante 1479
The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose, 1st edition ante 1479
Ditto ditto 2nd edition . ante 1479
Infancia Salvatoris ante 1479
The Temple of Glass ante 1479
The Chorle and the Bird, 1st edition . . . . ante 1479
Ditto 2nd edition ante 1479
The Temple of Brass ante 1479
The Book of Courtesy, 1st edition ante 1479
I
114 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Anelida and Arcyte circa 1478
Boetliius de Consolatione Philosophias 1478
TYPE No. 2*.
Cordial 1479
Laurentius G ulielmus de Saona de Nova Rhethorica, n'rca 1470
Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 2nd edit., circa 1480
An Indnlgence 1480
Parvns Catho and Magnus Catho, 3rd edition . circa 1480
Mirronr of the World, 1st edition 1480
Reynard the Fox, 1st edition 1480
Tuily of Old Age, and of Friendship 1481
The Game and Play of the Chess, 2nd edition . circa 1481
This ty|)e has a more dashing, picturesque, and elaborate
character than type No. 1 . It is an imitation of the " gi'os-
l)<itarde " tj^Q of Colard Mansion, with same variation in the
capital letters, which are extremely irregular, not only in size
but also in design, some being of the simplest possible con-
struction, Avhilst others have spurs, lines, and flourishes.
The general appearance of type No. 2 is very different
from that of No. 2*, many letters in the earlier fount having
u bolder and thicker face than in the later ; and the fact of
there being a perfect division of the books into two distinct
classes prevents our attrilmting this difference to either wear
of type or faulty printing — the former would be gradual, the
latter irregular.
On comparing the two classes, letter by letter, we find
several single and compound letters occurring in the one and
not in the other. Thus en (not final) is peculiar to the first
class, while two forms of It without a loop in the head, double
U without loops, tf), toa, hJP, and h)0 are found in the second
class only. Other letters are so entirely different that a single
example is convincing of their not having been printed from
the same founts ; and the remainder, although often very
nearly alike, so constantly preserve some slight characlcrislic
peculiar to each section, that a close examination of numerous
instances, after niiikiiig allowance for faulty printing, leads to
THE MASTER PRINTER. 115
the conclusion that no letters of the fii'st section are identical
vnth those of the second.
A minute examination discloses the general fact, that the
letters of Tji^e No. 2* are somewhat thinner than those of
Type No. 2, and that, in numerous instances, the tops, the
descending tails, and the titles generally, have been truncated.
For example, examine the letter ( and its combinations in the
two types; the second shows alirays a thinner-faced letter
than the first. Again, notice how the tops of the various lis,
the tails of eit and in, and the tails generally appear in the
second state. Observing that the two founts (2 and 2*) are
never mixed, and that all the books dated before 1479 occur
in Tjrpe No. 2, and all those dated after 1479 in No. 2*, the
two types appear to indicate two distinct periods; and, taking
into consideration the peculiarities just noticed, it would seem
that, upon the types becoming worn, some of the best were
selected, trinnnud up with a graver, and used for making
matrices for a new casting. If this were not the case, how
should we account for the new fount being so nearly like the
old? for, the two not having been used together, there was
no reason for such care to make them match.
The body of Type No. 2 is the same as that of Tjrpe No.
2*, and is exactly equal to two lines of " Long Primer "
(Caslgn's standard), which is very near to " Paragon." A
complete fount of Type No. 2 consisted of 217 sorts, and
Type No. 2* of 2r)4 sorts.
The ^C of Type No. 1, which, if it occun-ed at all, might
have been expected in the first fount used in England, is
found only in books printed with Type No. 2*.
AYe may notice here that the sorts If, t^, bt, and others,
presume an intended French use of Type No. 2, a probability
strengthened by the ti^, and the combinations of hj, being
later additions to the fount in No. 2*.
Type No. 3.
This grand t}^e, which was in use fi'om about 1479 to
1483, has perhaps less direct interest for us than any of the
others. No English book in this type is known, and until a
I 2
116 WILLIAIVI CAXTON.
veiy recent period it was considered merely as a supple-
mentary fount used by Caxton for headings, &c. But the
discovery of a " Psalterium," fragments of a " Horse," and a
"Directorium" proves that three works at least were printed
entirely with this fount. Upon these, especially the " Psal-
terium," and upon the headings of " Boethius," the " Golden
Legend," and " Tully," the following remarks are based.
The small letters are an exact copy of those cast by the
early German founders, Fust and Schoeflfer, and are equally
well executed. The capital letters, however, are very unlike
Fust's, being for the most part a modification of the Flemish
"Secretary," as already presented to us in the gTos-bdtarde
type of Colard Mansion.
The body is identical, or very nearly so, ^vith type No. 2,
and is used with it to distinguish proper names, &c., in the
" Cordial " and in " Tully," but, having a much larger face,
it is never in line.
The complete fount comprised ]94 sorts. The stops
generally are smaller than those of type No. 2, which is
remarkable, as the face of the letter is nmch larger.
This ty]ie was intended for Latin works, as the contrac-
tions sufficiently prove. All the books we have in it are in
Latin, except headings in the first edition of the " Golden
Legend," &c., and proper names, as in the " Cordial " and
" Tully." Used almost entirely for Church Service books, it
does not seem to have been much in favour with Caxton ; but
upon his death his successor, Wynken de Worde, came into
possession of it, and used it continually.
Type No. 4.
Types No. 4 and 4* may be spoken of generally as one,
there being the same intimate connection between them as
between Nos. 2 and 2*; unlike them, however, there is a
slight variation in the body, type No. 4 being, as compared
with the re-casting of it, or type No. 4*, as 20 is to 19. In
other words, the body of type No. 4 is rather smaller than
that of Type No. 4*. This of course would only be ])ossible
by direct intention with modern typefounders, who use the
THE MASTEK PRINTER. 117
same moulds and matrices for as many founts of the type as
are required ; but as is shown in the chapter on typefounding,
the moulds and matrices were in those days very different.
The engraving of the types is neat, and appears to have
been executed by the same hand that cut type Xo. 2 ; but
there is this difference between the second states of the two
founts — type No. 2* was, as already shown, cast from matrices
formed by the use of old casts of type No. 2 as punches, after
being trimmed by hand, but for types Nos. 4 and 4* there
is the strongest evidence of the same punches having been
used, and therefore the variation of body is the more remark-
able, as it would have been as easy to make the re-casting
agree in size with the original as to make the letters of each
fount agTce among themselves. The variation, however, is
a fact.
The body of tyi3e No. 4 is very near indeed to modern
English (Caslon's standard), and is the smallest of any used
by Caxton. The re-casting, or type No. 4* (which loses 1 in
20 — that is to say, 19 hncs of type No. 4* take up only the
same depth as 20 of type No. 4) is exactly two lines of
minion. The total number of sorts in type No. 4 appears to
have been 194, and in No. 4* 187, a few sorts not having
been re-cast.
We will now give a list of the works for which this type,
in its two states, was employed.
TYPE No. 4.
The Chronicles of England, 1st edition 1480
The Description of Britain 1480
An Indulgence 1481
Curia Sapientiae circa 1481
Godfi-ey of Boloyne 1481
The Chronicles of England, 2nd edition 1482
Polycronicon 1482
The Pilgrimage of the Soul 1483
A Vocabulary 1483
Servitium de Yisitatione circa 1483
Confessio Amantis (moslli/) 1483
118 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The Knight of the Tower {partly) 1484
Sex Epistol* (mostJi/) 1483
TYPE KO. 4*.
The Festial, 1st edition 1483
Quatuor Hermones, 1st edition 1483
Confessio Amantis {partlij) 1483
The Knight of the Tower {mostly) 1484
Caton circa 1484
Golden Legend , circa 1484
Death-Bed Prayers circa 1484
^sop 1484
Order of Chivalry circa 1484
Canterbury Tales, 2nd edition circa 1484
Book of Fame tirra 1484
The Curial circa 1484
Troylus and Creside circa 1484
Life of our Lady circa 1484
Life of St. Winifred circa 1485
Life of King Arthur 1485
Life of Charles the Great 1485
Paris and Vienne 1485
The commas have a notable chronological bearing. The
short comma (/) \\'as used alone up to the second edition of
the " Chronicles," in 1482 — is used occasionally with the long
comma (/) in 1483 — and disappears entirely after that year.
A good test by which to distinguish 4 and 4* is the shape
of tlie lower-case to ; the letter Avith the curled top distin-
guishing the book at once as belonging to tyjje No. 4, whereas
its absence is a sure sign that the tyi^e is Xo. 4*.
Ty|)e No. 4* makes its first appearance among Caxton's
founts in a very peculiar manner. Li the autumn of 1483
he was engaged in printing two Avorks, Gower's "Confessio
Amantis" and the "Kuight of the Tower." At sig. p of
"Confessio Amantis" we find that the inmost sheet is in type
No. 4*, the three other sheets of the section being in ty})e
No. 4. Several pages in sig. ^ are also in No. 4*, and on
THE jVIASTER rRINTEll. 119
sig. I Hi] recto the first column is in No. 4, while the second
column is in No. 4*. This mixture of founts by no means
proves that the two were in use at the same time ; it only-
shows that before the cases containing ty|)e No. 4 were finally
emptied out to make room for the new fount, one compositor
had worked ahead of his feUows, who had not finished their
taking of copy when the new letter supplanted the old. The
table, although placed at the commencement of the book, was
necessarily printed last, and therefore, as a matter of course,
we find type No. 4* used for it. In the "Knight of the
Tower," sig. f introduces the new fount to us, all that follows,
as well as the introductory matter, being type No. 4*.
Type No. 5.
There is much similarity of design betAA-een this and type
No. 3, the likeness between some of the letters being so close
as lead to the conclusion that one artist cut both.
The books printed in this letter are as follows : —
The Royal Book circa 1487
The Book of Good Manners 1487
Directorium Sacerdotum, 1st edition .... cirra 1487
Speculum Vita Christi circa 1488
Commemoratio Lamentationis circa 1488
The Doctrinal of Sapience 1489
Horte circa 1490
Servitium de Transfigurationc circa 1491
In the 2nd edition of the "Golden Legend" (1487?), all
the headings, both of chapters and pages, are in this type.
Type No. 5 has no exact counterpart in the bodies of
modern foimders. The nearest would be two lines of brevier,
than which it is slightly larger, losing one line in thirty-five.
The total number of sorts in use appears to have been 153.
The comparative scarcity of double letters is very noticeable.
No Arabic numerals are used.
The large Lombardic capitals used with this fount have a
bold and striking appearance. Unlike any former fount of
120 WILLIAM CAXTON,
Caxton's) they are all cast with the largest face the body ^nll
bear, and without the least beard. They are used, more or
less, in every book printed with this type, although in some
books {e.g. "Royal" and "Speculum") they appear very
seldom. They do not look at all well when used as initials
to a word, on account of their size preventing them ranging
with the sequent letters, and this may have been the cause
why Caxton, except in the " Directorium," made a very
sparing use of them, save indeed that he converted them
into quadi'ats. For this purpose they were doubtless adapted
by some shortening process, Avhich, however, has not pre-
vented them cropping out continually in the blank spaces of
the head lines and signature lines, where they often assume a
very puzzling appearance. In the latest books printed with
type No. 5 these Lombardic capitals appear as i-ed initials,
printed at a separate operation. This use for them was,
doubtless, the invention of Caxton's successor, Wynken de
Worde, who appears to have inherited his master's working
materials.
Type No. 6.
The body of this fount is great primer (Caslon's standard)
within a shade, being almost the same as type No. 1. The
number of sorts in the fount is, for Oaxton, very small,
amounting to only 138. It may be called Caxton's last
fount, for it came into use in 1489, and was used for books
up to 1491, the date of Caxton's death. Indeed, there seems
good reason for supposing that for some time after Caxton's
death it served his successor, Wynken de Worde. With it
the following works were printed : —
The Fayts of Arms 1489
Statutes of Henry VII circa 1489
The Gouvernal of Health circa 1489
Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition circa 1489
Blanchardin and Eglantine circa 1489
The Four Sons of Ay mon circa 1489
Directorium Sacerdotum, 2nd edition . . . . circa 1489
P:neydos circa. 1490
THE MASTER PRINTER. 121
The Fifteen Oes, &c circa 1490
The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers 3rcl
edition circa 1490
The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition , . . circa 1490
Divers Ghostly Matters circa 1490
The Art and Craft to know well to Die . . . circa 1491
The Book of Courtesy, 2nd edition .... circa 4491
The Festial, 2nd edition circa 1491
Quatuor Sermones, 2nd edition circa 1491
The Chastising of God's Children circa 1491
A Treatise of Love circa 1491
We have in this fount another remarkable instance of the
contrivances employed by the early typefounders. A new
fount was required, but whether Caxton gave the founders
instructions concerning its size, or whether the fount was cast
first, and then sold to our printer, there seems no possibility
of discovering ; but this we can prove from the pages them-
selves, that the greater portion of type No. 6 was made from
the punches, or from old letters of Caxton's Nos. 2 and 2*.
The body is rather smaller, nine lines occupying the same
depth as eight lines of No. 2 ; and it is amusing to observe
the shifts and contrivances resorted to for reducing those
letters which, in type No. 2, occupied the fuU body. For
instance, the ^, £^, and ^ have the flourish which passes
under the letter brought close up to the letter itself. The it
was also treated in the same way, but the violence used has
damaged the flourish so much that, in most instances, it broke
away ; in some cases, however, it remains in a most pitiable
and crippled condition. The corresponding flourish in the
38 has been boldly cropped off. Jf and ^f are strangely
transformed, evidently by a blow on the soft metal, length-
wise. A few characters altogether new appear, and a few
interpolations from other founts, besides a quaint set of Lom-
bardic capitals, among which occurs now and then a letter
from the Lombardic fount used with type No. 5. The total
number of sorts was 141 .
But here the question uiay very naturally be asked. How
do we know tliat the lK)oks in the foregoing lists which arc
122 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
■without date, without place, and ^^^thout printer's name,
although printed ^rith the same types as those of Caxton, are
not really from the workshop of another printer, who had
obtained his material from the same source as our printer ?
The evidence is entirely negative, but it is nevertheless very
strong.
When a new branch of industry becomes sufficiently deve-
loped, one of the immediate consequences is a division of
labour. Thus t}^:)efounders became separated from printers,
as soon as the latter became sufficiently numerous to keep the
former in constant employment. The earliest printers were
almost of necessity their own typefounders, and it appears
that they each made or otherwise exclusively possessed those
patterns of types which they used. There is certainly no
evidence that i^rior to the end of the 15th century the types
of one printer were at the same time in use by another. This
exclusive use of types has been accepted as a fact by the best
authorities, and has been of great use to the bibliographer
in identifying the printer of books sine ulld nofd, for a printer
may thus be recognised at once by his types, just as a man
may be distinguished by his handwriting,
THE COMPOSITOK.
We will now suppose a fount of type delivered over to
the compositors to be laid in the cases, an operation requiring
much more care than in the present day, on account of the
numerous double letters and combinations. One effect of the
combinations would be to equalise the size of the boxes, as
the letter "e" for instance, which now requires the largest
box, would then most frequently occur in combination with
one of the consonants, and not be used alone oftener than
many other letters. Counting the respective numbers used
of each sort throughout many pages of different books, the
fact is ascertained that single vowels and single consonants
were more often required than any one particular combina-
tion. Arranging a case on the basis that the sorts most in
use should be placed before the compositor in the position
most accessible to his hngers, and remembering- that in all
i
THE MASTER PEINTER. 123
the old representations of a " case " there is no division into
npper and lower as now, we arrive at the accompanying plan,
which is doubtless a tolerably exact representation of a com-
positor's case as used by Caxton. There are 209 boxes, which
would lead to some little difficulty in keeping " clean cases ;"
and one need feel no surprise at finding ^Tong letters so often
making their appearance in Caxton's pages. The combina-
tions of in, ni, un, nu, nn, ini, mi were often found in the
Avrong boxes, and have brought do\Mi to the present day the
strongest evidence against the usefulness of logotyi^es.
In the earliest representation of a printing office the press
is always made the most prominent object ; very often, how-
ever, as in Plate VII, with a compartment for the comf)Ositor.
Figm-e 1 is the earliest instance, and we there see a com-
positor at work. Before him is the case divided into even
boxes, and raised on a cleft stick is the copy. The composmg-
stick is in his right hand, doubtless o\^'ing to the engraver not
having reversed the drawing from which he copied : it is held
correctly by the man in PI. VIII. We have already noticed
the use of a composing-stick and setting-rule, and the even-
ness of lines consequent thereon. It was not adopted at
Westminster until 1480, although Caxton must often ha^'c
seen the improved appearance which lines of an even length
gave to the page in the numerous works previously issued
from all the Continental presses. He would, doubtless, have
imitated them had his mechanical appliances permitted ; but
we do not find evenness of page until the arrival of type No.
4, in the year 1480 ; and then, probably for the first time,
composing-sticks, setting-rules, and chases were seen in the
Westminster printing office. Before this the types were
no doubt, as M. Bernard has sho^v^l to be the case in the
later block books and the early examples of Dutch printing,
taken straight from their boxes, and placed side by side in a
sort of coffin, luade of hard wood, with a stout bottom, and
screws at the foot to tighten the page when completed. The
width of the page could not be extended beyond the internal
measurement of the " coffin," but might be reduced at plea-
sure by placing down either side a straigiit ])iec(' of wood.
124 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The depth would be regulated in a similar manner, by varying
the thickness of the foot-block against which the screws
worked.
Let us, then, imagine the workman with his wooden box
before him. The further end would be slightly raised, to
keep the types fi-om falling forward. He begins at the left-
hand corner, and adding, from the case, letter to letter, soon
gets to the end of the first line, and, not haring room for the
next word, makes it quite tight with quadrats or spaces.
Then comes the second line, and this, as well as all the rest,
would not be so easy. Placing rough types vjwn rough types
admits of very little shifting or adjustment, and to this fact,
I imagine, we nmst attribute the practice of leaving the lines
of an uneven length in early books. Any attempt to push
along the words of a line in order to introduce more space
between them, without some plan of easing the friction, would
be certain to break up the line altogether — and so the lines
were left just as they happened to fall, whether full length or
short. Sometimes, when a word would come into the line
with a little reduction of the space between the last two
words, the space was reduced accordingly ; but more often a
syllable at the end of the line was contracted, such as "men"
into "me," or "vertuous" into "vertuo'," Most often the
compositor, knomng the practice to be understood by his
readers, would finish his line with just so many letters as his
measure would take, and accordingly it is common to find
Avords divided thus: — why-|che th|at w|ymen w|iche
m|an. But when once the "setting-rule" was brought into
use all that was altered, and the various words of a line could
be pushed about, and the spaces between them augmented or
reduced with ease. Having completed his proper number of
lines, the foot-piece would be placed after the last line for the
foot-screws to work upon, and the "form" would be ready
for press. There being a bottom to the box, nothing could
fall out, and, although doubtless not very tight in some parts,
the sloj^py ink then used would not, like modern stiff ink,
di-aw up any loose letters.
If the sides of these coffins, or wooden l)oxcs, were equal
THE MASTER PRINTER. 125
in height with the types they enclosed they would, like them,
leave their mark on the paper. This was the case in some of
the early Dutch block-books, where the sides of the chase
appear occasionally printed in the margin. I have searched in
vain for any marks of the chase in the margins of Caxton's
books. But whatever method he used — whether he screwed
up the types in wooden boxes, or whether he used iron chases,
— one thing is very plain in nearly every book he issued
either the "justification" was bad, or the pages were "locked
up" very loosely, for quadrats and spaces are continually
"Working up" and showing themselves.
The composing-sticks were originally of hard wood, with-
out any sliding adjustment ; one set, all the same, were for
folio pages, another for quarto, another for octavo.
rrr
" Reglets," or thin pieces of hard wood the length of a line,
appear never to have been used. TMien a "wdiite" line was
wanted under a chapter head or over a colophon, em quadrats
were ranged side by side for the purpose, and very often
capital letters which had been reduced in height for the pur-
pose, although often not sufficiently. These low capitals
would often work up while at press, and make undesirable
appearances in very conspicuous places. For examples the
reader may examine the " Royal Book," and " Speculum vitfe
Christi," in the British Museum.
The "balls" with which the page was inked before taking
an impression appear to have undergone no change in shape
or make from the earliest times until the very beginning of
the present century. AVhen, however, the flexible composi-
126 WILLIAM CAXTON.
tion now in use was invented it soon superseded entirely the
old plan, and now it is a matter of great diflficulty to find an
old pair of balls. These balls were hollow hemispheres of
wood with a handle. Wool was fitted into the hollow, upon
which the skin, or " pelt," was nailed on the side more than
half-way round ; then more wool was pushed in till the skin
was extended and tight : the last nails were then hammered
in, and the balls fit for use.
The page having been completed by the compositor, it
went to press in its chase or wooden box without any further
operation. The business of "reader" as yet was not. All
the workmen's blunders and errors, the turned letters, the
A\Tong sorts, and the numerous literal mistakes were left
uncorrected. Even whole lines were occasionally omitted by
tlie workman, and the omission remained throughout the
edition, affording indisputable evidence that "proof sheets"
after composition were quite unknown. At page 125 of
Lewis's " Life of Caxton," we read concerning our printer —
" As he printed long before the present Method of adding the
Errata at the End of Books was in Use and Practice, so his
extraordinary Exactness obliged him to take a gTcat deal
more Pains than can easily be imagined; for, after a Book
was printed off, his way was to revise it, and correct the
Faults in it with red Lik, as they then used to correct their
written Books. This being done to one Copy, he caused one
of his Servants to run through the Avhole Impression, and
correct the Faults he had noted with a Stanesil or Ecd-lead
Pencil, which he himself afterwards compared with his own
corrected Copy, to see that none of the Corrections he had
made Avere omitted." A most laborious task indeed, had so
foolish an idea ever entered the mind of so practical a man as
Caxton, but the whole assertion is a mere fiction, started by
Bagford, adopted by Lewis, and repeated by every subsequent
writer, without a shadow of evidence to support it. The only
books in which manuscript additions were made at the time
of publication Avere the " Polycronicon " and " Mirrour of the
AVorld." The former, in the majority of copies, has the year
f»f the world and the regnal year engrossed in red ink on tlie
Plate VIII.
Th^} " Prelum Ascensianum." Parim, 1520.
^
5= S
CD
I
i-
g^
4
THE MASTER PRINTER. 127
side margins; and the latter, in the woodcut of the seven
concentric circles which represent the astronomical heavens,
has the names of the celestial spheres written in black ink
between each circle. But although I have examined alrout
five hundred of Caxton's books, I have never seen anything
approaching to a gTammatical correction coeval with the date
of the book.
PEESSES, PEESSMEN, AND PRINTING INK.
The method adopted by the earliest printers to obtain
impressions from their blocks was to lay the sheet to be
printed on the already inked block, and to rub it carefully.
Wood-engravers of the present day take proofs in the same
manner. The plan was continued for block printing many
years after the invention of moveable types. The method
of obtaining an impression by a direct pressure dovni-
wards is generally supposed to have been synchronous with
the use of moveable types. Mr. Ottley, however, describes
several of the earliest wood-blocks, which he had no doubt
were printed by means of a press. Of one he states, " I am
in possession of a specimen of wood engraving, printed in
black oil colour on both sides the paper by a downright pres-
sure, which I consider to have been, without doubt, printed
in or before the year 1445." There can be no question,
therefore, that the earliest tyi^e printers found a press ready
to their hands ; but as we have no description of the mechan-
ism of the early presses, we must, as in the instance of tjj\e
founding, have recourse to the first dated engravings. The
earliest representations of a printing-press are found in the
works of Jodocus Badius Ascensius, the celebrated printer of
Paris. Two of these are delineated in Plates VII and YIII,
Avhereof the earlier is found as a printer's device in the title
of a work dated 1507. The large press, Plate IX, having
upon its basement the date 1520, was taken from the Bagford
collection, and has hitherto been generally considered as the
earliest representation of a printing-press. The small press
was taken from a tract of Luther's dated 1 522. The other
comes also from the Bagford fragments, and appears to be
]28 WILLIAM CAXTON.
about the middle of the sixteenth century, as the mechanism
of the spindle is evidently improved. It is represented here,
however, principally on account of the figm-e of a tyi)e-
founder seen through a door in the background, a feature
very rarely pourtrayed : I have not been able to trace the
work for which this woodcut was designed. In all these
presses the principle is the same. There is a simple worm
screw, with a long pin for a lever ; the head of the press and
the table bear the pressm-e, and the " hose," as the transverse
piece between the screw and the platen was called, served to
steady the downward pressure. The girths, drum, and handle
served to run the table out and in, and the tympans and
frisket were identical in principle, if not in appearance, with
those now used. In Plate IX we see some of the pressman's
appliances exposed to view. There is the shears for cutting
out his tympan-sheet, and for general purposes ; next to it is
a pick-brush for cleaning out picks in the type ; a pair of
compasses for accurately testing the " furniture " between the
pages ; and, lastly, a screw point for making " register."
To each press is assigned two workmen; one is pulling
lustily at the bar, while the other is distributing ink upon
the balls previously to beating the form. The two heaps of
printed and white paper, in Fig. 2, appear to our modern
notions xerj awkwardly placed, being both on the off side of
the press, so that the workman had to reach over the form
whenever he took up or laid down a fresh sheet of paper. As
however this peculiarity is represented continually, and so
late as the seventeenth century, it was doubtless a common
custom.
No doubt the ink was better and the impression harder in
the time of these presses than in Caxton's time. His ink was
of the weakest description, and the amount of power required
for a " pull " of the press proportionately weak, the one neces-
sitating the other. His presses, in the earlier part of his
printing career, did not take more than a post folio page;
and, with a very sloppy ink, the pull, if strong, would have
made a confused mass of black instead of a legible impression.
As it is, the ink has been almost invariably squeezed over the
THE MASTER PRINTER. 129
edge of the letters, and has contorted their shape. Few indeed
although practical men, would imagine the deceptive nature
of an impression taken from new types with weak ink and
light pressure. In such a case the type appears at one time
much thicker than it is, from the "spuing" of the ink — at
another time battered, with some portion of it broken — and
again, to use a technical term, as if it were all " off its feet."
The representation of the "Printer" in the "Book of
Trades," 1569, shows that the presses then were fitted with
both '"tympaus" and "frisket;" and many signs lead to the
belief that similar appliances were used by Caxton's workmen.
In short pages we often find a few lines of matter put at the
bottom, which was blocked out by the frisket, and answered
the purpose of a " bearer." Several instances occur in the
"Godfi-ey," at the Public Library, Cambridge; also in the
" Life of Our Lady," at the British Museum. In " Speculum
vitse Christi" we actually find "a bite," half of the bottom
line remaining unprinted.
We have already noticed that only one page at a time was
worked in the earlier part of Caxton's career, although later,
at the probable introduction of Wynken de "Worde, two pages
were managed. This necessitated gi'eat care in getting the
unsigned pages in their right places, and that such care was
needed is proved by several instances of transposition.
Before leaving this portion of our subject, a peculiarity
probably coimected with the mechanism of the press must be
noticed. A small hole at the four corners of each sheet
appears in every book printed with type No. 1. Such holes
(first noticed by Mr. Tupper), have not been observed in any
books printed with the later types, except "Quatre derren-
nieres choses." The employment of points by modern jaress-
men to obtain accm-acy of register, and the punctures (caUed
"point holes") m the paper, consequent upon the use of
them, are weU known. The holes under notice certainly sug-
gest a similar practice.
After due time allowed for the ink to dry upon the paper,
the printed sheets passed into the hands of the binder, whose
operations come next under consideration.
K
130 WILLIAM CAXTON.
THE BOOKBINDER.
The art of bookbinding had not in England, in the fif-
teenth century, reached the perfection seen in the beautiful
Continental specimens of the same period. Nor indeed was
any uncommon binding required for the cheap productions
of Caxton's press. His sheets were not, as in modern prac-
tice, pressed between glazed boards after being printed, but
went, without further process, from the press side to the
hands of the binder. The few specimens which have reached
us in a pristine state show the indentation, more or less
distinct, made by the types. The edition of " Eneydos,"
1490, was hun'ied through the binder's hands so soon after
the first section (which, containing the prologue and table,
necessarily went to press last) was printed, that aU the leaves
of that section, in every copy I have seen, show a very bad
"set-ofi"' from the type on the opposite pages.
To enable the binder to collate the sheets of each section
correctly, it was the custom, as well with the scribes as with
the printers, to place distinguishing marks on the first page
of each sheet; these were called signatures, and as Caxton
used only 4°^ for his books, the binder (as a rule) was sure
that when he had got sheets aj, ait, S.iii, aiil'j together
his section was complete. Some printers, who were irregular
as to the number of sheets in a section, adopted the plan of
signing the centre sheet of every section upon the third as
well as the first page, so that the binder by this distinguishing
mark might directly see the number of sheets intended for
each section, however great the irregularity. In such cases
the 4" would be signed on the first five rectos, leaving only
three unsigned. Caxton, however, never adopted this plan,
his sections always containing the same number of unsigned
as of signed leaves. The sheets having been collected into
sections, the signatures served again to collate the sections
into volumes, the only use for which they are now retained.
All the early books from Caxton's press are described as
unsigned, because the signatures were not prmted, but
inserted in manuscript at the extreme bottom of the page.
THE MASTER PRINTER. 131
The modern binder begins by folding all his sheets into
quarto, octavo, &c., according to the size of the book, each
folded sheet making a section ; they are then collated and
bound. In Caxton's books the collation of the sheets pre-
ceded the folding. It has been already observed that the
quarto sizes were treated, both in printing and binding,
as folio, the paper being cut in half before going to press.
The type was so arranged that when three, four, or five sheets
were folded one inside another, quirewise, the pages should
be in their proper sequence. The open sheets of each section
being gathered were knocked even, and -folded in the middle.
This adoption of one plan for books of all sizes was in accord-
ance vnth the old usage of the scribes, who necessarily cut
their veUum sheets to the intended size before the manuscript
was commenced, and varied their sections from three sheets,
if very thick, to six or seven, if very tliin. The section of
three sheets was called "temio" — of four sheets "quatemus"
— of five sheets "quinternus" — and so on. Caxton adopted
the "quatemus" or "quaternion" for aU his books, using a
larger or smaller section only if the beginning or end required
it. Wynken de Worde, however, made frequent use of the
temion.
From the foregoing remarks we see that the ternion and
quaternion must necessarily be aiTanged in the order of the
follo^^dng diagrams, by consulting which the reader may easily
know the pages belonging to any given sheet.
A Ternion — Three sheets of paper folded in half, quire-
wise, or one inside another. This gives six leaves, or twelve
pages.
A Quaternion — Four sheets of paper folded in half,
quirewise, or one inside another. This gives eight leaves,
or sixteen pages.
k2
1S2
WILLIAM CAXTON.
If this arrangement be kept in mind it will be found very
useful in many ways. For instance, it is often important to
know whether a leaf preceded the first printed page, and, if
so, whether the blank leaf found in many volumes is that
leaf. It is plain that if a quaternion was adopted for the
first section, then the first and the eighth leaf would belong
to the same sheet of paper; and therefore if sig. a 8 had a
watermark sig. a j should not have any ; if a ij had a water-
mark, a 7 should be without, and so on Tvith a iij and a G, and
with a iiij and a 5, where we arrive at the middle sheet of the
section, and where a careful examination in the fold will cer-
tainly show the thread of the binder, always a true sign of
the centre. These indications are often the only decisive
evidence of the completeness or incompleteness of a volume,
and enable us to decide, even where printed signatures are
wanting, the true collation of a book.
Catchwords are not found in any of Caxton's books,
although here and there a word by itself at the foot of a
page may look very like one ; but in every instance this word
will be found to form an integral part of the text, and there-
fore in no sense a catchword, which by its very nature must
be treated as the first word of the next page.
In paper manuscripts of the fifteenth century it is not
uncommon to find vellum used for the inmost sheet of each
section, or to find a slip of parchment pasted do\\Ti the
centre of each section. This was to give an increase of
strength to the back where the binder's thread would be
likely to tear through the paper. Instances where these slips
arc used are common hi " unwashed " specimens from Caxton's
press. The manuscript volume at Althorp, containing " Pro-
positio," is treated so throughout, and in the quarto poems at
THE 3IASTEE, PEINTER. 133
Cambridge the marks of the paste, where the slip was torn
away at the rebinding of the vohime, are very visible.
The earliest pictorial representation of a binder at work is
displayed in the little " Book of Trades," to which reference
has already been made ; but as there is nothing in it peculiar
to the age we will pass on to the material of the covers. This
was very frequently only a stilf piece of parchment, with the
edges turned in, and a blank leaf pasted down inside as a
lining. A few books still remain in this state, just as issued
from the " Red-pale " by Caxton. Such are the copies of
" Tully de Senectute " in Queen's College, Oxford ; the " Art
and Craft," " Directorium," and the " Game and Play of the
Chess," in the Bodleian ; and the " Godfrey of Boloyne" in the
library of Mr. Holford. If intended to be more durable, Caxton
used "boards" sometimes made of oak, or beech, and some-
times (fortunately for bibliographers) of waste sheets fi'om the
press pasted together. These were covered with brown sheep-
skin, upon which was a simple pattern of circles, or crosses,
or dragons, &c. Instances may still be seen in the 2nd edition
of the " Festial " at the British Museum ; in the " Servitium
de Transfiguratione," lately purchased for the same library ;
in the 2nd edition of the " Mirrour of the "World," at Bristol ;
and at other libraries. In the last-mentioned volume four
leaves of the unique " Fifteen Oes " were used as linings for
the inside of the boards. An account of a " Boethius," of
which the interior of the covers was composed entirely of
"waste sheets," is given in the description of that work.
When bound, we may consider that the book was generally
ready for delivery to the purchaser. It was so with all Caxton's
later publications, but the earlier books stUl required the
services of the rubrisher.
THE ILLUMINATOR, THE RUBRISHER. AND THE
WOOD-ENGRAVER.
It has already been noticed that, in the latter half of the
fifteenth century, the great development of book manufacture
led to a corresponding division of labour. Thus in Bruges
we find there were Scrivers, or persons who wrote the text
134 WILLIAM CAXTON.
only of books, Verlkhters, or Rubrishers, who probably con-
fined their attention to illuminated capitals, and Vinghette
makers (miniatores), who were artists capable of designing
and painting subjects. In only one instance do the books of
Caxton suggest the idea that the services of the Vinghette
maker were to have been employed. At the commencement
of his edition of Gower's "Confessio Amantis" (sig. 1, 4), the
prologue of the author is begun more than half-way down
the page. The blank was evidently intended for a design of
some sort, possibly for a large woodcut, after the fashion of
Colard Mansion, who printed all the great cuts to his *' Ovid"
by a separate working. As a rule, however, Caxton's books
required no help from the vinghette maker, although he
certainly employed, so late as 1485, the services of a rubrisher,
to insert the initial letters at the beginning of chapters, and
to make paragraph marks in appropriate places. For this
purpose a vermiHon inlc was nearly always used, although
occasionally a light blue alternated. For the initial of the
first chapter a square space was left equal to the depth of four
or five lines of type : for succeeding chapters a space of two
lines was generally considered sufficient.
The first use of woodcut initials was in 1484, after which
year they were never (except on rare occasions when a sort
ran short) omitted. Caxton had only two or three of each
letter, and sometimes only one, as may easily be seen by the
recun-ence of a particular initial. Some of them have their
heavy blackness relieved by a few white dots punctured in
the face of the letter, a practice frequently adopted by the
German school to lighten the groundwork of early woodcuts.
Caxton's initials are varied in shape, and often elegant in
design, but ^\^th the exception of the floriated ^ at the begin-
ning of the "Order of Chivalry," and "^sop," and perhaps
the 13 in " Eneydos," they demand no especial notice. A few
of them are given here.
The woodcut illustrations to Caxton's books have not
received much attention from the writers on the early his-
tory of wood engraving. Strutt, Singer, and Ottley in his
" Enquiry " have omitted to notice them. Dibdin and Jackson
THE MASTER PRINTER. 135
have devoted a few pages to their consideration ; and Ottley,
in the posthumous work on the " Invention of Printing," has
some interesting remarks on the early use of the art in Eng-
land. His opinions are enforced by a facsimile of some rude
woodcuts in his own possession, which he believed to have
been executed as early as the celebrated S. Christopher of
1423. From his arguments we may conclude that although
no gTeat amount of vitality can be attributed to the art of
wood engraving in England in the early part of the fifteenth
century, it nevertheless was known and practised by native
artists ; and that the use of native talent for Caxton's books
was therefore possible.
At the same time it requires no artistic education to see
that there is a great similarity in general appearance between
the illustrations in some of the early Dutch books, and the
woodcuts of Caxton's " Chess Book," " Golden Legend," and
others. In the " Troy Book," folio, printed at Augsburg in
1483, and the French-printed "^sop," 1476, the broad out-
Hne and heavy black feet of the figm-es at once suggest a
similarity of style if not identity of artist. But whether
Caxton's cuts be native or foreign there can be little doubt
of the origin of the designs. His artist merely copied the
outlines found in the manuscript from which the book was
being (or to be) printed. At that period there were a certain
number of standard works always in demand, and for each of
these the iUimiinators had a conventional treatment, which
appears repeated over and over again in different books. To
those who have examined the illuminated manuscripts of the
fifteenth century, executed in the Low Countries (of which
there are numerous examples in the Eoyal Collection of the
British Museum), the identity of design and treatment in
Caxton's engraving's wiU be evident.
It is somewhat remarkable that woodcut illustrations pre-
ceded the use of woodcut initials in Caxton's books by about
four years. In the " Fables of ^sop," 1484, we meet with
printed initials for the first time, while woodcuts, illustrative
of the text, had been used in great abundance for the "Golden
Legend," the " Chess Book," the " Mirrour of the World," 1st
136 WILLIAM OAXTON.
edition, and " Parvus et Magnus Catho," the last dating about
1481.
The following is a list of all the books printed by Caxton
with woodcut illustrations : —
Parvus et Magnus Catho, 1 , ,„, ^ m j •
3rd edit. ... . I 1481? Two designs.
Mirrour of the World, 1st) , ,^, -^ ^ .
_,. J- 1481 JNumerous designs.
The Game and Play of the ) , ,^, ., ^. , , .
Chess, 2nd edit. . . .} 1481 ? Sixteen desigm
Golden Legend .... 1484 Very numerous designs.
Canterbury Tales, 2nd edit. 1484 Very numerous designs.
_, , rVery numerous designs.
^«°P l^^M Initials first used!
Order of Chivalry . . . 1484 Large floriated ^.
Royal Book 1487 ? Seven small designs.
Speculum vitse Christi . . 1488 ? Numerous designs.
Doctrinal of Sapience . . 1489 Two designs.
A fragment, with one
design.
Servitium Transfiguratione 1490? One small design.
_,,_.„,_ „ rThe Crucifixion cut and
The Fifteen Oes. . . . 1490? { ^^^^^^^_
Mirrour of the World, 2nd ) ^ ^, , . ,
g^.j. W490? Old cuts reprinted.
Divers Ghostly Matters . 1490 ? One small design.
Had Caxton's opportunities allowed, he would probably
have used the wood-engraver's art to a much greater extent.
The above table shows that in 1481, when he first employed
woodcuts, he also discontinued them : that in 1484 he again,
for one year only, used them; and that in 1487 they took a
permanent position in his typography. This seeming capri-
ciousuess was probably owing to the difficulty experienced in
obtaining the services of a wood engraver.
The engravings in 1481, 1484, and partly in 1487-8,
appear to have come from the hand of the same artist. In
the last year, however, we find considerable improvement, as
Hor^e, 3rd edit 1490 ?|'
THE MASTER PRINTER. IB:
shown in the iUustrations to the " Royal Book," and *' Specn-
lum Vit^e Christi ;" but Caxton's best specimen of the wood-
engraver's art, and one which has been much praised by
Dibdin, and especially Jackson, for its composition and
feeling, is the well-known " Crucifixion." This design is fre-
quently seen in the books of Wynken de Worde, who received
great credit for it until its earlier use was discovered as a
frontispiece to Caxton's " Fifteen Oes."
The largest woodcut known to have been used in Caxton's
books is the Assembly of Saints, at the beginning of all the
editions of the " Golden Legend," and the smallest, of which
there are four, are found in illustrations to the text in the
" Speculum vitse Christi."
This portion must not, however, be dismissed ^^dthout a
few words upon that most interesting of all Caxton's wood-
cuts, the large device. Caxton used but one; the smaU
device, of a similar design, which is commonly attributed to
him, and which is first seen in the " Chastising of God's
Children," being certainly not earlier than 1491.
The interpretation of the device offers a question by no
means of easy solution. The common reading 212E. (S-* 74,
meaning William Caxton, 1474, is, I think, correct, and we
may dismiss, as unworthy of serious notice, the suggestions
that the figures should be reversed to read 1447, or that the
74 or 47 refer to Caxton's age and not to a particular year.
The problem to be solved is, does the design mean 74, and if
if so, why did Caxton use the year 1474 on his device ?
Bibliographers have hitherto assumed that it must be in
reference to the introduction of printing into England, and
quote the colophon to the 1st edition of the " Chess Book" in
support of the argument. But, as already shown, the date of
the " Chess Book " refers to the translation of the work, the
printing having been certainly accomplished at Bruges, and
probably in 1476, Caxton's settlement at Westminster not
having occurred until late in that year, or in 1477.
On the whole it seems most natural that a date used in
that manner would refer to some turning point in Caxton's
typographical career; and I therefore believe that the old
138 WILLIAM CAXTON.
reading of 1474 is correct, and that the reference is to the
date of printing " The Recuyell," which, although translated
in 1471, was circulated for a considerable time in manuscript
only. Caxton certainly learnt the art while assisting to print
this book: it appears also from his description that it was
the first-fruit of his authorship, and at the same time the
first book printed in his native langiiage — all which circum-
stances might lead him to look back upon 1474 as an epoch
to be commemorated.
The theory has been started that the so-called figures are
not meant as such, but are oidy a fanciful interlacement of
lines, such as may often be seen in fifteenth-century merchants'
marks ; that Caxton did not make his figures like these, nor
would he have used Arabic figures but full Roman numerals
for any date he wished to note. In fact that this design is
simply Caxton's trade mark, which he used as a merchant,
revived with ornamentations. The reader must judge for
himself : certainly, in the form adopted by Wynken de Worde,
who used them all his life, the 74 are much less like Arabic
figures than in Caxton's device.
The opinion that the interlacement is a trade mark only
is much strengthened by the discovery of its original use.
In 1487, Caxton wishing to print a Sarum Missal, and not
having the types proper for the purpose, sent to Paris, where
it was printed for him by W. Maynyal, who in the colophon
states plainly that he printed it at the expense of William
Caxton, of London. When the printed sheets reached West-
minster, Caxton wishing to make it quite plain that he was
the publisher, engraved his design and printed it on the last
page, which happened to be blank. This is the first occasion
on which it is knowai to have been used. The unique copy
of this Missal is in the possession of Stephen Legh, Esq., M.P.
The following list of boolcs in which the device is found
shows that it was not until the end of Caxton's typographical
life that he adopted this distingiiishing mark.
Missale ad Usum Sarum 1487
Speculum vit^e Christi circa 1488
Doctrinal of Sapience 1480
THE MASTER PRINTER. 139
The History of Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition . circa 1489
Directoriiim Sacerdotum, 2nd edition .... circa 1489
Eneydos 1490
The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 3rd
edition circa 1490
The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition . . . circa 1490
Divers Ghostly Matters circa 1490
The Festial, 2nd edition . circa 1490
Four Sermons, 2nd edition circa 1490
St. Katherine of Senis circa 1491
The magnum opus of Caxton was undoubtedly the edition
of "The Golden Legend," 1484. The translation alone of
this great work must have been no slight task, while, as to
number of leaves and size of both paper and printed page, it
far exceeded his edition of " King Arthur," which was the
next largest. The smallest pieces of his printing now extant
are " The Advertisement " and the " Indulgences."
The commercial results of Caxton's trade as a printer are
unknown ; but as the fees paid at his burial were far above
the average, and as he evidently held a respectable position in
his parish, we must conclude that his business was profitable.
The preservation of the " Cost Book " of the Ripoli press has
already been noticed, and some extracts of interest translated
therefrom. We may presume that Caxton also kept exact
accounts of his trade receipts and expenditure, and if such
were extant the many doubts which now surround the opera-
tions of his printing-office would be definitely solved. We
should then know the price at which he sold his books, how
many pence he asked for his small quarto " quayers " of poetry,
or his pocket editions of the "Horte" and "Psalter," how
many shillings were required to purchase the thick folio
volumes, such as " Canterbury Tales," " King Arthur," &c.
That the price was not much dearer than that paid for good
editions now, we may infer from the rate at which fifteen
copies of the "Golden Legend" sold between 1496 and 1500.
These realised an average price of Gs. M. each, or about
£2 13s. 4 J. of modem money, a sum by no means too great
140
WILLIAM CAXTON.
for a large illustrated work. This, howeTer, "would depend on
the number of copies considered necessary for an edition,
which probably varied according to the nature of the work.
On a blank leaf in the 1st edition of "Dictes," at AJ thorp, is
written, apparently by Bagfurd, "N".B. — Caxton printed 44
books, 25 of which were with Dates, and 10 without." One
would imagine that so definite a statement must have had
some foundation, but it appears to rest entirely on the writer's
bare assertion. Some foreign printers issued so many as 275
or 300 copies of editions of the " Classics," but it is not pro-
bable that Caxton ventured upon so large an impression, as
the demand for his publications must have been much more
restricted.
APPENDIX TO BIOGRAPHY.
ORIGmAL DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE
LIFE AND TIMES OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
w%
APPENDIX.
MERCERS' RECORDS.— WARDENS' ACCOUNTS.
(Mercers^ Hall, London.)
FOLIO Volume in tlie Archives of the Mercers'
Company, written on parchment by various scribes
in the l4th and 15th Centuries, extending from
1344 to 1464. The contents of the volume include
— a rent-roll — the oath of householders — of linen
cloth meters — ^of liverymen — of brethren — of brokers
— of apprentices on their entry and issue — of free-
men — an almanack — and the balance-sheets of the
whole Company.
The accounts of the receipts and disbursements of the Company are
annual, and reckoned by the regnal year of the King. These accounts
are generally made up under the following heads :— The annual fee of
every liveryman — fees paid on the entries of apprentices — fees paid on
the issues of apprentices — fines — quit-rents — general expenses — and
foreign expenses. The last head comprises all payments made for goods
and service not included in the legitimate business of the Company,
Oath taken by Caxton on "issuing" from his apprenticeship.
Ye shall swere that ye shal be true vnto oure liege lorde the kyng
and to his heires kynges/ ye shall also be obedient & Redy to come at all
leffull Sumonns & Warnyng of the Wardenis of the mercery/ whan and
as often as ye be duly monysshed & warned by them/ or by any of them/
by their Bedell/ or by ony other in their name/ leffull excuse alwey
except/ All Ordynaunces & Rules by the ffeliship of tlie merceri
Ordeyned made and stablished and here after for the wele worship &
profitt of the seid feliship to be made/ ye shall holde and kepe/ All
coicacons necessarij Ordynaunces and Cowncels for the welfare of the
seid ffeliship and the secrets therof to you shewed/ ye shall kepe secrete
144 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
& holde for councell/ and them ne ony of theym to discover or shew by
ony meane or collour vnto ony persoone or persoones of ony other ffeli-
ship. Ye shall also be contributory to all charges to you putt by the
wardeins & ffeliship & to here & pay jo^ parte of charge sett for yoi"
degre like as other of the same ffeliship shall do for their degre. Moreou
ye shall not departe oute of the seid ffeliship for to serve ne ye shall not
afecompany you w* ony persoone or persoones of ony other feliship wher-
through preiudice & hurte may in ony wise growe vnto the seid ffeliship
of the mercery And on this ye shall swere that during the tyme of your
seruyce ye shall neither bey ne sell for yo"" owne self ne for ony other
persone ne that ye shall Receive ony goodes or marchandise by ony collour
belonging vnto ony other p'soon than oonly to yo"' maist whiche that ye
now serue or shall serue w*ynne the ffeliship of ye mercerie except by
his speciall license & will And also that ye shall not take ony shop hous
ch'mbre seller ne warehous by ony collo'' for to ocupie byeing and sellyng
vnto sucbe tyme as that ye have ben w* the wardeins of the mercery for
the tyme beyng and by oon of hem for shopholder amytted sworn and
entred Ne that ye shall take ne haue ony apprentice or ony se for to
ocupye vnto that he by you vnto oon the seid Ward, for apprentice first
presented & by the seid Wardein so amytted All which poynts & eny of
hem to y"^ power wele & truly ye shall hold & kepe so help you god &c.
The oath administered to Caxton upon taking up his freedom.
Ye shall swere that ye shal be good and trew vnto o'' liege Lord
kyng of Englond and to his Eyres kyngs/ obeisaunt & obedyent to the
Mayor & to the minysters of this Cite/ The ffrunchises and Custumes
thereof ye shal maynteyne and the cite kepe h armies in that that in you
is/ ye shall be contributary to al manr charges w' in this cite as somons
watches contribucions taskes tallays lotte and skotte and all other charges
bere yo' parte as ony other frema shall/ ye shall colo"- no foreyns good
wherby the kyng might lose his custume or his auauntage/ Ye shall
know no foreyn to bey sell nor merchundise w' another fforeyn within
this Cite nor the fraunches therof but ye warne the Chaumberleyn therof
or some myuysters of the chamber/ ye shall emplede no frema out of
this Cite while ye mow have right & lawe here within/ ye shall take none
apprentice but if he be fre borne and for no lesse time than for vij yers/
within the first ycrc ye shall do hym be enrolled and at the termes end
ye shall make hym fre if he have wele and truly served you/ ye shall also
kepe the peace/ in yo"" owne persone/ ye shall know no gaderyngs con-
venticles nor conspiracies made ayenst the peace but ye warne the Maier
thereof & let it to yo'- power All these poyntes ye shall wele and truly
kepe accordyng to all the Lawes & Custumes of this Cite to yC power so
help you god and holidamc oc bv this Boke/
APPENDIX. 145
1348.
The Fellowship in the 22n(l year of Edward III numbered 4 Wardens
and 101 Liverymen, and in this year among those who paid their fees
appear —
Theobald de Canston
Nichol de Causton
Roger de Causton
Richard de Causton
Michael de Causton
William de Causton
Henry de Canston
Also in the 2nd year of Henry VI. — Stevyn Canston.
1401.
Under the 2nd year of Henry IV, among the " Entrees des Appren-
tices," is — William Causton/ Appr. de Thos. Gedeney . . . ij s
1427—1428.
Under the 6th year of Henry "VI the name of Robert Large appears
for the first time.
Cest la compte de John Whatley, Robert Large, Thomas Bataill, et
John Pidiuyll fait alfPeste de Seint John Baptist Ian vj"»e aps. le con-
quest en quils ils estoient gardeins de la mistere del mercerie come piert
apres.
Under the same yeai-, among " Entrees des Apprentices," —
Robert Halle ) , ^^ , ti i ^ -r
> Appntys de Robert Large . . . nij s
Randolf Streete
14.S0— 14.S1.
Under the 9th year of Henry VI, among the " Entrees des Appi-en-
tices," —
Item ress. de Thorns Nyche appiit de Rob* Large . ij s
Item ress. de Rich Bonifaunt appnt de Rob' Large ) ....
Item de James heton appnt de dit Rob' . . . . ) ^ '
1431—1432.
The following item is from the Warden's Receipts in the 10th year
of Henry VI. —
Item. lis soy chargent qilz ount ressn de Thos. Staunton ffrere et
Attone de Robert Large de monye quil ad ressu outre mere en ptie dc
paiement de les xli prestres a John WavjTi pies gardenis de Ian passe.
1435—143(5.
Among the Entries of Apprentices in the 14th year of Henry VI. —
It de Honr. Onkmanton le aprontiro do Robert Large ij s
146 WILLIA]VI CAXTON.
1437—1438.
Among the Issues of Apprentices in the 16th year of Heniy VI. —
It Randolffe Streete lappntice de Eobert Large . . ij s '
Among the entries for the same year —
It John large ) , ~^. ■, t^ i , ^
Tx TT-ii > r. i les appntices de Robert Large . un s
It WiUm'Caxston j ^^ o j
1438—1439.
Among the Wardens' Receipts in the 17th year of Henrj' VI. —
It lis soy chargeont pour argent ressu pf fj-nes de dius persones en
lo^ temps p"" ces qils fantent de chiuachier ouesqz le mair Robert lar"-e.
In the same account, under " fforein expenses."
Item paie a xvi trumpetts le xxix i^' doctobre Ian xviij™^ du ^[^ ij^y
Hen Tj'"e pour le chiaachee de Robert hirge maij vli vis viij d
1440—1441.
From the Wai-den's Receipts in the 19th year of Hemy VI. —
It ils soy chargeont pour argent rescue des Executos Robert large del
legace du dit Robert xx li
In the same year under the Issue of Apprentices —
It Thomas Neche qui fuist appntice de Rob* lai'ge . . ij s
In the next year, under the Issue of Apprentices —
It Rich Bonefant q fuist appntice de Rob' large . . ij s
1442—1443.
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 21 Henry VI.—
Xrofer Heton appntice de Rob' large ij a
Among the Entries —
Richard large appritice de Geffrey Felding . . . . ij s
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 22 Henry VI. — ,
John Harrowe appntice de Robert large ij s
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 25 Henrj- VI.—
Richard Caxton* s'unt de John Harrowe ij s
1448—1449.
In Foreign Expenses for the 27th year of Henry VI.—
To Richard Burgh for berynge of a I're our the See vj s viij d
1450—1451.
Under Foreign Expenses in the 29th year of Henry VI.—
Item. Paid to John Stubbes for Pcrys to the Gentilwoman of the
Buchesse of Burge}!! vj d
Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a vrrit directe to Sande^yche for the
Gon-nys of the Gcntil womans of the dnches of Bm-geyu ij s vj d
APPENDIX.
14'
1453.
Lan du grace m cccc liij Et del Roy Herry sizme puis le con-
queste XXX je
Under the heading " Entre en la lyvere pm' An" — •
It Emond Redeknape vj s viij d
It™ Richaert Burgh vj s viij d
It'» William Caxton vj s viij d
These names have been erased with the pen, and the following memo-
randum added beneath — '-qz int' debitores in fine copotg."
In the list of persons fined "qils fautent de chiuachicr oucsque le
niair Geffrey Felding" in the same year are the names of —
William Caxton iij s iiij d I Thomas Biyce iij s iiij d
Richard Burgh iij s iiij d I William Pratt iij s iiij d
1462—1463.
Under Foreign Expenses in the 2nd year of Edward IV. —
Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye cousell the I're y'
came from Caxton & ye felaship by yonde ye See vj d
1464—1465.
At the end of the Wardens' Account for the 4th year of Edward IV. —
Dettours.
Item. Ye ffelaship by yende ye see for yeir patents xlvij li x d
Among the Foreign Expenses for the same year —
Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour, for berying of a letter to Caxton
ovir ye see xxviij s viij d
1465.
[Folio c xlj recto.] Anno xiiij" Ixv" .
Courte holden of the hole felyshipp the xvij"' daye of octobr' the
yere aboue written.
***** Jjs
A lettre sent ou Welboloued we grete yon well certifiyng youe that
the see. as towchyng the convencion of the lordes that was
appoynted to begyn at sent Omers the first daj^e of
the p'sent moneth of October/ the whiche we trusted
vppon/ it is so that it holdith not/ Neu the lesse oure souaign lorde the
kyng Remembryng that thentrecourse expired the ffirst day of Nouembre
next comyng/ hath written a letter to the maire of london/ whereof ye
shall receyuc a copye closed in this letter/ And where as the kyng by
his lettre willeth that suche a p'sone as shulde go in message for the bro-
gacion of thentrecours shulde be p'vided in suche fourme as yc may con-
ceyve by the lettre it is thougth here that it is not oure parte here in the
Citie to take vppon vs a mater of so grete weyght where that all tymes
h 2
148 WILLIAM CAXTON,
here to fore the kyng hy thavise of his lords of his Councell have made
the p'vision in that behalfe and vppon this we have labored to the mayre
wt the wardens of dius felyshippes aventerers that he will write an
aunsware to the kyng of his lettre in the most plesunt wise that he can
that it will pleas his highnes by thavise of his Councell to p'vide for this
mater for the weall of all his snbietts/ wherfore consideryng that the day
comyth nygh vppon and how that the kjTigs wTytyng and his message
shalbe spedde from hens we are not certen/ wherfor we pray youe for the
welle of alle the kyngs subietts by thavise of the felishipp there in as
goodly hast as ye can labo"" for a meane by the whiche yo^ p'sones &
goods may be in suretie for a reasonable tyme/ and in the mene whyle
there com wrytjTig from the kyng to the duke/ or eles from the duke to
the kyng if it will so happen for p'rogacion of the same/ and suche costs
as ye do vppon the suytt we will that they be generally levied there in
suche man and fourme as ye seme most expedient/ wintten &c.
John lambert John Warde |^
a W. Caxton. John Baker John Alburgh )
146G.
[Folio C xliiij.]
Courte of adventei'ers holden the iij'i> (.?/<?) day of June A" xiiij" Ixvj.
ffor a lettre send Hit is accorded by the said felishipp for by cause of a
from Caxton lettre send from William Caxton and theiyn a Copye
Gouerno''- of a lettre sent to the said William by therle of
Warwike for thabstinens of bying Wares forboden
in the dukes londcs of BurgojTie by actc of pilement that a lettre shalbe
made and sent to the said William by the Custoses and Adventerers
whiche is made and sent in the foumic following &c.
A lettre send Eight trusty Sir We grete youe well/ lettyng youe
ou to Caxton witt the daye of makyng of this We receyved a lettre
gouno""' from you directed to the mayre and vs written at
Brudgs the xxvij^'' daye of maye last past and thervn
closed a copye of a letter directed to youe from oure good lorde therle of
Warwik whiche we hane well vnderstonde & conceyved/ and oppencd it
to our fclishijip for whiche we desire and praye youe/ in that youe is to
consider and fulfill thentent made liy acte of p'lemcnt and the speciall
desire of onre forsaid lorde for the publique weall of this lande and that
due inqueraunce be made there in that youe is for the complyshment of
the same/ as right requyreth/ we willyng in no kynde the saide acte to
be broken nor hurte by non of oure felyshij^p in that vs is and tliat the
p'sones founde quycly yf any suche be as god forbede that ye do cor-
recion after th ordenauce there made and thentent of yo"" lettre and as
for yo'" desire of aunsware of the lordes intent here as yitt we can not
vnderstonde their disposicion but as sone as we have knowlege ye shall
APPENDIX. 149
I
haue wittyiig and as for the lettres that ye write ye shulde sent from
scint Omers we receyued non as yitt and as for any ioperdy that shulde
fall ye shall vnderstonde it ther soner than we here/ and if we kuowe of
any ye shall have wrytyng &c.
Writ at london the iij"> day of June/
J. Tate/ J. Marshall/ Ed. Eetts &
J. Broun Custoses of the mercery
& thaventerers of the same.
a Will'" Caxton Guno'' de la nac? deng^-
Envoye p' symond pi-este le iiij*'' io»' de June.
•1468.
[Folio xij recto.] Anno xiiij" Ixviij"-
Parsones assiged Courte holden the ix daye of Septembr the yere aboue
to go in ambas- writte hit was accorded and agreede thot for asmoche
sate by the as the kyng & his Counsell desyred of the felisshipp
kynges com- to haue certen p'soncs of the same to go ou in Am-
maundment. bassatt w' dius Enbassatos into fflaunders as for the
enlargyng of WoUen clothe that theis persones vnder-
written shulde be p'seuted to the kynges highnes & his Councell/ they to
do as shall pleas them/
William Eedeknape
John Pykeryng
William Caxton
[Same Folio and year.]
Mony assigned Courte holden the xxviij daye of Septebr' the j'ere
to the said am- aboue said
bassatos for hit is accorded that William Redenape and John
theire Costs. Pykeryng shall haue in honde xl li st'ling towarde
thoire costs & charges for thambassatt of thenlargyng
of Wollen clothe in the Duke of Burgufi londes whiche shalbe leyde oute
of the cundith mony at this tyme receyued vnto the tyme another Courte
be had for the p'vision of the same by the advise of the Aldermen of
oure felyshipp.
MERCERS' RECORDS.— RENTER WARDEN'S ACCOUNTS.
{Mercers' Hall, London.)
A folio Volume on paper, in the Archives of the Mercers' Company,
written in the 1.5th Century, being a continuation, on a diiferent plan, of
the " Wardens' Accounts."
It appears that about 14G3-4 the wealth of the Mercers, especially in
houses and lands, had so much increased, that it was found convenient
150 WILLIAil CAXTOX,
to appoint one out of the four Wardens, whose business it should be to
keep an account of the Company's estate. Accordingly every year a
"Renter Warden" was chosen; and fi-om this period the Rent-roll is
the main feature in the books, the sum total only of the Fees and Ex-
penses of the Company appearing under their separate heads.
1463—1464.
Under " Qwytercnts." — 3rd Edward IV.
Item paid to ye Chamberleyn of Yv^estm'' for ye pye at S Martyus
Otewich for iiij t'm^ at Est' A" iij^o xx s
1464—1465.
4th Edward IV.
Item to ye m' of S Giles in ye ffeld for tent^ at S MartjTis Otes^^ich
vj s viij d
Item to ye Chamberleyn of yabbey of Westm"- fer ye same xx s
1467—1468.
7th Edward IV.
Item paid for Rcp'acs done at S Martyns Oteswich as ap'ith by ye
pap' of yacopts/ as in tyleng and oy yings xx s vj d obp.
14?
Ao xiiij c Ixxv. Under the head " Discharge by Qwytercnts of the
mercery."
Paid to the Chambleyn of Wesf for the pye xx s
Same year. Under " Qwytercnts of Whet' " (Whittington).
The Wardi5 of O'- lady brethered of seint Margaret at Wcstmf v s
1477.
Ao xiiij c Lxxvij. Under « Qwytercnts of Whetyngton."
^ It' of the Wardeyns of O^ lady brethered of Seint Margarets at
Westminster v s
1484.
Lnder "Qwytercnts."
Itm to the Chawmburleyn of west^ for the grehound iiij s vj d
Under '• Other i)aiemeuts."
For a dener kept at the grehound at the visitacion of
,^ thelyuelod _^^,.j, ^.j;.,,
Itm lor wesshpig of a tabyll cloth ij ^|
A" xiiij c Ixxxiiij Under the same.
It of the ward-* of o'- lady brethered of seint marg'cts at Westcmcsf
tor their tent9 in Aldermare vs
APPENDIX. 151
THE WILL OF ROBERT LARGE,
Citizen of London and Mercer — dated 11th April, Hil — translated from
the original copy in the book, called " Rouse," formerly deposited in the
Prerogative Court, Doctors' Commons, and now in tiie Probate Registry
of the High Court of Justice.
TEANSLATION.
3n tfje i^ame of ©©IB "Emcn. On the eleventh Day of the month
of April in the Year of our Lord One Thousand CCCC and forty one
in the nineteenth Year of King Henry the Sixth after the conquest
I Robert Large Citizen and Mercer of the City of London being in
perfect health and memory do hereby make execute and ordain my Will
in this manner First I bequeath and commend my Soul to Almighty
GOD my Creator and Saviour to the Blessed Virgin Mary His Mother
and to all the Saints and my body to be buried in the parish Church of
St. Olave in the Old Jevcry London to wit in the same place in which
the body of Elizabeth my late wife lies buried which my body being
buried I will and bequeathe first and principally that all and singular my
debts shall be faithfully and entirely paid in full And afterwards I
bequeath to the High Altar of the said Church of St. Olave that the
Vicar of the same shall specially pray for the good of my soul C s Also
I bequeath for the use of the structure of the same church to be applied
wherever it shall be most requisite according to the sound discretion of
the parishioners twenty marcs Also I leave twenty pounds for my
executors to buy one set of vestments to be chosen according to the
judgment of the aforesaid parishioners and such set of vestments I will
to remain in the said church of St. Olave to serve for the glory of GOD
so long as they shall last Also I bequeath two hundred marcs for the
purpose of providing a Chaplain fit and honest and well instructed in
those things which pertain to the holy offices to celebrate mass at the
altar of the blessed Mary in the said church of St. Olave daily when it
shall be appointed or otherwise according to the discretion of my wife
and to be present at divine service at each hour appointed for prayer to
officiate to pray and to minister according to the discretion of four
approved most profitable for the salvation of my soul Also I bequeath
to Alice my daughter one hundred pounds to be paid to her when she
shall ari'ive at the age of twentj'-one years to be spent in the purchase of
furniture and utensils most necessary for her house according to .sound
advice and counsel Also I bequeath to Elizabeth my daughter five
hundred marcs sterling and I -nill that the said Elizabeth my daughter
together with the aforesaid five hundred marcs left by me as above to
the said Elizabeth my daughter be and remain in the governance of the
aforesaid Stephen Tychemerssh until the said Elizabeth my daughter
shall arrive at the age of twenty years or be married he the said Stephen
finding sufficient secui'ity in the chamber of Guildhall in the City of
152 WlLLIiUI CAXTOX.
London according to the custom and usage of the said City to deliver up
to the said Elizabeth my daughter the aforesaid five hundred marks
sterling when the said Elizabeth my daughter shall arrive at the afore-
said age of twenty years or he married without rendering any other
interest therefor only and except the reasonable support of the said
Elizabeth my daughter And if the said Elizabeth my daughter shall
happen to die unmarried or before the age of twenty years then I will
that two hundred and fifty marks of the aforesaid five hundred marks
left by me as above to the said Elizabeth my daughter revert to the said
Alice my daughter if she shall survive and if she be dead then the said
two hundred and fifty marks together with the other said two hundred
and tifty marks remaining be at the disposal of and distributed by my
executors in pious uses and works of charity for the good of my soul and
the souls above mentioned in manner as afore is set forth Also I be-
(jueatli to the common box of the Mystery of ]Mcrcers of the City of
London for the support of the poor of the said mystery twenty pounds.
Also 1 beciueath ten pounds to be disposed of according to the discretion
of my executors in the j)nrchase of a vestment to serve in the Mercei-s'
chapel in the church of St. Thomas of Acan London so long as it will
last Also 1 bequeath to each convent of the four orders of mendicant
friars in the City of London to pray for my soul forty shillings Also I
bequeath to the convent of friars of the order of St. Cross near the Tower
of London twenty shillings. Also I bequeath one hundred shillings for
the purchase of bedding linen and flannel according to the discretion of
my executors to serve in the Hosi)ital of 8t. Bartholomew in West Smith-
iield so long as they will last Also I bequeath one hundred shillings
wherewith to purchase in like manner bedding for the new hospital
called St. Mary Spital without the aforesaid thousand pounds left by me
to him the said Thomas my son be and remain in the safe charge and
government of the aforesaid Johanna my wife until the said Thomas my
son shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years she the said Johanna my
wife findhig sufficient security in the Guildhall chamber of the city of
London according to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver
up to the said Thomas my son the aforesaid thousand pounds when he
Thomas my son shall arrive at his afoi'esaid age of twenty-four years
without rendering any interest therefor only and except the reasonable
support of my said son Thomas Also I bequeath to Kobert my son one
thousand pounds sterling and I will that the said Robert my sou together
with the aforesaid thousand pounds so left by me as above to the said
Kobert my son be and remain in the safe charge and governance of the
aforesaid Thomas Staunton my brother until the said Kobert my sou
shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years the said Thomas Staunton
iinding suthcient security in the Guildhall chamber of the City of London
according to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver up to the
said Kobert my son the afoi-esaid thousand pounds so left by me as aforc-
saiil when the said Kobert my son shall arrive at his aforesaid age of
APPENDIX. 153
twenty-foui' rears without rendering any interest therefor only and
except the proper support of my said son Robert Also I bequeath
to Richard my son one thousand pounds sterling and will that the
said Richard my son together with the said thousand pounds so be-
queathed by me to him as above shall be and remain in the safe custody
and governance of the aforesaid Johanna my wife until Richard my said
son shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years the said Johanna my
wife finding sufficient security for the said thousand pounds in the same
way as above specified And in case one or more of my said sons Thomas
Robert or Richard shall die before reaching the said age of twenty-four
years then I will and becpieath that the portion or portions of that my
son or those my sons so dying before the age of twenty-four years shall
revert to that one or those of my said sons surviving And if all my said
sons shall die before arriving at the age of twenty-four years then I will
and bequeath that the said three thousand pounds shall be disposed of
and distributed by my executors in pious uses and works of charity for
the good of my own soul and the souls of my parents my wives and my
children also of my friends and benefactors for the souls of all I hold in
esteem and of all the faithful departed this life in such way as my execu-
tors may consider to be better for the pleasing of GOD and among poor
nnman-ied men and women desirous of marriage Also I bequeath to the
parish church of Shakeston where my father lies buried a vestment of the
value of ten pounds to serve in the same church to the glory of GOD so
long as it will last Also I bequeath to the parish church of Aldester
where my ancestors are buried a vestment of the value of ten pounds
Also I leave to the parish church of Overton where some of my relatives
are buried a vestment of the value of ten pounds Also I bequeath to
Thomas Nyche my servant 1 marks Also to Richard Bonyfaunt my
apprentice 1 marks Also I bequeath to Henry Onkmonton my appren-
tice 1 pounds Also I bequeath to Robert Dedes my apprentice xx marks
Also I bequeath to Christopher my apprentice xx pounds Also I be-
queath to William Caxton my apprentice xx marks Also I bequeath tu
John Gode my servant x pounds Also I bequeath to William Brydde
my servant x marks Also I bequeath to William my kitchen servant
xl sliilliugs Also I bequeath to Katherine my servant x marks and to
Isabella Lynde xl shillings Also I leave to William Sampson my ser-
vant at my manor of llorham five marks Also I bequeath to Peter my
servant at the same place xl shillings and to Thomas my servant at the
same place xxvj shillings and viij pence Also I bequeath to John de
Ramsey servant of Isabella Roteley x marks on his marriage Also I
bequeath to Richard Tumat the son of Johanna my wife xx pounds
Also I bequeath C marks to be divided by my executors among the
children of John Chirch Citizen and Mercer of the City of London
who shall be living at the age of xxiiij years Also I bequeath to
Thomas Staunton my brother if he will undertake the charge of exe-
cuting this my will and will act with good diligence in this office C
154 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
pounds Also I bequeath to Arnulph Strete Mercer on the same con-
dition C marks and to Step lien Tychemerrsh on the same condition C
marks Also I leave to Katherine my mother C marks Also I bequeath
to Johanna my wife by way of gift and instead of lier portion of all and
singular my moveable goods and chattels by law belonging to her four
thousand marks And in case that she Johanna my wife shall be dis-
satisfied with this my said legacy then I will that this my legacy to the
said Johanna do cease and become void in law and that then the said
Johanna my wife do have of my moveable goods and chatties only that
]iortion to which she is entitled by law without any addition or advan-
tage whatsoever Also I bequeath to Thomas my son one thousand
pounds sterling and I will that the said Thomas my son together with
parishioners of the aforesaid church for twenty j^ears next after my
decease the said chaplain taking for his annual salary ten marks to be
paid and administered at the hands of my executors in order that he the
said Chaplain may specially commend to GOD my soul and also the souls
of Elizabeth and Johanna my wives Eichard Herry my late master and
the souls of all those whom I esteem and the souls of all the faithful
departed Also I bequeath to the high altar of St. Margaret in Lothbury
London C s Also I bequeath xx Pounds to be paid by my executors for
the purchase of one set of vestments according to the expressed choice
of the aforesaid parishioners which set of vestments I wish to remain in
the said Church of Saint Margaret to serve for the worship of GOD so
long as they shall last. Also I leave xx pounds to be disposed of and
divided by my executors among the more indigent poor men and women
of the ward of Coleman Street Also four pounds to be divided by my
executors among the Chaplains and Clerks in the Churches of St. Olave
and St. Margaret aforesaid within two years next after my decease that
is to say xl s each year in order that the aforesaid Chaplains and Clerks
may pray for my soul Also I bequeath for the new making and con-
struction of an aqueduct lately begun in the City of London CCCC marks
to be paid within four years according to the discretion of my executors
on condition however that the aforesaid aqueduct be completed within
four years next after my decease and not otherwise Also I bequeath for
the work of making and repairing London Bridge C marks to be paid
within four years according to the discretion of my executors Also I
bequeath for the cleansing of the Watercourse called Walbrook near the
church of St. Margaret Lothbury and for the enlargement and upholding
of the same church to be disposed of according to the wise discretion of
my executors and four approved parishioners of that Church CC marks
or more if neces.sary so that it do not exceed CCC marks Also I bequeath
C marks to be disposed of according to the wise discretion of my execu-
tors for the marriage of ten poor girls of good character namely to each
of these ten girls at her marriage ten marks M'hether in the country or
in the City of London Also I bequeath C pounds to be divided by my
executors among poor domestic .servants in the counties of Lancashire
APPENDIX. 155
and Warwickshire tliat is to say one poor manservant ten shillings and
to another twenty shillings and to another forty shillings as occasion
may require so long as the said C pounds shall suffice Also I bequeath
XX pounds to be distributed by my executors where it may be most
needed Bishojisgate London so long as it will last. Also I leave five
marks wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding for the hospital of
the Blessed Saint Mary of Bethlehem without Bishopsgate aforesaid.
Also I bequeath forty shillings wherewith in like manner to purchase
bedding for the hospital of St. Thomas of Southwark near London. Also
I bequeath six pounds wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding
for the Lepershouses at Hakeney les lokes without the barriers of St
George Southwark and of St Egidius beyond Holborn London namely
to each of the said houses forty shillings Also I bequeath one hundred
shillings wherewith to provide and purchase food and other things most
necessary for the poor prisoners in Newgate London to be distributed
according to the sound discretion of my executors Also I bequeath one
hundred shillings to be distributed in like manner among the prisoners in
Ludgate London Also I bequeath for repairs in the nave of the church
of Thakstede five marks Also I bequeatli for repairs in the body of
the church of Chawrey in the county of Essex forty shillings Also
I bequeath to Richard Foliet mercer twenty marks Also I bequeath to
William Halle mercer lately my servant twenty pounds Also I bequeath
to Agnes lately my servant forty shillings Also I bequeath to each of
my two said daughters Alice and Elizabeth three cups with covers from
among my cups called standing cups of silver-gilt whichever of such
cups with the covers shall weigh twenty-four ounces and * * * *
[owe leaf of tlw orirjhial is liere mis-slni/l
the s'* Richard Tumat dying without male heirs lawfully begotten, then
1 will that all the above lands and tenements with their appurtenances
shall revert to the male heirs of my before-mentioned son Robert Large.
Provided nevertheless that if the s<i Richard Turnat shall take possession
of all the aforesaid lands and tenements in Newton that then he shall be
excluded entirely from the manor of Horham in tlie county of Essex
with the lands and tenements and appurtenances belonging thereto.
Then follows the Probate, dated May Cth, 1441, and proved before
Zanobio Mulakyn, Dean of the Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, London.
BRUGES RECORDS.— CIVIL JUDGMENTS.
(^Tlte Arcldves, Bruges.)
The following document is found in one of the many volumes of
Records preserved in the Archives of the City of Bruges. Like the
other volumes of this interesting series it is in manuscript coeval with
156 WILLIAM CAXTOK.
the histoiy it elucidates. The title at the beginning of the book is as
follows : —
'•Registre ran allezaken ghehandelt by Scepen van Brugghe, in huerl,
camere daer zy daghelicx vergaderen. Beghint in Septembre in 'tjaer
dunst vierhondert xlvij."; or, " A register of all matters brought under
the notice of the Councillors of Bruges, in their daily session assembled.
Begun in the month of September, in the year one thousand four hun-
dred xlvij."
(Translation.)
To all who see or hear these Presents — the Burgomasters, Sheriffs,
and Council of the Town of Bruges send greeting. Be it known that
William Craes, an English Merchant, Ccmplainant, of the one part, and
John Selle and William Caxton, English Merchants also, Defendants, of
the other part, have this day appealed for justice before Roland de Vos
and Guerard le Groote our Fellows, Sheriffs. The said Complainant
says, that John Granton, Merchant, of the Staple at Calais, was bonnd
and indebted to him in certain sums of money ; that is to say, firstly in
iUtiO sterling for and because of a certain obligation, and further, in the
sum of £50 sterling on account of a certain exchange which had taken
place between them, as well as for expenses and costs incurred in that
matter, amounting on the whole to £110 sterling. For this sum he had
caused the said John Granton to be arrested in the Town of Bruges, and
that the said John being arrested, the said John Selle and William
Caxton became sureties for him, in eqnity and law.
And because the said John had departed the Town of Bruges without
having paid and satisfied him, or appealed for justice, he demanded that
the said Defendants should be compelled and adjudged, as Sureties of
the said John, to pay the said claim,
The said Defendants, in answer, acknowledged that in the manner
aforesaid they had become Sureties to the said William Craes for the
said John Granton, but submitted that the said John was quite solvent,
rich enough, and would certainly pay the amount ; requiring therefore
that the said Complainant might seek his debt of the said John, who was
the real debtor, and that they might be discharged from their said surety-
ship : disputing also the sum demanded by the Defendant on account of
the said exchange, for certaia reasons thereupon alleged ; the aforesaid
riaintifl: holding the validity of the said suretyship, and demanding as
aforesaid ; together with many other reasons submitted by the said par-
ties. And after hearing the said parties on the said questions, with their
arguments, as well as certain Merchants, that the said dispute had been
determined by our Fellows, Sheriffs, who had adjudged and decided :
That the said Defendants should, as the Sureties of the said John
Granton, pay and satisfy the said William Craes, firstly in the said sum
of £60, of which the said obligation made mention, and furthermore in
the sum of £35 sterling on account of the said exchange aad costs.
And that, upon the surrender of the said obligation, good and suflicicnt
APPEOT)IX. 1 57
security amounting to the two said sums of £60 and £33 sterling sliould
be given ; that in case at some future time the said John Granton should
deny the debt of the said sums, or allege payment, that then, on the other
hand, the said Plaintiff should be sentenced to render and repay the said
two sums and more. Right of action being reserved to the said Defen-
dants against the said John Granton, the original debtor, as law and
equity direct.
In witness whereof, &c., 2 January (1449).
BRUGES RECORDS.— TOWN REGISTERS.
(^The Archlcrfi, Bni/jcs.)
A Register written on paper in the fifteenth century, and containing
Civil Judgments, given in the Town of Bruges during the years 1465-9.
(Translation.)
Whereas Daniel, son of Adrien, called Sheriff Daniel, Plaintiff of the
one part, and Jeroneme Vento, for and in the name of Jaques Dorie,*
Merchant of Genoa, Defendant of the other part, have promised and
agreed to leave all the differences between them to the judgment and
arbitration of William Caxton, Merchant of England, and Master and
Governor of the English Nation in these parts ; and of Thomas Perrot,
as Arbitrators, and amicable Umpires and common friends, the said
parties, and each of them, promising well and legally to abide by,
observe and perform all that the said Arbitrators shall decide and
adjudicate on the said differences, without opposition of any kind. And
that the said Arbitrators having heard the pleas of the said parties,
and formed thereon their sentence and judgment which they have
reported to the full chamber of the Sheriffs of Bniges, it has been
notified to the said parties, that, because the said William Caxton was
unavoidably absent from the said City of Bruges, the said parties have
been summoned before the said full chamber of the Sheriffs of Bruges,
and have appeared. To whom has been signified the arbitration and
judgment by the said Arbitrators, which was and is as follows ; that is
to say — That the said Jeroneme Vento, for and in the name of the said
Jaques Dorie, shall pay to the said Scepheer Daniel promptly and in
current money the sum of £4 gross ; and that the said Jeroneme above-
named shall advance to the said Sheriff Daniel another £4 gross, the
said Scepheer Daniel, however, giving good surety to the said Jeroneme
that he will repay the said sum of £4 gross which he had advanced,
within the first four voyages, in whatever country it may be, that Sheriff
Daniel may make with his vessel, that is to say, on each voyage £1 gi'oss.
* Perhaps one of the celebrated Doria family of Genoa.
158 -WILLIAM CAXTOX.
Provided always, that in case the said Daniel shall not make a voyage
■with his said ship within the next six months, and that the said
Daniel, or his sm-eties, shall be bound to pay aud restore to the said
Jeroneme Vento (without the said Jeroneme agree to a postponement)
the other payments above-named. The observance of which judgment
and arbitration by the said parties, and each of them, has been decreed
in the said full chamber of Sheriffs of Bruges.
Done the 12th of May, 1469.
ISSUE EOLL OE THE EXCHEQUER.
Under the date of " Easter. 19 Edward IV, 15th June," is the fol-
lomng : —
To William Caxton. In money paid to his own hands in discharge
of 20 1, which the Lord the King commanded to be paid to the same
William for certain causes and matters performed by him for the said
Loi"d the King.
By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of this term 20 1.
ST. MARGARET'S RECORDS.— CHURCHWARDENS'
ACCOUNTS.
(7/i ihe Vestry of St. Margaret's Church Westminster.)
A Volume of biennial Accounts of the Churchwardens, audited by
the chief Parishioners. Each Account is written on a quire of parch-
ment, complete in itself : they vary considerably in size, but have been
carefully bound in one Volume, and are in beautiful condition. The
period included in this Volume is 1464 to 1503. The contents consist of
—Receipts of Fees for Burials, Obits, &c.— Rents— Legacies, and Gifts
—Payments for Repairs— Salaries— Pew-rents— Collections— and other
expenses.
1474.
" Compus Thome Frampton & Willi Stafford custod' bonor9 & oma-
mentors ecclle p'ochial' sco margarete Westm' videl't a xvij" die Maij
A" regis Edwardi quarti post conq'm Angl' quarto vsqu xxij diem
eiusdem " * * *
In the List of Fees for Burial is —
" It™ rec-^de Oliver Cawston die scpult' p' iiij tapr' viij d "
Among the Miscellaneous Receipts for 1476—
'• It"' of a rewardc for a boke & a Chales lent to Su-
Ric' Widcnyle xx d "
ArPEXDix. 159
1478.
" Here folowith Thaccompt of John Wycam and of Nicholas Wolles-
croft Wardeins of the parisshe Chnrche of seynt margarete of Westm'
* * from the vij* day of the moneth of may in the yere of our
lord god M« CCCC Ixxviij * * * vnto the xviij'ii day of may in
the yere of our lord god M^ CCCC Ixxx " * * *
In the List of Fees for Burial in the first year —
• " It™ the day of burying of William Caxton for ij torchis
and iiij tapirs at a lowe masse xx d "
The amount paid does not appear large ; but in a very long list of
burial fees there are only four equal in amount, the common rate of fees
being ij d, iiij d, or vj d.
1-180.
The same Account. In the List of Fees for burial in the second
year —
" It™ the day of bureying of Jone large for ij tapirs iiij d "
1481.
The Audit at the end of the same Account is as follows : —
" The whiche some of xxiij li. x s v d ob. (£'>• the forsaide wardeyns
haue paid and delyued in the fulle Audite vnto Milliam Garard and
William Hachet their Successours togeder \v* the tresoures of and in the
chirchc aforeseid to them delyued in the begynm-ng of this accompte
* * in the presence of John Eandolf squyer Richard Vmfrey gen-
tilman Thomas Burgeys John Kendall notary William Caxton * *
with other paryshyns " * *
1490-92.
In the Account for the years 1490-2, among the Burial Fees for the
first year —
" Item atte Bureyng of Mawde Caxston for torches and tapres
iij s ijd "
In the second year —
" Item atte Bureying of William Caxton for iiij torches vj s viij d "
" Item for the belle atte same bureyng vj d ''
Here we remark again that in both these cases the fees paid are con-
siderably larger than usual.
In the Accounts for 1496-8 among thr Legacies, and their produce —
"It™ receyued by the handes of William KyoUe for oone
of thoo printed bokes that were beciuothen to the
Churche behove by William Caxston vj s viijd "
" It™ receyued by the handes of the said William for a
nother of the same printed Bokes called a Ic&cnd vj s iiij d "
160 WILLIAM CAXTON.
" It™ by the hands of the parisshe prest for a nother of
the same legend es vj s viii il "
At the end of the Account —
"Memorand' there remayneth in store to the said Chirch "
'■ It'" in bokes called legendes of the bequest of William
Caxton xiij d "
Among the Payments at the end of the same Account —
" If" paide for a supper gevyn vnto the Auditours herynge
and determcuyng this accompt and to the newe
Chirchwardeyns as it hath ben vscd and accus-
tumed here tofore xx s "
In the Accounts for 1408-1500—
" The Receites of Bookes called Legendes in the first j-ere of this
accompte " —
" Fyrst Receyued of John Crosse for a prainted legende vs viij d "
"Item Receiued for a nother legende solde in West-
mj7ister halle ys viij d "
" Item Receiued of Willm geyfe for a notlierof the same
legendes ys viijd"
"It™ receiued of the said Willm Geyfe for a nother
Legende vs viijd"
" Item R of AValtcr Marten for a nother legende v s xj d "
In the second year of the same account —
" Item R. of William Geiffe for ij legendes printed x s iiij d "
" It™ R of Daniell aforge for a printed legende' v s x d '"
" Item R of William Geiffe for a printed legende v s "
'•Memorand' ther remayneth in store to the saide chirch " * ♦ *
"It™ in bokes called Legendes of the bequest of William Caxton iij "
In the Accounts for 1500-2 there are not entered any sales of
" Legends."
"Ther remayneth in store to the saide chirche " * * *
" Item a prynted legende booke of the bequeste of Will'm Caxton."
ST. MARGARET'S RECORDS.
GUILD OF OUR LADY; WARDENS' ACCOUNTS.
{In tlie VcHiry of St. Margarefs ClmreJi, Westminster).
A Volume of triennial Accounts of the Fraternity of our Blessed
Lady Assumption, beautifully written on vellum, and in excellent pre-
servation. It includes the period between 1474 and 1522. and is of very
great interest in illustrating the customs of that period. The earlier as
well as the later Volumes are not known to exist. The following are the
principal headings of the various Accouuts :— Arrears of Members-
Rents received— Bequests and Gifts— Receipts for Obits of Members—
APPENDIX. 161
Fees of new Members — Eents paid — Payments of Salaries — Wages-
Annuities to Almsmen and Women — House-repairs — Wax Candles, and
other expenses, for the Shrine of our Lady in St. Margaret's Church —
and Miscellaneous expenses.
(24th June, 1474, to 24th June, 1477).
The first Account is headed —
" This is thaccompte of maister William Thirleby henry marble gen-
tilman and James Fytt maistres or Wardeyns chosen of the Frat'nte or
gylde of oure blessed lady seint mary the virgyn wtm the p'issh chirch of
seint margaret of the towne of Westm in the shire of midd' founded, that
is to say from the fest of Natiuite of seint John Baptist in the yere of
ye reigne of kyng Edward the iiij"* after the conquest xiiij vnto the said
fest of the Natiuite of seint John the xvijt>i yere of the reigne of the
same kyng by three hole yeres as it p'ticulerly appiereth in p'cellez here
folowyng that is to wete."
Under Payments of Rent in the same Account —
" Also the said late maistres charge themsilf w' a certeyn quite rent
due by John RandolfE of london mercer for a licence of Pre entre of
comyng in and going out for his tenntes thurgh the gate and an Alley
called our lady Alley in the kynges Strete of the towne of westm^"
In the same Account, under " thentre of diues p'sones of new to the
said frat'nite is " John Caxston vj s viij d."
Also among the Payments —
"Diuers payments by the said late maisters for the said Praternitc
* * * of the which thay axe to be allowed in this accompt."
" Of the money by them paid to the wardeins of the Craft of mercery
of london for certain quite rent going out of the ten't in the p'isshe of
Aldermarie Chirche of london at v s by the yere."
The Fraternity appear also to have held tenements in King Street,
Westminster, at Kensington, and at Stroud.
In the same Account, after the payment of six priests' salaries—
"Costes and p'celles allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward
thexpences of the gciiall fest in iij'i'' yere of this accompt."
These " Costs and Parcels " occupy two full folio pages, and have
yielded the following items : —
" A tonn of wyne "^j ^^
" Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his reward xxv a "
" Also for the hire of xxiiij doseyn of erthen pottes for
ale & wyne "i.1 ^
" Also for erthen pottes broken & wasted at the same fest vj s viij d "
" Also to iiij players for their labour _ ^ij s ^fl "
]\1
162 WILLIAM GAXTON,
ixs xd"
xvj s "
ij s iiij d "
iij s "
*
iiij d "
XV s ijd"
" Also to iij mynstrelles
" Also for the mete of diues of strangers
" Also for russhes
" Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes
*****
" Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut
" Also for ix Turbutts
In addition to scores of " Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones,"
(pigeons), the chief " cok " provided them with «' swannys " and " herons."
with all sorts of fish, including oysters and " see pranys," or prawns, with
all kinds of meats and game, with jellies in *' ix dosen gely disshes,"
and with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, vsine, and ypocras
provided by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at the heavy
entries for " pottes and cuppes broken, and wasted." The Cook seems
to have been paid much more liberally than the Wardens, who had but
XXX s between them " for their dilligence."
In the Accounts for 1490-3 are the Receipts of Rent from tenements,
known as " The Maidenhead," " The Sonne," " The Rose," and " The
Wolstaple."
Also, under payment of Rent —
" For a certajTi Quit rent paid out of a litell tent in the wolstaple to
the mair of the staple at xxd by the yere."
" Also for a certain Quit rent paid out of the Rents in
Alderm'ay p'is.she to John More Renter of the Mercers xv s "
From " Rymer's Foedera." Folio. London. 1710. Vol. XI. 536.
(Translation.)
CONCERNING THE TREATY OF BURGUNDY.
The King to all whom it may concern, &c. Greeting.
Be it known that
Inasmuch as determinate arrangements concerning the intercourse of
merchandise between our subjects and the subjects of our well-beloved
Cousin the Duke of Burgundy have in a sure form and manner been
accorded and agreed to in times past and since that time often renewed,
We,
Wishing on our part to hold good and observe such arrangements,
and being well assured of the faithfulness and discretion of our well-
beloved subjects Richard Whctehill, Knight, and William Caxton,
Do make, ordain and constitute, by these presents, the said Richard
and William our true and accredited Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios,
and several Deputies ;
APPENDIX. 163
Giving and Granting to our said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and
Deputies, and to either of them, full power and authority and general as
well as special commandment to meet, to enter into treaty and to com-
municate with our aforesaid Cousin or his Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios,
and Deputies delegated with sufficient powers for this purpose by our
said Cousin, concerning and upon the continuation and renewal of the
aforesaid Intercourse, and, should occasion require, to make and conclude
new arrangements,
And to do and exercise all and singular other deeds which may be fit
or necessary.
Promising, in good faith and on our kingly word, always to hold as
ratified, acceptable, and binding, all and any the Acts and Deeds of our
said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and Deputies, or either of them, as
aforesaid, which may be done, performed, or done by procuration, in the
foregoing matters, or any portion thereof.
As witness our hand at Wycombe, this 20th day of October (1464).
A SHEET OF PAPER IN THE NATIONAL RECORD OFFICE.
The manuscript is —
•* To tharchedeacon of Westm' that nowe is and for the tyme shalbe.
We, Richard Fitz James, Almoner and Counsaillor unto oure souverain
lord the King, and Richard Hatton, chaplayne and counsaillor vnto our
said souverain lord, greting in our Lord God euerlasting. And whereas
we, the said Richard and Richard, were appoynted, lymytted and assigned
by our said souverain lord and the lordes of his most noble counsaill to
examine, determyne and pacific a certain variaunce depending betwene
Gerard Croppe of Westminster, taillour, of the oone partie, and Eliza-
beth, the doughter of William Caxton, wif to the said Gerard, of the othre
partie ; We, the vij''' dale of May, the xj*'' yere of our said souverain
lord, had the said partieg before us in the Kinges Chapell within his
palois of Westminster at this appoj-ntement and conclusion by theire both
assentes and aggrementes : — That noon of theim, ne any othre for theim,
shall fromhensforth vexe, sue or trouble othre for any maner matier or
cause theim concemying for matrimony betwix theim before had ; and
every of theim to lyve sole from othre, except that the said Gerard shall
mowe fynde the meanes to have the love and favour of the seid Elizabeth.
For thaccomplisshment of which aggrement eithre of theim of their ovrae
Toluntarie willes bound theim self unto us by their faithes and ti'outhes,
and never to varie from their said promyses. And therupon the said
Gerard to have of the bequest of William Caxton, the fadre of the said
Elizabeth, xx*' prynted legendes at xiij s iiij d a legend. And the said
Gerard to delyver a generall acquitauuce unto thexecutours of William
Caxton, her said fadre, for their discharge in that behalf. And besides
M 2
im
WILLIAM CAXTON.
thies premisses both the said parties were aggreed before us to be bound,
ecbe to othi-e, in C.li. by their dedes obligatorie with the condicions above
wreten to performe alle the premisses. In wittenesse whereof I, the said
Richard FitzJames, have to thies preseutes sette the seale of myn office.
And I, the said Richard Hatton, have setto my seal, and eithre of us
subscribed our names with oure owne handes, the xx*' daie of May the
xj"' yere of the reignc of our said souvcrain Lord."
A
DESCEIPTION OF BOOKS FEINTED
IN
TYPE No. 1.
EXPLANATION OF TERMS.
6n, or QuiNTEENiON, means a section of five sheets folded together in
half =10 leaTes = 20 pages.
4n, or Quaternion =^8 leaves = 16 pages.
3n, or Ternion = 6 leaves = 12 pages.
Recto is the right-hand page of an open book.
Verso is the reverse, or the left-hand page.
A Director is the name given to the small letter placed where the
Illuminator was intended to paint in a large initial.
LIST OF BOOKS IN TYPE No. 1.
1. The Eecuyell of the Histories of Troye . . . 1474 ?
2. Le Recneil des Histoires de Troyes . . . 1476 ?
3. The Game and Play of the Chess Moralised , 1475-76 ?
4. Les fais et prouesses dn noble et vaillant Chevalier Jason . 147- ?
5. Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx . 1478?
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 1.
No. 1. — The Recuyell of the Histories of Troy.
Translated 1469-71. Folio. Without Place ar Date.
(1474?).
Collation. — Booh I has fourteen 5°^ and one 4"= 148
leaves, of which the first is blank. Book II has nine 5°', one
4", and one 3" =104 leaves. Book III has ten 5"'= 100
leaves. Total 351 printed leaves and one blank.
Typographical Particulars. — Type No. 1 only. Lines
of very uneven length ; fall lines measure 5 inches, but vary
in different parts from 4f to 5^^ inches. 31 hues to a fuU
page. Without signatures, catchwords, or numerals. Space
is left, with a director, for 3 to 7-line initials. As may be
seen by the collation, each book begins a fresh gathering,
probably for the convenience of binding in three separate
volumes.
Commencing the work with a blank leaf, Caxton's preface
follows, printed in red ink, and occupying the second recto.
The Text begins thus : —
<&rc tfffDnrtfti) tf)r bolumf intitulPti anli namrt
i) tf)e tPCUBfU of tt)c f)tstori)fS of Crogf/ composrt
antj tjratoen out of bgufrrc feookrs of latgit in
to frntss^f 6g tf)e r;!)gf)t brnriatlc prrsone anti toor^
sljtpfuH man . ^apul \t fffurc . prrrist anti djapflagn
bnto ti)e xm^X noble glorpous anti mggijtjD prjjncp m
f)ts \\mt i)i)flip tiuf of 13oiugo))ne of itJvatanti \t
1/n tijf gfiT of tt)f ^^nrarnarion of our lorti goti a tt)ou=
santi foure !)on1ifrt mty> ant) fourr / gl)tti translatrti
anti tiratofn out of frens^e m to englii8Si)f fig M^tUpam
(Caiton mrrrpr of :i)^ fgte of ilontion / at tl)e romautirmft
168 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Of tf)e Ttgijt f^-Qt mpgtti) anti bfrtiwuse ^rgncfgsc ijgs
rrtjouitgti la^i? . /r^argamr tij tljc grarr of qoh . 13u=
rljfgisc of liourgopnr of Eotn,)k of iSratianli vVr/
3i2af)lrf)e sapti tianslarion anti toriiir toas irgonnc in
UruQis in tijr (Jlountrf of jFlaun^rrs tijc fgi?it tiap of
tnardjr tf)c jinr of tljc fjnrainarion of our satti lovS gotj
a tijousant fourr Ijontirrt siatg anti rpgijtf / 2lnti rntifti
anti fjjnyssijiti in tljc ijolj? (}}te of (Colfn tijc . xix . tiap of
srptfmbre t^e gcre of our sagti lorti got a tijousant
foure ijontirrti mt^ anti clcucn ice.
UntJ on tf)at otfjcr sibf of tfiis Icff folobjcti^ t^r prologs
Caxton's Prologue begins on the verso of the same leaf,
with space for a 4-line initial W.
?^an 'S xtmemttt t^at rucrs man is tiounten
The first book commences on the fifth recto, with space for
a 7-lino initial W. The second begins on the l-lOth, and the
third on the 253rd recto, the whole ending with some Latin
rhymes on the 352nd recto, the verso being blank.
Remaeks. — No one speaking the English language can
look at this patriarchal volume with indifference. Here, for
the first time, our forefathers saw their language in print;
and, could our interest in any way have been heightened, it
Avould have been by knowing it to have been printed in our
o^^^l instead of a foreign land. The history of its origin is
shortly this. In the original French it was a favourite novel
of the English and Burgundian courtiers, for, although nomi-
nally an account of the Trojan wars, it is really a series of
love scenes mixed with mythology and knight-errantry. The
manuscript translation made by Caxton for the Duchess of
Burgundy, whose court was at Bruges, havmg excited great
interest, a demand arose for copies quicker than Caxton could
supply them. The printing-press having been just established
in that city by Colard Mansion, Caxton, whose thoughts were
now homewards, determined to use it as a means of multiply-
ing his translation, and of learning at the same time a new trade
which would support liim on liis return to England. This
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 1. 169
he did at a great charge and expense, and then, having pro-
cured a new fount of tyijes and all the necessoory material,
came over to England and erected his press at "Westminster.
Fortunately this work cannot be reckoned among the
rarities of Caxton's press, as there are copies in the British
Museum, Sion College, College of Physicians, London, at
Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, and fourteen other libraries. The
Duke of Devonshire gave £1060 10s. for a copy in 1812, the
same copy having been purchased by the Duke of Roxburgh
a few years previously for £50.
No. 2. — Le E-ecueil des Histoires de Troyes. Compose
en Van de grace 1464. Folio. Without Printer''s
Name, Place, or Bate. (1476 ?).
Collation.— 5oo^ /, twelve 5"'= 120 leaves, of which
the first and last are blank. BooJc II, eight 5°' and one 3°=
86 leaves. Book III, eight 5°' =80 leaves. Total, 284
printed and two blank leaves.
Typographical Particulars. — Type No. 1 only is used.
The lines for the greater part are spaced out to one length,
being more even in this particular than the two Enghsh books
in this type. A full page has 31 hues, without signatures,
numerals, headlines, or catchwords. A space two to four hues
in depth has been left at the commencement of each chapter
for the insertion of an illuminated initial, a director being
sometimes inserted.
The Text, 31 lines to a page, which is divided into three
books, begins thus on the second recto, after a blank leaf: —
(Kg commence le bolume ^ntitulr (e recuctl tics ijistoires
"de tropes (Compose par benerafile ijomme raoul le feme
prestre eijappellain tie mon tresreliouiite seigneur IHonsei^
gneur le Bue iiJijelippe lie liourgoingne (Pn Ian tie grace,
mil . cccc . liiiii . : .
and ends on the 286th verso.
antipfjo' le rop estori'' le rop proti)enor et le roi? ottome^.
• : • (!?.vpltrit • : •
170 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Eemaeks. — The history of the Trojan War, a favourite
subject for several centuries with European writers, was the
foundation of numerous romances. Of these the chief were
the apocryphal history by Dares Phrygius, a Trojan priest,
celebrated by Homer ; the account of the same war by Dictys
Cretensis, a supposititious historian ; and the Histoiy of the
Siege of Troy by Guido of Colonna, a native of Messina in
Sicily, who wTote in the thirteenth century. The rise of
these histories, their growth under the editorial care of
successive scribes, the incorporation of incidents from other
romances, and their final development in the compilation of
"Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye," form a cm-ious and
typical example of this class of literature. According to
the unanimous testimony of all printed editions and all
manuscripts of the complete work, "Le Recueil" was the
composition of Raoul Lefevre, chaplain and secretary to
Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy: but in a manuscript
copy of this work, in the National Library, Paris, the first two
books are attributed to Guillaume FiUastre. And this is
remarkable — that Lefevre succeeded Fillastre (who was a
voluminous author) in the office of secretary to the duke.
Probably, finding his predecessor's history unfinished, he took
it up, and, after adding Book III, issued the whole under his
own name. In that age a similar course was by no means
uncommon, nor was it an infringement of any recognised
literary right ; we can hardly, therefore, TNith M. Paris, call
it (even if true) " une gi-ande fraude literaire." On the other
hand, several copies were issued with the name of Lefevre
while Fillastre was yet living, and Caxton, who was contem-
porary with both writers, ascribes the whole work to Lefevre.
Nor is there any noticeable variation in style between the two
portions, as might be expected if composed by two authors ;
indeed the style of " Le Recueil " is the same as that of " Les
fais du Jason," an acknowledged work of Lefe-^Te.
Steevens asserts that Shakspere derived the greater por-
tion of his materials for the play of "Troilus and Cressida"
from Lydgate's metrical composition, "The last destruction
of Troy ;" but Douce, in his " Illustrations," is far nearer the
BOOKS PRTXTED IN TYPE NO. 1. 171
truth in tracing the incidents employed by our great poet to
Caxton's translation of " Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye."
The latter was popular, and frequently reprinted long after
Lydgate's laboured metre had become antiquated.
There is a perfect copy in the British Museum, besides a
large fragment. The National Library, Paris, has a copy,
and four others are in private libraries. A fragment of eight
leaves was purchased some years ago by a bookseller, and
made into four thick volumes, each volume having two
printed leaves vnth. a hundred blank leaves on each side.
These were all disposed of as specimens to lie open in the
show-cases of museums.
No. 3. — The Game and Play of the Chess Moralised.
(Translated 1475). First Edition. Folio. Witlwut
Printei-'s Name, Place, or Date. (1475-76 ?)
Collation. — Eight 4"' and one 5° =74 leaves, of which
the 1st and 74th are blank.
Typographical PARTiCLT:iARS. — There is only one type,
No. 1, used throughout the work. The lines are not spaced
out ; the longest measure 5 inches ; a full page has 31 lines.
Without title-page, signatures, numerals, or catchwords.
The volume commences with a blank leaf, and on the
second recto is Caxton's prologue, space being left for a 2-line
initial, -without director.
The Text begins thus : —
<© ti^e rigi)t nofilf/ rigfjt eirfllntt $i: brrtumtis prtnrc
(^forgc tiuc of atlarfnce (Sri of ^ISiartogk anti of
salisfjurge/ grrtc rtamfterlagn of iJFnglonti ^ Ifutrnant
of 3Jrflonlj oltjcst brotici: of fejmge (irtitoart fij? tfje grace
of goti kgnge of ^nglanli anti of fraurr / jjour most
1)umt)le srruant toilllam (JTaiton amongr otftrr of i)Our
scruantfs sentifs unto goto pfas . f)fltijc . :iJoj)f anti bifto-
tge bpon gour (Snemges / Kigf)t i)tgi)e pugssant anl>
The Text ends on the 73rd recto,
ginti gentle goto ti^acrompltssijement of gour ijge nofile.
172 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
SJogous an"ti bertuous tiesirs ^mm :/: ^Fgngssijitj tije
last tiaj) of inavri)f tijc per of out loiti goti . a . t^ousanb
foute i)ont)Piti ant Ixxnii. •.:.:.*.
The 74th leaf is blank.
Eemaeks. — " Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of
oure lord god a thousand fonre honderd and Ixxiiii." The word
" fynysshed " has doubtless the same signification here as in
the epilogue to the second book of Caxton's translation of the
Histories of Troy, " begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt,
and Jinijsshed in Coleyn," which eyideutly refers to the trans-
lation only. The date, 147G-7C, has been afiixed, because in the
Low Countries at that time the year commenced on Easter-
day; this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day
of the conclusion of the translation, 31st March, 1475, the
same year being the earliest possible period of its appearance
as a printed book.
The literary history of the " Game and Play of the Chess"
does not appear to have hitherto received that attention which
is its due. Before 1285, ^gidius Colonna had composed
his renowned work entitled " De regimine principum," which
treats of self-government, domestic government, and national
government. The "Liber de ludo Scachorum" of J. de
Cessolis appears to have been based upon this work, its cliief
originality being the representation of the several stations
and duties of life by the pieces used in chess. About the
middle of the fifteenth century two distinct French versions
were made. The earlier was probably that by Jean Faron,
in 1347, who translated it hterally from the original Latin.
About the same time appeared the favourite and standard
Avork of Jehan de Vignay, who took great liberties with the
text, and added many stories and fables. Both these men were
of the order of Preaching Friars, and seem to have worked
quite independently of one another. Caxton's edition was
principally from the version of Jehan de Vignay, to whom he
gives the title of "an excellent Doctor of Divinity, of the
Order of the Hospital of St. Jolm's of Jerusalem," which is
remarkable, as in his preface Jean de Vignay styles himself
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 1.
173
" hospitaller de I'ordre de haut pas," and he is so termed in
all the manuscripts. On comparing the English and the two
French versions, it is evident that Caxton must have been
well acquainted with both. His prologue addressed to the
Duke of Clarence contains, nominis mutatis, the whole of
Jean de Vignay's dedication to Prince John of France ; while
Chapters I and III are taken entirely from the translation of
Jean Faron. The remainder of the book is fi-om the ver-
sion of Jehan de Vignay, with one or two special insertions
evidently from the pen of Caxton himself.
To show the curious way in which Caxton adopted and
adapted while translating, the dedication to the Duke of
Clarence, hitherto considered as liis own composition, is here
given side by side with its French original.
Caxton's Prologue to " The
Game and Play of the
Chess."
TO the right noble /right
excellent & vertuous prince
George due of Clarence Erie
of warwyk and of/ salisburye /
grete chamberlayn of Eng-
lond & leutenant of Irelond
oldest broder of kynge Ed-
ward by the grace of god
kynge of England and of
frafice / your most humble
seruant wilham Caxton a-
monge other of your seruantes
sendes vnto yow peas . helthe .
loye and victorye vpon your
Enemyes / Right highe puys-
sant and redoubted prynce/
For as moche as I haue vn-
derstand and knowe / that ye
are enclined vnto the comyn
wele of the kynge our said
Prologue of Jean de Vig-
nay TO HIS French trans-
lation (A.D, 1360) OF THE
" LUDUS SaCCORUM " OF J.
DE CeSSOLIS.
A Tres noble & excellent
prince Jehan de france
due de normendie & auisne
filz de philipe par la grace de
dieu Roy de france . Frere
Jehan de vignay vostre petit
Rehgieux entre les autres de
vostre seignoire / paix sante
Joie & victoire sur vos en-
174
WILLIAM CAXTON.
saueryn lord . his nobles lordes
and comyn peple of his noble
royame of Englond / and that
ye sawe gladly the Inhabitans
of the same euformed in good .
vertuous . prouffitable and
honeste maners , Jn whiche
your noble persone wyth
guydyng of your hows ha-
boundeth / gyuyng hght and
ensample vnto all other /
Therfore I haue put me in
deuour to translate a lityll
book late comen in to myn
handes out of frensh in to
englisshe/Jn which I fynde
thauctorites . dictees . and sto-
ries of auncient Doetours phi-
losophes poetes and of other
wyse men whiche been re-
counted & applied vnto the
moralite of the publique wele
as well of the nobles as of the
comyn peple after the game
and playe of the chesse /
whiche booke right puyssant
and redoubtid lord I haue
made in the name and vnder
the shadewe of your noble
protection / not presumyng to
correcte or empoigne ony
thynge ayenst your noblesse /
For god be thankyd your
excellent renome shyneth as
well in strange regions as
with in the royame of england
gloriously vnto your honour
and lande/ whiche god mul-
nemis . Treschier & redoubte
seign''/pour ce que Jay en-
tendu et scay que vous veez
& ouez volentiers choses pro-
fiitables & honestes et qui
tendent alinformacion de bon-
nes meurs ay Je mis vn petit
liuret de latin en francois le
quel mest venuz a la main
nouuellement / ou quel plus-
sieurs auctoritez et dis de
docteurs & de philosophes &
de poetes & des anciens sages /
sont Racontez & sont appli-
quiez a la moralite des nobles
hommes et des gens de peuple
selon le gieu des eschez le
quel liure Tres puissant et
tres redoubte seigneur jay fait
ou nom & soubz vmbre de
vous pour laquelle chose
treschr scign'' Je vous suppli
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 1,
175
teplye and encrece But to
thentent that other of what
estate or clegre he or they
stande in . may see in this
sayd lityll book/yf they
gouerned them self as they
ought to doo/wherfor my
right dere redoubted lord I
requyre & supplye your good
grace not to desdaygne to
resseyue this lityll sayd book
in gree and thanke/as well
of me your humble and vn-
knowen seruant as of a better
and gretter man than I am /
For the right good wylle that
I haue had to make this lityll
werk in the best wyse I can /
ought to be reputed for the
sayte and dede / And for more
clerely to precede in this sayd
book I haue ordeyned that
the chapitres ben sette in the
begynnynge to thende that
ye may see more playnly the
mater wherof the book treteth
& requier de bonne Toulente
de cuer que il yo' daigne
plaire a receuoir ce liure en
gre aussi bien que de yu
greign'' maistre de moy/car
la tres bonne Youlente que
Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie
me doit estre reputee pour le
fait / Et po' plus clerement
proceder en ceste ouure / Jay
ordene que les chappitres du
liure soient escrips & mis au
commencement afin de Yeoir
plus plainement la matiere de
quoy le dit liure p'ole.
&c.
Before concluding this article we must give an interpola-
tion of the text which has real interest as showing Caxton's
feelings towards " men of law." His author is regretting the
conduct of some lawyers of Rome and Italy, and Caxton adds
with a natural burst of indignation, which suggests that per-
sonal experience had something to do with it : —
" Alas ! and in England what hurt do the adYOcates, men
of law, and attorneys of court to the common people of the
royamne, as well in the spiritual law as in the temporal : how
turn they the law and statutes at their pleasure ; how eat
they the people, how impoYerish they the community. I
17fi WILLIAM CAXTOX.
suppose that in all Christendom are not so many pleaders,
attorneys, and men of the law as be in England only, for if
they were numbered all that long to the courts of the Chan-
cery, King's Bench, Common Pleas, Exchequer, Receipt and
Hall, and the bag-bearers of the same, it should amount to a
great multitude. And how all these live and of whom, if it
should not be uttered and told it should not be believed. For
they extend to their singular weal and profit and not to the
common."
There are ten copies known of this book, of which two are
in the British Museum, one at Oxford, one at Cambridge, and
six in private libraries.
No. 4. — Les fais et peouesses du noble et vaillant
Chevaliek Jason. Folio. Without Printer's Name,
Place, or Date. (147- ?
Collation. — Sixteen 4"' and one 3" =134 leaves, of which
the first and last two are blank.
Typographical PAETiCLTiAns. — There is no title-page
nor colophon. The type used is No. 1 only. The great
majority of the lines are fiiUy spaced out, agreeing in this
respect more with the French editions of " Le Recueil " and
the "Psaulmes" than the English "RecuyeU" and the "Chess
Book." FuU lines measure 5 and 5y^ inches ; 31 Hues to a
page. Without signatures, numerals, head-lines, or catch-
words.
A blank leaf commences the book; at the head of the
succeeding recto, ^\'ith space for a 4 -line initial, and director.
The Text begins thus : —
I ^ gallcc tic mon ntgin flotant na pas long
temps en la parfonbeur tjes mens bu pluseurs
anriennes i)tstoires ainst eomme :?Je boulofe me-
ner mon esperit en pott be repos / soutrainement
gapparu an pres be mog bne nef eonbuttte par bng t)omme
The text ends on the verso of the 131st printed leaf: —
ant a mon beuant bit tresveboufite seignem; / ^t atous eeulx
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 1. 177
qui le rontenu te re presfnt bolume iiiont . ou orront lire .
(iuU Ifuc plaise tie grace eicuser autant que mon petit et ru
tie engin na sent toucljier ne peu eomprentire ^^e * : .
iJ^rplicit
The existence of this edition was first made known in
England by a letter from M. Van Praet to Dr. Dibdin, who
sent an account of it to the "Gentleman's Magazine" for
July, 1812.
Remaeks. — All the books printed with these types are
traced to Mansion, either alone or assisted by Caxton. In
this work and the " Meditacions," the even length of the lines
proves them to be later productions than those in which the
lines are more uneven ; and this is plain evidence that if these
two works were printed by Mansion (as doubtless they were)
it must have been after 1478, the year in which he adopted
the plan of even lines ; but if Ave attribute them to Caxton,
we must suppose him to have forsaken his own establishment
at the Red-pale, in or after the year 1480 (being the period
when he first adopted the practice of making his lines of an
even length) for the purpose of printing abroad what he had
every facility for printing at home.
Only three copies of this scarce book have been as yet
discovered. A magnificent one is at Eton College, another
in the National Library, Paris, which, when purchased in
1808, was bound up with "Le Quadrilogue," a work printed
by Colard Mansion in 1478, and a third in the Library of the
Arsenal, Paris.
No. 5. — Meditacions sue les Sept Pseaulmes Peniten-
CiAULX. Folio. WifJiout Frinter's Name, Flace, or
DaU. (1478 ?)
Collation. — Three 4"' and one 5° =34 leaves, of which
the last only is blank,
Typogeaphical Paeticulaes. — There is no title-page.
The only type used is No. 1. The lines are for the most part
folly spaced out, though now and then there is a deficiency in
this respect, which only occurs, however, on the verso of the
N
WILLIAM CAXTON.
folios, the recto throughout being fiilly spaced. This pecu-
liarity is observable to a greater or less extent in all the
French books printed in this type. The fall lines measure
5 inches, and 81 lines in^e a full page. There are no signa-
tures, folios, nor catchwords.
The text begins on the first recto, —
a brage penitanff est comme aucune cstffiellt
I par la(nifUf lommf pfcf)fur qui gflon la parabolf
tic Icuuangillcticsrfnlij) tip J(i)erusalfm rn 3Jt)friro
itionta tie xuf)itf tic SJt^riro tn J|)fiusalem / rest abision tie
And ends on the 33rd verso, with a full page, followed by a
blank leaf, —
eitiUacion tie Iccsse rspiittucUe / i^uis cncorrs sil U platst
me tionnc que par ce srptenuatre tier pgeaulmes tie pentten^:
ce lesqueU rorrespontirnt aux sept affect,* tie lomme prtns
pour les sept ticgrc?* 'ac Icscijiclle tic pemtence :^c pulsse mo=
ter et paruentr atog en cette tant glorieusc cite tic 3j|)erusa^
lem en laquelle tu i)at)iteg et te offrir auce les saius et 6e^
neure? le sacrifice tic loenge sans fin / : ^M^^
Remaeks. — This work is a translation from the original
Latin of Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly, entitled " Meditacions Circa
Septem Psalmos Penitentiales." It was composed about the
end of the fourteenth century, and translated shortly after
into French, but by whom is micertaiu, although from the
style it is supposed by several of his biographers to have been
from the pen of the Cardinal himself. The Commentary on
the Penitential Psalms, printed by Wynken de Worde was
coinposed by Bishop Alcock, and has nothing in common vdth
this.
In all typographical particulars this work agrees with the
French edition of "Jason," already described, and there is
little doubt was printed by Colard Mansion at Bruges, about
1478.
The only Existing Copy at present known was discovered
in the General Library of the British Museum, in 1841, by
Mr. J. Winter Jones, bomid up with " Les Quatre Derrenieres
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 1. 179
Choses." It is perfect, in an excellent state of preservation,
clean, and free from all disfigurements. It has the final blank
leaf, the verso of which is covered with quotations in the
handwriting of the fifteenth century. These quotations are
extended over the first recto (which is also a blank) of the
book mentioned above as being bound up with it, proving
that they were bound together soon after printing. For an
article on both works, from the pen of Mr. Jones, see
" ArchaBlogia," vol. xxxi, page 412.
n2
i
DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED
TYPE No. 2.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 2.
6. Les Quati-e Derrenieres Choses
7. The Historj- of Jason .
8. The Dictes and Sayings. Fii'st Edition .
9. Horaj .....
10. The Canterbury Tales. First Edition
11. The Moral Proverbs of Christine
12. Propositio Johannis Russell
13. Stans puer ad Mensam
14. Parvus Catho. First Edition
15. Ditto Second Edition
16. The Horse, the Sheep, and the Ghoos. First Edition
17. Ditto ditto Second Edition
18. Infancia Salvatoris ....
19. The Temple of Glass .....
20. The Chorle and the Bird. Fii'st Edition
21. Ditto ditto Second Edition .
22. The Temple of Brass, or the Parliament of Fowls
23. The Book of Courtesy. First Edition
24. Queen Anelida .....
25. Boethius .....
26. Corydale ......
27. Fratris Laur. Gulielmi de Saona Margarita
28. The Dictes and Sayings. Second Edition
29. Indulgence .....
30. Parvus et Magnus Chato. Third Edition
31. The Mirrour of the World. First Edition
32. Reynard the Fox. First Edition .
33. Tully of Old Age ....
34. The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Second Edition
. 1475 ?
1477 ?
. 1477
1478?
. 1478 ?
1478
. 1478 ?
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1477
ante 1479
ante 1479
ante 1479
1479
1479-10 ?
1480?
1480
1481?
1481?
1431
1481
1481?
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 2.
No. 6. — Les quatee deerbnieees choses advenir.
Folio. Without Printer's Name, Date, or Place.
(1476?)
Collation. — Nine 4"^= 72 leaves, of which the first only
is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — Type-No. 2 only is used.
The lines are of very irregular length, 28 to a page. With-
out signatures, folios, or catchwords. Commencing with a
blank leaf, the ta])le follows on the second recto, the first
three lines being in red ink.
The text begins : —
(tt prrgfnt ttatcttr est ^iuisf txi quatrc parties pctnrtpa
les : iSesQucUes rf)asrunc contient Xxm autrcs singuli /
res parties en la fourme qui sensuit :
and ends on 72nd verso : — •
quil^ pourueissf nt aui eljoses tierrenieres / liont la frecjuete
inemoire et reeortiaeicin ivapelle ties peei)ie^ a eulpe am ber
tus et eonferme en tounes oeuures /par (tuog on paruient a
la gloire eternelle :^men
(irjplieit lilier tie
(juatour iaouissimis
An important tyjjogi-aphical peculiarity in this work is
the mode in which the printer has employed red ink for the
title-lines or chapters. The modus operandi and how the red
ink overlies the black, is explained at p. 52, ante. This curious
and primitive practice is not seen in any books except that
under notice, and those printed by Colard Mansion of Bruges.
Another typographical characteristic which intimately con-
nects this book with those printed in Type No. 1 is the exist-
184 WILLIAM CAXTON,
ence of two small holes on the outer margin of each leaf,
made by points in use by the pressman. These, it should be
noticed, occur in all the works for which type No, 1 was used,
but none, except the present, printed vdth. type No. 2, nor
indeed in any English printed books. Again, we find among
the undoubted first issues of the press at Westminster that
the books in foho, such as " The Life of Jason," " Dictes,"
" Canterbury Tales," " Cordyale," &c., have all 29 lines to the
page, while "Les quatre derrenieres choses" has but 28.
On taking, however, the actual measurement, it will be seen
that the depth of the page is exactly the same as in the type
No. 1 books. Evidence has been already produced to show
that the five books in tyj^e No. 1 were printed in Bruges by
Colard Mansion alone, or assisted by Caxton ; and to the same
source we have no hesitation in ascribing " Les quatre der-
renieres choses."
Eemaeks. — The title, "De quatuor novissimis," was
applied to many religious treatises of the fourteenth and fif-
teenth centuries ; and so many Latin manuscripts of distinct
works have come down to us that it is difficult to distinguish
between them : nor were the early printed editions less nume-
rous, Hain, in his "Repertorium Bibliographicum," giving
the titles of twenty-one editions printed in the fifteenth cen-
tury. They all agree, however, in one particular, viz. — that
no copy gives the name of its author. The Latin original of
one work on this subject is attributed to " Denis de Leewis,
natif de Rikel," who died in 1471 : it was printed at Antwerp
about 1486. But the Latin original of this particular version
is given to Gerardus a Vliedenhoven, of which Mr. Holtrop
gives an account of three editions. There is a fourth in the
University Library, Cambridge, besides which there are four
Dutch editions. Early French anonymous versions were also
very numerous, and it is fortunate that a manuscript in the
Royal Library, Brussels, has preserved the name of the author
to whom we are indebted for the present translation. It
bears the following colophon : " Cy fine le traittie des quatre
dernieres choses, translate de latin en francois par Jo. Mielot
I'an de grace mil cccc liij."
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 185
Philippe le Bon, as is well known, employed many secre-
taries for the purpose of adding to the treasures of his library
by translations, collations, commentaries, &c. In this way
were employed Guy d'Angers, David Aubert, de Hesdin,
Droin Ducret, de Dijon, and others. They brought into use
that peculiar style of writing termed " grosse batarde," which,
at a later date, Colard Mansion took as a pattern for his
types. Among the duke's secretaries, one of the most inde-
fatigable was Jean Mielot. He united in himself the quali-
fications of author, translator, and scribe, as he lets us know
in the manuscript, " Traite de vieillesse et de jeunesse," now
in the Eoyal Library, Copenhagen.
The only Existing- Copy known of this edition was dis-
covered by Mr. J. Winter Jones while re-catalogl^ing a
portion of the old royal library in the British Museum. It
was bound in the same volume as the " Meditacions," already
described at page 177, to which the reader in referred for
further particulars.
No. 7. — The History of Jason. Folio. Without Printer's
Namp, Place, or Date. (1477 ?).
Collation. — Eighteen 4"' and one 3"= 150 leaves, of
which the first is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title. The
only type used is No. 2. The lines are very uneven in
length, the longest measuring 5 inches. A full page has 29
lines. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords. Space is
left at the commencemeut of chapters for the insertion of a
2-line initial, with director.
The Text begins thus, on the second recto, the first leaf
being blaiJi : —
i <!l>t asmocijc m late l)i) tf)e comautjcmcnt of tlje rigi^t
f)j)c ^ noi)le princfgsc mp rigt)t rrtouhtrb latig / ittg
latig ikargarcte fig ti)r grace of goti Burljcssr of i3our=
and ends on the 149th verso,
among x\]t most h)ortf)i) • :Enli after tf)is present life eu=
lasting life in teuen Into grant i)im ^ bs tljat fiougijte bs
bjitf) i)is dlootie filessgt) 3J|)us .^men
18.6 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Kemaeks.— As already noticed when treating of the
original French version of " Jason," its compiler was Eaoul
Lefevre, secretary to the Duke of Burgundy, and while in the
service of the duchess, it seems most probable that Caxton
became possessed of a copy. The date of imprint has been
generally attributed by bibliographers to the year 1475, but
this is, I think, too early. The features of Caxton's history
about that time seem to point to 1476-77 as the date of his
settlement in England; and November 18th, 1477, is, as we
know, the day on which the printing of " Dictes" was finished.
Now the typographical appearance of "Jason" proves it to
have been one of the very earliest products of the West-
minster jjress; and Caxton's remarks in the prologue to
"Golden Legend/' show the translation to have followed
"The RecuyeU" and "Chess Book." The evidence, there-
fore, seems to point to a date immediately preceding " Dictes"
or the early part of 1477, when the young prince, to whom it
was dedicated, would be six years old, and much more likely
to make use of the work than if presented to him two years
earlier.
Gerard Leeu, at Antwerp, reprinted this English text in
1492, a fact noticed thus by Gerard Legh in "The Accidence
of Armory," 1576 — "The History of Jason, which was trans-
lated out of Frenche, and printed at Andwarpe by one of my
name."
Of the sLx knoTvii copies there is one in the British
Museum, one in the Bodleian, and four in private libraries.
No. 8. — The Dictes aub Sayings of the Philosophees.
Folio. " Enprynted hy nie William Caxton at West-
mestre." 1477. First Edition; ivithout Colophon.
Collation. — ^Nine 4"' and one 3" =78 leaves, of which
the first and two last are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Only type No. 2 is used. The lines are of very uneven length,
the longest measuring 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page.
Without folios, catchwords, or signatures. Space is left at
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 187
the beginning of chapters for the insertion of 3-line initials,
with director.
Commencing with a blank leaf, Earl Rivers's prologue
follows.
The Text begins thus, on the second recto : —
^m it is so tijat fuerg ijumagn (ffrraturr fig tf)e
b) .suffrance of our lort goti is born vV ortrtgnrti to
6c sufigcttc anti ti)ral bnto ti)e stormcs of fortune
.anti so in 'aimtst ^ mang sontjrg togses man is perplex^
The work concludes on the verso of the 73rd folio at foot,
and is followed on the 7'ith recto by Caxton's epilogue and
additions, commencing with space for 3 -line initial.
(!?re entiptij ti)e fioofe namrt tljc titrtes or sagcngis
f) of tlje pijtlosopijrrs rnprgntcti /6g mt toilliam
Olaxton at toestmrstre ti)t grre of our lorti ♦ M '
orararai • Unbil ♦ SlSlfjifte fioofe is latc translate out of
The Text ends on the 7Gth verso, Avith a short page of
sixteen lines —
position in tf)is iaorltj / ^nti after tijgs Igf to Igue euer=
lastgnglg in i)t\itn Emm
(!St sic est finis . * . *
Remarks. — This book is remarkable as being the first
which bears a plain statement of the place and time of its
execution. It is thought by some to be really the first book
printed in England. A few of the quarto pieces may perhaps
have preceded it, but there is none that can be proved of
earlier workmanship ; and if, as there seems good reason for
supposing, Caxton did not settle at Westminster before
1476-77, he would not have had time to produce much.
The history of the English translation of this work is
interesting. It appears that Earl Rivers, moved thereto by a
remembrance of relief from many worldly adversities, deter-
mined to pay his vows at the shrine of St. James of Com-
postella. In the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2) is "An Abbre-
viation of the graces and indulgences which Alexader vj
188 WILLIAM CAXTON.
granteth to all true believing people of every sexe or com-
mimitie of the grete hospjtall of Saynt James of Copostella."
This shrine had been for many years the favourite resort of
those who intended a short pilgrimage. Many ships, and
those of the largest burthen, were engaged in this passenger
traffic, the chief port of embarkation being Southampton.
Thence in the year 1473 the earl sailed, and while on the
voyage Lewis de Bretaylles, a Gascon knight celebrated for
his great prowess, at the court of Edward IV, showed the
earl a copy, in French, of " Les dits moraux des phUosophes,"
with which Lord Rivers was greatly delighted, retaining it
for more intimate perusal. On his return to England, in the
same year, the king appointed him one of the governors of
the Prince of Wales ; and now, having more leisure, the earl
began a translation of the work into English, which, however,
notwithstanding the assistance of an earlier translation by
Scrope, occupied him some years, supposing it to be com-
pleted only a short time pre\iously to its being printed in
1477. Earl Eivers evidently had a good opinion of Caxton's
literary abilities, for he requested him " to oversee " his trans-
lation before printing it, and the result was the addition of a
chapter " towching wymmen," introduced by a very character-
istic prologue from Caxton's own. pen. Tliis prologue is
replete with a quiet humour, which reveals to us more of
Caxton's real disposition than all his other writings. It
proves also the intimate terms which must have existed
between Lord Rivers and himself.
We may infer from this, the first edition, had a rapid sale,
as about 1481 a second edition (described ftirther on) was
produced in the same type, and page for page, the same as
the original.
There is an oft-quoted but much overrated manuscript of
this translation in the Archiepiscopal Palace, Lambeth. It
is on vellum, and has one inconsiderable iUumination, famous
only on account of giving the sole representation kno^\Ti of
Edward V. Earl Rivers is presenting a copy on bended
knee (probably this very one) to the prince, Avho is seated on
his throne. By the earl's side is pourtrayed an ecclesiastic
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 189
with shaven crown, probably "Haywarde," whose name
appears at the end of the vohime as the WTiter. We may
suppose the eai'l to be in the act of reciting the metrical
prologue which appears at the commencement, and the first
five lines of which are —
ThLs boke late translate here in sight
By Anthony Earl (erasure) that vertueux knyght
Please it to accepts to youre noble grace
And at youre conueniens leysoure and space
It to see reede and vnderstonde
The wTiting is the usual secretary hand of the fifteenth
century, and the date of transcription, as given in the colo-
phon, is December 29th, 1477, or about six weeks after the
publication of Caxton's printed edition, of which it is a ver-
batim copy, with the addition of the metrical prologue ah-eady
noticed, and the following paragraph which precedes Caxton's
prologue to the chapter on women — "And suffice you with
the translation of the sayinges of thes Pliilosophres, And one
William Caxton atte desire of my lorde Ryuers / emprinted
many bokes after the tbnour and forme of this boke / whiche
Willm saide as foloweth :" then comes Caxton's chapter.
A diflFerent and somewhat earlier translation is in the Ms.
department of the British Museum (Harl. 2266), "late trans-
latyd out of frensh tung in to englysh the yer of our lord
M cccc 1 to John Fostalf knyght for his contemplacion and
solas by Stevyn Scrope squyer sonne in law to the seide Fos-
talle." Literary taste is not often associated with the name
of Sir John Falstafi".
Thirteen copies of this edition are known — Two in the
British Museum, one at Cambridge, and the remainder in
private libraries. The Rev. T. Corser's copy, sold in 1868,
wanting three leaves, sold for £110.
No. 9. — Fragment of a " Hor^." Octavo. Without
Printer'^ Name, Place, or Date. (1478 ?)
Four leaves only. Type No. 2. Lines very uneven in
length, the longest measuring 2\ inches; twelve lines to a
full page. Without signatures, catchwords, or numerals.
190 WILLIAM CAXTON.
From the small portion remaining of the original work,
it is impossible to state with accuracy under what par-
ticular class of service-books it should be ranged. To all
appearance it is part of a primer, or "Horae secundum
consuetudinem Anglije ;" though its diminutive size renders
it improbable that it contained, as well as the Hours, the
Litany, the Vigils of the Dead, and all the miscellaneous
prayers usually found in this class of books. The above
fragment will be found to include the following portions of
Sufiragia at Lauds : — St. Thomas of Canterbury (the last few
words only), St. Nicholas, St, Mary Magdalene, St. Katha-
rine, St. Margaret; after which, in the four leaves that are
wanting, there is room for All Saints, the Prayer for Peace,
the Versicle and Eesponse, Benedicamus domino, Deo gracias,
and the commencement of the Sufiragia of the Three Kings,
the rest thereof occuj^ying, as above, the head of the second
portion of the fragment. Then follow the Suffi-agia of St.
Barbara and the concluding verse Benedicam' dno Deo gs,
\Aith which the service ends. On comparing this with the
Horae of the same period it will be seen that these prayers
always occur at the end of Lauds, and are peculiar in their
order to the English Church, ^nth the exception of the Three
Kings and St, Barbara, which, in this sequence, are peculiar
to this fragment, Sufiragia of the Three Kings, and of St,
Barbara, are found amongst the miscellaneous commemora-
tions in most of the English primers; but those of St,
Barbara, as found in this fragment, difier altogether fi-om
those which occur elsewhere. The e\-idence which a perfect
volume might afford being wanting, the following suggestion,
by Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, is offered : — It is well kno-WTi
that the Esterlings were a thriving and influential corporation
in Caxton's time, consisting of German merchants from the
City of Cologne and the other towns in the Hanseatic League,
and occupying the Steel Yard in Cannon Street as their
London residence, with All Hallows the Great as their parish
church, and St. Barbara as their patron saint. Now in their
accustomed serA-ice, comprising Matins and Lauds, the Suf-
frages of the Three Kings of Cologne, which, as already
BOOKS PEIJfTED IN TYPE NO. 2. TJl
remarked, do not commonly occur at those hours, would be
most appropriate, not on account of the name so much as the
subject of the prayer, which is for success in trade, and for
peace and health in travelling; — "concede propitius ....
ut itinere quo ituri sumus, celebritate, letitia, gratia et pace,
ad loca destinata in pace et salute et negotio bene peracto
cum omne prosperitate, salvi et sani redire valeamus." This
alone proves very little ; but when we find that the next suf-
frages are those of St. Barbara, whose name never occurs in
the English Lauds, but to whom the Esterlings prayed as
their patron saint, it becomes probable that the fragment
before us was part of an Anglican primer (or Hor£e), wdth
additional prayers, for their especial use. And if these
German merchants, in whose country the typographic art
had made great progress, wished to have this, their daily
service, printed, to whom could they go but to Caxton, the
only printer then in England.
Should this view be correct it considerably increases the
bibliographical value of the fragment, which is otherwise of
great interest as being, in all probability, the earliest English-
printed service in existence, and which, from the unevenness
in the printing and the early types, must have been one of
the first products of the Westminster press.
The fragment on which the foregoing remarks have been
founded is in the Bodleian Library (Douce Fragments).
When originally extracted fi'om an old book-cover it formed
a half-sheet, but now two quarters.
No. 10. — Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Folio. Sim
ulld notd. First Edition. (1478 ?)
Collation. — Forty 4°% one 3", one 5", one 3", one 5",
one 3", one 5", and one 2", making together 372 leaves, of
which the first only is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The only type used is No. 2. The lines in the prose portions
are very unevenly spaced, but the longest measure 5 inches ;
29 lines to a full page. Without folios, signatures, or catch-
192 WILLIAM CAXTON.
words. The book commences with a blank leaf, after which
the Text begins thus : —
^)m ti)at ^pprill m^ Ijis sijouris sote
to ^nti tfjc tiroustte of mavdjc Ijatfj priti yn rote
ainti fiabtt) ftirrg bcgnr in surfjf Itrout
©f toijirijc bettu engentititi is tije flour
On the 372nd leaf recto are the following lines, being the
conclusion of the Parson's tale : —
tiftcarion of s^nnc / Co ti)at l^f Ijc bs firgngc tijat bougijt
toiti) i)is prccgous filootj amen.
(^.tplieit Cractatus SalfrBtii (Ktauff^^ ^f
^eniteneia bt tjicitur pro fabula llectoris.
The reverse is occupied by what is called Chaucer's retrac-
tion, commencing —
n ©to prag f to ^em alle ti)at f)crfeene tfjis litil treatgse
and ending —
tjeus . ^er omnia secula seeulois Emen.
which concludes the volume.
Nine copies are known, of which two are in the British
Museum, one at the Bodleian, one at Merton College, Oxford,
and the others in private libraries.
No. 11. — The Moral Proverbs of Cristyne. Folio.
" Enprinted hy Caxton At Westrmstre" 1478.
Collation. — Two sheets, or four leaves, all -printed.
Typographical Particulars. — The only type used is
No. 2. 28 lines to a page. Without signatures, catchwords,
or folios.
The Text begins, with a head-line on the first recto,
thus : —
Ctje morale prouerfies of Olristgne
t ?^e grete bertus of otire eltiersi notalile
(©fte to rememftre is tijing profitable
an tjappB i)0Ui5 is . tsa^txt titoelleti) prutienee
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. I'.il
and ends on the fourth verso,
^t tofstmrstre . of Uuttn ti)t . xx . tiage
^)\ti of fepng (JFtjloarti / ti)e . ibij . gftc brnjoe
(IPnpttntctj fig (fl'aifon
3ltt fcufrcr tf)f rolbe season
Remarks. — Cristyne de Pise was, with the single excep-
tion of Joan of Arc, the most famous woman of her age. She
was born A.D. 1368, in Italy, and, at the early age of fifteen,
married Etieime Castel. After a few happy years her hus-
band was taken from her by death; and now, although, to
quote her o^^^l words, "nourri en delices et mignottemens,"
she found herself ahnost in destitution, with aged parents and
three young children dependent upon her. Fortunately her
father, who had been physician to Charles V of France, had
taken gxeat pains in her education, by which she had well
profited. Urged on by necessity, she devoted herself to a
literary life, and soon became famous. Her \\Titings, which
show a vast amount of reading, were ever on the side of
virtue, morality, and peace. Her unimpeachable life assisted
the tendency of her wTitings, and both were an honour to the
age in which she lived. For many years her labours were
incessant. After a last song of rejoicing on the victories of
the French arms under " La Pucelle " she retired to a convent
for the remainder of her days. The date of her death is
unkno^\Ti, The biographers of Cristyne vie vdth one another
in her praises. There is a charming monograph upon her,
by M. Raimond Thomassy, entitled " Essai sur les Ecrits
Politiques de Christine de Pisan." 8vo. Paris, 1838, See
also " Les Msc, Franc," vol, iv, p, 186 ; and " Mem, de FAcad.
des Insc," vol. ii, p. 762.
"Les prouerbes moraulx" were originally composed as a
supplement to " Les enseignemens moraux," ^^Titten by Cris-
tyne for the instruction of her son, Jean Castel, who passed a
part of his youthful days in the service of the Earl of Salis-
bury, in England.
The translation of these proverbs into English by Earl
194 WILLIAM CAXTON.
■Rivers appears to have taken place about the same period as
his longer effort the " Dictes of the Philosophers." And here
we may notice that the earl has been credited by Horace
Walpole and Dr. Dibdin with the pedantic design of making
nearly all the lines of his translation end ^dth the letter " e."
A very cursory examination of the poetry of the fifteenth
century would have shown that the terminal e was common
in all wTitings of that period.
In the "Fayttes of Arms," translated and printed by Caxton
at a later period, we meet ^nth another production of the
same authoress. The only copies kno^\Ti are in the libraries
of Earl Spencer, Earl of Jersey, and Mr. Christie-Miller.
No. 12. — Peopositio Johannis Eussell. Quario. Wifhouf
Printer'' s Name, Date, or Place. (147- ?)
Collation. — Four printed leaves, the recto of the first
and the verso of the last being blank.
Typogeaphical Paeticulaes. — There is no title-page.
Only one type. No. 2, is used. The lines are "very irregular
in length, a full line measuring 4 inches. A fall page has 22
lines, without signatures or catchwords. The speech, which
is all in one paragraph, bears evidence of having been printed
a page at a time. It commences with a 2-line space for the
insertion of an initial, with a small director, and has been
reprinted in full by Dr. Dibdin.
The Text begins on the first verso : —
fJroposttio ariarissimi ©ratovig . IKagistn f o
ijannig Musscll tjffVftormn tiortovls ar atitunc
Hmtiassiatovts ipianissimt ivrgis ^frtiljoaitii
and ends ■\\'ith twelve lines on the fourth recto, of which the
last three are —
ptate ati tici lauticm / rt cvaltationcm fi^fi .vpia
nc/nostvi qj Sfvnnissimi rrgis volnu'. solarium te
uclattonnu <\) / ft gloviam plcliis sue . amen
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 195
In the eighth vokime of the " Censura Literaria," page
351, appeared the first public notice of this tract, which till
then had been mistaken for a manuscript. Whether printed
at Bruges, Avhich is not unlikely, or at Westminster is difficult
to decide.
John Eussell, "Orator clarissimus," Bishop of Lincoln
and Lord Chancellor, held many offices of trust under three
sovereigns. He was born in the parish of St. Peter's, Win-
chester, in the beginning of the reigii of Henry VI, and com-
menced his education there. At an early age he went to the
University of Oxford, where he obtained the degree of Doctor
of Decrees. In 1449 he was made fellow of New College;
was afterwards appointed to a prebendal stall in Salisbury,
and in 14C6 to the Archdeaconry of Berkshire. On the latter
appointment he removed to court, Avhere he was much noticed
by Edward IV. In September, 1467, he was commissioned
by the Idng, together vdih Lord Hastings, Lord Scales, and
others, to conclude a treaty of marriage between the king's
sister Margaret and the Duke of Burgundy. A few months
later he was engaged in arranging the trade relationship
between this comitry and Flanders. It was probably then, if
not at an earlier period, that he became acquainted with our
printer. His name appears often after this as assisting in
the negotiation of various treaties. In February, 1469-70,
" Messire Galiard, chevalier ; Thomas Vaghan, Escuier et Tre-
sorier de la Chambre ; et Jehan Russell, Docteur en Decret,
Arcediacre de Berksuir," accompanied by Garter King at
Arms, were commissioned by King Edward IV to invest the
Duke of Burgundy with the order of the Garter. On this
occasion the oration which forms the foundation of the pre-
sent article was delivered. The investiture took place at
Ghent, and here, if Caxton were present, of which however
there is no positive evidence, he would again make acquaint-
^nth John Russell. In 1476 the Archdeacon was raised to
the bishopric of Rochester, and in 1480 translated to Lincoln.
In March, 1483, he appeared as "Orator" before Pope Sixtus
IV (see Harleian MS. No. 433), and was probably in Rome
wheu his Sovereign, Edward IV, who had appointed him one
o 2
196 WILLIAM CAXTON.
of his executors, breathed his last. In the short reign of
Edward V he was appointed Lord Chancellor, to which
office he was re-appointed by Richard III. In 1485 he
retired to private life, and died in January 1494. He was
interred in Lincoln Cathedral, under an altar tomb in the
Chantry Chapel, founded by him on the south side of the
Lady Chapel.
He was the fii-st Chancellor of Oxford appointed for life,
in which university he was very popular. England also
should keep his name in memory if only for the great change
he iniated in promulgating the statutes of the realm in the
vulgar tongue, instead of Latin or French, a practice con-
tinued ever after. Sir Thomas More thus draws his character:
" A wyse man and a good, and of much experyence ; and one
of the best learned menne undoubtedly that Englande had in
hys time."
An interesting autograph, as showing the Archdeacon at
Bruges in 1467, when Caxton was governor, occurs in a
volume of "Cicero de Officiis," in the Public Library of
Caml)ridge : — " Empt' p Jo, Rusccl . archidiaconu berk-
shyrie apud oppidu bruggense flandrie a° 1467 mens' ApT
17" die."
A fine uncut copy is in the magnificent library of Earl
Spencer. It appears to have been bound up by mistake in a
volume of blank paper intended for manuscript alone, being
in the original binding, and the whole volume otherwise con-
sisting of the common manuscript hand of the fifteenth cen-
tury, which afford no indication of local execution. It was
discovered in cataloguing the library of John Brand, which
was sold in 1807, and where it appeared among the maim-
scripts (Part I, Lot 30) "A work on Theology and Religion,
with five leaves at the end, a very great curiosity, very early
printed on wooden blocks or type." The Marquis of Bland-
ford bought it at the reasonable price of £2 5s. At the sale
of his liln-ary in ]819 (Lot 5752), Earl Spencer was obliged
to give £126 for it. It was for many years considered as
unique, until another copy was discovered in the library at
Holkham.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 197
No. 13. — StANS PuER AU MeNSAM — IMORAIi DiSTICHS —
Salve Regina. Quarto. Sine uUa notd. {Ante
1479).
Collation. — Four leaves, all printed.
There is no title-ijage. Type No. 2 only is used. There
are 23 lines to a page, or three stanzas in " Balad Royal," '"
witli a blank line between the stanzas. Long lines measui-e
4 inches. Without signatures or catchwards.
The Text begins, on the first recto, thus : —
♦ Stans puec ati mcnsam .
m % trre ci)ilt»e first ti)8 selfc niaftle
SHiti) all t|)in ^nXt to bertur titscipltnc
llfore ti)B souciagn stontijntg at t|)e table
The poem concludes with two stanzas on the third recto,
the latter of which is : —
<@o Itttll figllc iaif gn of elocjucnrc
^3ra|) gong ri)iltirat t^at X\)t sijal mt or rctie
Ct)Ougf) tijou ht not rompfntiious of sfutcnce
<©f ti)c f latoscsi for to tafef ijrte
512Hi)id)e to alle bertue stal tt)B gougtl) Irtc
<©f tlje torj)t8ng ti)oug|) ttjer t)c no tiate
^f ougtjt fie amgs put t^e faute in litigate
. (irxplirit .
Moral Distichs immediately follow the above, and fill
up the page. The whole is here given.
argse erlj) ^nti argsc temperatlg
Serue gotj ^euoutlg ^nti to tijg soup sofierlg
^i)f toorltj bfstl)) Unti to t^g bcti mrrtlg
<@oo ti)j) toag satilD ^nti 6e t^ere iorontilg
anslnere ticmurflB Enti slepe setorlg
t!§o to tt)B mete apprtentlg • <!raplicit .
(1) "Ballad Royal" was the title of a particular rythm, each stanza
of which, consisting of seven lines, rhymed as follows : — a — h — a — h —
h — c — c.
198 WILLIAM CAXTON,
The Salve Regina begins ou the verso of the preceding,
at the head of the page.
. ^n i)CilB ^aluc regina in eitglissl^ .
aiue bitf) all ofieigance to goti t i^umftlessc
ICcgina to regne eugt more in fil^gse
JfEatrr to crist as toe figleuc nprrsse
The "Sahie" ends at the foot of the 4th recto,
iHater of Igf anti eterne crearion
Salue euer as fric as toe ran suffuse . xlmen.
The reverse of this leaf gives the following : —
513agtte tatf) toontiet anti ftgntie ne can
?i?oto mai)tien is moUer anti goti is man
Heue ti)))n asking anti fieleue tl)at toontjer
dFor mggtt t)att) maistrg ^ sfegU gotlj bntiet
. Beo laus ^^e .
This is followed by six proverbial couplets, the last being —
Itnotoe er ttou ikngtte ^'^ tiian t^ou maist slafee
gf tf)ou fengt ei- t|)ou iknotoe tijan it is to late
This finishes the Text as it stands in the only two copies
known.
From the absence of the word ^iplieit, or any other
similar ending which Caxton made a rule of placing at the
end of his works, great and smaU, it is not unlikely that this
piece is imperfect. This is rendered more probable by the
absence of the blank leaf at the beginning, which, supposing
a printed leaf wanting at the end, would be its countei"part.
At the same time it should be noticed that the only two
known copies agi'ee in this deficiency, and that Wynken de
Worde, who reprinted from Caxton's edition, concludes in the
same abrupt way ; though it is not impossible that he printed
from an imperfect copy, and did not know it, as in this very
tract he has reproduced, with his usual carelessness, an acci-
dental error of Caxton's edition. Caxton, in printing, had
transposed the two pages of the second leaf, proving that,
even in the quarto size, he had not arrived at the art of
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 19i)
printing more than one page a time, and Wynken de Worde
blindly repeats the mistake.
Among the many pieces which make up the catalogue of
Lydgate's works must be included " Stans Puer ad Mensam,"
as the two concluding lines prove : —
" Of the writing, though there be no date,
If ought be amiss put the fault in lydgate."
Dan John Lydgate, who knew Chaucer in his old age,
and may have been acquainted with Caxton in his youth, was
an indefatigable rhymester. Eitson gives a list of 251 pieces
attributed to liis pen. The dates of his birth and death are
equally obscure, and the only fact concerning him, of any
certainty, is that he was bom at Lidgate, near Bury St. Ed-
munds, whence he doubtless derived his name. {Hail. 3IS.
2251, folio 283).
The "Stans Puer" is a translation of the "Carmen juve-
nile de moribus pueronmi" of Sulpitius, of which the first
edition was probably printed at Aquila in 1483." Bat the
type used for Caxton's tract (the last dated use of which in
its first state was in 1479), proves it to have been printed at
least some years previous to the impression at Aquila ; so that
we may fairly consider this as the " editio princeps " of the
tract. It was reprinted by Wynken de Worde three times
early in the succeeding century.
The " Salve Regina," in its style and metre, closely resem-
bles the acknowledged pieces of Lydgate, and was also, in all
probability, from his pen.
The copy in the University Library of Cambridge is the
only one known, and though now in a separate binding, was
formerly in a volume of poems all printed by Caxton, of which
an account is here appended.
Bishop Moore's library, rich in old black-letter poems, con-
tained, among its other treasures, one priceless little volmne,
in quarto, bomid in plain brown calf, and lettered on the back
" Old poetry printed by Caxton." The collection appears to
have l)een made before it came into the bishop's possession ;
but the fact of the poems being bound together led Middleton
and all succeeding writers to describe them as one work. Mr.
200 AVILLIAM CAXTON.
Bradshaw's careful examination, however, showed that the
volume contained eight distinct publications, which have
since been bound separately. Some of these are vmique, and
some are found alone in other collections. Before re-binding,
the volume contained the following pieces in the following
order : —
I. Stans Puer ad Mensam ; Moral Distichs ; The Salve
Regina. II. Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho. III.
The Chorle and the Bird. IV. The Horse the Goose
and the SheejD ; Stanzas ; The proper use of certain
nouns; The proper use of certain verbs. Y. The
Temple of Glass. VI. The Temple of Brass ; A trea-
tise which John Skogan sent unto the lords and
gentlemen .... exhorting them to use virtues in their
youth; The good counsel of Chaucer; Balad of the
\illage without painting. VII. The Book of Courtesy.
VIII. Anelida and Arcyte and The Complaint of
Chaucer to his purse.
There is nothing to show in what order these tracts were
printed. Being all in verse we can draw no conclusions from
irregularity of spacing, and even where two editions were
printed it is sometimes impossible to say which had pre-
cedence. That they were aU printed before February 2nd,
1479, we may safely assume, as they are, ^\-ithout excejition,
in the early state of type No. 2, which then made its last
dated appearance in " Cordyale ;" and that many were among
Caxton's hrst essays seems probable from their popidar nature,
and the small amount of labour required in their production.
For these reasons they are treated consecuti^'ely, together
with three other editions, in Nos. 14 to 25, those pieces whose
longest lines all measure 4 inches being placed before those
measuring 3| inches.
No. 14. — Paevus Catho. — Magnus Catho. quarto. First
Editwn. Sim uM notd. {Ante 1479).
Collation.— Three 4'"' and one .5" = 34 leaves, of which
the first was doubtless blank, though wanting in the only
known copy.
BOOK(^ PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 201
There is no title-page. The type is No. 2 only. Full
lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines,
counting the blank hne between the stanzas. Without signa-
tures or catchwords.
The Text commences with title-line on the second recto, a
blank leaf having originally preceded it —
. ?t?ic Bntipit panuis Olatfjo .
atu aiatiutfrc qxm plurimog f)oi(B mitt etrare
?lSli)an $ atiurrtc to mg rfinrmfiranre
^nt) stt f)oh) fele follies tutn greuouslj?
"Parvus Catho" terminates in the middle of the third
recto,
?12aijan sf it rrtc let not gout i)frt U ttntsc
ijut tiotJj as tl)is sattt) bjitf) al pur Ijole entente
. ^ic finis parui eatf)onis .
making in all seven stanzas, in " Balad Eoyal."
"Magnus Catho" immediately follows on the verso, with
space left for the insertion of a 2-hne initial 5>, Avith director.
. Wt IJneipit magnus (Catfio .
r :i» tjeus est aimus noiiis bt rarmina tiieut
^ic tifii preeipue fit pura mente eolentius
jpot ti^}} ti)at QOti is inluartilg tl)e iuit
The Text ends on the 34th verso,
?^eie ijaue § fontie ti)at si)al gou gugtie &: lelie
Stceigijt to gotie fame ^ leue gou in Ijiv ^ous
. iJFaplieit atati)0 .
The work is in four books, containing 42, 39, 27, and 52
stanzas of "Balad Royal," each of which is headed by a
couplet from the original Latin.
The "distichs" of Cato were very popular for many cen-
turies. Their author, and even the origin of their title, is
entirely lost, though some of their stanzas are traced as lar
back as the second or third century of the Christian era. In
202 WIUAAM CAXTON.
the middle ages they were used as a school-book, to teach
Latin, as well as to inculcate moral maxims ; so that to be
unacquainted "with "Cato" was synonymous with general
ignorance. Chaucer continually mentions the work. " He
knew not Catoun, for his wyt was rude," says the miUer of
the rich "Gnof." These remarks apply to "Magiras Cato"
only. About 1180 Daniel Churche, an ecclesiastic attached
to the coiu't of Henry II, added a few Latin precepts as intro-
ductory to the original, and from that period the tAvo were
mostly transcribed together, being distinguished as " ParAiis
Cato" and "Magnus Cato." Of the English version of these
"distichs" we cannot have a better account than that given
us by Caxton himself in his preface to "Cathon" glossed;
"which book," he says, "hath been translated out of Latin
into English by Master Benet Burgh, .... which fuU craftily
hath made it in Balad Royal for the erudition of my Lord
Boucher son and heir at that time to my Lord the Earl of
Essex." This translation of Benet Burgh is the text printed
by Caxton, twice in quarto, and once in folio with woodcuts,
before he undertook the translation of the extensive French
Gloss, which ^yi]l be brought to the reader's notice under the
year 1484.
"Maister Benet Burgh" was Vicar of Maiden, in Essex,
when he translated " Cato," as we learn from the colophon in
ffarl MS., No. 271 . He afterwards filled the offices of Arch-
deacon of Colchester, 1464 ; Prebendary of St. Paul's, 1472 ;
and soon after High Canon of St. Stephen's, AVestminster.
He appears to have been an author as well as a translator.
The following is the title of a poem in HarL MS. 7333, folio
149 & — "A cristemasse game made by Maister Benet: howe
god almyghty seyde to his apostelys and echeu off them were
baptiste and none knew of othir, &c." He also appears to
have written a considerable portion of the poetical translation
of " De regimine principum " attributed to Lydgate, as we
infer from Ilarl MS. 2251, folio 236, in which occurs this
side-note, in the same handwriting as the body of the poem —
" Here deyde the translato'' a noble Poet Dane John Lydgate
And his folower gan his prolog in this Avise p' Benedict fi
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2, 208
Biirgh." He or Lydgate also vrvote an original fourth book
to " Catho Magnus," which, although not printed by Caxton,
may be seen in several manuscripts. Ritson, indeed (Bib.
Poet., page 66), ascribes the whole to Lydgate.
It does not seem improbable that the printing of " Parvus
et Magnus Catho " was undertaken by desire of " High Canon
Burgh," who, holding a canonry in Westminster, Avas likely
to have become acquainted with Caxton.
The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cam-
bridge (AB. 8. 48. 2). It is perfect, but without the original
blank leaf, and measures 8^ x 5^ inches. For an accomit of
the volume which contained it, see page 200 ants.
No, 15. — Parvijs Catho. — Magnus Catho. Quarto. Se-
cond Edition. Sine idlcl notd. {Ante 1479).
Collation. — Three 4°' and one 6"" = 34 leaves, of which
the first was doubtless blank, although wantmg in the only
kno'oai copy.
Typographical Particulars. — The variation in this
edition is only typographical. The poem is reprinted page
for page, and Ime for line, yet the composition of the type is
different throughout.
The only Existing Copy knomi is in the library of the
Duke of Devonshire, at Chatsworth, where it is bound with
the quarto edition of " Stans Puer," already described. It
came from the old library at Hardwicke Hall. In the
ffarleian Catcdogue (iii. G202) the above two tracts appear
together — probably this very copy.
No. IC. — The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose. —
Various Stan^zas. — The proper application of
CERTAIN Nouns substantive, and Verbs. First
Eddion. Quarto. Sine ulJd notd. {Ante 1479).
Collation. — One 4" and one 5"= 18 leaves, of which the
first was doubtless blank, although wanting in the only known
copy.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 2. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each
204 WIJiLIAM CAXTON.
page contains 23 lines, inclusive of the blank line between
the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords.
The Horse, the Sheep, aihb the Goose commences on
the second recto, the first leaf being blank.
The Text begins, with space fur a 2-line initial, with
director,
c ©ntrrbfrslfs / plrcs anti tusrortrs;
ijittorne prrsoufs \xkxc ttoo or t1)rf
5ougi)t out ti)p gvountfs he rfcortfs
^i)is teas ti)e custom of anttcjuite
On the fourteenth leaf verso,
^U( in one bcssfll to sprite in toortrs plcgn
Cijat noman si)oltie of oti)fr ijaue ^tstiagn
. ^i)us cn^fti) tije Ijoisc t|)e 8t)oos ^ tt)c 0|)Cf}) .
There are in this poem 77 stanzas of seven lines each.
Various Staijzas follow, ending on the sixteenth recto,
the verso being occupied with short sentences, as " An herde
of Hertes. A murther of crowes. A byldjng of rooks," &c.
The v»-hole ends on the eighteenth verso —
a (Stonii) bnlaretr ^f f)e tafee tf)f lontie Ije
a ?t?fron liismemftritj fleeti) . yriplir it .
The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cam-
bridge (AB. 8. 48. 4), and was formerly bound, with other
pieces in a volume already described at page 51.
The whole of these fugitive pieces are attributed to the
prolific pen of Dan John Lydgate.
No. 17. — The Horse, the vSheep, and the Goose. —
Various Stanzas. — The proper application of
certain Nouns substantive and Verbs. Quarto.
Second Edition. {Ante 1479.)
Collation. — One 4" and one 5" = 18 leaves, of which the
first is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — These are the same as
in the first edition, with the exception of the orthography
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 205
and the use of a title-line, wliicli in the other edition is
altogether wanting, a sufficient reason for attributing this to
a later period ; for, had the first edition been printed with a
head-line, we may certainly assume that the improved appear-
ance would not have been omitted by Caxton in the reprint.
In this edition we find the sixth leaf, noticed as wanting in
the only knowTi copy of the first edition.
The text begins on the second recto,
^fje tors . tf)e sijepe ^ tte 3^000.
(©ntrrbersifs . plees anti titscortfs
13ith)fnp prrsonrs torre th)0 or tt)re
5)0U!jtt out tf)c grountifis fie rfcortfs
C^is U)as tijc rustom of anttquite
and ends T^dth ^.vpllfit on the eighteenth recto.
There is a fragment of six leaves in the University Li-
brary, Cambridge, and a perfect copy, with the original leaf,
in the Cathedral Library, York, a reprint of which was pre-
sented by Sir M. M. Sykes to the members of the Eoxburgli
Club.
No. 18. — Infancia Salvatoris. Quarto. Without Printer's
Nmne, Date, or Ptace. (147-?).
Collation. — Eighteen printed leaves, unsigned, with a
blank both at beginning and end.
The type is all JSTo. 2. There are '2'2 lines of uneven
length to a full page, and a long line measures 3| inches.
"Without signatures, folios, or catchwords.
The Text begins thus on the recto of the first printed
leaf: —
Jtjic gnripit Cractatuis c^ut S?ntitulatut
SJnfancia saluatoris .
Xi\i rtirtu a itt%mt Slugusto bt tjc
t SfiitprPtur bntusus orbis il?fr autcm
tifscriprio prima facta fst a presCOr .
^ixit OTirino . Oft itant oms ut pfttrrrntur
singuli iw riuttatcm sua .Eisrentiit rt :?Josfpi)
and ends witli a full page on the eighteenth recto.
206 WILLIAM CAXTON.
iirrrlfstastici bt|a . S>i Mi Itfii stnt . rrutii
illos ft curba illos a puatfia iUon . ^i filic
iibi stnt / scrua corpus iUas ft non ostfutiant
tilarfm farifm tuam atj illas . (^vfgorius .
(I^uauts (i*s iuistus sit . tu in i[)af bita no ^ffift
fssf Sffur (i} nfSf it quo finf sit tcrminantjus .
This printed tract differs entirely from the MS. in the
British Museum, Eoi/al 13 A xiv, "De Xti infantia," but
agrees partially -nith the "EYangelium lufantiae" attributed
to St. James, and printed in a'oI. i of the " Codex apocry])hus
Novi Testament!," by Fabricius.
The only Existing Copy known is in the Royal Uni-
versity Library, Gottingen. It is in good condition, and was
purchased in 1746 of Osborne, for this library, at 15s (?).
Ames described this very copy when in the library of Lord
Oxford, but neither Herbert nor Dibdin could hear of its
existence, nor discover it in the Harleian Catalogue. It is
there nevertheless, among the "Libri Latini. Quarto," and
thus described, "Infantia Salvatoris Tractatus, corio turcico,
deauraf. Lo7uL apvtl Gaxton, siiw LocoT (See Catalogus
BiUioiJmcE, Harleimm, vol, v, page 252, No. 7008).
No. 19. — The Temple of Glass. Quarto. Sine iiMil iiotd.
(Ante 1470.)
Collation. — Tlu-ee 4"' and one 5", unsigned, or 34 leaves,
of which the 1st is (?) blank.
Typographical Pakticulaes. — There is no title-page.
The type is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and
each page contains 23 lines. Without signatures or catch-
words.
After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto,
with space for a 2 -line initial, with director : —
. Cf)f tfmpic of glas .
f (!i>r ti)ougi)t ronstrfj)nt vV gifuous ijfujmfs
dfor pnisifljfti anti ijifll) tiistvfs
^0 tifti J tofnt nolo tf)is oti)fc nggf)t
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2, 207
The Text ends at the foot of the 34th recto,
•3 mrnf tljat fimpgnc anti goo^Uj of fare
iRoto go ti))) bjag ants put tlje in f)cx grace
. <!?ipltrtt tije temple of glas .
There seems no doubt that this was one of the less favoured
compositions of Dan John, although by some ^^Titers it has
been attributed to Hawes. It was reprinted by Wynken de
"Worde.
The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cam-
bridge (AB. 8. 48. 5). It is perfect, excepting the blauk (?)
leaf, and was formerly bound with other pieces in a volume
already described at page 51. Measurement 8j x 5|- inches,
Xo. 20. — The Choele and the Bird. Quarto. First Edi-
tion. Sine idid notd. {Ante 1479.)
Collation. — One 5", or 10 leaves, of which the 1st is
blank.
Typographical PAHTicuL^iRS. — There is no title-page.
The type used is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches,
and each page contains three verses of " Balad Royal," or 23
lines, including a blank line between the stanzas. Without
signatures or catchwords.
After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto,
space being left, with a director, for the insertion of a 2 -line
initial.
The text begins thus : —
p Hofilemes of oltie Uknes an"b figures
^Sl|)lci)e prougti fien frurtuo' of sentence
The Text ends on the 10th verso,
000 litell quager antj reeomantie me
5finto mp maister bttl) tumble affection
ioeseke ^pm lotol); of mercj,) anti pjne
(Df tJ)P rutie mak)jng to l)aue compassion
208 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
^nti as touci^ittg t^e translaricm
Ol^ut of frrnssi) / toto t|)at tit rnglissi)iti tc
aue tijing is saiti bntirr rorrrrtion
51Siiti) suppoitarion of \)is ficnggngte
. ©^aplicit ti)c fi)orle anti tf)c 6irte .
This fable is always included among the compositions of
Lydgate. It was reprinted by Pynson, and a copy in the
Grenville library (11226), has the following autograph note —
" The same story is told by Alphonsus in his fable of the
labourer and the nightingale, and in Gesta Romanorum, cap.
169." A perfect copy is at Cambridge, taken from the volume
of poems already described at p. 200, and a fragment is in the
British Museum.
No. 21. — The Chorle and the Bird. Quarto. Second
Edition. Sine idid notd. (Ante 1470.)
The similarity of these two editions is exact so far as the
number of stanzas, number of lines to a page, and the general
state of the text ; but there is an evident variation in the
typographical minutiae, such as the omission of the director,
the use of fnll-points and colons as ornamentation, and above
all the constant variation in orthography . Take the 1st line
as an example : —
Ed. 1. p Ivotlmcs of oltif lifertfs anti figurrs
Ed. 2. rotilnnfs of oltie lifenrs anti figuws
and the last line,
Ed. 1. . (!?.vplicit i\\t ci)orle antj ti)e fiirtif .
Ed. 2. tJraplicit tf)c (!tt)Otle ant) tt)c iiirtc . : .
The only known Existing Copy is in the Chapter Library
at York. It is peifect, with the original blank. A reprint from
this copy was presented to the Roxbin-ghe Club by Sir M. M.
8ykes.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 209
No. 22. — The Temple of Brass, or the Parliament of
Fowls. Some Balads, Envoy of Chaucer to
Skogan. Quarto. Sine uUd nota. {Ante 1479).
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type used is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 3f inches,
instead of 4 inches, as in the former pieces, and each page
contains 23 lines. Without signatures or catchwords.
The Text begins on the first recto, ^\ithout a blank leaf, —
i)e Igf so stort X^t craft so loflf to Ifrnc
W^di^m^t so tart so s^arp ti)e ronpergng
On the 1 7th recto,
<i?iplicit ti)c temple of firas
The Tract ends on 24th verso,
^Saas neuer erst srogan filametJ for %i% toge
Doubtless the poem did not end here, but the copy at
Cambridge is imperfect, having only 24 leaves, besides which
there are a few leaves at the British Museum, but no perfect
copy has yet been discovered.
No. 23. — The Book of Courtesy. Quarto. First Edition.
Sine ulla notd. {Ante 1479).
Collation. — One 4" and one 3"= 14 leaves, of which the
last is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 2. Full lines measure 3| inches. 23 lines
to a page, including a blank line between the stanzas. With-
out signatures or catchwords.
The Text begins thus : —
I Btpl 3Jol)n sgtt sour tentjre enfanrge
S)t'on^etl) as pet bntjer / in tiiffcrence
Co bice or bertu to meugn or applpe
210 WILLIAM €AXTON.
The Text ends on the 13th recto,
antr f)oto to "i^uxtt / Igetf) tntx in a toagtP
i^ppc gour quaget / tfiat It fie not tijer fiagte
©iplicit tf)e fiook of rurtfsge.
The 13th verso, and the 14th leaf are blank.
The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cam-
bridge (AB. 8. 48. 7), and was formerly in the volume of
tracts described at page 51.
No. 24. — Queen Anelida and False Aecyte, — ^The com-
plaint OF Chaucer to his Purse. Quarto. Sine ulld
notd. {Ante 1479).
Collation. — One 5" or 10 leaves, all printed.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 3f inches, 23
lines to a page. Without signatures or catchwords. Space
is left at the commencement for a 2-line initial.
The Text begins : —
t i^ou fifrs gotr of arntfs / mars i%t retrc
djat in tf)P ftostg contce callrt trare
51Sittt)in tt)g grgslg temple ful of tiretie
The Text ends on the 9th recto,
?^ob) tfiat arcite / anelttia so sore
?^att t|)irlet( toiti) ti)e pegnt of remefirare
5ri)us entietlj tfie complegnt of anelitia
On the same page is Chaucer's ". Complaint to his Purse,"
in three stanzas of " Balad Royal," the tract ending with
(j[5t Sic est finis. * . *
on the 10th recto.
The only Existing Copy known is in the Public Libraiy,
Cambridge, and was formerly in the volume of tracts described
at page 51.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 211
No. 25. — BOETHIUS DE CONSOLACIONE PHILOSOPHIC, TRANS-
LATED INTO English by Geoffrey Chaucer. Folio.
"/ William Caxton have done my devoir to enprinte it"
Without Place or Date. {Ante 1479).
Collation. — Eleven 4"' and one 8" = 94 leaves, of which
the first is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — Without title-page, sig-
natures, catchwords, or folios. Two types No. 2 for the body
and No. 3 for the Latin quotations, are used. The lines are
not spaced to one length. Full lines measure 5 inches, and
there are 29 to a page. Space has been left at the commence-
ment of chajjters for the insertion of 2-line initials.
After a blank leaf the Text commences with the title in
Latin in type No. 3, on the 2nd recto, the English translation
being uniformly in type No, 2 : —
iSofcius te cottsolacione pi^ilosopf)ie
ClTatmina (jut cjuontiam gtutiio flornttf peregi
dFlefiilis i)eu mestos coqoi; initc motios
a mas B toppging am ronstratnPt< to ficgBttne bers
of soroufull mateit . Ci)at 5Mf)8lom in floutissi^ing
stutige matic tiflltatilc titffs / dFot lo rrntigng muses of
On the 93rd reoto, third line,
egen of tf)e Sfugge t^at seet^ ant? also tf)at tiemetl) alU
tigngps / Bta grarlas
©iplicit fioccius tje
ronsolactone pi)ilosopi)ie
Caxton has added an interesting epilogue, which occupies
the remainder of the recto and the whole of the verso, being
followed, on the 94tli recto, by the " Epitaphiu Galfridi
Chaucer," printed in type No. 3, which concludes on the
verso, and the last few lines of wliich are : —
^ost ofiitum OTaiton boluit tt hiutu cura
JlHillflmi . (fl;i)aurf r dare poeta tuj
illam tua non solum comprcssit opuscula formis
^as quoq? s? lautjps . tussit t'c fsse tuas
P 2
212 WILLIAM CAXTON.
This epitaph was written by a brother poet, Stephen
Surigo, Lie. Deer., of Milan, and is most interesting as show-
ing, in connection with the previous epilogue (given in Vol. I,
page 149), that not only did Caxton perpetuate the memory
of the gi'eat poet by printing his works, but that he also
raised a public monument to his memory before St. Benet's
Chapel, in Westminster Abbey, in the shape of a pillar sup-
porting a tablet upon which the above "Epitaphye" was
TVTitten.
There are few ancient authors, whose works received
greater attention in the fifteen century than those of Boethius.
M. Paris gives an account of five different translations of the
" De Consolatione " into French verse, all of that age, and
contained in the Bib. Imp., Paris.
Every library of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, of
which we have any account, appears to have contained a copy:
many had several. In the Ducal Library, Bruges, 1467, was
a manuscript with this title, "Boece de Consolacion en
englois," which is not unlikely to have been the translation
of Chaucer,
Some writers, and among them Dibdin (" Typ. Ant." Vol,
I, page 306), have doubted whether Chaucer was the real
translator of the version under review, but none of the manu-
scripts attribute it to any other writer ; and, not to quote the
express mention of it in the " Eetractation," Chaucer himself
includes it among his works in the following couplet (hne
425) from the " Legend of Good Women," —
And for to speke of other holynesse
He hath in prose translated Boece.
In this translation Chaucer appears to have chosen the
original Latin for his text. He certainly did not take it from
any of the French versions noticed above, nor from those
described by M. Paris ; nor is it, as Dibdin suggests, from the
anonymous translation, printed by Colard Mansion in 1477.
But from whatever source derived, it was, if we may judge
from the many copies extant, very favourably received. Our
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 213
printer especially took great delight in what he terms the
*' oniate and fayr " language of the poet, and in the epilogue
to his edition he has left us a most interesting tribute of his
admiration.
There are three copies of this book in the British Museum,
one at Cambridge two at the Bodleian, one at Exeter, and
one at Magdalen College, Oxford ; one at Ripon Minster, one
at Sion College, London, and six in private hands. The copy
discovered at the St. Alban's Grammar School was sold to the
British Museum, and was remarkable for the largest "find"
of printed fragments in the boards with which the book was
bound, ever recorded.*
* An account of this discovery may be found interesting, showing
strongly the importance of examining the covers of old books before
rejecting them. Li the summer of 18.58 I inspected the old library in
the Grammar School attached to the Abbey of St. Albans. I found a
few valuable books all contained in an old deal cupboard, upon which
the leakage from the roof had dripped, apparently for years. It must
have been long since any one had touched a book there, and the amount
of dust and decay was certainly enough to deter even a bibliomaniac
from so doing. After examining a few interesting books I pulled out
one which was lying flat upon the top of others. It was in a most
deplorable state, covered thickly with a damp sticky dust, and with a
considerable portion of the back rotted away by wet. The white decay
fell in lumps on the floor as the unappreciated volume was opened. It
proved to be Geofi^rey Chaucer's English translation of " Boecius de
Consolatione Philosophia;," printed by Caxton, in the original binding,
as issued from Caxton's workshop, and uncut ! ! On examining the
amount of damage it had sustained, I found that the wet, which had
injured the book, had also, by separating the layers of paper of which
the covers were composed, revealed the interesting fact that several
fragments, on which Caxton's types appeared, had been used in their
manufacture. After vexatious opposition and repeated delays the Acting
Trustees were induced to allow the book, which they now prized highly,
to be deposited in the care of Mr. J. Winter Jones, of the British
Museum, for the purpose of rebinding. On dissecting the covers they
were found to be composed entirely of waste sheets from Caxton's press,
two or three being printed on one side only. The two covers yielded no
less than fifty-six half-sheets of printed paper, pi'oving the existence of
three works from Caxton's press quite unknown before. The following
is the list of the fragments, all genuine specimens of England's first
printer, though unfortunately mostly in very poor condition : —
1214 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
No. 26. — COEDYALE, OR THE FoUR LaST ThINGS. FoUo.
With Printefs Name, hut u-ithaut Place. March 24/A,
1479.
Collation. — Nine 4"' and one 3" = 78 leaves, of which
the 1st and last are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Two types are used, Nos. 2* and 3, the latter for proper names
and Latin only. The Unes are not spaced out to one length.
A full line measures 5 inches. Mostly 29 lines to a page, but
sometimes 28. Without signatures, catchwords, or folios.
Space left for the insertion of 3 and 4-line initials, with
director. Commencing with a blank leaf the prologue of the
translator follows on the 2nd recto, space being left for a
4-line ^.
The Text begins thus : —
prologue of t^e translator.
H Sifngratitutic bttcrlg scttgng apart / tor objf
a to rallr to our mpntifs ti)r manpfoltic si^fUs
of grace / toiti) tijc trncfaittlis . tt)at our lortie
of 1)10 moost plrntiuruse tontf l)att) smrn bs
toretfi^fs m ti)ts present transitoirc lif . 312ilt)ir1)P ivftncm
The text ends with twenty lines on the 77th verso, the
last eisrlit of which are —
1. The English "Jason," ten | 8. " Assembly of Fowls," fourteen
leaves. leaves.
2. " Dictes," three leaves. 9- " The Chorle and the Bird,"
3. " Chronicles,^ six leaves. i -.r. umu tt ^.v ci. j
10. " The Horse, the Sheep, and
4. " Description of Britain," eight the Goose," four leaves.
leaves. | H. " Hora3 beata Virginis "
5. " Works of Sapience," (ex- \ (nniqne), four leaves
tremely rare), two leaves. j 12. " Pica Sarum " (unique), eight
leaves.
13. " An Indulgence of Pope Six-
tusV,"(?) two slips of^parch-
6. " Tulle," seven leaves.
7. Lydgate's " Life of onr Lady,"
two leaves. ■ mcnt (unique).
BOOKS FEINTED TN TYPE NO. 2. 215
lasting pmnannxrc in finien ^men . 515af)irtf torrte pre=
sent 'S firgan t^e morn after tt)c saitie ^urificactonof onr
tlmia ILatig . 5i5!af)irf)e toas ttettcTjagcof SeintlJlase
i3i0Sf)op anio IHartir . ^n^ fiinissfirt on ti)e men of ti)an
nunrtacion of our saitj fiilissiti Eatjg falling on ti)e toetJ
nestiag ti)e iiitij tiape of ilHarc^e . §nti)t liigeer of
iltgng <!?titoartf ti)cfourt|)e
The IHth. leaf, which closes the volume, is blank.
The French edition of this work (see page 183, ante) was,
if similarity of workmanship in all points may justify the
conclusion, before the printer while at work upon this the
English edition.
Dr. Dibdin, to whom the French edition was unknown,
says that Earl Rivers translated from the Latin ; but as all
the other productions of the Earl's pen, printed by Caxton,
were from the French, there would be strong grounds for
supposing that this had come through the same channel, were
not the fact established by its not being a literal translation
of any Latin edition, wMle it is an accurate reproduction,
line for line and almost word for word, of the French edition.
About the date also there has been some confusion.
Maittaire and Panzer attribute the printing to 1478, Lewis
to 1479, Dibdin to 1480 ; and Lord Orford thinks Caxton,
imless he was two years employed upon it, has made a typo-
graphical error in the date. The dates in reality are very
plain. Caxton says that Lord Rivers delivered the English
translation to him to be printed, upon the day of "The
Purification," which is further stated to have been the 2nd
day of February, 1478 ; but as the year did not then begin
until the 25th of March, it would, according to the present
reckoning, be February, 1479. The printing was begun the
very next day, on the " morning after the said Purification,"
and completed upon the 24th day of March, in the nineteenth
year of Edward IV. This regnal year was comprised between
March 4th, 1479, and March 3rd, 1480, thus again giving
the year 1479 for the completion of the book. From this it
is evident that instead of taking over two years for the print-
ing it occupied Caxton just seven weeks. In Vol. I, page
216 WILLIAM CAXTON.
149, may be seen the entire epilogue, as written and printed
by Caxton.
For the literary history of " Cordyale," see the remarks on
" Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses," already noticed.
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Bodleian,
and Hunterian Museum, Glasgow. Five are in private
libraries.
No. 27. — Fratris Laurentii Gulielmi de Saona Mar-
garita Eloquenti^ castigate ad eloquendum
DiviNA ACCOMMODATA. Folio. Sim ulU notd. (1479-
80?)
Collation. — One 3", one sheet, eleven 5"% and one 3" =
124 leaves.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Type No. 2* only is used. The hues, of which there are 29
to a page, are in most cases of uneven length, although in
some pages they are spaced out very regularly. Long lines
measure 5 inches. Without signatures or catchwords. Space
is left, with a director, for the insertion of initials 3 or 4 lines
in depth. The hyphen is in this volume not uiifrequently
used instead of the / or / , as a mark of pmictuation. Chap-
ters generally commence with a line, or two or three words,
in capital letters ; and the ends of paragraphs are often orna-
mented with an array of points ; for instance, ,:*:.: * : .
The Text begins on the 1st recto, with the prohemium, —
dFratris laurfitrtr Quilflmi tic isaona orHinis
mio facf t\)m tiodm pt)fwiu t noua rtijoica
t
©gitanti mirt)i sepfnumrto^^ac tjiltgrncl' ron^
templati q)tu romotJttatts (t)tu(ij isplentiortgi ^^ Qlmt affrrre
On the 5th verso.
On the 53rd recto,
toiicc facultatis : fn po specialitft auctor agtt tie i^ii» que
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO 2. 217
The Second Book ends and the Third begins on the 83rd
recto,
§B<ft3W3^ !L3)I13©3^ tmm rijctortcc faculta
On the 135th recto is a concluding chapter, the Text
ending, on the verso of the 136th leaf, thus : —
in trinitate petferta uiutt et regnat per infintta secula ^ttn-
lorum . aiHiffiOi .
(J^xpltcit lifter terrius : et opus rijetorire farultatis p fra
tre laurentiu ©uilelmi lie 5<aona ortiints minor sacre pa
gtne pfessore ei ^irtis testimoniisqj saeratissimar srriptu^
rar/ tioctorq? pftattssimor rompilatu et gfirmatu : quifius
ex eausis rensuit appeUantiu fore IHargarttam eloqunttie
easttgate ali eloquentiu tiiuina aecomotiatam
(JiTompitatu ant' futt ijoe opus in alma uniuersitate OTan
talirigie . Enno tini . i4'^8 . "Die et . 6 . ;||ulii . (juo tiie
festum Sanete Hflartte reeolitr. ^ul) protectione S)enissi
mi regis anglorum Crtiuartii qttiarti
Remaeks. — There can be no doubt in the mind of any
one acquainted with the Westminster books that this issued
from Caxton's press. It agrees with them not only in charac-
ter of type, but in length of line, depth of page, and other
typographical peculiarities. Nor is there much uncertainty
about the date. It was not written tiU July, 1478, and the
first dated book in the types with which it is printed (Type
No. 2*) made its first appearance in March, 1479, the latest
dated book in the preceding Type (No. 2) being February, 1478.
In 1480 Caxton discontinued entirely the practice of leaving
his lines of an uneven length, but the majority of pages in
this volume have their lines uneven. The book was therefore
printed after July, 1478, and before or very early in 1480.
It is worthy of notice, that about the same time that
Caxton, at Westminster, was engaged upon this work, the
printer-schoolmaster at St. Alban's was also making it one of
the first essays of his press. There certainly was not a longer
period than two years and a half between the two editions.
21^ WILLIAM CAXTON.
which, so far as the text goes, agree very closely, the St.
Alban's printer having apparently reprinted from the edition
by Caxton.
It is also very remarkable that this work should have
been kno^n and described for more than 150 years, yet never
till October, 1861, recognised as the production of Caxton's
press. In the Public Library, Cambridge, is a volume of
documents relating to Corpus Christi College, which was used
by Strype for his Life of Archbishop Parker; and among
them is a catalogue of the books bequeathed by the Arch-
bishop to the library of that College. At folio 255 is the
foUoA\ing entry under the general head of " Books in parch-
ment closures as they lye on heaps on the upmost shelves : " —
*^Rethorica nova impressa Canfeh.fo. 1478." Strype, in his
Life of Parker, misled by this entry, attributed the book to
an early press at Cambridge ; and Bagford, wTitiug to Tanner
in 1707, says, " I cannot but impart unto you, that very lately
good Mr. Strype hath gave me an account of a booke which
archbishop Parker gave to the Publick library of Benet college,
and is a piece of rethorick, by one Gul. de Saona, a minorit,
printed at Cambridge, 1478." Ames, who only knew the book
from these accounts, and a facsimile of the beginning and end
sent him by Mr. North, placed this work at the head of the
list of Cambridge books in his Typographical Antiquities,
1749, and gave an engraving of North's facsimile ; which led
him to state that " the types were much like Caxton's largest."
Herbert merely repeated the account of Ames ; and thus it
was reserved for Mr. Bradshaw in consulting the library of
Corpus Christi College for another purpose, to examine the
volume and to recognise the interesting fact that, although
compiled at Cambridge in the year 1478, it was printed with
the unmistakeable types of Caxton, and agreed in typo-
graphical particulars with the books issued from the West-
minster press between 1479-80.
Laurentius Gulielmi de Traversanis, of Saona (or Savona,
as it is more commonly called), was born about 1414. His
native city, not very far from Genoa, is better laiown as the
birthplace of Christopher Cohmibus. He entered the Fran-
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 219
ciscan Convent there under Francesco di Rovere, afterwards
Pope Sixtus IV. He studied at the universities of Padua,
Bologna, Cambridge, and Paris, and seems finally to have
retired to his o^\^l convent at Savona, where he died, and to
which he was a great benefactor. Wadding {Scriptores Ord.
Min. folio, Romge, 1650) mentions several of his works.
Besides the copy mentioned above, there is one at the
University Library, Upsala, both being in perfect condition.
No. 28. — The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers.
" Emprynted hy me William Caxton at Wesimestre."
Folio. Second Edition. Bated 14:77, but printed about
1480. Wifh Colophon.
Collation. — Eight 4"', and two 3"' = 76 leaves, of which
the 1st is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page,
lype No. 2* only is used. The lines are nearly always spaced
Dut to an even length, and measure 5 inches; 29 lines to a
^11 page. Without signatures, foKos, or catchwords. Space
is left at the beginning of chapters for the insertion of 3-line
initials.
The difference between this and the 1st edition (see page
186, a7ite) is considerable. That was printed from the original
Fount of type No. 2 ; this from a re-casting of the same fount,
showing many alterations in the punches. (See the preliminary
chapter to this volume). That has the pages throughout the
volume very uneven as to the length of the line ; this nearly
always even. That, with the unique exception of the Althorpe
3opy, is without the colophon ; this has the colophon, of which
a facsimile is given in the annexed plate, in every copy.
Lastly, the orthography varies throughout the whole volume.
We must here notice the first instance of a practice com-
mon among the early printers, and doubtless inherited from
the scribes, namely, that of reprinting in subsequent editions
the colophons and dates strictly applicable to the 1st edition
only. Thus the tlu-ee editions of "Dictes and Sayings,"
wliich issued from Caxton's printing ofiice, all bear the same
date of imprint, November, 1477, wMle we know that type
220 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
No. 2*, in which the 2nd edition is printed, was not used tUl
after February, 1478, and type No. 6, in which the 3rd edition
is printed, was not in use till about 1488.
The literary history of " Dictes and Sayings " has been
already recounted at page 188, (mte.
Copies are in the British Musemn, Trinity College, Dublin,
and the library of the Duke of Devonshire.
No. 29. — Letters of Indulgence issued by John Ken-
dal IN 1480, BY AUTHORITY OF POPE SiXTUS IV,
FOR Assistance at the Siege of Rhodes. On
parchment.
Typographical Particulars. — The type is No. 2* only,
but from the warping of the skin assumes in many parts a
very deceptive appearance. The lines, which are considerably
extended, but all of one length, measure 9^ inches. The large
4-line wooden initial is to be noticed as being in all probability
the earliest instance of printed initials in this country ; they
certainly do not appear in any book for which this tyjje was
used. The whole of the document occupies 19 long lines, of
which the following are the begimiing and end : —
liCatrr fjofjannes ferntiale Ctirripdrrius ifttotit ac
^ rommlgsartus ^ sanrtisslmo m iprtsto patre | tX
tiomtno nostro ticimtno ^ixXa tituina prouitirnrta
papa quarto rt bigorc littrrarum suarum pro ape- |
tiitionf fontra prrft^os turr^os ipristiani nominis f)ostfS .
in tiffcnsioncm tnsule ii\|)otii $( ft^ci rat1)olt= | cf facta rt
faclfuta ronrrssarum a^ infragrlpta p bntucrsum orfinn
tlfputatUS . JBilert' nofifS in ipo | Symoni Mountfmi et
Emme vxori ei' 5?alutf iw tino gfinpitrrna ^roufnit tx tue
tiniotionis affrrtu quo romana |
3fn quor* ixntwx ijas I'ras nostras ^igtlli nostri ap |
pcnsionc tnunitas fieri iussimus atq^ mantiauimus . Bat*
ultimo die Mesis nmrcij ^nno tiomini ] ittillfsimo quatj-
ringrntcsimo octogrsimo
Remarks. — The following particulai-s concerning John
Kendal are gathered from an article in Archceologia, vol. xxvii,
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 221
•age 172, written by Sir F. Madden, and entitled "Docu-
aents relating to Perkin Warbeck."
In a deposition made by ^one Bernard de Vignoles, at
louen in 1495, concerning a plot against the king's life, one
if the persons impHcated was John Kendal, Grand Prior of
he Order of St. John of Jerusalem in England. He is also
emarkable as having been the subject of the earliest contem-
)orary English medal in existence, which is dated 1480, the
)eriod of the Siege of Rhodes. On this he is styled " Turco-
>olier," or General of the Infantry of the Order, the oflSce of
rhich was annexed to that of Grand Prior of England. Yet
ilthough the medal so designates him, it is not probable that
le was actually present at the siege, as in that very year
Rymer, April, 1480) Edward IV ordered all persons to assist
rohii Kendal, in Ireland, in procuring aid and money against
he Turks. In this proclamation he is styled " Turcopolier
if Rhodes, and locum tenens of the Grand Master in Italy,
]]ngland, Flanders, and Ireland." In Bro^vne-Willis (Mit.
!ibb.) Kendal appears in 1491 and 1501 as Prior of the
lospital of St. John of Jerusalem in London. He was lieu-
enant of the Grand Master iu Italy, England, Flanders, and
jeland, and was amply furnished with indulgences and par-
Ions for all who give personal service. In this office of
ecruiting he was occupied at the time of the celebrated Siege
)f Rhodes in 1480. His arms, impaled with those of England,
nay stiU be seen on the walls of an hotel at Rhodes.
In the Numismatic department of the British Museum is
I medal connected with John Kendal. Olv. Bust of Kendal
n armour marked with the cross of the Knights of St. John ;
lead bare ; hair straight and long ; legend, lO. kendal rhodi
cvRCVPELARivs. Rev. Arms of Kendal. Cross of St. John
n Chief. Legend, i{i tempore obsidionis tvrchorvm
dCCCCLXXX.
There are probably two Existing Copies, although but
me is a present kno\\Ti. This is in the British Museum (C.
18, e. 2), and was purchased in 1845. The blank space for
:he name is filled in with " Symoni Moimtfort et Emme vxori
ii% and it is dated the last day of March, 1480.
222 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The Rev. Joseph Hunter noticed the existence of this
" Indulgence," and wrote to Herbert about it, but it was not
then recognised as a production of Caxton's press; and,
although the same document, must have been another copy,
as the blanks were filled in with the names of Richard Cattlyn
and John Cattlyn, April 16th, 1480.
No. 30, — Paevus et Magnus Chato. Folio. Sine ulld notCt.
With Woodcuts. Third Edifim. (1481 ?)
Collation, — a h C 4"', ti 2" = 28 leaves, of which a j is
blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Two sizes of type occur. No. 2* and No. 8, the latter being
used for the Latin couplets as well as the " Incipit " and
" Explicit " lines. Length of long lines 4| inches ; 29 lines
to a page. Signatures are met here for the first time, lower-
case letters and Roman nimierals being used. Without folios
or catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf the title-line follows, on
a ii recto, in type No. 3. The Text begins thus : —
W^ incipit paruus Olijato
( Woodevt of Fovr Pupils, one of whom wears a fool's cap, kneeling
before a Tutor, who, rod in hand, sits in a kiffk-baeked chair).
Wixd aia atmcttcre (juamtoifs grauiter txxd^xt
512a^an 3J abuerte in mg remcmfiraunce
anti see t)oU) fele folfees etren greuouslg
On sig. a iii) recto,
515!ii)an ge it retie let not gout i)erte t)e tijence
^\xX ^otij as t^is sagti) toitt al Bout entente
?^ie finis pacui catt)onis
(Woodctd of Five Pupils kneeling before their Tutor, who, seated in
cf, chair, is teaching them from a book vpon a lectern before him).
" Parvus Chato " contains 7 stanzas, and is folloAved, on
eig. a iii verso, by
?ijic incipit magnus (Ki)ato
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 223
The Text ends, on 4th recto of sig. tl —
^ttt i)aue § font t^at sijal ge gugtic anti Ictie
Strfggfit to gooti fame ^ Ifue gou in i)St t)cms
©iplicit (B:f)ato
Remarks. — ^The Text is evidently a reprint from one of
the early editions in quarto (see pages 200 and 203, mite), and
was by no means intended as a kind of supplement " to the
" Cathon glossed," printed a year or two later by Caxton, a*
supposed by Dr. Dibdin in Ti/p. Ant, vol. i, page 201.
Two woodcuts add to the interest of this volume; one
being at the beginning and one at the end of the " Parvus
Chato." (See Plate 27.) The same cuts also appear in the
" Mirroiu" of the World," which raises the question of pre-
cedency. Here, at first sight, one would give priority to
the "Mirrour," as the cuts appear newer and cleaner; but
this is very deceptive, depending more upon the amount of
ink and pressure used than on the condition of the cuts.
The breakage of some of the lines in the " Mirrour " is a much
more sure sign, and this tells strongly in favour of " Parvus
Chato." The greater appropriateness of the designs to the
"Parvus Chato," a boy's book, than to the illustration of
grammar and logic as in the " Mirrour," leads to the same
conclusion. It is therefore considered that these two cuts
were designed originally for the " Parvus Chato," which
in that case must have been printed previously to the
"Mirrour," 1481.
There is nothing to induce us to attribute to foreign
artists the production of these woodcuts, which show no
amount of skill either in design or execution, which is not
far surpassed in the undoubted productions of English scribes
and miniature painters of the same period. They may, there-
fore, be considered as probably the earliest specimens of wood-
engraving in England.
Two perfect copies are kno^vn : one in St. John's College,
Oxford, and the other at Althorpe.
224 WILLIAM CAXTON.
No. 31. — The Mirrour of the World. Folio. First
Edition. Translated 1^^%!. Woodcuts. Without Printer's
Name, Date or Place, but in 1481.
Collation.— a 6 C tl e f g t i ^ I «t are 4"% n is a 2" =
100 leaves, of which a 1 and the verso of n 4 are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The only type used is No. 2*. A full page contains 29 hnes,
which are fully spaced out and measure 4| inches. Without
foHos or catchwords. Signatures in lower-case letters and
Arabic numerals. The niunber of woodcuts is 34. After the
first (blank) leaf the " Table " commences on sig a 2 recto.
The Text begins thus : —
^m tcggnneti) tf^t tatile of tije rufirlcfs of tijis presen
it mmnimmeti ti)e IHirrour of ti)c tooilti or ti)8ma8e
of tf)c same
ends on the 4th recto of sig. n, the verso being blank,
f)cltf)t I ant) after ti)i0 si)ort ^ transitorse Igf %t firgngc
tgm anti bs in to W rrlfstgal filgsse in i)cuene amrn/
Remarks. — The origin of this work cannot be traced very
satisfactorily; but as showing a much better acquaintance
with the cosmology of the world than any previous compo-
sition, it may be interesting to examine the evidence of its
authorship.
Vincent de Beauvais, of the Order of Preaching Friars,
who, from the dedication attached to several of his produc-
tions, appears to have flourished in the reign of St. Louis,
composed an extensive work in Latin, consisting of four
parts—" Speculum Naturale," " Speculum Doctrinale," " Spe-
culum Historiale," and " Speculum Morale." The whole was
entitled " Speculum majus," for the foUoTAing reason, given in
the third chapter of the First Book, "Majus autem, ad difFer-
entiam parvi libelli jamdudum editi, cujus titulus Speculum
vel Imago mundi, in quo scilicet hujus mundi sensibihs dis-
positio et ornatus panels verbis describitur. M. Daunou thinks
that the " parvus libellus " here referred to was the " Imago
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 225
ilundi " from which " Lymage du Monde " was translated,
md that it was a previous composition of Vincent de Beau-
^ais ; and Montfancon quotes a manuscript in the St. Germain
ioUection (Fonds Latin, 926) in support of the same view, in
vhich we read " Iste liber intitulatus Speculum vel Imago
kluudi editus a fre. Yincentio ordinis fratrmn predicatorum."
^ut Vincent's reference to a Speculum Mundi, " jamdudum
sditus," by no means suggests that he ^\Tote that as well as
lis owii; and unfortunately as no copy is known, the fact
iven of its agTeement Mith " Lymage du Monde " cannot be
■erified. The manuscript quoted by Montfancon is no evidence
it all, as M. Paris, on examination, found it to be identical
vith the " Speculum Historiale," or the Third Part of Vin-
;ent's " Speculum Majus," which is by no means " a rational
lescription of the world and its products shortly described."
Che compilation of " Speculum Mundi," from Vincent's " Spe-
;ulum Naturale," as suggested by Greswell, is equally far from
he truth. Although no copy of the Latin "■ Speculum vel
mago Mundi," referred to by Vincent, is known, there appears
ittle reason to doubt that it existed in the thirteenth century,
^erhaps an earlier copy of the Latin maimscript in the Cotton
library, already described, may have formed the foundation
)f the French version, although in that case, as in Vignay's
ranslation of the " Chess Book," considerable additions have
)een made. The history of the " Mirrour of the World" may
)e summed up thus: — Before the middle of the thirteenth
;entury an unknown author wTote in Latin " Speculum vel
mago Mundi;" of this no copy has yet been recognised
Oof ton, Ves]). E iii?) In 1245 this w^as turned into French
netre for the Duke of Berry, of which manuscripts in several
ibraries attest the popularity {Shane 2435 ; Roijal 20, A iii).
shortly afterwards the French metre was turned into French
)rose, probably by " Maistre Gossouin." (Royal 1 9, A. ix ; Bii.
^mp., Paris, No. 7070). Here we find the Text used by Caxton
or his translation, who even adopted a considerable portion
)f the French prologue (see ante Yol. I, page 153). ^Vho
his " Gossouin " or " Gossevin " was, and whether he was the
luthor or only the scribe is quite nnknoA\-n.
Q
•22(i WILLIAM CAXTOX.
The celebrated Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly compiled, in 1409,
a work entitled " Tractatus de ymagine mundi " (ffarl MS.
637), which, however, is principally astronomical, haying a
portion of the same as the work under review.
The publisliing of this book was not a speculation on
Caxton's part. He was employed, as we learn from the pro-
logue (printed rerbafim in Vol. I), to translate and probably
to print it by Hugh Brice, citizen and alderman of London,
who wished to make a present to Lord Hastings. To adorn,
as well as illustrate the pages, the art of the wood-engraver
was employed, and we may consider the figures here displayed
as some of the earliest specimens of that art in England. The
designs were borrowed from the manuscript copy, the illumi-
nations in the French manuscripts showing the same treat-
ment. All the copies issued from Caxton's press have the
words necessary for the explanation of the diagrams inserted
with the pen, instead of being engraved on the wood, which
may perhaps be an argmnent for their home execution, as the
Flemish artists were certainly weU skilled in engraving words
in their blocks. They all appear to have been perfected by
the same scribe, which probably induced Oldys to assert that
they are in Caxton's autograph. Of this there is no evidence.
Hugh Brice, of the same county as Caxton, where he held
the manor of Jenkins {Lysons, vol. iv, page 75), was also of
the Mercers' Company, although Stow calls him a goldsmith
{Thorns' s Stow, page 77). He was knighted about 1472 ; and
in that year accompanied John Russell and others on a trade
embassy to Bruges. John Russell was the orator whose cele-
brated speech, upon the reception of the Order of the Garter
by the Duke of Burgundy, is one of the earliest pieces attri-
buted to the press of Caxton. In 1473, Hugh Brice, who is
called " ClericLis in oflRcio Contrarotulatoris Monetae nostrse,"
was sent on a similar embassy, " De difficultatibus super inter-
cursu BurgundiiB removendis ;" and on both occasions would
necessarily become personally acquainted with Caxton, who at
that time was in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy at
Bruges (Ri/mer, edit. 1 727, vol. xi, page 738, &c. &c. ) He
also held tlie offices of Keeper of the King's Exchange,
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 227
London ; Governor of the King's Mint in the Tower, under
Lord Hastings; and Mayor of London, 1494. He died in
1496.
Fifteen copies are kno\Mi : British Museum (2), Cam-
bridge, Bodleian, St. George's, Windsor, and ten in private
libraries.
No. 32. — The Histoey of Eeynard, the Fox. First
Edition. Folio. Translated in the Ahley of Westmin-
ster by William Caxton, 1481, hut ivithout Frinter's
Name, Place, or Date.
Collation.— a I) r tl e f g i^ i are 4"% fe and I are 3°% a 1
and I 6 being blank. Between the leaves i^ 8 and i 1 is in-
serted a leaf half printed on both sides. This was probably
owing to the accidental omission of a page by the compositor.
Total, 84i leaves, of which the first and last are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is No. 2*, none other being used throughout the
volume. The lines are spaced out to one length, and measure
4| inches. A fiiU page has 29 lines. Without folios or catch-
words. Arabic figures are used in the signatures. Spaces 2
lines deep are left for the insertion of initials.
The Text begins, on sig. a 2 recto, thus : —
f^|)ts is t^e tabic of tf)e ijistorgc of rcgnart tf)c foxe
ending half-way down sig. a 3 recto,
?^oh3 tte foie toitf) fits frmtifs tiepartctJ noblg fro tf)e
fegnge ^ tomte to i)i!3 castf I malepertugs / capftulo ilitj
On the verso begins the story —
^)itx tieggnnctf) tfigstorge of tcnartj t^e foxe
ending half-way do-wTi the verso of the 5th folio of sig. I,
5l5af)ere tibeg sfial fpntie faiitc / jFor U fiaue not atitrrtr nc
mj)nuss1)cli fiut i)auc folotorti as npgt)c as ^ can mp coppc
tDi)ici)c bjas in butc^c / antt fig mc b3(Um (Caiton trans=
latcti in to ti)ts xvCaz ^ spmplc cnglpssi) in ti)abt)c]t) of tocst^
Q2
228 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
mcistrc . fsngssfieU tfit br trage of Sifugn ti^^ gfte of our
lort ♦ IE . afaroidJ . Hxxjj . ^^ t^c xxi gere of tt? re gne of
ftgnge (!5tb)art tf)e iitjtt /
^tte cnticti) t^c fiistorgc of iSegnart tf^t foie ^c
Remaeks. — The date of printing this book is nowhere
stated, though it was probably put to press directly after if
not during the translation, which was finished on the 6th of
June, 1481. The literary history of this fable is very obscure.
It appears to have had gTeat popularity for some centuries
previous to Caxton's time, as quotations from it appear so
early as the twelfth century. Caxton's translation was made
from " Die Historic van Reinaert die Vos, gheprent ter goude
in hollant by mi gheraert leeu Jnt iaer Mcccc en Ixxix," or
perhaps fi-om the still earlier edition in Dutch, discovered in
1854, and described in K. Godike's Deutsche Wochenschrift
for that year, Heft 8, page 256.
Copies are in the British Museum, Eton College, and two
private libraries.
No. 33. — TuLLY OF Old Age ; Tully of Feiendship ; The
Declamation of Noblesse. Folio. " Emprynkd l)i/
me sijmijle persons William Caxton." No Place. 1481.
Collation. — Old Age : sigs. 1 and a are 3"', with 1 1,
and a 6 blank — 6 tli ti %\y are 4"' — i is a 2", with i 4 blank.
Friendship and the Declanuition : a t C ti C f are 4"', -^ith no
blanks. The first section in the " De Senectute " is signed in
Arabic numerals only, thus : 1 2 — 1 3 — 1 4, the rest of the
work being signed in letters and Arabic numerals. The three
tracts together have 117 printed and three blank leaves.
Typogeaphical Paeticulaes. — There is no title-page to
any of the three treatises. The type is all No. 2*, except
where Latin quotations or proper names are introduced, when
Caxton's largest tyjDe, No. 3, is used. The lines are fully
spaced out, and the long lines measure 4| inches ; 29 lines
make a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space is
left at the beginning of the chapters witli a director, for the
BOOKS rillNTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 229
insertion of 2 to 5-line initials. The peculiar ^c belonging
to type No. 1 is used in this book.
After a blank leaf the Text begins on sig. 1 2, space being
left for a 2-line initial %} with director,
i) iJrie Ijcggnnftf) t\)t pioijrmgp upon tije xetiuringe/
lioti) out of latgn as of fvfnsslje in to our cnglgssi)
tonguf /of ti)f polgtgcjuf fioofe namrti Cull tus tic snifc-
tutf . tui)(rl)e ti)at CuUius torotc bpon tije titsputacons ^
The treatise " De Senectute " ends, with the following-
colophon, at the head of the 3rd recto of sig. i,
Cijus tntitii) tfje "bokt of Culle of oltic age translate
out of latjm into frrnslje tig laurencc tic piimo facto at
t^c comaunticmcnt of t|)c nofilc prgncc Eotogs Buc of
t3url)on / anb cnprgntcti fig mc sample pcrsonc 2lHtUiam
(jlaiton into tJrnglgssijc at tijc plajjsic solace anti rcuc-
rcncc of men grotogng in to oltic age tljc xii tiag of Eu=
gust tf)c gcic of our lorti . M . it(t(tit . ixxxi :
A blank leaf, and then the " De Senectute " begins with a
new series of signatures on a j, the whole Avork ending on the
8 th verso of sig. f,
tijat h)e at our t>cpavti)ng majjc bcparte in sucijc b);i)SC/ ti^at
it ma))t please our lorti goti to recejiue bs in to |is euir=
lastgng ftlgsse . ^men :
Explicit 13er ^axion
Although in three distinct treatises, Caxton intended them
to form but one volume, as is j^lainly stated in the epilogue,
which renders it difficult to imagine a reason for his printing
the volume R-ith two sets of signatures.
We learn from Caxton's own pen, that the translation of
Cicero's "De Senectute" and "De Amicitia" into French was
made by the command of Louis Duke of Bourbon, in 1 405,
by Laurence de Premierfait. This learned priest was a native
of the city of Troyes, and obtained gTcat celebrity by his
nimierous translations.
2'dO WILLIAM CAXTON.
To Jean Mielot we must attribute the French version of
" The Declamation," in which he styles the author " Surse
Pistoic, Docteur en Loix, et g-rand Orateur." This was one of
the first books that issued from the press of Colard IMansion
at Brages.
The English translation of the " De Senectute" was accom-
plished, as we learn from the first prologue, at the ordinance
and desire of Sir John Fastolfe. Tt has been ascribed by
Leland to the Earl of Worcester, and by Anstis to WyUyani
de Wyrcestre ; in both cases mthout evidence. We have seen
already that the"Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers"
had been translated in 1450 for Sir John Fastolfe, by Stephen
Scrope, his son-in-law (see page 181), mite), and this possibly
came from the same pen. Whoever the translator may have
been he took for his text the work of Laurence Premierfait,
of which this version is a most literal translation, notwith-
standing his assurance (see the end of the first prologue) that
" this book is more amply expounded and more sweeter to the
reader, keeping the just sentence of the Latin." The English
version of " De Amicitia " and the " Declamation " are attri-
buted by Caxton to the Earl of Worcester, a great traveller,
a great collector of books, and a great orator. The Earl's
history and acquirements have been "described by FuUer, Dr.
Henry, and many others ; Caxton's admiration for him is
expressed in the most touching and characteristic terms. Pro-
bably their love of literature was a friendly bond. The Earl
also translated, at a later period, Caesar's Commentaries, which
Rastell printed.
Of 22 copies extant, tweh'c are in the chief corporate
libraries in England, and ten in private hands.
No. 34. — The Game akd Play of the Chess. Second
Edition. Folio. Woodcuts. '^Explicit per Caxton.''
Without Place or Bate. (1481 ?)
CoLLATiox.— a t) C tl e f g I) i are 4"% t I are S"'^ = 84
leaves, of which the first is blank.
Typoc4RAPHiCAL Particulaes. — There is no title-])agc.
The only type used is No. 2*. The lines are spaced out to
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 231
an even length, and signatures are used. A full page has 29
lines, and a full line measures 4| inches. Space left for the
insertion of 2 or 3-line initials, with director. Without folios
or catchwords.
After the blank leaf the prologue of Caxton commences
on sig. a ill
The text begins thus : —
?^ci)0l8 appostlc anti tiortoui; of tf)p prplr saj)nt
t ^oulc sagt^ in i)ts rpgstlc . Rlk tijat is h3rj)tm
is iuigtcn bnto our liortrgnc anU for our Ifr-
ngng . S2ai)nTfore mang noble rlrrfecs f^mt rntiniogrrt
The table of chapters follows on the verso, and ends on
a iif recto, the verso being blank. On a iH] recto, the first
chapter coimnences, and is illustrated with a woodcut repre-
senting King Evilmerodach, son of Nebuchadnezzar, " a jolly
man Avithout justice who did do hew his fether his body into
three hmidred pieces."
The Text ends on I G recto, the verso being blaiik —
man but as a iirstc . ^ijenne late ntcrg man of toljat
rontigrion ijf tt tijat rftigti) or |)fritl) t^is litfl ioofe rrttic •
talte tijerfip ensaumplc to ame ntie ijgm *
drxpUtit per (JITaxton.
The w^oodcuts in this volume number only sixteen, not
twenty-four, as Dibdin and other writere say, eight of them
being impressions from blocks used for previous chapters. As
already noticed, there seems a probability that the tv/o
cuts for " Parvus Chato," third edition, were the earliest used
])y Caxton. These were soon after printed again, with the
addition of many others in the " Mirrour of the World." The
])resent cuts were perhaps the third essay of Caxton in this
department, and for these, judging by the general style, and
gi-eater breadth of treatment, he appears to have employed
another artist.
The literary history of the work has been given under the
first edition, but wc must notice that the original prologue
232
WILLIAM CAXTON.
e\t:i.mkkouach. a jolly man without justice who did do
hew his father in pieces."
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 233
dedicated to the Diike of Clarence, the major portion of which
was a translation from the French, has been superseded in
tliis edition by a prologue from Caxton's own pen, the ideas
in whicli, ^\ith the exception of the first fe^v lines, and almost
the very words, are often met with in manuscripts of that age.
The year in which this edition is generally considered to
have been issued seems to me very incorrect. Ames assigns
no date to it, but Dibdin, probably misled by Bagford's obser-
vations, thinks it one of Caxton's earliest efforts, while in
some remarks attached to a reprint of this edition by Mr.
Figgins, it is considered as the earliest specimen of the West-
minster press, and to have l)een printed fi-om cut metal types.
An examination of the work, however, with a typographical
eye does not afford a single evidence of very early workman-
ship. " All Caxton's early books were uneven in the length of
their lines — tliis is quite even. Xot one of the early works
had any signatures — this is signed tliroughout. These two
features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date^of impression
at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of
signatures.
Copies are in the British Museimi; the Pepysian and
Trinity, Cambridge ; Bodleian and St. John's, Oxford ; Impe-
rial Library, Vienna ; and six in private hands.
A
DESCEIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED
IN
TYPE No. 3.
BOOKS PltlNTEl) IN TYPE No. 3.
35. An Advertisement ...... 1477-78 ?
86. Directorium. First Version . . . 1477-78 ?
;!7. Horaj. Second Edition ..... 1480?
38. Psalterium, &c. ..... 1480-8:3?
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE No. 3.
No. 35. AjS" Adveetisement. Octavo. Westminster. Ko
Date. {Ahout 1477-78.)
Typographical Particulars. — The tyjjc is all No. 3,
the whole advertisement being in one paragraph of seven
lines, unevenly spaced, the longest measuring five inches.
The verso is blank.
3Jf it plcse ottg man spirttuel or temporcl to iigp ong
pgfjs Qi ttoo antj t^rc romrmoracios of galisfiuri bse
ntpvgntiti after tf)c forme of tijis preset lettre tofjielje
ten toel an^ trulg eorreet / late ijgm eome to toestmo-
nester in to tfje almone.srBe at tlje ree^ pale anti Ije sf)al
f)aue t|)em gooti eljepe . * . •
Supplieo stet ee"tiula
Remarks. — This is an interesting relic, not only as giving
us the name of the house inhabited by our first printer — the
Red-pale (" reed " was commonly used by Caxton for " red ")
— but also as a specimen of advertisements in the fifteenth
century. Although small in size it may also be considered as
the earliest instance knoT\Ti of a " broadside " printed in this
country.
Our printer was not alone in advertising his books,
although, from the fugitive nature of such productions, speci-
mens are very rarely to be found. An interesting list of
books printed by Coburger, at Nuremberg, in the fifteenth
century, is in the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2. 27), to Avhich
is attached the following heading : — " Cupientes emere libros
238 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
infra notatos veuient ad hospiciuni subnotatum Yeuditorem
habituri largissimiun," &c.
The "Pre"'* was a collection of rules to show the priest
how to deal (nnder every possible variation in Easter) with
the concurrence of more than one office on the same day. In
reading Caxton's Advertisement the question arises, " In what
respect did the " pyes of two and three commemorations of
Salisbiu'y use " differ from the ordiuaiy pyes of Salisbury use ?
The very Reverend Canon Rock, D.D., has kindly placed at
my disposal for an explanation which confines the " pye of
two commemorations " to the rules for Easter and Wliitsun-
tide, and the " pye of thi'ee commemorations " to the rules
for Easter, Whitsuntide, and Trinity.f Caxton's Advertise-
ment, therefore, refers to separately published portions of the
common " Directorimn sen Pica Sarum," applicable, perhaps,
to the current year only. In the succeeding article is de-
scribed a " Pica," which, in some particulars, agrees entirely
with Caxton's description.
* The Pica type of printers is commonly supposed to derive its name
from ha^Tiig been used for printing the early " Pica seu Directorium."
I have searched in vain among the earliest editions of the Directorium
for a copy printed in types approaching the size of Pica. They are
mostly the size of modem Brevier.
t " Easter being a moveable feast, and niling the time for Septna-
gesima, Sexagesima, and Qumquagesima Sundays, and the beginning of
Lent, as well as the Sundays for Whitsuntide and the beginning of
Trhiity, makes great and ever-recurring alterations in the Service of
the Calendar on Saints' days. Hence ■was it to show the Cleric at a
glance how to commemorate the Saints' days that came in the ever-
changing times of Lent, Easter. Whitsuntide ; and the (Octave of the
Trinity, the Pica began by giving a table of the Dominical letters,
which make the keys of all the rest of the Pica ; and after such a way
no matter what month or week Easter might fall on, the manner of
commemorating the Saints' days happening then, or of putting them
off till another time, was accurately described for all variations. But as
the chief variations in keeping the Saints' days happened at Ea.ster
and its following week — at Whitsuntide and its week or Octave — and at
Trinity and its Octave ; and, as during these three great feasts, \dt\i
tlieir Octaves, the occurring feast itself was chiefly celebrated with
mere mention, or Collect, or Connncmoration ; and as people in Caxton's
BOOKS PRINTED IX 'I'Yl'E NO. ii. 239
A poor copy is among the Douc6 iragments in the Bod-
leian ; and a good one, formerly in Dr. Farmer's library, at
Althorpe.
It has been suggested that the first line being very short,
the syllable co has accidentally dropped out, and that the text
sliould read "to buy any copies," &c.; but the word "copy,"
in that sense, was unknown in the fifteenth century.
No. 36. — DiRECTOEiUM, SEU PiCA SAEmi. First Version.
Quarto. Sine ulla notd. {Ahout 1477-8.)
No perfect copy of this book being known, the Collation"
is necessarily omitted. The four fragments fi'om the covers
of the St. Alban's " Boethius " are from separate half sheets
in quarto, making a total of sixteen pages.
Typogeaphical Paeticulars. — Only one type, Xo. 3, is
used in these fragments. The lines are not spaced out to one
length. The longest measure 3f inches. A full jjage has 22
lines. Without signatures, or catchwords, or printed folios
to the leaves. There are no initial letters, nor is there any
space left for them. The whole is in ^-ery contracted Latin.
Remaeks. — There can be no doubt that this was the pro-
duct of Caxton's press, as all the circumstances connected
^\ith it tend to prove. It was extracted from the covers of a
book which was evidently bound in Caxton's workshop, and
for the binding of which he had used waste sheets from the
press (see ante, page 214). The fragments belonging to known
books were all printed by Caxton before 1481; while the
"Advertisement" and " Directorium," reasoning from the
rla}-s had not printed but handwritten Breviaries -without the Pica or
Pijp in them, Caxton printed, to supply their want, " pyes of two and
three commemorations," — that is to say, directions for sajdng the whole
office of tiro Octaves or Commemorations, say of Ea<ter and Whitsun-
tide, and of three Octaves, Easter, Whitsuntide, and Trinity. It should
he borne in mind, as I have pointed out in t. \, j). 1.39 of " The Church
of our Fathers " that the Laity as well as the Clergy used to say the
Breviai7. Hence Caxton's invitation \a buy his " pyes " to the Laity
too. — Extract from a letter to J. F. Goulding, Esq., from tlie Very
lice. Canon Hock. B. I). Fcbriiarr/, 1SG2.
240 WILLIAM CAXTON.
measurement of the lines and their uneven length, were cer-
tainly printed before 1480, and probably about the same time
as the later set of quarto poetic pieces, i. e. about 1478.
This " Directorium " is not the same version as that printed
by Caxton, about 148G, in type No. 5, and a second edition
of which was issued a few years later in type No. G. These
last are the text re'V'ised for Bishop Rotherham, founded upon
an earlier version, of wliich latter the leaves under notice
appear to be a portion.
Formerly in the library of the St. Alban's Grammar School;
they are now in the British J\luseum.
No. 37. — HoE^ AD USUM Sarum. Second Ediiion. Quarto.
(1480-83.)
No perfect copy being kno^Ti, the Collation is of neces-
sity omitted, and the following remarks are made from three
fragments rescued from the St. Alban's " Boethius," afready
noticed.
Typographical Particulars. — The only type used,
judging from these fragments, was No. 3. The lines are
spaced out, and measure 3| inches. A full page has 20 lines.
The initials and paragraph marks are not inserted.
The first fi-agment, a quarto leaf printed on both sides,
but very defective, contains part of the " SufFragia of the
Three Kings," which are among the additions to the first
part of the *' Primer ;" and in an early edition by Wynken
de Worde, immediately precede the Latin " Fifteen Oes."
The second fragment is also but one leaf, and contains
the commencement of Part II of the " Horte," the " Ne
Reminiscaris " being the anthem belonging to the Seven
Penitential Psalms.
The third fragment consists of two pages of prayers, con-
taining the first of the •' Fifteen Oes " in Latin, and some
prayers near the end of the Litany.
Remarks.— As aU the " Fifteen Oes " and the Litany, as
well as other prayers, intervene between the two pages of the
third fragment, it is evident they were not intended to be
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 3, 241
printed on one sheet ; this, added to the fact that the paper
is printed only on one side, makes it clear that these are
proof pages.
This edition of " Horse " is entirely unknown to any of
our bibliographers, and was doubtless a second edition of that
already noticed at p. 189.
These fragments, now in the British Museum, were pur-
chased in 1874. They were formerly in the library of King
Edward VI Grammar School, St. Alban's.
No. 38.— PsALTERiiTM, ETC. Quarto. Sim ullc2 notd. (1480-
83?)
Collation.— a fictJPfgf) iltlmttopttrstuiB
are 4"% with a 1 blank ; but as only one copy is known to be
in existence, and that imperfect, no complete collation can be
given.
Typographical Particulars. — There is only one type,
No. 3, used throughout the work, excepting for the signatures,
where the Arabic numerals belong to type No. 2. The lines,
which are spaced out, measure 3| inches, and a fall page
has 20. Without printed folios or catchwords. Space for
the insertion of 2 to 4-line initials, generally without director,
is left at the beginning of paragraphs. The signatures are
in letters and Arabic numerals, a mode of signing used by
Caxton only between the years 1480 and 1483,
The book doubtless commenced with a blank leaf for a 1,
which is wanting in this copy.
The Text begins at the head of a 2 recto, thus : — •
3Jf)ftonitnui8i te lautie trei 0upc.
psaltenum
Mil fitim pst in ^ar btta
n mortalt in quo possumus fa^
mtllanus tnf)emT tico q) tt=
iiints lautitfius. i^uUus c'm mor-
" Jheronimus super Psalterium " ends on a 6 recto, and
ifl followed by two prayers and a metrical hymn.
R
242 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The Psalter finishes on sig. t 3 recto, and is followed by
the Canticles, Te Deum, Athanasian Creed, a general Litany,
including most of the prayers now in use, and ends imper-
fectly on sig. ;g 7 verso. There is an eighth leaf, which at
first sight is very defective, seeming to be g 8 ; in fact it is
an intercallary leaf, consisting of two pages accidentally
omitted between t 7 and X 8, and bound up wrongly after
5 7, the real g 8 being absent.
The only copy at present known is in the British Museum,
having formed a portion of the old Royal Ijibrary. It was
recognised as being printed with Caxton's types by Mr. BuUen,
tlu-ough whose hands it passed for re-cataloguing.
A
DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED
IN
TYPE No. 4.
n 2
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPES No. 4 AND 4*.
39. Chronicles. First Edition .
Type 4
1480
40. Description of Britain .
• Type 4
1480
41. Curia Sapientiaj
Type 4
1481?
42. Godfrey of Bologna
. Type 4
1481
43. Indulgence. First Edition .
Type 4
1481
44. Ditto Second Edition
• Type 4
1481
45. Chronicles. Second Edition
Type 4
1482
46. Polychronicon . . . .
. Type 4
1482
47. Pilgrimage of the Soul
Type 4
1483
48. A Vocabulary . . . .
• Type 4
1483?
49. The Festial ....
Type 4 *
1483
50. Four Sermons . . . .
. Type 4*
1483?
51. Servitium de Visitatione
Type 4
1483?
62. Sex Epistola; ....
Type 4 and 4*
1483?
53. Confessio Amantis .
Type 4 and 4*
1484
54. The Knight of the Tower
Type 4 and 4*
1484?
55. Caton ....
Type 4*
1484
56. Golden Legend ....
Type 4 and 4*
1484
57. Death-bed Prayers .
Type 4*
1484?
58. ^sop .....
. Type 4=''
1484
59. Order of Chivalrye .
Type 4* 1483-85
60. Canterbury Tales. Second Edition
. Type 4*
1484?
61. Book of Fame
Type 4*
1484?
62. The Curial ....
. Type 4*
1484?
63. Troilez and Cresside
Type 4*
1484?
64. Life of our Lady
. Type 4*
1484?
65. St. Winifred
Type 4*
1485?
66. King Arthur ....
. Type 4*
1485
67. Charles the Great .
Type 4*
1485
68. Paris and Vienna
. Type 4*
1485
69. The Golden Legend. Second Edition
Type 4*
1487
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 4.
No. 39. — The Cheonicles of England. Folio. '^Ftn-
prynted hj me William Caxton in thabbey of Wesf-
mTjnsire." June 10th, 1480. First Edition, ivith short
commas.
Collation. — Prologue and table a 4", signed \, ii], and
lit;, the first leaf being blank, a (a j blank) b C 1l C f t) i
fe I m n p q r S t U X are 4"^; g is a 3". Total 182 leaves,
of which two are blank.
Typogeapical Paeticulaes. — There is no title-page.
Type No. 4 only is used. There are forty lines to a full page.
The lines are spaced out to an even length, and measure 4|
inches. The signatures are in lower-case letters and Arabic
numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials. Without
folios or catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follo\\s on
sig. i] recto, the Text beginning, with a space for a 5-line
initial,
ia t^p gm of t^gncarnacion of our lorti 3Ji)u crtst M.
(t(t(t($t . \xxx . ^ntf in tfie xx . gete of ti)e Megne of
3f ftgng Ortrtoarlf tt)e fourt^c / ^tte requeste of tigucrre
gentilmrn ^ ijaup fntiniouiti me to enprintf tf)c cro=
nicies of ^nglonti as in t1)is fiooke 0|)aU J)g tfje %yxU
fraunrc of got) folotoc/ Hn^ to t^entie tf)at euerg mon mag
gee anti
The Chronicle ends on the sixth recto of sig. g, the verso
being blank,
Cfjus enlietij tijisj present boofee of tf)e eronirles of
englonli / enpn | teti tg me toilliam (Caiton 3Jn tfjatbeg of
toestmgnstre 6g lon^on | dFgngssf)it» anti arromplissijitj
2^:6 WILLI.UI CAXTON.
tf)e I ."bafi of ^Jupn Hjc gerc of tijin- | rarnarion of our lort
ooti M . ©aTiJldf . hxx . anti in tf)e xx . gcrc of | tt)c rrgnc
of fegitfl (Jf^toart tf)t fourtf)
Remaeks. — The use of short commas, which characterises
the early state of this type, would induce us to give priority
to this edition over the other, in which the long commas are
used, independently of any printed date.
The history here printed by Caxton differs but little from
the "Cronicle of Brute," one of the most popular of the
fifteenth and sixteenth century books. It is, however, carried
further than any manuscript chronicle I have seen, and it
appears probable that, as any -wTiter who felt competent made
his own additions in transcribing, so Caxton added more or
less to his copy, and brought the history doAvn, as he acknow-
ledges having done in " Polycronicon," to the battle of
Towton. The old " Cronicle of Brute " was so called from
the opening chapter which describes the settlement of Brutus,
the descendant of the ^neas in Britain. The respective parts
due to Nennius, Douglas of Glastonbury, and Geoffrey of
Monmouth, are probably too obscure to determine. The St.
Alban's Chronicle, printed two or three years later, and in
types somewhat resembling those of Caxton, is the same text,
interpolated throughout with a history of the Popes and
ecclesiastical matters. This, and the edition of Machlinia
(Caxton's text), about the same date, are not unfrequently
catalogued erroneously as from Caxton's press.
This work is often called " Caxton's Chronicle " by old
^Titers, probably from the publicity he gave it both as editor
and printer, and he is often blamed for its inaccuracies,
although, with the exception of the last few pages, he had
nothing to do with its compilation ; nor indeed does he in
any way lay claim to it.
Of this edition with the short commas there are copies
at Cambridge, Bodleian (2), St. John's, Oxford, Hunterian
Museum, Glasgow, and Lambeth Palace. Six are in private
hands.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 247
No. 40. — The Description of Britain. Folio, *' Fynyshed
hy me William Caxton" No Place. 18th August,
1840.
Collation. — Three 4"' and one 3", unsigned. Thirty
leaves, the last being blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Type No. 4 only is used. There are forty lines to a full page.
The lines are spaced out to an even length, and measure 4f
inches. Spaces left for the insertion of initials. Without
signatures, folios, or catchwords. The signatures were pro-
bably omitted on account of the limited extent of the
work.
The text begins, on the verso of the first leaf, thus : —
l^it is 00 tf)at in mang antj "biucrsc places tf\t cotngn
ctoniclcs of englonti Un l)ati anti also noto late enprmtetj
at toestmgnstre
and ends on the 29 th recto,
late^ tf)t tioofe of ^olictonicon into engliss^ / dFgngsstrt
is me toilliam ^aiton tlje x\ii\i , tiag of August t|)e gere of
our lort goti M . dtititift . \xxx , anti tf)e xx . gere of tf)e
regne of fegng ({rttoavti t|)e fouitije .
Eemarks. — " The Description of Britain " is one of the
chapters out of Ralph Higden's " Polycronicon." Caxton
printed it as a supplement to the Chronicles, and evidently
intended it to follow on after the termination of that work.
The blank leaf at the end instead of the beginning favours
this idea.
It is improbable that a second edition of " The Description
of Britain " was issued, as no copy with the long commas ( / )
has yet been found.
Copies are in British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford (3),
St. John's, Oxford, Lambeth, Glasgow, and four in private
libraries.
248 WILLIAM CAXTON.
No. 41. — CURA SaPIENTI^; OR THE CoURT OF SAPIENCE.
Folio. Without Printer'' s Name, Place, or Date. (1481?)
Collation. — a 6 C tJ are 4"% p is a 3° = 38 leaves, of
which the first is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is No. 4 throughout. The whole work is in " Balad
Eoyal," or stanzas of seven lines, of which there are five to
each page. "Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for
the insertion of 3-line initials.
After a blank the Text begins on a \] recto, with space
for a 3-line initial, with director,
Be lafiero' -& g^ most mfrurglo' lariltcs
©f sapience sgn firste regneti nature
t M^ purpos is to tell as toriten rlerfees
anti speegallg \\tt moost notable cure
The Text ends half-way down the second column, on the
sixth verso of the same signature,
Igugng/ neticful toerfecs/ anti
tiretie.ful tietics of ioge ant) of
pegne
Eemarks. — The only manuscript copy of this poem is
preserved in the library, of Trinity College, Cambridge, It
belonged formerly to John Stow, who has noted several omis-
sions in the text, as compared with some other copy, probably
the printed edition ; and who has written over the top, " By
John Lydgate." The poem itself is headed " Here beginneth
a brief compiled treatise called by the Author thereof Curia
jSajpientio}."
The following description by Oldys is taken from Bib.
Harl. Vol. Ill, No. 3313 : "Though neither the author's nor
printer's name appears to this poem, it was visibly enough
printed by Caxton and composed by Lidgate, had we not the
authority of John Stowe for it, in the catalogue of his A\Titings.
The author teUs us it was written at the command of his
Sovereign (perhaps King Hen. V), and it seems to be one of
the scarcest of his pieces extant. There seems to be more
invention in it and variety of matter than in most other
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 249
poems of his composition, displaying, after a copious debate
between Mercy and Truth, Justice and Peace, a distinct sur-
vey throughout the palace and domains of Sapience, of all
the products of nature, in distinct chapters, and of arts and
sciences ; with his further reference, at the end of each, to the
authors who have WTitten on them." Ames says {Tijj). Ant.,
page 67), after quoting the whole of the "Prohemium," "I
take Caxton to be the poet or author, by the above verses."
This opinion was perhaps too readily adopted. Although there
is a curious parallel between the poet's statement of his rude
and corrupt speech, and the apology of Caxton in his addi-
tions to "The Recuyell" for his " vnperfightness " in English,
owing to his having been educated where was "spoken as
brode and rude englissh as is in ony place of englond;"
and although we know that Caxton could put together a few
verses, as in the instance of the last two stanzas of " Moral
Proverbs;" yet, judging from the literary ability of his
known works and translations, we should hardly be justified
in ascribing the authorship of "Curia Sapientise" to him.
The plan of this w^ork, in which theology, geography, natural
history, horticulture, grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry,
music, and astronomy are all in turn described, was certainly
too high a flight for our printer.
The titles given to this book, " The werke of Sapience "
and " Tractatus de Fide et Cantus famule sue," adopted by
Ames and other bibliographers, were taken from the first and
last lines of the poem. The proper title, " Curia Sapientise,"
appears at the end of " Liber Primus."
Caxton's edition is very scarce. St. John's, Oxford, and
Earl Spencer, have copies, and fragments are in the Bodleian
and the British Museum.
No. 42. — The History of Godfrey of Boloyne ; or the
Conquest of Jerusalem. Folio. Printed the 20th
November, in tJie Ahbey of Westminster, hy William
Caxtoti, 1481.
Collation. — a is a 3", with a } blank ; t) a 2", i) 1 being
blank; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and
250 WILLIAM CAXTON.
16 are all 4°', 17 is a 3° = 144 leaves, of which two are
blank. Excepting the first two gatherings, the signatures are
entirely in Arabic numerals. Dibdin corrects Ames, and says
he counted 146 leaves, but Ames was right.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is entirely No. 4. A full page has forty lines, which
are of an even length, and measure 4| inches. Without folios
or catchwords. Space at the commencement of chapters is
left for the insertion of 3 to 7-line initials.
The volume commences with a blank leaf, after which fol-
lows the prologue, the Text beginning on a 2, with a space
for a 4-line initial,
?^e f)pe rouraggous fagtes/ ^ntJ balgaunt artrs of
t nofile :iaustrous ant bntuous prrsonnrs ten tiigne
to tie rffountfti / put in mnnorBc^ anb bjrfton. to tfjcntie
tf)at ti)fr mag te gj)unt to ti)t\n name :?Jnmortal ftp go=
ticragn \mtit ana prcgsgng. antj also for to motm anti
tenflab) I
ending half-way down the recto of the sixth folio of sig. 17,
the verso being blank,
m;i)ng . b)|)tdjc booofe § iiegan in marcfie tf)e itj tage antj
fgngs^ I sljgt ti)c \iii tiag of SJugn / tt)c gm of ouf lort •
M ♦ oiaiarcjr - uxxi \ ^ t^t tf\t xxi gw of tfie xwu of out
sagt) saurragn lortj fegng i!5ti | toarti ttc fourtf) . .iic: in tf)ts
manrr scttc in foime k cnprgntrti ti)c | xx bag of nourm^
ire ti)e gere a forsagti in tijabbag of bjestmester | bg t|)e
saiti togUiam (Haiton
In the British Museum is a splendid manuscript of this
work, a large folio, on vellum, fifteenth century, Mith nume-
rous illuminations. The character of the writing is very
similar to the large type of Colard Mansion, and it begins
" Les anciennes histoires diet que eracles fut moult bon x'pien
et gouuerneur de lempire de romme." The text is without
doubt the original of Caxton's translation, with which it
agrees chapter for chapter, but is carried much further than
the death of Godfrey, with wliich Caxton concludes. The
author appears to be unknown.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4, 251
All edition was printed at Paris, in 1500, with the title
" Les faits et Gestes de preux Godefroy de Bovillon et de ses
ehevalereux freres Baudouin et Eustache."
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge (2), Impe-
rial Library, Vienna, Hunterian CoUege, Glasgow, Baptist
College, Bristol, with four in private libraries. The copy
belonging to S. Holford, Esq., is specially interesting ; it is
in its original vellum cover, and contains the following inter-
esting notice : — " This was king Edw. y*^ fourth Booke." Also
the autographs, " p'tinet Rogero Thorney," and " Rob* "WeU-
borne." The former of these names is worth a comment,
because it tln-ows some doubt upon the accuracy of the pre-
vious notice. Roger Thorney, like other literary mercers of
his time, was probably a friend and supporter of Caxtoii : he
certainly patronised his successor, Wynken de "Worde, as the
following lines from the " Polychronicon " of 1495, show : —
" this boke of Policronicon
" Whiche Roger Thorney Mercer hath exhorted
" Wynken de Worde of vcrtuous entent
" Well to correcte, and gretely hym comforted,
" This specyal boke to make and settc in prente."
How then did Roger Thorney become possessed of the copy
of " The History of Godefroy of Bulloyn," belonging to his
king ? On the inside cover is also the book-plate of Sir John
Dolben, Bart., of Finedon, in Northamptonshire. This volume
was sold among the books of Secondary Smyth, in 1682, and
passed into the library of the Earl of Peterborough. It was
afterwards in the Vernon collection, which is now included in
that of Mr. Holford.
No. 43. — Letters of Indulgence from Johannes de
Leigliis, alias De Liliis, issued in 1481 on the
authority of pope sixtus iv, for assistance
AGAINST THE TuRKS. On ParcJmient.
This Indulgence is represented by two slips of parch-
ment, extracted from the St. Alban's " Boethius." (See ante,
page 214).
252 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
Originally in one, the document was cut in two pieces by
Caxton's binder, who used them for strengthening the back
of the book. They were pasted, one at the beginning and
one at the end, down the whole length, inside the boards.
AVhen the volume was dissected they were, unfortunately,
subjected to the usual soaking in water. This has entirely
changed their original appearance, as the print has necessarily
participated in the shrinking of the parchment. From per-
sonal examination, while the volume was in its original state,
the following particulars are obtained : —
Typogeaphical Particitlaes. — The Type is all No. 4.
The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measured nine
inches. The complete document, apparently, contained 13
lines.
The second slip containing the date, is as follows : —
mutare Mttxt tt licite | . et singuloru fitit prc=
snitfs gtgiUi pmisieiionis intitilgrciaru ft tiigpfnsanonu
sanrtf cruciate p . . | mus ct fcctmus appcnsione com
. . irt/ Batum titcmrnsis |
CKCarOT . \xxxi . ^c pontlficatus prcfati sancttssimi tiornmi
nogtii tio . ini Sbixti papc . .
The two slips, now measuring each Vj x 1 inches, were
originally about 11x2 inches. They are now in the British
Museum.
No. 44. — Lettees of Indulgence issued in 1481, on the
AUTHOEITY OF POPE SiXTUS IV, FOE ASSISTANCE
AGAINST THE TuEKS. JSecoHcl Edition. On parchment.
1481.
The type is all No. 4. The lines are spaced to an even
length. The whole document is printed on one side of a slip
of paper.
The only two copies known are pasted inside the " Royal
Book " printed by Caxton, and now in the Bedford Library,
Bedford. They measure 8 x G inches. A slip of parchment
containing four lines was discovered by Mr. Bradshaw in the
Library of King's College, Cambridge.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4.
No. 45. — The Chronicles of England. Folio. " Em-
prynied hij me william Caxton In tfrnhbey of icest-
mestre," October Sth, 1482. Second Edition, with loiig
commas.
Collation. — Prologue and title a 4", signed i], ii], and
nil, the first leaf being blank, a (a j blank) 6rtlpfgi)ik
I m n p q[ r S t U X are 4'''; g is a 3". Total ] 82 leaves, of
which two are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Type No. 4 only is used. There are forty lines to a full page.
The lines are spaced out to an even length, and measure 4|
inches. The signatures are in lower-case letters and Arabic
numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials. Without
folios or catchwords.
The above collation and particulars are identical with
those of the first edition, described at page 245, ante.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on
sig. i\ recto, the Text beginning with space for a 4-line initial,
i@, ti)p gm of ttgnrarnacgon of out lort M^ ctist M
atitaiit I \xxx I anti in t^e XX gcre of ti)e Mrgne of
t fepng <&tib)ai:ti t^c fouttij/attc request of tigurrse gfn
tglmcn 3J ^aue entifugrgti me to fnprgnte tf)e Olro'
ngcles of <i?nglonVas iv, ti)lsJ took s^al fig t^e suffraunrr
of gotr
The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. g, the verso being
blank,
Cf)U0 entJftf) tf)i0 present iioofe of ti)e arrongeles of
©nglonti/^Jfuprsntet) fig me ?^tUiam (ttaiton f n t^afifieg
of toestmesitre fig lontion /dFgngssfjetJ / antJ aeeomplgssts^
ti)e/biii/1iag of <©ctot)re/^i)p gere of ti)e fnearnaegon of
our lortj (goti / M I ararorffl / \xxx\] antj in tfie xx\\ gere of
t^e regne of fegng (i!5tib3artJ tie fourth
Copies are in the British Museum (2) and Oxford, with
three in private libraries.
254 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
No. 4G.— PoLYCEOJiTicON. FoUo. " Imprinted and set in
forme by me Wittiam Caxto?i" Without ptace or Date.
Translation ended 2nd July, 1482.
Collation. — k 6 are 4"^ with the first leaf of a blank ;
<K is a 2" ; sigs. 1 to 28 are 4"% the first and 5th leaves of
sig. 1 being blank ; sig. 28 is followed by an unsigned single
sheet, of which but one leaf is printed, the other being blank ;
29 to 48 are 4"^ 49 a 2"; 50 to 55 are 4"^ wAh. the last leaf
of 55 blank ; sig. 50 is followed by 52, sig. 51 being accident-
ally omitted =450 leaves, of which five are blank.
Typographical Paeticulars.— There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 4. The lines, which measure 4| inches,
are fully spaced out, and forty make a full page. Space is
left at the beginning of the chapters for the insertion of
initials. The first gatherings have the signatures in Roman
numerals, but all the rest are signed with Arabic numerals.
After the introductory matter folios are introduced, although
with many errors.
The Text, preceded by a blank, begins on sig. a 2 recto,
with space for a 4-line initial,
B HXtXt tIjanik;pnQcs latotir ^ 1)onourc iac mcrBtovpouS'
Ij) t)fn to untie to ynXtit antj offre bnto torjjtcfg QiW^-
torgfs / \xs%\t\)t grftflp |)auf prouffgtrtj ourf mortal
Igf/tfjat st)ftDf bnto tf)f rrtfrs an^ ijrrrrs ^^y) Wyt
cnsamplcs of tljgngfs passgti/ to|)at ti)gnge is to fie tiesgreV
The Text ends on the recto of 55-7 ; the verso and 55-8
being blank.
bDrstjonge / (Pntirt ti^e srrotttj tag of f ufill tf)p xxi\ jm
of ti)e tegne of fefiitge t!?tih)artittc fourti) ^ of tf)e fnrar-
nacion of oure lorti a tfjousantJ four Ijontierti foure score
anil ttoegne/
dTpngssfietf per (ttaxton
Remarks. — Few of Caxton's books have excited more
interest and research than the " Polycronicon." It appears
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 255
to have had its origin with Roger, Monk of St. Werberg, in
Chester, who, about the beginning of the fourteenth century,
made an extensive compilation in Latin from several of the
old chronicles and works on natural history then in existence.
Ralph Higden, of the same monastery, who died before 1360,
amplified this compilation, entitling liis work, "Polycrouicon;"
and this, judging from the numerous copies still extant, had a
very extended popularity. In 1387 Trevisa, chaplain to the
Earl of Berkeley, translated the Latin of Higden into English
prose. An account of Trevisa, with a history of his works, is
given by Dr. Dibdin, in Typ. Ant. vol. i, page 140, who, how-
ever, has not included in his list Trevisa's English translation
of the Gospel of Nicodemus {Addit. MS. 16165). Trevisa's
translation of the Bible is expressly mentioned by Caxton in
his prologue. Nearly a century later, Caxton revised the
antiquated text of Trevisa, which, together with a continua-
tion of the history to the year 1460, was finished on July
2nd, 1482, and printed soon after. Caxton entitled his
continuation "Liber ultimus," and it is most interesting as
being the only original work of any magnitude from our
printer's pen.
Caxton tells us very little of the sources of his information.
He mentions two little works, "Fasciculus temporum" and
"Aureus de Yniverso," from which, however, he certainly
obtained but little material for his "Liber ultimus," which
treats almost entirely of English matters.
As a specimen or the alteration made by our printer, when
he " a lytyl embellyshed " the text as rendered by Trevisa, the
following quotation is given, in which the consequences of
Man's fall are graphically described. The embellishment
chiefly consists in modernising the old English, although here
and there Caxton added sentences to the text.
TREVISA'S TEXT, 1387. CAXTON'S TEXT, 1483.
(Harleian MS., No. 1900, fol. 94J). (Sig. 10 4 verso).
From that day forthward Fro that day forth the body
ye body y' is corrupt by syne that is corrupt by synne greu-
25G
WILLIAM CAXTOX.
greuey y^ soule / Ye flesche
couetiy azen' y^ soule / aud
manes wittes torney & as-
sentith liztlich to euel A
manes owie meynal vnttes
bey his owTie enemyes |[ So
y' al a niaues lif is tempta-
cion while he lyuey here in
erye Also man is eu failynge
and aweyward . he may nouzt
stidfastlich abide he falliy
liztliche bot he may nouzt
lightlich arise . P'fite is of
birye sorowe & care i lyuyng/
and man mot nedes deye
And thouz alle oy" yat bey
made haue schelles • ryndes •
skynnes * wolle . heer . bristels •
fethers • wynges other skales •
man is y bore wiyout eny
helyng / naked & bar . anone
at his birye he gyney forto
wepe atte bygynyng liche to
a best , but his lymes failey
hym & may nouzt help hym-
self . But he is febler yan any
oy'' beste ' he kan noon helpe '
he may nouzt do of hymself
but wepe vdj al his myzte.
No best hay lif more brutel
and vnsiker Noon hay seke-
nesse more greuous • noon
more likynge to do oy''wise
than he sholde / noon is more
cruwel Also oy"" bestes louey
eueche oye of ye same kynde
& woney to gedres & bey
nouzt cruwel but to bestes
eth the soule The flesshe
coueyteth ayenste the soule
and mannes ^vyttes tome and
assente lightly to euyl A
mannes oune meynal ■n'yttes /
be his 0T\Tie enemyes / so that
al mannes lyf is in temptacion
whyle he lyueth here in erthe ,
& the disposipon of the soule
ruleth meynteneth / helpeth
and conforteth the body / But
ayeinward the \ATetched dis-
posicion of the bodye dis-
tourbeth the soule • Also man
is euer fayllyng and wayward
he may not stydfastly abyde /
he falleth lightly but he may
not lightly aryse / Profyt of
byrth is sorow and care in
lyuyng and man must nedes
dye And thaugh oil other
that be made haue shelles
ryndes skynnes . wolle heer
bristels feders T\^ges owther
skals / Man is born withoute
ony helyng or keueryng
nakede and bare / anone at
his birth , he gynneth for to
wepe atte begynnyng lyke a
beest but his lymmes fayllen
hym and maye not helpe hym
self "but he is febler than ony
other beeste / he can noon
helpe / he may nought doo of
hym self but wepe with al his
myght No beest hath lyf
more brutyl & vnseker / None
hath Bskenesse more greuous
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 257
of other kynde y* ben con- noon more lykyng to do other-
trairie to hem But man w^se than he shuld . none is
tomey y* maner doyng vpso- more cruel Also other bestes
dou & is contr'ie to hym self loue eueryche other of the
& cruel to oy"" men same kynde . and dwell to
gyder and be not cruel / but
to beestes of other kynde that
be contrary to hem / But man
torneth that maner doyng vp
so downe and is contrary to
hymself and cruel to other
men/
This is one of the most common of Caxton's works, at
least thirty copies being known, of which half are in Tarious
public libraries.
No. 47. — The Pilgrimage of the Soul. " Emprynted at
ivestmestre by ivillimn Caxton, and fynysshed the sixth
day of June" 1483.
Collation. — An unsigned 2°, with the first leaf blank;
at)Ctief8f)tfelmnare 4°^, ^dth d. i blank ; o is a 3",
with the last two leaves blank. Total 114 leaves, of which
four are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type throughout is No. 4. The lines are of an equal
length, and measure 4| inches. A full page has forty lines.
There is a running head to the pages, and the leaves have
printed folios, numbered very carelessly. Space has been left
for the insertion of 2, 3, and 6-line initials. Commencing
AV-ith a blank, the title and table follow on folio \\, which is
unsigned.
The Text begins, on the second leaf, thus : —
dFolio if
€:t)ts took is intjnietj tije pplgremnge of tijr sotolc/trans-
latiti II outr of .-ff vcnssijc in to (Pnglpsije / luljtrljf fiook is
ful of tJc\ionte ll maters toudjjiiig \\)t sotolf / m\h man)) qurs-
2-)H WILLIAM CAXTON.
tpons assoplfti to ra 1| use a man to Iguc tf)c tfttrr in t1)is
toorlti / ilnti' it rontfBUftft fguc || 6ooikfS/as it apprrct!) I)"-
after 63) arijapgtrcs
The text ends on the fourth leaf of sig. 0, and the verso of
folio (tx,
^}m nrtifti) tijf ^xmt of pglgrnnagc of tljr soulc tians=
latiti II outc of dFrrnssijf in to vj?ngl;DSSt)f toitij somtoljat of
at(tiifions/ti)e i)rre of our lorti/i«.(fl:arar(ff/.6v tijfiitcn/
anti rntiftf) in t\)t Mm II If of Sfgnt i^artijolomfto
(Pmprgntftj at torstmfstrc ftp ^l^ailliam OTaiton / iHntj
fpnpsstrti II ti)e sixtf) tiap of iupn/tt)f pnc of our lort(/
i^l.ijiararai/Uniirll-anti ti)c first prrc of tfjc rrgnc of
fepngc vJr^toarti tijc ffiftijr / 1|
This is the only book from the press of Caxton having the
name of Edward V in the colophon.
Remarks. — The conunon custom among preachers of the
Middle Ages of engaging the attention of their hearers by
qmitualismf/ tales and even jests current among the people
is well known. This practice seems to have suggested to a
monk named Guillaume de Deguilleville the idea of mor ((Using
the celebrated " Roman de la Rose." His poem was divided
into three parts, and completed about 1335. It contains
more than 3G,000 lines, and its title is " Le Romant des trois
Pelerinages." These three pilgTimages are " Le pelerinage de
la vie humaine ;" " Le pelerinage de I'Ame ;" and " Le pele-
rinage du Jesus Christ." Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 22937 con-
tains the three parts complete. None of these appear to have
liecn printed. Not satisfied, however, with the result of his
labours, Guillaume again set to work and recast the whole
poem, with many amplifications and additional verses. This,
which was finished about 1350, and of which a manuscript
copy is in the Bih. Imp. Paris, 6988^ is the text of which
several editions were issued from the early French press.
Nearly a century passed when another monk, Jehan de
Gallopes, transposed the rhymes of Deguille\ille into French
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO, 4, 259
prose. This was ^\atli the object of modernising the old lan-
guage, or, as he says, "pour esclaircir et entendre la matiere
la contenue." Gallopes, however, apparently extended his
labours no further than "The Pelerinage de I'Ame," and
here we find the text used by the translator of " The Pyl-
gremage of the Sowle," printed in 1483 by our William
Caxton. Manuscripts of the prose "Pelerinage de I'Ame"
are very scarce, but a perfect copy is in Bih. Im]). Paris,
No. 7080.
Of the author and translators mentioned above, but little
can be said. Guillaume de Deguilleville was monk, and
afterwards prior, of the Abbey of Chalis ; and this seems all
that is kno\M^i of him. His name appears in the later manu-
scripts as Guillaume de Guilleville, and is mostly so printed,
but is spelt correctly in some of the early French printed
editions. In a fourteenth century manuscript, already noticed,
the name appears " de Deguilleville," and that this is the true
Drthography is placed beyond question by an acrostic, con-
dsting of two "chansons" in the French text. Here the
luthor has veiled himself in the initial letters of each line,
md by putting these together we obtain his real name,
' Guillaume de Deguilleville."
" Jean de GaUopes, dit le Galoys," as we learn from the
prologue to his French prose version, was the " humble chapel-
ain" to John, Duke of Bedford and Regent of France, for
vhom the translation was undertaken. It was, therefore,
executed before the death of the Regent, in 1435, and there
leems reason to suppose that its author was an Englishman.
;n the Imperial Library, Paris, is a manuscript, mentioned
)y M. Paris {Les Msc. Franc., vol, v, page 132), entitled
'Vie de Jesus Christ," which is attributed also to Gallopes,
)ut which appears to be a different work from the third
' Pilgrimage" of DeguiUeviUe,
To John Lydgate, monk, of Bury, is generally attributed
he English version of " The Pylgremage of the Sowle," and
)robably with truth, as some of the additional poems found
lere form a part also of Lydgate's weU-kno^\Ti poem "The
jife of our lady." He is also supposed, from internal
S2
260 WILLIAM CAXTON.
evidence of style, to be the author of "The Pilgrimage of
man" {Cotton MSS., Yitel. C. xii), an English metrical trans-
lation of DeguUleYille's " Pelerinage de la vie humaine."
The numerous copies of the " Pilgrimages " still extant in
our old libraries prove that they must have attained a con-
siderable amount of popularity. In France there were several
printed editions ; but in England, probably owing to the
growth of the Reformation, " The Pylgremage of the Sowle,"
printed by Caxton, is the only known edition.
Copies are in the British Musemn, St. Jolm's, Oxford, and
Sion CoEege, London; also in the Althorpe and BritweU
Libraries.
There is no connection whatever between this Avork and
Bunyan's " PUgTim's ProgTess." Caxton's book treats of the
journey and trial of the soul aft/^r death, the only point in
common being that both are supposed to happen in a dream.
"The Pilgrimage of man" is nearer in idea, but equally dis-
tinct in treatment.
No. 48. — A Vocabulary in French and English. Foliv.
Sine idid notd. 1483 ?
Collation. — Two 4°' and one 5", unsigned = 2G leaves,
the first being, doubtless, blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title of any
sort. The ty]oe is No. 4 throughout. 42 lines in double
column (84 lines) make a fidl page, and the long lines
measure 2^ inches. The words "Frensshe" and "Englissh"
appear as head-lines to every page. Without folios, catch-
words, or initials.
The Text begins, in double column, on the 2nd recto,
thus : —
®B rommpnre la tafile '^itx 6fg8"«ftt) X\)t tafile
IDc erst piouffptafilc tiortrine (!f>f tljis piouffptafilr Irmsnge
^Jour tcouuri- tout par ovtirnc ,-frtir to fjnttif all fij) ortire
(ffc que on boultira aprrntirc 5ri)at tol)if|)5 ^Mf" togllf Icrne
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE XO. 4* 201
The Text ends, with seven lines on the 26th recto, thus : —
Ha <3xm( tie sainrt fsperlt Ci)e grace of tije tolg gfjoost
SUful enluminer Irs nufs M^glle fnljjgljte tijeijcitrs
Be milr qui Ic apvrntiront ©f ii)m tljat sijall Iffnc tt
iJft nous tiotn0t pfvsfueranrc Enti bs gjjuc pngrucraunre
i&n fionnrs opcranons In gooti U)'fitfs
®t apres reste bie transitoiic :antj aftrc ti)is Igf transttorie
3la partiuratJlc ioec ^ gloric ^fje f urrlastgng toge anlj glorie
"A Book for Travellers" is the title given to this work in
Ti/p. Ant. vol. i, page 315, but as there is no especial suit-
ability in it for the use of travellers, and as from its composi-
tion it appears to have been formed with a scholastic aim, it
has been thought advisable to change so evident a misnomer.
No manuscript of this compilation in French or English
is known to exist, nor is there any clue to the author.
A copy is in each of the four following libraries — Eipon
Cathedral, Bamborough Castle, Earl Spencer, and Duke of
Devonshire.
No. 49. — The Festial (Liber Festialis). First Edition.
Folio. "Enprynteil at Westmi/nster by WyUyam Caxton
the taste day of Juyn, 1483."
Collation.— a I) c tr e f g fj i jfe I m n are 4°% a f being
blank; o and p are 3"'=11G leaves, of which one is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title of any
5ort. The tyjDC is entirely No. 4*, which here appears for the
first time. The lines, which are fuUy spaced out, measure
5 mches. A full page has 38 lines. Without folios or catch-
^'ords. Space left for the insertion of 3 to 5-line initials,
Tiith. director.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the sermon for the First
Sunday in Advent follows on sig. a i\, space being left for the
nsertion of a 5-line initial.
The Text begins thus : —
262 WILLIAM CAXTON.
^^s tiag is raUj)t( tijc first sontiafi of aburnt / tt)at
is t^c sonbai) in rristjjs romgng / Ctnfcire ijolg
t r^irri)? tl)is tiag maitfti) menrion of if romcngrs
^i)( first fomgng teas to t)ge maniipntif out of fion
tage of tfjc t)fU|)U anti to firgngc mannas sotoie to
filgsse / 2lnti tijis otljf r comgng sijal ht at tijc Mg of tiome
The Text ends on the sixth recto of &h^. p,
bs t|)at for bs tnjrt on tt)e rooti trff /d^ui rum tiro patrr ^
spu II sancto biuit rt rrgnat tic us ^M^M I
Explicit
iSnprgnteli at ^ISirstmpnstcr fit) iugllpam Otaxton tije lastr
tJag of Jugn anno tiomini M Oiafaiai ILixxiij
The compiler of " The Festial," John Mirkns, -was a canon
of the Monastery of Lilleshul, an old foundation in Shrop-
shire, as we learn from a MS. copy of his work in the Cot-
tonian Library. He says that, finding many priests, fi'om
incapacity, were, like himself, unable to teach their parish-
ioners properly, he had taken pains to compile sermons for all
the principal feasts of the year, which he had extracted chiefly
from the " Golden Legend." The omission of the prologue,
by Caxton, as well as the sermons on Burial and Paternoster,
mentioned above, makes us suspect that our printer had a
copy imperfect at beginning and end. The subject of nearly
every chapter in "The Festial" may also be found in the
" Golden Legend ;" but, taking the two books, as printed by
Caxton, for comparison, it will be seen that the sermons for
the Moveable Feasts, with which each work commences, have
nothing in common but their subject, and that the histories
of the saints are treated very diflFerently, and often disagree
even in tlioir supposed historical facts. The " Gesta Romano-
rum" furnished many stories for the "Golden Legends," but
in "The Festial" that mine of anecdotes has contributed
still more largely to the illustration and enforcement of the
preacher's remarks. "The Festial" is yet further removed
from our Book of Common Praver, Avith which it has been
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4.'' 2C3
associated. With the exception of the names in the calendar
there is nothing in common between them.
Although in Caxton's edition of this work it is entirely
without a name, there seems no reason for giving it the Latin
title by which it is generally kno^rni, "Liber Festivalis."
John Mirkus, its compiler, who ^vl•ote it in English, says, " I
^xiU and pray that it be called a Festial ;" and, accordingly,
it was so called by Wynken de Worde in several editions, by
Rood of Oxford, and by other early printers.
Copies are at the British Museum, Bodleian, Lambeth,
and Althorpe.
No. 50. — Four Sermons, etc, (Quatuor Sermones, etc.)
First Edition. Folio. " Fnjjri/nted by Wylliam Caxton
at Westmestre." Without Bate. (1483 ?)
Collation. — a 6 C are 4''% Xr a 3"= 30 leaves. No blanks.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title. The
type is entirely No. 4*. The lines are fiilly spaced out, and
measure 5 inches. A full page has 38 lines. Without folios
or catcliAvords. In this book we find, for the first time, the
paragTaph mark |[ used — a mark which never appears in
the early state of this tj-pe.
The Text begins on sig, a j, ^vith space for a 3-line initial,
Avithout director,
?^c magstft of smtfitrf in t^c scronti fioor anti tfje
first tiBStjmrtion/sapti) tfjat tfjc sciufra))n cause/
b3i)g fioti matic al rrcaturfs in ijrnfn txti)t or toatrr/
toas i^ts oune gooti || nrs / fig ti)c b)i)ici)e f\t toolti tl)at some of
On sig. tl Hi recto,
C Cf)e (gnteralle Sentnuc
<©oti men anti bigmmen -^ tio j)ou to bn^jerstonbe tfiat
g WB.t tt)at Ijaue rure of j;our soIijIps te rommaumtii}ti of
our ortenaries anli tp t^e copstpturtons anti tf)e latlSle
of i)ol8 ff)trti)e to s1)e\De to you foure tinnes t}} tfje gere
in ecfje a quarter of ti)e :i)ere ongs tofjen t^e peple is most
2C>4: WILLIAM CAXTOX.
The Text ends on the sixth verso of sig. tJ,
rcsurvfftionts gloria inter sanrtos ct elrctos twos xemmtati
respi II rent/ per ipristum tiominm nostrum iSlmen /
(Irnprgnteti fig tojjUiam (Eaiton at toestmestre/
Remarks. — The name of the -wTiter of these homilies is
not kno^Ti, nor do they appear attached to any of the manu-
scripts of the Festial above noticed. That they were, how-
ever, printed by Caxton at the same time as the Festial
appears evident from the identity of their typographical
arrangements, strengthened by the fact of their being, in
several instances, under the same cover. That Caxton also
intended to allow their separate use may, nevertheless, be
deduced from the first gathering having a for its signature,
and from the existence of some copies unaccompanied by the
Festial, In the Lambeth copy the sermons precede the
Festial,
The four sermons are thus apportioned : —
1. On the Paternoster, the Creed, and the Ten Command-
ments,
2. The Seven Sacraments, the Seven Deeds of Mercy, and
the Seven Deadly Sins,
3. A continuation of the subject of Deadly Sins.
4. On Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction,
After the sermons are " The General Sentence or Commi-
nacion," and two forms of bidding prayer, called " The Bedes
on Sondaye."
Every priest was obliged by the Canon Law to read the
** Modus Fulminandi," or Commination, and to preach at
least one sermon every three months, ajid these were probably
compiled for that purpose.
Nine copies are known, of which two only are in private
hands.
No. yl, — Sehvitium de Visitatione B, Mari^ Virginis,
Quarto. Sine uUd nota. (1481-3),
ColIjAtion. — One 4" =8 leaves, of which the last is blank.
BOOKS PIIIKTED IN TYPP] NO. 4. 2G5
TypoGKAi'HicAL Paeticulars. — The type is entirely
No. 4. The lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 3;^
inches in length; there are 26 lines to a full page. Without
signatures, folios, or catchwords.
The first leaf is wanting in the only copy kno^^^l. The
second recto commences with space for a 2-line initial, with
director,
p tixiina aut m\i)i tunr aitroin vffulsit \':
t)oirii3ig polo fuQirntitj bmlnls rrlo ru
fefsrcntc tilf btrunq,* a noctf tdSttiLvi . tuc quo
followed, on the same page, by —
Hectio stxta
On the verso is —
iLccttotlfS tie (BmtV . p octauas prima tiic
giving the lessons for the week. On the fourth recto is —
2ltj mtssam Sntiottus
The sixth verso, which is given entire in the accompany-
ing plate, begins —
©ratio sanrti^simi . t» . n . ^ixti pape quartt
The Text ends on the seventh verso, two lines short of a
full page,
ft CTultatioc ppftua rrnasramur . 13cr ipm
tiominu nostru
The only Existing Copy is in the British Museum (C.
21. c), and, although wanting the first leaf, has the final
blank. Measurement, 8| x 5f inches.
No. 52. — Sex peeelegantissim^ Epistol^ per Petrum
Carmelianum emendate. Quarto. Per WUlelmum
Canton. In Westmonasterio. (1483).
Collation. — a h t are 4"' = 24 leaves, of which a j is
blank.
266 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The types used are Nos. 4 and 4*. The lines, which are
spaced to an even length, measui-e 3;^ inches, and there are
26 to a page. Without catchwords or folios. The whole
appearance of the print is like the " Servitium de Visitatione"
and the " Order of Chivahy."
The use of types 4 and 4* together points unmistakably
to 1483 as the period of issue ; and this date, gathered from
the tyijographical particulars only, is completely yerified by
the letters themselves, the dates of which range from Decem-
ber 11th, 1482, to February, 1483.
The Text begins on a i] recto, with an introduction which
occupies three pages.
f) ©rculfs tiui dFcrraric in to tiucatu
bfnctoru aimis ronstitutus paulo post
bftustissimus forum blolat immunitatcs/
init fortius rum Cijrrtimantio l^rgr jEra^
politano Jttrtitolanrnsium tiurr / rt fiorrn^
tinorum rrpu/quoti prr brnrta fortior* no
Itrrtiat / ilrnrti propria rrposrunt/ illr trr-
0iurrsari / Xj)gtus pontifri quartus / rrlir-
Ctirrtiinati forti vVr.
The six letters begin on sig. a tij verso. Ou C 8 recto is
the follomng colophon : —
jFiniunt &tx p*flrgantissimr rpistolc/
(juarum tm a gummo ^iJontiftrr ^ixic
Quarto rt 5acro ("Tavtiinalium atoUrgio
ati fjlUustrissimum Stlrnrtiarum tiurrm
SJoannrm IBorrnigum totitirmq,* afi ipso
Burr ati runtirm ^ontiftrrm rt OTartiina^
Irs/ofidfTrtrarirnsr firllum susrrptuin/ron=
srriptr sunt/:?imprrssr prr toiUrlmum (iTai'
ton / rt tiiligrntrr rmrntiatr prr IJrtrum
(JTamrlianu iJortar* 3lauvratum in 5121irst^
monastrrio
Beneath this is a Latin quatrain, beginning
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4, 2G7
iirlo(iuii cultor,
followed by
fjntprpvftatio inagnnrum littfratum punrtatarum parua-
rumquc.
Tlie text ends with 23 lines on the verso of the same leaf.
Eemarks. — These six letters passed between the Sacred
College of Cardinals on one side and the Doge of Venice on
the other, the subject being the necessity of closing the war
with the City of Ferara.
Petrus Carmelianus, the editor of these letters, is noticed
hj Mr. Gairdner, in his preface to the " Memorials of King
Henry the Seventh," publislied in 1858, for the Master of the
Rolls, as having been in England from the time of Edward
the Fourth. He may, therefore, have personally employed
Caxton to print his " Sex Epistola?." The title " Brixiensis"
sometimes attached to his name shows that he was a native
of the to^^Ti of Brescia. He seems to have taken an interest
in educational matters, as verses by him to John Al^^vykyl
and to William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, are prefixed
to the " Compendimn totius grammaticse," printed at Oxford
about 1482-83. Some more of his poetry is printed in the
Oxford "Phalaris" of 1485. Tanner assigns to Carmelianus
the following promotions — Rector of St. George's, Southwark,
1490; Prebend of York, 1498; Archdeacon of Gloucester,
1511 ; Prebend of London, 1519. Being in such favour, no
wonder that he waxed rich, and that when, in 1522, "an
annual grant was made by the Spirituality for the King's
personal expenses in France for the recovery of the Crown,"
the name of "Mr. Petrus Carmelianus" appears among the
"Spiritual Persons" for the handsome sum of £333 6s 8d.
In the Calendar of State Papers, where he is called " Latin
Secretary of King Henry the Seventh," mention is made of a
letter sent to him from Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain,
thanking him for his services, and promising him favour and
reward. On the projected marriage of Prince Charles of Cas-
tile with the Princess Mary of England he WTote a poem in
Latin, printed by Pynson about 1514, of which a unique copy
268 WILLIAM CAXTON.
is iu the Grenville Library (see Archaologia, vol. xviii). In
the same library is a manuscript poem on the birth of the
Prince of Wales (1486), another copy, beautifully iUuminated,
bemg- among the royal MSS. in the British Museum. Both
are evidently in the hand^Titing of Carmelianus, the latter
being his presentation coj)y to the king. The argument of
this poem is so characteristic of the age that it is worth
noting. Almighty God, compassionating the miserable state
of England lacerated Tvith civil war, convoked a meeting of
the Saints in Heaven to ask their opinions as to how the long
standing dispute between the Houses of York and Lancaster
might be composed. The saints reply that, if the Omniscient
Deity cared for any of their counsels, no one was better quaH-
fied to state how the wars might be terminated than King
Hemy the Sixth (already in heaven), who knew the country
and the causes of dissension, and they recommended that he
should be appealed to. Heray is accordingly called upon to
reply to the Supreme Being, and jDroposes that the two houses
should be miited so as to be one house, for which an oppor-
tunity then offered by the marriage of the Earl of Richmond
with the Princess Elizabeth. The Deity approves and decrees
its execution, the marriage takes place, and the poem termi-
nates with an exhortation to England to rejoice on account of
the prince's birth. Carmelianus died August 18th, 1527;
John de Giglis, Bishop of Worcester, in 1497, his contem-
porary and countryman, also employed Caxton to j^ruit
Indulgences.
A manuscript, "Carmen de Vere,"* in the British Mu-
seum, which is dedicated to Edward Prince of Wales (after-
wards Edward Y), dated April 1482, affbrds some information
from the pen of Carmelian himself. He says that for the
previous ten years he had been travelling about the world,
having very lately arrived in England, wdth the intention of
proceeding to Germany and Switzerland ; but, captivated by
the pleasantness of the countiy, he had been unable to leave
, * Reg, 12 A xxix, the particulars of which were kindly communicated
by Mr. Bond, keeper of the MSS.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4> 2 GO
it. He adds that his poem was written to gain the favour of
the prince. Whence his dignity of Poeta laureatus was ob-
tained is not kno^Ti.
The only copy knoA\Ti of this tract was discovered in the
year 1874 by Dr. G. Konnecke, archivist of Marburg, in an
old vokime of seventeenth century divinity, in the Hecht-
Heinean Library at Halberstadt. It was described in the
"Neuer Anzeiger" of Dr. JuKus Petzholdt for October 1874 ;
also in the AthenEeuni for February 27th, 1875.
No. 53. — CoNFESSio Amantis. Large Folio. " Enjyryiited
at Westmestre ly me Wilhjam Caxton the ij day of Sej)-
tenibre / a thousand / CCCG Ixxxxiij (a typogra])hical
error for Jxxxiij).
Collation. — A 4", signed if, iij, ii\\, the first and eighth
leaves being blank, followed by a 4", signed on the second
leaf only 1 2, the first leaf being blank ; then 6 C tJ f f g f) i
felmnop(ir0tUXB?&:aiSall 4"^; © a 3", with the
sixth leaf blank. In all 222 leaves, of which four are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Type No. 4 is used for sigs. 1 to i ; sigs. ^ to ®, as well as
the introductory matter, are in type No. 4*, while sigs. g and
^ are partly in one and partly in the other. "WTiere type No.
4 is used there are 46 lines to a column, and 44 lines of type
No. 4*. On sig. } iixi recto the two types appear in the same
page, the first column being in No. 4 and the second in No.
4*. Without catchwords or folios. Space left for inserting
2 to 6-line initials, with director. The signatures at the
beginning of the volume are irregularly printed, and show the
want of a settled plan in the printer's mind. The first 4°,
which, as it includes the index, must have been printed last,
is properly signed ; but, on beginning the book, it appears as
if the compositor thought there could be no use for signatures
if every leaf had a printed folio, and accordingly they were
omitted except on the second sheet, which is signed in Arabic
numerals only. The inconvenience of this being seen, the folios
were omitted, and the signatures printed in the second 4% 6 ;
270 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
while in sig. C both plans are united, and we have signatures
and folios too to the end of the book — the latter, however,
with continual errors. The introductory 4" is not included
in the enumeration of the folios. Note that sig. 6 4 is printed
2 4, and that from sig. p to the end the Arabic numerals used
in the signatures give place to Eoman numerals. The book
is in double column throughout. The date in the colophon
is printed a thousand CCCC Ixxxxiij, a typographical error,
which would have led to some confusion had not the regiial
year, " the first year of the reign of King Eichard the third,"
been also added, fixing the right date as 1483.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the paragraph title and
table follow on sig. i], space being left for a 3-line initial, with
director.
The Text begins thus : —
^_is fiook is tntttulf^ i^oh) tf)e borltr bag first of
t ronff s II m amantis / Qom / ^ || aftn* altori) torrsc
tfiat is to sagf || in ^ tofrsr folio bj
f nglgssijf tf)f confcssgon of ||
t^c lourr maati anti rom^
})j)Irt t}} II ^Jo^an (gotocr
squgcr hoxm in iualps || €i)us tnWf) tf)t grologue
The Text ends on the verso of sig. Qt 5, jTollO QKEX]
with colophon in first column,
iJPnprsntfti at toestmrstre
h)} mr II 512aillj)am (taxton
arih f:i)npBf)flr tf)f i] \\ tag of
S^pptnnftrc t1)t fprst prre of
tf)c II rcgne of iipng ixir^art
tijc tt)grli/ti)c||j)w of out
iort a tfiousanti / (EUtdtit /
Ixxxxiii j
Remarks. — The life and poetical writings of the " moral
Gower" have received frequent illustrations from modern
critics. His chief work, the " Confessio Amantis," appears to
have been begun about 138G and completed in 1392-3. It
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 271
was originally dedicated to Richard II, but, on the wane of
that monarch's power, Gower suited himself to the changing
times, and recast his prologue. The copies made after this
version are termed Lancastrian. The Latin verses and the
marginal index are in some manuscripts, as in Caxton's
printed edition, included in the text. They were, Dr. Pauli
l)elieves, the original composition of Gower, abounding, like
liis other poetry, in instances of false prosody and even bad
grammar. The verses are imitations in the maimer of
Boethius, but often unintelligible.
Seventeen copies are extant. British Museum (3); Cam-
bridge ; Pembroke College, Cambridge ; Hereford Cathedral ;
Lambeth ; Queen's College and All Souls, Oxford ; and eight
in private libraries.
Xo. .54. — The Book which the Knight of the Towner
MADE TO the " ENSEYGNEMENT " ANT) TEACHING OP
HIS DAUGHTERS. FoUo. " EmprynUd at Westmynstre
the taste day of Januer the fyrst ijere of the regne of
Kynge Rychurd the thyrd." (i. e. 1484.)
Collation. — A 2", signed on second leaf only a j ; fl 6 C
titfQ^ikim are 4"' ; n a 3", with the last two leaves
blank. In all lOG leaves, of which two are blank.
Note — sig. c itif is WTongly printed Tl Uii, and the first
leaf of ti is 'm'thout any signature.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The ty])e, as far as sig. f, is No. 4, and forty lines, each 4|
inches long, make a fiiU page. From sig. f j to the end the
type is No. 4*, with 38 lines, each 4f inches long, to the
page. The lines are ftdly spaced out. Without folios or
catchwords. Space is left for 3, 4, and 6-line initials, with
directors.
Commencing a blank, the prologue foUows on an unsigned
leaf, with space for a 3-line initial ^,
ILIe bfrtuousc boctrgnc ^ tfc^pngc J)atr ^ Irrnrti of
a sucfie li as f^aut tntmouxtti tf)(m to Inic for a umtm^
braunre
272 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
On sig. a j recto,
^(X( ficgpnnftf) ti)e fioolt tottr^f tljr fenj)gi)t of tijr tourc
matif /.<lnti spffeftfj of mang fajjir msamplrs anti tfjcn=
sggnnnnitgs anti tcriigng of ijts tiougljtrrs
The Text ends on the fourth verso of sig. n,
^ttt fpngssfjcti tije hootc; toijidjf t|)c itnjjgfjt of tijf ^ourc
ma II tjf to tijf f nscggnrmcnt anti trci)gng of t)(s tiougljtns
trans i latrt outc of jFvrngsf) in to cur matrrnaU iPnglgssfjc
tongue l)g II me SSitUiam OTaiton / toijirljr fiooit teas nitirtj
^-^ fjntjjssijfti tijf II fgrst tiaj) of fAign / tijf gcrc of ourr IcrtJ
M itikif^it Ixxxiii
^nti rnprgntrt at tofstmpnstrc tijc last tiag of ^anguer tf)e
fgrst gcrc of tl)c rrgnc of fegngc liii)rijarti ti)r ti)grtJ
Remaeks. — In the department of •' Maine et Loire," ,be-
tween Chollet and Vezins, may still be seen the ruins of an
ancient chdteau, called " Latom--Landry." Archaeologists
ascribe the structure to the twelfth century. The place
originally bore the name of "La Tour" only, the old family
name of the o-wiiers being " Landi-y ;" but eventually the two
were combined, and " De la Tom* Landry," became the patro-
nymic of a long race of knights. The earliest instance of the
double name is found in a document dated 1200. Passing
over the history of the family, we will confine ourselves to
Geoflrey and his book, "pour I'enseignment de ses filles."
The date of neither his birth nor death is kno^n. He was at
the seige of Aiguillon in 1346, when he must be supposed to
be at least of the age of twenty years. He tells us he wrote
his book in 1371, which would make him, at the youngest, 45
years old, though he was probably older. In all the illumi-
nated copies of his work he is represented as discoursing with
his tlu*ee daughters, for whose instruction in their journey
through Ufe it was written, as the knight himself in a preface
informs us. But he had also sons, as we learn that a similar
work had previously been undertaken for their instruction,
" as hit is reherced in the booke of my two somies, and also
in an Euangely." (See Oaxton's edition, sig, n 4.) Neither
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 273
of these compositions of the knight are known now to exist.
We also learn that in the compilation of this work he called
to his aid two priests, who read to him the Bible, the " Gesta,"
and various chronicles of France, England, and other coun-
tries. To this may, perhaps, be attributed the predominance
of the ecclesiastical element in this book. The kniffht orid-
iially intended to write the whole work in verse, but finding
that method necessitated a less concise narration, he soon
shanged his composition into prose. In the original French,
however, a considerable portion of the introduction, though
prose to the eye, will be found to have retained its metrical
form. Several A\Titers have denounced the work as obscene,
md more fitted for the corruption than the instniction of
fonth, while others, taking into consideration the manners of
ihat age, have arrived at the very opposite conclusion. At
my rate, it is plain our Caxton thought highly of it : he says
:n his preface, " I advise every gentleman or woman having
children, desiring them to be virtuously brought forth, to get
md have this book, to the end that they may learn to govern
:hem virtuously in this present life." He tells us also the
occasion of his translating and printing it, which was " at the
request of a noble lady which hath brought forth many noble
md fair daughters, which be virtuously nourished." (See an
irticle in the Retros2)ective Revieiv: New Series, 1827; vol. i,
lart ii, page 177. Also, Le Litre du Chevalier de la Tour
Landry, par M. Anatole de Montaiglon. 12mo. Paris,
L854.)
We must here notice that, although the anonymous En-
glish translation {Harl. 1764) preceded that by Caxton, a
iomparison of the two versions makes it evident that our
jrinter owed nothing to his predecessor. M. Montaiglon,
ndeed, gives a decided preference to the earlier text. The
bllowing amusing extract is suggestive of Shakspere's
' Taming of the Shrew." Act V, Scene II.
274: WILLIAM CAXTOX.
CAXTON, 1484.
How a woman sprange vpon the table • Capitulo XTiij.
N a tyme it happed that Marchanntes of Fraunce cam
J from certayn Fayres / where as they sought Draperye /
and as they cam with Marchaundyse fro Roan / that
one of them said / it is a moche fayre thynge a man to haue
a wif obeysaunt in alle thynges to her husbond / Verayly
sayde that one / my yyjf obeyeth me well / And the second
said . J trowe / that my wyf obeye me better / ye sayd the
thyrd / lete laye a wager / that whiche wjf of vs thre that
obeyeth best her husbond / and doeth sounest his commaunde-
ment that he -wynne the wager / wherupon they waged a
Jewele / and accorded al thre to the same / & sworen that
none shold aduertyse his wyf of this bargayn / sauf only to
saye to her / doo that whiche J shaU commaunde what soeuer
it be / After when they cam to the first mans hows / he sayd
to his wyf Sprynge in to this bacyne / and she answerd / wher-
fore or what nede is it . And he said by cause it playsyth me
so / and J ^xjll that thou do so / Truly said she J shaU knowe
fyrst wherfor J shall sprynge / And soo she wold not doo it •
And her husbond waxe moche angry and felle / and gafe her
a buffet / After thys they cam to the second marchauntes
hows / and he saide to his wyf lyke as that other saide / that
she wold doo his commaundement / And it was not long after
that he said to her Sprynge in to the basyn / And she de-
raaunded hym wherfore / And at the last ende for ought that
he dyde / she dyd it not / wherfore she was beten as that
other was / Thenne cam they to the thyrd mans hous And
there was the table couered • and mete set theron And the
marchaunt said to thother marchauntes in theyr eres / that
after dyner he wold commaunde her to sprynge in to the
bacyn / And the husbond said to liis wyf / that what someuer
he commaunded her she shold do it / his wyf whiche that
moche louyd hym and dred hym herd wel the word . And it
was so that they bygan to etc / and tliere was no salt vpon
the table / And the goodman sayd to his wyf / Sail sur table
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 275
Aiid the good wyf whiclie hadde fere to disobeye hym / sprang
Tpon the table and ouerthrewe table / mete / wyii / and platers
to the ground / How said the good man / is this the manere /
Cone ye none other playe but this / are ye mad or oute of
youre wyt . Syi-e said she / J haue done youre commaiidement /
haue ye not said that youre commaimdement shold be done
what someuer it was . Certaynly J haue it done to my power
how be it that it is youre harme and hurte as moche as myn .
For ye sayd to me that J shold spryge on the table / J said
he / J sayd ther lacked salt ypon the table / Jn good feyth J
vnderstode said she for to spryng / thene was ther laughter
ynouz & al was taken for a bourd and a mocquerye / Thenne
the other two Marchauntes said it was no nede to late her
sprynge in the basyn / For she had done ynough / And that
her husband had wonne the wager . . . And thus ought euery
good woman to fere and obeye her lord & husbonde and to do
his commaundement is hit right or wTong/yf the commaunde-
tnent be not ouer outrageous / And yf ther be vyce therin /
she is not to blame / but the blame abydeth vjjpon her lord
md husbonde.
There are two copies in the British Museum, one at Cam-
jridge, one at Oxford, and two in private libraries.
'^0. 55. — Caton. Folio. Without Printer's Narm, Place, or
Date. " Translated . . . hy Willtmn Caxton in tMlhey
of Westmynstre the yere of our lord 31 CCCC Ixxxiij.''
(1484?)
Collation. — The prologues and talile a 3", signed \\ and
i] on the second and third rectos, the fii'st and last leaves
)eing blank : then a 6 C tl e f g i^ are 4°' ; t a 5° ; a j and
10 being blank. In all eighty leaves, of which four are
)lank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page,
Dwo sizes of type are used: No. 2 for the Latin headings,
md No. 4* for the Text. The lines, which are fully spaced
>ut, measure 4| inches, and there are 38 to a fiill page.
tVithout folios or catchwords. Space is left for the insertion
T 2
276 WILLIAM CAXTON.
of S-line initials, sometimes with and sometimes without
directors. Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton's short
prologue and his dedication to the City of London follow on
sig. a.
The Text begins thus : —
C W^t fifggnneti^ t^c prologue or profjrmpr of ii)c fioofe
rallttiliaraton/tD^iffjc toofec ijati) ten translate in to (J?n=
Bipssfje fip II i^agstrr 15fnrt iiurgfj / late arrfjrtrkfn of
(Colrtcstrr anti || f)pf r i^anon of saint gtrpljr ns at topstmrstrc/
W(f) ful fraftli)||J)ati) matic it in fialatif rpal for tfjr nn'ai^
rion of mg lortJ iSon ||st)fr/^onf vV ijrgr at tJ)at tgmr to mg
lorti tf)c ttk of e?stsfi II Hnti bj? rausf of latr ram to mg
i)anti a fioofe of tf)c saiti OTaton || in jFrrnssljf / h)$ir!)e
rdjfrmfj manp a fagr Irriipngf anti nota || filr rnsamplrs/
,^ t)auc translate it outf of frrnssfic in to tPn || glgss^f/
as al along firrr aftrr sl)aUr appim/iDfjiriif f pr'fSfnte
unto tf)c (ttptcof lontion/
iEnto tj^e nofile auncgent anti rrnomrt (Cgte/t^e
b orgtf II of lontjon in i^nglonli f 5iHilliam ^aiton
^gtp^egn II ^ coniurge of tljr samp / vV of tljp fratpr^
ngtc antr fplausi)ip || of tljp niprrprgp otoP of rggfjt mg
sprugsp i( gootj togll / an^ of
The table follows, making, with tlie introductory matter,
eight printed pages, the whole concluding on the fifth verso]
with the sixth blank leaf. After another blanlv is the Gloss'
headed by a quotation of seven lines of Latin in type No. 3,
with a ij for the signature.
The Text ends on the ninth recto of sig. i, the tenth leaf
being blank,
tfjgngp mpn mag intgtulP tfiis IgtPll liook tfjp mgrour of t^e
re II ggmp ^ gouprnpmpnt of tijp iotjg an^ of t^p sotolp/
Wtm fgngssfjPtf) tijis prpspnt boofe W(f)( is sapti or
rallPti II (Catljon translatPti outp of jFrpnssfjp in to ePngln'sstP
l)g ^mn II iam (Jlaiton in t^abfipg of topstmgnstrp tfjp' gprp
of ourp lortj || m (titifti^ Imiil / Mti ttjp fp'rst gprp of'ttie
tpgnp of fegngp || iigpfjarb tijp tfigrb tf)P xxiii tiai) of ^pppmfirc
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 277
In his prologue Caxton says, " To tlie end that the histories
and examples that be contained in this little book may be
lightly found . . . they shall be set and entitled by manner of
Rubrics . . . and they shall be signed as that followeth of the
number of leaves where they shall be WTitten." Accordingly
the numbers given in the table agree with their proper folios,
but these folios are not inserted, either in print or manuscript,
in the body of the work, rendering the table almost useless.
Caxton says in his preface that he translated from a
French copy, "which rehearsed many a fair learning and
notable example ;" and some portions of his own introductory
matter suggest also a French original. "Were a manuscript to
be found, its title would probably agree with Caxton's con-
cluding description of the work — " the mirror of the regime,
and government of the body and of the soul."
The year 1483 is usually assigiied to the printing of this
book ; but, as the translation was not ended till December
23rd, it seems improbable that it was printed till 1484.
As already noticed, this "Caton" is a very diflFerent work
from the composition known as " Catlio Magnus," the distichs
of which serve here only as a text whereon to hang an exten-
sive gloss. A short notice of " Mayster Benet Burgh" has
already been given.
There are copies in the British Museum, Cambridge,
Glasgow, Oxford, Exeter College, Oxford, and seven in private
hands.
No. 5G. — The Golden Legend. Largest Folio. First Edi-
tion. " Fynysshed at westmestre the twenty day of
nonemhre / the yere of our lord 3f / CCOC / Ixxxiij /
By me Wyllyam Caxton." (1484 ?)
Collation. — An unsigned 3°, mth first and sixth leaves
blank ; a t) ctipfgf)ifelmnopqrstua:p?^ are
4-; 9 a 3"; a 13 or © (S iF (B ?iK?J it E iH il ©
^3 <!5 i^ S ^ 2a. are 4°'; X a 3"; ^ is a single sheet, fol-
lowed by a single leaf, the back edge of which is sometimes
returned round ^, and sometimes sewn separately ; aa 66 Ct
278 WILLIAM CAXT0J7.
titl tt ff are 4"«; flg a 3"; fjf) ii 4-; fefe a 3", fefe G being blank.
In all 449 leaves, of which tliree are blank.
Typogeaphical Particulaes.— There is no title-page.
There are two sizes of type, No. 3 being used for head-lines
and headings to chapters, while No. 4* is used for the text.
The whole is in double columns, and the lines, which are fully
spaced out, measui'e three inches ; 55 lines in a column, and
110 to a full page. There are folios thi-onghout, but num-
bered very irregularly. Space is left for the insertion of 3 to
6-line initials, ^nth directors. There are no catchwords.
Woodcuts are used tliroughout, apparently from the hand of
the same artist who engraved the cuts for the second edition
of the " Chess Book."
The first edition is principally distinguished by the use of
Type No. 3 for head-hues, &c., and also by a variation in the
signatures X* and ^. Both this and the second edition are
printed upon very large sheets of paper, larger indeed than
Caxton ever used before or after. The edition of 1493 is
upon the usual size.
The fii-st leaf is blank; on the second recto is a large
woodcut of Saints, 9x6^ inches, under which the Text begins
thus, makmg a full page : —
{Woodcut of Saints).
?t?ci)ol|)^^i)Ussftj $(■ arcomplissijft tigunsc
t ti r 1 u r II sagnt ;^ciom tanftgs || ^ i)j,)stori)rs trans^
saptii ti)ps aufto i rgtc / ^^^^'^ out of frfnsist)f || n\ to
tio mm mwm gooti|| f^sH'Ssijr at tljr rrqufstr of
b3frfer/to'tfjrnt.c ti)at ti)c fC " ^T, ^^^'^^^f / ^^^f ^
t.fui)l fpntiflltfjc not p^lr/ gt^rpr of tijr rrruprl of
antitf)fi)oljt)tiortour||sa)mt rropr / 1| tijf iook o'f X\)t
austpn saptij iw tijc ioofe rf)fSSf/ tijcijpstorprof ||fa^
of tfje II (afiouv of monkrs/ son/rijc Ijpstovpr of tijc
t^at m man stronge || or mpnour |i of tf)f luorlti / tijc
mpgijtp to latiourf ougfjt to .vb fiookrs of i^fta^ || iiior-
Ic yMt II foi U)l)idj rausr pftrscos iw lu^pdjf fiffn ron=
tof)pn :?!( fjati parfouv^ || mrt trpnrt ||
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 271)
This prologue finishes, half-way dovm the second column,
on the verso of the same leaf. On the third recto is another
woodcut, 8x4^ inches, of a horse galloping past a tree,
bearing a lable, J^g CtUSte '^S (see a facsimile in Dibdin's
Tijp. Ant, vol. i, page 186). Underneath this commences
Caxton's own prologue, with space for a 3-line initial ^,
iEt» for as mtjt\)t as also fiaue cnprgntrt it in t^t
tfjis II sap bjfike boas moost first || SlSlpsc ti)at 3J
grrtc ^ oucr || djargr^ ijauc routir or m;Dgf)t / antr ||
afilc to mc tarromplisstr II § prfsrntc tijis sa))ti fiooott to
fcrgti me in t^e irgjjnngng i)is gooti ^||nol)lf lor^sijgp/
of i\)t II as rt)gff raiiscr of tf)c ||
This occupies the whole page. On the thu'd verso the
table is begun, ending on the sixth recto, with sixteen lines
in the first column, the rest of the page being blank. The
last line is —
!^ues folio (!rar<K(!l nbij
(JFipltrit
On sig. a j the original Text is begun, space being left for
a G-line C,
^}( tgme of t!)atiuft augssf)iti of ggnoranrc ^
ijmpiussauff / i to jjt gf f)c
or romgng of our ijati so romc to fore/pauen:;
turc II man mggljt sage gt fig
lor^ in to ti)is U)orl^ ijis otone merites ||
The Text ends on kk 5 recto, half-way down the second
column,
afore is matie menr gon /
mil)i(i)t toerfep II 3i ijaue
areompllssljeti at tfje rom^^
maun=||ljementf anil rcqueste
of tfje nofilf anti Ipugssaunte
f r(e / anti mg special goot) ||
lorti ^^X]}U}mn erle of aron=
tiel/^ljauellfyngssljeti it at
280 WILLIAM CAXTON.
tofstmrstre t\\t ttocntg 1| "bag
of tiouemtirf / tljc ^txc of our
\oxt\\m/<it(^M(^ /Ixxxiii/
^t1)pfgrstjjfrf||ofti)ere8gite
of iltsngMgrtar^ tijrittgcti
it3p mr tDpUgam (Caiton
In the latter half of the thirteenth century, Jacobus de
Voragine, Archbishop of Genoa, who died in 1298, compiled
a book called "Legenda Aurea," in which the lives and
miracles of numerous saints were narrated. This was found
very useful to the priests in their sermons, and soon become
so popular that it Avas translated into nearly every European
language. The Latin text of " Voragine " has been reprinted
from an early manuscript, and edited by Dr. Th. Graesse, 8vo,
Lipsiae, 1840. It has also received a modern French dress
under the title " La Legende dorec, par Jacques de Voragine,
traduit du Latin, par M. G. B., 8vo, Paris, 1843." In the
early part of the fourteenth century, Jean Belet, an author
but little known to modern bibliographers, though often
quoted by the ^Titers of his age, translated the Latin of
Jacobus into French, not, however, without embellishing it
with many new additions. Shortly after the production of
Belet, Jehan de Vignay, who has been already noticed as trans-
lating the Book of Chess, undertook a new version in French
of " La Legende doree," which he accomplished before 1 380, as
he dedicated it to " Jeane, royne de France." His translation,
however, was founded on the previous labours of Belet, which
he amplified, adding about 44 new legends. About the middle
of the fifteenth century, certain " worthy Clerks and Doctors
of Divinity " compiled a " Book of the Life of Saints," which
they describe as " drawn into English after the tenor of the
Latin." These worthy Clerks and Doctors, however, would
have given a much more true account of their labours had
they stated that, with the exception of some additional fables
not traceable in the original Latin, they owed the whole of
their compilation to " La Legende doree " of Jehan de
Vignay.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 281
It is probable that in Caxton's time the. English version
here noticed was well known ; indeed we may infer this from
the account given by our Printer of the origin of his ovni
text : " Against me here might some persons say, that this
Legend hath been translated tofore, and truth it is; but
forasmuch as I had by me a Legend in French, another in
Latin, and the third in English, which varied in many and
diverse places ; and also many histories were comprised in
the two other books which were not in the English book,
therefore I have written one out of the said three books."
Caxton, with his Latin, French, and English copies before
him, found a prolog-ue ready to his hand in the version by
Jehan de Yignay. This, as was his wont, he translated Hte-
rally, merely changing two or three of the inapplicable proper
names, and adding some personal observations of his own.
The bulk of his text comes also from the same source, being
nearly identical with that of the English manuscript already
noticed ; although to Caxton may be given this praise, that
in several places where the " worthy doctours of divinite "
had inserted in their English version some stories more in-
credible or more filthy than usual, he very discreetly con-
siderably modified or altogether omitted them. The reader
curious in this matter may compare the tales about Nero in
the "Life of St. Peter," as narrated in Ilarl. 630, with foho
202 in Caxton. How much he took from the Latin is impos-
sible to say; nor have I been able to trace to their origin
the curious explanatory derivations of the name of each
saint, which form the first paragi'aph in every " Life." As in
" The Festial," many saints in the " Golden Legend " have
their lives illustrated or interwoven with tales from the "Gesta
Romanorum."
This work may be considered the most laborious, as well
as the most extensive, of all Caxton's hterary and typo-
graphical labours. The compilation of the text only must
have been a most arduous task, and the very extensive use of
woodcuts must have been extremely expensive and trouble-
some. Caxton, indeed, confesses that he Avas "in a manner
half desperate to have left it," when the Earl of Arundel, who
282 WILLIAM CAXTON.
apparently suggested the undertaking, sent John Stanney to
him, promising the Printer a small annuity, and to take a
" reasonable quantity " of copies when completed. The annuity
was to be a buck in summer and a doe in winter ; but it is
not improbable that these presents were commuted into a
fixed sum of money, as was certainly the practice with the
Gifts of Wine, which, in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
turies, were so frequently bestowed as rewards for services
rendered. As a memorial of the Earls connection mth the
work, Caxton placed the Arundel device " My truste is " after
the preface.
Although, from the numerous copies stiU extant, it is
evident that this edition must have been larger than usual, no
perfect copy has yet been discovered. The Legend of St,
Thomas of Canterbury has been a special object of destruction,
being, in nearly every instance, torn out of the volume.
This is one of the most common of the productions of
Caxton's press, and probably a larger number than usual was
printed. Of the thirty kno^^'ll copies sixteen are divided
between the British Museum, Cambridge, Corpus and Pem-
broke, Cambridge, Oxford, Glasgov,', Logonian Philadelphia,
King's College, Aberdeen, Lincohi, Hereford and Bath
Cathedrals, Rawlett's Library, Tamworth, and the others in
private liljraries.
Wliile making every allowance for the rudeness of the age
and the plain s})eaking then customary, the tendency of many
of the " Lives " here narrated is so immoral, that many per-
sons have doubted whether these legends were really read to
congregations of men and women. But the legacy of several
copies of this work to the parish church of St. Margaret's, as
already noticed (p. 159), and the following extract fi'om the
will of Queen Margaret, prove that the "Golden Legend''
was reckoned among the Church Service Books : — " Item, I
will that mine executors purvey a complete Legend in one
book, and an Autiphony in another book ; which books I will
l)e gi\-en to abide there in the said church t(j the ^\orship of
God as long as they may endure. (Norf. and Norwich Arch.
Soc, Dec. 1850, fol. 163.)
G
.O *? ji ^. S S c^i #^. P ... c -•
o
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4f 283
No. 57. — Death-bed Prayers. A Folio Broadside. (1484?)
Typographical Paeticulaes. — Types JSTo. 3 and 4* are
used. The lines are spaced to an even length. It is half a
sheet of paper printed on one side only.
From the language of these prayers it is evident that they
were intended for use by the death-bed. They were probably
printed in this portable form for priests, and others, to carry
about with them.
Although short their interest is great, and the reader may
not be displeased to read them in the follomng more modern
dress than that of the original.
glorious Jesu! meekest Jehu! most sweetest
Jesu! I pray thee that I may have true confession, con-
trition, and satisfaction ere I die ; and that I may see and
receive thy holy body, God and man, Saviour of all mankind,
Christ Jesu without sin. And that thou wilt my Lord God
forgive me all my sins, for thy glorious wounds and passion.
And that I may end my life in the true faith of all holy
church, and in perfect love and charity with my even* Chris-
tians as thy creature. And I commend my soul into thy holy
hands through the glorious help of thy blessed mother of
mercy, our lady Saint Mary, and all the holy company of
heaven. Amen. % The holy body of Clu'ist Jesu be my
salvation of body and soul. Amen. The glorious blood of
Christ Jesu bring my soul and body into the everlasting bliss.
Amen. I cry God, mercy ! I cry God, mercy I I cry God,
mercy ! Welcome my Maker ! Welcome my Eedeemer !
Welcome my Saviour ! I cry thee mercy with heart contrite
of my great unkindness that I have had unto thee.
thou most sweet spouse of my soul, Christ Jesu, desiring
heartily evermore for to be with thee in mind and will, and
to let none earthly thing be so nigh my heart as thou, Christ
Jesu ; and that I dread not for to die for to go to thee, Christ
Jesu ; and that I may evermore say unto thee with a glad
cheer, my Lord, my God, my sovereign Saviour Christ Jesu,
* " Even "=" fellow." The gravedigger in Hamlet, uct v, sc. 1,
uses the same phrase " even Chinstian."
284 WILLIAM CAXTON.
I beseech thee heartily take me, sinner, unto thy great mercy
and grace, for I love thee mth all my heart, ^^ith all my
mind, "with all my might, and nothing so much in earth nor
above earth as I do thee, my sweet Lord, Christ Jesu. And
for that I have not loved thee, and worshipped thee above all
things as my Lord, my God, and my Saviour, Christ Jesu, I
beseech thee vnth. meekness and heart contrite, of mercy and
of forgiveness of my great unkindness, for the gi'eat love that
thou showedst for me and all mankind, what time thou offerdst
thy glorious body, God and man, unto the Cross ; there to be
crucified and wounded, and unto thy glorious heart a sharp
spear, there running out plenteously blood and water for the
redemption and salvation of me and all mankind. And thus
ha^'ing remembrance steadfastly in my heart of thee, my
Saviour Clirist Jesu, I doubt not but thou wilt be fiill nigh
me, and comfort me both bodily and ghostly with thy glorious
presence, and at the last bring me unto thy everlasting bhss,
the which shaU never have end. Amen.
The only Existing Copy known is in the library of Earl
Spencer, where it is bound up in a copy of Caxton's " Pilgrim-
age of the Soul." It is in perfect condition, and measures
II X 8 mches.
Xo. 58. — The Fables of ^sop ; of Avian ; of Alfonse ;
AND OF PoGE, THE Floeentine. Folio. '' BmpripiM
by me William Caxton at Wesfmipisfre . . the xxrj datje
of3Iarche the yere of our e lord M CCCG Ixocxiiij."
Collation.— a t) C ti P f g i) i fe I m n p q r S are 4"%
the last two leaves of % being blanlv. In all 144 leaves, of
wliich two are blank.
Note. — The first leaf of a is not sigiied, being printed only
on the verso.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page,
unless we call the great cut of j3Esop by that name. The type
is of two sorts. No. 3 used in tlu-ee places at the beginning
of the work for headings, and No. 4*, in which is the whole
text and the head-lines. The lines, which measure 4f inches,
are fully spaced out, and in those few pages where there is no
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4 .* 285
woodcut there are 37 or 38 lines. There are head-lines and
folios tlu'ouo-hont, except in sig. n, which has folios only.
Woodcut initials are used throughout, and on the verso of
sig. a i| is a large floriated .^, afterwards used m the " Order
of Chivalry."
The first recto of sig. a is blank. Upon the verso is a
large woodcut (4f x Of inches), of JSsop, surrounded by the
subjects of his fables, -Rlth the Avord ESOPVS at the top. On
the second recto, which is signed a if, the book commences
with the following title, in large type, No. 3 —
C dFolto Ha
C ^}m firggnnfti) tf)e tioofe of tfjc sutitgl ^j)stor|)fs
mti jFafilfs of (Jrsopc Ujljtrije tone translate out
of jf^umsf)c in to i&nglpssJic ig tofilllam (ira.rtort
at tofstmjnistre ^n tf)r grvc of o\ixc Ilov^c . M .
. oiararar . Jx.vxur .
j-^.^rst firggnnptij tijr Igf of (Jrgopc toitf) allc fiis fortune
jj* fjoto ^c tons sut)tj)U/tope/antii)ome in (§rrrf/notfmc
fro Crogf tf)e graunt tn a ^Totouc namcti .Hmoneo/
tofjirte toas amonge oti)er t>gfforme"li mti eugUe sijapen/jFor
The whole is finished by an epilogue, ^ui-itten by Caxton
himself, which begins on the recto, and concludes on the verso
of sig. S 6.
stocre of a gootr preest anti an fjonrst/Hnli fjm toitfj g fp-
ngssi)e ti)is 6ook / tran.slatctj vV nnprgntrt dg me Miinmm
Olai^^ilton at tocstmgnstre in tljafifeag / Hnti fgngsgjjrti tfjc
iibj bagf II of ifHarcijc tf)c grre of ourc lorti iE arcjrorar
li.rxtii| '.anti tije || fgrst gm of tijc rcgnc of fegng ivgcfjarti
t^e tt)grttie
The woodcuts by their treatment evidently came from the
hands of the artist who had previously illustrated the " Game
of Chess." It is perhaps impossible to decide whether they
are of Flemish or English origin. The following represents
.^sop beaten by his master.
Caxton himself tells us at the beginning of the book that
2f^G
WILLIAIM CAXTON.
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4.* 287
it was a translation of his own from the French. It is rather
remarkable that although the fables of ^sop, in French, were
found in all the great libraries of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, and as many as three or four diflFerent copies in
some, yet none apparently have descended to our time. No
trace of an English translation previous to that of Caxton has
been discovered, and he must therefore have the credit of
introducing these fables to his countrymen in the English
tongue. They were reprinted in London, -with scarcely any
alteration, for nearly two centuries. Whether translated from
a manuscript, or an early French printed edition, it is now
impossible to say.
This is a very rare book, the only perfect copy kno^Mi was
devised by Mr. Hewett, of Ipswich, to King George III, and
is now in the Royal Library, Windsor. Imperfect copies are
in the British Museiun and at Oxford.
No. 59. — The Oeder of Chivalry. Quarto. Without
Printer's Name, Place, or Date. Translated hj Caxton
and presented to Richard III. (1483-5).
Collation. — a J) c l( e ( are 4°% aj being blank ; fl a 2°,
with the last leaf blank ; in aU 52 leaves, of which two are
blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is No, 4*, but two headings at the beginning of the
work are in type No. 3. The lines, wliich measure 3g- inches,
and of which there are 26 to a full page, are fully spaced out.
Without folios or catchwords. Initial letters cut in wood ai'e
used.
Commencing with a blank leaf the work opens with a short
preface, on sig. a X], the first four lines being in type No. 3.
The Text begins thus : —
C ?^fte fipgennett i^t ^^.W of
tf)i0 present fioofee ^ntgtlrt t^e
i^oofee of tl)e ortre of cf)gualrg
or fenggttt)otie
288 WILLIAM CAXTON,
The Text ends :—
bprtuouse ^t^t / ^ntJ ^ s^alle prag a(in?=
tg got( for i)is long Igf ^'^ prosprroiis U)fl=
fare/^' tijat ijc mag ijaur bictorg of al 1)ls
f nnngf s / anti after tf)is sfjort ^ transitorp
Igf to f)mt fuf rlastgng Ipf In i)fufn / bjijr-
re as is IJogc antJ tilgsse toorl^ hjit^out
entjeEnim/
The date of printing, which ^^■as in the reign of Ricliard
III, mnst have been between June 26th, 1483, and August
22nd, 1495. The "Order of Chivalry"' has no connection
with "L'ordene de chevalerie." Dibdin, in the Ti/j). Ant.,
and Moule in Bib. Herald, both err in this matter.
Two copies are in the British Museum, and two in private
libraries : no others are known.
No. CO. — Chaucee's Canteebury Tales. Folio. Second
Edition, with Woodcuts. ''By Wi/INam Caxton."
Without Place or Date. (1484 ?)
Collation.— a 6 r ^ f f g i) i ft I m n p (t r S t are 4"%
mth a r blank ; b a 3" ; aa t)6 fC ^t) U ff gg i)i) are 4°^ ; ii a
3"; a 13 (!l: li eg JF (® i^ f ii are 4- ; E a 2\ In aU
312 leaves, of which one is blank.
Typographical Particulars, — There is no title-page.
The type of the Text is No, 4*, the heads bemg all in No. 2*.
The lines in the prose portion are spaced to an even length,
and measure 4| inches. 38 lines to a page. Without catch-
words or folios, and almost without punctuation.
This second edition, Caxton tells us, was printed six yeara
after the first. Having fixed the year 1477-8 as about the
date of the first, that will give about 1484 for this.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prohemye follows on
atr.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 289
^ett ttanfefs latotir anb fionour/ougijt to ht 95=
mn bnto tije dfrfefs/portrs/anli fjistoriograpts
g tfjat taut torrton mang noftle fiofees of tDijsctiom
of tijp (guPS passtos/^mjjvaclrs of i)olt) sagntfs
of ijgstorgfs / of nofilc ant famous ^rtrs / anlj
faittcs / Bnti of tije cronBrlcs sitij tijr fifggnngng
if ti)f erf acton of tf)e toorltiAJJ^to tijgs pre sent tBinc/ftsh)i)8c5f
The proheme, which is an excellent and indubitable speci-
iien of Caxton's own composition, and reflects as much credit
ipon his disposition as upon his hterary abilities, finishes on
he verso of sig. a i] —
[fttx t^gs si^ort antr transttorgc Igf toe mag come to euer=
astgng il Igf in fjtmn / amen
i^B 5l2aBlliam (Kaiton
On sig. a ii] recto, A^ith room for a 4:-line initial,
?^an t|)at iHprgU togtl) f)gs sf)ouris sote
to 3rt)p tirougf)te of marcte ^'at^ percgti t^e rote
:anti ijatijgtJ euerg begne in suc^e Igcour
©f toi)gcte bertue engentirgtJ is t^e flour
ITOanne Zep^erus efee tofiti) f)8S sote firet^
The Parson's Tale finishes on sig. it U] verso, and is fol-
)wed by the Eetraction.
The Text ends with seven lines on sig. IL 4 recto,
e one of fftm at tf)e trag of tome t^at sijal 6e saugt /<!|ui
umllpatre et spiritu sanctti biuit et regnat tieus/iPer omnia
ecula II seculorum ^M^^/
The verso is blank.
The wood-cut illustrations appear to be by the same artist
liat was engaged upon iEsop. The wife of Bath is repre-
?nted thus : —
u
290
WILLIAM CAXTON.
" THE WIFE OF BATH."
FROM THK SECOND EDITION OF CHAUCER'S "CANTERBURY TALES."
BOOKS TRIXTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 291
Two copies are in the British Museum, and one in each of
;he following libraries — Magdalen and Pepysian, Cambridge ;
5fc. John's, Oxford ; Royal Society, London ; Earl of Ash-
)urnham, and Earl Spencer. In the year 1858 I discovered
I, copy in the Library of the French Protestant Church, in a
orn and dirty state, having been used for some time to light
he vestry fire. I drew attention to its gi'eat value and inte-
est, and it was doubtless saved from further mutilation.
hme time afterwards it disappeared from the library alto-
gether, and no one now knows what has become of it. For
dentification the following particulars are here given: — it
rants all before sig. f) 5 ; J) 7 ; 1 8 and b ij; fib i] and titJ 8 ;
In "JS itr and 4 ; and all after © 8. In the original binding.
Corn, dirty, and ill used. Measurement, lOf x 7|. Auto-
:raph " • • Rawlinson A° 1717." Also, " Ex dono • • •
Bateman Bibliopola."
^0. 61. — The Book of Fame. Folio. "Emjn-ipiM hy
vnjlliam Caxionr Without Place or Date. (1484 ?)
Collation. — a 6 t are 4"', a f being blank ; tl a 3", tr (>
»eing blank = 30 leaves, of which two are blank.
Typographical Particulaes. — There is no title-page,
rhe type is entirely No. 4*. In the epilogue, which is the
inly prose part, the lines are fully spaced out, and measure
:| inches. 38 lines to a page. Without folios or catchwords.
5pace left for the insertion of 2 or 3-line initials, Math
lirectors.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig.
I \\ recto,
C^c fiook of dFamr matic fig @ffffrf]L> <ffl)aurfv
Oti tome bs fUfrg tivrmf to gooti
[ ,-iFor it is bjontjfv tiiji)ng hyy tijc rooti
Co mg iri)}t / \Bt)at rausjjtii stonirnps
!^n ti)e morotoe / oi on rupngs
T- 2
292 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The poem ends on sig. tf 5 recto,
^^us in tjrnnj^itg anti in game
OFntifti) tl)j).s Igtgl fioott of jTatne
©xplirit
The epilogue immediately follows, the Text ending,
U j^umilg iimtci)c ^ pragf goto / nnongc gour praprts / to
rfinnn^llfire ijgs soulf/on inljgdjr/anti on allf rrgstrn
soulis / § fifSfdjc al= || mggijtg goti to ijauc mext)} B\mn
yfmprgntcti fig IngUiam (Jiaiton
The epilogue has considerable interest, as showing Caxton's
opinion of Chaucer, and is here given verbatim.
" J fynde nomore of this werke to fore sayd / For as fer
as I can viniderstode / This noble man Geiferey Chaucer
fynysshyd at the sayd conclusion of the metyng of lesyng
and sothsawe / where as yet they ben chekked and maye not
departe / whyche werke as me semeth is craftyly made / and
dygne to be ^wTeton & knowen / For he towchyth in it ryght
grete wysdom & subtyll vnderstondyng / And so in alle hys
werkys he excellyth in myn oppyny / on alle other wryters in
in our Englyssh / For he -uaytteth no voyde wordes / but alle
hys mater is ful of hye and quycke sentence / to whom ought
to be gyuen laude and preysyng for hys noble makyng and
wrytyng / For of hym alle other haue borowed syth and taken /
in alle theyr wel sayeing and ^viytyng / And I humbly beseche
& praye yow / emonge your prayers to remembre hys soule /
on whyche and on alle crysten soulis I beseche almyghty god
to haue mercy Amen "
As will be seen by the list of Existing Copies, the printed
text of Caxton is almost as rare as manuscript ; so is the
reprint by Pynson in 1526. Manuscripts of this poem were,
probably, even in our printer's time, difficult to obtain. The
copy used by him was certainly very imperfect. Many lines
are altogether omitted, and in the last page Caxton was
evidently in a great strait, for his copy was deficient G6 lines,
probably occupying one leaf in the original. We kuo^^" from
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 293
lis o^Ti writings the great reverence in which our printer
leld the " noble poete," and we can imagine his consternation
vhen the choice had to be made, either to follow his copy and
jriiit nonsense, from the break of idea caused by the deficient
rerses, or to step into Chaucer's shoes and supply the missing
inks from his o^\7i brain. He chose the latter course, and
hus instead of the original G6 lines, we have two of the
)rinter's own, Avhich enable the reader to reach the end of the
)oem without a break down. These lines are in the following
[notation printed in italics ; the entire extract being the first
,ix lines of the last page : —
They were a chekked bothe two
And iieyther of hym myght out goo
And wyth the noyse of theintvo ' Caxton
J Sodeynly awoke anon tho
And remembryd what I had seen
And how hye and ferre I had been
It should be noticed that Caxton has here placed his name
n the margin to make known his responsibility to his readers,
riie " out " not having been hitherto noticed, the position of
lis name there has been a puzzle to the bibliographers, until
ixplained by Mr. Bradshaw.
Copies are in the British Museum ; Cambridge ; Imperial
liibrary, Viemia, and Althorpe.
STo. 62. — The Cueial. "Translated thus in Englysslie ly
wyllimn Caxton." Without Printer's Name, Place, or
Bate. (1484 ?)
Collation. — A 3", signed j, \], and tif, without any blanks,
[n aU six leaves.
Typogeaphical Paeticulaes. — There is no title-page,
riie type is entirely No. 4*. The lines, which are spaced to
m even length, measure 4| inches, and there are 38 to a full
jage. Without catchwords or folios.
The Text begins on sig. j recto,
?^ere fofiotoetl) tfje cops? of a Ifttrf toijprfjf mnistre
aiagn II ©tatcticr toiote to \m fitotfjci / bjijgcijc tirsiitti to
20-4 WILLIAM CAXTOX,
romc mtilt in |l Olouit/ in Ujfjijrlje i)c re^crsctij mang mj)=
serges ^ bjtctcljgtinrssfs ||
The *' Curial " finishes on the sixth recto,
to goti M mmntit tijc tg tijgs bjvgtgng h)|)gdjp oguc tijc Ijgs
gtallce/Hmcn
Cijus futiftl) tijp (Curial inatie tg magstrc iHlain
. Olljarrrtier || Cranslatrti tijus in t!5nglgss^ fig togUiam
(ffaiton
On the verso Caxton has given us his translation of a
balhid, written by Alain Chartier, consisting of 28 lines. It
has a burthen : — " Ne chyer but of a man Joyous," and com-
mences thus: — .
^I)cr nt is tianggrr / t)ut of a bglagn
i^e prgtif / t)ut of a poure man ntrgdjrt
The Text ends on same page, with Caxton's name at foot,
Ci^er is no spcdje/hut it 6c curtogs
i^e vrrgsgng of men / but after tf)cgr Igf
ii^e c|ger fiut of a man SKogous
OTaiton
Remaeks. — Caxton translated the Curial from the French,
" for a noble and virtuous Erie " probably Lord Rivers, who
was beheaded at Pomfret, on June 13th, 1483,
Alain Chartier, born in Normandy about 1386, earned for
himself the appellation of " excellent orateur, noble poete, et
tres-renomme rhetoricien." He held the office of " Secretaire
de la Maison " to both Charles VI and Charles VII. He died
about 1457. The most complete editions of his works are
those by Galiot du Pre, IGmo, Paris, 1529 ; and by Duchesne,
4to, Paris, 1G17. In tlie former, however, is an error which
has led to some confusion, as " Livre de I'Esperance " is there
entitled " Le Curial," the real Cm'ial being a much shorter
piece, and totally different in design. By the " Curial " being
addressed to his brother it is supposed to ha-ve been AATitten
by Alain to Jean Chartier, known as the author of " Histoire
BOOKS PBINTED IN TYPE NO 4*. 295
de Charles VII." As an instance of the great repute, in which
the \^Titings of Chartier were held in his age, it is reported
that Margaret, the wife of the Dauphin of France, afterwards
Louis XI, finding him one day asleep in his chair, kissed his
lips to the great astonishment of her attendants. "Je ne baise
pas la personne mais la bouche dont estoient sortes tant de
beux discours," she exclaimed. There is a painting in Add.
M.S. 15300, vividly depicting this scene.
Of the only two known copies, one is in the British
Museum, and the other at Althorpe.
]Sro. 63. — Troylus and Creside. Folio. Without Printer's
Name, Place, or Date. (1484 ?)
Collation. — a i) C t« C f g are 4"% the first leaf of a being
blank; i) a 5°; i fe I m U are 4"^; pa 3", with the last two
leaves blank. In all 120 leaves, of which 3 are blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type throughout is No. 4*. Each page contains five
stanzas of seven lines each, with a blank line between each
stanza. Without folios or catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the poem follov.-s on sig.
a i] recto, beginning thus : —
t W t(0u6!e soiob) of Eroglus to XtWt
aKiMig i^rgamus sone of ^Troge
%\\ lougng / Ijoto ijps auf nturcs frllc
jFiom iam to tor Ic / nnti aftrr out of S^ogc
ifHg puipos is / or tljat 3J paite froge
Book I ends on sig. t) 8 verso ; Book II on f ] recto ; Book
III on i^ 10 recto; Book IV on m r recto ; Book V on p 4
recto. On sig. p 4 recto is also Chaucer's dedicatory stanza
to the " Moral Cower."
The Text ends on the same page,
5o makf bs fljesu for tljg mrrcg tiggnf
,-fFor lour of magticn / vV motif r tijgn firnggne
?lKrc cntiftt) Croglus / as toufi)gng OTrfSrtc
(P.rplirlt per (»Ta.Tton
296 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Remarks. — A good account of the source of this poem,
and a comparison between it and Shakspere's " Troihis and
Creside," with which, however, it appears to have had little
connection, will be found in Bell's edition of Chaucer's works.
Two copies are in the British Museum, one at St. John's,
Oxford, and one at Althorp.
No. 64. — The Life of our Lady. — Folio. "■ Empryntijd by
WyUi/am Oaxton." Without Place or Date. (1484 ?)
Collation. — Two unsigned leaves ; at)Ctief8i)ifel
are 4"'; tit a 3", the last leaf being blank. In all 96 leaves,
of which one is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is entirely No. 4*. A page has five stanzas of
seven lines each, the space of one line being left between each
stanza. The lines in the prose part measure almost 5 inches.
Without catchwords or folic-s. Space left for the insertion of
initials of one to three lines deep, with directors.
The Text begins, with a space for a 3-line initial, on the
recto of the first leaf,
t ?^i0 lioofe toas compgleti fig tian Soi)n Igtigate tnoitkc of
fiurjpr / at ti)f ncitariott anti stgrgng of tf)c nofile aitti
ijictorpous prgncc/ Hgng fiavrg'tijc fgftfjr / in t^oiioure
glorgc ^ tfucrfnre of i\)t tijjrtfjc of ouc tnoste ftlfssgti
latip / inaj)t(c i tojjf / anti motjcr of out lortr ^|)fsu rrgst /
djapgtuti as folotoetj^ || 6g tf)is tafile
The table follows immediately, finishing with nine lines
on the verso of the second leaf.
The poem commences on sig. a ] recto, Avitli space for a
2 -line initial,
<!ri)ougtful \\nXt pliinggti in tiistrfssf
Miitlj slo'irc of sloutlj t|)is long ingntcrs nggiit
On the lower half of the fourth verso of sig. m,
li\nt rntifti) X\\t ftook of ti)c Igf of our latig
matic fig tian fiJofin Igtigate monkc of fiurg /
at tijgnstauncc of \\)t mostc crgstfn fegngr /
fegng f)an:g tije fgftlj
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 297
<©oo litfil tioofe anti sufiinjjtte t^e
5anto al ti)em / tijat tf)f sl)a( irtie
®r Ijere / pragntg ijrm for dmiU
^0 partion me of tl)f nitidjctif
#f mgn enpr))ntj)ng / not takgng f)(tc
anti t)f ouQljt ftc tioon to tt)PBt; plfsgng
<Sag tf)ci) tf)gse t)alat(rs foloiugng
The Text ends on the fifth recto of sig. in, the whole page
jeing as follows : —
l3lfS0iti fie tije stoettest name of our lorti
■^ijesu f rtst / anti most glorious marie
W^ felessgti motier / toitl) eternal aeeorti
i^ore ti)an euer / tentiure in glorge
^nti toiti^ i)ir meike gone for mnnorge
5Blesse bs marie / tf)e most 1)olj) birggne
^i)at toe regne in l)euen biitij t|e ortires njme
(Snprgntgti fig Magllgam (Canton
" The Lyf of our Ladye " appears to have enjoyed, for a
long period, a considerable popularity. It was composed, as
the manuscripts and printed edition both tell us, by John
Lydgate, at the excitation of King Henry V. The envoy
commencing, " Goo lytyl booke," is doubtless a specimen of
Caxton's own powers of versification, as perhaps are also the
two ballads which follow it. Although the division of the
poem into chapters by Caxton does not agTce with any of the
above manuscripts, yet he probably had a copy so divided,
for, as we have seen, the original poem was not chaptered
at aU, and later scribes would divide it after their own
judgment.
It would have surprised our worthy printer could he have
foreseen the grave charges of carelessness to be brought against
him in future ages, with reference to this production. Ames
gives a very sHght account of " The Lyf of cure Ladye," but so
far as it goes, it is correct. Herbert enlarged Ames's article,
but unfortunately wrote his description from a copy deficient
eight leaves in the middle of the poem, an imperfection which,
298 WILLIAM CAXTON.
notwithstanding the consequent irregularity of signature, he
ascribes to carelessness on the part of Caxton ; and, y\0T&e
still, makes Caxton himself confess that he was aware of the
blunder he had made before the conclusion of the printing,
but thought that to ask the reader's pardon was sufficient
reparation ; a conclusion dra^\Ti from the deprecatory stanzas
quoted above, beginning, "Goo lityl book" — a style of
" envoy " very common to all Writers of that age. Then fol-
lows Dr. Dibdin, who, as usual, did not make an independent
examination, but was content with reprinting his predecessor's
remarks. The paragraph reads thus : — " This [the omission
of several chapters] must be attributed to carelessness, which
Mr. Caxton himself ingenuously aclmowledges in one of the
concluding stanzas. — Tt/p. Ant. vol. i, page 340, and Bib.
8])mc. vol. iv, page 333.
Both Herbert and Dibdin give the heads of all the chap-
ters in this poem, excepting, of course, those contained in the
eight missing leaves of their copy. These are, therefore,
supplied here from the table, which differs slightly from the
heads in the body of the work.
How the chyef temple of rome fyl the nyght of crystes
byrthe / and other wonderful tokenes capitulo L
How the nyght of cristes byi'the a welle in rome
ranne oyle capitulo Lj
How the senatours of rome wolden haue holden Octauyan
theyr emperour as for her god capitulo Lij Liij
How the romayns whan they had domynacion oner alle
the world made an ymage & callyd hit theyr god capitulo Liiij
How wyse sybyle tolde to the senate of rome
the byrthe of cryst capitulo Lv
How the prophetes prophecyed the byrthe
of cryst capitulo Lvi
A questyon assoyled whiche is worthyest of kyng
T\'yne or woman capitulo Lvij
Existing CopiRS:— British Museum, Bodleian, Exeter
College, Oxford, Glasgow, and four in private hands.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 299
N^o. G5. — The Life or the holy and blessed Virgin
Saint Winifred. Folio. Without Frinter's Hame,
Bate or Place. ^'■Reduced in to Emjhjsshe hj me
William Caxton:' (1485 ?)
Collation. — a and 6 are 4"' = 1 6 leaves, of which the
first is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is entirely No. 4*. There are 38 or 39 lines to a
Full page, and they are spaced to an even length. Without
folios or catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig. a if,
I5a8nt|!512iifnffri)^c/
On sig. 6 G recto,
C OTjus rntiftlj ttf tifcoHarton / ti)c (gf after / anti ti)e
transla= |1 rion of sagntf SSir uffrrlif birgjjn anti martir /
lrif)tff)f toas rcg !l srt after tijat \)tx t)ftic l)a^ tf smpton of
ti)c space of xb gere |1 retiufelj in to (PnglBSsi)c fig \\u
2i2!ilUiam (JTaxton /'
The Text ends, with ten Imes on the recto of sig. 6 8, the
verso being blank,
rclcbramns tratislartonnn / cunctorum atiipisci tnmamut;
per? 1 ratorum vemisstonfui / \Hx tiominum nostrum / et
rrtera /
Remarks. — Caxton's translation gives all the particulars
of the birth, parentage, dedication to God, decollation by
Prince Caradoc, restoration to life " after her head had been
smyton oif the space of xv year," and subsequent canonisation
of St. Winifred; followed by the service in Latin for her
" commemoration."
The earliest existing notice of this saint is found in Cotton
MS. Claud. A. v, which begins " Incipit Vita sancte Wenefrede
virginis et martyi'is." The character of the AVTiting is of the
twelfth century, but the Holy Well in Flintshire, dedicated to
her as mcU as the existence of chapels and other places in
300 -VVILLIAJiI CAXTON.
"Wales bearing her name, prove her fame to have been spread
for some centuries earlier. The Cotton MS. itself was pro-
bably copied from a much older original. Historians have
therefore agreed to consider her as having lived in the seventh
century. Being a Welsh saint, her name does not at first
seem to have been received with any great veneration outside
her o^^^l country, and this may account for the entire absence
of aU notice of her in the early historians. The Cotton MS.
has a memorandum in a more modern hand, stating it to be
the composition of St. Elerius. For this, however, there
appears to be no other reason than the mention of this saint
as St. Winifred's confessor. It has, however, been adopted
by Leland, l^ale. Pits, and other writers, A second life of St.
Winifred was undertaken in the year 1140 by Robert, a
Welsh monk of Shrewsbury, who compiled his account from
MSS. then extant, with the addition of all the floating details
which, in the coiurse of centuries, the legend had developed.
The fame of the saint at that time was rapidly increasing,
partly o-^ing to the grand ceremonial with which her relics
had been, in 1138, translated to the Benedictine Abbey in
Shrewsbury. The variation in these two accounts, especially
as to the length of time she lived after her decollation, has
induced a belief that they are independent productions. Had
the second history been shorter and less miraculous than the
first, there might be some reason for the opinion.
In " Liber Festivalis," and in the " Golden Legend," both
printed by Caxton, are short notices of St. Winifred ; but in
1484 Caxton himself set about "reducing into English" her
Life. It is unfortunate that he makes no mention of the
language in which his original was written. There is no
reason to suppose that Caxton understood Welsh, or else
doubtless he could have obtained several MSS.* Again, it is
very improba])le that Caxton translated from his usual source,
the French, as the saint was unknown across the Channel. It
is therefore most probable that the liatin account of Robert,
already noticed, was Caxton's original, a probability we are
* Lhvydh, in his Catalogue of Welsh MSS., mentions two.
BOOKS PEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 301
not able to verify by collation, as no manuscript appears to
be knowii.
Caxton's edition has the Latin commemoration of the
saint at the end, which was ordained with great ceremony by
Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1391, who, at the
same time, removed the day from June 24th to November
3rd. This shows how the f^me of St. Winifred had in-
creased. All the old legends state that on the spot where
Prince Caradoc decapitated the Yhgin, there immediately
sprung up an impetuous stream of healing water. The famous
Holy Well is on this spot, and thence flows " St. Wenefrede's
Stream," which empties itself at the mouth of the Dee.
The fame of wonderful cures eflFected by these waters spread
all over England, and greatly enlianced the shrine of St.
Winifred. Holywell became the most favoured goal of
pilgrims to the north. Caxton could not perhaps have chosen
a more popular life when he undertook his translation. Henry
VII built an octagonal well over the source of the stream,
with conveniences for using the v>-aters, and over this a
l)eautifLd chapel.
The shrine was plundered at the dissolution of the monas-
teries, and a portion of the ruins was, in 1811, and is pro-
probably still used as a fi-ee grammar school.
In Caxton's " Polycronicon," in the metrical account of
Wales, there are twenty-two Hnes of curious matter concern-
ing the Holy Well, and the awful fate which befel the
descendants of Prince Caradoc.
Only three copies of this edition are known. There is a
fair specimen in the King's Library, British Museum, a poor
one at Lambeth, and a good one at Ham House, Surrey.
j^o_ G6.— The noble Histoeies of King Aethue and of
CEETAiN OF HIS Knights. FoUo. " Emprijnted in
thabbetj of westmestre, the last day ofJi'Hl the ycre of
our lord M CCCC Ixxxv."
Collation.— The prologue and table take up a 4° and 5°;
the first leaf in the 4" is blank, the next 3 are signed i], ii],
302 WTLLTAJI CAXTOX.
itij; the first four leaves oiily of the 5" are signed b, h], blf,
^ (!P df (g ii^ f> M ?L fH ia © i3 05 ^ S C SI X © Z
aa 66 re tJll are 4"^; PC is a 3". In all 432 leaves, of Avhich
one is blank.
Note. — Sig. £) iff is printed M iff, and C if is printed
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type throughont is No. 4*. The lines are spaced out to
an even length of 4| inches, and 38 make a fiiU page. With-
out folios, head-lines, or catchwords. Initials in wood of
three to five lines in depth.
Commencing ^ith a blank leaf, Caxton's prologaie follows
on sig. if, with a 3-line initial in wood. The Text begins
thus : —
Xi tsstor^cs as tori of rontrmplarpn as of otijrr Ijgsto
rgal ana tooritilg actps of grftr ronqunours ^" prgn
rfs/an^ also rrrtrgn fiookcs of fttsamnplcs anti tiortrgne/
The Text ends on the recto of the sixth leaf of sig. tt, the
verso being blank,
C 3rf)us nttiftl) tf)]t)s noI)le anti ^opous iiook rnfjotlfti If
mortr i Bart^ur / jaotiDptifStontiBng it trratrtij of ti)f 6l>rtf) /
I]t?f/ant) II artfs of tl)f sapti kgng .?lrti)ur/of fjis notilP
fen5gi)tfsof tljc || rountic tai)lc/tl)C]i)rinmta;|)llous rnqufstrs
anti atiufntuvrs / 11 tijadjpcuinng of tfjc sangrral/ •&: in tf^tntit
t|)P tiolorous liftf) ^- II tirpartpng out of tl^ps toorlti of tijrm
al / Juijirijf book toas re || tiurrt in to fnglj)ssl)c bj) spr
stomas IWalorc fenjjgijt as afore || is sagVanb bj) me
tjeuptieti in to xx] bookes eijapptreti anti enprgnteti / antr
fi)ngssf)e"b in tt)abbep toestinestre tfje last tiag || of fiugl tljc
gere of out lort / jm / ©araro? / Imb /
C <tta.rton me fieri fecit
Remarks. — There does not appear to be any trace in the
collections of the British Museum, or elsewhere, of a manu-
script of Sir Thomas Malory's text. Of Sir Thomas himself,
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO, 4*. 303
all we know is contained in the last sentence of his o-wii book :
" This book w'as ended the ninth year of the reign of King
Edward the fonrth by Sir Thomas Malory, Knight ;" that is
about 1470. Caxton tells us in his prologue, that Sir Thomas
had " reduced it from certain books in French." These books,
judging fi'om the conduct of the story, were the celebrated
romances of Merlin, Launcelot, Tristram, the Quest du S.
Graal, and Mort Artus, on the origin of which romances very
little appears to be knowai, though much has been WTitten.
Manuscript copies of all of them are in the British Museum.
Caxton's edition was reprinted several times, the last being
the w^ell-loiown 4to. volume, edited by Robert Southey, who
has prefixed a learned dissertation on the rise and de-
velopment of the story. A very interesting essay upon the
character, epoch, and authors of the various romances of the
Round Table is contained in Les Msc. Franc., par M. Paris,
vol. i, page 160. See also the introduction of Thomas Wright
to his reprint of the 1634 edition, entitled The History of
King Arthur, 3 vols. London, 1858. M&o Los Romans de la
TaUe Rmide et les Contes des anciens Bretoyis, par M. le
Vicomte Hersart de la Villemarqu^. 8vo. Paris, 1860.
The only perfect copy knowm is in the library of Earl of
Jersey; Earl Spencer has a copy, and a fragment is in the
British Museum. There is not a copy at Lichfield, as stated
by Mr. Botfield.
No. 67. — The Life of the noble and Christian Prince,
Charles the Great. Folio. " Ea'2')licit per William
Caxton." Without Place. ^^ Enprynted thefyrst day of
decemlre / M CCCG Ixxxv."
Collation. — a 6 C t) e f i^ i fe I m are 4"^ In all 96
leaves, of which a j and in 8 appear to have been blank. The
last leaf, however, may have had the device.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 4*. The pages have two columns, with
39 lines to a column. The lines, which are spaced to one
length, measure 2| inches. Without folios or catchwords.
Woodcut initials three lines deep.
304 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue of the French
translator follows, on sig a i], with a 3-Hne printed initial.
The Text begins thus : —
iHgnt ^mil tioftour of sommc tocrifefgi tjauUagnc
brrptf sagtt to b0 tljat tioon || ^ romjigrti ftp tjpir
a I i\)\mqc^ tf)at firn re- grrtf strrngti) |jvV njgf)t ar=
tiurfti i)|) torgtgnfl / htn tiaunt rouvagc / to tijr || tx-
torpton II altargon of tfje rrgstnt f agtJj
This preface finishes with five lines down the first column
of the verso, and is followed by Caxton's prologue, in the same
column, which is finished on the 2Gth line of the opposite
column.
^ iiKnnf / for as mor^f ^
fnpr]nnti)e t|)c ftoofe of ti)c
notlf \" II bgftorgous kgng
l^vtijur fprst ||
The Text ends with the following colophon,
W^in)(f)t tofrftp teas fg;
itpssijrt II in tijc rrturjong of
if)it into fn||glj!)sst)f ti)eabnr
tiag of fiucn tlje || spronti
gne of kgiig ivfidjart || tijc
ttgrti / anti tte gftc of our |i
lov^ m (!iatar(!i imb/
^nt) II ntprgntrt t|)e fgrst
tiag of tifi II mwhxt tfjf same
gf re of our lorb || ^^ tijr fgrst
gere of fepng B^arrg || tte
seuentt /||
C CSiplicit p toiUtam (Kaxton
Remaeks. — Histories and romances of " Karlemaine," in
French and in Latin, in prose and in verse, existed so early
as the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. These became incor-
EOOK.S PEINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 305
porated later in the general histories, such as the " Speculum
Historiale," the " Fleur des Histoires," &c. The compilation
of the romance under notice is recounted by the anonymous
Author himself in his preface and envoye. From these we
learn that Henry Bolomyer, Canon of Lausanne, regretting
the existence of several " disjoined " accounts of Charles the
Great, " excited " om' anonymous Author to compile a con-
tinuous history of the first Cliristian King of France. This
he did, and the sources of his narration, as well as the con-
tents, cannot be described better than in his owm words, thus
translated by Caxton (sig. Xtl, 7 recto), " it is so that at the
requeste of the sayd venerable man to fore named Maister
henry bolonnyer chanonne of lausaune J haue been Incyted
to translate & reduce into Frensshe the mater tofore reduced.
As moche as toucheth the fyrst & the thyrd book / J haue
taken & drawen oute of a book named myrrour hystoryal for
the moost parte / & the second book J haue onely reduced it
out of an olde romance in fi-ensshe."
On comparing the first and last books of the text under
notice with the chapters devoted to Charlemagne, in Verard's
edition of the Speculum Historiale (vol. iv, book 25), it is
evident that the compiler did not confine himself to the
account of Vincent de Beauvais. The Second Book, he tells
us, was taken from an old romance in French ; perhaps the
same as is still extant in Royal MS. 4 C. xi. 10, or the manu-
script in the Imperial Library, Paris, No. 6795.
It is the French compilation of Henry Bolomyer which
Caxton was requested by " some persons of noble estate
and degree " — " my good singular lords and special masters "
as he calls them — to reduce into English. Among these his
good friend Master William Daubeny, treasurer of the king's
jewels, who is the only one mentioned by name, seems to have
most influenced him.
The only Existing Copy at present known is in the Bri-
tish Museum, King's Library (C. 10. b. 9). It is perfect, and
in excellent preservation. Measurement, 1 Of x 7f inches.
306
WILLIAM CAXTON.
No. G8. — The knight Paeis and the faik Vienne. Folio.
"Explicif jwr Caxton. Westminster. Deceinber Idth,
1485."
Collation. — a i) C are 4''', tl and t 3"' = 3(5 leaves, of
which the last only is blank.
Note. — tl j is misprinted C t.
Typograpical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 4*; in double column, the lines being
spaced to an even length, and measuring 2| inches ; 39 lines
to a column. Without folios or catchwords. Woodcut initials.
The Text begins on sig. a j recto.
of II ti)f nofile rjogljt balgaunt
^ tool':: II t\)j^ fenjjgljt ^|Jarj)S/
ant) of t\)t I! fajH' <k}}tn(/
t\)( tiaulpijgns tiou= ||gi)tci; of
bi)rnnojjS / ti)e toljgdjc ||
m^xt^ manj) atiucrsi)tffs
!)),)= II rausr of tijrgi- true
loue or tijfj) || routic fnioi)c
t^c fffert tl)frof of II t(i)t
otijeiV
ina;i) or ougf)t to ijaue / ^Ije
saj,)ti II tiaulpljpn t|)func anti
tijts noble || latij,) tijjanr iurrc
bi} prre to op-Htirctotntjoute
i)ssuc tijat mori)r |1 tjfg t)f=
sjjrrt to fjauf /anti pragrt ||
our (orti fiotije njjgfjt vV )3ag
tIjat II t^fg mjjgljt Ijauf t\)))U
tirm plagllsaunt anti rrti|)
to i)gs tiruinnc || scrugcc /
anti our lorti tljorugf) ||
The Text ends thus, on sig. t 5 recto, with sixteen lines in
the first column,
mag arfompan:Df tijcm in tfje
per 1 liuraftlf glorgf of Ijf um
^mf n /
C ^t)us fntifti) t\)})ntot)n of
tijr II notlf anti balimunt
Jvnt)oi)t})a=||rj>s/ anti tf)c fanr
bjjfnnr ^ougf) !i trr of tljc
tioulpI)))n of 21lji)fn= || nops /
translatcti out of frrngsfjc ||
In to rnglpssijc ftj) bjjjIUam
(Cax= II ton at torstmrstrc
fjL)npssI)rt tf)r II last tiajj of
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 307
august ti)t prrc of || our lorti
m (jroTiinli Ijiib / antr i|
ntprjmtfti tlje xir tiap of
lifmn:: II tire tije same jjrrc/
anti tfje fjnrst || gere of tfje
rrgnc of fe^ng Jt^arrg || tfje
scuf nt|) /
<[ (Jrxplicit p (Kaxton
Eeiiaeks. — Although frequently copied in manuscript,
and often printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
there are few romances so rare as " Paris and Vienne." Trans-
lated into the " langage proveuQal," fi-om the original compo-
sition, which was in " Catalane," it was turned into Latin,
French, Italian, Flemish, and English. The French, which
was the translation Caxton used, was accomplished about the
beginning of the fifteenth century, by Pierre de la Sippade,
of ]\Iarseilles. The first printed edition was in Italian, at
Trevise, 1482 ; the second, Caxton's, 1485. G. Leeu, at
Antwerp, 1487, brought out two impressions, one in German
and one in French. Wynken de "Worde made an early reprint
of Caxton's edition. The admiration which Jean de Pins,
Bishop of Rieux, one of the most elegant scholars of his age,
conceived for this romance, induced him to turn it into Latin,
for the instruction of the children of his friend the Chancellor
Duprat. It was printed in 1516. The Jesuit Charron, in his
Memoirs of Jean de Pins {Avignon, 8vo, 1 748), speaks thus of
this romance: "As for children, it would be impossible to
find a work more fitted to imbue the mind with correct taste
and elegance of style, to influence their characters by the
wisdom of its reflections, or to forearm their hearts against
those assaults of passion which blindly precipitate the young
into the abysses of misery. The work is truly admirable. The
situations are so interesting and the denoument so happy, that
their conception would reflect honour on the best wTiters of
the most renowned ages." (See Histoire du CMvalwr Paris,
et de la bells Vienne, 8vo, Paris, 1835).
The only Existing Copy is in the British Museum. It
X 2
308 WILLIAM CAXTON.
was formerly in Ames's possession, but after the issue of " The
Typographical Antiquities," passed into the library of Sir
Hans Sloane, and thence into the King's Library, St. James's.
No. 69. — The Golden Legend. Largest Folio. Second Edi-
tion. Small Head-lines. (1487 ?)
Collation. — The same exactly as the first edition, with
the exception of sigs. X and ^, in which appears the follow-
ing variation : —
FIEST EDITION. I SECOND EDITION.
sig. X, 6 leaves "j [ sig. X = 8 leaves.
sig. ^,2 „ r = 9 leaves signed to X xii], and followed
i
unsigned 1 „ J | by sig. aa.
In order to get the matter of the two signatures into one,
the sixteen pages of X in the second edition are all made a
line longer than in the first. This arrangement was evidently
considered as an improvement, and therefore was later in point
of time than the edition in which it does not occur.
Typographical Paeticulaes. — These in the main are
identical with the edition already described, the chief pecu-
liarity being that the head-lines of the pages and the head-
lines of the various lives, which in the first edition are all
in type No. 3, are in the second edition all in type No. 5.
We must also notice that in places {e.g. sig. X \ recto) the
large capital letters, used in type No. 6, make an accidental
appearance in the head-lines, where they were occasionally
used instead of quadrats. This evinces a much later period
for the impression than the first edition.
Remarks. — The absence of any complete copy, or indeed
of any copy ha^'ing prologues or colophon, suggests the idea
that certain sheets only may, for some reason, have been re-
printed to supply deficiencies ; if so, the reprint is so exten-
sive, that, for the sake of accuracy, it is better to look upon it
as a separate edition.
Existing Copies.— British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford,
Duke of Devonshire.
A
DESCKIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED
IN
TYPE No. 5.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 5.
70. Good Manners ..... May 11th, 1487
71. Speculum. First Edition ..... 1487?
72. Directorium. First Edition . . . . 1487?
73. Horse. Tliird Edition ..... 1488?
74. Royal ....... 1488?
75. Image of Pity . . . . . .1489?
76. Uoctrinal ..... May 7th, 1489?
77. Speculum. Second Edition .... 1490 ?
78. Commemoratio . . . . . . 1491 ?
79. Transfiguratione . . . . . . 1491 ?
80. Horffi ....... 1491 ?
1-'
■i
"Si r« ^
jo «-» "■" r-- *o
-e ** oS »
#2 s
J3 ;=f, *^ ii
S
^ S ^ €^0
M^ SiO gi OS
JB ii> ss /=
s
a
8,
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 5
No. 70. — The Book of Good Mannees. Folio. " Exjilkit
et Mc est Jim's per Camton" Without Place. " En-
prynted the xj day of Maye'' tlie year of our Lord 1487.
Collation.— a 6 f ti r f g are 4"' ; i) a 5" = CG leaves (uo
blanks).
Typographical Particulars, — There is no title-page.
The tyjDe throughout is No. 5. The lines are spaced to an
even length, and measure 4f inches. A page has 33 lines.
Without catchwords or folios. Woodcut initials of two to
three lines in depth.
The Text begins on sig. a \ recto,
^^rompn || proplr b3i)iff)r tottljout fnfonnarion vV Icrn))ng
irn rutjf || anti not mancrti Igke bnto fierstis tiute acortgng
to an oltic II
making a full page. On the verso, with 2-line wood initial,
jkerrr brggnnrti) tf)f talilf of a fioofe namrtr ^ ^ntctulrt
posrt II t)j) t|)c bfnnai)lf ^ tijjsrrftc pcrsonr Jf itit f/aqucsi
\t graunt Ig i rfD^at m iHijfologiif rfUgjjous of t|)e ortie of
sajjnt augustgn || of tijc ronurnt of pavgs .
and ends on tenth recto of sig. \), the verso blank,
C <!?j:pltrit/rt ijif t%X ftnts/pcr Otaiton vVc
C dFj!)npssi)f"i) anti translatrtJ out of frrnsljc in to rngl]i)S0^c
tl)f II bilf ^a]^ of f luiu tijr yrrr of out lorti M m ^ I.mbf /
anti i tljc first gw of ti)f irgnc of kj)ng Ijanp ti)r litj/.anti
cnpnni^ II trt ti)e ij tiaj) of iiflage after / $it
Eaus tieo
312 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
Jacques Legrand was an Au^istiu friar, and is stated by
several writers (though upon what authority does not appear)
to have been a native of Toledo, in Spain, confessor to Charles
VII, and to have refused a bishopric. He is known to have
been the author of the " Sophologium," originally written in
Latin, and translated by himself into French for the Duke of
Orleans, son of Charles V. He also was the author of " Le
livre des bonnes nieurs," which he dedicated to the Duke de
Berri.
In an interesting prologue appended by Caxton to his
English translation of this work (see Vol. I, page 18G), we
are informed that he undertook the task at the desire of Wil-
liam Praat, a fellow mercer. The terms in which Caxton
speaks of Praat as " an honest man " and " a singular fi-iend
of old knowledge," whose death-bed request it was that the
book which had pleased and instructed his owai mind should
have gTeater cm-reucy among the people by means of his
friend's new Art of Printing, prove the close amity which must
have existed between the two Mercers. Caxton, according to
his friend's wish, translated and printed it " for the amend-
ment of manners and the increase of virtuous living."
Only three copies are known — one at Cambridge, one at
the Royal Library, Copenhagen, and one at Lambeth.
No. 71. — Speculum Vit^e Christi. Folio. '' Em])rynted
hy wyUi/am Gaxfon" Withoid Place or Date. Edi*
tion A. (1487?)
CoLLATioN.—a fictiefgfiifelmnopqrs are 4"%
with the first leaf of sig. a blank ; t a 2", with the fourth leaf
blank. In all 148 leaves, of which two are blank.
Typogeaphical Particulars. — Without title-page. The
type throughout is No. 5. The lines are spaced to an even
length, and measure 4f inches. A page has 33 lines, exclusive
of the head lines, and one line space between. Without folios
or catchwords. There are side notes throughout the volume,
a rare practice with Caxton, who, however, probably followed
his copy in Uiis particular, as side notes appear in nenrly all
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO, 5. 818
the manuscript versions. An initial, cut on wood, begins
every chapter.
Commencing with a Wank leaf, the Text begins thus on
Big. a i] recto : —
C :?Jnripit 5)PfniIum bite (Cristt .
^ C ti)c ticggnngngf of tf)e i)roi)fm)|) of tijc fiookf tt)at is
^ rlf prt ti)c mjjirourr of t^e filcssgti Igf of M^m (Cvgste
t\)t fgist paitc foe ti)c inonetiage / C ^ tif uoute mrtj):;
tar ion of tijp grctf counrcjUl in ijcuf nc for tljc rcstorjjitgc of
man i anti ijp sauacgon ..OlapitiUum pvimum . C ®f tije
manne
At the head of sig. 6 if recto,
Bie lunc |[ #iima pars ra i .
tiome all ti)c Ol'ourtc of ijcunc bjontirgngr an'D rommrntJBng
t\)( soucragnc bgsctiome assentrt tori ijf re to / l)ut fcrtt)er=
more II
At the head of sig. f 6 verso,
0[ (ta /lb C Mit i^ercurii C ^trria pars
paraucntur t^crc toitf) a ffbif smal fpssljrs ti)at ourf latig
i)ati II orticgnetj tiieme as goti toolti/^" soo tijcrtoitfj tije
lEungpls ro:; ||
The " Speculum" ends at foot of sig. S i recto,
lortj itesii an^ i)is mo)Jcr ifHarg nob) anti tmx toitijoutc
rntir ame
C 4!Piplicit spfculum bite Olristi .
On the verso begins a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ's
body,
C .a sijorte treatise of tije fjgljest anti most toortijjj sarra^
mente || of rrj^strs tlessiti botip . antr tf)e meruejHles tfjerof .
which finishes on sig. t 'S recto with the follo\\ing imprint : —
314 WILLIAM CAXTON.
There appear to have been two, if not more, original works
on the " Life of Christ " in the liliraries of the fifteenth cen-
tury. One by Father Ludolphe, or liuclolphe {Addit. 1(JG09),
was translated, as already noticed, into French, and thence
into English ; but this is an entirely different work to that
printed by Caxton. St. Bonayenture, in 1410, ^sn-ote "The
Life of Christ" in Latin {Royal 17, D. xvii), which became
very popular, and was translated several times into French,
with amplifications more or less. In the early part of the
fifteenth century Jean de Gallopes, already noticed as the
translator of "The Pilgrimage of the Soul" {ante page 259),
made a French prose translation of Bonaventure's Latin work
{Royal 20, B. iv). This bears a close resemblance to the
English text as printed by Caxton, w'as dedicated by Gallopes
to Henry V, and prol)ably had considerable currency among
the English, to whom Gallopes, if not an Englishman himself,
was well known from his connection with the Duke of Bed-
ford. The author of Caxton's English text is unkno\^^l, but
he professes to have borrowed largely from the Latin of Bona-
venture.
Of the "Speculum vita3 Christi" two distinct editions
were issued, both printed with the same types, page for page,
line for line (with few exceptions), and nearly letter for letter.
The typographical minutire do not enable us with facility to
determine which edition has the better claim to priority of
worlonanship. The greatest variations will be found in the
head-lines, where, from sig. fe to the end of the volume, there
is a difference in every page ; one edition (A) using the word
(fl!a in the heads, while the other (B) has the full word (jTapt-
tulum. In the University Library, Cambridge, there is a
copy of each edition.
There is a curious transposition of pages in the copy belong-
ing to W. E. Watkyn Wynne, Esq., pro^^ng that even so late as
1481), the practice of printing one i:)age at a time was retained.
This is shown by the verso of sig. ti\\] being printed on the
recto of sig. 1 6, and vice versa. In sig. t there are several
instances of the side notes having been blocked out in the
printing. Pressmen call it " a bite."
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 315
Existing Copies. — British Mnsenm (2); Cambrido-e (2);
Hnnterian Museum, Glasgow; Lambeth, and six in private
libraries. One of the copies in the British Museum is on
vellum, and has quite a romantic history.
No. 72. — DiEECTORiUM Sacerdotum, una cum Depensorio
ejusdem ; item Tractatus qui dicitur Crede
MiHi. Folio. Second Version, First EiUtion. Per
W'iUmm Caxfon apud westmonesteriu. WUhout Date.
(1487?)
Collation. — Kalendar a 3^ signed jijttt; alirtipfg
M k I m n p CJ are 4"'' ; r a 5" ; S t are 4°^ In all IGO
leaves. In the only copy known the whole of the kalendar is
inserted between the first and second leaves of sig. a, making
a j appear as the first leaf in the book.
Note. — The signature to C jis not printed.
Typographical Particulars. — Without title-page. The
type is all No. 5. The lines, which are fully spaced out,
measure 4| inches. Exclusive of head-lines there are 33 to
the page. Without folios or catchwords. A few 2-line wood-
cut initials.
The work commences with a kalendar of the months, a
month to a page, each being headed by a Latin couplet on
unlucky days, and a woodcut KL.
Tlie Text begins on sig. j recto,
W\M \ ^^^"^^'"^ ^'^^ mrnsts . .5c- sfpttma truncat i)t ntsis
I ^li^ ganuarlus \)tX tiifs xxxi / luna brvo xxx
iif 'R ifanuartr (JTirrusirio tim tiup fm \x Vt
The Text ends on sig. 1 8 verso,
tie mici)i/ifla qui pirtcas rrgulas mcmoiitci' tenet \)ix pote-
nt errare in seiuicio biuino/SDeo gias/
C <!ra.vton me fieri feeit
v^l(> WILLIAM CAXTOJST.
The engraving, which is really on sig. a j "serso, is here
transposed, very naturally, to precede the Kalendar, which at
first misleads one to believe that it does not belong to the
volume. It measures 9 x 5| inches, and occupies the entire
page, being thus described by Herbert — " In the middle part
Christ is seen naked, half length, as at a window, with his
arms across and his head inclined, showing the wounds on his
hands and under the right breast ; a spear erect on the right
and a sponge on the left ; over his head is a tablet with INRI.
On a tablet beneath the -ndndow the title appears e\-idently to
have been printed, but from this copy has been indiscreetly
cut out. About this middle part are 28 square divisions, each
containing some symbol of the passion, forming a kind of
border." An engTaving similar in design was used for the
"Hora3," described at page BIS post.
There was another edition of this work printed in 1489
(see page 341), but the present edition, from the type being
earlier, and from the absence of the almanac at the beginning,
appears to have been the first. In both the Latin is printed
\\ith many contractions. In the various editions of " Typo-
graphical Antiquities," the two editions being treated as one
has led to several errors.
The mmierous and constantly varying alterations in the
daily order of Church Service must have rendered, in all ages,
a book of directions most necessary to all officiating priests.
But the introduction of new Feasts and Commemorations
would, in com'se of time, render any such book incorrect.
Thus it happened that Clement Maydestone, a monk of the
order of St. Bridget, and a priest, finding, as he tells us in his
]n'ologue, that one of the most important festivals in the year,
that of Corpus Christi, ^^^th its Octave, was, according to the
written directions, celebrated cum regimine cJiori, while the
admitted and general custom of the Salisbury rule was to
celebrate that festival sine regimine chori; finding also several
necessary things omitted altogether, and a wrong disposition
made of others, determined, by the consent of his superiors,
to correct and supply ail defects. AVhen Clement Maydestone
had thus reformed and )-cnewed the Pica, he gave his A\(irk
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. ST
the now recognised title of " Directorium Sacerdotum." This
is the text as printed by Caxton.
Clement Maydestone appears to have been the son of
Thomas Maydestone (probably of Hounslow, Middlesex), and
flourished in the reign of Henry V. An account of the mar-
tyrdom of Archbishop Scroop is also ascribed to him.
In the latter half of the fifteenth century the reformed
Pica of Maydestone was again collated with the true " Sarum
Ordinale," by one Clarke, a singing man of King's College,
Cambridge, by order of the University, which at this period
evidently folloM^ed the Salisbury use. A notice of Clarke's
work may be seen in the prologue appended by Pynson to his
"Directorium" of 1497. In the copy of this edition, lately
purchased of Mr. Maskell for the British Museum, are mmie-
rous notes in the autogTaph of Bishop Wagstaffe, the nonjuror,
which have supplied material for some of the above remarks.
The only Existing Copy at present known is that in the
King's Library, British Museum (C. 10. b. 16), which is 'per-
fect, in fair condition, and measures 10^ x 1\ inches. On a
fly-leaf is the autograph " W. Bayntun, Gray's Inn, bought of
a man introduced by Doctor Nugent." This copy, which is
catalogued by Dr. Middleton as being in the University
Library, Cambridge, was stolen thence between 1772 and
1778. Before 1787 it was purchased by W. Bayntun — and
probably (though, of course, in ignorance) from the thief
himself.
No. 73. — HoR^ — A Fragment. Third Edition. Svo. Sim
ulU notd. (1488 ?)
The Collation cannot be given, eight leaves, or the whole
of sig. m being all that is known at present.
TYPOGRAPHiCAii PARTICULARS. — The type is No. 5 only.
The Lines, of which there are seventeen to the page, are fuUy
spaced out and in length measure 2f inches. Large full-faced
capital letters are used.
On sig. m i recto the Text begins,
iflon fecisti
318 WILLIAM CAXTON.
The first words on the recto of each leaf is— 1, tlOlT ; 2,
prrf)anr ; d, fiatitafitle; 4, a MOXO -, 5 (injured); 6, woodcut;
7, 23omtnc ; 8, stones ; the last word on the eighth verso,
rospui.
The woodcut on tit C recto is an " Image of Pity," very
similar in treatment to that noticed on page 31 G. It occupies
only tlie depth of ten lines of text, and beneath, in six lines,
is the following : —
^0 t|)rm t1)at fiffore * * * * gttta
flf ofpptc tiruoittl),) sfj) . b . %yi
nostcr / b . iHtiprs & a * * * * pp^
trousljp 6ft)ol^pttg ****** Qf
.Tp's passpon ar grauntfli * * * *
iit/btj.(!f ^.Ib/gms of paition
These unique leaves, Avhich have evidently been rescued
from the binding of an old book, were presented, in 1858, by
Mr. Maskell to the British Museum (C. 35. a). Measurement
5|- X 4 inches. They are in the same binding as the fi'agments
of another Hor^e described at p. 328.
No. 74. — The Eoyal Book or Book for a King. Folio.
Without Printers Name, Place, or Date. •' Translated
out of frensshe into englysshe l)ij me tvyllyam Caxton /
whiche translacion was fynyssJied tJte xtij day of sep-
tcmhre in tM yere of our lord M I CCCC . Ixxxiiijr
(1488?)
Collation.— a ficttcfgi^ifeltnttopctrstare 4°%
the first leaf of a being blank ; U a 5", with the last leaf blank.
In all 1G2 leaves, of which two are blank.
Note. — tn \\] is wrongly signed til \\ ; and tt \ is wrongly
sig-ned it \i\\.
Typograi'iiical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is entirely No. 5. The lines are folly spaced out,
and measure 4| inches, 33 forming a full page. Without
folios or catchwords. 2-line initials in wood are used at the
commencement of the chapters. There are six small vignette
illustrations in wood, all of which, however, except the first,
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 319
which appeared in the " Golden Legend," are from the " Spe-
culum" just described, where they are suited to the text, and
not, as here, used without any reference to fitness.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on
a if recto, with a 2-line initial.
The Text begins thus : —
Jfj^it^an 3 rnitfrnfirf anti tafee ijetic of t^c ronucvsarion
of II 4)S tijat (jjur m tfjis tovftrijrt l})t . in Inljidj ig no
siimr II ne stable al)i)tigng . anti also ti)e contjjnucl bfsgucs
of cucrg
The Text ends, with a full page, on sig. u 9 recto,
'fTfjis hoot toas compjjlrt & matie atte rcqurstf of fej)ng
^3i)fljjp of ,-fFraunrr in tf)e gfvf of tijpncaniaajou of our
lort / M . <it(^ ' Ixxix . vV translate or rrtiurrt out of
frpnssf)r in || to fnglj|)ssi)c l)g mc toglljoam (Jtaxton . attc
requfstf of a hjor- 1| sijipful mardjaunt ^ merrcr of lontion .
toijidje finstauntli) rr-
to te rallrt Mgall / as tofore is sajjtJ . toijtdjc translation or
rC' II tjurpng outc of frr nssf)e in to f ngljjssijc b30S adjgfurti .
fgnjjs II sljcti ^ acromplj)SSi)et( tije .viir trag of ^rptrmfire in
tf)f grrc of tij]|}ncarnar),)on of our lortr . ilifl f<t(it(Eiit . Ixxxiiii /
2.ni in \f)t \\ scconti gcrc of ct)c Mcgnc of itgng Mgdjartr
tf)e tljgrb,
In Caxton's printed epilogue (ante vol. i, page 187) we
thus read: — "Which book is called in French "Le livre
Royal," that is to say the royal book, or a book of a king ; for
the Holy Scripture calleth every man a king which wisely and
perfectly can govern and direct himself after virtue." But " Le
livre Royal " was by no means the title by which Caxton's con-
temporaries knew this work. The most common name is that
found in Eoi/al MS. 19 C. ii " Le livre des Vices et des
Vertus ;" although it was sometimes entitled " La Sonime de
Roi," or " La Somme des Vices et des Vertus." By whatever
name known it was for centuries a favourite book, as is proved
320 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
by the numerous copies still extant. Its author is said to be
" Frere Laurent de I'ordre des predicateiu-s et confesseur de
Phillippe le Hardi " {Les Msc. Franf. t. iii, page 388), but his
name does not appear in any of the above-mentioned manu-
scripts of the work. Very soon after its appearance it was
favourably received in England, where, in the year 1340, it
was translated by a priest of Kent, for the purpose of being
read to the people in their own dialect. This was called " The
Ayenbite of Inwit," and was printed from the Arundel MS.
(No. 57) in the British Museum, in 1855, for the Koxburghe
Club. Another and purer translation into Enghsh (Addi't.
17013) was also made in the fourteenth century.
Existing copies— Bedfordshire General Library, British
Museum, Cambridge (2), and four in private collections.
No. 75.— Image of Pity. Quarto Broadside. Sine ulld
notd. (1489?).
This is a woodcut measuring 5^ x 3f inches, printed on
one side of a quarto. Like the folio woodcut described at
page 315, and the 8vo cut described at page 318, there is a
central figure of our Saviour upon the Cross, surrounded by
eighteen small compartments, each having some reference to
the Passion. Beneath the central figure the block has been
cut, and the following sentence inserted in type No. 5 : —
Co tlKm t^at Mqxz
tt)is pinagc of pgtc te
uoutlg sagf b ^r nr
b aurs $c a CIrrto pp=
tniouslg fidjoltgng Wym
wc of .Vpg passio at
grautfti mij.itt.btr.ar
vV Ib.gcrfs of part«on*
No. 76.— The Doctrinal of Sapience. Folio. " Caxton
mfi fieri feciC WithoiU Place or Date. Translated
Man 7/A, 1489.
Collation.— a 13 (tt 29 i!5 dF ® gt^ f are 4"" ; IS and
U 5"'. In all 92 leaves. No blanks.
BOOKS PRINTED IX TYPE NO. 5. 321
Typographical Particulars.— There is no title-page.
The type throughout is No. 5. The lines, which are spaced
to an even length, measure -if inches, and there are 33 to a
page. Without folios or catchwords. There are side-notes,
which, however, never exceed the three letters ®xa, which
are placed in the margin whenever an "Example" occurs in
ithe Text. Two woodcuts and printed initials.
The Text begins on sig. ^ j recto, with a 3-line initial.
c
i)is tt)at is torltfti in tfjis Igt^! Aofer ougijt tf)f prcstrrs
to Ifrnr anti tfdjf to tiirgr parj)ssjjfs i^nti also it is nr-
ressarg for spmplr prrstrs tfjat bn^r rstotic not ti)f scrip
This prologue is followed by the table, which commences
on the bottom line of sig. ^ f verso, and finishes at foot of
31 ii] recto; and on the verso, with a woodcut down the side
3f the tyi>e, and a 2-line initial OF, is the commencement of
the work.
, rtttSUfrg crgstfn man ^
Woodcut from '• Speculum," tooman ougi)t to hi
of Jesus i>i the Tempi,: \ Jfyf fffjitflp tl)f .Vlj attg'
rlfs of tfjf cristf n fr itf) .
On 13 j is another woodcut, the Crucifixion, also from the
'•'■ Speculum." On the verso of sig. % i\, the 64th chapter is
:hus dismissed : —
C #f tf)e neclggcnccs of tije masse anti of ti)e rpmrtgrs Jif
pas II se ourr for iX appprtepnfti) to prrstps ^ not to laie
mm , <E . Ijiiif
The Text ends on the tenth recto of sig. IL,
IjotJ f)ts grace grauntc for to gomirrnc bs \\\ 6ucl)c togse
inti II Igue in tfjgs si)ort Igf ti)at toe maj? come to i)ps SIpsse
;or to Ip II ue anb regne tljere to:Dtt)out entie m seciila secu::
orum .^men
\ Ctjus entiett) ti)e tioctrinal of sapience tije tofiJKtP i^
;pgt)t II btile antJ prouffptatle to alle crgsten men / Uii)it)cf)e
322 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
Is translate 1 oute of dFrntsijc in to englBSSljf 6s toBllgam
OTaiton at hjcstmr || sster fgnessi)^ tijf . hii . taB of mag
tte jjcrf of our lort / iffil / rrrc \\lxxx ix
Ol^aiton rat firri frctt
On the verso is Caxton's large device.
Remarks. — The '* Manipulus Curatorum," compiled in
the early part of the fourteenth, was printed fi-equently in the
fifteenth century. Greswell mentions — " Savilliani anno 1470;
Aug. Vindel 1471, Gering at Paris 1478 ;" and several times
later. In these, as in all the early French editions, the author-
ship is ascribed to Guy, Archbishop of Sens, who died 1409.
This has been adopted by the compilers of the Harleian
Catalogue (iii. 1552), and from them by all subsequent
bibliographers. That it is, nevertheless, erroneous, appears
from the extracts given above. In no manuscript copy is the
authorship attributed to Guy de Roye: in fact, it was well
known before his time, for it was " envoie a Paris," by Blanche,
Queen of France, who died in 1 3 7 0. The archbishop was, never-
theless, the cause of its being circulated in the French language;
for about the year 1388 he employed several doctors of divinity
to translate it from the original Latin, and promoted its use
by the clergy in all the parishes of his diocese. Further than
this he appears to have had no direct connection wdth it.
It was known in France under the titles of "Li\Te de
Sapience" and "])octrinal de la foy catholique," but most
commonly as " Le Doctrinal an simples gens."
The following remark of Mr. Douce is written in his copy
of the " Doctrinal ." " The Sermons of Vitriaco," or some other
of his works, much quoted in " Scala Coeli," seem to have been
used in the " Doctrinal."
ExiSTixa Copies. — Cambridge and Oxford (2), and seven
in private libraries. The copy at Windsor Castle is so inte-
resting that a special description is necessary. It is printed
on vellum, and has a chapter on " Negligences happing in the
Mass," which does not appear in any other known copy. The
parchment used is very coarse, discoloured, uneven in sub-
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 323
stance, and disfigured witli holes. Dr. Dibdin could never have
seen it, or he would not have WTitten in terms of admiration.
A slip of paper at the beginning states, " This book was pre-
sented to the Royal Library by Mr. Bryant," Avhich was
doubtless the reason why it was (together with the ^sop)
retained when that splendid collection became national pro-
perty. It is not known how Bryant obtained it, but it is
curious to note in these days, when every leaf of a Caxton
represents a bank-note, how Bryant demurred at gi\ing the
exorbitant price of four guineas for this \'ellum copy, and
then only after mature consideration with "old Pain," the
celebrated bookbinder.
The unique chapter at the end of this copy occupies three
leaves, unsigned, and begins thus : —
4[ ©f tije nrrligrnrfs ^appgng in tf)t masse . antj of ti)c
tone- II "bges (Capttulo * Ixiuio
2|-3Jfef as irif fjaue srpti tijat tijgs is mate fspfcgallj)
j^ for tljf sgmplf prplf •anb for tf)t sgmplc prrstrs . toiiri)r
bntifrstonti not latin / figrausf t!)at i)e is not so suffg=
saut II 6ut t^at somtgmc for nerligcnre or otf)n toBse f^t
mag fagllc
The whole of this chapter is very curious, and is occupied
Anth what the officiating priest is to do — if, after the conse-
cration of the wine, he remembers that no water had been
mingled with it ; or finds that he has consecrated water only ;
or remembers that he has eaten ought since midnight ; or
finds a fly, a " loppe," or a venomous beast in the chalice ;
whether, if a small piece of meat abide in the teeth, and be
swallowed during the celebration, it incapacitates the priest
from singing ]\Iass ; what is to be done when the priest lets
fall any portion of the consecrated elements, or meets with a
similar accident.
On the third verso the chapter ends,
Hn^ X>f tf)c hoh)) of :?ji)fsu rrist
or on)) pirrr f))llf bpon t\)t paUr of tf)c aultrr or bpon onp
of tijc II bfstpmcntcs tljnt ftrn ftlrssiib • tf)r pirrr ougi)t not
Y 2
324 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
to tt ruttc II of on tof)gci)e it is fallen . tut it ougl)t rigijt bjel
to fit toassl)cn II Hnti tf)t toassfjinig to 6c gyucn to tl)c
mjmlstrfs for to ^liufef / ||or fUgs tirgnfec it \)m Sflf /
^^is ctapitif to forr § tiurst not Sfttc in tl)P ftokf tj) cause
it is not conucngcnt nc apartcgngng tf)at cucrg lagc man
stol^c II ftnotoc it i&t cetera /
No. 77. — Speculum Vit^ Cheisti. Folio. '^ Emprynted
hj vjiJlyam Caxtony Withmit Place or Date. Edi-
tioii B. (1488?)
Collation the same as Xo. 71.
Typogeaphical Paeticulaes tlie same as No. 71 .
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text begins thus on
sig. a i] recto : —
C S^ncipit Speculum bite tiTristi .
^ C ti)e ftcggnnjnigc of t^cproljempe of ti)c fioofee tl)at is
^ cicpcti tije mjirrourcof t|)e tlcssgi Ipf of ^l)esu OTrgstc
ttjc fprst parte for ti)c monctiage / C <l ticuoute mcttj)'
tacion of t^e grete counccgll in ijcucne for tl)e rcstorgnge of
man || an^ ijgs sauaojon . (Capitulum primum . C ©f t1)e
manere ]|
At the head of sig. t) i] recto,
Bie lune ^ ^3rima pars OTapitulo I
tiome all tije (Jtourte of Ijeuenc toontirgnge anti commcntignge
tf)e soucragne togsctiome asscnteti toel f)ere to . but fortVi-
more ||
At the head of sig. f 6 verso,
C Biemercurij <[ Cercia pars (ilapitulumii)/
parauenture ti)er toiti) a feto smale fissfjcs tl)at oure la^g
i)ati II orticimeti tljenne as goti ioolti . ^^^ soo tijertoBti) tj^e
aungelB co^ i
The " Speculum " ends at foot of sig. s i recto,
BOOKS PRINTEl) IX TYPE NO. r>. 82;
$BJ3 inotier ifHar:pf nob) anl3 rurr b)pti)out rtttj ^mm
C ilriplirit sprrulum bttc (Cristi .
On the verso begins a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ's
body,
C ^ s^ortp trfatj)rf of tf)f f)sf)fst antt most toorti)? sarra=
xiuntt 11 of rrgstfs blrssib botig . anti tt)e mmifBUcss tfjrrof /
which finislies on sig. 1 3 recto with the following imprint : —
C ^rmprgntcti t\} toglUjam caiton
8(jme prayers follow, and on the verso of the same leaf the
Text ends,
C :?Ji)rsu lort tfjg blrssg^ I^f/^flpr an"b comfortc ourc
I torrt II ri)iti Igf * Hmrn * soo mote it be
; (Jriplprtt spmtlum bite ({Tristi complete /
C fin omni tribulacione / temptactone • necessitate ^ an^
gustga II succurre nobis pijssima biiQO maria amen .
The recto of sig. 1 4 is blank, and the verso occupied with
Caxton's device.
i Xo. 7«. — COMMEMORATIO LaMEJsTATIOXIS SIVE CoMPASSIONIS
BEAT^ Maei^ in morte filii. Quarto. Witlwid
1 Xaine, Place, or Date. (1491 ?).
Collation. — a b c i3 are 4°% signed on the fii-st and third
leaves only. Altogether ?,2 pages. If a sheet is printed in
4t(i, a signature on the first page is sufficient guide for the
1 binder; and two sheets so printed, and the second inserted
after folding inside the first, would give signatures as in this
: copy, and, as in the " Servitium," No. 79, which has Caxton's
I imprint. This method, however, points to a late period of
Caxton's career, and the date 1491 has therefore been affixed.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Type No. 5 only. The lines are evenly spaced, and 24 to a
full page. "Without folios or catchwords. One small woodcut
is on the first page.
326 WIJ.LIAM CAXTOX.
The Text begins on a f recto,
aTomcmoraro Eamctarois sine copassiois btt
Mmt t mortc Mi ^ ^x aromrmcraco itf ma^
rip pirtatts W pmnnoraro pirtatis q rrlcftrari
"brfift ffita snta tmrtlatr prrtirtf "Domlra i passi
one p fo q) tpo tiic Icgtt' i frrl'ia tir rrsusritaroe
la^ari etc
The Commemoration ends on sig. 1 8 verso.
This particular Commemoration seems quite unknown to
all bibliographers ; and of the edition printed by Caxton, the
only copy known is preserved in the Public Library at Ghent,
It ^vas first recognised as a Caxton by Mr. M. F. A. G. Camp-
bell, chief librarian of the Royal Library, The Hague.
No. 79. — Servitium de Transfiguratioxe Jhesu Christi.
Quarto. Caxton yne fieri fecit. WitJioid Place or Date.
(1491?).
Collation. — Sig. a consists of a sheet folded in quarto,
having a half-sheet inside; the first recto of the sheet is
unsigned, but upon the first recto of the half-sheet, which is
the third recto in the book, is the sig. a X\. Sig. t is a whole
sheet, signed only on the first recto, t) f . There are altogether
ten leaves and no blanks.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is No. 5 only. The lines are spaced tp an even
length, and measure 3f inches. 24 lines to a full page.
Without folios or catchwords. One small woodcut of the
transfigiu-ation on the first recto. The initial letter in wood,
with many rubrics, are printed in red, not as noticed in
" Quatre derennieres choses," by the same pull of the press,
but by a separate operation.
The Text begins on an unsigned leaf, in red ink,
C ©ctauo 3J^9 Hugusti tat sr rule' / tie tnsfiflu
The Text ends on sig. 6 4 verso,
%ti tie 9 . ^n oia scl'a spruloru amf n
C (!ra.vton mp fipri fprit/
BOOKS PRINTED IX TYPE NO. 5. 327
Remarks. — This little tract lias considerable interest for
the bibliogi'apher, for although Caxton had already printed
several service books before this was undertaken, such as the
two (if not three) editions of the " Horas" (pages 189 and 240
ante), the Psalter with Service for the Dead (page 105 ante),
and the "Servitium de Yisitatione" (page 2(J4 ante), not
to mention the service books for the priests, such as " The
Festial " and the three editions of " Directorium," yet this can
certainly claim a unique distinction in two particulars, for it
is the only perfect service book in the types of Caxton, and it
is the only one known to have his imprint.
The observations concerning the printing of the " Horse,"
last noticed, might be repeated here. This also has every
appearance of being a very late issue. No other book from
the same press was signed in a similar way. The first sheet
Avas evidently, like sig. 5, printed four pages at once, in which
case it would be only necessary to sign the first page, so as to
show the binder how to fold it. As in the first sheet the red
ink title and the woodcut would answer that purpose we find
no signatm'e at all; but the first page of the half-sheet, which
is the third leaf in the tract, is signed a i\. This is very
systematic, and according to the same plan the second sheet
is signed 6 j on the first recto only ; but it is an advance in
the art, beyond the usual practice of Caxton.
This ser\'ice is one of the numerous additions made to the
" C^hurch Calendar" in the fifteenth century, and, being newly
ordained by the Church, would not be found in the old manu-
script "Service Books." To supply this deficiency it was,
therefore, printed separately.
The only Existing Copy was purchased many years ago
in a volume of theological tracts by Joshua "Wilson, Esq., of
Tunbridge Wells, \\nien, in 1881, Mr. Wilson presented a
large portion of his collection to the Congregational Library,
Blomfield Street, London, this volume was among the num])er.
Here it was first noticed, in 1800, as containing a Caxton, by
.Mr. Cowper, who sent an account of the volmne to Notes ami
(Queries. It was determined shortly after to dispose of it, and,
in July 1862, it came under the hammer of j\Tr. Puttick,
328 wii.LiAM CAxrox.
when it fetched the high price of £200, and added another
curiosity to the Caxtonian treasures of the Britisli Museum.
The Tohrnie is in its original binding, somewhat dilapidated,
of oak boards covered with stamped leather, and contains
besides four otlier black-letter tracts.
Xy, }^(). — HoR^ — A Feagmext. Fourth EdHioii. Hro. Sin/'
nlld nofd. (1490 ?).
The Collation cannot be given, as four leaves only,
signed b f, tl \], t) tif, If tu'j, are known.
Typographical Particulars. — The ty^se is No. 5 only.
The lines, of which there are seventeen to a page, are fully
spaced out, and measure 2f inches. Large full-faced Lom-
bardic capitals are plentifully used, and printed in red ink
separately, as are also such words as Psalmiis and Versicle.
This points to quite a late production in the career of Caxton,
probably after he had resigned the management of the practi-
cal part to his successor, Wynken de Worde.
The Text of sig. tl j recto begins thus, with a 2-line capital
i^ in red ink.
£>,
(gloriosa fcmina eiel=
la p'rpri sitirra qui tr rrc-
auit prouitif lartasti sarro bficre
The first words on the succeeding recto are — 2, ruilt ItfiC-
rati ; 3, liominum ; 4, Bcus.
These unique leaves, which have evidently been used as
binder's waste to form the covers of a book, were presented to
the British Museum, in 1858, by Mr. Maskell (C. 35. a.).
Measurement 5^ x 4 inches.
A
DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED
TYPE No. 6.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 6.
81. Fayts ....... 1489
82. Statutes ....... 1489
83. Governal . . . . . .1489
84. Reynard. Second Edition .... 1489?
85. Blancliardyn ...... 1489?
86. Four Sons of Aymon . . . , . 1489 ?
87. Directorium Sacerdotum ..... 1489?
88. Eneydos . . . . . . . 1490
89. Dictes. Third Edition ..... 1490?
90. Mirror. Second Edition . . . . 1490?
91. Divers Ghostly . . . . . . 1491 ?
92. Fifteen Oes . . . . . . 1491?
93. Art and Craft ...... 1491 ?
94. Courtesy. Second Edition . . . . . 1491 ?
95. Festial. Second Edition . . . . . 1491 ?
96. Four Sermons. Second Edition . . . 1491 ?
97. Ars moriendi ...... 1491?
98. Chastising . . . . . ■ . 1491 ?
99. Treatise of Love ...... 1491 ?
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. C.
No. 81. — The Fayts of Arms a^hb of Chivalry. Folio.
"Per Gaxtonr Without Place. Printed the Uth day
of Jul I/, the fourth year of the reiyn of K. Henry VII.,
or 1489.
Collation. — Two unsigned leaves of table ; ^ ItJ (K 13
<25dF<^?^S3^IliHia(©l€mall 4"'; ^ a 3°, with
the last leaf blank. In all 144 leaves, of which one is blank.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The whole book is in one type only, No. 6. The lines, Avhich
are fully spaced out, measure 4| inches, and there are 31 to a
full page. Without foHos or catchwords. "Woodcut initial
letters.
The Text begins, with a 3-line initial,
f&xt fifggnnft^ tt? tafilc of tf)f ru6rgsf)]DS of tf)e
bokf of tf)p fa:pt of armrs anli of (Jtfjgualrgf toi^idje
saj)ti fiofef is tjcpartgti in to fourc partgfs /
C Cf)c tgrst partijc tifugsfti) ttc mancce t|at fegnges anti
On sig. ^ j recto,
^nt fiegimnet!) ti)e took of fagttcs of armcs ^^ of (Ctgual;:
rgc/ anti ti)c first cfiapjotrc is ttc prologue /in toijicf)^ iprg-
stgnc of pgsc aruscti) f)ir Sflf to i)auf tiar rnterprpsr to
spefee II of so f)Be matrrr as is rontcgneti in tfjis sapti fioofe
The Text ends on the verso of the same leaf,
remagne alletoag bgrtorpous / iEnlr tiajjli) rnrrrarr fro brr
tu to brrtuf $c fro ftrttcr to fifttcr to f)is lautir ^ fjonour m
tl)is II present Igf /ti)at after ti)ps sijort vV transitorpe Igf /
t)e mag at^Htegne to euerlastpng Ujf in l)euen 212^f)iei)e
goti graunte to || i)gm anti to alle f)ps Igege peple 'RM^^I
^er (Eaiton
332 WILLIAM CAXTON.
Remaeks. — There is a MS. in the British Museum {E&y,
1 5 E vi) containing the original French text of Christine de
Pisan. It agi-ees very accm-ately with Caxton's English yer-
sion, and has the introductory chapter, in which Christine
excuses herself, and explains her reasons for writing a work
on chivalry. This manuscript is also interesting from having
been written for the celebrated John Talbot, Earl of Slu-ews-
l)ury, who died in 1453, and by whom it was presented to
Queen Margaret. A still greater degree of interest would
invest the volume if we suppose it to be the identical manu-
script from which Caxton made his translation. This is cer-
tainly not improbable, as the original from the Royal Library
was entrusted to our printer, for the purpose of translation
and printing, by King Henry VII of England, as we learn
from the prologue : — " which book, being in French, was
delivered to me, William Caxton, by the most christian king,
my natural sovereign lord. King Henry VII, in his Palace of
AYestminster, and desired me to translate this said book, and
to put it in print."
Many French bibliogi-aphers (Les Msc. Franc, t. v, page
94), ascribe the composition of "Faits d'Armes et de Cheva-
lerie " to Jean le Menu, so well known from his connection
with " Le Roman de le Rose." The sole reason for this
appears to have been the fact that Jean le Meun translated
into French the celebrated work of Vegetius "De re militari,"
written in 1284, a work often quoted in the " Faits d'Armes ;"
but since the writings of Christine have become better known,
no one has ventured to claim for the thirteenth, a work con-
taining references and facts applicable only to the fifteenth
century. That a book on the " Rules of War " should in any
age have been Avritten by a woman, is sufficiently improbable
to recjuire a critical examination ; and, therefore, as the claims
of Christine to the authorship of " Les Faits d'Armes" are still
denied by some "\mters, it may not be inappropriate to state
})oth sides of the argument.
Among the manuscripts in the British iMuscum is one
entitled '*' The Bokc of Noblesse " (Eoi/al 18, B. xxii). This,
for the first time, was printed in 18G0, for the members of
BOOKS PRINTED IX TYPP: XO. C. 338
the Roxburghe Club. The author is entirely unkno\^Ti, and
the only reason for mentioning this at all is that the name of
Christine frequently appears in its pages as an authority upon
military matters, but is always referred to as " Dame Cristyn
in hir booke of Tree of Batailes," or some military phrase.
But " L'Arbre des Battailes " is the well-knoAMi compilation
of Honore Bonet, of which copies may be seen in Roi/al 20 C.
VIII, and Addit. 22768. Now, what is the natural conclusion
from this erroneous ascription ? Evidently that the unknown
A\Titer of the " Book of Noblesse," quoting probably from a
copy of " L'Arbre des Battailes," which had neither prologaie
nor epilogue; and having in Ms mind the great fame of
Christine as the WTiter of a book on a similar subject, made
the not unpardonable mistake of misquoting the author's
name, and attributing to Christine, the compiler of "Les
Faits d'Armes," all the quotations drawn from Bonet's
'' L'Arbre de Battailes." Not so, argues Mr. John Gough
Nichols, in his interesting preface to the Roxburghe impres-
sion. " Christina de Pisan," he m-ges, " was a Poetess ;" and
it is not likely that she had more to do with the " Faits
d'Armes" than the "dame Christine" of "The Book of No-
blesse" had with the "Arbre des Battailes." In support of
this opinion is quoted a marginal note in "The Boke of
Noblesse," in an old hand-MTiting, but more modern than the
original manuscript, to the following effect : —
" L'Ai'hre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Pr'icur de
Sallon en ProuuenceP
" Note yt in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of y"
tree of Battayles, not that she made yt ; But hicause she was a notable
Benefactour to Learned men and perchance to y* autor of this Booke
And therefore diverse of them sette fnrthe their Bookes under her
name."
The author of this note was evidently unacquainted \\\i\\
the particulars of the life, or the character of the A\Titings, of
Christine— the " virilis foemina" of her eminent contemporary,
Gerson— and "La grant sagesse" of her editor, Jean Marot.
The assertion that authors set forth their l)ooks under her
name is unsupported by a single known instance ; while her
f.34 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
early tuition, political life, and numerous writings, would both
enable and incline her to compose such a work.
Christine expressly states in the preface that she AM-ote
the work; and although Yerard, in his printed edition of
1488, omits the prefatory address, it appears in numerous
manuscripts, and may be read in Caxton's translation. " Be-
cause," says Christine, "men of arms are not clerks, nor
instructed in the science of language, I have assembled and
gathered together diverse books to produce this work. And
because that this is a thing not accustomed and out of usage
to women / which commonly do not intermit but to spin on
the distaff and occupy them in things of household. I suppli-
cate humbly * * to have nor take it for no evil if I a woman
charge myself to treat of so high a matter."
No one doubts that Dame Juliana Berners \ATote the well-
knoAHi "Treatise on Hunting and Hawking," and the evi-
dence that Christine de Pisan wrote "The Fayts of Arms" is
equally strong.
Christine was no common poetess whose strength was in
the prettiness of her amatory verses. The short account of
her already given (see nnie page 193), ■\\illshow the energetic
and comprehensive character of her mind. Educated by her
father in the whole course of literature at that time in vogue,
she had, while yet young, made herself mistress of the Latin
language, and stored her mind by the perusal of the most
celebrated wTitings, as well Pagan as Christian. Living in
the midst of wars and preparations for war, many of her
acknowledged writings teem Avith warlike allusions. In poli-
tics her opinion had gi-eat weight ; she was consulted by the
highest nobles of France ; and many years of her life were
spent in the endeavour to raise the political and moral tone of
the country. The celebrated Jean le Meun found in her no
weak opponent, and the equally celebrated Chancellor Gerson
a most potent ally.
There are 21 copies of this work known, of which eleven
are in private libraries.
BOOKS PEIXTED IN TYPE NO. D. 335
No. 82.— Statutes of Heney YII. Folio. Sim ulld notd.
(1489?)
Collation.— a 1) C t) are 4"% with the first leaf of a blank ;
P a 5°, with the last blank. Total 42 leaves, of which two are
blank.
Note. — The signature is omitted on a if. The third and
fifth leaves of t are erroneously signed tl \\\ and t» b.
Typographical Paeticflars. — There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even
length, measure 4f inches, and there are 31 (in three instances
33 lines) to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Only
one 2-line woodcut initial is used.
After a blank leaf, the Avork commences on the second
recto of sig. a.
The Text begins thus —
C ^l)P feJ?ngc our souecegn lortif ijrnrg t^c snirnti) after tf)c
conquest 65 tf)c grace of gotj fepng of (JritglontJ $c of jTra-
uncc anti lortic of 3Jrlontie at ijis parlgamct tolticn at tocst=
The Text ends on sig. z 9 verso, the whole page being as
follows —
plegsurc/212atf^n; \\z toplle after tije fournte contegneb $c
ortiet II nel) in anti tig ti)ig arte /or after t^e maner & fourme
afore till me bsetr/
Remarks. — This is the earliest known volume of printed
statutes, and is further remarkable as being in English. It
contains some very curious and interesting legislation on
political, trade, and domestic matters.
The British Museum copy was purchased from Mr. Lilly,
who, a few days before, had bought it at Hodgson's for £2 10s.
It was then bound up ^^ith some other law tracts and year-
books, mostly from the press of Machhnia, one of which,
being unique, was catalogued by Mr. Lilly at 100 guineas.
There is also a perfect copy in the National Library, Paris,
and the Inner Temple, London, with one copy only in private
hands.
336 WILLIAM C'AXTOX.
No. 83. — The Goveenai^ of Health. — The Medicina
Stomachi. Quarto. Sine vlla notd. (14-89 ?).
Collation.— The "Uovenial," a and ^ 4"^; the "Medi-
cina," two unsigned leaves = eighteen leaves.
Typographical Paeticulars. — Without title-page. Only-
one type, No. (), is used throughout. The lines, AAhich are of
an even length, and measure 2f inches, excepting i3 7 verso,
which has 24, have all 23 hues to a page. Wood-cut initials
to chapters. Without folios or catchwords.
The Text begins on sig. H j recto,
n tf)ts tiPtgsp tf)at is rlfprt (go
iifrnagle oC tlfltfje : 512ii^at is to
6f sap togti) rrgstis ijclpf of so=
nif ttjgngfs ti)at longrn to ftotii
Ig i)flt|)p/i)at)t)c aittj to fir kept or
to tio"tiili|} i)f It^r . lost ant) to 6c rfroufrctj / anti
and ends,
2ri)is rcffptf toug1)tf is of no potyrargr
®f mapster antong m of magstrr ijugijr
Co all intiyfferrnt it is rpr^cst tipftar^r
^iplirit mrtirina stomari^i :
Remarks. — The " Governal " was originally Anitten in
Latin, and soon after translated into English, but no trace
of the translator's name is left. The date of the original
composition is unknoA\'n ; we can only gather from the non-
existence of manuscripts of a later date than the latter half
of the fourteenth century that it was composed about that
period.
The name of the author or compiler is doubtful. From
Shane 989 one would say that John de Burdeux wrote it for
the good of a "frende," but Shane 3149 attributes it to
another AVTiter, "Explicit tractatus Bartholomei." John de
Burdeux was the author of several tracts on medicine, and
flourished in the latter half of the fourteenth century. Bar-
tholomeus was rather a prolific winter of the fourteenth and
Plate XIII.
Caxtoiia Ti/pe, No. {].
ucrnd}j& of Mtt^ettCHbaf tcjfc
fe fast tbp<t opfift^ &(pc of (0;
Ip ^lti[?c/^^ an^ fo fe Kepi 01
to fo^Up ^It^c .fofi ^nx> to fe ixo:u(Xi^/ anb
3ti ^c f j^tftc c^apgte of tfec ptof ptte of goo^
<6oucrnapfe of ^lt$/34) % i^.cfeappte tb^dt
t0 ftifiE 01) motolto to fe oo^/3t) t^c tij.tljdptfec
of fot^plp cjocczfpcc/ tf?at 10 fo fapc. fefpnce g
%xt> ptofpfe; 3t) t^ fbaztfe c^^Pfitc of fppa«
of c^rfKc/3i^ t^c f pf tib^ c^aptpetc ^Bb ami
%\^ ^uf ^ptt) ti) m«<!c,tt) etpng ^vb mtttc^ :
3t) t^c Bi.c^apitze ^Ib a mat) f^lt) ^auc %n)
tt) t^tgnfipng of l^te ^tpn6c6/3i) t^e Bi;.4ap
pto tb^at f^loc fe oonc af«e? mc6r/3t) t§c Sti^
c^appttx of t^c nopfc of euptt gouern^uncfi;
C nc^pt^ t)pn) d^at tbotl ^m ^ngc
Ipff to 6nolbe t^ craf 6e of Wfcme 50;
U^ of ^0 fo^p/ for el0 & mapc not cow) 6)
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. G. 337
fifteenth centuries, but the " Goyernal " is not found among
the works generally attributed to him. Whoever may have
been the author, the work possesses small claims to originality,
l)eing a compilation from the medical works of the Arabian
and Greek pliysicians, and quoting largely from the " Regimen
Sanitatis Salernitanum." The " Medicina Stomachi " is con-
tained in most collections of Lydgate's poetry, and in Harl.
1 1 is directly attributed to him.
Both tracts were reprinted by Wynken de Worde, sine
anno, who repeats all the blunders of the first edition. These
editions are equally rare, the only copy of the second being in
the Public Library, Cambridge. An annotated reprint of
Caxton's text was issued privately by the editor of this work
in 1858. On no other occasion does this interesting treatise,
which was the earliest medical book printed in the English
language, appear to have passed through the press.
A good copy is in the old library of the Earls of Dysart,
iit Ham House, Surrey, and another in the Bodleian.
Xo. 84. — The History of Eeynaed the Fox. Second
Edition. Folio. Sine ulla no fa. (1489 ?)
Collation. — An unsigned sheet of introductory matter ;
sigs. a 6 C "il C f g i) are 4"' ; i is a S''. No blank leaves. In
all seventy leaves.
Typographical Particulaes. — There is no title-page.
The type throughout is No. 6. The lines, which are fully
spaced out, measure 5f inches, and there are 31 (sometimes
'.'>2) to a page. Woodcut initials are used. On the first
recto is Caxton's device, underneath which is the following
line only : —
C Cfjis is t^e tafilf of t^e ijtstorgc of ilfgnart i\it ioxe/
On the verso commences the table, which ends seven lines
down the second recto, underneath which is,
C Mw bfggnncti) ijgstorgf of regnarb tijc foxe.
The preface finishes the page. The second Aerso is blank.
z
338 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
Oil Slg. a I,
C ii^oU) t^f Ipn fepngf of allc fifstps snit outc i)gs
mautie li mrntes t^at allc trrstjjs sj[)ol^e come to tjgs fecst
anl3 rouvt/
C (ffapitulo ^3rimo
The conclusion of the text cannot be given, no perfect
copy being at present known. For an account of the first
edition of this celebrated allegory see anie page 227.
The only Existing Copy is in the Pepysian Library,
Cambridge. It unfortunately wants the last two leaves, con-
taining the epilogue of Caxton, and ends on sig. i 4 verso,
with these words,
<anti i)fi; togtf) toil g Inic fforbj
f)at |)auc -^ to ton)tc of tfjjjse rngstiftjis |j |aue pnotoij to tioo
It is in good condition, but cropped, measuring 9 x 6| inches.
Pepys's arms on the binding, and his book-plate inside. The
wanting leaves are supplied in manuscript of seventeenth
century.
No. 85. — The History of Blanchaedin and Eglantine.
Folio. Sim ulld notci. (1489 ?)
Collation. — Imperfectly knov\Ti. The introductory matter
makes a 3", signed I, ii, {{], the sixth leaf being blank, k il3 ©
13 © dF (S ^ f H E IH are 4"^ and there were probably
several other additional signatures.
Typographicai. Particulars. — Without title. The type
is all No. fi. The lines, which are all of one length, measure
4f inches, and there are 31 to a full page. Woodcut initials.
Without folios or catchwords.
The Text begins on sig. ] recto, with a prologue by Caxton,
^iilto tijf rigi)t nofilf pugssaut ^- txttWtX pvgnrfSSf mg
rrtoufttrt latig mg latiji margarcte tuctrssf of So-
mmftf /moter bnto our naturcl $c sourtagn lort antr most
and finislies on the verso of tlie same leaf,
f ogcs tjfsirs \xi tl)80 prcsmt (j)flf : c ^n^ aftfi t^ig gfiort
anlr ttansptorje Ipff . niniastgngp Ipff in l)f uen amen /
BOOKS PRINTED IX TYPE HO. (J. S39
The table follows on sig. if, with a 2-line initial,
^IdlanrJjartgn / soup of tlje nottle fegng of dfrpe
and finishes on the 5th recto, which, however, in the only copy
known, is nnfortunately, in manuscript. This appears to have
been copied from the very rare reprint by Wynken de "Worde,
the last four lines being — " How Blanchardin wedded his love
the proude | pucelle in amours : And of the grete ioye that |
was made there . and of the Kjnige of Fryse deth capl" liiij" "
The sixth leaf is blank. On sig. ^ j recto the first chapter
commences as follows : —
C ^tf fivst ri^apitiT of t^is presmt hoi^t contegneti) 1)oh)
^ijlanrijavtijjn tiepartetr out of t|)e court of \)i» faWc fegnge
of fxvm / (iTapltuto primo .
'jr ?^at tgme toijfn t^e Migi)t tappg . bode of
All the text after sig. ifH iii] is wanting in the only known
copy.
Remarks. — The prologue to Caxton's translation of this
romance is fortunately preserved, from which we learn that
Margaret, Duchess of Somerset, brought to Caxton the French
version of this romance (which she had "long before" pur-
chased of him), with her commands that he should translate
it into English. Having made the translation, he presented
it to Her Grace, probably as a manuscript, as he says nothing
of any command to print it. It was, however, soon after put
to press, perhaps at Caxton's own risk, as a trade speculation.
As to the date, there are only the typographical particulars to
guide us, which, however, all point to about the year 1489.
The only kno^vn Existing Copy is in the library of Earl
Spencer. It is, nnfortunately, imperfect.
No. 8G. — The Four Sons of Aymon. Folio. Sim nJlu nofd.
(1489?)
The Collation cannot be given accurately, as no perfect
.•opy is known. ^ iS (t B i}? Jf ^. ^i ^ ^ M i^ (f^
340 Wir-LIAM CAXTON.
1 05 M S C m .t ^ % aa i)6 cc liti tt ii m t)f) ti fefe W are
all 4"^ tltllt being a 3", with the sixth leaf, probably, blank.
This makes a total of 278 leaves; but it is more than likely
that some introductory matter preceded sig. ^.
Typographical Parttcitlars. — Only one type, N'o. fi,
is used. The lines, which are all of an even length, measure
4f inches, and there are 31 to a full page. Without folios or
catchwords. Woodcut initials throughout.
The only known copy of this edition begins on sig. ^ ttj,
in the middle of a sentence,
MegnabJtif one of X%t eonrs of ^Igmon/bjlifrof spcrgall]!} tre
The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig, mm, with the fol-
lowing sentence : —
vd faj)r lortics tijrnnr tijat tijis prrsmt t)o!u sijal xt^
tir or t)rrf . tor sijaH praiK goti vV ti)f gloiyous sapnte
ixf^nautic tljf martfv/tfjat |f Qjnir bs grarc to pnsfunf /
ant) II rontjjnuf oui W \\\ gooti irrfers . fcj? tijf toljifijf toe
mag Ija || tie at our entipnge ti)e liff tijat euer sijall taste /
Remarks. — Manuscripts of this favourite romance, con-
cerning the original of which little appears to be knomi,
mount up to the thirteenth century, and references to it are
found in manuscripts of a still earlier date ; but all these are
rythmical romances, and Caxton's translation (if we may give
him the credit of it) was evidently made from a French prose
text, perhaps that printed at Lyons, about 1480, under the
title "Les quatre filz Aymon."
Before the discovery of the volume under review, the
earliest printed English text of "The four sons of Aymon"
was the 1554 edition of R. Copland, to which was appended
the following colophon : —
" CT Here finishitli the hystory of the | noble and valiaunt knyght
lieynawde | of Mountawban, and his three bre- | thern ^ Imprinted at
London. l)y | Wynken de Worde, the . viij. dn)'e of | Maye, and y* yere of
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. (J. 341
our lorde . M ,C | CCCC iiii . at the request and com- | maundement of
the noble and puis- | saunt erle, the Erie of Oxenforde, ] And now
Emprinted in the yere of | our Lord . M . CCCCC . 1 iiii . the | vi daye of
Maye, By wylliani Cop- ] land, for Thomas Petet."
From Copland's colophou we learn that an edition was
issued in 1 504 by Wynken de AYorde, although, unfortunately,
not a single copy is now known to exist. He, of course, re-
printed from the text under review; and, indeed, the first
portion of the colophon above quoted, so far as it concerns
Wynken de Worde, is quite in Caxton's style, and recalls the
numerous instances already noticed, in ^^■hich Wynken de
Worde, by altering the printer's name and the date, has falsi-
fied both typographical and historical truth. That in this
case he used Caxton's colophon, with alterations, is rendered
almost certain when the prologue to Copland's edition is
])crused. Here we have all the peculiarities of our first
printer's style, and his very diction.
No manuscript or printed copy of Caxton's life of Kobert,
Earl of Oxford, is known.
The only known Existing Copy of Caxton's edition is in
the lilirary of Earl Spencer. It is imperfect, wanting all
before sig. Hiii ; 23 8, and ^ 8.
No. 87. — Directomum Saceedotum, una cum Defensoeio
EJUSDEM ; ITEM TeACTATUS QUI DICITUR CEEDE MIHI.
Folio. Srcond Version. Second Edition. " Impres-
smn per WiUelmu Caxton cqnul wesfmonasteriu pro2)e
London / " Without Date. (1489 ?)
Collation. — A preliminary 4", signed only on the fourth
recto with the figure 4; airtiefgi)ifelmnoparst
U X B are all 4"'; ^ is a 5"". Total 194 leaves. No blanks.
TYPoaEAPHicAT. Particulaes. — There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even
length, measure 4f inches. Exclusive of head-lines there are
31 to a page. A few 2-line woodcut initials. AVithout folios
or catchwords.
The " Kalendar," which has the same woodcut KL as in
the first edition, commences on the first recto, thus : —
oi2 WJLLIAil CAXTOX.
EC
|3rtma tirs mrnsts ft srptima trurat bt fnsis
ganuavtus ijatft tiics .uxj/luna bcro xxx
The Text ends on sig. ^10 verso,
hix potent rrrare : in seruirio tiiuino Bco (J^rarias
C ^axton mr fieri frc it .
Remarks. — From the fact of the Printer beginning his
table for finding the Golden and Dominical Letters at the
year 1489, we may safely assimie that year to be the date of
printing, as to print back years wonld be useless. The com-
bination of red and black fignres, the black form being first
printed, and the red form secondly and separately, shows a
great advance in Avorkmanship over other books by Caxton.
liike the first edition there is only one Existing Copy
known of this, which is in the Bodleian Library. It is, vrith
*' The Art and Craft to know well to die " by the same printer,
still in the original parchment ^ATapper, as issued from Caxton's
workshop. It is perfect, and in good condition.
No. 88. — Eneydos. Folio. Without Printer's Nanw, Place,
or Date. " Translated hy me tvyllyam Caxton,^' June
227id, 1490.
Collation. — Sig. E a 3", with the first leaf blank ; id ^
23 (!5 J^ (0 ?^ g m H are 4"% with U 8 blank. In all 8(>
leaves, of which two are blank.
Dr. Dibdin erroneously ascribes only four leaves to sig. ^.
Note. — Sig. a is very irregular : the first leaf, which is
blank, is not reckoned in the signatures, the second and tliird
leaves being signed respectively ^ j, and ^ if. The fourth
leaf, which, to agree with the others, should have been signed
^ ii\, has no signature at all ; while the omitted signature,
^ ii\, appears on the sixth or last leaf of the 3".
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type is all No. 6. The lines are spaced to an even length.
BOOKS Plii:STED IN TYPE AO. 6. Md
and lueasui-e 4| inches. There are 31 lines to a full page.
Woodcut initials of two, three, and six lines in depth.
After a blank leaf the prologue begins on the second recto,
sig-ned E i,
Mttx tjgtiersp bjcrfers matic / translatcti anti aci)irurt / t)a
upng noo toe vfee in f)antif . ^ sittgng in mj) stutiijc toljcre as
lage mang tiguersc pauntlcttis anti fioofejjs . |)appenfti tl)at
The Text ends on sig. it 7 recto, with the following
colophon : —
^,<!S^(ir fgngssfjcti^ tf)c Ijofee gf (JrncgtJos / romppirt fig
^Bi^ II gglc/ tolic^e i)atl)c 6c translate oute of latpnc in to
fipnsi)c/ II anil oute of fvcnsije utmteti in to iJrnQlgsste fig
mf b)gllm||(»raj:ton/t^f nir.tiapc of ^ugn. t^t ymt of out
lovtif.fH.iiiillifl: Ixm. ^\)cfsii)t k^c of t^e ixtQut of
fej)nge ?l^rnrj) i tf)r srucntij
Caxton's device on the verso. The eighth leaf is a blank.
Remakks. — The " Ijtyl booke in frenshe, named Eneydos,"
which happened to come under our Printer's notice while sit-
ting in his study surrounded with many divers pamphlets, is
a free paraphrase of i)ortion8 of " The ^neid," by Virgil.
Had Gawin Douglas, wlio, in 1553, issued a Scotch metrical
version of " The ^neid," read C'axton's preface, he would
have seen that Caxton does not pretend to give a translation
of the Latin poem, and might have spared himself the trouble
of some hundreds of lines in abuse thereof. The " Eneydos "
was issued ouly as a romance compiled from Virgil's "^neid"
and Bocace's " Fall of Princes ;" and, with little merit, it
seems to have gained little favour, even with the lovers of
such compilations, for it never reached a second edition. It
would appear, howe^'er, that a good sale \\'as expected, and an
impression more numerous than usual struck ott', as few of
Caxton's books are so common as " Eneydos."
Existing Copies. — British Museum (3); Cambridge;
Trinity College, Cambridge ; Oxford (3) ; St. John's, Oxford ;
Hunteriau, Glasgow ; and 8 in private liliritries.
344 WILLIAM CAXTON.
No. 89. — The Dictes a^d Sayings of the Philosophers.
Third Edition. Folio. Westminster. The year 1477
erroneoushj reprinted, the real date leing about 1490.
Collation. — The device and prologue occupy two un-
signed leaves; then, E iS <E B i© dF @ are 4"^; |^ and g
3"% the sixth leaf of % being blank. In all 70 leaves, of which
the last is blank. Dr. Dibdin erroneously states " It contains
only QQ leaves."
There is no title-page. The only type used is No. G. The
lines which are fully spaced out measure 4f inches. There
are 30 and 32 lines to a page, but mostly 31. Without folios
or catchwords. 2 and 3-line woodcut initials.
Caxton's device is in the centre of the first recto, the pro-
logue commencing on the verso with a 2-line wood initial,
iiKve \t is 00 ttjat nicrg creature fig ti)e suffraunc c of
-our lorti goti is torn anb ortifjjnrti to l)f sufcgrttf ant)
tf)raU bnto tljc stormrs of fortune . iHnti so \\\ tiiucrsc anti
ifftifdjias hias ti)f first. l|)iIosop}jir fip b)i)om
'tljrougi) ttje toj!)l anti pleaser of our lorti goti. ^a^
pienre toas bntirrstantir anti labors rrsregucti. b)i)i=
cf)e. 5;etiecfjias saite tijat euerg creature of gooti fteleue
The Text ends at foot of fifth recto of sig. %
5Mi)om 3J fiesecfje aimggtjtg got) tencrece ant) to continue
in i)is bertuous tiisposicion m tt)ts toorlti . ^nti after tt)is
lj)f to Iguc eucr lastinglg in Ijeuen . ^mcn .
C (Uaaton me fieri fecit .
The verso and final leaf are blank.
Eemarks. — This is another instance of the original date
and imprint of a book being reproduced in subsequent
editions. AH the tyiDographical particulars prove it to have
been about 1490; and the presence of signatures, printed
initials, and evenly spaced lines, give direct testimony against
the date 1477, at which time none of these had been adopted
at "Westminster.
BOOKS FEINTED IN TYPE NO. C. 345
For literary particulars, see the first edition, page 186, ante.
Existing Copies. — Cambridge : St. John's College, Cam-
In-idge ; Oxford, and Lambeth Palace. Three copies are in
private libraries.
No. 90. — The Mierour of the World. Second Edition.
Folio. The Name, Place, and Date of the First Edition
reprinted; hut about 1490.
Collation. — a 6 C "tl e ( g f) i It I are 4"', the last leaf
occupied Avith the device only. In all 88 leaves.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
Tlie type is ah Xo. 6. The hues, which are spaced to an even
length, measure 4f inches, and a full page contains 31. With-
out folios or catchwords. 2 and 3-line initials in wood.
Commencing with a Ijlank leaf, the table follows on the
second recto, signed, however, a j.
The Text begins on a t recto,
■^ tz bolume nameti t^e mgcrour of X^z toorlti or t|)8=
mage of tlje eamf/
The Text ends on the seventh verso of sig. I,
antj transgtorge Igf ^c irgnge l)Bm an^ bs in to ijis celestg^
al filgsse in ijcnrnc 2.M^^ I
C (Jlaxton me fieri feeit .
On the eighth verso is the device, the recto being blank.
Remarks. — Although this book bears tlie same dates as
the fii-st edition, it is very evident ft-om the type, from the
device, from the use of a woodcut to head Chapter II, which
had been used shortly before in the " Royal Book," and from
many other more minute evidences, that it reaUy was not
printed till about 1490.
It would seem that the proper cut for Chapter II, viz. a
fig-ure of a philosopher with the globe in his hand, having
been injured or lost, that the workman chose the first which
offered itself, and thus, in this edition, we have the very
346 WILJ.IAil CAXTOX.
inapproi)riate illustration of Christ's transfiguration, as head
to the chapter, '* "Why God made and created the World."
Existing Copies. — Cambridge : Pepysian, Cambridge ;
Exeter College, Oxford ; Hunterian, Glasgow; Baptist College,
Bristol ; and seven in private hands.
No. 91. — A Book of divers Ghostly mattees, contain-
ing : — The Seven points op true Love and ever-
lasting Wisdom, or Orologifivi Sapienti.^: The
Twelve profits of Tribulation; — The Rule of
St. Benet. Qimrto. WyJlelmu Caxton. '^ Emjjryntpd
westmynstrey Without Date. (1490?)
Collation. — The " Seven points of True Wisdom " has
ai3(irB(!5dF(ggt^fiivitiB all 4''% or 96 leaves.
The " Twelve profits of Tribulation " has .^ IS (*I B all
4"% or 32 leaves.
The " Rule of St. Benet " has a \\ 4'" and C a 2", or 20
leaves.
Total of the three tracts, 148 leaves, all printed.
Note. — The signatures to the third tract are unusual, viz.
a is signed aa, a \\, aa i\\, a ini; t is signed ti) t) i\, fi Hi,
i) \i\\; t is signed rc, C X].
Typographical Particulars. — Without title-page. The
type throughout is No. 6. The lines, Avhich are spaced to an
even length, measure 3f inches, and 24 make a full page.
Without folios or catchwords.
The Text of " The Seven points of True Wisdom " begin
on sig. E j : —
\^ of pc srucn po),)ntfS of trrtor lour anli
fucrln.stgng b)),)stiom tratorn outr of
))j ftookc gi Is biitftt in latj)n anti rlrprti (^x^^
lOQium sapirnrif /
The tract ends thus, on sig. JH 8 verso,
C 5ri)us twtiiW] tt)f tifati>e(f of tijr bij
poynlr.^ of true louc ^ cur rlastj^nii liii)sTiom /
P.OOKS PKIXTKI) IN TYl'K NO. G. M47
tjiah)f n of of tl)f ftofec tljat Is bjrgtcn in laten na
mrti ©rologlu snplecte .
C vPmpqnttfti at bjfstmjjnstif
C (l^ul Ifgit nncntict / prcssornu non rrpie
tfntiat
C 5l2a),)Uclmu OTaxton . (!Tut tic a!ta tratiat
The " Rule of St. Beiiet " ends on verso of sig. C 4,
C (!?mprgntfti at hjpstmgnstre fig tirsirgng
of fcrtrgn toorsijipfuU pcrsoneg : .
Remarks. — Little is known of Jehan de Soushavie, or
Souaul)e, as a French copy has it. BibliogTaphers generally
call him Henry de Suso, probably after the example of Echard,
in his " Script, ordin. Pr^edicat." The English version printed
by Caxton is correctly described, not as a translation, but as
" drawen oute of" a book named "Orologium Sapientiaa." The
printed text is not equal in extent to one-half of the origiual.
Was it this induced Caxton to end the tract Avith " Qui legit
emendet, pressorem nor reprehendat ?" — a parody of the phrase
often seen in manuscripts " Qui legit emendet scriptorem non
reprehendat." Caxton says of the " Rule of St. Benet," which
is a translation from the Latin, that he was employed to print
it "by desire of certain worshipful persons."
The signatures given by the Printer to these three tracts
suggest the probability that they were intended to be issued
separately : but as iu all the known copies they appear bound
together, and as they have hitherto been described under the
general head of " Divers Ghostly matters," it has been deemed
advisable to retain that arrangement.
Existing Copies. — Cambridge, Durham Catlicdi'al : and
four in private libraries.
348 WILLIAM CAXTON.
No. !)•?. — The Fifteex Oes, a^b other Peayers. Quarto.
Printed by comirumchimit of the, Princess ElizaMh,
Queen of England, and the Princess Margaret, Mother
unto our sovereign lord the King, by their most humble
subject and srrrant William Caxton. Without Place or
Date. (1491?)
('OLLATiox. — a I) are 4"'; c is a 3" = 22 leaves.
TtpographicaIj Particulars. — There is no title. The
type is all No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even
length, measui-e 3^ inches, and there are 21 to a fall page.
Without folios or head-lines. Woodcut initials. A woodcut
border, in four separate pieces, is placed round each page.
This border was used later, for an undated but very early
edition of " Horaj," by Wynken de Worde. The wood en-
graving of the Crucifixion, ^\hich appears upon the verso of
the first leaf, has considerable artistic merit. It appears to
have been a favourite, having l)een used at a later period, by
Wynken de Worde, in several publications.
The recto of the first leaf is blank, but the verso is occu-
pied with the woodcut of the Crucifixion, already noticed.
Upon the second recto (not signed, unless the signature
has been cut away in binding) the Text begins with a 5-line
initial in wood, —
f^fjfsu nttilfs stoctnfs of
loujntg soulfs / (© Jfjrsu
Qostlji ioge passing -Sc tx^
rrti),)ng all glatinfs anti
tirsiics. © 3it)fsu 1)fltl)f ^
tnitire loucr of al rrpfntaut sinners tijat
O
and on the verso of t G, ends thus : —
C iHijifse pragrrs toforc torrton trn rn
pritfti tg \\)t romauticmcntfs of t|)f mos
te \)\}t ^ brrtuous griDnrrssr our lifgr la
tii ^lijaiftt) fig tijf grace of got) (Rurne
of yfnglon^c ^ of jFraucf .^- also of tije
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. C. 34!)
rtgf)t fji,)c ^most nofile prpnccsse iSarga
xftc iHflotiei; bnto out soueragn loctie t|)e
Ivsng / ^c
C; i3]o tfjfit; most i^umfilc sufigct antj
smtaut ratlliam <B*aiton
Remarks. — The fifteen prayers, named from the fact of
their all commencing with the letter 0, " the fifteen Oes,"
ai-e commonly found in the manuscript Horie of the fifteenth
century, in their original Latin. They were frequently printed
both in that language and in English, Caxton's version of the
latter being possibly the earliest. All these prayers breathe a
spirit of earnest devotion, and as an example the following is
laid before the reader.
" Jhesu heuenly leche haue mynde of thy langour and
blewnes of thy avo tides & sorowe that thou suttredest in the
heyght of the crosse / when thou were lifte vp fro the erthe /
that thou were aU to torne in all thy limmes / soo that there
was noo limme abydynge in his right ioynte / soo that noo
sorowe was like to thyne fro the sole of thy fote to the toppe
of thy hede there ^vas no hole place / And yet forgetying in
maner all those greuous paynes / thou preydest deuoutly &
charita])ly to thy fader for thine enmyes sayeng thus / Fader
foryeue it theim / for they wyte not what they done / For this
blessed charytable mercy that thou shewdest to thyne enemyes.
and for mynde of thyse bytter paynes / graunte me / that the
mynde of this bytter passion be to me plenar remyssion &
foryeuenes of my sinnis Amen / ^ Pater noster Aue
maria "
Another prayer commences thus : —
" blessid Jhesu swetnes of hertes and gostli hony of
soules. I beseche the for the bytternes of the aysel and galle
that thou tasted " &c.
The " Rex Henricus " of the Prayer on c itij verso, was
Saint Henry, sm-named the Pious and the Lame. He was son
of Henry Duke of Bavaria, and was born in the year 972 ;
crowned King of Germany, at Mentz, in 1002; died 14tli
July 1024 ; and was canonised by Pope Eugenius Lfl in 1 1 52.
850 wnjj.\:vi caxtox.
Preceding a printed Latin version of the " Fifteen Oes "
in the British Museum (C. 23. b. 24), is the following para-
graph in English : — " These be the . xv. oos tlie whyche the
holy Mirgyn saint brygitta was wonte to saye dayly before the
holy rode in saint Panics chyrche at rome : who so saye this
a hole yere he shall deleuer . xv. soules out of purgatory of
hys nexte kyndred . and conuerte other . xv. syiiners to gode
lyf and other . xv. ryghtuouse men of hys kynde shall per-
seuer in gode lyfe."
In Harl MS. 2255 is a paraphrase of the " Fifteen Oes,"
l)y John Lydgate, beginning — "0 blessyd lord my lord,
Christ Jesu."
The only Existing Copy known is in the British ]\Iuseum
(C. 25. c), and is bound with several tracts printed by Wynken
de Worde. It is perfect and in good preservation, although a
good deal cropped in the binding. Measurement, G| x 5
inches. Purchased in 1851.
No. 93.— The Art and Craft to Know w^ell to Die.
Folio. Translated hi/ Carton in 1490 Without Printer's
Name, Place, or Date. (1491?)
Collation.— a a 4"; 15 a 2"; then a single leaf impro-
perly signed 13 H], which was, probably, followed by a blank.
Total, thirteen printed leaves.
Typographical Particulaes. — There is no title-page.
The only tj-pe used is No. 6. The lines, which measure 4f
inches, are spaced to an even length, and there are 31 to a
page. Without catchwords or folios. Several 2 and 3-line
initials in wood.
The Text begins on sig. ^ f recto,
C li^nt tf gimnctlj a litgll Xxmim siiortp anti afirrtgcli spr-
fegnge of tf)c arte ^ rraft to fenotoe tofU to tge
^^-^ ?l^an it gs soo tfjat tofjat a man mafeftfj or tort^ / it
(jllj^ IS ma^c to rome to some ente/^nTj gf tije tf)gnge fie
gootie ant toell matie/ it muste neties rome to gootie
ttit . Cf)enne fig fietter $i gretter reason / euerg man ougijte to
ROOKS PRINTED IN TYPE XO. C>.
The Text ends on a single leaf, signed id ii],
^f)us tntieti) ti)e tragttBC afirctigfti of tijc
arte to Uxne iueU to tirgr / translatrtr outf of
ixm%i}t in to fnglgssi)f . fig totllm (Caaton
ti)f .tb ♦ tiag of Jugn / tf)t gete of our lorti a
iE iiij (Clxxx X .
Remaeks. — Manuscripts of this work are usually kno^^^l
as " The Art and Craft to live well and die well." This was
often printed. A Latin edition was issued by Guy Marchand,
at Paris, in 1483, and French editions by Yerard, at Paris,
and Colard Mansion, at Bruges. From the latter it seems
very probable that our Caxton, as he says in the colophon,
" abredged " his text.
An English version of the full work M^as made early in
the sixteenth century by Andrew Chertsey, and printed by
TVjmken de Worde in 150G.
Copies are in the British Museum, Oxford, and National
Library, Paris,
No. 94. — The Book op Courtesy. — Quarto. Bcmul Edition.
^' Emprynted at ivestmoster." Without Name or Date.
(1491 ?)
Collation. — This little piece probably consisted, like
Caxton's early editions, of a 4'' and a 3", making fourteen
leaves, all printed — a conclusion gathered from the only frag-
ment known.
Typographical Particulars. — The fragment, from whicli
alone we know that such an edition was printed, consists of
two quarto pages only, printed upon one side of a half-sheet,
the other side being blank. One of the pages is signed 66,
which, as already seen in " The Rule of St. Benet," was used
for 6 ]. Here then we have the first recto of the outermost
sheet of the second signature, and, by folding the half-sheet
with the unprinted part inside, we see directly that the
opposing page must be the last of that signature, and, in all
probability, the last of the tract.
The type is all No. 6, but the appearance of tlie small
352 WILLIAM CAXTON.
deface, which was probably never used in Caxton's lifetime,
points out a late date for its execution.
The last lines, underneath which are the imprint and the
small device, are as follows : — -
a Ci^rauc of tijrrssljrrs a ILpr ng of ptroncrs
a ?Lasisf)c of carters a Jt^astgnrs of cookrs
^ ^}nt pntiPtf) a \))i}}U trfatjjSf rallrt)
tljf iookf of nirtcsgf or IgtgU fiofjn .
iSPiiprgntrti atte inrstmostfr .
Tlie small '
•' W. a" Device
up-side-doicn.
As this edition, like tlie first and second, has three stanzas
to the page, it would, although in a somewhat smaller type,
take up the same number of leaves. The early editions had a
blank leaf at the end, which here we find filled up with the
curious epithets noticed above.
The Jra (/men t is in the Douce collection at the Bodleian,
having apparently been rescued from the cover of a book.
Measurement, 6| x 5^ inches. The reversal of the device,
and the blank side of the paper, suggest the idea that this
fragment was a Jirst proof, although, from the numerous
blunders in most of Caxton's pages, it is difficult to believe
that corrections were ever made after the matter was once
set up.
No. 95. — The Festial (Liber Festivalis). Folio. Second
Editmi. " Caxton me fieri fecit T Without Place or
Date, (1491 ?)
Collation.— a tl ctJ c(gi)tfelmnop are 4"% with
the first leaf of a blank ; (| has but one printed sheet, or two
leaves ; iH a 4" ; a 3", with device on S 6. In all 13G leaves,
of which one is blank.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 0.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page,
lie type consists of two sizes, Nos. 6 and 7, the latter being
ihat in which "Wynken de Worde printed many of his early
tooks. The lines are in double column, and measure only 2f
Qches. They are spaced to an even length, and there are 33
\o a column. Without foHos or catchwords. Plain initials,
;;ut in wood, of the depth of 2, 3, or 5 lines are used. There
s a small rude woodcut on sig. f 6 verso.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows, in
louble column, on sig. a if, the Text beginning —
IT ^\)t f)t\pt antr grace of of all tf\t ijie fcstis of t|)e
;iUllmpgi)tg gotj tljrugij tljc ])m . f || b)j)ll&pragf ti)at
[iPSfdjgn II ge of tis filcsseti it tt rallrt ffs^||tiuall/ti)c
motfic sagnt ma || tci|)tci)e fiegineti) at ti)e ||
The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig. g, three-fourths
3f the way down the second column,
tf)e ratfjfr fig t\)t f)clpr of \ii%
filfs II sit) motifv mavg / $c
\)\s ijol)) spoto= II Sfssf sagnt
trgggttf / anti all sagn || tee .
Olaiton me fieri fecit
The next recto is a blank page, the verso having the large
device.
Eemarks. — From the use of Xo. 7 type, which was Wynken
de Worde's, it is very probable that this book was printed by
him immediately after his master's death. Tliis edition too is
not an exact reprint of Caxton's, issued in 1483. Every
Festival has the prefix " Gode men and v^ymmen," or " Good
! frendis," and every tale is preceded by the word " Narracio."
Several stories not in the first edition have been added, while
the Pardon of Corpus Christi, in Latin and English, which
follows Trinity Sunday in first edition, is here entirely omitted.
Copies are in the British Museum, C^aml^ridge, Oxford ;
and three private libraries.
A a
354 AVILLIAM CAXTOX.
No. 96. — FOUE Seemons. Folio. Second Edition. Sine nlld
mtd. (1491 ?)
Collation. — ^ ^ (ft are 4"'; M is a 5° = 34 leaves.
Typogeaphical Pakticulars. — There is no title. The
type is all No. 6. In double column. The lines measure 2\
inches, being a very little shorter than the " Festial," and are
spaced to an even length. 33 lines to a column. "Without
folios or catchwords.
The Text begins on sig. ^ j, -with a 3-line woodcut
initial : —
3tt?c maBSter of smtenre snnBuotonesotile.np sours/
ij^tn X\)t Sfcontfc fiofee * anti 3J || purpose me tig f)is Inte
l^e fgrst tgstgnction / ^oonilg || tf)us to si)rb) it antr
sa^llgtf) ti)at tf)e souerapn rrtt if to pou || in ti)e Me/
cause / to|)t || goti matie all for to pour lerngnge || it is as
creatures m fieuen || gooli tf)us as togtljout ||
The Text ends half-way do-^ii the second column of the
ninth verso of sig. 3^, with the collect " Absolve quesumus,"
the last three lines being —
gloria inter sanetos et eleetos
tuos ressussttati respirent/
^er II ipm timn nostrum
amen / 1|
On the recto of the tenth leaf is the device of Caxton, the
verso being blank.
For Remaeks, see the first edition, page 263.
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, and three
private libraries.
No. 97. — ArS MOEIEXDI ; THAT IS TO SAY, THE CeAET FOR
TO DIE FOE THE HEALTH OF Man's SOUL. QuarlO.
Without Pf'infefs Name, Bate or Place. (1491 ?)
Collation. — E a 4^^ = 8 leaves, all printed.
Typogeaphical Paetculaes. — No title-page. The type
of the text is No. 6, but the four lines of heading at the
beginning, and some head-lines at the end, are in Wynken
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. C,
' de Worde's Xo. 1 type. The lines are spaced very evenly,
except on four pages at the end, and there are 24 to a page.
Woodcut initials to chapters. Without folios or catchwords.
A^"ith the exception of the use of Wynken de Worde's type,
I this tract agrees in all particulars with No. 83, " The
n^ouvernal of Helthe."
The Text begins on sig. ^ j recto,
fompglf^ anti rallcti ars mortcnbi / tf\ai is
to sapr ti)e craft for to tjfge for t^c tflt^e of
manncs sotolc .
^Tfjijan ong of Igfelg fjotjc sfjal tfegc/tijntnc
^^is mostf neccssargc to ^aue a spccgaU
The tract ends on M. 8 verso, with a full page : —
,iFor surfje rigijt ttxt ati-mitt or oni trifiularon
Co ttat gc ff)irct)e trri)rtT^ 5e put ful rretiulgte .
Cf)at gol) Ijatt) pmpsrt trust tt torll toit^ou
trfa(larj)on .
^in ^opc afiglipng i)is rctoartr antr eulastgng
glortc . amm Cripltcit .
Remaeks. — This short tract appears to be a translation
from the Latin, and doubtless l)y Caxton himself. No other
copy, however, manuscript or printed, in Latin or any other
language, appears to be knoTvni.i^ /pt,< Z^.^-/ ^o /^f/j /^OSS
This unique specimen is in the middle of a volume of
black-letter tracts in the Bodleian Library.
Xf). 98. — The Chastising of God's Children. Folio. Sine
ulld nofd. (1491 ?)
Collation. — An unsigned sheet (two leaves), containing
table and prologue ; E il3 OT © (ir dF <© are 3"^ ?^ a 2\
In all 48 leaves, and no blanlcs.
Typographical Particulars. — In this book we meet
A\ ith the first approach to a title-page, which consists of a
A a2
350 WILLIAM CAXTON.
3-line paragraph printed inthe centre of the first recto. The
types are No. 6 for the Text, No. 7 being found on the first
page only. Double column — the lines measuring 2f inches,
and being fully spaced out. 36 lines to a column. Without
folios or catchwords. Initials in wood 3 and 4 lines deep.
The Text begins with the following 3 lines in the centre
of the first recto,
C ^ijf prouffptailr fiofec for manrs soulc /^nti rigi)t
fomfor- i tal)(f to tijr toh}} I anti sprrgallj) in atiuf rsltr f ^
tvgfiulargon / toijidjc || tofec is cadrti ^^e (STijastgsiua of
gotitifs (jTijpltirrn
On the verso, w'ith a floriated 5-line initial, and in double
column, the first two lines being in type No. 7,
la tirrte of a(mio|)= C^c rausfs ronsiticrrt . antj
tgll goti ^flggpoiis manj) || otijrr skglfullg . g
sus= II tPt a .sijort mag tirrtif to tori i tp of tfjis
pistle S sm || tir djastpsing iSut agfepng i
sou of t^p tnatfr of||tnnp= i)fipf of 8£>^ almj)gi)tB / fig
farons / toijidje pgstle as toljoos || migijt ti)f asse f)a^
me II spffi)? to ti)p pro i
The Text ends on the recto of sig. ^ 4, -with the verso
blank,
not ^enpc to tije alone tfiat to ful :iJo8P ^ filissf / iaoto
prappst II i)cr soo firsclg / ^ct goti gra || unt ttiat it rngg^tf
ouer all ti)is || toljan ti)ou art so be . tijat euer is lastgng
ijartjf tnnptpti . anti i| in ^rinptr /
* * •* * *
Remaeks. — The use of a title-page, a practice unkno\Mi
to Caxton, the appearance of type No. 7, and the adoption of
signatures having three sheets only — all point to Wynken de
Worde, rather than to Caxton, as the printer of this book,
which was probably executed about 1491. The original \\Titer
of the Avork is unknown, and there seems but little reason for
attributing its corapositif>n to (\axtou.
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO G.
Existing Copies. — British Museum ; Cambridge, Univer-
sity Library (2) ; Pepysian, and Sydney Sussex College ; Hun-
terian, Glasgow ; Lincoln Cathedral ; Sion College, London ;
and tln-ee copies in private hands.
No. 99. — A Treatise of Love. Folio. Translated in 1493.
Without Printer's Name, Place, or Date. (1493 ?)
Collation.— m ^ OT B © dF ® ?^ are all 3°^ = 48
leaves, all printed.
Typographical Particulars. — Without title. The type
is No. 6 for the Text, but on the first page is a line in type
No. 7, the first of Wynken de Worde's founts. The whole is
in double column.
The Text begins on sig. 'M, j recto,
C ^f)isi tvetgse is of loue
ana spc || fepti) of iiii of ti)e
most spccpll lo||ii?)s ti)at
tm in ti)c bjorltie ant slje
*****
toljtdje txtV^M iuas
tvanslatlti out of frrnstje
:^nto pn^|lglgsf)r/ti)e grrc
of oui- lort IE rcrr || Ixxxxiii /
6g a pcrsonc tf)at is bnppr |1
figtt insud)c tofilvf iBfjcrfor
!)r i)u II fclg fipscrte tf)r Inngti
rrtif rs tojjti) || pargr ns to fOi=
rrrtr it tol)frc ti)f5 1| fjpntsc
iiftjp. Untitijcg^^aUc otter II
rrtljns of tijfir djarpte to
piaj) forlltije soule of tije
sagtip translatour ||
The Text ends on the second column of the sixth recto of
sig. m,
^mi}i(fit ^oU teas latfU,)
transla^ II tfti outrof finisij
in to rnglissijf || h)} a ltvigt)t
358 WlLLli^LM CAXTON.
torn tij).sposfti pfrsonc/ 1| for
h)) cause tijc saijti pcrsonr
tijouo II i)te it nrrrssarg to al
ticuoute pcple |i to rrtc/or to
1)txt it tftitir / Mnti also ||
causrti tije sagti hokt to tc
fttprgn- II tfti /
Underneath this is tlie small device. The reverse is blunlc.
Remarks. — This is evidently an issue from the press of
Wynken de Worde, whose earliest type is seen in the first
page, and who was accustomed to make up his books in 3°*
instead of 4"', as was the plan during Caxton's life. The
tract does not appear to have been translated till 1493, and
may have gone to press the succeeding year: now Caxton
died in 1491. The non-occurrence of the small device in any
other book attributed to Caxton is another reason for sup-
posing it to be in reality the worlonanship of Wynken de
Worde, who frequently used this shaped device in his early
publications. At a later period he added his own name to
the design.
Although not the work of Caxton, " A Treatise of Love "
has been included in this chapter, because " A List of Books
printed in Type Xo. C " woidd be imperfect without it.
Copies are at Cambridge ; Hunterian, Glasgow ; and two
private libraries.
Plate XIV.
From CaxtoH's " (Jnkr of Chivalnjr Tnjm 4*
iT Jgm aCfet ftilo^gt^ tlfi mate!
attD ti^nouc of tl^ts (atD o^oohe >
tl^ 0OOD ^camj?t? ttu^feb to tl^
ualrj^e
^KT ^« o:^w of c9i5ttaCtg«
Met> lbawc0 3ii^c» <t <^:no^c0/^ «) mang
ga)tioil©/^ 6^ caufc 6? fatbc § t^OM^ft nj ^ie
cotac^e ^ ^ mp?( tio( fong Cjcuc/ae fie Jto^ic^
6p fijngj (j)mc 6ao 6?i) 6g cDiir5 of natuct
n^cjOi? %tD ^i© CMOS/ c^ao ftj 9p»») at) ft?#
<*3^/ 2ln02 9ci00c no jx)lb« h« &«<« t» ^f«
4i It^
Plate XV.
Woodcut>s from Caxton's " Speculum vitm Ohrisli.
<t^-il
ap
^.2i*
®
f-H
Pi
5^ "^
:^
Plate XVII.
WOODCUT INITIALS FROM CAXTON'S BOOKS.
B n u Bix^
Plate XVIII.
CAXTON'S DEVICE.
LIST OP BOOKS
NOT PRINTED BY
WILLIAM CAXTON,
BUT HAVING SOME
CONNECTION WITH HIS TYPES;
DOUBTFUL WORKS,
I BOOKS ERRONEOUSLY ASCRIBED TO HIS PRESS.
POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS.
No. 10(J. — The Life of Saint Katheeine. — The Revela-
tions OF Saint Elizabeth of Hungaey. Folio.
Sine ulld notd. (1493 ?)
Collation.— a is a 4" ; t) c ti r f 3 |) i fe I in n p arc
3"^; (J is a 2°. Total 96 leaves, all printed.
Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page.
The type for some of the headings is No. 7, the same as that
already noticed in "Chastising" and "Festial;" but the tj^^e
for the body of the work is a partial re-casting of No, 4*,
with many new additions, and on a rather smaller body,
being evidently a different fomit from any known to have
been used by Caxton. For a more fall account of these see
the chapter on t}^e No. 4. The pages are in doul)le column,
and have 43 and 44 lines to a page. Full lines measure 2|
inches. Without folios or catchwords.
This book, like some already mentioned, was in aU proba-
bility the worlauanship of Wynken de Worde, shortly after
Caxton's death. This opinion is borne out by the types used,
by the signatures being in 3"' instead of 4"' ; by very long
pages, and by wood initials, identical with those used in the
early books of Wynken de Worde.
Xo. lOL— The Golden Legend. Third Edition. Folio.
"Fijni/sshed at ivestmcstre . . The year of our lord
M CCCC Ixxxxiij I . . ^ By me iryllyam Caxton.''
Collation.— Table and prologue a 2" ; a 6 C b f are 4"^ ;
,iF a single sheet ; f g f) t fe I m n p tfr .6 t b .V ),) J vV 9 m-^'
362 WILLIAM CAXTON.
4"' ; P a 2", sig-ned to til]; a^iJIBtJFjFOi^fivIL
m i^<^\^^^^^UXW are 4"^ ; aa tt CC titl et are
4"'; ff a 8", signed to ffttif; and gg a 2", signed to ggiif.
Total 436 leaves, all printed.
Typographical Paeticlt.aes. — Without title-page. The
tyi^es are No. 7, and the re-casting of type No. 4*, noticed in
the preceding work, which fount is only known to have been
used for these two books. The work is in double cohunn, and
the hnes, of which there are 44 to a column, measure 2f
inches, "Without folios or catchwords. Many woodcuts and
woodcut initials.
Caxton died two years before the date of printing.
No. 102. — The Siege of Rhodes. FoNo. Sine nlld notd.
Collatiox. — Four unsigned 3"', or 24 leaves all printed.
Typographical Particulars. — Without title of any
sort. The type is very rude and uneven, being a different
fount to that used for the " St. Katherine " and " Golden
Legend " just noticed. Some of the letters are the same as
(Jaxton's No. 4*, but many rude additions have been made.
There is a space between each line, probably made by the use
of " reglets," the unevenness of which is very apparent. The
lines are spaced to an even length, and there are 26 to a page,
except the first and second, which have, respectively, 30 and
31. They measure in length 4^- inches, the depth of 26 lines
varying from 7 to 7^ inches. Without signatures, folios,
catchwords, or printed initials.
No. 103. — Missale ad usum Saeum. — Exaratum Parisius
IMPENSA OPTIMI VIRI GUILLERMI CaXTON; . Foll'o.
Paris, Uh Dec. 1487.
The type is the usual church text used for service books.
In double column, with head-lines.
As connected with Caxton, the whole of the interest cen-
tres in the colophon.
POSTHUMOUS AUD DOUBTFUL WORKS. 3{JV>
JHissale ati bsum ^^ar' cun
ftitfnrttsi bfi tiono / magno
ronaminc flafioratum finis
felicitft. (!?.raraium ^arisig
tmprnsa optimt birt (®uil=
imni i^axton . Evtc Jjcro tt
intiustna iiflagistri iSuiller
mi iMajnigal . :llmio liomtni
m . (itiS-it(t . Ixxxhii . ttir Bt
rrmfins.
This is on the recto of the last leaf, and upon the verso
is Caxton's large device.
Eemarks. — Passing by the great interest which this missal
has in being five years earlier in date than the celebrated
Rouen edition, dated October 1st, 1492, hitherto considered
as the ecJifio princeps, we have to elucidate it in relation to
Caxton.
It has not, until the discovery of this volume, been sup-
posed that Caxton employed foreign printers to help him,
although it is well known that his successors did so. In this
case he used the services of a printer at Paris, whose name
very seldom appears in typographical annals. Little is known
of William ]Maynyal, who is erroneously called, by Panzu,
George. In 1480, working in conjunction with Ulric Gering,
the first printer at Paris, he produced " Speculum aureum,"
as well as " Sumina de virtutibus cardinalibus," both in Roman
types. Afterwards, he worked alone. In 1487, Caxton, not
having appropriate types of his own, sent instructions to
Maynyal, of Paris, to print for him the Salisbury Missal.
The commission was executed, and Caxton, desirous of asso-
ciating his press more directly with this issue than by the
colophon only, Avhich many people might overlook, probably
designed his " mark " for the purpose of attracting attention.
It is certainly the earliest date at which it has yet been found ;
and the state of the block, which has fewer breakages than
any other known example, confirms the prioi'ity of this in a
most interesting manner. Since 1484 Caxton had not used
364 WILLIAM CAXTOX.
woodcuts; but just at this time, 1487, he appears to have
foimd some one for the purpose, and the "Royal Book" and
the "Specuhuu" appeared with numerous cuts. The same
artist was probably employed to design and engrave the new
" trade mark."
The only kno^vn copy is in the possession of W. J. Legh,
Esq., M.P., and was first made kno^ra in the AthencBum,
March 21st, 1874.
Bartholomeus de peoprietatibus rerum.
This work is supposed to have been pruited by Caxton, at
Cologne, on the strength of a statement by Wynken de Worde.
As, however, this printer has perpetrated the most curious
contradictions and mis-statements in many of his prologues
and colophons, it seems more than probable that he blundered
here also, as no connection whatever can be traced between
the typogTaphical customs of Caxton and those of the Cologne
school ; nor does any copy of '' Bartholomeus" exist which can,
v>ith any show of reason, be attributed to Caxton's press.
For further remarks on this subject, see page G4.
The Metamorphoses of Ovid.
In the Pepysian libraiy, Cambridge (2124) is an English
manuscript of the fifteenth century, not improbably Caxton's
autograph, and consisting of the Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth,
Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Books of Ovid's Meta-
morphoses. Each book in the manuscript begins with a red-
ink title, the first being : —
" Here followeth the || xth booke of Ouyde ' || wherof the
first fa II ble is of the mari || age of Orpheus || and Erudice his
lo II ue . Cap° p'm"."
For an imitation of this paragraph see Dilxlin's 7)/p. Ant.,
POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS. 3G5
vol. i, page 14, At the end of the vohime is the fullowiuo-
colophon : —
" Translated and fynysshed by me William Caxton at West-
mestre the xxij day of Apryll / the yere of our lord m . iiij''
iiij^'' And the xx yere of the Regne of kyng Edward the
fourth."
Now Caxton, from what we know of his disposition, would
never have begun a translation in the middle of a book. He
therefore, no doubt, translated the former ]iine books also.
But all Caxton's translations, and especially in the busy time
of 1480, were made for the press. There seems, therefore,
good reason to believe that the Metamorphoses were printed
also by Caxton, although unfortunately no fragment of such
a work is at present kno^-n.
It seems not unlikely that the Pepysian MS. is in Caxton's
o\\Ti autograph.
Thk Life and Miracles of Robert Earl of Oxford.
In the preface to " The Four Sons of Aymon," Caxton
says, " Therefore late at the request and commandment of the
right noble and virtuous Earl, John, Earl of Oxford, my good
singular and especial lord I reduced and translated out of
French into our maternal and English tongue the life of one
of liis predecessors named Robert Earl of Oxford tofore said,
^\ith divers and many great miracles which god showed for
him as weU in his life as after his death as is showed all along
in his said book."
Having translated this Life, it is not improbable that
Caxton also printed it.
A Ballad,
The " small fragment of an unknown work," preserved
among some old ballads in the British Museum (043. m.) and
366
WILLIAM CAXTON'.
described by Sir Henry Ellis, and Dr. Dibdin in Tyjj. Ant.,
vol. i, page 359, is a portion of the " Cook's Tale," from
Caxton's first edition of Chaucer's " Canterbury Tales."
Several works, such as " Statuta " (probably Machlinia's)
" Lyistdewode's Constitutiones," " The Litcidary," " ks
Accidence," and others, have been by various ^vriters in-
cluded among the books issued by Caxton, but in all cases
erroneously.
THE COMPARATIVE RARITY OF BOOKS PRINTED
BY CAXTON,
SHOWING THE NUMBER OF COPIES OF EACH WORK
KNOWN TO EXIST.
Quanta fuisti si tanta sunt Rellquia.
No. of
Copies
known.
Book of Courtesy, 2nd edit. .frag.
Directorium Sacerdotum,4to. frag.
Horffi, 1st edition . . -frag.
Ditto, 2nd ditto . . frag.
Ditto, 3rd ditto . . .frag.
Indulgence — Sixtus IV . frag.
Anelida and Arcyte.
Ars moriendi
Aymon, Four Sons of
Blanchardin and Eglantine .
Book of Courtesy, 1st edition .
Catho, Parvus et Magnus, 1st
edition, 4to
Ditto, ditto, 2nd edition, 4to
Charles the Great
Chorle and the Bird, 1st edit.
Ditto ditto 2nd ditto
Commemoracio beatre Marias
Death-Bed Prayers
Directorium Sacerdotum, folio,
1st edition
Ditto ditto ditto 2nd ditto
Fifteen Oes ....
Grlass, Temple of .
Gouvernal of Health
Horse, Sheep, and Goose, 1st edit.
Ditto ditto 2nd ditto
Image of Pity
Infancia Salvatori^ .
Indulgence — Sixtus IV
No. of
Copies
known.
Another, different . . .1
Meditacionssur les sept Pseaulmes 1
Paris and Vienne
Psalterium ....
Quatre den-enieres Choses
Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition
Servitium de Transfiguratione .
Sex Littera; ....
Visitatio Marise Virginia .
Brass, Temple of .
Advertisement, An .
Arthur, Life of King .
Propositio Johannis Russell
Saona, Gul. de .
Stans Puer ....
uEsop, Fables of .
Art and Craft ....
Catho, Parvus et Magnus, folio.
3rd edition .
Curia Sapiential
Curial, The ....
Dictes and Sayings, 2nd edition
Good Manners, Book of
Jason, Les fais du .
Moral Proverbs .
Rhodes, Siege of . . •
Saint Winifred, Life of
Book of Fame ....
Chivalry, ( )rder of
1
I
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
•>
3
3
3
A
4
368
AYILLIAM CAXTON.
Festial, The, 1st edition .
Treatise of Love .
Troilus and Creside .
Vocabulary ....
Golden Legend, 2nd edition
Pilgrimage of the Soul
Four Sermons, 2nd edition
Divers Ghostly Matters .
Festial, The, 2nd edition
Knight of the Tower
Recueil, Le .
Reynard the Fox, 1st edition
Statutes of Henry VII .
No. of
Copies
known.
. '4
4
. 4
4
Chronicles of England, 2nd edit. 7
Dictes and Sayings, 3rd edition 7
Jason, The Life of . . .7
Chastising of God's Children 8
Four Sermons, 1st edition . 8
Life of our Lady ... 8
Royal Book .... 8
Canterbury Tales, 1st edition . 9
Ditto 2nd ditto , 9
Chess, Game and Play of, 2nd edit. 9
Doctrinal of Sapience . . 9
Golden Legend, 3rd edition . 9
Chess, Game and Play of, 1st ed.
Chronicles of England, 1480 .
Cordial ....
Description of Britain
Godfrey of Boloyn
Katherine, Life of St.
5
5
«> Speculum Vita; Christi
No. of
Copies
known.
10
10
10
10
10
10
11
Caton 12
Mirrour of the World, 2nd edit. 12
Dictes and Sayings, 1st edition 15
Mirrour of the World, 1st edit. 15
Boethius 16
Confessio Araantis . . 16
Recuyell, The . . . .16
Eneydos . . . .18
Fayts of Arms . . .21
Tully of Old Age, &c. . . 2.'5
Polycronicon . . . .25
Golden Legend, 1st edition . 31
The reader who examines this list may well be astonished
at the number here given of unique Caxtons. Out of 99 works
above enumerated, no less than 38 are known to us by single
copies, or by fragments only. The fact is almost incredible
even to those most conversant with the rarities of the West-
minster Press; and the question naturally arises — If about
one-third of Caxton's issue has lieen vrarhj destroyed, how
numerous may have been the editions of whicli we shall never
learn the existence ? A glance at the titles of the uniques
RARITY OF BOOKS PRINTED BY CAXTOX. 3G'J
will show that the books most liable to destruction, probably
c^-ing in part to their being much used, and in part to the
destructiveness of religious sectarianism, are those, directly or
indirectly, of an ecclesiastical character — such as " Horae,"
'•'Psalters," " Meditacious," &c. School books also, such as
the " Stans Puer," " Catho," &c., are always difficult of pre-
serration. On the other hand, there seems no especial reason
for the almost total destruction of such works as the romances
of " King Arthur," "The Four Sons of Aymon," "Blanch-
ardin," " Charles the Great," the second edition of " Reynard,"
or the various short poems in quarto.
The greatest number of copies ever brought together is
81, being the number now in the British Museum; but of
these 25 are duplicates, leaving the number of works 56, of
which three are mere fi-agments. The Caxtons in Earl
Spencer's Library, although numerically less than those of the
National Library, make nevertheless a more complete collec-
tion, and embrace 57 separate works. Other Libraries come
far behind these two. The Public Library, Cambridge, has
38 separate works, a total considerably augmented by the
numerous unique pieces of poetry in quarto. The Bodleian
has 28 separate works, and the Duke of Devonshire 25.
1^ B
INDEX.
PAGE
Abbey, Meaning of word ... 73
Adventurers (See Merchant
Adventurers) ...
Advertisement printed by
Caxton 71.237
,Eneid by Virgil 343
^Esop, The Fables of. printed
by Caxton ... 4S. 92, 294
Aforge, Daniel 86
Ailly, Cardinal Pierre d' ... 226
Alburgh, John ]48
Alcock, Bishop 178
Aldus, Pius Romanus ... 107
Alfonse, The Fables of.
printed by Caxton 48, 92 284,
Almonry, The, Its position
Sec. ... 73, 74, 75, 76, 79
Alphage, St., Parish of ... 4
Ambassadors at Bruges ... 27
Ames, Joseph, Note on
Caxton's death ... 85
Amman, Jost ... ... 105
Anderson's History of Com-
merce ... ... ... 26
Anelida, Queen, and False
Arcyte, printed by Cax
ton 210
Anne, St., Chapel of ...73, 74
Apprentices, Entry and Issues
of 6
Apprentices. Duties of ... 8
Apprentices and Executors. . . 14
Apprentices, Oath of ... 143
Apprenticeship of Caxton... 5
Arbre de, Bataill&s SS.T
PACE
Arcyte, Queen Anelida, and
False, printed by Caxton 2 1
Ars moriendi, printed by
Caxton ... ... ... 354
Art. The, and Craft to know
well to Die, printed by
Caxton 342,350
Arthur , The Noble Histories
of King, and of certain
of his Knights, printed
by Caxton 301
Arundel, Earl of, his Device 81
Ascensius Jodocus Badius... 127
Assumption, Guild of Lady of 78
Atkyns, Richard. Origin and
Growth of Pi'inting ... 90
Aubert, David (a Scribe) 35, 185
A vian, The Fables of, printed 284
by Caxton 284
Ayenbit of Inwit, The ... 320
Aymon, The four Sons of,
printed by Caxton ... 339
Bagford, John ... ...75,91
Baker, John 148
Bakker, Jenyne ... ... 147
Ballads, Some, printed by
Caxton 209
Ballad. A 365
Ballard. Mr., of Cambdon... 85
Balls, Inking 125
Bartholomaus deProprietati-
bus ... 5.5. 64, 6.5, .336, .364
Bath Cathedral 282
Bavaria, Henry. Duke of ... 349
Bayntnn, W. 317
r. R 2
372
INDEX.
PAGE
Beanvais, Vincent de 224, 225
Bedford, Duke of 34,36
Bedford Library 252
Bedfordshire General Libraiy 320
Bedleem Hospital, Bequest
to, by Large 10
Belet 280
Benet College Library ... 218
Bernard, M. A. ... 104, 107
Bernard, M. A., Opinion on
Co lard Mansion
Berners, Juliana
Betts, Edward
Bequests, Various, of Large
Bible, The Mazarine
Bibles and Psalters, First ...
Bibles not in demand in Fif-
teenth Century
Bird, The Chorle and the,
printed by Caxton 207, 208
Blanchardin and Eglantine,
The History of, printed
by Caxton
Blanche, Queen of France.
Blandt'ord, Marquis of
Blois, Library of ...
Boat Hire ...
Bocace, Fall of Princes
Boethius de Consolatione
Philosophise, translated
into English by Geoffrey
Chaucer, printed by
Caxton
Boke of Noblesse, The
Bolomyer, Henry
Boloyne, The History of
Godfrey of, printed by
Caxton
Bomsted, Henry
Bonet, Honore
Bonifaunt, Kich
Bowyer. William ...
Bookbinder described
Bookbinding
62
334
149
10
44
43
84
338
322
196
36
19
343
211
332
305
... 249
... 20
... 333
10, 145
... 110
.. 130
... 96
PAGE
Book of Courtesey, The
1st Edition, printed by
Caxton 209
Second Edition ... 351
Book of Good Manners,
printed by Caxton 81, 311
Book, A, of Divers Ghostly
Matters, printed by Cax-
ton 346
Book of Fame, The, printed
by Caxton 291
Book, The, which the Knight
of the Tower made to the
" enseygnement " and
teaching of his daugh-
ters, printed by Caxton 271
Books, Covers of ... ... 213
Books not printed by Caxton
but having some connec-
tion with his Types, &c. 359
Books, Passion for, in Europe 36
Botfield, Mr 303
Bouillon, Godefroy de ... 251
Bradshaw, H., concerning
the Horae 190
Brand, John 196
Bretaylles, Louis de ... 188
Brice, Hugh ... 75,226
Bristol 346
Brito, Jean 38
Broad, St. Ward 75
Brown, J 149
Browne, Willis (Mit. Abb.) 221
Bruges ... 13, 15, 27,
37, 38. 57, 80, 150
Bruges, City of, Caxton, a
Merchant at 15, 17
Bruges, Ducal Library of ... 212
Bruges, Guild of St. John the
Evangelist 37
Bruges, Records of... 155 to 158
Brute, Chronicle of ... 90
Bryant, Mr 323
Boyce, H 81
INDEX.
373
PAGE
1
PAGE
Bryce, T
17
ledge of Printing, de-
Bullen. Mr. ...
242
rived from Colard Man-
Burdeux. John de
336
sion, and not at Cologne,
Burchiello, Portrait of
91
49 to 68 ; Settles at
Burgh, Richard 16, 17, 146,
Westminster, 70 ; Ex-
202, 203
,277
tracts fromWorks, show-
Burgundy, Duke of 15, 16,
ing a connection between
24, 27, 34, 38, 58
his own name and a lo-
Burgundy (Philip the Good)
38
cality, 70; his Daughter,
Burial Fees for Wm. Caxton
80
75 ; Patronised by
Campbell, M.F.A.G
326
Edward IV., 80; Re-
Canterbury Tales, 1st Edition,
ceives a Payment from
printed by Caxton
191
Edward IV., 80; List of
Canterbury Tales. 2nd Edi-
Works, 82 ; Classifica-
tion, printed by Caxton
288
tion of Works, 82 ;
Caradoc, Prince
301
Time taken for Trans-
Carmen de Vere
268
lation of Works, 83 ;
Caslon, W 106
.108
Death and Burial, 85 ;
Castel. Estienne
193
his Property at Death,
Catchwords
132
86 ; his AVill, 86 ; his
Catho Magnus, printed by
Literary Attainments,
Caxton, 1st Edition 200
203
87 to 90; a Linguist, 88;
Catho Magnus, printed by
Portraits of, 91 ; Anec-
Caxton 202,
203
dotes in Appendix to
Caton, printed by Caxton ...
275
-^sop's Fables, 92 ; his
Cattlyn, Richard and John...
222
Character, 92 ; a Master
Caustons, Manor of . . .
3
Printer, 94 to 140 ; his
Causton, Michael de ; Henry
Printing Office and
de ; Nichol de ; Richard
Workmen, 94 ; his Types,
de; Theobald de ; Roger
104 ; his large Device,
de; William de; Stevyn
143
137; Price of his Books,
Canxton and Causton, a form
139; Judgment by, 157;
of Caxton
3
Payment by the King,
Cawston, Johannes, Will of
3
158 ; Burial Fees, 159;
Cawston, Oliver
158
Auditor of Parish Ac-
Caxston, W
146 1
counts, 159; Chess Book,
Caxton. PHizabeth (daughter
Interpolation of
175
of Caxton)
30
Caxton, William (not the
Caxton, Elizabeth : Deed of
Printer), 80; Burial Fees
4
Separation
163 ;
Censuria literaria
195
Caxton, John
4 :
Charles, King of France ...
33
Caxton, Maude
81
Charles the Bold succeeds
Caxton, Pedigree, 4 ; his
Philip the Good
24
Patrons, 31 ; his know-
("harlcs the Great (Prologue)
84
374
INDEX.
PAGE
Charles the Great, the Life
of the Noble and
Christian Prince, printed
by Caxton 303
Charron, The Jesuit ... 307
Charters, Mercers and Mer-
chant Adventurers 18.
10, 20, 21
Chartier, Alain 294
Chases 123
Chastising, The, of God's
Children, printed by
Caxton ... ... ... 355
Chato, et Parvus Magnus,
1st Edition, printed by
Caxton 200
2nd Edition ... 222
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 00, 291 ;
Envoi of, to Skogau,
printed by Caxton . . . 209
Chaucer, Geoffrey. Canter-
bury Tales, 1st Edition
191 ; 2nd Edition 288 ;
Baethins de Consola-
tione Philosophire,
ju'inted by Caxton ... 211
Chaucer, The complaint of,
to his purse, printed by
Caxton 210
Chertsey. Andrew 351
Chess Book. The 56, 59, 61,
68,81,110,285
Chess, Game and Play of,
1st Edition, printed by
Caxton 24, 171
Chess, The Game and Play
of the, 2nd Edition,
printed by Caxton . . . 230
Chivalry, The Order of,
printed by Caxton ... 287
Chobham, Eleanor, her pen-
ance 13
Chorle, The, and the Bird,
l>riiited by Caxton 207. 208
245
253
105
246
202
173
237
63
172
Chronicles of England, The,
1st Edition, printed by
Caxton
2nd Edition
Chronicle of King Alfred...
Chronicle of Brute...
Churche, Daniel
Clarence, Duke of ...
Cloth. English, excluded by
Dnke of Burgundy ...16, 23
Coburger, Nuremberg, prin-
ter
Colard Mansion, &t^Mani?iou
Cologne
Colonna jEgidius ...
Commission issued, 1464, for
renewal of Treaty of
Trade
Complaint, The, of Chaucer
to his purse, printed by
Caxton...
C^ommemoratio Lamenta-
tionis sive compassionis
Beataj Mante in moite
filii, printed by Caxton
Composing Stick ... 123
Compositor, The, described
Confessio Amantis, printed
by Caxton
Congregational Library ...
Connection between Caxton
and Colard Mansion ...
C'openhagen, Eoyal Library
Copland, E., 340 ; one of
Caxton's workmen
Copland, W. ... 95
Cori)us Christi Colk'uc
Cordyalc, or tlic Four l,ast
Things, printed by Cax-
ton
Court of Sapience, printed by
Caxton 248
Courtesy, Book of. printed
by Caxton ... 209. 351
22
210
325
125
122
269
327
64
312
70
341
218
14
l^DEX.
375
PAGE
Cowper, Mr 327
Craes, W ItJ
Craveceur, Sigiicur de ... 00
Crede Mihi, Traetatus,
printed by Caxtou 31.5, 341
Croppe, Gerard ■. 30
Crosse, John 86
Crystine of Pisaii — Moral
Proverbs ... 192,193
Cura Sapientia^ ; or the
Court of Sapience,
printed by Caxton 248, 293
Curial, The ...
294
D ' Ailly, Pierre Cardinal . . .
178
D 'Angers, Guj'
185
Dares Phrygiua
170
Daubeny, William
81
Uaunau, M
224
Day, John, Printer ... 105
106
Death-bed Prayers, printed
by Caxton
283
Dedes. Robert
10
Degnilleyille, Guillaume de,
Pilgrimajje of the Soul
258
DelfE '.
76
Denis de Leewis
184
Description of Britahi, Tlie,
printed by Caxton
247
Development of Printing . . .
39
Device, Caxton 's ... 48
137
Devonshire, Duke of, Pur-
chase of the Eecuyell ...
169
Dictes and !Sayings...24, 65,
70, 79, 87, 186. 219
344
Dictes and Sayings, printed
by Caxton. Lst Edition,
186 ; 2nd Edition, 219 ;
3rd Edition
344
Dictys Creteusis
170
Dinner. Visitation <if Mercers
76
Dii-ectorium, seu ^^u aSarum,
printed by CJaxtou
239
Directorium Sacerdotuui, una
c uni Dcfensnrio ejnsdem,
I'AUE
item traetatus qui dicitur
crede niihi, printed by
Caxton 315,341
Doctrinal de la foy Catholinue 322
Doctrinal of Sapience, The,
printed by Caxton ... 320
Domus Anglorum 22
Donatus, St., Church of ... 51
Douce, P 170
Douce Collection 352
Drapers, Merchant Adven-
tures 18
Durham Cathedral 347
Dysart, Eari of 337
Echard, Script. Urdin. Prre-
dicat 347
Edward III. introduces cloth
factories to England ... 2
Edward IV., 3, 27, 28, 29,
35, 80, 87
Elizabetli of Hungary, Saint,
the Revelations of ... 361
Ellis. Sir Henry 366
Eneydos, printed by Caxton,
2,81,342,74
English, First book in ... 168
English Nation, The ... 22
Esterlings 22, 190
Essex, Earl of 202
Esteney John, Abbot of
Westminster 74
Eton College 177,228
P^ugenius III., Pope 349
P]vilmcrodach, King ... 231
Exeter 213
Exeter College, Oxford, 277.
298, 346
Eye, witch of ... ... 13
Eyre Thomas, husbuTid of
Elizabeth l>agc... ... 11
Fables of yEsop. the ; of
Arian ; of Alfonse ; aiid
of Page, the I'Morenline,
printed !iy Caxton ... 2,S1
376
IXDEX.
pa(;e
Faits d'Armes, le3 332
Faits d'Armes et de Chcva-
lerie 332
Fall of Princes 343
Fame, the Book of, priuted
by Caxton 291
Fai'mer's. Dr., Library ... 239
Faron, Jean 172
Fastolf, Sir John ... 81,230
Fayts of Arms and of Chiv-
alry. The, printed by
Caxton 81,331,334
Felding Geoffrey, Mayor ...
Festial. The. (Liber Festialis)
1st Edition, printed by
Caxton 261,
Festial, the, (Liber Festialis)
second edition, printed
by Caxton
Fevre Ravne le
Fifteen Oes, the, and other
Prayers, printed by
Caxton ...
Figgins, V ...
Fillastre, Gnillaume...
Fineschi Vincenzio ...
Fishmongers, Merchant Ad-
venturers
Flanders, Peace between
England and ...
Flemish goods prohibited ...
Flemish settlers in England
Fostalf, John, Knight
Founders' Company
Four Last Things or Cordyale
printed by Caxton
Four Sermons, jirinted by
Caxton, 1st Edition ...
Four Sermon's &c. (Qnaf.uor
Sermnnes &c.) printed
by Caxton, 2nd Edi-
tion
Four Sons of Aymon, The,
printed by Caxton
17
527
352
348
109, 110
... 170
... 103
18
13
23
2
189
18
214
354
2G3
339
PAGE
Fowls. Parliament of . printed
by Caxton 209
Frankfort type founders ... 108
Franklin. Benjamin ... 109
Freeman of London, Oath of 144
Friskets 129
Gairdner, Mr., Memorials of
King Henry the Seventh 267
fraliard, Me.«sire 195
Gallopes, Jean de ... 2.j9, 314
Galiot du Pre 294
Godney, John 11
Geiffe, Will'am 86
Gering, Ulrich 363
Ger.son, chancellor 334
Gervers, M 29
Ghent 27
Ghent, Public Library at ... 326
Glass, the Temple of, printed
by Caxton 206
Gloucester, Humphrey duke
of 30
Godfrey of Bulloyne, printed
by Caxton 86
Godike, K 228
Golden Fleece, order of ... 15
Golden Legend, 65, 97; Co-
pies left by Caxtcm to St.
Margaret's, Westmin-
ster, 86 ; 1st Edition,
printed by Caxton, 277;
2Dd Edition, printed by
Caxton, 308; 3rd Edi-
tion 361
Gossin, Jean 61,225
Gottingen, Koyal University
Library 209
Governal of Health, the.
printed 1)3- Caxton 336,365
Governor of Engli.sh J-Icr-
chants at Bruges — Du-
ties of 20
Gaido of Colonna 170
Granton, John 16
INDEX.
377
PAGE
210
.. 75, 176, 79
16
de Biu-
. . 35. .'56, 50
Greuville Library
Grevliouml, The
Grootc. Gucrarcl Ic
Gruthuy.se, Loui;
ges
Guilds :— St. John the Evan-
gelist, 37 ; St. Thomas a
Becket, 18 ; Lady As-
sumption. 78 ; Vasscl
feasts. 78 ; Accounts. 78 ;
"Les Freres de la plume"
of Brussels, 37 ; St.
Luke at Au twerp.
Iladlow
Hague, Royal Library
Hall. Kobert
Hamburgh ... •
Ham House, Surrey
Hansard. T. C.
Hanseatic League
Hardwickc Hall
Harrowe, John
Hasted on Kent
Hastings. Lord
Hav.cs
Haywarde. a Scribe
Health, The Governal of,
printed by Caxton
Hecht-Heinean Library, Hal-
berstadt
Hende, William
Henricus, Rex
Henry, Dr
Henry II
Henry IV.
Henry VI.
Henry VII
Heton, Christopher
Heton, Jas. ...
Higden's, Ralph, Polycroni-
con
History of Blanchardiu and
Eglantine, The. printed
bv Caxton
3
... 327
... 145
... 13
... 301
... no
... 190
... 203
10, 146
2
24, 195, 227
... 207
... 189
336
269
... 19
.. 349
... 230
... 202
... 18
19,36, 81
... 81
... 10
... 145
247
338
PAGE
History of) Godfrey, of
Boloirne, The ; or the
Conquest of Jerusalem,
printed by Caxton ... 249
Ilistoire du Chevalier Paris,
et de labelle Vienne . 307
Holkham Library 196
Holtrop's Monumens Typo-
^raphiques, Woodcut
from 76
Hovaj ... 316,'327. 348, 24fy, 317
Horse, prir'ted by Caxton,
1st Edition, 189 ; 2nd
Edition, 240 ; 3rd Edi-
tion, 317; 4th Edition 328
Horham, Manor of 9, 11
Horse, Shepe, and Goose,
printed by Caxton, 66,
203, 204
House of the English Na-
tion 22
Hunter, Rev. Joseph ... 222
Illuminators 112, 96, 133
Image of Pity, printed by
Caxton 318,320
Indenture of Apprentice ... 5
Infancia Salvatoris, printed
by Caxton 205
Initials 42,134
Ink for Printinir 96
Jackson on Wood ICngrav-
ing 137
James, John, Typefounder... 109
Jason, English Edition by
Caxton, 185 ; French
Edition, 56, 60; 63, 170 176
Jason, Derivation of Name 15
Jean de Bruges ^6
Jersey, Earl of ••• ••• 303
Jerusalem, Conquest of, or
the Histoiy of Godfrey
of Bolojnc, printed by
Caxton -I^
378
IXDEX.
PAGE
Joan of Arc
193
John, Duke of Berry
34
John 11., King of France ...
John Stubbes
29
Jones, J. Winter, 178, 185
218
" Jnstification " : a Printer's
term ...
44
Karlemaine ...
304
Katherine, Saint, the Life of,
printed by Caxton
361
Kendal. John, Letters of
Indulgence issued by.
printed by Caxton, 220
221
Kentish Dialect
2
King Apolyn of T}Te
70
King Edward VI. Grammar
School, St. Alban's ...
241
Knight of the Tower, the.
Book to the ensaygne-
ment and teaching of his
Daughters, printed by
Caxton 40,81
271
Knight Paris, the, and the
fair Vienne, printed by
Caxton
306
Kiinnecke, Dr. G
269
Lambert, John
148
Large, Alice, 11 ; Elizabeth,
9, 1 1 ; Joan, 159 ; Jo-
hanna, 9, 10, 11 ; Mar-
ries John Godney. 11 ;
John, 5, 9,146; Richard.
9; Robert. U5 ; a Mer-
cer, 8 ; Sheriff and Lord
Mayor, 8 : Warden. 9 ;
House in the Old Jewry,
Account by Stow, 9 ;
Family, 9 ; Death and
Will, 9 ; Widow
10
Large, Ro>)ert. his Will, 151
to 155; the younger, 5.
11; Thomas ..." ...
9,11
Tiatour, Landry
272
Laurent, Frire
320
PAGE
Le Kecueil des Histoires de
Troye, (see Recueil) ... 26
Leeu Gerard ... 186,307
Lefevre, Raoul 186
Legenda Aurea 280
Legends, Bequest from Cax-
ton 160
Legh Gerard 186
Legh, Stephen, M.P. ... 138
Legh, W. J., Esq 364
Legrand, Jacques ... ... 312
Leper Houses, Bequest to,
by Large ... ... 10
Letter to Caxton from Mer-
cers 23
Letters of Indulgence from
Johannes de Giglis,
printed by Caxton
Letters of Indulgence issued
by John Kendal in 1480,
printed by Caxton
Lettou
Lewis, Rev. John ... 91
Life of Christ
Life of Saint Katherine, The
Life, The, and Miracles of
Robert, Earl of Oxford
Life, The, of the Holy Blessed
Virgin, Saint Winifred,
printed by Caxton
Life, The, of the Noble and
Christian Prince,'Charles
the Great, printed by
Caxton...
Lilly, Mr
Lincoln Cathedral ...
Livre de Sapience ...
Livre des bonnes Ma>urs. le
Livre des Vices ct desVertus
Livre Royal, le
Louis de Bruges
Louis of Anjou
Louvre Library
Low Counties
251
252
95
215
314
361
365
299
303
335
282
322
312
319
319
35
34
33
30
IXDKX.
Lucidary, The
Lj'dgate. John 171, 192,
204, 210, 259, 297, 337,
Lyf of our Ladye, pi'inted
l)y Caxton
Lyndewoode, Constitutiones
Machlinia ... 35, 95, 335,
Maddeu. Sir F
Maittairo
Mallet Gilles
Malory, Sir Thomas
Manipulus Curatorum
Mansion Colard ... 36, 38,
40, 42,43,4.5,49,54, 63,
67, 110, 177, 212, 250,
Mansion Colard, a Skilful
Caligrapher, begins to
Print, 68 ; his Con-
nection with Caxton, 54 ;
Dean of the Guild of St.
John, 50 ; Place of
Residence and Work-
shop, 50 ; Opinion by
Bernard, 62; Peculiarity
of his Printing, 52, 53,
54 : the first Printer at
Brages
Mansion, Paul and Robert...
Marchand, Guy
Margaret (of Flanders)
Margaret, Queen ...
Margaret's, St., Westminster,
Records, 4, 31, 78. 79,
80, S6, 58,
Margarita Eloquentiae, Fra-
tris Laurentii Gulielmi
dc Saona, printed by
Caxton ...
MarijB Virginis Servitium
de Visitatione, printed
by Caxton
Marot, Jean...
Marshall, J
Marten, Walter
PAGE
366
350
297
386
366
221
215
33
302
322
351
49
57
.S51
34
282
162
216
264
333
149
86
14
75
318, 328
... 316
138, 363
Mart-Towns, Apprentices
sent to the
Martin, St. Outwich
Maskell, Mr.
Maydestone, Clement
Maynyal, W.
Medicina Stomachi, printed
by Caxton ... 336,337
Meditacions sur les Sept
Psalmes Penitencianlx,
printed by Caxton ... 177
Mercer's Company... 5, 6, 8,
16, 28, 29, 76, 144
Merchant Adventurers, their
Institution, Object, and
Charters ... 15,17,18.21.24
Metamoi'phoses of Ovid ... 51
Meun, Jehan de 332
Middleton, Dr 317
Mielot, Jean 185,230
Mirkus, John 262
Mirrour of the World, printed
by Caxton, 1st ICdition,
224; 2nd Edition
Missale ad Usum Sarum.
printed for Caxton
Montaiglon, M.
Moral Distichs. printed by
Caxton
iloral Proverbs, printed bj
Caxton
]\lores, Rowe
Moule. Bib. Herald
Mountfort, Symon
Moxon, Joseph
National Libraiy. Paris
Neche, Thomas
Nichols, J. G.
Noblesse, Declaration of
North, Mr
Nouns. Substantive,
233
362
27:i
197
... 192
... 110
... 288
... 221
110. 106
... 351
10, 146
76
... 228
... 218
and
Verbs, The proper ajipli-
cation of certain, printed
bv Caxton ... 203,204
380
rSDEI.
PAGE
Nugent, Dr ... ... 317
>yche. Thomas ... ... 145
Obrar. "William. GoTcmor
of the English Mer-
chants 19,21
Old Age, Tolly of 228
01dT3 226
Onkmanion. Henrr... 10, 145
Order of ChiralrT. The,
printed by Caxton ... 2S7
Orford. Lord' 216
Orologinm Sapientise ... 347
Osborne 206
Ottley 127. 134
Ovid. Metamorphoses of 90. 364
Oxford. Kohen Earl of 206, 3io
Palmer. Samuel 110
Paper, its Value. 103 ; its
Watermarks. 99 ; Large
Paper Copies. 98; Paper
Mill. 98: the kind used
bv Caxton ... ... 97
Paris. M 170.212
Parker. Archbishop 105,218
Pannartz ... 84
Pannizzi. Sir Anthony ... 107
Pegge, Dr .-. 3.
Pembroke College, Cam-
bridge 271
Pepysian, 233, 338, 364, 346, 365
Perkin "Warbeck
Perrot, Thomas
Peterborough. Earl of
Petms Carmelianus. Sex
Epi^tclae, printed by
Caxton
Petzholdt. Dr. Jnlins
Philadelphia, Loganian Li-
brary
Pica Sarum.seu Directoriom.
printed by Caxton
Pica, type of printers
Pilgrimage of the Soul. The,
printed by Caxton
221
251
265
269
282
239
238
257
Pins. Jean de
Pisan. Christine de... . .
Poge. the Florentine, the
Fables of, printed by
Caxton ...
Polycronicon, printed by
Caxton 65.90
Portraits of Caxton...
Pratt, Waiiam 17. 75. 81
Prayt^rs. Death-Bed. printed
by Caxton
Premierfait. Latirence de ...
Preste. Simon
Psalter, the First
Psalterinm. 6cc.. printed by
Caxton
Purgatorie des maurais
Maris ...
Pye. The, a Tenement
Pye. a collection of rules ...
Pykering, John. 149; Suc-
cessor to Caxton as
GoTemorof the English
Ifation, 21 ; stminioned
befnre the Court of the
Mercers, and discharged
from his office
Pynson, Richard . . .95, 200
Qtiadrilogue, Le, by Colard
Mansion ... 67.
Quartemion. Meaning of . 131,
Quatre derrenieres Choses
56. 61. 63. 67. 68, 183,
Queen's College. Oxford ...
Quintemion. Meaning of ...
Rawlett's Library. Tamworth
Recto. Meaning cf ...
Eecueil. Le. des Histories de
Troye ... 26. 51. 95,
60, 53. 68,
Recuyell, The, of the His-
tories of Troye, 26, 31,
32, 41. 56. 57. 59, 60,
63. 68,
PAGE
307
332
284
254
91
312
283
229
24
44
241
63
75
238
21
292
177
166
.326
271
166
282
166
169
105
tSDEX.
3*11
183
337
125
22^
361
337
PAGE
15 edetn ape Esmond... ... 17
Eedeknape W. ... 17, 19. 149
Eed Pale. The ... 75.80
Red Ink, Curious use of, by
Caxtou and Mansion . . .
Eegimen Sanitatis Satemi-
tanum ...
Eeglets
Eeinaert dieVos, dieHistorie
Van
Eerelations of Saint Eliza-
beth, of Hungary
Eeynard. the Fox, HL*tory of,
printed by Caxton. 1st
Edition, 227 ; 2nd Edi-
tion
Ehodes. The Siege of 221. 362
Eichard HI 81, 196, 288
Eichraoud. Margaret, Coun-
tess of 81
Eipon Minster ... 213,261
Eipoli Press 103,107
Eitsou. 199; Bib. Poet ... 203
Eivers. Anthoine, E;iri of,
24, 28. 81, 215; trans-
lated the Dictes
Eobert. Monk of Shrews-
bury
Eock, Canon, D.D
Eoger, ^lonk of St. "Werberg
Eoman Types
Eoiuan*. les. de la Table
Eonde et les contes des
anciens Bretons
Romnleon, written by Colard
Mansion
Rood of Oxford
Eotheram, Bishop ...
Eoxburgh Club ... 205,210
Eoyal Book. the. or Book
for a King, printed by
Caxton 318,364
Eoye, Guyde 322
Rubrisher, The 133
187
300
238
255
43
303
50
263
240
Bnle of St. Benet, The,
printed byCaxton.346, 347
Etissel. John. Bishop of
Lincoln. 24, 19,5. 226;
his" Propositio," printed
by Caxton
Eyolle, William
Sacerdotum. Directorinm,
printed by Caxton
Salisbury Missal
Salre Eegina, printed by
Caxtou
Saona, Fratns Laurentii
Gnlielmi de, Marga-
rita Eloqneniial, printed
by Caxton ... 216.
Scala Cceli
Scales, Lord 24,
Scriptorium of Westminster
Abbey ...
Scrivers
Scroop. Archbishop
Selle. John
Seren Point*. The. of True
Lore and Everlasting
Wisdom, or Orologium
Sapientiae, printed by
Caxton
Sermons, Four, printed by
Caxton 263,
Sermons of Yitriaco, The ...
Serritium de Transfigura-
tion e Jhesu Christi,
printed by Caxton
Serritium de Visitauone B.
Mariae Virginis. printed
by Caxton ... 264,
Sex pereleg antissimae Epis-
tolae per Petriim Car-
meliauum Emendatae,
printed by Caxton
Shakspear, W. ... 170.
Shrewsbury, John Talbot,
Earl of
PAGE
,351
194
86
341
363
197
218
322
195
74
133
317
16
346
354
322
2oo
296
332
3«l>
INDEX.
Siege of Rhodes ... 220,362
Signatures 41,42
Sixtus IV., Pope ... 195, 219
Skogan, John, Envoy of
Chaucer to, printed by
Caxton
Sloane, Sir Hans
Sluis, The Port of, Bruges...
Smithfield, Jousts in
Smith, John
Somerset, Margaret, Duchess
of
Somme de Eoi, La ; or. La
Somme des Vices et des
Vertus
Sophologium
Sotheby, S. Leigh
Soushavie, or Sotiabe, Jehan
Southey, Robert
Spacing
Speculum Historiale
Speculum Vitae Christi,
printed by Caxton, 1st
edition 312 ; 2nd edition
St. Alban's, the Printer-
Schoolmaster of , 45, 217;
Grammar School, 213,
240 ; St. Alban's
Chronicle
St. Benet's Chapel, West-
minster...
St. George's, Windsor
St. James of Compostella ...
St. John College, Cambridge
St. John's College, Oxford,
223, 246
St, John's Hospital of Jeru-
salem ...
St. John the Evangelist,
Guild of
St. Martin's Otewich
St. Olavc, Jewry ...
St. Omer, Proposed Con-
vention at ... ... 23
209
308
26
12
110
339
319
312
108
303
44
305
324
246
212
227
189
345
343
172
37
150
10
PAr.E
Stans Puer ad Mensam,
printed by Caxton 66 1 97
Stanzas, various, printed by
Caxton 203
Star Chamber Decree ... 106
Statutes of Henry Vll.,
printed by Caxton ... 335
Staunton, Thos 145
Steel Yard 22,190 78
Steevens, G 170
Stomach Medicina, printed
by Caxton 336
Stow, John G 248
Stower, C 110
Streete, Randolph ...10,145 146
Strete, Hundred of... ... 10
Stubbes, John ... 30, 146
Styles. Old and New in the
year 296
Suso, Henry de 347
Sutton, John ... ... 19
Surigo, Ste]ihen ... ... 212
Surse, Pistoie 230
Sweynheim andPannartz ...43, 84
Tate, John 104, 149
Temple of Brass, The,
printed by Caxton, 1st
Edition, 206, 2nd Edition 209
Terms, Explanation of ... 166
Ternion, Meaning of 131, 166
Thomassy, Raimond ... 193
Thorney, Roger ... ... 251
Timperley, C. H 110
Title Pages 45
Tractatus de ymagine mundi 226
Trade Marks of Printers ... 76
Trades, List of, in the Guild
of St. John the Evan-
gelist 37
Trading Guilds 17
Treatise of Love, A, printed
by Caxton ... ... 257
Treatise on Hunting and
Hawking ... ... 334
INDEX.
SHii
PAGE
Treaty of Trade, Commission
for renewal of 22
Tree of Battailes 333
Treveris, Peter 95
Troilns and Creside by
Sliakspere ... ... 170
Trojan War 170
Troy, Siege of 170
Trinity College, Cambridge 343
Trinity College, Dublin ... 220
Troylus and Creside, printed
by Caxton ... ... 235
Tully of Old Age ; Tully
of Friendship ; The De-
clamation of Noblesse,
printed by Caxton
Turnat, Richard
Twelve Profits of Tribulation,
The, printed by Caxton
Tympana
Typefounding
Type, No. 1, Books printed
in, described ... 166 to
Type, No. 2
Type, No. 3
Type, No. 5
Type, No.
Types 43,104;
Upsala, University Library
Utrecht, Old llecords
Vaghan, Thomas ...
Valerius, Maximus...
VanPrajt, M., 37,49,51,
Vegetius, de re militari
Vellum used for Caxton's
books
Vcnto, Jeronimo
Verard, Antoine ... 334,
Verso, meaning of ...
Vienna, Imperial
Library,
233,251,
228
10
346
129
104
180
64
111
119
120
109
219
26
195
50
177
332
104
158
351
166
293
Vignay, Jehan de ..
Vignoles, Bernard de
Vins d'honneur
Vitas Patrum
Vocabulary in French and
English, printed by
Caxton
Wagstaffe, Bishop
Walbrook, Watercourse of. . .
Walpole, Horace
Waide, John
I'AGE
1 72. 280
... 221
260
317
10
194
148
Warwick, Eai-1 of
24, 28, 81
Watermarks in Caxton books
Watson, James
Weald of Kent
Westminster, 70 ; Abbots of,
74 ; Wool Staple, at ...
Whitehill, Sir Kichard
Whityngton, Quit Rents ...
Wide ville, Richard ...
Wilson, Joshua, Esq.
Winchester, Earl of . . .
Windsor, Royal Library ...
Winifred, Life of Saint, prin-
ted by Caxton
Wright, Thomas Mr.
Wool-staple at Westminster
Worde, Wynkiu de, 45, 75,
95 ; His blunders, 64,
60 ; Various ways lie
spelt his name
Wyche, Hewe ... 29,30,146
Wyche, Richard, burnt ... 12
Year. Old and new style of
reckoning in England
and Flanders
York, Cathedral Library 205 208
Zanctti 103
Zel T'iric 44. (52, 63
99
110
1
79
22
150
158
327
36
287
299
303
77
66
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