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PASSENGER PIGEON 


Smithsonian Institution 
Libraries 


Given in memory of 


Elisha Hanson 
by | 


Letitia Armistead Hanson 


444 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY 


THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH. TI—THE CHANCES 
OF DEATH’ 


By Professor RAYMOND PEARL 
THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY 


1. Tse Lire TaBLe 


P to this point in our discussion of death and longevity we have, 
for the most part, dealt with general and qualitative matters, 
and have not made any particular examination as to the quantitative 
aspects of the problem of longevity. To this phase attention may now 
be directed. For one organism, and one organism only, do we know 
much about the quantitative aspects of longevity. I refer, of course, 
to man, and the abundant records which exist as to the duration of his 
life under various conditions and circumstances. In 1532 there began 
in London the first definitely known compilation of weekly “Bills of 
Mortality.” Seven years later the official registration of baptisms, 
marriages and deaths was begun in France, and shortly after the open- 
ing of the seventeenth century similar registration was begun in 
Sweden. In 1662 was published the first edition of a remarkable book, 
a book which marks the beginning of the subject which we now know 
as “vital statistics.” I refer to “Natural and Political Observations 
Mentioned in the Following Index, and made upon the Bills of Mor- 
tality” by Captain John Graunt, Citizen of London. From that day to 
this, in an ever widening portion of the inhabited globe we have had 
more or less continuous published records about the duration of life in 
man. The amount of such material which has accumulated is enor- 
mous. We are only at the beginning, however, of its proper mathe- 
matical and biological analysis.. If biologists had been furnished with 
data of anything like the same quantity and quality for any other 
organism than man one feels sure that a vastly greater amount of atten- 
tion would have been devoted to it than ever has been given to vital 
statistics, so-called, and there would have been as a result many funda- 
mental advances in biological knowledge now lacking, because material 
of this sort so generally seems to the professional biologist to be some- 
thing about which he is in no way concerned. 
Let us examine some of the general facts about the normal duration 
of life in man. We may put the matter in this way: Suppose we 
started out at a given instant of time with a hundred thousand infants, 


1Papers from the Department of Biometry and Vital Statistics, School 
of Hygiene and Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, No. 30. 


iE BIOLOGY OF DEAT 445 


equally distributed as to sex, and all born at the same instant of time. 
How many of these individuals would die in each succeeding year, and 
what would be the general picture of the changes in this cohort with 
the passage of time? The facts on this point for the Registration 
Area of the United States in 1910 are exhibited in Figure 1, which is 
based on Glover’s United States Life Tables. 


UNITED STATES LIFE TABLE - IHO 


SMSO Teall iil 
ee 

SCC ae 
FEES 


re a a C7 Ho 7560 Bas ‘o DO 79 


VEARS OF LIKE 


FIG. 1. LIFE TABLE DIAGRAM. FOR EXPLANATION SEE TEXT 


NUMBER 
8 


In this table are seen two curved lines, one marked 1, and the 
other d,. The /, line indicates the number of individuals, out of the 
original 100,000 starting together at birth, who survived at the be- 
ginning of each year of the life span, indicated along the bottom of 
the diagram. The d, line shows the number dying within each year 
of the life span. In other words, if we subtract the number dying 
within each year from the number surviving at the beginning of that 
year we shall get the series of figures plotted as the J, line. We note 
that in the very first year of life the original hundred thousand lose 
over one-tenth of their number, there being only 88,538 surviving at 
the beginning of the second year of life. In the next year 2,446 drop 
out, and in the year following that 1,062. Then the line of survivors 
drops off more slowly between the period of youth and early adult life. 
At 40 years of age, almost exactly 30,000 of the original 100,000 have 
passed away, and from that point on the J, line descends with ever 
increasing rapidity, until about age 80, when it once more begins to 
drop more slowly, and the last few survivors pass out gradually, a few 
each year until something over the century mark is reached, when the 
last of the 100,000 who started so blithely across the bridge of life 
together will have ended his journey. 

This diagram is a graphic representation of that important type of 
document known as a life or mortality table. It puts the facts of mor- 
tality and longevity in their best form for comparative purposes. The 


446 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY 


first such table actually to be computed in anything like the modern 
fashion was made by the astronomer, Dr. E. Halley, and was pub- 
lished in 1693. Since that time a great number of such tables have 
been calculated. Dawson fills a stout octavo volume with a collection 
of the more important of such tables computed for different countries 
and different groups of the population. Now they have become such 
a commonplace that elementary classes in vital statistics are required to 
compute them. 


2. CHANGES IN EXPECTATION IN LIFE 


I wish to pass in graphic review some of these life tables in order 
to bring to your attention in vivid form a very important fact about 
the duration of human life. In order to bring out the point with 
which we are here concerned it will be necessary to make use of an- 
other function of the mortality table than either the J, or d, lines 
which you have seen. I wish to discuss expectation of life at each age. 
The expectation of life at any age is defined in actuarial science as 
the mean or average number of years of survival of persons alive at the 
stated age. It is got by dividing the total survivor-years of after life 
by the number surviving at the stated age. 

In each of the series of diagrams which follow there is plotted the 
approximate value of the expectation of life for some group of people 
at some period in the more or less remote past, and for comparison 
the expectation of life either from Glover’s table, for the population 
of the United States Registration Area in 1910—the expectation of life 
of our people now, in short—or equivalent figures for a modern Eng- 
lish population. 

Because of the considerable interest of the matter, and the fact that 
the data are not easily available to biologists, Table 1 is inserted giv- 
ing the expectations of life from which the diagrams have been plotted. 


HEV BIOLOGY OF DEATH 447 


fy ABE ile 
Changes in expectation of life from the seventeenth century to 
the present time. 


Average length of life remaining td/ Average length of life remaining to 
cock lone alive at beginning of age Fey One alive at beginning of age 
Age : Age 
Breslau, Carlisle, Breslau, Carlisle, 
17th 18th U. S. 1910 17th 18th U. S. 1910 
CLUS PIN IAA WLAN Gir Oh AMALIA COND ee heen Cea a UN Heol Ne century. century. century. 

Ova 33.50 38.72 51.49 o-1 | sgs0 | 3872 | srg || sos | 168 | arar | 2098 50-51 16.81 ZT 20.98 
I-2 38.10 44.67 57.11 51-52 16.36 20.39 20.28 
Pas) 39.78 47.55 57.72 52-53 15.92 19.68 19.58 
Sint 40.75 49.81 57-44 53-54 15.48 18.97 18.89 
ANS 41.25 50.76 56.89 54-55 14.99 18.27 18.21 
5 - 6 41.55 51.24 56.21 55-56 14.51 17.58 17.55 
6-7 41.62 51.16 55.47 50-57 14.02 16.89 16.90 
7-8 41.16 50.79 54.69 57-58 13.54 16.21 16.26 
S19 40.95 50.24 53.87 58-59 13.06 15.55 15.64 
9-10 | 40.50 | 40.57 | 53.02 59-60 12.57 14.92 15.03 
IO-II 39.99 48.82 52.15 60-61 12.09 14.34 14.42 
II-12 30.43 48.04 51.26 61-62 11.62 13.82 13.83 
12-13 38.79 47.27 50.37 62-63 11.14 13.31 13.26 
13-14 38.16 46.50 49.49 63-64 10.67 12.81 12.69 
14-15 37.51 45.74 48.60 64-65 10.20 12.30 12.14 
15-16 36.86 44.99 47.73 65-66 0.73 11.79 11.60 
16-17 36.22 44.27 46.86 66-67 9.27 11.27 11.08 
17-18 35.57 43.57 46.01 67-68 8.81 10.75 10.57 
18-19 34.92 42.87 45.17 68-69 8.36 10.23 10.07 
19-20 34.26 42.16 44.34 69-70 7.91 9.70 9.58 
20-21 33.61 41.46 43.53 70-71 7.53 9.17 Q.II 
21-22 32.05 40.75 42.73 71-72 7.17 8.65 8.66 
22-23 32.34 40.03 41.94 72-73 6.85 8.16 8.22 
23-24 31.67 39.31 41.16 73-74 6.56 7-72 7:79 
24-25 31.00 38.58 40.38 74-75 6.25 7-33 7.38 
25-26 30.38 37.86 39.60 75-76 5.09 7.00 6.99 
26-27 20.76 37.13 38.81 70-77 5.79 6.69 6.61 
27-28 20.14 36.40 38.03 77-78 5.71 6.40 6.25 
28-29 28.51 35.68 37.25 78-79 5.66 6.11 5.90 
29-30 | 27.03 | 34.090 | 36.48 79- 5.67 5.80 5.56 
30-31 27.35 34-34 | 35.70 80-81 5-74 5.51 5.25 
31-32 26.76 33.68 34.93 81-82 5.86 5.20 4.96 
32-33 26.18 33.02 34.17. j| 82-83 6.02 4.93 4.70 
33-34 25.50 | 32.30 33.41 83-84 5.85 4.65 4.45 
34-35 25.05 31.68 | 32.66 84-85 4.39 4.22 
35-36 24.51 31.00 | 31.90 85-86 4.12 4.00 
36-37 23.97 | 30.32 31.16 || 86-87 3.90 3-79 
37-38 23.43 29.63 30.42 87-88 3-71 3.58 
38-39 22.88 28.95 29.68 88-89 3.59 3.39 
39-40 22.33 28.27 | 28.94 89-90 3.47 3.20 
40-41 21.78 27.61 28.20 90-91 3.28 3.03 
41-42 21.23 26.97 27.46 QI-92 3.26 2.87 
42-43 | 20.73 | 26.33 | 26.73. || 92-93 3.37 2.73 

43-44 | 20.23 | 25.71 | 25.99 93-04 3.48 2.59 
44-45 19.72 25.08 25.26 94-95 3.53 2.47 
45-46 | 19.22 24.45 24.54 95-96 3.53 2.35 
46-47 18.72 23.81 23.82 || 96-907 3.46 2.2 

47-48 | 18.21 23. LOW) 2370) ili vo7eo8 3.28 2.14 
48-49 | 17.71 2.50 | 22.30 | 98-99 3.07 2.04 
49-50 | 17.25 aby 21.69 |! Q9-100 hetere 1.95 


Figure 2 gives the results from Halley’s table, based upon the mor- 
tality experience in the City of Breslau, in Silesia, during the years 
1687 to 1691. This gives us a picture of the forces of mortality towards 


448 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY 


HALLEYS GRESLAY I687- 1692) LIFE TABLE 


EXPECTATION OF LIFE 
&, 
y 
S 
RY 
A 
. 


: lil 
ins 
aa 

(2) I ORME DM ZOM RLS INE OWES PAO NTS IN SOM S SOOM OOH NTO SMIN CO > Mh 0 MR mn CN 


YEARS OF LIFE. 
FIC. 2. COMPARING THE EXPECTATION OF LIFE IN THE 17TH CENTURY WITH THAT 


OF THE PRESENT TIME 
the end of the seventeenth century. From this diagram it appears that 
at birth the expectation of life of an individual born in Breslau in the 
seventeenth century was very much lower than that of an individual 
born in the United States in 1910. The difference amounts to approxi- 
mately 18 years! At 10 years of age, however, this difference in ex- 
pectation of life had been reduced to just over 12 years; at age 20, to 
a little less than 10 years; at age 30 to 7-1/3 years; at age 50 to just over 
4. years; at age 70 to 1-1/2 years. At age 80 the lines have crossed. 
The individual 80 years old in Breslau could expect to live on the aver- 
age a half year longer than the individual of the same age in the United 
States in 1910. At age 83, the last year covered by Halley’s table, the 
17th century individual could expect on the average to live approxi- 
mately a year and a half longer than his twentieth century brother. 
So then what the diagram shows is that the expectation of life at early 
ages was vastly inferior in the seventeenth century to what it is now, 
while at advanced ages the chances of living were distinctly better— 
relatively enormously better—then than they are now. Let us defer 
the further discussion of the meaning and explanation of this curious 
fact until we have examined some further data. 

Figure 3 compares the expectation of life in England at the middle 
of the eighteenth century, or about a century later than the last, with 
present conditions in the United States. Again we see that the expecta- 
tion at birth was greatly inferior then to what it is now, but the differ- 
ence is not so great as it was a century earlier, amounting to but 12-3/4 
years instead of the 18 we found before. Further it is seen that, just 
as before, the expectations come closer together with advancing age. 
By the time age 45—middle life—is reached the expectation of life was 
substantially the same in the eighteenth century as it is now. At age 
47 the eighteenth century line crosses that for the twentieth century, 


THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 449 


MILNES CARLISLE 1780 - 787 LIFE TABLE 


EXPECTATION OF LIFE 


5) — 


[eae Ret Me cota [aes [vee ol >= 
fo) | | 


{e) 5 10 iS LOE 2S FESO SS tO AO SO. 55 60 OS 7O ETS COM GS; 90 25 0 


YEARS OF LIFE 


FIG. 3. COMPARING THE EXPECTATION OF LIFE IN THE 18TH CENTURY WITH THAT 
OF THE PRESENT TIME 


and with a few trifling exceptions, notably in the years from 56 to 62, 
the expectation of life for all higher ages was greater then than it is 
now. Or we see in the eighteenth century the same kind of result as 
in the seventeenth, only differing in degree. 

The changes in expectation of life from the middle of the seven- 
teenth century to the present time furnish a record of a real evolution- 
ary progression. In this respect at least man has definitely and dis- 
tinctively changed, as a race, in a period of three and a half centuries. 
This is, of course, a matter of extraordinary interest, and at once stim- 
ulates the desire to go still farther back in history and see what the 
expectation of life then was. Fortunately, through the labors of Karl 
Pearson, and his associate, W. R. Macdonell, it is possible to do this, 
to at least a first approximation. Pearson has analyzed the records as 
to age at death which were found upon mummy cases studied by Pro- 
fessor W. Spiegelberg. These mummies belonged to a period between 
1900 and 2000 years ago, when Egypt was under Roman dominion. The 
data were extremely meager, but from Pearson’s analysis of them it 
has been possible to construct the diagram which is shown in Figure 
4. Each circle marks a point where it was possible definitely to cal- 
culate an expectation of life. The curve running through the circles is 
a rough graphic smoothing of the scattered observed data. Unfortu- 
nately, there were no records of deaths in early infancy. Either there 
were no baby mummies, or if there were they have disappeared. For 
comparison, the expectation of life from Glover’s 1910 United States 
life table is inserted. 

It will be seen at once that the general sweep of the line is of the 
same sort that we have already observed in the case of the seventeenth 
century table. In the early years of life the expectation was far below 
that of the present time, but somewhere between ages 65 and 70 the 


450 RHE SCLENTLEIG VM ON GEE, 


ENPECTATION OF LIFE 


| | | | | n 
(2) 5 10.15 20. 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60.65 710 75 80 G5 90. 95 100 


YEARS. OF AGE 
FIG. 4. COMPARING THE EXPECTATION OF LIFE OF ANCIENT EGYPTIANS WITH THAT 
OF PRESENT DAY AMERICANS. Plotted from Pearson’s and Glover’s data 
Egyptian line crosses the modern American line, and from that period 
on the individuals living in Egypt at about the time of the birth of 
Christ could look forward to a longer remaining duration of life, on 
the average, than can the American of the present day. Pearson’s com- 
ment on this fact is worth quoting. He says: “In the course of those 
centuries man must have grown remarkably fitter to his environment, 
or else he must have fitted his environment immeasurably better to 
himself, No civilized community of to-day could show such a curve 
as the civilized Romano-Egyptians of 2,000 years ago exhibit. We 
have here either a strong argument for the survival of the physically 
fitter man or for the survival of the civilly fitter society. Either man 
is constitutionally fitter to survive to-day, or he is mentally fitter, i. e., 
better able to organize his civic surroundings. Both conclusions point 
perfectly definitely to an evolutionary progress. . . . That the ex- 
pectation of life for a Romano-Egyptian over 68 was greater than for 
a modern English man or woman is what we might expect, for with the 
mortality of youth and of middle age enormously emphasized only 
the very strongest would survive to this age. Out of 100 English alive 
at 10 years of age 39 survive to be 68; out of 100 Romano-Egyptians 
not 9 survived. Looking at these two curves we realize at a glance 
either the great physical progress of man, which enables him far more 
effectually to withstand a hostile environment, or the great social and 
sanitary progress he has made which enables him to modify the en- 
vironment. In either case we can definitely assert that 2,000 years 
has made him a much ‘fitter’ being. In this comparison it must be re- 
membered that we are not placing a civilized race against a barbaric 
tribe, but comparing a modern civilization with one of the highest 

types of ancient civilization.” 
Macdonell was able to continue this investigation, on much more 


RAE BIOLOGCYAOR DEBATE 451 


extensive material extracted from the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 
of the Berlin Academy, which gives records as to age of death for many 
thousand Roman citizens dying, for the most part, within the first three 
or four centuries of the Christian era. His material may, therefore, 
be taken to represent the conditions a few centuries later than those of 
Pearson’s Romano-Egyptian population. Macdonell was able to cal- 
culate three tables of expectation of life—the first for Roman citizens 
living in the city of Rome itself; second, for those living in the provinces 
of Hispania and Lusitania; and third, for those living in Africa. The 
results are plotted against the United States 1910 data, as before, in 
Figures 5, 6 and 7. 


| 


|UNITED STATES 
| jl 


EXPECTATION OF LIFE 


YEARS OF AGE 
FIG. 5. COMPARING THE EXPECTATION OF LIFE OF ANCIENT ROMANS WITH THAT OF 
PRESENT DAY AMERICANS. Plotted from Macdonell’s and Glover’s data 


Figure 5 relates to inhabitants of the city of Rome itself. The 
populations from which the expectations are calculated run into the 
thousands, and fortunately one is able to separate males and females. 
As in Pearson’s case, which we have just examined, modern American 
data are entered for comparison. It will be noted at once that just as 
in the Romano-Egyptian population the expectation of life of inhabi- 
tants of ancient Rome was, in the early years of life, immensely in- 
ferior to that of the modern population. From about age 60 on, how- 
ever, the expectation of life was better then than now. Curiously 
enough, the expectation of life of females was poorer at practically all 
ages of life than that of the males, which exactly reverses the modern 
state of affairs. Macdonell believes this difference to be real, and to 
indicate that there were special influences adversely affecting the health 
of females in the Roman Empire, which no longer operate in the 
modern world. Up to something like age 25 the expectation of life 
of dwellers in the city of Rome was extremely bad, worse than in the 
Romano-Egyptian population which Pearson studied, or in the popu- 


452 Wels, SOMBIN IIMA G WA OUNITIEUESY 


lations of other parts of the Roman Empire as we shall see in the fol- 
lowing diagram. Macdonell thinks that this difference is real and due 
to circumstances peculiar to Rome. 


LIFE 


EXPECTATION OF 
N 
Q 


fa) Sie OT Stee ZOOL ZS BGO SO) 0 ASST SORTS ONE CORE OSE ORR /SEROO RNG Sn SOME OS OO) 


YEARS OF AGE 


FIG. 6. COMPARING THE EXPECTATION OF LIFE OF THE POPULATION OF THE ROMAN 
PROVINCES HISPANIA AND LUSITANIA WITH THAT OF PRESENT DAY AMERICANS. Plotted 
from Macdonell’s and Glover’s data 


The general features of the diagram for the population of His- 
pania and Lusitania (Figure 6) are similar to those that we have seen, 
with the difference that the expectation of life up to age 20 or 25 is 
not as bad as in the city of Rome itself. Again the females show a 
lower expectation practically throughout life than do the males. The 
lines cross the modern American lines at about age 60 and from that 
point on these colonial Romans had a better expectation of life than 
the modern American has. | 


LIFE 


(L 


OF 


EXPECTATION 


VEAPS AF AGE 


FIG. 7. COMPARING THE EXPECTATION OF LIFE OF THE POPULATION OF THE ROMAN 
PROVINCES IN AFRICA WITH THAT OF PRESENT DAY AMERICANS. Plotted from 
Macdonell’s and Glover’s data 


TES DIOLOCY.OR DEAE 453 


The Romano-African population diagram appears to start at nearly 
the same point at birth as does the modern American and in general 
the differences up to age 35 are not substantially more marked from 
modern conditions than they are in the seventeenth century Breslau 
table. The striking thing, however, is that at about age 40 the lines 
cross, and from then on the expectation of life was definitely superior 
in the early years of the Christian era to what it is now. 

It should be said that the curious zigzagging of the lines in all of 
these Roman tables of Macdonell is due to the tendency, which ancient 
Romans apparently had in common with present day American negroes, 
towards heavy grouping on the even multiples of 5 in the statement 
of their ages. 

Summarizing the whole matter we see that during a period of 
approximately 2,000 years man’s expectation of life at birth and sub- 
sequent early ages has been steadily improving, while at the same 
time his expectation of life at advanced ages has been steadily 
worsening. The former phenomenon may be attributed essentially to 
ever increasing knowledge of how best to cope with the lethal forces 
of nature. Progressively better sanitation, in the broadest sense, down 
through the centuries has saved for a time the lives of ever more and 
more babies and young people who formerly could not withstand the 
unfavorable conditions they met, and died in consequence rather 
promptly. But just because this process tends to preserve the weak- 
lings, who were speedily eliminated under the rigorous action of un- 
mitigated natural selection, there appear now in the higher age groups 
of the population many weaker individuals than formerly ever got 
there. Consequently the average expectation of life at ages beyond 
say 60 to 70 is not nearly so good now as it was under the more rigor- 
ous régime of ancient Rome. Then any individual who attained age 70 
was the surviving resultant of a bitterly destructive process of selection. 
To run successfully the gauntlet of early and middle life he necessarily 
had to have an extraordinarily vigorous and resistant constitution. 
Having come through successfully to 70 years of age it is no matter of 
wonder that his prospects were for a longer old age than his descend- 
ants of the same age to-day can look forward to. Biologically these 
expectation of life curves give us the first introduction to a principle 
which we shall find as we go on to be of the very foremost importance 
in fixing the span of human longevity, namely that inherited constitu- 
tion fundamentally and primarily determines how long an individual 
will live. 


3. ANALYSIS OF THE LIFE TABLE 


I shall not develop this point further now, but instead will turn 
back to consider briefly certain features of the dx line of a life table. 
Figure 1 shows that this line, which gives the number of deaths occur- 


454 UAE aS GaN ele Ita Ciel O NMG eye 


ring at each age, has the form of a very much stretched letter 5S resting 
on its back. Some years ago Pearson undertook the analysis of this 
complex curve, and drew certain interesting conclusions as to the 
fundamental biological causes lying behind its curious sinuosity. His 
results are shown in Figure 8. 


PEARSON’S GRADUATION OF dy 


I. 


20 


VEARS OF UFE 


FIG. 8. SHOWING PEARSON’S RESULTS IN FITTING THE Dx LINE OF THE LIFE TABLE 
WITH 5 SKEW FREQUENCY CURVES. Plotted from the data of Pearson’s original memoir on 
“‘Skew Variation’? in the Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc. 


He regarded the d, line of the life table as a compound curve, and by 
suitable mathematical analysis broke it up into five component fre- 
quency curves. The data which he used were furnished by the d, line . 
of Ogle’s life table, based on the experience of 1871 to 1880 in Eng- 
land. This line gives the deaths per annum of one thousand persons 
born in the same year. The first component which he separated was 
the old age mortality. This is shown by the dotted curve having its 
modal point between 70 and 75 years, at the point lettered O, on the 
base of the diagram. This component, according to Pearson’s gradua- 
tion, accounted for 484.1 deaths out of the total of 1,000, or nearly 
one-half of the whole. Its range extends from under 20 years of age 
to the upper limit of life, at approximately 106 years. The second 
component includes the deaths of middle life. This is the smooth curve 
having its modal point between 40 and 45 years at the point on the 
base marked O,. Its range extends from about 5 years of age to about 
65. It accounts for 175.2 deaths out of the total of 1,000. It is a long, 
much spread out curve, exhibiting great variability. The third com- 
ponent is made up by the deaths of youth. This accounts for 50.8 
deaths out of the total of a thousand, and its range extends from about 
the time of birth to nearly 45 years. Its mid-point is between 20 and 25 
years, and it exhibits less variability than either the middle life or the 
old age curves. The fourth component, the modal point of which is at 
the point on the base of the diagram marked O, covers the childhood 


oO 


RE ETOLOCY ORD A itt 45 


mortality. It accounts for 46.4 deaths out of the total of 1,000. Its 
range and variability are obviously less than those of any of the other 
three components so far considered. The last, excessively skew com- 
ponent, is that which describes the mortality of infancy. It is given 
by a J shaped curve accounting for 245.7 deaths after birth, and an 
antenatal mortaliy of 605. In order to get any fit at all for this por- 
tion of the mortality curve it is necessary to assume that the deaths 
in utero and those of the first months after birth are a homogeneous 
connected group. 

Summing all these components together it is seen that the resulting 
smooth curve very closely fits the series of small circles which are the 
original observations. From the standpoint merely of curve fitting 
no better result than this could be hoped for. But about its biological 
significance the case is not quite so clear, as we shall presently see. 

Pearson himself thinks of these five components of the mortality 
curve as typifying five Deaths, shooting with different weapons, at 
different speeds and with differing precision at the procession of human 
beings crossing the Bridge of Life. The first Death is, according to 
Pearson, a marksman of deadly aim, concentrated fire, and unremitting 
destructiveness. He kills before birth as well as after and may be 
conceived as beating down young lives with the bones of their an- 
cestors, The second marksman who aims at childhood has an extremely 
concentrated fire, which may be typified by the machine gun. Only be- 
cause of the concentration of this fire are we able to pass through it 
without appalling loss. The third marksman Death, who shoots at 
youth has not a very deadly or accurate weapon, perhaps a bow and 
arrow. The fire of the fourth marksman is slow, scattered and not very 
destructive, such as might result from an old fashioned blunderbus. 
The last Death plies a rifle. None escapes his shots. He aims at old 
age but sometimes hits youth. His unremitting activity makes his 
toll large. 

We may let Pearson sum the whole matter up in his own words: 
“Our investigations on the mortality statistics have thus led us to some 
very definite conclusions with regard to the chances of death. Instead 
of seven we have five ages of man, corresponding to the periods of in- 
fancy, of childhood, of youth, of maturity or middle age, and of 
senility or old age. In the case of each of these periods we see a per- 
fectly regular chance distribution, centering at a given age, and tailing 
off on either side according to a perfectly clear mathematical law. 

“Artistically, we no longer think of Death as striking chaotically: 
we regard his aim as perfectly regular in the mass, if unpredictable in 
the individual instance. It is no longer the Dance of Death which pic- 
tures for us Death carrying off indiscriminately the old and young, the 
rich and the poor, the toiler and the idler, the babe and its erandsire. 
We see something quite different, the cohort of a thousand tiny mites 


456 DEUS, S(CIUBINISUOMG. SK OUN IEEUESY 


starting across the Bridge of Life, and growing in stature as they ad- 
vance, till at the far end of the bridge we see only the gray-beard, and 
the ‘lean and slippered pantaloon.’ As they pass along the causeway 
the throng is more and more thinned; five Deaths are posted at different 
stages of the route longside the bridge, and with different skewness of 
aim and different weapons of precision they fire at the human target, 
till none remains to reach the end of the causeway—the limit of life.” 

This whole, somewhat fanciful, conception of Pearson’s needs a 
little critical examination. What actually he has done is to get a good 
empirical fit of the d, line by the use of equations involving all told 
some 17 constants, Because the combined curve fits well, and funda- 
mentally for no other reason, he implicitly concludes that the fact that 
the fit is got by the use of five components means biologically that the 
d, line is a compound curve, and indicates a five-fold biological hetero- 
geneity in the material. But it is a very hazardous proceeding to draw 
biological conclusions of this type from the mere fact that a theoretical 
mathematical function or functions fits well a series of observational 
data. I have fully discussed this point several years ago (Pearl: 
Amer. Nat. Vol. XLIII) where I pointed out: 

“The kind of evidence under discussion can at best have but in- 
ferential significance; it can never be of demonstrative worth. It is 
based on a process of reasoning which assumes a fundamental or nec- 
essary relationship to exist between two sets of phenomena because the 
same curve describes the quantitative relations of both sets. A little 
consideration indicates that this method of reasoning certainly can not 
be of general application, even though we assume it to be correct in 
particular cases. The difficulty arises from the fact that the mathe- 
matical functions commonly used with adequate results in physical, 
chemical, biological, and mathematical investigations are comparatively 
few in number. The literature of science shows nothing clearer than 
that the same type of curve frequently serves to describe with complete 
accuracy the quantitative relations of widely different natural phe- 
nomena. As a consequence any proposition to include that two sets 
of phenomena are casually or in any other way fundamentally related 
solely because they are described by the same type of curve is of a 
very doubtful validity.” 

Henderson has put Pearson’s five components together in a single 
equation, and says regarding this method of analyzing the life tables: 
zs it is dificult to lay a firm foundation for it, because no 
analysis of the deaths into natural divisions by causes or otherwise has 
yet been made such that the totals in the various groups would conform 
to those frequency curves.” The italics in this quotation are the pres- 
ent writer’s for the purpose of emphasizing crucial points of the whole 
matter, which we shall immediately discuss in more detail. 


RAE BIOLOGVIOF.D EAR 457 


Now it is altogether probable that one could get just as good a fit to 
the observed d, line as is obtained by Pearson’s five components by 
using a 17 constant equation of the type 


y—a-+bx-+cx?-+dx?+ex! + fx’+ gx°4+_______- +nx!° 
and in that event one would be quite as fully justified (or really un- 
justified) in concluding that the d, line was a homogeneous curve as 
Pearson is in concluding from his five-component fit that it is com- 
pound. 

Indeed Wittstein’s formula involving but four constants gives sub- 
stantially good fit over the whole range of life. 

But in neither case is the curve-fitting evidence, by and of itself, in 
any sense a demonstration of the biological homogeneity or hetero- 
geneity of the material. Of far greater importance, and indeed conclu- 
sive significance, is the fact, to be brought out in a later paper in this 
series, that in material experimentally known to be biologically homo- 
geneous, a population made up of full brothers and sisters out of a 
brother x sister mating and kept throughout life in a uniform environ- 
ment identical for all individuals,one gets a d, line in all its essential 
features, save for the absence of excessive infant mortality arising from 
perfectly clear biological causes, identical with the human d, line. 
It has long been apparent to the thoughtful biologist that there was not 
the slightest biological reason to suppose that the peculiar sinuosity of 
the human d, line owed its origin to any fundamental heterogeneity 
in the material, or differentiation in respect of the forces of mortality. 
Now we have experimental proof, to be discussed in a later paper in 
this series, that with complete homogeneity of the material, both genetic 
and environmental, one gets just the same kind of dx line as in normal 
human material, We must then, I think, come to the conclusion that 
brilliant and picturesque as is Pearson’s conception of the five Deaths, 
actually there is no slightest reason to suppose that it represents any 
biological reality, save in the one respect that his curve fitting demon- 
strates, as any other equally successful would, that deaths do not occur 
chaotically in respect of age, but instead in a regular manner capable 
of representation by a mathematical function of age.